OutJ CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 862 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924073426862 In compliance with current copyright law, Cornell University Library produced this replacement volume on paper that meets the ANSI Standard Z39.48-1992 to replace the irreparably deteriorated original. 1995 " Adventures are to the adventurous." Beaconsfield. THE ADVENTURE SERIES. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, fl 25c. I. Adventures of a Younger Son. By E. J. TRELAWNy. WziA an Introduction by Edward Gaj'nett. 2. Robert Drury's Journal jn Madagascar. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Captain S, P. Oliver, 3- Memoirs of the Extraordinary Military Career of John Shipp. With an Introduction by H. Manners Chichester. 4- Fellow's Narrative of Sufferings and Ad- ventures undergone in his Twenty- Three Years' Captivity in Morocco. With Preface and Notes, by Robert Brown, M.A., Ph.D. 5- The Autobiographies of Harrington, Hag- gard, and Freney. Being the Lives of an English, a Scotch, and an Irish Robber, told by themselves. With an Introduction by Charles Whibley. (OTHERS IN THE PRESS.) NATIVES OF SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. (Antanosy.) MADAGASCAR; OR, ROBERT DRURY'S JOUR- NAL, DURING FIFTEEN YEARS' CAPTIVITY ON THAT ISLAND M AND A- FURTHER DESCRIPTION OF MADA- GASCAR BT THE ABBE ALEXIS ROCHON EDITED WITH AN INTRO- DUCTION AND NOTES BY CAPT. PASFIELD OLIVER, RA., AUTHOR OF "MADAGASCAR" ILLUSTRATED LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN. NEW YORK : MACMILLAN & CO. MDCCCXC 3 ^■<^- MALAGASY BEGGAR. (IMERINA.) MADAGASCAR: O R. Robert Drurys JOURNAL DURING Fifteen Years Captivity on that Ifland. CONTAINING I. His Voyage to the. £ajl Indies, and fhort Stay there. II. An Account of the Ship- wreck of the Dtgravt on the Ifland of MA DA GA S- C A Ri the Murder of Cap- tain Younge and his Ship's Company, except Admiral B£MBO's*Son, and fome few Others, who efcap'd the Hands of the barbarous Natives. III. His being taken into Cap- tivity, hard Ufage, Marriage, and Variety of Fortune. IV. His Travels through the Ifland, and Defcription of iti as to its Situation, Pro- 6{i&, ManufafluriSi Com' modities, C?c. V. The Natu+e of the Pe ople , their CuftomSj Wars, Reli gion, and Policy : As alfo. The Conferences between the Author and fome of their Chiefs, (Joncerning the Chn fliiiti and Their Religion. VI. His Redemption from thence by Capt. MACKETT, Commander of the Prince of Walls, in the Eafi India Com- pany's Service; His Arrival to England, and Second Voy- age thither, VII. A Vocabulary of the Madngafcar Language. The Whole is a Faithful Narrative of Mutters ofFali, interfpers'd with Variety of furprifing Incidents, and illuftrated with a Sheet M A P of Modagafcar. and CUT S. Written by Himfelf, digefted into Order, and now pubhfh'd at the Rcqueft of his F R 1 E N DS. L O N i? O N .- Printed, and Sold by W. Meadow^ at the Angel in CornhtUi J. Marjhttll, at the Bible in Newgate-firett ; T. ii'brralt, at ibe Jtidge's Head la Fleet ftrtet; and by the Author, at Old Tow's Coffec-Houfe in Birehm Lane. MdcCxxix, f Price bound Six Shillings. ] m^slfp CONTENTS. 1) Editoe's Inteoductiom (2) Peeface to the Fiest Edition (3) EoBEET Deuey's Jouenal in Madagascae (4) vocabulaet (5) Index PAGE . 9 . 29 . 39 . 315 . 887 (6) The Abbe Eochon's account of Madagascae, Abeidged 361 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, (1) Natives op South of Madagascae (Antanosy) Frontispiece (2) Malagasy Beggar (Imerina) ... 37id Frontispiece Cuts feom Gueudeville's Map of Madagascae (1719) : — (3) Execution OP Peisonbes To face p. 9 (4) Native Canoe „ 13 (5) Customs and Deess op Malagasy ... „ 17 (6) Teadb, and Funeeal Ceebmony ,, 20 (7) Map of Madagascar (Taken from the Map in the First Edition) To face p. 28 (8) " Oly," oe Chaem, and "Tandeaka" (from Ellis) To face p. 81 (9) Maeomitea Pounding Eice (Natives of Central Mada- gascar) To face p. 102 (10) Atsimo Woman, Sketched by Captain Olivee in 1862 Tofacep. 23 (11) Sakalava op West Madagascae, weaeing the Lamba Tofacep. 172 (12) Eapaealahy, Chief of Foule Point (1823) To face p. 262 (13) View op an East Coast Village ... Tofacep. 309 EXECUTION OF PRISONERS. (From Gtuudeville's Map of Madagascar, 1719.) INTEODUCTION. EDEN engaged in di-awing Tip a bibliographj' of the literature connected with the great African island, Madagascar, I was, not unnaturally, struck by the prominent posi- tion which the journal of Eobert Drury, the sailor-boy, had hitherto occupied as a rehable book of reference ; for I found that, relatively, it held among our few British authors, who had then treated of Madagascar, the same honourable position that the great standard, work of De Flacourt has so rightly occupied in the far more numerous ranks of the French authors to whom we owe nearly all our real knowledge of early Malagasy history. Good old Samuel Copland, Captain Owen and his Lieutenant Boteler, Wilham Ellis the Apostle and Politician, Dr. Mullens, Messrs. Sibree, EichardsoH, and the missionaries of all sects, have indeed generally, if not altogether, adopted as gospel truth and Uteral matter of fact Drury's statements as to the manners and customs of the Sakalava tribes, and pinned their faith, as to the testimony from an eye-witness, of the incidents and adventures narrated in the extremely curious and interesting story of the unsophisticated voyager. Nor did I find that the British writers were at all singular in their belief in the tales of Mr. Eobert Drury ; for the Swedish missionaries, who have had good oi^portunities of witnessing 10 INTRODUCTION. the actual habits of the islanders on the west coast, and all the best authorities in France, notably MM. Noel and Barbie du Socage, Captains Guillain and De Langle ; with M. d'Eseamps (Mace Descartes), and, above all, the supreme modern authority on all subjects connected with Madagascar, M. A. Grandidier, whose opinion among all others deserves most to be respected ; every one of them firmly believes the unsophisticated story of the poor deserted cabin-boy, Eobin. Before expressing my own opinion on the subject, it may be as well if I produce an imexceptionable piece of evidence, strongly confirmatory of Drury's story, or, at all events, of the truth of the main facts which he mentions concerning his shipwreck in the Degrave, East Indiaman. It is a letter pubUshed in the correspondence of John Hughes, the poet, and although it is dated twenty years after the pubhcation of the first edition of Eobert Druiy's journal ; yet, as second and third editions of the book were printed in the years 1731 and 1743, the book was evidently well known, and subsequent events would have made it much talked about by all naval people who navigated on the other side of the Cape of Good Hope, and came in sight of Madagascar. Whilst on the subject of the various editions of this book, it may be added, that later editions were published in 1750, 1807 and 1826 ; but even this does not sufficiently convey an idea of its popularity, for it may safely be said that not a single work on Madagascar has been published since which does not quote, one way or another, largely from Drtiry's observations. TJie Bev. Mr. Hirst^'- F.B.S., to the Rev. Mr. Buncombe. H.M.S. Lenox, off Madagascar, Sept. 6, 1759. My Deak Friend, — When we left England, three important ex- peditions were carrying on, the first under Coramodore Moore in the West Indies, the nest under Admiral Saunders against Quebee, and * The writer of tins letter (who was the eldest son of the Kev. Dr. Hirst, late rector of Benwell and Sacum, Hertfordshire, and was educated at St. Peter's College, Cambridge), after having sers'ed as chaplain on board several of his Majesty's ships (particularly the Hamp- ton Court, when despatched to Lisbon after the earthquake, in 1755, of INTMODUCTION. 11 the third under Admiral Boscawen sent to the Mediterranean. The event of these must now he determined and known at home. I hope they have all answered the public expectations.* Our squadron sailed from St. Helens, in company with the latter, on the 15th of April, 1759. In the chops of the Channel, our two fleets separated to pursue our respective destinations. Our first place of rendezvous was the island of Madeira, where we anchored May 2nd. This is a very fertile spot, but the generality|of the inhabitants are poor ; at which you will not wonder, when I tell you how much they are pestered with swarms of idle priests and monks — roere drones, who live upon the honey of the hive. " Sic vos non vobis ■inellisicatis a^es." which city he made a drawing in its ruins), was at this time chaplain to H.M.S. Lenox, and secretary to Bear-admiral Cornish. While he was on the coast of Coromandel, he was' present at the sieges of Pondicherry, Velom", &c., and on June 6, 1761, he made an accurate observation of the transit of Venus over the sun at the Government House at Madras, in company with Governor (now Lord) Pigot, etc., of which an account is given in the " Philosophieal Transactions," vol. Ivi., and in the Oentleman's Magazine for 1762, p. 177. In March, 1763, he was appointed chaplain to the factory at Calcutta, by the favour of Mr. Vansittart, then Governor of Bengal, and resided there, in general esteem, till the year 1765, when he returned to England with his excellent Mend, in his Majesty's ship the Panther. In their passage Mr. Hirst took a view of the Cape of Good Hope, which was engraved in 1766 by Mr. Canot. At the second transit of Venus, on June 3, 1769, Mr. Hirst was cne of the assistants to the Astronomer-Eoyal at Greenwich, and an account of his observation was published in the " Philosophical Transactions," vol. Iviii. p. 361, and in the Oentleman's Magazine for 1770, p. 401. Being now in easy cu'cumstanees, happy in himself and in liis friends, nothing could have tempted him to " wander again over the face of the great deep," biTt the ties of grati- tude and the cares of friendship. On a heart like his these had claims that were in-esistible. As chaplain to the conumissioner, he, therefore, embarked with Mr. Vansittart on board the Aurora, in September, 1799, and in that fatal voyage accompanied, alas ! the supervisors to " that country from whose bosom no traveller returns." Let tliis suffice — the wound is too painful to bear any further probing. * They did most fully witness the conquest of Guadeloupe and Quebec, and the destruction of the Toulon fleet. Admu-al Cornish's squadron was no less successful by contributing largely to the reduc- tion of Pondicherry and Manilla. 12 INTBODUCTION. Here I had the pleasure of seeing a comet* in the Constellation Crater. From its great southern latitude, I believe it was not visible in England, as it disappeai-ed before it made any considerable pro- gress to the northward. I transmitted a crude account of it to my good friend, Commissioner Meade, of the Customs, but by being on board, and wanting proper instruments, could not be verj' exact in the observation. However, I traced its path in the heavens with sufficient accuracy to determine its motion and inclination to the ecUptic. After we had taken in our wine and other necessaries for our voyage, we prepared to leave this island, and were under weigh May 8th. Our nest rendezvous was St. Augustine's Bay, on the west side of the island of Madagascar, where we arrived, August 11th, and having completed our water and refreshed our people, sailed from thence, September 1st. The accounts of this place are very imperfect, from its being so little frequented by Europeans, except in time of war, when the English East Indian fleets generally touch here to be supplied with fresh provisions, etc. In short, it is under the same predicament to us that we were to the Eomans, being penitus toto divisa or&e.f But * Probably the famous comet which was first observed in 1682 and which Edmund HaUey, who succeeded Flamsteed as Astronomer- Eoyal, announced as identical with those seen in 1607 and 1531. Captain Halley accordingly predicted its return for 1758-59, and the said comet effected its perihelion passage on the 12th of March, 1759. It was therefore departing when observed by Mr. Hirst in the island of Madeira. I The best and most authentic account ever given of Madagascar was published in 1729, by Kobert Drury, who, being shipwrecked on the south coast of that island when a boy in the Degrave, East Indiaman, hved there as a slave fifteen years, and after his return to England, among those who knew him (and he was known to many, being a porter at the East India House) h8.d the character of a downright honest man, without any appearance of fraud or impostm^e. In confirmation of the truth of this narrative it exactly agrees, as far as it gees, with the journal kept by Mr. John Benbow (eldest son of the brave but unfortunate admu-al), who, being second mate of the Degrave, was also shipwrecked, and narrowly escaped being massacred bj' the natives with the rest of the crew, Druiy and three other boys only excepted. Mr. Benbow's journal was accidentally burnt, in the year 1714, in a fire near Aldgate, but several of his friends who had seen it recollected the particulars and its correspondence with Drury's. To the circumstance of its being thus destroyed as well as the subject of NATIVE CANOE. (From Gueudeville's Map of Madagascar, 1719.' INTBODUCTION. 13 be this as it may, it is a very fine island, productive not only of the necessaries, but even the delicacies of life. It would fill many sheets to acquaint you with the anecdotes I collected, and the observations that occurred during our stay there. Suffice it to say (merely for the sake of thrusting in a poetical quotation), that in the offing, St. Augus- tine's Bay, we saw many whales, which frequently swam very near the ship, and were near half as long — an awful sight ! These the natives called fesJies.* They spout water to an incredible height, and in the most stark calm will, by flouncing and lashing their tails, stir the sea to a tempest. They abound so much in these parts that it is no uncommon sight to see ten or twelve of them spouting together, which, at a distance, very much resemble the sea breaking on a ledge of rocks. Huge o/tulJc, Wallowing unwieldly, enormous in tlieir gait, Tem^pest the ocean — here Leviathan Sugest of living creatures, on the deep. Stretched liTce apromontory sleeps or swims, And seems a moving land — and at his gills Draws in, and at his trv/nTc spouts out a sea ! f O rare John Milton ! Madagascar is divided into a'number of petty kingdoms or states, the largest of which is that of Buques, which (as the natives informed me) abounds vrith gold mines, as does the kingdom of Volambo | with those of. silver. And there is great reason to credit this assertion ; for the teeth of many of the sheep and other cattle killed on board our ship were so much covered with a metalhne scale as to resemble teeth of brass. This the miners are said to look upon as an infaUible indication of a mine being under the surface on which such cattle it, the compiler of Mr. Benbow's life in the " Biographia Britannica," vol. i. p. 688, seems to have been a stranger : instead of " a large and very comprehensive booTc," it was only a journal, like those kept by every sea officer. * Hova name for whale is Trozona. ^ Compare Mons. de Godeau, who was made Bishop of Grrasse, by Cardinal Bichelieu : — Tous rendissent hommage a ces lourdes baleines, Qu'onprend pour des ecueils sur la face desflots. X The highland tribe of the Hovas was termed Aniboalambo by the west coast Saklava ; the south-west tribes were designated Buques in Danville's map of 1749. 14 INTBODUCTION. graze. I will not answer for the infallibility of tliis trial, but am sure it is mere consistent with reason than the idle tales of the divining rods. In the first volume of the learned Boerhave's '■'■ " Elements of Chemistry," p. 22, part ii., I met with the following observation ; the author treating of gold says, " In Madagascar there is a very soft soil which runs like lead with a gentle fire." For the truth of this, he refers to Flacourt's "History of the Island of Madagascar," chap. 49. I have not this book, yet I have often observed a large button of a yellow caste Hke those which the Dutch wear on their breeches, tied, by way of ornament, to the crown of the Madagascar prince's heads.f This I found was remarkably soft, which made me think it was base metal, but they all afiSxmed it was fine gold. I shall mention hut one circumstance more to corroborate the above opinion. Not far from Tent-rock, in St. Augustine's Bay, in the king Baubau's domi- nions, is a mineral spring, which also affords reason to suspect that there are mines of some sort or other in its neighbourhood. However, * M. Herman Boerhave was a lecturer in Medicine, at Leyden, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and author of the " In- stititutiones Medicse," in 1707. f In like manner, Drury says, p. 44 : " The men adorn themselves with mcmnelers, which are rings for the wrists ; and these both men and women of distinction wear. They are sometimes of gold (but where they get it from it is more than I know, perhaps woi-th en- quuing after), often of silver, hut more often of copper, which I found at length is produced, and made in the country as well as iron." Again, p. 376, describing the dress of the king of Ferraingher (called by the Europeans Tong-Owl), he says, " On his forehead were several gold beads, about his neck was a very fine gold necklace, on each wrist about six mannelers of silver, and four rings of gold on his finger." And p. 393 : " They have silver in some of the most moun- taineous and inland parts of the country, and know how to make ear- plates of it and manneUrs, so that I have the strongest reason to think the eoimtry produces it. Nor is there much reason to doubt but gold is to be foimd here." I^ therefore, it is true that the French have established a colony in Madagascar, these hidden treasures may perhaps have been one of their inducements, and not commercial views only, for which their neighbouring islands of Mauritius or Bourbon, are so conveniently situated. As early as 1595 the first Dutch voyagers, who sailed round the Cape to the East Indies, noticed these metal wristlets worn by the Malagasy natives in Antongil Bay. " Leurs ornemens sont des hracelets d'etaiti, ou du plus has argent, de la forme des manilles de cuivre que Von iiorte en Guinee " (" Voyage de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales"). INTRODUCTION. 15 our European Mammon has not yet set foot on this rich soil ; for lie, according to Milton, first taught men to value gold : — By him first Men also, and by Ms suggestion taught, BansacTced the centre, and with impious hands Bifltsd the towels of their mother earth For treasure better hid. I am etc., W. EIBST. The above letter mates it veiy evident that Drury's story was generally believed in the middle of the eighteenth century, and examination of the pages of all writers since confirms the impression, that credit was universally attached to the innocent story of the guileless sailor-boy. The first French author, as far as I know, who ventured to oppose this popular verdict in favour of Drury's veracity, was the well-known publicist M. Emile Blanchard, who, in the pages of the Bevue des Deux Mondes, for 1872, wrote : " Egbert Drury, having been released after fifteen years of slavery, returned to England. The story of his adventures, which were published, produced a decided sensation among om- neighbours across the Channel. The truthfulness of the narrator has been affirmed ; nevertheless, on several grounds, there is room for doubt. Drury asserts that he was a slave. A European reduced to slavery ! that is impossible, say those who know the Malagasy; they might probably kill a European, but would never degrade him to the lowest rank. . . . The pretended slave enters into minute particulars of the sort of life he led under his master." My own faith in the reliance to be placed on the so-called "faithful narrative of matters of fact, interspersed tuith a variety of surjjrisiiig incidents," which Eobert Drmy purports to relate, was considerably shaken by my first reading in the famous old De Placourt's " Histoire de Madagascar " (1661) several details which, almost word for word, reminded me, not only of manners and customs, but even incidents, which cmiously coincided even to resemblance in phrases, with parallel passages in Drury's relation. 16 INTBODUCTION. M. Emile Blaneliard detected the same extraordinary resemblance. " The operations of war," he says, " among the Malagasy, which we learn from De Flacourt, are described in all their details by Eobert Drury. In the country where Drury lived, the dress, the mode of life, the superstitions resemble those which we have seen depicted in the country formerly occupied by the French. The trust in the Olis is the same, the ombiasses hold the same ideas ; the young English captive has met with one of these men who came from the province Anossi." Drury, in other words his editor for. him, expressly states (p. 106) what was true in one sense, but certainly not in another, that ; — " Whether any of the French Authors of Voj'ages have ■ivrote anything of him (King Samuel) I know not ; nor have I had the opportunity of seeing their Histories of Madagascar to compare with this of mine. It is exactly as the People themselves told me, and I shall not alter or vary from their Account of it, whether it is agreeable to what others have said, or no." Now it is, indeed, highly improbable that the unlettered Drury could consult the works of Fran9ois Cauche, 1658, and De Flacourt, 1661, written in French ; but it is in patent evidence that his Editor not only knew French, but that he actually used a French map of De Flacourt which had been copied by Ogilby, King Charles II.'s cosmographer and leader of the revels, and previously reproduced by Dapper. M. Gabriel Marcel, who, as Keeper of the Charts at the National Library in Paris, is the best authority on such subjects in Europe, remarks : — " J'ajouterai un correetif a ce que vous dites : que Drury a connu I'histoire de Madagascar de Flacourt, parue en 1661, et en donnant comme preuve que sa carte est celle de Flacourt en qu'on retrouve sur la sienne, ' A fruitfuU country abandonn'd and ruined by the Wars.' Cette inscription est reproduite sm- la carte donnee par Dapper, et je crois qu'il faut dire, pour etre tout a fait dans la verite, si Drmy ou Defoe n'a pas connu I'Histoire de la grande isle de Madagascar composee par le Sieur de Flacourt du moins il a eu connaissance de la I R ■« c! '^ INTBODUGTION. 17 Description de I'Afrique de Dapper qui reproduit la carte originale de Flacourt et qui abr^ge et resume le texte du voyageur fran9ais." In Plaeourt's map, constructed in 1657, a tract of country south of the Matsiatra E., marked "Fays riche en bestial," is reproduced by Drury's adaptation as " A Country inrich'd with Cattle," but the draughtsman employed has not even taken the trouble to alter the French names, except in one or two instances, and one of these is certainly notable ; for example, the district north of the Mansiatre Eiver, named Hazonringhets by Flacourt (who, by the way, does not attempt to describe this portion of the island), is marked Sacoa Lauvor {i.e., Sakalava) in Drury's map of 1729. This is, ahnost certainly, the first record of the name Sakalava, as a generic name of the tribes on this coast. On BeUin's map of 1765 " les Seclavzs " appears as part of Terre de Garda, north of Pointe de Chacoul, and at the mouth of the Biviere des Seclaves, south of the Moranda {i.e., Moron- dava) Eiver. In Flacourt's map the tribe Zaffe Lava Tangha is shown as occupying the Onilahy Eiver, above the Siveh who represented the modern Vezo tribes of the coast. Now any one frequenting the part which is marked on Thornton's Chart of 1700 as Youngowle, Mandeeta or Morondava, and St. Augustine's Bay, would have become acquainted vrith the Zaffe Lava Tangha, which tribe, by the chance of war, seems to have migrated northwards in the course of the many wars and raids amidst a constantly shifting population : so that the pirates and slavers may readily have caught up the name Zaffe Lava and attached it to all the tribes with whom they came in contact along the coast. In like manner, as the first foreigners insisted on bestowing the name Madagaskar on the African island, so our sailors christened the west coast people Sakalavas ; in much the same way as, in later days, our blue- jackets christened the Turks Bono Johnnies, in the Mediter- ranean, the Levant, and the Black Sea. Mr. William Lee, in his biography of Defoe, writes : — " Madagascar; or, Bobert Drury's Journal during fifteen years captivity on tfiat Island-, was first pubUshed on May 24, 1729, and is, in many respects, one of the most interesting accounts 2 18 INTRODUCTION. that appeared between the date of ' Eobinson Crusoe ' and the death of Daniel Defoe." " Madagascar," he adds, " was a centre around which much of our author's (Defoe's) genius in fictitious writing turns ; . and, although surrounded by savage human beings, the isolation of the English boy Drury is perfect. Many parts of the book on rehgion and the origin of government are avowedly the work of an editor, and there are occasional turns of humom- resembling Defoe, but the language rarely does so. It is certain there was a Eobert Drury — that he had been a captive as stated — that he wrote a large account of his adventures — that he was seen, questioned, and could give any information required — after the publication of his book. In the latter part of his life Defoe had many imitators ; I think that one of them very ably edited Drury's manuscript. Possibly Defoe may have read it and inserted some sentences, but as I am in doubt even of that, I cannot place the book in the list of his works." Thus far Mr. William Lee, whose authority on Defoe's writings is undoubtedly of great weight; and it is, indeed, most evident that the closer the journal of Drury is examined the greater becomes the conviction that the narrative has been severely edited, if not altered, and expanded or vastly improved and padded by the practised hand of a master who, if not the famous Daniel himself, was one who closely plagiarised that proUfic and not too scrupulous author, who, it will be remembered, died two years after the date above given, viz., in 1731. If not the " unabash'd Defoe," perchance his son, also celebrated in Pope's " Dunciad," was the anonymous editor : " Norton,* from Daniel and Ostrtea spni/ng, Bless'd with his father's front a/nd mother's tongue. Hung silent down his never-blushing head. And all was husWd as Folly's self lay dead." " We know," says Mr. Lee, speaking of Defoe, " by the * Norton Defoe, son of the famous Daniel Defoe, one of the authors of the Flying Post, and of many hired scurrilous and daily papers, to which he never set his name. The " Dunciad " appeared in May, 1728, just a year before " Dnury's -Journal." INTRODUCTION. 19 catalogue of his own library, that it was well stored with ' Voyages and Travels.' His actual experience of the sea was small, and it must have been from books and men that he gathered the professionalities so skilfully converted by his genius into a series of imaginary voyages." Now nine years before the appearance of " Drury's Journal," Defoe had written (1720) ' ' The Life, Adventures, and Pyracies of the famous Captain Singleton," in which a portion of the scene is laid in Madar gascar ; and in 1719 had been published by the same author, " The King of the Pirates ; Being an Account of the Famous Enterprizes of Captain Avery, the Mock King of Madagascar. With his Rambles and, Piracies ; wherein all the Sliam Accounts formerly Publish'd of him are Detected. In two Letters from himself ; one During his Stay at Madagascar, and one since his Escape from Thence." Both these works, like " Eobinson Crusoe," were vwitten as autobiographies, and, moreover, they were printed for some of the same pubHshers who sold Drury's book, although this is not a point to be insisted on as of any importance in discovering the personality of the editor. It is decidedly evident that the editor of Drury's book, if not Defoe himself, was not averse to using the same cunning artifices, in which the astute Daniel was an adept, to add to the verisemblance of the fiction he was concocting, as will be made manifest presently by some parallel passages. Eirst, let us compare the prefaces of the two volmnes of " Eobinson Crusoe " with that of Drury. Thus, of Crusoe's story, " the Editor," so it is stated in the preface, " believes the Thing to be a just History of Eaet." Of Drury's narrative, his Editor states a,lso that, " so far as every Body concern'd in the Publication knows, it is nothing else but a plain, honest narrative of Matter of Fact." The writer of " Eobinson Crusoe's " second volume speaks of its containing " as strange and surprising Incidents, and as great a Variety of them," etc. — expressions used in the title of Drury's book. In the prefaces of both editions are to be found the reUgious Beflections and Applications recommended for the Instruction of the reader, and the whole tenour of the prefaces is parallel and analogous. When an author insists so strenuously on the 20 INTEODUCTION. credibility and religious moralitj- of his story, his readers may be excused if they begin to suspect that his veracity is not above suspicion. Among the notes under the foUo'wing pages of the original text wiU be found several references, which might have been multiplied ad naicseam, to the very brief abstract given by Ogilby, in 1666, from De Macom-fs description. The Eeverend J. Eichardson, so well known as the author of the Malagasy-English Dictionary, is of opinion that Drury's veracity, on linguistic grounds, is unimpeachable. Drury's Vocabulary has convinced him that the language has really been one all over Madagascar. But if Drury's editor concocted his vocabulary from adaptation of older vocabularies compiled on the east coast, there is no wonder that a coincidence of language should be apparent. If the French vocabularies are taken and reduced to EngUsh pronunciation by phonetic speUing, the words used by Drury can be found in the works published by the French fifty years and more before.* Dr. Rost, the Librarian at the. India Ofi&ce, also bases his beUef in Drury's honesty, as regards his narrative, on Unguistics, affirming that Drury's knowledge of Malagasy could not have been attained from vocabularies extant before his time. No ethnologist or philologist, however, would dream of quoting " Eobinson Crusoe," " Captain Singleton," or the " Pyrate Avery " (who undoubtedly existed), as an un- impeachable authority ; so regretfully it must be stated that, in the opinion of the present writer, an examination of the evidence tends to disprove the authenticity of Drury's travels in their entirety, although a basis of fact may probably underlie the various strata of fiction piled thereon. Take the following parallel passages as an example of in- consistence, to say the least of it, in the memory of the supposed author, or it may be of a lapsus calami on the part of the editor, in the course of his wholesale interpo- lation. * Mr. Kichardson's arguments are given at fuU length in an appendix at the end of the volume. I ^ INTRODUCTION. 21 ' The only Good wHch I got at Bengali was that I here learnt to swim, and I attain'd to be so great a Proficient in swimming that it was a common Practice for half a dozen of us to tye a Bupee a-piece in an Handkerchief about our Middles, and swim four or five Miles up or down the river ; and when we came on Shoar the Gentees or Moors would lend us cloaths to put on while we staid ; thus we us'd to sit and regale ourselves for a few Hours with Arrack Punch and a Dinner, and then swim back again" (p. 43). It haa already been mentioned that some of Captain Single- ton's adventures are supposed to have happened in Mada- gascar. Here is a parallel mannerism, one not uncommon to Defoe, and the other by Drury : — " It ves'd me to be stopt by a Biver, not above an hundred Yards over. At length I remem- bered when I was at Bengali, where are the. largest Alligators in the World, and who have been so bold, as to take a man out of a shallow Boat ; that if we c£jme off firom the Shore in the Night, - we made a small fire at the head, and another at the Stern of the Boat, which the Alligators would not come near " (p. 301). Captain Singleton. " But the case in short was this : Captain (I forbear his name at present for a particular reason), Captain of the East India merchant-ship bound afterwards for China " (p. 154). Daniel Defoe's Tracts by the True Born Englishman, 1703. " If to a King they do the Reins commit All Men are hound in Con- science to submit; But tJien that King must by his Oath assent to Postulata 's of the Govern- ment, Which if he breaTcs, he cuts off the Intail and Power retreats to its Ori-ginal" (p. 26). Robert Drury. " and sent such Word to the Captain (whose Name I must not declare, being sworn to the con- trary), desiring me to go on Shoar " (p. 17). Robert Drury's Journal, 1729. "They, having now No-body to interrupt them, put their Government into its Original Form, by choosing a King who was the nearest related to their former ; for there was no other Son but him whom the French took captive " (p. 109). 22 INTBODUCTION. " Here in sliort is tlie Original of Parliaments and here, if Power at any time meets witli a Cess, if GrOTernments and Thrones become Vacant, to thir Original all Power of Course returns " (p. 133). " And the Nature of the Thing is the Beason of the Thing : It was vested in them by the People, because the People were the only Original of their Power, being the only Power prior to the Con- stitution " (p. 146). " I think we need not turn over many Volumes to find the Ori- ginal of British Parliaments ; for they are earUer than all their Histories or even Letters them- selves : and as to their Power it is founded on the strongest Basis, Beason and Nature" (p. 155). The above, vyhich are by no means solitary instances of analogous passages, afford some confirmation of the idea that the editing of Drury was done by Defoe, or at all events by one who aped Defoe's methods very closely. It has been supposed that no one who had not visited the coast could possibly have had the technical knowledge of the various ports of Madagascar described so faithfully by Drurj' ; but if any one vrill take the trouble to examine Thornton's " EngUsh Pilot," published in 1703, he will find in the third book a minute description of the sea-coast, capes, headlands, and ports of Madagascar, from which it would be easy enough to fill in pages of description such as Drury gives in his after-voyage at the end of the book. Now it seems certain that there was such a person as Eobert Drury, and that he was wrecked with Mr. Benbow in the Degrave ; but there are many indications that his subse- quent history would not bear a searching cross-examination. At the end of his wanderings (whether he had been leading the ignominious life he describes or not) he is found con- fessedly in the company of pirates, and. there is too much reason to believe that a large portion of his career in Madagascar was in the society of these men, and that in reality, like his comrade, Nicholas Dove, who admittedly joined the pirates ; he was one of the piratical fraternity. INTBODUCTION. 23 The fact that he took his second voyage with Captain White, who went to Mascareigne (He Bourbon) in 1718-19, and, according to Drury's account, died and was buried there, accords strangely with the document Mstoriqiie of M. Maillard, who relates that a certain pirate. Captain White, who had put into port that same year, died and was buried in Bourbon. Until that date, the Bourbonnais inhabitants of Mascareigne had been on most friendly terms with the British and Dutch forbans who frequented Madagascar, and sold slaves to the French ; but at this period the British East India Company had complained to the English Government, who exercised some pressure to induce the French colony to drop all inter- course vsrith the pirates. As there seems not the slightest doubt that the well-known pirate, White, who died at Bourbon was the same captain with whom Drury sailed, it at once stamps Drm-y as having been himself one of the pirates, when his trumped-up story about his enforced slavery in the interior of Madagascar would sufiSce to account for his doings during the fifteen years he was " pyrating " on the coast along with Captains England, Burgess, Plantain, and others who frequented St. Mary's Island and Masselage. Defoe was given to picking up stories from prisoners and others like Captain Avery, and his ingenious brain could easily evolve a connected, plausible story out of the scattered yams told by an old pirate. Indeed it must be remembered that piracy was not unfashionable in those days of the first Georges. Drury's association with the pirates was during Queen Anne's reign, and Captain Eadd's association with my Lords of the Admiralty but a few years before gives to us a slight inkUng of the ways that were dark in high places. Dr. Campbell, in his Life of Admiral Benbow, when referring to the hanging of the pirate, Captain Green, and his worthy mate, Mr. Mather, laments their untimely fate, and his sympathy, like that of the then Duke of Argyll, was evidently on the side of the criminals who were executed. An amnesty was granted to the pirates who consented to surrender and become colonists in Bourbon in the year 1721, but this, says M. Maillard, in his history of Bourbon, did not 24 INTRObtJCTlON. prevent the pirates from attacking ships even in the roadstead at St. Denis. The celebrated author of "Paul and Virginia," the very capable engineer, M. Bemadin de St. Pierre, vfho visited Bourbon on his vray back from Mauritius in 1770, relates that the French India Company had also a factory at St. Denis, and a governor who lived with them (the pirates) in great circumspection. The Viceroy of Goa, the Comte d'Ericeira, came (on April 8, 1721) to anchor in the road of St. Denis, and was to dine with the Governor, M. Desforges Boucher. He had scarcely set his foot on shore before a pirate ship of fifty guns anchored alongside his vessel and took her. The pirate captain landed forthwith, and demanded to dine at the Governor's. He seated himself at table between him and the Portuguese Viceroy, to whom he declared that he was his prisoner. Wine and good cheer having put the Pirate in good humour, Mons. Desforges Boucher asked him at how much he rated the Viceroy's ransom. " I must have a thousand dollars," said the Pirate. "That is far too little," said the astute M. Boucher to the Pirate, OUver Levasseur (sumamed la Buze, of Calais), " for a brave freebooter like yourself to accept from a grand lord like the Viceroy. Ask something handsome, or ask nothing." " Well said," cried the Corsair, " I shall ask nothing ; the Viceroy is free to go." " The Viceroy," says St. Pierre, " re-embarked instantly, and set sail, happy at having escaped on such good terms." Unfortunately the records spoil St. Pierre's good story ; for it is related that the crew of the Portuguese ship were landed, as the ransom of two thousand dollars was not forthcoming, and that Capitaine Oliver Levasseur took off the ship, for which act of piracy he was hung subsequently on July 17, 1730, at Bourbon, having failed to get hunself included in the amnesty. Not long befose St. Pierre visited the island the last of these pirates, named Adam, had there died, aged 104 years. Several of these pirates of St. Marie in Madagascar were amnestied in Bourbon by the Governors BeauvoUier and Boucher, among whom were the pirates Congdon and Clayton with their crews. Among the other pirates are to be found the names of Taylor, England, Plantain, etc., and when we consider that the crew of the Dragon, Congdon's ship. INTRODUCTION. 25 numbered 135 forbans of all nations, it is not difficult to understand that there was a considerable sprinkling of vagabond Europeans along all the coasts of Madagascar at this period. It was with some of these pirates that Eobert Drury was undoubtedly mixed up ; and, indeed, it is difficult to see how he could have done otherwise, under the circum- stances, than join one or other of the numerous bands of , adventurers which then frequented the coasts. Privateers, slavers, and pirates were interchangeable terms in those parts. It was owing to the Sakalava tribes of the west coast obtaining fire-arms and ammunition that they were able to keep the Amboa Lambo in subjection, for it is worthy of notice that previously these progenitors of the Hovas had been superior to the Sakalava, as they again became when they were able to obtain arms and ammunition from the Europeans and turn the tables on the Sakalava. {Vide " The Sakalava; their Origin, Conquests, and Subjugation." By the Eev. T. Sibree, Antananarivo Annual, 1878.) It is beyond the scope of an introduction like the present to make a minute analysis of what is true and what is false in Drury's story as told by his Editor. Sufficient to say, that it is a most charming and interesting romance, and as true as most history that is written of places and times nearer to our own country and the present date. Few travellers' tales will bear close cross-examination, unless an actual diary, with dates, a map of route, and chapter and verse, with witnesses and documentary evidence are forthcoming. To all intents and purposes the actors in Drury's story are real people, if not under their own names. It is something after all to read the real yarn of a man who, if not a pirate, had been uncommonly intimate with them, who frequented the coasts of Madagascar in the eighteenth century, when the people were very much like what they are now, and who, if he never really visited the interior, must have come in contact with many barbarian tribes who brought down their cattle from the interior and exchanged them for the dollars, buccaneers' guns, powder, shot, and sham trinkets of the pirates and their brother-slavers, who tempted these wretched savages to 26 INTBODUGTION steal and sell their neighbours, excited them to war with one another, and shipped off the hlack labourers to the plantations of the West Indies, to the Isle of France, and to Bourbon. If it is possible to believe that Eobert Drury ever suffered slavery * and licked the feet of his masters, it is also possible * The Bev. P. Geo. Peake, of the London Missionary Society, writes :— " With regard to the Malagasy holding a white boy in slavery I think you allow it was quite possible." [No 1 Druiy was a youth over fifteen years of age and old enough to be entrusted with the disposal of goods to a considerable amount. "When he was taken on board Captain Macketf s ship, he was thirty years of age, and then was so lost to all our ideas of British manliness that he Ucked the feet of his former master. — S. P. O.] " Had he been a full grown man the case would have been otherwise. He would have been unmanageable. Even with adult male native captives, if they cannot dispose of them at once, they are slain, but youths, women, and childi-en are retained for a favourable disposal, or they are ' broken in ' for personal service. What strikes me as so remarkable in Drurys narrative is the detail of slave life and of the life of the ordinary Bourgeois, and I cannot see how any but one closely identified with native life, as Drury says he was, could give that detail He represents native life more closely than any writer on the Malagasy that I know, either of early or modem date. You seem to take it as incredible that slaves should Uck their masters' feet. The true original custom was not to hck the feet only, but the soles of the feet. The practice, however, has given way to an expression of willingness to do the act, or cringing into the attitude of doing it. It is still done, in fact, especially when one is craving for pardon, when the party appealed to will permit the degrading act. The native word for submission is ' milelalwpadia,' to hck the sole of the foot, which is undoubtedly derived from the custom. As an instance of the custom, I may mention that your friend, the Eev. J. Kichardson, caught a thief, redhanded, some time since, when the man besought him eagerly for forgiveness, and crawled to Mr. Eichardson's feet to hck his boots, at which, of course, he was more inchned to kick the man than aUow him to do it. Another instance is the case of a high official. This person had given great offence to his chief, and by way of appeasing his anger went down on aU fours and crawled to hck the feet of his superior." Mr. Peake can thus quote only one instance of the actual practice of the " milelalapadia " during his loug experience in Madagascar, and the Eev. W. Cousins, Secretary of the London Missionary Society, has furnished me with another solitary INTBODVCTION. 27 to believe that the same man who gave his servant to the slaver-captain, and afterwards joined in slaving and pirating, was also quite capable of inventing untruths ; and, at all events, his Editor was not incapable of weaving therefrom a most fascinating and romantic narrative. S. PASFIELD OLIVEE, Capt., Late Boyal Artillery, Anglesey, Gospoet, February 1, 1890. instance which he witnessed in the island. In none of the many accounts of the Sakalava or other tribes by all sorts of travellers do I find any mention of this practice being common, or indeed noticed. Yet it is admitted that the mode of life and habits of the tribes which have not yet come in contact with civilization are unchanged. The illnstrations, taken from Gueudeville's Atlas Historique, pub- Ushed in 1719, are remarkable as showing how, at that date (the time when Drury left Madagascar), the knowledge of Madagascar and its inhabitants had not progressed beyond that derived from Flacourt and his contemporaries. For these quaint cuts are evidently reduced and adapted from Dapper's volume on Africa, mentioned in the above text, from which Drury's editor and publisher derived the map of which a reduced fac-simUe is now given. The photographs, from which the figures of the Malagasy natives are taken, have been most courteously suppUed by Samuel Procter, Esq., of the East India Avenue, E.G., the Consul of Her Majesty Banavalona III. in London. THIS is to Certify, That Eobert Drury, Fifteen Years a Slave in Madagascar, now living in London, was redeem'd from thence and brought into England, his Native Country, by Myself. I esteem him an honest, industrious Man, of good Eeputation, and do firmly believe that the Account he gives of his Strange and Surprising Adventures is Genuine and Authentick. W"-. MACKETT. May 7, 1728. PEEFACE. T the first Appearance of this Treatise, I make iw Doubt of its J)eing taken for such another Romance a^ "Robinson Crusoe" ; but whoever expects to find here the fine Inventions of a prolific Brain will be deceived; for so far as every Body concerned in the Publication knows, it is nothiivg else but a plain, honest Narrative of Matter of Fact. Tlie Original xoas wrote by Robert Drury, which consisting of eight Quires in Folio, each of near an hundred Pages, it was necessary to contract it, and put it in a more agreeable Method : But he constantly attended the Transcriber, and also the Printer, so that the utmost Care has been taken to be well informed of every dubious, strange, and intricate Circumstance. And as to the large Proportion of Credit which we give him, it will be found not to arise from an implicit Faith, for every Thing he might think proper to relate ; but from the strong Proof the Matters related receive by concurring Testimony, and the Nature of the Thing. I at first wondered how Capt. Macket ventured to say in his Certificate, " That he believed the Account he gave of his surpris- ing Ad/uenttCres to be true." But inquiring into the Character of that Gentleman, I foivnd him to be a Person of the highest Reputation for Integrity and Honour; to which if we add, his known Solidity and good Sense, his Fortune, and Station of 80 P BE FACE. Life ; tliere is no Boom left to siqij^ose lie ivould countenance any trifling Fables or Impositions ; yet tins did not fully satisfy me, till diligently perusing tlie History, toe find at Yong-Owl, where lie took tlie Autlwr on Board, William Purser was tJieir Linguist for several Months, and he speaking English perfectly, 'tis not doubted but this Gentleman, as well as tlie Captains of the other Ships, informed themselves by his Means all they could of so singular and remarkable a Case. Now 'tis to be observed that this William Purser was a Native of Feraingher, knew Mr. Brury there, and was an Eye-Witness to his carrying tlie Elodge in their Expedition to Anterndroea, and to several other most doubtful Circumstances liere related, and his Adventures for several Years together. After this, tlie Captain went to Mtmnoiigaro, alias Massalege, where he saw Nich. Dove, one of tlie Boys shipwrecked in the Degrave, and saved in the Massacre in Anterndroea ; so that it was in the Captain's Power to come at more than two Thirds of what is contained in this History, besides the opportunity of conversing with him in tlieir long Voyage to the West Indies, and after to England. Tlie second Voyage which Drury made was also in Gapt. Mackefs Service, though not in tlie Ship com- manded by himself ; yet lie was a principal Proprietor in the Ship and Cargo commanded by Capt. Wliite, as well as of his own and soine others ; tlie Captain also confirmed this to me in Conversation, adding " Tliat he had seen others in his last Voyage there, as well Natives who spake English and knew Drury, as some wlio were saved by Flight with Capt. Drummond, with this material Partictilar, Tliat this very Captain Drummond loas tlie Man wliom Drury siipposes him to be ; and that he was killed at Tullea, seven Leagues to the Northward of Augustine Bay, by one Lewes, a Jamaica Negro." This Gentleman continued his friendship for Drury, even to be his Patron to this Day, which he would not have done, liad he not known him to be d Person of Innocence and Probity, tlwugh his oiun well-known Life and Conversation does sxifficiently demonstrate this ; so that on tlie whole, I think, we have no Beason to doubt his Veracity in any material Circumstance. The Account liere given of the Beligion of these People, may be tlwught by some to be invented by tlie Transcriber to serve an PREFACE. 31 Eiid, or Inclination of his own ; hut so far is this from being the Case, tliat the iivost-to-he-suspected Part of tlie Account of this Beligion is Fact, as related by Drury ; and particularly the remarkable Conference with Deaan Murtmnzach, his ridiculing of Adam's Bib, God's talking with Men, making the World in six Days, and resting the seventh, his taking tliese Thiivgs for childish Notions of Drury's, and more especially saying and repeating they were old Women's Stories, are no other than this Prince's ovm Words, and were more strongly confirmed with Additions of the same Nature, on strictly examining and interro- gating the Author ; whose Character and Circumstances are also to be considered, as tliat he was but 14 Years of Age when he embarked on this unfortunate. Voyage, his being educated at a Grammar School, and in the Beligion of the Established Church; that ever since he came home he has firmly adliered to the same, even to Bigotry ; so that it vjould be a Weakness to imagine he was able or willing to invent any such Thing, which might favour Free thinking, or Natural Beligion, in Opposition to Bevealed ; since they were Matters he scarce ever troubled himself to enquire after. And in all those Places where Beligion is touched on, or the Original of Government, the Transcriber is only answerable for putting some Beflections in the Author's Mouth, which, as it is the only Artifice here used, he makes no Scruple to own, and confess that he could not pass such remarkable and agreeable topics without making proper Applications, and taking useful Instructions from them ; yet the Love of these Subjects has not indu£ed the Transcriber to alter any Facts, or add any Fiction of his own ; Mr. Drury must answer for every Occurrence, the Character of every person, his Conversation or Business with them. There are Authors, who pretend to say the Beligion of these People is Mahometanism ; from what they drew this Conclusion, or where they had their Information is unknown to me ; since their Sacrifices, Antipathy to Bevelation, aiid tlie Only Place where a Moorish Ship, zoho are Mahometans come, Swine's Flesh is eaten ; obviously show there can be ^lothiiig in more direct Opposition to it : There is no one Circumstance like it except Circumcision, and that is well known by tlwse learned in ancient History, to have been common to some Eastern Nations, even 82 PEE FACE. before the Jews had it ; and icliere there is no Reason to think the Name of the Jews loas ever heard. (For they were an incon- siderable People, confined by their own Laws to themselves, tin- skilled in Arts aiul Sciences, and useless to the World.) And of this tJiere is more Proof than what Herodotus says, as well as from the Reason of tlie Thing. . . . But I am ready to suspect, we shall liave more Reason pre- sently to thinh, the Jews derived a great deal from them, instead of they from tlie Jews ; tliat their Religion is more ancient, is evident from several obviotos Reasons. First, By their regarding Dreams, and divining by tliem, which, so early as the Mosaical Law, the Children of Israel were warned against. 2ndly, Tliese People shave tlieir Hair all off in mourning for the Dead : This Moses expressly commands tlie Israelites not to do. And the Jeius do still superstitioiisly observe This, and suffer their Hair to groio in their Mourning. I was going to qtiote ttvo or three Texts in Numbers, Deuteronomy, dc, hut on Consideration find it would be endless and unnecessary ; for from almost tlie Begin- ning of Genesis, through tlie Pentateuch and all other tlie Narrative, as xoell as perceptive Part of tlie Old Testament are full of Instances of this Nature. Srdly, Moses commanded none but Males to be sacrificed ; on the contrary, these sacrifice Cows for tlie most Part. The Sacrifices here are not accompanied with many Ceremonies which it is plain were added aftertoards. On this Island they are only Feasts with tlie Addition of a very little Superstition. They have no burnt Offerings ; but near tlieir Sepulchres, which with Chims burnt Kkewise, may only arise from a Defence against cadaverous Scents. 4thly, But the most remarkable Instance of all is, tlmt tlie Owley, which these Madagascar People use to divine by, and procure extraordinary Dreams loith, is evidently the Ephod and Teraphim, which tlie Levites used, who lived in Micah's Hoiise, see Judges 17. And which the Israelites could never be wlwlly brought off from, though contrary to tlieir Law ; for it was against tlie Com- mand, that Abimelech, tlie Priest, consulted an Epliod for David. I am very sensible that some have taken these Teraphim for Images like a Man ; and there is a show of Reason in it from Michal, Saul's Daughter's putting One in David's Bed to deceive PBEFACK 83 Iter Father's Messengers while he escaped ; though I am ratlier inclined to think it alludes to some Divination by the Teraphim tuhich she used in his Behalf; for Teraphim is the plural Num- ber, tlierefore could not signify only one Image : Neither could the gods which Baehel stole from her Fatlier Laban, be one god as big as a Man ; for she sat on them, and hid tliem. Tlie Word is here in the Original, Teraphim, thoiigh translated gods : Then in Hosea, c. iii. v. 4. ati Image, an Ephod and Teraphim are all mentioned in one Verse, plainly showing, that they are distinct Things. It is further to he remarhed, that by this Teraphim they invoked the Dead, which is exactly the same as these People do by the Owley, always invoicing the Spirits of their Fore- fathers, which is expressly forbid to the Israelites, and often sharply inveiglied against by the Prophets. Those, wlio have any Pleasure in Beading the Superstitions of tlie Jewish Cabba- lists, may find a great deal of this Kind of Divination by EpJwd and Teraphim ; and that these Spirits are Messengers, who go in the Night to God, and bring back Messages. This is exactly the very Notion these People have of their Owleys : If there should be any Season to suppose an Image was meant by this Teraphim, it would not much alter the Case ; for after the Egyptians, and other Nations improved in Sculpture, as well as in other Arts, they viight come to carving it into an Image ; but this Owley is plainly the Original ; we find Ephod and Teraphim joined together in several Places of Scriptures ; now an Ephod is well known to be a little Linen Garnient, and this Owley being fixed to a Swash, finely adorned, for a Man to wear, is evidently the same as Ephod and Teraphim ; and whether the High-Priest's fine Ephod, and Breast-plate, with Urim and Thummim was not an Improvement from this Original, is iw absurd Question, or rather no Question at all ; for 'tis evident it was for the satne Uses ; (viz.) to wear, and divine by. Here we may see the original of the Notion of familiar Spirits, which has been still further improved by the Chimeras of Witch- craft, Sorcery, and the like; all which have no other Foundation than on the Notion of the Spirits, which these People say attend their Owleys, as Messengers to God, and arises from Men's dreami/ng often naturally, and sometimes significantly (at least, most are apt to think so ;) and this is no more tlian a Sitper- 3 34 PBEFACE. stitious Endeavour to do it ^profitably for Advice, and Fore- hwwledge in Emergencies. That these People had not their Ecligion from any polite or learned Nation, is plain hy their retaining no Notion, or Memory of Letters ; nor tlieir having a Horse amongst them, or so necessary a Machine as a Wheel of any kiiid, eitJier for Carriage, or otJier Use, which could never have been forgot, had they ever had it. That these Madagascar People came first from Africa is certain, by their Colour ; and, perhaps, from the Abyssines, or even from Egypt. The Virzimbers, indeed, by tlieir woolly Heads, must come from the more Southern Part of Africa; Capt. Macket says, Deaan Toak-Offu told him tliey had a Tradition of their Coming on tlie Island many Ages ago in large Canoes : But let them come from where they will, it is evident that their Beligion is the most ancient in the knmvn World, and not much removed from pure natural Beligion; and whether the Egyptians and the Canaanites had their Beligion from tJiem, or tliat they are Egyptians originally, it had its Bise long before the Children of Israel were in Bondage ; for Egypt was then a very polite Country ; and also to be remembered, that they were not Idola- ters any more than their Neighbours before Abraham's Time. It is worth observing, tliat Melchizedech was a King, and called the Priest of the Most High God, a Phrase which exactly corres- ponds to Deaan Unghorray, or the Highest God ; as does also this Custom of the Madagascar Kings, or Lords, who perform themselves all the religious Offices, where the Public is con- cerned. I can but just touch on these Things, yet these Hints, though hasty and undigested, may open a Door to such a Discovery of the Original of practical Beligion as well revealed as iiatural, as is little expected. We have already exceeded the Number of Sheets designed for this Book, and too long delayed the Publica- tion ; so that on no Account can I at present examine AtUhors proper to be consulted ; but am obliged, unwillingly to leave this agreeable Enquiry ; yet not without Thoughts of reassuming it : A Gentleman of undo^ibted Integrity and good Sense, having given me Hopes of sotne curious Bemarks he Jms made in tJie most Unknown Parts of Africa, up in several Parts of the Country, at a Distance from the Sea : WJiere the People have PBEFAGE. 35 not been cormpted by Buroj)eans, ha luis found thevi to be Inno- cent, Humane, and Moral ; as lie also confirmed the Account otir Author ha^ given of These. But as much haste as I am in, I must not ^ass over the Obser- vation, That Men in the State of Nattire, and considering God as the Author of the Universe, form no other Notions of him, but what are consistent with Justice, Wisdom, and Goodness : They see him to have perfectly finished his Work, and that he wants no Alterations and Amendments, nor repents of his Actions, as some would pretend, as if he did Things like weak, rash Mortals inadvertently ; much less can they bear to hear of tJie worst of Passions attributed to the perfect divine Beiiig, such as Anger, Bevenge, and Jealousy : God has given Men the Sense of tast- ing, to judge what Food is proper for the Support of Life ; and as he has formed them fit for Society, so he lias given them Per- ception, and Reason to judge what will conduce most to their Peace and Happiness in social Communities ; and we need look no further for the Original of moral, and Politic Laws, tlian to the most simple, and natural Sensations ; (for I shall not call them Ideas) of Pleasure and Pain. If we consider Mankind in his true natural State, we shall not see him as the Hobbists would ridiculously insinuMte, who imagine only Men of the Male-kind fighting with one another ; orp the Contrary, we find Mankind Male and Female, and the most ardent Appetites will then plainly appear to be a Fondness for their Women, and a Tenderness for their Offspring, and this is even common to them with some Brutes ; and therefore tlie tnie State of Nature : From hence arise benign Dispositions, Soft- ness of Temper and Friendships, these being more pleasant and safe than Quarrelling and Fighting ; they natural improve and prosecute them, taking Care not to be disturbed in their enjoy- ments. In this natural unsophisticated View of the Human Species, we shall find it to be impossible for forty Families to subsist together without some Compact or Agreement to punish, or expel Adulterers, Murderers, and Thieves, even for the Space of one Year (I had like to have said not one Quarter of the Time; but that it would have come too near twice forty Days.) The Be- sped due from Children to Parents is taught them early by those Parents, and grows wp with tliem ; besides the Gratitude naturally 36 PBEPAOE. arising to those lolw have fad and protected them wlien tliey were lielpless Infants; so tliat it is no wonder to find a Lata Jiere against cursing of Parents. The Notion of tlie Being of One supreme Autlwr of Nature, arises from natural Beflections on tlie visible Harmony and Uniformity of the Universe, and seeing Men and Things did not prod^ice themselves. Tlw Beverence du£ to this Stupendous Being, is only apiou,s and rightly tiorned Amazement, Dread, and Bespect ; so that it is as little wonderful as any Thing else that we find here, they swear not profanely. The Division of tlie Month arises from the Mooii, and the full Moon divides it naturally in Imlf; the other Division into Weeks or Quarters is a very small, if any Improvement ; as to a Sabbath, these People Imve no Notion, the Day they allow their Slaves for themselves is not Weekly, but at Bandom, according to the Necessity of tlie Case, or Humanity of the Master: And why may not the Seventh have been allowed to the Israelites, when Slaves to the Egyptians ? It is with the most 'solemn Delight I consider the Devotion of these People, wJw seek God on every Occasion, for his Assistance in Necessity, and with Piety, and Gratitude return Thanks for Benefits ; yet have they neither Temple, Tabernacle, Ch'oves, or any other Places of Worship, neitJier Festival or any Set-Day, or Times, nor Priests to do it for them. The.Umossees or Prophets indeed, direct the making their Owley of particular Boots, or Woods, having, as they tell them. Magical Properties agreeing to the Spirits ; and also they mtost be made at proper Times ; These have introduced some trifling Superstitions ; such as arise from the weaknesses of human Nature, iwt the Vices of design- ing, tyrannical Priests ; but they never yet dared to break in upon tlie great and glorious Attributes of Wisdom, Perfection, and Goodness in the most high God, miicli less have tliey pre- sumed to affront tlie Reason of Mankind, and interrupt tlieir Happiiiess by so dangerous an Exampile, as predicating Im- morality, and Passions of the supreme Autlwr of our Being ; a Consideration worthy the Begard of some People, to lead them to look into themselves, and see if in introducing their artificial Systems of Beligion, they luwe not dishonoured God as much as Man can do, and corrupted Mankind. Let none think this Account of tlieir Beligion is taken only on PBEFAOJS. 37 Mr. Drury's Credit, for the Island is of late much frequented ; and as many People as have been there might be brotight to prove as much as is iiecessary to jtistify the foregoing Observatimis, (viz.) The Morals of the People, their Circumcision, Sacrificing, and Use of these Owleys ; also on tJie Coast of Guinea, for many hundred Leagues, tJiey have such a like Machine called tliere Fetiss, and use it in Beligious Offices, as I also have seen, though I had no Opportunity to examine erwugh into it : They are also, where Europeans, or Mahometans have not corrupted them, Innocent, Moral, and Humane. Note. — ^The preface to the mutilated edition of 1750 is con- siderably abbreviated and altered. The concluding portion is paraphrased and improved (!) upon as foUows (Archbishop TiHotson's twelve volumes of sermons were published in 1742-43) :— There are two Things in this History highly worthy of Obser- vation : One is, tliat there is a Law among them against cursing a Man's Parents. WJiat a Beproach is this to Countries called Christian, where there is no Law or Punishment against even those, who have the Impudence and Impiety not only of cursing others, but their own Parents. The other is. That such is their Regard and Reverence to the most High God, that they swear not profanely : But su^h is the Profaneness of even our Chris- tian Nation, that a " Man can hardly pass the Streets" (as Arch- bishop Tillotson observes) " without having his Ears grated, and pierced with horrid, and blaspliemous Oaths, and Curses, as are enough, if we were guilty of no other Sin, to sink a Nation." These give Beputation to the general Character of this People, That where the Europeans, or Mahometans, have not corrupted them, tliey are very innocent, moral, and courteous ; and more so, with Shame be it spoken, than most Nations, who have all the Advantages of a liberal and Christian Ediication. There is yet one Observation inore, which, we hope, will not be thought improper here ; which is, That our Author's many Deliverances are glorious and wonderful Displays of tlie Good- ness and Power of divine Providence, and give him, no doubt, an awakeniiuj Sense of his obstinate Disobedience to the Will and 38 PBEFAGE. Intreaties of his tender Parents and Friends; who so miich and often pressed him to lay aside those wilful Besolutions of his first Voyage to the East Indies ; wherein we may see the Marks both of divine Displeasure and Goodness, tlie first in his Ship- wreck and Slavery ; tlie other in his Delivery or Release from tlience. All which may serve as a Lesson to the Youth of future Generations to beware, lest by their Disobedience and obstinate forcing themselves from the Care of their Parents, or Friends, they bring upon themselves those Miseries and Misfortunes, which occasion a too late Bepentance. MADAGASOAE: OE, EOBEKT DEUEY'S JOUENAL During Fifteen Years' Captivity on that Island. Y design in the ensuing history is to give a plain and honest narrative of matters of fact ; I shall not, therefore, make use of any artful inventions or borrov?ed phrases to lengthen or embellish it ; nor shall I offer any other reflections than what naturally occurred from my many uncommon and surprising adventures. And, I hope, it will not be improper to acquaint my readers that I was not fourteen years of age when these miseries and misfortunes first befell me ; so that my youth, as well as ignorance of the Madagascar language, rendered me incapable of making those m.any curious observations which one of a riper age and better judgment (freed from slavery) might have done with less difficulty and to much greater advantage. For I, Eobert Drury, was born on the 24th of July, in the year 1687, in Crutched Friars, London, where my father then lived, but soon after removed to the Old Jewry, near Cheapside, where 40 MABAQASGAB: OB, he was well known and esteemed for keeping that noted house called " The King's Head," or otherwise distinguished by the name of the " Beefsteak House " ; and to which there was all my father's time a great resort of merchants and gentlemen of the best rank and character. Notwithstanding aU the education my father bestowed on me, I could not be brought to think of any art, science, trade, business, or profession of any kind whatsoever but going to sea ; and as soon as I was capable of answering any questions propounded to me concerning what business or profession my genius led me to, I discovered no inclination to anything but the sea. And I well remember that, from eleven years of age, my mind had ta,ken such an unhappy bent this way that it grew with my stature, and at length became an obstinate reso- lution ; and not aU the tender insinuations of my dear and indulgent mother, though she once entreated me on her knees, nor the persuasions of my tender father and other friends, could make any impression on me. When they found their endeavours were in vain, they then tried another method, and, by a seeming compliance with my desire, did propose, and would have procured, a short voyage for nie, hoping that the dangers I should be liable to and the hardships I should see others suffer, would terrify me from persisting in that course of life. But such was my unhappy obstinacy, that nothing would serve me but what was for my ruin, and Providence herein justly punished my disobedience by granting me the foolish choice I had wickedly made in direct opposition to my duty and the earnest entreaties of my friends. Thus did this perverseness of mind bring along with it its own pains and punishment. Nothing but an East India voyage would serve my turn, for no other reason that I know of but because I had a cousin at Bengal, whose name was John Steel, in the New East India Company's Service — it being before, the Companies were united. My father showed his care and tenderness for me by his manner of fitting me out, plentifully supplying me with the usual extraordinary provisions and all other necessaries for the voyage ; besides these, I had a cargo to the value of a hundred pounds, which was a very sufficient one for a boy of BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 41 my age. I went as a passenger, well recommended to Captain William Younge. My passage and freight of cargo were agreed for, and we embarked. The ship which Captain Youage commanded in this unfortu- nate voyage was the Degrave, of 700 tons burthen, and mounted 52 guns. I am not going to give an accorfnt of any of the common occurrences of the voyage, or to take notice of more than two or three extraordinary accidents, and of what only is necessary to lead to my purpose, which is the history of our fate on Madagascar in our return homeward, together with my own miseries and variety of fortune during fifteen years' space in that scarce known though large country. We passed through the Downs on Feb. 19, 1701, when Admiral Bembo * (whose son, Mr. John Bembo, was fourth mate of our ship) lay there with the squadron of ships under his command bound to the West Indies ; and we arrived at Port St. George in the East Indies in three months and twenty days from the Downs, having stopped in our passage one week at the Canaries, and came to an anchor there in the evening. We had on board Monsieur Lapie, a jeweller, and his son, who went designedly to settle there ; and one would have thought, being so near the end of his voyage, he had great reason to hope, or rather to be assured, he had obtained his desire, the ship being safe at anchor in sight of the place, and within half a dozen miles. But see how Providence disap- points us and interrupts our designs ! and what an adverse and merciless fate directed and accompanied this unhappy ship and aU concerned in it ! The barge was hoisted out the next morning in order to put these unfortunate people on shore ; we rode about two leagues off. They put off, and we did not expect their return till the next day ; but about eight o'clock at night a voice was heard hailing the ship. It surprised our people, but some of them soon knew it to be the voice of Joseph Chamberlain, who was one of the barge's crew. They hoisted out the pinnace, and rowing towards the voice, found him swimming on an oar, who * This is confirmed in Dr. John CampbeH's " Lives of the British Admirals," 1779. 42 MADAGASCAS : OR, told us that as soon as they came to the bar a great sea stnack them on the larboard side, and upset her. He could see nothing of what became of the rest of the company, and sup- posed they were all drowned : for the current set to seaward, but he, being a good swimmer, and -with the help of one of the boat's oars which he happened on, made shift to fetch within call of the ship. We immediately hung a Ught on the top- mast head to guide others, if, happily, any. had been like him alive and swimming ; but no more of them were ever seen or heard of. There perished by this disaster Mr. John Lapie, his son, and their cook, the coxswain and nine of the boat's crew. They had also with them very considerable effects in goods, silver, &c., to some thousand pounds value. Two days after we weighed anchor, and sailed to Masla- patan, where we stayed a month, and from thence to Bengal, My cousin hearing I was arrived, came on board to see me, and to take me and my effects on shore with him ; but my father had a more prudent regard to my welfare than I cotdd be capable of at those years, for my cousin being only a pilot, my father had desired Captain Younge to inform himself of Ms circumstances, fortune, and reputation, and if he found him not of sufficient ability or honesty to be entrusted with me and my effects, that he should not let me go on shore to him. The captain performed the trust my father committed to him very honourably, and would not let me go with my kinsman ; but took my cargo and disposed of it himself, and bought me in return the commodities of the country, and would have brought me back again according to his contract with my father, had Providence permitted him. My cousin soon after our arrival died, and we had a great mortality amongst our ship's crew, for during our stay here, which was nine months, we buried above forty of our people. The chief mate was the first of note, and about a month after him Captain Younge himself died of a fever, happy at least in this, that he died in peace, and lived not to bear his part in the many miseries which his son and we underwent afterwards; for this son being second mate, and the chief mate being ah-eady dead, and now the captain his father, he became captain of course, so that there was still a Captain Younge. ROBERT DRURY'S JOURNAL. 43 The only good which I got at Bengal, and which proved of any advantage to me afterwards, was that I here learnt to swim, which has two or three times since saved my life and liberty ; and I attained to be so great a proficient in swimming by the help of good companions, that it was a common prac- tice for half a dozen of us to tie a rupee apiece (which is about the value of 2s. 6d. English) in a handkerchief about our middles, and swim four or five miles up or down the river, and when we came on shore the Gentees or Moors would lend us clothes to put on while we stayed. Thus we used to sit and regale ourselves for a few hours with arrack punch and a dinner, and then swim back again. Our business being at length finished at Bengal, we sailed from thence, and had at that time about 120 hands on board, besides two women and myself, and a few other passengers. As we were going down the river our ship ran aground and stuck fast, but a very strong tide running it turned her round, and the next high-water we got off, and as we then thought vrithout damage; but when we came to sea she proved so leaky that we were forced to keep two chain-pumps • con- tinually going. We were two months in this condition. At length we reached Mauritius,* which is an island in the lati- tude of 16i South and to the eastward of Madagascar, in- habited by the Dutch, who very civilly treated and assisted us vdth all that was in their power. We made a tent on shore, in which we stowed a great part of our cargo, for we took out as many of our goods as we could to search for the leak, but could not find it. Captain Boon, a pirate, had been here about two months before, he having just then plundered a very rich Moorish ship, and had taken out of her fifty Lascars (for that is the name which our English seamen call these Moorish people by). Boon left his own ship on this island, and the pirates were glad to make a small sloop of their long-boat, to get off the island with, and were therefore forced to leave the Lascars behind them. These people we took with us, thinking they , * Mauritius is in 20° S. latitude. The island was abandoned by the Dutch soon afterwards, and taken possession of by the French in 1715. 44 MADAGASCAB: OB, would be of use and save our hands from returning so often to the pump, they having for two months before but little rest. We found here veiy good fish, turtle, goats, and some beef. We stayed about a month and then departed, -shaping our eom-se directly for the Cape of Good Hope. The leak gained upon us more and more, and we had much ado to keep her above water. Our men were all tired and spent with continual labour, pumping and baling night and day. When by our reckoning we were 100 leagues to the southward of Madagascar, we heaved overboard several of our guns and heavy goods to lighten her. The captain was for keeping on his course to the Cape, but the ship's company were all against it, being of opinion that they could not make her swim long enough, judging themselves at that time about 600 leagues from it and but 100 from Madagascar, which was the nearest land. With much difficulty they at length prevailed with the captain to put back to Madagascar. The wind favouring us, the third day, in the morning, they sent me and the captain's boy up to the masthead to look out for land, since they could spare nobody else. In such extremity of Hfe and death, my being a passenger was not considered, and accordingly I went up, and sat there two hours and a half before I spied anything like land ; and when I first saw it I told my companion, but not being sure would not call out, for the case was of such consequence that there was no trifling nor amusing them with vain hopes. However, at length I plainly discovered a white cliff and a smoke at a distance from the chff. I then cried out, " Land ! land ! " Several then ran up the shrouds, and even the captain him- self, to see it. One amongst them knew the land, and said it was Port Dauphine, and that the king of that part of the island was at enmity ^vith all white men, and treated aU the Em-opeans he met with very barbarously, the reason of which and a short history of King Samuel -■'■ (for that was his name), I shaU have occasion hereafter to mention. This information * The king's name, writes Mr. Hoble in 1750, was Tom Similo; according to the French pronunciation, and, ty both his and his sister's account, they were the children of an English pirate. ROBERT DRURT8 JOURNAL. 45 put us into the utmost confusion and despair, and was indeed our utter ruin. Tiie man who informed us was right, to the best of his knowledge ; for they were, indeed, enemies to the Frenchmen, and had murdered all they could find on the island, in revenge for an injury some of that country had formerly done to King Samuel, but to no other white men ; so that, had we put in there, we had at least have saved our lives and some of our cargo. But who can account for the infatua- tion of mankind when destined to their destruction ! Our fate was fixed, and we were to be destroyed in the most tragical manner, and aU our endeavours to save ourselves served only to prolong our misery. Port Dauphine* we durst not put into, for fear of faUing inmiediately into the hands of revengeful and barbarous mur- derers, as we then thought them. We could not get to the northward, the wind being north-east ; neither was there any harbour or port to the westward, but what was a week's sail to it. The western shore is steep too. Hereupon the captain resolved to steer along the western coast, and see if he could find any place fit to run her into, or put ashore with safety of our hves. We were at length pretty near the shore, but no place could be found, and her hold was now half full of water. The men went to the captain and asked him what he designed to do, for she could swim no longer. He went into the round-house for a minute or two, and when he came out he asked them if they desired he should run the ship on shore at all hazards, to which they all assented, and cried out, "Anything to save our Uves! " Now here was a sandt which ran along for two leagues. We came within a quarter of a mile of the shore, and let go an anchor first without the breakers, and then cut down all our masts and our rigging, threw our guns and goods overboard, and tried all the means * Port Dauphin, now known to the natives as Faradofay, is in 25° S. lat., at the south-east extremity of Madagascar. f Along the coast near Cape St Mary, the most southern point of Madagascar, there is a narrow strip of sandy beach of quartzose fragments. Inside of this beach are a series of sand dunes attain- ing a height of 460 feet. M. Grandidier has explored this neigh- bourhood. 46 MADAGASCAB: OB, we could to make her swim till we could get om'selves on shore. We had lost our long-boat and pinnace at Bengal, and had only one small boat left; we, therefore, made a raft with some planks and yards. There were at that tune some of the natives fishing, who, seeing us in distress, made a smoke on shore to guide and invite us; but we had heard such a bad character of the country that we could not tell what to expect from them, though we were informed this was another prince's dominions. We finished the raft in the night, and in the morning sent Mr. Prat, our chief mate, and four men in the boat, with a long rope for a warp, to fasten on the land. Here a great sea con- stantly rims on the rocks, and before they got to the land their boat was staved in pieces; but, being pretty near, by the help of some of the negroes (natives) they saved that part of the boat to which the rope was fastened. We had two Enghsh women on board, one oi themvwould not go on the raft, nor would the captain ; but the other woman, and about forty or fifty of us went. I stripped myself of all my clothes, but took two purses of money and a silver cup, and made them fast about my middle. We hauled by the rope towards the shore, but were no sooner among the breakers than the first sea turned the raft over, and washed us off ; some swam to the raft again, but were soon washed off ; the woman was drowned just by me, for I could not save her. I dived under every wave, and with great difficulty got on shore, as did everybody else who were on the raft but the woman. There was such a surf run, and the sea broke so high, that we durst not venture out to return the raft, which the captain observing, ordered the cable to be cut, and let the ship drive nearer the land, where she soon beat to pieces. The captain got on shore with his father's heart in his hand, which, according to his request when dying, was put in a bottle to be brought to England, and buried at Dover. At length they all got on shore on pieces of the ship, planks, &c., except two men who were drowned, and the woman I mentioned before. The other woman escaped, though she was so full of water as well as some others, that we were forced to roll and rub them well to make them dis- gorge the watei: ; we laid them also before a great fire made BOBEBT DBUBY'S JOUBNAL. 47 for that purpose, and in time revived them. We vyere in all with the Lascars above one hundred and sixty. The country began now to be alarmed, and we had already two or three hundred negroes about us, picking up pieces of silk and fine calico ; the muslin they regarded not. Our goods were driven ashore in whole bales, for, what with saltpetre and other things, we reckoned there might be then left three hun- dred tons, notwithstanding what we threw overboard at several times before. There was one negro brought an ox down to us, and made signs that we should kiU him. We signed to them to shoot him for us, for we had saved no ammunition; which, when one of them observed, he lent us his gun ready loaded, with which one of our men shot the bullock. It was shocking and even terrible to me to see the negroes cut the beast,* skin and flesh together, and sometimes the guts too, then toss it into the fire or ashes, as it happened, and eat it half roasted. I did not know but they would devour us so, for they seemed to me like what I had heard related of canni- bals. Everything before our eyes appeared horrid and frightful and excited most dismal thoughts and dreadful expectations. If I here discovered a httle more concern than became a man, I hope my tender years, little knowledge, and less experience, will excuse me. This tragical scene made such a deep impression on me, that when any accident brings it to my mind, I start, and am shocked with' the frightful remem- brance. If my observations are not so many, or so just and good as they should be, they must not be looked on to come from a man, but a boy; for as I grew in years, it will appear, I grew in knowledge and courage, was capable of making more proper remarks, and also of enterprising more hazardous and dangerous things. While the negroes were busy opening our bales and taking what they liked, I observed some of them regarded the iron they found more than all those goods which we call valuable; and took a great deal of pains to break any pieces of timber * " The flesh of most animals is cooked with the skin and hair on which (excepting at festivals) is Invariably tbe case with their beef " (Ellis, " Hist, of Madagascar," vol. i. p. 6). 48 MADAGASCAR: OR, they met with which had iron in them. I broke open my chest, and took out only one suit of clothes, leaving the rest to whomsoever had a mind to them. We remained thus -two days and nights without resolving on any one thing, and not knowing what to do. We were told Port Dauphine was but sixty miles from us, but the notion we had of there being a barbarous people prevented our going thither ; but this debate was soon determined for us by the Dean (as our EngUsh sailors called him), king of that part of the country. For next evening, about nine of the clock, we heard a man call out Ho-lo, at a great distance, like an Englishman (as he proved to be), who, being answered, came nearer, and asked who we were. We told him the crew of an English East-India ship, which proved so leaky that we were forced to run her in here, as the first land we could make, to save our lives. Here- upon he came to us, and being desired sat down with us by our fire, and told the captain that the king had sent him to tell us "We had no reason to fear anything, though we were in a strange country; and that he would come down hi m self the next day to see us." The captain desired him to give us what account he could of the country and the natives, and also how he came there. We all crowded about him, not so much out of curiosity to hear a novelty, as to be able to judge by his relation, what our fate was Uke to be. The circumstances of his story were so very remarkable, and so much concerned us, that I dare say, I can give it you ahnost in his own words, which were as follow : — • " I am an Englishman, born in the county of Middlesex, my parents, and everybody who should have taken care of me being dead, I went to sea very young. My first voyage was to the West Indies, but seeing much was not to be got there, I was resolved to try the East Indies, and going thither was taken by a pirate about a hundred leagues to the eastward of this island. They plundered the ship of aU her rigging, ammu- nition, and liquor ; they took me and nine men more out of her, and then let the ship go. In the time I was with them they took some rich prizes, and I seemingly joined with them. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 49 since there was no help to prevent it. We used to resort to this island for refreshments. I was soon tired of going a- pirating, and being at anchor in Mattatan Eoad,* where the canoes came off as usual to sell us rice, plantains, milk, and honey, &c. — our boat could not go ashore, there is such a great sea breaks upon the strand — ^I took this opportunity to feign myself sick and unable to stand or walk ; and sent such word to the captain (whose name I must not declare, being sworn to the contrary), desiring him to let me go on shore, hoping the land air would refresh me, to which he consented. I dressed myself, and carried as much gold and other rich things as I could stow in my pockets, but acquainted no man with my intention, because not one on board showed any inclination to leave their dangerous and villainous engagements. I stepped into the canoe with no little satisfaction, thinking myself more happy in this country, heathenish and barbarous as it is, than with my former companions. The captain sent a canoe for me, but I bade the men teU him I was not capable of going to sea any more ; and he never sent again. " I had been here about three months when Captain Drum- mond,+ a Scotchman, in a merchant ship, came to trade about the island ; three days after his arrival a pirate took him as he rode at anchor. The pirates gave Captain Drummond his own long-boat, and a few necessaries. There was one Captain Steward with Captain Drummond; him they permitted to go ashore also, and three or four hands more ; it was very calm, and the sea consequently moderate, so they got safe on shore. Here was at the same time another Englishman and his wife, who came from Sancta Maria,J who were company for me. When my companion and I saw the long-boat come on shore, and the ship sail away, we guessed the reason, and went down to meet them, and to invite them to our cottages, which were a mile from the sea-side. My companion, by the help of his wife, was better provided to entertain them than myself. We * Matitanana, in S. lat. 22°, on the east coast \ This Captain Drummond had mn away with the Bising Sun, Scot's East Indiaman in 1698-99. See Naval History of King William III., by Dr. CampbelL I The island of Ste. Marie, near AntongU Bay, a resort of pirates. i so MADAGASCAR: OB, could speak enough of the language of the country to deal with the natives for what we wanted, which was a great help to those who hut just then arrived. "Captain Drummond was very melancholy for the loss of . his ship, and his being in such a remote and barharous place, and therefore resolved to get if possible to St. Augustine Bay,* which is a place where ships often come to get fresh provisions and water. He asked us if we would go with him, to which we readily agreed. In a week's time we had got provisions enough, such as beef, rice, water, and firing, and made the long-boat tight. We were nine persons in aU with my com- panion's vsrite and one negro. " We sailed three or four days along the shore, and were got to the southward of Port Dauphine when the wind shifted and blowed so hard we could not carry sail ; so that, in short, we drove on shore within three or four leagues of this place where we now are. We saved all our lives with our money^ guns, powder, shot, &c., but the long-boat was staved in pieces. The natives, who lived near the sea, seeing us in this distress, came down to succour us, and carried us up to their town, for they found we imderstood a Uttle of their language, and having also a negro with us they were not afraid, though they never saw any white men before; and they were so civil that we wanted for nothing which they could assist us with, but they soon sent up into the country to let their Dean,t or king, know of us, who sent his son and a commanding officer with fifty men to fetch us. They were all armed with guns and lances. We refused to go with them, and were as resolute as we durst be in oppos- ing them ; but they soon made themselves masters of our ammunition. Captain Drummond was for defending ourselves to the last extremity, and not deUver our arms ; but it was my opinion that it was impossible to get o£f from them by force, because of their number ; and, therefore, advised compUanee, and see if we could not obtain our desires by softer means. * St. Augustine Bay, at the mouth of the Onilahy river, on the west coast, in lat. 23° 35', on the tropic. t " Deem." The Malagasy naine for chief or noble is " Andrian." All the old French accounts of the chiefs on the south coast mention them under the name of " Dian," BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 51 We told them we desired to go to Port Dauphine (St. Augus- tine Bay we thought too far to travel by land), but, in short, we were not at our own disposal, for they obliged us to go with them. We made it three days' travel to the principal town, where their king's residence was. When we came there and went to see him he was drinking Toake (which is made of honey and water* like mead) ; his sons and generals were with him; they were all very merry. He asked Captain Drum- mond to drink, but the captain pretended he was sick, and refused it. I was the interpreter between them; the king bade me teU him he should want for nothing which the coimtry afforded. The captain desired I would return for answer that he wanted to be in his own country, and begged he would give us leave to go where we might get shipping. On this the king, looked sternly, and said, ' Let the captain know if he does not -understand when he is well I do ; there are several kings on this island have white men live among them, and why shall not I, since our gods have sent you here ? You shall never go as long as I Uve.' As soon as Captain Drummond understood this his colour rose, and looking as sternly at the king, he replied, ' Let him know that if I could have suspected this beforehand, he should never have seen my face alive; I would have sent some of their black souls to hell. It is not their gods, it's nothing but fortune and chance has put me into his power, and by fortune I may be deUvered from him.' Here- upon he got up without taking his leave, and went to our cottage. I stayed long enough to teU the king what he had said, and without waiting for an answer got up and followed the captain. The king, seeing Captain Drummond go away in a passion, to appease him sent one of his generals with an ox for us to kill, and desired the captain to make himself easy ; we should be well provided for, if we could eat an ox every day we should have it. The captain sent my companion's wife, whose name was Deude, vnth a compliment to the king, and to thank him for the care he took to provide so plentifully for om- support ; hut vdthal to tell him, we did not think life worth preserving without freedom to enjoy it, and if we could not get home to our native country it would be no favour to let us Uve. * " Toalca," Hova name for rum or Bpirits of any kind. 52 MADAGASCAR : OB, "We continued thus about a fortnight before we made any attempt to escape. We computed ourselves to be about five days' journey from Port Dauphine, whither we at length agreed to go, and to steal away by night, and got what provision we thought proper ; ammunition or arms we had none, nor could get any, except that my companion had two pocket pistols, which the natives had not discovered when they plundered us. The country was woody, and we thought to conceal ourselves well enough in the woods. According to this resolution, on a moonlight night, we got out of the town undiscovered, and were soon in the woods. By daylight they missed us, and the news being carried to the king, he inunediately ordered us to be sought for and pursued. They soon tracked us, for our shoes distinguished our footing from that of the barefoot natives ; and, having got into our path, they came up with us just before night, and knowing we had nothing to defend our- selves, did not offer any violence to us, but told us we must go back with them to their king. Captain Drummond told them we would not go back, when they saw our resolution and that they could not persuade us with fair words, they took hold of us. They who seized my companion, not having hold of both his hands, he had an opportunity to take out his pistol, with which he shot one of them and wounded him. They seemed enraged at this, however they did nothing to us but bind us till they had made a strict search, for fear we should have con- cealed more pistols ; but no more being found than these of my companion's, they marched back with us to their king. When he saw us, he looked upon us with a frowning and threatening face ; and he having but one eye and thin jaws, his countenance, when he frowned, seemed more terrible. He bade me tell the captain and all of them that if ever we offered to run away again he would make us repent it. As to the man who was wounded, and for the doing of which we had some fear, neither he nor anybody else said anything about it. " This was about two months ago ; since that time nothing remarkable has happened till yesterday news came of your being cast away, and the king immediately ordered me down mth the message which I have delivered to you from him. My friends are guarded for fear they should make their escape and come BOBEBT DBUBT8 JOUBNAL. 53 to you ; as for me, I sweeten him and tell him I wiU remain with him as long as I live, and he puts some confidence in me. This, sir, is a true account of the misfortunes and miseries we are under ; and which, I am afraid, will be more now our numbers are increased." Sam having made an end of his story, which everybody listened to very attentively, we separated and went with heavy hearts to our respective quarters, which were under the bushes. It was very late, and we endeavoured to repose ourselves as weU as we could ; the pieces of muslin served us to spread on the ground for beds, but as for my part I slept not at all. Now my wicked obstinacy appeared to my view, and my tender mother begging me on her knees not to go to sea, gave me the most distractiag torture. I could see my error now, and repent ; but who could I blame but myself ? Here were many poor men who had no other way to live, but I had no such necessity ; I wilfully run into misery, and I had it. Tears I might and did shed enough, but could not complain of fate or providence, for my punishment was just though terrible. As soon as daylight appeared we were all up, and most of ndy feUow-sufferers got no more rest than I, for the man's relation had made lis give over aU hopes of relief, and nothing but lamentation, distress, . and despair appeared in aU its dismal various forms, in every man according to their different consti- tutions. We could save neither arms nor ammunition, the want of which finished our destruction, for near one hundred and seventy people would have made their way through that part of the country where we wanted to travel, had we where- withal to defend ourselves ; but fate had ordained it to be as it was, which was in every respect in the worst manner it could have been. So that we had only our lives left us for no other use but to be sensible of pain, misery, and perpetual slavery, which was the best we could then expect. About one o'clock in the afternoon the king came down with about two hundred negroes. They brought no firearms with them, for fear we should snatch them, but they were armed with lances. When we saw them coming towards us, we all stood together in a body, with our captain at the head of us, fronting 64 MADA&ASCAB: OB, them. When they came near he called Sam, which was the man's name he sent to us, and asked him which was our captain. Being showed him he came to him and took him by the hand and said, " Salamouger,* Captain," which is a common term of salutation, like saying " Yom- servant, sir." The cap- tain returned him the same answer, Sam having before told Viim what was proper to say to the king. He brought with him four large bullocks, six callabashes of toak, ten baskets of potatoes, and two pots of honey — these he presented to our captain, and gave us also two or three earthen pots to boil our meat and other victuals in. "We immediately roasted the potatoes. He stayed two hours with us before he went to the cottage where he designed to he -that night, and asked several questions about our ship, and the manner of her being lost. He told the captain he was sorry for his misfortune and loss, though in my opinion he was glad of it ; for he was, as I found afterwards, more brutish and dishonest than most of the other kings on the island, and his whole nation were clothed for many years out of the goods they saved from our vsreck. He said nothing at this time to our captain of carrying us up to his residence. The next morning he came to visit us again, and then he told us we must prepare to go along with him to his town, and there he would plentifully provide for us, and we should want for nothing the country afforded. Captain Younge bid the interpreter tell the king he retm-ned him a thousand thanks for the civihties he had already received, and that he was not only unable to make him satisfaction, but very unwilling to put him to the fm'ther trouble and charge of maintaining so many people. The king rephed that if we were as many more he should not think us a trouble or charge, for he should be sufficiently recompensed by the honom- of having so many white men in his dominions. The captain, by this last speech, perceived his whole intention, which so shocked him that he could not tell what to say to him ; but after considering a Uttle and looking earnestly at Sam he * Salwma = health, happiness, peace. The Oriental " Salam," only used on the west coast. The " Salamanga " is an incantation to drive away evil spirits ; a ceremony in use by the Sakalava. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 65 bade him say that we have wives, children, and relations who wunt us and we them ; that it is impossible for us to live here always, and therefore we desire he wiU let us go to some port where we may meet with ships and retm-n to our native couii|;ry. The king stood a good while before he answered again, but at length he bid Sam tell us that we should stay in his country till some ships came there to trade, and then we should go home. The captain, knowing there was no port in his dominions, nor any harbour for a ship to put into, took it to be only a trick and a compliment, for we might stay for ever before a ship came there to trade. He therefore bade Sam tell him he would think of it and return him an answer to-morrow, upon this the king departed and gave us no more trouble that day. After he was gone the captain called us aU together, and in a very moving speech addressed himself to us, saying, " I am now on an equality with every man here present, my fortune as low, and my Hfe no more to be valued ; I, therefore, do not I pretend to command, but to consult with you what is proper to be done in the present extremity." He further said, " I am happy in this, that though my own life and liberty are lost as well as yours, yet nothing of this misfortune is owing to me ; for I would rather have kept on my comrse to the Cape of Grood Hope, and trusted providence in a leaky ship than put in here, but you were all against it ; ior, in my opinion, death is much rather to be preferred to our present slavery, and what we are further threatened vnth. In death our miseries wiU have an end, but now who can tell the troubles and torments we shaU. yet undergo? " (At this the tears stood in his eyes.) " I desire you to consider," said he, " that we have no arms nor ammunition wherewith to defend om-selves, and I have endeavoured to persuade the king to give us a passage through his country to a seaport, but all in vain ; therefore," says he, " think of it, and consult your own safety as well as you can, only agree in -one mind, and I am ready to do anything you would have me. As for my life I set no value upon it ; it is not now worth preserving only to try if I can serve you •mth it. Eemember, I must return an answer to-morrow morning, and I will advise nothing nor do anything myself." We went together and consulted, as the captain advised, and 66 MAJDAGASCAB : OE, soon agreed ; for there was, indeed, not much choice to be made. The king had refused to give us leave to go to a seaport, and we had no arms to fight and to force our way if we could have found it ; so we resolved to go quietly up the country with the king, where, perhaps, we should see Captain Druicmond and the other people, who, being gallant and resolute men, and by this time a little acquainted with the natives, might be capable of advising us. With this resolution we acquainted the captain, who was very well contented with it ; for, indeed, he did not much care what became of himself since he had lost his ship and fortune, and despaired of ever getting o£f the island. The next morning the king came to visit the captain ; they saluted each other as usual and sat down together upon the sand, we standing round them. When they were seated the king . bid Sam ask the captain whether he was ready to travel, for it would be best to walk in the cool of the morning and rest at noon. The captain .observed that he did not ask whether he had a mind to go, as might be reasonably expected, seeing he pretended to give him time to consider of it, but peremptorily asked it he was ready to go. The captain seeing there was no help, and having our consent, it signified nothing to dispute it ; BO he told Viim we were ready to go when he pleased. At this the king seemed very weU satisfied, and bid Sam teU us he would go and breakfast, and advised us to do so too, that we might be the better able to travel. But we had Uttle satisfaction in eating and drinking, espe- cially now the hour was come that we must leave the seaside ; and it galled us to the quick, to think how we were forced up the country at the pleasure of heathenish negroes, hke a flock of sheep, vnthout power to make terms for ourselves hke men. Some cursed, and others lamented their hard fortune, nor were reflections wanting. For my part, I could not then see any reason to blame anybody ; only I have since thought that our captain was young, and had not so much experience as his father, who, perhaps, would not have put to sea from Mauritius in a leaky ship, but have took the Company's cargo out, and left it there tUl they sent another ship for it, and saved all our lives ; however it was as it pleased Fate ! BOBERT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 57 The king sent, and tlie word was given to go. I was always ready, for I would carry nothing with me but what I brought ashore ; but many of our people took pieces of silk and fine caUco. We assembled together, and went where the king's tent was. We were no sooner come but he was for marching. We left the sea with heavy hearts, looking very wishfully back as long as we could discern it ; and as often as we did, we could see the negroes hard at work, breaking up our bales, and enriching themselves with the plunder of our goods ; for there was so much to be got, that but few went back with the king. Our people were in very indifferent ease for travelling; every- body tired with working and want of rest ; many lamed with hurts received in getting on shore : some also without shoes, and most with bad ones. Then the country near the seaside and some few miles further is woody,* full of short underwood and thorny shrubs, which tore our clothes to rags, for the path was very narrow, and before this accident but httle practised. The ground also sandy, so that when the sun was advanced pretty high, it scorched our feet that we were not able to walk. About noon we came to one of their small mean villages, consisting of about eight or ten houses, or rather huts, for they were not above six or seven feet high, and eight or nine feet long, and their doors not above three or four feet high. Our people crept into these hovels to rest, and to see what they could meet with to refresh themselves. Some found honey, some milk, others beef ; for the king had given us leave to take whatsoever came to hand of eatables. The inhabitants were all absent, the men down at the seaside making advantage of our vnreck, and the women and children fled into the woods at our approach. We passed through several of these poor villages, but saw few or none of the people. Here we reposed ourselves till the heat of the sun was abated, making a very poor retaUa- tion on them by robbing them of trifles, while they were enriching themselves out of our most valuable commodities. However, I observed some of our people seemed a little to gratify their revenge in it. * The dunes here are covered, says M. Grandidier, here and there with prickly bushes, whose dull grey foliage is barely distinguishable from the soil out of which they spring. 58 MADAGASCAB: OB, In the cool of the afternoon we marched again, and in a little time came to a more open country and better path. The king having now got us some miles from the sea, left us, and went before to his seat, leaving us to march as we could in our own time, having before taken care that we should not want pro- visions, and left his (chief of&cer, whom though of a petty army, we shall call) general strict orders to provide whatsoever we wanted, which the country would afford. At night we came to another of these little villages,* where we killed a bullock, and got some earthen pots to boil our meat in. The water was very dirty, they having none but what they fetched a great way out of holes and pits in the woods, and kept in calabashes or long tubs, which hold four or five gallons each. However it served our turn, for then we were not curious. We reposed ourselves as well ag we could on the ground, and rose the next morning by dayUght, Sam calling on us to march in the cool of the morning. We eat a breakfast of beef without any bread kind, or roots in the room of bread, and the meat fuU of sand ; but at that time eating and drinking was the least of our care. We passed this day much after the same manner as the day before, only with a little more difficulty to those who wanted shoes, whose feet were sorely pricked and hurt in the woods. The third day of our march we reached to our journey's end. We were forced to walk faster this day than either of the former, having more ground to travel, and less time to do it in ; for we were to be at the king's town before sunset. This day I lost one of my purses, but the loss was not of any importance to me then ; for it would have been of Uttle use had I kept it. Yet in aU this great concern, where my life and Uberty were in such imminent danger, it was no small addition to my trouble to lose a medal which my mother had given me at our parting as a token to remember her. The residence of this king is about fifty miles from the * In the vicinity of these Tandroy villages alone are small planta- tions of cactus-like plants (Mesembryanthemum edule). The fruits of these and other succulent tubercles are the principal resource of the unfortunate inhabitants of this dreary region, who are destitute of water and cereals for several months of the year {Grandidier). BOBEBT i)BUBTS JOUBNAL. 59 seaside ; for I suppose, we might travel sixteen or seventeen miles a day. It stands in a wood, and is secm-ed in a par- ticxdar manner with trees aU round it, which seem to have been planted there when very young. They grow very straight and tall, and so near together, that a small dog can't pass between them. They are also naturally armed with large strong thorns, so that there's no breaking through nor chmbing over. There are but two passages, or gates, no wider than for two to go abreast, one of these to the northward and the other to the southward. The whole in compass is about a mile. When we came near we halted, whilst Sam went to acquaint the king of our coming, who ordered us to stay till he had made himself ready to receive lis ; our captain too put us into form as well as he could, ordering aU our baggage and things which our people brought with them to be laid down under a tamarind tree, and three or four Lascars to look after it. He soon sent for us, and we marched in order by fours. The king was sitting on a mat cross-legged in the open air, just before the door of his house, having a gun leaning on his shoulder, and a brace of pistols lying by him ; his sons and kinsmen in the same manner sitting on the ground on each hand with guns and lances ; his people joining them on both sides, forming together a halt-moon. They, too, were most of them armed vyith guns and lances. There were mats spread from one end of the people to the other for us to sit on, so that when we had joined them, the whole assembly made almost a circle. We were a little concerned to see them all armed, tiU Sam told us it was their custom never to go from one house to another without their guns and lances. After we were seated, the king (by Sam) bid the captain welcome, and sent for ten calabashes of toake ; six he gave to our people, three to his own, and one he kept betwixt our captain and himself. He also sent for Captain Drummond, Captain Steward, and the rest of their company. Captain Younge arose to sa.lute them, and the common civihties being over, the captains sat by each other. The king ordered a servant to pour out some toake into a clean earthen cup, which he had for himself, and drank it up without any form of com- pliment by drinking to anybody ; but ordered some to be 60 MADAGASGAB: OB, poured out for our captain in another cup that was dirty, which our captain refused. The king asked the reason of it, and was told by Sam, that it was because it was dirty ; so the king sent a man to wash it. The captain asked for the king's cup, but Sam informed him that neither black nor white ever drank out of his cup, not even his wives or children ; and this is the general custom of the country. When I saw the servant returning with the cup washed, which our captain had refused, I took out my silver cup and presented it to him. After we had aU drank out of it, the king desired to see it, and was so wonderfully deUghted with it, that he begged it. But the captain told him it was none of his own, it belonged to a boy that was behind him. I called to Sam, and desired him to teU the king, that, " seeing so many people had drank out of it, I did conceive it could not be proper for his use." At this he, and his people too, laughed heartily. He desired me to stand up that he might see me ; however I kept my cup this time. Night drawing on he took his leave, ordering us a bullock for our supper. He would not trust us all to he in the town, there were but few of us lay within the gates, besides our captain, Mr. Prat, our chief mate, Mr. Bembo, our second mate, and myself. We had a hutch ordered us next to Captain Drummond and his companions, but the rest of the people lay without the gate under the trees. After this manner we Uved for a few days. I know not what particular amusements some of our people found to pass away their melancholy hours ; but there occurred to me an affair of a most agreeable and surprising nature, and which many would have made a much better use than I did. " This king had a daughter, a girl, as one might guess, about thirteen or fourteen years of age, and she used to talk often to me a great while together, though I did not understand a word she said. She seemed to be very desirous I should apprehend her meaning, but she was modest, and used no unhandsome gestures to explain any loose incUnations, and no such thing came into my head ; so that our conversation on my side tended to nothing, which she at length perceiving, sent Sam to me one day, to desire I would come to her nurse's house, where she was brought up, and eat something with her. I went along BOBEBT DRUBTS JOUBNAL. 61 witli him, and when we came there, I found a mat spread on one side of the house, on which she desired us to sit ; and ordered one of her slaves to boil some Guinea corn and milk, and roast some beef. She sat down over against me, and though I had no notion of love, yet I could not help observing a particular softness in her speaking to me ; and when she asked Sam of our misfortunes, she showed a great deal of concern and pity, and looked at me with some uncommon pleasure, as people do at pictures which please them, and stared me almost out of countenance. I thought she was resolved to know me again, she remarked me so all over. She was wondrous courteous and obUging, and often sighed vrith pity at the sense she seemed to have of our miserable condition. I looked upon her to be a good-natured creature, and that curiosity more than love had made her desirous of being acquainted with a white man, which is so strange a sight in their country. We were just entering into the best part of the conversation, and our interpreter had begun at her request, to tell me the reason of her extraordinary courtesy and observa- tion of me, when her mother came to the door, and asked her to take a walk without the gates to see the white men. I was concerned at this interruption, and she seemed much more vexed at it herself ; but it would have been imprudent to have refused her mother's request ; so she went with her mother, and we returned. Sam told me she had ordered him to ac- quaint me that she was in love with me ; but charged him to say nothing of it to any other man, either white or black. I was strangely surprised at this plain declaration, and that this was the end of her coveting so much of my company. Since I came to be a man, I have wondered at the thoughts of my own stupidity, so as to put a young lady to the expense of acquaint- ing me vrith her love, and exposing herself to another man. I have nothing to offer in excuse, but that being a youth not sixteen years of age, the discovery of so great a secret created in me more fear than love, lest the consequences of this affair might prove fatal to me. The same night she sent again for me, and I went accordingly, and there behaved myself with all the decency and good manners, as policy and gratitude for her civilities obUged me to. I knew she was the king's favourite. 62 MADAGASOAB : OB, and that he dearly loved her. I was, therefore, more fearful of disobliging her, lest she might tell her father what story she pleased and destroy me. At length I found she was afraid of her father's knowing it ; so that I looked on myself to be in danger on both sides, and for this reason, when Sam told me she desired my company again the next night, I pretended myself to be very sick, and unable to go ; so that this affair which might have afforded much pleasure to some others, proved to me, in my then circumstances, a matter of vexation and trouble ; but two days after an end was put to our amour, if I may call it so. Every morning we used to go in a body and visit the king; tUl one morning he bid Sam tell ns that he had a very potent enemy to the westward, who had hitherto been too powerful for him ; but since his gods had sent him some white men, he would take this opportunity once more to try his strength with our assistance ; but in the meantime he must distribute us among his sons, who lived at other towns, as well for more convenient provisions for such a number of us (there not being room enough in this town) as to ease himself of a charge too great and troublesome for him alone to sustain. He also sent to me this night to beg the cup, which I did not refuse him, knowing it was in his power to take it by force. This parting was a terrible blow to us, and we returned to our cottages with heavy hearts, knowing i£ we could not find some way to prevent our separation, there remained for us no hopes of ever getting off the island. Hereupon the three captains, viz., Drummond, Steward, and Younge, entered immediately into a consultation with a few only of the chief of our people, to consult what was proper to be done on this emergent occasion, and to make some attempt for our precious hberty. It was Captain Drummond, as I heard afterwards, who proposed to take the king prisoner, and by that means to make their own terms with the people. Now, Captain Drummond and some others were experienced men, and of gallant enterprising spirits ; our captain had courage enough, but he was too young. However, everybody approved the proposition, and the time and manner of the execution was fixed. I was too yoimg to be of the council, so ROBERT DRPRTS JOURNAL. 63 I will not pretend to relate wliat reasons were given for and against the proposal, though I was told afterwards. But that night I was wholly ignorant ; I observed Captain Younge and Mr. Bembo to talk with great earnestness, but softly, and with caution. However, I slept sound, till I was waked in the morning by a great and sudden noise in the town, occasioned by the putting their plot in execution. Our people went as usual, early in the morning, to visit the king (by what mistake it came to pass that I was not called I know not), when some of them were got to the prince's house, the signal was given by one of Captain Drummond's men firing a pistol, at which the king was seized and his son at the same time. This immediately alarmed the whole town ; I started up and jumped out as I lay, without shoes, being frightened at the sudden cry and uproar. Not knowing what was the matter, and seeing the negroes running out of the town, I ran with them, tiU I was espied by one of our men, who called me back ; and I was as much amazed as the natives to see the king, his wife, and one of his sons, with their hands tied behind them, and guarded by our people. They soon plundered the king's house, and every other place where they could find anything fit for their purpose. We happened to ■ find about thirty small arm's, some powder and shot, and some got lances. The. people, as I before observed, ran out of this town, but they did it only to gather more strength, for they soon alarmed the country and returned with great nmnbers from all the neighbouring towns and besieged us. They fired in upon us and wounded one of our men in the groin, on which Captain Younge bid Sam tell the king if they fired an}"^ more they would immediately kill him. When the king heard their resolution, he called to his men arid desired them to forbear firing, if they had a mind to save his life. This attempt, indeed, was bold and hazardous, and some, perhaps, may think it criminal ; howbeit, I shall say hut httle in its defence. Yet, since I have arrived to years of maturity, I cannot but reflect that if nature, even in a Christian country, will rebel against principle, what will it not do for life and liberty under heathenism ! However, at length we put ourselves in order, and marched 64 MADAGASCAB: OB, out of the town ; six men armed marched in the front, and in the hody, where the king was, six went armed before him and six behind; three before his son and three behind him, and six brought up the rear, in which were the Lascars. Captain Younge, out of pity, released the queen, and let her go whither she pleased ; but she would not leave her husband. By that time we had got about four miles on our march, the wounded man fainted, and we could not stay to make pro- vision to carry him, but were forced to leave him by the side of a pond of water, where, as I was afterwards informed, they soon put him out of his pain by sticking their lances in almost every part of his body. About two or three miles further, we got out of the woods and found ourselves in a large open plain * where we could see all around us, and soon found that our enemies were near and numerous, threatening immediately to attack us. We faced towards them, our armed men in the front, and the king bound before them. Sam was ordered to tell him, that they did not design to hurt either him or his son, nor to carry them to their enemies' country; that our design was only to detain them as pledges for our safeguard while we passed through his dominions, and as soon as we came to the borders of Port Dauphine country we would let them go again, and give them back the arms and ammunition we took from them ; but if any violence was offered to us we would sacrifice them, and this we desired him to tell his people. Upon which he called one of his generals and bid him not be afraid to come to him, for he should receive no harm. Accordingly he left his gun and lance behind and came to us, where he was assured by us and the king of our intention; hereupon he told us there should not be a gun fired at us while we kept the king aUve and used him well. When this parley was over, we continued our march through the plain till near evening, many without shoes as well as mj'self, and some sick, which obhged us to take up our * M. Grandidier traversed here a vast plain, covered only -with stunted vegetation ; not a hillock, not a tree was to be seen. He could not recall to mind throughout his extensive travels his having ever met with such a desolate plateau. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 65 quarters sooner than we would have done, so that everybody was faint and glad to rest themselves. The king bid Sam to tell us that he had ordered an ox to be brought to us by-and- by. We made a round trench hie a ring, in the midst of which we placed the black king and his son ; our captain and some few others were appointed to guard them ; our armed men were divided into four parties, as might best secure us. We had just finished our camp, when the officer who had been with us came, and three men with him, bringing a buUock. He brought some roasted meat in his hand and a horn of water for the king, so we loosed his and his son's hands that they might feed themselves. They ate a Mttle and gave the rest to Captain Younge. In the meantime we were busy in killing the ox ; we desired the king to send some of his people into the woods for some fuel, which he readily did, and they soon brought us a sufficient quantity. But all this while we had no water, which we as much wanted as meat, and complained to the king, who told us there was none to be got near that place by some nules ; that which was given him in the horn being brought from that pond where we left the wounded man, which we guessed might be about ten nules' distance. This very much disheartened us, for we were parched up with thirst, the more increased by the fatigue of our long march and the heat of the country. However, there was no help for us, and bear it we must. When the king and his son had supped, we bound their hands before them, that they might sleep as easy as they could; so we, after having cut up our buUoek, and divided it amongst us, broiled and eat it, though with little satisfaction for want of water ; * and when we had made as good a supper as our miserable circumstances would admit of, we also endeavoured to repose ourselves. The three captains agreed to watch by turns, and divided our people into three parties for that purpose. The king desired his wife to go home and comfort his children, particularly recommending to her care his beloved daughter. She went at his request, but wept at parting, as did also the king and his son. We who * These coasts, says M. Grandi.Uer, are almost entirely destitute of water, and the plateau above the dunes is not much better provided. 5 66 MADAGASCAR: OB, were not on the watch lay down, and a wretched night we had, for it was a stony ground and little grass ; but our thirst increasing was the most intolerable misery of all. By dayhght we arose, which was the second day of our travel, and the better to strengthen ourselves for our journey, we eat some of the remains of our beef ; but it was a miser- able repast without drink. However, we put ourselves in order as the day before and went forwards. The natives, who all this while observed our motions, seeing us moving they moved too, but kept at a greater distance, and went into our camp after we had left it to see what they could find; and they did not wholly lose their labour, for many of our people were glad to leave half those India goods they brought out of the town behind them, that they might travel the better. We walked with more ease half this day than the day before, it proving cloudy weather and cool. About noon, the general, who was with us before, came with some roast meat, and a horn of water for the king and his son, and fed them, for we did not loose their hands. The general bid Sam ask the captains if they would release the king for six guns. I per- ceived there was a debate between them and Mr. Bembo what to do. Some thinking the six guns would be of great use to us, especially seeing we should stiU have the king's son. Others were of opinion that it would be safer for us to keep the king ; but it was at last agreed to part- with him. We told the general if they would give us six very good guns and promise not to follow us, but return back with their king, we would let him go, and that as soon as we came to the river Manderra,* which parted his dominions from those of Port Dauphine, we would release the king's son and leave with him all their arms behind us. The general was surprised at this unexpected condescension of our people, and despatched away one of his men to the king's other sons, who were not far off with their army, to acquaint them of it ; they soon sent the six guns, for in half an hour's time they returned to us Avith them. They made * The river Mandrere, wliich separates tlie province of Androy, or Antandroy, from Anosy, the province in which Fort Dauphin is situate. ROBERT DRURTS JOURNAL. 67 the more haste, fearing our minds should change. We de- tained them no longer in suspense than while we took the guns to pieces to see whether they were good, and finding them better than we could have expected in such a country, we released their king and sent him away with the general. He took his leave of the prince and went to his army. We were so very near as to see the ceremony of his sons meeting him at that time, who fell down and embraced his knees with great earnestness, shedding tears for joy; after they had kissed and licked his knees and legs for five or six minutes, they arose to give his head officers an opportunity of doing the same, and after them many others, all of whom expressed a most sincere and passionate affection to him in this manner, and showed excessive joy at receiving him again ; they then fell to shouting, hallowing, and firing their guns to declare their great satisfaction. We could not help stopping to see this scene, which being a little over, we marched forward, though after a poor manner, for though it continued cloudy, yet the afternoon was sultry hot, and our thirst increasing, our people began to be sensibly weaker and weaker ; but the captains walked slowly on, which made our travelling something easier. We asked the prince if there was no water near, who told us there was none to be got till we came to Manderra river, which we could not reach that night. We made him our guide, though it was not easy for us to miss the way, for we had informed ourselves from the natives that the plain we were in was long, and of no great breadth in proportion to the length, but extended itself near east and west to the river. When we came to a sandy place, it being pretty near sunset, we halted and formed our camp, which was somewhat softer to lie on than our former night's. The natives, seeing us begin to encamp, they also formed theirs. They divided themselves into six parties, and so ordered the matter that they very near surrounded us, which did not a little daunt us. However, we appointed the watch as before ; but, to our misfortune, here were neither meat nor water, and we almost parched to death, and to so great an extremity were we reduced that we crawled on the ground to Uek the dew, and this was all the means we had to moisten our lips. 68 MADAGASGAB: OB, The nest day, which was the third of our march, we rose early, and soon put forward as well as we could. The negroes, strictly observing our motions, were as ready as we ; but we placed our armed men in the front, resolving to make a push for it if they attempted to hinder us. They divided and let us pass without molestation, and we travelled aU the morning without anything remarkable, till we got to a little round hill, on which there stood a prodigious large tub, six foot high, and held, as near as might be guessed, about a hundred gallons ; this was full of toake, and our people were going to dilnk it, when Sam came and pushed it over and spilt all the liquor, asking us If we were mad, that we could not see this was designed as a plot for our destruction : for it was set in this droughty place to tempt us to drink, with design either to poison us immediately, or so to intoxicate us, that they might rescue their prince, and murder us at their pleasure. WMle we were wondering at this, the general and two or three more came towards us, and asked Sam why he spUt the toake? To which he gave him no answer, but bid him be gone about his business. The general desired to speak with the prince, and after a Uttle talk with him, ordered Sam to acquaint Captain Younge, that if he would release the prince, they would give him three of the head-men of the country in his room. The Captain told him, if he would be one himself they would agree to it. He excused himself because of his family, which, he pretended, would be distracted for him ; but he promised that his own brother, who had none, should be sent as one of the hostages. Captain Younge, who thought they followed us for nothing but their prince, and that if we released him they would go back and leave us, told the general he was content it should be so. Hereupon he hasted immediately to the army, and acquainted the other princes with it ; for the king went straight home as soon as he departed from us. We marched on, resolving to lose no time, and about an hom* after the general returned with three men, and told us he had brought his brother and two more of the chiefs of their people to ex- change for the prince ; and as to the arms we had which belonged to then- king, we might, when vye had done with BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 69 them, leave them, according to our promise, with these three men, who would take care to have them fetched home. We took the three men, and tied their hands behind them, and then delivered the prince to him. He shook hands with our captains, and went to the army. His brethren, seeing him coming, ran to meet him, as did also many others; and there seemed to be more rejoicing for his deliverance than there was before for the king's. We proceeded on our journey as well as our feeble Umbs would carry us, without meat and drink, and soon saw Captain Younge's mistake ; for the negroes, instead of going back, came nearer to us, and some marched before us; so that we expected every minute when they would assault us. We had a young lad who lost his leg at Bengal, but had a wooden one, though well fitted, yet was he not able to keep up with us ; for we, being now surprised by their surrounding us, hastened on more than before, insomuch that we were forced to leave this poor lad behind us. We saw them as they came up with him take off his wooden leg and make sport with it, bidding biTn follow us, till at length they thrust their lances into his body, and left him wallovTing in his blood. We now saw plainly what we had to expect from them, and therefore hurried on as fast as our feeble limbs could carry us, till sunset, when we came to a large tamarind tree, which we climbed for the leaves to chew, because they were sour, it not being then the fruit season. The three black men we had prisoners, seeing what had passed, began to be afraid of their hves, for they thought if their people attacked us they were sure to be kUled. They therefore called Sam and the captains, and told them they had a proposal to make, which would be for the safety of all our lives. It was, " That as soon as it was dark we should silently march from this place, and walk all night." The captains hked the proposal, and ordered us not to sleep, but to be ready as soon as the word was given to go forward. This was very hard, considering how tired we were the day before ; but we were glad to submit to anything that gave us hopes of escaping from those barbarians. As soon as it was dark enough to con- ceal our flight we assembled together, and took some mushn and calico and hung them upon the bushes, that the spies. 70 MADAOASCAB: OB, who, we knew, watched us, might think we still remained there. We walked off very silently and slowly, and undiscovered by them. Captain Drummond was taken so ill he could not walk, and there were none of us able to carry him. At last we re- solved to make the three blacks carry him by turns. When we had thus travelled most part of the night, we came to a thicket among some cotton trees, where the man who carried Captain Drummond, pretending to heave himself up to give a lift, threw the captain on the ground and ran away into the wood, and we never saw him again. We took more care of the other two, and led him, whose turn it was to carry the captain, with a rope about his neck. We travelled a great many miles this night, notwithstanding our weak condition, and were glad when we saw the day break ; for the negroes had told us if we travelled all night, before half the next morning was past we should be at Manderra Eiver. And their information was true, for as we went on and came to a httle hiU, the sun just rising, they showed us the river. It was a great way off, yet the hopes we had of coming to it in a httle time, and of getting water to quench our parched bodies, gave us no small pleasure, and om- spmts began to revive even at the sight of it. That this was also the bounds of this king's dominion gave us some comfort, though there were no inhabitants to protect us within several miles on the other side. Some of our people who were tired began to take the liberty of sitting down, thinking the negro army would never come in sight of us again. But this flattering prospect of safety quickly vanished, for as soon as they missed us in the morning they ran after us Uke so many greyhounds ; and by that time we got witMn a mile of Manderra Eiver they overtook us, and began immediately to slaughter our men then resting under the trees, striking their lances into their sides and throats. I was one of those who could not travel well, but there were twenty behind me ; the woman who was saved in our ship was next to me. I, seeing them kill our people as they overtook them, tore off my coat, and afterwards my waistcoat, throwing them away that they should not hinder me in running. For the foremost of our BOBEET DBUBT8 JOUBNAL. 71 people being got over the river, and I not far off, took courage ; but as I looked back at the pop of a gun I saw the woman fall, and the negroes sticking their lances into her sides. It was my turn next, for the same negroes came after me, and I was just got to the river side as they fired a gun at me ; but I jumped into it. Our men who had got over made a stand on the other side to defend us who were behind ; and for all the negroes followed me close, I would not go through the river without stopping to drink two or three times out of my hat, tiU I was swelled with water. I got over to our people, and whilst we were on the bank and faced them they would not attempt to go over. Our captain asked me if there were any more of our people to be expected. I told him no, they were aU killed. We waited, however, a little, and seeing no hopes of any escaping to us we marched on. We had a wood to go through, and the negroes followed us as soon as they saw us gone from the banks. They got into the woods and skulked behind the trees, firing every now and then at us, and kiUing three or four of our men. We had not travelled above two miles in this wood before we came to a large sandy open place that we could see no end to, and here they resolved to stop our progress, knowing if we went rhuch further we should be within hearing of King Samuel's people, who were their enemy, and would readily assist us. They therefore divided themselves into several bodies, in order to break in upon us on every side; and we, seeing their de- signs, were resolved to sell our Uves and hberties as dear as we could. Hereupon our captains put us in as good order as was possible, and divided our armed people into four divisions, one under the command of each captain, and the other under Mr. John Bembo ; the rest who had no arms, or were disabled, we covered as well as we could in a little valley ; and with them were the two negro hostages. We had not above six and thirty fire-arms amongst us, and not many more people fit to fight, so that we were a poor handful to withstand an army of two or three thousand. When they found we made a stand to oppose them they did so too ; and after their accustomed manner (where it could be done) three or four of them in a place threw up the sand before 72 MADAGASCAR: OR, them to cover themselves, and being also beneath us down-hill we could see only their heads. Their shot flew very fast over us, a:nd we kept them in play from noon till six in the after- noon, by which time all our shot was gone. Our people who had money made slugs of it ; and when that was done they took the middle screws out of their guns and charged their pieces with them. "When they could find no more shot they knew not what to do. Now we began to reflect on them who advised the dehvering up the king, and afterwards his son, when keeping them would have been our safeguard. The two negroes in our custody expected every minute to be killed, when they saw some of our people wounded ; but their death would do us no good, and therefore we did not hurt them. At length it was agreed to send the woman Dudey and her husband to them with a flag of truce, as well to protract the time as to know what they wanted. So we tied a piece of red silk to a lance, and sent them away. All this while they kept firing at us, not knowing what we meant by not firing again. They shot at those who carried the flag, but when they saw they came nearer to them, and were not armed, the prince gave orders to cease. Dudey was interpreter, and told them that our captain was willing to make peace with them, and would dehver up the two hostages and send the guns and ammunition we took away vvith us as soon as we got a little further into this country. They said they would let us go in the morning if we would deliver up our arms and the men, but they would not let us that evening because it was dark. Their reason was that if we got away that night we should send some of King Samuel's people, who were their utter enemies, to revenge ourselves upon them. We could not tell what resolution to come to. We were willing enough to let the two men (whom they called generals) go, but we were loth to part with ovti arms. Most of us, and our captain, were of opinion that they followed us only for them, and were for delivering our arms ; but Captain Drum- mond, Captain Steward, and their people, with Mr. Bembo and some of our people were against it. Captain Drummond particularly expressed a great concern to see us so easy to be imposed upon, and told us that we might see their words were ROBERT DBVBY'S JOUBNAL. 73 worth nothing. But most voices carried it, and Captain Younge being of the opinion to do it, it was agreed, and, in short, soon done ; for Dudey had no sooner orders to go and tell them but they sent people to fetch the arms from us. However Captain Drummond and his companions claimed theirs as their own property, which they brought on shore with them, so would not deliver them, nor would Dudey's husband. The negroes well knew we had but few left, and went away seemingly contented for that night. Dudey came back to us and told us that they would let us go ia the morning ; and night now coming on we laid down on the sand to repose ourselves as well as our dis- tressed circumstances would admit ; for besides the hunger and fatigue we suffered, a thousand reflections now came into our heads of what barbarity we had seen them use the day before, and that it was now in their power to do with us what they pleased. Day began to break, which was the fourth of our miserable journey. We looked up as soon as we could see one another, and immediately missed Captain Drunmiond, Captain Steward, Mr. Bembo, Dudey, and her husband, and four or five more, who went away silently in the night without saying anything to us. Now our fate approached, and we were come to the end of this miserable journey, which, after so bold an attempt, we undertook for the preservation of our lives and Mberty, and a tragical one it was. For, it was no sooner broad dayUght, but the negroes came to us, and the prince stood talking with Sam a little while. Captain Younge asked him what they said to him. He an- swered, " They wanted to know where Captain Drummond and the rest were." They had scarce done speaking, when one of the princes took hold of me, and delivered me to one of his men. There were three or four youths more besides myself, and much about my age, whom they seized, and delivered to their people in Uke manner, who bound our hands with ropes. I was just tied, when I saw the same prince stick his lance into Captain Younge's throat and afterwards into his sides. He had no sooner killed hiin, but he went on to another, and the rest of his people immediately followed his example, and 74 MALAGA SCAB: OB, soon murdered every man ; they then fell to stripping them of their clothes, and even butchering them ; for they ripped open several of their helhes. As for my part, I did not know what more miserable death might be designed for me ; for one of the generals came with his lance lifted up to strike me, but was hindered by the man who held me, giving him some reason that I could not then understand ; but I was afterwards informed, he told him I was reserved for the king's grandson. But this would not hinder the officer from rifling me ; for he, feeling my purse without side my breeches, and not readily finding the pocket-hole, in a fury, with his lance cut away my breeches, and narrowly missed my flesh. When they had made an end of their butchery, and clothed themselves vrith the garments of the slain, they marched away in great haste for fear of Port Dauphine people ; for they supposed that Captain Drummond, and the rest had been gone long enough to alarm them, and send some forces down to our rescue. Now whether the negroes might not think we had sent them away on purpose to get help; and this might enrage and provoke them to murder us, I can't say ; but certain it is, we were pursued by a merciless fate, and were the most unfortunate wretches in the universe ; for I was afterwards informed, that we were scarce marched off the spot, and our murdered people not quite cold, before two thousand of King Samuel's men came down to rescue us. And now I can't help thinking that my reader will say. Why did we not send two or three of our people as soon as ever we got over the river? To which I can only answer, I think we were all infatuated ; for with ease it might have been done, especially since we had the woman Dudey, to go with them as an interpreter, and we might have kept Sam with us ; but I saw none of those reasons then, I was but a youth, and it could not be expected from me. And why Captain Younge was for releasing the king, and afterwards his son, is what I can't pretend to account for. Certainly, the plot was well laid, and as well executed at first, but miserably conducted afterwards; and indeed, it is scarce credible that so many ROBERT BRUHY'S JOURNAL. 75 people could be so surprisingly stupid as we then were ; and this I have often wondered at since I have attained to a matiire age, and could reflect with more judgment. What I have to offer for a reason in this affair is, " That as all of us had a great affection for our captain's father, so it caused us to think the better of what his son did." But I found since to my great grief, that our young Captain Younge wanted ripeness of judgment, and experience in the world ; for Captain Drummond, as I well remember, opposed him in several things, but by whatsoever iU-conduct or folly we might contribute to the bringing on our fate, so it was ; and I am relating a real transaction of matter of fact, and not inventing a fiction, or telling what might have been ; or what should have been instead of what was; but thus were my friends massacred, myself and three more made slaves ; for they saved only four of us alive, the eldest of us was not above sixteen years of age, and we were immediately separated, for they marched directly off the spot. As for Sam, I reckon, him not amongst us, because he went off with the negro people ; I never saw him after, but I heard he Uved a freeman under Deaan Crindo ; and whether he was so just to us as he should have been is somewhat doubtful. AU the way we went I had the ghastly prospect of our men's mangled corpses in passing through the woods to the river. I was not now so -thirsty as when we first passed it, but so faint for want of victuals that I could scarce stand on my legs, having had none for three days. My master seemed concerned for me, but hastened over the river before he would bait ; and in a proper and pleasant place by the river side, he ordered his people to stop, and make a fire, and now I was in the hopes of eating ; for some of his servants having carried beef on their backs, they cut it into long pieces, like ropes, with the hide, and dressed, and eat it half-roasted according to their custom, and gave it me in the same manner ; this I thought the sweetest morsel I ever eat in my Ufe ; though a beggar in England would not have touched it. We rested here about an hour, when he who had the care of me made signs to know if I was able to walk ; and I, being a little refreshed, got up and travelled the remaining part of the day with more ease than 76 MADAGASCAB : OB, I expected ; they walking leisurely, as I perceived, on purpose to favour me. At night we came to a wood, where we were to lodge, and there we met three or four men whom my master had sent to look for some cattle, and they brought with them two bullocks ; one of which my master sent to his brother, for him and his people, and the other was killed for us ; for the army was now separated, and everybody going home with their respective chief to their own habitation. Here my master came to me, and gave me a lance, pointing to me to cut out some beef for myself. I cut about a pound without the hide, which he, perceiving, imputed to my ignorance, and so cut a piece with the hide, and dressed it himself for me, which I eat, not daring to refuse it. After supper every man went to pulhng up grass by the roots to lie on, and my guardian pulled enough for himself and me ; I then laid myself down, and he laid by me, but his black skin smelled so strong that I was forced to turn my back on him all night. I had but little rest, for the horrid spectacle of my massacred friends was constantly before me, and made me start from sleep as soon as I closed my eyes. At break of day we arose, and after the usual repast marched on tOl noon, when we baited among some shady trees near a pond of water ; this very pond, I perceived, we had passed by three days before, within two hundred yards, when we were dying with thirst, and the negroes told us there was no water near us. While some were making a fire, I observed several others were digging up and down among the grass. I wondered what they were doing, and went toward one of them, whom I found puUing out of the ground a long white root, which I knew to be a yam, having seen them at Bengal ; they soon furnished theinselves with what they wanted. I found they grew wild ; some of them were a yard long, and as thick as the calf of one's leg ; * they gave me some, which I roasted and eat, with great pleasure, instead of bread with my beef : they are very good food. * There are many wild species of yams in Madagascar called Ovy generically. They are 4escribed in more detail hereafter. ROBERT DRURTS JOURNAL. 77 We came that evening to a little town, which we no sooner entered, but the women and children came running about me, pinching and striking me with the back of then- hands, and showing other signs of derision and contempt; at which I could not forbear weeping, but when my guardian observed it, he came and drove them away. All the empty houses were taken up by my master, his brother, and other headmen, so that my guardian and I lay in the open air. The abuses I met vnth from the women and children, put a thousand distracting thoughts into my head; as, "that I might be kept ahve only to be carried to the king and his son, who would probably be filled with resentment at our late seizing, and making them prisoners ; and to gratify thek pleasure and revenge, might order me to be put to death before their faces by some very horrible torments." Such thoughts as these so disordered me, that when once through weariness I fell into a slumber, I had a terrible dream, which so frighted me, that I started upright, and trembled in every joint, and no sleep could I get that night. When it was broad daylight we marched on om' way homeward (for now I must call it so) and in three or four hours' time we arrived at a pretty large town, v/ith three great tamarind trees before it. One of the negroes carried a large shell,* which, as soon as he blowed, sounded like a post- boy's horn. This brought the women to a great house in the middle of the town about twelve foot high, which I soon found to be my master's. He had scarce seated himself at his door, when his wife came out crawling on her hands and knees till she came to him, and then licked his feet, when she had done, his mother did the same ; and all the women in the town saluted their husbands in the same manner; then every one went to their own home, except my master's brother, who, though he had a house, had no wife to go to, and so he stayed. My mistress beckoned me to go in and sit down, I perceived a great deal of serious discourse pass between my master and her, and by her looking so earnestly at rae, while he was * Large conch shells, a species of Triton, are common on the coast. 78 MADAGASCAR: OB, talking, I conjectured he was telling our tragical story, and I observed the tears to stand in her eyes. She ordered some carravances to be boiled for our dinner, they are like grey peas ;* she gave me some, but they looked as if they had been boiled in dirty water. She perceiving I did not like them, strained them off the water, and put some milk to them, and then I made a tolerable meal of them. She gave me a mat to He down on, and a piece of calico about two yards to cover me. She made me understand that she wanted to know my name, which I told her was Eobin. I, having received so much civility from my mistress, began to be better satisfied than before ; and then laid me down, and slept vrithout any fear or care, as near as I could guess, about four hours by the sun. "When 1 waked, my mistress called me by name, and gave me some milk to drink. She talked a great deal to me, but I understood not a word she said. My master was all this while sitting with his brother without the door, regaling themselves with drinking toake. When night came, I found I was to he in the same place, for there was no other room. My master and mistress lay in the middle, and the whole house was not above fourteen foot long and twelve wide ; so that I laid across close to his feet. On this manner I lived, and lay three or four nights, till one night he called me by my name, as I suppose, to know whether I was awake ; but I answered him as often as he called, which was three or four times. I fancy he would have been better pleased if I had slept sound, and had not heard him, for the next evening he carried me to his aunt's house, and made me to understand I must he there. At this aunt's house I remained day and night, and used to walk out with her and her daughter to the plantations, which were newly made, and where they had sowed Guinea corn and planted potatoes. When we came home at evening, I used to go and visit my master and mistress ; she used to give me milk, some- times fresh and sometimes sour. They were not in haste to put me to work, and indeed, I could do them but little service, being wholly ignorant of their language ; besides he * Carravances are the small beans or peas known as " Ainbre- vaAea " {^Tiaseolue Cajpensis) or ^'jpois du Ca-p'' ROBEBT DBUIiYS JOUBNAL. 79 did not want working slaves, having above two hundred to serve his occasions. My master, whose name was Deaan Mevarrow, was grand- son to Deaan Crindo, who was absolute lord of this country, and his wife was the daughter of a king to the northward, whom they overcame in a battle, and she vyas one of the captives which Deaan Mevarrow took ; for this reason it was she took compassion on me, beiag herself a slave, and in a strange country, and only preferred to be wife to my master by courtesy. I began after a while to reconcile myself to their manner of eating, seeiag no better was to be had ; only I would pull off some of the hair from the hide of the beef. I used often to think how happy my brother and sister hved at my father's table, and that even some beggars in England fared better in this respect than I did here. But when I found that nobody lived better I made myself easy, and had pretty well got over aU my fears of beijig killed, till an accident happened, which put me in most dreadful apprehensions for an hour's time. My master took me along with him one evening with some of his people iuto the woods. I saw preparations for killing and dressing a bullock, or some such thing ; but seeing none to kUl, and it being now dark, I observed them to walk about with caution, and to talk softly, and aU the symptoms of some secret design. I presently fell a-crying, and thought they were going to kiU and eat me ; but my fears were soon over, when I saw two slaves dragging along a bullock with a rope about his horns, in whose throat my master stuck his lance. They immediately fell to cuttiug him up, and dressing the intrails after their manner. The carcass was divided and shared, and I observed every man went and hid his meat in some private place, from whence he might fetch it by night. When our business was finished, we separated and went home, some one way and some another ; they would not go in a body for fear of being taken notice of. I now began to find that we were all this while steaUng other folks' cattle. I had, indeed, before wondered that the aunt I lived with would often dress meat in the night, but this cleared up the mystery, Howbeit this was not 80 MADAaASCAB.- OB, the only time I was compelled to assist in this kind of theft. In three or four months' time I began to understand the names of common things in their language. I went one day with my master and mistress into the plantations, where the slaves were hoeing the weeds from the carravances, which were just above the ground. They gave me a hoe, but I, having no mind to work, pretended to be very ignorant, and hoed up carravances and weeds together, at which they laughed, and took away my hoe. But this artifice proved of little service to me, for my master, finding that either I could not or would not work in the plantations, was resolved to set me about some other business, such, at least, that I could not do wrong. So the next day he, showing me his cattle, told me I must take care of them and drive them to water, and see that they did not break into his own and other people's plantations. Now, here is no distinction or property of lands, but every man feeds his beasts and plants where he thinks fit. This business I liked better than the other, because there were three or four boys more of this town about my age, who also had cattle to look after. The worst was we had a great way to drive them to water and back again ; besides, I had a long tub, which held about three gallons, to carry home with me, for all the water we used in the house was fetched from this place where the cattle drank. Notwithstanding this we had time enough, for we joined our herds together, and in the heat of the day, when the cattle would lie down in the shade, we had three or four hours' time to go into the woods to get wild yams. I had been thus long in the country, and never knew how they struck fire, till I, wanting to roast some of my yams, asked the boys where their fire was. The un- lucky rogues showed me their hands, and said, " Here it is." But one of them soon showed me how they did it. He took one stick like half a gun rammer and another a great deal thicker, both of one sort of wood, and rubbed the former upon the latter till there came a dust from it, then a smoke, and soon after fire. We sometimes went into the woods and stole people's honey and eat it, as we found it, with the wax. We used, when we TANDRAKA. OLY, OR CHARM. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 81 could spare time enough, to look for a creature wMch I call a ground-hog, and which in their language is caUed tondruck.* It is about the bigness of a cat, but its nose, eyes, and ears are like a hog ; it has bristles also on its back, and no tail ; the feet are like a rabbit's. Their chief food is beetles and young snails, which they root up with their noses. They have above twenty young ones at a Utter, to which they give suck. In the colder time of the year (for though there is no season which can properly be called winter, yet one time of the year is sensibly colder than the other) these creatures hide themselves in the ground after a most wonderful manner. They first dig a hole right down about two foot deep, then they work sloping downwards two or three feet one way, and then as much another, making angles. AU the way they work they throw the earth behind with their forefeet, and make it as firm with their hind-feet as if no passage had been made. When they have thus worked a good way downward and forward, they then work aslant upwards in the same manner till they come within half a foot of the surface. There they make a Uttle hole, just big enough for them to turn round in, and here they Me for four or five months without any appearance of food all the time. And what is yet more strange, they are as fat at the end of this time as when they first went in. It is no small difficulty to find them, for when we have found out some marks of the place where we think they began to dig, we are often frustrated in digging after them ; they work so cunningly that we know not which way to dig for the hole they he in ; but we take much pains after them, for they are excellent food. Their skin is as brown and crisp as a pig's. We eat the hedgehogs,t too, but they are nothing near so good. These also get into holes of trees and hide themselves all 'the cold weather, where they remain for some months, and, by all that could be perceived, without food. This keeping of cattle I hked well enough, except in the hot season, when it was a great fatigue to drive them every other day some miles to water. But in the colder season we had * The tandraJca, or tra/ndraka, is well described ; it is the Centetes ecaiidatus of natxiraliBts, indigenous, and peculiar to Madagascar, f Centetes semi-sjpinosus. 6 82 MADAGASCAR: OB, no such occasion, for there falls so great a dew that we find it sufficient to drive them into the grass about hreak of day; and even the inhabitants of this part of the country of Antern- droea, who live at a distance from water, go out into the fields with two wooden platters and a tub, and in an hour's time will gather eight or ten gallons of dew-water. It wUl not keep, but will turn sour in a day or two. I had not lived this life above a year when my master went to war, or, as I understood afterward, rather to plunder a people to the westward, against whom they have an irrecon- cilable enmity, they having surprised Deaan Crindo's father in his town by night and killed him. My master told me I must not look after cattle any more ; he was going to war, and had other business for me. I offered my service to go with him. He answered, they were to travel night and day; that it was a long and hard journey, and I could not be able to undergo the fatigue ; but that my business must be to look after bis wife, and be her guardian. He gave me a strict charge to lie in the same house with her, and never to let her go out anywhere without me. After giving her instructions to the same purpose he took his leave, and, with most of his people, went on their journey. I now lived at ease, and my mistress was very kind to me. I went abroad when she did; eat when she eat; and lay in the house with her, both of us punctually observing my master's orders. Nor did I see she had any uneasiness at it or incUna- tion to do otherwise. But I was not so easy myself, for the thoughts of my friends and native country, and the little probability I had of ever seeing them again, made me very melancholy, insomuch that sometimes I could not forbear weeping. My mistress would often ask me whether I was sick or wanted anything. I was loth to tell her the reason, but one day I took the courage to tell her I wanted to see the other three lads who were saved and taken captives when I was. She bid me not to concern myself about that ; she would go with me herself, and had a curiosity to hear us talk in our own language. She inquired of her neighbours where they were, who told us they were not all together, but that there was one ROBEBT DBUByS JOUBNAL. 83 lived a little way off, about four or five miles ; so the next morning we went thither, and asked for the white boy. He was gone to carry his fellow- servants some victuals to the plantations ; but on a messenger going to him, he ran home iramediately, being as desirous of seeing me as I was him. We embraced each other with great passion, and expressed ourselves rather in tears than in words. We had been very familiar on shipboard, and I deUghted to treat him often with punch, he being a civil lad, and could play well on the violin. We lamented our hard fate, and grieved to see how wretchedly we looked, naked except a smaU clout about our middles, and our skins spotted like a leopard's ; for we, not being used to be thus exposed to the sun, were scorched and flead, and our skins often rose up in bUsters. We condoled each other's misfortunes, and agreed if either got to England to give the other's friends an account. We inquired of one another after the other two lads, but were equally ignorant what was become of them. My mistress observed us with much attention, and showed a deep concern at our grief, but vrith great reluctancy and many tears we were forced at last to part. We had not been at home two hours before a messenger arrived from my master with news of his success, and that he would be at home in a fortnight. My mistress and aU the women who had husbands abroad went immediately to making of toake. In the meantime, I fell dangerously sick with grief, but was tolerably recovered before my master's return. He made his entry into tovni in a triumphant manner, the trumpet-shells blowing and some- people before him dancing all the way with guns in their hands. At the entrance the fore- most men fired their guns toward the ground, which is the signal of a return with victory. Deaan Mevarrow and his brother, Deaan Sambo, came after them with attendants ; next followed the cattle and slaves he had taken from the enemy. After they were seated in form before my master, Deaan Mevarrow's house, his wife and the women came as usual, and licked his feet, and the men too whom he had left in the town behind him when he went to war. I stood all this while look- ing on till he espied me and called me to him. I went toward him in the usual posture of the country when they go toward 84 MADAGASCAR: OB, a great man — that is, with my hands lifted up and. in a praying form. When I came near I gave him the compliment of " Salamonger Umba," but did not kneel down as others did, having a sort of superstitious reluctancy to it, thinking it an adoration that I ought to pay to none but God. But this excuse would not serve him, for he asked me if I thought my- self too great a man to pay him the same respect his own wife did, who was a king's daughter, and also his own mother. But I peremptorily refused it, and told him I would obey aU his other commands and do what work he pleased, but this I could not do. On this he fell into a passion, telling me how he had saved me from being killed among my countrymen, and that I was his slave, &c. But notwithstanding this, I con- tinued obstinate. Hereupon he rose from his seat, and with his lance made a strike at me with all his force, but his brother giving it a push on one side, he missed me. He was going to repeat his blow, when his brother stood up between us and begged for me. He refused to pardon me except I would lick his feet. His brother desired he would give him a Uttle time to talk with me, which he did ; and after he had talked with me, and told me the danger of not doing it, and that in submitting to it I did no more than what many great princes were forced to do when taken prisoners, I found, at length, it was best to comply, so I went in and asked pardon, and performed the ceremony as others had done. He told me he readily forgave xne, but would make me sensible I was a slave. I did not much regard his threats, for, seeing no hopes of returning to England, I set but little value on my hfe. The next day I fell into another broil much more dangerous than the former, from which I did not expect to escape. My master performed the ceremony of thanksgiving to God for his deliverance from the hazards of war, and for the victory obtained, which is done after this manner : "The people have in their houses a small portable utensil consecrated to rehgious uses, and is a sort of a household altar, which they call the Owley. It is made of a peculiar wood, in bits neatly joined, and mak- ing almost the form of a half-moon with the horns down- wards, between which are placed two alligator's teeth. This is adorned vrith divers sorts of beads, and a sash fastened to it BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 85 behind ; which a man is to tie about his waist when he goes to war." [I shall not here pretend to give a full account of their religious worship ; for I had not been long enough in the country to know the true meaning of what they did and said.] " However, I observed them to bring two forks from the wood, and place them in the ground, on which was laid a beam, slender at each end, and about six foot long, with two or. three pegs in it, on this they hung the Owley.* Behind it was a long pole to which was tied a bullock. They had a pan with some live coals, on which they strewed a sweet-scented gum, and placed it tinder the Owley. Then they took some of the hairs of the tail, and from under the chin and eyebrows of the ox, and put them on the Owley. Then Deaan Mevarrow, my 'master, used some gesture with knives in his hand, and made his prayer, in which the people joined. They next threw the ox on the ground with his legs tied, and the deaan cut his throat ; for they having no priests, the chief man, whether of the country, town, or family, performs all divine offices himself. The people being seated on mats round about, my master called to me to sit down, and say as the people said, which I refused. He went on with his devotion, and when he had done, he takes the Owley in one hand and his lance in the other, and came towards me, asking me which I would rather choose, either to assist in their ceremony of returning thanks, or be struck through with his lance. Now I, thinking this sort of worship to be wicked idolatry, and that they paid their devotions to the Owley as a god, told him I would sooner die than worship false gods. He went back to put the Owley in its place, and came to me. He took me by the hand to lead me out of the town, and kiU me ; his brother, and all the people about him, used * "There are two ways in which the consecration of a charm or medicine is performed among the Sakalava : (a) Andi-iananahary is simply asked that he will bless it and render it effective. (6) The Oly is daubed with grease and put into the fire, while certain cabalistic spells, used in such cases, are being pronounced. ... It (the Oly) is considered very sacred and valuable by the Sakalava, and if any one should lose it, it is regarded as a most grave misfortune. Hence also the Oly is looked upon as the most valuable part of the property a father can bequeath to his son" {Bev. A. Walen, Norwegian Mission). . . 86 MADAGASCAR.- OR, many arguments and entreaties to persuade him against killing me ; but in vain, till at last his brother grew resolute, and told him he would that minute leave him, and see his face no more, if he offered to act such a piece of cruelty, and rose up to be gone. "When Deaan Mevarrow saw his brother going in good earnest, he called him back, and told him he would spare my life, but I should have a very tiresome one with him, for he would be revenged on me one way or another for my contempt of him. Deaan Sambo told him he should not concern himself about that ; aU he begged for was my hfe. On this he winked upon me to kneel down and lick his feet; which I did, asking pardon and thanking him for sparing me. When I got up, I, of my own accord, kneeled down to Deaan Sambo, and licked his feet very sincerely and heartily, thanking him for having thus twice saved my life." When all things were settled, I was ordered to my former post of cow-keeper. I had a great deal of trouble sometimes with these cattle, for they are very nimble and unruly ; they are fine beasts, and notwithstanding their size, which is the largest in the world, they would jump over high fences. They have a hmnp between their shoulders, almost like a camel's, all fat and flesh ; some of which might weigh, as near as I can guess, about three or fourscore pounds ; they are also beautifully coloured, some streaked Uke a tiger, others black with white spots, and some white with black spots ; or half black and half white. They do not give so much milk as our cattle in England, nor will they suffer themselves to be milked at any- tune, till the caK has first sucked ; so that they keep a calf for every cow all the year, or till the cow is big again; and they seldom miss a season. Here are also some sheep with great heavy tails, Uke Turkey sheep ; but they are not woolly as ours, rather hairy as a goat. Here are also goats, a few, like those in other nations. They bring up no hogs, there are enough in the country, and very mischievous to the plantations ; for they will sometimes break in, rout up and destroy the potatoes and other things. So that we are forced to set traps to catch them ; but in this country of Anterndroea nobody eats them, except the poor and ordinary people. While I was peaceably looking after my cattle, and every- ROBERT DRUBT8 JOURNAL. 87 thing seemed quiet and easy, a sudden piece of news changed at once the scene of our affairs, and called my master to war in good earnest. It is a common practice for parties to go out and surprise their enemies by night, when least expected. On these expedi- tions every man generally carries a piece of meat in his hand, and getting into the town in the dead of night, they throw the meat to the dogs to prevent their barking. "When they are entered, one fires a musket, and making no other noise, the inhabitants suddenly rising, and hastily getting out of the doors of their low huts in a stooping posture, are stabbed with lances ; the young ones and women they take captive, and drive away with them all the cattle they can find, burn the town, and return home by private unpractised ways. On this manner did Deaan Mevarrow, his brother, and some others of Deaan Crindo's people enter some of the king of Mefaughla's remote and defenceless tovms ;* to retaUate which on Deaan Crindo's people, he musters an army of three thousand men, and entered Anterndroea, resolving either to fight him in the field, or attack him in his own town Fenno-arevo, and burn it ; and accordingly sent a messenger to Deaan Crindo to tell him so. To which he answered, " He would not stir out of the town, but wait for him there, and hoped he would be as good as his word." Deaan Crindo, therefore, summons all his people to him, and be ready at hand in Fenno-arevo, or the neighbouring villages. He had four sons who were chiefs of towns, and had people under them ; besides nephews and grandsons. His sons were Deaan Mundumbo, Deaan Frukey, Deaan Trodaughe, and Deaan Chahary ; but it was his great misfortune, that Deaan Chahary was gone with five hundred able men to trafl&e, into Ferain- gher,t which is Augustine Bay country. It is their custom in time of war to hide their wives, chil- dren, and cattle in remote secret places in the woods, that the enemy may not find them when they plunder the country ; but * The province Mahafaly reaches from the Menarandra River, the boundary of Antandroy, to the river Onilahy and St. Augustine's Bay. f Fiarenana, or Fiherenana extends from St. Augustine Bay to Cape St. Vincent and the river Mangoky. 88 MADAGA8CAB: OR, the woman and children are never ^vith the cattle, lest their bellowing should make a discovery. The women can, for the most part, secure themselves, by drawing a bough after them as they go to their hiding place, which prevents their track from being followed. In this manner did my master and his people secure their wives, children, and cattle. With the latter I was left, and therefore am not able to give an exact accoimt of this war, linowing only what was told me when they came back, which in general was as follows : " That Deaan Woozington, the king, and his son Chemer- maundy, and Eyopheck, his nephew, a gallant man, com- manded the army of Merfaughla, entered the country without opposition ; for Deaan Crindo having received his message, that he would come and burn him in his town, took care first to secure the famihes and cattle of his people, and then drew all his armed men there, resolving to wait his coming ; but Deaan Mundumber, Frukey, and the yoimger chiefs, had not patience to hear di his passing quietly without resistance ; so they pressed the king against his wiU to let them go out with two thousand men, and oppose him in his march. Deaan Grindo was resolute, and would not stir out of his town. This army was commanded in chief by Deaan Mundumber and Frukey, who behaved themselves with great bravery and good conduct, first sending word to Deaan Woozington that they were come by their father's command to give him a welcome into their country, and hoped he would meet. them. To which, he answered, he would assuredly see them, and make himself welcome ; and was as good as his word. They joined battle, and Mundumber was forced to retire ; which he did in good order after a sharp and obstinate fight ; in which Deaan Woo- zington's son was dangerously wounded. Deaan Mundumber returned to his father with eight hundred men, and would have persuaded him to go out with his forces and give Deaan Woozing- ton battle ; but the old king was obstinate, and would not, so Mundumber remained with him, fortifying the town as well as they could. "After this Deaan Frukey and Trodaughe took a pass between two bills, and cutting down great trees to defend them, they had entirely stopped Deaan Woozington's progress, though he BOBERT DBUBY'S JOURNAL. 89 attacked them in a vigorous manner, and was gallantly received and repulsed ; till Eyopheck, by the help of a man who knew the country, got by a by-path behind them ; and Deaan Woo- zington, at the same time with Eyopheck, charging them again, Frukey and his brethren were forced to retire ; which they did with great resolution through Eyopheck's party. In this action Eyopheck, who was always in the hottest place, did with very much difiSculty escape. " In the end Deaan Woozington got to Fenno-arevo,* and attacked it in a vigorous manner ; but was as bravely repulsed, Deaan Crindo and his sons resisting till they were over- powered ; and when their enemies were got within the town, they even then defended every inch of ground, till Deaan Crindo himself was forced to cut down some of the trees, which are their waUs, to make a passage for their escape. He so much relied on his own strength and courage that he kept his wife and daughter in his house, though aU the other women and children were sent away ; who f eU into the hands of Deaan Woozington, and were made captives. The town was burnt after Tiaving been first plundered of such trifles as their riches con- sist in, the chief of which are beads ;t these they often dig holes for, and hide, so that there is nothing to be got but iron shovels, hoes, earthen and wooden dishes, spoons, &c., some cattle, indeed, they found, which were brought into the town to sustain themselves during the siege ; and in such cases these cattle live well enough on the thatches of the houses. They had also fiUed a great many tubs with water. " Deaan Crindo was inconsolable for the loss of his wife and daughter, and Uke a distracted man ; till his sons told him, if he would now join them, as he should have done at first, they were yet able to deal with Deaan Woozington. And accordingly they mustered all their forces into one army, and made a number equal to their ememies. Deaan Woozington, not being * There are several localities in Madagascar named Fenoarivo, meaning a place filled with a thousand men. f " The most desired merchandises, and by the Islanders best liked, are red beads of all sorts, sizes, and colours. . . . All their wealth con- sists in the aforesaid goods, as also in axes, knives, biUs, sharp iron and steel spades, clothes, oxen " {Ogilby, 1670). 90 MADAGASCAR: OR, apprised of this, was detaching a thousand men to plunder the country, search for and bring in all the women, children, and cattle they could find ; as they always do after an entire victory. When Deaan Crindo appeared in his view with his potent army, and sent messengers to tell him, he must either deliver the queen and princess, with the other people and cattle he had got, or iramediately decamp and fight them, Deaan Woozington sent him word, he did not desire to keep his wife and daughter, nor did he come for slaves or cattle, he having enough already; but he, Deaan Crindo, had sent him a challenge bragging that his strength was superior to any of the kings on the island by the addition of white men, of which he boasted to have had a great number, and which he came to see, but find- ing none, he now hoped that Deaan Crindo's pride was a little humbled ; so he was ready to send him his wife and daughter again ; but for the few slaves and cattle he had taken, his people should keep them to make some recompense for the robberies which Mevarrow and others had committed in his country. " In the end a peace was concluded and sworn to by the generals of each side with the usual solemnity of kiUing an ox, and each general eating a piece of the liver from off the point of a lance, and wishing that whoever fires the first gun it might be the destruction of him. The ceremony being over, rejoicings were made on both sides; Deaan Woozington re- turned into his own country, and Deaan Crindo to rebuild his ruined town, which is done almost as soon as destroyed ; and all his chiefs each with his people to their respective homes." * * In his account of Madagascar, mainly taken from Flacourt, Ogilby, the geographer to King Charles II., writes (1670) : — " When any great man finds his power too weak to follow the war any longer, he sends one to the enemy with some presents to deshe peace, and to appoint a day for a treaty, upon the concluding whereof, they meet one another on the shore of a river, each with all his people and soldiers, standing as ready for a battel ; where each of them kill a Heifer and reciprocally send a piece of Uver to eat, making deep asser- vations and high oaths, that if they purpose any longer to oontunie the Wars, to rob one another of their Cattel, or make use of sorcery or poisoning to damnifie each other's countrey, then that the liver given each of them at present may cause them to burst, etc." {Africa., p. 703). ROBERT DRURY'S'JOURNAL. 91 When we were settled again, I, and three more boys, who belonged to some principal men of cm' town were sent some miles off with two hundred head of cattle to Uve by ourselves, and look after them. We had not among them above five or six which gave, milk, and this was all the provision we had to live upon ; what we wanted more, we must search for in the woods, and get it where and when we could find it. My mistress gave me an earthen pot to warm my milk in, a cala- bash to drink out of, and a mat to lie upon for my bed. My master gave me a hatchet to make fences with, and a lance ; telling me, I must fight if anybody came to steal my cattle. He also gave me a new clout to wear after the manner of their country, my other being worn out ; this for the ordinary people is not much broader 'than a napkin : they call it a Lamber, * and so shall I for the future. We drove our cattle to the designed place, and the first thing we set about was to build us a house, which we soon finished ; for it took us no more time than one day and a half. We next finished our cow-pen, and a small one for the calves, to keep them from sucking while we milked the cows. Our house was a poor little hut, not well-thatched, and it being now the rainy time (which is their winter, and is sometimes very cold), we had but a very indifferent lodging. We kept a fire, and happy was he who -could first get to Ue down nearest it ; aU the covering we had was our lambers, which we pulled off to lay over us. Now, it was, I felt the misery of my slavery, being almost famished ; for good and sub- stantial food we could get none, except now and then a small fowl,t which creeps on the ground ; and which we took in traps. We lived thus almost three months, and having eat no other flesh, we began to contrive the killing one of our master's beasts, and dress it secretly. A great many projects were talked of, till at length I proposed one which was agreed to ; which was to kill a cow by stabbing her in the side with a stick made sharp ; and make another cow's horn bloody, which belonged to the same man, that he might think it was done by * Lamba, the usual outer garment worn by the people throughout the island. f Probably the Kihodolo, a species of quail (Turnix nigricollis). 92 MADAGASCAB: OB, goring. But then a dispute arose, whose beast should be killed, for every one was for shifting it from his master. How- ever, I soon determined that, by drawing lots with four sticks sTiorter than each other, and I so managed it, by keeping the longest in my hand, that it came not to my master's turn to have his cow kiUed. When the business was done, away ran the boy to acquaint his master that one heifer was killed by another, he came immediately with his family, and finding a cow with a bloody horn, concluded it was done by her, so giving it some blows in a passion he fell to cutting up the dead beast, and gave us a. good large piece besides the guts and legs, and then went home again. Thus far we succeeded well, but our chief design was, under colour of having meat given us by our masters, to kiU another heifer, and if any person came to see us (as we were not far from people, though we were from our own homes) who should ask how we came by beef? we could tell them our masters gave it us. But we grew too venturous by our success, for one day, having killed one which strayed from some other people amongst ours, our masters, unluckily for us, came to see then- cattle, which they found in the cow-pens, but none of us being near, they began to suspect us, and therefore, dividing themselves to make a more diUgent search, one of them heard a noise in the wood Uke cutting down trees where we were very busy ; and, following the sound, soon smelt roast meat. Our dogs too, like ourselves, were so hungry that they minded nothing but their bellies, though at other times they were very watchful, and would give us notice if a mouse did but stir : howbeit our masters surprised us, and came at once amongst us with their guns cocked, crying out, " Vonne terach com boar," which in EngUsh is, " Kill them, sons of dogs." I need not relate what a fright we were in, expecting nothing but immediate death ; and, indeed, it proved but httle better to the other three. They took time to ask us whose beast it was, and being informed it was a strange one, they told us the crime was the same, for if we had got the habit of kilhng cattle privately, they knew theirs must some time be our prey when no others offered, and, therefore, were resolved to punish us. Hereupon my comrades' masters took each his slave, and in an BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAIa 93 instant (ah, woful fate !) mutilated them. I, not liking that sort of pimishment, fell down at my master's feet, and told him how careful I had been of his cattle, and that I had rather run the risk of my life by his shooting me at a reasonable distance than sustain so great a loss. To this he Hstened, and taking me out of the wood he tied my arms behind me round a tree, and placed himself at a great distance (I suppose about fourscore yards), then seeming to take good aim at me, fired, but missed me. Whether he did it on purpose I cannot say, but I am apt to think he did ; imagining the terror was enough, and seeing how severely the others were punished. They took their leaves of us, telling us, if ever they found us doing the like again, nothing should save us from im- mediate death. They were no sooner gone from us, but I began to reflect on the injustice of our masters, who, though they had cattle of their own, would often obUge us to go with them on several of their thievish expeditions, and yet so severely punished us for our poor crime to satisfy our himger. However, after all, I was forced to be doctor to my poor afflicted comrades, for their masters took no care of them, so I warmed some water and washed off the blood and dressed their wounds ; I was also forced, while we remained there, to look after all the cattle and to -milk them too, for they were not recovered when orders was brought us to return home with our cattle. My comrades being but just able to walk, I made the messenger, who came to us, help to drive the cattle. When I came home I was soon made sensible that Deaan Tuley-Noro, king of Antenosa, had given my master this trouble, by marching his people into Anterndroea, and demand- ing of Deaan Crindo satisfaction for the mm-der of the white men. Now, though this was two years and a half before (for so long I had been in the country), yet I soon heard that Capt. Drummond, Capt. Steward, Mr. Bembo, and the rest, who escaped the night before the massacre, were with him ; and that there had not been, in all that time, a ship come to Port Dauphine for them to return home in, but that notwithstand- ing they Uved free, and entirely at their own disposal. This Deaan Tuley-Noro was King Samuel, whom I mentioned 94 MADAGASGAB: OB, before, whose history I shall relate in its proper place, and whose dominions were on the other side of the Eiver Manderra. I was no sooner come home, but I was taken from the cattle and put under the care of two men, who were to guard me and see that I did not run away to King Samuel. The next day we heard the Antenosa people were within ten or twelve miles of our town, which put them all into a great fright and hurry. The cattle were sent one way, and the women and children into the woods another, and poor Eobin, their white slave, along with them with his hands tied behind him. But I had not been long there, before a messenger came in great haste to my mistress, ordering her " to send me to my master in the camp, for the white men were to buy me, and had agreed to give two buccaneer guns." My mistress was loth to part with me, I dissembled as much as I could, and pretended I should have been glad to stay with them now, since I had been so long among them, though at the same time I had much ado to conceal my joy. I kneeled down and licked her feet, thanking her for her civihties, and away I went with the messenger in great hopes now of seeing some of my coimtrymen again and getting to England. But see how fortune tantaUzed me ! It was about twenty miles, as I guess, to the camp where my master was, and it might be somewhat after midnight when we arrived there ; my master set a watch over me the remaining part of the night, and made me swear I would never tell the hiding-place of their wives and cattle, which I very readily did. The next morning King Samuel sent to know if I was come, and they would let a hundred men come down with me between the two camps, and he would send a himdred to meet them with the two buccaneer guns. Which being agreed to, Deaan Crindo ordered my master to go with the party ; and King Samuel, seeing them coming forward, ordered to his men to go and meet them; among whom were Capt. Drummond, and the rest of the white men. When we came pretty near one another, Capt. Drummond, being glad to see me, called to me by my name, asked me how I did. My master, who stood by me, clapped his hand upon my mouth, and vowed if I offered to ROBEBT DBVBY'S JOVENAL. 95 speak he would kill me, so that I durst not answer. Capt. Drummond, finding I did not answer, thought, as I suppose, that I could not hear ; whereupon he and the white men came nearer to us. My master seeing them advancing, thought they came to take me by force, and cheat them of the two guns ; he, therefore, ordered his men to fire at them, so that instead of a parley, and changing me for the two guns, a skirmish began: the shot and lances flew at one another, and both armies advanced to support each other's party. I was immediately sent away under a strong guard to the woods, where I parted from my mistress the night before, so that this fine prospect of deliverance was only a short, transitory dream of liberty, which immediately vanished, and made me only feel the misery of slavery more sensibly than before. I know not well which way I went back, but, sure I am, it was in such- like disorder of mind as a condemned criminal has when going to execution. But in a few hours I found myself in my former station, my legs in Parrapingo (a fastening almost like fetters) for fear I should run away; my old companions were about me, my mistress, and the women very glad to see me again ; But I was too dull to compUment them, they could have nothing from me but tears and exclamations at my hard fortune. I VTished for death, and was very near being gratified in my desire two days after. The next day news was brought us of Deaan Tuley-Noro's returning back to his own country, he being, as they said, forced to retire by Deaan Crindo, though the Antenosa army was twice their number. We were also ordered to go home, and I was released from Parrapingo,* and allowed to walk at liberty,- my guard being also discharged. The day foUovring came Deaan Mevarrow, Deaan Sambo, and their little army, entering the town with great pomp and grandeur, as if they had gaiaed some notable victory, though I heard of nothing but a little bush-fighting and ambuscadoes. However, the Deaan sat himself down with his brother, other chiefs, and the rest in the usual form before his house. My mistress, according to custom, crept out to Uck her hero's feet ; when she had done, the rest of the women did the Uke; and * " Parapaingo," a -word evidently derived from the foreigners. 96 MADA&ASCAB: OB, after them the slaves, among whom was myself. As I was getting up to go away, he bad me stay. I stood some time hearing him tell his wife what a coward Deaan Tuley-Noro was to run away, though he had twice their number of men. After he had done, he tm-ned his head, and, with an angry countenance, asked me " What the white men said to me when they called me ? " " Sir," said I, " they only asked me how I did." " And nothing else ? " said he. I replied,'" No, sir." At this he rose up, cocked his gun, and putting the muzzle to my breast, with his finger to the trigger, said " If I did not tell him the truth he would shoot me that instant." I was not much daunted, not regarding my Ufe in the melancholy humour I then was, so with very little concern I told him the same again, at which he pulled the trigger ; but Providence being pleased to preserve me for some other purpose, the cock snapped, and missed fire. Whether the prime was wet in the pan, or by what miracle it was, I cannot say ; but he took his lance to stab me, when his brother and the rest of his chief men ran in between us, and told him. " It was barbarous and cruel, and that he had better have killed me at first than to have saved me only to terrify me with death on every trivial occasion, there being no reason at all for this." With much persuasion he retmrned to his seat, and told them " there was reason to suspect the white men had formed a plot to do some unfair thing, else why did they come nearer than they should have done?" And, indeed, their fears proceeded from a natural dread they have on them of white men, ten of whom vrill drive fifty black men before them. And then Captain Drummond and the rest being completely armed with pistols in their girdles made them the more terrible to them. What -was the true reason of King Samuel retiring thus I don't know; but when this broil was over, I was very inquisitive to understand the whole transaction, which was thus related to me. " King Samuel's design was to march directly to Fenno- arevo, and come upon Deaan Crindo before he could be pro- vided for him. His way lay through a large plain, called Ambovo,* leading to a great wood, which they must also pass * There is a river named Manambovo, east of Cape St. Mary. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 97 through. Deaan Grindo, having more timely notice than they expected, laid an ambuscado in the wood. King Samuel was lame of the gout, and carried on men's shoulders. Him and great part of his army they suffered to enter the wood, and then the signal being given, Deaan Crindo's men arose and attacked them so vigorously, and with such advantage (know- ing the wood, which the others did not), that King Samuel himself had like to have been taken, but was gallantly defended by the white men and others of his bravest people. However, they were forced to retire into the plain, where they encamped, as did also Deaan Crindo's people close by the wood-side, and even in it, securing themselves by that means from the superior nimaber of the Antenosa army, which, they say, consisted of six thousand men; and here they came to parleying. King Samuel sent one of his chiefs to teU Deaan Grindo that he came not for lucre of his cattle, nor for slaves ; but he having been brought up among white men, all such were his friends, and he looked on himself obliged in duty and honour to demand some satisfaction of Deaan Grindo for the white men which he had barbarously killed ; and if there were any left aUve, he desired to have them, that he might send them to their native country. " Deaan Grindo gave good attention to the messenger, and then returned an answer to this purpose : That he wondered Deaan Tuley-Noro should trouble himself with other people's business. As to the white men who were shipwrecked on his coast, he looked upon it that the great God had sent them there. He, having a potent enemy, and knowing the white men to be skilful in war, as also of courageous spirit, did design not to sUght the help his gods had sent him, but to desire their assistance in his wars. Accordingly he treated them with the greatest civihty as friends, and maintained them as well as his country would afford, they wanting for nothing he could procure them; and after all, though they had, in a violent manner, seized him and Prince Murnanzack,* and made them prisoners, he would condescend so far to Tuley-Noro to tell him (though under no obUgations to give him an account of his actions or make excuses) that neither * Manjaka, to reign j Mpanjaka, the sovereign (see p. 105). 7 98 MADAaASGAB: OB, himself nor Prince Murnanzact were present, or any ways aiding or assisting in their deaths, but that action was done by some of his sons and nephews, to revenge their barbarous seizing him and Prince Murnanzack. And to convince him, he does not tell him this as an excuse through a mean-spirited fear ; since his sons did think fit to do it, he will justify and defend them in it, and thinks they did the white men justice. That he knows of but one living out of four boys that were saved at that time, who, he finds by inquiry, is in Deaan Mevarrow's hands; as to the other three, one died by sickness, another was killed by his master for his wickedness, and the third is run away or lost, for nobody could tell what became of him ; and as to him who was living, he should not have him without giving such a price as his master thought proper." Now I am apt to think by several circumstances that this answer might seem to King Samuel to carry some reason with it, and that, in my opinion, prevailed more on him to return to Antenosa* than aU the force my bragging master talked of, or than all that Crindo's army was able to do. However, they told me that King Samuel, in his reply to this, excused the violence the white men offered to Deaan Crindo, by saying " that they did it only to secure their own flight from him for their liberty ; that they did not, nor ever designed to, hurt or wrong him. However, since there was no raising the dead to Ufe, if he would send six hundred head of cattle, it should be taken for a satisfaction. As for me, he was content to buy me, and desired to know what they demanded for me. Deaan Crindo sent word that, as to me, they required two buccaneer guns ; t but as to his demand of six hundred head of cattle, he was not to have laws and arbitrary commands imposed on him by any king in the world ; that if they wanted provision, he was ready to make them a present, for it should not be said Deaan Tuley-Noro came to see him, and he would not give him a dinner, and therefore had ordered his people to give him six oxen and a bull." * Anosy, or Antanosy, the country east of the Mandrere river, about Fort Dauphin. f Two muskets were the regular price of a slave when purchased by the European dealers for the Isle of France. BOBEBT DBUBY'S JOUBNAL. 99 Some said King Samuel resented this as an affront, and would have attacked the Anterndroeans immediately, but was dissuaded by Captain Drummond and the rest, there being no likeUhood of any engagement but bush-fighting, which must be to the advantage of the Anterndroeans in their own country and in possession of the wood. So, finding that no other terms were to be had, they accepted of Deaan Crindo's present, which his men did indeed want, and went on in their parley about me, the success of which you have ah-eady seen. But I must not pass over a piece of superstition practised here.* . There are a sort of people in this country who pretend to a great deal of knowledge in the magical virtue of roots, trees, plants, and other such like matters, and of their power to perform strange things by charms made of them. One of these conjurers, or .Umossee (as the natives call them), advised Deaan CrLndo to take a certain powder which he gave him, and to strip off a piece of the skin of the tail of the buU, which he advised should be a white one, too, because Deaan Tuley-Noro was a whitish man, and to put this magical powder on the wound, as also to mix some of it with water, and give it to the bull to drink before it was given to the Antenosa men. Now this was not done to make the creature unwholesome, and thereby procure deaths or diseases amongst their enemies in the common way ; but it was expected to work some witchcraft or supernatural operation on them.t * " The Oinasy," writes Mr. A, Walen, in his description of the Sakalava tribes, " are the doctors, whose medicaments are supposed to be useless unless rendered efficacious by enchantment. The Omdsy also deal in charms, for which there is a great demand, and they have a lucrative business in that way." \ "When war is declared, the first act is to obtain a male calf and a young cock, both generally black. The Omasy is called for, who has these animals dedicated and prepared as charms of great efficacy. . . . The spies carry the calf and cock with them till they get sight of the enemy, and finding out a place where the enemy are Hkely to pass, leave the calf and cock there. When the enemy see the calf they would say, ' This is the black calf sent to bring dis- tress and death upon us, let us go home while we are still aUve.' This sometimes suffices to defer the breaking out of war for a cou' siderable time " (A. Walen). 100 MADAGASGAR: OB, Now it happened ia two months after this that King Samuel died. He was at that time very infirm, and had been so long before, which, with the fatigue of this journey, might hasten his end. But there were not wanting people superstitious enough to think his death was the effect of this conjuration, though we might be sure he eat none of the bull, there being oxen at the same time, for these negroes would not make oxen any more than we white men did they not know them to be in every respect preferable to bulls. And since I have had an occasion to say so much of King Samuel, I suppose my reader will have curiosity enough to desire to know who this king with a Christian name was, and for what reason he should endeavour to assist us and revenge our wrongs. His living near the sea, and the riches he and his people got by trading with the English, may pass as a sufficient reason for the friendship this king showed -to our people ; and, indeed, aU over the island they are friends to the EngUsh, except in some few places remote from the sea. But King Samuel's history being very singular, I shall here relate it as I learned it at times from the natives. Whether any of the Erench authors of voyages have wrote anything of him I know not, nor have I had the opportunity of seeing their histories of Madagascar to compare with this of mine. It is exactly as the people themselves told me, and I shaU not alter or vary from their account of it, whether it is agreeable to what others have said or no.* " This part of the country, to which the Erench have given the name of Port Dauphine, is called, in the Madagascar language, Antenosa. About ninety years ago there came hither two Erench ships — on what account, voyage, or business they Were I can't learn ; but they came to an anchor close under the land in a very good harbour. The captains observing that there were plenty of cattle and all provisions, as also a good soil, concluded that one of them should stay here and make a * This ignorance of the French authors on the part of the editor is disingenuous. He has so evidently derived both his map and this story of the French adventurers from De Flacourt's Histoire, or from Ogilby's extracts from that author. BOBEBT DBUBVS JOUBNAL. 101 settlement. Hereupon they cast lots wlio should remain on the island, and he on whom the lot fell was Captain Mes- merrico." * (I must here desire my reader to take notice that this is the name the natives told me, who, very likely, being unlearned, may pronounce it very different from the true name, but besides, as it is also some time since, and they have no writings or records of things, so consequently they can have no history, but by tradition, as the father tells the son, and so on to succeeding generations.) " This Captain Mes- merrico landed with two hundred white men, well armed, with store of ammunition, and other necessaries proper for the building of a fort, which they immediately began. The natives no sooner observed their intention but they endea- voured to hinder them. This caused a war, in which the French were the conquerors, who took at several times many prisoners. In this war, the king of Antenosa and his brother were killed; and amongst many other children which were taken the king's son was one. When the French had sup- pressed the natives and built their fort, the ships sailed away to France, and carried this young prince and many other captives with them. " By that time the ships had been gone a year the natives began to be better reconciled to the Frenchmen ; only they privately resented the carrying away their young prince, and did not well Hke to be governed at the pleasure of foreigners ; however, the French, by their obliging behaviom', gained friend- ship among them ; marrying, and living up and down at peace, in several towns distant from each other, not above five or six in a place. They also joined with the natives in their wars against a king who lived to the northward, whom they routed and took many slaves and cattle. On this manner they Uved some years with great security, neglecting their fort and spreading themselves all over the whole country of Antenosa ; having families and many children, the natives observing them to increase, and remembering their prince whom they barba- rously sent away, and seeing them thus dispersed, thought * Essomerio is the name of the Malagasy prince who was carried off, by Captain de GonneviEe, in 1505, and who eventually remained in France. 102 MADAQASCAB : OR, this the only opportunity to free themselves from the usurpa- tion of foreigners. Hereupon they formed a plot to destroy all the white men in one day ; and accordingly a Wednesday being appointed, it was executed ; and they left not a white man aUve in Antenosa. " Not long after a French ship came there as usual. The Maiurominters,* or slaves, who had a love for the French, got a canoe and went off to them and told them their countrymen were all murdered. The captain was much concerned at the news but could not revenge them ; being glad to get safe away himself without once attempting to go on shore. " They, having now nobody to interrupt them, put their government into its original form,f by choosing a king who was the nearest related to their former ; for there was no other son but him whom the French took captive. Thus they lived several years, no French ship ever daring to come near them ; but now and then an English ship came with whom they traded very civilly and honestly. " After some years a French ship, homeward bound from India, was in great straits for water and provision, and could not get about the Cape. Port Dauphine lay very con- venient for him, but he knew the natives were their mortal enemies, and the occasion ; and therefore resolved to make use of this stratagem. He pretended he was an ambassador from the French king, and accordingly went on shore in great state and with proper attendants. Their ship anchored as near as they could that they might be within the reach of their guns if any violence should be offered to them. The natives, who came down to speak to them, asked if they were EngUsh or French. They told them the latter, but that they were sent by the French king with presents, and to make a peace with them. The king they had chosen, whom I mentioned before, had been * Maromita, a servant ; corruption of the French word marmiton. f " Qovemment into its Original for yn.'' This is one of the touches which seems to indicate Defoe's editing. Compare numerous passages in The Judgment of Whole Kingdoms, for instance : " If David tho' design'd by God to be King, and anointed by the Hand of the Prophet, was not King till the People had chosen him, and he had made a Covenant with them, it will be hard to find a Man who can claim a Eight, which is not Original from the People." g^-?^^^^^ ^ ""-^ '^ 1 MAROMITRA POUNDING RICE. Central Madagascar. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 103 dead about a month past, and no new one yet elected in his room ; but the old queen (mother of the prince they had carried away some years before) who was still living, ordered the ambassador to be conducted to her house. His men carried a great many things of no great cost amongst them, but such as they knew to be greatly valued in this country ; and v^hich, he was assured, would please her. These he pre- sented in the name of the French king ; and she testified her satisfaction in receiving them, by entertaining the captain in the best manner she could invent. This day past in com- pUments, presenting, and ceremony, so far as their little know- ledge carried them ; the next day she sent for the captain, and told him they must both swear according to the custom of her country. " The captain having agreed to the ceremony, it was per- formed after the following manner : — The holy Owley, which we have already described, was brought out, and hung on a piece of wood laid across two forks, all which was cut down on pur- pose, as was also a long pole to which the bullock was tied ; this was provided by the queen, and being killed, they took some of the tail, and some of the hair of the nose and eye- brows and put them on some Uve coals smoking under the Owley ; they then took some of the blood which they sprinkled on it, and on the beam it hung on ; the Uver also was roasted and a piece of that placed on it ; two pieces were put on two lances, and these two lances stuck in the ground betwixt the queen and the ambassador ; the queen swore first to this purpose : " ' I swear by the great God above, by the Four Gods of the Four Quarters of the World, by the Spirits of my Forefathers, and before this holy Owley, that neither myself, nor any of my offspring, or people, who assist at this solemn oath, for themselves and their offspring, wiU wittingly kill any Frenchman, unless they first kill some of us ; and if we, or any of us, mean any other but the plain and honest truth by this, may this liver, which I now eat, be turned into poison in my belly, and kUl me instantly.' " When she had said this, she took the piece of Uver o£f the lance and eat it ; when she had done, the ambassador did the same. 104 MADAGA80AB: OB, " The captain staid on shore three or four days after this, sending on board what provision his people wanted. A firm friendship being now estabHshed between them, they strove who should outdo the other in civiUties. The captain invited the queen to go on board his ship,' and she very readily went with several of the chief of her people, and were treated by the captain with magnificence, and very much to her satisfaction. She returned on shore in the ship's boat, and after landing did not immediately walk up from the seaside, but stood looking about her. The Frenchmen, not regarding the presence of the black queen, stripped and swam about to wash and cool them- selves ; the queen could not help observing the whiteness of their skins, which being so different from theirs, she indulged her curiosity in looking on them, tUl seeing one man, whose skin was much darker than the rest of his companions, as he came towards the shore, and was going to put on his clothes, she espied a mole under his left pap ; she went near to him immediately, and, looking more diligently on it, hindered him from putting on his shirt. She cried out she was positive he was her son who had been carried away, when a child, many years before, and had not patience to contain herself, but ran to him, crying for joy that she had found her son, and threw her arms about his neck. This surprised all the people, as well blacks as whites, tUl having recovered herself a little, she turned to them and told them this was her son, and showed them the mark. They who had known the young prince came near, viewed the mole, and were of her opinion that it must be he, and no other. The Frenchmen could not tell what to make of this, nor what might be the consequence, and began to be in fear. " The captain, therefore, taking the man aside, advised him to give as cunning answers as he could to what questions they should ask him for their safety's sake. Now there were several blacks who spoke French, and by their means the Frenchmen as soon understood the queen as themselves did. She bid these ask him if he knew the country he was born in ? He answered he could remember nothing of it, for he was carried from his native place when a child. She asked him, if he knew her? He said he could not pretend to say he did, but he BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 105 thought she resemhled somebody he was used to when young. " This confirmed them more and more in their opinion. As to his being white skined, that, they thought, might easily be from his wearing clothes during the time he was absent from thence ; his hair was black lite theirs, so that it was concluded it must be their prince. The queen was in raptures of joy for finding her son, and the natives were for choosing him king directly, he being the next heir. They asked him what name he went by ? He told them he never remembered himself to be called by any other name than Samuel ; but they gave him what, they thought, was his original name, compounded with Tuley; which signified his return or arrival. So they called him Deaan Tuley-Noro (Deaan, it may be observed, is an universal title of honour, signifying lord); and he was also further saluted immediately vdth the title of Panzacker (which is king) of Antenosa (see note p. 97). " The captain, and other Frenchmen were sm-prised to find the man acted his part so well ; not perceiAdng at first that he was in earnest, and was as ready to be made a king as they were to choose him ; though it was in this heathenish place. He had here immediately under his command twelve thousand fighting men, and a fine, large, plentiful country to live in at his pleasure. The ship sailed away and left him ; but as often as the French had occasion for what this island afforded, they used to put into Port Dauphine, and trade vrith him. " About three or four years before we were cast away, it happened that a French ship being there, some of the men got drunk on shore, and quarrelling with some of the natives, told them King Samuel was not their lawful king, but he was yet living in France. This might have been of very iU consequence to him, but he took such care to prevent it as no one could blame him for. He sent for the man who spoke the words, and ordered him to be shot to death ; he also commanded his companions to depart forthwith, and told them that if ever they, or any of their countrymen, came there again, he would take care they should never go aUve off the island."* And this * This Btory seems to be a garbled version of the curious career of Le Vacher, a native of Boehelle, who, under the assumed name of La 106 MADAGASCAB : OB, last adventure being known to our man, who advised us against putting into Port Dauphine, made him say, he was barbarous to all white people ; but be had heard the story imperfectly, and from thence arose the mistake which proved so fatal to us. By this conference between Deaan Crindo and King Samuel, I came to the knowledge of what happened to the white boys who were taken with me ; so far, at least, as the natives knew themselves. As also, that the prince, who was . seized by our people and made prisoner with Deaan Crindo, their king, was not, strictly speaking, his son, but Deaan Mm-nanzack, Ms nephew, whose right Deaan Crindo had usurped, as we shall find hereafter. But a word in theu- language signifying off- spring, and comprehending as well grandsons and nephews as sons, was the cause we did not distinguish the dif- ference.* But to return to my own history. The fray between my master and me being over, by the intercession of Deaan Sambo and the other chiefs, he ordered me to be carried to the plan- tations to work there ; telling me, " If I hoed the carravances and weeds together as I did at first, he would hoe my eyes out." I went away very contentedly, not caring where I was so it was where I could not see him, for he now became more hateful to me than ever. Our plantation was about five miles from home, and he came not above once in a month to see us. He took no care for my maintenance nor the rest of his slaves, we must provide for ourselves. But then every man had as much land as he pleased to cultivate for his own use, and one day in the week to work for himself. When I first came I found it hard enough to keep myself aUve ; I was obUged on moonlight nights, after I had Case, was elected a chief under the name of Andrian Pousse, and who, having married Andrian Nong, the princess of Ambolo, became the sovereign of that province. In the above narrative the historical facts are strangely mixed up with the story of Andrian Bamach who was carried off by the Portuguese from Tsiamban his father at Fort Dau- phin and the legend of Essomeric. * Word in Malagasy signifying " offspring " is " zaffu " in Drury's vocabulary. In the Hova dialect a child is '' zanaka," a " grandchild," or " descendant," " zafy," and a " nephew "=" zanafcanabavy." BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 107 done my master's work, to go into the woods^and look for wild yams for my sustenance, and many times I could find no more than was sufiBcient for one meal ; which, however, I was forced to lengthen out for the next day's support. My fellow-slaves were, indeed, as kind to me as they could afford ; they having plantations of their own. They gave me carravances and such victuals as they had, especially on dark nights and times when I could not shift for myseK. I worked a night or two in a week in clearing and burning the weeds and things off the piece of ground I designed for my own plantation ; but the speediest thing I could plant to produce myself food was potatoes. I lived this miserable life for two or three months, and it was a year before I was rightly settled and had plenty. Honey is one of the most profitable and useful things this country produces, and they have it in plenty if they wUl take proper care. There is little trouble in managing bees, which are here very numerous ; they will readUy come to their hives, or tohokes,* as the natives call them, and in making these I took a particular deUght. They are part of the body of a tree, called fontuoletch, first cut off about a yard long, and then spUt right down. Having dug out the middle with oiir hatchets (in which we are not very nice) we bind the two parts together in their natural positioUj so that the hive is a hollow cylinder. We leave a hole at the bottom for them to enter, and this is aU the care that need be taken. I had almost two hundred of these hives, but some of my neighbours used often to rob them. Once I caught a boy, fol- lowing Viim by his track, and carried him to his father. About three or four days after I went to demand satisfaction for the honey he stole, and destroying my hives. His father made very few words with me, but gave me two hatchets, a hoe, and ten strings of yellow beads. I was very well contented with this, thinking myself as rich as a great merchant. But soon after I happened on a secure way of preserving my honey, the relating which will give a just notion of almost the only super- stition these people are addicted to. I have already mentioned the Umossees, who pretend to * " SohoTca " = beehive. " Fonto " = tree or shrub. 108 MADAGASCAR : OB, be magicians, sorcerers, and fortune-tellers. One of these Umossees was on his travels from Antenosa into our country, and in his way took up his lodging at my master's town. My master had been that day in the woods to see his beehives, and found a great many of them robbed. He returned in the evening in a very great passion, threatening to shoot whom- soever he should catch steaUng his honey. This Umossee coming in this juncture to pay his respects to him, and hearing his complaint, told him he could give him somewhat that would effectually prevent his honey from being stolen, but he was afraid to teU it him because it would kiU that person who ate the stolen honey. Deaan Mevarrow said he did not care if they were all kiUed. In the end they agreed the Umossee was to have two cows and two calves if it effected the business, and was to stay to see the success. The next morning he goes into the woods and singles out a tree called roe-bouche ; * we have no such-like in England, nor is it much to the purpose, for I suppose any tree would have done his business as well. He goes to the eastward of this tree and dug up a piece of its root, and then he goes to the westward and dug up another piece of the root of the same tree ; he takes the eastern root and directs Deaan Mevarrow to rub it on a stone vrith a Uttle water and sprinkle the water among the bees and honey-combs in the hives, and if any one steals the honey and eats it, in a quarter of a day (for they reckon not by hours) they wiU swell and break out in spots Uke a leopard from head to foot, and in three days they vdU die. This pleased Deaan Mevarrow, but, then, says he, " How shall I do when I want to use my honey for myself and family? " Says the Umossee, " I have here a remedy for that in my hand, which is no other than a root of the same tree, but dug to the west, and when you go to take your honey only rub a little of this on another stone (not the same) with water and sprinkle the hives, then will the eastern root have no power. But if anybody has stolen your honey, and finds the effects of it, and you have a mind to be merciful and save his life, give him some of this western root, which he called * Probably " Voafotsy " {Bavinala, Ogilhy). BOBEBT DBUBY'S JOUBNAL. 109 vauhovalumy,* or root of life ; t it will take off all the swelling and spots, and restore him to health." AU this was mighty well, but the business was to try if it would answer all these fine pretences of the TJmossee, which Deaan Mevarrow was very eager to know, and therefore, having sprinkled his hives vnth the eastern root according to direc- tions, he proposed it to several to try it, and he would give them an ox for their pains; but nobody offering themselves, he ordered it to be cried about the country, and by this means it came to my ears. Now I had before observed the simpUeity of the people on these occasions, and that these Umossees made a property of their ignorance to cheat and impose on them. I knew there was nothing else in this, and that it had already the effect desired by terrifying the people, and having a great deal of honey myself, I thought if I covld by any means pretend I had the secret it would preserve mine. I, therefore, sent word to my master that I would try it, pro- vided he would communicate the secret to me if I survived the experiment. He very readily sent for me, and agreed to it, promising me over and above a great reward. I went with my master and several other people to the hive, which was sprinkled with the poison, as they call it, and taking the honey out by handfuls I eat it before them, asking them if they would partake with me ? They said they would not touch it for a thousand cattle, making several grimaces in the mean time, and dreading what would befall me for my presumption. "When I had filled my belly and cloyed myself, my master would have me home with him to be ready to have it expelled, but I chose rather to go to play with my comrades, by which means I had time to think of some way -to deceive them. As luck would have it, being in the fields, I espied a calf sucking a cow, and nobody in view, so I tied up the calf with my lamber, and mUked the cow into my mouth as long as the cow would give milk ; this and the honey together had the desired effect, for it began to swell me and rumble in my * " Vaho " = a plant ; " Veloma " = may you live, f Menach Tanhetaiihe is an oil made of a plant, in the country language called Tanhetane ; and by us Tree of Wonder ; and in Latin, Bicinus (figilhy). 110 MADAaASCAB: OB, belly that it might be heard. Away I went to my comrades, who, seeing my belly swelled and hearing the rmnbling, advised me to run home, and cried out I was poisoned. I pretended to step behind a hedge on some occasion, but it was only to beat myself with nettles. The pimples and redness raised from this did the more affright them, for there appeared on me all the signs and symptoms of poison, which the Umossee had before described, and to complete the deceit, you may be sure, I did not fail heavily to complain and cry out ; hereupon some ran before me, and others helped me home. My master had prepared the water with the vauhovalumy, or root of Ufe ; the peojple, terrified at the danger I was in, flocked to the house, pitying me and admiring the great learning of the Umossee, who did not himself perceive the cheat. Well, I drank the medicine, and after lying down three or four hours all was vanished and I was well. The vauhovalumy was esteemed a great medicine, the Umossee a very great and wise man, and did not a little value himself upon it, repenting that he had parted with the secret so cheap, saying, he would have twenty cows for it of the next who wanted it. Deaan Mevarrow, to gratify him, bid him choose his two cows and two calves out of all his cattle in the cow- pen ; which he did, and departed. My master, on my promise of secrecy, disclosed both the roots to me, and the manner of finding and using them ; for the pain I had suffered, and the hazard he beUeved I underwent, he gave me a cow and a calf. I then thought I had made a very good day's work. "When I returned to my plantation, my neighbom-s and fellow-slaves having seen the terrible effects of this poison, desired me to put a mark on all my hives, that when they went out a honey-thieving they might not be killed by hap- pening on any of mine. This was the thing I aimed at, and accordingly I put a white stick before every hive, and never after this lost my honey. Nobody would go near my hives for fear my bees should sting them, and their stings be of more dangerous consequence than those of others. I, having now a cow and a calf, had milk of my "own, and was as rich as my fellow-slaves, besides the gain I made BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. Ill of my honey by selling forty or fifty gallons a year to other people for hatchets, beads, &c., who make toak with it, more especially against their circumcision and other feasts. I lived thus about three years, which, with two years and a half before, made almost an apprenticeship in this country. My master came one day to see how we went on, and taking more than ordinary notice of my manner of working, he at length told me I must go home with him and keep his cattle, which were near the town. This was much less work than digging and cultivating his plantation ; however, I was pretty well reconciled to it, since my own plantation was likewise so much improved, but he providing for me now, and my honey being safe I was not much concerned at my removal. So away I went, driving my own cattle, which were now in- creased, having a cow and calf besides two heifers. My household furniture, too, was not so much but I was able to carry it away myself at once, yet I was as rich and had as much as other people of my condition, and more than many of them. I built me a house and a cow-pen for my own cattle in less than two days. Now was I in my first station again, looking after cattle, the hardest of my labour was (as I said before) every other night bringing home either a tub or a caUabash four or five miles full of water ; but considering I was a slave, it was as easy Uving as I could expect. I had not continued long in this last station before a common calamity reduced us to miserable circumstances. The epidemical evil of this island is their frequent quarrels with one another, and the very cause so many of them are sold to the Europeans for slaves. This is a dangerous and destructive misfortune to a people otherwise good-natured and weU inchned, who have wholesome stated laws for determining disputes and punishing crimes, of which I shaU give an account in a proper place. But what I have observed is that the supreme king of any country has seldom force enough to bring the lesser chiefs in his dominions to answer in a judicial manner to the wrongs they do one another, or the mistakes and errors committed by chance, but they fight it out, making slaves of, impoverishing, and destroying one another, after the 112 MADAGASCAR: OB, manner I am now going to relate; in which I myself was a grievous sufferer. Everything seemed happy and peaceable. No foreign enemy for a long time disturbed us. But what I took notice of when first a slave was my master's and others stealing their neighbours' cattle, and their neighbom'S doing also the same by them, for they were equally addicted to this kind of thievery. So that it could not easily be known who was the aggressor in the present quarrel. But one day when I and some others went about five or six miles to water our cattle, having two men armed with guns to guard us as usual, it happened in our going home that, though the greater number of them went on slowly, grazing as they passed along, some of the milch-cows ran homeward before the rest, wanting to be sucked by their calves. The men, knowing me to be light of foot, desired me to run after and stop them, that they might be kept in a body, but they being got a great way off, it was some time before I could stop them. When I turned about I was surprised to see one of our men shooting into a body of men who drove the cattle a contrary way, and running from them toward me they soon espied me, and the cattle with me, and ran after us. Hereupon I left the cattle and fled as fast as I could home to my master, and got there the first of anybody. PuflSng and blowing, being frightened and out of breath, in imperfect exclamations I told him an army had taken our cattle, and one of our men, named Eoy'nsowra, had fired and killed a man, but I could not teU him who the enemy were nor on what account they did it. While my master and the rest were talking with me in came two or three more, who said it was Deaan Chahary and his brother, Deaan Frukey, two of Deaan Crindo's sons. It seems our master had been discovered stealing three of Deaan Frukey's cattle, and this they did out of revenge. All was in confusion and hurry at once ; every man taking his arms, Deaan Mevar- row bid them follow him, which they were as ready to do as himself to lead, for it was a general loss. AU the milch cows and home-kept cattle were gone, and now away go all the men in pursuit of them, except some old and incapable persons. Amongst others I was broke too, having lost my cow and BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 113 heifers. My calf, indeed, was left at home bellowing for its dam, as did everybody's else ; between whom and the crying of the women and children there was a most confused and frightful uproar. Deaan Frukey, who then was, or pretended to be, the injured person, lived within two or three miles of our watering-place, but they drove our cattle a great way more to the northward to Deaan Chahary's town, which was better fortified, and more capable of being defended from the assault, which they justly expected we should make against it. Om- people, notwith- standing the passion they were in, and the speed they made, yet followed them with great circumspection ; having spies running softly before, by whom they found their enemies were entered the town with their booty. Our people, not being provided with strength enough, and having no time to call in the help of their neighbours, did not attempt to assault Deaan Chahary's Town, but silently and undiscovered turned off and went about five miles further, where they kept all their breed- ing cattle. These they took, it being now late in the night ; the few keepers they had were at a distance and fast asleep, knowing nothing of the matter; so they drove away the beasts without any noise, and came homewards as fast as possible. We looked out all the morning, expecting them every minute to return. At length we espied them with a vast large drove of cattle, containing as many, or more than our own, being above five hundred. We all thought they had recovered their own, and I, more especially, was thinking how I should kiss my cow for joy of seeing her again ; but we soon perceived they were strangers, and I, not being with them, had no share in the booty. My master and several others, after they had divided them, killed some oxen. We made a jovial feast, and some of our people sent me presents of meat. The next day my master sent me away to look after the cattle as before, and himself went to repair some breaches in his town walls, by putting in poles cut down on purpose, and made preparations for a war. But he had not patience to stay at home, and see if his enemies would come to give him any new disturbance, though the reprisals he had made on them might have well contented 8 114 MADAGASCAB: OB, him, being more than he lost. Nothing would serve him but in two or three days' time he would go and surprise his enemies' town by night, and left his own unguarded, and had just such success as so precipitate a conduct deserved. For the very morning after they went on their expedition, as I and others were watering the cattle, and carefuUy regarding them, lest they should run towards their own home, which was nearer than our town to the watering-place, about twenty men rushed out of a thicket of bushes, and leaped upon us lite so many tigers at their prey. I and three or fom- boys had time to start out of their clutches, and run for it ; but they soon came up mth the rest, carrying them back, and all the cattle and other slaves who were with them ; while some followed me, holloaing, yelping, and threatening they would kill me if I did not stop and yield myself their captive ; but, turning about, and perceiving I gained ground of them, I ran on for a mile and half at least before I came to any place to shelter myself. At length I got to a wood, which I knew, where I soon lost them, and they returned back to their companions, who marched off with their prisoners and qattle. I, perceiving them gone, hasted home. "When I entered the town the women immediately flocked about me, for they saw by my countenance, and the confusion I was in, that some evil had happened. I soon made them sensible of the loss, and they as soon reflected on their husbands' ill conduct, who, to foUow the dictates of a bhnd passion, and revenge themselves on their enemies, would leave all that was valuable to themselves un- guarded, to become a prey to those very enemies, who, they might be sm-e, had spies out to give notice of every opportunity which might be of advantage to them. Deaan Mevarrow returned about evening, when, for his welcome home, the news of this, which happened at sun- rising, was told him. I also understood the expedition they went on had been fruitless ; for though they arrived at their enemy's town an hour before dayUght, yet so vigilant were they in sending out spies every way night and day, that they discovered our people, and alarmed the townsfolks, who came out and met them. And all that was done, as I could hear, was only scolding at one another, like women, with a " You BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 115 began first," and " You gave the first occasion," &c.* Deaan Mevarrow began to fire a little at them at a distance, and they returned it, but \vithout any execution on either side. A kins- man coming soon after dayhght to Deaan Frukey's assistance, Deaan Mevarrow thought best to retire, but not without telling them, " If his kinsman and his people had not come, he would have had all his cattle again in a few hours." To which they answered, " That they would not only keep his cattle, but that their own, which he had lately carried away by surprise, were by this time in their own possession again, as he would find at his retTirn home." And so in truth he found it. At which he was heartily vexed, but we had kiUed a pretty many of them first, and stocked ourselves with provision. He vowed revenge on his uncles, and accordingly provides for another enterprise, which they set out upon in three days after. He asked me if I was willing to go with them. I very readily embraced the offer, for there was safety nowhere now, and it was as little danger with them as at home. So he fm-nished me with a gun, cartouch-box, and powder-horn, &c., and I commenced souldier. We sallied out of om- tovsm just as it was dark, for we had a great way to go, Deaan Frukey, with all his people, having deserted their own town as not defensible, and moved to his brother's, which was many miles further to the northward. We marched very swiftly, but silently, never speaking to one another but in whispers. My skin appeared white, they thought it might be seen at a distance in the dark, and thereby * " So the warriors start, shouting and singing their war songs, inarching until they get sight of the enemy, and come so close to them that the hostile parties can hear distinctly one another's voices, when a halt is called. Then one party asks, ' How do you ? ' the other answers, 'Just as you see us,' or 'Here we are.' The other says again, ' Shall we fight ' ; the answer is, ' Yes ! let us fight,' and then they commence firing. Should any one fall by the enemy's shot, his fellow warriors near him take to flight. The enemy run quickly to the fallen men, spear them, and rob them of their guns and spears and clothes, and everything else they may have with them at the time. . . . Wars of this kind are much enjoyed by the Sakalava, for there is but little life lost " (A. Walen, on the SaTcalava). 118 MADAGASCAB: OB, discover us to our enemies' spies. Thej', therefore, made mo daub myself all over with mud. We arrived two hours before day near the town, and sent two men, who knew it well, to go round it and search for breaches or weak places in the fortifications. They returned, having discovered two breaches, as also the private way, which is always provided for the women and children to escape to the woods by in case of a surprise. Near this place we laid an ambuscade of thirty men, who were not to fire or make any noise, only to seize the women in their flight. Our army was divided in three parts. Deaan Mevarrow with his attacked the most difficult breach of the two in the walls ; a chief man of his the other, and Deaan Sambo the gate, in whose party I was, for my master would not take me with him, thinking I could not well bear to tread on the thorns in the fortifica- tions. There were three gates, one within another. The signal for us to attack was the firing of the first gun, which was when Deaan Mevarrow and the other chief had secured the outside of the breaches. It was a quarter of an hour we waited in expectation before the gun was fired. The townsmen were immediately in arms, and almost as ready as we, for they secured the inner gate at the time when we entered the outer, and came furiously on towards us, but we drove them back. However, they maintained the other a long time, till Deaan Mevarrow had, with much difficulty, entered through the breach. He had one of his principal men shot in the belly just before him, which so enraged bim that he leaped down, and the rest followed. About the same time we pushed vigorously those we engaged with, entered the tovm, and immediately heard the outcry of the women, who were sur- prised by our ambuscade, and almost all taken. The men got off by a breach of their own making into the woods, and left us the town to plunder and burn, which we did not fail to do. I got some cotton, wooden platters, and spoons. We found here a great many of oui- cattle, and looking about I espied my cow, and now thought myself sure of her; but see the ill effects of too great security. We had now a great booty of slaves and cattle — the latter we drove out of the town before BOBEBT DBUBT8 JOUBNAL. 117 us, neglecting to secure them with a guard before them, think- ing we had entirely defeated and dispersed all our enemies, when, in truth, they were increased, and kept in a body in the woods, observing our motions, and watching an opportunity for their advantage. They soon perceived the cattle defence- less, and had nothing to do but to turn them out of the way we put them into, and drive them a little into the woods, where we lost them all again as soon as we had got them. For marching to regain them our enemy appeared in a formidable body, firing at us, and even offering us battle. Here they killed us one man. We had missed several of our people before, whUe we were in the town ; and searching about found three of them wounded, and four of our principal and stoutest men kUled. This very much afflicted Deaan Mevarrow, and all the rest, and abated their courage, so that they thought of nothing but retiring with the slaves they had taken, and getting out of the reach of their enemy as fast as they could. Accord- ingly, they left the plain open road we came by, and went through the woods, a most wretched way, for .ten miles or more, fuU of thorns and briars, and perpetually in fear of ambuscades. However, we stopped to make a bier to carry our wounded men upon, and then marched on, but with great circumspection, thinking every bird which stirred was an enemy in ambuscade. After we were through this long wood we still went by impractised ways, so that it was just dark as we got home. It is customary, let the success be good or bad, for the chief to set down with his people before his own house. The women soon flocked about him to know the news, and, not- withstanding the prize of slaves we brought with us, here was but a melancholy scene, for the wives, relations, and friends of the men who were killed made great lamentation. However, some calves were killed, and we refreshed ourselves after our fatigue, as well as we could, every man at his own home, and being wearied, laid down to sleep, but before daylight we were awakened by the firing of a gun. Our enemies, by our con- duct the day before, found we were dispirited, and resolved to give us no time to recruit. So they followed us and attacked our town, as we had done theirs ; but I think they did not behave with so much judgment and good conduct as we did at 118 MADAGASCAB: OB, their town. For the jBrst thing we did on the alarm was to order a party to secure the wives, children, and valuable slaves, in which we succeeded happily, and conveyed them safe out of the town to their hiding-place. "We defended ourselves as long as we could, but not with so much resolution as we should have done at another time ; yet we retired with little loss, and left them the town to plunder as we had done theirs. There was very little of value for them, the women carrying off what their haste would admit of ; and as for cattle, there was none but a few calves, whose dams they had seized at first ; and they were in so much haste that they could not drive them away. So they killed them, and carried as much of their car- cases away for food as they could conveniently. They never attempted to go in search for the women, but they called and told us, "We should have no rest till they had their wives and children again." We told them, "We would have our cattle again, and keep their wives too." They seemed pleased with this revenge on us, and it was no small satisfaction to our people, though they were defeated this time, to find that, not- withstanding the disadvantage they took us at, we were, at least, their match. But Deaan Crindo, our king, had by this time the news carried him, who immediately undertook to reconcile us, and accordingly sent messengers to both parties to know the cause of the quarrel and the demands on each side. Deaan Mevar- row sent word he was ready to oblige the king, and would live in peace with his uncles if they would send him all his cattle again ; and Deaan Frukey, and Chahary wanted their wives again, and said, " They would return what cattle was left alive of ours, but they had killed a third part, and refused to make up the number," so that the king could not persuade Deaan Frukey to make up the number of our cattle, nor us to send them their wives without them. Our master sent the kins word that " All the force he had, joined with his sons, should not oblige him to restore their wives and children on other terms." These haughty answers Deaan Crindo resented, and was resolved, by force, to reduce them to a compliance, and in order thereto, musters an army of a thousand men, and ROBERT DRURTS JOURNAL, 119 designed to come to Deaan Mevarrow first. Now Deaan Criudo could not, on these occasions, raise a great army, because there was a dispute always subsisting between him and his nephew Murnanzack, whose father was Deaan Crindo's elder brother, who, dying when his son was young, and his country invaded by an enemy, this uncle took on him the charge of the government, and when possessed of it would never lay it down. Deaan Murnanzack was not only a gallant man in war, but also of as fine accomplishments as this illiterate country could produce, as we shall see hereafter. He was just, honom-able, and exceedingly generous and affable. He had three brothers, who were lords, judges, and chiefs of towns, who together could make up an army not much inferior to their uncle's ; besides, he was very much esteemed and beloved all over the country. Now, in case of a foreign war, they aU readily joined to oppose the common enemy of their country, as we have seen them do against the kings of Mer- faughla and Antenosa ; but amongst themselves they always regarded each other with jealous and watchful eyes ; therefore Deaan Crindo could bring no greater an army against us than was consistent with the safety of his own and his sons' towns. Deaan Mevarrow had notice of this design against him by a friend of his in Fenno-arevo, who ran from thence to our town by night, and was back again before daylight undiscovered. My master had a cousin, with whom he had an intimate friendship, and whose father was as potent a lord as any in Deaan Crindo's dominions ; to this uncle, whose name was Mephontey, did he fly with his people for protection. We soon packed up our (little) all, which we saved from our enemies. My whole stock of provision and household fm-niture worth carrying away was about a gallon of carravances, a mat to lie on, a hatchet, and little spade to dig wild yams. We wanted no hoes now, that work was at a stop in this country. All our plantations, and most of the produce laid up in little store- houses, we now left to om- enemies, or whomsoever had a mind to do as they pleased with them. In half a day we arrived at Deaan Mephontey's town, who treated my master with great civility, and assured him of his protection, and that he would 120 MADAGASCAB: OB, defend him and his people to the last extremity. The chiefs had houses given them, and we common people built for our- selves in any part of the town where we could find room. I made a very small and shght one serve my turn, for I did not know how soon it might be burnt. Deaan Crindo was with us in three days' time, and encamped before the town. He went to Deaan Mephontey, desiring him " To deliver up Deaan Mevarrow and aU his people, and bid him detain them at his peril." To which Deaan Mephontey sent a resolute answer, " That he would protect any strangers, who were good people, and fled to him for relief when they were in distress, much more would he do for friends and relations ; and if Deaan Crindo would have them, he must get them by force ; for he would defend them to the utmost of his power." Deaan Crindo made preparations to attack the to-s«i the next morning, and we to defend it. And in order theremito, the women and children were sent away in the dark to the woods ; not all into one place, but at distances in small companies. I was ordered with a guard to see my mistress safe, and some other women and slaves vrith her, which I did; and after marking the place to find it again, I returned to the town, where we lived well that night, dressing and eating beef, &c., for we had some cattle of our own, such as I was sent to keep at first, breeding cows, heifers, and oxen, which were a great way off when Deaan Frukey seized the milch cows, but we wanted water, which was a great misfortune to us, our enemies being so near we could fetch none all the day before. The next morning we were all up by break of day, and every man at his station, as it was appointed the day before. Mine was behind my master, who had two guns ; one of which I was to keep and load, while he fired with the other. It was broad day before our enemies began the attack ; they fired so briskly upon us, that for almost a quarter of an hour we could not see them for smoke ; but when their fire abated a little, we re- turned it as hotly upon them. On the second onset they came nearer to us, and the lances began now to fly at one another ; one of which went through my lamber, and scratched me ; I was a little scared at first, but soon recovering my spirits. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 121 I returned them the lance over the fortification, in the same manner it came to me. The cattle were very troublesome to us, several being wounded, ran up and dowu and disordered the rest, like so many wild bulls. We fought thus for four hours, with great fury on both sides, till Deaan Crindo finding he could not enter the town, called off his forces, and retreated to his camp. Deaan Mephontey and Deaan Mevarrow were for sallying out, but Deaan Mephontey's son, Batoengha, with some difficulty, persuaded them against it, suspecting an ambuscade. We had several people killed on both sides, and some wounded, whom we conveyed out of the town after the fight to their wives. We buried the dead under the fortification, and sent out spies to observe the enemy, who brought us intelligence they were very quiet, regarding nothing but killing cattle, and fetching wood to dress their meat. When this intelligence was repeated, and we were sufficiently assured they would give us no more trouble that day, our people kiUed and dressed beef also, but we were parched up with thirst. You might here have seen men with their tongues hanging out of their mouths through excessive heat. This want of water is the most intolerable of all calamities, a painful misery not to be expressed in words: It may be remembered that when I first came into this country I had felt the anguish for almost four days, and know by dear experience that hunger is not to be compared to thirst ; but I had relief sooner than my neigh- bours, for my master sent me and two slaves out of the town with provisions for our mistress, and those with her ; where by the way we found a little water. I had some difficulty to find the place where I left her the night before ; however, at length we came to them, whom we found in great concern for our welfare. My mistress was sitting on her legs crying, for hearing the guns firing, and at length, ceasing all at once, she thought the town was taken, and her husband killed, but the sight of us dissipated all her fears. I cut down some boughs of trees with large leaves, which served very well for dishes and plates, and cutting the roast meat I brought on my back into pieces, I served it up to my mistress. I don't question, but some will remark, that she had not so much delicacy as we see in fine ladies of her high 122 MADAGASCAB: OB, rank and distinction in Europe, yet I dare say she enjoyed as good a repast, and as much to her satisfaction, as any of them would have done in her circumstances. When I had served her, I divided the rest among my fellow-servants, her women, who accompanied her, and my orders being to stay with her, I sent the two men away. They had brought a good deal of raw meat, and in the night I could make a fire to dress it, which could not be seen at any great distance through so thick a wood, when in the daytime the smoke might have discovered us. I went at a distance, and dug wild yams, which were very acceptable for their moisture, this place being destitute of water, but as much as they wanted them they would not ventm-e to dig for themselves till I came, lest the noise might betray them to the enemy. At night we sat very socially round the fire, while I enter- tained them with the story of the fight, and my own danger. I also roasted my meat and hung it up in trees out of the reach of wild dogs and foxes. When it was time to go to sleep I told them I had no bed, having forgot my mat in the hurry. They laughed at me for this, so we lay down very close together all night, but very innocently. We arose by day break, and listened very diUgently for the noise of guns, but heard none, and in a little while the two men came again to us, and brought us more meat. They told us that Deaan Crindo had sent a threatening message to Deaan Mephontey to tell him, "That if he did not obhge Deaan Mevarrow to come out to him and submit to his decision of the quarrel between him and Deaan Frukey, that he would humble their haughty spu-its by force, for he would there remain with his army till he Starved them, and also guard the watering- place, that they should, not come at it." Deaan Mephontey returned as resolute an answer, " That he did not fear starving, having provisions enough of all sorts, a great number of cattle, and houses enough for them to live on for three months; besides which he had strength sufiScient to force his way out of the town whenever he had a mind, and, therefore, advised Deaan Criudo not to put it to the hazard of a trial ; but to depart contented with the repulse he had already met with." After the men had told all they had to say they returned ATSIMO WOMAN. (Sketched by Captain Oliver in 1862.) BOBERT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 123 home, and we all went to digging of yams ; even my mistress too would make one amongst us, so I shai-pened sticks for them, and they pulled off their lambers because they would not dirty them ; some of which a rag- woman in England would scarce have taken up. My mistress's, indeed, was a fine silk one of divers colours, and very large, hanging almost down to her feet, and a fringe at the bottom.* ' I Uved very idly and merrily the few days I remained here ; there were about a dozen of them, besides my mistress ; and, indeed, I did not care how long the war lasted, for it was easy living, my provision being given me all the time, and no work to do. As to the hazard of the war, I did not trouble myself about it, I had nothing to lose but my life, and that I did not much regard in the circunistances I was in, and the despair of ever getting home, but we had not yet seen all the miseries of a civil war. Every morning we used to Hsten very attentively for the noise of guns, when at length came one of the slaves alone without meat, and having seated himself (as is always the custom of everybody, slaves more especially, before they speak) he then told us Deaan Crindo was gone, and my master had sent for us home. This was joyful news, we sat down to breakfast together, sung, and were as merry as so many beggars. My mistress hastened to be gone, for she was uneasy till she came to her husband, whom she no sooner saw than she fell on her knees and licked his feet, and he saluted her after the manner of the country, which is by touching their noses together. Now the reason of Deaan Crindo's sudden departure was on his hearing' that Deaan Murnanzack had seized six hundred of * The most important part of the native dress is the lamha or mantle, which is worn by both sexes and all classes. Some are of native silk, woven by the inhabitants, which are rich, durable, and beautiful in appearance, presenting a series of broad stripes through- out their entire length, amongst which bright scarlet, crimson, purple, orange, and white are the most frequent colours ; it is also ornamented with a rich variegated border and deep and curious fringe. It is worn over the shoulders, its folds hanging loosely, reaching nearly to the ankles, with the ends drawn together in front of the wearer. 124 MADAGASCAB: OB, his cattle, he might have taken them all, but he did this only to begin the dispute. We stayed, nevertheless, a week longer at Deaan Mephontey's town till we were well informed how the matter stood between them, and that we were sure we had no more to fear on that side. Deaan Crindo, we were told, had sent to Deaan Murnanzack, to know on what account he seized those cattle, and whether he meant to take Deaan Mevarrow's part? and received for answer, " That he did it to begin his claim on him for his right of dominion; and which, he supposed and expected he would as unjustly dispute with him, as he had imjustly usurped it." This was a mortifying stroke, and happened at an imlucky juncture. Deaan Murnanzack was always a formidable com- petitor, and was looked on as such, whenever he should think proper to assert his right, and he chose this opportunity (no doubt) on purpose, when Deaan Crindo had weakened himself, by affronting Deaan Mevarrow, Deaan Sambo, and their friend Deaan Mephontey. Crindo -was soon sensible of his error, and endeavoured to soften matters by sending messengers to them all, to tell them, " That what he had done was only to correct his grandsons, and what was necessary to restore the peace of the country, which they and his^^son Frukey had violated ; and though he began with the former, yet Frukey had fared no better if he had proved refractory ; he, therefore, hoped they would -consider his good intention, and not break friendship with him." Three or four days after this we departed from Deaan Mephontey's, not without returning many thanks for these great demonstrations of friendship and hospitality. We went home (homeward I should say) for the way we found and the place of our late abode, but not a house left to put our heads in. Our plantations too were destroyed, and the very barns and store-houses burnt, so that we had nothing to live on but what the woods afforded, and a few cattle among the richest and chiefest men ; who were, in truth, very good, and com- municated to their poor neighbours. The town being so utterly destroyed as not to be repaired, Deaan Mevarrow resolved to build a new one, and going about to look for a proper place, at length a wood was found so thick BOBERT DBUBT8 JOUBNAL. 125 that a dog could not creep into it. This, therefore, was more than half fortified, so all hands went to work to make a vacancy in it ; the men cut down the trees, bushes, and briars, and the women and children dragged them awaj', so that in three days we cleared a pretty large space to build om- houses in, but it was summer time, and we were not in so much haste for houses as for defences against an enemy. We, therefore, set about fortifying it with bodies of trees, which we cut about sixteen or eighteen foot long ; these we stuck into the ground so close together that no creature could get between them. We thought ourselves not secure enough with one row only of these poles or trees,* but we made three or four one within another, round the whole space of the town, leaving no vacancy only a small and private passage for conveying the women, children, and slaves through in case of an enemy's approach ; and this was so contrived as not easily to be seen or known by strangers. We made only one gateway or entrance, which was narrow too, and defended vsdth four prodigious thick and strong doors, one within another. The walls being finished we had nothing now to do but every man to build a house for himself and family. We, who were slaves to Deaan Mevarrow, went all hands to work to build his first ; some cut wood, others fetched grass to fill up the sides with, while I and about thirty more went a long way, I dare say ten or twelve miles for annevoes.t which are the leaves of a tree like a eocoanut tree ; these we split and cover the house with at the top. It makes a thatch handsomer and stronger than any in England. But these trees were so scarce and far from hence that single men could not go often enough in any * " Ampatre within hath neither Rivers nor Water, onely by chance some Ditches or Ponds, yet boasts an exceeding fertility, being full of Wood, with which the Inhabitants erect then" VUIages surrounded with Poles and Thorns, so that it is impossible to come into them, but through the Gates. "The Natives addict themselves extraordinarily to Eobbing and Pillaging of their Neighbors, not onely of Goods, but also of their Wives ; for which reason great Fends arise amongst them, which oftentimes breaks into an open HostiHty " (Ogilby, after Flacourt). t Bavitia, a leafl The leaves of the Bavinala, or traveller's tree, or those of the Baofia, are here referred to. 126 MABAGASCAB: OB, reasonable time to fetch the leaves ; and as great a number as ■\ve were we went twice for as much only as would cover one house. When we had finished our master's we went about our own hutches, and as at Deaan Mephontey's so here also, a small one served my turn; for, notwithstanding our strong walls and fortification, I did not know whether we should be able to keep them long, as it proved soon after. So I made my hut no bigger than to have room convenient to lie at my length, and make a fire in, if, by fortune, I should get any victuals to dress. About a week after we were settled in our new town, a messenger (or rather an ambassador) arrived from Deaan Murnanzack, with twenty people in his retinue. His business was to sound Deaan Mevarrow's incUnations, and, if there was any room, to desire his friendship. He soon found there was reason to hope for success, and therefore dehvered his mes- sage the first night he came ; to which Deaan Mevarrow answered he would consider of it, consult his people, and give him his answer the next morning. In the meantime he gave him a slave's house to repose himself in, as is the custom on such occasions, and sent a bullock for him and his attendants. He next sent out messengers to all the chiefs and freemen to come and consult with him on a matter of great importance. I was present and saw this assembly, Deaan Mevarrow and his brother, Deaan Sambo, being seated, the principals placed themselves on either hand, and the other freemen on each side of them. Deaan Mevarrow opened the consultation by telling them " That Deaan Murnanzack had sent a very honourable mes- senger to him to desire his friendship and assistance. We must not forget," says he, " that Deaan Murnanzack was a serviceable friend to us in the quarrel we had formerly with Deaan Termerre ; therefore, we are indebted to him on that score. Chahary and Frukey will always be irreconcilable enemies so long as we have their wives and families, and you agree with me not to deliver them unless they will return all the cattle they took from us, which they obstinately refuse. Then Deaan Grind o is their father, and will be partial, notwith- BOBEBT DB UBT8 JO UBNAL. 127 standing his pretences to peace and doing justice ; but how he has lately used us is too fresh in memory to need repetition. The justice of Deaan Murnanzack's claim to the dominion is, I sup- pose, indisputable; whether Deaan Crindomaynot justify himself on the posture of affairs in assuming the authority is what we will not enter into the consideration of; but it is of conse- quence to us to consider whether Deaan Mumanzack has force enough to go through the dispute, and protect us and other friends who may join him. This requires the deepest exami- nation ; the chance of war is doubtful, and you have famihes, slaves, and cattle to lose as well as I ; debate it sedately, and let me have your resolution, which shall be mine." They argued with one another a good while, debating the case which was most to their interest, and considered the dangerous circumstances they were in, and that it was most Ukely they should be safest in joining with Deaan Mm-nanzack. They then agreed that one of them should declare the result of their consultation to the Deaan. He, therefore, spoke in the name of the rest, and said, " They desired him, if he agreed to their opinion, that he would conclude a solemn friendship with Deaan Murnanzack, and they would faithfully observe and sup- port him to the utmost of their power." "When I saw the manner and form of this assembly, our Parliament in Great Britain * run strangely in my head. I ■■' " Ctesar and Tacitui describe the ancient Britains to have been a fierce People ; zealous for Liberty ; a free People ; not like the Gauls, govern'd by Laws made by the great Men, but by the People. In Caesar's Time they chose CassiveUaunus and afterwards Caractacus, Arviragus, Galgaeus, and others to command them in their Waxs, but they retained the Government in themselves. That no Force might be put upon them, they met arm'd in their general AssembUes, and tho' the smaller Matters were left to the Detenoination of the chief Men, chosen by themselves for that Purpose, tbey reserved the most important to themselves. When the Bomams had brought them low, they set up certain Kings to govern such who were in their Territories : But those who defended themselves by the natural Strength of their Situation, were stUl govern'd by their own Customs. Ocesar and Tacitus inform us that the Britains and Saxons had no Monarchs ; and that our Ancestors had their Councils and Magistrates as well here as in Germany" {Defoe). 128 MADAGASGAB: OB, thought this very like it, and though I was but a boy when I went from home, yet my father keeping a public-house, I remember often to have heard gentlemen disputing with one another about the power of the prince to command the people to do what he pleased without consulting them, while others said a king had no power without a Parliament. Then they would dispute about the original of parliaments, and the power they had, and who brought the use of them first into England ; in this, too, they seldom agreed. Some said the Saxons, otliers it was since theu- time, while many were of opinions different from either of these. Now I think this might be decided without reference to authors and histories. That the origin of parliaments was long before the Saxons or Eomans either; for I imagine that England and other countries too were once like Madagascar, without the knowledge of letters and coined money; it was then impossible for princes and lords to command people, or dispose of them contrary to their inclinations or interest ; for I suppose those princes to be like my master, who had not, nor could have, any separate army or interest ; but when any neighbour craved their help,* or enemy had offended them, they assembled before the house of their chief, and there they consulted what measures were proper to be taken for their safety and interest. If war was agreed on, the same men took their arms, and the lord headed them, as my master did here ; and when they returned every man went home to his family. Thus the people are themselves their own army and defence, and the lord could not oblige them to do those things which the greater part did not think convenient to do, because he had no army to force them. This was, without doubt, the condition of all other countries * "For when in old Time the weaker were oppressed by the stronger, the People presently betook themselves to one more excellent than the rest for their Protector. And it was his Part to relieve the distressed, and to make such Provisions that common Eight might be done indifferently betwixt all Parties. And in making of their Laws they had the same Prospect, as in the Choice of their Kings. The Thin" propounded, was an equal and a common Bight, without being so qualified. If under the Administration of some one Man that was just and good they attained that End, they were weU contented there to rest. ... In Ccesar's time they chose " {Defoe, op. cit.). BOBERT DBUBY'S JOURNAL. 129 once, and must have remained so if people had not betrayed themselves unwarily into the power of one man, by giving him wealth and authority to raise an army,* keep it in pay himself, and use it at discretion for their defence, with which he wickedly insulted and abused them. But in the state of nature, and the beginning of men joining in societies, this was the form of government ; and with due reverence to the learned, I think we need not turn over many volumes to find the original of British pa.rUaments,t for they are earlier than all their histories, or even letters themselves ; and as to their power, it is founded on the strongest basis, reason, and nature. The alliance being resolved on, the next morning Deaan Mevarrow sent for the messenger, and told him he had con- sulted his people, and they unanimously agreed to assist Deaan Murnanzack, and desired that their friendship might be bound with the usual solemnity. So an ox was brought and killed, the liver roasted and put on lances, and Deaan Murnanzack's ambassador, and a chief deputed by Deaan Mevarrow, eat the liver between them, repeating the imprecation, that they wished it might prove poison, and a further curse might be sent by God upon them who first broke the alliance. This solemn ratification being finished, the ox was divided between the ambassador's people and ours who were present, and eat it together ; after which he and his attendants de- parted. And now Deaan Mevarrow repented the building of this town, for he would have gone and Uved near Deaan Mur- nanzack, whose country bounded on Merfaughla on one side, and was within ten or twelve miles on the other side of Fenno- arevo. He had three brethren, Deaan Mussecorrow lived near him ; Deaan Afferrer, on the mountains of Yong-gorvo, \ of whom we shall have occasion to give a large account; and Eer * " When we speak of curbing a King, who is in Aims, in order to oppress the State, it is evident that it imports an obUgiug him by Force, either to renounce his tyrannical Coiuses, or foi-ce him to leave the land " {Defoe, in The Judgment of Whole Kingdoms, p. 53). f Bee introduction, p. 22; J Mountains of Angavo, marked on Drury's map, where Flacourt places Ambohitsmena or Montague Kouge, i.e.. Red Hill, see p. 140. 9 130 MADAGASOAB: OB, Mimebolambo, the youngest, who hved but five miles from us to the eastward ; and this last being so very near us, avc were ready at hand to join in any enterprise, or to succour one another ; yet we did not think ourselves safe, and, therefore, we took care not to let Dcaan Crindo know our intentions, till we had been out on one expedition, and then we better secured ourselves. But the course of my history leads me to relate Deaan Mur- nanzack's attacking Deaan Mundumber's town, where he took three hundred cattle and a great many prisoners — women and children — for it is never the custom to take men ; if they can- not get away from their enemies they are kiUed. Among the captives were Deaan Mundumber's wife, and his only child — a daughter. After they had plundered the town they were going to burn it, when Deaan Murnunzack hindered them, and marched into the plain, waiting to see if Deaan Muiidumber would rally and give him battle. They appeared, indeed, but at a great distance, not daring to come near him ; which, when he saw, he marched homewards, yet not without doing a very generous action, which was sending back Deaan Mun- dumber's wife and daughter to him, telling her he did not not mean it as a compliment to her husband, but in respect to herself and family, she being niece to the king of Yung-Owl,* one of the greatest princes of the island. Nor did he do it to give him an example of returning the like, for he had no wife, and was well assured by the help of God, who would favour his just cause, that it would not be in his power to take his family. "When Deaan Crindo heard of his son's town being taken, he thought it was high time to revenge them, and accordingly musters a great army, threatening how he would ruin the country, destroy the men, and make slaves of their famihes. He also sent to our master to join him, which he peremptorily refused, saying, " He would not join with his professed enemies against his experienced friends ; " but did not declare his intentions of being against him. They both sent to Deaan Mej)hontey, but he refused to be concerned on either side, and * Youngoule, at the mouth of the river Youle, now known as the river Manarivo, near, but south of the modern town Morondava. BOBERT DMUBT8 JOUBNAL. 13l was as good as his word ; for his dominions, extending to the river Manderra, the bounds of Antenosa, he was apprehensive that the Antenosa people might take the advantage of his absence, and plunder his towns and country. When Deaan Crindo marched from Fenno-arevo he did not leave his towns quite destitute of men, for fear of Eer Mime- bolambo and Afferrer; but he never suspected us. While he was gone Eer Mimebolambo and Deaan Mevarrow joined their forces, and went out to see what they could get. They sur- prised three towns, the men making a very weak resistance ; so they brought off about two hundred cattle and fifty slaves. My master was discovered by my being — a white man — with him. This was unexpected to them, and Deaan Crindo's wife immediately sent him word of it, and that she was in fear of us ; to which he answered, " He would soon despatch the business he was about, and then he would be sufficiently revenged of Deaan Mevarrow " ; but_we took care to be pro- vided for him. On the way homewards the cattle and slaves were divided equally between Deaan Mevarrow and Eer Mimebolambo ; and they then resolved that it was absolutely necessary to live together in one town. Ours was the strongest, but not large enough; theirs was much larger, and they had also a great many empty houses, which were left by some who went away when the wars broke out ; so it was agreed we should go there. We lost no time, for the very same day we went home, we packed up our goods, and marched away to Merhaundrovarta,* which was the name of Eer Mimebolambo's town, and deserted our own in a fortnight after we had built it.t Thus were we driven about Uke wild boars, which in this country * Morondava. (?) f " The Sakalava have a practice of deserting their villages when a death occurs in them, and removing to a distance before rebuilding their frail huts " (Sihree). " It is hfctle trouble to the Vezo to break up their homes in this sudden manner, for aU the property of a family can be carried on a, man's shoulder or a woman's head. Their wretched huts in the sand are of very httle account, and it gives them no trouble and Uttle con^ cem to leave them " (A. Walen). i32 MADAGASGAB: OB, change their holes every day, and go from one wood to another, for fear the ^Yild dogs should find them out. And we were not only forced to secure ourselves against the surprises of a body of our enemies, but living so near each other, three or four or half a dozen of their men would often lurk privately in the woods near towns, to see if they could catch a woman, child, or slave of ours straying out, or on any business, as digging wild yams, &c., so that we had very seldom anything else to eat but beef, and those who had it of their own gave to them who had none. But I had an employment here which maintained me hand- somely ; and it seemed as if Providence had pleased to appoint it ou purpose for my support in this time of scarcity. The people of this part of the island do not care to eat beef which is not killed by one descended from a race of kings. Now my master, just before the war broke out, growing high and proud, and having none but himself and his brother to do these offices, they were sometimes obliged to go five or six miles to kill an ox. He at length considered that these people have a great opinion of all white men, and more especially taking me for the captain's son, whom they looked upon to be the same as a king, I was thought of honourable descent enough to be preferred to the dignity of a butcher, though in truth I did no more than cut the throat of the beast, and they cut him up themselves ; for this I always had my fee, which was a large piece of meat. My master, as well as many others, saw that this was a very ridiculous custom ; but he also knew that the vulgar are not to be violently opposed in their old ways, be they ever so foolish and absurd ; and had Deaan Mevarrow peevishly refused to do this office, and called it a silly humour of theirs, such an abrupt innovation would have been attended with almost a general desertion, for they would have gone and lived under other lords. He, therefore, contrived to substitute me in his place, and by that means did (as aU wise governors will) seemingly conform to custom to oblige the people, yet by an ingenious expedient shifted off from himself a mean and troublesome office. (See note, p. 144.) The next morning the cattle were shared — my master had ten, his brother six, and the principal men one apiece, some ROBEBT DRUBY'S JOUBNAL. 133 others one between two, and we slaves one between four. Now I wanted not beef, for I was often employed while in this town to kill the beasts ; nevertheless I was obliged to agree with my partners to kill oui-s, for they wanted it though I did not. I lived pretty well here, often changing beef for potatoes, &c., with the townspeople; and here we heard of the ravage Deaan Crindo made in the country. The people, who were allied to Deaan Murnanzack and lived in small towns, left their habita- tions, and went with their families and cattle beyond Deaan Murnanzack's toward the sea, where they were under his pro- tection. When Deaan Crindo came to the deserted towns he burnt them and utterly destroyed the plantations, pulling up everything by the roots, as if his design was to cause a famine in the country. Deaan Murnanzack was all this while with his brother Mussecorrow,* marching towards them, and had such good intelligence, that he came under cover of a wood undiscovered, almost upon them. They were then making wretched havoc of a very large plantation of potatoes, and some other adjacent ones. He divided his army into four parts, resolving to attack them on every side, while they were about their accursed busi- ness, himself boldly showing his face in front, whom they hurried to oppose, while the other parties, firing each from their post, killed a great many, and put the rest into confusion. However, they made a vigorous resistance, retreating and forcing their way to a wood, where it was not practicable to follow them. Here Deaan Crindo rallied them, and put them in good order, in proper divisions, each one under his own or one of his sons' command ; for his three sons, Mundumber, Chahary, and Frukey were with him. They were a great many more in number than the other— some said near twice as many — which Deaan Murnanzack knew very well, as also his uncle's courage ; but he was, nevertheless, resolved to engage him, and, though he had time enough to have retreated, yet he only marched back into the plain to have good ground and time to form his army, which he did, and waited for his enemy's coming to attack him. It was not long before they fell on very furiously, and were as hotly received, firing and "•■= A chief named Andrian Machicoro is mentioned by Canche. 134 MADAGASCAB: OB, throwing lances, till Deaan Murnanzack, perceiving his brother Mussecorrow's division began to give ground, he was resolved to make one vigorous push himself, and, throwing away his gun, he, with six small lances in his hand,* challenged several of his principal men to follow him, if thej' durst, into the thickest of the enemy's body, which they very gallantly did ; but he, being foremost, ran like an enraged lion, and, in spite of all their fire and flying lances, came to close fighting hand to hand with his lances ; and those gallant men with him following his example, drove all that division of their enemy's army back, and put it into utter confusion ; and they, not being able to abide their fury, ran for it. They broke into the very part where Deaan Crindo himself was fighting, who had been struck through with a lance by one of Deaan Muman- zack's companions, had he not generously himself prevented it, desiring them not to kill his uncle. He left his people to pursue them, and himself ran to assist Mussecorrow, who at the same time made a bold push, being ashamed to be out- done; nevertheless, they had been ruined had not Deaan Murnanzack himself came to their assistance in that juncture; but they were soon in one general rout and disorder, running towards the woods, where Deaan Murnanzack followed them to keep them from rallying, and carried on the pursuit till he saw they were dispirited, and making towards their o^vn home to recruit themselves. Deaan Crindo, finding he could do no good with Murnan- zack, was resolved he would not be idle, and let Deaan Mevarrow and Eer Mimebolambo join him and make him stronger, so he * As early as 1639 Albert de Mandelslo relates of the Malagasy : — " Their men are brave and martial, and very dextrous in the manage- ment of their lances, darts, and pikes, which always lie near them, even when they are at work in the field, they being trained up to the use of arms fi'om theh infancy. Persons of note seldom stir abroad without having 25 or 30 darts, or small pikes carried after them ty'd up in a bundle. Their bows are 5 or G foot long ; and tlio' the strings be loose, they have a slight of shooting with great strength and activity : And as to their javelins they dart them with so miraculous a dexterity that they will hit a bird at 40 paces distance.'' Since the introduction of fire-arms on the coast the use of bows and arrows seems to have ceased. — Ed. BOBEBT DBUBT'S JOUBNAL. 135 resolved as well out of policy as revenge to attack us ; but he had no sooner declared his intentions, and prepared for it, than a friend of Mevarrow's came out by night, and acquainted him with it. On this information he consulted -with Eer Mimebo- lambo for their defence ; and in order thereunto, considering there were so many cattle in town as would disturb them in an engagement, he proposed sending some away to Deaan Murnan- zack's, where the other people had secured theirs. Deaan Eer Mimebolambo would not send any of his, but my master, wilhng to have something to live on in case they should lose what they had here, picked out forty beasts ; some of our richest men also sent some six, and some more or less apiece — in short, there were in all fourscore and eleven beasts separated from the rest to be sent away. I perceived what was going forward, and would have hid myself, and been out of sight, for I did not know whether I should live so well there as here, besides it was a great number for one person to take care of ; but there was no remedy, nobody else would send a slave with me, and my master would spare no more himself than one, and he looked on me to be the most capable of any one man to do it ; so, ordering six or seven men with arms to guard and conduct me, I took my leave of my friends and acquaintance, and went forward. We were obliged to go round about by the tedious, unpractised ways, and to look out diligently for fear our enemies should intercept us ; but we had chosen an opportunity when they were dispirited by their defeat, and suspected nothing of any such prize being near them ; so we arrived in two days at Deaan Afferrer's town on the hiUs of Yong-gorvo,* where we stopped two days to rest our cattle, and were going on the third in the morning when we heard a shell blow. This put the town and country in an uproar, expecting enemies. They ran immediately to defend the passage up the hill (for there is but one) when presently came two messengers from Deaan Murnanzack to Deaan Afferrer, to tell him that he was at the bottom of the hill coming to visit him. When my guardians saw them join, and perceived it was Deaan Murnanzack, as soon as the usual civilities were over between the two brothers, * " Angavo," a generic name signifying " lofty." 136 MADAGASCAR: OR, they went to Deaan Murnanzack and told him that Deaan MevaiTOW had sent some cattle, and a man to look after them, to be convej-ed somewhere under his protection. " He bid them thank Deaan Mevarrow for his friendship and assistance, and tell him his cattle should have the same care taken of them as his own, for he would put them together." After they had delivered up their charge they took their leaves of me, and returned. When Deaan Murnanzack came to see the cattle, and found me left with them he seemed surprised. He asked me if I was eowkeeper, and said he never heard of a white man being put to look after cattle. I told him it was my master's pleasure, and that I did not dispute it with him but must do it as well as I could. Three days after Deaan Murnanzack went homeward, order- ing three ser^'ants to assist me, aiid we followed in the rear ; we had also with us above a dozen other people who carried provision, bedding, &c., for their masters. When we were dovm the hill I found a new scene,* the soil was of a quite different colour and nature, yellow clay with stones, which made my feet uneas}', being used before to a sandy country, but I was soon hardened to it. The trees also were different, straighter and taller. This was the place I had often wished to see for the wild cattle of which I had heard so much. I soon found the large tracks they made through the woods, which rendered it easier driving mine than in other woods. * " Eight miles from ¥oxt Dauphin lies a tract of land call'd Voliits- massina, tbat is, the Lucky Mountain, by which the Portuguese formerly liad a fort, with several dwellings below it, and gardens with all sorts of provisions, but were at last sui-pris'd and massacred by the Natives. Four miles from the before-nam'd Fort lies a naked Mountain and other neighboiing Hills, oftentimes digg'd by the French, in hopes to find Gold or Silver ; but chiefly by a place where seven clear Springs rise one by another, and make a brook, wherein they fonnd many Stones mixed \v\\h a clay or yellow earth, full of white and black clods shin- ing like Silver ; but being beaten and cleans'd was found too light. Thirty fathom above the springs, the Grass and other Plants have ehang'd their natural Verdure into a fading yellow, which proceeds from the Sulphurous Vapoins of inclos'd minerals ; but on the top of the Mountain, ah things remain fresh and gx-een " (figilby). BOBEBT DBUBT'S JOUBNAL. 137 About noon we rested in a grove. The whole country is very beautiful, and finely watered with springs and rivulets. They showed me some wild cattle standing under the trees. I was eager to see them nearer, and, taking a gun in my hand, went toward them, but within thirty yards I was obliged to creep on the ground, hiding myself as well as I could with the grass, which is very long. "When I came nearer to them I saw three other bulls running directly toward me ; their eyes sparkled with fire, their ears pricked upright, and foaming at the mouth. It was supposed they fled from some hunters. They put me into a great fright, insomuch that I thought of nothing but firing at them to frighten them away ; but as luck would have it, I shot, and wounded one so that he fell. Not- withstanding he was down, I expected the others would have assaulted me, and therefore laid flat on my face, not daring to stir for fear, till, hearing no other noise but my companions holloaing at a distance, I looked up and saw they were all run away but the wounded one kicking upon the ground, whom I durst not go near till they came and put us both out of our pain by cutting his throat and extolUng me for my courage, and being an excellent marksman. See how contrary to one's ex- pectation things happen ! I thought of being laughed at for my cowardice, and was applauded by mistake and chance for bravery. While they were cutting up the bull, I could not forbear looking with wonder at those which they called mid cattle, and which are, indeed, so here ; but they are so like our English cattle in every respect that I could see no difference : nor since I have been better acquainted with them have I discovered any, except that I think the horns of our bulls in England are somewhat shorter, and they roar louder than these wild bulls. When we had cut up our beef we roasted some, and were not a little pleased with the thoughts of our masters leaving us because we should not spoil their sport, and we happened on better luck than they, and had beef to eat sooner, as also some ready to dress for them at the place appointed to meet at night. You may be sure this bull-beef could not be comparable in goodness to that of the tame ; es^Decially after it had run so much before it was killed. These wild cattle sometimes give 138 MADAGASCAB: OB, the hunters a chase of several miles after they are wounded, which makes the flesh very indifferent meat, especially if it is a bull. But people are glad of what they can get when they are in want, for these wild cattle are a great benefit to people in remote parts, who in necessitous times come here on hunt- ing ; though they are also as plentiful in another vast tract of forest laud of some hundred miles in extent ; of which I shall have an occasion to give an account, and also of their supposed original. The place where we baited at noon and lay this night were agreeable and delightful groves, and so, indeed, is all this country for several days' journeys, abounding in wild honey, wild boars, good, wholesome, and pleasant fruits of the trees and earth, and these in such varietj' that men may not only find enough to satisfy their hunger and thirst, but even to indulge their luxurious appetites without the pains of culti- vating and planting : and many do so Uve. Among the most useful and pleasant fruits of the earth is the faungidge,* which I here first saw ; my companions taking me with them into the thickest woods. They look first for the place, which is a tender creeper, or'-\vild vine taking hold of a tree, or anything which stands next it, t^vining round the body, even to the top of the tree, and dividing itself into several branches, like a vine. I never observed any fruit it bore, and was amazed when they told me it was the root of this which produced the faungidge ; and yet, instead of digging at the root, they went about half-a-dozen yards from it round about, and struck the ground with the end of their lances to find where it sounded hollow, and there digging, thej^ took up the faungidge. The root spreads a great way under gi-ound, and there are but few branches of it, which bear the faungidge : so that it might be endless tracing it from where it appears above ground. The first which I saw dug here was not much * " There are divers sorts of Ignamoe roots {i.e., yams), which they call with the general name of Ouvi. Some grow to the thickness of a man's middle, which heing haug'd on a pole, two Negroes have enough to do to carry ; hut the ordinary ones are as thick as a man's leg. . . . One kind, which grow of themselves, Fa.7i(?7iiis (Faungidge), have I'oots with a Bosie coloured outside, and exceeding large " {Ogilhy, after Flaconrt). BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 139 less in bulk than a gallon runlet. It is red and smooth with- out, the coat as thin as a parchment, the inside is white, and has a milky juice ; it eats as soft as a water-melon, hut has no seeds in it ; it is both meat and drink, very wholesome, and always eaten raw. The verlaway * is of the same kind, very little different in every respect, except that the skin of the latter is thinner, but so tough that it must be pared with a knife. There is another sort of this, called the verlaway-voler, which we look on to be unwholesome. I once saw a man who had eaten some of it, and it made him swell and sick; but by giving him some melted fat to drink he brought it up, and was relieved. This verlaway-voler is easily known, it being more beautiful to the eye, and the leaf which springs from it is very indifferent. The next day I saw excellent sport j for Deaan Murnanzack not leaving us, as he did the day before, in the morning we saw one single bull alone in the midst of a large plain ; he, having a mind for a little diversion, ordered us to stop, while himself and two more drove my cattle toward the bull, who no sooner saw them approach, but he fell a-roaring and digging up the ground with his horns, as if he expected some other was coming to fight him ; when he perceived cows he showed an inclination to be better acquainted with them. The Deaan and his companions concealed themselves under cover of the cows, and letting them graze a little, and then driving them a little, till the wild bull was amongst them ; and just as he was putting his nose to a cow's tail, Deaan Murnanzack, from under another cow's belly, stuck a lance in -his flank; away he ran with it, but not till he had another stuck in his side. And now they had room for the sport they aimed at, which was not unlike what I have heard described of Spanish bull- feasts. Several now came into the chase. He ran near a mile outright before he stopped and turned to the pm-suers, which is what they always do when they find themselves sorely wounded ; and then let every man take care of himself, for it is a dangerous encounter, as it was here. The beast was out- * " The Volialaye (Verlaway) grows as thick as a man's head, with an ash-colour'd shell ; and is eaten hoth raw and boyl'd " (Ogilby). 140 MADAGASCAB: OB, rageous, and, turning upon them, ran directly at the man who threw a lance at him, while another from behind threw another ; then the bull turned again, as he always does, to the man whom he sees throw at him, and the hunters being divided to take him which way soever he turns, and also keeping a good distance, as well to prevent hurting one another, as to give him scope to play in, they at length killed him ; but this sometimes proves a tragical pastime, and I have seen a man killed at it. This night we lay in a wood, where we found faungidge enough ; thus vye lived dehciously with only what the country jrielded us. I tied up my calves every night to keep my cows from straying, and was forced to rise two or three times to see that none of my cattle got among the ^vild ones ; for when- ever they do it is troublesome catching them again, they running whenever they see the others run, and almost as fast. The next day at noon we halted at a spring which comes from the highest hill in this island, called Vohitch-Maner, or Eed Hill — ^%rohitch * signifjdng hiU or mountain. I drove my cattle into a fine valley, where there was good grass ; and there came among them a wild bull and mounted one of my cows. I had a great mind to try to kill him, though I almost shook for fear. They are terrible creatures to anybody's view who is not used to them, and it was tliis fear was the cause of my ill success ; for, covering myself under another cow, I made such an awkward stroke at him, that I wounded one of my own instead of him. However, as it did not prove mortal I concealed it ; not so much for fear of any danger I was in from the anger of my master, as that I knew I should have been laughed at for wounding a tame cow instead of a wild bull. We set up early this afternoon in a place conveniently situ- ated near good water, and then we went out to see for wild honey and faungidge. I had the good fortune to meet with a large hole in a hollow tree full of it. I made a fire, and with a brand smoked the bees out. I next cut down a vounturkt to make a vessel like a tub to put my honey in. * " Vohitch "=prefix" Amholdts." See note, p. 129. Ainholiitsmena. I The " Fojtniitrfe," possibly the " Voantaha" — most likely a species of Adansonia or baobat. Placourt describes it under the name Anadzahe. BOBEBT DBUBT8 JOUBNAL. 141 This vounturk is a tree or plant (for I don't know which to call it) of a very singular shape and nature. It grows upright about fifteen or eighteen foot high, small below, big in the middle, and small again above like a nine-pin ; at the top are two or three branches bearing very long leaves. In the spring they have blossoms, but I never saw any fruit come to perfection ; the outer bark is whitish, Hke old lead, and full of thorns four or five inches long, which are, however, very easily struck off with a lance, with which also we cut the bark round, and the tree immediately falls down, not being able to support itself. We then take away what length we want, and with our hands pull out the spongy substance on the inside tiU within three or four inches of the bottom. Thus we make a vessel Hght and easy of carriage, and in one of these I put my honey. The liquor of this vouuturk is good drink, and even fit to boil anything in when water is scarce. I found also some faungidge. When I returned I went to Deaan Mumanzaek and made him a present of some honey, which is a compliment our lords always expect. It was now night, and they were going a beef-hunting. When they go out on purpose to kill the best beasts they always choose a dark night. They admitted me on my request to go with them, bidding me wash myself, as they all did, that we might not smell of smoke nor sweat. I took two lances as usual, but they made me leave one behind me, lest two might rattle in my hand. These cattle feed only in the night, and if they did not take all these precautions they could never surprise them, for they are always on their guard, snorting with their noses, and listening after enemies. We can hear them bellow, and the buUs roar a great way off, by which we know where they are, and always go round till they are directly to the windward of us, for if we were to go toward them with the wind they would soon scent us. When we had got the wind and cattle right a-head, and were within hearing, we walked very softly and circumspectly, pulling the top of the grass with our hands, as near as was possible mimicking the noise a cow makes with biting it. They no sooner heard us but they were all hush on a sudden ; no bellowing nor grazing, but stood still listening, which when we perceived, we all 142 MADAGASCAB.- OB, stood likewise without speaking or walking, only three or four who understood it best kept pulling the grass. When the cattle had listened till (as wo suppose) they took us to be some of their own kind, they fell to grazing again, and we walked cautiously on nearer, mimicking them. Deaan Mur- nanzack made me keep behind, for fear they should espy my white skin and be frighted; he also gave me his lamber to cover myself with, which was black silk, so that if I had been in their view they could have seen nothing but my face, for the grass is above knee deep. , We got at length amongst them, so that one of our men (as he told me) with some grass in his hand, and under the cover of a bush, took hold of the dug of a cow and felt whether she gave milk ; but finding she did not, he concluded she was not lean, and therefore stuck his lance into her belly and pulled it out again, making no other motion himself. The, cow which is wounded wiU, perhaps, give a spring, and make a noise as if another had run her horns against her, and this is so common among them that the herd is not disturbed by it, so that our people stuck three or fom- on this manner, and left them, with intent to come the next morning and track them by their blood, it being dangerous to come near them in the night ; for when they find themselves sorely wounded they run away from their companions, and will assault any man they see. They are commonly found lying dead, or faUen in some wood or shelter of bushes as if they endeavoured to hide themselves. Just as we were going away, and I had returned Deaan Murnanzack his lamber, a caH, who was mortally wounded, began to make an uproar, and, running about, made the herd suspect something, so that away they ran, and the calf came directly at me, and beat me backwards. I catched hold of his leg and caUed out for help. This acci- dent caused laughter, and was a jest upon me for calUng for help against a little calf. However, they took him, cut him to pieces, and carried him away, of whom we made a good supper. I have heard that, notwithstanding the wildness of these cattle, the cows \vi\l stand still to have their dugs handled, and in the night have been milked into a horn ; but as I never did this myself, I cannot vouch the truth of it, BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 143 yet I have been so often told it I cannot help crediting it. We made no haste homeward, for ourselves and cattle too lived as well as we could there, so that though we kept going on, yet we made several days more of our journey than we should have done. A day or two after this beef-hunting we had an accidental sport of another kind. Our dogs had got the scent of wild hogs in a thicket,* and were very busy running round it, but could find no entrance for a long time. At length they discovered the path the swine had made, and attempted to enter the wood by it. The passage was defended by a huge boar, who fought the dogs, and wounded one of them dangerously. Now w^hat with the dogs and the swine here was such a yelping, grunting, and squaUing, that the woods rang with their noise, and one would have thought all the hogs hi the island had agreed to meet here and fight out their quarrel against us. We laid down our burdens, and some of us went to them armed with guns and lances. Deaan Murnanzack shot the boar who wounded his dog, when immediately came another and defended the entrance, fighting so resolutely that neither the dogs nor ourselves could come at the herd who were within tni we made a way behind them with our hatchets and lances, and then fired and killed some of the stoutest who turned to us. The others seeing themselves attacked behind, fought their way through the dogs, and ran for it, with the dogs after them. It is impossible to describe in words the noise there was, especially after several were wounded. We found seven dead, besides some so hurt that they could not make off. We picked out only one of the fattest, for there are very few will eat them. I did not dare to take it, because of my office of killing beeves ; and the eating of swine's flesh is so contemptible, that I should have lessened my dignity, and been degraded from my office, which, whatever mean thoughts I might have as to the honour of it, I had too great an opinion of its value to part with for the gixitification of my * " The Woods swarm with wild hogs, which do great hurt to the rice fields. The flesh of these, but chiefly of the Sows and young ones, is esteem'd a choyce dainty " {Ogilby). 144 MADAGASGAB: OB, appetite iii one meal, for they are curious to a punctilio in this case, that if the daughter of a king is married to any one that is not of a king's family, theu- children are not admitted to the honour of killing beeves, though the father be a freeman and a chief amongst his neighbours.* Every evening we used to sit down near the prince, and talk of one thing or another to pass away the time. Now it is the general usage of the princes here to converse very familiarly with everybody, yet do they, nevertheless, preserve a decent state and distinction. The people aU over the island have a religious regard to dreams, and think that the good demon (for I know not what name else to give to the inferior deities, which they say attends each to its respective Owley) comes and tells them in their dreams when they ought to do a thing, or to warn them of some danger, more especially after a sacrifice and prayer made to God, and invocation of this demon. I very well remember the discourse this evening was on this subject. The next morning Deaan Murnanzack came to me as I was alone, and talked very freely vrith me about many things, particularly advising me to take what beef I wanted, and could carry, for we should have no more oppor- tunities of kiUing wild cattle after this day. When I observed him desirous of conversation, I told him if there was anything in dreams, as some had said the night before, I should have a great deal of anger from him that day, having dreamed " that I was at my father's house with my parents and rela- tions about me, my pockets full of gold, and they giving more. This, I said, did not only throw me into a melancholy when I awoke, to find myself naked in a wood, and a strange country, instead of my father's house, but it also gave me some concern, for that I had always remarked when I was * " The people of the Bohandrians eat with BohandrMiis : the Lohavohits with Lohavohits ; the Ontsoas with their own tribe and never intermixedly, insomuch that no Bohandrian woman, married to an Anakandrian, will endure that her husband should eat with her " iOgilhy). According to Placouit the Voadziry, the highest class of the hlack race, were the only class of black people permitted to slaughter oxen besides the whites. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 145 a boy in England, and also under my master Mevarrow, that to dream of plenty of gold money was a certain sign of anger." At this Deaan Mm-nanzack smiled, and answered, " I wonder that you, who but last night laughed at the talk of God's sending dreams by the good demons, should now be afraid of one.* However," says he, " I dare say you will be mistaken in this, for I don't know anything you can do to make me angry." I would not have my reader think I trouble him with this story merely for the sake of telling a foolish dream, but it proved the introduction to something very remarkable, and furnished us with a discourse the next evening worth repeating. The next day we roasted our beef, and laid it to cool, in order to bind up in a burden, which we call an enter,! to carry at our backs. I had nothing to do but to provide for myself, and what with my beef and honey I was pretty well loaded, and as weU contented, for I lived plentifully and dehciously ; my honey also mixed with water made me a pleasant drink. This was the last day. of our passing through these groves and habitations of the wild cattle, some of which . they made another attempt to surround, more for the sport's sake than want of beef, and in this I, for want of knowledge, spoiled all their diversion by crossing the way they were running, which was towards the place where Deaan Murnan- zack laid in ambush for them. This caused them to run another way, and put him into a furious passion at first, insomuch that he lifted up his lance, threatening to kill me, and I expected no less, which made me get away from him as fast as I could, and keep out of sight, dreading some such barbarous treatment as I had before received from Deaan Mevarrow. But this prince was of a more generous disposi- tion, for when his passion was over he sent for me, and desired I would come in the evening as usual, and sit down by him, which I did. He then desired me to give him some * Flacourt describes the " auli " of Dian Machicore, and relates how the chiefs of the black tribes believed after talking for hours to their aulis, &c., working themselves into an ecstasy, they would beUeve that these aulis appeared to them in their dreams. t " Entana," the modern Hova term for burden. 10 146 MADAGASCAR: OR, account of the customs of my country, and particularly what god or gods we worship, since I seemed to have so little regard to theirs, and that I would be free and tell them what things I (who had been a great traveller) had seen in order to pass the evening away the pleasanter. And first says he, What God do you adore? On this the company drew round me, and I began. But I first desired them to tell me " if they did not know there was a God above the skies." * I could not say heaven, because there was no word in their language which signifies heaven; nor could I perceive that they had any notion of what Christians mean by heaven as the place of God's residence, and mansion of the saints after this life. They told me " there was a God above, the supreme one Lord of all other gods, demons or spirits whatsoever." " This very God," said I, "is the God we worship, for we know of no other inferior gods, nor do we pay adoration, or make prayers to anything else but this One, the supreme and only God, and think it not good to adore any other." " And do you not," said they, "make prayers and sacrifices, and call upon one of these guardian demons to assist you, and let you know the mind of God, and warn you of dangers and protect you ? If your countrjrmen had such Owleys as we have, the good demons who are invoked when we sacrifice before them would have assisted you, and that night when you lay on the sands you would have been told in dreams of the danger, and been directed to escape before morning." To this I answered, "That all good men in England acknow- ledge God's providence, and I think it was by the providence of God that I was saved from death, and why God did not think fit that the rest should save their lives is what I do not pretend to know. But I cannot conceive that your Owleys, which to me you seem to worship and pray to, should have a spirit or a god within them, and come in the night when you are asleep and tell you such things. I see they are wood and alligators' teeth, only dressed up, and I see and know how they are made, and I am sure other wood and other alligators' teeth are not living spirits to speak and see things present, much less things to come ; and we think it abominable to pay * Jjanitra, the sky, heaven, BOBEBT DBUBY'S JOUBNAL. 147 that adoration to anything which belongs only to God, since the great God Himself has forbidden us to worship anything but Himself." Deaan Murnanzack listened to me with attention, and then turned to some of his people and reasoned a good while with them, partly vindicating me, and endeavouring to explain and argue with them on these Owleys, which I find since I had not a just notion of, but I was too young when reduced to this slavery, and had neither companions nor books to assist me, that I did not intend to make those remarks then which I could now do. But to proceed. When the Deaan had done talking with them he turned to me and said, " I think it strange that you, who but this morning told me a dream of yours, and you saw it happened true as you expected, should argue against these Owleys. You mistake us. It is not the wood nor the alli- gators' teeth, but there are certain guardian demons who will take care of nations, families, and private men ; * and if you have one of these Owleys, and give it the name of some guardian spirit, it will attend you. For how could you come by the knowledge this morning that I should be angry with you if one of these good demons had not come to you and showed it, and thereby gave you warning ; and if you had not had this warning perhaps -you might have been killed, though I did' not design it. But men's passions are unruly, and I was provoked, though I say not this to reproach you, as if I thought you spoiled our hunting on purpose, for I know very well you did not mean any hann, only I put you in mind that you argue against yourself ; besides, if the spirits of our forefathers or these guardian demons did not show men these things, how should they know them ? No man could tell that I should be angry with you when you had not given me occasion, nor did you design to give me any, and nothing was done to expect any such thing. I hope you don't think that the great God Himself came and told you when these inferior spirits, of whom there are so many, could better come. But you said just now that the great supreme God had told you that you * The Coitcoulampou : invisible but corporeal demons who are like the family ghosts in Britain, the Lutiiis in France. (Pla-court.) 148 MADAGASCAR: OB, must worship nothing but Himself. Pray, did any white men ever see this great God above ? Or does He come often, and talk with them, and not mth us?" To which I answered that " No man ever saw God, but some of our forefathers did once, many ages ago, hear His voice when He came down and appeared to them in a cloud." " But," says he, " if this was so many years ago, and there is no such thing now, nor any man in the world hving, black or white, that ever heard God's voice, or saw Him in a cloud, how are you sure it is true ? And you say it is many ages ago. Things may be so changed or misrepresented from what they were when your first fore- fathers told them, that you cannot depend on their certainty." I was here at a great loss because they had no knowledge of letters, and therefore I could not make them understand anything of the Scriptures. I only told them we had a way of preserving the memory of things which they knew nothing of, and by this means, I said, we had an account of the beginning of the world, and of its being created by God, and that I could tell them a great many strange things relating thereunto, which thej' then desired to hear : and accordingly I told them that the world was originally dark, and a confused heap, and that God made the sun and moon, beast, fish, fowl, trees, herbs, and everything else. They stiU continued the first objection, and, as they thought, with more reason than before ; " for," said one of them, " if you have a better way of keeping the memory of things than we, yet I am sure you can't have the knowledge of what was done before there was any man made to see it." To this I replied, "That God had revealed the knowledge of this, and a great deal more to some par- ticular persons," which they gladly attending to hear, I went on to the creation of man, and then of the woman's being made out of a rib, which God took from him while he was asleep.* At this they all broke 'out into amazement and laughter, and Deaan Murnanzaek said, " It was a plain un- truth, and that it was a shame to tell it with a serious countenance. By this, he said, he knew aU the rest was false, * The fable of the Mahometans relating to Eve being taken out of Adam's ribs while lie slept, was well known among the ZafCeramini on the south-east coast of Madagascar, in Flacourt's time. BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 149 for if this was true a woman would have a rib more than a man, and a man want one on one side, and have fewer than on the other." Here I committed a great error through ignorance, which, however, I can't help confessing. I hope our divines and all good Christians wiU consider the circum- stances I was in, and forgive ine, for I had no more wit than to insist on the truth of it, and affirm what I had heard when a child from ignorant persons, " that a man had one rib less on one side than the other," and I had assurance enough to put the whole argument upon this issue, and offered to lay my life as a wager on it. The prince laughed at me, and refused my wager, but we had two women with us ; one was very lean, whom they called and told her ribs, finding them equal ; and then a man, and found the same. But they were not all of them convinced of the true number, not perfectly satisfying themselves, nor could I myself, in attempting to count them after them. From this time . I perceived Deaan Mumanzack treated aU I said on religion with contempt, and immediately resumed his former objection with more vigour, and said, " That to talk what was done before man was made was siUy, and that what I said of God's talking with men, and telling them such things had no proof, and the things I pretended to know and talk of were only old women's stories. However," says he, " go on, and give us some further account of this God of yours who formerly talked with men." Then I went on with the Scripture story of God's wrath, and the flood which destroyed all men and beasts on the earth but those in the ark, and of Noah's taking male and female of every kind to preserve them. Here another objected and said, " If they had been all destroyed could not God who made them at first make more at His pleasure ? " But I went on and told them of the rainbow, and that it was made as a sign to signify that the world should never be drowned again. Deaan Murnan- zack objected, "That they had no memory of any such thing delivered to them from their forefathers; besides," says he, " if none but Noah with his sons and daughters were saved, pray was Noah a white man or a black man?" To which I answered, " Sir, I perceive you give no credit to what I sa of this nature." He said, "There afe a great many things 150 MADAGASCAti: Oli, which I don't know, and shall be glad to be informed of, and would give credit to anything that a reasonable man can give credit to, but most of these things are nothing but old women's stories, and I am sure all white men will not talk as you do." These were his very words, which he repeated several times, and was the conclusion of the argument, and the evening's conference. It was no small trouble to me to find how the truth suflFered by my weakness, but I was in some hope that Deaan Murnanzack, who was a man of great understanding, might consider that I was but a child when I left England, and therefore not well acquainted with the things I undertook to inform them of. The next day we went forward directly, for we were now past all the wild cattle, and therefore Deaan Mm-nanzack hastened homeward. About the middle of the afternoon we came to a place where the road divided ; here the prince halted, as I found, on purpose to take his leave of me, ordering two men to conduct me and my cattle to his cow- keeper. Here we parted, and we laid that night near the banks of a river which bounds Deaan Murnanzack's country, and runs into Madamvovo,* the great river which passes through Antemdroea. To this place where I was going all the cattle come to water. As we passed through the woods we met a company of men and women going to fetch water ; they stopped and gazed at me with wonder, having never seen a white man ; asking the men who accompanied me what I was? and where I came from? who roguishly told them: " They found me in the forest among the wild cattle, and were going to present me to the prince." I, to carry on the jest, ran towards the women, speaking some gibberish, and frightened one of them into fits ; insomuch that the rest had much ado to recover her, for which I was afterwards very- sorry. This wood reached from the river about seven miles, with- out any break or plain till within a mile of the town. I was concerned to think what a great way I had to drive my cattle to water every other day, but it proved better than I expected, for there being eight or ten of us we took it by turns, so that it * The river Maambolo. BOBERt DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 151 did not come to each one's turn above once in sixteen or twenty days. Then there being no grass by the way there was no hindrance, and when they returned hungry they would' go home fast enough. The people here had never seen a white man before, so that I was a very surprising sight to them at first; but they were soon acquainted with me, and I became veiy serviceable, for whenever they had an ox to kill they were forced to go a gi-eat way for one of the royal family. This trouble I now saved them, and lived well myself by it. I was frequently sent for on these occasions, and had always my fee, which was four or five ribs t© carry home with me, besides the leg roasted for my entertainment there. I seldom went without a boy to attend me, there being always some ready, because I was able to gratify them with some of my beef. I had also enough to live like other people, who are very free and generous in com- municating something of whatever they have to their neigh- bours. When I came home with my beef I used to set on the pot, and send messes out to all my neighbours, which they did not fail to return whenever it was in their power ; and it may be observed in the whole course of this history that all the people of this island delight in this free and good-natured manner of living. When I was sent for the house was always put in order, the Owley dressed and placed in view. I was often employed to kill a sacrifice, as in case of a circumcision or a person being sick, and since I had the afore-recited conference with Deaan Murnanzack, I used out of curiosity to listen to their pra}'ers, and once or twice I attempted to talk of the Christian religion. When I mentioned the resurrection of the body they told me : " It must be a lie ; and to talk to them of burning in fire after this life was abominable, for," said they, " no man can feel after he is dead, and except we can see people raised from death, we will not give credit to it." I attempted to tell them of God's appearing and giving the Ten Commandments, but soon found it signified nothing, for they have the purport and meaning of all of them by nature. Here are laws against adultery, theft, and murder, and they have such an esteem for their parents that they regard and i52 MADAGASCAli: OH, honour them even after death, and there is also a fine inflicted on a man who shall curse another man's parents. They never swear profanely, but these things they do, " because," said they, " it is convenient and proper, and we could not live one by another if there were not such laws, and therefore there was no occasion for the great God to speak these things." The Fourth Commandment, indeed, they do not seem to have any notion of, except that they allow their slaves one day for them-selves, but they have no religious duties to perform ; and when I used to tell them that we kept it holy because God rested on it, they said, " This was like the rest," and asked, " How I could tell what God did before there was any man ? " And, indeed, I found myself sensibly grow into contempt with them for talking of these things, and was likely to get the reputation of a common, idle liar, so that I was forced to desist. In short, I had no way to prove anything I said, and that failure of the rib in my conversation with Deaan Murnanzack was a mortifying stroke to me ; and though I, at first, thought my ill success in the argument was owing to my own ignorance, yet I have had a great many scrupulous thoughts arise in my mind since ; and sure I am that all was not ovnng to my weak- ness, for our divines have not furnished us with arguments strong enough : and I don't know but they would be hard put to it to prove those things themselves to these people," since miracles are ceased. Neither do I know what miracle could be now wrought to prove what was done before any man was born. They are here fools enough to be imposed on by the Umossees or conjm-ors, who, they think, do strange things ; yet they do not imagine that they converse with the great God. They think, indeed, that there are spirits, which may be good or bad, who come in dreams, and teU these Umossees many things ; yet they do not take them to be more pious or better men than others, though they imagine them to be more know- ing. However; the awe which my education had fixed on me kept me from joining in any of their worship for fear it should be idolatry, and here was no such thing as persecution for religion ever thought of among them ; so that I was entirely to think and do as I pleased so long as I did not affront them. I BOBEBT DBUBTS JOUBNAL, 53 have not forgot Deaaii Mevarrow's threatening to kill me at first, but it must be observed there was nothing in that but a pride and ill-nature peculiar to himself, as appeared by Deaan Sambo's hindering him and reconciling us, without obliging me to join in the ceremony. I had not Uved here above six weeks before I heard that Deaan Crindo had attacked Eer* Mimebolambo's town and burnt it, killing two men, and taking some of their wives and children captive, with almost all their cattle. I was very much concerned at this news, notwithstanding that Deaan Mevarrow had several times in passion attempted to kill me ; yet living so long in his family I could not but be affected with their mis- fortunes. We used to have here a great deal of flying news relating' to their wars ; one day an account of a battle fought, and the next day a contradiction of it ; their reports being just as much to be relied on as some of our common newspapers at London, so that I did not regard them. Besides, we lived here at a distance in peace and plenty, and might, perhaps, hear now and then of the losses which our friends sustained ; but feeling none of the miseries ourselves, they served us only for conver- sation, in which we, like coffee-house politicians, sleeping in security remote from danger, censured the conduct of our superiors, according to our several factious inchnations, for things we knew little or nothing of, or at most but by their external appearances, and those too from uncertain reports. Our business was to make our lives as easy and happy as our circumstances would admit of, and among the many things we found to divert ourselves with, one, I think, will bear re- lating, which was a project of my governors, and proved as profitable as pleasant. There are in the reruote parts of this country some people whose habitations are in secret places in the woods ; they live easy, indolent lives, never coming near towns nor concerning themselves with any affairs of peace or war, foreign or domestic; they keep no cattle, lest their bellowing might betray them, and their value induce some evil-minded men to disturb their peace by robbing them ; but content themselves * The prefix Tsimi is common in Madagascar ; for instance, the class Tsimiamholohahy. 154 MADAGASCAB : OB, with small plantations and what nature produces, which is indeed sufficient. They never trouble themselves who is lord of any particular place, or king of the whole. Deaan Mur- nanzack's cow-keeper, who was my governor, had in the former part of his time lived in this manner, and was therefore ac- quainted with some of their private settlements. He conceived that I, being a man of a singular colour, might be imposed on them for a prince of Murnanzack's family, they being very ignorant, and yet not more so than some -siilgar people in Europe, who imagine that their princes are something more excellent or extraordinary in their make or shape from the rest of mankind. In short, the business was agreed on ; I was to have one-third of what presents w« should get, he another, and the persons who composed my retinue the other third. They procured me a fine silk lamber, two or three strings of gaudy beads for a necklace, and a gun to carry on my shoulder. My name on this occasion was Eer Munebolambo, who, living the farthest off, there was the less hazard of a discovery, since no man among them had ever seen any of the family in their lives. Twenty men of our neighbours were my attendants, and we practised three or four days before we went, they waiting on me and calling me by that name and title, that every man might be perfect in the part he had to act. At length we set out, and made a very grand and formal march, with shells blowing in the rear, as is the custom. We had about ten or a dozen miles to the place. When we came within half a mile my governor, and one to attend him, went before to acquaint them that Deaan Murnanzack's youngest brother, Eer Mimebolambo, was passing this way, and under- standing there were people hereabouts desired they would spare him some provisions for himself and retinue. We halted till we thought he had delivered his message and prepared them ; then we marched on in form and order. When we came into their little village I found the mat spread for me to sit down upon, and all of them, men, women, and children, crawl- ing upon their hands and knees to lick my feet. My own people acted their parts exactly, showing me the same honour as was due to the person I represented ; for I was no sooner sat down than one ran to fetch water, while another brought nOBEUT DBUBTS JOUBNAL. 155 a calabash to receive it, and held for a third, who washed my feet. I ordered my chief man (who was in reality my governor) to procure a house for me ; there were but five in the place besides a few huts for their children. He pitched on one of the best, and left the owner to shift for himself. They stood in admiration, having never seen any one com- mand with such authority in their lives. The chief called the rest to him and consulted what present was proper to make suitable to my dignity. Some of them returned in a short time, bringing several gallons of Guinea corn, and more of carravances ; but the old man did not come himself till near evening, when he brought four men loaded — two with as much honey as they could well carry, and two with as much carra- vances — ^which were placed before me. The old man sat down at a distance and, surprised with awe, in a trembling tone told me " He hoped I would accept his small present ; that he had no more to command on this short notice." I pitied the poor wretch and cheered him up, telling him " I was well pleased ; that this was sufficient, and more than I expected from him ; " desiring him to sit and bear me company while my people went to some of his neighbours, for I sent them out some one way and some another, to get what they could. And whatever the people could spare I particularly ordered they should bring themselves and taste it, lest it should be damaged by the charms of the Umossee. The old man recovered his spirits in time, and began to talk very freely, saying, " It was no wonder that my father and brethren ruled over them, for God and the demons had made a distinction in us from other men. And if I had," says he, "met you in a wood alone I should have fallen down and paid my duty to you, for surely the Varzachars * (or white men) cannot be whiter than this young prince is." Thus he ran on, describing all my features, and praising me in his manner, for his tongue was set on running, and I could not tell what to say to him nor when he w^ould stop. But, as luck would have it, a sharp man of my retinue came in, and in a * These people, the Vazimba (Vh-zimbers), are supposed to have been the aboriginal inhabitants of the interior provinces. Vazalia is the word applied to foreigners from over the sea ; it does not signify " white •" particularly. 156 MADAGASCAR: OB, drolling manner answered him, sajang, " I don't wonder, old father, that you are surprised at the different colour, excellent features, and make of the prince ; but you must consider, my good old man, that God has not made us equal, but He is pleased to distinguish those whom He designs for the govern- ment of mankind, by making them in such particular form and colour that no man can be ignorant of their superiority ; for if all were of the same shape and colour people would choose one from among themselves, whom they thought most wise and valiant, to be their lord, king, and commander; and if they did not Uke him, perhaps they would go from him and live under another, or choose another from amongst themselves. But if God has made any pai-ticular man, or family, for princes, and has ordained that they shall be lords and masters of all mankind, you may be sure He has made them more excellent for beauty, and has given them such marks as every man who sees them must know them by, and immediately fall down and acknowledge their Divine right, authority, and power over them." "Ay, ay," says the old man, "it is true as you say; for I remember my father went once in two or three years to carry honey to Deaan Mernindgarevo, who was Deaan Crindo's father, and they say he was of a copper colour, but his hair was black like ours." " Yes," says the other, " he was a little dif- ferent, and not much ; but Deaan Mungazaungarevo, which was this prince's father, married a woman from Port Dauphine, and, it is said, she was a white man's daughter." " Yes, yes," says the old man, " there's something in that, indeed ; but I don't understand these marks you mention of God's making in princes. Pray, are all princes of his fine colour and make ? And has God marked them all for kings?" " I can't say," says the other, "but this is the whitest." In the interim, as I began to be tired with the dialogue, came some of the people, who were sent for, bringing their presents and licking my feet ; and so broke off the discourse. I found that my people had roguishly plotted this drollery amongst themselves to deceive these poor peasants, and carried it on with admirable ingenuity and success ; for, as they told me, one of these last asked how he should know who to pay his respects to, and was roundly answered, " Do you think God BOBEBT DBUBY'S JOUBNAL. 157 has not distinguished princes from other men "? You will soon know him by his excellent colour and form." But I doubt I have tired my reader with the long tale of this farce. Iii short, we got well by it. We had designed to have proceeded further into the cormtry, but were so well provided with all we wanted that we had no occasion for any more, every man having as much as he could carry. So the next day they made up their enters, all except myself, who kept my state. When we came home we divided it according to agreement, and after I had sent presents to my neighbours I had enough for two or three months. This was too happy a life for my adverse fate to suffer me to continue long in, for before a year came about I was ordered home again with my cattle, three men being sent by Deaan Mevarrow to conduct me. The civil war had now been a year and half, which reduced every one to great straits, so that they wanted these cattle to live on, the rest being consumed by them- selves or taken by the enemy ; their enemies also being in as bad circumstances, or worse. We returned the same way I came, through the forests of wild cattle, and hrmted as we went, tiU we arrived at Deaan Afferer's town on Yong-gorvo. I was very melancholy all the way, and here began first to think of making my escape to some seaport town at the hazard of my life, though it was a long time before I had an oppor- tunity to effect it. When I arrived at Eer Mimebolambo's town, where my master and his people stiU Uved, I found none but dull countenances, yet they were glad at my safe arrival, being hereby richer than their neighbours, whether friends or enemies, for my cattle were increased. They thanked me for my care, which was all the pay I got, and my master was too surly to do that ; but my butchering ofl&ce brought me the usual fees, by which means I lived as well as others. My business was still to follow the cow-tail for the whole town, nobody being wilhng to trust their children or servants ; axid Deaan Mevarrow durst not peremptorily command even his own young slaves to anything which might hazard then- being taken by the enemy, lest their parents and friends should resent it and leave him to go and live under other lords. As for their white slave, he had no parents nor relations to lament 158 MADAGASCAE: OB, his loss if killed or taken, and therefore the only fit person to be exposed to danger. The war was not carried on so hotly as at first, for their courage was cooled on all sides, nor was there so much to be got by plundering one another as at the beginning. But it was not long before our original enemies, Chahary and Frukey, heard we had cattle, and one day, as I was tending them at some distance from the town, they came with two hundred men, surprised, and took the cattle, and pursued me in a most furious manner with a savage yelling, firing, and throwing lances, calling out, " Kill him, cut him to pieces ! " &c., but I got the start of them, and fled into a thicket so full of prickles and strong great thorns that my flesh was miserably torn from head to foot ; nevertheless I hid myself in the midst of it. They still followed me with their bnitish cries, beginning to cut a passage to come at me ; but just as I had given up myself for lost, of a sudden I observed them run as fast back again. I was some time before I could understand the meaning, till at length I found our people had heard the uproar and came upon them, so that they had now as much as they could do to save their own lives. They could not drive off the beasts, but, resolving to do all the mischief they could, they killed and wounded every one of them, and then fled. I was forced to keep my station, and was not without fear some of them would be driven upon me, till I perceived by the noise of the guns that they went farther off. I then crept out, and found one of their chief men fallen and wounded, with two lances in his hand. He looked me fuU in the face, with his eyes dazzling, and was going to speak, when I snatched one of his lances out of his hand, telling him it was my time now, and he was doubly my enemy, and immediately struck him dead; When our people saw me they thought I was cut with lances, for I was all over bloody and had several large rents in my flesh, my feet almost cut to pieces, and many large thorns yet sticking in me, so that when I came to recover from the fright, and to be cool, I was in great pain. The women and children soon came to help carry the slain cattle into town, there not being above fifteen ahve, and those sorely wounded. While these were busy with the beasts I told Deaan Mevarrow that I took two BOBEBT BBTJBTS JOUBNAL. 159 lances from a man, who was grievously wounded, but alive at the side of the thicket. I durst not tell them I killed him, for he had near relations among our people, and I did not know but they might privately revenge his death on me, for they grieved at it and begged his body to bury, which was granted. When I came home my mistress very compassionately ordered and assisted a slave to wash and dress my wounds, and pull out the thorns. It was many days before I was well, and I was not a little glad I had no more cattle to look after, not- withstanding the want which I knew must immediately foUow. However, for a few days we had] beef enough, and more than we could well dispense with, while it was sweet. By the time I was got well my master found another employ- ment for me, which was to go into the woods and dig vidld yams for him and his wife. The beef was now consumed, and there was scarce anything else to be found hereabouts to live on, and now we severely felt the miseries of a civil war. I went a great way sometimes before I could find enough of these for my master and self, being seldom able to bring home sufficient to serve me for a breakfast the next day, it being as much as I could do, with a whole day's search and labour, to please my master. Indeed, I always made sure of one meal, kindling ,a fire and roasting some in the woods. * One morning, just at sun-rising (for I have reason to remem- ber it) my master and some of the chiefs were sitting in the gate of the town, and reflecting on their poverty and misfor- ~ tunes. Deaan Mevarrow said he had tasted no beef a great while, and asked if they knew of anybody who had cattle. They told him none of his or Eer Mimebolambo's people, but there was a man in Deaan Mephontey's jurisdiction, about four or five miles off, who had some good beeves. He imme- diately calls a man and me near to him, and told us we must go and bring away privately one of those beasts, bidding us to choose a fat one. I began to make excuses, and said " I was afraid to go and steal other men's cattle. Besides," says I, " I am the only white man in aU this country, and if I should be seen at a distance they wiU know me to be your slave, and that you sent me." He resolutely told me " It was his plea- sure I should go," and ordered the man to go immediately and 160 MADAGASCAB: OB, provide a rope. I begged on my knees that he would send another, but m vain. However, as he turned away, speaking to other people, and I, at the same time, seeing some of my fellow-slaves going towards the woods, stole away, thinking when he did not see me he would appoint another in my room ; but he turned suddenly, and espying me going off, took up liis gun and fired at me ; the shot went through the straw cap I had on, and I was so near that the wadding hit my back. He, perceiving he had not killed me, took up two lances, and before the people could stop his hand he threw one at me. He raved and called me a hundred vile names ; as for swearing, they know nothing of it. At length he was pacified, and on my submission and the entreaty of his friends he forgave me, but insisted on my going. There being no remedy I proceeded on the design with the man, though with many lamentations at my hard fortune and wretched slavery. We soon came near the place we were directed to, and after a Utile wandering about we espied near half a score cows grazing. Our next business was to look about diligently to see if the cow-keeper was near them. For my part I was never in more fear in my life scarce, the noise of the pretty little Uzards, who play about in the sunshine, and make the leaves rustle; appeared then in my ears like the leaping out of men from an ambuscade ; but after listening and going round every way for a considerable time, we, at length, ventured to sally out from among the trees, and pitching upon one of the fattest, my comrade took the rope, which was till then twisted about his middle, and sluug her. We had much ado to get her away from her companions, but at last we conquered her and drove her through the woods, for we durst not go near any paths or open places, and by noon arrived safe at home, where she was in a few minutes cut up by above a dozen hands at once, for fear the owner should miss her and follow the track. The meat was divided into two hundred pieces, and distributed to as many people. My partner and I had an udder and a piece of the buttock, which is the usual fee to those who bring in a beast in this manner, or from an enemy. As almost every one in the town had a little, this was all eaten immediately, and the next day we were in the same case as before. ROBERT DRURY'S JOURNAL. 161 It was now winter, and the yams could not so easily be found, the stalks being so withered, that we were reduced to miserable want, and almost famished. If we could eat once a day it was luxurious living, insomuch that when the children cried for food, though they had none all day, their mothers could with authority snap short at them, and say, " "Would ye be gluttons ? Did ye not eat yesterday ? " These shocking and pitiful dialogues between the hungry infants and their wretched mothers I heard for some months, and our calamitous circumstances appeared in our meagre and ghastly coun- tenances. Here was no fighting and plundering now ; our enemies never troubled us, nor we them. Thus we lived for eight or nine months after the loss of our cattle. Our enemies were somewhat more miserable than we, because Deaan Mur- nanzack, and his brother, who Hved on the other side, often disturbed their rest, and deprived them of the only happiness of wretched poverty, which is to sleep away for one half of their time the acute sense of their misery. While Deaan Crindo and everybody else wished for peace, but could find no expedient to bring it about, and Deaan Mumanzack's success had made them despair of it with honour, Providence threw an accident in the way which effected it. Eer Vowern, King of Feraingher, which is St. Augustine Bay country, had declared war against our common enemy, Woozington ; and had sent an ambassador, whose name was Ey-Nanno, an able and experienced person in the know- ledge of mankind, whose errand was to reconcile the quarrelling lords of Anterndroea, and obtain their friendship and assist- ance in the common cause. He no sooner arrived at Fenno- arevo, but the joyful news flew about the country, and reached our ears ; Deaan Crindo made no scruple of admitting Ey- Nanno to make the first overtures from him to his nephew Murnanzack, whither the ambassador was then gone when we heard it. It was with some reluctancy that this prince listened to peace ; for his uncle's behaviour and that of his sons was so inhuman and savage, in destroying the cattle of relations and countrymen, rooting up the plantations, and other gross inhumanities, that he almost forgot his private wrongs, and 11 1B2 MADAGASCAH\ OR, looked on Deaan Crindo as the general enemy of mankind, who, to gratify his brutish passion, endeavoured to bring about irreparable desolation and universal destruction, notwithstand- ing the examples he himself had shown at the first breaking out of the quarrels. "With what admirable generosity did he treat both Crindo and Mundumber, their people, towns, and effects, plainly showing that he aimed at nothing but doing himself justice, and deciding a controversy, and that the murdering of men and ruining of countries were abominable. And as Ky-Nanno told me, it was his piety at last determined him to a reconciliation, for he thought God could never look favourably on a man who would refuse to relieve mankind from such miseries as his countrymen then suffered ; and this only moved him, in the height of success, to waive the prosecution of his own interest, when it stood in competition with the public good. These were the pious resolutions of this great man, notwithstanding the laugh he made of revealed religion ; or, at least, of my manner of attempting to teach it him. I wish that our Christian priests, who build so much on a more than ordinary knowledge of God's wiU, would make their lives examples, as his was, and teach princes, and others too, to be in reaUty so truly just, honourable, and good as this gallant black prince was in aU his actions ; and yet I question not but he must be called an illiterate heathen. When Ey-Nanno had finished his negotiation with Deaan Murnanzack he passed by Deaan Afferrer, well knowing he would acquiesce with what his brother had done, and came to us to make up the difference between Chahary and Frukey, our enemies, and us. He condemned them very boldly for their folly in persisting so obstinately on their private resentments to the ruin of themselves and their country, and told them it was represented in a scandalous manner to all the kings on the island. He met with no great difiBculty in the reconciliation, which, being effected, he told them that Ear Vowern had a quarrel against Woozington for several gross affronts and insults. Among the rest, he had called a dog bj' the name Eer Vov^^ern ; and he, Ey-Nanno, expected next summer to come and beg their assistance against Woozington ; but his errand was then principally out of friendship, to put an end to their ROBERT DRURY'S JOURNAL. 163 destmetive quarrels. This he did effectually ; in a few days the peace was concluded, and declared publicly all over the country. While Ry-Nanno was delivering his first speech to Eer Mimebolambo and Deaan Mevarrow, I observed him to fix his eye upon me, and when he had done he looked at me with con- cern in his face, and calling to me in broken EngUsh, " You, white man, come hither." He asked me my name ; then, turn- ing to my master, said : " Here's a white bird among crows ; in our country they are common, ships coming there frequently : but they wear clothes, eat and drink with the lords. This poor young man looks piteously ; why do you let him go without clothes? Pray be charitable to a distressed stranger, and don't use him cruelly." Deaan Mevarrow answered : " I have not used him cruelly enough ; you don't know how his friends served Deaan Crindo." "Yes," says Ey-Nanno, ^' I know perfectly well the whole story, and that Deaan Grindo used them barbarously, in refusing to let them go on their request to a seaport, where ships come, in order to return home. If Eer Vowem had this white man he would give him some clothes, which his countrymen have left behind, and take care of him as his own son till a ship comes to carry him away." I could not forbear listening to this discourse with the greatest attention, and wanted an opportunity to talk privately with him, which I did at night ; for he brought some cattle, which Murnanzack had given him, knowing we had none ; and I was sent for to kiU a bullock. By this means I had an opportunity to tell him, in broken English, that I would come and see him at night. Accordingly I went, and he received me with great civility. After we were seated, he inquired into the whole history of our shipwreck and misfortvme. I gave him a fuU account thereof, as also of my master's cruel usage and my miserable slavery. The relation of my wretched case ma'de me weep, and drew tears from his eyes. He told me he would endeavour to buy me of Deaan Mevarrow, and comforted me as well as he could. I stayed late with him, and when I went home the hopes I entertained of his relieving me kept me waking all night. The next day, after he had talked with my master of their own affairs, he asked him if he was wiUing to 164 madagasoaH: or, sell his white man, and ho would give him a handsome young man, capable of doing him more service, or a buccaneer gun — which he pleased. I was sitting among my fellow-slaves, eagerly regarding what the result would be, when my master called to me to stand up. I began to hope it was to make the bargain. Instead of that, says he: "Look on that white slave; for looking after cattle, digging of wild yams, and improving of honey, there is not the fellow of him ; and though a buccaneer gun is the price of a slave, I will not take two for him." Ey-Nanno then showed him three or four slaves, but Mevarrow told him plainly he would not part with me on any conditions. Then, turning to me, asked " if I had not a mind to dig some wild yams for him, as well as his other slaves, who were just gone out before? " So I was forced to take up my hatchet, shovel, and lance, and go into the woods; but instead of searching for yams I sat down and cried tiU I was almost blind. However, I was obliged to find some to carry home, which was difficult enough, for the stalks were now withered; yet I made up a bundle after roasting them, but had none for myself. When I came home my master thought I had been idle, and said, "I sup- pose you are mightily troubled because Ey-Nanno is not your master?" I went home and laid me down on my mat, and had a log of wood under my head for my pillow, till a great while after it was dark ; and then I went privately to Ey- Nanno. After I sat iowa as usual, he told me he was glad to see me again, and asked what success I had, which I told him ; as also that my master had greatly abused me for bringing no more yams. He said, " I was the first white man he ever saw who had a black man for his master ; and though he could not buy me, yet he did not doubt but Eer Vowern would find some way to get me into Feraingher when he came next summer toward this country." But I answered, " I was afraid my master would not take me to the wars for that reason, and I despaired of ever getting my liberty, but that I was resolved to try as soon as my master went out anywhere to the wars, and left me behind." Ey-Nanno comforted me, and said, " The same Providence which had preserved me BOBEBT DBUBT8 JOUBNAL. 165 hitherto would deliver me in the end, and he did not doubt of seeing me at St. Augustine Bay ; for," saj's he, " there are but few ships come now to Port Dauphine, since the death of Deaan Tuley-Noro. That, indeed, is the nearest seaport, for ours is a great way off." I desired he would please to tell me how many days' journey it was, and which way he came. " For," said I, " I am resolved to attempt my escape ; if they overtake me I shall be killed, and be out of my misery ; and if I fall into any other's master's power he can't be worse than this." Ey-Nanno told me that the whole country of Mer- faughla lay between us, extending itself from the utmost part of Anterndroea, where Deaan Murnanzack's cattle are kept, to the river which runs into St. Augustine Bay, which river is called Oneghayloghe ; that he was forty-two days on his journey, but he could have performed it in less than half the time if they had not hunted and took their pleasure by the way. " For," says he, " the whole country is so well provided with what is proper for a man to live on, that one need not carry provision, except he is in haste. There are wild cattle in great part of it. Then there is faungidge, verlaway, wUd honey, and wild yams ; some or other of them, or all of them, to be had wherever you go." I inquired what kings lived in the way. He said none ; for there were three. Eer Trortrock is the first to the northward, then Eer Chulu-Mossu-Andro and Zaffentumppoey ; this last at the head of the river Oneghay- loghe, to the eastward ; but there are none of their people live within almost two days' long journey of the road. He told me the nearest way was by the foot of Yong-gorvo hills, till one comes to the west side of it, then strike over to the northward half a day's journey, if then I went betwixt the north and west I could not miss the way. I asked him a great many questions more, till it was late, and was going away ; but he would not suffer me till I had supped with him. The next day he took his leave of my master, and I stole away to bid him farewell, and thank him for his civility. They were packing up his pro- visions, &c. He advised me to oblige Deaan Mevarrow in everything, lest he should kill me or do me a mischief, and bid me not despair of getting home to England. He then gave me a large piece of beef, and after repeated expressions of my 166 MADAGASCAB: OB, gratitude for his charitable concern for me, I parted from him with much regret. When I considered on what had passed, I began to have quite different thoughts, as if I had been in another country, for I found here were a great many people, and nations too, who understood humanity; bat it was my misfortune to happen among the worst people of the whole island. The next day the crier went about the to^vn ordering all Deaan Mevarrow's slaves to muster before his door. I went, among the rest, to know his will and pleasure, which was to get ready to pack up our goods and march the next morning to our own town, which was accordingly done by everybody with pleasure except me, who was indifferent where I lived. So, after leave taken of Eer Mimebolambo and his people, we marched home, and found our houses very little worse than when we left tkem, for they were then new built. The next command was to attend and receive axes and hoes to prepare the ground for planting. Some cleared it of the wood and briars, while others hoed it up instead of ploughing. Our master sent to his uncle Mephontey for Guinea corn and carra- vances, which were soon sowed ; and then gave his slaves a fortnight's time to make their own plantations. I was forced to desire Deaan Sambo to beg my master to give me two days more to look after my honey, which I had left secured from thieves by the white sticks, on pretence of being poisoned by the charm of the Umossee. He gave me leave, and I took three large tubs, each of which held five or six gallons, and as many calabashes. I had further to go than from our old town, which was burnt ; but when I came there I found them as I left them, untouched, and the honey prodigiously increased. I smoked the bees out and took the greatest part of the honey and wax away, but not all, leaving them some to live on ; for they will return to the hives themselves, and, when they swarm, go to new ones without any of that trouble we have in England. I found some fine Virginia honey, with white wax, which I put in my calabashes. It being two years since I had seen them I had almost forgot where to look for some of them, for they were at a great distance from one another, up and down in the wood. However, I filled all my vessels, and left BOBEBT DBUBY'8 JOUBNAL. 167 as much more behind for another jom-ney. I had more now than I could carry home at once, so that I was obliged to return the next day for it. When I had brought it home, I went to my master, and presented him with one of the tubs. Now these lords always expect a present on such occasions. When my master saw me bring such a large tub-full, he was surprised, and asked me why I brought him so much. For I must do hun the justice to say he was not covetous. Besides, here are no officers to go about and demand any certain quantity ; but the people must go themselves, and carry a present of whatever their plantations and industry produce : as cariravances, guinea corn, potatoes, &c., but it is only as an acknowledgment of homage ; and a calabash would have been sufficient for me. But I told him I knew he had a circumcision feast to make, and I had a great deal, and so desired him to accept it. He told me it was true, and for that use he would buy aU the honey I had to spare, and give me a cow and a calf for it as soon as he had some cattle. The civil war being over, we lived at ease, could dig our wild yams without fear. People now went to and fro in the country to visit one another, and everybody attended their plantations ; but it was six months after this before we had plenty. My conversation with Ey-Nanno was stiU for ever in my'mind, and I wanted only an opportunity of my master's going abroad on some expedition to execute my resolution of endeavouring to escape. Nothing happened all this while, but there was one Eer Ambarroch, a petty prince, to the northward, who, a little before the civil war began, had received and detained eight slaves of Deaan Mevarrow's, and thirty head of his cattle ; and when the Deaan sent a special messenger to demand them, he returned for answer, that he might come himself and fetch them. He being now at leisure, Eer Mimebolambo and he agreed to join their forces, and having obtained leave of Deaan Grindo, they prepared to march. I expected to be left behind with my usual charge of his wife, and thought it would be a proper opportunity for my design ; but, standing before him, with two lances in my hand, says he: "You shall not always hve at home like a woman, you shall go to the wars with me ; the sight of a white man armed wiU frighten those people in 1C8 MADAGASOAE: OB, the mountains where we are gouig." So, talcing my two lances away, "here," says he, "is one of j'om- grandfather's arms, I suppose you can manage this better than ours ; prepare your- self for the march." I desired one of my lances, which he gave me, and twenty musket-balls, some powder, and two flints. I took my mat, as usual, but my master gave it to one of his slaves to carry for me ; so I walked like a gentleman without any luggage. Our Uttle army consisted of about three hundred men besides slaves. We went to the northward all the first day, the second day we got into the forest to the east of Yong-gorvo, where the wild cattle are ; we hunted, and killed some beef, while four men were sent out as spies toward Eer Ambarroch's town, to see how it was fortified. We were almost a day's journey from it, for it was not proper to go nearer, lest some of their people should have discovered us hunting, and alarmed the town, for they live chiefly on wild cattle. Our spies returned, and brought word that it was an open place without any forti- fication. We marched all night, and by break of day arrived at the town, divided ourselves to sm-round it, and fired into their houses to rouse them. The barking of the dogs and the noise of the guns soon awakened them, and away they run, for we gave them no time to muster together. So we fell to plundering, and taking what prisoners we could get. I saw the prince's house, and ran directly toward it, hoping to take him prisoner. He jumped out, and fired at me ; I was going to return it, when a man threw a lance at me, which I put off, and fired at him, and stopped his running ; but by this means the prince got off. I entered the house, and found his wife and daughter sitting with two or three slaves. I took hold of the ladies' hands, and brought them both out, and let other people go in and plunder the house as they pleased, for I had a good prize ; but one of Eer Mimebolambo's men, who had taken nothing, would have took one of my captives from me. I told him I supposed he was a coward, and had sneaked behind a tree in the action, or else he might have taken something or other. He insisted on it, and reproached me with being a slave, till some of our people came up, when he was forced to depart with shame, for EGBERT DBUBTS JOURNAL. 169 a complaint was made to Deaan Mevarrow, who justified me, and severely reprimanded the man. Now an agreement was made before we set out that the cattle should be divided, but captives should remain to those who took them. "When we had drove all the men away we got what cattle we could find together, and hastened through the wood with them, expecting that the enemy would rally and attack us. When we got into the plain we halted, and made ready to receive them. They soon came, according to expectation, as I suppose, about two hundred. I delivered my two captives, as did every one else theirs, to the slaves in the rear, while we marched; and coming very near them, they also meeting us, we made a discharge almost all at once, and killed them three or four men. We halted a little to load again, and observed them stand amazed and daunted, looking more particularly on some one remarkable per- son who was fallen ; I being soon loaded, and a few more ran directly to them ; they seeing us come so near, which is not usual, fired at us, and ran away. We followed them till they got into the wood, and then returned to the main army. They came out of the wood again on our retreat, and followed us at a distance, being wUling to see the last of their wives, children, and cattle, and to observe us, if any accident should happen, which might give them an advantage to recover them, or any part of them. At noon we halted near a spring, in a shady grove, to refresh ourselves, for we were fasting. My master being seated, called to me to bring my two captives before him ; and having commended me for my behaviour in the action, he told me I should keep one of them myself, and desired I would make my choice, and he would have the other. I soon determined for the young one, being in truth extremely pleased with her from the very moment I took her. She was about sixteen years of age, her mother was not above four or five-and-thirty. She I presented to my master. My choice also pleased him, for he had a mind to do a generous action ; so calling her to him, he told her, " Her husband had brought all this upon himself by his unjust and churlish proceedings, and I have done no more than he bid me. I am come myself, and have fetched away all my 170 MADAGASCAB .■ OB, women ; and I perceive some of my own cattle, with enough of his, to pay me and my friends for our trouble. As for your- self, I will give you your liberty ; go back to Eer Amborroch and tell him if he would have his daughter and cattle again, he must come and fetch them ; you see she is fallen into my white man's hands, and I will not take her from him." " And," says I, "he shall spiU all the white man's blood before he shall have her again." After she had eaten some meat, which Mevarrow gave her, she came to me to take leave of her daughter. They both cried, not expecting ever to see each other again. I pitied them heartily, and should have dismissed the young one ; but to confess the truth, I was downright in love with her, never before having seen any woman I Hked so well, though I had been here so many years. However, I comforted the mother as well as I could, and told her " not to lament too much for her daughter, she should live very well. I would take more care of her than of myself, and though I was not a black man, I had as tender a heart as any black man whatever, and designed to make her my wife, if she liked it ; if not," I said, " I did not know whether she would live so easy a life." Her mother asked her, "What she thought of that?" She answered, " She was at my disposal, and not at her own, and desired her duty might be presented to her father." " And mine too, if you please, mother," said I. So after a little more discourse they parted. She took her leave of Deaan Mevarrow, thanking him for his civility, and went away by herself. But I suppose she had not far to go alone ; they were, no doubt, as near as they durst come, in the woods, observing us, though we never saw them any more ; yet we kept a strict guard all day, and the next night. I was very careful of my pretty prisoner, tying a rope about her middle, with the ends about myself, and laid her close to me, holding her fast also in my arms. She only laughed and jested with me for it, but I was so fearful of her getting away that I could not sleep. We marched very swiftly the next day, and when we halted, Eer Mimebolambo and Deaan Mevarrow parted the cattle ; each had two hundred and eleven. And then they separated, taking the nearest way home. Just before we entered the town we halted again to divide liOBEBT DBUBTS JOURNAL. 171 the cattle among ourselves. The Deaan had thirty, his brother ten, each of the other principals one ; whosoever had two slaves retained one of them, and delivered the other to their lord, and had a cow and calf instead of it. If two men got a slave between them, they had each a cow for it ; every man who had not a slave, was to have a cow, if the number would admit of it ; if not, one between two. And this is a general and fixed law for dividing an enemy's spoil. My master told me I had but one slave. I alleged he had taken one away, and might have kept it ; but I found he was only in jest ; for he gave me a cow and a calf for her whom he sent away, and would have had me pick out another cow and calf for my honey, which I refused. So he chose them for me hunself of the best of the cattle. Thus I became rich at once, having two cows and their calves, and an handsome Zorzer AmpeUer.* When we came near the gates of the town the shells were blowTi, and the women came aU running to see what was the meaning of it, not expecting us so soon. But when they knew us, they ran back to their houses tiU we entered in trirunph, and Deaan Mevarrow was seated ; then his wife came out and licked his feet, and after her the rest of the women, and then each to her respective husband. I thought I had now a wife, and as fine a one, too, as the best of them, and the next time we returned from such an expedition, I should have homage done me. My mistress sent and desired to see my lady ; I went along with her. She would have her sit down on the same mat with herself, and could not forbear shedding tears, it having been her own case, and charged me to use her ten- derly. I said I did not design to. make a slave of her, but a valle.t or wife. I had a stock of honey, which I left with a neighbour, as also carravances; and having milk from my cows, I made a very tolerable supper for my bride and myself, and was formal enough to mimic matrimony as far as I could, by taking her by the hand and saying I was willing to make her a tender and faithful husband, and asked her if she was willing to be a faithful and loving wife, to which she cheerfully agreed. And * A girl, " Zaza anvpela." f Valy, or wife. 172 MADAGASCAR: OB, so we lay down and were as happy as our circumstances would admit of, notwithstanding we had no bridemen and maids, nor throwing of stockings. Some of my readers will, perhaps, wonder how I could so passionately love a black woman ; but let them consider I had been several years in the country, and they were become natural to me. Then she was very handsome, of a middle stature, straight, and exactly shaped, her features regular, and her skin soft, fine, and delicate, as any ladies in Europe. Indeed, all the women are soft and fine-skinned, who are of any rank, and carefully brought up. There are uncleanly, coarse-skinned creatures among the vulgar, as well as in Europe; but the women are not naked as some of the Guinea negroes. Their clothing is a lamber much longer than the men's, reaching to their feet from their middle ; above it, and joining under the lamber, is a garment like a straight shift, covering all the body to the neck, and short sleeves. This is commonly made of cotton, and of a dark colour. The women of the better sort adorn it with beads very handsomely, especially on the back ; where they are ranged in rows, coming across one another ; and being of different colours, they make a large double cross, so like a union flag, that one would imagine they copied it. Thus much as to the description of the person and habits of these women, in which I will not pretend to prefer them to our Europeans ; and yet, notwithstanding I have been so long in England, I can't help confessing it is with pleasure I think of mine, and with concern I remember our parting ; for as to their fidelity, behaviour to their husbands, good-natured dispositions and agreeable conversation, so far as their little knowledge extends, I think the Europeans must not compare with them. We white people have a very contemptible and mean opinion of these blacks, and a great one of ourselves. They also have a great opinion of us, and think we excel them vastly in know- ledge, arts, and sciences. So far they are right, but if an impartial comparison was to be made of their virtue, I think the negro heathens mU excel the white Christians. It will be remarked, I dare say, that the best character I could give my- self to recommend me to my wife's mother was, that I had as tender a heart as a black ; for they certainly^treat one s < g 2 <: hj