The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027928047 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DA 256.K55F5 1911 
 
 3 1924 027 928 047 
 
 01!N UBRARY - C'?.Cl!LAT'ON 
 DATE DUE 
 
 
 
 IP 
 
 
 
 ■"Ti990 "" 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i*wiP"' 
 
 
 119^+"' 
 
 ) 
 
 
 i'^LXP'i'^^ 
 
 stiftijiBittiift^OJii^" 
 
 
 
 _ -W^ 
 
 s,- 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 •fPw 
 
 #*^aWw*^ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 GAYLORD 
 
 
 
 PftlNTED INU S.A. 
 
HENRY V 
 
 FROM THE PICTURE IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY 
 
The First English Life of 
 
 KING HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 written in 15 13 
 
 by an anonymous Author known commonly as 
 
 The Translator of Livius 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 CHARLES LETHBRIDGE KINGSFORD, M.A. 
 
 St. John's College 
 Editor of Stow's ' Survey of London ' 
 
 With Introduction, Annotations, and Glossary 
 
 OXFORD 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 MDCCCCXI 
 
 m 
 
K 5S 
 
 
 
 y 
 
 HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 FDBLISHEK TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK 
 
 TORONTO AND MELBOURNE 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 Henry V. From the portrait in the National Portrait 
 
 Gallery ...... Frontispiece 
 
 Introduction v 
 
 The First English Life of Henry the Fifth . 3 
 
 Variations in Harley MS. 35 . . . .191 
 
 Glossary 193 
 
 Index 301 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 In a famous passage in his Annates'^ John Stow, when 
 describing how Henry of Monmouth appeared before his father 
 in 141a to seek for a reconciliation, attributes his story to the 
 Translator of Livius, who gave it on the information of the 
 Earl of Ormonde, ' an eye-witness of the same.' Holinshed ^ 
 also, in his list of learned men and writers during the reign of 
 Henry V, after mentioning Titus Livius, goes on to say : ' one 
 there was that translated the said history into English, adding 
 (as it were by way of notes in many places of that book) sundry 
 things for the more large understanding of the history; a copy 
 whereof I have seen belonging to John Stow, citizen of London.' 
 In two places Holinshed makes specific mention of the Trans- 
 lator of Livius as the authority for statements in his text.' 
 Before Stow and Holinshed, Nicholas Harpsfield, who died in 
 i575> having been a prisoner in the Tower since i559) in his 
 Historia Anglicana* (which, however, was not printed till 
 1632) states that the Life of Henry V by Titus Livius had 
 been translated into English by one ' who added some things 
 of his own taken, as he says, from the Earl of Ormonde'. 
 Stow's story was borrowed by Holinshed,^ and has obtained 
 a wide currency. Nevertheless its source has passed unnoticed, 
 and the possible existence of a translation of Titus Livius 
 incorporating new material has been almost entirely over- 
 looked, or noticed only to call in question the authenticity of 
 the stories derived from it. 
 
 Recently Mr. F. Madan directed my attention to an English 
 Life of Henry V in Bodley MS. 966. An examination of it 
 showed at once that it was the lost work of the Translator, 
 and identical with the book cited by Thomas Hearne in the 
 notes to his edition of the Vita Henrici Qtiinti by Titus 
 Livius as Libri Anglici. The Bodley MS. is a large, hand- 
 
 ^ P- 339> ed. 1631; see pp. 11-13 below. "^ Chronicles, iii. 136. 
 
 ' id. iii. 105, 123. ' p. 586. " Chronicles, iii. 53, 54. 
 
vi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 somely bound folio, containing transcripts of historical pieces 
 and documents made for Sir Peter Manwood, a Kentish 
 antiquary, in the reign of James I. The greater part of it 
 (including the Life of Henry V) was written about 1610, and 
 the volume was presented by Manwood to the Bodleian 
 Library in i6ao. Bernard, in his Catalogi Librorum MSS. 
 Angliae et Hiberniae, which was published in 1697, gives under 
 the heading ' Bodl. MS. 3033 ' a summary of its contents. But, 
 for the Life of Henry V, which occupies the first ninety-one 
 pages, he has no more than ' Titus Livius's Prologue directed 
 to King Henry the VI. p. 3 Fol.' Thus he does not notice the 
 Translator's own preface on pages i and a, and does not indi- 
 cate in any way the nature of the main work. This may 
 explain why since Hearne's time the Life has been overlooked. 
 It is only quite recently that, in the process of cataloguing, its 
 true character has been revealed. 
 
 After the text of the Bodley MS. as here given was already 
 in print I discovered that another copy of the Translator's 
 Life of Henry V existed in Harley MS. 35 at the British 
 Museum. This copy was apparently written in the latter 
 part of the reign of James I, and is therefore somewhat later 
 in date than the copy in the Bodley MS. It is, moreover, in 
 other respects inferior. As will be explained further on, the 
 greatest interest of the Translator's Life consists in a number 
 of stories given on the authority of James Butler, fourth Earl 
 of Ormonde. Out of nine such stories or passages, four do 
 not appear at all in the Harley MS. and a fifth only in part. 
 Of the four omitted stories, two, on the spoil of Caen and oft 
 the visit of St. Vincent Ferrier,^ are not given either by Sto\V 
 or Holinshed. The account of the reception of Sigismund 
 by Humphrey of Gloucester,^ and the latter pairt of the story 
 of the Sire de Barbasan,^ which are also omitted in the Harley 
 MS., are given by Holinshed but not by Stow. The reference: 
 to the great continence of Henry V,* which appears in the 
 ' Proem ' of the Bodley MS., has no place in the Harley MS., 
 since the ' Proem ' is there omitted altogether ; this passage is. 
 quoted only by Harpsfield. The omission of the ' Proem ^ 
 
 ' See pp. xxxiv-xxxvi below. = See p. 67. 
 
 ^ See pp. 168-71. * See p. 5. 
 
INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 may perhaps be explained by the fact that even in the Bodley 
 MS. it seems to be imperfect. But the aUusion to it in the 
 concluding paragraph of the Life stands in the Harley MS. 
 The verses on the Earl of Staiiford's banner,^ with which the 
 Bodley MS. ends, are not found in the other copy. The 
 omissions of the Harley MS. raise some curious questions. 
 The fact that two stories which do not appear in the Harley 
 MS. are also omitted by Stow and Holinshed might suggest 
 that this copy of the Life is similar to the one which Stow 
 owned and lent to Holinshed. This is, however, disproved 
 by the appearance in Holinshed of two passages which are 
 not found in the Harley copy. It is possible, of course, that 
 Stow's copy may have contained a selection of the Ormonde 
 stories, which differed from those of either of the extant copies. 
 This suggests a further hypothesis that there may have been 
 still more of those stories in some other version now lost.^ 
 However that may be, it is satisfactory to know that in the 
 Bodley MS. we at all events possess one of the fuller versions. 
 The evidence for the existence of varying versions of the Trans- 
 lator's Life is further of interest as indicating that its circula- 
 tion was neither accidental nor limited. 
 
 Over and above those matters referred to in the last 
 paragraph there are four other omissions in the Harley 
 MS. These are not very noteworthy in themselves, except 
 for the circumstance that they are all insertions made by the 
 Translator; three of them are in criticism of discrepancies 
 which he found in his authorities.^ Probably their omission 
 has no more significance than that the scribe of the Harley 
 MS. did not deem them of sufficient interest to retain. 
 On the other side he makes only one addition of interest : 
 this is the story (probably based on a local legend of late 
 date) that Owen Glendower died on the top of Lawton's 
 Hope Hill in Herefordshire.* In another place he adds a few 
 words which are given by Stow, though they do not appear 
 in the Bodley copy.® A third instance supplies a translation 
 
 ' See p. 190. * See p. xlvi below. 
 
 ' The last paragraphs on pp. 51 and 56, the first part of the last para- 
 graph on p. 123, and the last paragraph on p. 185. 
 * Seep. 191 below. ° See p. 123, 7iote I- 
 
VIll 
 
 HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 of a sentence in Monstrelet which is omitted in the Bodley 
 MS.^ Minor textual variations are not infrequent, and occasion- 
 ally the Harley MS. is of value as confirming more or less 
 obvious corrections of the other copy. But on the whole the 
 variations of the two manuscripts are less to be remarked 
 than some curiously close analogies. Manwood's copy is well 
 and carefully written. His scribe, however, seems at times to 
 have found some difficulty in reproducing the original. Apart 
 from obvious errors of transcription,^ there are occasional 
 omissions and blanks.^ Of the errors, as is not unnatural, 
 some, though not all, receive correction in the Harley MS. 
 But that many of the omissions and blanks should be common 
 to both manuscripts is remarkable ; those variations of reading 
 which appear in these passages are such as might naturally 
 occur in the deciphering of an ill-written original. Not a few 
 of the errors and blanks can be rectified by comparison with 
 Stow's text in his Annales ; but in some places it is clear that 
 Stow * himself experienced in his own copy difficulties similar 
 to those which are found in the extant manuscripts. The 
 occurrence of such close analogies of error suggests naturally 
 that all the versions are derived from the same more ancient 
 copy. In sUch case, of course, the omissions of the Harley 
 MS. would be peculiar to it, and would afford no evidence 
 for the earlier circulation of varying versions of the Life. 
 Whilst, however, the textual difficulties must have originated 
 in a common undecipherable source, it is not impossible 
 that they may have been transmitted to the two seven- 
 teenth-century scribes through separate intermediaries. For 
 such a theory Stow's corrections and his own difficulties 
 afford some slight confirmation. Textually Stow's version 
 resembles most nearly the Harley copy, but it is evident that 
 in the greater fullness of its material it came nearer to the 
 Bodley MS. It is not possible to determine whether either 
 or both of the manuscripts are derived from the copy which 
 Stow owned. Since neither the variations nor the analogies 
 of the manuscript and printed versions are helpful to a sure 
 
 ' See p. 192 below. 
 
 ^ See pp. 9, 18, 23, 31, 47, 70, 91, 141, 154, 172, 176, 185, 189. 
 See pp. 12, 27, 34, 60, 92, 100, 141, 157, 158, 161, 163, 177, 178, 186, 188. 
 
 * See pp. 34, 93, 158, 175 below. ' 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 conclusion, we are compelled to leave the textual history of 
 the Life somewhat obscure.^ 
 
 Of Stow's own copy of the Life no trace can now be found. 
 It does not exist amongst his voluminous ' Collections ', of 
 which a part are preserved in the Harleian MSS. in the 
 British Museum. Stow first refers to the ' Translator of Livius ' 
 in the edition of his Summary of English Chronicles published 
 in 1570. The identity of our Life with the work cited by 
 Stow is manifest through its close resemblance to the text 
 given by him in his Annales, wherein long passages are bor- 
 rowed from the Life with little or no variation. Stow him- 
 self gave no indication of the source of his text, but cited 
 Livius and Monstrelet as his authorities, when in point of fact 
 he was adopting the version of the Translator together with 
 his interpolations and errors.^ 
 
 I will now turn to give an account of the Translator's Life. 
 The writer explains in his ' Proem ' that he had ' translated 
 two books, the one of Titus Livius out of facund Latin, the 
 other of Enguerrant de Monstrelet out of the common lan- 
 guage of France . . . and to these two aforesaid books I have 
 also added divers sayings of the English Chronicles, and to 
 the same also divers other opinions that I have read of the 
 report of a certain and honourable ancient person, . . . and 
 that is the honourable Earl of Ormonde '. His purpose in 
 writing was didactic, to give ' our Sovereign Lord ' an example 
 of honour, fame, and victory ' of that most puissant prince 
 King Henry V, your ancestor'. When he began his work 
 ' we laboured in war ', and the writer wished that the King 
 might thereby be provoked to ensue the acts of this so noble, 
 virtuous, and excellent prince. But during its progress that 
 mortal war was changed into an amiable, toward, and honour- 
 able peace. The allusion is made clear in the conclusion, where 
 it is stated that the achievements of Henry V were — 
 
 'since the beginning of this my enterprise most to be regarded 
 of us Englishmen through the high and victorious courage of 
 
 ' I Have been able to deal with many of the minor variations of the 
 Harley MS. in the footnotes. The more important of the remainder are 
 given in an Appendix on pp. 191, 192. 
 
 = See for instances pp. 17, 23, 25, 28, 33, 35, 39, 40, 55, 63, 79. 99, 100, 
 107, 116, 124, 139, 151, 176, 185. 
 
X HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 our most renowned sovereign lord, that now reigneth over us, 
 now of late entered into semblable war against the Frenchmen, 
 as well for the recovery of his just and rightful inheritance, 
 ... as for the reconciliation of the same French King and 
 his confederates unto our ghostly mother of the Church of 
 Rome.' ^ 
 
 We thus have a definite proof of the time at which the work 
 was composed. In the summer of 1513 the Holy League 
 between Pope Leo X, Maximilian, and Henry VIII led to the 
 invasion of France by the English King. The battle of 
 Guinegate and the capture of Tournay, though they had no 
 very substantial results, were sufficiently glorious. Henry 
 would have liked to pursue his advantage, but the Pope was 
 more anxious to use the difficulties of France as a means to 
 put an end to the schismatical movement which had been sup- 
 ported by.Louis XII. When the English King saw that Leo 
 was intent on peace he concluded a treaty on his own account. 
 To the failure of Henry's allies to render him consistent sup- 
 port the Translator seems to make reference, when he speaks 
 of how in these days, as in times past, aliens for the more 
 lucre and gain break their oaths and dissolve their confedera- 
 tions.^ If the war had not achieved the purpose for which 
 it was undertaken, it had been honourable to English arms, 
 and had contributed to end the threatened schism in the 
 Church. The treaty between England and France was con- 
 cluded in August, 1 514. Thus the Translator must have com- 
 posed his Life of Henry V between June 30, 1513. when 
 Henry VIII landed at Calais, and the autumn of the following 
 year. With such clear evidence of date it is not necessary to 
 pursue the question further. Still, we may note that the writer 
 refers to the burning of Sheen in 1497, and to the building 
 of Richmond, as matters which were no longer recent." 
 
 The date of the composition of the Life is not insignificant. 
 During that self-same year Thomas More was at work on his 
 History of Richard III, which was the first noteworthy 
 achievement of historical literature in English. At this time 
 
 1 See p. 190 below. 2 ggg p jgg below. 
 
 '^ See p. 19 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION xi 
 
 also Polydore Vergil was busy with his Historia Anglica, in 
 which he sought to set a new model for the composition of 
 History on a critical and reasoned basis. So it is of interest 
 to mark the literary intention of the Translator, and the con- 
 ception which he had formed of the duties of an historian. 
 In both points he anticipated in some degree the work of 
 his two contempoi'aries. He described himself modestly as 
 having made his translation into rude and homely English, 
 and pleaded that from his native tongue all pratique (or ex- 
 perience) and famous inditing were far exiled. In this he 
 displays at once his desire to give a literary form to his work, 
 and his consciousness of the difficulties that lay before him. 
 Both the desire and the difficulties are reflected in the writer's 
 narrative. With a natural art he uses for the most part a good, 
 straightforward style, with no straining for effect. Yet he is 
 not a complete master of his instrument, and his sentences 
 have a tendency to become long and involved. His vocabulary 
 is also a trouble to him. His native speech is not adequate to 
 his ideas, and it is not merely when he is translating from Latin 
 or French that he shows a liking for strange or new words 
 such as ' reduige ', ' intumulate ', ' invelupted ', and ' scelerate '. 
 Together with many words which were to survive in permanent 
 use but were still unfamiliar at the beginning of the sixteenth 
 century, there are not a few which the Translator seems to 
 have coined to die still-born. The abnormal proportion of 
 words which begin with ' in ' or 'inter ' may be indicative of his 
 Latinity.^ There is, however^ no affectation of eloquence, nor 
 any attempt to display a literary superiority by the use of un- 
 familiar phrases. What harshness of diction appears is due 
 rather to the pains of one who had to labour with an imperfect 
 instrument than to the clumsiness of the workman. The 
 author's mastery seems to have increased as his work pro- 
 gressed. He does not, indeed, like More, rise at once to a 
 supreme level of literary craftsmanship. Still he attains at 
 times to a sonorous and simple dignity, which is not least 
 marked where he gives himself the freest hand. In such 
 passages he had no call to excuse himself for his rude and 
 
 '^ ' discrimes ' and ' repeate ' (in the sense of to seek again) are direct 
 renderings of the Latin, and ' circle ' (coffin) of the French. 
 
xii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 homely English, and came near to that famous inditing, the 
 lack of which in his native speech he had lamented. He was 
 not fettered by any slavish adherence to his originals, which he 
 paraphrased freely and put into a genuine English dress. In 
 this, as in his piecing together of his material, he shows at his 
 best no little skill. The mere fact that he had sat down to 
 write with a sense of what was lacking in literary English, and 
 that he nevertheless achieved so much in his performance, 
 gives him some distinction. Before his time no considerable 
 History had been composed in English with so definite a 
 literary intention. Had it been his good fortune to have his 
 work printed, he might justly have been esteemed one of the 
 pioneers of English prose in the sixteenth century. As it is we 
 must recognize him as one of perhaps many unknown workers, 
 who helped to create the instrument which others were to use. 
 As in the form, so also in the substance of his History the 
 Translator had to create without any model for his guidance. 
 It is true that Polydore Vergil had already set to work on his 
 Historia Anglica, endeavouring to weave his materials into 
 a consecutive and readable story, and departing deliberately 
 from the methods of old annalists and chroniclers. When we 
 find a similar design in the Translator's Life of Henry V, we 
 are compelled to recognize that Polydore was not in this 
 entirely original. It was the advantage of the foreign scholar 
 that he was more readily able to give expression to a spirit 
 that was already in the air. Polydore had the good fortune 
 in his Latin to supply English writers of History with a model 
 for their conscious imitation. The work of the Translator 
 proves, however, that even in this limited sphere the origins of 
 the literary Renaissance in England must be carried back 
 further. It was, of course, a happy chance for the Translator 
 that his subject had already been handled by Tito Livio with 
 literary skill on classical models. But had he contented him- 
 self simply with translating a book, which so well served 
 his purpose, into English, he would not in a literary sense 
 have accomplished anything noteworthy. It was because he 
 designed deliberately to supplement his main authority from 
 other sources, and interwove his additions with literary skill, 
 that he deserves to be regarded as an historian. There is 
 
INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 indeed nothing profound in his treatment, and commonly he 
 paraphrases Tito Livio without any material additions. But 
 in the very act of paraphrasing he does impart to his narrative 
 a personality which is his own, if for no other reason than that 
 he reads into it something which was not in the original. Nor 
 for that matter does he fail from time to time to attempt in 
 a simple way to furnish us with some critical comparison of 
 sources. So the additions to Tito Livio's Vita Henrici are 
 not always mere interpolations more or less skilfully inserted, 
 but sometimes take the form of a new narrative reconstructed 
 from more than one original. But however simple the methods 
 were by which he contexed and adjoined his materials, he 
 deserves credit for the care with which he entitled in the 
 margin of what authority every sentence is taken. ^ If, more- 
 over, his criticism and construction were simple, he was not 
 without other qualities of the historian. It does not go for 
 nothing that he had a purpose in writing, even though it were 
 no more than to describe his hero as a model for imitation by. 
 other Princes. This didactic purpose pervades the whole work. 
 The thread of the main narrative is constantly broken for 
 moralizations by the Translator.^ If these moralizations are 
 simple and obvious, and in themselves of no great value, they 
 serve to emphasize the writer's conception of his hero, and to 
 give a unity to his own work. Their spirit is different from 
 that of the bias of a contemporary eulogist. They are the 
 endeavour of an historian to draw instruction from the past for 
 the benefit of the present. Their didactic purpose was not 
 purely moral ; there is in them a deliberate design to apply 
 the political lesson of the life of Henry V to the times of 
 Henry VIII. However simple or mistaken the lesson and 
 argument may be, they stand. 
 
 If it is not possible to claim for the Translator any special 
 excellence either as an author or a historian, yet the circum- 
 stance that he was in both capacities conscious that he was 
 striking out a new line for himself entitles him to our favour. 
 Simply as an early specimen of historical literature, and quite 
 apart from its contents, the First English Life of Henry V 
 would be noteworthy. Yet it has a greater interest through 
 
 ^ See p. 3 below. '^ See pp. i8, 19, 23, 28, 34, 45, 92. 
 
xiv HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 the preservation in it of no little material which would other- 
 wise have been lost. 
 
 Before entering on any critical discussion of the new material 
 contained in the Life, it is necessary to describe the sources 
 from which it was derived. Since its main fabric was taken 
 avowedly from the Vita Henrici Quinti of Tito Livio, I must 
 begin with a brief account of that writer. Titus Livius Foro- 
 juliensis, as he is styled on the title-page of Hearne's edition of 
 his Vita Henrici Quinti, appears in the official record of his 
 denization in England^ as 'Titus Livius de Frulovisiis de 
 Ferraria '. He was a native of Forli, about forty miles from 
 Ferrara, and is better called Tito Livio da Forli. Tito Livio 
 was one of the Italian scholars who were attracted to England 
 by the fame of Humphrey of Gloucester as a patron of letters. 
 He is described as the Duke's ' poet and orator ', and it was 
 at Humphrey's suggestion that he wrote his Life of Henry V. 
 It appears from the dedication of his work to Henry VI that 
 he had already been ' indigenated ' in England, and was then 
 about to return to his native country.^ In an Encomium (or 
 Eulogy) of sixty-three hexameter lines, which he addressed to 
 John Stafford, at that time ^Bishop of Bath and Wells, but 
 afterwards from 1443 to 145 a Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 Tito declares that he had been anxious to sing the praise of 
 Britain, but since Britons were poor and he was entangled. in 
 debt he must go home to Italy.* He seems to have left 
 England in 1438 or 1439. After a visit to Milan he went to 
 Toulouse, where he stayed long enough to graduate as doctor. 
 From Toulouse he journeyed to Barcelona, whence, apparently 
 in 1440, he wrote to his friend Pier Candido Decembri, the 
 Milanese humanist, sending him a copy of his Life of Henry F.* 
 Of Tito Livio himself no more is known, but many years after- 
 wards Decembri translated his friend's history into Italian and 
 dedicated it to Francesco Sforza in 1463 ; a copy of this trans- 
 lation is preserved in the Imperial Library at Vienna.^ Tito 
 
 • Foedera, x. 661. ^ See p. 7 below. 
 " Cotton. MS. Claudius, E. iii, f. 353^°. 
 
 * Archivio Storico Lomhardo, Ser. II (Anno xx), vol. x, pp. 63, 428. 
 
 "> No. 2610. See Dr. Wylie's article in the English Historical Review, 
 xxiv. 84-9. 
 
INTRODUCTION xv 
 
 Livio tells us that Duke Humphrey supplied him with all the 
 monuments of his hero's exploits that could be obtained. He 
 used also other sources of information, both official records 
 and Chronicles written in England, especially a version of the 
 Brut, or English Chronicle, which seems to have been compiled 
 from earlier narratives about 1436 or 1437.^ So though Tito 
 Livio could write nothing from his own knowledge, he had 
 access to trustworthy and authentic material, ^lls Life is not 
 without literary merit, and deserves the description of it by 
 Holinshed^ as written in a good, familiar, and easy style. It 
 may be described as the official biography of Henry V. As 
 such it became the chief source of the narratives of later 
 writers. About 1446 an unknown writer expanded it, with 
 some additions, into the more ornate but for the most part 
 inferior Life, which was published by Hearne under the name 
 of Thomas Elmham in 1727.^ At a later time Polydore Vergil 
 may probably have made use of it. Edward Hall had 
 apparently no knowledge of it, but Stow and Holinshed were 
 both acquainted with it. Stow, however, seems to have 
 depended almost entirely, and Holinshed in great part, on the 
 English version of the Translator. Thomas Goodwin, whose 
 History of the Reign of Henry F" appeared in 1704?, seems only 
 to have had a second-hand knowledge of Tito Livio's Vita, 
 which was not printed till 17 16. Hearne's text was based on 
 Cotton. MS. Claudius E. iii, collated with Corpus Christi 
 College, Cambridge, MS. 385 ; the Translator's Latin original 
 closely resembled the Cambridge MS., which Hearne cites as 
 ' Ben '. 
 
 Next to Tito Livio, the author of the First English Life of 
 Henry V was avowedly most indebted to Enguerrant de Mon- 
 strelet. Monstrelet's Chronicle was probably used by the 
 Pseudo-Elmham, and was afterwards very popular in England. 
 Through the use made of it by our writer, and still more freely 
 by Hall and Holinshed, it has coloured the English narratives 
 
 ' See pp. 71, 130 below. ' Chronicles, iii. 136. 
 
 ' The ascription of this Life to Elmham is an error ; Elmham's true 
 work was written in 141 7, and has now been identified with the Gesta 
 Henrici Quinti published by the English Historical Society in 1850. The 
 Life which Hearne edited is cited below as the Pseudo-Elmham. 
 
xvi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 of the French war of the fifteenth century with Burgundian 
 sympathies. This, however, matters less i for the reign of 
 Henry V than for that of Henry VI. Moreover, Monstrelet's 
 Chronicle was only used by the Translator for the purpose of 
 supplementing his main source in those places wherein the 
 latter seemed most defective.^ 
 
 In the third place our writer depends on the English 
 Chronicles. From his marginal quotations he would seem to 
 have used chiefly the Policronicon, which was first printed by 
 Caxton in 1482, and many times afterwards before 1513- 
 Caxton's Policronicon was merely an adaptation of the Brut, 
 which he had previously printed as the Chronicles of England 
 in 1480. Caxton's Chronicles followed a version of the Brut 
 which was compiled probably between 1464 and 1470. The 
 Translator may have depended on this printed version, but 
 from the manner of his references it is at least probable that 
 he was acquainted with the English Chronicle in some of the 
 numerous manuscript versions. The part of the Brut which 
 relates to the reign of Henry V was first compiled towards 
 1430 ; Tito Livio, as above noted, seems to have used a some- 
 what later version. The Brut was a popular and not very 
 critical histdry, but preserves the current and contemporary 
 opinion of the events which it records, and deserves more con- 
 sideration than it has commonly received. Though the version 
 used by Caxton was a late one, it reproduced for the most part 
 older copies.^ 
 
 The last of the authorities named by the Translator is the 
 report of the honourable and ancient person, the Earl of 
 Ormonde. It is in the passages derived from this source that 
 the interest of our Life most greatly consists, since they alone 
 contain matter which is not preserved elsewhere. The history 
 of this Earl of Ormonde has in consequence a special impor- 
 tance for us. 
 
 James Butler, fourth Earl of Ormonde, was born in 1392, 
 
 1 Monstrelet's Chroniques are cited below from the edition of Douet 
 d'Arcq, published by the Soc. del' Hist, de France. 
 
 ^ The Policronicon is quoted below from Blade^s Life of Caxton, i. 
 215-65, the Brut from the edition by Dr. Brie for the Early English Text 
 Society. The last book of Caxton's Policronicon is also printed in the 
 Rolls Series edition of Higden, vol. viii. 522-87. 
 
INTRODUCTION xvii 
 
 and succeeded his father in 1405. His estates were put in 
 charge of Thomas of Lancaster, with whom he formed a youth- 
 ful friendship. In the summer of 141 a he accompanied Thomas, 
 now Duke of Clarence, on his expedition to France. So he 
 may well, as Stow alleges, have been an eye-witness of the 
 scene between Henry of Monmouth and his father as described 
 below.^ Afterwards he served in the expedition to France in 
 1415, and is probably the Jaques de Ormond whom Henry V 
 knighted at Pont St. Maxence on the way to Agincourt.^ He 
 went again to Normandy in April, 141 8, serving under Thomas 
 of Clarence, and was present with him at the siege of Rouen.' 
 He remained abroad throughout 1419, but Hall* must be in 
 error when he mentions him as one of those who were present 
 at the siege of Melun in the autumn of 1430. For early in that 
 year Ormonde was appointed Lieutenant of Ireland, and 
 landed at Waterford to take up his office on April 4.° He 
 was succeeded as Lieutenant of Ireland by Edmund, Earl of 
 March, in 1423, and on July 11 of that year had licence to be 
 absent in England for two years." In 1437 he was again 
 Justiciar in Ireland.' In April, 1430, he went once more to 
 France.* This was two months after the loss of Chiteau 
 Gaillard, and he was thus in a position to have heard the story 
 of the Sire de Barbasan ^ at a time when the circumstances of 
 that soldier's captivity were notorious. He spent the greater 
 part of the next few years in France or England, and after- 
 wards returned to Ireland as Deputy. In November, 1439, 
 the Lords and Commons made complaint against him, ' for 
 both he is aged, unwieldy, and unlusty, for he hath for lack of 
 labour lost in substance all his castles, towns and lordships'. 
 They declared that he had ' often been appeached of many 
 great treasons, the which is proof that he hath not been of 
 good rule.' i" As a consequence he was removed from his 
 
 ^ See pp. XX, XXV and 1 1 below. 
 ' Hall, p. 64 ; Holinshed, iii. 75. 
 
 ' Forty-fourth Report of the Deputy-keeper, pp. 604-5 ; Collections of 
 a London Citizen (Camd. Soc), p. 7. 
 * p. 102. " Carte, Life of Ormonde, i, p. Ixxvi. 
 
 « Cal.Pat. Rolls, Heiyy VI, i. 128. 
 ' Statute Rolls, Ireland, Henry VI, p. 3. 
 
 ' Cal. Pat. Rolls, ii. 72. ' See pp. 1 67-7 1 below. 
 
 " Statute Rolls, Ireland, pp. 5 1, 52. 
 
 118S b 
 
xviii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 .office, but nevertheless was reappointed for seven years on 
 February ay, 1442.^ However, four years later, on a fresh 
 charge of treason preferred against him by Thomas Fitz- 
 Thomas, prior of Kilmainham, he was recalled to England. 
 Ormonde and his accuser were to have met in single combat 
 at Smithfield on October 4, 1446 ; but according to the English 
 Chronicle ' the prior came not into Smithfield where the other 
 was ready '.^ Another account, however, alleges that the prior 
 appeared, full cleanly harnessed, keeping the field till noon.^ 
 The King had stopped the combat by taking the Earl into 
 his grace. Ormonde did not obtain full pardon till Septem- 
 ber 15, 1448,* and seems to have been kept in England till 
 1450, when he went back to Ireland as deputy for Richard of 
 York. He died at Atherdee in Louth on August 23, 1452. 
 
 Carte, in his Life of the Duke of Ormonde^ describes the 
 fourth Earl as a great student and lover of history and antiquity, 
 very proficient in the law of arms, and a benefactor of the 
 Heralds' College at London. James Butler's career shows 
 that he had good opportunity to have learnt the stories told 
 on his authority in the following pages. The story of Bar- 
 basan turns upon the laws of arms, and the verses said to have 
 been borne by the Earl of Stafford at Agincourt may well have 
 been recorded by one who took an interest in heraldry.* For 
 Ormonde's scholarly tastes we have further evidence in the 
 translation of the Secreta Secretorum made at his command 
 by James Yong in 1419-23, and styled The Gouernaunce of 
 Prynces or Pryvete of Pryvetes? Yong expanded his trans- 
 lation by introducing some passages topical to Ireland and 
 Ormonde's early career. It is perhaps worth noting that 
 several of the stories attributed to Ormonde would have been 
 illustrative of such a work on the virtues of rulers and prin- 
 ciples of kingly government. 
 
 Of the exact form of Ormonde's history of Henry V we 
 cannot now be certain. That it was not written till after his 
 death is evident from the reference to the canonization of 
 
 * Cal. Pat. Rolls, iv. 45, 90. " Brut, p. 487. 
 
 » Gregorys Chron., p. 187. * Cal. Pat. Rolls, v. 310. 
 
 " i. pp. Ixxiv-lxxviii, ed. 1851. • See pp. 170 and 190 below. 
 
 ' Three prose versions of the Secreta Secretorum, pp. 119-248, Early 
 English Text Society, 1898. 
 
INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 St. Vincent Ferrier, which did not take place till June 39, 
 1455-^ Probably it was a compilation made from his material 
 by an author in his service. It may have been simply a collec- 
 tion of reminiscences illustrative of such subjects as the duties 
 of a prince and the law of arms. But from the prominence of 
 Henry V in the extracts which have survived, it seems likely 
 that it was a more regular history, possibly even taking shape 
 as a Life of that King. The Translator in his Proem ^ says : 
 ' I have also added . . . divers other opinions that I have read 
 of a certain honourable and ancient person.' It would be 
 barely possible that the Translator of 15 13 should himself 
 have received his information from the Earl of Ormonde, who 
 died over sixty years before. But when he thus writes of what 
 he had read, he makes it clear that his information was only 
 second-hand. When, however, in his text ^ he writes of what 
 ' I have heard of the credible report of my said lord and 
 master, the Earl of Ormonde', it is manifest that he is giving 
 us the veritable words of his original. That original might 
 have been written in Latin, but looking to the date and to the 
 character and circumstances of its composition, it is more 
 reasonable to suppose that it was an English book. The 
 author was, on his own showing, a servant of the Earl of 
 Ormonde. It is possible that, like James Yong thirty years 
 before, he was a professional writer employed by the Earl to 
 put his reminiscences into literary form. But his language 
 when he speaks of what he had often heard the Earl report* 
 rather suggests that he wrote from memory after the Earl's 
 death than that he had set down his narrative from his master's 
 dictation. Whatever the exact form or manner of composition, 
 the important thing is that the Translator has preserved for 
 us the precise substance of extracts from a work which was 
 written in the middle of the fifteenth century on information 
 supplied by one who had himself been familiar with the Court 
 and times of Henry V. The story of St. Vincent Ferrier shows 
 us that Ormonde (or. his scribe) is not to be trusted for abso- 
 lute accuracy of detail.^ But the matter thus preserved is not 
 
 > See p. xxxvi below. " See p. 3 below. 
 
 » See pp. 13, 67, 92, 130 below. ' See p. 170. 
 
 ° See p. XXXV. 
 
 ba 
 
XX HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 mere tradition handed on from one mouth to another; we 
 may accept it in the main as the narrative of one who had 
 witnessed or learnt from good report at the time the events 
 and scenes which he describes. Several of the stories are 
 not without confirmation from other sources, though Ormonde 
 relates them with a degree of detail which is not to be found 
 elsewhere. 
 
 I will now discuss the stories themselves. The first is the 
 statement in the ' Proem ' that from the time of his father's 
 death till his own marriage Henry V practised the strictest 
 continence.' This is not attributed specifically by the Trans- 
 lator to the Earl of Ormonde. He gives it, however, as what 
 ' I have heard of credible report ', an expression which with 
 some variation is commonly used to introduce the Ormonde 
 stories. Nicholas Harpsfield, who alone reproduces it, clearly 
 regards it as told on Ormonde's authority. That Henry V 
 had been somewhat lax in his morality as Prince, but was 
 almost ascetic in his own conduct when he became King, is 
 part of the oft-repeated story of his change into a new man 
 after his accession to the throne. 
 
 The second story is that of the Prince's disguising when he 
 came to seek reconciliation with his father after the attempts 
 of his enemies to sow dissension between them.^ As already 
 noted, this story was given by J ohn Stow with no more than 
 verbal variations from the text of the Translator. Stow states 
 specifically that the story was told by the Translator of Titus 
 Livius ' as he was informed by the Earl of Ormonde, an eye- 
 witness of the same '. This ascription does not appear in the 
 text of the Translator as we possess it. It is possible that this 
 may be an instance of the existence of varying copies of the 
 Life. Or Stow (though he seldom garbled his originals) may 
 have made a very warrantable assumption. The story as 
 given below seems clearly to come from the same source as 
 the account of Henry IV's death-bed advice to his son, which 
 follows immediately after. This latter story is told expressly 
 by the Translator on the ' credible report of my said lord and 
 
 ' See p. s below. • See pp. 11-13 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxi 
 
 master, the Earl of Ormonde '. As for the authenticity of the 
 story, we know from other sources that the dissension which 
 arose between the Prince and King in the autumn of 141 1 was 
 more or less healed at an interview which took place between 
 them in the following summer. For a full understanding of 
 the story it is necessary to summarize briefly the political 
 history of these years. 
 
 When the increasing illness of Henry IV incapacitated him 
 from discharging the full duties of kingship, the main direction 
 of the government was entrusted in January, 1410, to the 
 Council, with the young Henry of Monmouth at its head. It 
 was under the Prince's influence ^ that in the 'autumn of 141 1 
 an expedition was sent to France to support John of Bur- 
 gundy in his contest with Charles of Orleans. In this matter, 
 as also in some questions of domestic policy, the Prince and 
 his uncles, Henry and Thomas Beaufort, who were his chief 
 councillors, were in conflict with the King and his old adviser, 
 Thomas Arundel, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Certainly 
 there was a sharp division of political parties at the time, 
 though it may have been concerned rather with methods than 
 with principles. The crisis came in the Parliament of Novem- 
 ber, 141 1, when there seems no doubt that a scheme was mooted 
 in the Beaufort interest to secure the King's abdication in 
 favour of his eldest son.^ When many years afterwards Henry 
 Beaufort was charged with having ' stirred the Prince to take 
 the governance of this realm upon him, his father the same 
 time being King'^, he was content to meet his accusers with 
 a general declai'ation of his loyalty, without any specific denial. 
 The official record* glosses over the affair, relating merely 
 
 ' This is expressed clearly in the Brut (p. 371): 'The same yere 
 come the ambasceturs of Fraunce yn-to Engelonde, from the Duk of 
 Burgoyne, vnto the prince of Engelonde, King Harryes sone and his 
 heire, for help & socour of men of armes and archers ayens the Duk 
 of Orlyauns. And he sent forth the Earle of Arundell, &c.' See also 
 Chron. Giles, p. 61 ; Eulogium Historiarum, iii. 420 ; Hardyng, ap. 
 Lansdovme MS. 204, f. 208 (see p. xxii below) ; Livius, p. 4 (see p. 1 1 
 below) ; Nicolas, London Chron., p. 93. Probably all these writers have 
 a common source. 
 
 * It is definitely stated in Chron. Giles, p. 63, and Eulogium Histo- 
 riarum, iii. 421. 
 
 ' Rolls of Parliament, iv. 298 ; Chronicles of London, p. 92. 
 
 * Rolls of Parliament, iii. 649. 
 
xxii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 that on the last day of November the Commons begged the 
 King to thank the Prince and other Lords of the Council for 
 their great labours and diligence. The Prince, on behalf of 
 the Council, declared that they had laboured according to the 
 best of their sense and understanding. The King in reply 
 acknowledged graciously that he was well content with their 
 good and loyal diligence. Whatever face official politeness 
 may have put upon it, the fact remains that, in modern lan- 
 guage, there was a change of ministry accompanied by a com- 
 plete reversal of policy. Henry IV showed himself still capable 
 of vigorous action by promptly removing the Prince and his 
 supporters from the Council. It was no doubt to this incident 
 that Ormonde makes reference when he relates that the King 
 suspected that his son intended to usurp the crown, and for 
 that occasion in part withdrew his singular love and affection 
 from the Prince. The political question had been complicated 
 by a personal one. Thomas of Lancaster had lately married 
 Margaret, Countess of Somerset, widow of John Beaufort. 
 This had led to a dispute with Henry Beaufort, as his brother's 
 executor, who refused to give Thomas that share in the estate 
 to which he thought himself entitled. The Prince of Wales 
 supported his uncle, and Thomas in retaliation made alliance 
 with his brother's political opponents. 
 
 Perhaps the best summary of the situation is that given by 
 John Hardyng in the earliest version of his Chronicle ^ : — 
 
 The Kynge fell seke than eche day more and more, 
 Wharfore the Prince he made, as it was sene, 
 Chief of counsayle to ese him in his sore, 
 Who to the Duk of Burgoyne sent, I wene. 
 The Erie so than of Arrundell, I mene, 
 And syr Gylbert Vmframvyle lorde of Kyme, 
 Syr John Gray eke his eme's son was that tyme, 
 To helpe hym in his warr with gode power 
 Agayne the Duk that was of Orlyence : 
 The Erie came home agayne within half yer, 
 Bot syr Gilbert ther helde grete regymence 
 With Englisshe folke that drew to his presence 
 And ther bycame his men and his soudyours. 
 For his manhode and knyghtly wyse labours. 
 
 ' ap. Lansdowne MS. 204, f. 208''°. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxiii 
 
 Than came thay home with grete thenke and rewarde 
 
 So of the Duk of Burgoyne withoute fayle. 
 
 Sone after than byfell it aftyrwarde 
 
 The Prynce was than discharged of counsayll : 
 
 His brother Thomas than, for the Kynges avayll, 
 
 Was in his stede than sette by ordynaunce, 
 
 For whiche the Prynce and he fell at distaunce. 
 
 Wyth whom the Kyng toke parte in grete sekenesse 
 
 Agayne the Prynce with all his excellence, 
 
 Bot with trety of lordes and sobyrnesse 
 
 The Prynce came into his magnyficence 
 
 Obeyand hole with all benyvolence 
 
 Vnto the Kyng, and fully were accorde 
 
 Of all maters of which thay were discorde. 
 
 Than sente the Kyng his sonne Thomas ouer se 
 To helpe the Duk so than of Orlyence 
 Agayne the Duk of Burgoyne than to be 
 With all his strengh and hole conuenyence ; 
 And so thurgh ffraunce withouten resistence 
 In to Guyen he rode with grete honoure 
 To kepe that londe and be thayr gouernoure. 
 
 This is superior to the alternative account of Hardyng's 
 later, and printed, text ^: — 
 
 The Kyng discharged the Prynce fro his counsaille, 
 And set my lord Syr Thomas in his stede, 
 Chief of counsayle for the Kyngs more avayle : 
 For which the Prynce of wrath and wilful hede 
 Agayne him made debate and frowarde hede, 
 With whom the Kyng took parte and helde the felde 
 To time the Prynce vnto the Kyng him yelde. 
 
 The variations of Hardyng's two versions involve no essential 
 contradiction. Through his connexion with the Umfravilles 
 he was in a position to be well informed as to both the expe- 
 dition of 141 1 and the political complications which led to the 
 reversal of its policy. The Prince's enemies were not content 
 with his downfall, but endeavoured to fpster the dissension 
 between him and his father ^, alleging that he had misapplied 
 money intended for the maintenance of Calais. The young 
 Henry on his part did not remain idle, but sent his messengers 
 
 * Chronicle, p. 369, ed. Ellis. 
 
 '^ Otterboume, p. 271 ; see also Livius, p. 4, and Pseudo-Elmham, p. 11. 
 
xxiv HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 throughout the country to refute the slanders which were 
 brought against him. Thus he won such support from the chief 
 lords of the realm as to justify Ormonde's statement that his 
 court was at all times more abundant than his father's. When 
 the King and his new advisers changed their policy of inter- 
 vention in France, and promised their aid to Orleans against 
 Burgundy, the Prince would not acquiesce. Whilst the nego- 
 tiations with Orleans were in progress he had envoys of his 
 own in friendly treaty with Burgundy. When the change of 
 policy was decided, a French authority^ states that he still 
 endeavoured to delay the expedition and yielded only to his 
 father's authority. This was no doubt in the early days of 
 July, 1413. A London chronicler" relates that on June 30 
 the Prince came to London with much people of lords and 
 gentles. He took up his residence at Durham House, near 
 Ivy Bridge in the Strand (Thomas Langley, the bishop of 
 Durham, being a political adherent of the Beauforts), where 
 he remained till Monday, July 11. Meantime the King was 
 first at the Priory of St. John at Clerkenwell, and after- 
 wards, from the 3rd to the 8th July, at the Bishop's Palace at 
 St. Paul's, whence he removed to Rotherhithe. Meetings of 
 the Council were held on the 8th, 9th, and xoth July,^ but the 
 Prince does not seem to have been present at any of them. 
 At a Council which was held some time between July and 
 September, the Prince was cleared of the charge of misappro- 
 priation by the production of two rolls, which he sent for the 
 purpose, showing that the whole of the money had been paid 
 away in wages to the garrison at Calais.* Some form of recon- 
 ciliation seems to have followed, and the Prince obtained 
 a formal declaration of his innocence. It may have been with 
 
 ' Chron. S. Denys, iv. p. 658. 
 
 ' Nicolas, London Chronicle, p. 94. 
 
 ° Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council, ii. 30-32. 
 
 * id.,\\. 34. Mr. Solly-Flood {Trans. Royal Hist. Sac, 2nd Ser., iii. 
 108) thinks the date must have been either 28th or 29th Sept. Dr. Wylie 
 {Henry IV, iv. 91) and" Professor Oman {Political History of England, 
 IV. 227) place this Council in July ; they make the Prince present the rolls 
 m person, and combine this incident with the dagger story (see p 13 
 below). For this there is no authority. They also make the interview 
 between the Kmg and Prince take place in Westminster Hall ; but if the 
 meeting was at Westminster (which is doubtful, see p. xxv below) it was in 
 one of the smaller rooms of the Palace. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxv 
 
 the intention of being present in London on this occasion, that 
 we hear of Henry as coming again to the Council with a 
 huge people, on September 33.^ Or if an earlier date is 
 preferred for this Council, we must assume that even after it 
 his vindication was not complete. Probably it is to this 
 latter visit in September that we must assign the story of an 
 attempted assassination of the Prince by a man who was 
 discovered behind the tapestry of the Green Chamber in the 
 Palace at Westminster, where the Prince was lodging.^ 
 
 It remains to consider the occasion to which Ormonde's 
 story of the Prince's disguising must be assigned. Otterbourne,^ 
 who seems, as Stow assumed, to refer to the same incident, 
 writes thus : — 
 
 * Meantime Prince Henry, offended by the King's friends, 
 who, as it is said, sowed discord between father and son, wrote 
 to all parts of the realm, endeavouring to refute all the machina- 
 tions of his detractors. And to make his good faith more 
 manifest, about the feast of SS. Peter and Paul (29th June) he 
 came to the King his father with a great company of his 
 friends and followers, the like of which had never been seen 
 before. After a short space he was graciously received by the 
 King, of whom he asked this alone that if his slanderers were 
 convicted of falsehood they should be punished, not in accor- 
 dance with their deserts but with such measure as was 
 fitting. The King seemed to assent to his request, but said 
 that they ought to await a Parliament, when those persons 
 might be punished by the judgment of their peers.' 
 
 No other account is so full and clear. On Otterbourne's 
 evidence I think we are justified in assuming that the scene 
 described by Ormonde took place between June 30 and 
 July 8, when the Prince and King were both in London. 
 At this time only could Ormonde have been present, since he 
 sailed with Clarence for France early in August. Ormonde 
 says the meeting of the King and Prince was at Westminster ; 
 in this he may have been mistaken, or it is posjjKble that the 
 King may have come for the purpose from the Bishop's 
 Palace. 
 
 The circumstances which led up to the interview have been 
 
 ' Nicolas, Land. Chron., p. 95. ° Chronicles of London, p. 91. 
 
 ° Chron., p. 271. 
 
xxvi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 related in the previous pages, and seem to be best described 
 in the accounts of Otterboume and Hardyng. The best other 
 accounts ^ attribute the quarrel of King and Prince definitely 
 to the events of the Parliament of November, 141 1. Tito 
 Livio is of course in error when he makes the Prince's appoint- 
 ment to be head of the Council a reward for the successful 
 expedition of 141 1 ; of the subsequent dissension he says only 
 that ' The Prince's fame was for a time injured by the detrac- 
 tation of certain persons '.^ The Translator, presumably on 
 Ormonde's authority, adds as further reasons for the King's 
 disfavour ' the acts of youth which he exercised more than 
 meanly ', and ' the great recourse of people unto him '. The 
 suggestion that the Prince's wild conduct was one cause of his 
 misfortune is noteworthy in another connexion. But the main 
 interest of Ormonde's narrative consists in the details of the 
 Prince's fanciful attire, of his care to avoid any suspicion of 
 mistrust, and of his conversation with his father. The whole 
 story, which till this present had been known only through 
 Stow, has been questioned by some modern writers. Sharon 
 Turner ^ rejected it ' because there seems no reason for the 
 Prince's uncouth attire '. Lingard * thought it ' displayed the 
 usual eccentricity of his character'. Tyler* held it very 
 problematical whether we ought to accept this strange story 
 of ' a mountebank's disguise '. Dr. Wylie,^ however, quotes 
 well from Chaucer '' : 
 
 Wraught was his robe in straunge gyse, 
 And al-to-sHttered for quayntyse. 
 
 Others have thought that Henry's dress had reference to his 
 stay at Queen's College, Oxford, the needles (aiguilles) being 
 reminiscent of Eglesfield, the founder * ; by an ancient custom 
 at Queen's College, the Bursar on New Year's day presents 
 every one who dines in hall with a silk-threaded needle, saying 
 
 ^ Chron. Giles, p. 63 ; Eulogium, iii. 42 1. 
 
 ' P. 4 ; the Pseudo-Elmham, p. 11, is fuller, but does not really add 
 anything. 
 
 ' History of England, ii. 388. ' History of England, iii. 455. 
 
 * Memorials of Henry V, i. 306. " Henry IV, iv. 90. 
 
 ' Works, i. 128 ; ed. Skeat. 
 
 ' Strickland, Queens of England, i. 502, where the original is consider- 
 ably enlarged. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxvii 
 
 to him, ' Take this and be thrifty '.^ If we must seek an 
 explanation of the fancy on Henry's part, we may perhaps 
 suppose that the needles were to be emblematical of heedful 
 diligence in duty. 
 
 The Translator begins his third story ^ of the King's advice 
 to his son as a direct continuation of the second : ' I remember 
 also to have heard of the credible report of my said lord and 
 master the Earl of Ormonde.' Stow again reproduces the 
 Translator's narrative with exactitude, but on this occasion 
 omits the reference to Ormonde, and gives the story on the 
 authority of Livius. He attributes it to February, 1413, a date 
 which is not unlikely. Tyler,^ commenting on the story, 
 writes : ' The particulars as recorded by Stow are probably 
 more the fruits of the writer's imagination than the faithful 
 transcript of any recorded sentiments.' This was an unfor- 
 tunate criticism, for Stow, as usual, was a faithful transcriber. 
 Ormonde on his own part may, and indeed must, have drawn 
 somewhat on his imagination for the speeches. Still we need 
 not doubt that he records a version of what was current 
 report in the Court at the time. 
 
 Stories of Henry IV's death-bed are not uncommon. The 
 most famous is that which relates how the Prince stole the 
 crown from the King's bedside, believing that he was already 
 dead. This rests only on the authority of Monstrelet *, and^ 
 is not found in any contemporary English authority. The 
 best accredited is perhaps that of Capgrave *, who relates that 
 when Henry's confessor, John Tille, urged him to repentance 
 for his usurpation, the King made answer, that he could set no 
 remedy, ' for my children will not suffer the regalye to go out 
 of our lineage '. The same idea appears in Monstrelet, where 
 the King asks his son how he should have any right to the 
 crown ' since as you know well, I never had any '. ' My lord,' 
 was the Prince's answer, ' as you have kept and guarded it by 
 the sword, so do I intend to guard it all my life.' Whereto 
 the King replied : ' Do as it seemeth good to you ; for myself 
 
 ' Luders, Character of Henry V,p. 148. 
 
 ' See pp. 13-16 below. ' Memorials of Henry V, i. 307. 
 
 * Chroniques, ii. 338. ' Chronicle of England, p. 302. 
 
xxviii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 I commit me to God, and pray that He will take me to His 
 
 mercy.' In both these accounts we have the same idea which 
 
 finds expression in Ormonde's story of how the King sore 
 
 repented him that he had ever charged himself with the crown, 
 
 and of the high stomach with which the Prince declared that 
 
 he would maintain his rights. 
 
 Other speeches are those given by Thomas Elmham in his 
 
 supposed ' Letter from Henry IV to his son ',^ by Capgrave ^, 
 
 and by John Strecche. Elmham makes the king point out 
 
 to his son how his ancient vigour was turned to weakness, and 
 
 advise him to swerve not to the right hand or to the left, to be 
 
 cautious in prosperity and patient in adversity ; he bids him 
 
 pay his debts, and concludes with a blessing to him and his 
 
 brothers. Capgrave's version is in a similar strain : See how 
 
 your father, once valiant in arms, now lies dying ; love and 
 
 fear God ; have only one wise confessor : be at leisure for 
 
 God and your realm, but not for pleasures and sports ^ ; do not 
 
 listen to those who would sew pillow-cases on all armholes * : 
 
 Finally he charges him to pay his debts, and concludes with 
 
 his blessing. The speech given by Strecche is much to the 
 
 same effect, with a further charge to love his brethren.^ 
 
 Strecche makes the speech part of the scene at the King's 
 
 actual death-bed in the Jerusalem Chamber. The Pseudo- 
 
 Elmham * professes to give the King's dying words, but they 
 
 are merely a rhetorical expansion of the statement of Tito 
 
 Livio ', that before the King died he gave his son his blessing. 
 
 The speeches given by Elmham, Capgrave, and Strecche are 
 
 ' Wright, Political Songs, ii. 120. 
 ' Liber de Illustribus Henricis, pp. Ilo-ll. 
 
 ' This almost looks like a covert allusion to the Prince's youthful 
 wildness. 
 
 * Ezekiel xiii. 18. 
 
 ^ Additional MS., 35295, f. 264'"'. As this Chronicle has never been 
 printed I will quote the speech in full : — ' Fili, cerne, corpus tui genitoris, 
 quod olim procerum et insigne fuit et multis timidum et valde nobile, set 
 fili, eccine, modo vermibus esca data, quia iam ad mortem tendo. Fili mi, 
 deum time, et mandata eius obserua ; eius ecclesiam orna et honora ; 
 fratres tuos dilige ; et mea solue debita ; populum rege ; iuste iudica ; 
 secundum deum in omnibus te guberna. Set regnum istud, in quo 
 multum laboramus, tibi linquo, et omnia mea bona terrena cum nostri 
 saluatoris gratia et benevolentia, et cum mea eciam benedictione sempi- 
 terna. Nam ego spero deum videre in viuentium terra, et hie ego mortem 
 prestolor sub dei mei mitissima mitericordia.' 
 
 * PP- 13, 14- ' p. 5- 
 
INTRODUCTION xxix 
 
 commonplace ; but they resemble one another, and also 
 Ormonde's account, sufficiently to justify us in supposing that 
 they are not mere invention. At all events these various 
 independent accounts make it certain that reports of some 
 special advice given by the dying King to his son were current 
 at the time. 
 
 As for that matter in Ormonde's speeches which is peculiar, 
 it was natural that Henry IV should have felt anxious about 
 the possibilities of enmity between the two brothers, re- 
 membering not only their late rivalry, but also his own 
 youthful experiences of the family feuds of royal princes. 
 Henry V on his part was to show that as King he could forget 
 the past, and command and win the loyal support of his 
 brothers ; also that he would not overlook any treason amongst 
 those of his own family, but punish with severity Richard of 
 Cambridge, his cousin, and Henry Scrope, his trusted friend 
 and councillor. 
 
 The next story ^ is introduced by the Translator, ' as I have 
 learned of the credence before rehearsed, and also as the 
 common fame is '. Stow repeats it as from Livius, without 
 anything to show whence it really came. The subject is of 
 Henry's riotous youth, and how he would lie in wait for and 
 rob his own receivers. It is no doubt parcel of the story ^ 
 a little further on which relates how after his accession to the 
 throne Henry V called to him the followers of his young acts 
 and dismissed them with rich gifts. So it will be convenient 
 to take the two together. That these stories were matter of 
 common fame we know from the brief but independent 
 narrative of Robert Fabyan : ^ 
 
 ' This man, before the death of his fader, applyed him unto 
 all vyce and insolency, and drewe unto hym all ryottours and 
 wylde disposed persones ; but after he was admytted to the 
 rule of the lande, anone and suddenly he became a newe man, 
 and tourned al that rage into sobernesse and wyse sadnesse, 
 and the vyce into constant vertue. And for he wolde con- 
 tynewe the vertue, and not to be reduced thereunto by the 
 familiarytie of his olde nyse company, he therefore, after 
 
 '■ See p. 17 below. * See p. 19 below. ' Chron., p. 577. 
 
XXX HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 rewardes to them gyven, charged theym upon payne of theyr 
 lyves, that none of theym were so hardy to come within 
 X. myle of such place as he were lodgyd, after a day by him 
 assigned.' 
 
 Polydore Vergil ^ and Hall ^ have matter of a similar 
 character which they probably derived from Fabyan. For 
 the story of Henry's riotous companions as Prince, and dis- 
 missal of them after he became King, Fabyan and the 
 Translator of Livius, as reproduced by Stow, are the leading 
 authorities. But this story must be taken with the common 
 statement of early writers that Henry had lived wildly as 
 Prince, but reformed his conduct after he became King. 
 Tito Livio ^ says briefly : ' he exercised meanly the feats of 
 Venus and of Mars and other pastimes of youth for so long as 
 the King his father lived ' ; but afterwards ' he reformed and 
 amended his life and manners, so that there was never no 
 youth nor wildness that might have any place in him, but all 
 his acts were suddenly changed into gravity and discretion.' 
 This was amplified by the Pseudo-Elmham * in his usual 
 rhetorical manner. Even in Henry's own lifetime Walsingham 
 had written thus ° : 
 
 'As soon as he was made King he was changed suddenly 
 into another man, zealous for honesty, modesty and gravity, 
 there being no sort of virtue that he was not anxious to 
 display.' 
 
 Very similar is the story in the version of the Brui ^ known 
 as Caxion's Chronicles, which in its present shape was writtea 
 between 1464 and 1470 ; — 
 
 ' He was a noble prince after he was King and crowned. 
 Howbeit, tofore in his youth he had been wild and reckless, 
 and spared nothing of his lusts and desires, but accomplished 
 them after his liking ; but as soon as he was crowned, anointed 
 and sacred, anon suddenly he was changed into a new man, 
 and set all his intent to live virtuously, in maintaining of Holy 
 Church, destroying of heretics, keeping justice, and defending 
 of his realm and subjects.' 
 
 ' Angl. Hist., p. 439, ed. 1557. ' Chron., p. 46. 
 
 ' PP- 4) 5; see p. 17 below; see also what the Translator says of 
 Henry's mutability in his youth on p. 40. 
 * pp. 12, 15. '^ Bist. Angl., ii. 290. « Brut, p. 494. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxxi 
 
 In another and unique version of the Brut, contained in 
 Lambeth MS. 84, of which the date can be fixed precisely to 
 the spring of 1479, there is a curious tale which gives in a 
 fuller form the legend preserved by Ormonde and Fabyan. 
 It is too long to quote and I must be content to summarize it. 
 Henry, as Prince of Wales, intended greatly to riot, and drew 
 to wild company. Divers gentlemen and gentlewomen followed 
 his will and his desire, and all his household were well pleased 
 with his governance except four men, who were full heavy and 
 sore and fain would have him forsake riot ; therefore he hated 
 these four men most of all his household. When Henry 
 became King he summoned all his household to come before 
 him. They were all fully glad, supposing that he would 
 promote them to great offices. In their familiarity they 
 came winking and smiling, and making a nice semblance 
 unto him. But the King kept his countenance sadly, and 
 said unto them: 'Sirs, ye are the people that I have cherished 
 and maintained in riot and wild governance ; and here I give 
 you all in commandment that from this day forward ye for- 
 sake all misgovernance and live after the laws of Almighty 
 God, and of our land.' Then he rewarded them all richly, 
 and bade them void his household and live as good men, and 
 never more come into his presence, because he would have no 
 occasion whereby he should fall to riot again. But the four 
 persons, which were sorry of his governance, he loved after- 
 wards best, and made them great lords. Then King Henry 
 sent to Dame Katherine Swynford,^ Countess of Hereford, 
 which was a well-governed woman, and kept the most wor- 
 shipful household and the best ruled in the land, for men that 
 were of good disposition. And she sent him twelve gentlemen 
 of sad governance. ' And so this gracious King forsook all 
 wildness and kept strictly his laws with righteousness and 
 justice.' 
 
 The Ormonde story shows that this legend was a good deal 
 
 ^ Brut, pp. 594-5 ; the passage is quoted by Dr. Brie for the first time. 
 
 " This is a strange error. Catherine Swynford, who was step-mother 
 of Henry IV and duchess of Lancaster, died in 1403. Henry V's own 
 grandmother, Joan Bohun, Countess of Hereford, survived till 1419. 
 Probably the original story had simply ' his grandmother, the Countess 
 of Hereford ', which was interpreted by a later compiler to mean Catherine 
 Swynford, as his grandmother by marriage. 
 
xxxii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 older than the date of the Lambeth MS. The existence of 
 three various versions of the story of Henry's riotous company 
 is sufficient proof that the legend was widely spread. It is, 
 moreover, clear that it can be traced back at least to the 
 middle of the fifteenth century. It is therefore vain to write, 
 as Mr. Solly-Flood did, of Robert Fabyan having laid the 
 foundation-stone of an edifice of calumny eighty years after 
 Henry's death: Fabyan here as elsewhere only reproduces 
 what he found in earlier writers. Even Mr. Solly-Flood 
 admits that the story of the Prince robbing his own receivers 
 may be an exaggeration of some harmless freak.^ As for 
 the absence of any evidence in records of gifts made by the 
 new King to unworthy servants, that is not to be wondered 
 at. The reason for such presents would hardly appear openly ; 
 nor need they have been formal grants. As a matter of fact, 
 many servants of Henry V did receive rewards in the early 
 months of his reign, though there is nothing to show that they 
 did not deserve them. The larger question of Henry's change 
 of conduct rests on still better and older authority. Whatever 
 construction we may put upon it, it does not seem possible 
 to reject it as entirely unfounded. That Henry of Monmouth 
 was recklessly dissolute during the years when he was busy 
 with the Welsh war, and with the direction of the Council, 
 it is impossible to believe. But with all allowance for 
 possible distortion through the ecclesiastical prejudices of 
 contemporary chroniclers, there must have been some founda- 
 tion for the story of his change into a new man. This does 
 not involve the acceptance of the exaggerated form given to 
 the story by Elizabethan dramatists. Of the legends of 
 Henry's riotous conduct as Prince I shall, however, have 
 something more to say later on. 
 
 The next of the Ormonde stories is the statement that 
 Henry intended to establish a house of Celestins at Isleworth, 
 but that the brethren, whom he brought from France, went 
 back, either because they could not agree with the manner 
 of the country or with the air.^ This is confirmed by the 
 
 ^ Trans. Royal Hist. Soc, iii. I14, 119, 129. 
 ' See p. 20 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxxiii 
 
 statement of Walsingham ^ that Henry founded three monas- 
 teries at Sheen, for Carthusians, Celestins, and Brigittines, 
 and by the fact that only the first and the third of these 
 houses had any permanent existence. The reason for the 
 failure of the Celestin foundation seems to be peculiar to the 
 notice below. Otherwise the story is only remarkable for 
 the description of it by the Translator as ' heard of the tofore 
 credible report '. 
 
 Thus far the Ormonde stories have been concerned chiefly 
 with what we may call the Legend of Henry as Prince. The 
 remainder are of a different character, and relate to historic 
 events, though three of them are of interest as illustrating the 
 King's character. The other, and first, does not concern 
 Henry himself at all. This is the story ^ of how when Sigis- 
 mund. King of the Romans, came to England on April 30, 
 1416, Humphrey of Gloucester rode into the water at Dover 
 to meet him with sword drawn, and would not suffer him 
 to land until he had declared that he did not claim to exercise 
 any Imperial rights in England. This story has been familiar 
 through Holinshed,* who clearly borrowed it from the Trans- 
 lator, though he attributes it to Livio himself. The incident 
 receives corroboration from the existence of a similar story in 
 the Life of Henry F written by Robert Redmayne* about 
 1540. But in that version the scene takes place at Calais, 
 where Sigismund arrived by sea from Boulogne, and was not 
 allowed to land till he had given the required assurance to the 
 Earl of Warwick, as captain of the town. There has been 
 a disposition to question the truth of the tale as resting chiefly 
 on the authority of Holinshed, and likely to have been in- 
 vented in the sixteenth century from a desire to emphasize 
 the complete political independence of England.^ But though 
 Ormonde gives it only as what he had ' heard of credible 
 report ', there is nothing improbable about it. The theory of 
 the imperial dignity of the English crown was familiar in the 
 
 ^ Hist. Angl., ii. 300. ^ See pp. 67 and 68 below. 
 
 ' Chron., iii. 85. * Memorials of Henry V, p. 49. 
 
 ° Did. Nat. Biog., xxviii. 241 ; Mr. Vickers {Humphrey of Gloucester, 
 p. 37) argues in favour of the story. 
 
xxxiv HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 time of Henry V. John Page, in his poem on the Siege of 
 Rouen,^ which was probably composed in 1420, writes thus of 
 Henry V :— 
 
 ' He ys Kyng excellent, 
 And vnto non othyr obedyent. 
 That levyth here in erthe be ryght, 
 But only vnto God almyght, 
 Withyn his owne emperoure. 
 And also Kyng and conqueroure.' 
 
 The story is one which would have appealed to Ormonde 
 as illustrative of courtly etiquette and the Law of Heralds. 
 
 It is curious and unfortunate that we have no story from 
 Ormonde of the campaign of Agincourt, in which he was 
 present. Curious also that his first story of the French wars 
 is one that he can have known only by hearsay. This is 
 of the division of the spoil after the fall of Caen in September, 
 1417, nearly eight months before the Earl went again to France. 
 It is introduced in the usual way as ' heard of the report of the 
 tofore named Earl of Ormonde ',* and is to the effect that after 
 the capture of the town the King had all the greatest riches 
 collected together and given to his brother Clarence, who 
 divided them amongst his people who had deserved it. Henry 
 reserved for himself only 'a goodly French book, of what 
 history I have not heard '. Remembering Henry's literary 
 tastes for works on hunting, goodly tales, and histories, we 
 may conjecture that it was a volume of French Chronicles, 
 or Romances of chivalry. At all events his choice is a 
 characteristic personal touch. The story is further remarkable, 
 since it does not appear in any contemporary writer, and 
 is not quoted by any of the sixteenth-century historians. 
 
 The next story also is one that is peculiar to Ormonde. 
 Its authenticity is, however, confirmed from other sources, 
 though in some small details it can be shown to be inaccurate. 
 Ormonde states that during the siege of Rouen a holy friar of 
 the Order of St. Francis, whose name was Vincent, came and 
 preached before the King.^ It is quite obvious that this 
 
 * Collections of a London Citizen, p. 24. 
 
 ' See p. 92 below. ' See pp. 130-2 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxxv 
 
 intends the famous Spanish friar, St. Vincent Ferrier, who did 
 indeed come to preach before Henry V, though he was a 
 Dominican. Thomas Otterbourne^ relates that in 141 8 Vin- 
 cent Ferrier came at Henry's request to preach before him at 
 Caen, and there foretold the death of the Count of Armagnac, 
 Now Henry was at Caen in 141 8 from April 33 till the end of 
 May, and Armagnac was killed at Paris on June la. The 
 date for Otterbourne's story can therefore be fixed quite 
 closely. Other information supports the date thus obtained. 
 At the time of the process for Vincent's canonization in 1455 
 Oliver Rouxel deposed that he heard the English Herald 
 deliver the King's summons to Vincent at Rennes. Various 
 witnesses testified that at Caen Vincent healed a dumb child 
 in the presence of the King and all the people. Eudo David 
 not only witnessed this miracle, but also saw and heard 
 Vincent celebrate mass and preach at Caen in the presence of 
 the King, the Duke of Clarence, and many other lords.^ 
 St. Vincent Ferrier, who was making a missionary journey 
 through northern France, is known to have been at Rennes 
 on April ao-aa, 14T8. Though we cannot get so precise 
 a date for his visit to Caen, all the evidence shows that it took 
 place in the following month. Ormonde himself joined the 
 English army at Caen about the end of April, so he may well 
 have heard the friar's sermon, and have been one of the lords 
 who were sitting in the hall when Vincent came out from his 
 interview with the King and addressed to them his memorable 
 words of commendation. The details given by Ormonde are 
 peculiar, but they bear the impress of truth. His story is 
 noteworthy both for the boldness of the preacher and for the 
 proof which it affords of the personal power that Henry could 
 exerciseon the mind of one who, like himself, was convinced that 
 he had a divine mission. The great preacher, who travelled 
 through France to denounce the corruption of the time, found 
 himself confronted with a Prince who believed that he was the 
 scourge of God to punish it. It was in the same temper that 
 Henry told his prisoners after Agincourt that his victory was 
 not due to his own prowess, but was the work of God who 
 
 ^ Chron., p. 280. 
 
 2 H. Fages, Hist, de St, Vintent Ferrier, iii. 96, 195, 217-9, 246-7. 
 
 C a 
 
xxxvi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 was wroth for their sins.^ With St. Vincent Ferrier's move- 
 ments in the latter part of 141 8 we are sufficiently acquainted 
 to know that he could not have visited the English camp 
 before Rouen. There is nothing very strange in the fact that 
 Ormonde, when repeating the story from memory, should have 
 misplaced it. Vincent died at Vannes on April 5, 1419 ! ^^ 
 was not canonized till June 33, 1455. I' '^ the reference 
 to the latter event which enables us to fix the earliest date at 
 which Ormonde's narrative was written down. It is, I think, 
 clear that this reference is part of the original text, and not an 
 interpolation made by the Translator in 151 3. 
 
 It is again rather strange that Ormonde has left us no story 
 of the long siege of Rouen, at which he served. It is true 
 that Holinshed ^ gives the ' Translator of Livius ' as his 
 authority for the fate of Alain Blanchard. But the Translator 
 seems only to expand Tito Livio a little, after his accustomed 
 manner, and not to add anything from another source.' The 
 Translator's own comment, 'What offence he had committed 
 against the King my author maketh no mencion,' is omitted 
 by Holinshed. 
 
 We now come to the last of Ormonde's tales, the long and 
 interesting history of the Sire de Barbasan.* This is in two 
 sections, the first describing Barbasan's combat with Henry in 
 the mines at Melun, and the second his subsequent captivity 
 and release. Both are given in a somewhat shortened form 
 by Holinshed ,* who quotes ' The Translator of Livius' as his 
 authority for the first, but repeats the second without any 
 acknowledgement. As for the main incident of the combat, 
 Tito Livio "^ makes no mention of the fighting in the mines at 
 Melun, but relates that Barbasan defended himself from the 
 charge of complicity in the murder of John of Burgundy, 
 declaring that he had never consented thereto, and so escaped 
 capital punishment, but was imprisoned for nine years, first at 
 Paris and afterwards at Chateau Gaillard. The Pseudo-Elm- 
 ham '' mentions that Henry V had taken a foremost part in 
 
 ^ Chron. S. Denys, v. 581. " Chronicles, iii. 104. 
 
 ' See p. 136 below. * See pp. 167-71 below. 
 
 ' Chronicles, iii. 122-3. ' P- 9°- ^ p. 286. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxxvii 
 
 the duels in the mines, but omits all reference to Barbasan's 
 subsequent fate. The latter writer seems to derive his in- 
 formation from one version of Monstrelet,^ where there is 
 mention that Henry and Philip of Burgundy both took part 
 in the fighting. Waurin ^ has a very similar account. Chas- 
 tellain,^ somewhat later, is more detailed : 
 
 ' The English King had a barrier erected in the mine, where 
 he and the Duke of Burgundy, with a courage equal to their 
 renown, fought for a long space hand to hand, with stroke of 
 sword and lance, against two of their enemies, the one with 
 Barbasan, and the other with Ovide Bourgeois. The glory of 
 these men in fighting with two such high princes, and of those 
 princes in having withstood two of the most valiant and tried 
 soldiers of the time, is not a thing to be left untold.' 
 
 So Ormonde's story is not inauthentic, though he alone has 
 supplied the romantic details to which it owes its charm. We 
 may compare with it the stories of how Edward III fought 
 unknown with Eustace de Ribaumont at Calais in 1349, and 
 how John of Gaunt engaged in single combat with Jehan de 
 Villemur before Limoges in 1370.* Ormonde does not give 
 his story of his own knowledge ; for though Hall ' includes 
 Ormonde in a list of those who were present at Melun, we 
 know that the Earl had left France early in 1430 to take 
 up his office as deputy in Ireland.* The combat in the mines 
 is clearly part of the story which Ormonde learnt during his 
 later service in France. Chiteau Gaillard was recovered by 
 the French, and Barbasan was released in February, 1430. 
 Ormonde came again to France in the following April, and 
 then no doubt heard the whole story. Barbasan's chivalrous 
 refusal to leave his prison till he was absolved from his oath is 
 characteristic of the man who had denounced the murder of 
 John of Burgundy as a blot on his master's honour,' and had 
 held his own charge so nobly at Melun. That his escape from 
 capital punishment should have been due to a technical 
 point in the Law of Arms would of course have appealed to 
 
 ' Ed. Buchon, p. 487; the text in Douet d'Arcq's edition (iii. 41 1-2) 
 is different. 
 2 ii. 328, Rolls Ser. ' i. 157- 
 
 ' Froissart, iv. 79-81, vii. 251, ed. Luce. " Chronicle, p. 102. 
 
 « See p. xvii above. ' Monstrelet, iii. 347. 
 
xxxviii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 Ormonde. We are entitled to believe that it was not less 
 welcome to Henry V, who could thus spare a gallant 
 enemy in spite of his oath to punish all supporters of the 
 Dauphin who could not clear themselves of complicity in the 
 murder of John of Burgundy.^ 
 
 The stories preserved by the Earl of Ormonde are con- 
 cerned so much with the traditions of the youthful career and 
 character of Henry V that it is not out of place to touch 
 briefly on those popular stories which do not appear amongst 
 them. The most famous is the story of the Prince and the 
 Chief Justice, which is too well known to need repetition. It 
 is first found in Sir Thomas Elyot's Boke named the Governor, 
 which was printed in 1531. In this version, when the Judge 
 would not release the Prince's servant, the Prince all in a fury 
 came up to the place of judgement, men thinking that he 
 would have slain the Judge. The Judge, all unmoved, com- 
 mits him to the prison of the King's Bench. Mr. Solly-Flood, 
 in criticizing the story, alleged that ' there was not then, and 
 never had been, neither was there ever for many years after- 
 wards, such a place of custody as the prison of the King's 
 Bench, neither did the Court of King's Bench ever commit to 
 any prison at all'.^ Recently Mr. Vernon Harcourt' has 
 shown that this criticism is inaccurate. As regards a further 
 criticism, which sees an inherent improbability in the seftding 
 of the King's son to prison, Mr. Harcourt has pointed out that 
 the actual words given by Elyot are that the Prince ' departed 
 and went to the King's Bench ', and has adduced evidence 
 that ' going to the King's Bench was a symbolic act, signify- 
 ing submission to the jurisdiction '.* However, such criticism 
 and reply concern only the possibility of the incident, and 
 do not touch the ultimate form of the legend. 
 
 A few years after Elyot, Robert Redmayne ^ refers to the 
 story, with the addition that the Prince struck the Chief 
 Justice, as being the cause of Henry's removal from the 
 
 • Tito Livio, p. 90, says Barbasan was found ' conscium dictae necis, 
 non tamen culpabilem ', and so escaped the penalty of death. 
 
 • Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 2nd Sen, iii. 57. 
 \ id., 3rd Sen, iv. 53, 54. * id., iv. 55. 
 
 •' Memorials of Henry K, p. 11. 
 
INTRODUCTION xxxix 
 
 Council. HalP has much the same account as Redmayne, 
 describing how the Prince ' strake the Chief Justice with his 
 fist in the face ' ; he further attaches to this story the alleged 
 dismissal by Henry, when he became King, of the familiar 
 companions with whom he had passed his young age. Stow ^ 
 gives the story without addition in Elyot's own words. But 
 Holinshed ^ goes back to the version of Hall. So far the 
 Chief Justice has been nameless, as he still is in Shakespeare. 
 If, however, the story has any substance, William Gascoigne, 
 who was Chief Justice from 1400 to 1413, must be intended. 
 Sir John Whiddon, who was a judge of the Queen's Bench 
 from 1553 to 1576, is said to have referred to the committal 
 of the Prince to prison by Gascoigne ; the authority for this is 
 Richard Crompton's Authoritie et Jurisdiction des Courts *, 
 which appeared in 1594 ; but the accuracy of the statement 
 is open to question,^ and in any case it rests only on the fact 
 that Gascoigne was Chief Justice throughout the reign of 
 Henry IV. One germ of the legend is no doubt to be found 
 in the tale of the ' hurling in Eastcheap ' in 1410, wherein 
 Henry's brothers Thomas and John were concerned. This 
 tale is given briefly in various London Chronicles.'' But the 
 most noteworthy account is that given by Stow,'' who relates 
 that upon St. John the Baptist Eve, 1410, Thomas and John, 
 the King's sons, were at supper in Eastcheap, when there 
 happened a great debate between their men and other of the 
 Court, until the Mayor and sheriffs with other of the citizens 
 appeased the same. For this they were called to answer 
 before the King, when William Gascoigne, Chief Justice, 
 required them to put them in the King's grace ; whereunto 
 they answered that they had not offended, but had done their 
 best in stinting debate and maintaining of the peace: upon 
 which answer the King remitted all his ire and dismissed them. 
 Stow first gave the story in the 1570 edition of his Summary 
 of English Chronicles, from the ' Register of Mayors '. This 
 
 ' Chron., p. 46. ^ Annates, pp. 342-3, ed. 1631. 
 
 ' Chronicles, iii. 61. * p. 79. 
 
 ^ See Solly- Flood ap. Trans. Royal Historical Society, iii. 59, 60. 
 * See Chronicles 0/ London, pp. 268, 341. 
 
 ' Survey 0/ London, i. 217 ; it had appeared previously in his Summary 
 and Annates. 
 
xl HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 authority, which Stow quotes often, was clearly in some 
 respects a fuller version of the London Chronicle than any 
 of those now extant. It is, I think, quite likely that Elyot's 
 story may have been based on some London Chronicle since 
 lost, though very probably supplemented from the tradition 
 of the law-courts. At all events, having regard to the early 
 confirmation of other legends of Henry V afforded by 
 Ormonde's stories, it would be rash to dismiss it altogether, 
 or to find in it, as some ^ have done, no more than a remini- 
 scence of a similar authentic incident in the life of Edward II 
 when Prince of Wales. At the same time the tale in the 
 London Chronicles does not touch Henry V at all, and if 
 Henry was concerned in any such incident the date must, 
 as Dr. Wylie ^ suggests, have been earlier than 1410, or 1411. 
 To that extent we must also assume that the legend had some 
 other foundation additional to the story of the ' hurling in 
 Eastcheap '. Mr. L. W. Vernon Harcourt ^ has lately argued 
 that the story may be connected with a gross contempt of 
 court in which Sir John Fastolf of Nacton was concerned in 
 1403. It is true that Shakespeare* places the incident before 
 the time of Archbishop Scrope's rebellion in 1405. But the 
 author of The Famous Victories ^ not less clearly connects it 
 with the ' hurling in Eastcheap ', and puts it towards the close 
 of the reign of Henry IV. Shakespeare « himself makes allu- 
 sion to the intervention of the sheriff, and puts this incident 
 before the battle of Shrewsbury in 1403. Of course no argu- 
 ment can be built on the chronology of the dramatists, who 
 allowed themselves the fullest licence in the handling of the 
 details of their history. It is equally vain to suppose that the 
 dispute with the Chief Justice had anything to do with the 
 Prince's dismissal from the Council. The idea that Henry's 
 youthful riots led in part to his political disgrace seems to 
 appear first in the Translator.'' 
 
 It is possible that something may have been contributed to 
 
 ' Solly- Flood, u. s., iii. 150, iji. 
 
 " Henry IV, iv 95-9, and the notes there. 
 
 ' Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd Ser., iv. 1:8-60 
 
 Henry IV, pt. ii, act ii, sc. 2. 
 " Shakespeare's Library, pt. ii, vol. i, pp. 331-5. 
 • Henry IV, pt. i, act ii, sc. 4. ' See p. 11 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION xli 
 
 the story of the Prince and the Chief Justice by the Coventry 
 legend that John Home, the mayor in 141 2, ' arrested the 
 Prince in the Priory of Coventry.' That legend cannot, how- 
 ever, be carried back with any certainty to an earlier date than 
 the reign of Elizabeth.^ The most that can be said for it is 
 that it shows the prevalence of a legend that Henry during his 
 career as Prince came into conflict with the law. The story 
 of the Prince and the Chief Justice, if it has any authenticity, 
 might have been expected to appear in Ormonde's remini- 
 scences. But on the other hand, Ormonde's knowledge was 
 of the Court, and he need not have been familiar with the 
 City legends of the boisterous life of the young princes in 
 London. 
 
 To the same cycle of City legends the story of Falstaff 
 should also belong ; but this is certainly in its familiar dress 
 an invention of the Elizabethan dramatists. In the Famous 
 Victories of Henry V^ Oldcastle appears as one of the 
 Prince's boon companions. Probably also Oldcastle figured 
 originally in Shakespeare. The Prince still addresses Falstaff 
 as 'my old lad of the castle ', and we are told that ' Oldcastle 
 died a martyr and ^this is not the man'.^ It is said that 
 Oldcastlfe's name was changed in deference to the Lord 
 Cobham of the day, and so 'the poet was putt to make 
 an ignorant shifte by abusing Sir John Falstophe '. The 
 historical Sir John Fastolf may, through his defamation for 
 cowardice at Patay in 1439,* have contributed something 
 more than his name to the character of the theatrical Sir John 
 Falstaff. But in real life Sir John Fastolf was a good and 
 tried soldier, and a hard money-maker; 'cruel and vengible 
 he hath been ever, and for the most part without pity and 
 mercy,' wrote one of his own servants.^ With the Falstaff of 
 the plays neither Fastolf nor Oldcastle have anything in com- 
 mon, unless it be that Fastolf owned the Boar's Head in 
 
 1 Heame, Appendix to J. Fordun, v. 1439-74 ; Solly-Flood, u. s., iii. 
 50-52. See also some correspondence in the Athenaeum for October, 
 1910. 
 
 ' PP- 323, 325, 338, 339- 
 
 ' Henry IV, pt. i, act i, sc. 2 ; Henry IV, pt. ii, act v, epilogue. 
 * There is reference to it under Fastolf's own name in Henry VI, pt. i, 
 act iii, sc. 2, and act iv, sc. I. 
 " Paston Letters, iii. 89. 
 
xlii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 Southwark, and that Oldcastle's house, Cobham's Inn, was 
 not far from the Boar's Head in Eastcheap. Recently Mr. 
 L. Vernon Harcourt has sought to find the prototype of 
 Falstaff in an earlier Sir John Fastolf of Nacton, who, as 
 noted above, was concerned in a gross contempt of court in 
 1403, when he was bound over to do no hurt to the jurors in 
 the suit or others. It is a curious coincidence that in this suit 
 the plaintiff was Oldcastle's father-in-law, John, Lord Cobham.^ 
 There is, however, no evidence to connect this earlier Sir John 
 Fastolf with Henry of Monmouth. The greatest interest of 
 the story is the proof which it affords that such an incident 
 need not have been recorded on the rolls of the court ; the 
 absence of any such record in the case of the Prince was 
 claimed by Mr. Solly-Flood ''■ to be conclusive that the story 
 of his misconduct in court and imprisonment was absolutely 
 untrue. If the character of Fastolf does not fit in with that 
 of Falstaff, still less does that of Oldcastle.^ Nevertheless 
 it is obviously impossible to dissociate Oldcastle altogether 
 from the legend as presented by the Elizabethan dramatists. 
 It is, moreover, an undoubted fact that Oldcastle had been 
 a friend of Henry as Prince, and that Henry as King, after 
 a vain attempt to convert him from his errors, utterly rejected 
 him from his service and presence.* If Oldcastle was a hero 
 and a martyr in the eyes of Elizabethan Puritans, he was 
 nothing of the sort to the writers and politicians of his own 
 time. It does not seem unlikely that in the later legend we 
 have a reminiscence of contemporary scandal which attached 
 to Henry through his youthful association with the unpopular 
 Lollard leader. It is noteworthy that Henry's political oppo- 
 nents were Oldcastle's religious persecutors ; and also that 
 those writers who charge Henry with wildness as Prince find 
 his peculiar merit as King in the maintaining of Holy Church 
 
 ' u. s., iv. 58, 59. " u. s., iii. 146. 
 
 ' On the whole question see further Halliwell-Phillips, The Character 
 of Sir John Falstaff; Gairdner, Studies in English History, pp. 54-77; 
 Duthie, The Case of Sir John Fastolf ; Baeske, Oldcastle- Falstaff in der 
 englischen Literatur bis zu Shakespeare, Palaestra, vol. 1, 1905 ; 
 Dr. Sidney Lee ap. Diet. Nat. Biog., xviii. 2394 L. W. Vernon Harcourt, 
 The Two Sir John Fastolfs, u. s. 
 
 * Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 291 ; Gesta Henrici Qttinti, p. 2 (Engl. 
 Hist. Soc.) ; Livius, p. 6 ; and p. 22 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION xliii 
 
 and destroying of heretics. A supposed change in his attitude 
 on questions of religion may possibly furnish a partial solution 
 for his alleged ' change suddenly into a new man '. 
 
 Another story, which it is somewhat remarkable should not 
 have figured in Ormonde's reminiscences, is that of the sending 
 of the tennis-balls to Henry V by the Dauphin. There is no 
 mention of it by Tito Livio, but the Translator has interpolated 
 a brief reference to it from the Policronicon?- The incident is 
 recorded by Thomas Elmham in his Liber Metricus^ which 
 was written in 141 8, by Otterbourne,^ and by John Strecche.* 
 Otterbourne and Strecche probably wrote early in the reign of 
 Henry VI. The story appears also in a contemporary ballad 
 attributed to Lydgate/ in the Brut^ and in the Policronicon? 
 Other fifteenth-century references are contained in Capgrave's 
 Life of Henry V* (which, however, only follows Elmham), 
 and in the Croyland Chronicle? Otterbourne says that the 
 present came in Lent, whilst Henry was at Kenilworth. 
 Henry is known to have been at Kenilworth on Feb. 27, 
 1414^"; this is a probable enough date, since the first ambas- 
 sadors of France had gone home in the previous month. It 
 is further remarkable that, apart from the ballad, the fullest 
 form of the story is that given by Strecche, who was a canon 
 of Kenilworth. Since Strecche's account has never been 
 printed in England I will translate it here : — 
 
 ' The French, in the blindness of harmful pride having no 
 foresight, with words of gall answered foolishly to the ambas- 
 sadors of the King of England, that because King Henry was 
 young they would send him little balls to play with, and soft 
 cushions to rest on, until what time he should grow to a man's 
 strength. At which news the King was much troubled in 
 spirit, yet with shorty wise, and seemly words, he thus addressed 
 those who stood about him : " If God so wills and my life 
 lasts, I will within a few months play such a game of ball in 
 the Frenchmen's streets, that they shall lose their jest and 
 gain but grief for their game. If they sleep too long upon 
 
 ^ p. 15 below. '^ Memorials of Henry V, p. loi. 
 
 ' Chron., p. 275. ^ Additional MS., 35295, f. 266. 
 
 ' Nicolas, London Chronicle, pp. 216-7. ° P- 375- 
 
 ' p. 225. * Liber de Illustribus Henricis, p. 1 1 4. 
 
 ' ap. Gale, Scriptores, i. 500. 
 " Cal. Pat. Rolls, Henry V, i. 172-3. 
 
xliv HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 their cushions in their chamber, perchance before they wish it 
 I will rouse them from their slumbers by hammering on their 
 doors at dawn." ' 
 
 Dr. Oskar Emmerig ^ has with much skill traced the origin 
 of the tale to the mediaeval romances of Alexander the Great, 
 in which Darius sends the Greek King scornful presents, 
 including a hand-ball. I am not, however, able to follow 
 Dr. Emmerig in thinking that the story must be a mere 
 invention of the ballad-makers, and borrowed from them 
 by the chroniclers. Elmham, Otterbourne, and Strecche 
 were all strictly contemporary, and not over likely to have 
 taken such a tale from the ballad ; Elmham and Strecche at 
 all events were in a position to be exceptionally well informed. 
 It is just as natural that the idea should have been adopted 
 from the Romance by the French Prince as by Lydgate. The 
 Knight of the early fifteenth century modelled his conduct on 
 the heroes of Romance. The sending of the tennis-balls, 
 together with such incidents as Henry V's challenging the 
 Dauphin to single combat, his fight with Barbasan, and 
 Sir John Cornwall's wager with the Sire de Graville that 
 he would cross the Seine in the face of the French army,^ 
 may all be more or less conscious imitations of incidents in 
 Romances of Chivalry. The tennis-ball story appears too 
 often in writers of the fifteenth century to make it probable 
 that it should be the invention of a ballad-maker, however 
 popular. That the story was current in various forms we 
 learn from Strecche, who alone adds the present of a cushion. 
 In the Famous Victories the Dauphin sends 'a carpet and 
 a tunne of Tennis-balls ' : 
 
 ' Meaning that you are more fit for a Tennis-court 
 Then a field, and more fitter for a carpet then the camp.' 
 
 It is most unlikely that the dramatist was acquainted with 
 Strecche's chronicle, and he probably obtained his detail 
 from some lost ballad or legend. A fifteenth-century letter,' 
 
 ^ The Bataile of Agyncourt, Niimberg, 1906, and ' Dariusbrief und 
 Tennisballgeschichte ' ap. Englische Studien, xxxix. 362-401, 1908. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 276 ; Strecche ap. Additional MS., 35295, f. 271, an 
 independent version. 
 
 ' Halliwell-Phillips, Letters of the Kings of England, i. 77. 
 
INTRODUCTION xlv 
 
 supposed to have been addressed by Henry V to his cousin of 
 France, thanks the Dauphin, with much jesting, for his gifts, 
 and assures him that his mock shall turn to shame, ' for ye 
 wot of right I am master of the game.' This letter may well 
 be an invention, but whether genuine or not was clearly 
 intended for a retort to the present of the tennis-balls. 
 
 The late but unique Lambeth MS. of the Brut contains two 
 stories, to which for their novelty I must make reference. 
 The first is of two lords of Lancashire and Yorkshire, who 
 skirmished together till men were slain on both parties. 
 Henry summoned them to Windsor, where they arrived as he 
 was going to dinner. ' By the faith that I owe to God and 
 St. George,' said the King, ' if they have not agreed and 
 accorded by the time I have eaten my oysters, they shall both 
 be hanged ere I have supped.' So they agreed, and came in 
 when the King had eaten his oysters. Henry declared 
 thereon that if they or any of his lords made any war there- 
 after they should die. ' So after that there durst no lord make 
 any party or strife ; and thus he began to keep his laws and 
 justice, and therefore he was beloved and bedreaded.^ ^ 
 
 The second story is of the siege of Rouen.^ It was a 
 custom at Rouen on St. Denis' Eve ^ to make a king in every 
 house. When that day came the people of the suburbs 
 within the English lines went to Henry, and sought per- 
 mission in observance of their customable usage to make 
 in every house the eldest son a king on that night. Henry 
 granted their request, so that it were not done in his despite. 
 In the evening by his bidding the ' kings ' appeared before 
 him. Then an old French knight, who was present, said : 
 'Now, I trow, is the time come that Rouen shall be won, 
 after the prophecy.' In reply to Henry's question what the 
 prophecy might be, the old knight continued : ' This town 
 of Rouen shall never be won till there come a king, born 
 of a woman and in a nun's habit, with thirty kings in his 
 retinue to lay siege thereto.' So Henry, to fulfil the prophecy, 
 
 1 Brut, p. 595. ^ id., p. 598. 
 
 ' The date is impossible, whether it means the feast of St. Denys the 
 Archbishop of Paris on Oct. 9, or of St. Denys the Pope on Dec. 26. 
 Rouen surrendered on St. Wolstan's Day, Jan. 19 ; the besieged had 
 asked for terms on New Year's Eve. 
 
xlvi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 commanded every one of the ' kings ' to be set in divers 
 garrisons against the town. And the next day was Rouen 
 yielded to the King. 
 
 Of these two stories the first is given as an epilogue to that 
 account of Henry's riotous life as Prince and conversion when 
 he became King, which I have noted above as illustrative 
 of one of Ormonde's stories.^ The second would of course 
 have been within Ormonde's knowledge of events at Rouen. 
 It is tempting to conjecture that we may in these stories have 
 some further survivals of the Earl's reminiscences. 
 
 As a final subject I propose to consider what influence the 
 work of the Translator has had in the framing of our English 
 histories and opinions of Henry V. The traditional view 
 of Henry as the hero-king must no doubt be traced back 
 for its literary origin to the official biography compiled by 
 Tito Livio. Though Tito Livio's Life remained in manuscript 
 till 1 716, it had through the writings of Stow and Holinshed 
 given colour to all subsequent opinion, and not least it had 
 supplied much of the ultimate basis for the historical, as dis- 
 tinct from the legendary, account embodied in the plays of 
 Shakespeare. Hall had not been acquainted with Tito Livio 
 at all ; but though in many things Holinshed was content 
 to reproduce his predecessor of forty years before, he had for 
 the main fi'amework of his history of Henry V gone direct to 
 the original Life by Tito Livio. Yet Holinshed acknow- 
 ledged that he had made additions from the work of the 
 English Translator, with which he was acquainted through 
 a copy in the possession of John Stow. Though Holinshed 
 cites the Translator only for the reference to Alain Blanchard 
 and for the story of Barbasan, he had likewise taken from it 
 direct the account of the reception of Sigismund, and through 
 the medium of Stow's Summary an abbreviated version of 
 the stories of Henry's riotous youth, of his disguising, and 
 of his dismissal of his unworthy companions. Stow on his 
 part quotes the Translator by name only for the disguising ; 
 but he also quotes him verbatim, though without acknow- 
 ledgement, for the death-bed speeches of Henry IV, and the 
 ' See p. xxxi above. 
 
INTRODUCTION xlvii 
 
 dismissal of the unworthy companions. But Stow's debt 
 went far beyond the faithful repetition of the Ormonde 
 stories. As the footnotes to the text here given show, Stow, 
 when professing to quote Livius or Monstrelet, was commonly 
 content to reproduce the precise words of the Translator, 
 even where that writer had varied or added to the sense of his 
 original. It is true that in a few places there are indications 
 that Stow may also have used Livius in the Latin. But 
 in the main his narrative for the reign of Henry V is that 
 of the Translator. This circumstance has led some recent 
 historians to quote Stow's Annales as an independent autho- 
 rity, which, as it seemed, did not merely copy the Latin of 
 Tito Livio. In his own time Stow was overshadowed by 
 Holinshed. His Annales did not appear in their extended 
 form till 159a, and his Summary and Chronicles of England 
 (printed in 1580) were comparatively slight in form, and could 
 not compete in authority with the more ambitious work 
 of his rival. So it was to Holinshed that the author of The 
 Famous Victories of Henry V and Shakespeare were indebted 
 primarily for most of their information. But Holinshed is 
 only the link through which we must go back through Stow 
 to the Translator and to Tito Livio. If Holinshed was well 
 acquainted with the Latin original of Tito Livio, yet he must 
 have derived some colouring of opinion as well as added 
 material from the Translator. It is perhaps a curious illustra- 
 tion of the literary convention of the age that those passages 
 of our Life, which are given both by Stow and by Holinshed, 
 are quoted by Holinshed as from Stow; and that those 
 passages, which Holinshed quoted independently, were not 
 afterwards made use of by Stow in the enlarged version 
 of his Annales. Before Stow and Holinshed, Nicholas 
 Harpsfield had quoted the Translator's Life ; but his Historia : 
 Anglicana is slight in itself and was little, if at all, known \ 
 to other writers of the reign of Elizabeth. Somewhat later '^ 
 John Speed, whose History of Great Britaine first appeared in 
 161 1, quotes the Translator of Livius both for the story of the 
 Prince robbing his own receivers, and for the story of Henry's 
 disguising.^ He also gives the dying advice of Henry IV to 
 " pp. 765, 766 ; ed. 1632. 
 
xlviii HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 his son, which he combines with the story of the taking away^ 
 of the crown, from the 'vulgar chronicles', and the story 
 of Barbasan.^ It does not, however, appear that Speed had 
 any knowledge of the Translator's Life independently of what 
 he found in the chronicles of Stow and Holinshed. 
 
 The use which the Elizabethan historians themselves made 
 of the Translator is of less interest than the material which 
 they supplied from this source to Shakespeare and his 
 predecessors. The Famous Victories of Henry V was first 
 produced before September 3, 1588, though not licensed till 
 1594, nor printed till 1598.^ So it was written soon after the 
 appearance of the second edition of Holinshed's Chronicles 
 in January, 1586-7, and a good many years later than Stow's 
 Summary and Chronicles. The play opens with a scene 
 between the Prince and his worthless companions, Ned and 
 Tom. ' Think you not that it was a villainous part of me to 
 rob my father's receivers,' asks Henry, thus establishing a 
 perversion of Ormonde's story which has been somewhat per- 
 sistent. Presently the Receivers come in and get rated by the 
 Prince, who boasts that he had ' feared them with words'. Then 
 follows a scene in which several citizens discuss the Prince : — 
 
 ' I dare not call him thief, but sure he is one of these 
 
 taking fellows . . . ' 
 ' I hear say, if he use it long, 
 His father will cut him off from the crown.' 
 
 Whilst they talk appears a boy with news from the Counter. 
 
 ' About two hours ago, there came the young Prince and 
 three or four more of his companions, and called for wine good 
 store, and then they sent for a noise of musicians and were 
 very merry.' Soon they went into the street and fell to 
 fighting, so that none could part them, until the Mayor and 
 Sheriffs were sent for, and with much ado the young Prince 
 was carried to the Counter. The scene shifts, and the Mayor 
 and Sheriffs are brought before the King ; to whom they 
 defend themselves, because the Prince with a very disordered 
 company having come to the old tavern in Eastcheap had 
 
 • pp. 762-3, 801. 
 
 ^ Fleay, Chronicle of the English Drama, ii. 258. 
 
 ' See Hazlitt, Shakespeare's Library, pt. ii, vol. i, pp. 323-77. 
 
INTRODUCTION xlix 
 
 raised a fray, so that they knew not what to do, but for their 
 own safeguard sent him to ward. Thereupon the King dis- 
 charges them. ' Well have they done and like faithful subjects.' 
 This is a very palpable reproduction of Stow's story from 
 the ' Register of Mayors '. It is followed immediately by the 
 dispute of the Prince and the Chief Justice, which is based on 
 Holinshed and represents Henry as giving the Judge a box on 
 the ear. So the Prince is committed to the Fleet, but almost 
 at once reappears at liberty in the company of Ned and Tom. 
 When Henry is king the first thing he will do ' shall be to put 
 my Lord Chief Justice out of office ', and make Ned his Chief 
 Justice. Henry is going to the Court, for his father lies very 
 sick. 
 
 ' Jockey. Will you go to the Court with that coat so full of 
 needles ? 
 
 Hen. V. Cloak, ilat-holes, needles and all was of mine 
 own devising, and therefore I will wear it. 
 
 Tom. I pray you my Lord, what may be the meaning thereof ? 
 
 Hen. V. Why man, 'tis a sign that I stand upon thorns, 
 till the Crown be on my head. 
 
 Jockey. Or that every needle might be a prick to their 
 hearts that repine at your doings.' 
 
 So the Prince goes to the Court, and is admitted to the 
 presence of the King, who laments for his son, ' no sooner out 
 of one prison, but into another.' Reversing the account in 
 Ormonde's story, the King is made to order that none come 
 with his son. The Prince enters with a dagger in his hand. 
 The King rebukes him : 
 
 ' Oh my son, thou knowest that these thy doings will end 
 thy father's days.' 
 
 ' Thou fearest not to approach the presence of thy sick 
 father in that disguised sort. I tell thee, my son, that there is 
 never a needle in thy cloak, but it is a prick to my heart . . . 
 and wherefore thou bringest that dagger in thy hand I know 
 not but by conjecture.' 
 
 In a feeble travesty of the original the Prince renders the 
 dagger to his father, abandons his wild and reprobate company, 
 and tears the ruffianly cloak from his back. So the King 
 pardons him, and the Prince declares : 
 
 ' Even this day I am born new again.' 
 
 The next scene opens on the King's death-bed. The Prince 
 1188 d 
 
1 HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 enters to explain that he had removed the crown, believing 
 his father was already dead. This and the brief subsequent 
 speeches, closing with the King's actual death, rest on the 
 account of Monstrelet in Holinshed's version. 
 
 The new reign requires naturally a new scene. The Prince's 
 boon companions are anticipating their good fortune, when 
 Henry appears, bids them mend their manners, and orders them 
 
 ' Not upon pain of death to approach my presence 
 By ten miles space, then if I hear well of you, 
 It may be I will do somewhat for you.' 
 
 His old nice company thus disposed of, Henry bids the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury speak on the embassy to France. 
 There is a brief debate, modelled on Holinshed's narrative 
 after Hall. The French ambassadors deliver the tun of 
 tennis-balls, and Henry declares for war. Before the scene 
 changes to France the Chief Justice comes in, is reconciled to 
 the new King, and made Protector of the Realm in his 
 absence. The second half of the play is taken up with the 
 invasion of France, the battle of Agincourt, the courting of 
 Katherine, and Henry's triumph. Its main historical fabric 
 is derived from Holinshed, and is of no special interest in the 
 present connexion. 
 
 In The Famous Victories the legend of Prince Henry's 
 riotous youth is strung together very loosely from the Ormonde 
 stories and Stow's narrative of ' the hurling in Eastcheap ', 
 with some additions from Holinshed. Sir John Oldcastle 
 appears in a small part as one of Henry's companions, but he 
 is no more Falstaff than he is the Oldcastle of real life. The 
 old play is poor stuff both as drama and literature, but it 
 shows us very clearly how the material was brought together 
 for more artistic treatment. 
 
 In Shakespeare's plays the scenes of Henry's riotous youth 
 are similarly compounded from the Ormonde stories of his 
 interview with his father, of his loose companions, and dis- 
 missal of his unworthy favourites when he became king. With 
 these are similarly interwoven the stories of the hurling in East- 
 cheap, and of the quarrel with the Chief Justice, together with 
 some details found in Holinshed, but not in Stow nor in the 
 Translator. The unauthentic Falstaff, who now plays so large 
 a part in the legend, is substantially of the poet's own creation. 
 
INTRODUCTION li 
 
 In the First Part of Henry IV the Prince and his boon 
 companions plan the robbery on GadshiU, and the Prince 
 appears to take the booty from his own servant.^ In this 
 Shakespeare seems to go back to the original story of how 
 Henry would lie in wait for and rob his own receivers. The 
 scene with Falstaff in Eastcheap,^ when the Prince bids the 
 old knight stand for his father and examine him upon the 
 particulars of his life, is perhaps a sort of travesty on the story 
 of the interview between Prince and King preserved by 
 Ormonde. The scene seems to close with a direct reminis- 
 cence of how the robbed receivers were given their discharge 
 for so much money as they had lost, with special rewards for 
 those who had resisted best, when Henry says : ' The money 
 shall be paid back again with advantage.' The previous 
 intervention of the Sheriff and the watch is borrowed from 
 Stow's story of the ' hurling in Eastcheap ', though not in the 
 slavish fashion of The Famous Victories. In the old play 
 there was no attempt to make Henry's riotous youth har- 
 monize with his real character. But Shakespeare's Henry 
 
 / ' Will so offend to make offence a skill, \ 
 
 V Redeeming time when least men think I will.' ) 
 
 In Act iii, sc. a of Henry IV, Part I we have the interview 
 of the father and son, for which Shakespeare once more goes 
 back to Ormonde's original story. The King dismisses his 
 lords that he may have some private conference with the 
 Prince, who purges himself: 
 
 ' As, in reproof of many tales devised, — 
 Which oft the ear of greatness needs must hear, — 
 By smiling pick-thanks and base newsmongers.' 
 
 The incidents of the fantastic disguising and the dagger are 
 dropped, but in its spirit Shakespeare's scene reproduces the 
 original more faithfully than did The Famous Victories. 
 Though the scene is misdated (Shakespeare puts it before the 
 battle of Shrewsbury) there is an historical touch in its 
 association with the Prince's dismissal : 
 
 ' Thy place in Council thou hast rudely lost, 
 Which by thy younger brother is supplied.' 
 
 ' Act i, sc. 3, and Act ii, sc. 2. ^ Act ii, sc. 4. 
 
 d 2 
 
Hi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 In the Second Part of Henry IV^ the story of the Prince 
 and the Chief Justice appears incidentally. This is taken from 
 the version of Holinshed. The Chief Justice is introduced as 
 ' the nobleman who committed the prince for striking him 
 about Bardolph '. He rebukes Falstaff for misleading his 
 master. ' For the box of the ear that the prince gave you, he 
 gave it like a rude prince, and you took it like a sensible lord,' 
 says Falstaff. 
 
 The news of his father's sickness brings the Prince to 
 thought of amendment.^ The King, on his part, has fore- 
 bodings of what may come of his eldest son's wildness, yet he 
 commends him to Thomas of Clarence ^ : — 
 
 ' How chance thou art not with the Prince thy brother ? 
 He loves thee, and thou dost neglect him, Thomas ; 
 Thou hast a better place in his affection 
 Than all thy brothers : cherish it, my boy ; 
 And noble offices thou mayst effect 
 Of mediation, after I am dead, 
 Between his greatness and thy other brethren.' 
 
 Though the relationship of the brothers is thus turned 
 about, the idea is borrowed clearly from the King's advice to 
 the Prince as given by Ormonde. 
 
 The scene where the Prince takes the crown from his 
 father's bedside is, as noted above, derived from Monstrelet 
 through Holinshed. The subsequent speeches, and especially 
 that of the Prince in his defence, may owe something to 
 Ormonde. 
 
 The last Act of the Second Part of Henry I Vis based almost 
 entirely on the composite legend. Warwick and the Chief 
 Justice fear that all will be overturned, and nobles have 
 ' to strike sail to spirits of vile sort '. The new King appears 
 and greets the Chief Justice: ' You are, I think, assured I love 
 you not' ; but in reply to the Judge's manly defence bids him, 
 ' still bear the balance and the sword.' — 
 
 ' You shall be as a father to my youth : 
 My voice shall sound as you do prompt mine ear ; 
 And I will stoop and humble my intents 
 To your well-practised, wise directions. 
 And princes all, believe me, I beseech you ; — 
 My father is gone wild into his grave, 
 
 » Act i, sc. 2. •>■ Henry IV, Pt. II, Act ii, sc. 2. ' id., Act iv, sc. 4. 
 
INTRODUCTION liiJ 
 
 For in his tomb lie my affections ; 
 And with his spirit sadly I survive, 
 To mock the expectation of the world ; 
 To frustrate prophecies ; and to raze out 
 Rotten opinion, who hath writ me down 
 After my seeming. The tide of blood in me 
 Hath proudly flow'd in vanity till now ; 
 Now doth it turn, and ebb back to the sea ; 
 Where it shall mingle with the state of floods. 
 And flow henceforth in formal majesty.' 
 
 At the news of the new King's accession Falstaff and 
 his company, like the rioters in the story of the Lambeth 
 manuscript,^ are full glad with hopes of promotion : ^ 
 
 Fal. Away, Bardolph ; saddle my horse. — Master Robert 
 Shallow, choose what office thou wilt in the land, 'tis thine. — 
 Pistol, I will double-charge thee with dignities. 
 
 Bard. O joyful day ! — 
 I would not take a knighthood for my fortune. 
 
 In this spirit they go to meet the King. ' I will leer upon 
 him, as he comes by ' : says Falstaff. They find a rude 
 awaking when the King rejects their approaches : '' 
 
 Presume not that I am the thing I was : 
 
 For Heaven doth know,J«o shall theworldjjerceisE, 
 
 Th at I have tur n'd away niyTofSEiiEf-^ 
 
 So'will ^ f~tHo se^that kept me corngam^ 
 
 When thou dost Tiear Tani as~r~have been, 
 
 /y pproaf h tne ; and thou shalt be a s thou^ast^ 
 
 The tutor and the teeclef"ofTn\rfia£s : 
 
 Till then. I ba nish thee, on pain of death, — 
 
 As I have doiTe th e leijL uf my lUlrileaaers,^ - 
 
 Not to LUine ileai our person by ten mile. 
 
 For competence of life I will allow you, 
 
 That lack of means enforce you not to evil ; 
 
 And, as we hear you do reform yourselves, 
 
 We will, according to your strength and qualities 
 
 Give you advancement.' 
 
 The bulk of this speech is founded on Ormonde's narrative, as 
 preserved by Stow, but with the addition of ' ten mile ' from 
 Fabyan's account as given by Holinshed. The favour shown 
 to the Chief Justice, whom the Prince loved not, has probably 
 but an accidental resemblance to the honour bestowed on the 
 four sad lords, whom Henry hated, in the story of the Lambeth 
 manuscript. It is a natural product of the dramatist's art. 
 ^ See p. xxxi above. ^ Henry IV, Pt. II, Act v, sc. 3. ' id., sc. 5. 
 
liv HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 Similarly, the hanging of Bardolph recalls how those who 
 were consenting to the Prince's wildness fell after to great 
 mischief and sorrow. However, if the Falstaff of the play- 
 is an invention of the poet, there was some foundation in 
 legend, if not in fact, for saying that : 
 
 ' Harry Monmouth, being in his right wits and his goot 
 judgments, turned away the fat knight with the great pelly- 
 doublet.' ^ 
 
 In Henry Fthe wild Prince is left behind, and though Tito 
 Livio and his Translator may have helped to fix the idealized 
 character of Henry as king, much of the historical fabric is 
 derived from other material supplied by Holinshed. The 
 theory that a fear of Church Reform moved the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury to encourage war, and the debate in which the 
 war was decided on,'* have no place in our Life. The former 
 can be traced back to Caxtons Chronicles, where it is repre- 
 sented that the clergy ' encouraged the King to challenge 
 Normandy and his right in France to the end to set him 
 a work there, that he should not seek occasion to enter into 
 such matter'^ (i.e. as the appropriation of the ecclesiastical 
 temporalties). The project of reform itself, by which the 
 lands of the Church were to be turned to the support of 
 
 ' Full fifteen earls, and fifteen hundred knights. 
 Six thousand and two hundred good esquires,' 
 
 goes back to the Lollard's Bill of 1410 as reproduced by 
 ; Fabyan from a London cTironicle.* The speeches attributed 
 i to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to Westmoreland, and to 
 ■ Exeter are sixteenth-century inventions, which first appear in 
 ; Hall's Chronicle, to be borrowed thence by Holinshed. It is 
 
 to Holinshed also that Shakespeare is indebted for his version 
 
 of the tennis-ball story. 
 
 Some minor details in Shakespeare's plays can be traced 
 
 with confidence to Tito Livio's Vita, and these the Translator's 
 
 Life may have helped to make familiar. Such are the Prince's 
 
 words when wounded at Shrewsbury ^ : 
 
 ' Heaven forbid a shallow scratch should drive 
 The Prince of Wales from such a field as this.' 
 
 ' Henry V, Act iv, sc. 7. ^ id., Act i, sc. 2. ^ Brut, p. 495. 
 
 * Fabyan, p. 575 ; Chronicles of London, pp. 65-8. 
 " Henry IV, Pt. I, Act v, sc. 4 ; see p. 9 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION Iv 
 
 The reference to the Scrope and Cambridge plot is derived 
 from some fuller source ; though the Translator had made 
 additions to Tito Livio in his statements that the conspirators 
 had been bought with French gold, and that Scrope had been 
 the King's bedfellow.^ For other matter the source can be 
 found with certainty in Tito Livio or the Translator. As for 
 instances, the theft of a pyx by Bardolph,^ and the King's reply 
 to the French herald,^ 
 
 ' I do not seek him now ; 
 But could be willing to march on to Calais 
 Without impeachment.' 
 
 Other instances are the description of the royal captain walk- 
 ing from watch to watch * ; and Westmoreland's lament, 
 
 ' O that we now had here 
 But one ten thousand of those men in England 
 That do no work to-day!' 
 
 with Henry's brave reply.^ 
 
 Tito Livio may also have furnished the tale of Henry's 
 constancy on the field of battle * : — 
 
 ' Upon his royal face there is no note 
 How dread an army hath enrounded him.' 
 
 But when the matter is found in more than one source it is 
 not possible to be certain which was used. Thus the references 
 of the Chorus before Act V to the pageant at London after 
 Agincourt, and to the Emperor's coming, might be derived 
 from Tito Livio,' but also might come more directly from 
 Tito Livio's own source, the English Chronicle.* The note of 
 
 ' His bruised helmet and his bended sword ' 
 
 must, however, be taken from the former writer.^ The pro- 
 vision which Henry had made in memory of Richard II, and of 
 his father's ' fault in compassing the crown 'j^" appears below ^^ 
 in a passage added by the Translator, but its real source is 
 Caxton's Chronicle}^ So also the numbers of the slain, as 
 
 * Henry V, Act ii, sc. 2 ; p. 30 below. ' Act iii, sc. 6 ; p. 44 below . 
 
 ' Act iii, sc. 6 ; p. 48 below. * Act iv. Chorus ; pp. 38, 87 below. 
 
 ^ Act iv, sc. 3 ; p. 54 below. * Act iv, Chorus ; see pp. 50, 54 below. 
 ' See pp. 65, 68 below. ' Brut, pp. 380-1. 
 
 ' See p. 65 below. '" Act iv, sc. i. 
 
 '' See p. 20. '^ Brut, pp. 494-6. 
 
Ivi HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 given in the last scene of Act iv, appear below,^ but these, 
 as in Holinshed, are taken from Monstrelet. 
 
 It would be tempting to describe the History here given as 
 ' Shakespeare's Life of Henry the Fifth '. But such a descrip- 
 tion, though true so far as literary derivation is concerned, 
 would be misleading, since the dramatist knew and used it 
 only through the medium of Stow and Holinshed. Still, the 
 literary interest of the Translator's Life can hardly be exag- 
 gerated. It had been one object of the Translator to magnify 
 the fame of Henry V as a model for Christian princes, and 
 this he helped to achieve by emphasizing and popularizing the 
 official eulogy of Tito Livio. It is a curious irony that by 
 preserving Ormonde's stories he should have contributed still 
 more to the creation of the contrary side of his hero's character 
 as the wild Prince Hal. 
 
 The First English L ife of Henry V is printed here as it 
 stands in the Bodley MS., with some small textual corrections 
 from the Harley MS. and from Stow. The copy in the 
 Bodley MS. is to all appearance a faithful one ; so it has 
 seemed right to retain the old spelling, in spite of such want 
 of fixity as is displayed in the indiscriminate use of there ' and 
 ' theire ' for the possessive pronoun. But Manwood's scribe 
 was somewhat irregular in his use of capital letters, and does 
 not appear to have been governed by any rule ; therefore in 
 this respect I have not thought it necessary to follow him 
 exactly. The division into paragraphs is that of the Bodley 
 MS. ; the arrangement of the Harley MS. is sometimes 
 different. The marginal notes are those of the Bodley MS. ; 
 in the Harley MS. there are a few additional notes of a 
 descriptive character. In my own footnotes I have dis- 
 tinguished the Bodley MS. as B. and the Harley MS. as H. 
 I have added references to the best printed editions of the 
 authorities cited by the Translator. 
 
 I first described this Life in an article on ' The Early 
 Biographies of Henry V ', which appeared in the English 
 Historical Review.'^ I must here express my thanks to Mr. 
 R. L. Poole, the editor, and to Messrs. Longmans, Green & Co., 
 the publishers, for the courtesy with which they have per- 
 mitted me to make use of that article in this Introduction. 
 
 ' See p. 62. " Vol. XXV, pp. 58-92. 
 
THE FIRST ENGLISH LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 HENRY V 
 
 WRITTEN IN 1513 BY AN ANONYMOUS 
 AUTHOR KNOWN COMMONLY AS 
 
 THE TRANSLATOR OF LIVIUS 
 
[PROHEM] 
 
 When I throughlie had pervsed, perceauinge that it serued 
 well to my purpose afore rehearsed,^ I payned my self to 
 reduce it into our naturall English tongue. And for because 
 the matter should be more fruitefull, open and pleasant to the 
 readers and hearers hereof, I haue anexed to the same diuers 
 Authorities of Enguerant demonstrellet in such things as 
 meseemed apt for my matter, who, among all other French 
 histories and chronicles that I haue scene, indited most at 
 large of the warres betweene England and Fraunce for those 
 
 10 dayes ; w"'' two bookes, the one of Titus Liuius out of facound Titus 
 Latine, and th' other of the saide Enguerrant out of the com- '"'"^' 
 mon Language of Fraunce I haue translated and reduced into 
 rude and holme English, from whome all pratique and famous 
 inditinge is farr exiled. And to these two aforesaide books 
 I haue also added diuers sayings of the English Cronicles, and 
 to the same matter also diuers other opinions that I have reade 
 of the report of a certaine and honourable auncient person, to 
 whome as me seemeth for the grauitie and experience credit 
 is to be giuen. And that is the honnorable Erie of Ormond. 
 
 20 I have contexed and adioyned to the authorities afore re- 
 hearsed in places for the same most apt and convenient, as by 
 the booke followinge shall be evident to all them that shall 
 please to reade the same, wherein they shall finde intiteled in 
 the margent of the same of what authoritie everie sentence is 
 taken. And for asmuch as I have not enterprised the compi- 
 lacion of this present volume vppon noe presumpcion of witt, 
 sentence, or cunninge of my self, whereof I knowe me vtterlie 
 destitute and voide, nor for no reproof of vice nor defaulte of 
 vertue in the person of our before remembred Soueraigne 
 
 30 Lorde, whome I see evidentlie to be excellentlie replenished 
 
 ' // is clear that something is missing, which had gone before. 
 B a 
 
4 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of all naturall vertues, as much, as I beleeue, as he of whome 
 I intende to write, or more ; but to this ende I haue bin 
 mooued to the enterprise hereof, that his Grace, hearinge or 
 seeinge, or readinge the vertuous manners, the victorious con- 
 quests, and the excellent sages and wisdomes of the most 
 Henrie renowned Prince in his daies, Kinge Henrie the Fifte, his noble 
 *^ progenitor (of whose superior in all noblenes, manhoode, and 
 
 vertue, to my pretence, it is not read nor heard amongest the 
 princes of England since William of Normandie obtayned the 
 government of this realme by conquest) his Grace maie in all lo 
 thinges concerninge his person and the reigement of his people, 
 conforme himselfe to his life and manners, w"'^ he vsed after 
 his coronacion, and be councelled by the example of his greate 
 wisdome and discretion in all his common and perticuler Acts. 
 And secondarily the principall cause of this my paine (for as 
 much as we then laboured in warr) ^ was that our Soueraigne 
 Lorde by the knowledge and sight of this pamphile shoulde 
 partlie be prouoked in his saide warr to ensue the noble and 
 chivalrous acts of this so noble, so vertuous, and so excellent 
 a Prince, w'^'' so followed, he might the rather attaine to like 20 
 honnour, fame, and victorie. But, praised be God, it is nowe 
 much better for vs. for that mortall warr, and hatefull discen- 
 tion is nowe chainged into an amiable, toworde, and p^ce 
 honnorable and also proflfitable (as wee beleeue both to the 
 Kings Highnes and to this Realme). Therefore considered 
 that my first motion to this enterprise hath only sounded to 
 the true and faithfull leigiance that I (as his naturall subiect) 
 owe to beare to our Soueraigne Lorde, whome aboue all things 
 I desire to be vertuous and victorious: instantlie and in the 
 forme of humillitie I beseech his grace and all other, as well 30 
 men of honnour as of the Commonaltie, benignely to accept 
 this rude and simple, not rude but excellent of itselfe, howbeit 
 in the compilacion it is but homelie and not much pleasaunt : 
 and where any default is, thorough my negligence. and smale 
 discretion, w*'' charitie (so it be w'^ authoritie) to reforme the 
 same. And as to your Grace, my most dreade Soueraigne 
 Lord, those vertues that by this pamphile ye shall perceaue to 
 be vsed in his time of that most puissant prince, Kinge Henrie 
 ^ See Introduction, p. x. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 5 
 
 the fifte, your Auncestor, and namelie three w'^'^ I note espe- 
 cially w**" colour most necessarie to euerie prince to insue ; 
 whereof the first is Justice, whereby he shall best entertayne Justice. 
 the vnitie and wealth of his people : the seconde Continence, Contin- 
 w"*" of all men is to be obserued, and namelie of them that be ^'"^^• 
 professors to the Sacrament of Matrymonie, w"'^ vertue, as 
 I haue .hearde of credible report, this noble prince, Kinge 
 Henrie the Fifte, obserued so constantly that from the death 
 of the Kinge his Father vntill the marriage of himself he neuer 
 
 lo had knowledge carnally of weomen ''■ : And the Thirde ex- 
 cellent virtue that I note is Humilitie, and to eschewe vaine Hu- 
 glorie, least a man ascribe laude to himselfe of that thinge w* "^' ' '^' 
 is geuen to him of God, whereby he might lightlie prouoke 
 against himself th'indignacion of God, by meanes whereof his 
 prosperitie and honnor may be chainged into aduersitie and 
 dishonnor : he giue to your Grace to vse and ensue, and 
 constantlie to occupie to the pleasure of him, to the health of 
 your Soule, and to the honnour and prosperitie of your Royall 
 person, Realme, and Commons, of whome ye haue receaued so 
 
 20 manie and so greate supereminent vertues and graces. Amen. 
 
 1 Harpsfield, Historia Anglicana, p. 589: In his et magno multarum 
 aliarum virtutum concursu valde in eo accurata quedam iustitiae ad totius 
 reipublicae singulare commodum, et pudicitiae quam tam exquisite tenuit 
 ut a patris obitu ante matrimonium initum ab omni se femina, et post 
 matrimonium etiam preterquamuxoris, etconsuetudine abstinuit,obseruatio 
 enituit. 
 
THE PROLOGUE OF TITUS 
 
 LIUIUS DIRECTING HIS 
 
 WORDS TO KINGE 
 
 HENRIE THE 
 
 SIXT 
 
 When I remember me to haue often hard in my youth 
 of report of my Father, and of others like vnto him, 
 Thy Father not meanelie but greatlie to exceede all the 
 Kings that haue bin in our daies in his famous acts, 
 whose victorious gifts I haue deliuered to write after lo 
 the knowledge that I haue of them. 
 
 When with the laboure and studie of many monethes and 
 yeares I began to profit in that science wherevnto I applied 
 my studie, hearing that nature had finished her course in thy 
 father, I was then more desirous to knowe who remayned in 
 thie house that were the most ensewers and followers of thy 
 fathers studies and labours. I hard thee, skarse of two yeares, 
 to be left Successor and heire of so greate a Kinge, and to be 
 committed to the gouernaunce and tuition of the most noble 
 and famous Prince, Humphrie, the Duke of Gloucester, thine 20 
 vncle, who was to thie father the youngest brother amongest 
 foure, and most was fauoured and beloued of him, and also 
 expert and indoctryned in his studies and disciplines.^ He was 
 the Councellor, the helper and follower of all acts of thie father 
 the Kinge, and after his departure from this present life he 
 nourished thee tenderly and faithfullie, so that he might be 
 named the other Lycurg, brother to Polibites, Kinge of 
 Lacydemonie, in the faithfull and stedfast nourishinge of the 
 Kinge his nephewe. This Duke Humphrie exceeded all 
 princes that then lined in the studie of Letteres as well in 30 
 diuine as in humane sciences, whose glorious fame, and the 
 
 ^ frater e quattuor natu minor, filius pietate et nomine a rege dictus, 
 suis disciplinis eruditus Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 7 
 
 desire I had to laboure, and to see so strainge Realmes, and 
 also the default I had of money, mooued me to come into this 
 realme vnto thie saide vnkle, w"'' founde me and gaue me 
 sufificient wherew"^ to continewe in honest life, w*** whome I 
 haue w* good will occupied the effect and fruite of all my 
 studies in writinge»of those thinges, w"'^ I beleeued to reason to 
 the honnor of thee and thie Realme. And before I intended 
 to returne into my natiue countrie, at the instance and suppli- 
 cacions of my self, thie saide famous vnkel agregat in as much 
 
 lo as might be gotten the Acts of thie father, and the same he 
 sent to me to reduige into writinge. The charge whereof I 
 enterprised w* greate studie and laboure, and good will and 
 hartie pleasure, what for because this Godly Kinge, thy father, 
 was occasion of my comminge into this thie country. And 
 what for that in thie saide countrie (thoughe I were but as 
 a strainger) at th 'instance of this Duke, thie Vnckle, thou hast 
 geuen me much guerdion, whereby I am well bounden to take 
 paine in those things that maie concerne thine Honnor.^ And 
 therefore I ame also bounde to giue thee thanks for thie greate 
 
 20 magnificence and liberalitie. I haue therefore written the life 
 and shyninge Acts of this most victorious Kinge, thie father, 
 to thee, the most Christian Kinge, his sonn, of whose manners 
 and condicions the most parte of all Christian nations trust to 
 be th'ensuer and follower. Not that I preferr and laude warr 
 and discention, rather then tranquillitie and peace ; but if thou 
 maiest haue none honest peace, that then thou shalt seeke 
 peace and rest w*'' victorie to both thie realmes by thy vertue 
 and battaile, and by those feates by w"*" thie Father attamed 
 both his aduersaries and thine. And euer in all works intend 
 
 30 thou to ensue the vertuous manners of that Godly Kinge, thie 
 
 ^^^^''-^ Titus Liuius. 
 
 ' cum quod is divinus rex multarum vigiliarum et lucubrationum animo 
 michi causa in percipiendis literis fuerat, turn quod et indiginatu Angliae 
 regni ducis hujus patrui tui rogatu suasuque me donaveras Livius. The 
 Translator was puzzled by indiginatu, which refers to Livius' denization 
 in England in March 1437. 
 
 ^ iis artibus, quibus suos et tuos hostes pater domuit, eisdem virtuteque 
 belli cum victoria simili regnis tuis pacem et quietem quaerens, divinum 
 tibi regem cunctis in rebus imitandum proponas Livius. B. has the 
 erroneous reading attayned for attatned. 
 
The Welshmen, in asperance by reason of theire prophesies 
 that amongest them shoulde be borne a Prince that shoulde 
 gouerne the vniuersall realme of Englande, whose prophesie 
 was accomplished in this most victorious Prince, Kinge Henrie 
 the Fifte, borne at Monnmouth in Wales amongest them.^ 
 This Prince in the exile and time of his father, the Duke of 
 Harford,^ was norished in the Kings Courte right honnorably 
 in all things that was convenient for his estate by Kinge 
 Richard the Seconde, that time Kinge of Englande. This 
 Prince Henry in the vertuous passinge of his noble youth lo 
 obtayned the fauour and loue of the Kinge, of all the Princes, 
 and also of all other men of euerie degree, of whome he had 
 acquaintance. Of this Prince the Kinge right often in open 
 audience of the Court vsed to saie these words : ' Of the 
 ' greatest of my house shalbe borne a childe, whose name 
 ' shalbe Henrie,^ w""" for his knightlie acts and resplendishinge 
 ' vertues shalbe renowned throughe out the worlde.' And of 
 whome he thus prophesied he verelie trusted to be the same 
 Henrie. After this, when the Irishmen rebelled against the 
 Kinge, this young Henrie went in this journey w*^' the Kinge 20 
 against them, both to learne and exercise the feates of armes. 
 Whose father when he was retourned from his exile, after the 
 death of King Richarde (as was his right) was preferred to the 
 crowne of the Realme. And when he after went w"" armed 
 power to oppresse the Scotts, w* rebelled against him, he left 
 the greate substance of his riches and goods in the garde and 
 tuition of this younge Prince, his sonn,* whose vertues weare 
 
 ' Quod impletum est per Henricum quintum natum hie Liviics. 
 
 ^ Hereford. 
 
 = se fando semper a majoribus audivisse, de sua familia nasciturum 
 Henricum quendam Livius. 
 
 * hunc maximae parti suarum copiarum Henricum filium praefecit 
 Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 9 
 
 maruelouslie excellent and greate. After this was a greate 
 insurreccion in the North parts of England made against the 
 Kinge; for the reformacion whereof, and to subdue those 
 conspiracies vnto his obeysance the Kinge in his person, and 
 this^ younge Henrie the Prince, w* a right greate power 
 of armed men went against them to Shrewsburie, where they 
 encountered and mett w"" a right great armed power of those 
 seditious people, against whome both the Kinge, the father, 
 and the Prince had a right cruell and longe battaile ; wherein 
 
 10 the courage and strenght of the younge Prince Henrie appeared 
 maruelouslie excellent; for in the same battaile, as he with 
 a feruent mynde fought (peraduenture vnwarelie) amongest the 
 rebbelles, he was wounded in the face w*'^ an arrowe, so sore 
 that they that were there present w**" him were in dispaire of his 
 life, wherefore they pained them to with drawe him from the 
 battaile. But that noble Prince perceauinge theire intent gaue 
 to them this aunswere : ' With what stomacke,' saide he, " shall 
 ' our people fight, when they see me theire Prince and the 
 ' Kings sonn withdrawe my selfe, and recoile for feare. Bringe 
 
 20 ' me therefore wounded as I ame amongest the first and the 
 'formost of our partie, that not only by words but also by 
 ' deeds I may enforce the courage of our men, as it becommeth 
 ■ a Prince for to doe.' That when he was thus brought into 
 the fronte of the battaile, he made vppon his enemies a greater 
 assaulte than before. They fought longe on both parts w*'' 
 greate occision of men and w*'' the effusion of much blood. 
 But at last our lord Soueraigne had^ the right. Sir Henrie Percy, 
 the Earle of Northumberlandes sonn, was slayne, S'' Thomas 
 Percie, his vnkle, Earle of Worcester, was taken prisoner, w"'' 
 
 30 twoo lords were the principall Captaines of those rebellions ; 
 after whose death and discomphiture theire conflicts discouraged 
 and in despaire of victorie left the fielde and fledd. And so 
 the victorie of the fielde remained w"' honnour to the Kinge 
 and his Sonn. Manie Welshmen, and in a manner the greater 
 parte of all Wales, were confederate w"^ these rebbells, and 
 were present at the insurrection. And for because they 
 percevered in theire obstinacie the Kinge deliuered the Prince, 
 his Sonn, a greate armed bande, dnd sent him into Wales to 
 ' his B. ' had om. B. 
 
lo THE LIFE OF 
 
 subdue those falsh Welsh rebellions, who, at his comminge 
 into Wales, destroyed theire lande w*^ sworde and fyre. And 
 after longe and manie cruelties by them done for theire 
 defence, the Prince slewe part of them by battaile, and part he 
 took and punished them after there deserts. And part he 
 droue into stronge holds and Castles, whome finallie at all times 
 he subdued to his fathers dominion. How so be a greate part 
 of them, seeinge their confederats thus vanquished, and them- 
 selues thus oppressed by the Prince, fledd for refuge into 
 a greate and stronge Castle in Wales called Amberrstmuch,i lo 
 wherevnto the Prince layed his siege, and assaulted it by 
 mynes and all manner of engins that were thought needfull 
 for the distruccion of them and of there Castle ; he made manie 
 vigorous assaults and skirmishes for the oppression of them. 
 And on his partie the Siege was not w'l'out the paine and 
 disease of the Prince and his companie, in so much the more 
 noyous vnto them that were lodged vi^Hn the Castell, not in 
 plaine fields but in roughe and thicke woods, for w*'' such 
 manner woods and Castells it was environed.^ And also it 
 was that time winter, w'"" was cause to them of incredible colde 20 
 and paine. Neuertheles this most virtuous Prince, not wearied 
 w''' paine, after he had longe assieged this castell to the Kings 
 greate cost and expences, and not w*''out the effusion of 
 much bloud, obtayned the Castell, and subdued the residue of 
 Wales vnder the Kings obeysance, except on person, whose 
 name was Owann, w"^"^ was principall Chieftaine of the Welsh 
 rebellions. This Owann, for feare and in dispaire to obtaine 
 the Kinges pardon, fledd into desart places w'^'out companie ; 
 where in caues he continewed and finished his misserable life. 
 Neuertheles his sonn afterward was taken into seruis w*'' the 3° 
 Prince. And this sufficeth of the Welsh conspiracies and bat- 
 tailes, w'='^ this victorious Prince right valliantlie vanquished, 
 and reduced the people to the Kinge his fathers obeysaunce.' 
 In this time lohn the Duke of Burgonie, w* was oppressed by 
 battaile of the Duke of Orleance, by constraint came into 
 
 ^ Aberystwith ; Aperhustutnth Livius. 
 ^ This obscure sentence is an addition of the Translator. 
 ' For the latter half of this sentence Livius, p. 4, has quorum ad certain 
 quoque singulorum notitiam non devenerunt. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH ii 
 
 England to demaund fauour^ and aide of the Prince (who 
 after he had obtayned lycence of his father the Kinge) sent 
 into Fraunce the Earle of Arrundell, the Earle of Kyme, and 
 the Lord Cobham, w*'' manie other Knights and Esquires in 
 the aide of the Duke of Burgonie.^ 
 
 Which at Cloe ^ besides Paris encountered theire enemies, 
 vppon whome they had a gracious victorie, wherefore they were 
 courteouslie rewarded of the Duke of Burgonie, and then re- 
 tourned into England. For these and manie other valiauntises, 
 
 lo noble feates, and victories, w""^ God of his infinit goodnes daily 
 gaue vnto him, the Prince was honnored and renound not onlie 
 in his Realme, but also in other Realmes and quarters. He 
 was also taken of the Kinge his father as the first and princi- 
 pal! of his Cuntrie Councell, and as nature appeareth he was 
 right deere and welbeloued of the Kinge, vntill such time as his 
 fame appeared by the sinister report of some euell disposed 
 people *, w* laboured to make discension betweene the Kinge 
 and the prince his sonn ^ ; by reason whereof, and by th'actes 
 of youth, w* he excersised more then meanely, and for the 
 
 20 greate recourse of people vnto him, of whom his courte was at 
 all times more aboundant then the Kinge ^ his father's, the 
 Kinge suspected that he woulde vsurpe ^ the Crowne he beinge 
 aliue, which suspicious Jealosie was occasion that he in parte 
 w*''drewe his affeccion and singuler loue from the Prince. 
 But when this noble Prince was aduertised of his father's 
 iealosie and mistrust by some his secret friends of the Kings 
 Councell, he disguised himselfe in a gowne of blewe satten or 
 damaske made full of iletts or holes, and at euerie ilet the 
 needle wherew'^ it was made hanginge there by the thridde 
 
 30 of silke, and about his arme he wore a doggs CoUor sett full 
 
 ' coactus in Angliam sit auxilium petere Livitis. 
 
 ^ The names are added by the Translator, from the Brut, p. 371 ; Livius 
 has simply de suis nonnullos. 
 
 2 St. Cloud. 
 
 ■* Stow, Annates, p. 339, ed. 1631 : To the same effect (but in more 
 ample manner) writeth the translator of Titus Liuius (who wrote an history 
 of Henry the fift, and dedicated it to Henry the sixt) as he was informed 
 by the Earle of Ormond, an eye witnesse of the same, as followeth : During 
 the sicknesse of the king (saith he) some euill disposed people. 
 
 ^ The Translator now leaves Livius. 
 
 ^ the kinge om. Stow. 
 
 ' would presume to vsurpe Stow. 
 
13 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of S. S.^ of goulde and the teretts of the same also of fine 
 golde. And thus apparrelled ^ w**" greate Companie of Lords ^ 
 he came to the Kinge his father, who at that time lay at 
 Westminster ; where at his comminge by his owne commaunde- 
 ment * not one of his companie durst aduance ^ himselfe further 
 then the fire in the hall, notw"'standinge they were greatlie 
 and ofte desired to the contrarie by the Lords and greate 
 estats of the Kings Courte. And that the Prince had com- 
 maunded " to giue the lesse occasion of mistrust to the Kinge 
 his father ; but he himselfe accompanied of the Kings house lo 
 only passed forth to the Kinge his father, to whome after due 
 salutacions he desired to show the intent of his minde in 
 secrett manner. Then the Kinge caused himselfe to be borne 
 in his chaire, (because he was diseased and might not goe) into 
 his secrett chamber ; where in the presence of three or foure 
 persons in whome the Kinge had his most confidence he com- 
 maunded the Prince to shewe the effect of his minde. Then 
 the Prince kneelinge downe before his father saide to him 
 these words : ' Most redoubted Lorde and father I ame this 
 ' time come to your presence as your Liegeman, and as your 30 
 ' sonn naturall, in all things to obey your Grace as my 
 ' Soueraigne Lorde and father. And whereas I vnderstande 
 ' that you haue me in suspecte of my behauour against your 
 ' Grace, and that you feare I would vsurpe your Crowne against 
 'the pleasure of your highnes. Of my conuersacion your 
 ' Grace knoweth that if you weare in feare of any man w^'in 
 ' your Realme of what estate soeuer he were, my duty were to 
 ' the endainger of my life to punish that person, thereby to 
 ' araise "^ that sore from your harte. And then howe much 
 ' rather ought I to suffer death to bringe y°'' grace, that hath 30 
 ' bene and yet be the most hardie and renowned Kinge of the 
 ' worlde,* from that feare that ye haue of me, that ame your 
 ' naturall sonn and liegeman. And to that intent I haue 
 
 ^ Blank in B. ; S. S. esses, H.; supplied from Stow. 
 - Thus strangely apparelled Slow. 
 ' Lords and other noble men of his Court Slow. 
 
 * by commaundement of him Slow. = Companie aduanced Slow. 
 
 ^ And this they did not onely because the weather was colde, but 
 because the Prince had so commaunded them Slow. 
 ' arise, B. ; race Slow. « that hath . . . worlde om. Slow. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 13 
 
 ' this day by confession ^ and by receauinge my maker ^ pre- 
 ' pared myselfe. And therefore most redoubted Lorde and 
 ' father I desyre ^ you in your honnor of God, for the easinge 
 ' of your harte heere tofore your knees to slaye me w* this 
 ' dagger ' : (and at that worde w"" all reuerence he deliuered 
 to the Kinge his dagger, sayinge) ' my Lord and father, my 
 ' life is not so desirous to me that I woulde Hue one daye that 
 ' I shoulde be to your displeasure, nor I couet not so much my 
 ' life, as I doe your pleasure and wellfare. And in your 
 
 1° ' thus doinge here in the presence of those lords, and before 
 ' God, and * the daye of Judgement, I cleerelie forgiue you 
 ' my death.' At these words of the Prince, and ^ the Kinge 
 taken w* compassion of harte caste from him the dagger, 
 and imbraced the Prince, and kissed him, and w*"* effusion of 
 teares saide vnto him : ' My right deere and hartelie beloued 
 ' Sonn, it is of troth that I partlie had you in suspect,^ and as 
 ' I now perceaue vndeserued on your part, but seeinge this 
 ' your humilitie and faithfullness, I shall neither slay you nor 
 ' frome hencefoorth anie more haue you in mistrust, for no 
 
 20 ' reporte that shalbe made vnto me. And therefore ^ I assure 
 ' you vppon myne honnour.' And thus by his greate wisdome 
 was the wrongfull imaginacion of his fathers hart * utterlie 
 .avoyded,and himselfe restored to the Kings former gi-ace and 
 fauour. I remember also to haue heard of the credible report 
 of my saide Lorde and M"^ the Earle of Ormond, that this 
 Prince had of his father the Kinge' diuers notable doctrins 
 and insignements, that not onlie of him but of euerie Prince are 
 to be holden and followed for the prosperitie of himselfe, and 
 of his realme and country ; w* though they be knowne to 
 
 30 euerie Prince that hath gouernance of lands, yet I trust the 
 hearinge and readinge of part of them shall not be tedious to 
 anie person that hath such manner charge, but rather proffit- 
 able, and renewe the remembrance of them,^" Among w"'' 
 erudicions one is this : The Kinge, lyinge greuiously diseased, 
 
 ^ confession of my sinnes. Stow. '^ the Sacrament, Stow. 
 
 ■" beseech Stow. * at Stow. ^ and om. Stow. 
 
 " I had you partly suspect Stow. ' thereof Stow. ' hate Stow. 
 ' In the time of whose languishing the king gave to the Prince his 
 Sonne Stow, omitting the reference to Ormond. 
 " for the prosperitie ... of them om. Stow. 
 
3 4 THE LIFE OF 
 
 called before him the Prince his sonn, and saide vnto him : 
 ' My Sonn, I feare me sore after my departure from this life, 
 ' some discorde shall sourd ^ and arise betwixt thee and 
 ' Thomas, thie Brother,^ the Duke of Clarence, whereby the 
 ' realme may be brought to destruction and misserie, for I 
 ' knowe you both to be of so greate stomake and courage ; 
 ' wherefore I feare that he thoroughe his high mynde will 
 ' make some enterprise against thee intendinge to vsurpe 
 ' vppon the, w* I knowe thie stomake may not abide easelye. 
 ' And for dread hereof, as oft as it is in my remembraunce, I lo 
 ' sore repent me that euer I charged myselfe w*'' the Crowne 
 ' of this Realme.' To these words of the Kinge the Prince 
 aunswered thus : ' Right redoubted ^ Lord and father, to the 
 ' pleasure of God your Grace shall longe continewe w* vs and 
 ' rule vs both. But if God haue so prouided that euer I shall 
 ' succeed you in this realme, I shall honnor and loue my 
 ' Brothers aboue all men, as longe as they be to me true, 
 ' faithfull and obedient as to theire Soueraigne Lorde. But if 
 ' anie of them fortune to conspire or rebell against me, I assure 
 ' you I shall as soone execute Justice vppon anie one of them 20 
 ' as I shall vppon the worst and most simplest person w'^'in 
 this your Realme.' The Kinge hearinge this aunswei-e, was 
 therew"' maruelouslie reioyced in his mynde.* ' My deare and 
 ' welbeloued Sonn, w*'' this aunswere thou hast deliuered me 
 ' of a greate and ponderous agony. And I beseech thee, and 
 ' vppon my blessinge charge thee, that like as thou hast saide, 
 ' so thou minister Justice equallie, and in no wise suffer them 
 ' not to be oppressed longe, that call ^ vppon thee for Justice, 
 ' but redresse oppressions and indifferently and without delay, 
 ' for no persuasions of flatteries,^ or of them that be partiall, 3° 
 ' or such as vse to haue theire hands replenished w*'^ giftes ; 
 ' defer not Justice vntill to morrowe, if that thou maiest doe 
 ' Justice to dale, least peraduenture God doe Justice on thee 
 ' in the meane time, and take fi-om thee thine authoritie. Re- 
 ' member ^ the wealth of thie bodie and soule, and thy realme 
 ' resteth in th'execucion of Justice, and doe not thie Justice so 
 
 ^ grow Stow. ^ my brother Thomas Sto-w. 
 
 ' undoubted Stow, ^ minde, and sayd Stow. 
 
 ^ suffer not them that bee oppressed long to call Stow. 
 " flatterers Stow. ' Remember that Stow. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 15 
 
 ' that thou be called a Tyrant, but vse thie selfe meanelie be- 
 ' twixt Justice and mercie in those thinges that belonge vnto 
 ' thee. And betwixt parties doe Justice dewlie ^ and extreame- 
 ' lie, to the consolacion of thie poore subiects that suffereth 
 ' iniurie, and to the punition of them that be extortioners and 
 ' doers of oppression, that others thereby maie take example. 
 ' And in thus doeinge thou shalte obtaine the fauour of God, 
 ' and the loue and feare of thie Subiects, and therefore also 
 ' shalt thou haue this realme ^ in tranquillitie and rest, w°'^ 
 
 10 ' shalbe occasion of greate prosperitie w*''in this Realme, w"'' 
 ' Englishmen naturallie desire ; for so longe as they haue 
 ' welth and riches, so longe shalt thou haue obeysance, and 
 ' when they be poore then they be readie ^ at everie motion 
 ' to make insurrections, and to rebell * against theire Soueraigne 
 ' Lorde, for the nature of them is ® rather to feare the loosinge 
 ' of theire goods and worldly substaunce, then the jeopardinge 
 ' of theire Hues. And if thou keepe them thus in subiection 
 ' mixed w"' loue and feare, thou shalt haue the most peaceable 
 ' and firtile countrie, and the most louinge, faithfull, and manly 
 
 20 ' people of the worlde, w* shalbe cause of no smale feare of 
 ' thine aduersaries. My Sonn, when it shall please God to 
 ' call me to the way decreed to everie worldlie creture, to thee 
 ' (as to my Sonn and heire) I must leaue my Crowne and my 
 ' Realme, w'^ I aduise thee not to take vainely, and as a man 
 ' elate in pride, and reioyced in worldlie honnour. But thinke 
 ' that thou art more oppressed w*'' charge to purvey for euerie 
 ' person w*''in thie realme, than exalted in vaine honnor of the 
 ' worlde. Thou shalt be exalted to the Crowne of * the wealth 
 ' and conuersacion of thie realme, and not for thie singuler 
 
 30 ' commoditie and auaile. My Sonn, thou shalt be minister to 
 ' thie realme to keepe it in tranquillitie, and defende it ; like as 
 ' the harte in the middest of the bodie is principall and chiefe 
 ' thinge in the bodie, and serueth to couet and desire that 
 ' thinge that is most necessary to euerie of thie members, so 
 ' (My Sonn) thou shalt be amongest thie people, as chiefe and 
 'principall of them to minister, imagine and acquire those 
 ' things that may be most benificiall for them ; and then thie 
 
 ^ truly Siow. ''■ thy Realme move Stow. ' alwayes readie Stow. 
 * and it causeth them to rebell Stow. '•' is such Stow. * for Stow. 
 
1 6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' people shalbe obedient to thee, to aide and succour thee, 
 ' and in all things to accomplish thie commaundements ; like 
 'as thie members labour everie of them in theire office to 
 ' acquire and gett that thinge that the hart desireth, and as 
 ' thie hart is of no force and impotent w"'out the aide of thie 
 ' members, so w"'out thie people thie Raigne is nothinge. My 
 ' Sonn, thou shalt feare and dreade God aboue all things, and 
 ' thou shalt loue, honnor and worshipp him w*"* all thie hart. 
 ' Thou shalt attribute and ascribe to him all things wherein 
 ' thou seest thie selfe to be well fortunat, be it victorie of lo 
 ■ thine enemies, loue of thie friends, obedience of thie subiects, 
 ' strenght and actiuenes of thie bodie, honnor, riches, or fruitfull 
 ' generacions, or any other thinge what soeuer it be that chaunc- 
 ' eth to thie pleasure. Thou shalt not imagine that any such 
 ' thinge may ^ fortune to thee by thine act, nor by thie desire,^ 
 ' but thou shalt thinke that it ^ cometh onely of the goodnes of 
 ' our * Lord. Thus thou shalt w"" all thine harte praise, honnor, 
 ' and thanke God of all his benifitts that he giueth vnto thee. 
 ' And in thie selfe to eschewe all vaine glorie and elation of 
 ' hart, followinge the wholesome councell of the psalmist, w"' 20 
 ' saith Non nobis, domine, 71011 nobis, sed nomini ttio da gloriam, 
 ' w"'' is this to sale : Not to vs Lord, not to vs, but to thie 
 ' holie name be giuen laud, joy, and praysinge.' ^ These and 
 manie other goodlie notable demonstraunces, admonishments,^ 
 and doctrins, this victorius Kinge shewed vnto this noble 
 Prince and "^ sonn, who w*"* effect ensewed and * followed them 
 after the death of his Father, whereby he obtayned grace of 
 our Lorde to obtaine ^ to greate victories, and to manie glorious 
 and incredible conquests through the helpe and succoure of 
 our Lord, whereof he was never destitute. And this sufificeth 30 
 as to that purpose.^" 
 
 Titus Then to turne to our former purpose and matter. This 
 
 mius. Prince Henrie exceaded the meane stature of men ; he was 
 
 beawtious of visage, his necke was longe, his body slender and 
 
 leane, his boanes smale. Neuerthelesse he was of maruelous 
 
 ' should Stow. ' desert Stow. ' all Stow. * the Stow. 
 " laud and praise Stow. ^ many other admonishments Stow. 
 
 ' his Stow. ' ensewed and om. Stow. ' attaine Stow. 
 
 ^° And . . . purpose om. Stow. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 17 
 
 greate strenght : he was passinge swift in runninge, in so much 
 that he with two other of his Lords by force of runninge, 
 w*out any manner of hounds or grayhounds, or without bowe 
 or other engine, woulde take a wilde bucke or doe at large in 
 a parke.^ He delighted in songe and musicall Instruments, he 
 exercised meanelie the feates of Venus and of Mars, and other 
 pastimes of youth, for so longe as the Kinge his father lined ; Trans- 
 by whose life (as I haue learned of the credence before rehearsed, 
 and also as the common fame is) ^ accompanied w"* some of 
 
 10 his younge Lords and gentlemen would awaite in disguised 
 aray for his owne receauers, and distres them of theire money. 
 And some time at such enterprises both he and his Companie 
 weare surelie beaten ; and when his receauers made to him 
 theire complaints, howe they were distressed and robbed in 
 theire comminge vnto him, he woulde giue them discharges of 
 so much money as they had lost, and besides that they shoulde 
 not depart from him w*''out greate rewards for theire trouble 
 and vexacions. And he that best and most manly had resisted 
 him and his companie in their enterprise, and of whome he had 
 
 20 receaued the greatest and most stroakes, shoulde be sure to 
 receaue of him the greatest and most bounteous rewards.' 
 
 His father drawinge to his ende (and in whome nature had Titus 
 accomplished her course) after the masse by him devoutlie Liums. 
 harde, and after due thanks and supplicacion geuen to God, 
 gaue his benediccion to the Prince his Sonn, and so he yealded 
 to God his spirite. After whose death the Prince, as he that 
 shoulde succeed his father in his raigne, called to him a ver- 
 tuous Monke of hoHe conuersacion, to whome he confessed 
 himselfe of all his offences, trespasses and insolencies of times 
 
 30 past. And in all things at that time he reformed and amended 
 his life and his manners. So after the decease of his father 
 was neuer no youth nor wildnes, that might haue anie place in 
 him, but all his acts were sodenlie changed into grauitie and 
 discretion.* 
 
 ^ Livius, p. 4 ; adopted by Stow, Annates, p. 342. 
 
 ' Stow begins : He lived somewhat insolently, insomuch that whilest his 
 father lived, being. So he omits the reference to Ormonde. 
 
 ' especially they should bee rewarded that best had resisted him and 
 his company, and of whom he had receiued the greatest and most 
 strokes. Stow. 
 
 * Livius f p. 5 ; adopted by Stow. 
 
 1188 C 
 
1 8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Trans- And in that he had grace of our Lord to accomplish in him 
 
 lator. jjj^j j-jjjjjgg that is written of Th'arch Bisshopp of Canterbury 
 of whome it is saide Subito mutatus est in virum alium, w"'' is 
 to saye he was sodenlie changed into a newe man. 
 Titus To this noble Prince (by th'assent of the Parliament) all the 
 
 Liuius. estats, and gentlemen of the Realme after three dales offered 
 to do^ fealtie before he was crowned, or had solemnized his 
 oath well and justlie to goueme the Common wealth, which 
 offer^ before was neuer founde to bee made to no Prince of 
 England before his Coronacion. The Prince gaue them all lo 
 generallie thankes for all there good minds, and therew* he 
 exhorted them to the zeale of the publickque prosperitie, and 
 honnour of the Realme. And if anie man had offended him, 
 he pardoned his trespasses ; he desired hartely of God by meeke 
 supplicacion that if he shoulde rule and doe all things well to 
 the honnor of God, and the prosperitie and inhaunsment ^ of the 
 Realme, that then God shoulde suffer him to be crowned ; and 
 if his fortune shoulde be to doe otherwise, that then God 
 shoulde take him to his mercie, and suffer him rather to be 
 buried, then to enterprise the charge of the Realme.* ta 
 
 Trans- Oh howe great was the constant loue of the publique weale 
 
 lator. jj^ this Prince that desired rather to dye then to be vnproffitable 
 to the realme. Certainely this is a speciall note to be remem- 
 bred of all Princes, and especiallie of them that court more 
 theire singuler pleasure, honnor, and proffitt then the vniuersall 
 aduantage and wealth of his people and countries, whose 
 blinde affeccion th'example of this noble Prince vtterly 
 condemneth. 
 1413. The yeare of our Lord God one thousand foure hundred and 
 
 Titus thirteene, and of the age of this prince the xxvi''' yeare, the 30 
 nmeth daie of Aprill, was this noble Prince Kinge Henrie the 
 ffift crowned and anoynted Kinge w*** all solemnitie and pompe, 
 vsed in the Realme of England. And that done, ymediatlie 
 after Easter and after that he had catholiquely receaued the 
 blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and that fealtie of all the 
 estats of his Realme was geuen vnto him in time convenient, 
 
 3 the B. ; do Stow. » after B. ; offer Stow. 
 
 the prosperous commodity Stow. 
 " Livius, p. 5. // is a rather free translation, but is adopted by Stow. 
 
 Liuius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 19 
 
 amongest the first acte ^ of his Coronacion called vnto him all 
 those younge Lordes and gentlemen that were the followers of 
 his younge acts, and had tofore bin most familier w**" him,^ to 
 euerie of whome seuerally he gaue right rich and bounteous 
 giftes, whereby they were all right greatly inhaunced in sub- 
 staunce.* And then he commaunded them that they that 
 woulde change theire life and conuersacion in like manner as 
 he intended to doe shoulde abide w"" him and continewe* in 
 his Court. And to all them that woulde perseuer in their 
 
 10 former light conuersacion he gaue expresse commaundement 
 vppon paine of theire heads neuer after that daye to come to 
 his presence.^ And in that he leaueth an excellent example Trans- 
 to all Princes, as well to them that be present as to them that *°'^' 
 be comminge, to eschewe and avoide all companie that is suss- 
 pect of vice ; for it is not possible any man that conuerseth 
 and accompanieth himselfe w* royotous and vitious companye, 
 and namely familierly, to keepe him from beinge partner of 
 theire offences. And many times the fauour of such younge 
 men of light conuersacion, and of more light conscience, is an 
 
 20 impediment to the Prince indifferently to minister Justice ; but 
 to the contrarie their vntrue suggestions prouoketh the Prince 
 often to subuert his Justice ; and that hath bin of times past 
 (and if it be yet God knoweth) the vtter impouerishinge and 
 vndooeinge not of a fewe men w^in this Realme, w* haue not 
 bin able to make semblable intercessors and aduocates to 
 theire Prince, for the obteyninge of Justice in theire causes. 
 And when this noble Prince had thus avoyded those younge Titus 
 and suspitious companie from his presence, he then intended Liuius. 
 to ghostlie and worldly busines. And first he commaundeth 
 
 30 to edifie his royal manner that then was called Shene and 
 nowe Richmond, w"'' as yet is knowne to manie men that 
 haue scene the same.* He also founded two monasteries 
 vppon the Thames not farr from his said mannor royall. The 
 
 * So far from Livius, p. 5. 
 
 '^ and had . . . w"" him om. Stow 
 ' whereby . . . substaunce om. Stow. 
 
 * and continewe ojn. Stow. " Here Stow ends. 
 
 ° For this Likiius, p. 5, has simply inter opera prima aedes regias aedifi- 
 cari mandavit, quae vulgo dicuntur manerium de Shene. Stow, Annates, 
 343, reproduces the above down to Richmond. Sheen was bttrnt at 
 Christmas, 1497, and rebuilt as Richmond by Henry VH. 
 
 C a 
 
20 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Poli- 
 cronicon, 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Trans- 
 lator. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 one of the Religion of the Cartusiers,^ and that he named 
 Bethlem, wherein he founded also a priest anker, and another 
 priest to attend vppon them perpetuallie to singe therefore the 
 Ghostlie consolacion of his soule.^ 
 
 And the other Monasterie he founded of religious men and 
 of religious women of Saint Bridgetts religion, and that house 
 he named Sion ; and to both those houses he purchased, and 
 also he endowed them right richlie w* great reuenews and 
 rentes.^ 
 
 And besides that, I haue hearde of the tofore credible lo 
 reportes, this noble Kinge brought from beyonnd the seas 
 diuers bretheren of the order called Celestines, to whome he 
 intended to haue builded a religious house at Thestleworth * 
 besides Syon : but the same brethren (because either theire 
 perfeccion or theire compleccion woulde not agree w"' the 
 manner of the countrie, or else w"* the ayre) departed this 
 Realme, and returned to there former habitacion, and soyle ; 
 by whose departure the intent of this victorious Kinge was 
 vtterly empesshed and voyded in that cause. 
 
 Brieflie after his Coronacion in the first yeare of his Raigne 2° 
 this wise Kinge, w"" the best aduisement that he coulde, 
 ordeined and prouided in euerie part of his Realme Judges 
 and other officers such as he beleeued to be true and iust.^ 
 And others that were knowen and suspect of couetous or 
 partiallitie he cleerely avoyded from theire offices and 
 roomes. And also in the said first yeare of his raigne he 
 caused the corps of Kinge Richarde the second to be taken 
 from the earth, whome Kinge Henrie the fourth had intimulate* 
 in the Friers of Langley, and w*'' due obseruance to be from 
 thence transported into the Abby of Westminster ; where i° 
 after solemne obseques for him done, was buried in Saint 
 Peters Church in the saide Abbey on the south side of 
 Saint Edwards shrine, by Queene Ann his wife, as he himselfe 
 by his life had desired. Aboute whose Sepulture he founded 
 iiij°' Tapers to bren perpetually.'' 
 
 1 Thus far Stow. 
 ' Livius, p. 5. 
 
 '^ Poluronicon, p. 224 ; Brut, p. 496. 
 Isle worth. ^ J^iyij^s, pp. 5, 6. 
 
 ' Sic in MSS. : read intumulate. 
 Most of this, like the following paragraph, comes from Policronicon, 
 pp. 234, 231-34. It was adopted by Stow. See also Brut, pp. 495, 496. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH ai 
 
 Also he founded perpetuallie one day in the weeke a dirige Poli- 
 w*"" Nyne Lessons, and one the morne a solemne masse, both "omcon. 
 by note to be done weekly for the soule of the saide Kinge 
 Richard. And vppon the same daye he hath ordayned to be 
 dooled for ever vys. viij.ia?. And once in the yeare vppon the 
 Sundaie of the saide Kinge Richards anniuersarie perpetuallie 
 to be geuen to poore people xx.li. in pence. Hee also founded 
 for the health of his soule, on the chappell ouer his Sepulter 
 in the saide Abbey of Westminster three Masses to be songen 
 lo daily by the monks of the same Monasterie, for as longe as 
 the worlde shall endure ; w"*" masses he ordayned to be songe 
 accordinge to the Tenure of these Verses foUowinge : — 
 
 Henrici misse quinti sunt hie tabulate 
 que successiue sunt per monachos celebrate. 
 
 Sonday, die Dominica. 
 The first. Prima sit assumpte de festo Virginis alme} of 
 
 Th'assumption. 
 The last. Poscit ^ postremam Christus de morte resurgens} 
 
 of the resurrection. 
 
 20 Feria Secunda, Mondaie. 
 
 The first. Prima salutate de festo Virginis extat} of the 
 
 salutation. 
 The last. Nunciat Angelicis laudem postrema choreis} of 
 Angells. 
 
 Feria Tertia. 
 The first. Esse Deum natum de Virgine prima fatetur} of 
 
 the Natiuitie of our Lord. 
 The last. Commemorat natam ^ sic vltima missa Mariam} 
 
 of the Natiuitie of our Ladie. 
 
 30 Feria Quarta. 
 
 The first. Prima celebratur ad honorem neupmatis almi} 
 
 of the Trinitie. 
 The last. Vltima conceptam denunciat esse Mariam} of the 
 
 conception of our Ladie. 
 
 ' poscint B. ; posset, I/. ; poscit Brui. ' natum MSS. 
 
2a 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Feria Quinta. 
 The first. Semper prima coli debet de corpora Christi} of 
 
 the bodie of our Lorde. 
 The last. Vltima sit facta de Virgine purificata} of the 
 
 purification. 
 
 Feria Sexta. 
 The first. Concedat^ vt prima celebratur de cruce sancta} 
 
 of the Crosse. 
 The last. Atque salutate fiat postrema Mariae} of the 
 
 Salutacion. lo 
 
 Sabata. 
 The first. Omnes ad sanctos ^ est prima colenda supernos} 
 
 of all Saints. 
 The last. Vltima de requie pro defunctis petit esse} of 
 
 requiem. 
 
 Semper erit media de proprietate diei. 
 
 And alwaies the second of the meane Masse shalbe 
 
 of the proprietie of the daye. 
 
 He ordayned also for his owne soule certaine 
 
 lights perpetually at masse and at euensonge 20 
 
 at his owne Sepulter. And yearelie to be 
 
 distributed vppon the day of his anny- 
 
 uersarie twenty pounds in pence to the 
 
 poore people duringe the Worlde. 
 
 Titus * In the first yeare of this most excellent Kings raigne, and 
 
 Luiius. g^fj-g,. ^j,^^ jje jjgjj raigned, ordayned and established manie 
 profitable things in his realme for the common wealth and 
 prosperitie of his subiects, fortuned a maruelous insurrection 
 of heretiks ; of w* supersticious sect two knights were 
 principall chieftaines, of whome the one was S' John Oldcastell, 30 
 Lord Cobham, who before the Kings coronacion was forsaken 
 of the Kinge for the same opinions, and vtterlie abiect from 
 his seruice and presence. And th' other knight was named 
 S"" Roger Acton.* After these two knights as chieftaines 
 
 ^ condecet Brut. ' omnes alii sanctos Brut. 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 6, 7. * Johannes Acton, Liviws incorrectly. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 33 
 
 followed a greate multitude of people, also erringe from the 
 waie of trueth, w*"" theire armed power intendinge to oppresse 
 the church, the spirituallitie, the^ Kinge and the realme. 
 When the newes thereof was first brought to the Kinge at his 
 Mannor of Eltham in the solemnitie of the Epiphanie, and that 
 he was informed that they were assembled in a fielde neare 
 London, and that not farr from Westminster, called Ficket 
 fielde, immediatlie, w*''out giuinge knowledge of his purpose 
 to anie man, the good Kinge hasted him to his mannor of 
 
 10 Westminster, where in all hast possible he assembled his 
 people, w* whome he sent his Brother, the Duke of Clarence, 
 against those scelerate and misbeleeuinge rebellions,^ whome 
 almost without resistance he vanquished, and tooke part of 
 them, and put the remnant to flight. And those that were 
 taken the Kinge caused to be put to execucion after theire 
 deserts. Amongest whome the aforesaide Lord Cobham was 
 taken and dampned by the Church, was put into the Tower, 
 from whence he escaped by breakinge of the prison, and 
 fledd into Wales ; where after he was taken and by the Lord 
 
 30 Powes, and brought againe to London, and put to condigne 
 
 execucion for his false opinions. And the said S' Roger 
 
 Acton was also taken there, and after condemned by the 
 
 Church and put to execucion.^ 
 
 Thus the first victorie of that noble Kinge after his Corona- Trans- 
 
 cion was against these cursed supersticious heretiques for '^'°''- 
 
 Christ and the defence of the Church of God, in the defence 
 
 and supportacion of our Catholique faith.* 
 
 ^ In the second yeare of the raigne of this most noble and Titus 
 
 vertuous Kinge, after that all discencions and commotions ® Liuius. 
 
 1414. 
 
 ' of the MSS. ; contra sacerdotes, ecclesiam, regem et omne regnum 
 Livius. 
 
 2 w*'' whome . . . rebellions om. Livius j supplied by the Translator. 
 
 ' The last two sentences are an addition by the Translator. Oldcastle 
 was not captured in Jan. 141 4 ; his condemnation and escape took place 
 in Sept.-Oct., 1413. The erroneous chronology comes from the Brut. 
 
 * This paragraph, though marked Translator, is an expansion of a 
 sentence in Livius, p. 7. 
 
 ° Livius, p. 6, under the first year, before the account of the Lollard 
 rising. Livius is correct as the first embassy of the archbishop of Bourges 
 was in Jan. 1414 ; but Livius seems to corifuse it with the later embassy 
 of June, 1415. Stow, p. 345, however, follows the Translator, but gives 
 Liuius, and Roger Wall (the Pseudo Elmham) as his authority. 
 
 " commons MSS, ; commotions Stow. 
 
24 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 in England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales [were appeased],^ 
 and that concord and vnitie were made and established in all 
 parts of the Kings dominions, the Kinge delibered ^ vppon the 
 recouerie of the Realme of Fraunce, w* by iust title of inherit- 
 ance was discended vnto him, and at that time was iniuriouslie 
 w*''houlden from him by the French Kinge. And because he 
 woulde nothinge proceede against the pleasure of God, he first 
 demaunded aduice and councell of all the discrete and learned 
 men, as well of the spiritualitie in both vniuersities, as of 
 temporallitie through all the Realme, if he might w"'out anie lo 
 offence against God lawfullie recouer by armes his realme of 
 Fraunce; who, after long deliberacion therevppon amongest 
 them had, of one assent made report, that in so iust and right- 
 wise a quarrell he might lawfullie vse armes, if he might by 
 none other waies attaine his purpose and right inheritance.^ 
 
 Then the Kinge in all things insuing* the aduice of his 
 Councell, sent a legation or Ambassage into Fraunce, there to 
 demaund his right in the Councell of the Frenchmen. And if 
 peraduenture they woulde denie to accomplish his desire his 
 Ambassadors shoulde giue them knowledge^ that he woulde 20 
 seeke his right by armes. These Ambassadors were benignely ° 
 receaued in Fraunce. And for aunswere of there message 
 there® denounced, they brought w"" them nothinge to make 
 report of, except that w*''in short time the Frenchmen woulde 
 send there Ambassadours into England to declare there intent 
 to the Kinge vppon his demaund. 
 
 Briefely after the returne of the Kings messengers out of 
 Fraunce ariued into England M' William Boare, Archbisshopp 
 of Burges, the Earle of Vandesme, M"^ Piers Frenell, Bisshopp 
 of Lyceuox, the lord Yuery and of Braquemont, M' Water 30 
 Colle, Secretarie to the Frenche Kinge, legates or Ambassadours 
 of Fraunce.'' 
 
 These Ambassadors were men of greate authoritie, amongest 
 
 ' om. MSS. ; restored from Stow. " deliberated Stow. 
 
 ' An expanded version of Livius, p. 6. 
 
 ' insued B. ; insuing Stow. 
 
 ° benigne Livius ; honourably Stow. ^ they MSS. ; there Stow. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 72 ; le comte de Vend6me, maitre Guillaume Bouratier 
 archeyeque de Bourges, I'eveque de Lisieux, nomme maitre Pierre Franel, 
 les seigneurs d'lvry et de Braquemont, maitre Gautier Col, secretaire du 
 roi. Stow has Bouratier (as in H.), but otherwise follows the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 35 
 
 whome the Archbishopp of Burges was the principall and the 
 chiefe,^ who in hke manner as the EngUshe Legats in Fraunce 
 were also receaued beningly and in greate honnor heere in 
 England. 
 
 ^ Notw*standinge that, at theire comminge they presented Poli- 
 the Kinge from the Kinge there M"^ w"^ a Tonn of Tennis Balls, "onicon. 
 as in dirision w*'' credence to say by mouth that the Kings 
 youth was more apte to passe the time in such deinties and 
 games, then to enterprise the invasion of such and so mightie 
 
 10 a realme as is Fraunce. 
 
 ^ After a certaine time of repose,* at a place and time Enguer- 
 lymitted for the same, the saide Ambassadours of Fraunce by ""'' 
 the mouth of the saide Bisshopp of Bourges right elegantly 
 proposed there message ; and in the end of there proposicion, 
 they offered to the Kinge certaine lands and a greate summe 
 of money. And also the daughter of the Kinge there M' to 
 be geuen vnto him in marriage, so that he woulde desist from 
 that warr that he then intended to make in Fraunce. After 
 this proposicion thus made, these Ambassadours were right 
 
 20 honnorablie receaued of the Kinge to dynner. And at 
 another day, for the same lymited, the Kinge, by the mouth 
 of the Archbisshopp of Canterbury made to them aunswer 
 accordinge to theire message. The effect whereof was that 
 because theire proffers were not sufficient recompence for the 
 Kings rightfull inheritaunce in Fraunce, w"'' then was vniustlie 
 detayned from him, the Kinge in noe manner woulde condi- 
 scend to there requests, but gaue them for a fynall aunswere, 
 that he woulde demaunde his right by armes in the best 
 manner he coulde, and that as briefely to him as possible. 
 
 30 Then the Archbisshopp of Bourges, after lycence graunted, 
 saide : ' Oh thou Kinge, w"" honnor and reuerence, what 
 ' thinkest thou desiringe thus iniustlie to depose the most 
 ' Christian Kinge of Fraunce, our right deere and right 
 ' doubted Lorde and Soueraigne, the most noble and most 
 
 ^ legationis princeps . . . episcopus Livius p. 6 ; Hearne supplies the 
 gap by quoting the text above in a note. 
 
 ' Policronicon, p. 225 ; this was in Feb. 1414. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 73-5. This relates to the second embassy of the 
 Archbishop of Bourges in fune, 1415. Stow adopts the paragraph with 
 some abbreviation. * reproofe B. 
 
26 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' excellent of all Christian Princes, from the chaire and throne 
 ' of so greate and puissant a realme ? Oh thou Kinge, w* 
 ' honnor and reuerence, thinkest thou that he hath oflfered, or 
 ' caused to be offered, to thee his lands and money w* his 
 ' owne daughter to be thie wife for anie dreade or feare that 
 ' he hath of thee, of thie subiects and confederats. Nay ! but 
 ' the same our Soueraigne Lord mooued w**" pittie, as the 
 ' louer of peace, hath made thee this offer to th'intent that 
 ' innocent blood be not spilte and distroyed, and that Christian 
 ' people by this troublesome warr be not slaine and murdered. lo 
 ' And by the aide of God that is all puissant, of the blessaunt ^ 
 ' virgin Marie, and of all the Saints in heauen, he shall at all 
 ' times defende himselfe, his lands, and subiects from thine 
 'vniust invasions. And as to vs that be his Ambassadours, 
 ' we desire thee to make to vs sure conducte without damage 
 ' through thie realme, and thoroughe thie lands and thie 
 'dominions. And that thou also write to our Soueraigne 
 ' Lord this thine aunswere entirely vnder thie Scale and thie 
 ' Signe Manuell.' W* request, notwithstandinge theire vn- 
 goodly and inordinate manner and wordes,^ the Kinge right ao 
 benignely graunted vnto them. 
 
 Titiis 3 In the open Councell tofore the Kinge and all his Lords 
 
 and estats, these Ambassadours, when they perceaued there 
 offers to be refused by the Kinge, stroue and contended in 
 words against the Kinge and his Councell. And after that 
 they fell into laughinge in manner of dirision, as if they had 
 bin assured that the Kinge feared to mooue warr against the 
 realme of Fraunce. And notw^standinge they spoke many 
 approbrious words and dishonest, both against the realme of 
 England, and against the Kinge, yet the lawe of Legates was 30 
 in them obserued ; for as they came, so they departed w'''out 
 trouble and vexacion. 
 
 Enguer- * After that these Ambassadours had receaued of the 
 Kinge manie rich giftes and rewards (w""^ they had not de- 
 serued) they departed, and retourned into Fraunce, were tofore 
 the Duke of Barry ^ and others of the Kings Councell of 
 ^ benoite Monstrelei. 
 
 " The clause notwithstandinge . . . wordes is an insertion of the Trans- 
 lator; it was omitted by Stow. 
 
 * Livius, p. 6. « Monstrelet, iii. 75. » Barry am. B. 
 
 unt, 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 27 
 
 Fraunce in the Cittie of Parris they openly declared all the 
 aunswere and ordinaunce of there Ambassage. 
 
 ^ Imediatly after the departure of this Ambassage out of Titus 
 England the Kinge laboured w* all dilligence for the apparrel- '""^^' 
 inge of his people and other things necessarie for the warr.^ 
 In the saide seconde yeare of his raigne in a greate Parlyament 
 [at Leicester],^ where Dukes, Earles, Barrens, Bisshopps, 
 Abbotts, Knights and Burgesses were assembled, his Brother 
 Humphrie, [was made] * Duke of Glocester. And in the 
 
 10 same Parliament he enacted that euerie heretique in the 
 Realme of Englande like as he was taken as an aduersarie to 
 God he shoulde be taken as a traytor to the kings Ma"'- 
 Manie other fruitefull and profitable Statuts he made and 
 enacted in the same Parliament, w"^ because they be not 
 necessarie to my purpose, and also for that they be seriouslie 
 recited in other bookes ordeyned for the same, I shall heare 
 ouer passe and leaue vnwritten. 
 
 * In this Parliament were deuises and meanes to gather Enguer- 
 monie of all the Commons of England to sustaine therew*"" ""'" 
 
 20 the Kings warrs, and to make prouision of all things neces- 
 sarie for the same, whereof the summe leuied and gathered, as 
 well of the spirituallitie as of the temporallitie, amounted to 
 the somme of three hundered thousand Markes.® And one the 
 other part the Dolphine of Fraunce, who at that time had 
 taken vppon him the charge of the Realme of Fraunce because 
 of the disabillitie of the Kinge, after he was aduertised of his 
 Ambassadours of the Kinge of Englands enterprise, assembled 
 his Councell, the Duke of Barry,* his vnckell, and diners 
 others of the greate states of Fraunce, by whose aduise and 
 
 30 councell he deputed garrisons to all townes and fortresses of 
 the sea side ; he also gathered fynaunces by tayles and other- 
 wise thorough all the Realme of Fraunce as much as was to 
 him possible. 
 
 ^ Livius, pp. 6, 7. ' om. MSS. 
 
 ^ om.B.; this most Christian Kinge made his brother Humfrie Duke of 
 Glocester, and his brother John Duke of Bedforde H. 
 
 * Monstrelet, iii. 70, 7 1 ; referring to the Council held at Westminster in 
 April, 1415. 
 
 ' la somme de cinq cent mille nobles d'Angleterre Monstrelet. Stow 
 reads, were deuised diuers meanes. 
 
 ' Jean, due de Berri. 
 
a8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The Kinge greatelie desiringethe recouerle of his right in the 
 realme of Fraunce (fastings, prayers to God, almes deedes, 
 deuoute pilgrimages of the Kinge, and other deuocions and 
 supplicacions of the Clergie and Commons had before) mus- 
 tered his vniuersall hoast vppon the sea bankes at Southamp- 
 ton,^ amonge whome he founde a certaine gentleman, whose 
 name was Olandyne,^ in whose companie were xx*'® men 
 Olandyne right well apparrelled for the warr. This Olandyne of time 
 Apostata passed had geuen all his substaunce and goodes to poore 
 against people for Christ his sake, in greate deuocion entred a Monas- lo 
 the kinge ^.^^.j^ ^f j.jjg Charterhouse, and was professed in the same ; 
 at Agin- , ' . , r 1- • 
 
 courte. whose wife was also professed m a house of religious weomen 
 
 and therein continewed deuoutlie duringe her life. But this 
 Olandyne, at the instigacion of the deuill, enemie to all vertue, 
 after a little time repented of his profession, and made sute 
 and laboure that he obtayned of the Pope a dispensation to 
 leave his religion, and to reprise his former temporall estate, 
 and in the estate of a temporall man he offered to doe the 
 Kinge seruice in his warr. But when the most vertuous 
 Kinge was enformed of his life and conuersacion as the childe 20 
 of God, he refused the companie of this gentleman, as an 
 inconstant man, and a contemner of the religion of Christ ; at 
 whose refuse this Olandine, havinge indignacion as a man 
 repleate w"* pride, departed from the Kinge, and went into 
 the aide of his aduersaries in Fraunce ; where after he was 
 slaine in the fielde of Agincourt, right sore fightinge against 
 the Englishmen.* 
 Trans- O howe greate prudence and deuocion to God by this acte 
 
 lator. ^^g proued to be in this Kinge ! w""^ only hauinge his confidence 
 in God and in the justice of his quarrell refused the companie 30 
 of them that he suspected to be of the indignacion of the highe 
 and soueraigne iudge, to whose judgement onlie, leauinge of 
 synners, he had committed the direccion of his house ; where- 
 fore and by the helpe of manie other greate and singuler virtues 
 it is vndoubted that he obtayned such and so greate grace of 
 
 1 Livius, p. 7, does not mention Southampton ; the Translator supplies 
 it from the Brut, p. 375. Stow quotes as above as from Livius. 
 
 2 procerem quendam Olandinum Livius : baro quidem de Holandia 
 Pseudo-Elmham, p. 35. 
 
 ' A free paraphrase of Livius, p. 7. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 39 
 
 our Lorde, that by his heipe and succour (whereof he was 
 neuer destitute) he attayned greate and incredible victories and 
 conquests ; for as we finde of authoritie by the Kings, Dukes, 
 and Judges of the people of Isaraell in the olde testament, as 
 by Daniel, Gedyon, and Judas Machabeus, and many others 
 (whose histories are not requisite heare to write) God hath 
 often deliuered his seruants that only haue there esperaunce 
 in him, that from the hands of tenn times so manie of theire 
 enemies, where he hath suffered greate multitudes of synners 
 
 10 and of such as have had theire trust in the number of people, 
 not havinge respect to there manner of conversation and 
 lyuinge, to perish and fall into the handfuU of theire enemies. 
 Therefore, to my pretence, it is in this partie to be noted, that 
 all Christian Princes, enterprisinge any iust quarrell of warr, 
 ought by the example of this most Christian Kinge dewlie (for 
 as much as in them is) to search and examine there companies 
 and hoasts or armies, w* they prepare to attayne vppon their 
 warr, and whome they finde therein contamynable w"' apo- 
 stacie, open aduoutrie, willfull murder, accustomable theft, 
 
 20 scuraledy, heresie, periurie, blasphemie by oathes, accustomable 
 vsurie, simonie, extorcion, oppression of poore people, mis- 
 vsinge the Sacraments of the Church, and generally w*"" anie 
 other open and manifest abhominable offence or vice, whatso- 
 euer it be, if the person perseuer therein not reconciled, they 
 ought, and are bounde to avoide that person vtterly from 
 theire companie, not lettinge for no fauour nor affection, least 
 that God for the displeasure of that only sinfull person, w"'drawe 
 his aide and fauour from the whole companie, wherein that 
 transgressor is. The Prince that escheweth the presence of 
 
 30 such persons, and doth that in him is for there punishment, 
 sheweth himselfe to bee th'ensuer and supporter of vertue, and 
 the oppressour and scourge of vice, and also to be the verie 
 faithfull and true childe of God. And to the contrarie that 
 Prince, that supporteth such vicious persons and delighteth in 
 theire companie, and confidenceth in theire helpe, proueth him- 
 selfe to the open iudgement of euerie man to be th'ensuer, 
 supporter, and prouoker of vice, the oppressor, and confounder 
 of vertue, and also to have little or none experience in the 
 aide of God, who is all virtue and intirelie good, and at all 
 
3° 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Poli- 
 cronicon. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Lra 
 Regis. 
 
 times restrayneth his hand from the aide hand of sinners ex- 
 cepte it be to theire perpetuall damnation. 
 
 ^ In the foresaid muster or viewe of the Kings hoast was also 
 discouered a greate and perrilous conspiracie of three men 
 against the Kinge,^ of whome the one was the Earle of Cam- 
 bridge, brother to the Duke of Yorke, and nigh to the Kings 
 blood ; the second was S' Thomas Gray, one of the Kings greate 
 Councillors ; and the third was the Lord Henrie Scrope, Trea- 
 sorer of Englande, before that a knight of chiualorous fame, 
 whome for the greate loue the Kinge had vnto him he vsed to lo 
 haue for his bedfellowe.^ 
 
 These three persons had receaued out of Fraunce a right 
 greate somme of monie, to th'ende that they shoulde by treason 
 destroy there Soueraigne Lorde.* 
 
 But when they were taken and had confessed theire offence, 
 by the Kings iust iudgement they were condemned to loose 
 theire heades.^ 
 
 ^And for the same conspiracie diuers others were put to 
 execucion by the Kings commaundement. The most vertuous 
 Kinge lyinge now at Southampton w**" his hoast in all things 20 
 readilie apparrelled to passe the Sea and desiringe the recouerie 
 of his inhabitance ' by meane of peace rather than of warr ; in 
 the ensuinge ' th'effusion of Christian blood ^ sent to the Kinge 
 of Fraunce his Harraulde w**" letters, nowe againe demaundinge 
 Justice of his Inhabitants. 
 
 The tennor of w* letters ensewinge follow : — ' To the Right 
 'noble Prince Charles our Cossyn, adversarie of Fraunce, Henrie 
 ' by the grace of God, Kinge of England and of Fraunce greet- 
 ' inge &c. To giue to euery man his right is the worke of 
 ' Charitie and of sage Councell. Right noble Prince our Cossyn 30 
 ■ and our aduersarie, of longe time passed and but nowe of late 
 ' the noble Realme of Englande and of Fraunce were mutuall 
 ' freinds either to other, and nowe they be deuided. Then they 
 
 1 Livius, p. 8. ° So far adopted by Stow. 
 
 ' whome . . . bedfellowe, not in Livius, p. 8 ; it comes from Monstrelei, 
 iii. 82. 
 
 * Policronicon, p. 225 ; Brut, p. 375 ; the former does not refer to the 
 bribery. 
 
 " Livius, p. 8. « Monstrelet, iii. 78-81, 82. 
 
 ' inhabitance om. B. « Read eschewinge. 
 
 ' The first part of this sentence is an insertion by the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 31 
 
 ' had of custome to inhaunce themselves in honnor through the 
 ' vniuersall worlde, by theire glorious victories, and to them was 
 ' appropriat one vertue, that was to support and exalt the house 
 ' of God wherevnto belongeth holines. And to conforme peace 
 ' betweene the Religions ^ of the Church, in subduinge of theire 
 ' puissaunce there publique [enemies] ^ by the victories of the 
 ' fortunate Battailes. But also that fraternall loue, faith, and 
 ' Concorde nowe is chaunged into mutuall action.^ And Loth * 
 'persecuteth Abraham by compulsion. The glorie of the 
 
 10 ' brotherlie loue is deade, and the auncient discencion of 
 ' humaine condicion and the mother of Ire is reuiued. But we 
 ' call to our witnes the Soueraigne ludge, that to our possi- 
 ' bilitie we haue endeauored vs by praiers, by guiftes, and by 
 ' proffers to diminish part of our inhabitaunce in Fraunce, to 
 'inclyne you to the way of peace, and the same we haue 
 ' prooued all the waies and meanes we coulde. But in so much 
 ' as we cannot attaine to our desired peace, w^out the greate 
 ' and intollerable preiudice of our auncient inheritaunce, wee be 
 ' not of so fainte and so smale courage but that we will fight 
 
 20 ' vnto death for our right. Not w* standinge we haue vsed, 
 'and in this part doe vse the councell authorised, intituled 
 ' Deuteronomy,* where we be insigned and taught, that if we 
 ' come w"" force to take any Cittie, Countrie, or Towne, first 
 'wee owe to offer vnto them our peace. And though that 
 ' injustice and wrongfull violence hath of longe time w*"" drawne 
 ' and detayned from vs and our progenitors the nobles of our 
 ' Realme and right inhabitaunces,* yet the zeale of peace hath 
 ' mooued vs in th'ensewinge ' of the effusion of blood to desyre 
 ' our saide right by way of peace ; but since we perceaue vs 
 
 30 'frustrate of our requests, for defaulte of justice we may law- 
 ' fullie demaunde our iust inhabitaunces by armes. Neuerthe- 
 ' les, that our outward acts may be witnes to conscience, nowe 
 ' by personall requests in this first entre of our iourney, where- 
 
 ' Read Regions : mettre paix €% regions de I'Eglise Monstreht. 
 
 ^ om. MSS. ; les ennemis publiques Monstreht. 
 
 ^ celle foi de lignage a perverti celle occision fraternelle Monstreht. 
 
 * both MSS. 
 
 ^ Deuteronomy, xx. 10. 
 
 ' la noblesse de notre couronne at nos droits heritages Monstreht. 
 
 ' Read the eschewinge. 
 
33 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' vnto we be constrayned for defaulte of justice, wee exhorte 
 ' you in the bowells of Jesus Christ to execute and doe that 
 ' thinge that the Euangelist teacheth, sayinge : " Freinde, pay 
 ' that thou owest, and restore that thou wrongefully detaynest." 
 'And to th'ende that the blood of innocence be not spilt, wee 
 'require due restitucion of our rightful inhabitance by you 
 'wrongefully w*'' houlden from vs, or at the least of those 
 ' things that wee so instantlie and so often by our Ambassa- 
 ' dours and messengers haue desired, wherew* only for the 
 ' loue of Soueraigne God, and for th'assurance of peace, we lo 
 ' shalbe contented. And we for our part rather ofiferinge peace 
 ' w"" part of our right, then the auaricius treasures in cause of 
 ' marriage, to leaue and forsake fiftie thousand scutes, w*"" our 
 ' right deere Cosyn Catheryne, your glorious daughter, to vs by 
 ' your last Ambassadours offered. And wee for our part ^ trust 
 ' rather to haue those our rightfull inhabitaunces, w"'' our noble 
 ' Auncestors left vnto vs, then w"" that monie of iniquitie to 
 ' multiplie cursed treasures, and to disinherit the Crowne of 
 ' our realme, that God forbidd. From vs yeouen vnder our 
 ' Seales priuate at our Castle at Hampton, vppon the rivage of 20 
 ' the Sea, the 5*'' day of the moneth of August.' 
 
 ^When this letter was dehuered to the Dolphine and others 
 of the Kings Councell by the herauld, that had the charge of 
 deliueraunce thereof, it was aunswerde to the same Herraulde, 
 that the Kinge and his Councell had scene his letter, and 
 perseaued the contents thereof, wherevppon they woulde take 
 deliberacion, and at there pleasure to puruey to aunswere 
 thervnto in time and place convenient. And in the meane 
 tyme the Herraulde was lycenced to depart and to returne to 
 his M"^ the Kinge of Englande at his pleasure. 30 
 
 Anno 3. In the thirde yeare of his raigne, in the month of August 
 this most virtuous Kinge assembled his hoast at Southampton, 
 as is before rehearsed, in the intent to passe the sea, and to 
 conquer his right in Fraunce, for whose conveyaunce, and for his 
 victualls and artillery, by the Kings commaundement were 
 purveyed and brought thether for his wagis out of Holland and 
 Zelande shipps, hulks, and other vessells, to such number that 
 
 1 wee for our part has been struck out in B., and omitted in H. 
 ^ Monstrelet,m. 81. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 33 
 
 his whole nauy at his departinge from the lande accoumpted Poli- 
 xvj. C. sayle.2 cronicon,' 
 
 ^ The xij* day of August the Kinge w"" all his royall armie Titus 
 entered there shipps, w"'' were to the number of M., and Lmius. 
 ascended the sea : and the thirde night after they arriued 
 prosperouslie at the Chiefe decauxe* in Normandy, w'^'' is 
 betwexte Hareilete^ and Humflete^ : at whose comminge all 
 the citties and greate estats aduertized (by them that fledd by 
 the fieldes) were stricken w**" greate feare. The Kinge, the 
 10 Dukes of Clarence and of Gloucester, the kings bretheren, the 
 Duke of Yorke, his vncle,' Earles, Barrens, Knights, gentlemen, 
 and all the multitude of the common people cast there ankers 
 at Chiefe de Caux, and there ariued and to lande w*''out any 
 resistaunce. 
 
 Then foorthw* the Kinge fallinge to the grounde vppon his 
 knees deuoutly prayed vnto God that to the honnor of his 
 diuinitie he woulde giue him iustice of his enemies. 
 
 Heere it is to be noted that this most victorious Prince had Trans- 
 not his confidence only in his owne strenght and hardines, in ''°''' 
 20 the puissaunce of his bretheren or other his Lords and estats, 
 ne in the greate multitude of armed people that he had 
 brought w"* him, but only that he had his trust in God, of 
 whome at his first entrie into the lande, that he claymed to be 
 his, he deuoutly desired Justice. The Kinge at his landinge 
 in Normandie had in his hoast Six M. speares, and xxiiij. M. 
 footmen, besides gunners and others that serued to cast engins, 
 and besides other artificers and laborers, of whome the Kinge 
 hadd greate aboundance.* 
 
 ' And at his landinge he gaue to diuerse gentlemen the Titus 
 30 order of knighthoode, but first he assigned and committed the Liuiua. 
 bearinge of his standards, and banners, and other ensignes to 
 such men as he knewe to be of greate strenght and prowes, 
 
 1 PoUcronicon, p. 225 ; Brut, p. 376. 
 
 ' Monstrelei, iii. 70 ; Stow quotes this as from Livius and Roger Wall. 
 ' Livius, p. 8 ; tercio Idibus, i. e. nth August which is correct ; Stow 
 has thirteenth of August, 
 
 * Chef de Caux. = Harfleur. « Honfleur. 
 
 ' dux Eboraci, regis patruus Livius. York was Henry's cousin. 
 
 * The mimbers are added by the Translator from Monslrelet, iii. 83 ; 
 they are much in excess of the truth, but are adopted by Stow. 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 8, 9. 
 
 1 188 D 
 
34 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and also [worthy] ^ to the bearinge of them ; when euerie 
 thinge was thus ordered in good aray, the Kinge w^" all his 
 hoast ascended to the topp or hight of an high hill there nighe 
 vnto them, dificill and vneasie for armed men to mount vppon. 
 And there the Kinge w**" all his hoast the next day foUowinge 
 solemnized the feast of Th'assumption of our blessed Lady 
 w* dew honnor: and that solemnitie passed, the Duke of 
 Clarence, chieftaine of the Kings first ward, in good ordinance 
 entered his journey with the same warde toward a Towne 
 called Harefleit, distant from Chiefe de Calx skarsly three lo 
 leagues, where he lodged his hoast in a goodly fielde before the 
 Towne, abidinge the Kings comminge. The Kinge, at his 
 comminge, lodged himselfe nighe to the first warde in the 
 playne fielde not farr from the Towne. The Earle of Suffolke, 
 chieftaine of the last warde, lodginge him and his companie 
 also before the Towne one the other side of the Kings fielde. 
 And other noble men, that hadd the conduct of the two 
 winges, lodged them on the right hand, and the other on the 
 left hand of the hoast. Then this most Christian Kinge, at 
 the first orderinge of his assiege, commaunded to be proclaymed so 
 thorough the hoast, that vppon payne of death all Churches 
 and hallowed houses shoulde be kepte inviolat, vnspoyled and 
 vnharmed, nor that no man shoulde presume to take any 
 hallowed vessell, or other commoditie, or ornament appertayn- 
 inge to the Altar, nor no bookes nor other things necessarie 
 for diuine seruice. And that they shoulde not enforce them 
 to harme any man of the Church that they shoulde finde 
 without armor, nor no woman, nor childe.^ 
 Trans- By this edict and proclamacion evidently proued both the 
 
 lator. j^yg ^^^ dreade that this most victorious Kinge had vnto God, 30 
 and to his Church, and ministers ; the example whereof is not 
 to be refused, nor lightly taken. But of all Christian Princes, 
 that intend to obtayne honnor and to be victorious, it is to be 
 effectually ensued and followed. 
 Titus ^ This and manie other edicts and proclamacions through 
 
 Liuius. ^jjg jjQ^g^ published, forthw"^ were sent to the Towne men of 
 
 ' om. MSS. ; dignosque Livius; Stow stops at prowesse. 
 
 ' Stow adopts the whole of this paragraph with very slight variation. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 9. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 35 
 
 arms in greate number to see the situacion thereof, who 
 briefelie returned to the Kinge w* a greate pray of cattell, and 
 after made him answere in all his demaunds to the contentacion 
 of his mynde. 
 
 ^ Hareflete is the key of the sea of all Normandie, and it is 
 scituate vppon the sea side by the ryuer of Seen, betweene 
 two hills, and through the middle thereof runneth a ryuer, w"*" 
 not farr from the same Towne entereth in to the Seen ; and 
 from thence both theise riuers in one descende into the sea, 
 
 10 whereas a greate goodlie hauen is belonginge vnto the same 
 Towne, w* hauen is garnished w* the defence of two fayre and 
 stronge towers, and in the same hauen a right greate nauie of 
 shipps may ride in safetie. And if the inhabitants of this 
 Towne inclose and keepe w*''in this Towne the course of the 
 foresaide riuer to theire sluce, as they may right well doo, then 
 the riuer riseth w*'' out the Towne so high that it forecloseth all 
 entries to the walls, so that no man may approach the Towne 
 on that partie.^ This Towne is also garnished w"" high and 
 thicke walls, and also w**" manie Towers, and is also invironed 
 
 20 w* broade and deepe ditches. To this belongeth also too gates 
 onlie for entries, whereof the one is called the gate of 
 Calthurances,^ and the other the gate Monstrouylier.* In this 
 Towne, besides the inhabitants thereof, for the defence of the 
 same were these Lords ; first the Lorde Disconteville/ chiefe 
 captaine of the Towne, the Lord Blanvile, the Lorde 
 Hacqueuile, the Lorde of Harmonvile, the Lord Gancourt, the 
 Lord Gallard bos,^ and diuers other Lords and men expert in 
 warr, to the number before saide.^ These Lords caused the 
 people to cast downe and breake the causey betwext 
 
 30 Monstrevilges and Hareflete to impaire and hurte the English- 
 mens passage, and the stones of the same causey they conueyed 
 
 ' The following paragraph is quoted by Stow, who set Enguerant 
 {Monstrelet) in the margin j as a matter of fact much of it comes from 
 Livius. 
 
 ^ So far from Livius, p. 9; thence the Translator follows Monstrelet, 
 iii. 83, 84. 
 
 ' Caltmanes H. ; Calturances Stow ; Calcinences Monstrelet. 
 
 * Montivilliers ; Monstrouillier Stow. " Charles d'Estouteville. 
 
 " Blainville, Hacqueville, Hermanville, Gaucourt, and Gaillart Bos 
 {Monstrelet, iii. 83). 
 
 ' Given by Motistrelet (iii. 83) as about four hundred j Stow omits to 
 the number before saide. 
 
 D 2 
 
36 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and carried w"^in the walles of Hareflete. Neuertheles the 
 Englishmen comminge by the good ^ conducte of the Kinge 
 were not so sore oppressed by the breakinge of the causie, 
 but that they came so nighe as to laye theire siege before the 
 Towne. 
 Titus ^When the Kinge and all his hoast was come before the 
 
 Liuius. Towne, all his tents and pauillions were addressed, and sett 
 vpp in the plaine fielde, wherw*'' that parte of the Towne * was 
 entirely inclosed. He also caused his greate hall to be sett 
 vppon an hill at the backe of his hoast to serue in steade of lo 
 a Church,* therein to honnor and serue God. And this done, 
 after a little time of repose he commaunded the Duke of 
 Clarence to siege the Towne one th'other part of the Towne 
 and riuer, at whose commaundement the good Duke indeauored 
 him to convey his people ouer the same riuer, ouer the passage 
 whereof he had a great skirmish w*"" the inhabitants of the 
 Towne ® ; but at the last his aduersaries put to flight and 
 recoyled * w*''in the walls, the Duke conueyed ouer the river 
 all his ward and companie ; and on that side the riuer he 
 fixed the tents and pauillions, w"*" inclosed that part of the 30 
 Towne from the side of the same riuer by the foot of the hill 
 vntill the banks of the Riuer of Sean. The Duke also sett 
 his greate hall vppon the hill at the back'' of his warde or 
 fielde, not farr from his hoast, therein to serue God as is 
 aforesaide.* And because the riuer deuided the Kings fielde 
 and the Dukes, therefore they ordeyned a readie and sure 
 passage ouer the same riuer betwext the field es; to the 
 keepinge whereof were certaine gentlemen appointed, so that 
 theire enemies shoulde doe thereto no damage neither by 
 water nor by lande. When all the tents and pauillions and 30 
 halls were erect and set vpp, they seemed a right greate 
 and mightie Citty. The artificers and laborers in the Kings 
 
 ]^ comminge to good MSS. ; by the Stow. 
 
 " A loose and expanded rendering of Livius, p. 9 ; but adopted with 
 some variation by Stow. 
 
 ' of the fielde Towne MSS. 
 
 * propter quoddam sacellum Livius. 
 
 ' Towne and river MSS. ; Towne Stow ; cum oppidanis Livius. 
 
 « being put to flight recoyled Stow. ' banck B. 
 
 ' Praetorium tamen suum in montis clivo itidem in sacello quodam 
 erigit Livius ; Stow omits. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 37 
 
 hoast intended to theire occupacions, some to raysinge engines 
 against the Towne, and others about perticuler busines for 
 the men of warr, as to digge trenches and such other like 
 necessaries, so that noe place of idleness was founde in them. 
 The priests thorough all the hoasts were suffered to doe no 
 other thinge, but onlie holie prayers to honnor God, and to 
 saie theire accustomed seruice, as they used to doe, when they 
 were at home in England in time of peace. 
 
 ^ In this time befell a greate misaduenture to the Frenchmen Enguer- 
 
 10 that were besieged, for the gunnpowder and shott that was ""*■ 
 sent vnto them by the French Kinge, was encountred vppon 
 the sea by the Englishmen, and taken to theire greate dis- 
 pleasure and damage.^ 
 
 ^ The Kinge gaue the charge and order of this fielde to his Titus 
 brother Humphry, the Duke of Gloucester w* all the companies, Lmius. 
 whereof he was Chiefetaine. On the same side the Kinge lay, 
 and at the same side of the riuer was the Duke of Yorke, high 
 Counstable of Englande,* lodged w* his companie. When all 
 the Kings hoast was lodged and everie man in his place, the 
 
 20 Towne was so streightlie beseiged amongst them that all 
 entries and issues of the Towne were foreclosed and stopped, 
 so that they in the Towne were in dispaire to haue anie 
 succour from the realme of Fraunce. Manie torments and 
 engines were raised in the English hoast, w""" in briefe time 
 shoulde haue bin the distruccion of the walles, if they of the 
 Towne had not stopped the riuer of the same Towne w*''in, 
 whereby the water gathered and arised w'^'out the Towne, be- 
 twexte the Kinge and the Duke of Clarence, to the semblaunce 
 of a little sea, w""^ caused the Englishmen to withdrawe theire 
 
 30 ordinance and other engines, whereby at that time the walls 
 
 were saued. 
 
 ^ The Kinge w"' greate dilligence caused to be made vnder Enguer- 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 84 ; adopted by Stow. ""'• 
 
 ° Monstrelet has simply : furent prins des ass6gans. The reference is 
 to the convoy captured by Clarence outside the town ; cf. Psettdo-Elmham, 
 
 p. 41. 
 
 " Livius, pp. 9, 10; adopted by Stow. 
 
 ' regioque MarescaJlo Livius. Clarence was Constable. 
 
 ° Monstrelet, iii. 85. N&ntmoins le dit roy d' Angleterre, en grand 
 diligence et labeur, persevera toujours en son siege, et fist faire trois mines 
 par dessoulz la muraille, qui estoient prestes pour effondrer. Stow adopts 
 the Translator's story of mines under the water. 
 
Liuius. 
 
 38 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the water three greate mynes vnto the walls of the Towne, w""* 
 in like manner had bene the cause of theire ruyne, if th'in- 
 habitants had not countermined them, and let there purpose. 
 Titus 1 And the Duke of Clarence commaunded on his partie his 
 
 myners to vndermyne the grounde, and to make a way into 
 the Towne w"'in the grounde, in intent by that meane to sur- 
 prise his enemie sodenlie w'Mn the Towne ; but there aduerse 
 partie, aduertised thereof, countermined the Englishmen. At 
 whose meetinge w*Mn the grounde was a cruell and deadly 
 conflict, but finallie the English were frustrate of theire intent, 10 
 and were compelled to desist from the enterprise, and partly 
 by the Kings commaundement because his people had greate 
 losse therein ; and so remayned that worke vntill they might 
 be lycenced of the Kinge to furnishe there promise begunne.^ 
 Notw^'^standinge dailie they encountered there enemies in 
 the myne j and who most manly fought in the same, supposed 
 himselfe to haue atchiued greate victorie. And so that myne 
 that was begun for the sodaine invasion of the Towne was 
 chainged into the exercise of knightlie acts. The Kinge 
 daylie and nightlie in his owne person visited and searched the 20 
 watches, orders, and stacions of everie part of his hoast, and 
 whome he founde dilligent he praised and thanked, and the 
 negligent he corrected and chasticed. Whilest he laie at this 
 siege he sent into England all those shipps of his Nauie that 
 were not apt and apparrelled for the water. And the other 
 that were good, stronge, and well appointed for the warr, he 
 commaunded to lye at the havens mouth of Hareflete to inclose 
 it from all issues, and to foreclose from it all entries and suc- 
 cours of the Frenchmen ; and also those shipps that were 
 deputed to carrie engines or ordinaunce he commaunded to 3° 
 abide at the havens mouth in the companie of th'other shipps.^ 
 Th'inhabitants and captaines of the Towne, perceauinge them- 
 selves thus streightlie asseiged, as well by the land as by the 
 sea, conveyed all their shipps w'^'in theire haven, and bounde 
 them together w'^ chaynes. And in the two towers that were 
 made for the defence of the haven they put in certaine garri- 
 
 1 Livius,^. 10. ' A free paraphrase. 
 
 ' At this point Stow {who had stopped at letted theire purpose) 
 resumes. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 39 
 
 sons and armed men, both for defence of the hauen, and of 
 theire shipps. And dyuers times they attempted by all the 
 streinghts and cautellous meanes they coulde imagine to 
 invade the Kings Navie ; but at all times they were by the 
 shipps beaten and constrayned to recoyle vntiU within theire 
 hauen ^. At the last theire Captaines and inhabitants, con- 
 sideringe that by such skirmishes (as well vppon the land 
 as vppon the sea) they gayned nothinge but theire proper 
 losse and damage, tooke this appointment w*'' the Kinge, that 
 
 lo if they were not rescued by the Frenchmen w'^in certaine 
 dales ^ lymited, they shoulde then deliuer into his hands the 
 Towne ; such as the Kinge woulde desire to be ordered at the 
 Kings pleasure ; and all the residue, as well men of warr as 
 th'inhabitants of the same Towne w*''out armour, and leavinge 
 behinde them theire goods, should freelie goe where they 
 woulde ; for the suretie of such appointment surely to be kept 
 they deliuered vnto the Kinge twelue of the greatest parsonages 
 for pledges. 
 
 ^And for to giue knowledge of this appointment and ofEnguer- 
 
 20 theire greate necessitie and dainger vnto the Dolphine (who "'^'" 
 at that time lay at Vernon, w**" the Kinge, vppon Seen) the 
 Captaines of the Towne sent vnto him the Lord Hacquevile, 
 who in there names desired aide and succoure of him, to whome 
 fynally was aunswered : That the Kings power was not at that 
 time assembled, nor readie to giue them succour as they de- 
 sired ; w*"" w"'' aunswere the Lord not well contented retourned 
 w*'^ greate discomfort to Harefleet, declaringe to his the 
 aunswere that he had receaued of the Dolphine.* 
 
 ^ The Captaines and inhabitants of the Towne seeinge theire Titus 
 
 30 day of appointment approach, and themselues vtterly desperate Limus. 
 of any succors of theire people, ordayned to performe there 
 couenant at the day prefixed. At w""* day the Kings great 
 
 ^ Quas cum timentes oppidani suas omnes infra portum ligatas catenis 
 tutelaque munitas deduxerant, et in Anglicos omni qua via poterant 
 obsessi saepius erumpere tentarunt, sed ab obsidentibus repulsi cedere 
 semper coacti Livius ; Stow gives the text as above with some abbreviation. 
 
 ^ infra sex dies Livius. 
 
 * Monstrelet, iii. 85. Stow omits this paragraph. 
 
 * Monstrelet has simply: Et sur ce s'en retouma le dit seigneur de 
 Hacqueville k Harfleur. 
 
 ' Livius, p. II. 
 
40 THE LIFE OF 
 
 pretory of sylke ^ was erect in the fields, from w"'' pretorye or 
 pauilion vnto the Towne was made a way or lane enclosed on 
 both the sides w*^ armed Englishmen, by w* waye '^ the daie 
 of theire appointment, w"^"^ was the day of Saint Maurice,^ came 
 S' Lionel! Braquemont, a noble knight and gouernor of the 
 Towne, vnto the Kings highnes and kneelinge before his ^ 
 Grace saide these words : ' Most victorious Prince, behold here 
 ' the keyes of this Towne, w"*" after our promise I yealde vnto 
 ' you w*"* the Towne, my selfe, and my companie.' Then were 
 brought to the Kings grace by his commaundement, the Lord lo 
 Cotevile, the Lord Gangcourt,^ and other of the number of 
 thirtie persons, as they before had couenaunted. And all the 
 residue, as well souldiers and inhabitaunts, were suffered 
 vnarmed to goe freely at theire pleasure. 
 
 When the gates of the Towne were opened, and that the 
 King approached vnto them in purpose to enter the Towne, he 
 discended from his horse w*''out the Gate, and from thence, 
 w*^out hosen or shoes, in greate deuocion he went imediatly to 
 the Church of Saint Martines, Metropolitan of that Towne,* 
 and there he made his prayers deuoutlie in thankinge and 20 
 praysinge his Creator of his good Fortune.^ O maruelous 
 Constance ! that by the prouidence of God had made them 
 habitacion w*''out mutabilitie in this most noble Prince, who 
 in his youth was most mutable and voyde of all spirituall 
 vertues. 
 
 And whome none for noe perswacions or inhauncements of 
 fortune they suffered in his victories in any thinge to decline 
 from the Soueraigne vertues of faithe and humilitie. But voyde 
 of all pride and vaine glorie, causeth him in greate deuocion, 
 as well in the beginninge, as in the atchiuinge of his enterprise, 30 
 at all times to thanke, honnor, and praise his maker, by whose 
 onlie aide and comfort he vndoubtedlie beleeueth to attaine 
 
 * de serico regium praetorium Livius. 
 
 2 Interpolated by the Translator from Monstrelet ; 22nd Sept. 
 
 ' dominus de Toteville, dominus de Gancourt Livius; the Lord 
 Cotevile, the Lord Gangcourt Stow; they were Charles d'Estouteville 
 and Raoul de Gaucourt. 
 
 * parochiale d'icelle ville Monstrelet. 
 
 ' So far front Monstrelet, iii. 94 ; adopted by Stow. The next sentence 
 and the beginning of the following paragraph appears to be an interpola- 
 tion by the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 41 
 
 w**^ honnour to the ende of that he hath begunn ; not like vnto 
 the conquered, in most pompe and pride, delightinge in vaine 
 prayses and lauds of the people, and labouringe to make the 
 victories to be ascribed vnto themselues, as if God intermedled 
 not of such affairs. When this most victorious Kinge had thus 
 deuoutlie thanked God of the Fortunate Conquest of this 
 Towne, he commaunded to be brought befor him all those 
 Lords, and gentlemen that were yealded to him as prisoners, 
 whose names he caused to be put in writinge; and vppon 
 
 10 there oathes to yealde themselues prisoners at Calice, where 
 they were receaued prisoners, vppon S' Martins daye next fol- 
 lowinge, they were deliuered out of the Towne of Harefleet. 
 Att w* time and day accordinge to there appointment they 
 came to Callis as prisoners, and were ransomed at greate 
 fynaunces.^ After the deliuerie of this Towne, the two afore- 
 saide Towers, that defended the hauen, resisted the Kings 
 power, and rebelled against him by the space of tenn dales. 
 At the ende of w* daies, becausfe they were in dispaire of suc- 
 cour, they yealded them to the Kinge, and all the souldiours 
 
 20 and inhabitants, both of the Towne and of the Towers, were 
 suffered to goe freelie vnarmed whether they woulde.^ When 
 the Kinge was thus possessed both of the Towne and Towers, 
 by his commaundement was deuided to euery man of the 
 Kings hoast,^ after his degree and desert, all the booties and 
 gaine that they had w*''in the Towne, and namelie horses, 
 whereof they founde a right greate multitude there. Then the 
 Kinge constituted Captaine of the Towne S"^ Thomas Beaforde, 
 Earle of Dorset, his vncle, to whome he also committed two 
 thousand souldiers, chosen men of his hoast, for to keepe, and 
 
 30 defend the same Towne and Towers.* These things thus done 
 and finished, the Kinge assembled all his estates and Lords of 
 his hoast to councell, w"*" was to be done after the victorie of 
 this defensable and stronge Towne, w* they had conquered 
 w*''in thirtie and eight daies: notw"'standinge that for the 
 
 ' Not at once. Charles d'Esiouteville was still a prisoner in 1422. 
 The statement is an insertion by the Translator. 
 
 " So far from Monstrelet, iii. 94, 95 ; adopted by Stow. The Transla- 
 tor then follows Livius, pp. II, 12. 
 
 ' house B. ; militi cuique Livius. 
 
 * for to keepe . . . Towers, an interpolation by the Translator. 
 
42 THE LIFE OF 
 
 streinght it ought to haue fearde a straighter assiege of an 
 whole yeare. It was then thought convenient by such there 
 whole Councell, in as much as winter approached nigh, to 
 retorne into England. But then it was debated amongest 
 them vppon theire passage, whether they shoulde retourne the 
 next and surest way by water, or else they shoulde passe 
 Enguer- thorough theire enemies land by Callice. The more part con- 
 ""*• discended to goe by lande. But the Duke of Clarence, w"" 
 
 diuers other Lords, consideringe the greate losse of those men 
 that they had susteyned by the death of the Flixe, that then lo 
 rayned amonge them, and manie other sicke of the same, by 
 Titus w* infirmitie died the Earle of Stafforde,^ the Bisshopp of 
 Norw*, the Lord Beamount, and diuers other noble men, and 
 of the commons to the number of two thousand and aboue,^ 
 considered also the men they had left for the defence of Hare- 
 flete to the minishinge of theire hoast, and most especiallie 
 considered the greate and infinit multitude of theire enemies, 
 w"'' then were assembled to empech and let the Kings passage 
 by land, whereof by theire espies they had knowledge, aduised 
 and councelled the retorne into England by water, as for the 20 
 more fare passage. To whose councell the Kinge aunswered 
 in this manner, sayinge, 'he greatly desired to see those lands, 
 ' whereof he ought to be Lord. "And though," saide he, " they 
 ' prepare against vs a greate hoast of people, our trust and 
 ' confidence is in God, that they shall not prevayle against vs, 
 ' nor none of ours, nor we shall not suffer that they, that be 
 ' inflate w* pride, shall iniuriouslie possesse and inioy that of 
 'right belongeth vnto vs. And if we shoulde thus depart, 
 ' they would say in reproof of vs and of our realme of England, 
 ' that for feare we left our right, and were so sodainely fledd. 30 
 ' Therefore we haue at this time the stomake encouraged, and 
 ' woulde rather submitt our body to all perills, then they shoulde 
 ' into our kingdom the least note of reproofe. Wee shall goe, to 
 ' the pleasure of God, w^^out preiudice or perrill. And, if they 
 ' laboure to disturbe vs of our iourney, we shall escape there 
 ' mallice w"' honnorable victorie and greate Tryumphe.' And 
 
 ^ This reference is misplaced. 
 ^ A mistake for Suffolk ; Stow corrects. 
 
 ' The names and numbers are inserted by the Translator^ from 
 Monsirelet, ill. 85. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 43 
 
 foorthw*'' this sentence published and knowne mooued the 
 stomaks and encouraged the harts of euerie man ; nor there 
 was not one that contraried his pleasures, least they shoulde 
 be reprooued of the Kinge of feare and cowardnes. Then w"* 
 all speedie dilligence was prepared for this iourney by land w"* 
 companies and retinewes of men of warn The Kinge ordayned 
 to goe w* him three battailes and two winges, as thus of 
 Englishmen is [accustomed,] ^ of those men that were left vnto 
 him ; of whome was no plenteous number, for, as is aforesaide, 
 
 1° he had lost manie by the infirmite of the flyxe, and mania 
 others there were that were diseased of the same sicknes, w""" 
 were left behinde him. And also were left at Harefleet two 
 thousand souldiars of his hoast for the defence of the same.^ 
 When the Kinge had thus ordered his battailes, and ' sent his 
 brother the Duke of Clarence into England by water w*'' 
 a greate part of his army for the defence of his nauie, w* also 
 greately diminished his owne companie. * After he had tarried Enguer- 
 at Harefleet xv daies after the deliueraunce of the Towne and ""'■ 
 of the Towers, he departed from thence and entred his journey 
 
 20 towards Callice. 
 
 ^ Whereof when his enemies were aduertised, and also by Titus 
 what waie he intended to passe, all the people of the countrie Liuius. 
 and also of the Citties and of the Townes were maruelouslie 
 oppressed w*"" feare, and namelie for the takinge of Harefleet, 
 wherfore they hasted them to defensible places, w*, in all hast 
 to them possible, as well as they coulde, they victualled both 
 for men and also for horsses. And other that were apt to warr 
 tooke them to theire horsses, and assembled them together in 
 great number, w*'' no small companie of footmen, and in all 
 
 30 that they might they oppressed the Englishmen. The Kings 
 hoast kept an easie pase, w'^'out makinge any hast, and when 
 they approached the Towne of Ewe " there enemies, beinge 
 there in armes and aduertised of there comminge, applied 
 them in the fielde w"' greate force and noyse, where on both 
 parties it was foughten sore and vigorously, but the Frenchmen 
 
 1 om. MSS. ; ut consueverunt Anglici Livius. 
 
 "^ Thus far {from When the kinge was thus possessed) is based on 
 Livius, pp. II, 12, though paraphrased by the Translator. 
 ' Sic in MSS. ; read he. * Monstrelet, iii. 95. 
 
 " Livius,^. 12. * Eu; 'E.nt&cAis corruptly in the printed Livius. 
 
44 THE LIFE OF 
 
 might not longe endure the streinght of the Englishmen, where- 
 fore they must of force recoyle w'Mn the Towne ; where they 
 were in good sureties, for the Kinge aboad not to assiege the 
 Towne.^ 
 Enguer- ^At this encounter was slaine a right valliant man at armes 
 ""'• one the Frenchmens part, whose name was Launcellot Piers, 
 
 for whose death the Frenchmen made greate dole and sorrowe. 
 From thence the Kinge departed and came to a passage of the 
 Riuer of Some,* w* the Frenchmen call Blanckehestake * or 
 Blaunchtache, where longe tofore passed ouer his Auncestor lo 
 and progenitor Kinge Edward the Thirde, when he obtayned 
 the Battayle of Cresse against Phillipp of Valoys, Kinge of 
 Fraunce. This passage at the comminge to it was fixed w* 
 sharpe stakes by there enemies of that countrie, so that they 
 coulde not passe ouer the riuer there. And that the French- 
 men had so done to the intent that the Kinge, and his hoast 
 shoulde seeke there passage ouer that riuer higher into Fraunce, 
 and more neare to the heade of the same fludd. Thus the 
 Englishmen were constrayned to seeke further, seekinge there 
 passage vntill they came directlie to haue the Cittie of Amiens 20 
 and the Castle of Corbye on there left side.° Then they of 
 the saide Cittie, after they had perceaued the ensignes and 
 banners of the Englishmen, begann w"* them a newe fight both 
 one horsebacke and one foot. And the Frenchmen w*^ greate 
 number, w"' greate clamor and noyse, as the vsage is amongest 
 them, enforced them against the English hoast, of whome they 
 were shortlie vanquished and constrayned to returne to theire 
 holdes. In this time it was complayned to the Kinge a cer- 
 taine Englishman in the hoast had violentlie taken from a 
 Church a pixe of syluer. Then imediatly after the Kinge com- 30 
 maunded his hoast to abide w"'out moouinge vntill the sacrea- 
 ledge was purged. And first was the saide pixe restored 
 againe vnto the Church, and the trespasser was ledd bounde 
 as a thiefe thorough the hoast, and after hanged vppon a tree, 
 
 ' Siow abbreviates this paragraph. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 95. Stow omits the first sentence. ' Somme. 
 
 * Blanche Taque ; Blankhestoke Stow. 
 
 " dum Ambianensis civitas a sinistris et castellum de Corbie appa- 
 ruissent Livius. Amiens and Corbie are some distance apart j the former 
 was passed on \^th Oct., the latter not till ijth Oct. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 45 
 
 that euery man might beholde him. After whose death the 
 armye was commaunded to reprise the former journey.^ 
 
 Maruelous God ! that of thine infinite goodnes amongest Trans- 
 such and so manie excellent vertues hast rooted in that most 
 vertuous Kinge so highe and perfect degree of Justice, that he 
 
 as that other Josua, that for his couetous stoned to death 
 Achan,^ put to death this his souldier for the offence, notwith- 
 standinge that he knewe perfectly that the time approached 
 right nigh wherein he shoulde haue great neede of th'aide and 
 
 10 number of men ; but what * maruaile he, that had his confidence 
 only in God and Justice, and not in the number of people, 
 loued better the absence of synners then theire companie. 
 And vndoubtedly he that shall attayne to conquests and 
 honnour must first by th'example of this invincible conquerour 
 conforme himself to semblable vertues. Then to returne to 
 our former purpose. 
 
 As the Kinge iournied by certaine daies seekinge his Titus 
 passage ouer the riuer of Some, by some Frenchmen that were L'"'"^- 
 prisoners in the hoast was shewed vnto him a certaine passage 
 
 ao ouer the same riuer not much vsed, and before that day not 
 knowne but of fewe, by w'='' passage the Englishmen passed 
 the river sure inough.* The next day after the feast of 
 Saint Luke the Euangelist ^ the Kinge passed the Riuer of 
 Some at the passage of Voyenne & Bethewe Courte,^ w* 
 passages were not kept by them of S' Quintins as they were 
 inioyned of the French Kinge. When the Kinge of England 
 had thus passed the ryuer he went to lodge him at Mounche 
 lagache,' from whence he aduaunced him towards the ryuer 
 of Myramount.' In this meane time the French Kinge and 
 
 30 the Duke of Guyan,' his sonn then Dolphine, purposinge 
 to prouide for the resistaunce of the Englishmen, came to 
 Roane,^" where the one and twentith day of October was 
 holden the Councell, w"^*" ^^ was to be done against the Kinge 
 
 1 The latter part of this ■paragraph {from This passage at the comminge) 
 is correctly noted by Stow as derived from Livius, p. 13. 
 
 " foshua vii. 24, 25. ' w*"" B. 
 
 * Livius, p. 13; the rest of the paragraph comes from Monstrelet, 
 
 iii. 97-9. 
 
 * October 19th. " Bdthencourt ; Vienna and Bethew court Stow. 
 '' Monchy-Lagache. ' Miraumont. ' Guienne. 
 
 " Rouen. " So MSS.; read what. 
 
46 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of Englande. At w^"^ Councell was present Lewis, the Kinge 
 of Cicill,^ the Dukes of Barry ^ and of Brittanie, the Earle of 
 Pontieu,3 the eldest son of the saide King Lewis, the Chaun- 
 cellor of Fraunce and of Guyon,* and of manie other noble 
 Councellors to the nomber of xxxv. ; amongest whome, after 
 they had deuised and reasoned many things in the presence 
 of the King vppon this matter, at the last it was concluded by 
 thirtie of them that the Englishmen shoulde be encountered and 
 foughten w* at the appointed day^ ; but in the ende the opinion 
 of the greatest part was approued and holden ; wherevppon in lo 
 all possible hast the Kinge sent his letters to his Counstable, 
 and to others his officers, secretlie commandinge them that, 
 imediatly vppon the knowledge of his commaundement, they 
 shoulde assemble them together w"" all the puissaunce that 
 might be had, and that they shoulde incounter the Kinge of 
 Englande and his people. Then imediatly was published 
 thorough all Fraunce, that all noble men accustomed to beare 
 arms, and that desire to require honnor, should hast them 
 night and dale to the Counstable of Fraunce, wheresoeuer [he 
 was].'^ And amongest all others Lewis, Duke of Guyon, then jo 
 Dolphine, had greate desire to goe to that fielde ; howe be it he 
 was commaunded to the contrarie by the French Kinge, his 
 father, and also by Lewis, his Councell, Kinge of Cicill, and 
 of the Duke of Barry he was letted from that purpose. Then 
 from all parts, all Lords, Knightes, and gentlemen, that al- 
 readie were prepared and entered into theire journey for the 
 same, hasted them towards the Counstable of Fraunce. And 
 when the Counstable, w"' the more parte of the Lords and estats 
 of the realme of Fraunce, approached the countrie of Artois, 
 they sent the Lorde Mountganger ' vnto the Earle of Charolois, 3° 
 the only sonn of the Duke of Burgundie, to certifie him of 
 theire enterprise, and to desire him affectuouslie in the Kings 
 name and in the Counstables, that he would vouchsafe to be 
 at that journey. This foresaide Lord of Mountganger founde 
 
 1 Louis of Anjou, King of Sicily. 
 
 * Jean, Duke of Berri. ' Ponthieu. 
 
 * les chanceliers de France et d'Aquitaine Monstrelet. 
 
 ^ Some words are omitted. Et les cinq, pour plusieurs raisons, con- 
 seilloient pour le meilleur k leur avis qu'on ne les combatist point au jour 
 nomm^. Monstrelet. 
 
 * om. MSS. ' le seigneur de Mongoguier Monstrelet. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 47 
 
 the saide Earle at Arras, of whome he was right noblie re- 
 ceaued, and also of all his Lords. And after he had shewed 
 vnto him his messuage, it was aunswered vnto him by those 
 lords, that were chiefe councillors of the Earle, that he 
 shoulde make such dilligence vppon the Kings request as 
 shoulde be requisite ; and w* this aunswere [they were] ^ con- 
 tented and retourned to the Counstable. And where this 
 Earle of Charlois desired w* all his hart to be at this Journey 
 against the Kinge of Englande, wherevnto also all his greate 
 
 10 councillors had aduised him, yet neuerthelesse he was ex- 
 presslie commaunded by John, Duke of Burgonie, his father, 
 that in no wise he shoulde be at that Journey.^ 
 
 This commaundment was not geuen to the saide Earle by Trans- 
 the Duke his Father, for no fauour nor loue he had to the '^'°'^- 
 English partie, but only to the displeasure and variance 
 betwixt the Dolphine and him, and the Duke of Orleaunce. 
 
 ^ And for because the saide Earle of Charolois shoulde be Enguer- 
 the further place from the battaile, his Councell caused him ""'" 
 to remooue to Arras, where notw^'standinge the greater parte 
 
 20 of the people of his house", w"'' was aduertized of the day of 
 the battaile appointed, departed secretlie w"*out the saide 
 Earles knowledge, and accompanied them with the Frenchmen 
 against the English hoast. 
 
 *The disease and infirmitie that raigned amongest the 
 Englishmen, nor the smale nomber of the Kings hoast was 
 not vnknowen to the Frenchmen ; they also considered 
 Journies that Englishmen had sustained longe by lande w*^- 
 out anie greate corporall reffection to repose for there main- 
 tenaunce of theire streinght ; it was also remembred amongest 
 
 30 them the great, puissant, and as an infinit, multitude of them- 
 
 selues, against whome, as they thought, it was impossible for 
 
 so little an hoast (as the Englishmen were) to resist, namelie 
 
 because that all the greate princes of the Realme of Friaunce 
 
 were there assembled to disturbe the kings passage ; of whome 
 
 the most principall were these: the Dukes of Orleaunce, of 
 
 Brabaunt, of Burbony,^ of Alannson, and of Barrowe,® the 
 
 ^ om. MSS. ^ Monstrelet, iii. 99. ' id., ib. 
 
 * Limits, pp. 13, 14. 
 
 ^ Bourbon ; Burgonie B. 
 
 " Bar ; dux de Baro Livius. 
 
48 THE LIFE OF 
 
 lord Charloise labored,^ at this time the Counstable of Fraunee, 
 whose progenitors were liege to the Kings of Englande as of 
 theire duchie of Guyon, the Earle of Neuers, brother to the 
 Dukes of Burgonie and of Brabaunt, the Archebisshoppe of 
 Sence,^ and manie other greate Lords and men of honnor. These 
 men, hauinge theire confidence only in theire multitude, sent 
 three of theire harralds to the Kinge of England to giue him 
 knowledge that he shoulde not escape w"'out battaile; w""" 
 harralds, when they come to the Kings hoast, were first 
 brought to the Duke of Yorke, and by him they were pre- lo 
 sented to the Kinge, before whome they fell on there knees ; 
 and, after they had obtayned lycence to saie there message, 
 they spake in this manner : ' Right puissant Prince, greate 
 ' and noble is thie kinglie force, that is reported of thie Ma"* 
 ' amongest other princes and lords, they heare that by thie 
 'streinght and prowes, thou laborest to conquer Townes, 
 ' Citties, and Castells of the Realme of Fraunee ; they heare 
 ' also of the greate destruccion thou doest one Frenchmen ; 
 ' for w^'^ causes, and for the performance of theire oath that 
 ' they haue made to the Kinge, manie of our Lords be assem- 20 
 ' bled to defend this Realme, the Kings right and theire owne. 
 'And vppon this by vs they giue thee knowledge, that, 
 ' before thou come to Callice, they will meete thee in intent 
 ' to fight w*"" thee.' This victorious Kinge, after he had heard 
 theire message, and vnderstood the effect thereof, w* a coura- 
 gious hart, w*'' a constant countenaunce, w"*" none ire ne none 
 displeasure mooued, no collor of his face changinge, w"* a 
 moderate and softe speech, gaue vnto them this aunswere 
 sayinge : ' At all things be don at the pleasure of God.' And 
 when he was demaunded of the harralde, w""" waie he woulde 30 
 keepe, he aunswered : ' To Callice ' ; and there too addinge 
 he saide : ' If our aduersaries doe attempt to disturbe vs in 
 ' our journey, they shall not doe it w'^'out there owne greate 
 ' preiudice and daingerous perrill, we thinke ; we seeke them 
 ' not, neither for the feare of them wee shall not moove the 
 ' softlier, nor make the greater hast. Neuerthelesse we aduise 
 • them they let not our journey, nor they seeke not th'effusion 
 
 ' sc. Charles d'Albret ; dominus de la Bret Livius. ^ Sens. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 49 
 
 ' of so much Christian bloode.' The harralds contented w*'' 
 this aunswere, and rewarded w*'' an hundred Crownes of French 
 money, and lycenced to depart, retourned to there Prince, to 
 whome they reported theire aunswere that they had heard.^ 
 
 ^ The Kinge of Englande whome was left at Monchylagach,^ Enguer- 
 remooued from thence and went to lodge him in a village ""'• 
 called Forrcevile, aduauncinge his hoast towards the Riuer 
 of Myramount ; * and the next daye, w* was Wednesday,^ 
 they passed by the Cheve ^ and lodged them that night in 
 
 10 diuers places. The King lodged him at Bonyors Lestauillon,'^ 
 and the Duke of Yorke, his vnkle, captaine of the vauntgarde, 
 lodged him at Fremouch ' vppon the riuer of Chanche.' And 
 the residue of th' englishmen and hoast were lodged in diuers 
 other places, so that that night they were deuided into seauen 
 or eight seuerall places or Townes. That notw^standinge 
 they had no manner of displeasure of theire enemies that 
 night ; for the Frenchmen were gon to be before them in theire 
 way towards S* Paule,^" and vppon the ryuer Myramount.^^ 
 And the Thursdaie next ensewinge the Kinge remooued from 
 
 30 Bonniers and rodd in right fayre ordinance vnto Bangay.^^ 
 
 ^® And for asmuch as he was aduertised tofore of a riuer in Titus 
 that journey ouer w"'' they must passe by a bridge, and if Liuius. 
 peraduenture that bridge were broken by there aduersaries he 
 coulde not haue passage w*''out his great preiudice and perrill, 
 he sent therefore before certaine noble horsemen, w**" them 
 he assigned certaine footmen, to defende and keepe the bridge ; 
 where, at there comminge thether, they founde many French- 
 men, that enforced them to breake the bridge, vnto whome 
 the Englishemen gaue battaile, and after a longe and cruell 
 
 30 fight betwext them, manie of there aduersaries were slaine, 
 
 I Livitis, p. 14 ; abbreviated by Stow. ^ Monsirelet, iii. 100. 
 * Monchy-Lagache, *- Miraumont. ^ 23rd October. 
 
 " chevaucha par empr^s Lucheu Monsirelet ; the Cheue Stow. 
 
 ' Bonni^res I'Escaillon. 
 
 8 Prevent ; Tremouth, B. ; Fremont Monsirelet. 
 
 " Canche ; a blank seems to have been left in B. in the first instance. 
 
 i» St. Pol. 
 
 II la riviere d'Aujain Monsirelet j the scribe repeated the previous 
 passage from and the next daye, but afterwards erased ifj in this second 
 version he wrote, Riuer of Arnon. Stow omits. 
 
 ^^ Blangy. '^ Livius, p. 15 ; om. Stow. 
 
 1188 E 
 
unt. 
 
 Liuius. 
 
 50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 many wounded, and many taken prisoners, and all the residue 
 put to flight. They wann the bridge, and kept it from hurt. 
 This day was the three and twenteth of Nouember,^ vppon 
 w""" daie is solemnized in the Church the Commemoration of 
 Saint Romaine the confessor. 
 
 Enguer- 2 js^f. ^ch bridge when the Duke of Yorke^ Chieftaine of the 
 first warde, had passed the water, and had ascended the 
 mountaines, his espies * perceaued from all parts the French- 
 men comminge by greate multitudes of men of armes, w* 
 went to lodge them in Ronsianvile,* and other places there- 10 
 abouts, in intent to be before the Englishmen, and the next 
 day to befight them. 
 
 Titus 5 When the English espies had perceaued the Frenchmen in 
 
 so greate number, one of them w"* fearefuU countenaunce, and 
 sorrowfuUe sighinge,^ reported vnto the Duke of Yorke, that 
 there were approached vnto them an innumerable multitude 
 of there aduersaries ; whereof when the Duke had true know- 
 ledge by their spies and courours, that had also seene them, 
 he gaue to the Kinge knowledge thereof; who, w*out feare 
 or yre, gaue to the middle ward, whereof he was conductor, 20 
 charge to abide, and geuinge spurrs to his horse he hasted to 
 see his enemies, whome he perceaued to be an innumerable 
 hoast. Then he returned to his fielde w**" a constant mynde, 
 not mooued w*"" feare, but as he that putteth his whole con- 
 fidence in God and in Justice. After this he ordered his 
 battailes, and distributeth to euery Captaine his number, and 
 his order, and place of fightinge, and in what manner. He 
 kept his hoast readie ordered in the fielde vntill night; and 
 when the day was passed, and that no light at all was per- 
 ceaued, he disposed him to get some harbour for that night, 30 
 both for him and for his people, where they might have 
 corporall refection and repose of theire bodies. And in that 
 night, whome a terrible battell was to followe, in that region 
 unknowen they coulde finde no place nigh vnto them, wherein 
 
 ' xi. Kal. Novembris Livius, sc. 22nd October ; the true date was 
 24th October (ix. Kal. Nov.). 
 
 ''■ Monstrelet, iii. 100, loi ; om. Stow. 
 
 ^ Espies is written in a space at first left blank ; companies H. 
 
 * Ruisseauville. '' Livius, p. 15 ; om. Stow. 
 
 * sightinge B., anelito anxio Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 51 
 
 to be refreshed, except that diuinely there was showed vnto 
 them a certaine white way ; by the w* they were ledd to 
 a certayne little village called Aigincourt,^ where they were a 
 little better refresshede w"" meate and drinke then they had 
 bin in there journey before ; where also the Kinge for that 
 night tooke a little house for his lodginge. From that place 
 where the Kinge had sett his battailes in array vntill they 
 came vnto the Towne, by the commaundement of the Kinge, 
 was no cry nor noyse heard of the Englishmen, as they vsed 
 
 10 tofore, but everie man went peaceablie. And when they came 
 to the village aforesaide, they kindled theire fyres, and ordered 
 and made watches. In like manner also did the Frenchmen, 
 w"'' scarslie were distant from the English the space of two 
 hundred and fiftie spaces.^ 
 
 ^ And the same proper Thursday towards the eueninge for Enguer- 
 certaine courses * Phillipp, the Earle of Neuers was made ""'' 
 knight by the hand of Bouncicalt, the Maister ^ of Fraunce, 
 and w*'' him were made knights manie other greate Lords and 
 gentlemen of Fraunce. This night came vnto the French 
 
 20 hoast the Counstable of Fraunce, who lodged himselfe nigh 
 Agincourte. Then all the Frenchmen assembled themselues 
 together in one hoast, and lodged themselues vppon the 
 playne fielde, every man as nigh to his owne banner as he 
 coulde, except some people of smale estate, that lodged them 
 in villages nigh vnto the fielde. And the Kinge of England 
 w*'' his Englishmen was lodged in a little village called 
 Masencelles, iij. shotts of a bowe or thereaboute from the 
 Frenchmen. 
 
 Howbeit all other Authors " that I haue read, resite that he Trans- 
 
 30 was lodged that night at Agincourt, but whereso he was '^*°''- 
 lodged it was not greatlie materiall, in as much as all myne 
 Authors accord in this pointe that the fielde was fought in 
 
 1 in villain quandam Livius. Stow follows the Translator, but adds 
 Enguerant saith Masencelles. Maisoncelles {under a mile south of 
 Agincourt) is correct. 
 
 ' The scribe of Bodley 966 apparently intended to alter this to paces ; 
 but Stow has spaces. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. loi ; om. Stow. * k aucunes courses Monstrelet. 
 
 ° mar&hal Monstrelet. 
 
 ^ It is not clear what authors the Translator intends. Livius has in 
 villam quandam ; Walsingham (Hist. Angl. ii. 310) in quadam villa. 
 
 E 3 
 
52 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Poli- 
 cronicon. 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 a plaine adioyninge to Agincourt, and for that reason the 
 fielde beareth the name of the Towne. 
 
 ^ The Frenchmen w**" all theire greate Lords and Captaines 
 fixed there banners and standards w**" greate joy and mirth 
 w* the banner Royall, whereof the Counstable had the 
 conduct and charge, in the fielde by them deuised and chosen, 
 w* was in the County of S' Paule in the ground of Agincourt, 
 by w""" the day foUowinge the Englishmen shoulde passe to 
 goe to Callice. 
 
 ^ And that night the Frenchmen made greate fyers, everie lo 
 man vnder his banner; and that night the Frenchmen, fishinge 
 before the nett, played the Englishmen at dyce, as if they 
 had bin assured of the victory, whereby the purveyaunce of 
 God they disappointed. 
 
 ^ * And although the French were in number a CL thousand, 
 whereof the most part had theire horsses w*'' them there, and 
 besides that they had manie other horsses in their charriotts, 
 waggons, and carts, and other waggons and carriages, whereof 
 they had greate plenty amongest them, they had fewe or none 
 instruments of musicke to reioyce the companies w**" ; nor of 20 
 all that night tofore the battaile right fewe, or in a manner 
 none of there horses brayed or made any noyse, whereof manie 
 men had maruile suspectinge it to prefigure some maruelous 
 fortune to come. But the Englishmen ceased not of all the 
 night to blowe or sound there busines, trumpets, or other 
 musicks, whereof they had greate plenty, in so much as all the 
 grounde about them resounded at theire noyse. The night 
 before the fielde the Duke of Orleaunce accompanied w* the 
 Earle of Richmunde, who had the conduct of the people of 
 the Dolphine and also of the Brittaines, assembled them to 30 
 the number of two thousand basnetts of other Frenchmen w*"" 
 shott, and went secretlie to the lodges of Th'englishmen, 
 w""" by the good ordinaunce of the Kinge, wer all readie put 
 in array doubtinge the invasions of theire enemies. Then 
 began the shott one both parties, w* endured not longe, but 
 that the Frenchmen were constrayned to w*Mrawe them to 
 theire whole hoast. After w* enterprise the saide Duke of 
 
 1 Monstrelet, iii. loi. '^ Brut, p. 378 ; not in PoUcronicon. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 101-3. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 5^ 
 
 Orleaunce and many other noble men were made knights ; 
 and thus they passed that night ^ w*''out doeinge any other 
 feate of warr one either partie. Duringe this time the Duke 
 of Brittaine, notw*''standinge that he had sent ^ a part of his 
 people tofore, was come to Amiens w**" six thousand fightinge 
 men, in the aide of the Frenchmen, and had ioyned w"" them 
 if they had tarried his comminge till the Satterday. And in 
 like manner the Lord Longue,^ Marshall of Fraunce,* accom- 
 panied w* six C. men of armes, was also comminge into theire 
 lohelpe, and lodged the same day of the battaile six leagues 
 from the whole hoast ; and the morninge next after he 
 remooued passing early ,^ in trust to come to the fielde. 
 
 * The xxv* day of October, after mattins, masses,'^ prayers Titus 
 and supplicacions of the Kings priests saide and done w**" all Liuius. 
 devotion, that most Christian Kinge of England in the morn- 
 inge verie early sent forth his hoast in array. He commaunded 
 
 that his horses, and all other carriages and impediments, 
 shoulde be left in that village, where he had lodged that night, 
 vnder the guard and keepinge of a fewe persons, and w*"* him 
 
 20 he tooke nothinge but mens bodies, harnes, and weapons. 
 The order of his fielde was : his owne battaile was not distant 
 farr from another.* The middle battaile, whereof the Kinge ,. 
 was conductor, and wherein he intended to fight, was sett in 
 the middle of the fielde directly against the middle battaile of 
 theire aduersaries. One the right hande or side was the first 
 battaile, and therew* the right winge. And on^ the left 
 side the last battaile, and the left winge. And theise battailes 
 ioyned nigh together, and by the purveyaunce of God was 
 proued vnto the Kinge, w'^'' had his speciall confidence in God 
 
 30 and in Justice, a defensible place for his hoast ; for the village, 
 wherein he was lodged that night tofore, defended his hoast 
 from all hostile inuasions one the backe, and the fielde, 
 
 '^ fight B. ; pour cette nuit Monstrelet, ^ spent B. 
 
 ' Seigneur de Longny. * French B. 
 
 ° se partit tres matin Monstrelet. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 16; Stow {who had omitted the two previous paragraphs) 
 now resumes. 
 
 ' mattins, masses om. Stow ; Martins masses H. 
 
 * A mistranslation ; non longe distabat acies una de reliquis Livius ; 
 read ontfor his owne. Stow omits. 
 
 ^ on om. B. 
 
54 THE LIFE OF 
 
 wherein he was, was defended one both sides w*"" two smale 
 riuers.^ This Noble Kinge was armed with sure and beauteous 
 shininge armour, and vppon his heade was a bright helmet, 
 wherevppon was set a crowne of goulde repleate w"" pearles 
 and precious stones, maruelous rich; and in his shielde he 
 bare the Armes of Englande and of Fraunce. And thus 
 armed, as he that feared not not to be knowne of his aduer- 
 saries, he was mounted vppon a greate and goodly horse, and 
 after him were ledd certain noble horses w**" theire bridles and 
 trappers of gouldesmithes worke, maruelouslie rich, as the lo 
 manner of Kings is. And vppon them also in the same worke 
 were beaten the Armes of Englande and of Fraunce. Thus 
 this most victorious Kinge, prepared and disposed to battaile, 
 encouraged his people to the iielde that approched at hande. 
 And to one great estate ^ of his companie, w* desired to the 
 pleasure of God that everie man of warr w*''in England were 
 there w*"^ them presentlie readie apparrelled for battaile, the 
 Kinge made this aunswere : ' Trulie I woulde not that my 
 ' companie were increased of one person more than nowe it is. 
 ' Wee be, as to the regards of our enemies, but a verie smale ao 
 ' number. But if God, of his infinit goodnes, fauour our causes 
 ' and right (as we surelie trust) there is none of vs that may 
 ' attribute this so greate a victorie to our owne power but only 
 ' to the hande of God ; and by that we shall the rather be 
 ' prouoked to giue him due thanks therefore ; and if per- 
 ' aduenture for our sinns we shall be giuen into the hands of 
 ' our enemies and to the sworde, (w"'' God forbid) then the 
 'lesse our companie bee, the lesse domage and dishonnor 
 ' shalbe to the Realme of England ; or else if we were in 
 'greate number and shoulde then haue victorie of our 30 
 'enemies, then our mindes shoulde be prone and readie 
 'to pride. And then peraduenture we shoulde ascribe our 
 ' victorie rather to our owne streinght then to the hand of God, 
 ' and thereby wee shoulde purchase to ourselues his indignation. 
 
 ^ This is incorrect, though adopted by Stow. Livius reads : muni- 
 tumque campum . . . duobus latenbus undique vepribus et sepibus. The 
 flanks of the English army were protected by the woods and enclosures of 
 Agincourt and Tramecourt. 
 
 ' Sir Walter Hungerford {cf. Gesta Henrici Quinti, p. 47), not the Earl 
 of Westmorland as in Shakespeare {Henry V, Act iv, sc. 3) ; Westmorland 
 •was not present. Stow omits the story. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 55 
 
 ' But be ye of good courage, and fight w"" all your might, and 
 ' God and our right shall defend vs, and deliuer into our hands 
 ' all this greate multitude of our proud enemies that yee se, or 
 ' at the least the most part of them.' The night before this cruell 
 battaile, by the aduise and councell (as it is saide) of ^ the Duke 
 of Yorke, the Kinge had geuen commaundement through his 
 hoast, that euerie man shoulde prouide him a stake sharpe at 
 both endes, w* the Englishmen fixed in the ground before 
 them in the fielde to defend them from the oppression of the 
 
 10 horsemen.^ The Frenchmen had so much there confidence in 
 the great multitude of theire people, in theire shyninge armor 
 and beauteous, and in there greate and mightie horses, that 
 manie of theire greate Princes and Lords leauinge behinde them 
 there seruants and souldiers, and namely leauinge behind them 
 there standards and banners, and other ensignes, came towards 
 the Englishmen in right greate hast, as if they had bin assured 
 of victorie. ^ Amongest whome the Duke of Brabande *, w"** 
 for hast had left behinde him his banners, tooke from a 
 trumpet his banner of armes, and commaunded it to bee 
 
 20 borne before him vppon a speare in steade of his banner. 
 
 ^ And when they approached the English hoast w"" that Enguer- 
 knightlie dilligence that they might, they briefelie ordered ™'- 
 theire battaile in this manner. Earely in the morninge before 
 the battaile, w* was the firyday the xxv"' daye of October in 
 the yeare of our Lord God 141 5, the Counstable of Fraunce 
 and other wise men of the Kings Councell of Fraunce ordered 
 of theire companie three battailes, whereof the Auantgard 
 contayned vj. thousand Bacints,^ foure M. Archers, and xv. C. 
 Arbalesters, of whome was the conductor the foresaide Coun- 
 
 30 stable, and w* him the Duke[s] of Orleaunce, and of Burbon, 
 the Earles of Ewe, and of Richmount, and the Marchall 
 Bonycault/ the M=^ of Arbalesters, the Lorde of Damphire^ 
 admirall of Fraunce, and diuers other great captaines and men 
 
 1 hyB. 
 
 " TMs statement is an insertion of the Translator, which -was adopted 
 by Stow. The use of the stakes is mentioned by many authorities; the 
 reference to the Duke of York comes from the Brut, pp. 378, 5 54-5 > 
 ed. Brie. 
 
 ' Stow stops here and does not resume till p. 58 below. 
 
 * Brabant. ° Monstrelet, iii. 103, 104. 
 
 ^ huit mille bacinetz Monstrelet. ' Boucicault. ' Dampierre. 
 
56 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Trans- 
 lator. 
 
 of honnour. In the second Battell were appointed as many 
 men of Armes, Archers and Arbalesters as were in the first, of 
 w""" were conductors the Dukes of Barry and Alanson/ the 
 Earles of Neuers, of Vaundemont, of Blamount, of Salms, of 
 Grauntyree, and of Rousye.^ And in theire rereward were all 
 the residue of men of armes, archers, and arbalesters, the Earle 
 of Marie, of Damputine, and of Faukenburge,^ and diuers 
 other greate estates and noble captaines. They ordayned also 
 two winges of horsemen to disseuer and breake the array of the 
 English hoast, wherein were xxiiij. C. horsemen w*"* suchio 
 captaines as were thought most convenient for the same. And 
 the rather to encourage the harte of the younge lords and 
 gentlemen the Counstable of Fraunce the day and night before 
 this fielde had made aboue vj. hundred knights of the fielde 
 and of his hoast. 
 
 * And when they approached, the Frenchmen exceeded so 
 farr the Englishemen in number that of them was xxxj. mens 
 thicknes in euerie part of the fielde ; nor the fielde, where they 
 fought, suffered not to receaue so greate multitude of people 
 as they were ; and the English hoast was scarsely iiij" mens 20 
 thicknes. 
 
 ^At his departure from Harfleet he had in his hoast two 
 thousand men of armes, xiij. thousand archers, and other men 
 of warr a greate number. 
 
 But of this number Enguerunt putteth no certainetie. 
 Howe well the English Cronicle^ reciteth that he had at this 
 fielde but x. thousand men of warr in his hoast; and that 
 seemeth me maruelous that he hauinge xxiij. thousand men at 
 his commaundement besides all them that weare deade of the 
 flix, and besides the garrison he left at Harefleet, woulde take 30 
 so smale an hoast w"" him, consideringe that he had know- 
 ledge tofore his departure from Harefleete of the preparacion 
 that the French made against him. But let euerip man giue 
 credence to whether part he will, and I will returne to my 
 
 ' Bar and Alengon. 
 
 "' Vaudemont, Blamont, Salms, Grand-Prd, and Roussy. 
 ^ Dammartin a»(/ Fauquembergue. * Livius,^. 17. 
 
 ° Monstrelet, iii. 95. 
 
 " The Brut, p. 379, has vij. M. ; another version (p. 554) has 
 viij. Mi 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 57 
 
 matter. Howbeit Enguerunt^ resiteth that the greater part of 
 the English archers were w*''out harnes. 
 
 ^ The Frenchmen had also in his hoast manie gunns and Titus 
 engines of diuers quantities and fashions, wherew"" they shott '"'"^; 
 and cast stones amonge the English hoast. These two hoasts 
 were distant one from thother scarselie three shotts of a bowe.^'^ 
 
 The Frenchmen abode in theire array w*^out moouinge 
 vntill ix. or x. a clocke of the daie, beinge as ascertained that 
 the Englishmen shoulde not escape theire hands, seinge howe 
 
 10 they exceed the English hoast in number.^ And when they 
 had stoode longe thus the one against th'other, w*''out doeinge 
 anie thinge, sauinge that the horsemen of the French hoast 
 rann dyuers courses vppon the Englishmen, by whose archers 
 they were at all times driuen to theire hoast, and that a greate 
 parte of the short daie* was thus passed, the Kinge coun- 
 celled w*^ his wise men what was to be done therevppon : 
 amongest whome it was considered that longe abidinge in the ^ 
 realme of his aduersaries, where they had no comfort, was 
 vnto them perilous and shoulde turne to theire greate dainger, 
 
 20 and namely because they had scarcetie of victualls, and that 
 the Frenchmen beinge in theire owne country, where they had 
 no enemies, and also they shoulde daylie increase in number 
 and in streinght. Wherefore it was concluded by them to gee 
 to there enemies, in as much as they came not to them. But 
 before the Kinge remooued his hoast, vppon suretie safelie to 
 returne, came vnto the Kinge three noble men of Fraunce, 
 amonge whome was the Lord Helley,^ w* before time had 
 bine taken of the English souldiars, and was brought as 
 a prisoner into England, from whence by breakinge of prison 
 
 30 he secretlie escaped and returned into Fraunce.^ This Lord 
 spake vnto the Kinge in this manner : ' Noble Kinge, it hath 
 ' often bin shewed vnto me, and also to others of our realme, 
 ' that I shoulde fly from you shamefully and otherwise then 
 ' a knight shoulde doe, w"*" report I ame heare readie to proue 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 106. "^ Livius, pp. 17-20. 
 
 ' This sentence is inserted by the Translator frojn Monstrelet, iii. 104. 
 
 * The scribe first wrote the daie (beinge short). ^ his B. 
 
 " Jacques de Helley, cf. ^i^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Records, 
 p. 584. 
 
 ' qui captus olim a stipendiariis Anglicis ex Anglia postea fugerat 
 Livius. 
 
58 THE LIFE OF 
 
 'vtitrue. And if there be any man of your hoast hardy to 
 ' reproch me thereof, lett him prepare him to a single battaile. 
 'And I shall proue it vppon him before thie Ma*'*, that 
 ' wrongefullie that report hath bine imagined and furnished of 
 ' me.' To whome the Kinge made this aunswere : ' No 
 ' battaile shalbe heere foughten at this time for this cause, 
 'another time shalbe thereto more convenient then this. 
 ' Therefore returne you and call foorth your company ^ to the 
 ' fielde, before the night approach. And we trust in God, that 
 ' like as you hauinge no regard to the order of honnor of knight- lo 
 ' hood, escaped from vs, so this [day] ^ ye shall either be taken 
 ' and brought to vs againe, or else by the sworde you shall 
 ' fynish your life.' ' Noble Kinge,' saide the Lorde, ' for you I 
 'shall not warne my companie, nor they shall in nothinge 
 'attempt your commaundement. Both we and you^ w* your 
 'hoast be w*'^in the hande of the most Christian Kinge of 
 'Fraunce, Charles, to whose commaundement we shall obey 
 ' and not to yours.* And we that be his liegis shall come to 
 'battaile at our owne pleasure and not at yours.' 'Depart 
 ' you from hence,' saide the Kinge, ' to your hoast, and we 20 
 ' beleeue you shall not returne w* so full speed, but we shalbe 
 ' theire shortly after you.' Then these Lords departed. ^ And 
 the Kinge' foorthw*'^ aduaunced his banners and standards to 
 the French hoast. And he in his person, w*"* his ^ battaile in 
 the same order wherein they stoode'' folio winge, exhorted and 
 encouraged euerie man to battaile, notw^standinge he went 
 to inuade his enemies ; yet [he]* kept his accustomed order : 
 that is, that the first battaile went before, the second battaile 
 followed, and the third came imediatlie after. He com- 
 maunded his priestes and chaplaines * to abide in prayers and 30 
 diuine supplicacions ; and his Harrolds bearinge theire coate 
 armors to attaine ^^ to theire offices. Then euery Englishman 
 fell prostrate to the ground, and committinge themselues to 
 
 ^ tuosque verbis nostris . . . evoca Livius. 
 ^ om. MSS. ; hodie Livius. ' your B. 
 
 * Sedemus omnes et tu cum exercitu quoque tuo in terris supremi 
 Gallorum principis regis Karoli Livius. 
 ' Stow now resumes. ' this B. ; suis Livius. 
 
 ' he stoode MSS. ; steterant Livius. * om. MSS, 
 
 " captaines MSS. ; capellanisque Livius; Stow omits and chaplaines. 
 ^'' attend Stow ; ad eorum officium attentissimis, Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 59 
 
 God, euerie one of them tooke in his mouth a little peece of 
 earth, in remembraunce of that they were mortall and earth, 
 or else in remembraunce of the wholie Communion.^ Thus 
 all the carriages and bagages left behinde, only charged w* 
 theire harnes, weapons, and stalfes^ they marched toward 
 there enemies w*"* greate bruite and noyse. Then they began 
 to sounde theire trumpets and theire tabors,^ w* greatelie 
 encouraged the hart of euerie man. There enemies seeinge 
 them approach aduaunced themselues also, and mett w*"" them 
 
 10 in the fielde, betwext whome was began a maruelous fierce and 
 cruell battell. The battells of the Englishmen were as longe 
 as the fielde, wherein they fought, woulde suffer; w* was 
 greately to there aduantage, for by that there enemies were 
 letted to come vppon them at the sides and backe of the 
 hoast.* The Frenchmen had ordayned there battailes w* two 
 sharpe frontes like vnto two homes, w"*" allwaies backe ward 
 was brodar f and these sharpe battailes sett vppon the Kings 
 middleward, in intent to runn thorough the Kings ® fielde. 
 ' The order and array of the English had bin sore troubled 
 
 20 of the horsemen of Fraunce, if they had not bin slaine, beaten, 
 and wounded by the bows of Englande,* and by the helpe of 
 the stakes that the Englishmen had fixed tofore them in the 
 grounde, whereby the horsemen were constrained to returne, 
 or else they must runn vppon the stakes, where manie of them 
 were ouerthrowne and wounded, and manie both men and 
 horses slayne. The battaile and fight increased maruelouslie ; 
 euerie man inforced him to be a victor by the space of three 
 howers, by w* time w"'out delay or respite endured this 
 mortall battaile ; no man approached the place of the battell, 
 
 30 but either he must slay or else he was slayne. There no man 
 intendede to prowes, but to victorie; no man was taken 
 
 ' From in remembraunce is an insertion by the Translator j Stow 
 adopts, but reads : mortall, and made of earth, as also in remembrance of 
 the holy communion. 
 
 ^ stakes H., and Stow. 
 
 ' They sounded their trumpets and strooke up their drums Stow; 
 Livius has simply tubicinum clangor maximus . . . excitat. 
 
 4 ^oh Yifas _ . _ hoast, an insertion of the Translator, adopted by Stow. 
 
 ^ broader and broader Stow. ° whole Stow. 
 
 '"' but the Frenchmen were slaine and wounded by the English archers 
 Stows the text above reproduces Livius more closely. 
 
6o THE LIFE OF 
 
 prisoner, but an innumerable were slayne. And when it came 
 to the middle of the fielde the Englishmen were more 
 encouraged to slaye there enemies then tofore, as to whome was 
 no trust of life but only in victorie. They slewe them that came 
 first vnto them, vppon whose deade bodies [an]^ innumerable 
 companie were [throwne and]^ slayne, and that the victorie 
 surelie remayned to the Englishmen. Thus after a longe and 
 cruell battaile by the demerits of theire greate pride there 
 approached no man [of the French] '^ to battaile, but only to 
 death : of whom, after that an innumerable companie were lo 
 slayne, and that the victorie surelie remayned to the 
 Englishmen, they spared to slaye and tooke prisoners of the 
 Frenchmen both Princes, Lords, and gentlemen [in great 
 number].^ In this mortall battaile the noble Kinge neuer 
 spared his body from labour, from perrills, nor from fightinge ; 
 nor he neuer fayled his men for no dainger of death, nor for no 
 paine ; but he fought w*** his aduersaries w"" an ardent hart as 
 a famyshed * lyon for his pray ; in his helmet and in the 
 residewe of his armour he receaued many strookes. In this 
 fielde as the puissant Duke Humphrie, Duke of Gloucester, the 20 
 Kings brother, fought w*'' greate courage and force, he was 
 sore wounded in the hammes w**" a [sworde, and] ^ ouerthrowne, 
 [in so much as] ^ he laye as halfe deade in the field, his heade 
 towards the Englishmen, and his feet towards his enemies, 
 vppon whome the Kinge hauinge brotherly loue and 
 compassion bestrid him : and w"" most stronge battell and 
 laboure, and not w"'out his owne great perill, the brother 
 defended and succored the brother from there enemies, and 
 made the Duke to be borne out of the fielde amongst the 
 hands of his owne men. At the last the victorie obtayned, 30 
 and the greate hoast of the Frenchmen slayne, taken, wounded 
 
 ' om. MSS.j stow reads : no man was taken prisoner, but an innumer- 
 able number were slaine, vppon whose dead bodies they that followed 
 were throwne and slaine. The Translator does not seem to have fully 
 revised his text, which is an ornate expansion of the very terse originalin 
 Livius, pp. 1 9, 20. 
 
 ^ om.MSS. ; restored from Stow ; nullus e Gallis Livius. 
 
 " om. MSS. ; restored from Stow. 
 
 * invictus er jubatus in the printed Livius; famished Stow. 
 
 ' Blank in MSS.; restored from Stow. 
 
 ^ om. MSS.; restored from Stoiu. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 6i 
 
 and vanquished, foorth w*'^ another hoast of the Frenchmen, 
 no lesse then the first, supposinge the Englishmen nowe to be , 
 wearied by theire longe trauell and fight, disposed them to 
 recommence and begin againe the battaile anewe ; when the 
 Englishmen (w"'' had more prisoners then themselues were in 
 number) sawe this newe fielde assembled to giue them battaile 
 againe, fearinge least in this newe fielde they shoulde fight 
 both with theire prisoners, and theire enemies, they put to 
 death manie of there saide enemies prisoners both Noble men 
 
 10 and richmen. 
 
 ^ Amongest whome the Duke of Brabande, who at that Poli- 
 fielde was taken prisoner, was slaine. cronicon. 
 
 ^ Then this noble prudent Kinge, consideringe and seinge Titus 
 the resemblaunce ^ of his aduersaries, sent his Herraulds vnto Liuius. 
 them commaundinge either foorth w*'' to come to battaile, or 
 else imediatly to depart ; and if they delayed to depart, or else 
 if they came to battaile, both those of theires that then were 
 prisoners, and also all they that shoulde after be taken, w'^'out 
 mercie or redemption shoulde be put to death. All this he 
 
 20 gaue in messuage to his Heraulds, w* messuage when the 
 Frenchmen had hearde fearinge the streinght of the English- 
 men, and also the death both of themselues, and also of those 
 prisoners that were taken before one there partie, w*'' heauines 
 and w*'' shame they departed foorthw*''. Then the Kinge, 
 assured of this greate victorie, gaue the greatest thanks and 
 laude to God that might be. And because that day the 
 Church solemnized the commemoration of S' Chrispine and 
 S* Chrispiane,* (by whose suffrages it seemed him that this 
 great victorie was geuen him of God) he ordayned duringe his 
 
 30 life the commemoracion of them to be saide daily in Masse 
 he heard.® In this cruell battell were slaine on the French 
 part the noble dukes of Alannson and Barrie,^ and of Brabant, 
 and the Lord Helly, who, as is aforesaide, came tofore the 
 battaile to purge himself before the Kinge of his escape out 
 of Englande. 
 
 ^ Policronicon, p. 327. ^ Livius, pp. 20, 21. ' resemble Stow. 
 
 * SS. Crispin and Crispinian. 
 
 ^ B. is punctuated Masse. He heard in, &c. Livius reads : in missa 
 quam audiret eorundem beatorum commemoratio fieret. Hoc in praelio 
 &c. Stow omits the sentence. ° Alengon and Bar. 
 
6a 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Enguer- 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Enguer- 
 
 unt. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 'The Lorde Labret,^ chiefe Counstable of Fraunce, the 
 Archbisshopp of Saunce,^ eight Earles, and one hundred and 
 more of Barrons, xv. C. knights, and aboue tenn thousand of 
 all estates, whereof were not scarslie xv. C. persons that were 
 souldiars, seruants, or varletts, besides this great number. 
 And all the rest were gentlemen of Coate Armor. 
 
 *At this battaile besides this greate murther were taken 
 prisoners of the Frenchmen the Duke of Orleaunce, and of 
 Brabant/ Arthur, brother to the Duke of Brittaine,^ the Earle 
 of Vandosme, the Earle of Ewe, the Earle of Richmount,' lo 
 and S"" Bannicault,* marshall of Fraunce, who was brought 
 prisoner into England and theire dyed. 
 
 ^And many other men were taken prisoners vnto the 
 number of xv. C. persons, all knights and gentlemen. And 
 of the English partie were slayne the Duke of Yorke, the 
 Earle of Suffolke, and to the number of an hundred persons 
 in the vauntgarde. 
 
 '" And of all estats as well of gentlemen as of commons on 
 the English partie were not founde deade aboue sixe hundred 
 in the fielde. 20 
 
 '^ When the day began to declyne and the night approach, 
 by the aduise of his Councell that victorious Kinge retourned 
 w*'' his hoast into that village, wherein they harbored the 
 night before the fielde, where he founde his horses and other 
 baggage and carriages that he left there tofore the fielde, 
 stollen and carryed away by robbers of the Frenchmen. 
 
 '^ Where amongest manie other Jewells of greate price was 
 stollen away a sworde of greate vallewe, adorned w* goulde 
 and precious stones, w""" after was geuen to Phillipp, Earle of 
 Charoloyse, sonn and heire to Burgoyne. 3° 
 
 '^ The same daye of the fielde at night, when the Kinge sat 
 at his refection in the aforesaide village, he was serued at his 
 boord of these greate Lords and Princes that were taken in 
 
 ' Charles d'Albret. 
 
 ^ A mistake for Bourbon. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 120. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet,m. \\2-\q. ' Charles d'Albret. ^ Sens. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 21. 
 * sc. Arthur of Brittany. 
 " Boucicault. 
 
 ° Livius, p. 21 ; Stow inserts another list from the Liber Metricus of 
 Elmham (Memorials of Henry VI, p. 123). 
 '" Monstrelet, iii. no. " Livius, p. 21. 
 
 '- Monstrelet, iii. no. '^ ^^Vzmj, p. 21. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 63 
 
 the fielde. That night the Kinge appointed good and sure 
 watches thoroughout his hoast for feare of suddaine inuasions.* 
 But the Frenchmen were vtterly deuided and gone, w*''out 
 makinge or intendinge any newe busines ; whereby the 
 Englishmen were suffered in peace to take there rest that 
 night. And the day next ensewinge the Kinge w*^ his 
 people entered his journey towards Callis ; and as they passed 
 thorough the fielde where they had foughten the day before, 
 they founde all the dead bodies of the men dispoyled as well 
 
 10 of there harnes as of there array by th'inhabitaunts of the 
 countrie both men and weomen. Notw'^'standinge, the bodies 
 that might be knowne for Englishmen that were of any repu- 
 tacion, the Kinge caused to be assembled and enterred 
 accordinge to there estate.^ And so contynewinge his journey 
 the Kinge came to his Castell of Guynes, and from thence he 
 went to his Towne of Callis, w* all his hoast and his prisoners, 
 where he was receaued of his liegemen w*'' greate joy and w"* 
 all due honnor. And after that his hoast was somethinge 
 refreshed w*'' meate, drinke & sleepe, the Kinge councelled 
 
 30 w*"^ his councellors if he should nowe retourne into Fraunce 
 and pursue his enterprise begun, or else returne w*'^ his hoast 
 into England and refresh his people. Amongest whome it 
 was considered that the number of his people was right smale, 
 and of them that were left many were troubled w*** the disease 
 of the fluxe, and manie so grieued of those woundes that they 
 had receaued at the fielde. They considered also that longe 
 abidinge at Callis shoulde cause penury of victualles amongest 
 his hoast. And on the other partie in there owne countrie 
 the people shoulde at there ease haue refresshed them, and 
 
 30 cure them of theire diseases and wounds. They also con- 
 sidered that the time hitherto had not bin vnfortunate to 
 them : but that w"" theire honnour they might returne w* 
 theire gaine that they had conquered and gotten. They 
 trusted also that the aide of God was not w'Mrawen from 
 them, but that to his pleasure the Kinge shoulde right well 
 obtaine his desire in time to come. For w'''' consideracion the 
 
 ' These two sentences are an insertion. 
 
 ^ As well . . . there estate an interpolation by the Translator, btif 
 adopted by Stow. 
 
64 THE LIFE OF 
 
 minds of all his Councellors were condiscended and agreed 
 vppon there retourne into England, thereby to reioyce the 
 harts of the people, where also they might refresh there 
 bodies, and recouer themselues of there diseases and wounds. 
 Then w* all dilligence the nauie was prepared for there 
 returne. And by the Kings commaundement the Lords and 
 greate estats of the prisonners of Fraunce vnto a greate 
 number were brought into that shipp wherein the King was, 
 and ^ determined to passe the seas.^ 
 
 Enguer- 3 At this passage the sea was maruelous boysterous and lo 
 roughe, in so much as two of the English shipps were perished 
 in the fioudes. 
 
 Titus * By reason whereof the French prisoners were so in- 
 
 '"'"^' combred and vexed that this day of there passage seemed 
 them as bitter and tirrible, as that daye wherein they were 
 taken at Agincourt ; nor I coulde not maruaile inoughe ^ howe 
 the Kinge shoulde haue so greate strenghth, so easelie to 
 resist and indure the rage and boysterous of the sea, w*''out 
 accombrance and disease of his stomacke, for vndoubtedly his 
 stomake was as good and as whole vppon the sea as when he 20 
 was vppon the lande. When the Kinge had passed the sea, 
 and was come to arriue and take land at Douer, innumerable 
 people of religion, of priests, and noble men, and ^ of the 
 commons came runninge to meet the Kinge in euerie way; 
 and so greate was the loue they had to the Kinge, and so 
 much the desire of his returne, that a right greate number of 
 them went into the water vppon there feet vntill they came 
 vnto the Kings shipps, purposinge to beare him to the lande 
 in their armes. When the Kinge was arriued, he aboade' 
 at Douer by certaine daies to refresh and rest his Lords 30 
 and prisoners after his troublous passage, and from thence he 
 
 1 and om. Stow. 
 
 ^ This passage is a free expansion of Liviusj Stow adopts it with some 
 slight variation. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 125. * Livius, p. 22. 
 
 ^ Nee mirari satis poterant Liviusj the Translator expands the rest of 
 the sentence freely ; Stow reads they coulde not maruel, but otherwise 
 follows the Translator. 
 
 " and o?n. B. ; nobiles et ignobiles Livius. 
 
 '' he aboade om.B.; Mansit hie aliquot dies ZzV/ajy Stow reads: when 
 he was arriued on the 23 day of Nouember, he abode at Douer by 
 certaine dayes. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 65 
 
 departed takinge his journey towards the Cittie of London ; 
 and of the cittizens whereof were made greater feasts and 
 greater appeales in honnor of the Kinge then of any other of 
 the commons, as they that were of greater substaunce and 
 riches then the inhabitants of any other towne ^ or Cittie of 
 the Realme. The Mayor of the Cittie and Aldermen w* all 
 [the people] ^ of the same went out of the Cittie vnto the 
 Kings meetinge. And the gates and streets of the Cittie were 
 garnished and apparrelled w*'' precious clothes of Arras, con- 
 
 10 tayninge the Victories, Tryumphes, and Princely Acts of the 
 Kinge of Englande his progenitors,^ w* was done to the 
 order that the Kinge might evedentlie see, what remembraunce 
 his people woulde leaue to there posterities and successors of 
 this his greate victorie and tryumphe. The Cunditts thorough 
 all the Cittie runn no other but good and sweet wynes, and 
 that aboundantly. There was also made in the streets small 
 towers and turretts, and many stages adorned and couered 
 w* rich and precious cloathes, and vppon the hight of them 
 satt smale children apparrelled in the semblance of Angels, 
 
 30 w* sweet toned voyces, w"' singings, praysings, and songs and 
 laude. But that victorious and goodly Kinge suffered not 
 those honnours to be referred vnto him, but to the laude and 
 honnour of God ; neither, as is vsed amongest them that bene 
 elect in pride, he shewed not to the people his helmett, where- 
 vppon his Crowne of goulde was broken and depeased * in 
 the fielde by the vyolence of the enemie, and greate strokes 
 that he there receaued, nor his other armour that in that 
 cruell battell was so sore torne and broken. But as the faith- 
 full and constant Champion of God, that w*"* no blasts of 
 
 30 wynde is mooued from his former virtues, he eschewed all 
 occasions of vaine glory, and refused the vaine praysings 
 of the people.^ After this feast and tryumphe he aboade 
 certen dayes at London ; and after he visited certen places 
 of his Realme to see and further the equall ministracion of 
 
 ^ towne om. B.; the last part of the sentence is an addition by the Trans- 
 lator j Stow omits the whole sentence. 
 
 ' om. MSS. : et omni populo Livius; Aldermen and crafts Stow. 
 
 ' praedecessorum regum Angliae Livius. * deposed Stow. 
 
 ^ This sentence is an interpolation by the Translators Stow adopts it 
 in an abbreviated form. But from this point he makes no use either of 
 Livius or the Translator till p. 76. 
 
 1188 F 
 
66 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 Regni 4. 
 1416. 
 
 Justice. In w'''' places he was receaued w"' greate honnor 
 and joy. In the meane time the victorious Emperour of 
 Roome, Sigismundus, hearinge the discention and mortall 
 warr betwext these two Realmes of England and of Fraunce, 
 and seakinge the reformacion thereof, sent his Ambassadors 
 tofore to both Realmes. And after he came in his owne 
 person into Fraunce, where he was receaued w"' all due 
 honnour; and there ambngest the greate rulers and princes 
 of the Realme he mooued for a peace to be made betwext 
 them and the Kinge of England. Wherevppon, after manie 10 
 aduertisements and exhortacions geuen to them by the 
 Emperor, the Frenchmen condiscended to send w*"" the 
 Emperor theire ^ orators into England, of whome the Arch- 
 bisshoppe of Rheynes ^ was deputed as chiefe and principal!. 
 Then this noble Emperor, accompanied of those Ambassadors 
 of Fraunce, departed from Parris, and tooke journey towards 
 England untill he came to Beauvais, where he abode and kept 
 the solemnitie of Easter. 
 
 *And from thence after Easter he reprised his Journey 
 begann ; this Emperor rodd all armed sauinge his helmet 20 
 hauinge a cappe of Monnabayne* hanginge at the arsone' 
 of his saddle, and aboue his armor he was clothed w"" a rich 
 huke^ wherein was a plaine crosse tofore and behinde of 
 the culler of redd,'' wherevppon was written in French this 
 poseye, O what God is mercifull^ ; and in like manner were 
 the most part of his companie apparrelled and armed, and 
 mounted vppon greate light horses. 
 
 ^ In the beginninge of the fourth yeare of the raigne of this 
 most victorious Kinge of Englande, after the Kinge was ad- 
 uertised of the Emperor's comminge, he sent to Callis, where 30 
 the Emperour shoulde enter the sea, six Princes and greate 
 Lordes, and there to meete and to receaue the Emperor, and 
 
 ' the B. ^ Rheims ; Rhegues B. ; Remensis Livius. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 136, 137 ; whence also comes the last sentence of the 
 previous paragraph. 
 
 * Monnabayne om. B. ; un chapeau de Montauban Monstrelet. 
 
 ^ I'arson de sa sella {saddle-bow). 
 
 " huke am. B. ; une noire heucque Monstrelet. 
 
 ' cendre (ash-coloured) Monstrelet. 
 
 ' O que Dieu tout puissant est misericors ! Monstrelet. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 23. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 67 
 
 to feaste and to* lodge him there w* much honnor and magni- 
 ficence due to so greate a Prince ; w"'' Lordes, and w"^ them 
 the Earle of Warwicke, Captaine of Callis, endeauoringe them 
 to doe all the pleasure they coulde, not onely to the Emperor 
 but also to the least of the companie. The Emperor was ac- 
 companied of the Duke of Brye, the Duke of Millane, the 
 greate Earle of Hungarie,^ and manie other greate and noble 
 Princes of estates, and of other people to the nomber of a 
 thousand horsses, w"*" all was maruelously feasted at Callis, at 
 
 10 the only cost of the Kinge of Englande, by whose Com- 
 maundement for the Emperor's passage was sent to Callis 
 thirtie^ greate shipps. Then the Emperor w*'^ all his com- 
 panie assended the sea. And in briefe time w*''out any dis- 
 ease or trouble they arriued prosperously at Doner, where 
 they were receaued of the Duke of Glocester and other greate 
 Lordes and states of Englande.^ 
 
 But at the proachinge first to the lande and tofore they Trans- 
 arriued (as I haue heard the tofore rehersed The Honnorable '^tor. 
 Earle of Ormonde saye that he hearde of credible reporte) the comitis 
 
 20 Duke of Glowcester, and all the other estats of England that Ormound. 
 were present, went into the water against the Emperor, w**" 
 their swordes drawen in there handes, and by the mouth of 
 the saide Duke they saide vnto him : That if they intended to 
 enter the lande as the Kings friends, and as a mediator to in- 
 treate for the peace, he shoulde be suffered to arryue, and if 
 he woulde enter as an Emperor, as into a Realme as vnder his 
 Empire, or any thinge of his Imperiall power therein to com- 
 maunde, they were ready to resist his entrie in the Kings name. 
 And this was thus deuised for sauinge of the Kings Imperiall 
 
 30 Maiestie, w* is an Emperor w"" in his Realme. And when the 
 Emperor had aunswered that he came as the Kings friend, as 
 for a mediator of peace, and not as an Emperor of this Realme : 
 then the Duke w*'' all his Lordes went out of the water and 
 
 ' Livius has a blank for of Millane ; Hearne in a note quotes the above 
 from Libri Anglici. The three lords were Louis, Duke ofBrieg, Giancarlo 
 Visconti, and Nicholas de Gara ' Hungarie magnus comes Palatinus '. 
 Cf. Chronicles oj London, pp. 124, 306. 
 
 ''■ trecentae Livius. 
 
 ' a regiae stirpis Anglicis Principibus et aliis regni primoribus susci- 
 piuntur Livius. 
 
 F a 
 
Liuius. 
 
 68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 receaued the Emperor w*'' the most honnor he coulde, and 
 that might he deuise.^ 
 Titus ^^fter the Emperor had a fewe daies sojournied at Douer, 
 
 he departed thence, and entred his journey towards London. 
 In w"^ journey Lords, knights and gentlemen daily came into 
 there meetinge. And the 7"^ day of Maye the Mayor of 
 London, the Aldermen and commons in good array mett w"' 
 the Emperor at the Blacke heath, from whence they conueyed 
 him vnto the Suberbs of London, where that most noble kinge 
 Henrie the Fifthe in royall apparrell accompanied w*"* his 10 
 bretheren the Dukes of Clarence and of Bedforde,^ and other 
 greate princes and lords of his blood royall receaved the 
 Emperor in the most honnorable manner that in tofore time 
 had not bine vsed and scene. At w"'' meetinge betwext the 
 Emperor and the Kinge were vsed goodly manners and due 
 salutacions, and like manner was* done betwext the other 
 great Princes and Lords on both sides. Then they came in 
 company together into the Cittie, wherein was so greate con- 
 course of people, w"*" were assembled to se this strainge Kinge, 
 that w*'' right greate labour skarsely might be made way for 20 
 these noble Princes thorough the streets. In this manner they 
 rodd thorough the Cittie vnto Powles Church, where they 
 offered. And from thence they went to Westminster to the 
 Kinges Pallace, where if anie thinge coulde be thought neces- 
 sarie for the feastinge of so honnorable a Prince, it was pre- 
 pared to this strainge Kinge in the best manner. After in 
 fewe dayes of repose this Emperor Sigismonde entered com- 
 municacion touchinge this Peace, wherevppon the Kinge tooke 
 deliberacion w*'' his Councell. And after the aduise taken in 
 eschewinge so manie discrimes ^ and harmes, as commeth of 3" 
 battaile, he made this offer to the French Legats. That if 
 they would deliuer vnto him such his iust inhabitants as were 
 Kinge Edward the Thirdes, w*"^ that he had conquered w* so 
 greate perrill and dainger, he woulde then leaue his warr and 
 assure them of peace. But this offer the Frenchmen refused ; 
 
 ^ Holinshed, iii. 85. See Introduction, p. xxxiii. 
 
 " Livius, pp. 23-8. 
 
 '^ Claxenciae, Bedfordiae et Gloucestriae Livius. 
 
 was not B. The clause does not appear in Livius. 
 ° discrimina belli Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 69 
 
 sayinge : though that hitherto all things had fortuned to the 
 Kings pleasure, yet in time comminge he must submitt himself 
 to the fortunes that shall fall, and in one short hower he shalbe 
 in dainger to loose all that he hath gotten before w*'^ so greate 
 losse, laboure, and payne. And thus w"*. obstinat mynds, the 
 peace vnassured, the French Legats returned into there 
 country. At whose departure the Emperor and the Kinge 
 conversed together w*** greate familiaritie and loue. In so 
 much that the Emperor desired to be admitted in the order 
 
 10 of the Garter, whose request was accomplished and he ad- 
 mitted a brother of the order. Whilest these things were 
 thus done in England, the Frenchmen, not a little impatient 
 at the losse and shame that they late had sustayned, in pur- 
 pose thereof to be reuenged, assembled them a greate number 
 to assiege Harefleet, of w""" companie the Earle of Arminake,^ 
 Connstable of Fraunce, was chieftaine. They first inclosed 
 the Towne by land from all issues on that partie, and yet not 
 therew*'' contented they hyred for there money greate carricks 
 of Gene to enclose the entrye of the ryuer of Seene, w"*" is the 
 
 20 mouth of the hauen of Harefleet. And thus in short time 
 they inclosed the Towne one all parties, as well by water as by 
 land. So that to the Englishmen were left no issue out of the 
 Towne. Then the Earle of Dorset, captaine of the Towne, 
 sent knowledge of this assiege and of theire perrill, and also 
 of theire skarcitie of meate and drinke ; whereof when the 
 Kinge was ascertained he prepared a greate Nauie of Shipps 
 furnished w*"^ men of warr, as well for the seas as for the lande, 
 and was determined to goe in his owne person to dissolue the 
 siege. But the Emperor discouncelled him from that, sayinge 
 30 that the Kinge, in whome the common wealth resteth, ought 
 not so lightlie to submitt himself to euerie perrill ; and thereto 
 he added sayinge, that the assiege might as well be dissolued 
 of some of his princes by his commaundment as by himself. 
 The Kinge, willinge to obey the councell of the Emperor, 
 constituted leader of that Nauie John his brother, Duke of 
 Bedfoi'de, and gaue him in charge, first to dissolue the siege 
 vppon the sea.^ When this noble Prince had assended the 
 
 ^ Bernard, Count of Armagnac. 
 
 ^ ad raaritimam obsidionem solvendam Livius. 
 
70 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sea w* his armye, a contrarious wynde arose against them, 
 wherew*'' the nauie was so dryuen that it coulde not eijter the 
 haven that the Duke desired, but was constrained to keepe his 
 course nowe heare nowe there, abydinge th' ende of this tem- 
 pest. Thus sometimes towards Byan,^ and sometimes towards' 
 Cambry,^ this nauy was driuen w"" the winds ; but at the last 
 day before the vigill of the Assumption of our Ladie, when the 
 tempest was ceased, and the seas appeased, they approached 
 the entry of Seene ^ in the beginninge of the night. Then the 
 Duke, perceauinge where he was, commaunded lights to be v> 
 fixed in his shipps * thereby to gather all the residue of his 
 nauy unto his. And there he determined to abide that night, 
 where all his whole nauy assembled together before day. By 
 some of them it was shewed to the Duke that diuers of there 
 enemies shipps were not farr from them ; w"'' thinge knowen, 
 the Duke called to councell all the Captaines of the nauy, 
 where they accorded that the next morninge, when the Dukes 
 shipp hailed vpp her sayle, all the remnaunt shoulde disanker 
 and followe him. In the morninge, as the day appeared, either 
 navy perceaued ^ other ; and, when the Englishmen had, theire «> 
 ankers draweri, mooued towards there enemies, in like manner 
 there enemies hasted towards them. The English shipps were 
 soone fastened to the greate carricks, w"^ exceeded so much 
 the English shipps in height, that from the decks of theire 
 carricks/ where they stoode to fight, they might scarsely reach 
 downewards the highest of the English shipps w**" the longest 
 spare they hadd. They fought cruelHe one both parties, but 
 at the last the Englishmen w"" manly streinght and w^ut 
 feare assended the highe carricks of Gene, w"*" they coulde not 
 doe w*''out effusion of much blood ; where the battaile was 3» 
 more cruell then before, but at the last by there maruelous 
 prowes the English tooke 4 of theire greatest carricks w"" 
 manie other shipps, and the residue they put to flight. This 
 victorie obtayned, and of theire aduersaries manie slayne, 
 
 1 An error; Beauchiefe {sc. Beachy Head) Livius. 
 ^ The Camber, near Rye ; Caumbre Livius. ' Seine. 
 
 " in praetoria navi {the flagship) Livius. 
 ^ receaued B. ; dassis a classe conspiciuntur ambae Livius. 
 ° The Genoese carracks in the French service ; in summis Genuensium 
 ratibus Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 71 
 
 manie sore wounded, and manie drowned in the sea : and the 
 carricke shipps w* many prisoners taken, and the residue dis- 
 couraged and fledd, amongest whome the greatest carricke of 
 them all escaped, but shee was in that battell so sore brused 
 and beaten w*'' gunns in her sides, that shee escaped not the 
 perrills of the sea, but foorthw*"* after her escape shee perished : 
 and this mortall battaile, which indured cruell and bitter by 
 the space of five howers, ended and done, the Duke entered the 
 mouth of the Scene to revictuall the Towne as was his charge, 
 
 10 where in the entrie of the haven they founde certaine gallies of 
 Italye,^ that were left there to encounter the Englishmen. 
 Against whome the Duke sent certaine barges^ well manned, 
 w"'' incountered the gallies, and put them to flight. Then the 
 Duke came to the Towne of Harefleete w"'out any other resist- 
 ance or impediment, where he was receaued w"* greate joye of 
 the Earle of Dorset, the Dukes vnkell, and of all the souldiers 
 of Harefleet. And after a dale of repose the Duke intended 
 to have geuen battaile w* the Frenchmen that besieged the 
 Towne by lande ; but as soone as the knowledge of the dis- 
 
 20 comfiture of there people by the sea came to theire eares, and 
 that the Duke w*'' his companie had entered the Towne, they 
 gaue themselues to discourage, and left the assiege w*''out bat- 
 taile ^ ; w* thinge knowne, the Duke, after he had victualled 
 the Towne, entered againe his shipp, and w*'' those carrick 
 shipps and men that were taken he passed the sea and arriued 
 in England. When the Kinge sawe his brother returne w*'' so 
 greate victorie, and knowen tofore what sore battaile he had 
 foughten, and howe in everie thinge he had done, gaue greate 
 thanks to the Immortall God. And because this victorie was 
 
 30 obtayned vppon the vigill of the Assumption of our Ladie, the 
 Kinge commaunded that euerie daye shoulde be sungen in his 
 Chappell an anthem and a coUett of the Assumption of our 
 Ladie, w"'' was continuallie vsed duringe his life. When the 
 Kinge of the Romaines, Sigismounde, had evidentlie perceaued 
 that the Frenchmen neither by the justice of God executed 
 
 ' triremes quas Ytali galeas dicunt Livius. 
 
 ^ quas nominant Anglici Barges Livius. 
 
 ' This sentence is an insertion by the Translator ; jierhapsfrom a copy 
 of the Brut, cf. Chron. Davies, p. 43 ; Livius' own narrative seems to be 
 derived from a similar source. 
 
7 a THE LIFE OF 
 
 vppon them, neither by his mediation woulde not condiscend 
 to anie reasonable peace, consideringe that he tofore had 
 knowen them elate in like pride against his Empire, and also 
 against other Realmes, to the intent that they shoulde knowe 
 that theire obstinacie and pride was pleasinge neither to God 
 nor to man, considered also the iust true tytle of the Kinge of 
 Englande, he delibered to take such part and appointment 
 w*'' the Kinge, as shoulde be acceptable, both to him and to 
 all the Realmes of England,^ and assured the Kinge of faithful! 
 and perpetuall allyance and freindlie confederacion, as well of lo 
 the oppressinge of the pride of the Frenchmen as for the 
 moouinge and reforminge of the Sisme,^ w"'' then was in the 
 Church.^ And this confederacion and allyance was put in 
 writinge in the termes as followeth : ' Sigismund, by the grace 
 
 • of God Kinge of Romaines, and Henrie, by the same grace 
 ' Kinge of Englande & Fraunce, w*^ the heirs and successors 
 ' of both the Empires and Realmes,* from henceforth for the 
 
 • realme of either of them, of theire lands, dominions, and sub- 
 'iects, allwaies shalbe fellows and confederates against the 
 
 ' Kings, Lords, Princes, and noble men, and against all that 20 
 ' shalbe enemies to either Realme of the saide two Kinges ; 
 'neither of them shalbe in councell wherein the other may 
 ' loose any part of his streinght, right or Empire, member or 
 ' bloode. Yf either of them shall knowe the death, preiudice, 
 ' or harme of th'other to be attempted, sought or conspired of 
 ' any man, w"' all his power he shall lett it ; or if he cannot 
 ' lett it, as shortlie as shalbe possible he shall giue knowledge 
 ' to the other ; euerie of them shall support and maintayne the 
 'other when time thereto is requisite, shalbe w"'out couller, 
 ' fraude, or preiudice of the raigne, lands, possessions, honnor, 30 
 ■ or subiects of the other ; ® or he cannot declyne his subiects 
 ' from bearinge arms against the other his confederat freinde, 
 ' he shall imediatly giue warninge thereof to the other Kinge. 
 
 ' foederaque utrique regi gratissima Livius. ^ sc. Schism. 
 
 ^ The scribe first wrote in Christes, as in H. ; ecclesiae schisma quod 
 tunc trium pastorum erat Livius. 
 
 * successoribus utriusque imperii Livius. 
 
 ^ Regnorum, imperii, terrarum honores et commoda subditorum alter 
 alterius rex cum usus venerit procurato. Neuter horum regum in alterum 
 alteriusve terras et subditos arma inferto, nee a subditis suis inferri finito 
 Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH n 
 
 *And then both the Kings together shall rise in armes, and 
 'subdewe those obstinate rebells. All trauellinge men and 
 ' marchaunts of both Realmes of whatsoeuer Art, Scyence, 
 ' misterie, or occupation they be, may surelie inhabite, labour, 
 'jurney, chevish, and buy and sell in all the lands, possessions, 
 ' and cuntries of the other, payinge there fraight and carriage 
 ' and observinge the customes of the comptrollers wherein they 
 'shalbe; so neither of them shall suffer the traytors and 
 ' banished men of the other knowingly to abide or dwell w^in 
 
 10 ' there Realme or lands ; or from henceforth neither of these 
 'Realmes shall enter into warr w**" none other Realme or 
 ' country that now is not ^ there enemie w*''out the assent and 
 ' councell of the other, except it be for the defence of there 
 ' Realmes, or else for the resistinge of iniuries. It shalbe law- 
 ' ful for Kinge Henrie to make warr vppon the Frenchmen for 
 ' to conquer his Realme of Fraunce. And also it shalbe law- 
 ' full for Sigismund,^ Kinge of Romaines, and Henrie, Kinge 
 ' of England and of Fraunce, and also they shalbe holden in- 
 ' violate, vncorrupt and vnbroken by your heires and successors. 
 
 20 'And these things were approued, confirmed, and established 
 ' the 5 of October, the 4 yeare of the Raigne of Kinge Henrie 
 'theFifthe.' 
 
 In this time the Duke of Hollande (to whome it greatly 
 belongeth to seeke and procure the peace betwext England,^ 
 because his daughter was wedded to the Dolphine) arriued 
 in England to see the two Kings and there greate magnifi- 
 cence, whereof the fame was sprunge maruelouslie honnorable 
 in euerie country, and also to doe his part to cease the 
 mortall warr that raigned betwext the two Realmes. 
 
 30 * Who at his cominge was right honnorablie receaued of the Poli- 
 
 Kinge of England, and of his people, and was lodged at the ^ronicon. 
 
 Bisshopp of Ely his place in Holborne. 
 
 ^ At the laboure of this Duke and at the instance of the Enguer- 
 
 unt. 
 
 ' not om. B. ; alium qui modo non sit hostis Livius. 
 
 ^ The scribe has omitted several lines corresponding to : Sigismundo 
 pro juribus imperii per Gallos injuste detentis arma cum placuerit movere 
 liceto. Quae foedera non minus apud heredes et successores utriusque 
 Sigismundi et Henrici Livius. 
 
 ^ maxime de pace intererat Livius. 
 
 ^ Policronicon, p. 228 ; Brut, p. 381. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 147. 
 
74 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Emperor was sent into Fraunce the Bisshopp of Norw"'' and 
 S"^ Thomas Epingham,^ a knight of greate renowne, accom- 
 panied w*"^ 80 horsses/ in Ambassage vnto the French Kings 
 Councell, (w"'' then was at Beauvois) to treate for the peace 
 betweene the two realmes ; but because the Counstable of 
 Fraunce ^ had then laide siege tofore Harefleet, from whence 
 he woulde not depart^ the intreatie tooke no effecte, neither 
 for peace, neither for randsome of the French prisoners that 
 were in Englande. And the Ambassadors of England re- 
 tourned into England voyde of there requests. 10 
 
 Titus * Briefelie after whose retourne the two Kings, Sigismund 
 
 Liuius. and Henrie the Fifte, sent a certen Earle of the Romaines, 
 and the Earle of Warwicke and diuers other greate and wise 
 men in Ambassage to the Towne of Lile, to John, the Duke 
 of Burgondie, who them receaued right honnorablie. And 
 notw*''standinge the Lords and estats of his house were 
 apparrelled in mourninge garments for the late death of the 
 Duke of Barry,^ vncle to the saide Duke of Burgony, yet he 
 commaunded greate feaste, playes, and disports to be made to 
 these Lords and to theire companie. And after the denounc- 2a 
 inge of there message, at the last they accorded that the 
 Duke of Burgonie, at the next October, w""* was in the fift yeare 
 of the Raigne of Kinge Henrie of England,^ shoulde come to 
 Callis to the two Kings of Romaines and of England, there 
 amongest them to conclude betwext them a Peace ; w* 
 couenaunts thus made, the noble Lords that were sent in 
 Ambassage returned to the two Kings there masters. Shortlie 
 after whose returne the Kinge of Romaines purveyeth for his 
 returne into his countrie. And Kinge Henrie, w"^ studied w**" all 
 dilligence to pursue this intreatise w*'' the Duke of Burgonie, 30 
 (a navy first prepared for there conveyaunce) went in person w*"" 
 the Emperour to Callis, accompanied w*** many great Princes, 
 Lords, and estats of his Realme ; whether also John, Duke of 
 Burgonie came vnto them. But first he was assured both by 
 oath and also by pledges of the Englishmen safely to returne. 
 
 ^ Erpingham. ^ soixante-dix chevaucheurs ilfi^wj/r^/e^. 
 
 ^ Bernard, Count of Armagnac, who had succeeded Charles d'Albret. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 28. ' Berry. 
 
 ° w^ii . . . England inserted by the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 75 
 
 ^ The Duke of Glocester was sent to S* -Meros ^ in hostage Enguer- 
 for the Duke of Burgonie, where he was receaued right honnor- 'i"^- 
 ablie of the Earle Carolois,^ eldest sonn to the Duke of 
 Burgoyne. 
 
 * The Duke of Burgoyne w"* all his companie of Lords, Titus 
 Gentlemen, servaunts, and horsses were receaued and kepte at Lmius. 
 the proper costs of Kinge Henrie. And first tofore the com- 
 minge of this Duke the Kinge had caused to be proclaymed 
 that no man shoulde be so hardy ^ to sell any thinge to the 
 
 10 Burgonians, w"'' proceeded of the kings greate magnificence 
 and bountie to the intent that they shoulde haue what they 
 woulde desire w*''out payinge any money therefore.^ But 
 what communicacion or conference and allyance was betwext 
 England and Burgonye : the Duke aunswered that he had not 
 brought w*"* him certaine things necessary for to conclude the 
 peace ; wherefore the Kinge of England, w""^ perceaued this 
 excuse only to be made for delaye, and that the Duke intend- 
 inge to perseuer in his former purpose, commaunded him and 
 all his companie to depart.' At that time many greate 
 
 20 carricks of theire enemies presented themselues before the 
 Hauen of CalHs, peraduenture against theire owne wills by 
 constraint of the greate tempest that there was of the sea; 
 against whome issued the English shipps, and though they 
 were not thereto commaunded, yet w"' a manly courage they 
 fell vppon them, and at the last they were departed by the 
 greate wynds and outragious iludds of the sea ; whereby they 
 were compelled to desist of ther battaile. And so the English 
 shipps reentred the hauen, and there enemies continued there 
 course vppon the sea, w"'out the losse of any shipps one 
 
 3° either partie. After this Kinge Henry, entred to returne into 
 England, gaue many greate and rich guiftes to the Emperor 
 and to all the estats of his companye. And levinge the 
 Emperor at Callis he returned into England in right greate 
 perrill for the troublous stormes and tempests that then were 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 162. " Saint Omer. 
 
 ' Philippe, Comte de Charolois. * Livius, p. 29. 
 
 ' hardly B. ' w* . . . therefore an insertion by the Translator. 
 
 ' The Translator expands Livius : Et quoniam non ea quae ad con- 
 cludendam pacem secum adduxerunt, sed in elatione sua perseverabant, 
 abire jussi sunt. 
 
76 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt. 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 Poli- 
 cronicon. 
 
 on the sea. For feare of w"'' tempest the Emperor woulde not 
 aduenture to take the sea. And therefore he sent to the 
 Duke of Burgonie to haue assurance of sure passage thorough 
 Flaunders, and the foure members thereof; whose requeste 
 the Duke denyed not, but he aunswered that it was not his 
 honnour to desire assurance for his passage thorough the 4 
 members of Flaunders, for because that the Flemings were 
 obedient to himselfe ; and so it is not the Emperors honnour 
 to demaunde suretie for his passage of his own subiects. 
 But whilst this was in doeinge the tempest ceased, and the 10 
 Emperor (as for the more suretie) entred the sea and went 
 into Germanic, his owne country, by sea, and left the journey 
 by land. ^ And the Kinge of England, immediately after his 
 returne from Callis, sent his Legate to Constance, where was 
 kept the generall councell of the vniuersall Catholique Church, 
 w* w* all other Legatts, the Emperor there beinge present, 
 studied and labored for the vnitie and peace of our holy 
 mother the Church, and to reforme the Schisme that then was 
 of three Popes. W"'' councell tooke effect in this manner. 
 They first deposed all the Popes by whome the Schisme was 20 
 contynued, and then they w"" the Cardinalls elect into the 
 Papacie the Cardinall of Clumne^ borne at Rome, and was 
 named the ffift Martine, whose Arms were a Filler of Siluer 
 crowned w*"* a crowne of golde, in the fielde of Guiles.^ 
 
 * At this councell by the assent of all nations there present 
 it was authorised and ordayned, that England shoulde obtaine 
 the name of the deuocion of the Church of Roome, and 
 shoulde be saide one of the fyue Nacions that owe devocion ; ^ 
 w""^ thinge vntill that time men of other Nacions for envye 
 had delayed and letted. 30 
 
 "The Kinge pretendinge to pursue his warr in Fraunce 
 made greate preparations for the contynuance of the same; 
 and that yeare, w'^'' was the 4"^ yeare of his raigne he helde 
 his Parliament w*'' the greate estates and nobles of his realme ; 
 
 Here Stow begins again to use the Translator. 
 
 ^ sc. Odo de Colonna ; of the Columpne H. ; Columpne Stow. 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iii. 189. < Livius, p. 30. 
 
 ° ut Anglia nationis nomen obtineret, et una diceretur ex quinque quae 
 devotionem praestant Romano pontifici Livius ; should obtaine the name 
 of a nation, and should be saide Stow. « PoHcronicon p. 228. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 77 
 
 wherein for the maintenaunce of his saide warr were graunted 
 vnto him a whole Fifteene and Disme. 
 
 1 The same yeare also an Earle of Scotland, called Douglas, Titus^ 
 came into England and promised friendshipp and amytie w*'^ 
 the Kinge, and the same he assured both by oath and by his 
 writinge sealed w* his seale. He returned to the Frenchmen 
 at the battaile that was foughten by the Duke of Bedforde at 
 Vemuell.2 In the fift yeare of his raigne in the time of winter 
 this most victorious Kinge purveyed his battaile. He pre- 
 
 10 pared his nauy, his ordynaunce, victualls for his people, and 
 generally all other things necessary and behovefull for warr.^ 
 He assembled thoroughe all England such men, aswell Dukes,* 
 Earles, Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen and Commons, as he 
 knewe were good both for Warr and for Peace. And this 
 done, vppon S* Marks day the Evangelist^ he tooke his 
 jurney towards Southampton in purpose when the wynde and 
 sea were fauorable to goe into Fraunce. 
 
 ^ But before his departure he rode throughe the Cittie of Poli- 
 London vntill he came vnto S' Paules Church, where he cronicon. 
 
 20 discended from his horse and offered. And in like manner 
 he made his oblations at S' Georges church in Southwarke ; 
 and in all this way he gaue his farewell to euery man, prayinge 
 them all to pray to God for him. 
 
 ^ In this meantime the Frenchmen, not content w* there Titus 
 owne strenght, made couenaunt w*'' the Cittie of Gene/ a L'""'*^- 
 Cittie of Italy. In w""^ couenaunt the Italyans were bounde, 
 at a certen price for euerie carrick lymited for the French- 
 mens monny, to prepare and furnish w*"" armed men, as many 
 of there greatest carricks as the Frenchmen shoulde desire. 
 
 30 And so prepared they shoulde send them in the ayde of the 
 Frenchmen against the Englishmen. Then imediatly manie 
 
 '■ Livius, p. 30. 
 
 ^ Posteatamen contra jusjurandumperjurus ad hostes Gallos profectus, 
 post mortem Henrici regis in proelio quod gestum est apud Vermilam 
 pugnans ab Anglis interficitur Livius ; yet notwithstanding he after turned 
 Stow. Livius follows the Brut in Chron. Davies, p. 44. 
 
 ' Livius has simply : dilectum validissimum habet, classem parat. 
 
 ^ dilectis ex omni Angha Principibus Livius; all England om. B.j 
 the Translator expands from the Brut. 
 
 ' The date {^^th April) is inserted by the Translator from the Brut, 
 p. 382. ° Brut, p. 382 ; not given in Policronicon. 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 30-3. 8 Genoa. 
 
78 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the carricks of Gene were apparrelled for battaile, amongest 
 whome were manie of maruelous greatnes, and ^ greater then 
 euer were seene in those parts before this time. These car- 
 ricks sayled into Fraunce, into the mouth of the Seene, where 
 they straightly assieged Harefleet by water. Whereof when 
 the Kinge of England was aduertized, he delibered to goe 
 vnto them in his owne person to remooue them from this 
 assiege. But from that purpose he was letted by the aduise 
 of his Councell. Wherefore he gaue that journey to the right 
 puissant John, Earle of Huntingdon, who, when he was lo 
 entered into his shipp, and all his companie into there navy, 
 depaited from the lande. To whome the wynde was so 
 fauorable that in short time they were brought vnto there 
 enemies ; w*, after they had perceaued the Englishmen, de- 
 ferred not the battaile, but hasted them to the battaile to the 
 English navy. Then either assayled ^ other by greate vigore 
 and strenght. The shipps were fastened together with chaynes 
 and cables. They fought ^ together the more part of a sommers 
 day, either partie sore desiringe to have victorie of his aduer- 
 sarie.* But at the last the Italians, oppressed by the streinght 20 
 of the Englishmen, were vtterly discomfited and ouerthrowne ; 
 theire greatest carricks were taken and also the greatest part of 
 them : and the residewe of the Genowaies seeinge there fellows 
 taken and slayne, were strocken w* feare ; and there chaynes & 
 cables broken and hewen in sunder, they departed there carricks 
 from the English shipps, and escaped by the helpe of the wynde 
 and storme. When this victory was obtayned, and many of 
 the greatest carricks taken, w*"* innumerable prisoners, and 
 the residewe chased and put to flight, this noble Earle re- 
 turned to Hampton ; of whose returne when the Kinge was 30 
 aduertised, he gaue laude and praisinge for this victory vnto 
 God. And for the same he enhaunced the Earle his Nephew * 
 w*'' honnor and also w* rewards.® After the joyous returne of 
 
 1 yea Stow. ^ their enemies, who assailed Stow. 
 
 '' Their shipps were grapled, and fought Sfow. 
 
 ■* either . . . aduersarie om. Stow; this is an insertion oj the 
 Translator. 
 
 ^ sobrinum ejus Livius ; Nephew Stow. Huntingdon was son of the 
 King's aunt Elisabeth. 
 
 * Stow inserts a supplementary note from the Chronicle of London, 
 p. 106 (ed. Nicolas and Tyrret). 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 79 
 
 this victorious Earle to Hampton, the 38th day of July, this 
 puissant Kinge (a Navy for there conueyaunce first prepared, 
 as is aforesaide, to the number of xv. C. shipps) assembled his 
 army to passe the sea. Of his owne companie and puruey- 
 aunce, xvj. thousand foure hundred armed men.^ And besides 
 that number came to him to Douer, lords and gentlemen w"* 
 theire retayners, at the day and place for the same prefixed. 
 First the Duke of Clarence w"" 240 speares and 630 ^ archers 
 in his retynewe. And the Duke of Glocester w*.ioo speares 
 
 10 and 300 archers. And 6 Earles w* 470 speares, and 1420 ^ 
 archers, whose names seriouslie hereafter ensewe. First the 
 Earle of Marche 100 speares and 400* archers. The Earle of 
 Warwicke 100 speares and 300 archers. The Earle of Hunt- 
 ingdon 40 speares and lao archers. The Earle of Suffolke 
 30 speares and 90 archers. And the Earle of Salisburie 
 100 speares and 300 archers.* And after these Earles followed 
 i^ other estates of the Realme, w*'' 506 speares and 1580 
 archers. That is to sale : the Lord Burgauenie 50 speares 
 and 150^ archers; the Lord Matrauers 40 speares and 120 
 
 20 archers ; the Lord Fitzhughe 60 speares and 1 80 archers ; the 
 Lord Clifforde 50 speares and 150 archers ; the Lord Gray 
 60 speares and 180 archers ; the Lord Willoughbie 40 speares 
 and 120 archers; the Lord Talbott 100 speares and 300 
 archers ; the Lorde Edwarde Courtey ' 20 ^ speares and 90 
 archers ; the Lord Bourchier 30 speares and 90 archers ; 
 the Lord Rosse 10 speares and 30 archers ; the Lord Louell 
 6 speares and 18 archers; the Lord Ferris of Chartley' 
 20 speares and 60 archers ; and the Lord Harrington 30 
 speares and 9c archers. After these came 87 " knights right 
 
 30 noble and vallyant men, and in theire retinewe 900 speares 
 
 1 Tke Translator (followed by Stow) is in error ; Livius clearly means 
 this for the number of the whole army, and not for the King's personal 
 contingent alone. 
 
 ''■ jzo Stow J the MSS. oj Livius vary between sexcentis and septen- 
 gentis. 
 
 ' mille quadringentis et decern Livius ; 1410 Stow. 
 
 * 300 Stow ; trecentos Livius. 
 
 ° The Translator omits Comes Marescallus lanceas centum, sagittarios 
 trecentos. So also does Stow. 
 
 * centum et viginti Livius. '' Courtney. * triginta Livius. 
 " Esmon Ferrers de Chartley Livius. 
 
 " septem et septuaginta, or septem et octoginta variously in Livius. 
 
8o THE LIFE OF 
 
 and 3852 [archers]/ whose names my Author rehearsed not. 
 Of carpenters and other artificers the Kinge had w* him in 
 his wages to the nomber of 1000, whose ministeries or occu- 
 pacions it were superfluous here to write. But vndoubtedly 
 there was no manner of occupacion or crafte absent from that 
 hoast, that coulde be thought necessarie for them. Neither 
 Myners to vndermyne the grounde, Carpenters to make and 
 rayse engins, laborers to delve the grounde, and to lade 
 ditches, Masons to hewe stones for shott to breake walls, to 
 subuert strong holdes, nor gunners to shutt gunnes ; nor briefely 10 
 to accompt there fayled them no manner of occupacion or 
 scyence that coulde be thought necesssarie for them. And all 
 the residue of the hoast were the King's seruaunts and other 
 singuler horsemen and archers, or at the least w**" fewe 
 seruaunts, hyred by the Kinge, so manie as performed the 
 first number of 15400.^ And so the Kings whole hoast 
 besides laborers and artificers amounted to the number ot 
 25527 fightinge men of whome euery fourth man was a horse- 
 man.^ And these things thus ordered, and the Nauy, for the 
 conveyaunce readie apparrelled, the Kinge entered his shipp, 29 
 w"** was royallie and sumptuouslie adorned ; the sayle thereof 
 was sylke of purple couUer, right bounteouslie embrodered w* 
 both the Arms of Englande and of Fraunce. And this shipp 
 they called the Kings chamber ; he had also a second carricke 
 of like apparrell, w"*" by the Kings commaundment they 
 called the Kings Hall. And these too he ordered to be 
 principall and the chiefetaines of all the residue of his nauy. 
 Poll- * But tofore he departed the Realme he constituted John, 
 
 cronicon. 
 
 '■ It will be observed that the figures do not exactly add up. The total 
 of the separate items is on the best figures 2281 spears and 6860 archers ; 
 the total for the thirteen lords should apparently be 526 and 1578. Three 
 archers to every spear was a fixed proportion, which was not in fact 
 always observed. The Muster-Rolls in the Record Office give about I goo 
 spears and 6000 archers. But neither the Rolls nor the list above is 
 complete. Sir J. Ramsay {^Lancaster and York, i. 251) from a com- 
 parison suggests a total of 2300 and 7400. The total of 16400 may 
 represent the whole host, both soldiers and followers. 
 
 ' sexdecim (or quindecim in other copies) millium quadringentorum 
 Livius. 
 
 ' This sentence is an addition by the Translator, who is followed by 
 Stow. The number 25 527 is apparently arrived at by adding the separate 
 contingents on to the original 16400. 
 
 ^ Not in Policronicon; Brut, p. 382. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 8i 
 
 Duke of Bedford, his brother, to be protector of his Realme of 
 England in his absence. 
 
 Because his journey shoulde not be knowne to his enemies 
 nor where he intended to arive,^ the Kinge kept his purpose 
 secret from his companie, except that to such persons as was 
 his pleasure he disclosed his councell. And for that cause he 
 had commaunded that all the rest of his nauy should followe 
 those two shipps Royall, whithersoeuer they woulde sayle.^ 
 To all the nauy it pleased God to send a good and plesaunt 
 
 lo winde, vntill the first day of August they all arryued in 
 Normandy, not farr from the Castell of Tonque.^ Then the 
 watches and guardes of the sea banks, and of the havens of 
 that cuntry, at the first perceauinge so greate an navye, whose 
 streinght they knewe themselues not able to resist, left there 
 stations and fledd to saue theire lyues. The Kinge w"' all his 
 companie arriued and tooke land, where at his first landinge 
 he dubbed 48 knights * of his hoast, such as were able and 
 worthie of that order ; and that done he ordered to be pro- 
 claymed all those ordynaunces and edicts that were published 
 
 20 tofore the besieginge of Harefleet, and also diuers other such 
 as he thought to be good and proffitable for his hoast. Not 
 farr from the sea banke where he landed were smale and 
 ruynate howses, wherein the Kinge w* diuers other his most 
 familHar and his householde seruants were lodged for that 
 night. And the residue of his hoast were lodged in there 
 tents & pavillions. And when all the shipps were vnladen 
 and discharged of theire carriage he sent againe all the navy 
 into England, except such shipps as were deputed for the 
 carriage of gunns and other engines and habiliments of warr.^ 
 
 30 * And except also such shipps as the Kinge had assigned Poli- 
 to the Earle of Marche readily manned and apparrelled to '^■^°'^'<^°'^' 
 kepe the sea peaceably and quiett. 
 
 ' The Translator puts this clause at the end of the previous 
 paragraph. 
 
 ^ These two sentences are a very free rendering of Livius, p. 33 ; Stow 
 omits. 
 
 ' Touques, near Trouville. 
 
 * nobiles quosdam milites Livius; the number comes from Brut, 
 
 p. 382- 
 ° Stow abbreviates this paragraph. 
 ° Policronicon, p. 228 ; Brut, p. 383. 
 
 1 188 a 
 
8a 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius. 
 
 ^ And that done the Kinge sent noble men of armes and 
 horsebacke to espie the situacion and streinght of the castell 
 of Humplewe^ and of other Castells, Townes and Citties 
 nighe vnto those parts ; w* gentlemen, w*'" manie prisoners 
 and greate prayes of beastes, returned to the hoast in euerie 
 thinge satisfied the Kings mynde, for as much as was there 
 charge. There enemies assured of there comminge in so 
 greate a number were all stricken w"" feare, everie man of 
 them for himselfe conveyed there stufe, there beasts, theire 
 graynes, and all other goods into Citties, Castells, and Townes, lo 
 not knowinge whome the Kinge woulde first assiege. Then 
 they prepared there holds, they strenghtened there Townes 
 and walls w*"" stones and gunns and other things necessarie. 
 They purveyed them of all things that they thought proffit- 
 able for there defence, and for the resistance of there enemies. 
 The Kinge tooke his enterprise to assiege the Towne of 
 Tonque, whose Castell was maruelouslie defensible w*** stronge 
 walls and deepe ditches. The assieginge whereof was geuen 
 to the Duke of Glocester, the puissant and manly chieftayne 
 of the Kings Auantgarde, who constrained the Frenchmen so 20 
 sore, what w* gunns and other engins of warr, that w^in 
 shortt time, that is to saye the 4* day of this assiege, * and 
 the nynth day of August, they promised to yealde the Castell 
 to the Duke. Howbeit they that were deputed ' to keepe 
 the Castell sent first two gentlemen to runne ^ to the Dolphine 
 to giue him knowledge, that if the Castell were not shortlie 
 rescued from this greate perrill they coulde no longer keepe it 
 vnder the obeysaunce of the Kinge of Fraunce ; w""* mes- 
 sengers as soone as they hadd saide the message were 
 immeadiatly commaunded to be hanged. 30 
 
 ' And when the day that they had appointed w*'' the Duke 
 cronicon. was come, and that they hard no worde of succour, they 
 yealded the Castell to the Kinge, whereof he made one 
 
 Enguer- 
 unt.' 
 
 Titus 
 Liuius 
 
 Poli- 
 
 ' Limus, p. 34. ' Honfleur. 
 
 ' Monstrelet,'m. 189; but the Translator really follows Livius. 
 ■* Livius, p. 34, 
 
 ^ departed B. ; qui ad ipsius castelli praesidium locati fuerant Livius. 
 Stow abbreviates, 
 
 ' Probably we should read Rone {Rouen) ; Rothomagum Livius. 
 ' Policronicon, p. 228 ; Brut, p. 383. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 83 
 
 S' John Kikle ^ captaine ; and the Earle of Salisburie con- 
 ductor of the Kings second battaile, whilest the Duke of 
 Glocester assieged the Castell of Tonque, wann the Castell 
 of Aumbeliers ^ and put out the Frenchmen thereof, w'^'' 
 Castell so taken w"" all that belonged thereto the Kinge gaue 
 to the same Earle. And thus this noble Earle was the first 
 that had any lands geuen vnto him of the Kings liberality in 
 this Conquest.^ The Earl Marshall was sent to the Castell 
 of Louers, w'* w^'in short time he subdued. And after it was 
 
 10 geuen him by the Kinge.* 
 
 ^This Invincible Kinge nothinge doubtinge the recouerie 
 of his right, neuerthelesse he cleerelie perceaued what preiudice 
 it was to the Realme of Fraunce thus to dispoyle the Townes 
 and Citties that were taken: and when battells were, what 
 cruell death and murther it caused to the people. Therefore 
 to eschewe all such inconveniences and inhauncments he sent 
 his Herralds vnto the Dolphine (as to whome first and most 
 speciallie belongeth the defence of the Realme, inasmuch as 
 the Kinge his father, who at that time was lymited, was 
 
 20 vnable to the charge of the realme) ^ requyringe him vnto 
 an vniuersall peace for all the Realme, wherevnto the Kinge 
 woulde also agree on this manner: that if the Dolphine 
 woulde assure him to fight against him, body against body, 
 without the ayde of both ther peoples, then whether of them 
 obtayned the victorie shoulde for euer inioy the land and 
 people of Fraunce. But the Dolphine, fearinge to submitt 
 himselfe to so greate a perrill, refused the peace vnder that 
 condicion. Then the Kinge, seeinge his request refused and 
 that the winter approched at hand, councelled w"^ his nobles 
 
 30 and wise men what was to be done, that his hoast in most 
 ease might surelie passe the winter, and that they shoulde not 
 haue ouermuch scarcetie of victuall. They all aduized the 
 Kinge to assiege Caen, w* seemeth to be a large Towne well 
 garnished w"" houses and aboundant of all things necessarie ; 
 nor, as it them seemed, it was not so defensible that it might 
 
 > Kyghley H. ; Kykeley Stow. ^ Aubvilliers. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 34. * Brut, p. 383. ° Livius, pp. 34-7. 
 
 ' For this clause Livius has simply: ut ad eum cui patriae defensio 
 primum spectare videbatur ; B. reads were lymited. 
 
84 THE LIFE OF 
 
 longe resist the Kings power. And that taken the other 
 stronge hollds, Citties, and Townes of lesse fame shoulde the 
 rather yealde them to the Kinge, to the lesse laboure and 
 perrill of the Kings people : w"^ sentence approued, the Kinge 
 w*'' all his army, keepinge that same order that they were 
 accustomed, tooke his journey towards Cane ; but because he 
 might not leade so great an army by the right ways ouer so 
 many riuers and brooks, as were in the way, w*''out there 
 perrill and dainger, therefore he went about the furder way 
 for his people. And when he approached so nighe as that lo 
 the aduersaries perceaued that he intended to laye his siege to 
 Caene,^ the Kinge sent tofore him the noble Duke of Clarence, 
 his brother, w"" looo horsemen to keepe the subberbes of the 
 Towne, that th'inhabitants of the Towne shoulde not burne 
 them, nor distroy them ; for he suspected that th'inhabitants 
 knowinge his enterprise would burne them knowinge it, least 
 his hoast shoulde not haue their lodginge in them. . And so 
 they had vndoubtedly done, had not the sooner comminge of 
 the Duke letted them of their purpose. Then the Englishmen, 
 w*'' water, and greate streinght and force of armes, quenched 20 
 and put out the fyre that the Frenchmen had alreadie lighted 
 in the coueringe and thatch of the houses. The Englishmen 
 also slewe many of there enemies that laboured to destroy 
 those eddifices. Nighe adioyninge to the walls of this Towne 
 was a stronge Abbey, dedicated to the honnor of S' Stephen, 
 w*'' had highe and defensable walls, and deepe ditches ; the 
 Frenchmen, fearinge least this Abbey and stronge Tower 
 thereof shoulde be occupied of the Englishmen to the dainger 
 of the Towne, vndermyned the pillers of the saide Tower and 
 payned them to ouerthrowe it to the grounde, and had brought 30 
 the same nighe to rewyne, when the said noble Duke by 
 knight! ie deeds of armes obtayned and wann that place of the 
 enemies. Then he caused the pillers thereof to be repayred 
 and replenished w"* earth, where it was myned. And in this 
 manner he saued it from distraction.^ Not farr from this 
 place was another Monasterie of religious weomen, right 
 
 * This is a gloss of the Translator j from Livius it is clear that Clarence 
 was sent ahead from Touques. 
 
 ''■ Stow, who much abbreviates this paragraph, inserts here from 
 Walsingham (Historia Anglicana, ii. 322-3) the positions of the 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 85 
 
 stronge and defensable, w"*" also that worthie Duke had 
 receaued vnder his tuition w* greate strenght and battaile. 
 After the Kinge, w"' all his hoast came tofore the Towne of 
 Cane, vnto the walls thereof he approached as nighe and as 
 soone as he conveniently might. This situacion of this Towne 
 is a playne ; it is streinghtned w*'' broade and deepe ditches, 
 and highe and stronge walls ; and in the middell of this 
 Towne runneth a passinge and swifte floode or ryuer. And 
 at the Kings comminge it was right well garnished and pur- 
 
 10 veyed of noble men of warr, of harnes, of ordinaunce, and 
 of victualls, and generallie of all things that coulde be thought 
 necessarie for the defence of the Towne. The most puissant 
 and victorious Kinge, wisely beholdinge the streinght and 
 situacion of this place, delibered where he shoulde sett his 
 siege, most lightlie to confounde there enemies. And though 
 that part of the Towne, w"^ he first had chosen, was lest 
 defensible and most sure for him from the dainger of his 
 enemies, yet hauinge his only confidence in God and in 
 Justice, perceauinge the strongest and most defensable Tower 
 
 20 of the Towne, he lodged himself directly against the Tower, 
 wherein was the largest issue for there enemies vppon the 
 Englishmen.^ Thus he left that place, wherein was least 
 dainger, and lodged him in the most daingerous place that he 
 coulde finde : but in that remoouinge he hadd a daingerous 
 passage ouer a ryver tofore he coulde come to that place that 
 he desired. The Duke of Clarence laye also vppon that 
 same side of the River, but farr distant from the English 
 hoast. The Duke of Glocester was commaunded by the 
 Kinge to lye where all the gunns and ordinance laye, whereof 
 
 30 the Kinge had made him ruler and ouerseer. The Kinge 
 occupied all his studie to make a plaine and large way into 
 the Towne for his people : and when he perceaued the strongest 
 and most defensible place of the Towne, there he sett the 
 greatest resistance, the greatest streinght, and the most dilli- 
 gent and best watch. Howbeit there was no place wherein 
 the Towne was not oppressed by the siege, or kept straight by 
 
 English captains, together with the story of how a monk of St. Stephen's 
 betrayed the Abbey to Clarence, to save it from destruction. 
 ' ad insultus Gallorum patentior Livius. 
 
86 THE LIFE OF 
 
 watches. When the inhabitants of the Townfe perceaued 
 themselues thus assieged, inclosed, and invironed * w*'' so 
 greate strenghts, they gaue not themselues to ease or idlenes, 
 but to right greate labours for the defence of the Towne and 
 of themselves, as neede was to doe. They made greate walls 
 and bullwarks of the earth and claye tofore there stone walls 
 to resist the violence of the English gunns. They ordayned 
 gunns, slyngs, baselicts ^, and other engins of warr for the 
 battaile and defence in places most fitt and convenient for the 
 same. They established watches, wards, and manie other lo 
 deuises that they beleeued to be profitable for the suertie of 
 the Towne and of themselues. Amongest the English ordy- 
 naunce were diuers gunns and other engins, that were conueyed 
 thether by shipps, of maruelous greate quantitie : w"'' for 
 there greatenes, when they were shott, not only depeced the 
 walls by there strokes, but also by there only vyolence of 
 there incredible noyse or sounde they brake the windowes 
 of the Temple of S* Stephens, w"** we saide before to be 
 preserued by the Duke of Clarence ; notw"'standinge that 
 that Abbey was farr from thence, where those gunns laye. 20 
 And w^in the Towne also manie olde edifices, not by the 
 stroke onelie but by violent noyse of the gunns, were ouer- 
 throwne and cast to the grounde. 
 Cronica ^Whilst the Kinge lay at this siege, the Earle of Marche, 
 Angli- whome the Kinge had left to keepe the sea, leauinge the sea 
 peaceable and w^out enemies, landed at Hogges in Nor- 
 mandie, and from thence he tooke his journey towards the 
 Kinge. In w"'' journey one Anthonie Pigge* accompanied 
 him and guided him ouer a perrillous ryver, wherein both he 
 and all his companie were greately endaingered of theire lyves. 30 
 And so the same Earle came vnto the Kinge then beinge at 
 his siege tofore Cane, where at his comminge he was briefelie 
 appointed to his lodginge in the fielde. ° Neither this thinge 
 me seemed to be kept in scilence, that vppon one part of the 
 
 ^ evyroned B. * balistae Livius. 
 
 ' Brut, p. 85 ; where, however, the incident is put after the siege of 
 Caen. 
 
 ' A pig dedicated to St. Anthony, and so tame that it would follow 
 people in the hope of food. 
 
 * The Translator resumes from Livius, p. 37. 
 
 cana. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 87 
 
 Towne the walls were right feeble. At w""^ place the English- 
 men right shortly and w*''out greate labour and dainger might 
 haue had a large entry into the Towne. But a certen Church 
 was nighe adioyninge to that wall, w"'', if the wall had been 
 ouerthrowne, must of necessity haue fallen therewith. And 
 therefore this most Christian Kinge spared the wall in the 
 fauour of the Church, as the most devout Prince to God and 
 to the Church. The inhabitauntes, seeinge ther walls con- 
 tynuallie beaten and cast downe by shott of gunns, repayred 
 
 10 them w*'' all dilligence w* tymber and w* earth. They also 
 shott many gunns amongest the English tents. Of neither 
 part they spared to labour.^ The Englishmen made mynes 
 vnder the walls of the Towne, the sooner to bring them to 
 rewyne ; against whome the Frenchmen countermined ; and in 
 those mynes they often fought right cruelly, and in the best 
 manner for the oppression of there enemies they coulde devise. 
 The Kinge laboured to haue way to his enemies : he goeth 
 about ; he visiteth the stations, the wards, and the watches of 
 his hoast ; he left nothinge vndone that might be thought 
 
 aoproffitable to attaine to his purpose. And when he first 
 perceaued, where by gunns and other engins he might haue 
 a sufficient entrie into the Towne for his people : yet he 
 pondered and considered, what murther of people chaunceth 
 by invasion of walls and Townes,^ w"^ if it may skarcely be 
 measured and forborne of the Kinge, w"*" is ruler ^ of the hoast, 
 yet woulde be much more difficult to be measured by the men 
 of arms and souldiers. Wherefore the Kinge intendinge in 
 time to put thereto a remedy, sent his harralds to the captaines 
 and rulers of the Towne to aduertise and exhort them to deliuer 
 
 30 the Towne to the Kinge, and rather to aduenture the Kings 
 mercie then to abide the dainger of the invasion of the Towne. 
 But these captaines trustinge in theire labours and trauailes, 
 wherein they were maruelous dilligent, aunswered that they 
 were defensible and stronge enoughe to resist all manner of 
 assaults of the Englishmen. And therefore they commaunded 
 them to returne, and answere vnto the Kinge, that they woulde 
 
 ' Ab obsidentibus nee obsessis labori nuUi parcitur Ltvius. 
 ^ quid juris \or viris] muralis pugna terrarum et oppugnatio solita sit 
 afferre Livius, 
 ' ruled B. ; temperare vix ab Imperatore . . . potest Livius, 
 
88 THE LIFE OF 
 
 holde the Towne vnder the obedyence of him, whome they 
 had holden it tofore. W"'' aunswere when it was shewed to 
 the Kinge, imediatly he contryued and compassed in his 
 mynde, by what meanes he might most easelie subdewe both 
 the Towne and the people to his Empire.^ And when he had 
 ynough dehbered w*"" himself, both of the manner, and of the 
 time of the assault he intended to make, the daye tofore he 
 intended to make his assault, he assembled before him all the 
 principall captaines of his hoast ; and declaringe to them his 
 intent and purpose, he commaunded them vntill the next lo 
 morrowe to keepe the same secrett, least by the disclosinge of 
 his mynde shoulde come to his enemies, whereby they might 
 the rather resist his streinght and avoyde the mischiefe. And 
 this was the manner of the assault by him devised. That 
 everie capten of the whole hoast shoulde devide his retinewe 
 in three equall parts ; and as soone in the morninge as they 
 coulde heare a trumpett blowe in the Kings tent, they shoulde 
 imediatlie goe to assault the Towne w"' the first part of his 
 retynewe so deuided, and w*'' all the noyse of trumpetts, 
 tabors, and claryons, that coulde be made. And when the 20 
 first part of the hoast were weryed w*"" travell and laboure, 
 the seconde part shoulde succoure them, and contynewe the 
 assaulte, whilest the other tooke there rest. And when the 
 second part were wearie, the thirde part shoulde in like manner 
 giue ayde vnto them. And if by that time the Towne were 
 not taken, then the first part, after they were well reposed, 
 shoulde assist the thirde parte ; and so they shoulde contynewe 
 alternatly vntill the ende of there desired victorie. After this 
 knowledge of the Kings pleasure, every captaine returned to 
 his owne companie. The fourth day of September," in the 30 
 first appeeringe of the day, trumpets were blowne in the 
 Kings tents. And foorthw"", all the other trumpetts and 
 tabors aunsweringe for euerie tent and pavillion, every man 
 ranne to armes. The inhabitaunts of the Towne, that kept 
 the watches on the walls, hearinge this noyse, and seeinge the 
 
 ' in suam ditionem Livius. 
 
 * December, B., an obvious error ; Pridie Nonas Septembris Livim ; 
 The fourth day of September Stow, who now resumes after omitting all 
 from vnder his tuition, on p. 85 above^ 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 89 
 
 Englishmen approach the walls in armes, gaue thereof know- 
 ledge to there captaines and souldiers.^ The Englishmen 
 raysed there ladders to the walls, and assayled to skale them 
 w**" all the dilligence they coulde ; but many of them were 
 foorthw*'' cast backwards into the ditch, and there ladders w*"* 
 them. Then on all parts the Englishmen assended the walls, 
 and foorthw*'' fought right manly, and labored right sore to 
 gett the Towne ; and they of the Towne endeuored them as 
 busilie, and not w*'' lesse laboure, by shott and castinge of 
 
 10 stones, by sheddinge of skaldinge water and boylinge pitch 
 and oyle vppon the Englishmen to resist theire enterprise ; 
 bot allwaies, as one ladder was ouerthrowne and cast from the 
 walls, many other more ardently were sett vpp in his place. 
 And because at that part of the Towne, where the Kings 
 Ma*'* assaulted, seemed to be the strongest men and the best 
 fighters of the Englishmen, therefore they of the Towne in 
 like manner sett the strongest and best fightinge men against 
 the Kings part, and they of all the Towne most intentife to 
 the defence of that part. Howbeit that no part of the walls 
 
 20 were voyde of stronge men and right good fighters. They 
 cast greate stones vppon the Englishmen. They poured on 
 there heades skaldinge water, boylinge pitch and oyle.^ And 
 to speake breifelie they left nothing vndone that coulde be 
 thought profitable for theire defence. But neither there 
 castinge of there greate stones, that ouerthrewe the English- 
 men from aboue at the hight of the walls vntill the bottomes 
 of the deepe ditches, neither the skaldinge water entringe on 
 euerie part betwext there harnes and boddies, neither the 
 whote pitch and oyle boylinge and blyndinge theire eyes and 
 
 30 scaldinge their faces, might make the Englishmen forsake the 
 assault begonne.^ In an other place farr from the Kinge was 
 the noble Duke of Clarence, w""" also w"" greate vigor assaulted 
 
 ' Oppidani se supra muros splendentibus armis virorum relucenti corona 
 regi se suoque monstrant Livius, 
 
 ' In Anglicos ingentia saxa provolvunt, calcem in pugnantium oculos 
 effundunt, mox et buUientis aquae maximam quantitatem Livius. The 
 French cast great stones vpon the English men, they powered on their 
 heads scetting water, molten lead, boyling pitch and oyle Stow. 
 
 ' Stow, after much abbreviating the Translator, here breaks off to give 
 the story of Sir Edmond Springe frojn Walsingham (Hist. Angl. ii. 324), 
 see below, p. 92. 
 
90 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Towne on his part: whose strenght the Frenchmen, 
 neither by the helpe of there highe walls, there deepe ditches, 
 by castinge of stones, by shott, by helpe of there whot water, 
 boylinge pitch or oyle, nor by no manner of streinght or 
 pollicie might resist them, but that they were so sore 
 oppressed by the Duke and of his people, w"^ in maruelous 
 multitude and incredible audacitie and manhoode scaled the 
 walls : and they were constrayned to forsake the walls and to 
 flye into the Towne. Then the Duke w*'' all his power entered 
 the Towne on this parte, whereby euerie street and way that lo 
 they came vnto detrenched and slewe the Frenchmen, and all 
 that they might attayne vnto they gaue the sworde.^ There 
 was no Frenchman spared saue priests, that were vnarmed, 
 and women and children. But briefely after the Englishmen 
 perceaued themselues to be assured of theire enemies, they 
 spared to slay, and tooke many prisoners. When that noble 
 Duke had subdewed all that part of the Towne vnto that 
 river, then he came to the bridge * entendinge to wynn the 
 other part also. At w* bridge the inhabitants to there 
 possibilitie resisted his passage, but there strenght suffered not 20 
 longe to endure against the Englishmen ; for right shortlie 
 they were slayne and put to flight by the Duke, who sought 
 euerie part of the other half of the Towne, where he made 
 greate occision^ and murther of Frenchmen. When the 
 Duke had subdewed the remnant of the Towne, and had 
 slayne and taken all them that were able to make resistance, 
 he went vnto that part, where the Kings battaile w"* all there 
 force were * yet fightinge and assaultinge the Towne. Then 
 the Duke assendinge the walls w*''in the Towne, where he 
 slewe and cast down the Frenchmen to the grounde, and 30 
 made the Kings Battaile an open waie into the Towne, w**'out 
 any manner of resistance. Whilest those things were yet in 
 doeinge w'^in the Towne, came knowledge to the Kinge, that 
 right nighe approached a great hoast of his aduersaries to 
 dissolue his siege. Then the Duke,^ leauinge such as he 
 
 ■ Pugnatur et in oppido per vicos, per plateas, ubi rebelles quotquot 
 Anglici conveniunt omnes interimunt Livius. 
 
 " pontem oppidum fluminis in duo dividentis Livius. 
 ' occasion B. ; stragem ingentem Livius. 
 * were om. B. * rex Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 91 
 
 thought necessary to preserue the assault, of his owne person 
 w* the rest of his companie prepared him to encounter his 
 aduersaries in the plaine fielde ; but against him came no man 
 nor none enemy appeared. At the last the great plague and 
 tempest of the assault appeased, the victorious Kinge w*^ all 
 his hoast entered the Towne by the gates that the Duke of 
 Clarence had opened for him ; and after the entrie thereof the 
 Kinge went not to beholde the greate edifices and buildings 
 of the Towne, neither to accumulate together the prayes and 
 
 10 ritches of his enemies, but w* right greate devotion he went 
 to the Church of S* Peter, w"'^ was the principall Church of the 
 Towne, there to giue laudings and praysings to the Immortall 
 God for the obtayninge of his greate victorie. All they that 
 intended to prowes ^ were maruelouslie enriched, for the in- 
 habitants of the Towne were men of greate substance. But 
 there was no man, howe hardy soeuer he was, durst to^ robb 
 or spoyle any Church or hallowde place for feare of the Kings 
 Justice, w"*" was extreame in such case. And what soeuer any 
 man tooke it was left vnto him for his owne. Nor also the 
 
 20 Englishmen oppressed, nor rauished no weomen and children. 
 But shortly after the Kinge commaunded all the weomen and 
 children to avoyde the Towne. And thus the Towne of 
 Caene was inhabited of newe possessors by the greate streinght 
 and vertue of the Englishmen. Neuerthelesse the Castle of 
 Cane was not yet gotten nor deliuered. The captaines thereof 
 had there confidence in the highe and stronge walls of the 
 Castell, in the deepe ditches, and in the greate number of 
 towers, wherew* the Castell was environed, whereby they 
 thought themselues inexpugnable. Howbeit by the takinge 
 
 30 of the Towne they were much more streightly inclosed than 
 before. 
 
 * Notw^standinge whatsoeuer the Englishmen woulde doe, Enguer- 
 they helde it in three weekes after the takinge of the Towne. ""*• 
 
 * The Kinge consideringe that the Castell woulde not be Titus 
 
 Liuius. 
 
 * Read prayes {booty) as in Stow ; praedae intent! Livius. 
 ' durst presume to Stow. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 342. 
 
 * Livius, p. 40. Locaverat enim mox victoria rex potitus validam 
 circum in agris et in Cadomo portae qua itur in oppidum solertemque 
 obsidionem. 
 
9a 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 can a. 
 
 deliuered to him w*''out ^ appointed a stronge companie 
 
 to assiege it, in the feeldes, and in the gates of the towne that 
 were towards the Castell. 
 Cronica ^At this assault and entry of the Towne was slayne 
 r"nl^' ^ worshippful man on the English partie, whose name was 
 Springes, the body of whome the Kinge caused to be enterred 
 in the Abbey of Caene by the Sepulter of Kinge William the 
 Conqueror. 
 
 ^ After this greate victorie of the Towne, as I haue heard of 
 the report of the tofore named Earle of Ormound, all the lo 
 greatest riches of the Towne, y* was left vnspoyled, by the 
 Kings straight commaundement were gathered together, and 
 put into a greate and stronge house ; whereof, when the doore 
 was fast locked, the Kinge gaue the key and all the substance 
 in that house to the Duke of Clarence, because by him the 
 Towne was first entred and gotten, and to himselfe the Kinge 
 reserued nothinge except a goodly French Booke, of what 
 historic I haue not heard. Then the noble Duke, that had 
 receaued so much riches and munificence, distributeth the same 
 w*"" like liberallity amongest his people that had deserued it ; 20 
 whereby he maruelouslie obtayned theire fauour and love. 
 Then the Kings high enterprise of this warr, what shoulde I 
 sale to be the occasion. If I shoulde presume too much 
 couetousnes to be the cause thereof, then in two things 
 comprised in this historic presedent I shoulde condcmne 
 myselfe : for first at his entrie into the Towne as afore recited, 
 the Kings felicitie was neither set in beholdinge the highe and 
 goodlie edifices and buildinges of this Towne w* then was his 
 owne, nor yet he delighted in the sight and possession of so 
 much riches and substance, as in golde, silver, precious stones, 30 
 rich clothes, nor generally of nothinge within the Towne ; 
 nor, that more is, when the great quantetie thereof were after 
 gathered together and laide tofore him, and at his pleasure 
 and his owne, nothw^standinge that he right well considered 
 and remembered the innumerable cxpence that he daylie 
 was charged w* for the wages of his people, and also for many 
 other occasions in his owne warr, yet a Prince, from whome all 
 
 ' £iani in B. ; him, he appointed H. " Brut, p. 384. 
 
 ^ The whole of this paragraph is an addition by the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 93 
 
 avarice was farr exiled, and not couetinge tlie vaine riches of 
 the worlde, gaue all the same riches to the Duke of Clarence, 
 whome as himselfe seemed had best deseriied it, not reseruinge 
 any thinge ofvalewe to himselfe. And for as much as [in] 
 this historic before, it is largelie proued that pride and vaine 
 glorie had no place in him, as it appeareth : First in his humble 
 entrie into the Towne of Harefleete both barefooted and bare- 
 legged, and also at the battaile of Agincourt, and at his 
 comminge into England after the same battaile. What then 
 
 10 shall we saye to be the cause of this his enterprise in warr, 
 considered that manie of his Conquerors of times past were 
 invelupted in vaine glorie to be honnored and exalted aboue 
 all others, or else in couetousnes of worldly substaunce ? Truly 
 to my pretence and judgement it is surely to beleeue, that the 
 desire of justice and of his right, w* euerie man is bounden to 
 Jais power to demaund and seeke, only mooued him to this 
 warr. Wherefore it is vndoubted that the hand of God was 
 euer readie w"' him. Therefore me seemed it good councell 
 for euerie Christian Prince, enterprisinge any warr w*'' good 
 
 20 and stedfast confidence in God to ensewe the vertues wherein 
 this most Christian Kinge and most vertuous Prince is heere 
 commended ; and they soe doeinge may be well assured in the 
 example of him to attaine in like honnors and conquestes. 
 Then to returne to our former purpose and matter. 
 
 ' After the takinge of this Towne of Caene, the siege yet Titus 
 duringe tofore the Castell of the same, that Puissant Prince ^'"'"^• 
 the Duke of Glocester [went] ^ w"* his battaile to Bayeux, 
 whereat when he had laye certen dales, the inhabitants thereof 
 hauinge knowledge of the gettinge ^ of Caene, and of the 
 
 30 dispoylinge thereof, consideringe also the streinght and pollycie 
 of the Englishmen, tooke appointment w*'' the Duke. First 
 they yealded the Cittie freely vnto him, and also the Castell of 
 the same, and promised to be true liegemen to the Kinge Henrie 
 of England, and that from thence foorth they woulde knowe 
 no man for theire Soueraigne but only Kinge Henrie and his 
 heires. And the Duke by the Kinges commaundment gaue 
 vnto them just and good gouernaunce and lawes ; and that they 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 40-42. ^ 07n. MSS., and Stow ; vadit Livius. 
 
 ' greetinge B. : expugnationem Livius. 
 
94 THE LIFE OF 
 
 shoulde freelie liue in there manner tofore accustomed, vnder 
 the protection and obeysance of the Kinge of Englande, as 
 they tofore had done vnder the gouernaunce of the French 
 Kinge. Whilst the Duke continewed tofore the Cittie, it was 
 shewed to the Kinge that a right greate power of Frenchmen 
 were assembled and were comminge to arayse this siege of the 
 Castells of Caene. Then that victorious Kinge lefte the 
 Towne of Cane, and lodged himselfe and all his people, 
 a smale number except, w°'' contynued the siege before the 
 Castell, in the fields in there tents and pauillions entendinge lo 
 there to abide his enemies. And at that time appeared to 
 the sight of all men a maruelous prodigie or token. And that 
 was a white crosse was scene stand ouer the Kings pauillion by 
 a greate season. Th'armes were so broade that they couered 
 all the English tents. Of the sight whereof euerie man was 
 greatly a marueled. And the Kinge longe aboade the 
 comminge of his aduersaries in the fielde. But no man 
 presented him as an enemie tofore his face. And therefore 
 after certen daies the captaines ^ of the Castell, seeinge them ' 
 priued of all liberties, consideringe that no rescue came to 20 
 dissolue the siege, nor that he ^ had no letters from his friends 
 of no comfort nor rescue ; and himselfe also as weary and 
 ouercome by the prayers of his companie, w"* feared like 
 chaunce as tofore had fortuned to the Towne ; and also at the 
 instance and for the loue of diuers worshippfull men of the 
 Towne, that were prisoners w**" the Englishmen and manaced 
 to be slayne if the Castell were not the sooner deliuered ; all 
 these things by him pondered, the saide capten couenaunted 
 w"* the Kinge in this manner : that if they were not reskewed 
 from the siege w^in 14 daies, they shoulde deliuer to the 30 
 Kinge there Castell w*"^ all Gunns, ^ngins, Armors, and all 
 other things concerninge the feats of armes. And the capten, 
 w**" other of the Castell and the Towne also that were fledd 
 into the Castell for refuge, shoulde depart w"* all there goods 
 freely and surely whether they pleased. After this appoint- 
 ment, when the 14 daies were expired and no succoure came 
 for theire deliueraunce, the captaine disposed him to absolue 
 his saide appointment w**" the Kinge, w""" was accomplished in 
 
 ' Sic in MSS. ; praefectus castelli Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 95 
 
 this manner.^ The ao"' day of September the Kings pretory, 
 or haule, of goulde and siluer silke, was sett vpp, and therein 
 a ritch and goodly siege of estate: wherein when the Kinge 
 was sett and all his great princes and estates aboute him, the 
 capten of the Castell, presentinge himselfe before the Kinge, 
 fell vppon his knees and yealded vnto him the keyes of the 
 Castell w"" all other things tofore rehearsed. Then the capten 
 w**' all his garrison, w"» others of the Towne and Castell, w"' 
 all there goods and baggages were suffered to haue sure 
 
 10 passages vnto there countries desired. And a newe garrison 
 and capten were deputed to the keeping of the Castell. And 
 because it was [reported] ^ by the French prisoners that much 
 ritches were hidd in the steeples and towers of churches in 
 that Cittie,^ the Kinge, w*'" all dilligence that coulde be, 
 assembled together all the goods, ritches, and Jewells of all the 
 parrishe churches, abbies and other places of religion, that 
 were brought in that Cittie to be kept, and deliuered it to 
 trewe and good men to be safelie kept vntill the same places 
 to whome the goods belonged were subdewed to his power. 
 
 20 And then he commaunded that they shoulde be restored to 
 there former possessors. And so was after done. Then to 
 returne to the Duke of Glocester, whome we left before the 
 Cittie of Bayeux. After the cittizens of the same vppon such 
 appointment (as is tofore saide) had yealded themselues, theire 
 Cittie, & there Castell vnto him, the saide noble Duke entered 
 into the same Cittie, and recouered it for the Kinge, and after 
 fortefied it, as it seemed to him most necessary. 
 
 * In short time the English had taken the Cittie of Liceux,^ 
 and the Castell of Newby.' And not longe after all y' was 
 
 30 fortefied, were it Towne, Castell, or Cittie, within a greate 
 precincte about them, were taken and reduced to the Kings 
 obeysance. This most prudent Kinge, consideringe that 
 nothinge might resist his might and streinght, and that by 
 his conquest the country was sore dispouverd of people, he 
 
 ' Nullum et cum subsidium ad ipsum tempus devenisset, ad deditionem 
 se parant. Livius, p. 41. 
 
 ^ om. MSS. ; vulgabatur Livius. 
 
 ' ecclesiarum in arce bona multa reposita Livius. 
 
 * Livius, pp. 42-4. " Lisieux. 
 
 ' Nennby or Newby Livius ; Mewby Stow. 
 
96 THE LIFE OF 
 
 assembled his estats, by whome he councelled what was to be 
 done to reconcile the harts and mindes of the Frenchmen vnto 
 him ; for allthought all things followed his rainde fortunatlie, 
 notw^'standinge the contrarie power of his enemies, yet if he 
 shoulde pursue his conquests and subdue the lande by armes 
 w^out appeasinge the minds of the gentlemen and commons, 
 at the last he shoulde bringe all the lande in desolacion, w* 
 he intended not : insomuch as he first enterprised the warr for 
 to conquer his inhabitants,^ w* he minded rather to loose 
 w* all his right in Fraunce, then to be lorde of a voyde and lo 
 desolate countrie. Wherefore by the sentence of all his coun- 
 cell, he commaunded to be proclaymed in Caene, that whoso 
 woulde returne to there proper howses to lyue vnder the 
 obeysance of the Kinge of Englande and to be sworne to be 
 faithfull liegemen vnto him, and to his heires, they shoulde 
 inioy there houses and lands, and there former right and title. 
 And if anie other Frenchmen desired to abide, chevish, laboure, 
 and trauell ^ in any lands or Townes, that the Englishmen had 
 conquered, they shoulde first assure the Kinge by oath of true 
 and faithfull allegiance ; and that done, they shoulde dwell, 20 
 inhabite, chevish, jurney, and laboure surelie, in what places 
 they woulde vnder his dominion. Which proclamacion made, 
 many Frenchmen, as well noblemen, cittizens, burgesses, as 
 commons, allmost all the countrie, returned againe in short 
 tyme and made to the Kinge fealtie as is aforesaide. And of 
 there sure and free abidinge in the Townes that were in the 
 Kings Dominions they had Letters Pattents of the Kinge. 
 And thus w"" the Kings good will they lived well and peace- 
 ablie, and prospered as well and better then tofore ; and con- 
 tinewed more joyouslie then before, for because the Kinge of 3° 
 his goodnes had amoued certen vniust and dishonest exac- 
 tions and impositions of money tofore vsed in that countrie. 
 And thus in short time all that countrie was brought w*'' good 
 will, loue, and fauour vnder the Kings dominions. * Shortly 
 after that the Kinge hadd deputed in all his places and 
 
 ' Read, inheritance ; hereditatem Livius. 
 
 ^ negotiari artes et ofBcinas exercere velit Livius. 
 
 ' Here Stow resumes, having omitted all from reduced to the kings 
 obeysance on p. 95, and inserted notices of the capture of Sir John 
 Oldcastle, and of the Foul Raid from IValsinghatn and Otterbourne. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 97 
 
 Townes gouernors and captens, into whose hands all the 
 Frenchmen, that shoulde returne into the Kings Citties & 
 Townes, shoulde giue there oathes of there faithful and true 
 allegiaunce, the first day of October he departed from Caene 
 w*'' his people, leauinge behinde him a sufficient garrison, 
 and tooke his journey towards the Castell of Courcy, w* at 
 the thirde daye of his comminge vnto it was yealded vnto 
 him. And from thence the vj"' day of October he went 
 to assiege Argenton. This Towne was verie defensible & 
 
 10 stronge, w"" a Castell of great strenght ; but the inhabitants 
 of this towne, to whome it was not vnknowne the late oppres- 
 sion and desolacion of Caene, aunswered vnto the Kings 
 Harralds that were sent vnto them to demaunde the deliuer- 
 aunce of the Towne : that, if they were not succoured by the 
 Frenchmen by a certen day lymitted, they woulde deliuer 
 both the Towne and the Castell to the Kinge, vnder such 
 condicions : that whosoeuer woulde depart thence he shoulde 
 haue libertie to goe freely w*^ all his goodes into what place of 
 Fraunce he woulde ; and they that woulde abide, first geuinge 
 
 20 vnto the Kinge theire faith, shoulde surelie abide there vnder 
 the Empiere of Kinge Henrie w'^'out loosinge anie of there 
 goods and possessions, and from thenceforth they shoulde 
 holde the Kinge for there Soueraigne Lord and Kinge, nor 
 after that they shoulde knowe no other kinge, but only Kinge 
 Henrie and his heires. All w"*" offers and condicions the 
 Kinge right meeke accepted.^ And when the time lymitted 
 was come, and the Towne w*''out succours, the inhabitants 
 thereof for there parte performed there couenaunts. And the 
 Towne and Castell were deliuered to the Kinge, who on his 
 
 30 part attempted not to break those pactions that he tofore had 
 couenaunted w"" them. And when the Kinge had constituted 
 in the Towne and Castell captens to receaue the oathes of 
 them that they shoulde abide there, and w"" them also hadd 
 appointed certayne garrisons for the defence of them, he pre- 
 pared himself to an other journey. After this dailie resorted 
 to the Kinge much people of Normandy to doe fealtie to the 
 Kinge, and to liue vnder his Empiere.^ The Cittie of 
 
 * This sentence is an insertion by the Translator. 
 ' to liue vnder his Empiere, an insertion of the Translator; adopted by 
 Stow. 
 
 118S H 
 
98 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Sees,^ w^'' was right well peopled, and wherein were two Abbeys 
 maruelouslie stronge and defensible, yealded them vnto the 
 Kinge : notw*''standinge the one of those Abbyes, if it woulde 
 have preserued as a rebell, coulde not haue bin gotten w'^out 
 greate murther of people, for the strenght thereof. And many 
 other Townes in that province yealded themselues vnto the 
 Kinge w*''out assault or battaile, by the example of this Cittie 
 and of these two Abbyes. The things thus done, the Kinge 
 tooke his voyage to Alamsom ^ to receaue into his dominion 
 the Towne of Semgle.^ In w"*" jurney he sent a greate peece iq 
 of his second armye to a stronge Abbeys, whereof the one 
 was Bomolins * and the other Essey °, w""^ if they had made 
 resistance he commaunded to be taken by force : but they 
 submitted themselues to the Kings power, escheuinge the 
 dainger of the assaults. In w""' places the Englishmen at 
 there departinge left stronge garrisons, to the ende that they 
 shoulde trouble there neighbours that were enemies all that 
 winter.* 
 
 'And the Kinge continewed his journey begune vntill he 
 came to Alamsom ; and the 15* daie of October they first 20 
 dilligentlie viewed and knowen w* parts thereof seemed most 
 able to resist theire assaultes. The Kinge sett his assiege to- 
 fore the Towne in this manner. First he commaunded the 
 Puissant Prince, the Duke of Glocester, his brother, to fixe 
 his tents before the Castell, w"^ was the strongest and most 
 invincible part of the Towne. And all the remnaunte thereof 
 he asseiged according to the strenght of the Towne. For 
 where the strongest and most defensible places of the Towne 
 were, there he sett the best captens and the strongest men of 
 warr, and others he lymitted to parts of lesse streinght. This 30 
 Towne is situat in a champion soyle,* it was garnished w* 
 deepe ditches and greate and highe walls, wherevppon were 
 manie greate Towers and Turretts sett verie neere the one to 
 the other. The situacion of that Castell was very pleasant, 
 it was defended ^ in like manner w*'' ditches, wall, and Towers 
 
 ' Seez. ' Alen^on. 
 
 ' Vermile Livius ; Semile Stow. It is intended for Verneuil. 
 
 * Bonmoulins. " Essay. ' Stow abbreviated this paragraph. 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 44-8. ' Erat Alenconium oppidum caiiipestre Livius, 
 
 ' descended B. ; munitum Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 99 
 
 much better then the Towne. The inhabitants of the Towne 
 consideringe that the Kinge woulde in no wise desist from the 
 enterprise of this siege vntill the Towne were either taken or 
 yealded, and on the other partie havinge little esperance of 
 succour from the Frenchmen, notw^'standing in the Kings 
 first comminge they resisted him feircelie to there possibilitie, 
 yet at the last hauinge more confidence in the Kings mercie 
 then in the assistance and ayde of there people, either in there 
 owne strenght, condiscended to couenaunt w**" the Kinge : that 
 
 10 if w**'in certaine daies appointed they were not reskewed of 
 theire people, they shoulde freelie deliuer to the Kinge both 
 Towne and Castell, and in the meane time whilest this respite 
 endured, there shoulde be no assaults, issewes or skirmishes 
 one either partey. When this tearme prelimited was come, 
 and the place not deliuered from this assiege by the French-^ 
 men, the captaines and inhabitants of the same deliuered to 
 the Kinge both the Towne and the Castell, and themselues 
 also, of whose goods nor persons none of the English- 
 men were suffered violently to take, robb, dispoyle, toutch or 
 
 20 hurt. But altogether, giuinge there faith first to the Kinge, 
 aboade still in there owne possessions, possessinge in joye and 
 in peace all theire faculties and substance in manner as they 
 before had done. And all the souldiers that were sett there 
 by the French Kinge for the defence of the Towne and Castell, 
 of what cuntrie soeuer they were, were suffered peaceablie to 
 depart w*"" all there goods into what parts they woulde. Then 
 the Kinge deputed captens both of the Towne and Castell, to 
 whome he gaue authoritie to receaue the oaths of them, as 
 well of that Towne as of all other Townes that resorted the- 
 
 30 ther, that desired to Hue vnder him and to knowe him for 
 there Soueraigne Lorde. In little time all the cuntrie vntill 
 the Cittie of Shenene ^ did fealtie vnto the Kinge and became 
 his liegemen. The Englishmen after this tooke the Towne 
 of Bolosme,^ and the Towne and Castell of Fresway.^ And 
 shortlie to recount, all the country, by a great circute, Citties, 
 , Townes and Castells, were brought vnder the Kings subiection. 
 In this tyme, that noble and mightie Prince, the Duke of 
 
 ' urbem Cennomanicam Livius, i. e. Le Mans. "^ Belleme. 
 
 ° Fresnay ; Freswey Stow. 
 
 H % 
 
loo THE LIFE OF 
 
 Brittaine, (first promise and assurance to him made for his 
 safe returne) accompanied of many of the greatest estats of 
 his cuntrie, came vnto this most victorious Kinge ; where, 
 after diuers meanes of peace betwext them attempted and 
 mooued, at the last they accorded vppon this appointment : 
 that from the seauenth tenth daie of October ' vntill the last 
 day of September of the yeare that was to come betwext the 
 Kinge and the saide Duke, there Lords, Knights and Subiects 
 shoulde indure a truce and a respite of warr ; and for the 
 same time also the Kinge [granted] ^ to theQueene of Jerusa- lo 
 lem and Sicile and to Lewis her sonn, whose ambassadors this 
 Duke of Brittaine was vnto the Kings Ma*'® for the Dutchie of 
 Aniowe,^ and the Dutchie of Shenen.* In that time also the 
 Dolphine of Fraunce desired to treate w*'' the Kinge for 
 peace ; to whose Ambassadors that shoulde be sent for that 
 treaty the Kinge appointed the Towne of Tongue,' whereunto 
 they might surelie and safelie resort for the same treatie : 
 wherefore also the Kinge sent his Ambassadors of the saide 
 Dolphine. Amonge w*, after they were assembled and mett, 
 were treated and moued many diuers meanes and waies for 20 
 the peace. And at the last the French Legatts offered to the 
 Englishmen some acceptable offers of peace, wherevnto the 
 Englishmen assented : but tofore the French Ambassadors 
 woulde assure them of there offers, they saide they woulde 
 speake to the Dolphine, and after returne to the Kinge, and 
 bringe w"" them faithfull assurance of theire offers. And 
 partlie accordinge to there promise not longe after they re- 
 turned to the Kinge at the siege of Phalleys,' where they erred 
 so farr from there iirst offers that they departed w^out '' a 
 pointment of peace. Thus the Kinge, this entreaty hanginge, 30 
 departed from Alamsom, after it was obedient to his Empiere, 
 and entred his journey towards the Towne and Castell of 
 Phalleys to assiege the same. But first he sent before him 
 
 ' a XV. Kal. Decembris [sc. 17th November) Livius; I7day of October 
 Stow. The date of the treaty was i6th Nov, {Foedera, ix. 511-14). 
 
 " om. MSS. ' Anjou. 
 
 * Cenomanniae comitatu {sc. County of Maine) Livius ; Stow omits 
 this sentence. 
 
 " Touque. ' Falaise. 
 
 ' v/'^B.; infecta pace Livius y Stow abbreviates this passage. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH loi 
 
 the Earle of Salisburie and manie other noblemen w"" him to 
 inclose the Frenchmen from issuinge out from those places, 
 least for feare to be assieged they woulde depart and leaue the 
 place voyde : but that was nothinge there intent, for to there 
 power they resisted the Englishmens enterprise right mightelie, 
 and made w''' them manie battailes and skirmishes. They 
 fortefied all those places that were to be fortefied. They 
 made buUwarkes against there walls. They made there gates 
 defensible w* gunns and other engins. And forasmuch as in 
 
 10 the places of ditches they were invyroned w*"* greate and deepe 
 valleys, w*'' there greate paine and laboure they brought the 
 course of divers rivers of higher places into the same valleys, 
 where in by prossesse of little time the water gathered and rose 
 so highe, as it stoode before there valleys to the semblance of 
 a little sea. The Castell, that was nighe adioyninge, was sett 
 vppon a high rocke, w""" serued the place of a wall, so as it 
 seemed as inexpugnable. This Castell was fortified w"" high 
 walls and manie towers about the hight of a rocke.^ All the 
 bridges that were nighe about these places the Frenchmen 
 
 20 brake and cast downe. They ordayned there watches, there 
 wards, and there stacions. They sufifred no time to be lost 
 w''' idleness. They left no work vndone that they thought to 
 be necessarie for the resistinge of theire aduersaries. The first 
 dale of December the Kinge w"' the residewe of his hoast came 
 before the Towne and Castell, where he ordered his siege in 
 this manner : he caused his tents to be sett against the gate, 
 ^ch2 |g{j(j towards Cane; the noble Duke of Clarence, his 
 brother [he]" commaunded to lye before the Castell, notw*''- 
 standinge it seemed impregnable ; and his brother the Duke 
 
 30 of Glocester he sett vppon his right hande tofore the Towne. 
 * And also other Lords and Knights and Gentlemen w* there 
 reteynewes, that were not in the companie of the Kinge and 
 of the saide two Dukes,* were deputed to other places in that 
 siege, such as were convenient for them. No place of the 
 Towne nor Castell was left free, but that it was oppressed and 
 inclosed by siege. The inhabitants of the Towne, consideringe 
 
 1 supra ripara Livius; no doubt we should read supra rupem, as 
 translated above. 
 
 "and MSS. ° om. MSS. * ■ ■ • ' reliquos proceres et Comites Livius. 
 
103 THE LIFE OF 
 
 vndoubtedly this siege woulde not be dissolued vntill the 
 Kinge had either taken the Towne by force or else that it 
 were yealded vnto him by the inhabitants thereof, doubted 
 right sore and were in greate agony what they shoulde doe 
 for sauinge themselues. Neuertheles partly encouraged by the 
 garrison and souldiers they deliuered not there Towne. But 
 they resisted the Kings power right longe. When winter w* 
 greate coldes greiued both man and beasts, the Kinge for 
 releife of his people commaunded to be made for all his hoast, 
 insteade of there tents, smale houses and edifices of tymber ; lo 
 w"'' when it was made seemed not a worsse Towne then that 
 w*in the Walls. And least peraduenture any of there 
 enemies would suddenly assault or invade his people, the 
 Kinge caused to be made a broade and deepe ditch about all 
 his tents and houses, wherevppon also was cast a thicke and 
 highe bancke, wherein innumerable stakes, sharped both the 
 ends, were fixed as thicke as need was. And that done he 
 raysed his engins to confounde the walls of the Towne. And 
 he appointed foryners and victualers to puruey sustenaunce 
 for his hoast in greate HoUande, Danske,^ and other parts,^ jo 
 The Frenchmen that were asseiged passed not there time in 
 slought and ease; for besides all those great labours that 
 they tooke vppon them for the munition and defence of there 
 holds, they also right often issued both from the Towne and 
 Castell, and made many greate assaults amonge there enemies 
 tents ; from whence not only w*'' the effusion of theire owne 
 blood, but also many times w"' the loosinge of many of there 
 lyues, they were constrained to returne, and in greate hast to 
 take there holdes for there defence. And notw*''standinge 
 that the sharpe winter afflicted ' both the parties maruel- 30 
 ouslie sore (for all the waters in the valleys were frozen and 
 congealed, in such manner that it seemed rather to be Christall 
 or any hard stone then water. And that the manie and 
 greate stormes of wyndes and rayne greeued them right sore, 
 and namely the Englishmen, whose lodgings were farr worse 
 
 1 Danzig. 
 
 This is new J Livius has simply : quibusdam commeatuum praefectis 
 a rege dictis, quae ad omnem hominis victum spectant in castra vilissimo 
 quoque precio habundantissime devehi portarique facit. 
 
 ' afflicted om. B. ; premeret Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 103 
 
 then the Frenchmens. Yet the Englishmen, as they that 
 were more couetous of honnour then weary of payne, for no 
 affection woulde desist of there enterprise begonn.^ The 
 inhabitants, seeinge the Englishmen for no aduersitie or payne 
 to be wearyed or feared from theire purpose, and that there 
 walls by the English gunns and engins were often brought 
 nighe to extremitie, fearing also to be assaulted in the 
 example of the Towne of Caene, were rather deliberated to 
 seeke for peace then to jeoparde the extreame perrills of the 
 
 10 assiege. Notw^tanding every mans minde was not consent- 
 inge thereto ; by reason whereof the contrarious opynions 
 mooued amongest themselues a greate discencion and strife. 
 And amongest all other one Oliuer Newney,^ w"*" was capten 
 both of the Towne and of the Castell, havinge greate confidence 
 in the strenght of his Castell and supposed at all tymes when 
 he pleased he might beat the Englishmen from his Towne 
 w* his gunns and engins from the hight of his Castell, woulde 
 in no wise condiscend to anie communicacion. Neuertheles 
 the more part preuayled, in somuch as they appointed w**" the 
 
 20 Kinge in this manner : that if by the second day of January 
 they were not succored and deliuered from the siege by there 
 people, they shoulde freely deliuer to the Kinge there Towne. 
 For the faithfull performaiince whereof they deliuered to the 
 Kinge certen of the best men of the Towne in hostage. And 
 when the time permitted was come, and they yet in dispayre 
 of succour, the Towne of Phallies, w* gates opened, was de- 
 liuered to the Kinge, who commaunded that all the goods of 
 the inhabitants, only of them that consented to the deliueraunce 
 of the Towne,* shoulde remaine wholie to there former pos- 
 
 30 sessors and owners w*''out any diminution. And the goods 
 of them that were obstinate and contrarious to this deliueraunce 
 of the Towne were vsed at the Kings pleasure, and persons 
 commaunded to auoyde the Towne.* 
 
 ^ At the deliueraunce of this Towne the aforesaide captaine 
 
 1 This sentence is an insertion by the Translator. 
 
 ' His real name was Oliver de Manny. Livius calls him Oliverius de 
 Nanney ; Hearne by an error of transcription has Ulmerius. 
 
 ^ illis maxime qui deditionis pacta voluerant Livius. 
 
 * Ex contumacibus regiae majestati nonnulli sunt illinc abire jussi 
 Livius. The Translator paraphrases rather freely. 
 
 ^ Livius, pp. 48-9. 
 
I04 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Oliuer, captaine of the Towne and Castell also, w"'' he ire- 
 deuored him to keepe and defend against the Kinge, who then 
 asseiged the same Castell about the ditches thereof much 
 more straightly then he had beseiged the Towne. In the 
 Towers and other smale Turretts that were betwext the 
 Castell and the Towne ^ the Kinge sett his watches. And 
 w*''out the Towne, vnder the greate rocke that sustayned the 
 Castell wall,^ he sett manie noble and good men of warr. He 
 commaunded his engynes to be raysed for the distruccion of 
 the walls ; w'^'', for the hardnes of the rocke and for the height lo 
 of the Castell, notw*^standinge that those engins were mar- 
 uelous violent, profited nothinge ; for they scarcely might 
 skale the over walls that were aboute the rocke. The Kinge 
 perceauinge himselfe not to proffitt in his gunns and other 
 engins, caused to be made great bridges of wood ; ^ w°^ w"' 
 much craft vppon wheeles, though the ditches were broad and 
 deepe, he caused to be brought vnto the walls of the Castell ; 
 vnder w"'' bridges w*'' malletts, and pikes, and hammers, and 
 other masonarie instruments, the Englishmen myned the 
 same rocke for to subuert the walls that stoode vppon the 20 
 rocke, and others that had there standinge in other places 
 not nighe the bridges ; and namely one knight * accumu- 
 lated and heaped earth vppon earth vnder the side of the 
 rocke, and by that meanes raysed the grounde so highe that it 
 attayned to the foote of the wall, and was aboue the rocke, 
 wherevppon the Englishmen assended. And by there craft 
 they first pulled one stone from the saide wall, and after 
 another, and then the thirde, and so they contynewed by 
 longe space ever workinge. Then they prouided themselues 
 a place to w^'^drawe them vnto from the dainger of the wall 30 
 for the fall, and also from the dainger of there enemies that 
 were w^'in the Castell. When this knight w**" his companie 
 had thus by his laboure of manie dales made an entry in the 
 Castell in the saide wall, they of the Castell perceavinge there 
 dilligence, the ® people of themselues made little faggotts of 
 
 ' circa fossas, quae sunt inter oppidum et castellum Livius. 
 
 ' quod instar castello murorum erat Liyius. 
 
 ° ligneos pontes in vinearum pene morem Livius. 
 
 * one knight om. B. 
 
 ' dilligence, and the MSS. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 105 
 
 wodd and cast vppon them moulten pitch, brymstone, and 
 saltpeeter ; and after w* chaines of iron burninge hott they 
 cast those faggotts vppon the Englishmen to burne them 
 and to fyre ' them from there worke, and to burne the stages 
 of tymber that they had made ouer there heads for there 
 defence.^ But the Englishmen w*'' forkes of iron avoyded and 
 cast away from the bridge and there stages the faggotts, fyre, 
 and chaynes, and preserued there munitions from burninge ; 
 vnderw""^ they. labored so dilligentlie that the walls began to 
 
 10 fall, as well where the knight w"' his companie, w"^^ vnder 
 there stages breakinge the walls, as where others vnder the 
 bridges of tymber myninge the rocke, labored.^ Nor there 
 was no rest to them that were asseiged ; for daylie and nightlie 
 they were slayne w''' stones that were cast ; and w**" shott 
 from the Towne. They perceaued the walls to be myned, 
 and themselues to be wearied and ouertrauelled w"* watchinge 
 and fightinge in the defence of the Castell ; wherefore they 
 desired a trewce of the Kinge, promisinge him to treate of 
 peace, w*'^ after manie supplicacions the Kinge graunted a 
 
 20 peace accord inge to this manner : that if by the 6*'' * daye of February 
 February they were not succored of theire people, they shoulde ■' 
 deliuer to the Kinge theire Castell w*^ the aforesaide Oliuer, 
 captaine of the same, and all his goods, and w"' all there 
 harnes, gunns, weapons, and all other engins w*''in the Castell, 
 consideringe the defence thereof, and w*^ all other thing w"'in 
 the same. And all the people within the Castell (the saide 
 captaine only excepted) shoulde freelie goe vnarmed whether 
 they woulde, and in the meane tyme the Kinge gaue them 
 libertie to sende to theire freinds for succoure of deliueraunce. 
 
 30 But when at the time limitted no succoure appeared, the 
 Castell w*'' the saide Oliuer, w"' all the goods in the same 
 Castell, were deliuered to the Kinge, who commaunded this 
 Oliuer for his obstinacie to be dilligently and straightly kept 
 
 ' Perhaps we should read fear ; deterrendos Livius. 
 
 ^ 1 he final clause is an addition of the Translator. 
 
 ' A free paraphrase: sed igne praedicto labari moenia incipiunt, et 
 intus in oppido qui pontibus et malleis rUpem effodiunt jam muris ruinae 
 maximum exordium fecerant Livius. 
 
 * The date should be 16th February. See Articles ap. Collections oj 
 a London Citizen, p. 259, and Foedera, ix. 541. 
 
io6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in bonds, vntill the Castell, w"'' was sore appayred by there 
 assaultes, were plenarly repayred and reedified at the proper 
 costs of the saide Oliuer.^ 
 
 ^ Then the Kinge, after he had deputed to the TownC and 
 Castell other captens w** sufficient garrisons, apparrelled his 
 hoast to remooue. When nowe the time of Lent was present, 
 wherein this Kinge shoulde serue God in prayers, vigilles, 
 abstinences, and other holly and godly works, he disposed 
 him to attend thereto with quiet and rest of his bodie. And 
 that the warrs in the meane time shoulde not be delayed, he lo 
 gaue the charge thereof to his two bretheren, the Dukes of 
 Clarence and of Glocester, in his place and by his authority 
 to oppresse and correct the rebbells, and to subdewe his 
 aduersaries to his empire, to conquer and gett his stronge 
 holds of the countrie, to reduce his people to his obeysance. 
 And if peraduenture any of them shoulde haue need to haue 
 ayde and succoure of him he woulde abide, duringe that Lent, 
 in such a place that he in his person might assist him in there 
 neede. And that place that he electe for himselfe was the 
 Cittie of Beauce.* 20 
 
 * The puissant Duke of Clarence w**^ his armed power con- 
 quered in this time ^ the Townes and Castells of Hariecourt, 
 Fagnon, Tiuill, Cambrice, Courton,^ and diuers others, and 
 also the stronge Abbey of Bikillrenan,' the strongest rebel! 
 of all those parts. All w""* places that mightie Duke of 
 Clarence w"' assiege, assalts, oppressions, and fayre communi- 
 cacions, legacions, and by obseruinge his promise to them 
 made, in short time he subdued to* the Kings Empire. 
 But what was done at euerie of these places I write not, 
 because the circumstaunces thereof be not come to my hands 30 
 or knowledge. But of them all I shall only saye this : that 
 
 ^ Stow has only a brief account of the siege of the Town, and omits 
 that of the Castle altogether. 
 
 ^ Livius, p. 49. 
 
 ^ Bayeux ; urbs Baiocensis Livius. * Livius, p. 49. 
 
 " Citty MSS. : time Stow. 
 
 ' Harcourt, Chambrois, and Courtonne are plain. ' Fagnon ' is perhaps 
 Pontauton ; Livius reads Fagnou, the Pseudo-Elmham (p. 140) Fagamon, 
 Tiuill is probably Thiberville ; Danville or Truville in Livius ; Tywyl 
 Pseudo-Elmham. 
 
 ' Bee Hellouin ; Bekellwyn Livius ; Bikilrom Stow. ' to om. B. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 107 
 
 whatsoeuer golde, or ritches, silver, pretious stones, or rich 
 apparrell, and all other things that w^in Harecourt, w* the 
 Duke had taken by assault, was by the Kinge geuen to the 
 Duke in recompence of his laboure and manhoode. 
 
 ^ And that mightie Duke Humfry of Glocester was sent to 
 the Isle of Constantine,^ in the w"* entrie of his first Jurney 
 by his wisdome he obtayned the stronge Castle of Caudy ^ 
 against his aduersaries ; and from thence he went to the 
 Towne of Castle of Vire, th'inhabitants whereof, seeinge that 
 
 10 they were not able to resist his power nor havinge any assur- 
 ance of reskewe, yealded them w*"* all there goods to the 
 Duke, and to * live vnder the Kings obeysance. The Castell 
 of Turney ^ woulde not assaye the streinght of the English- 
 men, but yealded them to the Duke. The Towne of Saint 
 Lowe,^ after this noble Duke had ordayned his assiege w*'' 
 the subberbs thereof, w*'^in fewe daies yealded them to the 
 Duke, and by that meanes obtayned of him a sure peaces. 
 The Castell of St. Sauiour Leuont ' not abydynge the siege 
 obeyed to the Duke for the Kinge. At his first comminge to 
 
 20 Valloges *, after the assiege was sett, the engins raysed, and 
 the trenches and mynes begonne, submitted him to the Duke 
 for the Kinge. He tooke also the Castells of Breckourt ' and 
 Whoo ^''. All these holdes taken the Duke intended to goe to 
 Sherbroughe ^^, a Towne aboue of all these of streinght and 
 marvelous greate defence, .w* was w'^in the precinct to him 
 lymitted ; but in the beginninge of that his journey he was 
 commaunded to retourne to the Kinge, w"'' commaundment 
 he obeyed ; whereby for that time that journey ceased. The 
 most Christian King Henrie was duringe this time w*''in the 
 
 30 Castell of Bayeux w"" his companie, w^'^out whome he might 
 not conveniently haue bene, where he attented to watches, 
 prayers, to abstynences, and generally to all good workes 
 besides. That notw^'standinge duringe all the time he sent 
 
 ^ Livius, pp. 50-1. 
 , ^ The C6tentin ; insulam Constantini Livius. 
 ' Condd-sur-Noireau ; Cauday Livius. 
 * to om. B. = Thorigny. « St.-L6. 
 
 ' St.-Sauveur-le-Vicomte ; Saint Sauueur le Visconte Livius. 
 ' Valognes ; Valoignes Livius ; Valeiges Stow. 
 ' Briquebec ; Brekuek or Briquebec Livius ; Breckcourt Stow. 
 " N^hou ; Nehoo Livius ; Who Stow. " Cherbourg. 
 
io8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of^ his owne company the noble Earle of Huntingdon to 
 subdue to his Ma*'» certen defensible places, w""' w*''in short 
 time he manly reduced vnder the Kings obeysance, as he had 
 in commaundment to doe. The Kinge sent also the Earle of 
 Warwick w* another company of men of warr to asseige the 
 stronge castell of Dounfront^ w""" was builded vppon the 
 hight of a highe and roughe rocke, very harde : and the walls 
 of this Castell were so highe, that it feared not the shott 
 of gunns, nor skalinge of ladders, nor none other assault of 
 there enemies. When this wise Earle perceaved * the strenght lo 
 of the Castell, he deliberated by proces of time to wynn them 
 by hunger and thirst. And for that cause he first prouided 
 for victualls for his cohipanie, and assigned * certen wise men 
 only to attend for victualls for his hoast. And that done, he 
 set his siege in such places as he thought most convenient and 
 most easy for his people, and most preiudiciall for his aduer- 
 saries. He caused ditches to be made about the Castell, so 
 that the Frenchmen might haue no issue, neither to gett 
 victualls nor yet to assault the Englishmen.* But whatsoeuer 
 prouision of victualls the noble Earle made for his owne 20 
 companie, hunger troubled them so sore that w'^'out any speed 
 of there journey they had departed thence, had not this wise 
 Earle w*'' his prudence purueyed a medicen for that sore. 
 He sent foragers and purveyors in all possible hast in greate 
 aboundance to acquire victualls for his hoast, whome in the 
 meane time he exorted to abide and to see th'ende of there 
 enterprise, sayinge vnto them that the honnour they shoulde 
 gett by the atchivinge of there enterprise shoulde farr exceede 
 the same payne of there hunger.® And when the foragers 
 and victuallers were returned, the Englishmen were encouraged 30 
 with the receipt of there newe victualls ; and to the contrarie 
 
 1 for B. \ De suo tamen latere Livius. ' Domfront. 
 
 ' perceavinge B. * asseiged MSS, 
 
 ^ and most preiudiciall . . . Englishmen, inserted by the Translator, 
 who omits the following sentence : Tum excursiones et insidias, in nemo- 
 ribus hostium commeatui obsidentium frequenter habitas, solertia sua 
 perdomuit et penitus amovit. Stow abbreviates all this passage. 
 
 ' The Translator paraphrases freely ; Fuisset et inde infecta re penitus 
 abeundum, nisi comes prudentissimus huic morbo sua prudentia medelam 
 attulisset, et Anglici minoris longe famem quam honoris jacturam minimam 
 duxissent. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 109 
 
 there aduersaries were more and more oppressed by hunger. 
 Wherefore in brief time they couenaunted w*"^ the saide Earle : 
 that if at the a a* day of June they were not dissolued from 
 this asseige, they shoulde yealde them to the saide Earle for 
 the Kinge. And when that day was come, and no succour 
 knowne, the Castle was deliuered to this mightie Prince. 
 
 ^ The Duke of Glocester, after he had bene w"' the Kinge, 
 had repressed his journey towards Shearbroughe.^ The cap- 
 taine of the same, havinge knowledge of his purpose, and other 
 
 10 noble men, that were deputed by the French for the defence 
 of that place, assembled out of all places the strongest men of 
 warr in maruelous greate number, that might be gotten for 
 the resistaunce of the Englishmen and for the defence of the 
 Towne. And whereas they had greate and large subberbs 
 w*''out the Towne-walls, because the Englishmen shoulde not 
 be lodged in them, they burned them and made them equall 
 w"" the grounde. They repayred there towers and there 
 walls. They fortefied there Towne w* gunns and other 
 engins. They brake and distroyed the bridge that ledd ouer 
 
 20 the river w*^out the Towne.^ This Towne was fortified w* 
 innumerable tuytions and defences ; the most part thereof 
 was enclosed w'"' the fludds of the sea ; and the residue thereof 
 was compassed w"^ a broade ditch ; and w*^in that was 
 a greate and stronge wall well fortified and garnished w*"* 
 stronge turretts ; and a greate fludd, that environed a greate 
 parte of the Towne and also of the Castell, fortified maruelously 
 the Towne. And to this Towne also belonged a stronge and 
 defensible hauen, wherein there shipps might surely lie, and 
 the same hauen was also greate strenght to the Towne.* 
 
 30 The Castell of this Towne was enclosed w**" 16 greate and 
 stronge towers and turretts. It was fortified w"" dubble walls 
 and w* deepe and broade ditches. In this Castell, and also 
 in the Towne, were an innumerable ordinaunces and engins 
 of warr.^ This victorious Duke, tofore he approached the 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 51-56 ; Stow gives only a short abbreviation. 
 ''■ Dum Caesarisburgum proficisceretur dux Gloucestriae strenuissimus 
 Livius. 
 ' pontem quendam pelagi rumpere Livius. 
 
 * The Translator expands this from navibusque suis portum facere. 
 ^ The Translator expands; castellum ejus sexdecim pulcherrimis 
 
iio THE LIFE OF 
 
 Towne, sent wise men and manly knights to view and espie 
 this place and situacion thereof, and to bringe him worde in 
 what place he might assiege it to his most advantage and to 
 the greatest oppression of the Towne ; w* knights, when they 
 were returned, reported to the Duke that both the Towne and 
 Castell were inexpugnable ; but that report discouraged not 
 the Duke, nor delayed him not from the pursuite of his 
 purpose. But w*^ firme faith to atchive his enterprise, he 
 went tofore the Towne w*'' all his people. Where the Duke 
 fortuned to be lodged in a certen little house, best of all the lo 
 other, as it was convenient for his estate. And all other were 
 lodged in vplandish cots,^ such as they coulde finde. And 
 the next day they approached nighe vnto the Towne, where- 
 vnto they sett there asseige. Howebeit at there first com- 
 minge they asseiged it not on all partes ; forasmuch as the 
 inhabitants had broken the bridge w'^'out the Towne, the 
 Englishmen were depriued of there passage ouer the river.^ 
 There were also many heapes of sand, w* was so subtill and 
 smale, that it mooued w*"" everie wynde ; wherew* the English- 
 men were so encombred, for every winde blewe it in there 20 
 faces and eyes, that they were letted to sett there sege in 
 that place.^ Neuertheles the Duke sent to those places diuers 
 times armed men to watch that the Frenchmen shoulde 
 nothinge doe there, that shoulde be preiudiciall to the hoast, 
 and to enclose the Towne from the liberties of the sea, that 
 they shoulde receaue nothinge by water that shoulde be for 
 there compfort.* The wise Duke sent for a sufficient nauy 
 of shipps and of men of warr out of the Kings Isles of 
 Gurnesey and Gursey ' ; w'^'', when it was come,^ the Duke 
 commaunded to lye betwixt the Towne and the sea. And 30 
 because the feelde wherein the Englishmen lay was all playne 
 w*''out hill or other defence, they of the Towne had from 
 
 turribus vallatum duplicibus moenibus propugnaculisque munitum esse 
 Livius. 
 
 1 rustica diverticula Livius. ^ Stow's abbreviation, stops here. 
 
 ' Erant harenae praeterea cumuli ad ipsa loca non minimi, vento 
 instabiles, illuc modo modo istuc ventorum flatibus agitati, qui non habere 
 sinebant Anglicos his in locis carta stabiliaque diverticula Livius. 
 
 * This is the picnctuation of the Translator, ^ut probably there should 
 be a full stop at hoast, and a comma at compfort ; as in the Latin. 
 
 ' Guernsey and Jersey. " come to B. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH iii 
 
 euery place open shott w"' there gonns into the hoast. 
 Whereby the Englishmen were sore trauelled and letted from 
 the preparinge of the engins, and also from shootinge of there 
 ordinaunces. Wherevppon the Duke breifely prepared this 
 remedie, and thereof gaue charge to diners of his knights to 
 see it done. He commaunded in the beginninge of the next 
 night that euerie three persons of the hoast should bringe 
 from the next wood a slidd laden w*"^ greate stakes and w*"* 
 other greate peeces of greene ^ wood into there lodges. At 
 
 10 w"'' commaundment there was brought so much greene wood 
 and stakes in the first night, that therew*"^ they made a bul- 
 warke betweene them and the Towne all the lenght of theire 
 fielde and of a sufficient height and thicknes to defende them 
 from the ordinance of the Towne. And w**" theire greate 
 stakes w"'" they fixed in the grounde they vndersett and sus- 
 tayned there saide buUwarke from breakinge or fleeinge back- 
 wards vppon them by the violence of the Frenchmens gunns.^ 
 And when the inhabitants of the Towne perceaued in the 
 mominge this maruelous and politique art and laboure to be 
 
 20 done in one night, they gaue them to right great maruaile ; 
 and to breake and ouerthrowe that greate bullwarke they 
 oftentimes shott there greate gunns, and cast w*'' there most 
 violent engins stones of incredible quantitie ; but all there 
 trauell was in vainej for the bullwarke was so greate and so 
 well vndersett,^ that it feared no shott nor castinge of stones. 
 Then the Frenchmen, perceauinge there shott to be spent in 
 vaine, imagined a newe manner of shott insteade of stones ; 
 they shott greate peeces of Steele fire-hott,* wherein was so 
 greate heate that they burned not onely the wood but also 
 
 3° the earth ; and w*'' this manner newe imagined shott in short 
 time they burned and destroyed the greater part of the 
 Englishmens buUwarks, who for the defence of the same 
 tooke maruelous greate paines ; some rann to the wood and 
 brought to increase and renewe the bullwarks, where it was 
 perished, and some other carried water and cast vppon the 
 
 ^ greate B.; carpentum honeratum viridi minime grossisque palis 
 Livtus. 
 
 ' This sentence is a gloss by the Translator. 
 
 ' Livius has simply : Erat namque tantus agger, ut, &c. 
 
 * globos calibis igne candentes Livius, 
 
"2 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fyre. Then the Duke w*"^ all the possible dilligence com- 
 maunded to be made trenches in the earth to conserue his 
 people from the dainger of shott. He commaunded also that 
 the greate peeces of tymber and much greate wood to be 
 brought from the wood in [to the] ^ trenches, to couer therew"" 
 theire caues and lodges for the resistance of the gunns, that 
 were shott continewally from the Towne.^ W"'' thinge when 
 it was seene of them in the Towne, they were amaruelled 
 «iuch more then tofore. And this most prudent Prince, that 
 had the charge of the asseige, because he shoulde not be lo 
 frustrate and disappointed of the enterprise by constraint of 
 hunger or thirst, nor by default of anie thinge that shoulde be 
 necessarie for his hoast by the longe continuaunce of the 
 asseige, ordeyned a market to be kept in the fielde, wherein 
 was to be solde as well victualls as all other things needful] to 
 so greate a company. And because the Frenchmen w*''in 
 the Towne shoulde make no suddaine assault nor inuasions 
 amongest his people, this Duke made to be cast deepe ditches 
 betwext the fielde and the Towne, wherew*'' he inclosed them 
 from all issues on that part ; by meanes whereof the victualls ao 
 were much surer from the dainger of the Frenchmen. And 
 also there came forrageors w'''^ had the better assurance of 
 there enemies. And for because the course of the sea, that 
 daily flowed aboute the Towne, suffered not the Englishmen, 
 to approach the walls of the same, the Duke commaunded to 
 assemble all laborers out of all parts that might be gotten, 
 ■w'=^ by there labour brought that arme of the sea from his 
 accustomed course into another course that they deuised for. 
 it. And by greate damms and banks they kept it in out of 
 his olde course. But notw*''standinge all there pollicy and 30, 
 laboure at euerie chainge of the moone^ the sea flowed so 
 highe that it brake the damms that they had made, and the 
 sea returned to his accustomed course. Then the Duke com- 
 maunded euerie man of his hoast to take in his hand a spade 
 or shouell and therew*'' to cast the earth tofore them into 
 the ditches, that by that meanes they might attaine to the 
 walls. And at this commaundment the Englishmen were so 
 
 om. JlfSS. 2 T/ie Translator paraphrases freely. 
 
 luna cum sole conjuncta Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 113 
 
 ardent in there laboure, that w*i'in short time the accumulacion 
 of the earth w'^in the ditch was nighe as highe as the walls ; 
 w"'' thinge done the Englishmen made greate frames and 
 stages of, timber, vnder w"'' they approached the walls to 
 assault the Towne ; but the shott of the Towne was so greate 
 and thicke, that it brake there frames in peeces so that none 
 of the English were suffered to abide vnder the same frames ; 
 but either they were slayne w'^ the fall of there owne frames, 
 or by the castinge of stones out of slings, or else by the shott 
 
 10 of gnnns. Thus the Englishmen voyde of theire inquests 
 were constrayned w"' theire losse to returne from there 
 assault. And when in like manner the Frenchmen were 
 w^drawne into there houses to rest them of there greate 
 laboure, the Englishmen all readily armed, not takinge any 
 repose, seeinge they coulde not proffit to assaulte the Towne, 
 rann into the myne that they tofore had begunne. And 
 therein at no season ceast to laboure in purpose to subuert 
 the walls of the Towne by this meanes ; in w"'' mynes they 
 fought and laboured so ardently, as they might scarsely be 
 
 30 mooued from the ruyne and distruccion of the walls for no 
 pirrills nor resistance of theife enemies. And namely one 
 Lowes Robsarte, whome the Kinge had made knight at the 
 siege of Cane, w*'' manie a stronge Englishman mightelie 
 fought and laboured in the same myne. But at the last by 
 the dilligent laboure and manly resistance of the Frenchmen 
 they were so sore trauelled and laboured that of necessetie 
 they must returne to theire tents.^ And when they had thus 
 asseiged Sesarborough ^ almost five monethes, and had sore 
 oppressed the Frenchmen both by land and by water, and 
 
 30 that there mynes w*''in the earth were brought almost vnto 
 the walls of the Towne, the Frenchmen, wearied of so longe 
 a siege and not havinge sufficient of victualls, were constrayned 
 to treate of peace ; and because that Towne appeared most 
 of streinght of anie other Towne in that circute, notw^^'stand- 
 inge they asked most arrogantly the respitt of manie dales, 
 the Duke graunted vnto them truce for Ixij * dales next fol- 
 
 ' Fatigatique tandem infecta re redeunt in oppidum Livius. 
 
 ^ Cherbourg ; Caesarioburgum Livius. 
 
 ^ An error for xlij ; duos et quadraginta Livius. The Pseudo-Elmham 
 
 1 188 I 
 
114 THE LIFE OF 
 
 lowinge ; vpon condicion that, if by the ende of the terme 
 they were not rescued by the Frenchmen, they shoulde deliuer 
 to the Duke there Castell, there Towne, and all there holdes, 
 and there bodies also, and in the meane time they shoulde 
 haue libertie to sende for succour to the Dolphlne in Guyan ^ 
 and also to John the Duke of Burgonie, w"'' at that time laye 
 in Parris ; and thoughe that sometimes some displeasure had 
 bin tofore time betwixt those two Princes, yet at this great 
 neede they both assembled right greate hoasts entendinge to 
 come to deliuer the Towne. The Englishmen that were at lo 
 that asseige beleeued for trueth that the Frenchmen woulde 
 haue come to haue resisted this asseige rather then to suffer 
 so stronge a Towne [to be yealded] ^ to the hands of there 
 enemies. This puissant Prince, captaine of the assiege, con- 
 sideringe that the assiege and the number of his people were 
 not comparable to the number of those two hoasts, of his 
 engins^ caused to be made* greate and deepe ditches w*'' 
 high and stronge banks sett full of sharpe stakes, not only 
 towards the Towne but also one all sides of his fielde. He 
 caused to be made also many stronge block houses of tymber, 20 
 like vnto turretts, to defende his people from the assaulte of 
 theire enemies, if peraduenture they come to arrayse this 
 siege. He fortified maruelouslie the market place, where 
 victualls and all other things necessary were to be soulde for 
 the comfort of his hoast. And whatsoeuer things he coulde 
 imagine to be avayleable to his companie and for the oppres- 
 singe of his aduersaries, or in any thing for the assurance of 
 his people, he caused it to be done w"" all dilligence possible. 
 In the meane time this victorious Kinge Henrie layde the 
 Roane siege tofore Roane ^ the Master^ Cittie of all Normandie, 30 
 Cittf '^in*^^ from whence to depart w^^'out subduinge the same he thought 
 all Nor- it shoulde redownd to his dishonnour. Notw"'standinge he 
 mandie. 
 
 (pp. 177-9) describes the negotiations as at first abortive, but as resulting 
 finally in a truce for six weeks. 
 
 ^ Guienne ; Aquitaniam Livius. 
 
 ' om. MSS.; redditum iri Livius. 
 
 ° of his engins, an interpolation; there is nothing to correspond in 
 Livius. 
 
 * made to B.; Livius has fossas ingentes, simply. 
 " Rouen. ^ > y J' 
 
 * B. apparently M™ (mistress) ; totius Normanniae capud Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 115 
 
 knewe all the perrils ^ of his Brother and his companie that 
 were to come, if so greate a number shoulde come to rayse 
 the siege of Sesarboroughe, wherefore he wrote into Englande 
 to certen Gentlemen towards the west parts, commaundinge 
 them imediatly to send ayde to the Duke of Glocester tofore 
 Caesarboroughe ; accordinge to whose commaundement two 
 thousande chosen men were shipped in thirtie shipps, and w*'' 
 a fortunate wynde were brought to lande in the hauen of 
 Caesarboroughe, but more nighe vnto the Dukes company. 
 
 10 And when the Frenchmen w*''in the Towne sawe the landinge 
 of so manie armed men, w*^ joy they gaue thanks vnto the 
 Immortall God, supposinge for truth that they hadd bin sent 
 for theire deliueraunce and for there ayde. And in this greate 
 joy they assended the walls to beholde them more at there 
 pleasure ; but when they perceaued them enter the English- 
 mens lodges, and that they were freindlie receaued of the 
 Duke and of his company, forthw* there joy was turned into 
 lamentacion and sorrowe, seeinge before theire eyes there 
 evident desolacion. And at the last, at the xx'^ ^ day of 
 
 30 September, they were not releeued by theire people. The 
 Towne and the Castell w*^ all theire goods, as they had 
 couenaunted, were deliuered to the Duke for the Kinge. 
 And when he established the Towne and the Castell, and 
 put in them captaines and garrisons to keepe them in the 
 Kings obeysance, and had ordered and purveyed euerie thinge 
 that coulde be thought necessarie, this noble Duke departed 
 thence and went to the Kinge, who at that time laye at 
 Roane. 
 
 ^ Whilst these things were thus doing in Fraunce the Scottish The 
 
 30 people, allwaies aduersaries to the Englishmen, knowing the ?^°^^^ 
 
 Kings absence and consideringe the time nowe to be con- Englande. 
 
 venient for there purpose, w"' a greate companie of armed 
 
 men inuaded the realme of England in the farthest part of the 
 
 North ; and most cruelly they gaue to the sword and to the 
 
 fire all that they might obtaine vnto. Then the noble men of 
 
 Englande, to whome the Kinge had geuen charge to defende 
 
 ' parts S. ; perricula Livius. 
 
 ^ A mistake for xxix*!" ; ad iii Kal. Octobris Livius in the best MS., ad 
 Kal. Octobris in others. 
 ' Livius, p. 56. 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the saide North parts, gathered an hoast of an hundred thou- 
 sand men, w"'' all made greate dilHgence to fight w* there 
 enemies. And at that time by fortune the Duke of Exeter, 
 vnckle to the Kinge, w""" had sent vnto the Duke of Glocester* 
 a companie of armed men, as it is aforesaide, was come on 
 pilgrimage into those parts where the Scotts were entered into 
 England. And when this greate hoast of the Englishmen 
 were assembled to battaile to there enemies, the same Duke 
 tooke in charge to order and to conduct them. Th'arch- 
 bishopp of York, w""* for his greate age might not indure to lo 
 ride vppon a horse, like as a good olde man caused himselfe to 
 be brought to the English hoast in his chayre, to comfort and 
 incourage the harts of the people that they shoulde more 
 ardentlie defend there countrie. And when the battailes were 
 ordered after the manner of Englande they aduaunced them 
 towards there enemies, w"'' fearinge so greate power of the 
 Englishmen fledd and returned into there owne countries in 
 Scotland. Then when all these thinges were in good suertie 
 towards the North, the saide Duke of Exeter w*'' a chosen 
 companie of men of warr tooke his shipps and sayled into 20 
 Normandie, where he landed and tooke his journey towards 
 Roane to the Kinge ; in w""" journey he wan the Cittie of 
 Ebroicen.^ 
 
 ^ Nowe we shall returne to the Kinges Ma***, w'^'' perseuered 
 the whole Lent, and also the solemnitie of Easter in prayers, 
 abstinences, vigiles, almes deedes, and other charitable deedes,* 
 w'Mn the Towne of Bayuxe, from whence he after Easter 
 went to Cane, where he solemnized the feast of Saint George, 
 as the custome of Kinges of England hath aunciently been. 
 At w"'' feasts he made xv. Knights of the Bath.^ And that 30 
 done he deliberated to goe to Roane, the chiefe and principall 
 Cittie of Normandy, notw^standinge that his companie was 
 
 * This is an assumption by the Translator : qui nuper exercitum con- 
 scripserat ad instaurandam militum manum qui viriliter in Gallia bella- 
 batur Livius. 
 
 ^ Evreux ; urbem Ebroicensem Livius ; Ebrociens Sto;w, who for 
 this paragraph follows partly the Translator, and partly Otterbourne, 
 pp. 279, 280. ' Livius, pp. 56-60. 
 
 * workes H. ; here B. leaves a blank, apparently accidental. 
 
 ' An insertion by the Translator, from the Brut (p. 384) ; adopted by 
 Stow, who adds some of the names. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 117 
 
 greatlie minished by the absence of the Duke of Glocester, that 
 lay there before Caesarboroughe, and the Earle of Warwicke, 
 that then asseiged the Castell of Donnfront. Neuertheles the 
 Kinge departed from Cane the ix*''' day of June, and tooke 
 his voyage w**" all his people that were left vnto him towards 
 the Cittie of Roane. In w""" journey, because it was not farr 
 out of his way, he first layed siege to the Towne of Louers,^ 
 where he ordayned watches and wards for feare of sodaine 
 invasions of there enemies. And notw^'standinge the Towne 
 
 10 was fortefied w* triple ^ walls, and mayne towers, and smale 
 turretts, w*^ gunns of euery fashion and quallitie, and almost 
 w**" innumerable engins and torments, and as well defensible as 
 inuasiue ; yet the Englishmen and there engins and shott 
 acquired so much leasure, that (maugre theire enemies) they 
 raised there pauillions and tents; they raysed also a certen 
 engine of tymber, vnder w"'' manie labored to myne the earth 
 and to make there entrie vnder the walls, and some others 
 labored to subuert and ouerthrowe the walls, and to make 
 entrie into the Towne aboue the grounde. And all these 
 
 20 laborers this engine defended from dainger of there aduer- 
 saries. And manie of the Englishmen labored to fill the 
 great ditch w**" tymber and earth to make passage to the 
 walls. The Frenchmen made manie issues and manly assaults 
 vppon there enemies, betwext whome were manie greate bat- 
 tailes and skirmishes, but alwaies w"" there greate losse and 
 receauinge of greate woundes the Frenchmen were constrayned 
 to recoyle them w^'^in the Towne. One day the Frenchmen 
 fearinge that engine, whereof I spake tofore, vnder w""" the 
 Englishmen wrought,* and suspected by the same there vtter 
 
 30 distruccion to approach, ouerthrewe and cast downe the great 
 part of the third wall ^ directly against the same engine. W*'' 
 greate force they rann w**" instruments to breake the same. 
 At w* enterprise the strenght and manhoode of the French 
 was proued. The English hasted them w* all parts to defend 
 there engins, so that betwext them and the Frenchmen was at 
 
 ^ xix* B. ; quinto Idus Junias Livius ; ninth of June Stow. 
 
 ' Louviers ; Louars Stow. 
 
 " tirrible B. ; terrible H. ; triplici muro Livius. 
 
 * whereof . . . wrought, an insertion by the Translator. 
 
 ^ magnam muri partem ruunt Livius. 
 
ii8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that time a right cruell deadly conflicte. The Frenchmen 
 payned themselues to resist the Englishmens forces, vntill the 
 distruccion of this engine. And the Englishmen indeauored 
 them to slea the Frenchmen, for the conseruacion of the same. 
 But at lenght the Frenchmen, faylinge of power to resist the 
 Englishmens force, were constrayned to returne into the 
 Towne, leauinge the saide engine whole and vnbroken ; but 
 first manie wounds were receaued on both parts. After, a 
 time the Frenchmen seeinge themselues more and more 
 oppressed greuouslie by the Englishmen, consideringe also lo 
 that the Kinge desisted not from any siege begunn w"'out the 
 obtayninge of his purpose ; and, notw*^standinge that there 
 place was maruelous defencible and stronge, deliberated rather 
 to proue the Kings goodnes and mercie, then this assiege, 
 whereof they desired to treate w*'' the Kinge for peace. At 
 w"^"* intreatie they couenaunted w'^ the Kinge in this manner : 
 that if they were not deliuered from this asseige by the xxiiij"^ 
 of June, they shoulde freelie yealde to the Kinge the Towne 
 and Castell, and the garrison of that place shoulde serue the 
 Kinge a certen time for his money after the custome then vsed.^ 20 
 The inhabitants of the Towne shoulde abide there continew- 
 ally vnder the obeysaunce of the Kinge, inioyinge all there 
 goods and possessions as they did tofore, w*''out anie iniurie 
 to be done vnto them by the Englishmen ; and that all there 
 gunners, and all other that shott or cast stones by there 
 engins amongest the Englishmen shoulde be deliuered to the 
 Kinge to be hanged vppon this appointment. When the day 
 lymitted was come, and no succour come to the Towne, 
 there couenaunts on both parties were obserued. At this siege 
 the Cardinall Vrsinys,^ Ambassador for the Duke of Burgonie, 30 
 came to the Kinge ; but betwext them was no appointment. 
 Wherefore w*'^ much honnor and greate giftes geuen to 
 him by the Kinge he returned to the Duke from this Towne 
 w"" great hast. At the xxij ^ day of June, and tofore the 
 day of the deliueraunce of the Towne, leavinge part of his 
 hoast to continewe the siege and to receaue the Towne at the 
 
 ^ regiis stipendiis quibusdamque legibus inter eos habitis per aliquot 
 tempora sub rege militabunt Livius. 
 " Cardinal Orsini, cf. Foedera, ix. 599. 
 3 27"" June, more correctly in Pseudo-Elmham, p. 170. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 119 
 
 day appointed,^ the Kinge w*'' the residue of his hoast went to 
 lay his siege tofore Portlarge,^ by the middle whereof the 
 Riuer of Seene hath his course ; when the Kinge had laied his 
 siege to the one part of the Towne, he coulde haue no passage 
 ouer the river to laye siege to the other side of the same, for 
 the bridge that was w*''out the Towne ^ was defended w*"" 
 a stronge tower, wherein was a garrison of Frenchmen w"' 
 gunns and other artillerie for the defence thereof. And also 
 the Frenchmen, tofore the Kings comminge, had drowned one 
 
 10 the further part of the riuer from the Kinge all the boates that 
 were belonginge to the river, except such as they kept w*''in 
 the Towne for there own vse ; by reason whereof the one halfe 
 of the Towne was free w'^'out siege, as the aforesaide tower 
 that defended the bridge, w"^ stoode on the further side of the 
 riuer from the Englishmen.* The garrisons of the Frenchmen 
 made surely and w*^out dainger theire assemblies, and from 
 thence they hadd passage ouer the bridge to the English hoast 
 to assault them in there tents ; and by the same bridge they 
 had there recourse to the aforesaide tower, when they were 
 
 20 pursued by there enemies ; vppon trust whereof the French- 
 men made manie. issues vppon there enemies, but at all tymes 
 they were chased to there houlds to there owne losse, and not 
 w"»out receauinge manie wounds on both parts. The Kinge, 
 w"'' had not esperance to subdue the Towne except he might 
 sett his assiege to the Towne on all parts, w"*" he might not 
 doe for the saide riuer, commaunded diuers of his hoast, such 
 as were expert in swymminge, by there streinght to drawe 
 vpp * those boats that were drowned of the Frenchmen of the 
 further side of the water ; but there aduersaries perceauinge 
 
 30 there enterprise rann in greate hast vnto them, and w*^ shott 
 and castinge of stones letted them of there purpose ; ® then 
 
 ' and tofore . . . appointed att interpolation by the Translator, no doubt 
 to explain the discrepancy of the dates. 
 
 ' Pont-de-l'Arche ; Pontlarche Livius, and Stow. 
 
 ^ that was without the towne an interpolation by 'the Translator, adopted 
 by Stow. 
 
 * The Translator here handles his original very freely J all this passage 
 from And also to the Englishmen is an interpolation based on hisinterpre- 
 tation of the rest of the Latin text. Stow, omits it. 
 
 ° longis grossisque funibus coUigatas . . . emergi jubet Livius. 
 
 ^ This clause is another interpolation by the Translator. 
 
I20 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Kinge, seeinge this deuise tooke none effect, commaunded 
 in all hast possible to make boates of smale wickers, and when 
 they were made to be inclosed in beasts skins ; and because 
 this councell shoulde not come to his aduersaries, he ordayned 
 these boats to be made at the Abbey of Donport,^ where 
 much of his companie lay ; while these boats were finished and 
 made, the Kinge gaue charge to the Duke of Clarence by these 
 boats to convey him and his people ouer the water to assiege 
 the other part of the Towne. Then this noble wise Duke, at 
 the 5*'' day of the moneth of July,* in the night longe before lo 
 daye by a signe made vnto them at the lighteninge of a fire in 
 a certen highe place ^ commaunded a greate companie, such as 
 coulde swime, when they shoulde see that light, to enter the 
 river w**" greate noyse and bruite at a certaine place to them 
 appointed, w"'' was three thousand paces distant from the 
 Towne. And when accordinge to the Dukes commaundment 
 they were entered into the river, before they hadd passed the 
 one halfe thereof, manie Frenchmen one horsebacke came to 
 them as fast as was possible to lett them of there pass^e. 
 And in the meane time betwixt them the Duke cast his smale jo 
 boates w*'' his companye into the riuer, and passed ouer secret- 
 lie in greate number ; whereof when the Frenchmen, that were 
 gonn to defend the riuer, vnderstoode they returned hastelie, 
 and assembled there engins and standards, and in a fielde 
 nighe vnto the Englishmen they embattelled there companie, 
 and disposed them to fight. But when they perceaued such 
 a multitude of there aduersaries on the same side of the riuer 
 w'*' them, they thought more surelie to w*Mrawe them then 
 to fight, and in that opinion they tooke there horses and re- 
 turned to theire houldes ; whom the Englishmen, w"*" were all 30 
 on foot, must of necessitie suffer to passe at there pleasure. 
 Then the noble Duke of Clarence w*'' all his companie, leauinge 
 the chase of there enemies, whome they might not ouertake 
 for the aduauntage of theire horsses, hasted him to assiege 
 the residue of the Towne, that then was without siege, and 
 
 ' Bonport Livius. 
 
 " The true date was 4"' July, as given by Clarence in a letter to the 
 City of London (J. Delpit, Collection des Documents fran^ais, p. 222). 
 The Pseudo-Elmham (p. 173) has Julii luce quarta. 
 de quadam turri Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 121 
 
 the tower vppon the bridge, whereof I spake tofore. To w"'' 
 places he set his siege at one time and that fortunatlie. Then 
 the most devoute Kinge, hauinge knowledge hereof, fell vppon 
 his knees and gaue thanks in greate deuocion to the immor- 
 tall God ; and because the Scene deuided his hoast, whereby 
 if either partie shoulde haue neede of th'other they coulde not 
 come together for the riuer, the Kinge caused to be made so 
 manie square boates of the wicker aforesaide, w"^ he caused to 
 be tyed together and cast into the riuer, that of them he 
 
 10 made a bridge by w"** the one part of the hoast might surely 
 resort to the other, when neede required. When th'inhabitants 
 and garrisons perceaued them thus inuironed w*'' there 
 enemies in all parts, and in dispaire to receiue anie succoure 
 of the Frenchmen, they deliberated rather to submitt them- 
 selues to the King, then to aduenture the fortune of the assiege. 
 Wherefore they thus agreed w"' the Kinge : that, if w'^in xv. 
 dayes they were not deliuered from this assiege, they shoulde 
 deliuer to the Kinge the Towne and the Castell ; and when 
 that day ^ was come, and no succoure appeared, they deliuered 
 
 20 the Towne and the Castell to the Kinge as they had promised. 
 And this was the first bridge ouer the riuer of Scene that the 
 Kinge subdued to his power.^ 
 
 ^ After that this invincible Kinge had thus obtayned and 
 gotten this bridge ouer the riuer of Scene, and that there was 
 none other river or flood might lett his journey, with all the 
 hast and prouision that he might he entered his iourney to- 
 wards Roane,* where of the situacion is such : it standeth The 
 nigh to a plaine fielde nighe adioyninge to a hill, it is in- strenght 
 uironed w*^ highe and thicke walls, and w**'out those walls be Castell 
 
 30 broade and deepe ditches, and besides that the Riuer of °^ Roane. 
 Scene compasseth all most all the Cittie ; the Castell of this 
 Cittie is so stronge and defensible that it excedeth all other 
 Castells w*in the Countrie. This Cittie is verie large, and at 
 
 ^ videlicet xiii. Kal. Sextilis (20"" July) Livius. 
 
 ^ Stow somewhat abbreviates this account of the siege of Poni-de-' 
 I'Arche. 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 60, 61. 
 
 ' Stow follows the Translator, but omits from whereof to against theire 
 aduersaries on p. 122. Then continuing with slight variations to the end 
 of the paragraph. 
 
123 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that time it was verie well garnished w* cittizens, knights, ' 
 men of armes, and souldiers ; for besides the inhabitants and 
 besides those garrisons that were assigned by the French 
 kinge for the tuition thereof, a greate part of the people that 
 were inhabited in the playne countrie nighe to the Cittie, and 
 namely men of reputacion, were fledd into that Cittie for 
 refuge, so that at that time it was maruelouslie well peopeled.' 
 In this Cittie fayled no manner of gunns, engins, artillery, or 
 anie defensible instruments, that coulde be thought fitt or 
 necessarie for there defence. There was maruelous plentie lo 
 of gunns of euerie quantitie, bowes and arbalesters, in euerie 
 of the walls and gates and in the streets; they wanted no 
 armes, quarells, nor stones for ther bowes, gunns, and engins ; 
 but generally of all things that might be imagined for the 
 defence of the Cittie and Castell, and for the preiudice of 
 Note this, there enemies they had store aboundantlie. These Frenchmen 
 hidd and couered vnder strawe and grasse, in the waies where 
 Englishmen shoulde come, boordes stricken full of nayles, 
 the points cast vpwards, to pearce and wounde both the feet 
 of men and beasts. They also cast w*''out the walls manie 20 
 calltrapps of iron for like purpose. In the height of the hill 
 that was adioyninge to this Cittie was builded a Temple of 
 S' Katherine, passinge strong and defensible, wherein was 
 laide a strong garrison for the defence of the same, and for to 
 assist the Cittie against theire aduersaries. The cittizens 
 hearinge the approach of there enemies, the English hoast, and 
 fearinge least they shoulde be. lodged in the Subberbs of the 
 Cittie, w'^'^ were more large then the Cittie w^'^in the walls, and 
 the walls also were replenished well w*** Monasteries, Abbays, 
 Churches and Towers, and goodly and stronge Edifices, 30 
 burned the same Subberbs and the buildinge therein, and made 
 xxx't day them even w'^ the grounde w"'out sparinge of anie thinge. To 
 ° •'"^" this towne at the xxx'^ day of July this victorious Kinge 
 approached. Against whome entered the cittizens of the 
 Towne, w*'' all there garrisons and men of warr, w*'' there 
 standards and engins borne before them. The more part of 
 all that longe day they fought maruelouslie sore one both 
 parties, but after longe battaile and manie wounds geuen one 
 ' for besides to peopeled is an addition of the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 133 
 
 both parties the Frenchmen were so sore oppressed that they 
 were constrained to seeke there succours w'^'in the walls of the 
 Cittie,^ where he sett and ordered the assiege in this manner. 
 First the Kinge w*'' a noble and chiualrous companie of young 
 and hardy men lodged himselfe tofore the gate called S' 
 Hillaries gate. 
 
 Houbeit that ever, our English Chronicles '^ houlde opinion Trans- 
 that the Kinge was lodged in a certaine Charter house, and '^'°''" 
 that the Duke of Glocester at his comminge from the assiege 
 
 10 of Caesarboroughe was lodged before Saint Hillaries gate, so 
 that peraduenture both these opinions might be true. So the 
 Duke of Glocester, as Titus Liuius reporteth, lay more neere 
 to the Towne by xl"* rodds then any of the Englishmen hoast. 
 And by that meane it may be the Duke lay betwixt the 
 Kinge and the gate, but to returne to our matter. 
 
 ^ After the Kinge had appointed his place to assiege, the Titus 
 puissant Duke of Clarence lodged tofore the gate of Caul. '""^^' 
 
 The Duke of Exeter, after he came to the Kinge, was Trans- 
 lodged w**' his people tofore the gate of the Castle, that is ■ 
 
 20 called Beauvice * ; but this Duke was not at the beginninge 
 of the assiege, after the report of Titus Liuius ; * notw^'stand- 
 inge that the English Chronicles^ rehearseth the contrarie, 
 where he saith that the Kinge in his comminge towards 
 Roane sent the Duke of Exeter tofore to behoulde and knowe 
 the strenght and situacion of the Cittie ; but euery man that A differ- 
 shali reade this historie shall giue credence to w''' partie he ^""^^ "^', 
 liketh best, and I shall returne to my matter begunn. ^ The cronicles. 
 Earle Marshall was lodged tofore the gate that was called Titus 
 Marteuile, the Earle of Warwicke, after he was come from the Lmius. 
 
 30 stronge Castell of Donfronte,* was lodged vppon the hill 
 where the stronge monasterie of Saint Catherine was : the 
 
 ' I/, and Stow insert whom in their recoile the King pursued still before 
 the Citie ; there is nothing to correspond with this in Livitis. 
 ^ The Brut, pp. 387-9. ^ Livius, p. 61. 
 
 * The Porte Beauvoisine was distinct from the Castle Gate ; see further 
 below. 
 
 ^ This is an error; Livius has nothing to imply that Exeter was not 
 present; probably the Translator did not realize that Exeter's arrival in 
 Normandy (p. 116 above) was in May. 
 
 " The Brut, p. 387. ' Livius, p. 61. 
 
 * after , . . Donfronte an interpolation of the Translator, which is^ 
 adopted by Stow. 
 
124 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Earles of Salisburie and Huntington were lodged vppon the 
 other side of the riuer of Scene, vppon whome there enemies 
 made assaults, issues, and skirmishes.^ And because the 
 Frenchmen shoulde haue no issue of theire Cittie by the riuer, 
 Assaultes the Kinge commaunded to be purueyed certaine smale shipps 
 mishes"^" apparrelled for the warr, whome he manned w"* part of his 
 companie, and deputed them to restraine the Frenchmen of 
 there libertie that they had ouer the riuer; w"'' vessels the 
 Frenchmen w"" theire gallies often assaulted, but they were 
 constrayned to returne in greate hast by the strenght of the lo 
 Englishmen, to there greate losse and damage. And because 
 the riuer of Scene deuided the English hoast in two parts, 
 the Kinge caused to be made a stronge bridge of tymber ouer 
 the same riuer, that when n^ede shall require they might haue 
 free passage on foote and on horse ^ and carriage betwixt both 
 the hoasts. 
 
 And this bridge was finished in short time, for the Kinge 
 
 caused his workmen to make maruelous greate dilligence in 
 
 the makinge thereof.^ And because there enemies shoulde 
 
 Gallies. not approach vnto them w*'' theire shipps and gallies to de- 20 
 
 stroy it, the Kinge caused a greate chaine to be made to be 
 
 drawen over the riuer betwixt the Cittie and the bridge, by 
 
 w°^ chayne the Frenchmen were letted from comminge to the 
 
 bridge. And to th'intent his enemies comminge to the same 
 
 Shott and chayne shoulde haue no libertie nor leasure to shoote gunns 
 
 gunns. j^Q^ j,^g^ stones w"" there engins to that bridge, nor to brake 
 
 the same chayne, the Kinge ordayned certaine vessells or 
 
 smale shipps to lye betwext the chaine and the bridge for the 
 
 defence of them both. And where[as] those shipps might not 
 
 ^ The Translator has fallen into errors similar to those which (through 
 faulty punctuation) appear in the printed Latin text of Livius. Exeter 
 was at the Porte Beauvoisine; the Earl Marshal at the Castle; Warwick, 
 when he arrived, at the Porte Martinville ; Salisbury at St. Catherine's ; 
 Huntingdon across the Seine before the Barbican. See Brut, pp. 388-9, 
 and Page, Siege of Rouen ap. Collections of a London Citizen, pp. 7-9. 
 The Pseudo'Elmham (p. 180) is clear and correct. Stow repeats the 
 Translator's errors. Holinshed (iii. 100) combines Livius with the Brut, 
 but repeats some of the errors. 
 
 ' Followed to this point by Stow, who thus does not render the et 
 jumentis of Livius. The rest of Stow's account of the siege is abbreviated. 
 This sentence is an interpolation by the Translator, who then resumes 
 from Livius, pp. 61-3. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 135 
 
 be brought to that bridge, because that the Cittie was betwixt 
 the hauen and the bridge, the Kinge made the same vessells 
 to be drawen from the riuer ouer the other side of the towne 
 and by strenght of men to be brought thoroughe the fielde 
 by lande vnto the saide bridge, where they were cast into the 
 saide riuer for the purpose before rehearsed ; w"'^ shipps and 
 other smale barges w"' oares ^ the Kinge furnished with men 
 and ordinance for the defence of the same bridge and chaine. 
 At that time the Kinge of Portingale, cosyn to the Kinge of 
 
 10 England and confederate in league w*'' him, sent a Nauie of 
 shipps well manned into the Kinges ayde, whome the Kinge 
 at there comminge commaunded to lie betwext the Cittie and 
 the sea to inclose the Cittie from all comfort and succour by 
 water. The Kinge also, because his hoast shoulde not be 
 afflicted by famyne, caused victualles to be purveyed in 
 England, and to be conveyed to the hoast.^ The Abbey of 
 Saint Katherine was also beseiged, but not so straightly but 
 that they might resort to the ayde of the cittizens, and in like 
 manner they of the Cittie might come to them, whereby the 
 
 20 Kinge was longe delayed from his purpose ; w"'' thinge when 
 the Kinge had perceaued, as a prudent prince, in the most 
 obscure and darke time of the night, he commaunded certen 
 manly and stronge knights to lodge them in the waye betwixt 
 the Cittie and the Abbey, where before day they had made 
 them lodges of tymber and earth, defensible inoughe against 
 there enemies ; w°^ when the Frenchmen in the beginninge of 
 the next day perceaued this sodaine worke, they ran thither 
 in armes to destroy the Englishmens lodgings, and to displace 
 the siege from that place. Where at there comminge was 
 
 30 betwixt them a sharpe and mortall battaile. And not only 
 that tyme, but also daylie were greate and cruell encounters 
 and skirmishes betwixt them and that place ; for the French- 
 men euidently perceaued that this manner of impediment of 
 there resort to the Abbey shoulde turne to there greate 
 dainger. 
 
 ^ remigio denuo, rudentibus, ceterisque navigiis opportunis paratas 
 Livius. The boats were drawn across the narrow neck between Moulineaux 
 and Orival. 
 
 ^ A paragraph of Livius, p. 62, is here omitted. 
 
126 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ Another night the Englishmen passed the ditches of the 
 Abbey, and w*'' ladders began to scale the walls of the same ; 
 but they were discried by the watches of the walls, w""" caused 
 airmen w*Mn the Abbey to runn to there harnes and to de- 
 fende the place; whereby the Englishmen, voide of there 
 requests,^ returned to there lodges. And after this the garri- 
 son of that place, seeinge themselues inclosed from all succours 
 of the Cittie, concluded amongst themselues to seeke for the 
 Kings mercie, wherevppon they entered communicacion w"* 
 the Kinge, to whome they freely yealded both there bodies lo 
 and there places. This most worthie Kinge, takinge vppon 
 him the care of all his hoast, passed manie a longe wynter 
 night w'^out sleepe or repose. He dilligently visited the 
 watches and stacions of euery companie. And whome he 
 found negligent he corrected, and the dilligent he praised and 
 rewarded. The thinge that was to be purueyed was prouided ; 
 that thing that he wanted he restored ; and generally there 
 was nothinge in the siege, but he surueyed and ordered. And 
 because he was informed that much people of his hoast for 
 pride ^ had sett there tents and pauillions from there fellowes, 30 
 by occasion whereof they might be lightlie surprised by there 
 enemies ; and if there companie had anie neede of them 
 there lodges were so farr that they shoulde come to late to 
 there aide ; he * caused to be proclaymed openly, that euerie 
 man shoulde lodge himselfe and his companie w^'in ^ a circute 
 lymitted to him ; and that no man shoulde presume, w"'out 
 the Kings lycence or commaundment, to passe that precinct. 
 By force of w"*" proclamacion the Englishmen lodged them- 
 selfes more nighe together then they had before. And not 
 longe after as the Kinge by chaunce visited the watches and 30 
 wardes of his hoast, he founde two men together wanderinge 
 w*^out there circute lymitted, whome w^'out delaye he corn- 
 Marshall maunded to be hanged in a highe tree ; by whose punishment 
 Justice, the jggt Qf jjjg armie, fearinge the Kings justice, in euerie 
 thinge after this obeyed his commaundement. And forasmuch 
 as this armie was of great number of men, and not likely to 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 63^5. 2 ^ proposito frustrati Livius. 
 
 temeritate quadam Livius. * they B.; the Kinge H. 
 
 w'" B. ; infra limitata certa loca Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 127 
 
 depart thence of longe time, the Kinge ordayned a market of 
 all things requisit to be houlden and kept amongest his people. 
 And w*'' armed horsemen the Kinge commaunded the mar- 
 chaunts and the victuallers, that resorted to that market, to 
 be surely conveyed betwext there houses and the armie. But 
 that notw'^standinge the Frenchmen awayted bothe the 
 marchaunts and there conductes to distresse them ; w"*" some- 
 time were so well resisted of the Englishmen, that diners of 
 them were taken and brought prisoners to the Kinge ; and 
 
 to some other time the Englishmen, there victuallers and con- 
 ductors, were distressed and taken of the Frenchmen.^ The 
 Towne of Caudebecke, fearinge the vnquietnes of the time, 
 councelled w^'^in themselues to seeke for grace to the Kinge ; 
 and after they couenaunted w"' him in this manner: that 
 when the Cittie of Roane were taken and deliuered to the 
 Kings obeysaunce, they in like manner shoulde yealde them 
 vnto the Kinge w^'out abidinge assiege or assault. And 
 vnder the same appointment accorded w*^ the Kinge xiiij*®™" 
 other defensible Townes, Castells, and houldes that were 
 
 20 nighe borderers to Roane. When that victorious Prince, the 
 Duke of Glocester, had subdewed the Towne and Castell of 
 Saesarboroughe to the Kinges puissaunce, he came w**" his 
 hoast vnto the siege of Roane to the Kinge, of whome he was 
 receaued right joyouslie ; and by the Kinge was deputed to 
 him a place of this assiege, wherein he indured manie 
 assaults of his enemies ; and that place was not farr from S* 
 Hillaries gate where the Kinge laye, and more nigh then vnto 
 the walls of the Towne by fortie rodds than anie other of the 
 hoast was lodged, insomuch as they lay w^in the shott of the 
 
 30 Frenchmens quarrells. In this companie were the Earle of 
 Suffolke, and the Lord Burganie,^ w"=^ right manly incountered 
 there enemies at all tymes when they made anie issues by 
 that gate.^ This assiege thus contynuinge, the Dolphine sent 
 
 ' In place of this last clause Livius has : Alios quosdam occasionem 
 nactos qui non procul a castello de Cnilbefe [Quillebosuf] quibusdam 
 civibus ultra Sequanam navigantes commeatus et Anglicos milites insecuti 
 fuerant cum maxima victoria captos ad unum omnes ad regem deducunt. 
 Walsingham {Hist. Angl. ii. 329) mentions this victory and gives the 
 date as Tuesday 16* Augtist. '' Bergavenny. 
 
 ' Frotn and that place is an interpolation by the Translator derived 
 
138 THE LIFE OF 
 
 greate men of honnor and reuerend Bisshopps in ambassage 
 to Caene there to treate w'*' the Kings Councillors for peace ; 
 vnto whome the Kinge in like manner sent honnorable men 
 and orators for his party for the same purpose ; amonge 
 whome on both parties, after manie circumstaunces of the 
 abridginge of our matter/ it was concluded that the Ambassa- 
 dors of the Dolphine shoulde come to the Kinge to Roane, 
 there to treate w* him for peace; and so it was done after 
 The the deliueraunce of Roane. In this meane tyme ^ the Earle 
 
 Armenak °^ Armanake * was slayne at Parris by the seruants and lo 
 slaine at accomplices of the Duke of Burgonie ; at w"'' busines were 
 ^^^^- also cruellie murdered and slaine manie of the same Earles 
 seruants, not onelie men but weomen also and children. 
 After whose death the sonn and heire of the same Earle, in 
 purpose of reuengement of his fathers death intended by the 
 laboure of Ambassadors to be pacified and confederate w*'' 
 the Kinge of England, and to become his liegeman. But 
 that purpose shortlie euanished w'^'out takinge any effect. 
 TheKinge At this siege the Vicar-generall of the Archbisshop of Roane 
 
 '^ ^^" . denounced the sentence of the excommunicacion vppon the 20 
 communi- '^'^ 
 
 cated. Kmge and all his people ; for w* act he after receaued this 
 condigne reward : at the deliueraunce of the Cittie, by agree- 
 The ment betwixt the Kinge and the cittizens, he was deliuered to 
 
 Vicar fast jhg Kinge fast bound in irons, from w"'' he neuer departed 
 irons. vntill he misserably finished his life. After manie and straight 
 oppressions and innumerable cruell battailes and assaults, the 
 cittizens, fearinge at lenght to be famished by default of there 
 victualls, daylie put out of there Cittie greate multitudes of 
 poore people, and of others that were lesse profitable for the 
 defence of the Towne, before anie greate penurie of meate 30 
 shoulde fortune amongest them. And that they so did be- 
 cause those vnproffitable people shoulde not spend theire 
 victualls that other of better abillitie and streinght shoulde 
 lyue by. But the other of better abillitie liued by it.* The 
 
 through the Brut (p. 397) from John Page {Collections of a London 
 Citizen, p. 11). 
 
 This is apparently a misreading of the final clause in Livius : Qua 
 de re quum illuc venerimus plenius dicemus. See p. 192 below. 
 4 ^^"^f^u"" iz"'/""*. ' Bernard, Count of Armagnac. 
 
 And that . . . hued by it an interpolation by the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 129 
 
 Kinge, as a wise man perceauinge there intent, first releiued TheKinge 
 those people w* meate and drinke, and after returned them ^':''^"s'' 
 to the Cittie ; whome the inhabitants, seeinge none other enemies. 
 remedie to be deliuered of them, receaued them againe into 
 the Cittie. The hunger increased daylie w'^'in the Cittie, w"'' 
 at that time had bin deliuered to the Kinge, if the Duke of 
 Burgonie, who then had the rule of Parris vnder the Kinge, 
 had not both by his letters and by his messengers promised 
 them succour of deliueraunce. And the same thinge also the 
 
 10 Princes and Lords of Fraunce promised vnto them. And A light- 
 when those cittizens had receaued this comfort w"* ringinge ^g'^nst 
 of bells, w"'' tofore had not bin seene nor heard since the Thunder. 
 beginninge of the assiege, w"' hymnes, songes and processions, 
 they gaue there laudes and prayses vnto God : whereof when 
 the Kinge had knowledge, he visited euerie part thereof his 
 hoast ; and all the waies, whereby his aduersaries might come 
 vnto his armie, he commaunded to be defenced w**" broade 
 and deepe ditches, and aboue them greate and stronge towers, 
 as blockhouses for the defence and streinght of his fielde. 
 
 20 And the same towers, and also the walls and banks that in- 
 closed his fielde, he fortefied w*'' innumerable gunns and 
 bowes, that no man shoulde inuade his hoast sodainely. 
 And because, if peraduenture the Dolphine and the Duke 
 of Burgoyne shoulde assault his hoast on the one partie, 
 that they of the Cittie shoulde assault him on the other 
 partie, he commaunded also to be cast other greate and 
 deepe ditches, no lesse then th'other tofore, betwixt his hoast 
 and the Towne, w"'' in like manner he fortefied w"' greate 
 and stronge walls of earth. Thus this prudent Prince, 
 
 30 more streightlie oppressinge the Cittie then tofore, made 
 sufficient defences on all parts to saue his hoast from all 
 perrills of sodaine inuasions ; by meanes whereof the Cittie 
 inualished hunger,^ in so much that in default of other meattes 
 they were constrayned first to devide amongest them there A greate 
 horses, and also there doggs, and then there catts, ratts and ^^^Jj°^°*^ 
 myse, and generally all thinges that might be gotten ; and of in Roane. 
 that vile sustenance the people coulde not haue enoughe but 
 that when all these and all other things that were comestible 
 1 Civitas inde fame laborat indies magis Livius. 
 1188 K 
 
I30 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Trans- 
 lator. 
 
 The 
 
 Earle of 
 Ormond 
 
 The were consumed and eaten, then the plague of famyne entered 
 
 plague in t^e Cittie; so that the people, for default of reliefe, in there 
 houses dyed, in the churches, in the streets, and generally in 
 all places. There the sonn dyed in the sight of the father, 
 and the childe in defaulte succked the papps of the deade 
 mother, and after dyed w*'' her ; they that there lived might 
 skarcelie burie the bodies of the deade, what for greate 
 number of them that were dead, and for the feeblenes of 
 them that were lyuinge ; wherefore an innumerable companie 
 of dead bodies laye by euerie place of the Cittie, that, w"" the lo 
 incredible plague of famyne that rayned in the Cittie, they 
 were also inflicted and scourged w'^ the plague of pestilence 
 maruelouslie sore. Thus the noble Cittie was brought into so 
 much missery that was not much lesse maruell then pittie to 
 heare it recounted.^ 
 
 In this meane time, as I haue heard of the tofore named 
 noble Earle of Ormonde, was in those partes an holie Fryer, 
 and very deuout, of the order of Saint Frauncis, whose name 
 was Vincent ; w"** since that time, for holie conuersacion by 
 canonised jjjg jjfg^ ^jj^j f^^ ^jjg greate quantitie and multitude of miracles 20 
 that God since his death had shewed and done for him, was 
 canonized and admitted into the Catalogue of Saints. This 
 holie man, knowinge by vulgar fame the miserie whereunto 
 this noble cittie was brought by reason of this siege, came vnto 
 the Kings house, where tofore the Kinge he made a deuoute 
 sermon ; and because he woulde not be impeached nor feared 
 by lookinge on the Kinge nor none other, to say all that he had 
 fixed in his minde vppon, he couered his visage w* the hoode 
 of his habite, and after he saide foorth his sermon w"" 
 Kinge. maruelous audacitie ; his intent was in his sermon to reuoke 30 
 the Kinge from this oppression and distruccion of the people ; 
 wherein the same sermon he often demaunded of the Kinge 
 w* he was, and if he were better then his predecessors, or 
 better then all other kings and conquerors before his dales, 
 that he had the hart so indurate thus to oppresse the people of 
 
 1 The last part of this paragraph (from and the childe) is added by the 
 Translator, from the Brut (pp. 390-1, 400-1, ed. Brie). Livius himself 
 had used the same source; the Brut itself was derived from John Pagis 
 poem {Collections of a London Citizen, pp. 15-20). 
 
 " Afterwards friers -was written above Earle of Ormond his. 
 
 The 
 earle of 
 Ormond 
 
 his^ 
 Sermon 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 131 
 
 Christ ; and fynallie he asked him whether he were better then 
 our Lorde Jesus Christ, that, beinge an innocent, for the 
 compassion of mans lynage suffered willful! passion and death, 
 and the Kinge to the contrarie destroyeth euen Christians that 
 had not offended him ; and after that he hadd showed and 
 saide manie exhortacions, authorities and examples correspon- 
 dent to his purpose, wherew*'' he continued and after ended 
 his Godly Sermon, w"^ the Kinge deuoutlie and attentiuelie 
 heard, and noted without anie motion of ire or anie aunswer or 
 10 replicacion by him made to the Fryers demaundes as for that 
 time, nor the time and place were not thereto conuenient. 
 But after the sermon was ended, the Kinge commaunded the 
 Fryer to be brought before him ; to whome in open audience 
 he saide these wordes : ' Ye asked me this day in your sermon The 
 ' what I was that thus oppressed the people of Christ's o™^g ^"^^ 
 ' profession, to w*"^ demaunde at that time it was not convenient King 
 
 ' to make aunswere, and therefore nowe I aunswere you this : ",1^4? ^° 
 
 tnc r rvcr* 
 ' I am the scourge of God, sent to punish the people of God 
 
 ' for there synns.' And that aunswere made, he commaunded 
 
 30 euerie man to avoide the chamber, except the Fryer, w"^** they 
 
 two only were together in secret communicacion by the space 
 
 of two or three howers. And when they shoulde depart, the 
 
 Kinge offered to the Fryer manie greate and rich guiftes, The 
 
 whereof the Fryer woulde receaue nothinge ; but at the Kings ''•'?^^ , 
 
 instance he receaued at his gifte the whole apparrell of his Fryer. 
 
 Altar, as well in vestments, aulter clothes, Chalice, bookes, 
 
 cruettcs, candlestickes and pax as in all other adornamentes, 
 
 w"*" he put in the same chappell, where he daylie songe Masse. 
 
 Then the Fryer tooke leaue of the Kinge, and when the Kinge 
 
 30 desired him oftner to resort vnto him, he aunswered after 
 
 that dale he shoulde neuer see him ; and in that he saide 
 
 trueth, for shortly after he returned to his Couent he was 
 
 visited of God by extreame sicknes, wherein he departed from xhe Frier 
 
 this transitorie life to God. And when he had taken his leaue dieth 
 
 of the Kinge, he came through the hall, where at that time were couent. 
 
 manie greate & noble men of the Kinges hoast, to whome 
 
 this Fryer spoke in generall in this manner : ' My Lords and 
 
 ' masters all. See yee that ye doe to the Kinge y<"" Master jhe 
 
 ' dilligent and true seruice, as ye haue till nowe right well Fryers 
 
 K 2 
 
133 THE LIFE OF 
 
 councell ' done, for in your so doeinge ye shall right well please God. 
 
 kinges ''^^^^ morninge, tofore I came hether, I beleeued that the 
 
 Nobles ' Kinge your Master had byn the greatest Tyrant amonge all 
 
 and other . ^^j^gj. pri^ces Christian ; but nowe I perceaue the contrary, 
 
 followers. ' for I assure you he is the most perfect and the most acceptable 
 
 ' vnto God of all them that be heare present this dale, and his 
 
 ' quarell is so iust and so true that vndoubtedly God is and 
 
 ' shalbe his aide in all these warres.' And this saide he tooke 
 
 his leaue of them all that were present and departed.^ Then 
 
 to returne to our former matter. lo 
 
 *When those cittizens of Roane perceaued themselues 
 maruelouslie afflicted by the plague of famyne that vnmeasur- 
 ably raigned amongest them, and that they were in dispayre 
 of succoure from the Frenchmen, they accorded by there owne 
 common assent to send vnto the Kinge of England certaine of 
 the greatest and wisest of the Cittie apparrelled in mourninge 
 clothes, w"^ w*'' lamentable voyce shoulde obtayne the Kings 
 mercie and grace, both for the Cittie and for themselues ; who 
 by the Kings commaundment were brought into his pauillion; 
 and the Kinge, royally adorned and sett in his seate of 20 
 Maiestie amongest the princes and lords, tarried there com- 
 minge ; and when they were come to his presence, after they 
 had obtayned lycence to speake, the chiefe of them, to whome 
 was committed the charge of legacie, began thus to propose 
 his message. ' Most victorious and most puissant of Kings, 
 ' the strenght of fortune is maruelous sometime, and allwaies 
 ' vntill nowe we were principalis and supreame heads of all 
 'Normandy, and ennobled w*^ riches, w* honnor, and w"' 
 ' dignities amongest all men, and amongest all the Citties of 
 ' Fraunce our Cittie was reputed as one of the most fortunate ; 30 
 ' and nowe (peraduenture for our synns) we perrish by famyne. 
 ' Notw'^'standinge we haue suffered this ponishment for 
 ' a good and licible cause, that is to saue and defend our oath 
 ' to our prince accustomed. We haue eaten our horsses, our 
 ' doggs, catts, ratts and mise amongest vs. The father seeth 
 'his childe and the sonne his parents daylie and howerly 
 ' falinge and dyinge for hunger before there faces. Oh highe 
 
 ' On Ms story see pp. xxxiv-xxxvi above, 
 ^ Livius, pp. 65-8. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 133 
 
 •and mightie God, what is that greate and abhominable 
 ' offence that hath caused this misserie amonge vs ! Thou 
 * aflSrmest this countrie to descend of thee by right of inheri- 
 'tance, and that nowe thou wilt repeated and conquere thie 
 'right by strenght and by armes. Truly of thie right we 
 ' presumed to be iudges, and haue serued this Prince of Fraunce 
 ' by manie continewed yeares ; whome we thought had bin 
 ' Lord of this countrie, but our opinion deceaued vs ; and 
 ' that we nowe euidentlie perceaue, for this miserie that nowe 
 
 10 ' oppresseth vs, whome they accompt for theire people, 
 'nothinge mooueth them, nor of our paynes they haue no 
 ' compassion ; they keepe them couert in houses after the 
 ' manner of weomen, and we perrish for hunger. We be 
 ' constrayned, most puissant Prince, to seeke to thie clemencie 
 'and mercie, and if thou accomptest this for thie countrie, 
 ' haue then mercie vppon vs thie people, and forgiue vs our 
 'transgressions, that nowe be vanquished and almost dead. 
 ' And if thou wilt not so doe, but oppresse vs continewally, 
 ' it is liefer to vs the people of Roane to perrish together by 
 
 20 ' this our pestylence of famine then by diuers cruelties and 
 'torments. I feare to speake what those cruell princes of 
 ' times past were accustomed to doe at there subdewinge of 
 ' townes. This Cittie was the only eye of all Normandie, and Roane the 
 ' one of the chiefe citties of Fraunce ; w"'' if thou destroy, thou ^ijlfg „£ 
 'shalt destroy it in vs. And for vs thou intendest so much to Nor- 
 ' foUowe and ensewe cruelties. Thou preuaylest by battaile ""^"y 
 ' and by armes ; and our people sitteth at home in deuision Fraunce. 
 ' and altercacions and after the right of weomen, and repose 
 ' them in there pallaces in there longe gownes and furred soft; 
 
 30 ' and generally to speake, they liue in all delights. But noble 
 ' Prince, make thou thie victorie longe to continewe, and thou 
 ' shalt gouerne thie people by armes and by feare. And howe 
 ' be it thou be feared for the distruccion of Roane amonge thine 
 ' owne people, yet the remembraunce thereof shall not feare 
 ' the Frenchmen, as they that force nothinge of our destruccion. 
 ' Of thee, O mightie Prince, we aske peace, we instantly pray 
 ' for peace, we knowe the condicions of a victorious Prince to 
 
 ' repetere Livius. 
 
134 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' be of peace,^ w* we trust to be in thee, that art most pitious 
 ' and mercifull. Thou hast vanquished vs by armes. There- 
 ' fore most mercifull Prince, vanquish thou also thie minde 
 ' and hart, and as thou art most puissant in armes, so giue 
 'thou occasion to be noted most excellent in all clemencie 
 ' and humanitie.' After he had thus finished his oration, the 
 Kinge, who most constantlie had attended to his words, 
 nor had showed no countenaunce of displeasure, aunswered 
 meekelie and simplie in this manner. ' Ye cittizens of Roane, 
 'of them, whome ye sale in times past haue bin your Princes, lo 
 ' most greate and importunate iniuries haue bine done vnto vs 
 ' and to ours, the redresse whereof we haue asked of them 
 ' friendly and allmost by the aduise of all Christian nacions ; 
 ' but there was no aduertisement of God nor of man, that 
 ' might mooue them to doe vs justice. Then by the councell 
 ' almost of all the vniuersities, of wise men, and lettered men 
 ' on our right and iust tytle, we mooued against you warr, and 
 ' as you see God and our iustice fauoreth vs. And as we haue 
 ' our confidence in him he shall daily fauour vs more and 
 ' more. We demaund nor require not other mens right but 20 
 ' our owne. Ye perrish for hunger, and we neuer desired it, 
 ' but rather that you and our Cittie shoulde prosper in wealth 
 ' and riches ; we desire rather to haue it fortunate and happie 
 ' then oppressed in this misseries ; yourselues be the cause of 
 ' your derogation, ye be the occasion of your famyne, and that 
 ' throughe your obstinate pride ; ye yourselues haue sowed the 
 'seede of so manie misseries amonge you. Wherefore ye 
 ' shall vndoubtedly make aunswere to the immortall God. 
 ' ye rich and principall cittizens of Roane ! howe greate was 
 ' this your presumptuous arrogancie and pride that yee chose 30 
 ' rather to slea by famine an innumerable multitude of people, 
 'then to deliuer the Cittie to his true Prince and inhabitor? 
 ' Or else peraduenture you take vppon you the judgement of 
 ' my title. Knowe you not how manie Castells, Citties and 
 ' defensible places haue bin by vs obtayned and gotten, and 
 ' howe often from the fielde w*'' victories haue wee chased our 
 ' aduersaries ? Were not these signes of justice ? Or else thinke 
 
 ^ Scimus victoris esse pacis condiciones dicere Livitis. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 135 
 
 ' yee that God intermitted not w*'^ mens causes ? Surelie he is 
 ' our true and indifferent Judge in all our actions, and ministreth 
 ' and daily shall minister more wholie to vs the extremitie of 
 'justice. Therefore, ye cittizens of Roane, that our sentence 
 ' be knowne to you ; if our right be deliuered vnto us, if ye 
 ' will be subiects to our Empire and make vnto vs due satisfac- 
 ' cion for your trespas, our mercy shalbe ready for you, and we 
 ' shall relieue your misseries ; and if after this ye perseuere in 
 ' good works w"" faithfuU allegiance towards vs, we shall to the 
 
 10 ' deseruinge of your deeds be fauorable vnto you. And in 
 ' briefe time we trust you shall attaine to your former fortunate 
 ' and prosperous estate. And if ye be otherwise minded our 
 ' mercie is to be geuen to men that be penitent, and not to 
 ' them that be obstinate.' This aunswere made, the legatts of 
 the Cittie were lycenced of the Kinge to retume to there 
 habitacions, where they assembled the auncient and sage 
 cittizens and the cheftaines of the garrison to councell. To 
 whome they made relacion of the Kings sentence. And after 
 deliberacion amongest them taken, the same legatts by there 
 
 20 common assent were sent againe to the Kinge w'*" full authoritie 
 to couenaunt w"^ him in all things at his pleasure, so that they 
 were releiued of there famyne ; w*** whome after manie peticions 
 and aunswers they fynally concluded vppon this appointment : 
 that if the stronge and mightie power of Fraunce remoued not 
 this siege by the [19''']^ day of Januarie next comminge, they 
 shoulde deliuer to the Kinge all there Cittie, Tower, Castell, 
 Abbeys, Churches, houses, cittizens, cheiftaines, garrisons, and 
 all other things generallie that were within the Cittie, what- 
 soeuer they were ; and also they couenaunted at the delyuer- 
 
 30 inge of the Citty to deliuer the Kinge the vicar-generall of the 
 Archbisshopp of Roane, w*''' presumptuously had denounced 
 the sentence of excommunicacion against the Kinge, wherefore 
 the Kinge woulde he shoulde be deliuered vnto him in bands, 
 to doe his will of him ; and so it was done. And the Kinge, Trans- 
 when he had don and had him in possession, committed him '^' 
 vnto obscure prison, where he miserablie finished his daies. 
 
 1 op/t. MSS. ; ante diem xiiii. Kal. Febr. Livius. 
 
 ''■ The text seems to be derived direct from Livius, from whom Holinshed 
 (iii. 105) quotes it. 
 
136 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Also vppon the same appointment was deliuered vnto the 
 Kinge one Alame ^ Blancharde, w'^^ at the Kings commaund- 
 ment was put to death, but what offence he had committed 
 against the Kinge my author maketh no mencion.^ 
 Titus 2 And ouer these promisses and appointments these saide 
 
 Liuius. legatts of the Cittie couenaunted satisfaccion for theire ob- 
 stinacie by a certaine day lymitted for the same to pay vnto 
 the Kinge 300 thousand scutes of French money, whereof 
 two scutes counteruayleth an angell noble. And after also 
 of the deliueraunce of the Cittie the Kinge shoulde haue free 10 
 libertie to builde w^'in the Cittie, or w'^'in there iurisdiccion, 
 whatsoeuer edifice or buildinge shoulde please him. And if 
 for this newe buildinge it shoulde be necessary to breake or 
 cast downe any other mens houses, they vnto whome those 
 houses belonged shoulde content them w*'' the due recom- 
 pence of money, qr anie other buildings in other places. And 
 the buildinge that the Kinge couenaunted for at this place, 
 after begunn at the Kings costs w*'' greate and stronge foun- 
 dacions, betwixt the Castell and the Riuer of Scene, where he 
 intended to haue edified another more stronge and defencible 20 
 Tower then anie that was there tofore ; by helpe whereof and 
 by the garrisons he purposed to leaue in the same, and in the 
 Castell, his minde was rather to correct and chastice the 
 cittizens, yf peraduenture they woulde rebell against his Ma*'° ; 
 w'=^ Tower, after it was begunn, by reason of the Kings death 
 was left vnfinished.* Then to returne to our matter. For the 
 sure performaunce of these couenants the cittizens deliuered 
 to the Kinge in pleadge xxiiij ^ other principallest of the 
 Cittie. And when the day prefixed was come, and they not 
 succored by the Frenchmen, they obserued there couenaunts 30 
 w*^ the Kinge. The gates were opened, and the most vic- 
 torious Kinge w"" greate multitudes of Dukes, Earles, Barrens, 
 
 ^ Alain. 
 
 ^ but what . . . mencion an addition by the Translator. Holinshed 
 quotes the previous clause as from the Translator, but omits this, 
 Blanchard had hung English prisoners from the walls of Rouen. 
 
 * Livius, pp. 68, 69. 
 
 * w^ii Tower . . . vnfinished an interpolation by the Translator. The 
 Tower stood at the south-west corner of the city ; it was afterwards known 
 as Le Vieux Palais. ■ 
 
 ° octuaginta Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 137 
 
 Knights, and others of the Commons entered the Cittie. And 
 because his people shoulde not giue them to rapine nor to 
 spoile, the Kinge first constituted certen gentlemen in euery 
 quarter, and in euerie street of the Cittie to prohibit all 
 iniuries and rapins to be done by the Englishmen. And that 
 done, after he had visited the Metropolitane Church of the 
 Towne, and had geuen praisinge to our Lord God accord- 
 ingly,^ the Kinge havinge compassion ouer the people, that 
 were by hunger famished, aboue measure oppressed, com- 
 
 10 maunded his people, as well as his househoulde seruaunts, as 
 others his souldiers, dilligentlie to puruey plentie of victualls 
 for there reliefe, w"'' by there aboundance of meates restored 
 innumerable people to health, w"'' before were at the entrie ot 
 death. Thus the Kings first care and laboure was to relieve 
 the famished people. Yet notw^'standinge for all there dilli- 
 gence the hunger coulde not be assuaged, but that the Cittie 
 jjyene jayes after the Kings entry was continually vexed and 
 greened w*'^ death ; the cause whereof was the rage of the 
 famyne, that tofore had extreamely raged amonge them ; but 
 
 20 after xv dayes that the death was cleerelie auoided and the 
 plague ceased, the inhabitants of the Cittie daylie recouered 
 there former bodelie healths, and increased in sufficiencie of 
 victualls. Then the most prudent Prince constituted there 
 such rulers and captaines, as him seemed most beneficiall for 
 the relief of the Cittie, w°^ were so dilligent in the care of the 
 people that in short time the Cittie was reduced into there 
 former prosperitie. The Towne of Caudebecke^, as they 
 before hadd couenaunted, after the deliuerie of Roane, was 
 imediatly yealded to the Kinge ; and not only that Towne 
 
 30 but as manie as were nighe vnto Roane followed the example 
 of it, and became subiects to the Kinge, as our English Trans- 
 Cronicles ^ reciteth to the number of xiiij. Castells and defen- '^**"'- 
 cible Townes. And that noble knight. Sir Guy Butler *, Titus 
 chiefe ruler of the Cittie of Roane vnder the French kinge, Liuius. 
 
 ■ after . . . accordingly an interpolation by the Translator from the 
 Brut, p. 422 (Pag^s poem). 
 ''■ Gaudebecke B. 
 
 ' Policronicon, p. 230, Depe and many other towns. 
 * Guy le Bouteiller ; GuydO Butilere Livius. 
 ° Livius, pp. 69-70. 
 
138 THE LIFE OF 
 
 was sworne to be the Kings true liegeman. Certaihe prelatts ^ 
 were assigned by the Kinge to take the oathes of euerie man 
 that woulde become the Kings liegeman ; to whome in short 
 time came an infinit multitude of people to submitt themselues 
 to the Kings Ma"^, as well Bisshopps, Abbotts and Priests of 
 every dignitie and profession, as Lords, Knights, gentlemen, 
 and commons of the Temporaltie, w"^ before were subiects to 
 the French Kinge and the Duke of Burgonie ; ^ seeinge the 
 daylie victories of the Kinge, whome all things followed so 
 fortunatlie and so happelie that they beleeued all to be geuen 10 
 him of God ; and trustinge also his dominacion and empire to 
 encrease and euer to continewe, they labored and sewde vnto 
 him to haue there olde priuiledges confirmed and approued 
 of him. To whome that gracious Prince ratified and con- 
 firmed all theire auncient prerogatiues graunted by his pre- 
 decessors accordinge to th'effect of there desire. And such 
 articles as they had of the French Kinge or of his predecessors 
 he vtterly repelled and dissolued. This noble Kinge the 
 rather to relieue this oppressed Cittie ordayned his exchequer, 
 his Treasorie, and his coynage to be kept in the same. He 20 
 also edified a stronge Tower behinde the same Castell, and 
 from the Castell to the Tower, and from the Tower to the 
 kings Pallace, his garrison might goe in safetie, and per- 
 aduenture the sooner to restraine the mindes of the cittizens, 
 if they conspired any insurreccion ; and for the more assur- 
 ance thereof he intended to make other stronge houlds and 
 towers betwext the saide newe Tower and Castell, and be- 
 twixt the Castell and the Pallace.^ Whilest this most prudent 
 Kinge prouided and ordered all things in this manner w*in 
 the Cittie, he sent in the meane time diuers of his lords w"" 30 
 stronge puissance of people to receaue the Castells and Towers 
 borderinge vppon Roane into his dominion. Amongest whome 
 the mightie Prince, the Duke of Clarence, in short time re- 
 duced to the Kinges power the mightie Castell of Gallon *, 
 
 1 praefectis Livius. 
 
 ' of every . . . Burgonie an interpolation by the Translator, who does 
 not render qui regiis ducalibusque privilegiis potiti fuerant. 
 ' and for . . . Pallace an interpolation by the Translator. 
 * Gaillon. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 139 
 
 scituat vppon the Scene, the Towne of Vernon, also vppon 
 Scene, w"'' was fortified almost w*'' innumerable municions 
 and maruelous defences, the Towne of Maunte^ the Castell 
 of Bandmounte ^, and manie other stronge places and holdes. 
 The Earle of Salisburie, w*'' the companie of him assigned, 
 tooke the Towne of Hunselewe ^, the Towne of Monsieure de 
 Villieurs *, w"'^ since the takinge of Harefleet ^ vntill this day- 
 was his greatest and next enemie; he conquered also the 
 Towne of Ewe ^, the Towne of Gourney, the newe Castell '', 
 10 and generallie all the places in that part that was aduersaries 
 to the Kinge. 
 
 * The Duke of Breton, seeinge cleerelie that the Kinge had 
 subdued all Normandie to his empiere, by meanes whereof in 
 as much as the dale of there Truce was nowe expired he might 
 lightlie receaue preiudice and losse both to himselfe and to 
 his countrie, first his safe conduct for his comminge to the 
 Kinge and for his retourne both obtayned, the saide Duke 
 came to Roane to the Kinge accompanied w"^ vC. horses, 
 and brought w**" him greate and rich giftes and presents. 
 
 20 The Kinge receaued right lovinglie and friendlie, and lodged 
 him and his at his owne costs, w*''out that the Kinge suffered 
 him to send anie of his goods." And after manie louinge and 
 plesaunt communicacions betwixt them, at the last they con- 
 discended vppon a condicionall truce in this manner : that 
 neither of them, there people nor subiects, shall mooue warr 
 against the other, his people, nor subiects ; except he, that 
 mooueth warr first against the other, cause the warr to be 
 published w*''in six moneths after the date hereof ; ^° and if no 
 warr were published betwixt them before that day then the 
 
 30 saide Truce shoulde endure for seauen yeares next com- 
 minge; w''^ couenauntes solemnlie established the noble 
 
 ' Mantes. 
 
 ^ Baudemont ; Bandemont Livius ; Brandmount Stow. 
 
 ° Honfleur; Hunfleue Zzw'aj. 
 
 * Montivilliers ; Moster de villers Livius ; Mounsieur de Villers Siozv. 
 '' Harfleur. * Eu. ' Neufchitel (Seine-Inf^rieure). 
 
 * Livius, pp. 70-2. 
 
 ' yi^^ovX that . . . goods an interpolation by the Translator. 
 
 " nisi per ilium qui moturus sit arma prius indictum bellum ante sex 
 menses fuerit Livius. The following clause is an addition by the 
 Translator. Cf. Foedera, ix. 663. 
 
I40 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Duke, licenced of the Kinge, returned to his countrie. The 
 legats of Charles the Dolphine, as they had graunted at 
 Alanson, with full commaundment and authoritie geuen to 
 them by the same Dolphine to make an appointment of 
 peace, as deputies to his person to confirme the same by oath, 
 came to Roane to the Kinge, who rather desired peace w**" 
 some diminishinge of his right, then to continue warr w"* the 
 obtayninge of his whole inheritaunce ; betwixt these legatts 
 and such of the Councell as the Kinge deputed to treate w*'' 
 them of the peace, after manie offers, requests, and demaunds :o 
 one both parties there vppon had, it was thus accorded : that 
 at a certaine day appointed the Kinge shoulde be at the Cittie 
 of Ebronce ^, and the Dolphine at the same time shoulde be 
 at the Towne of Dreux, where by there both assents they 
 should choose a meane place betwixt the Cittie and the 
 Towne, wherevnto they both shoulde resorte peaceablie and 
 at there pleasure to treate betwixt them for the peace ; to 
 w* agreement the Kinge condiscended, and for the more 
 assurance they were reducte into writinge. And the Kinge 
 sealed the writinge w*'' his seale, and ouer that he bounde him 20 
 selfe by his oath to obserue the same on his part w*^out 
 malengine or deceite.^ And in like manner the Legatts of 
 the Dolphine promised and aflSrmed by the puttinge to there 
 scales, and also by theire oathes, in the name and for the 
 person of the Dolphine w'^out fraude or deceite plainelie to 
 obserue and performe the same couenaunts. This done the 
 Legats retourned to the Dolphine, whome they informed 
 seriouslie of the acts and treaties ; wherew"' he shewed him- 
 selfe to be very well content and agreeable to the same, inso- 
 much as he approued and ratified the same writinge by the 3° 
 apposition of his seale, and so sealed sent the same to the 
 Kinge, who at the appointed time, leadinge w'** him a noble 
 companie of his lords and estates, tooke his journey to the 
 aforesaide Citty of Ebroycen ^ ; and at his comminge thether 
 he sent auncient and wise men of his Councell to see where 
 might be the most conuenient place for the meetinge of the 
 two princes. But the Dolphine was averted from his purpose 
 
 Evieux. ^ sine dolo malo Livius. 
 
 ^ livreux. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 141 
 
 by some evill disposed people, [and]^ came not to his ap- 
 pointed place to meete the Kinge accordinge to his promises. 
 Then, the peace vnreformed, the Kinge thus disappointed by 
 the Dolphine, trustinge his aduersaries for theire deceite to 
 haue worse fortune, departed thence and went to the Towne 
 of Vernon to receaue it vnder his dominion w"* all other 
 holdes in the circute thereof or nighe therevnto ; where he 
 solemnlie passed the time of Easter. 
 
 ^ In the vij*'' yeare of his most victorious raigne the Kinge Anno 
 
 10 sent his puissant brother Humphrie, Duke of Glocester, ac- ^^tf"' 
 companied w*'' the Earl Marshall,^ w"" a greate companie 
 of armed men to laye siege to the Towne and Castell of 
 lurrie *. The Towne whereof after manie assaults and perilous 
 battailes w"' greate strenght and manhood this noble Duke by 
 force subdued ; but the Castell whereof was so builded in 
 an high rocke, and the waies whereby men ascended to it 
 were so streight and crooked that to make anie assault vnto 
 it shoulde be much more preiudiciall to the Englishmen then 
 to the Frenchmen that kept it. Neuerthelesse the garrison 
 
 30 that kept it was so maruelouslie wearied by continuall assaults 
 and skirmishes, and fearinge so much the valiauntnes of the 
 Duke, that they at the xiij* daye of May yealded them to 
 the Duke. [In the mean time the Duke] ^ of Burgonie, 
 to whome the charge of the realme of Fraunce was committed 
 because of the infirmitie of Kinge Charles, to w"^ Duke also 
 the Dolphine had restored his grace, as a wise man the rather 
 by that meanes to defende the countrie of Fraunce, consider- 
 inge and aduisinge the power of King Henrie, and also his 
 manie and greate victories, by letteres and messengers sought ^ 
 
 30 peace and amitie w*"^ the most victorious kinge. And by that 
 meanes and at the last he obtayned that the Kinge of Eng- 
 land shoulde send his orators and wise men to the Towne 
 
 1 om. MSS. ^ Livius, pp. 72-5. 
 
 ' John Mowbray, Earl of Nottingham. 
 
 ' Ivry ; Yvery Livius ; Ivory Stow. 
 
 ° om. MSS. The copyist has clearly skipped several lines herej Livius 
 reads : pro rege duel deditur. Comes de Warwik castellum de Roke 
 litoribus in Sequanae situm super omnia munitissimum obsidione, cuniculis 
 pluribus mutuisque certaminibus affatigatis castellanis, pro rege recipit. 
 lUustrissimus interim Princeps Johannes Dux Burgundiae. 
 
 ° messengers and sought MSS. 
 
142 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of Prouince ^, where for that time the Kinge of Fraunce and 
 the same Duke aboade ; of w<=^ ambassage the noble Earle of 
 Warwicke, chosen as principall and chiefe by th'assent of the 
 vniuersall Councell,^ accompanied w"" two hundred horses 
 of chosen men, entred his journey towards Prouince. In 
 w""^ journey a much greater companie of Frenchmen of the 
 Dolphins confederacie were embushed by the way to dis- 
 turbe his journey and to dissolue this communicacion of 
 peace. To whome when the Earle approached they brake 
 that ambushment and ran vppon the Englishmen. This noble lo 
 Earle, though his companie were not to be compared to the 
 number of his aduersaries, commaunded the people to discend 
 from theire horses and stronglie to resist there enemies. Then 
 the Englishmen assailed so impetiouslie there aduersaries, 
 that by strenght and manhood they obtayned the victorie of 
 them, and tooke of them more prisoners then they were 
 themselues in number ; w"*" prisoners the Earle sent vnto 
 the Kinge, himselfe contynewed forth his journey towards 
 Prouince. And when he was come to Kinge Charles and 
 to the Duke of Burgonie,^ he and all his companie were 20 
 noblie receaued, as the Ambassadours of so greate and noble 
 a Prince, and were there cured of theire wounds that they had 
 receaued in there journey aforesaide, and were also releiued of 
 theire displeasure by faire words and by rewards, as much as 
 by the Frenchmen might be done ; at the last, after they had 
 obtayned lycence to propose the cause of there legacie, after 
 manie perswasions and motions on both parties they accorded 
 on this manner: that a certaine time, there to be lymitted, 
 the Kinge of England, and the Kinge of Fraunce w"' the 
 Queene Isabell, his wife, and the Duke of Burgoyne * shoulde 30 
 meete together at a place ascertained there to treate of peace ; 
 for w'='' couenaunts plenallie to be concluded the Earle of 
 S' Poul,^ and the sonn and heire of the Duke of Burboyne,* 
 
 ■^ Provins. 
 
 ^ Comes Warwik, auctoritate, virtute, consilioque peroptimus, bello 
 vero strenissimus Livhis. 
 
 ^ Burbone MSS. ; serenissimum Johannem ducem Burgundiae Livius. 
 
 * Burboyne AfSS. ^ Philip, Count of St. Pol. 
 
 ° Charles de Bourbon, son of Jean, the Duke <// Bottrbon, who was taken 
 prisoner at Agincottrt. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 143 
 
 w*'' many other Ambassadours, after they had obtayned of the 
 Englishmen suertie for there safe passage, came to the Kinge 
 of Englande; after he was seriouslie aduertised of all there 
 aduertisments and appointments both by his owne Ambas- 
 sadors, and also by the^ Lords of Fraunce, he thus con- 
 discended w*'' his aduersaries : that at the xxx**^ day of May 
 he shoulde be at the Towne of Maunt ^ and of Alaunte, and 
 Kinge Charles w*^ the Queene, his wife, and the Duke of 
 Burgonie ^ shoulde be at the same time at Ponteise * ; and 
 10 there indifferent place where they shoulde meet shoulde be 
 the Towne of Millans ^ by the Seene, and most apt and con- 
 venient for that purpose ; to w"'^ meane place neither of the 
 saide parties shoulde come accompanied w*^ more then two 
 thousand and five hundred men ; in the meane season shoulde 
 be truce and respecte of warr betwext the two kings and 
 theire people. Incontinent vppon this appointment all the 
 Townes were apparrelled for the receauinge of so greate 
 Princes. The meane place betwext the other two, where they 
 shoulde meet, was appointed betwext two riuers, wherein no 
 20 man shoulde enter but such as were necessarie for the peace 
 to be treated on. And on that side that was towards the 
 Riuer of Seene the Englishmen fixed there tents and pauillions 
 maruelouslie imbordered w'*' signes and semblances of Lillies 
 and of Roses ^, and of other signes of all goulde ; and on 
 th'other side of the place the Frenchmen raysed there tents, 
 so that the apparaunce of the tents was in sight to bee com- 
 pared to a right fayre Cittie ; and betwext those too riuers 
 was erecte the pauillions of the two Kings, wherein those 
 Princes w'^ thei-e Councell might surely and at good leisure 
 30 w*''out impediment treate those things that shoulde concerne 
 the peace. And [that] the dignitie and due honnour of euerie 
 Kinge shoulde be kept,^ they fixed a post in the midle of the 
 same place, where and no further either Kinge shoulde meete 
 
 ^ his E. ; Karoli legatis Livitcs. 
 
 ' Mantes ; ' and of Alaunte ' is an erroneous addition peculiar to B. 
 
 ' Burboyne MSS. * Pontoise. ^ Meulan. 
 
 ^ Roses is a fancy of the Translator; Livius Aaj pulcherrima cum auro 
 plurima liliis, leopardis. The Rose did not become a royal badge till much 
 later. 
 
 ' coUoquiis possent. Et ut utriusque regis dignitas servaretur . . . palus 
 Livius. 
 
144 THE LIFE OF 
 
 other. These things dilligently done, at the daie appointed 
 the Kinge of England, accordinge to his promise, came to the 
 Towne of Maunte, accompanied of the most wise and expert 
 men of all lawes, as well spirituall as temporall, both Bisshopps 
 and others,^ w""^ were worthie able Councellors for so greate 
 a cause ; and besides them he hadd also in his companie two 
 thousand five hundred men of armes, in harneys couered 
 aboue there armours w*'' garments intertexed and wouen w"" 
 goulde and siluer, maruelous, beauteous and rich. Kinge 
 Charles of Fraunce, at his day appointed, came not accord- lo 
 inge to his promise, for at that time he was troubled w* his 
 accustomed infirmitie ; but the Queene, his wife, w''' the Duke 
 of Burgonie, w* manie other noble men of the Kings bloode 
 and of the Dukes, accompanied w'^ two thousand five hundred 
 men of armes, came to Ponteise in performinge of there 
 promise. And shortlie after both these two parties mett at 
 there indifferent places that was assigned for them. Where 
 the Kinge at there meetinge kissed first amyeablye the 
 Queene, and after the Ladye Katherine, her daughter, w"'' 
 was not done w*out some shamefastnes of that virgin ; and 20 
 then they, w*^ the Duke of Burgonie and all other estats 
 there ^ beinge present,^ entered the pauillion, where they 
 shoulde treate of this longe desired peace. Amonge whome 
 it was proposed and mooued, and * what offers and requests 
 were made, because theire treate attained to no good ende, 
 shall at this time passe vnrehearsed ; but almost all the first 
 daie, and the xiij'^ day of June,^ they were contynually 
 debatinge and seekinge some meane of peace w*''out anie 
 thinge concludinge. The saide xiij"' of June,® the Kinge 
 commaunded all his people to stand in array w* there ban- 30 
 ners, standards, and other ensignes displayed tofore the banks 
 of the riuer " w'^'out the aforesaide close place, wherein they 
 had holde there councell. And at w"*" things not onlie the 
 Frenchmen but also the Englishmen were admaruelled, nor 
 
 ' aliis sacerdotibus Livius. ^ they B. 
 
 ^ tunc et Burgundiae dux cum omni observatione Principi Dominae 
 porrecta dextera, simul et rex cum puella et reliquis Livius. 
 
 * totum fere diem Kal. Junii, sic et diem Nonarum itidera ad Idus 
 Livius. 
 
 ^ Idibus Livius. « prae fossarum littoribus Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH I45 
 
 noe man knewe what betokeneth this ordinance of the Kinge. 
 Then at the xvj"' daye of June, when these princes mett at 
 there accustomed councell, the Kinge commaunded to giue to 
 all the people that resorted to that place so greate aboun- 
 dance of delicate meate, that both Englishmen and Frenchmen 
 helde themselues maruelouslie well feasted ; nor at that time 
 it was not surelie knowne whether peace or warr shoulde 
 ensue vppon there treatie ; nor by all that part of the moneth 
 of June, by w"'' time those two princes continewed there 
 
 JO councell, was not determined the certaintie thereof. At this 
 time sounded and rose vpp a rumour amonge th'englishmen 
 that the Dolphin labored to disturbe and let the reformacion 
 of this peace. But that rumor notw*''standinge, the Kinge 
 continewed by treatie trustinge to finde the way of peace, 
 w"'' was semblable enoughe had not the Dolphine blandished 
 and laboured the Duke of Burgonie by letters and by mes- 
 sengers w* manie faire premisses and behests, that neither 
 the Duke, nor none of his adherents, nor anie of his friends 
 shoulde studie nor assent to the makinge of no manner of 
 
 30 peace betwixt the two Kings. To whose desire the Duke 
 condiscended, w"*" after was occasion that he was slayne in 
 the Dolphins presence against his oath and promise.^ And 
 the thirde day of July, when they shoulde haue met againe, 
 the Kinge came to that place where they had houlden there 
 councell before, where the Frenchmen appeared none, neither 
 the Queene, nor the Duke, nor none of the Frenchmens 
 Councell ; whereby it was evident to all men that this peace 
 was left vnreformed, not in the default of the Kinge of 
 England, but in default of the Frenchmen. And so of all that 
 
 30 meetinge and councell ensued nothinge that is worthie of 
 report, except the flame of Loue some deale fired the hart 
 of this Martiall Kinge to the sight of this younge Yirgine 
 Catherine, daughter to the Kinge and Queene of Fraunce. 
 
 ^ Imediatly after the dissoluinge of this communicacion, by Enguer- 
 the mediacion of manie greate Lords the Dolphine and the ""^' 
 Duke of Burgonie met together at Millan ^ w*^ aU there 
 
 ' The Translator glosses his original. Quod impetratum causa fuit ut 
 hiis in per maximum dolum et contra fidem datam a Delphino crederetur 
 Livius. " Monstrelet, iii. 322. ' Melun. 
 
 1 188 L 
 
146 THE LIFE OF 
 
 puissance and streinght, where in a fielde ^ nighe vnto Millan 
 
 was agreed and sworne betwext them a perpetuall peace; 
 
 after w"'' peace affirmed they both returned into there cuntries 
 
 in purpose to make there preparacion for the resistance of the 
 
 Englishmen. ^ Whilest these things were thus a doeinge, 
 
 manie of the cittizens of Roane attempted to rebell against 
 
 the Kinge ; whereof when the Kinge had first knowledge, he 
 
 sent thether many of his Lords and Knights, w"'' dilligentlie 
 
 enquired of those rebells, whome when they found as justice 
 
 Mutiners required, they were punished by loosinge of theire heads, by lo 
 
 in Roane whose death the Cittie was deliuered of this coniuracion and 
 beheaded. ..,,,., , , 
 
 conspiracie. And this done, they that were sent returned to 
 
 the Kinge. The xxx"' day of July this most victorious 
 Prince caused to be proclaymed thoroughe all his places and 
 countries that w"" his enemies was no truce but that the 
 warr shoulde be open as it was before. And because his 
 minde was [not]^ only inclosed in Normandie the Kinge de- 
 sired to haue the Towne of Ponteys,* by w"^ if it were taken 
 he might haue the more suer and easie passage to Parris, the 
 principall and chiefe Cittie of all Fraunce, nor from thence ao 
 to Parris was no river that might trouble his journey.^ And 
 vppon this deliberacion first had, he elected out of his hoast 
 certaine knights and men of warr to enterprise that feate, of 
 whome he made two parties ; and the first part w"" skalinge 
 ladders in there hands, maruelouslie artificiall, he made and 
 he sent out of the Towne of Maunte ^ at after noone, w^ut 
 shewinge to any man, there captaine only excepted, what 
 there purpose shoulde be, because there enemies shoulde haue 
 no knowledge thereof. And when this companie was de- 
 parted the Towne, the Kinge commaunded the gates of the 30 
 Cittie to be inclosed, and so to be kept that no man shoulde 
 passe the walls, to the end that by no meanes there aduersaries 
 shoulde be aduertized of there enterprise. Tofore there de- 
 
 ' At Pouilly-le-Fori. ^ Livius, pp. 75-7. 
 
 ' om. MSB. ; quoniam et ejus animus in sola Normannia non occluditur 
 Livius. 
 
 * Pontoise. 
 
 ''At this point Stow, who had omitted the account of the Meulan 
 Conference, resumes his use of the Translator, though in an abbreviated 
 form. 
 
 * Mantes. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 147 
 
 partinge the Kinge had instructed his captaine^ of that com- 
 panie the manner of theire inquest in this manner : that in the 
 most wisest and in secret possible they shoulde approach the 
 walls of Pontoys in the most obscure and darke time of the 
 night ; and if peraduenture they might perceaue the watches 
 at that time negligent and faultey, then when they shoulde see 
 the time most convenient for there purpose they shoulde skale 
 the walls, and by that meanes take the Towne. When this 
 companie was departed the Towne of Maunte, the Kinge sent 
 
 10 a greate companie in the aide of the first, of whome he made 
 conductor the Earle of Huntington ^ ; and this companie he 
 sent out of Maunte in the beginninge of the night ; and as soone 
 as they were departed the Towne the gates were fast inclosed 
 againe, and after that they were not opened vntill th'ende of 
 this enterprise was knowne. The first of these two companies 
 at the entrie of the night was come nighe into Pontoys, where 
 in a wood they left there horsses, least by there noyse and 
 brayinge they shoulde be discouered ; and that done, in the 
 most darknes of the night they went on foote vnto the ditches 
 
 20 of the Towne, w"'^ then were dry and w*out water ; where part 
 of them lay in the banke of the ditches w"* there ladders in 
 ther hands ready to skale the walls, when time shoulde be ; 
 and the residue hidd them in the vynes that were nighe vnto 
 the walls, where they might be ready soonest to enter the 
 Towne, at the openinge of the gates, to assist there companie.^ 
 Thus they passed that night w"^out makinge any manner of 
 noyse, for feare to be perceaued of there watches of the Towne, 
 w* all that night were passinge dilligent, vntill it was toward 
 daye, that as they were accustomed at th'entrie of the daye 
 
 30 they chainged there watches, to th'intent that they that 
 watched by night shoulde rest by day ; at this watches of the 
 night at the chainge of it the walls were left w*out watches for 
 the tyme.* Then the Englishmen, w"'' slept not, seeinge time 
 
 ■* Gaston de Foix. 
 
 ' One MS. of Livius leaves the name blank, another has comitem 
 Warewicke ; the Pseudo-Elmham (p. 228) has quendam comitem. 
 Walsingham (Hist. Angl. ii, 330) gives Huntingdon, which is correct. 
 
 ' where they . . . companie an interpolation by the Translator, adopted 
 by Stow. 
 
 * Advenit ipsa dies, mutantur excubiae, quo fit ut custodibus deserta 
 moenia maneant Livius. 
 
 La 
 
148 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to accomplish there intent, raysed theire ladders and scaled 
 the walls, and by that meanes entered the Towne; where 
 some of them, imediatly after they were entered, brake the gate 
 of the Towne and made entrie to the rest of there companie ; 
 and others attended to the sleying of there aduersaries that 
 resisted there entrie.^ When the inhabitants and garrisons of 
 the Towne had first perceaued the sodaine entrie of there 
 enemies, as men amazed for feare they returned into flight ; 
 but not longe after, when they sawe the Englishmen of so 
 small number, some deale incouraged they armed them, and lo 
 all at one assault assayled there enemies ; whome by reason 
 that they were so vnequall by number, that some of them 
 oppressed in such manner tooke towers of the walls and 
 mightely stoode in them at there defence, some others leapt the 
 walls into the ditches, and hidd them amonge the vynes ; ^ and 
 generally they had left the gate so broken that the Frenchmen 
 in short time coulde not make purueyance to close it againe. 
 At this time the aforesaide Earle of Huntington, w"' his 
 company that also pursued the same enquest, was approached 
 so neere the Towne that he plainelie might heare the noyse 36 
 of those two parties when they fought, at the hearinge where- 
 of he w"' all his companie gaue his spurrs to there horsses, 
 and hasted them to the succour of there first companie, that 
 were w"^in the Towne vppon the walls and in the Towers, and 
 also they that were hidd in vyne yards apperceiued as men all 
 recomforted, assembled themselues together and came to theire 
 aduersaries more ardently then before ; ^ and to the contrarie 
 the Frenchmen, as all discouraged and in dispaire to saue the 
 Towne, at the sight of these newe rescues that came to th' 
 Englishmen, leavinge behinde them all theire riches and sub- sq 
 stance, endeuored themselues to escape this perriU by flight. 
 And so the Towne of Pontoyse auoyded of all Frenchmen, 
 was left free to the Englishmen. When the certen knowledge 
 thereof was come to the Kinge, the most devoute Prince to 
 
 ' where some of them . . . entrie an interpolation by the Translator, 
 adopted by Stoiv. It comes from Monstrelet, iii. 332-3. 
 
 ' multi mortis metu e muris in fossas desiliunt Livius. 
 
 ' Ecce comes cum reliquis suis laborantibus subsidium audito tumultu 
 citatissimis equis ad oppidum tendit, quem ut videre laeti magis ardenter 
 pugnant Anglici Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 149 
 
 God, he assembled such bisshopps and other of the spiritualty 
 as he had at that time w*'' him, w**" whome w* his temporall 
 lords, estats, with greate joy giuinge thanks to the immortall 
 God he went in procession aboute the Towne of Maunte, the 
 clergie in right greate devocion singinge this himme, Te Deum 
 laudamus &c. Briefelie after this enterprise thus atchiued, 
 this most victorious Kinge w*^ all his companie went to the 
 Towne of Pontoys, where he aboad by a certen time ; from 
 whence, there in the time of his journey,^ he sent the most 
 
 10 excellent Duke of Clarence, his brother, w*'' a chosen power The 
 to Parris, the principall and chiefe Cittie of all Fraunce, to ^^^^ °^ 
 beholde and viewe the scituacion and strenght of it ; before w"'' commeth 
 Cittie when this Noble Duke had tarried the space of certaine ^efore 
 dales and had seene and perceaued all that liked him, seeinge 
 that none of the Frenchmen woulde issue out of the Cittie to 
 fight with him, and wearied w* his long abidinge there, hee 
 returned to the Kinge, and acertained him of all that he hadd 
 seene.^ 
 
 ^ At the xviij''^ day of August that noble and puissant 
 
 20 Kinge departed from Pontoyse w**" all his armye, after he had 
 deputed to the same captaines and garrisons as he thought 
 necessarie. And because the Castell of Rokinvilliers * had 
 done certaine inhumayne cruelties in the Kings lands that 
 borderedd there abouts, in intent to represse there malHce the 
 Kinge lodged himselfe not farr from that Castell, and from 
 his lodges he sent certaine companies to assault and also to 
 assiege the same Castell, where both the inhabitants and 
 garrisons feared so much the Kinge, [that],^ as men desperate 
 of all succoure, they yealded to the Kinge the Castell and all 
 
 30 the goods and substaunce that were w*''in the same; and at 
 the instance of a noble Lady of those parts all the inhabitants 
 w"'out there goods, and the garrisons w*''out there armors, were 
 suffered peaceablie to departe. Then all the Townes, Castells, 
 
 ' post nonnullos alios [sc. dies] Livius. 
 
 " ubi per aliquantum temporis invitis civibus et qui regebant illos cum 
 permansisset hostiliter expectationis longaetaedio, licet obvium cum armis 
 nullum conveniret, ad regem revertitur Livius. 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 77-8. 
 
 * Vauconvilliers ; Bokyndevillers, or Rokinvillers Livius ; Bokinuillers 
 
 StOTV. 
 
 » om. MSS. 
 
I50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and houlds w"'m a greate circute, hearinge of the deliueraunce 
 of the same Castell, w"'out abydinge battaile, assaulte, or 
 siege, desyringe rather to Hue vnder the Kings obeysance then 
 to proue the chaingeable fortune of warr, yealded them to 
 the Kinge. But that stronge and mightie Towne of Guysours ^, 
 whereof also the Castell is more defensible then the Towne, 
 woulde not submit him to the Kinge. This Towne was en- 
 vironed w"" dubble walls, and defensible with greate and 
 broade fenns, w*'' marshes instead of ditches.^ Towards this 
 Towne the last day of August the Kinge w"" all his companie lo 
 tooke his journey, w""* he inclosed with his tents and pauillions ; 
 but that was farr from the Towne, for at his first comminge 
 the fenns and marshes woulde not suffer him to approach the 
 Towne.^ At the Kinges cominge betwixt him and the Towne 
 were manie greate and sharpe battells and assaults ; but at 
 all times the Englishmen, w"*" everie daye approached neere to 
 the Towne, putt the Frenchmen to flight, and made them to 
 recoile w*''in the walls. No strenght of theire enemies, no 
 gunns, nor engins, nor arbalasters, nor bowes, nor stroakes, 
 nor woundes might make the Englishmen giue place to there 20 
 enemies : wherefore at the last the garrisons and inhabitants of 
 the Cas^U and Towne thinkinge it follie longe to resist so 
 greate a victor, and so invincible strenghts and powers, allto- 
 gether w**" one consent accorded to treate of peace. And w"' 
 the Kinge thus they couenaunted, that if the Towne were not 
 deliuered from this perrill by the eight of September, and the 
 Castell, because it was much more of strenght and defence 
 then the Towne, by the xxiiij"" * of the same moneth, they 
 shoulde deliuer them freely both to the Kinge ; and when those 
 daies lymitted was come and no succours of the Frenchmen 30 
 appeared, they of the Towne and of the Castle obserued there 
 couenaunts w*'' the Kinge ; and the most parte of the garrisons 
 and of the inhabitants of the Towne (first geuinge to the 
 Kinge there oath) remained continually vnder the Kings obey- 
 sance ; and the men of warr receaued of him wages to defend 
 the Towne from his aduersaries, and to keepe it to his vse. 
 
 ^ Gisors. 
 
 ^ maximis non modo fossis sed irriguis valde paludibus Livius. 
 ' but that . . . the Towne an interpolation by the Translator. 
 * The Translator follows the better reading s\\\. Kal. Octobris. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 151 
 
 ^In the meane time the Dolphine assembled an hoast of xx. Enguer- 
 
 thousand men at Monstrean and Francyon ^ in purpose to '*'''• 
 
 fight w*^ the Englishmen. And for the same by letters signed 
 
 w"' his hand he sent to Troys in Campaigne * for the Duke 
 
 of Burgoine, desiringe him to haue his companie in this 
 
 journey. Att whose request the same Duke, incontinent 
 
 vppon the sight of his letters and vppon the suertie of the 
 
 Dolphins oathes safelie to come and safelie to goe, came vnto 
 
 him at the place aforesaide ; where notw^standinge his 
 
 10 former oath and promise, against both Gods Lawes and mans The 
 
 lawes he caused him most cruellie to be murthered. And P"^^ ?^ 
 , . , Burgoine 
 
 after his death the Dolphins servaunts dispoyled him of his murther- 
 
 aray, and cast his bodie naked in a vile stagne or pitt.* 5^ ^^ ^^^ 
 TT71 ■ , , . -r^i .„. . T^ , ,• -r, • ^ ^ Dolphine. 
 
 Whose sonn and heire, Phillip the Duke of Burgoine, after lie 
 
 had knowledge of his tyrannic, councelled herevppon w''' all 
 
 his subiects, freindes and alies, and after good deliberacion 
 
 taken he determined by messengers to seeke the grace and 
 
 fauour of this most victorious Prince, the Kinge of England. 
 
 And for that purpose the most auncient and prudent orators, 
 
 30 that then were in Parris, aswell of them that belonged to the 
 Kinge of Fraunce, as to the Duke, were sent to the Kinge of 
 Englande to the saide Towne of Guysours. Of whome at 
 there cominge these ambassadors desired a truce and respit 
 of warr, that at there convenient leasure they might treate of 
 peace and mooue some appointment betwixt the Kinge of 
 England and of Fraunce and the aforesaide Duke of Burgoine. 
 The Kinge receaued these ambassadors very benignlie, and 
 feasted them, and rewarded them much liberallie. And when 
 he hearde the intent of there message, he refused not the 
 
 30 communicacion of peace, for aboue all things he desired it ; 
 but to the delayes of his warr he woulde in no wise assent. 
 And as to the Duke of Burgoine he promised him easelie to 
 obtaine his grace and fauour, if w*'' good works he woulde 
 
 * Monstrelet, iii. 338-47 ; adopted by Stow. 
 
 * A misrendering of Monstereau ou Fault- Yonne ; Monstrex & 
 Faulcien Stow. 
 
 ' Troyes en Champagne. 
 
 * With this sentence the Translator resumes from Livius (pp. 78-81). 
 Monstrelet (iii. 347) says the Duke was stripped except^ son pourpoint et 
 ses houseaulx, and buried in the church of Notre-Dame. 
 
i5a THE LIFE OF 
 
 seeke it ; but for that in the meane time he woulde not desist 
 from the continuance of his conquests. Then the ambassadors 
 takinge this for an aunswere departed from the Kinge and 
 returned to Parris.^ After whose departure the Kinge w*'' all 
 his noble armie returned to Maunte ^, where of his hoast he 
 made three battailes, whereof he then deliuered to that 
 noble Prince the Duke of Glocester, whome he sent to subdue 
 vnto his Empire that stronge Towne called Saint Germains, 
 w"'' after manie battailes, assaultes, and skirmishes, in short 
 time was yealded to him for the Kinge ; and the second id 
 battaile he sent to the Castle of Mount oye ^, w"*" in like man- 
 ner fearinge the Englishmens prowesses yealded them vnto 
 the Kinge ; and w* the third of the said battailes the Kinge 
 in his owne person went to assiege Millane *, v/"^ aboue all 
 other was most stronge and almost impregnable. The scitua- 
 cion of this Towne was in a plenteous isle betwext two 
 armes of the Seen *. No man might approach so nighe this 
 Towne, as to assault it by land, but only by the bridge, and 
 by water no vessels might come vnto it for the multitudes of 
 piles that were fixed and hidd in the riuers. This Towne 20 
 was also defended w* highe and stronge walls, w*Mn it also 
 were people of greate number, as well of th'inhabitants, as of 
 the garrisons of men of warr that were purposelie deputed for 
 the defence of the Towne. This mightie Kinge, consideringe 
 in euerie thinge the streinght and defence of this place, w"*" 
 by land was inaccessible except onlie by the bridge, assembled 
 diuers shipps and other smale vessells, wherein by right greate 
 laboure he first auoyded and clensed the riuer of the aforesaide 
 piles and stakes ; * and this done, he made all the aforesaide 
 vessells to be fastened together w* chaines, and then he com- 30 
 maunded to be made certaine smale castells and turretts of 
 tymber, w"*" when they were finished he intended to bringe by 
 streinght of men in those shipps to the Towne, and in them 
 to assaile the walls ; but the inhabitants and garrisons of the 
 Towne were so feared at the sight of those turretts, that 
 
 ^ Th's sentence is interpolated by the Translator. 
 
 * Mantes. Stow reproduces this narrative exactly. 
 
 ° Montjoye. * Meulan. 
 
 ' Sea MSS. and Stow ; Sequanae Livius. 
 
 ' wherein . . . stakes an interpolation by the Translator. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 15^ 
 
 before they were all finished by there assent they sent the 
 captaines to the Kinge to treate of peace w"' him, w"'' was 
 graunted them vppon this condicion : that if they were not 
 rescued by the last dale of October from this assiege by the 
 Frenchmen, they shoulde freely deliuer this stronge Towne to 
 the Kinge. And when this day was come and no succour sent 
 vnto them, the Towne, as was couenaunted, was deliuered to 
 the Kinge; the garrisons whereof were suffered to goe peaceablie 
 where they woulde ; and the more part of th'inhabitants were 
 
 10 sworne to be true liegemen to the Kinge, and were suffered to 
 continewe in the Towne. When these three stronge places 
 were yealded thus to his Ma"*, the King returned to Maunt 
 againe, where he gaue not himselfe to rest and sloth but w"" 
 maruelous solicitude and dilligence he laboured continuallie. 
 For almost no day passed but he visited some of the holds, 
 Townes, and places, and of euerie thinge that they needed 
 he instored. He ordayned in all parts sufficient garrisons 
 for theire defence. He victualled them. He repaired there 
 Castells, Towers, and walls. He clensed and skoured there 
 
 ao ditches, and generallie all things that coulde be thought 
 necessarie he purveyed for them.^ At this time returned to 
 the Kinge to Maunte the wise ambassadours of Kinge Charles, 
 of the Duke of Burgoine, and of the Cittie of Parris, to treate 
 of there longe desired peace. But because the Kinges minde 
 was all intentiue to the arts of warr, and that he thought they 
 would not inclyne them enoughe to the waie of peace (notw'*"- 
 standinge that they had often desired it) there treatie at that 
 time attayned to none effect. Wherefore, as frustrate of theire 
 purpose, they returned to them from whome they were sent, 
 
 30 and the Kinge on his parte attained to his warrs. After so 
 manie conquests of the Englishmen the Castell of Galliard "^ 
 hauinge confidence in his maruelous streinght did manie 
 cruelties and displeasures to the Kings places, that were bor- 
 derers vnto it ; ^ of the Castell the situacion was such : it was 
 
 ' For all these details Livius has simply: auxilio decretisque suis 
 subsidium afFerens. Stow passes on from the siege of Meulan to the 
 dispatch of Exeter to Chdteau Gaillard. _ ''■ Chateau Gaillard. 
 
 ' Erat et aliud castellum quod Normanni de Gaillard nominant. Quia 
 sibi munitissimum videbatur contra regis propinquas terras incolentes 
 hostilia multa violenter inferebat Livius. 
 
154 THE LIFE OF 
 
 edified vppon the Riuer of Seene vppon the topp or height 
 of an inaccessible hill, enuironed w*'' maruelous high and 
 thicke walls ; and w'^'in it was replenished w"' men not most 
 expert and apt for warr, but they had good experience in 
 Geometrie and carpentrie,^ and coulde right well deuise and 
 make engins and slinges, both for theire owne defence and also 
 for the anoyaunce and distruccion of theire aduersaries. They 
 had also w^in the Castle as innumerable gunns and other 
 nesessible engins of euerie fashion and quantitie ; there 
 wanted nothing that might be thought needful! for a stronge lo 
 place ; they had aboundance of victualls, and of other things 
 necessarie for the bodie and proffitable of theire life. All w""" 
 things notw*^standinge, they were seriouslie brought to the 
 knowledge of the most inuincible Kinge. Neuerthelesse he 
 sent his vnckle, the Duke of Excester, w*'' a stronge power to 
 lay seige vnto it ; who imediatlie by the Kings commaund- 
 ment enuironed the walls thereof w**" tents and pauillions, and 
 inclosed the Frenchmen from all issue ; w"'' vppon the English- 
 men made manie assaults and cruell skirmisshes, but at all 
 times they were constrayned to recoyle them w'Hn the walls. 20 
 The Englishmen were wearied w*'' no assaultes of theire 
 enemies. Wherefore the castelines perceauinge ^ almost by 
 the siege of vij months th'Englishmen coulde not be wearied 
 w"" anie labour, but that euery day they were more prompt 
 and ardent, and more coragious in there inquests then other, 
 and that all the Townes and Castles, there neighbours, were 
 yealded vnto the Kinge, assembled them together and con- 
 cluded amongest themselues what was to be done herevppon. 
 And after longe deliberacion, as they that were in dispaire of 
 anie ayde of the Frenchmen, and knewe the constancie of the 30 
 Kinge in assieginge of houldes, w"'' for no occasion might be 
 mooued from any assiege vntill the attayninge of his enterprise, 
 and fearinge if they shoulde longe continewe in there contumacie 
 they shoulde not fynde grace when they woulde, at the xx"' ' 
 dale of December they yealded them to the Duke for the Kinge. 
 
 ' The rendering of the Translator is incorrect: Viros praeterea multos 
 non modo strenuos, sed et arte geometrica peritos Li-vius. 
 
 ' proceedinge MSS. ; Quod animadvertentes obsessi Livius. 
 
 ' V. Idus Decembris (9"" Dec.) Livius; octavo die Decembris Pseudo- 
 Elmham, p. 243. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 155 
 
 ^ Then presentlie was entered the feast of the Natiuitie of 
 our Lorde, w"'^ solemnitie and all the accustomed daies of 
 the same the most deuout Kinge deliberated to hallowe in the 
 Cittie of Roane. And because whilest he was geuen to deuo- 
 cion, by the intermission and respite of warr his enemies 
 shoulde not be encouraged to euell, he constituted certaine 
 captaynes to restraine there mallice and to suppresse there 
 power in the meane time. Of w""^ captaines the Earle of 
 Salisbury, whome he sent to take the Toune of Frensny ^, 
 
 10 was one. The inhabitants whereof and also the garrisons, at the 
 Earles first comminge, issued asperly vppon the Englishmen ; 
 but after a short time they were soone wearied of there laboure, 
 in so much that for the paine of there trauell and for the feare 
 of the English power they yealded them to the saide Earle for 
 the Kinge. The noble Earle Marshall and the Earle of Hun- 
 tington was sent by the Kinge to subdue to his empire the 
 prouince of Shenon ^, where the Dolphine bad deputed a greate 
 captaine w"" a stronge power of menn of warr to resist the 
 English inuasions ; w"'^ captaine, when he was aduertised of 
 
 20 the comminge of these two Earles, in greate hast mett them 
 w"* his power and gaue them battaile, where they fought longe 
 and maruelouslie cruell on both parties. But the Englishmen, 
 as they that feared not the death for the recouerie of the 
 Kings right, excelled so farr the Frenchmen in there valy- 
 antnes, that they remayned conquerors in the fielde and put 
 theire aduersaries to flight, of whome they first slewe manie, 
 and manie they maymed*, and of them also they tooke 
 prisoners to a greate number. Thus these two noble Earles, 
 victors of the fielde, subdewed vnder the Kings empire the 
 
 30 province of Shenon w^out anie other greate resistance of the 
 Frenchmen, or anie other acts of warr that are to be recounted. 
 Whilest for these things and manie other victories the Kinge 
 perseuered ' in the Cittie of Roane laudinge and honnoringe 
 the sole Creator and redeemer of the worlde, the Legats of 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 81, 82. 
 
 ' Fresnay-le- Vicomte z« Afaz«^. Fresveysms(7rFreinyZ«Vi«j; Fresea 
 Stow. 
 
 ' Maine ; Cenomannia provincia Livius ; Shenon Stow. 
 
 ' mayned MSS. 
 
 ' Whilest these and many other victories were atchiued, the King 
 continuing Stow, who afterwards follows the Translator very closely. 
 
156 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Kinge Charles and of the Duke of Burgonie came againe to 
 the Kinge to Roane to treate of peace. Where of the Kinge 
 they were right honnorablie receaued ; and because he woulde 
 not be noted to be th'occasion of warr, and the distruccion of 
 the country, he sent w* them to the Kinge of Fraunce and 
 the Duke of Burgonie his ambassadors w**" full authoritie to 
 conclude this longe sought peace. Of w"'' ambassadors the 
 principall was the Earle of Warwicke, who the Kinge knewe 
 well to be maruelouslie wise and apt both for peace and warr. 
 And in his companie sent also certaine Bisshops and diuers 10 
 other discreet and wise men. This ambassage was first 
 brought to the Duke of Burgonie, because he was next vnto 
 them and not much out of there right waie ; whose armie ^ in 
 this journey tooke diuers houldes and places that were pascefied 
 and confederate w"' the Earle of Arminake ^, who fauored the 
 Dolphins partie, and gaue his consent to the death of John 
 the late Duke of Burgoine ; and thus they continewed there 
 journey vntill they came to the Cittie of Troys, where they 
 founde Kinge Charles of Fraunce, and the Queene his wife, 
 and that beauteous Ladie Katherine there daughter. And 20 
 after not manie dayes of respite they entred communicacion 
 of peace w* the Kings Councell of Fraunce ; in w""* com- 
 municacions, after diuers and manie motions on both parts 
 made, the waie of peace was founde betwext these two Kings 
 by alyance. That is to say by a marriage to be made betwixt 
 the most victorious Kinge of England and dame Katherine 
 daughter to the Kinge and Queene of Fraunce ; but because 
 they perceaued manie things that conueniently might not be 
 concluded w'^'out the presence of the Kinge, as well of the 
 apposicion of there scales for the ratefiinge of the same articles 30 
 for this peace, as for the solemnitie of the matrimonie, and 
 also for that Kinge Charles was a man of manie yeares 
 and was often troubled and vexed w* his accustomed in- 
 firmitie, they condiscended one both parties that the Kinge of 
 Englande at a certaine day amongest them lymitted shoulde 
 come to the aforesaide Trois, w*'' as greate an armed power 
 for the sauefgard of his person as [he] ^ woulde, [to] * ratefie and 
 
 ' una cum ducis exercitu Livius. ' Armagnac. 
 
 * om. B.; as he coulde and also to performe H. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 157 
 
 also to performe the saide couenaunts of peace. And at w"'' 
 daie appointed if he fayled to be there, all this communicacion 
 and mocions of peace shoulde be voide. And because in the 
 meane way whereby the Kinge shoulde come were two stronge 
 bridges, ouer w'^'' of necessitie he must passe : that is to say 
 Charingdon^ and Nogent^: at w"'' places the Kings iourney 
 might lightly be impeached and let, both the saide bridges 
 were freelie deliuered into the gard of the Englishmen. Theise 
 things thus concluded, couenaunted, and reduced into writinge, 
 
 '10 that noble lorde w*'' his companie retourned to there most 
 victorious Master, the Kinge ; to whome he declared all things 
 by order as they were graunted and accorded ; who rather 
 affectinge peace then battaile (not w*'' standinge he was most 
 victorious and fortunate in his conquests) was content in all 
 things to performe that appointment. Wherefore he prepared 
 for his journey ; he sent from diuerse his Castells, Citties and 
 Townes for certaine number of his knights and men of warr, 
 whose comminge he abode at [Pontoyse] ^. His people were 
 the number of xvj thousande,* of whome the more part were 
 
 30 archers ; [whome when they],^ were come vnto him, he com- 
 maunded to be lodged in there tents and pauillions in the 
 fielde w*^out the Towne ; * and when the time was come that 
 he woulde depart towards Trois ' for the accomplishment of 
 there couenaunts, as he was accustomed, he deuided the people 
 in three parts and battailes, and two wings ; and in that Anno 
 manner the viij''' day of May, in the viij"' yeare of his most ^^•^"" 
 victorious raigne, he entered his journey towards Trois. 
 
 * In the journey he passed by the Towne of S* Dennis, and Enguer- 
 by Parris, the Metropolitaine Cittie of all Fraunce, before w"=^ ""'■ 
 
 30 cittie in a faire playne and large fielde he sett his battailes in 
 arraye, as if he shoulde haue foughten w**" the Cittizens of the 
 
 ' Charenton, on the Marne. ' Nogent-sur-Seine. 
 
 ' Blank in MSS. ; ad oppidum Pontoise Livius. 
 
 * Livius does not give the number, which is taken from Monstrelet 
 (iii. 388) et seize mille combatans ou environ, dont 11 y avait la plus grande 
 partie archers. 
 
 * om. MSS. 
 
 * A gloss by the Translator; Livius has simply, ex oppido in agros 
 SUDS omnes educit. 
 
 ^ Troyes. 
 
 ' The reference to Monstrelet is an error j the paragraph follows 
 Livius, p. 82. 
 
158 THE LIFE OF 
 
 same, w"'' cittizens vppon the walls of the Cittie, and the 
 towers and steeples, stoode to beholde the Englishmen. 
 
 ^ And from thence he went into a prouince, w"=^ the French- 
 men call Brie, where by assault he tooke a Castle that labored 
 to let his journey. And the castilians of the same parte ^ he 
 put to death, and the rest of them he ledd in captiuitie w^^ 
 him. And from thence he passed by the Towne of Prouince ^, 
 and by the Towne of Nogent, w"=^ standeth vppon the riuer of 
 Seene ; and so continued this journey vntill he approched the 
 Cittie of Trois in Champaigne ; of whose cominge when Phillip, la 
 Duke of Burgonie, was aduertized, he went with a companie 
 of knights, noblemen, and * estats to meet the Kinge w'^iout 
 the Cittie; whome he receaued w"' greate honnour and due 
 obeysance. Then this most victorious Kinge, accompanied 
 both of Englishmen and of Frenchmen of euerie state and 
 degree, entered the aforesaide Cittie of Trois, the streets 
 whereof w^'out anie abidinge he passed vntill he came to the 
 Kings pallace,* where Kinge Charles and the Queene his wife 
 aboad his cominge ; of whome at his cominge to the Pallace 
 he was receaued goodlie and after princely manners and w'*" 20 
 the most louinge words that coulde be deuised ; for at that 
 time Kinge Charles was not vexed w'^ his infirmitie, w""* 
 troubled him but at times. When then this victorious Kinge 
 of England was thus royallie receaued of Kinge Charles and 
 the Queene his wife, after the due resolucion of his partie made 
 vnto them, he departed thence ; and by the Duke of Burgoine 
 and other greate stats, as well of England as of Fraunce, he 
 was conveyed to his lodges.® This Cittie was deuided into 
 two parts, whereof th'one halfe was assigned to the French- 
 men and Burgonians, and the other parte to the Englishmen. 30 
 
 • 
 
 ^ Livius, pp. 82-3. ' partie B. ; quosdam Livius. 
 
 " Provins. 
 
 * The MSS. are imperfect; B. reads cominge . . . aduertized a companie 
 . . . estats. Livius has Quod ut scire potuit Philippus Burgundiae Dux, 
 cum grandi procerum et equitum comitatu victori regi cum primoribus et 
 urbis obviam veniens. Stow has : Troys in Campaigne where he was 
 mette by the Duke of Burgoygne accompanyed with many noblemen three 
 leagues without the Towne. See p. 192 below. 
 
 ° to the Kinge MSS. ; ad regiam Karoli Livius ; Kings pallace Stow. 
 
 ' When then . . . lodges an expansion of Inde rex invictissimus cum 
 maximo comitatu suum in diverticulum vadit. Stowfollows the Translator, 
 but reads : resolutions on his parte made vnto King Charles and the Q. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 159 
 
 And because that parte that was assigned to the Englishmen 
 
 sufficed not to receaue them all w*''in the walls, but that 
 
 a greate parte of them must be lodged in the subberbes of y' 
 
 Cittie ; the Kinge of England, because that his people on 
 
 that partie shoulde haue free concurse together, caused the 
 
 walls on that part of the Cittie, where he was lodged, to be 
 
 cast to the grounde. At this time the Kinge ordered and 
 
 decreed many necessarie things amongest his people for there 
 
 bodelie health ; amongest w""" one was this, as I finde written,^ 
 
 10 because the wines of the countrie were so famous ^ and stronge, 
 
 and that Englishmen had not bin accustomed w*^ such drinks 
 
 nor that was not naturall for them : this prudent Prince, The 
 
 desyringe the health and wellfare of his people, caused to be ^'"^^ 
 
 ,,, ,,.1 , ,. great care 
 
 proclaymed thorough his hoast, that no man shoulde presume of his 
 
 vppon paine of his displeasure, as to be punished at his will, to souldiers 
 J -1 • X ^ 1 ■ ,;r . . health. 
 
 drinke any wmes w'^out puttmge to water. Manie other 
 
 things he decreed for the proffit of his people, that for the 
 lenght of the matter I shall heere ouerpasse, and consequent- 
 lie returne to other matters.^ 
 
 30 * Because Kinge Charles, as it is afore rehearsed, was often 
 trebled w*^ his accustomed disease, w* was to him an impedi- 
 ment to gouerne both his singuler acts and the publique weale, 
 in the time he was in whole minde and good remembrance he 
 gaue authoritie and power to Isabell, his wife and Queene, to 
 Phillipp, Duke of Burgondie, and to certaine other of his 
 Councell, plenarilie to conclude the peace w'** Kinge Henrie 
 for him and for his Realme of Fraunce vnder such condicions 
 as after shalbe declared more at large ; and also to proue, 
 ratyfie, and confirme the same by oath solemnized in the per- 
 
 30 son of Kinge Charles, w*^out fraude or malinge, in all things 
 to be obserued and kepte vnto the saide Kinge Henrie, his 
 heires and successors, by the saide Kinge Charles, his heires 
 and successors. And the same Kinge Charles in the worde of 
 a Kinge promised, and also bound himselfe and his heires, to 
 houlde firme and stable all and whatsoeuer things of peace 
 shoulde be made, promised, graunted and concluded by his 
 
 ' quia scriptum et non sine causa comperio Livius. 
 
 ' fumosum Livius. 
 
 ' For this last sentence Livius has simply : Nunc ad majora pergamus. 
 
 * Livius, pp. 83-5. 
 
i6o THE LIFE OF 
 
 saide Queene and by the Duke of Burgoine, and others of his 
 Councell as is aforesaide, to him deputed [for] the same.^ And 
 the xxj*'' day of May, in the xl'^ yeare of the Raigne of 
 Kinge Charles, and of the victorious raigne of Kinge Henrie 
 the eight, in the Cathedrall Church of Trois, the victorious 
 Kinge Henrie, with the puissant Duke of Clarence, his brother, 
 and other the Dukes, Earles, Bisshopps, Barrons, Lords, and 
 estats of the realme of Englande, and other prelatts and wise 
 men expert both in the Lawes of God and of man, and Isabell, 
 Queene of Fraunce, w*'' the mighty Duke of Burgoine, and lo 
 others of the Kings Councell of Fraunce, and in that partie of 
 his speciall commissioners for and in the name of the Kinge 
 of Fraunce, and also for themselues and in there proper names, 
 in a greate assemblie of estates of Fraunce, vulgarlie called a 
 Parlyament, wherein the three estates of the Realme were 
 present ^, concluded the peace betwext the two Realmes of 
 England and of Fraunce, and the same by th 'assent of the 
 whole Parliament there ratified and proued w*"" condicions and 
 articles that hereafter doth foUowe. And the same dale were 
 made two writinges or lettres contayninge the manner and 20 
 effect of peace, w"'' writinges were sealed w*'' the broade seale 
 of the saide Kinge Charles ; by w"'' writinges the same Kinge 
 Charles gaue in commaundment to all the Princes, Dukes, 
 Busshopps, Archbisshopps, Earles, Barrons, Knights, Mayors, 
 Bayleifes, and generallie to all other his Lieges,^ vppon payne 
 that they should be noated as traytors, that they shoulde 
 obserue and keepe this peace, and cause to be obserued 
 and kept; and also that they shoulde make theire oath to 
 Kinge Henrie of Fraunce * to keepe and mainetayne the same 
 peace and appointments inuiolate and vnbroken. Then ime- .w 
 diatlie Isabell the Queene, and the Duke of Burgoine, in the 
 name of the saide Kinge Charles, as they had of him authoritie 
 and commaundment, made a solemne oath vppon the Euan^ 
 gelists that the same Kinge Charles, his heires and successors, 
 
 ^ and others . . . the same an interpolation by the Translator. 
 '^ tribus videlicet statibus, ut crebrius usurpant, nobilibus, clericis, et 
 populis Livius. 
 
 * Principibus, proceribus, Praefectis, baillivis, et, ut eorum verbo loqua- 
 mur, militibus, antistibus, sacerdotibus, civibus et oppidanis Livius. 
 
 * regis Angliae, regentis et Franciae Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH i6i 
 
 shoulde obserue and keepe w"'out fraude or deceite the peace 
 betwext the saide two realmes w'^ all manner condicions and 
 articles made and concluded for the same, and shoulde also 
 cause and procure all the same to be obserued and kept. And 
 the same oath the Queene Isabell and the Duke of Burgoine 
 in there owne names, and for themselues theire heires and 
 successors, made vnto the Kinge^ for him his heires 
 and successors. The wordes of the Dukes oath were 
 these: 'I, Phillipe, Duke of Burgoine, for me and my 
 
 10 ' heires, sware and make oath vppon these holie Euangelists 
 'to Henry of England* and heire apparaunt and regent of 
 'Fraunce, for my Soueraigne Lorde, King Charles, that 
 'meekely and faithfullie [we] shall obey the same Kinge 
 'Henrie in all things that appertayne to the crowne of 
 ' Fraunce, or to the common weale of the same realme. And 
 'imediatlie after the death of the saide Kinge Charles our 
 ' Soueraigne Lord, we shalbe true and faithfull leiges to the 
 'saide Kinge Henrie, his heires and successors.^ And further 
 'more we shall not be of Councell nor giue our consent to 
 
 20 ' nothinge that male be the preiudice of the same Kinge 
 ' Henrie, his heires and successors, wherein they may suffer 
 ' any derogacion or detriment of theire bodies, of there mem- 
 'bers, possessions and honnors. And if we knowe of anie 
 ' conspiracion against him, his heires and successors, we shall 
 'signifie it vnto him in all the hast to vs possible either by 
 'letters, or else by our trustie messengers, that they may 
 'the better prouide to eschewe the perrills thereof.' When 
 the Dukes oath was in this manner finished, as manie as 
 were there present both of the Kings Councell, and of 
 
 30 the Parlyament by Bishopps, Lords, Knights and Commons * 
 made the same oath to the Kinge. And the xxiij'^ day 
 of the same moneth of May the Chancellor of Fraunce, 
 and manie other Lords, Bisshopps, prelats, and noble men 
 
 ' Henrico regi Livius. 
 
 '' to Henry of Englande om. B. ; Domino Henrico regi Angliae Livius. 
 
 ^ The Translator does not render : nee alium quempiam pro domino 
 nostro suppremo Franciae regem quam Henricum et suos heredes 
 habebimus neque patiemur. 
 
 * Parliamentum, antistes, praefecti, baillivi, cives, et incolae meliores 
 Livius, 
 
 1188 M 
 
i6a THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the Realme gaue the like faith and oath to the Kinge 
 Henrie. 
 King 1 The said third of June, w"'' then was the next day after 
 
 marTeth t^e feast of the Holie Trynitie,^ beinge present the Councell of 
 wiJr Kinge Charles, [the Duke of Burgoine] ^ Isabell the Queene of 
 Charles praunce, and also the valliant Duke of Clarence, and manic 
 Daughter other Bisshopps, Lords, knights, and gentlemen of England, 
 Kinge^of ^j^^^ ^gj.g come thether w"' the Kinge,* the Sacrament of 
 Matrimonie was solemnely sacred ^ betwixt the most victorious 
 Kinge Henrie of Englande and that excellent and glorious lo 
 Lady, Dame Katheryn, daughter to Kinge Charles of Fraunce 
 and to Dame Isabell the Queene. The peace was confirmed 
 betwext the saide two Kings and there Realmes, and was re- 
 duct into writinge in the tenure of these words: 'Kinge 
 ' Henrie from nowefoorth, duringe the life of Kinge Charles, 
 ' shall not name nor write himselfe Kinge of Fraunce, nor of 
 ' his people he not suffer himself to be named or written. 
 'After the death of Kinge Charles, Kinge Henrie shalbe 
 ' Kinge of Fraunce peaceably w*'^ his heires and successors. 
 'And because Kinge Charles, by reason of his infirm itie, is 20 
 ' vnable to gouerne the common wealth, Kinge Henrie duringe 
 ' the life of Kinge Charles shall rule and gouerne the realme of 
 'Fraunce, to the proffit and honnor of the same Kinge 
 ' Charles. Kinge Charles in all his writinges shall name the 
 ' same Kinge Henrie our sonn and heire of Fraunce, and shall 
 ' cause him to be named and written in all his lettres that 
 ' shall passe his Scale, wherein it is requisite that the name of 
 'Kinge Henrie be contayned during the life of the saide 
 ' Kinge Charles, Kinge Henrie shalbe written Kinge of 
 ' England and heire and regent of Fraunce ; and in like 3° 
 'manner he shall write himselfe, in all things that shalbe 
 ' authorized vnder his owne Scale, Kinge Henrie shall call 
 ' Kinge Charles his Father, and Queene Isabell his Mother, and 
 
 ' Livius, pp. 85-7- 
 
 ' Livius has simply eodem die sc. 23"^ May. The true date was 
 Trinity Sunday, i^June. The Translator follows Monstrelet, iii. 389. 
 
 ' om. MSS.j- supplied from Stow ; Duce Burgundiae Livius. 
 
 * The Translator omits : proceribus, equestris ordinis militibus, anti- 
 stibus, divini humanique juris consultissimis viris. 
 
 '' The Matrimonie was solemnized Stow ; connubium . . . solemniter 
 celebratum est Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 163 
 
 ' so shall honnor them.i Nor Kinge Henrie shall not prohibite, 
 ' w*''houlde, nor defraude " Kinge Charles, his Father, of the 
 ' crowne of Fraunce, nor of the issues nor reuenneus thereof; 
 ' and the Queene his mother at all times duringe her life, he 
 ' shall keepe duringe her life her due estate belonginge to her 
 ' Ma*'^ And that the saide Kinge Henrie w"' better minde 
 ' and will shall obserue and also performe all those couenaunts, 
 'Kinge Charles and Queene Isabell shall giue to him that 
 'chast and excellent Ladie Katherine, there daughter, in 
 10 ' marriage. To whome (as shortlie as he male after the 
 ' mariage solemnized) Kinge Henrie shall giue for her dowry 
 ' xl. thousand scutts of yearelie reuenewes w*''in his realme of 
 
 * Englande, and after when he shall peaceabley possesse and 
 ' enioy the crowne of Fraunce he shall giue vnto her xx. 
 'thousand scutts of yearely rents in the realme of Fraunce. 
 ' Kinge Henrie shall call vnto him the Councell of good and 
 ' wise men to gouerne the Realme of Fraunce. And whilest 
 'he is yet regent he shall obserue and keepe all the lawes, 
 ' iurisdiccions, and priuiledges of the Parlyament of Fraunce. 
 
 20 ' Kinge Henrie being Regent shall after loue, and w*^ justice 
 
 • and equity, gouerne the Realme of Fraunce, and w'*' fauour ; 
 'and the Princes, Dukes, Archbisshopps, Bisshopps, Earles, 
 ' Barrons, Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, Prelatts, Clarks, 
 ' Burgesses and Commons, subiects to the Crowne of Fraunce ; ^ 
 'he shall also minister Justice, so that it be indifferentlie 
 ' ministred by his office thorough the same realme. He shall 
 'at all times chuse and substitute such Justices, Mayors, 
 'Sherifes, Baylifes, Constables, and other officers of the 
 ' Realme, as shall obserue the lawes and droytes * of Fraunce. 
 
 30 ' He shall neuer oppresse nor charge the Realmes of Fraunce, 
 ' nor subiects of Kinge Charles w* no exactions nor payments 
 'of money w*''out lawfull cause. Kinge Charles shall giue 
 
 ' Publicae literae quae scribentur Karoli nomine semper ipso vivo in 
 quopiam forte casu Karoli commodum concemente regis Henrici Angliae 
 Franciaeque Regentis nomen inscribendum foret semper scribuntur, 
 Karolum patrem, Isabellam matrem Henricus nominato, sic honorato 
 Livius. 
 
 ^ defeate Stow. 
 
 ° Regno, Proceribus, &c. Henricus Regens secundum justum, aequum 
 et bonum favetp Livius. 
 
 * Blank in B. ; jura Livius. 
 
 M % 
 
i54 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' commaundment to all the three estats of the Realme of 
 ' Fraunce ^ that they shall giue to Henrie, Kinge of England, 
 ' heire and Regent of Fraunce, the same oath that is before 
 ' written of the Duke of Burgoine, and to bringe that to effect 
 ' he shall dilligentlie indeauour him. Kinge Henrie by arms 
 ' and streinght shall attaine, chastice, and reduce^ vnder the 
 ' obeysance of Kinge Charles his empiere all rebells w*'''in the 
 ' realme of Fraunce, in as much in him is, and namelie all 
 ' those that obstinatlie be confederats w**" the Dolphine, and 
 ' w'^ the Earle of Arminake. And whatsoeuer he getteth or lo 
 'conquereth vppon the rebells (except in the Dutchie of 
 ' Normandie) it shall remaine vnder the obeysance of Kinge 
 ' Charles ; and they that nowe be rebells and disobedient to 
 ' Kinge Charles, and hereafter will seeke for peace and wilbe 
 ' sworne to continewe his true liegmen, all there goods, 
 ' hereditaments and possessions, that shalbe taken from them 
 ' in the time of there obstinacie by battaile, shalbe restored 
 ' vnto them againe. And all they that fauoured Kinge Charles 
 ' and the Duke of Burgoine, and Hued vnder theire tuition, 
 ' and were by the Englishmen depriued of there possessions, 20 
 ' Kinge Henrie shall cause them to be restored to them againe, 
 ' except such lands as were geuen by the Kinge at that time 
 ' to his complices. And yet in the same cause the same 
 ' Kinge Henrie, when he shall peaceablie inioy the crowne of 
 ' Fraunce, shall cause the same lands and hereditaments to be 
 ' restored to there former possessors,^ so that they will giue 
 ' him * theire faithes and continewe his true liege people.' 
 ' When Kinge Henrie shall possesse the Crowne of Fraunce, 
 ' then the Dutchie of Normandie, and other lands that he shall 
 
 * conquer by armes, shalbe vnder the Monarchic of Fraunce 30 
 ' as part of the same Realme.' 
 
 * ' There shalbe no peace nor concord made nor taken w"" 
 ' Charles, that calleth himselfe Dolphine of Fraunce, w^ut 
 
 • assent and Councell of Kinge Charles, Kinge Henrie, and the 
 
 \Principes scilicet. Duces, Proceres, Comites, magnates; at nobiles, 
 antistes, sacerdotes, et clerici ; Gives, Burgenses, oppidani, castella, 
 rusticique Livius. 
 
 * debellans domansque deducito Livius. 
 ^ possessions B. ; possessoribus Livius. * them B. 
 
 so that . . . people an interpolation by the Translator. 
 Ltvius, p. 87. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 165 
 
 ' Duke of Burgoine, and the three estates ot Fraunce and 
 ' Englande.' 
 
 I'All men that desire peace, before eight monethes be 
 ' finished, may lawfully demaunde it. Vppon all and singuler 
 ' couenaunts, pactions and agreements before rehearsed in 
 'writings shalbe published vnder the seales of both the 
 ' Kinges.' ^ 
 
 ^ Confederations * and aliance is assured also w*^ the Duke 
 of Burgoine in this forme : ' Phillippe, the Duke of Burgoine, 
 
 10 'shall indeauour to cause the saide peace to be concluded 
 ' betwext the two Kings w*'' all there articles and couenants 
 ' to be houlden firme and inuiolate ; and that thinge he shall 
 ' procure and mainetayne w''' all his power ; nor he shall not 
 ' in any consent nor suffer that anie articles thereof be broken 
 ' nor desolued, for as much as in him is to resist it ; and for 
 'his good minde in that behalfe one of his sisters shalbe 
 ' geuen in marriage to one of the bretheren of Kinge Henrie. 
 ' King Henrie shall fauour and mainetayne the Duke of Bur- 
 'goine and all the rights of his dominacion as his most deere 
 
 20 ' brother. And after the death of Kinge Charles * the Duke 
 'of Burgoine shall make his oath to this true alegiance* to 
 ' Kinge Henrie, as to his soueraigne Lorde, in manner as is 
 ' afore written. Duke Phillippe shall at all times be freindlie 
 ' and fauorable to Kinge Henrie and his successors. Kinge 
 ' Henrie shall laboure w*^ all his strenght to haue due 
 ' punition done vppon Charles that is named Dolphine, and 
 ' vppon others that were culpable of the death of John, late 
 ' Father of the Duke of Burgoine ; if the Dolphine or anie 
 'other guiltie of the saide murther be taken in battaile or 
 
 30 ' in place assieged, he shall not be deliuered w^'out receiuinge 
 ' due punishment, except it be by consent of Kinge Charles, 
 ' Kinge Henrie, and the three estates of both realmes. And 
 ' whereas the Duke of Burgoine hath, by his paine and laboure 
 ' and councell, a fee by patent of Kinge Charles and Isabell the 
 
 • Livius, p. 87. 
 
 ^ Super omnibus et singulis praedictis pactis . . . publicae regiis utrius- 
 que sigillis tabellae scribentor Livius. 
 ' Livius, pp. 87-9. 
 
 * Considerations MSS. ; Ictum est et foedus Livius. 
 
 " Charles and B. ' fidelitatis jusjurandum Livius. 
 
i65 THE LIFE OF 
 
 'Queene, so y* Duke for his aide and councell and amitie 
 ' a fee of the yearelie value of xx. thousand pounds Parris to 
 'himselfe, to Mighell his wife, and to the heires males of 
 ' theire two bodies begotten to be taken and receuied of the 
 ' reuenewes of the Crowne of Fraunce. And for the same the 
 ' saide Duke of Burgoine shall continue his accustomed hom- 
 • age to the Crowne of Fraunce.' ^ After the fynall end and 
 accomplishment of his marriage and couenaunts and condicions 
 ordayned and ratified in all points by the aduice of men, hee 
 at the instance of Kinge Charles and his Councell, accompanied 
 of the same Kinge, of the two Queens Isabell and Katherine, 
 and of the Duke of Burgonie, departed from Trois and tooke 
 his journey to Parris, the Metropolitan Cittie of the Realme. 
 And from Parris,^ not manie dales after, they all went to laye 
 siege to the Cittie of Sens, w""^ was vnto them contrarious and 
 an enemie ; but tofore all those were set in there places 
 appointed, and tofore anie assault or skirmish, the captaines, 
 cittizens, and garrisons submitted there bodies, the Cittie, w*'' 
 all that they had to the Kings obeysance. Then when all 
 things were there ordered to there profitt and for the defence 20 
 of the Towne, they hasted them by the most speedy way they 
 coulde to Monstran on Saulton,^ where John the late Duke of 
 Burgoine was slaine; and the Towne thereof was taken by 
 force at the first assault ; and the Castell, w"*^ for the strenght 
 thereof, might longe haue resisted the Kings power, was forth- 
 w"' deliuered to the Kinge. Then the bodie of the saide late 
 Duke of Burgoine, w'"" first after his death was cast into a vile 
 
 ^ The Translator' s retidering of the last clause is inaccurate : Pro 
 studio laboribusque Burgundi ducis, quod velut patentem cautionera habet 
 a Karolo rege Isabellaque regina, Burgundus dux propter suas terras 
 feudum habeat a corona Franciae cum proventibus annuls librarum xx. 
 milium Parisiensium pro se Michaelaque sua conjuge, suis et heredibus 
 virilis sexus ex utroque parente descendentibus. Henricus rex omni studio 
 curato, sique prius fieri non poterit, cum primum Henricus corona Franciae 
 coronabitur, ipse rex in feudum dictos proventus annuos praefato duel 
 solito cum homagio Franciae dato vel dari facito Livius. 
 
 ^ Henry did not visit Paris, but went straight to Sens, which surrendered 
 on 1 1*" June. Livius is obscure : Senonensem ad urbem obsidendam 
 Parisius metropolitanam sibi rebellem ; this probably means that Sens 
 was the metropolitan see of Paris. Here Stow {who omitted much of the 
 Treaty) resumes. 
 
 ^ Montereau-ou-Fault-Yonne. Mostreau on Saulton, or Monstereau 
 on Foulcdyone Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 167 
 
 pitt, and after by a certaine inhabitant of the Towne secretlie 
 taken vpp and buried in the principall Church of the Towne, 
 nowe was taken vpp from the sepulture and transported to 
 the Cittie of Dyiion.^ Metropolitan and cheife of all Burgoine, 
 where he was buried in the Abbie of the Charterhouse w*'" 
 greate solemnitie, w""" monasterie Duke Phillippe, father to 
 the saide John, was founder of. After the conquest of Mon- 
 strean, at the xv* day of Julie, the two Kings and the Duke 
 of Burgoine set there assiege before Millomie,^ whereof the 
 
 10 Towne was verie defensible and stronge, but the Castell of 
 same was much more stronge, and in a manner inexpugnable. 
 This Towne and Castell was enuironed w*^ the Riuer of Scene, 
 and seemed like a little islande. The captaine thereof was 
 the Lord of Guyan, whose name was Barbason, a stronge 
 knight and manlie, and most excellent of deeds of armes of 
 all the knights in those dales that * were knowne in Fraunce. 
 This captaine, at first asseige of the Towne, at the sounde of 
 a trumpet assembled a councell all the knights, souldiers and 
 inhabitants of the Towne and of the Castell ; whome he 
 
 ao commaunded, vppon paine to loose there heads, that none of 
 them shoulde presume to speake, treate, or mooue for anie 
 composicion of peace or deliueraunce of there houlds to the 
 two Kings, except the saide captaine where the first moouer 
 thereof. 
 
 * The Kinge of England, at his first approach to this Towne, 
 set his people on the south side thereof, and the Duke of 
 Burgoine was on the north side. And in such manner they 
 helde the Towne assieged in manie and greate anguishes and 
 afflictions, vntill the x* of Nouember.^ In w"='' meane time 
 
 30 (as the Frenchmen doe report) * the Kinge of Englande sent 
 his Harrauld to the Captaine Barbasone commaundinge him 
 to deliuer the Towne and Castell to him, w* aunswere when 
 the harralde had reported tofore the two Kings, Captaine Bar- 
 bason's aunswere was this, that he receaued neither the Tojvne 
 
 ' Dijon ; Oppidum de Dinione Livius. 
 
 " Melun ; Oppidum de Meleduno Livius ; Melune Stow. 
 
 ' That om. B. ; in re militari per omnem orbem clarissimus Livius. 
 
 * Livius, p. 89. " Livius has simply ad Novembrem. 
 
 ' Here apparently begins the Earl of Ormondes story. But see also 
 Monstrelet, iii. 412. 
 
i68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nor the Castell of him, therefore he woulde deliuer none vnto 
 him. And when the Kinges heard this aunswere, the French 
 Kinge, of whome the Captaine had receaued the garde and 
 care of this Towne and Castle, sent vnto the Captaine his 
 herraulde to commaunde him in his name to deliuer his houlde 
 vnto him as to his Soueraigne Lorde. But the Captaine 
 nothinge obeyinge his commaundement sent vnto him this 
 aunswere sayinge : ' When I receaued of him the charge and 
 ' government of this Towne and Castell, the Kinge my Souer- 
 ' aigne Lorde was at free libertie and gouerned by no man, but lo 
 ' by his Councell and true Liegemen. And since that time 
 ' the Kinge of Englande, who came into this Realme as his 
 ' enemie to take from him his Crowne and to conquer his 
 ' realme, hath obtayned the rule and gouernment of him, by 
 ' whose aduise and Councell I perceaue he commaundeth me 
 ' to deliuer these places. And therefore in that thinge he 
 ' commaundeth at th'instaunce of him that is an aduersarie to 
 ' the whole Realme of Fraunce, I ought not nor will obey his 
 ■ precepte. But when I shall see him in his former libertie, 
 ' and out of the gouernaunce of the Kinge of Englande 1 30 
 ' shall in all his commaundementes be obedient to him as to 
 ' my Soueraigne Lorde, and vntill that time I shall, to my 
 'power, keepe to his vse those places w"'' he deliuered vnto 
 ' me.' When this aunswere was come to the Kinge of England 
 he commaunded in all hast possible to vndermine the earth, 
 in purpose by these meanes to subuert the Walks of the 
 Towne, or else secretly by them to enter the Towne. How- 
 beit they were letten from that purpose by the Frenchmen of 
 the Towne, w"'' countermined the Englishmen, and mett them 
 w^'in the earth, where betwixt them were manie manlie 30 
 battailes and encounters. But first of all Kinge Henrie, hear- 
 inge two greate Lordes of his hoast in variance because either 
 King of them woulde haue made en trie first into the same myne^ to 
 amT"^'^ appeach that discorde he entered first into the same myne ; 
 Barbasan and in like manner the Captaine Barbasan was the first on 
 the'myne ^^^^ ^^^ °^ *^^ Cittie that entered the same myne, for that 
 he encountered the Kinge, so that they two fought together 
 right mightely. And after a longe battaile betwixt them, 
 and that either of them had demaunded others name, at the 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 169 
 
 first Barbasan knowledged his name to the Kinge vppon con- 
 dicion that the Kinge shoulde in like manner disclose his name 
 vnto him, and saide vnto the Kinge : ' I ame Barbasan, the 
 ' Captaine of the Towne and Castell.' Then the Kinge, as he 
 hadd promised, said: 'And I ame Henrie "par la grace de 
 ' dieu." ^ At w"^ aunswere Barbasan, knowinge evidently vi*^ 
 whome he had foughten, commaunded that the bararers w'^'in 
 the myne to be closed, and woulde no longer fight, but de- 
 parted from the myne and went into the Towne, and the 
 
 10 Kinge returned to his hoast.^ 
 
 ^ In this manner continued this assiege, vntill at the last, Titus 
 after manie cruell assaultes, skirmishes, and battailes, the 
 Frenchmen of the Towne and of the Castell had fayled meate 
 and drinke by the space of vj continued dales, by occasion 
 whereof they were constrayned to deliuer the houldes to the 
 two Kinges, w"'' was done vnder the appointment that the 
 inhabitantes and souldiers should haue free libertie to goe 
 whether they woulde, w*''out dainger of displeasure, except 
 all those that were aydinge or consentinge, or otherwise culp- 
 
 20 able of the death of the late Duke of Burgoine ; w"^ if any 
 such were there, they couenaunted to deliuer in bonds to the 
 Kinge, to the end that they shoulde be iudged in the Court of 
 Parliament to condigne payne for there offence. And of them 
 were many in this towne, w"'' were after condemned by the 
 lawe and put to execucion, amongest whome the saide Cap- 
 taine Barbasan was accused of this homicide by Phillip, Duke 
 of Burgoine, by his mother, and his sister openly in Court, 
 where the Captaine defended himself of this accusacion, 
 graunted himselfe to knowinge thereof, in so much as he was 
 
 30 one of the greatest of the Dolphin's house, and most familier 
 w"' the Dolphine, but not consentinge nor giuinge his councell 
 to that murther in no wise ; ^ by w"^ accusation it was 
 thought he was not culpable thereof. And therefore he was 
 
 ' Th's narrative is given in a shortenedform by Holinshed (iii. 122) as 
 from the Translator. 
 
 " Paraphrased somewhat fully from Livius, pp. 89, 90. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iii. 347, with reference to Duke fohn' s 7nurder says : Auquel 
 Barbasan fut moult desagrdable, et tant que par plusieurs foiz reproucha 
 i ceulx qui avoient machine le cas dessusdit, en disant qu'ilz avoient 
 destruit leur dit maistre d'honneur, et de chevance. 
 
lator. 
 
 170 THE LIFE OF 
 
 not condemned nor iudged to death. And because for the^ 
 manie obiections that were spoken against him, he was not 
 cleerelie discharged, but was committed to prison in Paris, 
 and after in the Castell of Gailard.^ where he remayned as 
 prisoner by the space of ix yeare ; but at the last the Castell 
 was occupied by them that secretly fauored the Dolphin's 
 part, by whome the saide Barbasan was deliuered, and by that 
 Trans- meane escaped the dainger of prison. Howbeit, as I haue 
 heard often the forenamed Earle of Ormonde ^ reporte by the 
 opinion of the Frenchmen, as he learned in the time of his " 
 soiourne amongest them, that when the kinge, for manie dis- 
 pleasures that he had receaued by him, and especially for the 
 death of the saide late Duke of Burgoine, intended to put the 
 saide Captaine Barbasan to death, he appealed from the 
 Judgement of the Kinge to the Judgement of the officers of 
 armes, and that alleadged to be lawfuU cause of his appeale, 
 that by the lawe of arms no man hauing his brother in armes 
 at his possession and at his will ought not to put him to death 
 for anie displeasure or occasion, and that he was brother in 
 arms to the Kinge by armes, and approued that he had fought 20 
 w"" the Kinge hand to hand w'^in the myne, as is aforesaide ; 
 y,ah. battaile was houlden by Herraulds of Armes in like 
 strenght and if he had fought w'^ the Kinge body to body 
 w"'in the listes. And his appeale was by them for that cause 
 approued, and by good deliberacion they judged that by lawe 
 of armes, they might not put him to death ; wherefore he was 
 adiudged by the Kinge to perpetuall imprisonment. And 
 when he had bin a certaine tyme prisoner at Parris, he was 
 sent to the Castell of Gaylard, where w'^'in a greate Dungeon 
 he was enclosed in a grate of yron of the quantetie of a little 3° 
 Chamber. And besides that the Captaine of the same Castle, 
 whose name was Kingstone ^ and was borne in England, made 
 the same Barbasan to giue him his faith to continewe his true 
 prisoner and not to depart w^'out his lycence. And longe 
 after, when the same Castle was againe recouered by the 
 Frenchmen by the deliuerance of the Englishmen, the French- 
 men findinge the saide Barbasan aliue, whome tofore they 
 
 1 Chateau Gaillard. « See Introduction, p. xxxvi above. 
 
 ' Thomas Kingston. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 171 
 
 beleeued to be deade, were maruelouslie reioyced w*'' the 
 recouery of him. And w* all the hast possible they de- 
 pesshed and brake in peeces the saide Cage of Iron, wherein 
 he was inclosed and inuironed, to deliuer him from his prison ; 
 but in no wise he woulde depart that gate vntill the English 
 capten had discharged him of his oath. Wherefore the French- 
 men vnder safe conduct sent to the English captaine, w"'' then 
 was departed vppon such appointments as were convenient at 
 the deliueraunce of the Castell, prayinge him to come vnto 
 
 10 them, at whose instance he returned and discharged Barbasan 
 of his oath. And then the said Barbasan departed from the 
 prison. Then to returne to our former matter. ^ When the 
 Towne and Castell of Millane were thus deliuered to the two 
 Kings, they w"' there Queenes, and the Duke of Burgoine, w*^ 
 there whole hoasts returned to Parris ; against whome came 
 the cittizens of the same Cittie in rich apparrell. Who, w'^ 
 the Uniuersitie, conueyed Kinge Charles w*^ his Queene to 
 his Pallace royall ; and that done they, w"^ the Duke of Bur- 
 goine, conueyed the Kinge of England and his Queene to 
 
 20 there lodges. At this time by the commaundment of King 
 Charles where come to Parris the three Estates of the Realme 
 of Fraunce, w"' whome manie things concerninge the common 
 weale were treated. And [in] ^ diuerse parts of the realme 
 discreet men and such as had experience in the lawe were 
 constituted baylifes and ministers of Justice. And that done, 
 before the two Kings sittinge in theire seate of Justice, and 
 before the whole Courte of Parliament by three ^ procters of 
 profound learninge, whereof the one was a Doctor of the 
 Ciuill lawe, the second of Cannon, the thirde a Doctor of 
 
 soDiuinitie, Duke Phillippe, beinge there, and his mother and 
 his sisters, who at that time were absent, accused diuerse 
 persons of the late Duke of Burgoine,* declaringe and inlarg- 
 inge the trespase, and after Ciuill lawe demaundinge life 
 for life, after Cannon lawe desiringe satisfaccion for the 
 trespase, as to builde Houses of religion and namelie where 
 the murther was committed, or else to doe some other 
 
 \ Livius, pp. 90, 91. ^ om. MSS. 
 
 ° theret B. ; per patronos tres Livius. 
 
 * contra patratum facinus a Delphino de morte Johannis ducis accusa- 
 tionera fecere Livius. 
 
172 THE LIFE OF 
 
 works of chastitie or charitie i for the ghoastlie comfort of him 
 that was slayne. The custome,of Fraunce is that no man 
 shall desire a trespassor, and that hath deserued execution of 
 death or punishment in members, to be judged for his trespasse, 
 but the procurator of the Kings treasurie beinge thereof wholie 
 instructed, ioyned w*'' him the proctors of the plaintifes.^ And 
 for the Kings cause, and for the common wealth he demaunded 
 this judgement to be geuen against the Dolphine, and all 
 others that were culpable and consentinge to the death of 
 John, late Duke of Burgoine, that as manie of them as might lo 
 be taken, either by battaile or at siege, shoulde be put to 
 death, and all the resedue shoulde be exiled ; and all theire 
 goods, as well moueable as not moueable, shoulde be forfeited 
 to the Kinge ; and that the Dolphine shoulde be depriued of 
 the succession of the Realme, and shoulde be declared vnable 
 to succeede his father. W"'' judgement seriouslie, and as is 
 rehearsed,^ Kinge Charles, sitting in his state royall, with 
 assent of all this Parliament decreed and inacted to be effec- 
 tuall and of force. And the same so decreed he commaunded 
 to be published, and after that proclaymed ; w* sentence and 20 
 iudgment, duringe the life of the saide Kinge Charles, was 
 neuer after by him reuoked. When this Parliament in forme 
 aforesaide had taken an ende, and that theise iudgements were 
 solemnely published, at the seconde daie of Januarie Duke 
 Phillip of Burgoine, w*^ good lycence of both the Kings, 
 departed from Parris and returned into his Countre of Flaunders. 
 At the vij'*' daye of Januarie then next followinge King Henrie 
 with Dame Katharine his Queene, by th'assent of Kinge 
 Charles leauinge his vnckle the Duke of Excester at Parris, 
 w**" the Kings Councell returned into England,* in purpose to 30 
 crowne his Queene Queene of England ; w'^'out w"'' coronacion ° 
 
 ^ vel alia opera pia ad inferias piaculaque defuncti Livius. 
 
 '^ nisi quod procurator fisci rem diligenter audiens et considerans, post- 
 quam plane doctus est judicium criminis, se cum actoribus jungens fieri 
 petit. Ut igitur oratores et patroni Burgundiae ducis rem exposuerunt, 
 peroptime doctus illam procurator fisci cum actoribus se jungens pro causa 
 regis, &c. Livius. 
 
 ° Quod, ut dicitur, per dictum procuratorem petitum Livius. 
 
 * relicto cum consiiio regis Excestriae duce Parisius et in Normannia 
 regente duce Clarenciae fratre suo, qui dum ipse rex esset in Anglia dux 
 in praelio caesus est, in Angliam Livius. 
 
 ° possession B. ; qua sine coronatione Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 173 
 
 he might not haue possession to her dowry that the Kinge had 
 couenaunted to giue her. But tofore his departinge out of 
 Fraunce he had deputed to the gouernour of Normandie the Enguer- 
 puissant mightie and prudent Duke of Clarence, his brother ; ""'■' 
 w* Duke after the kings departinge into England, hearinge 
 that the Dolphins hoast was come in great number to Bangue,^ 
 prepared his hoast to goe against them ; and when he had 
 iourned so much that he was come nigh vnto them, he left 
 behinde him all his archers and footmen,^ and only accom- 
 
 lopanied w**" his horsemen and speares he hasted him w"' all 
 diUigence towardes his enemies, who also on there partie, 
 knowinge the archers and footemen were left behinde of the 
 English, aduaunced themselues against the Dukes companie ; 
 betweene whome was begunn a maruelous cruell and blodie 
 battaile, but at the last the discomfiture returned vppon the 
 Englishmen. On whose partie was slayne the saide noble The 
 Duke of Clarence, and all the chiefe of Lords, Knights and pi" 
 geiltlemen of his companie, to the number of two or three slaine. 
 thousand souldiers and speares ; and of the same partie were 
 
 20 taken the Earles of Somerset and Huntington and about ij. C. 
 others of the Englishmen. And of the Frenchmen also were 
 slaine manie great lords and captaines, and to the number of 
 vj. C. or thereabouts* of the Dolphins party. Neuertheles 
 after this great discomfiture of the Englishmen the Earle of 
 Salisburie w"^ the English archers and footmen, w"*" followed 
 the Duke w*'^ all the hast possible, rescued and recouered the 
 bodie of the Duke of Clarence, w""" after was solemnelie buried 
 in England. Then to returne to our former purpose. ^ After 
 the Kinge had ordered and disposed all things as he thought 
 
 30 necessarie and most behoouefull, he entred his journey towards 
 England, in w"^ voyage of the Kinge and of the Queene was 
 engendred Kinge Henrie the vj"", that was after borne in 
 England, and nowe resteth intumelate in Windsor." Also 
 
 ^ Monstrelet, iv. 24, 37-9. Livius has only the brief reference quoted 
 above. Stow follows the Brut, p. 427. 
 
 ' Baugd ; blank in H. 
 
 ' This detail comes from the Brut, pp. 492, 563. 
 
 ' mille k onze cents hommes Monstrelet. ° Livius, p. 9I. 
 
 ' Hoc in itinere genitus es Henricus sextus, in Anglia qui natus Livius. 
 Henry VI was born on 6* Dec, 142 1, buried at Chertsey in 1471, and 
 translated to Windsor in 1484. 
 
174 THE LIFE OF 
 
 this is not to be forgotten : the Kinge before his departure 
 from Parris of his owne proper money, whereto he was not 
 bounden, he satisfied and paide all Judges and other officers 
 of the highe Courte of Parliament all such duties, salaries and 
 wages that were owinge vnto them. Then when the King 
 was arriued in England, he made his excellent Queene to be 
 crowned after the custome of England. And that done he 
 assigned to her dowry tenn thousand marks English. At 
 this his nowe beinge in England he consented to the deliuer- 
 aunce of the Kinge of Scotts, who had long bine prisoner in lo 
 England. Whose deliueraunce was graunted in such manner 
 that tofore his departinge out of England he shoulde take to 
 his wife the Duke of Somersetts sister, neece to the Cardinal], 
 of Winchester, w""^ Cardinall was the principall councellor and 
 procurer of that marriage and deliueraunce.^ 
 Titus ^ In the ninth yeare of his most victorious raigne, at the 
 
 T^'"'"?. t^ middest of sommer, after he had gathered and receaued an 
 1421. infinite somme of money w"'' the commons had geuen him for 
 the performaunce of the warrs, leauinge in England his Queene, 
 the Kinge w*^ a greate companie of men of warr, as Enguerunt^ 20 
 reciteth to the number of xxx. M. men, returned into Fraunce, 
 And accompanied only of his houshould seruants, leauinge 
 his greate hoast by the way, he came sodainelie to Parris, late 
 in the eueninge, to see the state of the Kinge of Fraunce and 
 of his Queene. And not manie dales after he returned againe 
 to his people ; in w"'^ returne he tooke the Castell Dreux at 
 one assault. And when he heard that his enemies prepared 
 them to battaile, he approached the Flood of Loyer,* about 
 w"^ flood it was saide his enemies were ; where, for peraduen- 
 ture he might meet w*'' them, or that they woulde abide his 3° 
 comminge, he entended to fight w'^ them. But against him 
 came no man, nor no enemie aboade his comminge. Then the 
 Kinge began to compasse about the Flood, thereby the rather 
 to prouoke his aduersaries to battaile ; but his trauaile was in 
 
 ^ T/iis notice of James of Scotland is inserted by the Translator. The 
 negotiations -were not completed till 1423. 
 Livius, p. 92. 
 
 ' Monstrelet, iv. 44 ; Trois k quatre mille hommes d'armes, et bien 
 vingt-quatre mille archers ; the numbers of Henry's army did not much 
 exceed one thousand. 
 
 * The river Loire ; flumini Ligeris Livius. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 175 
 
 vayne ; and, that worse is, in perambulacion of the riuer his 
 hoast was sore trauelled w**" famyne and defaulte of victualls, 
 that a manie of them, as well of men as of horses, perished for 
 hunger. Wherefore this wise Kinge, entendinge to this disease 
 to prouide a remedy, left the perambulacion and ledd his hoast 
 to a Towne, beinge the Cittie of Sens, called the Kings newe 
 Towne ;^ of w"'' Towne as well the garrisons as the inhabitants, 
 hauinge no plentie of victualls, yealded themselues and the 
 Towne to the Kinge. In the moneth of October, when Kinge 
 10 Henrie had deliuered the Cittie of Parris from all her enemies 
 that vsed in any thinge to grieue her, leauinge at his backe 
 manie smale castells and piles yet his enemies, he went w**" his 
 hoast to asseige the Cittie of Meaux, to w""* citty is a place The Cittie 
 right nigh and as adioyninge to it called the market of Meaux ; ?' Meaux 
 betwext these two places floweth ^ the riuer of Marne, w"='' also 
 inuironeth and compasseth both the same places. In these 
 places were manie armed men ; and allmost innumerable 
 riches were brought together thether from all the Citties, 
 Townes and villages that were nigh vnto it, and left to be kept 
 
 20 in this place as in the most stronge houlde of all that countrie. 
 The captaine of that place was the Bastard of Vaiorne,^ who 
 tofore this siege had committed and done verie manie cruelties 
 and tyrannies, as well against the cittizens and commons of 
 the countrie as against all those that were taken in skirmishes 
 and battailes. This Cittie was assieged all the winter, wherein 
 was so manie and greate stormes and flouds of the rayne, that 
 the Kings hoast was oftner troubled w*'^ hunger and colde ; to 
 w*'' disease the Kinge by his wisdome prouided at all times 
 a short remedie. * Whilest this siege continued, the lord Enguer- 
 
 30 Osmound ^ (w"'' vppon certaine appointments had deliuered int. 
 to the Duke of Burgoine the Towne of S* Regnieur," whereof 
 he was captaine) confederate w*"^ him xl. of the best men of 
 warr that coulde be found in anie place, with whome he delib- 
 
 ' ad oppidum, quod Regis villa nova dicitur, ultra Senonensem urbem 
 Livius ; to the city of Sens, commonly called the Kings new towne Stow. 
 It was Villeneuve-le-Roi on the Yonne. 
 
 ' foUoweth MSS. ; fluit Livius ; floweth Stow. 
 
 ' Vaurus ; Bastardus de Vauru Livius. 
 
 * Monstrelet, iv. 81-3 . Stow makes no use of this passage. 
 
 ' Guy de Nesle, Sire d'Offemont, ' Saint-Riguier ; Requyr H, 
 
Liuius. 
 
 176 THE LIFE OF 
 
 erated shortlie to enter the Cittie of Meaux to aide and 
 succoure them of the saide Towne ; vppon w"'^ deHberacion, 
 when he w"" his said companie in the night secretlie had 
 passed th' English hoast notw^'^standinge there watches [and] 
 were come nighe to the walls, his fortune was such that 
 a little bridge, wherevppon he had begunn to pass the Ditch 
 of the Towne, brake in sunder, and the same Lorde in his 
 harnes fell into the Ditch ; and by the noyse that his companie 
 made in sauinge of him they were espied and taken of the 
 Englishmen. Amonge whome the saide Lord Osmounde was 10 
 taken aliue ; but at his takinge he was greiuiouslie wounded in 
 the face and was taken prisoner and brought to the Kinge, 
 to whome he was after sworne to obserue, all that in him was, 
 those couenants that were made betwext the two Kings of 
 England and of Fraunce, and vppon th'assurance of his oath 
 he was deliuered from his prison w*out payinge fynance or 
 ransome. 
 Titus 1 In the moneth of Februarie the knights that were in gar- 
 
 rison, and the principall that were in the Citty of Meaux, per- 
 ceavinge cleerelie that the sommer that was comminge shoulde 20 
 cause this siege to be light and lesse painefull to the English- 
 men there adversaries, and difficult and greiuous to them- 
 selues, by there common assent departed from this Cittie, and 
 went into the place that tofore is called the Market of Meaux, 
 as to the more defensible houlde ; into w'=^ place they con- 
 ueyed there w"" them much riches and greate aboundance of 
 victualls, leauinge behinde in the said Cittie the common 
 people and others that were least apt to warr. And this they 
 deuised among them, because the poore people and least actiue 
 to warr shoulde not spend nor deuoure the victualls from the 30 
 captaines and men of warr. After there departinge the com- 
 mon people that were left in the Cittie, hauinge no habillitie 
 nor exercise of defence to resist the Kings power, yealded 
 themselues and there cittie shortlie to the Kinge. 
 
 ^At the moneth of May ,3 in the x**" yeare of the most 
 glorious raigne, the king had so sore * beaten the aforesaide 
 
 ^ Livius, p. 92. 2 i^iyi^s, p. 93. 
 
 * Ad mensem autem Aprilis Livius. Stow as above. The date was 
 1" May. « soone B. ; soe beaten, H. ; so sore Stow. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 177 
 
 market of Meaux,^ wherein the captaines and men of warr 
 were w*^drawen, w'^ his gunns and engins, that he had made 
 to all his hoast a free and a large entrie into the same.^ 
 Neuertheles he woulde not enter the place by force, but he 
 constrayned the Frenchmen that were beseiged to condiscend 
 to certaine couenaunts to deliuer the place vnto him. And 
 that he ordered both to eschewe the effusion of Christian 
 blood, that was like to be shedd in the forceable entrie of the 
 Towne, as for to keepe the riches that were in that place from 
 10 dispoylinge and loosinge ; for he thought it more conuenient 
 to be distributed w"* good orders to his captains and souldiars 
 after there desert, then to be spoiled, stolne, and embeasled. 
 And also for that he woulde haue deliuered to his hands cer- 
 taine malefactors that were amongst them, to th'intent that 
 they shoulde suffer ponishment condigne to there demeritts. 
 After a longe continewaunce of this siege, and that the cap- 
 taines and gentlemen that were besieged sawe euedentlie that 
 the Kinge woulde enter the place by force if they deliuered it 
 not the sooner, w"^ thinge they perceaued he might well doe 
 20 w^out his greate preiudice, and as men that were desperate of 
 anie other succour ^ they delivered this Market Meauxe * to 
 the Kinge, and also all there owne bodies to doe his pleasure 
 w* sauinge to either of them there Hues ; of whome manie of 
 them were ledd prisoners into England, as the Bisshopp of the 
 same Cittie, who shortlie after was visited of God by sicknes 
 and dyed there in England ; and diuers others were brought 
 into Englande, of whome manie payinge there fynances were 
 deliuered after ; and many others of the same Cittie were 
 deputed prisoners in other places beyound the seas to the 
 30 number of vij. or viij. C. men;^ but from that couenaunts to 
 haue there lines saued iiij"' persons were reserued^ and except, 
 vppon whome for there vices and accustomed tyrannies justice 
 shoulde be executed. That is to sale the Bastard of Vaurine, 
 captaine of the said Citty, who £ifter the deliueraunce of him 
 was beheaded, and his body hanged vppon a tree one a highe 
 
 ' Manex £. ' same om. B. 
 
 ' After a longe . . . succour a gloss by the Translator. 
 * Meanxe B. 
 
 ' This and the previous clause come from Monstrelet, iv. 96. Stow 
 follows a London Chronicle. ° receaued MSS, ; reservati Livtus. 
 
 1188 N 
 
178 THE LIFE OF 
 
 hill nighe vnto the Citty, w'"' then was called the Tree of 
 Vaurus, for the manie tyrannies he had committed therein, for 
 in the same tree he vsed to hange the cittizens poor men.i 
 [And shortly after] ^ were deliuered into the Kings hands the 
 Towne of Crepie in Valois, the Castle of Pierpont, Meralawe,^ 
 Offemount, and manie others. After the renderinge of these 
 Townes and Castells the Kinge returned to Parris. In w"" 
 journey, when the returne of Queene Katherine was come to 
 the Kings knowledge of England, and of Charles, Kinge of 
 Fraunce, both these Kings w*'' the Queene of Fraunce, accom- lo 
 panied w*'' manie greate lords and estats as well of Englande 
 as of Fraunce, went into her meeting vnto Bois de Vistenne,* 
 where she was as joyouslie receaued of them as if she had bin 
 an Angell from God. And the xxx"" day of May, in the x* 
 yeare of his most victorious raigne, w"'' was the Fryday next 
 before the holy Sunday of Penticost, the two Kings of Eng- 
 land and of Fraunce and there Queenes departed Bois de 
 Visceinte and went to Parris in much royall estate. The 
 King of England and his Queene were lodged in the Castle of 
 Lowre,^ and the Kinge of Fraunce and his Queene were lodged 'o 
 in the pallace of S' Paule ;^ in w"'' two places these two Kings 
 solemnized the feast of Penticost, euerie of them seuerally by 
 himselfe. And the proper day of Penticost the Kinge of Eng^ 
 lande and his Queene satt together at there table in the open 
 hall at dynner, maruelouslie glorious, and pompiously crowned 
 w"* rich and precious diadems ; Dukes also, Prelatts of the 
 
 ' A blank is left here in both MSS. A considerable passage of Livius 
 is omitted, perhaps by an error of the copyist: et in eadem arbore vexillum, 
 quod in praelio dictus bastardus ferre solebat, impositum est. Resus et 
 alius quidem equestris ordinis miles ejusdem loci baillivus, qui tiran- 
 nidem praedictam perpessus ei saepe consenserat, etalii duo deprimoribus 
 civitatis ; et, ut eciam pacto cautum fuerat, accusati de Burgunda caede 
 nonnulli traditi sunt curiae Parliamenti, e quibus aliqui postea Parisius 
 sunt per publicam justitiam capite dampnati. Hac in obsidione evangelic 
 zatus est regi partus reginae tuae matris faustaque nativitas tua, quo 
 nullum Christianissimo Principi faustius feliciusque nuncium, cum quod 
 sibi liberi, turn quod virilis sexus a Deo dati fuissent, nunciari potuisset. 
 Quas ob res devotissime gratias immortali Deo nostro, tantum ob felicem 
 successum et divinum donum, ingentes egit. Post autem purificationera 
 partus in Franciam regina vertitur. 
 
 '^ Supplied from Stow. 
 
 ' Merlan ; Pier Pount-Meralawe Stow. 
 
 • Bois de Vincennes. " Chitel du Louvre. 
 
 « Hotel de St. Pol. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 179 
 
 Church and other greate estats of England and of Fraunce, 
 weere satt euery man in his degree in the same hall, where the 
 Kinge and Queene kepte there estate. The feast was mar- 
 uelouslie rich and abundant in sumpteous delicate meats and 
 drinks. That day the Court was open to all that woulde 
 come to the feast ; the cittizens and commons of Parris resorted 
 in greate number. And the same daie Kinge Charles and his 
 Queene solemnized that feast at theire foresaide pallace of 
 Saint Paule, accompanied w''' fewe estats, as they that were 
 
 10 had in obliuion of all the greate lords, and also of the commons 
 of the Realme of Fraunce.^ 
 
 2 When this solemne feast of Penticost was thus honnorablie Titus 
 passed, the Kinge of England intended to those things that """^' 
 concerned the common weale of Fraunce ; and therein he 
 occupied himselfe right dilligently. And because diuers of 
 his Citties were yet trauailed w* there enemies, as Amiens, 
 Abuile, and others, wherevnto he intended to prouide a short 
 remedy, he first sent his letters to all those parts that were 
 so incumbred vnder the termes that followeth : ' Henrie by 
 
 20 ' the grace of God &c. To our most deere lieges send greetinge, 
 ' deliberinge greately and busely vppon there profitts and 
 ' wealth. We think it necessarie to send into those parts our 
 ' lands, legions or companies of men of warr, to deliuer you 
 'from your cruell aduersaries, w'*" whome we be informed 
 'you are greiuouslie afflicte and vexed. But because in 
 ' assiege of Meaux our people were often trauelled w"* famyne, 
 'if ye promise to sell vnto vs plentie of victualls for our 
 ' money, at such prise as our messengers the bearrers of these 
 'our letters shall shewe vnto you, whome we haue fuUie 
 
 30 'instruct of o"^ intent vnto you in that behalfe. And if ye 
 ' will bringe the same victualls vnto vs, into our tents, we shall 
 'briefely come vnto you ; and if ye are minded otherwise, wee 
 ' are bound to fauour the wellfare and life of our knights and 
 ' men of warr. And thus fare ye well.' These messengers of 
 
 ' All this passage comes from Monstrelet, iii. 99, 100. 
 
 ' Livius, p. 94. On resuming the Translator modifies Ms original to 
 fit it into his own narrative : Inde recta Parisius giaditur Henricus, ubi 
 dies nonnullos in hiis quae spectant ad rempublicam versatus est. Unde 
 nuncios cum Uteris ad urbeset oppida bailiviae Ambianensiset Viromandiae 
 mittit. Quarum haec erat sententia : ' Carissimis nostris salutem.' 
 
 N a 
 
i8o THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Kinge were receaued right benignely in those places 
 that they were sent vnto ; from whence, after they had done 
 there messuage, returned to the Kinge w*'" right acceptable 
 aunswers, wherew"" the Kinge was right well content. Then 
 the Kinge entended to deliuer these his Citties from the hands 
 of his aduersaries, assembled his people. And of all other he 
 went to the Towne of Compine.i adioyninge to those parts, 
 wherevnto he had tofore sent his messengers. When the 
 Kings voyage into these parts was come to the knowledge of 
 his enemies, they assembled them in greate number, and in lo 
 all possible hast they went to the Towne of Coine ^, in the 
 ouer part of the Liere ^ in the Countie of [Nevers],* w"'^ Towne 
 is distant from Parris a M. c. xx. pases,^ and to this Towne 
 there they sett there siege. In this Towne, in theire com- 
 minge vnto it, was a garrison of Borgonians ; w"^, for because 
 they had no plenty of victualls, couenaunted w"* there enemies 
 at theire first comminge, that if they were not reskewed by 
 the Kinge of England, or by the Duke of Burgoine, by the 
 XV*'' day of August they shoulde deliuer vnto them both 
 the Towne and the Castell; w"'* appointment when it wasao 
 shewed vnto the Kinge, he purueyed him of a chosen army, 
 wherew*^ he hasted him to deliuer the Towne from his aduer- 
 saries. In like manner the Duke of Burgoine, aduertized of 
 that siege, hasted him w"^ his hoast for the rescue of the same. 
 In w"'' journey towards the Towne the Kinge was taken w"" 
 a greiuious malady, by w"'^ he was constrayned to stay at 
 a Towne called Carbuill,^ beyonde Parris x. M. paces ; from 
 whence he sent his brother John, Duke of Bedford, the Duke 
 of Excester, and the Earle of Warwicke,'' w'*' his whole army 
 to rayse this assiege ; w""^ two Dukes and the Earle of War- 30 
 wick accompanied them w*'' the Duke of Burgoine. And all 
 they together went to the Towne of Coyne, from whence there 
 aduersaries, aduertized of there comminge, secretly fledd and 
 
 1 Compiegne. ^ Cosne. 
 
 ' Loire ; in superior! Ligeri Livius. * Blank in MSS. 
 
 ° millia passuum centum et viginti Livius; Cosne is about 100 miles from 
 Paris, so that 110,00a faces would be fairly accurate. 
 
 ' Corbeil ; Carbueil Livius. 
 
 ' Livius mentions only Bedford and Exeter; the Translator adds 
 Warwick from Monstrelet, iv. 107. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH i8j 
 
 aboade not there comminge. And so that Towne was de- 
 liuered from theire enemies, and perseuered in there first 
 obeysance. In this time that noble and mightie Duke of 
 Brittaine sent his chauncellor, the Bisshopp of Maunt/ and 
 the Bisshoppe of Venice/ accompanied w*'' two temporall 
 lords and other councellors, w''' such authoritie and power to 
 affirme and approue for him and his heires the same peace 
 w"" all the articles that was late concluded at the Citty of Trois, 
 betwixt the two Kings of England and of Fraunce. But the 
 
 10 messengers of these ambassadors, by reason of Kinge Henrie 
 his disease, tooke none effect at that time. Neuerthelesse the 
 saide Duke of Brittaine in his owne person performed the 
 effect thereof after the Kings death in the Cittie of Amyans.^ 
 The Kings disease dayly increased, vntill that most Christian 
 Kinge yealded his soule to God, departed this life in the 
 Castell of that is called Bois de Vistenne^ not farr from 
 Parris ; where at that time was present Kinge Charles and i 
 the two Queenes. But tofore his death this most prudent 
 Kinge in his Testament disposed the care and garde of the 
 
 zoypunge Prince, his sonn, and the defence of the Realme of 
 Englande, to his most deere brother, Humphrie, Duke of 
 Glocester, who faithfullie defended that noble Prince Henrie, 
 and gouerned and protected this his Realme in all peace and 
 good obedyence, vntill he was passed the state of childhoode 
 and of abilitie to see and prouide for the gouernance of his 
 Realme. But the custody of the bodie of the younge Prince 
 the Kinge committed to his vnckle the Duke of Excester, to 
 endoctrine him in all good manners.^ And the reuenews of 
 the Dutchie of Normandie the Kinge bequeathed to his right 
 
 30 puissant brother John, Duke of Bedforde, for the gouernance 
 and defence of the same Dutchie and of the Realme of 
 Fraunce. 
 ° But to recite the manner of his departing from this present Enguer- 
 
 unt. 
 
 ^ Nantes. ^ Vannes ; Vennes Livhis. 
 
 ^ Amiens. * Bois de Vincennes. 
 
 ° tui tutelam, primasque defensiones et ciiram Humfredo Gloucestriae 
 duci, serenissimo tuo patruo, qui te summa fide tuaque tutatus est ad hos 
 dies quibus te florentem et faustum videmus ; mores autem, custodiam 
 corporis, et doctrinam tuam illi Thomae Excestriae Duci Livius. 
 
 ° Monstrelet, iv. 111-16. 
 
i82 THE LIFE OF 
 
 life, when this goodly and Christian Kinge was vndoubtedly 
 acertained of his phisicions that the time of his resolucion 
 approached so nighe and w*''in two houres, he called unto him 
 the confessor and diners other spirituall men, w*'' whome he 
 saide the vij psalmes of pennance, and the Letanie w''' the 
 suffrages accustomed. And when in the ende of miserie^ he 
 came to this verce benigne fac domine, and wherein he con- 
 tayned these words.^ ' O good Lord, thou knowest that if 
 ' thie pleasure had bin to haue suffered me to Hue my naturall 
 ' age my firme purpose and intent was, after I had established lo 
 'this Realme of Fraunce in sure peace, to haue gon and 
 'visited Iherusalem, and to haue reedified the walls thereof, 
 ' and to haue expulsed from it the Miscreants thine aduer- 
 'saries.' And when he had finished those words, he com- 
 maunded his priest to say forth and to accomplish there 
 seruice begunn. W"*" done, after he had receaued the Sacra- 
 ments of the Alter, and of extreame vunction,^ about that 
 time that his phisicions had prefixed, he rendered his spirit 
 The vnto God, the last day of August, in the yeare of our Lord 
 
 Kfn* ^°*^ 142a, and of his raigne the tenth yeare, and the xxxvj'^ 20 
 Henrie, yeare of his age.* For whose death the Duke of Bedford, his 
 1422. brother, and the Duke of Excester, his vncle, and generally 
 all the other Princes, Lords, Estats, and Commons of Eng- 
 lande made greate lamentacions and bewaylings in right 
 great anguish and heauines. Shortlie after his departinge his 
 entrells were entered in the Church of S' More de Fessens,^ 
 and his corps well embalmed and seled, and was inclosed in 
 a circle of lead.^ In this time the Duke of Burgoine came to 
 Bois de Vincent, where the Kinge departed, to visite and 
 comfort the two Dukes and the other estats of Englande, that 30 
 were there at that time ; and after a fewe daies he departed 
 
 1 Psalm li (Miserere mei, Deus) verse 18. 
 
 ^ quand vint k Benigne fac Dotnine, ou il y a muri Hierusalem. 
 Monstrelet. 
 
 ^ After he had . . . vunction inserted by the Translator. 
 
 * in the yeare . . . a.gtinsertedbythe Translator. If Henry was bom in 
 A ugust, 1 387, aj commonly stated, he died in his i6th year. But Elmham 
 (Cronica Regum, ap. Engl. Hist. Review ,yss . di) gives idth Sept. 1387, 
 which is probably correct. 
 
 ' Saint-Maur-des-Fossds. 
 
 ' son corps bien embaumd fut mis en un cerceuil de plomb Monstrelet. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 183 
 
 from thence and went to Parris. The corps of the Kinge 
 accompanied w"' all the Lords, Dukes, Estats and commons 
 of England, that were for that time present there, and also 
 manie Lords and greate Estats, as well of Fraunce and Nor- 
 mandie, as of Burgoine and Picardie, and also of diuers other 
 places, was brought in greate order to Parris, and was sett vp 
 w'Mn the Church of our Ladie;^ where were done for him 
 right solemnely exequies w"' distribucion of money, and 
 greate almes to poore people right aboundantly ; and from 
 
 10 thence after a short journey he was brought to Roane, where 
 he aboade longe. In this meane time those Dukes of Bed- 
 forde, of Burgoine and of Excester, w"" other greate Lords, 
 assembled them together at Parris to councell and to de- 
 liberat vppon the gouernaunce and intertaininge of the 
 Realme of Fraunce. At w"'' assemblie and councell it was 
 couenaunted and promised againe amongest them to con- 
 tinewe and holde all the Articles of Peace, that were lately 
 treated and graunted betwext the Kinges of England and of 
 Fraunce before recited by order. And after w"^ councell the 
 
 20 Duke of Burgoine returned w'^ his companie into Artois and 
 Flaunders, and the Duke of Bedforde w*^ the other Estats of 
 England to Roane to ordayne and dispose of the affaires for 
 the Dutchie of Normandy, where at that timerested the body 
 of the Kinge : to w"'' place also about that time was brought 
 the Queene of England in greate apparrell. When all things 
 necessarie were prepared for the conueyaunce of the deade 
 Kinge into England, his body was laide in a Chariot, w"'^ was 
 drawne by foure greate horsses, and aboue the deade corps, 
 they laide a figure made of boyled hides or leather represent- 
 
 30 inge his person as to the similitude of a lyuinge creature, 
 vppon whose heade was sett ann imperiall dyadem of golde 
 and precious stones, and in his right hand he helde a scepter 
 royall, and in his left hande a bowle of goulde ; and in this 
 manner adornede, was his figure layde in a bedd in the said 
 Chariot, w*'' his visage vncouered toward the heauens ; and 
 besides that when the body shoulde passe thorough anie 
 
 ' So Monstreletj but other authorities state that the procession did not 
 enter Paris, and that the body of the King rested at St. Denis. See 
 Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, p. 176, ed. Tuetey. 
 
i84 THE LIFE OF 
 
 good Towne a cannopie of maruelous great value, such as 
 is vsed to be borne ouer the blessed Sacrament on Corpus 
 Christy daye, was borne ouer ^ the Chariot by men of greate 
 worshipp. In this manner, accompanied of the Kinge of 
 Scotts, and of all Princes, Lords, and Knights of his house, he 
 was brought from Roane to Abbevile, where the corps were 
 set in the Church of S' Offrane.^ In w"'' Church, as well as 
 in all other places, seculer priests and other spirituall men in 
 greate number watched w"* the corps both by day and by 
 night ; and as well rydinge and iornynge, as abidinge and lo 
 soiorninge, the one after the other incessantly sange accus- 
 tomed seruice and exequies for his soule. And daylie where 
 the body rested, they sange masses for his soule, from the 
 beginninge of the day vntill noone w*''out ceasinge. From 
 Abbuile he was brought to Hedin,^ and from thence to Men- 
 straull,* and so from Bullion ^ to Callis. 
 
 In all this journey were manie men about the chariot clothed 
 all in white, w* bare in there hands torches burninge. After 
 whome followed all the housholde seruaunts clothed in 
 blacke, and after them came the principall Lords & Estates of 20 
 the Kings blood, adorned in vestures of lamentacions and 
 mourninge. After all this from the saide corps the distance 
 of two miles English followed the Queene of England right 
 honnorablie accompanied. 
 
 In this manner they entred Callis, from thence after a fewe 
 daies they departed and continewed there journeys by water 
 and by lande, vntill they came to London, where they arriued 
 the day before S* Martins in Winter.^ And when they shoulde 
 enter the Cittie tenn Bisshopps w"* theire pontificall adorne- 
 ments reuested, and manie Abbotts mitored, and manie other 3° 
 men of the Church in greate number, w*'^ a right greate multi- 
 tude of cittizens of the same Citty, went out thereof to meet 
 the corps and receaue it w'^ due honnour. And all the saide 
 spiritualtie, singinge the offices accustomed in like Ase, con- 
 ueyed the saide corps by London Bridge and by Lumberd 
 
 1 the blessed . . . ouer om. B. ; qu'on la accoutum^ de porter sur le 
 corps de Jdsus-Christ au jour du Saint-Sacrement Monstrelet; great 
 value, was borne ouer the Chariot Stow. 
 
 ^ St. Wulfram ; Monstrelet has S' Offren, Stow S' Offrane. 
 Hesdin. * Montreuil. ^ Boulogne. " loth November. 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 185 
 
 street thorough the Cheape, vnto the Cathedrall Church of 
 S* Paule. When the Chariot w"' the body shoulde passe 
 thorough the Cittie, the Princes and the Lords of the Kings 
 lynage went next vnto it mourninge and bewaylinge the Kings 
 death. Vppon the formost of the iiij" horses that conueyed 
 the chariote were imbrodered the auntient Armes of England 
 and of Fraunce, in one shielde quartered ; vppon the second 
 horses couerture was depainted the Armes of England and of 
 Fraunce in one shielde quarterly, w"'' armes the same kinge 
 JO vsed to beare in his life days ; and vppon the cloth wherew*'' 
 the third horse were couered was imbrodered the Armes of 
 Fraunce, w"'out any manner difference ; and vppon the fourth 
 horse were the Armes imbrodered that the puisant kinge 
 Arthure by his life vsed to beare, w"^** were three Crownes of 
 golde in a shielde of ashur. When his exequies were solemnely 
 finished in S* Paules Church in London, he was brought from 
 thence to be interred in the Abbey of Westminster amonge Kinge 
 his noble auncestors ; at w"'' interment all things generally £y^"g^\t; 
 were done more honnorablie and solemnely then had bin scene West- 
 
 20 in England at the buryinge of anie Kinge or Prince of longe m'^ster. 
 time before. And in all this longe voyage from Boys de Vin- 
 cent to Westminster the Kinge of Scotts accompanied the 
 dead body, nor he neuer departed from the Queene vntiU the Poli- 
 buryinge of the Kinge.i cronicon. 
 
 Thus this most victorious Kinge and renowned entred the Trans- 
 waie decreed for everie creature, in the flower and most lustie 
 time of his age.^ In the time of his Raigne he was maruelous 
 sage and circumspect, well expert in the things wherew*'^ he 
 intermedled. He was also stronge, bardie and of high courage : 
 
 30 for the little time he raigned he atchiued manie and greate 
 Conquests in Fraunce, and more then anie of his auncestors of 
 longe time past coulde attaine vnto. And vndoubtedly he was 
 so much feared and dreade amongest his Princes, Captaines, 
 and Commons that ^ the greatest Lord of his Companie how 
 familier soeuer he were, w"'' durst in any thinge disobey his 
 commaundement or ordinances, either Englishmen or French- 
 men, he ponished him w"' due justice.* 
 
 ' Polkronicon, p. 232. " Quoted by Stow; H. omits this paragraph. 
 
 ' that not B. *■ Monstrelet, iv. 116. 
 
t86 the life of 
 
 Titus After all these thinges and ceremonies of his buryinge were 
 
 ^'"'"^•' solemnly finished, as is tofore rehearsed, the Three Estates of 
 the Realme of England assembled them together in greate 
 number to take aduise and deliberacion amongest them, what 
 was most necessarie to be don for the reigement and gouer- 
 naunce of the saide Realme of England ; where they concluded 
 to take for theire kinge th'only sonn of the late Kinge 
 Henrie, whose name was also Henrie, w"'' was the vj*^ of that 
 name since the Conquest of England, who at that time was but 
 [eleven] ^ monthes of age or thereabouts ; vnder his obedience lo 
 (notwithstandinge his tender age) they wholie submitted them- 
 selues, and gaue vnto him his estate royall ; duringe whose 
 infancie, the gouernaunce of this realme was committed to the 
 Duke of Glocester, and the gard of his person to the Duke of 
 Excester, accordinge to the minde and disposicion of the late 
 Kinge his Father. And to the Duke of Bedford, by the 
 aduise of the Kings greate councellors, was geuen the reige- 
 ment, tuition, and gouer[n]ment of the Realme of Fraunce, 
 who right wisely, nobly, and manly ruled and gouerned the 
 saide realme, for so longe as it pleased God to giue him life in 23 
 this worlde, vnder the Kinge his Nephewe. 
 Enguer- ^ About this time the Duke of Bedforde was constituted 
 Regent of Fraunce, the Kinge of Fraunce was surprised and 
 taken of a greiuous and incurable maladie, by constraint 
 whereof in his Pallace called S* Paule in the Cittie of Parris 
 the xxij* day of October, wherein the feast of xj M. virgins 
 is solemnized, in the yeare of our Lord God M. iiij. C & xxij, 
 and of his raigne the [forty-sixth] * yeare, he rendered his 
 spirit vnto God, at whose departinge were present his Chaun- 
 celler, his high Chamberlaine, his Almoners, and his confessor, 30 
 w"" certaine others of his officers and seruaunts to a smale 
 number, by whome he was enclosed in a circule of leade and 
 kept in the Chappell of the pallace vntill the cominge of the 
 Duke of Bedford to Parris, w"'^ was xx*'® daies after the de- 
 parture of the Kinge. And when the said Duke was come, 
 
 ^ Livius, p. 95, concludes his work with a summary of Henry's will, as 
 c« p. 181 aboiie, but does not refer to any Parliament in England. Stow, 
 however, quotes this paragraph as from Livius. 
 
 ' Blank in MSS. ' Monstrelet, iv. 120. * Blank in MSS. 
 
 unt 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 187 
 
 the body of the late Kinge Charles was Right Honnorablie 
 and solemnely, w'^ exequies and seruices accustomed in such 
 cases, interred in Saint Dennis amongest the noble progenitors, 
 w°' obseruaunces and seruices fully compleate and done, the 
 Kinge of Armes of Fraunce, accompanied of manie Herralds 
 and pursevants, w'*" a highe voyce, cryed ouer the sepulture of 
 the French Kinge : ' God haue pittie and mercie of the right 
 ' high, right excellent, and right mightie Prince Charles, Kinge 
 * of Fraunce,, the vj"' of that name, our naturall and Soueraigne 
 
 10 ' Lord ' ; and that cry done the same Kinge of Armes, accom- 
 panied as aforesaid, cryed in this manner : ' God of infinite 
 ' mercie glue good life to Henrie by the grace of God Kinge 
 'of Fraunce and of Englande, our Soueraigne Lorde and 
 'Kinge.' And after that the saide officers of Armes cryed 
 againe the same words the same tyme. After w"*" cry so done, 
 all the same officers of Armes, and other officers of the Kings 
 house redressed and aduaunced there mases, theire wands, 
 theire white staues, and theire flower de luces on high, cryinge 
 w"" one voyce : ' Vine le Roy Henrie, Viue le Roy Henrie.' 
 
 ao And when all this seremoniall obseruances were accomplished 
 and done the Duke of Bedford w'^ the Estates and Commons 
 returned to Parris, where he longe treated and councelled 
 vppon the common weale of Fraunce. 
 
 After those days that noble Duke of Bedford reduced vnder Trans- 
 the Kinges obeysaunce manie Citties, Castells, Townes, and '■°'^' 
 fortresses to the number of xxxiiij" or thereabouts, w"'' by 
 the life of the saide Kinge Henrie his brother were not gotten ; 
 he also vanquished the battaile that was greate and cruell, that 
 was foughten at Vernoile ^ in Perche, where he discomfited the 
 
 30 Frenchmen and slewe of them the Lord Dowglass of Scotland, 
 and foure other Earles of Fraunce, and of the Commons to 
 the number of x. M. persons. At w°^ battaile was also taken 
 the Duke of Alanson^ and manie other greate Lords and 
 Estats. He also vanquished and tooke that Pucell Johane, 
 W'' helde party w'^ the Dolphine of Fraunce ; who, after she 
 was taken, was condemned at Roane, and there burnt. And 
 amonge so manie and so valyant and noble acts by him, the 
 said Duke of Bedford brought the younge Kinge Henrie into 
 ' Vemeuil, 17th August, 1424. 
 
cronicon. 
 
 188 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Fraunce, who in the journey accompanied of the Duke of 
 Yorke, the Cardinall of Winchester, of the Earles of Warwicke, 
 Suffolke, of Arundell, and of Huntington, and of manie other 
 greate Lords and estats, arriued at Callice vppon S» Georges 
 day, in theyeare of our Lord God, 1430, and in the eight yeare 
 of his age ; ^ and from CalHce he went in greate array vnto 
 Parris, where the xvij''^ day of December next ensuinge ^ he was 
 solemnely and maruelousHe tryumphant ^ annoynted 
 
 and crowned Kinge of Fraunce by the hands of the Cardinall 
 of Winchester ; w* coronacion so solemnely done and finished 10 
 Trans- the Kinge soiourned by certaine days at Parris ; from whence 
 lator. j^g ^gj^j. ^Q Roane, and from thence retourned home into 
 Poll'- England ; where, after he was come to mans estate he con- 
 
 tinewed the rest of his raigne in greate warr and troubled 
 busines, as in the Cronicles of England * more at large it is 
 contayned, who pleaseth it to beholde. Duringe w* time the 
 Duke of Bedford, for as longe as he was Regent of Fraunce, w* 
 the aide of the noble Earle of Salisburie, the Lord Talbot, the 
 Lorde Scales, and divers other noble men, made and atchiued 
 manie greate enterprises against him that named himself 20 
 Dolphin of Fraunce, who, in like manner as the Kinge had 
 also caused himself to be crowned Kinge of Fraunce ; vppon 
 whome the Duke of Bedford and the lords of England daylie 
 conquered, increasinge Kinge Henries possessions in Fraunce, 
 vntill Philippe Duke of Burgoine, who (as it is tofore rehearsed) 
 was confederal to the Kinge of England both by his oath and 
 by his writinge, contrary to his faith and honnor, forsooke the 
 Kings partie and alied himself w*^ the Dolphine. And the 
 principall cause that mooued him to this alienacion of his 
 aliance was the countries ' of the countie of Pontewe and the i° 
 Lordship of Macon w*'' other lands w"'' the French Kinge 
 gaue vnto him in full satisfaction and recompence of his 
 fathers death for the more assurance, alyaunce, and amytie 
 Enguer- betwixt them.' Notwithstandinge at the Councell of Arras, 
 where was concluded the fynall peace betwixt the French 
 
 ' It should be re.\ga.. " It -was really 17 Dec. 1431. 
 
 ' Blank in B. ; tryumphantly anointed H. 
 
 * Policronicon, pp. 234-64 ; Brut, pp. 497-533. 
 
 ^ Countesse B. « Monstrelet, v. 169, 170. 
 
 unt 
 
HENRY THE FIFTH 189 
 
 Kinge and the Duke of Burgoine, were manie greate offers 
 made to the Kinge of England by the mediation of the 
 Cardinall of Saint Croins,i who at that time was there present 
 as a Legate sent from the Pope for the restablishinge of the 
 peace betwixt the Realme of England and Fraunce ; w"'' 
 offers were there refused by the Cardinall of Winchester and 
 of other greate Lords of England, that were present there at 
 that Councell for the Kings partie. After this Councell, as 
 by the Cronicles of those daies euedently appeareth, the 
 
 10 Duke of Burgoine was vnto the Kinge and people of Englande 
 as greate an aduersarie as he tofore had bene to the Kinge 
 his Father and to him a friende and conductor, by meanes 
 whereof the Kinge lost daylie and yearelie in Fraunce all 
 those Castells, Citties, fortresses and Townes that the Kinge 
 his Father and the Duke his vncle had conquered to his vse, 
 vntill he was cleerely excluded and put out of Fraunce and 
 Normandie, and also from all Gasconie and Guian ; the losse 
 whereof is enoughe and likely was more chargeable to Kinge 
 Henrie the vj"' both in the losse of his people and also in the 
 
 aoexpences of his goods then was the conquest thereof to his 
 noble progenitors. And no maruaile, for vppon .th'englishe 
 partie in loosinge thereof chaunced most commonlie the dis- 
 aduauntage of the warr, w"'' as the common experience''' proueth 
 was occasion of great losse both of the people and of goods, 
 wherein may be noted the confidence that is to be trusted and 
 beleiued in batell considerations ' that be made w*^ alients and 
 straingers, w""^, as it is proued as well in these daies as in 
 time past, for the more lucre and gayne daylie in breakinge 
 there oathes and promises disolue theire considerations ^ and 
 
 30 alyances at there pleasure, w*out havinge respect either to 
 theire honnor, or to theire conscience, so that only theire 
 auaritious desire may be fulfilled. 
 
 And thus I ende this present pamphlet, treatinge of the 
 actes and conquestes of that most victorious and uertuous 
 Prince, Kinge Henrie the Fifte, w°^ in my Prohem I promised 
 after my simple intendment, and as nighe as the sayinge of 
 
 ' Ste. Croix. * expences A " iJ^a^^ confederations. 
 
I90 THE LIFE OF HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 them whome I haue taken for my Authors, and as my learn* 
 inge woulde suffer to describe, and as plainely as my dis- 
 cretion woulde suffer to compile, leauinge the circumstaunces 
 of the Cronicles of that most goodly and Christian King 
 Henrie the Sixt, wherein at large be declared the actes of his 
 time, to be searched of them that haue affeccion to the know- 
 ledge of the same. For because they seeme not to my pur- 
 pose that I enterprised at the beginninge of this booke, where 
 I deliberated to treate of that most puissant, most victorious 
 and most glorious Kinge Henrie the fifte, whose actes were ip 
 but of late, and since the beginninge of this my enterprise 
 most to be regarded of vs Englishmen ; v/"^ through the 
 high and victorious corage of our most renowned soueraigne 
 Lorde, that nowe reigneth ouer vs, now of late entred into 
 semblable warr against the Frenchmen, as well for the re^ 
 couerie of his just and rightfull inheritance on that side of the 
 Sea, w* the kinge hath hitherto wrongfullie detayned from 
 his Grace, as for the reconciliacion of the same Frenche Kinge 
 and his Confederates vnto our Ghostlie mother of the Church 
 of Rome, against whome they ^ longe perseuered in theire 20 
 obstinate rebellion. But nowe, praysed be the Creator and 
 redeemer of the Vniuersall Worlde, is founde the way of 
 peace well betwixt the Church of Rome and the French Kinge 
 as betwixt our saide Soueraigne Lorde and of his Realme of 
 England.^ Pray we allwaies all vnto the Father, the Sonn 
 and the holy Ghost, Three persons and one God, w"** liueth 
 ^nd raigneth by the infinit worlde of Worldes. Amen. 
 
 The goulden knot,^ that neuer had blott 
 
 In field nor yet in Towne, 
 Did gaeg his word and tried his sword 30 
 
 With enemies of renowne. 
 
 These Verses * were written vppon the Standard of the 
 Earle Stafford at Agincourt Battaile. 
 
 ' theire B. " See Introduction, pp. ix, x. 
 
 ' The Stafford badge. 
 
 * No doubt they come from the Earl of Ormonde's narrative. However ^ 
 the then Earl of Stafford was a boy, and was not present at Agincourt, 
 Possibly the reference should be to his father and to the battle of Shrewsbury, 
 
VARIATIONS IN HARLEY MS. 35. 
 
 [The majority of the minor variations are given in the footnotes. I here 
 add some longer ones, together with others for which I could not 
 find room, owing to the late discovery of the second manuscript. See 
 Introduction, pp. vi-viii.] 
 
 The Proem Omitted. 
 
 I hard that skarse twoo yeares were expired when you 
 were left 
 
 his companie, but in so much 
 
 where in caues he continued, and vppon the topp of 
 Lawton's hope Hill in Herefordshire, as is there 
 obserued and affirmed, finished his miserable hfe.^ 
 
 doubted lord and father 
 
 notable remembraunces 
 
 to continewe peace amongst the religious Church 
 
 right inheritances 
 
 iust inheritaunce 
 
 This commaundment . . . Duke of Orleaunce Omitted. 
 
 Howbeit all other . . . name of the Towne Omitted. 
 
 And when they approached Omitted. 
 
 But of this number . . . w'^out harnes Omitted. 
 
 bowes of the Englishmen 
 in that Mass he heard 
 
 But at the proachinge . . . might he deuise Omitted. 
 
 his obligation 
 
 diuers others of his famyliers 
 
 so great an hoast by the next waies without their perill 
 and damage as were in the way over so many rivers 
 and brookes. Therefore he went about the further 
 way for his people 
 
 After this great victorie . . . purpose and matter Omitted. 
 
 goodly and rich stage of astate 
 was not knowne 
 invasable part of the Towne 
 and assigned ... his hoast Omitted. 
 was deliuered. Where this mightie prince, the Duke of 
 Glocester 
 
 ' This is an otherwise unknown legend of Glendower's death. Lawton or 
 Lotghton's Hope is a reputed manor in the parish of Canon Pyon. In the reign 
 of Henry VI, John, third son of Sir Thomas Monington, held it in right of his 
 wife, Elizabeth Lawton. This seems to give a cine to the legend, for Thomas 
 Monington was husband of one of Glendower's sisters. See Dnncombe and Cooke, 
 Hmfordshire: Hundred of Grimswade, p. 73. 
 
 Page 
 
 Line 
 
 3-5 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 29 
 
 12 
 
 19 
 
 16 
 
 24 
 
 31 
 
 4,5 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 3' . 
 
 47 
 
 13-16 
 
 51 
 
 29 
 2 
 
 52 
 
 56 
 
 16 
 
 56 
 
 25 . 
 
 2 
 
 57 
 
 59 
 
 21 
 
 61 
 
 3° 
 
 67 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 68 
 
 77 
 
 21 
 
 81 
 
 23 
 
 84 
 
 7 
 
 92 
 
 5| 
 24) 
 
 93 
 
 95 
 
 3 
 
 97 
 
 II 
 
 98 
 
 26 
 
 108 
 
 13, 14 
 
 109 
 
 6,7 
 
Page 
 
 Line 
 
 115 
 
 19 
 
 118 
 
 34 
 
 123 
 
 7-15 
 
 12? 
 
 18-27 
 
 128 
 
 5-9 
 
 19a THE LIFE OF HENRY THE FIFTH 
 
 Nyneteenth day 
 
 day of Julii 
 
 Howbeit . . . our matter Omitted. 
 
 The Duke of Exeter ... my matter begiinn Omitted. 
 
 after many circumlocucions it was concluded that the 
 Ambassadours of the Dolphine shoulde come to the 
 Kinge to Roane, there to treate w*"" him for peace ; 
 and so it was done after the deliueraunce of Roane ; 
 but because of the circumstances for the abridgement 
 of our matter in this meane the Earle 
 
 '3° \ In this meane time ... to our former matter Omitted. 
 
 132 10) 
 
 154 21-23 The Englishmen were wearied no assaults with no 
 
 myninge nor casting of trenches, nor with no errup- 
 tions and issues or assaults of theire enemyes. Where- 
 fore the Castelanes proceeding almost the space of 
 vij. moneths 
 
 158 10-12 Trois in Champaine ; of whose comminge . . . aduertized 
 
 accompanied . . . estates mett the Kinge 
 
 170 81 Howbeit, as I haue heard ... to our former matter 
 
 171 12) Omitted. 
 
 173 28 Then to . . . purpose Omitted. 
 
 177 27, 28 into Englande, of whome many paide the fynaunces and 
 
 after was deliuered. And many other 
 183 35 heavens. And the coverture of his bedd was of redd 
 
 silke beaten with goulde ' ; and besides that 
 185 25-37 Thus this most . . . ponished him w*!" due justice 
 
 Omitted. 
 190 28-33 The goulden knot . . . Agincourt Battaile Omitted. 
 
 ' This translates a sentence of Monstrelet which is omitted in B. 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 abide, to await, 34 ; to stop, 50 ; to 
 
 stay, 64; 'aboad,'44. 
 abiect, cast off, 22. 
 able, fit, 81. 
 
 aboundant, abounding, 11. 
 absolue, to absolve, to perform, 94. 
 abyde, see abide. 
 
 acoombrance, tronble, discomfort, 64. 
 aooompt, to account, 1 33 ; aocoumpt- 
 
 ed, numbered, 33. 
 accord, to agree, 70, 100. 
 accustomable, babitual, 29. 
 accustomed, usual, habitual, 144, 155. 
 a^ertain, see ascertain, 
 aotss of youth., youthful conduct, 11. 
 action, apparently used in the sense of 
 a legal process, and so meaning dis- 
 pute, 31. 
 actiueues, activity, 16. 
 addressed, prepared, got ready, 36. 
 
 adioyn, to add, to set next to, 3. 
 
 admaruelled, surprised, 144. 
 
 aduance, to go forward, 'advanced 
 himself,' 12. 
 
 adueuture, to take the chance of, 87 ; 
 to venture, to attempt, 76. 
 
 aduertise, to inform, to warn, 11, 27, 
 146. 
 
 aduertisement, warning, 134; in- 
 formation, 143. 
 
 aduisement, consideration, 20. 
 
 aduising, considering, regarding, 141. 
 
 aduoutrie, adultery, 29. 
 
 afect, to like, 157. 
 
 affection to, to haue, to have liking 
 for, 190. 
 
 affeotuouslie, affectionately, 46. 
 
 aflicte, afflicted, 179. 
 
 after, in accordance with, 133, 163. 
 
 age, ' natural age,' natural term of 
 life, 182. 
 
 agony, distress of mind, 14, 102. 
 
 agregat, collected together, 7. 
 
 aide hand, assistance, 30. 
 
 alients, aliens, foreigners, 189. 
 
 ambassage, embassy, 128. 
 
 amoue, to amove, to abolish, 96. 
 
 anguishes, sufferings, 167. 
 
 anker, anchor, 70. 
 
 anker, anchorite, hermit, 20. 
 1188 
 
 apparrell, equipment, 183. 
 
 apparrell, to dress, 12 ; to equip, 28, 
 124. 
 
 apparrellinge, equipment, 27. 
 
 appayred, impaired, damaged, 106. 
 
 appeaoh, to put an end to, 168. 
 
 appeales, perhaps for peals, either peals 
 of bells, or cheers, 65. 
 
 appeasinge, pacifying, 96. 
 
 apperoeiue, to perceive, 148. 
 
 applied them, directed themselves 
 intently, 43. 
 
 appoint, to make agreement with, 103. 
 
 appointment, agreement, terms of 
 capitulation, 39. 
 
 apposicion, affixing, 156. 
 
 approbrious, opprobrious, 26. 
 
 approued, proved, 170. 
 
 apte, suited, fit for, 25. 
 
 araise, to eradicate, 12. 
 
 arayse, arrayse, to raise a siege, 94, 
 114. 
 
 arbalester, crossbowman, 56, 
 
 ardent, keen, zealous, 113. 
 
 arised, rose up, 37. 
 
 array, dress, 6.^. 
 
 arsone, saddle-bow, French arfon, 66. 
 
 artiflciall, ingenious, 146. 
 
 ascertain, acertain, to make certain, 
 to inform certainly, 69, 182. 
 
 ashur, azure, 185. 
 
 asperance, hope, 8 ; see esperance. 
 
 asperly, roughly, 155. 
 
 assaye, to test, to make trial of, 107. 
 
 assayled to skale, sprang to scale ; a 
 tautohgous expression, there may be 
 some confusion with assayed, 89. 
 
 assembled, collected together, 63. 
 
 assemblies, gatherings together, mus- 
 ters, 119. 
 
 assend, to ' assend the sea ', to set sail, 
 33. 67 ; ' assended the carricks,' 
 scaled, climbed up on, boarded, 70 ; 
 to scale walls, 90. 
 
 assiege, a siege, 34, 109. 
 
 assiege, to besiege, 10, 86. 
 
 assurance, safety, protection, 112, 114. 
 
 atchiue, to achieve, 38. 
 
 attaine, attayne, to attend, 'attayne 
 upon their war,' 29 ; to attend to, 
 58 ; attaine to, to obtain, 87, 153, 
 to reach, 112. 
 
 O 
 
194 
 
 GLOSSARY 
 
 attame, to snbdue, 7. 
 attempt, to try to fulfil, 58. 
 attent, to attend, 107. 
 avantgardithe vanguard of an army, 82. 
 avayleable, profitable, 114. 
 avoyd, to put away, 13 ; to discharge, 
 
 30, 29; to leave, 103, 131 ; to get 
 
 rid of, 137.; 'avoyded the river of 
 
 the stakes,' 152. 
 B 
 baoinot, see basnett. 
 bararer, barrier, 169. 
 baselict, basilisk, a kind of cannon, 86. 
 basnett, a basinet, a light helmet, then 
 
 men equipped with basinets, 52, 55. 
 batell, battle, adj. warlike, 189. 
 battaile, battell, a battalion, 43, 59 ; 
 
 warlike array, 77- 
 beaten, stamped in metal, 54 ; battered, 
 
 71- 
 befight, to fight vrith, 50. 
 beningly, benignly, graciously, 24, 25. 
 behest, a promise, an undertaking, 145. 
 behoueful, behoveful, useful, 77, 173. 
 belong to, to concern, 73. 
 bestrid, stood over, 60. 
 bin, heea, Jiassim. 
 blandish, to flatter, 145. 
 blessaunt, mistake for blessed, 26. 
 boord, table, 63. 
 borderers, neighbours, 127, 153. 
 Borgonian, Burgundian, 75. 
 boysterous, boisterousness, 64. 
 bren, to bum, 20. 
 briefely, shortly, soon, 20, 24. 
 brodar, broader, 59. 
 bruite,din, ' bruite andnoyse,' 59, 120. 
 busilie, actively, 89 ; earnestly, 179. 
 busine, buysine, a trumpet, 52. 
 bnsines, occupation, care, 188. 
 
 C 
 
 calltrapp, an instrument covered with 
 
 spikes, 122. 
 caxrick, a carrack, a ship of large size, 
 
 69. 
 cast, to discharge a gun, or engine, 33 ; 
 
 ' to cast ditches,' to dig out and 
 
 throw up the earth at the side, 112, 
 
 129. 
 castelines, castilians, castle-keepers, 
 
 garrisons of castles, 154, 158. 
 causey, causeway, 35, 
 cautellous, cautions, 39, 
 cease, to stop, 73. 
 
 champion, champaign, open, flat, 98. 
 charge, burden, business, 15. 
 chase, pursuit, 1 20. 
 chase, to put to flight, 78, 119. 
 chaunoe, to chance, to happen, 87. 
 chayra, chair, a litter, 12, 116. 
 
 chevish, to bargain, 73, 96- 
 
 circle, oireule, a coffin, French cer- 
 cenil, 183, 186. 
 
 oiroute, circuit, neighbourhood, dis- 
 trict, 113 ; radius, 126. 
 
 cleerelie, clearly, fully, 13, 137. 
 
 close, enclosed, 144. 
 
 collett, a collect, 71. 
 
 common, general, public, 4. 
 
 complices, supporters, 164. 
 
 conclude, to decide, 128; 'conclude 
 upon,' 135. 
 
 condiscend, to condescend, to agree, 
 to determine, 42, 103, 139. 
 
 conduct, to lead, to command, 116. 
 
 conduct, leadership, 34 ; a guide, an 
 escort, 127. 
 
 conductor, a leader, a commander, 50 ; 
 a guide, an escort, 127. 
 
 confidence, to trust, 29. 
 
 conforme, to establish, 31. 
 
 confounde, to destroy, 102. 
 
 oonserue, to preserve, to protect, 112. 
 
 Constance, constancy, consistency, 40. 
 
 oontamynable, capable of being con- 
 taminated, here perhaps, contamin- 
 ated, 29. 
 
 contentacion, contentment, 35. 
 
 contex, to set in context with, 3. 
 
 contrarious, adverse, 7° ! opposed to, 
 103. 
 
 contrary, to oppose, 43. 
 
 conuenient, suitable, 8, 171. 
 
 conuersacion, intercourse, 15 ; occupa- 
 tion, 28; behaviour, 29. 
 
 conuey, to convoy, to escort, 127, 
 171. 
 
 conueyaunce, transportation, 32. 
 
 corporal!, bodily, 47. 
 
 couert, covert, hidden, secret, 133. 
 
 couetous, by confusion of endings for 
 couetise, covetousness, 20, 45. 
 
 couller, colour, metaphorically, pre- 
 tence, 72. 
 
 eountervayle, to equal, 136, 
 
 oourour, courier, scout, 50, 
 
 course, ' to run a course,' to attack, 57. 
 
 cowardnes, cowardice, 43. 
 
 cruell, severe, keen, 87, 118, 
 
 cry, to proclaim, French crier, 187. 
 
 cry, proclamation, French cri, 187. 
 
 Cuntrie Councell, council of the 
 country, 11. 
 
 D 
 
 deale, 'some deale,' somewhat, 145. 
 deolyne, to decline, of the day, 62 ; to 
 
 divert from a course of conduct, tq 
 
 dissuade, 72. 
 default, lack, 7. 
 defence, defensive power, 107. 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 195 
 
 defence, to defend, 129. 
 
 defensable, defensible, capable ot 
 defence, strong, 41. 43; "seful for 
 defence, defensive, 122. 
 
 dainties, luxnries, pleasures, 25. 
 
 deliber, to take counsel, to resolve, 24. 
 
 deliberacion, counsel, 32. 
 
 deliberate, to resolve, 103, 108. 
 
 deliner, to deliver, to release, 170; to 
 yield up, 121 ; 'I have deliuered to 
 write,' I have devoted myself to 
 write, translation o/'accensus sum, 6. 
 
 deliueraunoe, deliverance, surrender, 
 
 n8. 
 deliuerie, delivery, surrender, 137. 
 
 delve, to dig, 80. 
 
 demonstraunoe, demonstration, id. 
 
 denie to, to refuse, 24. 
 
 denounce, to announce, to proclaim, 
 
 2't. 74- .JO 
 
 depainted, depicted, 185. 
 depart, to separate, 75, 131; *« '^ave, 
 
 80; 'departed,' died, 182. 
 depeoe, depease, depessh, to break in 
 
 pieces, 65, 86, 171. 
 depute, to assign, to appoint, 38, 81. 
 derogation, downfall, 134. 
 desirous, desirable, 13. 
 desperate, despairing, 39. 
 detrenoh, to cut asunder, to cut to 
 
 pieces in battle, 90. 
 deuide to, to divide amongst, 41 . 
 diflem, difficult, 34. 
 disanker, to raise anchor, 70. 
 disappoint, to fail, to fall short of 
 
 one's expectation, 52. 
 disoouneeU, to advise against, 69. 
 discourage, the state of discouragement, 
 
 despair, 71. 
 discrete, discreet, prudent, 24. 
 disorie, to descry, to espy, 1 26. 
 diacrimes, hazards, Latin discrimina, 
 
 68. 
 disease, inconvenience, discomfort, 64. 
 diseased, sick, in ill-health, 12. 
 disguise, to dress fantastically, 11. 
 disme, a tax of a tenth, 77. 
 displace, to dislodge, 125. 
 displeasure, injury, 37, 153. 
 disport, sport, diversion, 74. 
 disposed, arranged, ordered, 54 ; ' dis- 
 posed them,' 1 20. 
 dispouverd, unprovided, destitute {per- 
 haps an anglicizing 0/ despounm), 95. 
 disseuer, to divide, 56. 
 disBolue, to dissolve, to break up, of 
 a siege, 69, in passive sense, 109 ; to 
 annul, 138. 
 distress, to rob, to plunder, 17, 127. 
 disturbe, to interrupt, 42. 
 diuinely, by God's aid, 51. 
 
 doctrin, an instruction, 13. 
 dole, lamentation, 44. 
 domage, damage, hurt, 54. 
 dominaoion, lordship, 165. 
 dool, to dole out, to apportion, 21. 
 doubtinge, fearing, 52. 
 drovsrned, sunk in the water, 119. 
 droytes, rights, French droits, 163. 
 
 E 
 elate, elated, puffed up, 15. 
 elect, exalted, 65. 
 eleote, to choose, to select, 106. 
 embattell, to set in order for battle, 
 
 120. 
 embush, to ambush, 142. 
 erne, uncle, xxii. 
 
 empeoh, empessb, to impeach, to hin- 
 der, to bring to nought, 20, 42. 
 enoombred, encumbered, troubled, no. 
 endootrine, to teach, 181. 
 endure, to last, 22. 
 enforce, to strengthen, 9, 34, 44- 
 engendred, generated, 173. 
 enhaunoe, to advance, to raise, 78 ; see 
 
 inhaunce. 
 enquest, quest, enterprise, 148. 
 ensevrer, a follower, 6. 
 entended, intended, with the intention, 
 
 180. 
 enter, entre, to go into, to embark on 
 a ship, 33 ; to start on a journey, 43 ; 
 to begin negotiation, 156. 
 entre, see entry, 
 enterprise, to undertake, 7. 
 enterprising, an undertaking, 3. 
 entertayne, to have care for, 5. 
 entirely, fully, 26. 
 entreaty, negotiation, 100. 
 entrella, entrails, 182. 
 entry, entre, way in, 33 ; start, begin- 
 ning, 31- , . . 
 environ, to surround, 10 ; see inviron, 
 erect, erected, 40. 
 err from, to disagree, 100. 
 erudioions, doctrines, maxims, 13. 
 esperance, hope, 29, 119. 
 espie, a spy, 50. 
 
 estate, state, rank, position of preced- 
 ence, 8,51,63; an individual person of 
 high rank, 12, 27, 33 ; estates of the 
 realm, 171 ; state, pomp, 179 ! ' siege 
 of estate,' seat of state, 95 ; ' man s 
 estate,' 188. 
 euanished, disappeared, past away, 1 28. 
 euidently, clearly, ' evidently proved,' 
 
 34. 
 exoede, to excel, to surpass, 121. 
 exiled, distant, absent, 3, 93. 
 expulaed, expelled, 182. 
 extreamelie, to the utmost, fully, 15. 
 
 02 
 
196 
 
 GLOSSARY 
 
 fttoound, facnnd, eloquent, elegant, 3. 
 
 faculties, goods, 99. 
 
 falsh, false, 10. 
 
 fame, report, i7- 
 
 faultey, defective, ill-kept, 147. 
 
 fayle, to fail, to lack, 122. 
 
 fear, to frighten, 103, 133. 
 
 fearde, dared, defied, 42. 
 
 field, level, open country, 34 ; field of 
 
 battle, 9, 28 ; a battle, simply, 46, 52 ; 
 
 battle array, 36, 53. 
 fifteen, a tax of a fifteenth, 77. 
 flre-hott, hot from the fire, 11 1. 
 fixed, ' fixed with stakes,' vrith stakes 
 
 fixed fast in, 44. 
 fludd, flood, a river, 44, 109, 174; 
 
 floods of the sea, 109. On p. 109 in 
 
 one place it represents fluvius, in the 
 
 other flnctus. 
 force, to regard, to care for, 133. 
 foreclose, to exclude, to shut out, 35. 
 fortune, to happen, to befall, 22, 128. 
 foryner, a forager, 102. 
 found, supplied with necessaries, 7. 
 frame, wooden framework, 113. 
 frustrate, frustrated, deceived of, 31, 
 
 112. 
 furder, further, longer, 84. 
 furnish, to perform, 38. 
 fynaunce, revenue, 27; payment, fine, 
 
 41, 176. 
 fyre, to drive away by fire, 105. 
 
 gaeg, to gage, to pledge, 190. 
 
 garnisli, to decorate, to furnish, to 
 equip, 35 (of walls with towers'), 85 
 {of a town with provisions), 122 {of 
 a city with citizens) > 
 
 gate, way, manner, 171. 
 
 generacious, begetting of children, 16. 
 
 geometrie, the science of measurement, 
 
 154- 
 gettinge, capture, 93. 
 geue, to give, 17. 
 ghostlie, spiritual, 19. 
 goe, to walk, 12. 
 grauut, to grant, to agree to, to consent, 
 
 169, 183. 
 greiue, to grieve, to distress, 102. 
 ground, country, district, 52. 
 guerdion, guerdon, reward, 7. 
 
 H 
 
 habiliments, apparatus, equipment, 81. 
 hahillitie, capacity, 176. 
 habitaoion, dwelling, metaphorically 
 40. 
 
 hall, used for the King's head-quarters, 
 the royal tent on land, 36, 95 j the 
 King's ship in the fleet, 80. 
 
 haUowe, to keep a sacred feast, 155. 
 
 hangings, in suspense, undecided, 100. 
 
 harbor, to shelter, to lodge, 62. 
 
 harbour, shelter, 50. 
 
 hard, heard, 6. 
 
 hardie, hardy, brave, 12 ; daring, 91. 
 
 hardines, valour, 33. 
 
 harnes, armour, 53. 
 
 haule, see hall. 
 
 heauines, grief, 61, 182. 
 
 bight, the top, of a hill, 34 ; of a build- 
 ing, 65 ; of a rock, 101. 
 
 holme, homely, 3. 
 
 howe well, however, 56. 
 
 humane, ' humane sciences,' polite 
 learning, 6 ; ' humane condicion,' the 
 state of mankind, 31. 
 
 hiike, hewke, a soldier's loose cloak 
 with a hood, 66. 
 
 ilett, eyelet, 11. 
 imagine, to devise, ill. 
 imbordered, embroidered, 143. 
 impeach, to hinder, 130, 157. 
 impetiouslie, impetuously, 142. 
 importunate, grievous, 134. 
 inclose, to enclose, to shut in, 38, 126 ; 
 
 to shut, 146; to cover, 120. 
 incombred, encumbered, troubled, 64. 
 incontinent, immediately, 151. 
 inconveniences, dangers, difficulties, 
 
 83. 
 indifferent, impartial, neutral, 135, 
 
 '43- 
 
 inditing, literary composition, 3. 
 
 indoctryne, to instruct, 6. 
 
 indure, to endure, 116. 
 
 indurate, hardened, 130. 
 
 inflate, puffed up, 42. 
 
 inforoe, to strengthen, 59. 
 
 inhabit, to occupy as inhabitants, 91. 
 
 inhabitor, inheritor, ovmer, 134. 
 
 inhabitauce, inhabitants, properly an 
 inhabiting, habitation, dwelling ; here 
 clearly used as equivalent to inheri- 
 tance, possessions, 30, 31, 32, 68, 96. 
 On p. 31 it translates heritages, and 
 on that page H. reads inheritances. 
 There is a somewhat similar con- 
 fusion of inherit and inhabit in The 
 Tempest, Act II, sc. 2, 'the king 
 being drowned, we will inherit here,' 
 and Act iv. sc. i, 'the great globe 
 itself, yea, all which it inherit.' 
 
 inhaunce, to advance, 31. 
 
 inhauncement, increase, advancement, 
 40 ; excess, 83. 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 197 
 
 inior.to enjoy, 42. 
 
 inioyn, to enjoyn, 45. 
 
 inlarge, to enlarge, 171. 
 
 inordinate, immoderate, 26. 
 
 inoTigh, enough, 45. 
 
 inquest, a thing sought for, object, 113. 
 
 insigne, to instruct, 31. 
 
 insignement, instruction, 13. 
 
 insolenoy, disorderly conduct, 17. 
 
 instore, to put in store, to stock, 153. 
 
 instruct, instructed, 179' 
 
 insue, to ensue, to follow, 24, 
 
 intend to, to apply oneself to, to aim 
 
 intendment, mtention, 189. 
 
 intentife, heedful, 89. 
 
 intentiue, occupied with, devoted to, 
 
 153- 
 intermeddle, to concern oneself with, 
 
 41. 185. 
 
 intermit, to take part m, 135. 
 
 intertaininge, entertaining, manage- 
 ment, 183. 
 
 intertexed, inwoven, 144. 
 
 intreate, to negotiate, 67. 
 
 intreatise, negotiation, 74, 
 
 intiteled, specified, 3. 
 
 intumulats, entombed, 20, 173. 
 
 inuade, to attack, 39. 
 
 inualish, to increase, 129. 
 
 inuasion, attack, assault, 38, 63. 
 
 inuasiue, offensive, adapted for attack, 
 117. 
 
 invelupted, enveloped, wrapped up in, 
 
 93- 
 inviron, to environ, to surround, to 
 
 encircle, 35. 
 iourned, see journey, 
 issue, to make a sortie, 155 ; to go 
 
 out, 75. 
 issue, way out, 37 ; a sortie, 124. 
 
 Jeoparde, to hazard, 103. 
 
 journey, properly a day's work ; a day's 
 
 march, 46 ; a day's fighting, 47. 
 journey, to travel, 96, 173. 
 
 K 
 
 keepo, to guard, ' to keep the sea," 86. 
 
 knowen, learnt, 98. 
 
 knowledge, to acknowledge, 169. 
 
 labour, to toil, to exert oneself, to 
 endeavour, n, 158; 'laboured in 
 war,' 3. 
 
 lade, to draw off, to drain (ditches), 80. 
 
 lamentable, mournful, 132. 
 
 large, wide, ample, 85. 
 
 laud, praise, 5. 
 
 least, lest, 29, 
 
 legacie, an embassy, 132. 
 
 legate, an ambassador, 24, 
 
 lest, least, 85. 
 
 let, to hinder, to prevent, 38, no; to 
 
 allow, to suffer, 29. 
 licence, lyoenee, to grant permission, 
 
 32, 14°- 
 licence, lycence, leave, permission, 11. 
 licible, lawful, permissible, 132. 
 liefer, more pleasing, preferable, 133. 
 light, active, not heavy (of horses), 66. 
 lightlie, for a slight or insufficient 
 
 reason, 5 ; easily, 85. 
 lodge, to take one's post or residence 
 
 at a place, 123. 
 lodge, a resting-place or dwelling, 158 ; 
 
 used in plural a camp, 115. 
 lustie, pleasant, vigorous, 185. 
 lyoenee, see licence. 
 Ijrmit, to limit, to fix, 25, 77, 107. 
 lynage, lineage, race, 131. 
 
 M 
 
 maker, used of the Host in the Sacra- 
 ment, 13. 
 
 malengine, malinge, wicked artifice, 
 140, 159. 
 
 manace, to threaten, 94. 
 
 manly, adj. brave, 15, 168; adv. man- 
 fully, bravely, 17, 108. 
 
 margent, margin, 3. 
 
 marshall, martial, 126. 
 
 maruile, marvel, wonder, 52. 
 
 masonarie, belonging to a mason, 104. 
 
 maugre, in spite of, 117. 
 
 mayne, great, strong, 117. 
 
 meane, intermediate, middle, 2 2 ; 
 ' meane way,' 157. 
 
 meanelie, in moderation, 1 1 ; observing 
 the mean, 15 ; slightly, 6. 
 
 medicen, remedy, 108. 
 
 meeke, mild, gentle, 18; gracious, 97. 
 
 meekely, humbly, 135. 
 
 members, the Four Members or 
 divisions of Flanders, 76. 
 
 minde, intention, disposition, 18, 165. 
 
 minish, to diminish, 117. 
 
 ministerie, mystery, craft, occupation, 
 80. 
 
 misbeleeuing, holding false opinions, 
 
 23- 
 mischiefe, misfortune, 88. 
 miscreants, unbelievers, 182. 
 misiterie, craft, 73. 
 mitored, mitred, wearing mitres, 184. 
 mooue, to move, to stir (war), 139. 
 moouinge, removal, 72. 
 
198 
 
 GLOSSARY 
 
 motion, movement, disturbance, 15 ; 
 
 proposal, 156. 
 mount upon, to ascend, 34. 
 miinicions, fortifications, 139. 
 musicks, musical instraments, 52. 
 mutable, changeable, fickle, volatile, 
 
 40. 
 
 N 
 
 namelle, especially, 5. 
 
 naturall, legitimate, 12. 
 
 ne, nor, 48. 
 
 nesessible, necessary, 154. 
 
 neupmatis, sc. tivdiMTos, of the Holy 
 
 Spirit, 21. 
 newe imagined, newly devised. III. 
 nobles, noblesse, nobility, 31. 
 nowe foorth, henceforth, 162. 
 noyous, vexatious, harmful, 10. 
 
 O 
 
 obeysanoe, obedience, 9. 
 
 objection, a charge, an accusation, 1 70. 
 
 obtaine, to attain, :6 ; to get possession 
 of, 115; to win a battle, 44. 
 
 ocQision, slaughter, 9. 
 
 occupy, to busy oneself, 179 ; to prac- 
 tise, 5. 
 
 Offer, to make an offering at Church, 68. 
 
 on, one, 10. 
 
 one, on, 44, 120. 
 
 only, adj. mere, 86. 
 
 open, public, 8, 178; manifest, 29. 
 
 openly, publicly, 27, 126. 
 
 oppress, to weigh down, to burden, 
 15 ; to constrain, to press hard, 129; 
 to bear down, to crush in battle, to 
 overcome, 8, 106. 
 
 oppression, pressure, force, 55 ; crush- 
 ing defeat, 106, no, 128. 
 
 orator, spokesman, 128. 
 
 ordayne, to arrange, loi. 
 
 order, state, 183. 
 
 ordinance, order, 49. 
 
 over, upper, 104, 180. 
 
 ouerpass, to pass over, to omit, 159. 
 
 ouertrauelled, overworked, exhausted, 
 105. 
 
 owe, ought, 31. 
 
 pacify, ' to be pacified,' to make peace, 
 128 ; 'pascefied,' reduced to peaceful 
 submission, 156. 
 
 paction, agreement, 97, 165. 
 
 pamphile, pamphlet, 4. 
 
 partie, parley, part, side, 99. 
 
 pasoefle, see pacify. 
 
 pase, pace, 43. 
 
 passage, crossing, ford, 44; passing, 
 
 journey, 47. 
 passe, to cross {the sea), 32. 
 passinge, very, 17. 
 payne, to take trouble, 3 ; to endeavour, 
 
 9,84. 
 payne, punishment, 169. 
 penury, lack, 63, 128. 
 peopled, ' well-peopled,' populous, 98. 
 perform, to fulfil, to complete, 80. 
 perished, destroyed, iii. 
 perseuere, perceuere, to persevere, to 
 
 persist in, 9 ; to continue, 155. 
 perswacion, persuasion, allurement, 
 
 persuasive argument, 40, 142. 
 perticuler, individual, personal, 4. 
 pile, peel, a fortified place, 175. 
 pirriils, perils, hazardous encounters, 
 
 pize, pyx, the box for the Host, 44. 
 
 place, room for, 37 ; a house, a resi- 
 dence, 73. 
 
 plaine, level, 10 ; a level, open place, 
 85 ; ' playne countrie,' open country, 
 
 123. 
 
 plenallie, fully, 142. 
 
 plenarly, plenarilie, fully, completely, 
 
 106, 159. 
 plenteous, fertile, 152. 
 plesaunt, favourable, 81. 
 pointment, appointment, agreement, 
 
 100. 
 
 politique, skilful, in. 
 
 pollicie, policy, skill, 90, 93. 
 
 pompiously, pompously, in state, 178. 
 
 ponder, to consider, 94. 
 
 ponderous, heavy, troublous, 14. 
 
 poseye, a motto, 66. 
 
 possibillitie, capacity, the best of one's 
 power, 90, 99. 
 
 power, as a military term, a body or 
 force of men, 9, 39, 90. 
 
 pratique, experience, 3. 
 
 pray, booty, 35. 
 
 precinct, the environs, a district de- 
 fined for purposes of administration, 
 
 107, 126. 
 
 preflxe, to state beforehand, to foretell, 
 182 ; to fix beforehand, 39. 
 
 prelatts, overseers, 138. 
 
 prelimit, to define, or settle before- 
 hand, 99. 
 
 presedent, precedent, that which pre- 
 cedes, 92. 
 
 presentlie, in presence on the spot, 54. 
 
 preserue, to continue, 98. 
 
 pretence, opinion, understanding, 4, 29. 
 
 pretend, to intend, to design, 76. 
 
 pretory, the praetorium, or com- 
 mander's tent, 40. 
 
 prinoipallest, chief, 136. 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 199 
 
 priue, to deprive, 94. 
 proaohinge, approaching, 67. 
 profit in, to make progress in, 6. 
 proper, one's own, 39, 75 ; ' the same 
 
 proper,' the very same, 51 ; actual, 
 
 178. 
 propose, to offer for consideration, to 
 
 propound, 25, 143. 
 proposieion, statement, speech, 25. 
 proprietie, that which is proper to, 22. 
 prossease, process, loi. 
 proue, to approve, 159 ; to make proof 
 
 of, 118. 
 prowes, prowess, 91 ; ' prowesses,' 
 
 152- 
 puissance, power, in the sense of an 
 
 armed force, 138. 
 punition, punishment, 15, 165. 
 pvuuey, to purvey, to provide, 15, 77, 
 
 124. 
 purueyaunee, provision, 52, 79- 
 putteth, ' of this number putteth no 
 
 certainetie,' places, alleges, 56. 
 
 quantetie, size, 86, 170. 
 quarells, arrows, 122. 
 
 R 
 
 raign, to arrange, to order, 22. 
 
 randsome, ransom, 74. 
 
 rapins, acts ofplunder or violence, 137. 
 
 rayne, to prevail, 42. 
 
 reason to, to argue in favour of, 7. 
 
 rebellions, rebellious persons, 23. 
 
 reoeauer, a receiver, a collector of 
 
 rents, 17. 
 recoile, reooyle, to drive back, 36 ; 
 
 to retreat, 117. 
 reoomforted, encouraged, restored to 
 
 confidence, 148. 
 reooyle, see recoile. 
 redress, to set in place again, 187. 
 reduce, to translate, 3 ; to restore, 137. 
 reduot, reduced ' into writing,' 140, 
 
 162. 
 reduige ( = reduise), to reduce, to set 
 
 out, 7. 
 refer, to assign, to give the credit of, 65. 
 reffeotion, refreshment, 47. 
 refuse, to reject, 38. 
 reigement, regiment, rule, 4, 1S6. 
 repeate, to seek again, to demand 
 
 back, 133; Latin repetere. 
 repeU, to reject, 138. 
 repleate, replete, filled, 28 ; thickly 
 
 set, 54. 
 replenish, to fill up, to make good, 
 
 84; to stock, 154. 
 replioaoion, reply, 131. 
 
 repressed, reprised, resumed, 109. 
 
 reprise, to resume, 28, 45. 
 
 reproof, censure, 42. 
 
 request, a thing sought for, a quest, 
 74, 126. 
 
 require, to seek, 46 ; to demand, 83. 
 
 requisite, necessary, 29. 
 
 rereward, rearguard, 56. 
 
 rescues, reinforcements, 148. 
 
 resemblance, reassembly, 61. 
 
 resite, to recite, to relate, 51. 
 
 resoluoion, formal decision, of state- 
 ment, 158; dissolution, death, 182. 
 
 respecte, respite, 143. 
 
 resplendishinge, shining, brilliant, 8. 
 
 reuengement, vengeance, 128. 
 
 reuested, dressed in vestments, 184. 
 
 rewyne, ruin, 84. 
 
 right, custom, 'right of women,' 133. 
 
 rivage, shore, bank, 33. 
 
 roome, place, oflice, 20. 
 
 royotous, riotous, 19. 
 
 run, ' to run a course,' to charge, 57. 
 
 ruynate, ruinous, 81. 
 
 saored, celebrated, of a marriage, 
 
 162. 
 sad, sober, discreet, xxxi. 
 sages, saws, maxims, 4. 
 say foorth, to recite, to deliver, 182 ; 
 
 to preach, 130. 
 soelerate, wicked, 23. 
 soienoB, a branch of learning, 6 ; a 
 
 skilled craft, 73. 
 soituate, situated, 35. 
 souraledy, scurrility, 39. 
 scute, a French crown, ^cu, 32. 
 search, to examine, to explore, 38. 
 seek to, to have resort to, 133. 
 seled, sealed, 182. 
 semblable, likely, suitable, 19 ; similar, 
 
 45 ; adv. likely, 145. 
 semblance, appearance, 37 ; likeness, 
 
 65 ; emblem, 143. 
 sentence, opinion, decision, 43, 84 ; 
 
 understanding, 3. 
 seremonlall, ceremonial, 187. 
 seriouslie, seriatim, in order, 27, 79. 
 sewde, sued, 138. 
 shamefastnes, modesty, 144. 
 short, speedy, quick, 175. 
 shott, diooting weapons, 52 ; • open 
 
 shott,' free range. III. 
 shutt, to shoot, 80. 
 siege, seat, 95. 
 
 simple, humble, of persons, 14. 
 singuler, individual, 80; personal, 
 
 private, 159. 
 slea, to slay, 118. 
 
aoo 
 
 GLOSSARY 
 
 slidd, sledge, iii. 
 
 slought, sloth, J02. 
 
 smale, small, fine, i lo. 
 
 BOftlier, more gently, 48. 
 
 some deale, somewhat, 145, 148. 
 
 sought, searched, 90. 
 
 sound, to tend to, 4 ; to be heard, to 
 
 spread abroad, 145. 
 sourd, to grow, 14. 
 soylo, soil, land, 20. 
 spao38, paces, 51. 
 speares, spearmen, 79- 
 spaed, furthering, 108. 
 stage, scaffold, 65, 113. 
 stagne, pond, ditch, 151. 
 state, see estate. ' state royall,' royal 
 
 seat of state, 172. 
 stomacke, pride, courage, 9, 14. 
 straight, close, confined, 85. 
 strainge, foreign, 68. 
 streightlie, closely, 37. 
 strenght, streinght, strength, 16, 44 ; 
 
 ' strenghts,' strong forces, 86 ; efforts, 
 
 39- 
 stricken, struck, 82 ; ' stricken full, 
 
 thick set, 122. 
 stTOcken, struck, 78. 
 studie, endeavour, 85. 
 studie, to aim at, 76, 145. 
 stufe, stuff, goods, 82. 
 subtill, subtle, penetrating, 110. 
 suffirages, prayers, 61. 
 supportaoion, support, 23. 
 sure, suer, certain, safe, 76, 146. 
 surely, safely, 143. 
 stiretie, security, 39, 76. 
 suspect, suspicion, 13. 
 
 T 
 tabor, drum, 59. 
 tayle, tax, 27. 
 temporall, worldly, lay as opposed to 
 
 spiritual, 28. 
 tenure, tenor, purport, 21. 
 teretts, rings, links, 12. 
 then, 'CntL.Ti, passim. 
 thioke, frequent, 113. 
 thicknes, depth, 56. 
 thridde, thread, 11. 
 tofore, before, both of time and place, 
 
 passim. 
 torment, an instrument for hurling 
 
 stones, Latin tormentum, 37. 
 
 trappers, the trappings of horses, 54. 
 trauell, trauaile, work, exertion, 61, 87. 
 trauelled, trauailed, troubled, iii, 
 
 179. 
 trauellinge men, labouring men, 73. 
 tuition, tuytion, guardianship, 6; 
 
 protection, 85 ; a fortification, 109. 
 
 U,V 
 
 valiauntises, acts of bravery, 11. 
 
 valiauntnes, valiancy, courage, 141. 
 
 vaxlet, a serving man, 62. 
 
 vauntgaid, vanguard, 62. 
 
 veroe, verse, 182. 
 
 vestures of lamentaoions, mourning 
 dress, 184. 
 
 viewe, review, 30. 
 
 violent, strong, 104. 
 
 vnderaet, to prop up, iii. 
 
 vneaaie, difficult, 34. 
 
 vniuersal, whole, 28. 
 
 vnmeasurably, excessively, 132. 
 
 vnquietnes, disturbance, trouble, 127. 
 
 vnreformed, unrestored, not com- 
 pleted, 141. 
 
 voide, voyde, lacking, destitute, 3 ; 
 empty, 96. 
 
 voyage, journey, expedition, 117. 
 
 voyde, to bring to nought, 20. See 
 avoyd. 
 
 vplandish, countryfied, rustic, no. 
 
 vse, to practise, to be accustomed, 14; 
 ' vse thieselfe,' conduct thyself, 1 5 ; 
 ' vsed,' practised, in force, 118. 
 
 W 
 
 vrard, a division of an army, 34. 
 whether, whichever, 56. 
 whole, main, chief, 52. 
 wholie, holy, 59. 
 whote, hot, 89. 
 vritt, understanding, 3. 
 
 yeouen, given, 32. 
 yf, if, 136. 
 
 ynough, enough, 88. 
 yre, ire, anger, 50. 
 y', that, 92. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abbeville (Abbuile), harrassed by 
 
 Armagnacs, 179 ; funeral procession 
 
 of Henry V at, 184. 
 
 Aberystwith (Amberrstmuch), siege of, 
 10. 
 
 Acton, Sir Roger, supporter of Old- 
 castle, 22 ; executed, 23. 
 
 Agincourt, battle of, 51-62 ; numbers 
 of killed at, Iv, 61, 62 ; Olandyne 
 killed at, 28 ; conduct of Henry V at, 
 93 ; verses on Earl of Stafford's banner 
 at, 190. 
 
 Albret, Charles d'. Constable of France, 
 in command of French army at Agin- 
 court, 46, 48, 51, 62, 65 : makes 
 knights before the battle, 56 ; slain, 
 62. 
 
 Alencon (Alamsom), siege of, 98, 99; 
 ambassadors of Dauphin at, 100, 140. 
 
 . — , Jean I, Duke of, at Agincourt, 47, 
 56; slain, 61. 
 
 — , Jean II, Duke of, captured at 
 Verneuil, 187. 
 
 Amiens, English army before, 44 ; Duke 
 of Brittany at, 53, 181 ; harrassed by 
 Armagnacs, 179. 
 
 Anjou (Aniowe), 100. 
 
 Ann of Bohemia, Queen of Richard II, 
 20. 
 
 Argentan, siege of, 97. 
 
 Armagnac (Arminake), Bernard, Count 
 of, besieges Harfienr, 69 ; killed, 128 ; 
 his death foretold by St. Vincent 
 Ferrier, xxxv. 
 
 — , Jean, Count of, 156, 164. 
 
 Arras, Philip, Count of Charolois at, 
 47 ; conference of, 188. 
 
 Arthur, King, his arms, 185. 
 
 Artois, 46, 183, 184. 
 
 Arundel, Earls of, see Fitzalan. 
 
 Arundel, Thomas, archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, adviser of Henry IV, xxi. 
 
 Aubvilliers, captured, 83. 
 
 B 
 
 Bar (Barrowe, Barry, Barrie), Edouard, 
 Duke of, at Agincourt, 47, 56 ; slain, 
 61. 
 
 Barbasan, Sire de, captain of Melun, 
 
 167 ; refuses to surrender, 168 ; fights 
 in single combat with Henry V, xxxvi, 
 xxxvii, xliv, 168, 169 ; accused of 
 complicity in the murder of John of 
 Burgundy, ib. ; his captivity and release, 
 xvii, xxxvii, 170, 171. 
 
 Bardolph, boon companion of Prince 
 Hal, lii-liv. 
 
 Baudemont (Bandmount), captured, 139. 
 
 Bang^ (Bangue), battle of, 173. 
 
 Bayeux (Beauce), taken by Humphrey 
 of Gloucester, 93 ; Henry V at, 106, 
 107, 116. 
 
 Beachy Head, 70. 
 
 Beauchamp, Richard, Earl of Warwick, 
 receives Sigismund at Calais, xxxiii, 
 67 ; ambassador to John of Burgundy 
 at Lille, 74; his retinue in 1417, 79; 
 besieges Domfront, 108 ; at siege of 
 Rouen, 123; ambassador to Charles VI 
 at Provins, 142 ; at Troyes, ij6; at 
 Cosne, j8o ; accompanies Henry VI 
 to France in 1430, 188. 
 
 Beauchamp, Richard, lord Bergavenny, 
 his retinue 'in 141 7, 79; at siege of 
 Rouen, 127. 
 
 Beaufort, Henry, bishop of Winchester, 
 afterwards Cardinal , advi ser of Henry V 
 as Prince of Wales, xxi ; accused of 
 suggesting abdication of Henry IV, ib.; 
 his quarrel with Clarence, xxii ; arranges 
 his niece's marriage with James I of 
 Scotland, 174; crowns Henry VI at 
 Paris, 188; at Conference of Arras, 
 189. 
 
 Beaufort, Joan, marries James I of 
 Scotland, 174. 
 
 Beaufort, John, Earl, and afterwards 
 Duke, of Somerset, taken prisoner at 
 Bauge, 173; his sister, 174. 
 
 Beaufort (Beaforde), Thomas, Earl of 
 Dorset and Duke of Exeter, captain of 
 Harfleur, 41, 69, 71 ; defeats Scots in 
 1417, ii6; takes Evreux, ib. ; at siege 
 of Rouen, 123 ; besieges Chateau 
 Gaillard, 1 54; in command at Paris, 
 172 ; at Cosne, 180 ; present at death 
 of Henry V, 182; guardian of Henry VI, 
 186. 
 
 Beaumont, lord, dies at Harfleur, 42 
 {an error derived from Monstrelet ; 
 the lord Beaumont of 1415 was a boy). 
 
202 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Beauvais, Sigismnnd at, 66 ; English 
 
 embassy at, 74. 
 Bee Hellouin (Bikillrenan), captured, 
 
 106. 
 Bedford, Duke of, see John. 
 Belleme (Bolosme), captured, 99. 
 Eergavenny, lord, see Beauchamp, 
 
 Richard. 
 Berri (Barry), Jean, Duke of, chief 
 
 adviser of French King, 36, 27, 46 ; 
 
 his death, 74. 
 Bethencourt, passage of Somme at, 45. 
 Bethlehem, the Charterhouse at Sheen, 
 
 20. 
 Blackheath, 68. 
 Blainville, Sire de, commands at Har- 
 
 fieur, 35. 
 Blamont, Count de, at Agincourt, 56. 
 Blanchard, Alain, commander at Rouen, 
 
 executed by Henry V, xxxvi, 136. 
 Blanche Taque, 44. 
 Blangy (Bangay), 49. 
 Bohun, Joan, Countess of Hereford, 
 
 xxxiK. 
 Bois de Vincennes (Vistennes), Henry V 
 
 at, 178; dies there, 181, 182. 
 Bonmoulins (Bomolins), captured, 98. 
 Bonnieres I'Escaillon (Bonyors Lestauil- 
 
 lon), English army at, 49. 
 Bonport (Donport), 120. 
 Boucicault (iJonncicalt, Bonycault), 
 
 Jean, marshal of France ; at Agincourt, 
 
 51, 55 ; taken prisoner, 62. 
 Boulogne (Bullion), Sigismund at,xxxiii; 
 
 funeral procession of Henry V at, 184. 
 Bouratier, Guillaume, archbishop of 
 
 Bourges, his embassy to England, 24-6. 
 Bourbon, Jean, Duke of, at Aginconrt,47, 
 
 55; taken prisoner, 63«.; his son, 142. 
 Bourchier, lord, see Stafford, Hugh. 
 Bourges, archbishop of, see Bouratier. 
 Bowet, Henry, archbishop of York, 
 
 present at defeat of Scots in 1417, 116. 
 Brabant, Antony, Duke of, at Agincourt, 
 
 47. 55. 61 ; killed, 62. 
 Braquemont, Lionell, Sire de, ambassa- 
 dor to England, 24 ; surrenders Har- 
 
 fleur, 40. 
 Brie, 158. 
 Brieg (Brye), Louis, Duke of, in England 
 
 with Sigismund, 67. 
 Briquebec (Breckourt), captured, 107. 
 Brittany, Jean, Duke of, with French 
 
 King at Rouen, 46 ; at' Amiens on way 
 
 to Agincourt, 53 ; treats with Henry V, 
 
 100, 139; accepts Treaty of Troyes, 
 
 181. 
 Brut, The, or English Chronicle, use of 
 
 by Tito Livio, xv ; and by The Trans- 
 lator, xvi ; its character, ib. ; stories of 
 
 Henry V in, xxx, xxxi, xlv, xlvi ; termis- 
 
 ball story in, xliii. See also Caxton, 
 William. 
 
 Burgundy, Jean, Duke of, seeks help 
 from England in 1411, xxii, 10, 11 ; 
 forbids his son to go to Agincourt, 47 ; 
 negotiates with Henry V at Calais, 74, 
 75; rules at Paris in 1418, 128, 129; 
 his negotiations with Henry V in 1419, 
 141-6 ; agrees with Dauphin, 145, 146 ; 
 murdered, 151 ; liis burial, 166, 167; 
 punishment of his murderers, 156, 169, 
 172. 
 
 Burgundy, Michel, Duchess of, 166. 
 
 Burgundy, Philippe le Bon, Duke of, as 
 Count of Charolais: prevented from 
 going to Agincourt, 46, 47 ; acquires 
 sword of Henry V, 62 ; receives Hum- 
 phrey of Gloucester, 75 ; succeeds his 
 father, 151; negotiates with Henry V, 
 151. 153. 156; takes part in Treaty of 
 Troyes, 158-64 ; at siege of Melun, 
 167 ; fights in the mine, xxxvii ; de- 
 mands punishment of his father's mur- 
 derers, 171, 172 ; at Cosne, 180 ; 
 supports John of Bedford, 182, 183; 
 abandons English alliance, 188, 189. 
 
 Burgundy, Philippe le Hardi, Duke of, 
 167. 
 
 Butler, or le Bouteiller, Sir Guy, captain 
 of Rouen, 137. 
 
 Butler, James, fourth Earl of Ormonde, 
 stories given on his authority, 3, 13, 
 67. 92, 130, 170; discussion of these 
 stories, xx-xxxviii ; his career, xvi- 
 xviii; his interest in History, xviii; 
 probable character of his work, xix ; 
 present at the Prince's disguising, xxv ; 
 use of his stories in The Famous Vic- 
 tories and by Shakespeare, xlix-lii, Ivi. 
 
 Caen (Caene, Cane), siege of, 83-91 ; 
 Castle of, 91-5 ; plunder of, xxxiv, 92 ; 
 Henry V at, 95, 96, 116 ; French 
 ambassadors at, 1 28 ; St. Peter's Church 
 at, 91 ; St. Vincent Ferrier at, xxxv ; 
 Abbey at, see St. Stephen's. 
 
 Calais (Callice, Callis), prisoners of 
 Harfleur surrender at, 41 ; Henry V's 
 march to, 42, 43, 48 ; Henry V at, 63; 
 Sigismund received at, xxxiii, 66, 67 ; 
 negotiations at, in 1416, 74-6 ; sea- 
 fight off, 75 ; funeral procession of 
 Henry V at, 184 ; Henry VI at, 188 ; 
 Henry V charged with diverting money 
 from its defence, xxiii, xxiv. 
 
 Camber (Cambry), The, 70. 
 
 Cambridge, Earl of, see Richard. 
 
 Canterbury, archbishop of, see Arundel, 
 Thomas, Chichele, Henry. 
 
 Capgrave, John, chronicler, his stories 
 
INDEX 
 
 303 
 
 of the death-bed of Heniy IV, xxvii- 
 xxix ; tennis-ball story in, xliii. 
 Catherine of Valois, Queen of England, 
 proposed marriage, 25 ; meets Henry V 
 at Menlan, 144, 145 ; marriage arranged, 
 Jj6 ; married at Troyes, 162 ; at Sens, 
 166; at Paris, 171, 172; goes to 
 England, 172 ; crowned, 174; returns 
 to France, 178 ; at Bois de Vincennes, 
 181 ; goes to England after Henry's 
 death, 183-5. 
 Candebec, agreement for surrender of, 
 
 127 ; surrendered, 137. 
 Caxton, William, his Chronicles of 
 Mngland, and Policronicon, x\i ; inci- 
 dents in Shakespeare derived from, liv, 
 Iv. 
 
 Celestins, monastery of, at Isleworth, 
 xxxii, 20. 
 
 Chambrois (Cambrice), 106. 
 Champagne, 151. 
 Charenton (Charingdon), 157. 
 Charles VI, King of France, letter of 
 Henry V to, 30-2 ; at Vernon in 1415, 
 39 ; his council at Kouen, 46 ; receives 
 Warwick at Provins in 14 19, 142 ; at 
 conference of Menlan, 143-5 ; treats 
 with Henry V, 151, 153, 156; at 
 Troyes, 158-66; at Sens, 166; at 
 Melun, 167 ; holds Parliament at Paris, 
 171-2 ; his poor estate, 178-9 ; at 
 Bois de Vincennes, 181 ; his death 
 and burial, 186-7; his infirmity, 27, 
 
 83. 141, 144. 156, '58-9- 
 
 Charles the Dauphin, 83 ; treats with 
 Henry V in 1417, 100; appeal of 
 Cherbourg to, 1 14; treats with Henry V 
 in 1418,128; and in 1419,140 ; restores 
 Burgundy to grace, 141 ; makes terms 
 with Burgundy, 145-6; causes Bur- 
 gundy to be murdered, 151 ; his troops 
 in Maine, 155 ; provisions against, in 
 Treaty of Troyes, 164-5 ; deprived of 
 his inheritance, 172 ; is crowned as 
 Charies VII, 188. 
 
 Charterhouse at Rouen, 123; at Sheen, 
 20. 
 
 Chastellain, Georges, chronicler, on 
 story of Barbasan, xxxvii. 
 
 Chateau Gaillard, besieged, 153, 154; 
 Barbasan imprisoned at, xxxvi, 170; 
 its recovery by the French, ib., xvii, 
 xxxvi. 
 
 Cheap, 185. 
 
 Chef de Caux, Henry V lands at, 33, 34. 
 
 Cherbourg (Shearbronghe, Sesar- 
 boroughe, Caesarboroughe), siege of, 
 109-15. 
 
 Cherleton, Edward, lord Powis, captures 
 Oldcastle, 23. 
 
 Cheve, river, 49. 
 
 Chlchele, Henry, archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, answers French ambassadors, 25 ; 
 story that he counselled Henry V to 
 war with France, 1, liv. 
 
 Clarence, Duke of, see Thomas. 
 
 Clifford, John, lord, his retinue in 141 7, 
 
 79- 
 Col (Colle), Gautier, ambassador to 
 
 England, 24. 
 Compiegne (Compine), Henry V at, 180. 
 Cond^-sur-Noireau (Caudy), captured, 
 
 107. 
 Constance, Council of, 76. 
 Corbeuil (Carbuill), Henry V falls ill 
 
 at, 180. 
 Corbie, English army at, 44. 
 Cosne-sur-Loire (Coine), siege of, 180. 
 C6tentin, The (Isle of Constantine), 
 
 campaign in, 107. 
 Courcy, captured, 97. 
 Courtenay or Courtney, Edward, his 
 
 retinue in 141 7, 79- 
 Courtenay, Richard, bishop of Norwich, 
 
 his death, 42. 
 Courtonne, captured, 106. 
 Coventry, alleged arrest of Henry V at, 
 
 xli. 
 Cr^9y, battle of, 44. 
 Cr^py in Valois, 178. 
 Crompton, Ricliard, legal writer, refers 
 
 to Gascoigne story, xxxix. 
 
 D 
 
 Dammartin (Damputine), Count of, at 
 
 Agincourt, 56. 
 Dampierre (Damphire), Sire de, admiral 
 
 of France, at Agincourt, 55. 
 Danzig (Danske), Henry V obtains sup- 
 plies from, 102. 
 Dauphin, The, see Charles and Louis. 
 Decembri, Pier Candido, his translation 
 
 of Tito Livio's Vita, xiv. 
 Dijon, John of Burgundy buried at, 167. 
 Domfront, siege of, 108, 109, 123. 
 Dorset, Earl of, see Beaufort, Thomas. 
 Douglas, Archibald, Earl of, does fealty 
 
 to Henry V, 77 ; killed at Vemeuil, 
 
 ib., 187. 
 Dover, Henry Viands at, in 1415, 64; 
 
 reception of Sigismund at, xxxiii, 67 ; 
 
 fleet assembled at, 79. 
 Dreux, negotiations with Dauphin at, 
 
 140 ; captured by Henry V, 174. 
 Durham House, in the Strand, Henry V 
 
 lodged there in 141 2, xxiv. 
 
 Eastcheap, ' The hurling ' by the Princes 
 in, xxxix, xl, xlviii, 1, li ; Boar's Head 
 in, zlii, xlviii. 
 
304 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Edward III, King of England, at Blanche 
 Taque, 44; fights with Eustace de 
 Ribanmont, xxxvii. 
 
 Edward, Duke of York, takes part in 
 expedition of 1415, 33; at Harfleur, 
 37 ; brings the French heralds to the 
 King, 48 ; captain of the vanguard, 
 49, 50 ; the English archers provided 
 with stakes by his advice, 55 ; killed 
 at Aginconrt, 63. 
 
 Elmham, Thomas, chronicler, his Life 
 of Henry V, xv ; his account of the 
 death-bed of Henry IV, xxviii ; gives 
 the tennis-ball story, xliii ; the Vita 
 Henrici falsely attributed to, xv. The 
 Pseudo-Elmham : use of Monstrelet 
 by, XV ; amplifications of Tito Livio 
 by, xxvi K., XXX. 
 
 Eltham, Henry V at, 33. 
 
 Ely Place in Holborn, 73. 
 
 Elyot, Sir Thomas, author of The 
 Governour, his story of the Prince and 
 the Chief Justice, xxxviii, xl. 
 
 Emmerig, Dr. Oskar, on the tennis-ball 
 story, xliv. 
 
 Erpingham, Sir Thomas, ambassador to 
 France, 74. 
 
 Essay (Essey), captured, 98. 
 
 Estouteville (Disconteville, Cotevile), 
 Charles, Sire d', in command at Har- 
 fleur, 35 ; surrenders as a hostage, 40 ; 
 prisoner in England, 41 ». 
 
 Eu (Ewe), fight at, 43 ; captured, 139. 
 
 Eu, Charles d'Artois, Count of^ at 
 Aginconrt, 55 ; taken prisoner, 62. 
 
 Evreux (Ebroicen), captured, 116; Henry 
 V at, 140. 
 
 Exeter, Duke of, see Beaufort, Thomas. 
 
 Fabyan, Robert, chronicler, his story of 
 Henry V's riotous conduct when Prince, 
 xxix; not an invention of his own, 
 xxxii; supplied material through Holin- 
 shed to Shakespeare, liii, liv. 
 
 Fagnon, 106. 
 
 Falaise (Phalleys), siege of, 100-6. 
 
 Falstafif, Sir John, the legend of, xli, 
 xlii, 1-liv. 
 
 Famous Victories of Henry V, The, old 
 play, story of Prince and Chief Justice 
 in, xl, xlix ; tennis-ball story in, xliv ; 
 story of disguising in , xlix ; story of 
 receivers in, xlviii ; Oldcastle figures 
 in, xli ; its historical sources, xlvii, 1. 
 
 Fastolf, Sir John, liis real character, xli ; 
 does not fit Falstaff, xlii. 
 
 Fastolf of Nacton, Sir John, xl, xlii. 
 
 Fauquembergue, Count of, at Agin- 
 conrt, 56. 
 
 Ferrers of Chartley, Edmund, lord, his 
 retinue in 1417, 79. 
 
 Ferrier, St. Vincent, see Vincent. 
 
 Ficket Field, near Westminster, Lol- 
 lards assemble at, 23. 
 
 Fitzalan, John, lord Matravers, his 
 retinue in 1417, 79. 
 
 Fitzalan, John, Earl of Arundel, goes 
 to France in 1430, 188. 
 
 Fitzalan, Thomas, Earl of Arundel, 
 serves in French expedition of 1411, 
 xxii, II. 
 
 Fitz Hugh, Henry, lord, his retinue in 
 
 1417, 79- 
 
 Flanders, Sigismund seeks passage 
 through, 76; Philip of Burgundy in, 
 172. 183. 
 
 Foix, Gaston de, captures Pontoise, 
 147. 
 
 France, expedition to, in 1411, xxi, 11 ; 
 Henry V contemplates conquest of, 24 ; 
 preparations of French, 27 ; expedition 
 of 1415, 33-64; Sigismund in, 66; 
 alliance with Genoa, 69, 77 ; expedi- 
 tion of 1417, 81 ; Henry V made 
 Regent, 162-4; expedition of 1421, 
 174 ; Henry VI crowned King of, 188 ; 
 loss of English conquests in, 189 ; in- 
 vasion of, by Henry VIII, x, 4, 190. 
 Kings of, see Charles, and Louis. 
 
 Franel (Frenel), Pierre, bishop of 
 Lisieux, ambassador to England, 24. 
 
 Fresnay-le-Viscomte, captured, 99, 155. 
 
 Fr^vent (Fremouch), English army at, 
 49. 
 
 Gaillart Bos, Sire de, at Harfleur, 35. 
 
 Gaillon (Gallon), captured, 138. 
 
 Gascoigne, Sir William, Chief Justice, 
 Mayor of London has to account for 
 ' hurling ' before, xxxix ; his connexion 
 with the story of the Prince and the 
 Chief Justice, xxxix- xl ; in The 
 Famous Victories, xlix; in Shake- 
 speare, lii, liii. 
 
 Gascony, loss of, 189. 
 
 Gaucourt, Raoul, Sire de, in command 
 at Harfleur, 35 ; surrenders as a host- 
 age, 40. 
 
 Genoa (Gene), Genoese, French hire 
 carracks from, 69, 77 ; besiege Har- 
 fleur, 69 ; defeated by Bedford, 70, 71 ; 
 defeated by Huntingdon, 78. 
 
 Gisors (Guysours), besieged by Henry V, 
 150; French and Burgundian ambas- 
 sadors at, 151. 
 
 Glendower, Owen, his rebellion, 10; 
 said to have died at Longhton's Hope, 
 191. 
 
INDEX 
 
 205 
 
 Gloucester, Dnke of, see Humphrey. 
 Goodwin, Thomas, his History of 
 
 Henry V, xv. 
 Gournay, captured, 139. 
 Grand-Pri (Grauntyree), Count of, at 
 
 Agincourt, 56. 
 Gray or Grey, Sir John, takes part m 
 
 expedition of 1411, xxii. 
 Gray or Grey of Codnor, Richard, lord, 
 
 his retinue in 141 7, 79. 
 Gray or Grey, Sir Thomas, executed, 30. 
 Guernsey, assistance sent to Humphrey 
 
 of Gloucester from, no. 
 Gnienne, Charles the Dauphin in, 114; 
 
 loss of, 189. 
 Guienne, Duke of, see Louis the 
 
 Dauphin. 
 
 Guinegate, battle of, x. 
 Guisnes (Guynes), Henry V at, 63. 
 
 H 
 
 Hacqueville, Sire de, at Harfleur, 35. 
 
 Hall, Edward, historian, not acquainted 
 with Tito Livio's Vita, xv, xlvi ; his 
 references to Earl of Ormonde, xvii, 
 xxxvii ; to misconduct of Henry V as 
 Prince, xxx ; on the story of the Prince 
 and the Chief Justice, xxxix ; material 
 derived from him by Shakespeare, 
 through Holinshed, 1, liv. 
 
 Harcourt (Haricourt), captured, 106; 
 granted to Thomas of Clarence, 107. 
 
 Harcourt, Mr. L. W. Vernon, on the 
 story of the Prince and the Chief 
 Justice, xxxviii ; on FalstafiF, xl, xlii. 
 
 Hardyng, John, chronicler, his accounts 
 of the expedition of 1411, xxii, 
 xxiii. 
 
 Harfleur (Hareflete), siege of, 34-41 ; 
 description of, 35 ; surrender of, 40 ; 
 Thomas Seaufort made captain of, 41 ; 
 English losses at, 42 ; garrison of, 43 ; 
 French and Genoese besiege, 69 ; re- 
 lieved by Bedford, 70, 71 ; Genoese 
 again blockade, 78 ; mentioned, 56, 
 
 93. 139- 
 Harpsfield, Nicholas, historian, quotes 
 
 the Translator of Livius, v, vi, xx, xlvli; 
 
 quoted, 5 ». 
 Harrington, John, lord, his retinue in 
 
 1417.79- 
 
 Heame, Thomas, antiquary, his edition 
 of Tito Livio's Vita^ xv ; quotes The 
 Translator as Libri Anglici, v; his 
 error as to the Pseudo-Eljmham, xv. 
 
 Helley, Jacques, Sire d', his interview 
 with Henry V, 57, 58 ; killed at Agin- 
 court, 61. 
 
 Henry IV, King of England, his acces- 
 ;sioD, 8 ; invades Scotland, ib. ; at 
 
 Shrewsbury, 9 ; his dissension with his 
 son and reconciliation, xx-xxvi, 1 1-13 ; 
 his suggested abdication, xxi, xxii ; 
 his advice to his son, 13-16; dying 
 speeches attributed to, xxvii-xxix ; his 
 death, 17; in The Famous Victories, 
 xlviii-1 ; in Shakespeare's plays, li, lii. 
 Henry V, King of England : — 
 
 As Prince : — date of his birth, 182 «.; 
 bom at Monmouth, 8; Welshprophecy 
 concerning, ih. ; his greatness foretold 
 by Richard H, ib. ; with Richard II in 
 Ireland, ib. ; guardian of England in 
 1400, ib. ; his valour at Shrewsbury, 9 ; 
 his warfare in Wales, 10; governs 
 England for his father, xxi ; sends help 
 to Burgundy in 1411, xxi-xxiii, 11 ; 
 project to make him King in place of 
 his father, xxi, 1 1 ; removed from Coun- 
 cil, xxii, xxiii ; attempt to make dissen- 
 sion between him and his father, xxiii, 
 II ; accused of misappropriating re- 
 venues of Calais, xxiii, xxiv ; opposes 
 alliance with Orleans, xxiv ; comes to 
 London, ib, ; his reconciliation with his 
 father,xxv,xxvi,xlix, 11-13 ; attempted 
 assassination, xxv ; advice of Henry IV 
 to, xxvii-xxix, 13-16; takes the crown 
 from his father's bedside, xxvii, 1, lii. 
 
 Stories and legends of his youth : — 
 his riotous company, xxix-xxxi, xli, 
 xlviii, 19 ; robs his own receivers, xxix, 
 xxxii, xlviii, 17 ; the Prince and the 
 Chief Justice, xxxviii-xl, xlix, li, lii ; 
 alleged arrest at Coventry, xli ; his dis- 
 guising, XX, xxvi, xlix, II, 12; the 
 dagger story, xlix, 13 ; story of Fal- 
 stafT, an invention of Elizabethan 
 dramatists, xli, xlii, but may partly 
 originate through his association with 
 Oldcastle, xlii ; stories not unfounded, 
 but exaggerated in legend, xxxii ; the 
 legend largely due to Ormonde's stories, 
 Ivi. 
 
 As King: — His accession, 17, 18 ; 
 change in his character and conduct, 
 xxx, xxxii, xlii, 17, 1 9 ; his oath to rule 
 well, 18; his coronation, ib. ; dis- 
 misses the riotous companions of his 
 youth, xxix, xxxi, 19 ; reburies Richard 
 II, 20; suppresses Lollard rebellion. 
 22, 23 ; projects Invasion ofFrance, and 
 seeks advice of universities, 24; his 
 negotiations with France, 24-6 ; the 
 story of the tun of tennis-balls, xliii, 1, 
 25 ; holds Parliament at Leicester, 27 ; 
 assembles army at Southampton, 28 ; 
 rejects the aid of an apostate, ib. ; plot 
 against, 30; his letters to Charles of 
 France, 30-2 ; lands at Chef de Caux, 
 33; besieges Harfleur, 34, 36-9; re- 
 
3o6 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ceives surrender, 40 ; determines to 
 march by land to Calais, 43 ; oixler of 
 his host, 43 ; hangs soldier who stole a 
 pix, Iv, 44 ; crosses the Somme, 45 ; 
 receives and answers French heralds, 
 Iv, 48 ; prepares for battle on 24th Oct., 
 50 ; lodges at Maisoncelles, 51 ; orders 
 his army on 25th Oct., 53; his dress, 54; 
 his rebuke to Sir Walter Hungerford, 
 ib. ; his interview with the Sire de 
 Helley, 57, 58 ; rescues Humphrey of 
 Gloucester, 60 ; threatens to kill his 
 prisoners, 61 ; served at table by the 
 French princes, 62 ; buries the English 
 dead, 63 ; reaches Calais, il). ; recep- 
 tion at Dover, 64 ; and in London, 65 ; 
 progress through England, 65, 66 ; re- 
 ceives Sigismund,68 ; concludes Treaty 
 of Canterbury, 72, 73 ; goes to Calais for 
 conference with Burgundy, 74, 75 ; his 
 interest in the Council of Constance, 
 76 ; prepares to renew the war, ti. ; 
 takes his leave of London, 77 ; his 
 muster at Southampton, 79, 80 ; 
 lands at Touques, 81 ; challenges the 
 Dauphin, 83 ; determines to besiege 
 Caen, 84 ; his plan for the assault, 88 ; 
 enters the city, 91 ; reduces the Castle 
 of Caen, 94, 95 ; his care for the con- 
 quered territory, 96 ; takes Courcy and 
 Argenton, 97 ; and Seez, 98 ; besieges 
 Alen9on, 98, 99 ; treats with Brittany 
 and the Dauphin, 100; besieges Falaise, 
 100-6; keeps Lent at Bayenx, 106, 
 107 ; sends reinforcements to Hum- 
 phrey of Gloucester, iifl ; keeps feast 
 at Caen, 116; receives St. Vincent 
 Ferrier, xxxv, 130-2 ; marches on 
 Rouen, 116; captures Louviers, 117, 
 118; advances to Pont de I'Arche, and 
 crosses the Seine, 11 9-21; lodges be- 
 fore Rouen, 123 ; his provision for the 
 siege, 124-7 ; negotiates with the 
 Dauphm, 128 ; relieves his enemies, 
 129; takes precautions against rescue, 
 id. ; his speech to the envoys of the 
 citizens, 134, 135 ; punishes the Vicar- 
 general and Alain Blanchard, 135, 136; 
 enters Rouen, 137; his care for the 
 citizens, id. ; his governance of Rouen, 
 1 38 ; receives the Duke of Brittany, 
 1 39 ; abortive negotiations with the 
 Dauphin, 140; goes to Vernon, 141 ; 
 sends an ambassy to Burgundy, 142 ; 
 goes to Mantes, 144 ; meets Burgundy, 
 Queen Isabel, andCatherine at Meulan, 
 144, 145 ; fired with love for Catherine, 
 1 45 ; sends a force against Pontoise, 146 ; 
 visits Pontoise, 149 ; reduces Vaucon- 
 villiers, ii.; besieges Gisors, 150; re- 
 ceives ambassadors from Philip of 
 
 Burgundy, 151 ; besieges Meulan, 152 ; 
 at Mantes, 153 ; spends Christmas, 
 1420, at Rouen, 155; sends embassy to 
 Troyes, 156 ; starts for Troyes, 157 ; re- 
 ceived at Troyes, 158; agrees to terms of 
 peace, 160; marries Catherine, and be- 
 comes Heir and Regent of France, 162 ; 
 accepts surrender of Sens, and besieges 
 Montereau, 166; besieges Melun, 167; 
 fights witii Barbasan, xxxvii, 168 ; 
 spares but imprisons Barbasan, 170; 
 goes to Paris, and holds Parliament, 
 171; returns to England, 172; pays 
 salaries of French officials, 174; nego- 
 tiates with Scotland, li. ; returns to 
 France, and makes campaign to the 
 Loire, id. ; besieges Meaux, 175 ; keeps 
 Whitsuntide, 1422, in state at Paris, 
 1 78 ; his diligence for French afiairs, 
 179; goes to Compi^gne, 180; pro- 
 poses to relieve Cosne, but is prevented 
 by illness, i6. ; makes his Testament, 
 181; his death, 182; his body con- 
 veyed to England, 183 ; the ftineral 
 procession, 184; buried at Westminster, 
 185. 
 
 His character, 185 ; The Trans- 
 lator's commendation of him, as a 
 model for other princes, 4, 19, 28, 34, 
 45, 93. His traditional character 
 based on Tito Livio's Viia and The 
 Translator, xv, xlvi, xlvii, Ivi ; in The 
 Famous Victories, xlviii-1 ; in Shake- 
 speare's plays, 1-lvi. His piety: on 
 his accession, 17 ; on his first landing 
 in France, 33 ; at Harfleur, 40 ; after 
 Agincourt, 61 ; for his victories at 
 sea, 71 ; at Caen, 87, 91 ; in keeping 
 feasts, 106, 107, 116, 155 ; on entry of 
 Rouen, 137. His Justice, .5, 19, 20, 45. 
 His continence, 5. His Humility and 
 submission to God, 5, 33, 50, .<;4, 65, 
 85, 131, 134; calls himself the Scourge 
 of God, xxxv, 131. His courage, 50, 
 60. His prudence and labour in war, 
 38, 63, 87, 126, 129, 153, 175. His 
 care for his soldiers, 63, 159. Forbids 
 plunder and violence, 34, 91, 99. His 
 religious foundations, xxxiii, 19-21. 
 His ships, 80. Chooses a book of 
 history from spoils of Caen, xxxiv, 92. 
 His sword, 62. His helmet, 65. 
 Connexion with Queen's College, Ox- 
 ford, xxvi. 
 Henry VI, King of England, his birth, 
 173 ; buried at Windsor, ib. ; his 
 father's provision for him, 181 ; suc- 
 ceeds as King of England, 186; and 
 as King of France, 187 ; goes to France 
 and is crowned at Paris, 188; his 
 troublous reign, 188, 189 ; Hum- 
 
INDEX 
 
 ao7 
 
 phrey of Glorcester's care for, 8, i8i ; 
 
 Tito Livio dedicates his Vita Henrici 
 Quinti to, 6, 7. 
 
 Henry VII, King of England, builds 
 Richmond, 19 ». 
 
 Henry VIII, King of England, The 
 Translator writes for his instniction, 
 3-5 ; his invasion of France in 1513, 
 X, 4, 190. 
 
 Hereford, Countess of, see Bohun, Joan. 
 
 Hermanville, Sire de, at Harfleur, 35. 
 
 Hesdin (Hedin), funeral procession of 
 Henry V at, 184. 
 
 Hogue, La (Hogges), Earl of March 
 lands at, 86. 
 
 Holbom, Ely Place in, 73. 
 
 Holinshed, Raphael, historian, refers to 
 The Translator, v-vii, rivi ; his use of 
 Tito Livio's Vita, xv, xlvi, xlvii ; story 
 of Humphrey of Gloucester and Sigis- 
 mond, xxxiii ; on Alain Blanchard, 
 xxxvi ; on Barbasan, id. ; supplies 
 material for Famous Victories and to 
 Shakespeare, xlix, 1, lii-lvi. 
 
 Holland, Henry V hires ships from, 32 ; 
 sends for provisions to, 102. 
 
 Holland, John, Earl of Huntingdon, 
 defeats Genoese, 78 ; his retinue in 
 1417, 79; holds a command in Nor- 
 mandy, 108; at siege of Rouen, 124; 
 at capture of Pontoise, 147-8 ; defeats 
 French in Maine, 155 ; taken prisoner 
 at Baug^, in 142 1, 173; accompanies 
 Henry VI to France, 188. 
 
 Holland, William, Count of, comes to 
 London in 1416, 73, 74. 
 
 Honfleur (Humflete, Hunselewe), Eng- 
 lish' reconnoitre, 82 ; captured by Salis- 
 bury, 139 ; mentioned, 33. 
 
 Home, John, Mayor of Coventry, said 
 to have arrested Henry V when prince, 
 xli. 
 
 Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, created 
 Duke, 27 ; takes part in expedition of 
 1415, 33; his command at Harfleur, 
 37 ; wounded at Agincourt, 60; receives 
 Sigismnnd at Dover, xxxiii, 67 ; hostage 
 for John of Burgundy, 75 ; his retinue 
 in 1417, 79 ; besieges Touques, 82 ; at 
 siege of Caen, 85 ; captures Bayeux, 
 93> 95 ! *' siege of Alen^on, 98 ; of 
 Falaise, loi ; his campaign in the 
 Cfitentin, 106, 107 ; besieges and cap- 
 tures Cherbourg, 109-15 ; commands 
 at St. Hilary's Gate before Rouen, 
 133, 137; captures Ivry, 141; and 
 St. Germans, 152; Protector of England, 
 181, 186; his care for Henry VI, 8, 
 181 ; his patronage of Tito Livio, xiv, 7. 
 
 Hungary, Nicholas de Gara, Great Earl 
 of, 67. 
 
 Hungerford, Sir Walter, his speech to 
 
 Henry V before Agincourt, 54 n. 
 Huntingdon, Earl of, see Holland, John. 
 
 Ireland, Henry V taken there by 
 Richard II, 8 ; appeased, 24 ; Earl of 
 Ormonde in, xvii. 
 
 Isabell, Queen of France, agrees to meet 
 Heniy V, 142 ; comes to Pontoise, 143; 
 at Meulan, 144, 145 ; receives Warwick 
 at Troyes, 156 ; receives Henry V, 
 158 ; authorized by her husband to 
 make peace, 159; agrees to treaty, 
 160, i6i ; at marriage of Henry V, 
 162 ; at Sens, 166; at Paris, 171, 17S, 
 179; present at death of Henry V, 
 181. 
 
 Isleworth (Thestleworth), house of 
 Celestins there, xxxii, xxxiii, 20. 
 
 Ivry, captured, 141. 
 
 Iviy (Yury), Sire d', French ambassador 
 to England, 24. 
 
 J 
 
 James I, King of Scotland, marries Joan 
 Beaufort, 174; accompanies corpse of 
 Henry V to England, 184, i8,s. 
 
 Jersey (Gursey), assistance sent from, to 
 Humphrey of Gloucester, no. 
 
 Jerusalem, Henry V intends to visit, 82. 
 
 Jenasalem and Sicily, Yolande, Queen 
 of, makes terms with Henry V, 100. 
 
 Joan of Arc, 187. 
 
 John, Duke of Bedford, at the ' hurling 
 in Eastcheap ', xxxix ; created Duke, 
 27 «. ; receives Sigismund, 68 ; defeats 
 Genoese and relieves Harfleur, 69-71 ; 
 protector of England in I417, 81 ; sent 
 to relieve Cosne, 180; Henry Vappoints 
 him to rule Normandy and France, 
 181 ; provides for government of France, 
 183 ; as Regent of France is present at 
 funeral of Charles VI, 186, 187 ; his 
 successful rule of France, 187, 188; his 
 victory at Vernenil, 77, 187. 
 
 K 
 
 Kenilworth, Henry V at, xliii. 
 
 Kikle or Kyghley, Sir John, captain of 
 
 Touques, 83. 
 Kingston, Thomas, captain of Chateau 
 
 Gaillard, 170. 
 Kyme, Earl of, see Umfraville, 
 
 Langley (King's Langley, Herts), 
 
 Richard II buried there, 20. 
 Langley, Thomas, bishop of Durham, 
 
 xxiv. 
 
2o8 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Lawton's Hope Hill, reputed death of 
 
 Owen Glendower at, 191. 
 Leicester, Parliament at, 27, 
 Le Mans (Cittie of Shenene), 99. 
 Lille, Earl of Warwick's embassy to, 74. 
 Lingard, John, his criticism of the story 
 
 of Henry's disguising, xxvi. 
 Lisieux, captured, 95. 
 Lisieux, bishop of, see Franel, Pierre. 
 Livet, Robert de, Vicar-general of the 
 
 Archbishop of Rouen, excommunicates 
 
 Henry V, 128; his miserable fate, ib., 
 
 135- 
 
 Livio da Forli, Tito (Titus ^ivins 
 Forojuliensis), account of, xiv ; his 
 early interest in Henry V, 6 ; in service 
 of Humphrey of Gloucester, xiv, 7. 
 His Vita Henrici Quinti: dedicated 
 to Henry VI, 8 ; its character, xv ; use 
 made of it by The Translator, ix, xiii, 
 3 ; by later historians, xv, xlvi, xlvii ; its 
 influence on Shakespeare's character of ■ 
 Henry V, liv-lvi ; Italian translation 
 of, xiv. 
 
 Loire, river, 174. 
 
 Lombard Street, 184. 
 
 London, Henry IV and his son at, in 
 1411, xxiv; ' the hurling in Eastcheap,' 
 xxxix ; Lollard rising at, 23 ; triumphal 
 reception of Henry V at, 65 ; Sigismund 
 at, 68 ; Henry rides through, in 141 7, 
 77 ; funeral procession of Henry V at, 
 184, 185. See also Cheap, Durham 
 House, Ely Place, Ficket Field, 
 Holborn, Lombard St., St. Paul's, 
 Tower of London. 
 
 London Chronicles, stories and legends 
 of Henry V in , xxiv, xxxix, xl ; repro- 
 duced in The Famous Victories and by 
 Shakespeare, xlviii, xlix, 1, lii ; the 
 Lollard project of Church reform comes 
 from, liv. 
 
 Longny (Longue), Marichal de, fails to 
 reach Agincourt, 53. 
 
 Louis the Dauphin, Duke of Guienne, 
 rules for his father, 27, 32 ; fails to 
 relieve Harfleur, 39; at French Council 
 at Rouen, 45, 46 ; prevented from 
 going to Agincourt, 46 ; Burgundy's 
 variance with, 47 ; sends tennis-balls 
 to Henry V, xliii, xliv. 
 
 Louis II of Anjou, King of Sicily, at 
 French Council at Rouen, 46 ; his wife 
 and son make terms with Henry V, 100. 
 
 Louis III of Anjou, King of Sicily, 
 makes terms witli Heniy V, 100. 
 
 Louis XII, King of France, his war with 
 Henry VIII, igo. 
 
 Louviers, siege and capture of, 117, 118. 
 
 Luders, Alexander, on the Prince's dis- 
 guising, xxvii. 
 
 Lydgate, John, records the tennis-balJ 
 story, xliii, xliv. 
 
 M 
 
 MacoB, lordship of, 188. 
 Maine (Shenen), Louis of Anjou makes 
 terms for, 100 ; English campaign in, 
 
 155- 
 Maisoncelles, English army lodged at, 
 
 51 »., 62. 
 Manny, Oliver de, captain of Falaise, 
 
 103-6. 
 Mantes (Maunte), capture of, 139 ; 
 
 Henry V at, 143-9, 152 ; French 
 
 ambassadors come to, 153. 
 Manwood, Sir Peter, donor of Bodley 
 
 MS. 966, vi. 
 March, Earl of, see Mortimer. 
 Marne, river, 175. 
 Marshal, Earl, see Mowbray. 
 Martin V (Odo de Colonna), Pope, 76. 
 Martinville, la Porte, at Rouen, 123. 
 Matravers, lord, see Fitzalan, John. 
 Meanx, siege and capture of, 1 75-7. 
 Melun (Millan, Millomie), John of 
 
 Burgundy meets the Dauphin at, 1 45 -6 ; 
 
 siege of, xxxvii, 167-9. 
 Merlan (Meralawe), 178. 
 Meulan (Millans, Millane), conference 
 
 of Henry V and John of Burgundy at, 
 
 143-.') ; capture of, 152-3. 
 Michel, Duchess of Burgundy, 166. 
 Milan, Duke of, 67. 
 Miraumont, river, 45, 49. 
 Monchy-lagache, Henry V lodged at, 
 
 45. 49- 
 
 Mongoguier (Mountganger), Sire de, 46. 
 
 Monmouth, Henry V born there, 8. 
 
 Monstrelet, Enguerrant de, chronicler, 
 The Translator uses his Chronicle, ix, 
 3 ; influence of, on English narratives, 
 XV, xvi ; his story of the death-bed of 
 Henry IV, xxvii, xxviii, 1, lii j on fighting 
 in the mines at Melun, xxxvii; on 
 numbers of killed at Agincourt, Ivi ; use 
 of by Stow, ix, xlvii. 
 
 Montacute, Thomas, Earl of Salisbury, 
 his retinue in 141 7, 79 ; takes Aubvil- 
 liers, 83 ; at siege of Falaise, loi ; at 
 Rouen, 124; his successes in 1419, 
 1 39 ; captures Fresnay-le-Vicomte, 155; 
 recovers body of Clarence after Baug^, 
 173; chief lieutenant of John of Bed- 
 ford, 188. 
 
 Montereau (Monstrean), murder of John 
 of Burgundy at, 151 ; capture of, 166. 
 
 Montivilliers (Monstrevilges, Monsieure 
 de Villieurs), mentioned, 35 ; capture 
 of, 139. 
 
 Montjoye (Mount oye), captured, 152. 
 
INDEX 
 
 309 
 
 Montreuil (Menstraull), funeral pro- 
 cession of Henry V at, 184. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, his History of 
 Richard HI, x, xi. 
 
 Mortimer, Edmund, Earl of Marcli, liis 
 retinue in 1417, 79 ; keeps the sea, 81 ; 
 lands in Normandy, and joins the King 
 at Caen, 86; lieutenant of Ireland, 
 xvii. 
 
 Mowbray, John de, Earl Marshal and 
 Earl of Nottingham, his retinue in 141 7, 
 79 n. ; captures Loners, 83 ; at siege of 
 Rouen, 133 ; besieges Ivry, 141 ; fights 
 with French in Maine, 155. 
 
 N 
 
 Neufchatel (the newe Castell), 139. 
 Nevers, Philippe Count of, brother of 
 
 John of Burgundy, in French army, 
 
 48 ; knighted, 51 ; killed at Agincourt, 
 
 56. 
 Nevers, County of, 1 80. 
 Neville, Ralph, Earl of Westmorland, 
 
 54 n. ; references to, in Shakespeare, 
 
 Iv. 
 
 Newby, 95. 
 Nogent-sur-Seine, put in charge of 
 
 English, 157 ; Henry V at, 158. 
 Normandy, Henry V lands in, 33 ; 
 
 inhabitants of, do fealty to Henry V, 
 
 97 ; provision as to, in Treaty of 
 
 Troyes, 164 ; Clarence governor of, 
 
 173; charge of, given to Bedford, 181, 
 
 183 ; loss of, 189. 
 Norwich, bishop of, see Courtney, 
 
 Richard, and Wakering, John. 
 Nottingham, Earl of, see Mowbray, 
 
 John. 
 
 O 
 
 Offemont, captured, 178. 
 
 Offemont, Guy de Nesle, Sire d', attempts 
 to relieve Meaux, 175-6- 
 
 Olandyne, a lord of Holland, his services 
 rejected by Henry V, 28. 
 
 Oldcastle, Sir John, Lord Cobham, 
 takes part in expedition of 1411, n ; 
 dismissed by Henry V, 22 ; his re- 
 bellion, and execution, 23 ; introduced 
 in The Famous Victories, xli ; traces 
 of, in Shakespeare, xli ; his connexion 
 with the Falstaff legend, xli, xlii ; his 
 association with Henry V, ib. 
 
 Orleans, Charles, Duke of, his opposi- 
 tion to John of Burgundy, xxii, 10, 
 47 ; attacks English at Maisoncelles, 
 52; knighted, 53; commands in van 
 at Agincourt, 55 ; taken prisoner, 62. 
 
 Ormonde, Earl of, see Bntler, James. 
 
 1 188 
 
 Orsini (Vrsinys), Cardinal, ambassador 
 for John of Burgundy, 1 1 8. 
 
 Otterbonrne, Thomas, chronicler, de- 
 scribes reconciliation of Henry V to 
 his father, xxv ; his story of St. Vincent 
 Ferrier, xxxv ; on tennis-ball story, 
 xliii, xliv. 
 
 Paris, royal council at in 1414, 27 ; 
 Armagnac murdered at, 128; English 
 reconnoitre, 149 ; rulers of, negotiate 
 with Henry V, 151 -3 ; Henry V passes, 
 157 ; Henry V at, 166; Barbasan im- 
 prisoned at, 170; French Parliament 
 at, 171-3; Henry V at, 174, 178-9; 
 corpse of Henry V at, 183; death and 
 burial ofCharles VI at, 186-7; corona- 
 tion of Henry VI at, 188. 
 
 Percy, Sir Henry (Hotspur), killed at 
 Shrewsbury, 9. 
 
 Percy, Thomas, Earl ofWorcester, taken 
 prisoner at Shrewsbury, 9. 
 
 Philip, Duke of Burgundy, see Burgundy. 
 
 Philip VI, King of France, defeated at 
 Cr^9y, 44. 
 
 Piers, Launcellot, killed at En, 44. 
 
 Pole, Michael de la, second Earl of 
 Suffolk, his command at Harfleur, 34 ; 
 dies of the flux, 42 n. 
 
 Pole, Michael de la, third Earl of Suffolk, 
 killed at Agincourt, 62. 
 
 Pole, William de la, fourth Earl of 
 Suffolk, his retinue in 141 7, 79; at 
 siege of Rouen, 127 ; accompanies 
 Henry VI to France, 188. 
 
 Policronicon, The, Caxton's edition of, 
 xvi ; used by the Translator, ib., 20, 
 25. 30, 33: 61, 73. 80, 81, 82, 137, 185, 
 188. 
 
 Polydore Vergil, set Vergil. 
 
 Pontauton, \o(sn. 
 
 Pont de I'Arche (Portlarge), Henry V 
 besieges, 119-20; and crosses Seine at, 
 121. 
 
 Ponthieu, County of, granted to Philip 
 of Burgundy, 188. 
 
 Ponthieu, Louis, Count of, 46. 
 
 Pontoise, John of Burgundy and Queen 
 Isabel at, 143, 144; capture of, by 
 English, 146-8 ; Henry V at, 149, 157. 
 
 Portugal, John, King of, sends a fleet to 
 help English before Rouen, 125. 
 
 Powis, lord, see Cherleton, Edward. 
 
 Provins (Prouince), embassy of Earl of 
 Warwick to, 142 ; Henry V at, 158. 
 
 Quilleboenf, English victory at, 127 n. 
 
aio 
 
 INDEX 
 
 R 
 
 Redmayne, Robert, historian, his Lift of 
 Henry V, xxxiii; story of Sigismtind 
 at Calais, ib. ; on story of Prince and 
 Chief Justice, xxxviii. 
 
 Rennes, St. Vincent Ferrier at, xxxv. 
 
 Richard II, King of England, foretells 
 the renown of Henry V, 8 ; in Ireland, 
 ib. ; buried at Langley, but translated 
 by Henry V to Westminster, 20; 
 masses for, 21. 
 
 Richard, Earl of Cambridge, his plot 
 against Henry V, 30. 
 
 Richard, Duke of York, accompanies 
 Henry VI to France, 188. 
 
 Richemont (Richemunde), Arthur, Earl 
 of, attacks English at Maisoncelles, 5 2 ; 
 taken prisoner at Agincourt, 62. 
 
 Richmond, the later name of Sheen, 19. 
 
 Robsart, Sir Lewis, his prowess at Cher- 
 bourg, 113. 
 
 Rome, Church of, 76, 190. 
 
 Ros, John, lord, his retinue in 1417, 79. 
 
 Rotherhithe, Henry IV at, xxiv. 
 
 Rouen (Roane), French council at, 45, 
 46; Dauphin at, in 1417, 82«. ; 
 Henry V lays siege to, 114, 116; de- 
 scription of, 121, 122 ; English posi- 
 tions before, 123-4; '^^ siege, 124-8; 
 famine at, 129; alleged visit of St. 
 Vincent Ferrier to, xxxvi, 130; the in- 
 habitants beg for terms, 132-5 ; sur- 
 render of, 136; Henry V enters, 137; 
 story of the ' thirty kings ' at, xlv ; ex- 
 chequer established there,i38 ; Henry's 
 buildings at, 136, 138 ; Duke of Brit- 
 tany visits Henry at, 139 ; ambassadors 
 of Dauphin at, 140 ; mutiny at, 146 ; 
 Henry keeps Christmas, 1419, at, 155 ; 
 corpse of Henry V at, 183, 184; Joan 
 of Arc burnt at, 187 ; Henry VI at, 
 188. 
 
 Roussy, Count of, at Agincourt, 56. 
 
 Ruisseauville (Ronsianvile), French 
 army at, 50. 
 
 St. Catherine's Abbey, Rouen, 122; 
 
 siege and capture of, 125-6. 
 St. Cloud (Clo), English and Burgnn- 
 
 dian victory at, 11. 
 Ste. Croix, Cardinal, at Conference of 
 
 Arras, 1 89. 
 St.Denys, Henry Vpasses,i57; Charles 
 
 VI buried at, 187. 
 St. George's, Southwark, Henry V's 
 
 oblations at, 77. 
 St. German's, captured, 152. 
 St. Hilary's Gate, Rouen, Gloucester 
 
 lodged before, 123, 127. 
 
 St. Lo, captured, 107. 
 
 St. Maur-des-Foss^s, entrails of Henry 
 V buried at, 182. 
 
 St. Omer (St. Meros), Humphrey of 
 Gloucester at, 75. 
 
 St. Paul's, London, Henry V and Sigis- 
 mund at, 68 ; Henry V visits, in 1417, 
 77 ; corpse of Henry V rests at, 185 ; 
 Bishop's Palace at, xxiv. 
 
 St. Pol (St. Panle), County of, 52. 
 
 St. Pol, Philip, Count of, lus embassy to 
 Henry V, 142, 143. 
 
 St. Quentin, French at, 45. 
 
 St. Riguier (St. Regnieur), surrendered 
 by Sire d' Offemont, 175. 
 
 St. Sauveur-le-Vicomte (St. Sauiour 
 Leuont), captured, 107. 
 
 St. Stephen's Abbey, Caen, preserved by 
 Clarencefrom intended destruction, 84; 
 windows of, shattered by bombard- 
 ment, 86 ; Sir Edmtmd Springes buried 
 there, 92. 
 
 Salisbury, Earl of, see Montacute, 
 Thomas. 
 
 Salms, Count of, at Agincourt, 56. 
 
 Scales, Thomas, lord, fights under Bed- 
 ford, 188. 
 
 Schism, The Great, Sigismimd and 
 Henry V agree to its termination, 72 ; 
 ended, 76 ; a fresh Schism averted in 
 1513, 190- 
 
 Scotland, Henry IV invades, 8 ; trouble 
 with, appeased in 1414, 24; Scots in- 
 vade England, 115; and are defeated 
 by Exeter, 116. 
 
 Scotland, King of, see James I. 
 
 Scrope, Henry, lord le, his plot against 
 Henry V, Iv, 30. 
 
 Seez (Sees), captured, 98. 
 
 Seine, river, situation of Harileur on, 35, 
 36 ; Bedford's naval engagement in, 70 ; 
 Genoese fleet in, 69, 78 ; English army 
 crosses at Pont de I'Arche, 119-21 ; 
 English bridge across, at Rouen, 124 ; 
 conference at Meulan on banks of, 
 143; flotilla on, at siege of Meulan, 
 152. 
 
 Sens, surrendered to Henry V, 166; 
 Villeneuve near, 175 ». 
 
 Sens, archbishop of, with French army, 
 48 ; killed at Agincourt, 62. 
 
 Shakespeare, William, his materials, 
 xlvi, xlvii, 1 ; his indebtedness to Tito 
 Livio, xlvi, liv-lvi; to The Transla- 
 tor, 1, liv-lvi ; to Holinshed, xlvii, 1, 
 lii-lvi ; story of Gadshill,li ; of Henry 
 and his father, li, lii ; of Prince and 
 Chief Justice, li-liii ; of tennis-balls, 
 liv ; legend of Falstaff, xli, xlii, li-liii ; 
 of Bardolph, liii, Iv; cm project of 
 Church reform, liv. 
 
INDEX 
 
 211 
 
 Sheen, manor of, rebuilt by Henry V, 
 19 ; religions foundations at, 19, 20. 
 
 Shenen (Cenomannia), see Maine, and 
 Le Mans. 
 
 Shrewsbury, battle of, liv. 9. 
 
 Sigismund, Emperor, negotiates for 
 peace at Paris, 66 ; his dress, ib'. ; re- 
 ceived at Calais, xxxiii, 67; story of 
 his reception by Humphrey of Glou- 
 cester at Dover, xxxiii, 67, 68 ; comes 
 to London, 68 ; made a knight of the 
 Garter, 69 ; his advice to Henry V, ib. ; 
 concludes alliance with Henry V, 
 71-3 ; goes to conference at Calais, 
 74 ; Hen?y V's presents to, 75 ; seeks 
 passage through Flanders, 76 ; his 
 share in the Council of Constance, ib, 
 
 Sion, Nunnery of, founded by Henry V, 
 20. 
 
 Solly-Flood, Mr. F., his unwarranted 
 censure of Fabyan, xxxii ; on the story of 
 the Prince and the Chief Justice, xixviii, 
 xl, xlii; on the Coventry legend, xli n. 
 
 Somerset, Earl of, see Beaufort, John. 
 
 Soinme, river, English prevented from 
 crossing at Blanche-Taque, 44 ; passage 
 of, 45- 
 
 Southampton (Hampton), muster at, in 
 1415, 28, 30, 32; muster at, in 1417, 
 
 777 79- 
 Speed, John, historian, his quotations 
 from The Translator, xlvii. 
 Springe, Sir Edmund, killed at Caen, 
 89«., 92. 
 Stafford, Edmund, Earl of, 190. 
 Stafford, Hugh, lord Bourchier, his re- 
 tinue in 141 7, 79. 
 Stow, John, historian, his mention of 
 The Translator's Life of Henry the 
 Fifth, V ; his copy of The Life, viii, ix ; 
 his indebtedness to The Translator, vi, 
 vii, ix, XV, xlvi, xlvii, and footnotes, 
 passim ; his use of LiviUs and Mon- 
 strelet, ix, xlvii ; his story of Henry's 
 disguising, xx, xxv, xxvi ; his story of 
 Henry IV's advice to his son, xxvii ; 
 quotes the story of the receivers as 
 from Livius, xxli; borrows the story 
 of the Prince and the Chief Justice 
 from Elyot, xxxix ; on • the hurling at 
 Eastcheap", ib., xlix; his ' Register of 
 Mayors', xxxix, xlix; supplies material 
 for The Famous Victories and to Shake- 
 speare, 1, li, Ivi. 
 
 Streeche, John, canon of Kenilworth, his 
 account of the death-bed of Henry IV, 
 xxviii; on tennis-ball story, xliii; on 
 story of the Sire de Graville, xliv. 
 Suffolk, Earls of, see Pole. 
 Swynford, Catherine, Duchess of Lan- 
 caster, xxxi. 
 
 Talbot, Gilbert, lord, his retinue in 
 
 1417, 79. 
 Talbot, John, lord, afterwards Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, serves under Bedford, 188. 
 Thiberville (Tiuill), captured, 106. 
 Thomas, Duke of Clarence, his early 
 friendship with the Earl of Ormonde, 
 xvii ; at ' the hurling in Eastcheap', 
 xxxix ; his share in the events of 1411— 
 12, xxii, xxiii; his dissension with his 
 brother, xxii, lii, 1 2 ; takes part in 
 suppression of Lollards, 23 ; serves in 
 expedition of 1415, 33 ; his command 
 at siege of Harilenr, 34, 36-8 ; suffers 
 from sickness, 42 ; goes home, 43 ; 
 present at reception of Sigismund, 68 ; 
 his retinue in 141 7, 79; at siege of 
 Caen, 84-6 ; storms the town, 89, 90 ; 
 his share of the spoils, xxxiv, 92 ; at 
 siege of Falaise, loi ; his Norman 
 campaign in 1418, 106 ; Harcourt 
 granted to, 107 ; commands at the 
 passage of the Seine, 120 ; at siege of 
 Rouen, 123 ; his conquests in 1419, 
 138, 139; reconnoitres Paris, 149; at 
 Troyes, 160, 162; defeated and killed at 
 Baugi, 173; hears St. Vincent Ferrier 
 preach, xxxv. 
 Thorigny (Tumey), captured, 107. 
 Tille, John, confessor of Henry IV, 
 xxvii, 
 Touques, English land near, in 141 7, 8 1 ; 
 captured, 82 ; Sir John Kikle, captain 
 of, 83 ; the Dauphin's ambassadors at, 
 100. 
 Tournay, capture of, x. 
 Tower of London, Oldcastle escapes 
 from, 23. 
 
 Treaties: of Canterbury, 72, 73; of 
 Troyes, 160-5, '^i- 
 Translator of Livius, The, reference 
 to, by sixteenth-century historians, v ; 
 manuscripts of his Life, v-ix, Ivi ; 
 time at which he wrote, ix, x ; literary 
 characteristics, x-xii ; his qualities as an 
 historian, xii-xiv ; his sources, xiv-xvi, 
 3; his use of the Earl of Ormonde, xix; 
 discussion of stories preserved by, xx- 
 xxxviii; use of by sixteenth-century 
 historians, xlvi, xlvii ; Speed quotes 
 second hand, xlviii ; influence of, on The 
 Famous Victories, xlviii, xlix ; on 
 Shakespeare's conception of Henry V, 
 xlvii, 1-lvi ; his Proem, 3-5 ; moraliza- 
 tions by, 17-19, 23, 28, 29, 34, 45, 190, 
 191. 
 Troyes, John of Burgundy at, 151 ; 
 Earl of Warwick's embassy to, 156; 
 journey of Henry V to, 157, 158 ; re- 
 
312 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ception of Henry V at, 158, 159; 
 peace concluded at, 160 ; terms of the 
 Treaty of Troyes, 1 60-5 ; marriage of 
 Henry V at, 162 ; departure of Henry 
 V from, 166. 
 
 Turner, Sharon, rejects story of Prince's 
 disguising, xxvii, 
 
 Tyler, James Endell, author of Memoirs 
 of Henry V, doubts the story of the 
 Prince's disguising, xxvi ; criticizes 
 Stow, xxvii. 
 
 U 
 
 Umfraville, Gilbert de, titular Earl of 
 Kyme, takes part in expedition of 1411, 
 xxii, II. 
 
 Valognes (Valloges), captured, 107. 
 
 Valois, 178. 
 
 Vannes (Venice), bishop of, Breton 
 
 ambassador to Henry V, 181. 
 Vauconvilliers (Rokinvilliers), captured, 
 
 149. 
 Vaudemont, Count of, at Agincourt, 
 
 56. 
 
 Vaurus (Vaiome), Bastard of, captain 
 of Meaur, 175; executed in punish- 
 ment for his cruelties, 177, 178. 
 
 Vend6me (Vandesme), Count of, am- 
 bassador to England, 24 ; killed at 
 Agincourt, 62. 
 
 Vergil, Polydore, his influence on his- 
 torical literature in England, xi, xii ; 
 possibly used Tito Livio's Vita, xv ; 
 borrowed notice of Henry V's youth 
 from Fabyan, xxx. 
 
 Vemeuil (Semgle, Vermile, Vemnell), 
 surrendered to Henry V, 98 ; battle of, 
 
 77. 187- 
 Vernon, Louis the Dauphin at, 39; 
 
 captured, 139 ; Henry V at, 141. 
 Villeneuve-le-Roi, Henry V at, 175 n. 
 Vincent Ferrier, St., story of his sermon 
 
 before Henry V, vi, xxxiv-xxxvi, 130-2 ; 
 
 his movements in 1417, XXXV ; cameto 
 
 Henry at Caen and not at Rouen, ii. ; 
 
 Otterbonme's notice of, id. ; his 
 canonization, id., 130; his praise of 
 Henry V, 132. 
 
 Vire, captured, 107. 
 
 Visconti, Giancarlo, 67 «. 
 
 Voyenne, passage of Somme at, 45. 
 
 W 
 
 Wakering, John, bishop of Norwich, 
 
 ambassador to France, 74. 
 Wales, birth of Henry V in, 8 ; rebellion 
 
 in, 9, :o; Oldcastle takes refuge in, 
 
 23 ; appeased, 24. 
 Walsingham, Thomas, his account of 
 
 the conversion of Henry V, xxx. 
 Warwick, Earl of, see Beauchamp. 
 Westminster, reconciliation of Henry 
 
 IV and his son at, xxiv »., xxv, 1 2 ; 
 
 Henry V at, 23 ; Sigismund at, 68. 
 Westminster Abbey, Richard II buried 
 
 at, 20; Henry V buried at, 185; 
 
 masses at, founded by Henry V, 21, 22. 
 Whiddon, Sir John, judge, refers to 
 
 Gascoigne story, xxxix. 
 William the Conqueror, Henry V the 
 
 greatest king since, 4 ; his tomb, 92. 
 Willoughby, Robert, lord, his retinue 
 
 in 141 7, 79. 
 Winchester, bishop of, see Beaufort, 
 
 Henry. 
 Windsor, Henry VI buried at, 173; 
 
 story of Henry V at, xlv. 
 Worcester, Earl of, see Percy, Thomas. 
 Wylie, Dr. J. H., on the story of 
 
 Prince's disguising, xxivK., xxvi; on 
 
 story of Prince and Chief Justice, xl. 
 
 York, archbishop of, see Bowet, Henry. 
 York, Duke of, see Edward, Richard. 
 Yong, James, translates the Secreta 
 Secretorum for Ormonde, xviii, xix. 
 
 Zealand, Henry V hires ships from, 32. 
 
 Oxford : Printed at the Clarendon Press by Horace Hart, M.A.