CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library PM 761.S24 Notes on Chasta Costa phonology and moi 3 1924 027 107 741 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027107741 CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA TO TAKELMA TEXTS. p. 11, at end — add: "* denotes theoretical forms" p. 13, 1. 10 (interlinear) — change "mourning" to "bereft of child" p. 14, 1. 11 (text) — change abailiwili"^ to abailiwild"^ p. 22, 1. 8 (interlinear)— change "Dino^mi^" to "Di%"mi'" p. 22, 1. 10 (text) — change xaHyasgiplilhi^ to xaHyasgipllhi p. 22, 1. 10 (interlinear) — omit ", it is said" p. 23, 1. 3 (interlinear) — insert quotes (") before "Strings" p. 24, 1. 7 (text) — change ha'xda^ to haxda^ p. 24, 1. 11 (text) — change m'^s to mi^^s p. 25, 1. 3 (text) — change da-it!amdk' to de^idamd^k' p. 25, 1. 8 (text) — change abaigini^k' to abaigini^k' p. 26, 1. 13 (text) — change gini^k to ginfk' p. 30, 1. 11 (interlinear) — omit "to it" p. 31, 1. 14 (text) — change mW^xddnhi to mW^xddnhi p. 32, 1. 1 (interlinear) — change "holdidg" to "holding" p. 41, footnote — change 3 to 31 p. 46, 1. 1 (text) — change tHHd'p'agit'gwa to th'ld' p'igit' gwa p. 50, 1. 1 (text)^ — change footnote reference ^ to * (referring to p. 49) p. 50, 1. 2 (text)— change heHleme'k'wana^ to heHleme'^k'wana^ p. 57, 1. 4 (text) — change desgwogwenf to desgwogwent' p. 60, 11. 6, 7 (text) — change nagmk'wa^ to nagalk'wa p. 61, 1. 11 (text) — change yald^k to yald^k' p. 71, 1. 4 (text) — change hawa'pi^- to hawa^pH'- p. 71, 1. 15 (text) — change Ikwe^xi to ik'we'xi p. 71, 1. 16 (text) — change bayewe' to bayewe'^ p. 75, 1. 3 (text) — change xambili" to xambili"^ p. 76, 1. 8 (interlinear) — change "with it" to "thereby" (265) 266 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II, p. 78, 1. 4 (text) — change he'dedd^ to he'dadd^ p. 78, note 2, 1. 1— change "verb" to "aorist" p. 87, 1. 6— after "Coyote" insert: "Sharp-mouthed, sharp- clawed, s-cum matre copulans!" was said to him. "S-what do you say?" p. 88, 1. 9 — change wiHs to wi^s p. 92, 1. 4 — change klemel to klemel p. 94, 1. 2 — change ndk'wok' to nak'wok' p. 95, 1. 24— change "s-whats" to "s-what's" P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- P- 00, 1. 1 — change yeukH^ to yeukH'^ 01, 1. 14— change ^ to ^ 05, 1. 14— change ^ to ^ 08, 1. 8 — change disgot'olha to disgoUolha 09, 1. 11 — change ha^p' to ba^p' 10, 1. 3 — change p'elekwa to p'elek'wa 11, 1. 7 — change "the warriors assembled" to "he assem- bled the warriors" 19, footnote — change "Athabascan" to "Athabascan" 20, 1. 16 — change t'ga" to t'ga" 20, 1. 17 — change gwl'^ne to gwl'^ne 22, 1. 21— change debu'"^kH to debu'"k'i 24, 1. 7 — change gingdt to gingdt' 27, note 6 — add: -t'git' HH'e^ is very likely transformed from -t'gwat' ^eife^ "I am provided with. . .". See T. L., p. 261, footnote 34, 1. 8 — change opxakan to opxak/an 42, 1. 7 — change k'aiHd'p'akH to k'aiHd'p'ikH 44, 1. 17 — ^change sgalduk, to sgalduk' 46, 1. 3— change dg to gd 55, 1. 14 — change "did grow" to "he caused to grow" 56, 1. 21 — change kdi^wa to k'di^wa 71, note 9 — change "grandfather" to "grandmother" 73, 1. 22 — change s-omloholxa^s to somloholxa^s 78, 1. 18 — change gandt' to ga ndt' 79, 1. 28— change "Not in that fashion!" to "Do not say that!" E. SAPIR — TAKELMA TEXTS. 267 p. 182, 1. 15 — change ts!a-imat, to ts!a-imdt' p. 184, 1. 15 — change gwelius-i to gwelHus-i p. 188, 1. 9 — change wi^wdkdi' to wi^wdk'di p. 189, note 4 — change Yuk'ydk'wa to Yuk'ydk'wa p. 191, note 8— change "did" to "will" p. 194, 1. 10 — change t'omomd^n to tlomomd^n p. 195, 11. 3, 10— change "shall" to "shalt" p. 196, 1. 18 — change sallatsdk' to sallats/dk' p. 206, 1. 23 — change gwenai-dh to gwena-id^s p. 209, 1. 4 from bottom— change "back" to "bark" p. 222, 1. 6 — change da" to da"- p. 229, 11. 4, 5— transpose "i/er." and "usit." p. 230, 1. 21 — change ha^wi- to hawi- p. 230, 1. 6 from bottom — change ts-ai-m- to ts-!ai-m- p. 231, 1. 6 — change ha-dak' to ha-dak'- p. 234, 1. 9 from bottom — change "mensrtaul" to "menstrual" p. 238, s. V. yewei add: ba^- revive, be cured ba^-^i-yewe^-n-Ci-) : -yeV-an- 2 III cure, bring to life p. 239, 1. 4 from bottom — add after " (from standing posi- tion)": "; be born" p. 243, 1. 13 — change -dn-x- to -an-x- p. 253, 1. 10 — insert entry: set kingfisher p. 263, note 1 — change yowo to yowo- UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS Vol. II No. 2 NOTES ON CHASTA GOSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY BY EDWARD SAPIR PHILADELPHIA PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM 1914 CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 273 Phonology 275 Vowels 275 Consonants - 282 Morphology 290 Pronouns 290 Noirns 291 Numerals 296 Adjectives 296 Adverbs 297 Postpositions 299 Verbs 300 Adverbial Prefixes 301 Deictic Prefixes 305 First Modal Prefixes 307 Second Modal Prefixes 309 Subjective Pronominal Prefixes 312 Third Modal Prefixes 321 Verb Stems 322 Definite and Indefinite Tenses 326 Pronominal Objects 329 Passives 332 Verbal Suffixes 332 Syntactic Combination of Verbs 334 Text: The Good Dog 335 Appendix: Galice Creek and Applegate Creek 339 (271) NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. INTRODUCTION. In a large part of southwestern Oregon and contiguous territory in northwestern California were spoken a number of apparently quite distinct Athabascan dialects. The terri- tory covered by tribes or groups of villages speaking these dialects embraced not only a considerable strip of Pacific coast^ but also much of the interior to the east (Upper Umpqua and Upper Coquille rivers, lower Rogue river, Chetco creek and Smith river) ; some of the tribes (such as Tolowa and Chetco) were strictly coast people, others (such as Galice Creek and Umpqua or i\kwa^) were confined to the interior. While some of the Athabascan dialects spoken south of the Klamath in California, particularly Hupa and Kato, have been made well known to students of American linguistics, practically nothing of linguistic interest has as yet -been published on any of the dialects of the Oregon- California branch of Pacific Athabascan. It is hoped that the following imperfect and fragmentary notes on one of these dialects may prove of at least some value in a preliminary way.^ '■ Outside of a few points in southern and southeastern Alaska (Cook Inlet, mouth of Copper river, Portland Canal) this is the only region in which Athabascan tribes have found their way to the Pacific. ' My ^ denotes nasalization. ' The material for these notes was secured in a very incidental manner. While the writer was at work on Takelma in the latter part of the summer of 1906, he was living with Mr. Wolverton Orton, a full-blood Chasta Costa Indian. At odd moments Mr. Orton and the writer whiled away the time with Chasta Costa. (273) 274 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOt. II. The Chasta Costa (or Cw/to q!wAs/ta) Indians, now gathered in Siletz Reservation in western Oregon, formerly occupied part of lower Rogue river; between them and the coast were other Athabascan tribes or villages of practically identical speech, above them to the east were the unrelated Takelma.* Among these tribes of nearly or quite identical speech were the Y'iv/gwi or Euchre Creek people, the Tee' /me dAJne or "Joshuas" of the mouth of Rogue river, the Du/t'-il dA/nl, the Ml/klu/nu" dA/nt, and the GwA/sd. All these formed a linguistic unit as contrasted with the coast people {d/yds/ta "lower tribes") or, as they are now commonly called by the Indians of Siletz, "Sol Chuck" Indians, a Chinook Jargon term meaning "salt water, coast" people; the dialect of these coast tribes was probably identical to all intents and purposes with Chetco. While Chasta Costa and Coast Athabascan are thus more or less distinct, they seem to have been mutually intelligible without very much difficulty, the coast dialect sounding merely somewhat "strange" and "drawn out" to a speaker of Chasta Costa. At least three other Athabascan dialects of this region, however, seem to have differed so much from Chasta Costa as to be but partly understood, if at all by speakers of the latter; these are Upper Umpqua, Upper Coquille, and Galice Creek. < It has already been pointed out (American Anthropologist, N. S., 9, p. 253, note 2) that there is reason to believe that J. O. Dorsey was incorrect in assigning the Chasta Costa villages above those of the Takelma (see his map in Journal of American Folk-Lore, III, p. 228). On p. 234 Dorsey gives a list of Chasta Costa villages. PHONOLOGY. Vowels. The vowels of Chasta Costa are a, a, e (open as in Eng- lish met), e (long and open), o (close as in German Sohn), 0, u (apparently variant of o), u, i (generally open), I, and A (like u of English but); 6 (short and open as in German voU) sometimes occurs after velars as variant of o (sxo/ld "five," cf. Hupa* tcwo/la), a (as in English hat) occurs after velars as variant of e {tsxd/xe "child," cf. Carrier® cezkhehkhe "chil- dren"). Vocalic quantity is of considerable importance in Chasta Costa, not so much etymologically as phonetically. On the whole, long and short vowels interchange on regular mechan- ical principles; open syllables (that is, syllables ending in a vowel) with long vowel regularly shorten this vowel when the suffixing of one or more consonants to the vowel makes the syllable closed. Examples of a thus varying with a are: dd/ydc/t!a "I won't %;" dd/ydt/t!a "we won't fly" (cf. do/yd/ tia "he won't fly") dad /da "he is sitting down" (cf. da/ did /da "I am sitting down") tc!dsL/se "he cries;" tddci/se/t'e "I shall cry" (cf. tcld/Qil/se "you cry") tcla/^dsh/ se "they cry" (cf. tda/yd/dil/se "we cry") nac/tlb "I swim" (cf. nd/tcll/tlo "you bathe") ' Hupa examples are taken from P. E. Goddard, "The Morphology of the Hupa Language," Univ. of Cal. Publ. Amer. Arch, and Ethn., 3. ' Carrier examples are taken from Rev. A. G. Morice, "The D^n6 Languages," Trans- actions of the Canadian Institute, I, pp. 170-212. (275) 276 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. An example of e shortened to e is: nes/ts!Al/l "I am seen" (cf. ne'/ts!Al/l "he is seen") Original long vowels may lose their quantity even in an open syllable, provided they are immediately followed or preceded by a syllable with relatively strong accent. Such are tela-, na-, and ne- in: tc!a/ya/dil/se "we cry;" tda/ydst/se "they cry" ne/nd/tslAl/l "we are seen" Id na/dit/t!d "don't bathe;" {na/dit/t!d is phonetically enclitic to strongly accented Id; contrast nd/dit/t!d/t'e "you will bathe") In general, however, stress accent cannot be said to be particularly well marked in Chasta Costa. ^ Each syllable is a fairly well-defined phonetic unit tending to hold its own against others, so that an approximately level accentual flow with but few peaks results. Such writings as nd/dit/t!o and tc!d/dil/se, with apparent accent preceded by long vowels, are doubtless but imperfect renderings of forms with level stress on first and second syllables (they might perhaps better be written nd/dU/t!o and tdd/dll/se with secondary accent on second syllable). It does not seem that every vowel in an open syllable is organically long; thus e in future -Ve and in -de of Vwl/de "everything" is regularly short. Many such cases are, however, probably only apparent, the short vowel being followed by a glottal stop; thus plural ya- of ya/dAl/nl "they make a sound" should doubtless be ya'-. Short a of closed syllables is regularly reduced from long a; original short a becomes 4 in a closed syllable. Examples of A thus dulled from original a are: t'Ac/yAc/fe "I shall go" (cf. t'e/Sic/ya "I go;" -yAc = Hupa -yauw) ' Weak stress accent seems characteristic of Athabascan generally. Father Morice goes so far as to say, "there is no accent in D^n^" {op. cil., p. 173). E. SAPIK — ^NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 277 nd/xAn/do "eight, two less" {na/xA- = Kato^ nqk/ka'^ "two") do/na/jAct/xwl "I do not vomit" (cf. na/yCi/dAdt/xwf "I vomit") t'Al/dAc "he runs" {-dAc= Hupa -dauw) yAfi/na/'Ac "he will bring" {-'ac = Hupa -auw) t'el AnI'iitllAl "we are sinking" (cf. t^e/nit/lat^ "we drown;" Hupa -lat, -la "to float") Not to be etymologically confused with this A is inorganic A. Whenever a consonant is not followed by a definitely determined vowel and yet, for some reason or other, is not phonetically appended to the preceding syllable, it must begin its own syllable and takes an inorganic, in other words ety- mologically meaningless, ^ -vowel after it. This syllable may either be completed by a consonant of etymological value (such as first person singular c, verb class signs I, t, I) never followed by a definite vowel or, if it is immediately followed by a syllable beginning with a consonant, this consonant is borrowed to complete the inorganic syllable (-t closes inorganic syllables preceding d-, t!-, dj-, tc!-, ts!-, id!-, tc'-, l!-), so that a doubled consonant results of which the first half is of no ety- mologic significance. In some cases, however, as before 7-, and in rapid speech generally, this inorganic consonant is not always distinctly heard; yet in syllabifying words Mr. Orton completed such inorganic syllables with a consonant with mechanical regularity. These syllables with inorganic vowel and consonant are characteristic not only of Chasta Costa but also of Hupa and Kato and doubtless other Athabascan dialects as well. The general phonetic tendency to speak in definite syllables and the further tendency to limit short vowels to closed syllables explain these characteristic Athabascan ' Kato examples are taken from P. E. Goddard, "Kato Texts," Univ. Cal. Publ. Amer. Arch, and Ethn., 5, 65-238; and "Elements of the Kato Language," ibid., 11, 1-176. ' -a- may be secondarily lengthened from -a-. 278 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. developments. The quality of the inorganic vowel varies for different Athabascan dialects; it is A (4) in Kato as well as in Chasta Costa, i {u before voiced or voiceless w, u or e before post-palatal ^-sounds) in Hupa, apparently e in Galice Creek, ce (probably identical with our ^) in Carrier. Chasta Costa xAt/t'Al/lai "they sleep" is etymologically equivalent to x/t'/lai; X-, third person plural prefix, cannot stand alone and is therefore followed by A and / borrowed from -/'-, while -t'- (verb prefix t'- reduced from t'e-, therefore not capable of combining with x- into xAt'-) in turn needs a syllabifying A followed by I borrowed from -lai. Other examples of inorganic A, with and without following inorganic consonant, are: t'Ac/yAc/t'e "I shall go" (t'A- = t'- reduced from t'e-) dd/yd/xAt/t!a "they won't fly" (xAt- = x-) nd/xAt/dAl/nic "they work" (xAt/dA- = x/d-, d- reduced from de-) dd/xAn/nAt/t'Ac "they go to bed" (xAn/nAt- = x/n-) t'e/An/jAl/lAi "he is sinking" {jaI- = y-) Many syllables with final consonant and A- vowel must be considered as radical or at least unanalyzable elements. In not all such cases is ^ a reduced form of a; where A seems a primary vowel, as shown by comparison with other Atha- bascan dialects, it seems best to consider it an organic element in the syllable, though it remains plausible that at last analysis it is but a reduced form of some fuller vowel. Thus, while -yAc has been shown to represent an original -yac (Hupa -yauw), -Vac contains a primary A, as shown by comparison with Hupa -tuw "to lie down" (ultimately -Vac is doubtless -V, reduced from -Ve, and suffix -c). Inorganic A sometimes becomes palatalized to i, though there is not enough material available to make it certain just when this change takes place. Examples of this secondary i have been found before c (but not before its developments s and 6) and s derived from to (but not before original 5 or its E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MOEPHOLOGY. 279 development) when itself preceded by m, n, or 6 (preceding 7, however, tends to preserve a). Examples are: mis/ki'° "gull" (cf. Kato butc/k'ai') nic/ya "I come" {nic- = cessative n- and first person singular c) nic/dac "I dance" Ve/nic/lat "I drown" Ve/6ic/ya "I go" {die- = durative 6- and pronominal c\ cf. Ved/ya "he goes" without vowel after 6) tdAy/ye/eic/ya "I eat" je/dic/l "I saw him" (cf. c/yid/i "he saw me") eid/sl "I let him" With -6ic- contrast -6Ad- (both from original *-sAc-) in da/QA6/dd "I am sitting;" with -6id- contrast -sAsl- (from original -*sAd- and -*sAcl- respectively) in tc!d/sAsl/se "I am crying." -yic- was heard in yd/yic/tla "I fly," but as this is an isolated example (contrast -yAc- in nd/da/yAct/t!d "I bathe" and -yAci- in yAcl/Az "I sneezed"), it seems possible that this form was misheard ior yd/yAc/t!a. Besides -nic- also -»^c- is met with: dd/nAc/t^Ac "I go to bed" and nd/nAc/An "I stop him;" it is probable that in these forms -ha- is a reduced form of ne- (cf. Hupa tcin/ne/tuw "she goes to bed") and thus not directly comparable with -ni- of -nic-. Unaccented a, itself reduced from a, has in one case {-yAc "to go") been found further palatalized to i: do IV Ac I yic "I'll not go," Id/t'l/yic "don't go!" (cf. fAc/yAc/t'e "I shall go"); this -yic contracts with directly preceding Va- into -Vac: do/VAc "he won't go." Original Athabascan ai has in Chasta Costa become monophthongized to I. Examples are: l/gl "white" (cf. Kato h/gai) "> Should probably be miskli'. "With this-t' AC Kato ta/cac in do/ta/co* ta/cac "not anywhere I went" (P. E. God- dard, "Kato Texts," Univ. Cal. Publ. Amer. Arch, and Ethn., 5, No. 3, p. 182, 1. 17) is in striking agreement. 280 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. mis/k.'i"^ "gull" (cf. Kato butc/k'ai') hl'^^ demonstrative "that" (cf. Hupa hai) au as organic diphthong seems to occur but rarely in Atha- bascan. If do "no!" (cf. Hupa dau) may be regarded as distinct from adverbial do "not" (cf. Hupa do), we would have an example of the parallel development of au to 5 in Chasta Costa. Certain contractions that take place between i of first person plural -it- and second person plural -o- with preceding vowels will be spoken of in discussing the pronominal prefixes. One of the most striking phonological characteristics of Chasta Costa is the disappearance of an original ?]" or of its representative, nasalization of preceding vowel. Its former presence can always be proved by comparison with other Athabascan dialects that, like Hupa, still preserve it. In the case of all vowels but inorganic A nasalization has left no trace whatever, original q (from arj), | (from er]), and f (from Irj) being reduced to a, e, and I; originally short vowels, on losing their nasalization and thus coming to stand in an open syllable, become lengthened, while originally long vowels in a closed syllable not only lose their nasalization but are shortened. Thus, a syllable si may represent an original 5| (or slrj) or sj (or sir]) , while sil may go back as well to sfl as to sjl. Examples of the absolute disappearance of an original rj are: na/xe "you paddle" (na- = *nq-, cf. Hupa nun/ya "you are about") do/yd/t!a "you won't fly" {yd- = *yq-, cf. Hupa yum/ mas assimilated from *yun/mas "you are rolling over") tc!dl/se/Ve "you will cry" {tdal- = *ic.'q-l-; cf. tc!dd/se/Ve "I shall cry" with -c- "I" morphologically parallel to -.- "you") '* t is here shortened to i because of following glottal stop. " i* denotes long I with weakly rearticulated parasitic i. Such "pseudo-diphthongs' sporadically occur in Chasta Costa in lieu of ordinary long vowels. " i. e., »g of English sing. E. SAPIE — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 281 Id/na/yat/xwl "don't vomit!" {-yat- = *yqt-, cf. yd- from *yq- in na/yd/dit/xwt "you are vomiting") nel/l "you are looking at him" (nel- = *«f^- ; -l = -'i, cf. Kato -In^ "to see") ^* "dog" (original Athabascan Hi, *Un]; cf. Hupa Lin, Montagnais I'iyh Hare tl'in, Loucheux I'en, Carrier U, old form ios"n^^) Nasalized inorganic 4 seems to have acquired a palatal coloring i; this i then regularly developed to I in open, i in closed syllables. It thus often seems as though Chasta Costa I, i is the morphologic equivalent, for instance in second person singular forms, of Athabascan ri, an equivalence, as has just been shown, due to secondary phonetic developments. Examples of t < J < 4 are : t'e/6i/ya "you go" (61- = *s4- ; cf. Hupa na/sin/ya "you are going about") ni/dac "you dance" {m- = *n4-; cf. Hupa nin/yauw "go!") y'a/wisdl/nl''yoViVfhist\e" {dl- = *d4-; ci.Hmpada/din/La "run!" assimilated from *da/din/La nd/tc!l/t!d "you swim" {tc!i- = *k''!4-]^^ cf. Hupa na/kin/- yun "come eat!") yd I yi It! a "you fly" {,yl- = *yA-\ cf. Hupa ye I win I ya "you are going in") yd/yt/t!a "it flies" {yi- = *y4:-; cf. Hupa na/win/tau "it will settle down" assimilated from *na/'win/tau) Vi/lal "you are sleeping" {V'l- = *t'4-; cf. Hupa tin/xauw/ne "you take along") verb stem -si "to make" (cf. Hupa -tcwin) "Morice, op. cit., p. 210. Carrier has evidently undergone a development parallel to that of Chasta Costa. All northern Athabascan forms except Carrier (and Chipewyan) are taken from R. P. E. Petitot, " Dictionnaire de la langue Denfe-Dindji^." " *^/ is "fortis" palatal k, Hupa h, Morice's q. cf. third person cf. third person cf. third person 282 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. Examples, in closed syllables, oii, i. e., k plus bilabial/. ^ Petitot's tch is our tc. " Petitot's p is 7. 286 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. 1 1^0 "yellow, green" (cf. Montagnais del-thop "yellow;" Hare de-kfwoy "yellow," Hupa lit-tso "green;" Kato L-tso "blue") In some cases ts seems to have become s: se "stone" (cf. Kato se; Hupa tse; Montagnais the; Hare kfwe; Loucheux tchi; Carrier tse) As might be expected, Athabascan ts! has regularly become tB! in Chasta Costa: dd/de/6il/t6!i "we are sitting" (cf. Hupa na/ya/del/tse,- i. e., -ts!e, "they lived as before") td.'Ad/da "story" Athabascan c is normally preserved as such (e. g., cl "I"). However, it is assimilated to 5 before 5 and ts!: s/ts!i/de "my sickness" (c- "my") nes/ts!Ai/l, "I am seen (-c- "I") As/se/t'e "I shall cry" (from *Ac-) s/ts!An/na/'Ac "he will bring it to me" (c- "me") Assimilation of *sAc to sAs has taken place in: tc!a/sAsL/se "I cry" (cf. tddci/se/t'e "I shall cry") Original *sAc>*sic, however, regularly developed to die: tdAj/ye/eic/ya "I eat" Original *sAc, after being assimilated to *sAs, regularly shifted to 6 Ad, unless, as we have seen, it was protected by immediately following i: da/ 916/ da "I am sitting" (from *da/ sAc/da) t'e/dA6/lal "I hsive been sleeping" (from *t'e/sAc/lal) tc!ed/t!d "I swim across" (probably misheard for tc!e/dAB/t!d) Original s, when immediately following c, also causes it to assimilate; ss, which thus results, is then regularly shifted to BB: yd/yAB/Bel "I threw" (from *ya/yAc/sel) E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MOEPHOLOGY. 287 Athabascan tc (sometimes tew?) is not retained in Chasta Costa, but appears regularly as s: i/sAk "red" (cf. Kato t/tclk; Loucheux ditssigY° mis/k{!)i{') "gull" (cf. Kato bUtc/k'ai') sd'/wAs/tsle "sandhill crane" (cf. Applegate Creek tcd'f- 'wdc/tc{!)e) -si "to make" (cf. Hupa -tcwin; Kato -tcl; Chipewyan -tsl^') -se "to cry" (cf. Chetco -swe; Hupa -tcwen; Kato -tee'; Carrier -ssd) Chasta Costa sx is found in : sxo/ld "five" (cf. Hupa tewo/la; Chipewyan sa/so/la/yai^) Athabascan tc! remains, te! often being shifted, however, to ts! (or s'^^) : tc!e- verb prefix "across the water" (cf. Hupa tee-, i. e., tele-, "down to the beach, out of the house;" Kato te'e-; Chipewyan ts'e- "to a body of water") -ts.Un "toward, to" (cf. Hupa -tein, i. e., -telir]; Kato -tc'un"; Chipewyan -ts'un) tsH/de "sickness" (cf. Loucheux tssik, i. e., tsHk) -s'at' "to be hurt" (cf. Hupa -teat, i. e., -telat, "to be sick, to become ill"). There is still another set of sibilants in Chasta Costa, which go back to original palatalized (anterior palatal) ^-sounds (gy, k', k^!). In Kato, Navaho, Apache, Chipewyan, and other Athabascan dialects, as in Chasta Costa, these have become affricative sibilants, without, however, falling together, as a rule, with the original Athabascan te- consonants. In Chasta Costa, k^ has become tc'', ^^.^'has become tc! (this tc! '" Petitot's tss is our ts!. " Chipewyan forms are taken from P. E. Goddard, "Analysis of Cold Lake Dialect, Chipewyan," Anthr. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. X, pt. II. Chipewyan forms taken from Petitot are referred to as Montagnais. '^ It is quite likely that tc! and ts! are here merely auditory variants of ts! (i is mid- way between s and c). In Kato tc', ts' and i' also interchange. 288 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. does not vary, apparently, with ts!) ; for g^ I have no examples. Chasta Costa and Chipewyan are largely parallel in their development of Athabascan ts, tc, and k" sounds: Athabascan Hupa Chasta Costa Chipewyan dz d^, r} ts ts e te, e tsl ts! te! te!, e' dj dj dz tc tc{w) s ts tc! tc! ts!, ts! ts! g' f dj ky ky tc tc ky.f ky! tc! tc! There are thus three distinct series of sibilant affricatives (and of sibilants) in Chasta Costa and Chipewyan, none of which is in direct accord with the original Athabascan sounds; Hupa, it is highly important to note, reflects the original sounds almost exactly.'^ Carrier, it would seem, has also preserved the ky- series. Examples of Chasta Costa tc' from original ky are : di/tca/yi "big thing" (cf. Hupa -kya/o "large;" Kato -tcay, -tea' "to be large") ^' In his "Analysis of Cold Lake Dialect, Chipewyan," Goddard treats Chipewyan ts and tc as though they were one sound corresponding to Jicarilla and Navaho tc (p. 86). Examination of the various illustrative forms scattered throughout the paper, however, soon convinces one that Chipewyan ts, dz, and ts! correspond respectively to Hupa, Jicarilla, and Navaho tc(w), dj, and tcl; whereas Chipewyan tc, dj, and tc! correspond respectively to Southern Athabascan ts, dz, and tsl and to Hupa ky, g^, and i^/. Thus, the Southern Athabascan ts- sounds represent both original ts- sounds and 4^- sounds; perhaps there is a phonetic difference that does not come out clearly in the orthography. As for Kato, Goddard finds no difference between tc- sounds that go back to original tc- sounds and those that correspond to Hupa ^^- sounds (" Elements of the Kato Language,'' pp. 16, 51). However, deictic tc'-, corresponding to Hupa tc!-, varies with ts' and s', thus suggesting is! as the true sound; on the other hand, tc'- (to indicate indefinite third personal object) corresponding to Hupa i^/- occurs consistently as tc' (contrast examples of tc'-, ts'-, s'- on p. 50 with those of tc'- on p. 51). It seems plausible, then, that in Chipewyan, Chasta Costa, and Kato original ky- sounds became true tc- sounds, while original tc sounds were shifted to ts- sounds (which are apt to be heard as either ts- or tc- sounds). E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 289 -tc'u augmentative suffix (e. g., li'/tc'u "horse," literally "big dog") (of. Hupa -kyo; Kato -ted) Examples of id going back to Athabascan k^! are: dAn/tdi "four" (cf. Hupa dink, i. e., dirik^!) stdAt/de "seven" (cf. Hupa xo/kit, i. e., -kr'Ht) tddsL/se "he cries" (cf. Hupa kya/tei/tcwu "it cried, i. e., k^la-) td- verb prefix indicating indefinite object (cf. Hupa k-, ky-, i. e., k^!-; Kato tc'-) Athabascan possessed sonant sibilants (2, j) and sibilant affricatives {dz, dj) . Of these soiinds z has been found in Chasta Costa -Az "to sneeze;" dj is illustrated in several forms, but, as we shall see in a moment, does not in these go back to Atha- bascan dj. dz has not been found, though it may exist. 7, as in Kato and Hupa, has become c: la I c An "black" (cf. Hupa Lu/hwin<*-cin; Kato L/cun"; Jicarilla Ll/zl; Nav. Ll/jin; Chipewyan del/zHn; Loucheux del-zen) Chasta Costa dj results from t (unaspirated) plus y: qlwAt/td.Atldja "table" {<*ci!'WAt/tdAt/ya "whereon one eats;" -ya "to eat") ya/da/yit/dja "we are ashamed" {<*ya/da/'yit/ya; cf. yAc in ya/dAcl/yAc "I am ashamed") Of the lateral consonants, only three (/, I, and l!) have been found in Chasta Costa. Original dl may have been pre- served also, but Athabascan did was heard rather as t (unas- pirated) plus Id: yAct/lo "I laugh" (cf. Chipewyan -did, -dldk' "to laugh") -i- is very probably third modal -t- here; while -did really appears as -Id. After c and s, I becomes I: nd/dAcl/nic "1 work" (cf. nd/dAl/nic "he works") nA/xwAcl/ye "I play" (cf. nd/xwAl/ye "he plays") q!wAt/dasL/nd "it was lying on it" MORPHOLOGY. Pronouns. Independent personal pronouns : cl "1" ne "we" (probably contracted from *ne/he; cf. Hupa ne/he) nAn "you" nd/ne "you" (plur.) yu "he, that one" yA/ne, yun/ne "they, those" (really demonstrative) (really demonstrative) Examples of possessive pronouns are: del la "my hand" {cic is independent cl combined with possessive prefix c-\ literally, "I my-hand") nAn I la "your hand" (that is, nAn n-, "you your-hand") hi la "his hand" {hi is demonstrative) c/na/ya "my eyes" s/ts!i/de "my sickness, I am sick" n/ts!l/de "you are sick" nd/ts!l/de "our sickness, we are sick" nd/ts!l/de/ha "your (pi.) sickness? are you (pi.) sick?" {-ha is interrogative) x6/ts!l/de "their sickness, they are sick" Many nouns, when limited by preceding possessive pronouns, suffix -e, as regularly in Athabascan. Thus, from mAn "house:" cic/mAne "my house" nAn/mAne "your house" A noun followed by another with suffixed -e is to be under- stood as genitively related to it. Examples are: dAne' ll/tde "person's dog" {ll/tc!e from ll "dog," with (290) E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MOEPHOLOGY. 291 voicing of I- to /-; cf. Hupa tin "dog," xo/lin/ke, i. e., xo/liij/k^le "his dog") tAkAd^ hl&'lle "bowstring" (literally, "bow's string;" cf. Chipewyan l'ul "rope," possessed form I'u/le) ga/yu ts!t/de "baby's sickness, baby is sick" As reflexive possessive is used xd/dAt- (with -d/dAt- cf. Hupa a/d-\ Carrier oedosd-): xd/dAt/ll/tde "his own dog" (used refiexively) Of demonstrative pronouns there have been found: hi' "that, he" (cf. Hupa hai, indefinite demonstrative and article); hi*/tli "that thing" yil "that one" (cf. Hupa yd "that") yn/ne, yiin/ne "those, they" m- "it" (cf. Hupa m-; Kato b-): ntAl "with it" de seems to be used as relative in: de ucL/t'e "what I want" This element is perhaps demonstrative in force and related to Hupa de in ded "this," hai/de "this." Totality is expressed by t'wl "all, everything" (cf. Hupa a/ tin "all"). Compounded with this element are: t'wl/de "everything" {-de is very likely related to Hupa di- in dl/hwd "something," dl/hwe/e "nothing") do I V Wilde "not everything" /'wi/J^re "everywhere" (literally, "all-at;" cf . Hupa a/Zin/- din "every place") Nouns. Primitive non-descriptive nouns, as in all Athabascan dia- lects, are relatively frequent in Chasta Costa. Monosyllabic nouns are-: Body Parts. la "hand" (cf. Hupa -la\ Kato -Za') ^ Probably to be understood as lAk/gAc. 292 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. 11. hwd "foot" (cf. Kato -kwe^; Chipewyan -ke) 61 "head" (cf. Kato -si'; Chipewyan -61, -t6l) -ya "hair" (in 6Ayd "head-hair;" cf. Kato -ga' "hair;" Chipewyan -Ga, i. e., -7a) Animals. tdac "bird" ll "dog" (cf. Hupa Lin; Chipewyan Ll) Natural Objects. se "stone" (cf. Hupa tse; Kato se) cd "sun" (cf. Hupa hwa; Kato ca) I At "smoke" (cf. Hupa hit; Kato LiXt) Culture Objects. mAn "house" (cf. Hupa diminutive min-tc "hut") del "matches" (originall}- doubtless "fire-drill;" cf. Chipe- wyan L'eL "fire-drill") gd6 "camass" (cf. Hupa kos "bulbs") LfoH-e "(its) string" (cf. Hupa LoL "strap;" Chipewyan l'ul "rope") Primitive, at any rate not easily analyzed, nouns of more than one syllable are: Persons. dAn/ne, dAne' "person, man" (cf. Chipewyan c?e/we, dun/ne; Carrier tosne) ts!d/xe "woman" (cf. Carrier tsekhe; Kato tc'ek) dis/ne' "male" (with -ne cf. probably -ne of dAne') sd/sAs "white man" tsxd/xe "child" (cf. Carrier cezkhehkhe; Kato skl-k "boys, children") kel/'e "boy" (perhaps misheard for k!ei/'e; cf. Kato k'il/lek "boy") gd/yu "baby" Body Part. na/yd "eye" (cf. Hupa -na; Kato -wa'; Chipewyan -na/ca, -na/ce) E. SAPIE — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 293 Animals. dAjAl "grizzly bear" (cf. Carrier sces-e^osi "brown or cross bear") mis/k{!)i{') "gull" (cf. Kato hUtc/k'ai') dis/tlac "fawn" dA/mel'/ke "pelican"^^ nat/qH "duck" (cf. Kato nd''/q'i'') ml/tc'A/tsUl/m "deer" fe/q!d/lsc/re "mink" sa'/wAs/tsIe "sandhill crane" (cf. Applegate Creek tcd'/- ■wdc/tc{!)e) tdal/tdiis/dje "ruffled grouse, 'pheasant' " dd/gi "kingfisher" dAs/nAl "red-shafted flicker" tetAB/na/yal/te!6e ' 'hummingbird' ' 0c I tele "bluejay" nd/ts!6/le "horned lark" sd's/ga/ga "robin" ts!a/ts!uk "wren" kAsis "barn swallow" ga/lal/'e "crow" Many of these animal names, as well as some of those that follow, are probably descriptive verb forms that have become stereotyped. Plants. tcA/pd/yu "flower"" mi/t!al/tdAd "arrow-wood" do'/de "tar-weed" (probably compounded with Atha- bascan i.'d' "grass;" cf. Hupa Lo/da-itc "an herb") tdAl/yat/ts!t "sunflower(?)" ^' This word is humorously used to refer to Democrats, Democrat and dA/meV /H exhibiting some similarity in sound. " This form was obtained independently. " This word is remarkable as containing p, a sound that is normally absent in Atha- bascan. 294 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. dAl/si "pine" (cf. Kato dul/tcik "yellow pine," from -tclk "red") nA/L!e "pine-nut" dA/nAc "manzanita" (cf. Hupa din/nuw; Kato tun/nuc "manzanita berries;" Galice Creek de/rec) mAt/tdi "cat-tail" cAc/dd' "oak" Culture Objects. xAnAd "canoe" at /tea "pipe" tc!A/dA/gAl "sandstone arrow-shaft scraper" tA/kAc "bow" (probably t'Ak/gAc; cf. Kato gqc "yew") ''qld/xAQ "arrow" det/t!e "arrow-point" Abstract. teUe/dd "story" yd/ims "whistling" (cf. Carrier yuyuz "whistling," as noun) ts!l/de "sickness" (used with possessive pronouns to indi- cate "to be sick") Several animals are designated by words ending in -tc'u, an augmentative suffix, "big" (cf. Hupa and Kato animal and plant names in -kyo and -tco respectively). Such are: IP/ tc'u "horse" (literally, "big dog;" cf. Chipewyan Lln/tco) xd'/tc'ii "goose" (cf. Applegate Creek k'4'/tc'u. These words are formed from Athabascan xa: Chipewyan xa "goose;" Kato ka') dAc/tc'il, des/tc'u "grouse" (cf. Kato duc/tco, dus/tco "grouse") t'et/mo/tc'u "pigeon" cu/de'/tc'u "bald eagle" dAd/dA/li/tc'u "owl" li/ tele/ tc'u "red-headed woodpecker" ga/sd'/tc'u "raven" E. SAPIE — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 295 Nouns ending in -t!l or -t!lni denote "one who has so and so." -ni is, likely enough, related to -ne of dAn/ne "person;" -ne or -n is found in many Athabascan dialects as suffix denot- ing "person." Exailiples of -t!l{ni) are: li/tH/m, "dog-owner" d6/at/t!l/ni, do j at J til "bachelor" (literally, "not-wife-hav- ing-person." do- "not;" at-, i. e., atl "wife," cf. Hupa ut "wife," Kato aV "sister") Examples of noun compounds consisting of two noun stems are: dA/'^d "head-hair" (shortened from 61 "head" and -ya "hair." Cf. Chipewyan 61'/ Ga) ga/lal gwa/yu "red-winged blackbird" (literally, "crow('s) brother-in-law." With this cf. Chipewyan da/tsa/- tcel/le "a small crow," literally, "crow younger- brother"^^). An example of a compound noun consisting of verb and noun is : aI/Az dAn/ne "sneezer" (literally, "he-sneezes person") An example of a compound noun consisting of noun and adjective is: tdac 1/66/6 "bluebird" (literally, "bird blue") A characteristic type of noun in Athabascan is formed by verbs which, while remaining strictly verbal in form, are used to refer to objects, in other words, are logically nouns. As has been already noted, several nouns of more than one syllable listed above as unanalyzable are doubtless, strictly speaking, verb forms. Quite clearly verbal in form are: noM/hlb "paper" (cf. nal/hlb "he writes") q!wAt/da6t/gAc "table-cloth" (literally, "it lies or is thrown 's Goddard, op. cit., p. 110. 296 ANTHEOPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. down on top;" cf. Hupa -k2as, i. e., -gas, "to throw," and wes/kas "it lay"^^) qlwAt/tcUt/djd "table" (literally, "thereon it is eaten") mAl/t'e/tcUt/tslAl/lec "smoking materials" (literally, "there- with it is smoked") Numerals. 1. ia, W/ca (cf. Hupa io; Kato La/ha^) 2. nA/xi (cf. Hupa nax; Kato nqk/ka^); nA/xi la "two hands" 3. VA/yi (cf. Hupa tak, i.e. t'ak!; Kato tak'; Chipewyan ta, ta/ce 4. dAn/tdi (cf. Hupa dink, i. e. dir/k'!; Chipewyan dl/ci) 5. sxo/lA (cf. Hupa tcwo/la; Chipewyan sa/so/la/cai^) 6. k'wAs/t'A/ne (cf. Hupa xos/tan) 7. stdAt/de (cf. Hupa xo/kit, i. e. -k^Ht) 8. nd/xAn/do ( = "it lacks two, two less") 9. Ian/ do ( = "it lacks one, one less") 10. hwe'/de Of numeral adverbs there were recorded: Idt/dAn "once" (cf. Hupa na/din "twice," min/Lun/din "ten times") la/me/g!e/ca "in one time" Adjectives. Of adjectives, or verb stems with adjectival significance, there have been found: wAs/xe, wAs/xA "good;" wAs/xe il "dog is good" txAs/xe/la "rich" (-la is verbal suffix) dli/An/de "bad" (evidently verbal in form, du-, do- is negative; -de probably misheard for -tie "to be, exist;" cf. Hupa unite, i. e. An/tie "there is") » Goddard, op. cit., p. 281. E. SAPIH — NOTES ON CHABTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 297 AL/tcd/yi, "big thing" (cf. Hupa -kya/o "large;" Kato -tcac) l/gl "white" (cf. Hupa -L/kai; Kato -h/gai) la/cAn "black" (cf. Kato -L/cun^; Chipewyan del/zun) l/sAk "red" (cf. Kato -L/tcik) l/6o "yellow, green" (cf. Hupa lit/tso "green;" Kato -L/tso "blue") "White," "black," "red," and "yellow, green" are characterized by prefixed I {a)-, which is common as adjectival prefix also in other Athabascan dialects. Adverbs. Adverbs of place are: xun "there" (cf. Hupa third personal pronoun xonl): xun Ve/Qi/ya "there you go" )0 xun feB/ya "there he goes" txiin/la "where?": txun/la t'e/di/ya "where are you going?" do/dAt "nowhere" (cf. Hupa -dit- in hai/dai/dit/din "where;" do- is negative) dAk/ge "up" (cf. Hare tege): dAk/ge eicl/t'dl "I kicked him up" mOf/dAn "on edge" {-dAn is postposition "at;" maf-K *mq-<*mari-; cf. Hupa niL/mafi "each side") Adverbs of time are: xat "then" (cf. Hupa xat "yet, right") xd "quickly" (cf. Hupa xa "yet") xun/de "tomorrow" (cf. Hupa yis/xun/de "tomorrow"): xun/de do/wa/yAc/l "I'll see him tomorrow" xiin/de t6!Ad/dd uaI ndcl/sl "tomorrow story to- you I-shall-tell" xun/de t'Ac/yAC "tomorrow I'll go") 298 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. t'wi/dAn "always" (literally, "all-at"): t'wi/dAn t'Al/dAc "he always runs" t'wi/dAn As/se "I always cry" xAL/ts/i/dA'n "this evening" (doubtless misheard for xal!-; -dAn is postposition "at." Cf. Hupa xu/Le "in the night"): xALftsli/dAn do/wan/yAc/l "I'll see you this evening" Modal adverbs are: do negative (cf . Hupa do) : do/t'Ac "he won't go" do/t'Ac/yic "I'll not go" dd/yd/t!a "he won't fly" dd/As/se "I'm not crying" do/nd/dACL/nic "I'm not working" do/yAc/i "I didn't see him" do/neci/l "I'm not looking at him" do/ucL/t'e "I do not want" do/na/yAct/xwl "I do not vomit" la prohibitive: id "don't!" Id/n/yic "don't go!" ia/yi/t "don't see him!" id/nd/xwil/ye "don't play!" id/na/dit/t!d "don't bathe!" ld/na/-yat/xwt "don't vomit!" do/dd/qle "unable" dd/iAn "not much" (cf. Hupa Lan "much," do/tan "little") do I wi I la "of course" (cf. Hupa don "it is," he I don "at least") do I Id emphatic negative (really verbal inform, "to cease;" cf. Hupa -lan, -lun with negative prefix do- "to quit, leave, desist"): do /Id c/yl/l "you didn't see me" E. SAPIR — ^NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 299 cG^ldjl "all right" (cf. Hupa nu/hwdnf^x "properly"?) cAllqlwe "to be accustomed to": cAllqlwe na/dAct/t!d "I'm used to bathing" t!V/xun "to keep on:" UV/xiin ne/cAl/l "he keeps looking at me" dAk/gwe "in fragments" ho future prefix (more properly intentive) : hd/ya/yic/t!a "I'll fly" hd/tc!AsL/se "he wants to cry" hd/il/l jit /Id "stop laughing!" do/wa futiire prefix (probably with dubitative coloring): do/wa/c/yt/P/t'e "you'll see me" s/tsn/de do/wa/Al/le' "I'll get sick" (literally, "my-sickness will-become") do/wa/na/yan/nAl "he will upset them" do/wa/h'dt/nAl "they will gO to pieces" Postpositions. Athabascan is characterized, among other features, by the use of a considerable ntmiber of postpositional elements of chiefly local force. They are appended to nouns or pronom- inal, nvimeral, or adverbial stems; less often to verb forms, in which case they have subordinating force. Chasta Costa examples are: -dAn "at" (cf, Hupa -din): xAL{!)/ts!i/dAn "this evening" t'wi/dAn "everywhere" (literally, "all-at") Idt/dAn "once" (cf. ia- "one") ma" /dAn "on edge" al/dAc/ni/dAn "when I tell him" (literally, "I- tell-him at")*° "Similarly in Hupa -miL "when," as verb suffix, is doubtless simply pronominal ■mi- plus postposition -/. "with." 300 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. -I "with, to" (cf. Hupa -i; Kato -l): xauaB/I ndc/xe "I paddle canoe" (literally, "canoe- with I-paddle") teiAd/dt nAl ndd/sl "I tell you story" (literally, "story you- with I-make") id! Ad /da caI na/yesL/sl "he tells me story" (literally, "story me- with he-makes") niAl/fe/tdAt/tslAl/lec "wherewith it-is-smoked, ma- terials for smoking" (mA-i- "therewith;" cf. Kato buL "with it;" Hupa miL "with, in") This same -I is probably also found attached to verbal prefix a- (used in verbs of saying) : ai/dAc/ni/dAn "when I tell him" (cf. Hupa ai/- tcit/den/ne "he talked to") -ts.Un "toward" (cf. Hupa -tciii "toward;" Kato -tc'un' "to, toward"): s/ts.Un/na/'Ac "to-me he-will-bring-it" -me "in" (cf. Hupa -me "in;" Kato -bt' "in"): mAn/me "in house" -me/q!e "in, around in" (compounded of -me and -q!e; cf. Chipewyan -k'e "on"): mAn/me/ q!e "around in house" la/me/q!e/ca "all in one time" (cf. la, td'/ca "one") Verbs. As in other Athabascan dialects, the typical Chasta Costa verb consists of one or more adverbial prefixes, which may be followed in order by a deictic or third personal ele- ment, a first modal prefix, a second modal element, a first or second person subjective element, and a third modal element or "class" sign; these, not all of which need of course be present, are then followed by the verb stem itself. The stem often ends the verb form, but may be followed by one or more enclitic elements of modal or syntactic force. The verb form is fre- E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 301 quently preceded by an adverb or postposition which, while best considered as a non-integral part of the verb, forms a rather close syntactic unit with it. A pronorninal object, if present, comes after an adverbial prefix but before a first modal element. Thus, the verb form t'd/yci/ddt/nd/hd "do you (plur.) drink?" consists of seven elements: t'd-, an ad- verbial prefix referring to water; yd-, a second adverbial ele- ment; 6-, a second modal element of durative significance; -0-, second person plural subjective pronominal element; -t-, a third modal element, probably intransitive in force; -nd, verb stem "to drink;" and -hd, an enclitic interrogative element. The various elements that go to make up verb forms -will be taken up in the order indicated. Adverbial Prefixes, d-, a-, 'a- used with verbs of say- ing, doing, and being (cf . Hupa and Kato a-) : d/dJAn "he says" ai/dAc/ni/dAn "when I tell him" (for -i-, see under Postpositions) dd/dAt 'An/ tie "there is not anywhere" This a- is probably equivalent to an indefinite object, "some- thing," indicating what is said or uttered without definitely referring to it. This comes out rather clearly on comparison with a form like yu/wls dAcl/nl "I whistle" (literally, "whistling I-utter"), where no indefinite object a- is required, what is uttered being specifically referred to by ya/ims "whistling." That a- is somewhat in a class by itself as compared with other adverbial prefixes is indicated by its being followed in forms with indirect object by postpositive -1-. yd-, ya- "up (in the air)" (cf. Hupa ya-; Kato ya^-): yd/yAcl/gAB "I climb" yd/yA6/eel "I threw" yd/yic/t!a "I fly" It is not clear what significance is to be attached to ya- in: ya/dAcl/yAc "I am ashamed" ya/da/yit/dja "we are ashamed" 302 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. ye- "into enclosed space (including mouth)" (cf. Hupa ye-; Kato ye'-, yV-^ ye/ydt/ne/la "he bit it" da-, da- "sitting or lying on something above ground" (cf . Hupa and Kato da-) : da/ 6 Ad /da "I am sitting down" da/de/dil/td!i "we are sitting down" da/nAc/Vac "I go to bed" qlwAt/dadt/gAc "it lies thrown down on top," i. e. "table-cloth") qlwAt/dash/nb, "it was lying on it" t'e- "in the water" (cf. Hupa te-\ Kato te"-): t'e/An/yAc/lAl "I am sinking in the water" Ve/nic/lat "I drown" fa- referring to water (cf . Hupa and Kato ta-) : t'a/yAct/nd "I drink" tc!e- "across a stream" (cf. Hupa tee- "out of;" Kato tc'e- "out of;" Chipewyan ts'e- "used of approach to a body of water") : tc!e/dit/t!o "I swim across" An- implies disappearance or undoing (cf. Chipewyan 'a-, an- "away," implies "desertion or abandonment"): t'e/An/yAc/lAl "I am sinking in the water" do/wd/ An/nd/yan/nAl "he will upset them" an- "back, hither" (cf. Chipewyan '3- 'a«-, ai- "back, toward home"): an/yi/al "come here!" tela-, tela- of unknown significance (cf . Hupa kya-'^^) : tda/sAsh/se "I cry" (cf. Hupa kya/teh/tcwe "she heard it cry") tcldsh/ se "he cries" se'- used with verb of smiling: se'/yAt/lo "he smiles" (cf. yAt/lb "he laughs") " Goddard lists forms in kya-, i. e., k^la-, under ky-; see op. cit., p. 90. It seems better however, to keep them apart. E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 303 tdo- of unknown significance (cf . Hupa kyo-'^^) : tdo/yit/siL/la "he pointed with his finger" ' ne/tc!uc/lec "I'll bet you"^^ u^ of unknown significance (cf. Hupa verbs in o-**) dd/ucL/Ve "I do not want" de/uch/t^e "what I want" nd-, na- indefinite movement on surface of ground or water; horizontality (cf. Hupa and Kato na-): nAn/ndJd/yd/la "he went around it" s/ts!An/na/'Ac "he'll bring (it) to me" yAn/na/Ac/Ve "he will bring here" nd I nil An "stop him!" nd/ya "is going about, living" l/fi yAn/na/'d "he brags" (literally, "high, im- portant he-has") nd/xwAch/ye "I play" nd/dAcL/nic "I work" do/wa/nd/yan/nAl "he will upset them" ndcjhlb "I write" xAnAd/l ndc/xe "I paddle canoe" nac/t!d "I swim, bathe" na/tdil/de "you wash" nd/dAcl/de "I washed myself" nd/dAt/t!d/t'e "he'll bathe" nd/xAt/dAl/d "they'll bathe" td!Ad/dd caI nd I qui si "story to-me you-told, caused" na- "back again" (cf. Hupa and Kato na-), followed by third modal -t-: na/yd/dAdt/xwi "I vomit" yAn- of uncertain significance (cf. Hupa wun- "to pursue ■•^ Goddard lists forms in kyo, i. e., k^!o-. under ky-; see op. cit., p. 90. Perhaps Is^Id is compounded of k^l- and o-. '' This tclii- is probably better explained as deictic tcl- followed by future imperative -U-; see note 86. " Goddard, op. cit., p. 115. 304 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. or seek something; to attempt something by per- sistent efifort"): yAn/na/Ac/t"e "he will bring here" l/t% jAn/na/'a "he brags" (perhaps "important he-seeks-to-have' ' ) ne- of unknown significance: necl/l "I'm looking at him" (cf. •ye/dic/l "I saw him") nes/ts!Al/l "I am seen" x'w{a)- of unknown significance: na/xwACL/ye "I play" xwAcl/1 "I believe (it)" xwAn/ne/diL/ya "you win" (see under first modal ne-) yd- ya-, (7) refers apparently to "mouth": ye/ydt/ne/la "he bit it" (yat- may, however, have been misheard for yAt-, with second modal y-; see note 92) na/yd/dAdt/xwl "I vomit" id/na/yat/xwl "don't vomit!" t'a/yd/eit/nd "we drink" t'd/yit/nd "you drink" (or is 7- here second modal prefix? Verbal prefixes of local force which are doubtless primarily postpositions and which are prefixed to adverbial prefixes proper are: nAn- "around" (cf. Hupa -nat; Kato -no): nAn/ndd/yd/la "he went around it" qlwAt- "on, on top" (cf. Hupa -kut "on;" Kato -k'wut' "on"): q!wAt/tc!Ai/dja "whereon one eats, table" q!wAt/dadt/gAc "it lies thrown down on top, table-cloth" qlwAt/dasL/nd "it was lying on it" E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 305 Deictic Prefixes. Under this head are grouped a small number of quasi-pronominal elements of third personal refer- ence which regularly come after adverbial prefixes, if any of these are present. They cannot be grouped with first or second personal subjective elements, as their position is quite distinct from these; first and second modal prefixes may come between. Of deictic elements there have been found: ic.'- denotes lack or indefiniteness of object of transitive verb (cf. Hupa k-, ky-, i. e. ky/-; Kato ic'-*^): tc!Ay/ye/'9ic/ya "I eat" (i. e. without specific object being designated; cf. Hupa yik/kyu/- win/yan "it ate") q!wAt/tc!At/dja "whereon one eats, table" nA/tc!il/L!o "you write" (cf. Hupa na/kis/Lon, i. e. na/kr>!is/L!dn "she made baskets") na/tc!l/t!o "you swim, bathe" na/tc!il/de "you wash" (cf. Kato te'/na/tc'us/dlG "he Washed it") tc!At/Vit/6Al "we wash ourselves" (cf. Hupa wa/- kin/nin/seL "it was heated through") mAl/t'e/tdAt/tslAl/lec "wherewith it is smoked" (somewhat doubtful, as td- here follows first modal prefix Ve-\ but see note 77) tclAl/tlo "he sucks" (cf. Kato tc'lh/Vot "[make] it suck") It is possible that in this last example td- is third personal subjective (cf. Hupa tc-, i. e. td-; Kato tc'-, ts'-, s'-), as sug- gested by Ad/t!d "I suck" with its lack of td- prefix. No other plausible case, however, of third personal subjective td- is available, so that its existence in Chasta Costa must be con- sidered doubtful as yet. Generally third person singular subjective forms are dis- tinguished by the lack of any pronominal prefix, but in certain ^ Goddard, op. cit., p. 51. 306 ANTHHOPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. cases deictic elements are found which are clearly third personal (subjective) in value. These are: dj- (cf. Hupa tc-, i. e. tc!-; Kato tc'-, ts'-, s'-): A/dJAn "he says" (verb-stem -«; cf. Hupa ai/- tcit/den/ne "he talked to them") djAn/la "he says" (cf. Hupa tcin "they say;" Kato tc'in) It is quite likely, however, that dJAn is to be explained as from *dyAn {dy, as we have seen, becomes dj), in which d- is first modal prefix (cf. di/nl "you make a sound") and *yAn is reduced from *yen (ye- as below; -n to say). ye-, ya- (cf. Hupa y-, yl- referring to other than adult Hupa; Kato yi-) : uaI na/yeh/sl "to-you he-tells" (contrast ndcl/sl "I tell") caI na/yest/sl "to-me he-tells" (with second modal prefix s-, B-; contrast nd/Bil/sl "you tell") ya/qUB/ya'^^ "he eats" (contrast tdAy/ye/dic/ya "I eat") X-: tc!e/xAB/t!d "he swims across" (contrast tde/- 6it/t!d "you swim across") This X- seems to have no parallel in Hupa or Kato (is it con- nected with third person objective xo- of Hupa, kw- of Kato?). Were it not that -t!d "to swim, bathe" is used only of singular subjects, one might surmise that x- is really plural xA- (see below). Among deictic elements are further to be reckoned certain prefixes that serve to indicate either plurality as such or more specifically third personal plurality. These are: ya- (cf . Hupa ya- ; Kato ya''-) : y-A/wls ya/dil/m "we whistle" (contrast yii/- wls dAcl/nl "I whistle") *6 g/g. was very likely misheard for ye-. E. SAPIR^ — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 307 yu/wis ya/dAi/nl "they whistle" (contrast yu/wls dAl/nl "he whistles") 7a-, 7a-: tc!a/yd,/Bil/se "we cry" (contrast tc!a/sAsL/se "I cry") tcla/ydsi/se "they are crying" (contrast tddsh/se "he cries") tc!d/yal/se/t^e "you (pi.) will cry" (contrast tddl/- se/t^e "you (sing.) will cry") XA- third person plural (apparently not found in either Hupa or Kato; but cf., without doubt, Chipewyan he- "used for dual or plural of verbs in third person"): ya/xAy/yi/t!a "they fly" {yd/yi/t!a "it flies") do/ya/xAt/t!a "they won't fly" {do/yd/t!a "he won't fly") xAs/se/Ve/ha "will they cry?" {As/se/Ve/ha "will he cry?") do/xAs/se "they're not crying" {do/As/se "he's not crying") nd/xAt/dAl/nic "they work'^ {nd/dAl/nic "he works") c/xA/yeQ/l "they saw me" {c/ye6/l "he saw me") na/xAt/da/yAl/el "they are bathing" t'e/An/xAy/yAl/lAl "they sink in the water" {t'e/An/yAl/lAl "he sinks") xAt/t'Al/lal "they are sleeping" {t'Al/lal "he is sleeping") dd/xAn/nAt/VAc "they went to bed" {dd/nAt/VAc "he went to bed") xAt/t'Al/xwAd "they cough" (t'Al/xwAd" hecoughs") xa/AI/az "they sneeze" {aI/Az "he sneezes") First Modal Prefixes. Under this term are comprised a small number of rather frequently occurring elements which regularly come after both adverbial prefixes and deictic ele- ments, but precede another set of modal elements (second 308 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. modal prefixes) which are to be talcen up shortly. Their mean- ing is rather colorless. Besides their position they have this peculiarity in common, that they lose their vowel in indefinite tense forms (such as have no second modal prefixes: 6-, y-, or n-) and are thus reduced to single consonants. They are: t'e- (definite tenses), t'- (indefinite tenses) seems to indicate durative activity (cf. Hupa te-; Kato te-, t-): Ve/6ic/ya "I go;" indefinite: do/VAc/yic "I'll not go;" n/yAc/f^e "you must go" VAcLJdAc "I run" (indefinite) tclAt/f^d/BAl "you (pi.) wash yourselves" (indefi- nite) t^/yi/l "he looks around" (indefinite; but see note 69) t'e/dAd/lal/la "I've been sleeping;" indefinite: t'Ac/lal "I'm sleeping" t'Aci/xwAd "I cough" (indefinite) mAl/Ve/tdAt/ts'.Al/lec "wherewith it is smoked" (as following td- is deictic, it is more likely that Ve- here is adverbial prefix, not first modal; see note 77). de- (definite tenses; da- before 7-), d- (indefinite tenses) meaning unknown (cf. Hupa d-, du-; Kato de-, d-): al/dAc/nt/dAn "when I tell him" (indefinite) yu/wls dAcl/nl "I whistle" (indefinite) c/na/yd di'/s'at' "my-eyes hurt" (definite; cf. Hupa du/ win /teat "it got sick") na/da/yAct/tlb "I bathe;" indefinite: nd/dAct/- tlb'/Ve "I'll bathe" na/da/yil/el "we are bathing;" indefinite: nd/- dil/el "we'll bathe" nd/dAcl/nic "I work" (indefinite) na/dAcl/de "I washed myself" (indefinite) ya/dAcl/yAc "I am ashamed" (indefinite) ya/da/yit/dja "we are ashamed" (definite) dd/de/Bil/td!i "we are sitting down" (definite) E. SAPIK — ^NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 309 76- (definite tenses) , 7- (indefinite tenses) meaning unknown : tdAy/ye/dic/ya "I eat" ya/q!ed/ya "he eats" {q!e- is probably misheard for ye-) je/di/l "you saw him;" indefinite: do/wa/yl/i/- t'e "you'll see him" yedi/lo "he breaks into laughter;" indefinite: yAt/lo "he laughs" an/ji/al "come on!" This ye-, 7- should not be confused with second modal 7-, which will be taken up presently. Two first modal prefixes {V- and 7-) occur in V/yi/l "he looks around;" that 7- is not second modal here is indicated by parallel definite forms with ye- (see ye/di/l above), further by weak form V- of first prefix (definite tenses require t'ey ne- (definite tenses) , n- (indefinite tenses) meaning unknown (cf. Hupa ne-, n-; Kato ne-, n-; Chipewyan ne-, nil-): xwAn/ne/dii/ya "you win" (cf. Kato kun/ne/stz/- yan "you win") dd/nAc/t'Ac "1 go to bed" (indefinite; cf. Hupa definite : tcin/nes/ten ' 'he lay' ' ) n/da' "it is, stays" (indefinite; cf. Kato definite: tc'n/nes/dai "he sat down") na/nlc/An "I stop him;" nd/nt/An "stop him!" (indefinite) n/do "it is not" (indefinite; cf. Kato n/do^/ye "there is none") This ne-, n- is not to be confused with second modal n-, which occurs only in definite tenses. Second Modal Prefixes. These comprise three conso- nantal elements {6- or s-; 7-; and n-) which are used only in definite tenses and which have reference, as far as any definite " Moreover, t e- in definite tenses seems regularly followed by second modal 9-, not y-. Yet -I- of 71- causes difficulty; see note 69. 310 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. significance is ascertainable at all, to what may be termed range or span of activity, but not to tense as such. 6- {s- in certain forms) is durative or continuative in force (cf. first modal Ve-, which is regularly followed by d-) ; n- is cessative, marking the end of an activity or marking an activity which is con- ceived as the end point of a previous activity (e. g., "to come" as contrasted with durative "to go"); 7- is the most uncertain, being apparently inceptive or momentaneous in some cases, but clearly not so in others.** They are, it seems, mutually exclusive elements. In practice their use seems largely deter- mined by the prefixes that precede, n- and 7- always begin their syllable, being completed either by -I- i<*-iri-) or by subjective pronominal or by third modal elements, which are joined to them by means of -i- or inorganic -a-; 6- (s-) is similarly joined to following subjective pronominal elements, if one is present, otherwise it forms part of the preceding syllable. Examples illustrating 6- (s- before i, l) are: fe/eic/ya "I go;" Ved/ya "he goes" (cf. Hupa te/se/yai "I went away") nAn/naB/ya/la "he went around it" tdAy/ye/eic/ya "I eat;" ya/qled/ya "he eats" (contrast Hupa yik/kyu/win/yan "it ate" with W-) tc!e/dU/t!d "you swim across" (contrast na/da/- yit/t!d "you bathe") dad /da "he is sitting down" (cf. Hupa sit/dai "he lived") da/de/6il/td!i "we are sitting down" (cf. Hupa de/soL/tse/te "you will stay") tc!d/Bil/se "you (sing.) cry" (contrast Hupa win/- tcwu "you have cried") '* Goddard somewhat doubtfully assigns inceptive force to its Hupa cognate w-; in Kato its cognate g- seems clearly inceptive only in certain verbs; while in Chipcwyan Goddard ascribes continuative value to g-. It would be worth while making a somewhat extended comparative study of the second modal prefixes of Athabascan, which form one of the most difficult but at the same time important chapters of its grammar. E. SAPIE — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 311 ye/Bic/l "I saw him" (cf. Hupa te/suw/iii "I am going to look") nd/dil/sl "you told story" (cf. Hupa na/seL/tcwen "I made") fe/Bi/lal/la "you've been sleeping" (cf. Hupa nit/te/sil/lal/le "you would go to sleep") dicl/t'dl "I kicked him" (contrast Hupa ye/tcu/- wiL/taL "they landed" with w-) na/ya/dit/xwi "you vomit" ye/dAdt/ld "I break into laughter" LaO/d/la one was { = Ld "one" plus d/'d/la\ cf. Chipewyan i?e/'S "was there") qlwAt/daBt/gAc "it lies thrown down on top, table-cloth" (cf. Hupa wes/kas "it lay") q!wAt/dasL/nCL "it was lying on it" xwAn/ne/6iL/ya "you win" (cf. Kato kun/ne/- slL/yan "I win") Examples illustrating n- are : nic/ya "I come" (cf. Hupa nei/yai "I came") nic/dac "I dance" (cf. Kato nuc/dac "I will dance") t^e/ni/lat "you drown" (cf. Kato tc'n/nul/lat "it floated there") Examples illustrating 7- are : yi/dac "he dances" (cf. Kato tc' /gun/dac/kwan "he had danced") yd/yAcl/gAd "I climb" (cf. Hupa ya/wii/kas "he threw up") yd/yi/t!a "it flies" (cf. Hupa na/win/tau "it will settle down") nd/da/yAct/t!d "I bathe" na/da/yil/el "we are bathing" (cf. Chipewyan na/t/ginL/ilL "take through the water") 312 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. t'e/An/yAc/lAl "I'm sinking in the water" (cf. Hupa da/na/wil/laL "it was floating there") '^acl/Az "I've been sneezing" tdo/yit/sih/la "he pointed with his finger" ya/da/yit/dja "we are ashamed" Subjective Pronominal Prefixes. There are three per- sons and two numbers (singular and plural), making six persons in all. The third persons, as we have seen, are indicated either by the absence of a pronominal element or by deictic prefixes which come between the adverbial prefixes and the first modal elements. There thus remain four persons (first person singular and plural, second person singular and plural) for treatment here. In the definite tenses the pronominal elements are appended to the second modal elements, with which they form a syllable, an inorganic a or i, if necessary, serving to connect them. In the indefinite tenses the pronominal elements are appended to whatever element (adverbial prefix, deictic ele- ment, or first modal prefix in reduced form) happens to precede them. They never begin their syllable except in the com- paratively small number of cases in which the verb form, in- definite in tense, has nothing preceding the pronominal element or, in the case of the third person, nothing preceding the third modal prefix or verb-stem. When this happens, the second person singular and plural and the first person plural stand at the very beginning of the verb; the first and third persons singular, however, begin with an inorganic vowel A-. First Person Singular -c- (cf. Hupa -w-\ Kato -c-; Chipe- wyan -s-) : t'e/eic/ya "I go" eicL/t'al "I kicked him" nic/ya "I come" da/nAc/t'Ac "I go to bed" t'e/An/^Ac/lAl "I am sinking in the water" yAct/lo "I laugh" E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 313 yd/yAcl/gAd "I climb" VAcL/dAc "I run" nac/t!d "I swim, bathe" Acl/t!d "I suck" acl/Az "I sneeze" In definite tenses with 6- or n- as prefix the inorganic vowel connecting these elements with -c- is regularly i; this is evi- dently due to the palatal quality of the -c-. In definite tenses with 7- as prefix, however, the normal inorganic vowel. A, is found, due, no doubt, to the velar position of the prefix. In the indefinite tenses the connecting vowel, if required, is always a. Where we have nAc- we are dealing with first modal ne-, reduced to n-, plus -c-, not with second modal n- plus -c-; contrast definite nic/ya with indefinite da/nAc/VAc. Before 5- sibilants -c- is assimilated to -s-: do I AS I se "I'm not crying" {<*Aclse) die- goes back to original *sic- or *sAc-. When -c- came to stand before a dental consonant {d, t, I), it was assimilated to -S-, and the inorganic vowel preceding it assumed the form a ; this *sAs- then regularly became dAd-: da/ 6 Ad /da "I am sitting" ye/dAdt/lo "I break into laughter" na/ya/dABt/xwi "I vomit" Ve/BAd/lal/la "I've been sleeping" Before third modal -1-, die- seems to be regularly retained (cf. eiei/i'dl above; did/ si "I make"). Secondary sAs-, not shifted to dAd-, is found, however, before /(i) when this element is secondarily changed from third modal -I- : tela/sAsh/se "I cry" That SASL- here is equivalent to *sasI-<*sacI- is indicated by te!d/dil/se "you cry;" contrast dii/t'dl "you kicked him," dici/i'dl "I kicked him." 314 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. It is to be carefully noted that -c- (or its reflexes -s-, -6-) is in Chasta Costa found in both definite and indefinite tenses. There is no trace of an element corresponding to the Hupa -e- i-e-), Kato -1-, Chipewyan -1-, which are found in forms of definite tenses. It is quite probable that the -c- of the indefinite forms was extended by analogy. Second Person Singular i- (cf. Hupa -«-, i. e. -t]-; Kato -n-; Chipewyan n-, ne-, or nasalization of vowel: t'il/dAc "you run" t'd/yit/nd "you drink" nd/tc!ii/L!d "you write" na/da/yit/tlo "you bathe" nd/dit/t!d/t'e "you'll bathe" ya/yil/gAd "you climb" ya/dil/yac "you are ashamed" nd/6il/si "you made, told" nd/xwil/ye "you play" xwil/l "you believe it" xwAn/ne/diL/ya "you win" t'il/xwAd "you cough" In all these cases the -i- connects a following third modal ele- ment {-i-, -1-, or -t-) with a preceding prefix. Examples of -i- beginning its own syllable are: 11/ Az "you sneeze" hd/il/l "stop!" If there is no third modal element, the -i-, lengthened to close -1-. closes its syllable: dd/ni/t'Ac "go to bed!" t'i/lai "you are sleeping" dd/di/dd "you are sitting" yd/yi/t!a "you fly" dd/l/se "you do not cry" E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 315 This i-, 1-, is only secondarily the second person singular subjective element. The original element was doubtless -17- (cf. Hupa), which was reduced to nasalization of preceding vowels; the inorganic vowel, when nasalized, took on i- timbre. Finally, when nasalization disappeared, the i- timbre alone remained as the reflex of original --q-. Where, in many indefi- nite tense forms, the nasalized vowel was other than an inorganic one, there was nothing left of the -77-: do I ya It! a "you won't fly" naixe "you paddle" nelll "look at him!" (cf. ne,dl% "I'm looking at him") In such cases the second person singular fell together with the third, as in do/yd/Ua "he won't fly." First Person Plural {i)t-^^ (cf. Hupa it/d-, -d-; Kato d-; Chipewyan -t-, -d-^°) : t'it/lal "we are sleeping" tcUt/t'it/dAi "we wash ourselves" t'e/nit/lat "we drown" da/ nit/ 1' AC "we went to bed" ye/9it/t "we saw him" ya/yit/t!a "we fly" t'e/An/yit/lAi "we are sinking in the water" dd/it/se "we are not crying" In Hupa and Kato regularly, and in Chipewyan often, the first person plural subjective pronominal prefix begins its syllable; in Chasta Costa it regularly ends its syllable, unless it has to stand at the beginning of the verb form, when it consti- tutes a syllable by itself (cf. dd/it/se above; do "not" is inde- pendent adverb rather than prefix). *' / is here unaspirated, and is thus etymologically identical with d. ™ In Father Legoff's Montagnais paradigms -id- or -it- often, in fact regularly, appears ; -i- seems, as in Chasta Costa, to be organic. 316 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. If the prefix preceding the pronominal element ends in a vowel, the -i- disappears: do/ydt/t!a "we won't fly" This does not mean, however, that this -i- is to be considered an inorganic vowel, as is the case in Hupa it/d-. If -it- is followed by third modal -/-, both -t- elements combine into a single -t-, and all that is left of the pronominal prefix is the -i-: t'd/yd/dit/nd "we drink" (contrast t'd/ydBt/nd "they drink") If the third modal element is -I- or -/-, -t- disappears and -l- is changed to -/-; thus the first person plural of I- verbs and Ir verbs is always formed alike. In Hupa and Kato third modal -I- regularly becomes -1-, but d- is preserved; hence Hupa dil-, Kato dul-. In Chipewyan, however, as in Chasta Costa, -I- not only becomes -/-, but -/- disappears. For Chasta Costa this means that the second person singular and first person plural of /- verbs is identical, provided, of course, that there is no deictic prefix of plurality in the latter and that the verb stem does not change for the plural. Examples of /-verbs are: dd/de/0il/t6!i "we are sitting" (cf. Chipewyan de/dll/d'i "we are sitting") nd/dil/nic "we work" (cf. nd/dil/nic "you work") t'il/xwAd "we cough" (cf. Vil/xwAd "you cough") nd/xwil/ye "let us play" (cf. nd/xwil/ye "you play") 11/ Az "we sneeze" (cf. 11/ Az "you sneeze") na/da/yil/el "we are bathing;" nd/dil/el "we'll bathe" tela /yd/ dil /se "we cry" (cf. tda/Bil/se "you cry") Examples of I- verbs are : yu/wls ya/dil/nl "we whistle" (cf. third person plural: ya/dAl/nt) nd/tcHl/hlo "we write" (cf. nd/tdil/Lld "you write") E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 317 If, in an indefinite tense form, the pronominal element is pre- ceded by a prefix ending in a vowel and is, besides, followed by- third modal -I- or -1-, both -i- and -t- have to disappear and there is nothing left of the pronominal element except, in the case of i- verbs, the change of -i- to -1-: nel/i "let us look at him!" (cf. nei/l "look at him!") tc!d/yel/se, very likely misheard for tc!d/ydl/se "we'll cry" (cf. definite: tc!a/yd/dil/se "we cry") Second Person Plural o- (cf . Hupa o'- ; Kato o'- ; Chipewyan 0'-) : t'd/lat "ye sleep" t'e/6d/lal "ye have been sleeping" t'e/nd/lat "ye drown" yd/yd/t!a "ye fly" t'e/An/yo/lAl "ye sink in the water" t'd/yd/dot/na "ye drink" do/o/se "ye are not crying" No aspiration was heard after o in Chasta Costa. This does not seem due to faulty perception, as I- verbs keep their -l- after o-, whereas, under similar circumstances, Hupa, Kato, and Chipewyan change -I- to -I- {o'-l- becomes ol-). Indeed, in Chasta Costa I- verbs change their -i- to -I- after second person plural o-. Examples of o- before /- verbs are: nd/ddl/nic "ye work" na/da/ydl/el "ye bathe;" nd/dol/el "ye will bathe" t'dl/xwAd "ye cough" nd/xol/ye/le "ye play" (for -xwol-) dl/Az "ye sneeze" Examples of -I- becoming -I- after o- are: ya/dol/nl "ye utter, make a sound" (cf. third person plural ya/dAi/nl) fie/xd/ol/l "ye look at him" (cf. nel/1, "you're looking at him") 318 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. When, in an indefinite tense form, o- is preceded by a prefix ending in a, a and o contract to long a (which, it would seem, remains long even in closed syllables) : dd/yA/t!a "ye won't fly" {<*yao'-; cf. third person singular dd/ya/t!a with original ya- ; and second person singular dd/ya/t!a < *yq- < *yar]) tc!d/ydl/se/t'e "ye will cry" (cf. definite: tc!a/yd/ddl/se "ye cry;" and contrast tc!d/ydl/se "we'll cry" with short -a-) Third Person. As already noted, the third person, apart from possible deictic prefixes, is marked by the absence of any pronominal element. If the element preceding the third modal prefix or the stem consists of a consonant which must begin its syllable, an inorganic -a- is found between the two; if a third modal prefix is absent, the syllable preceding the stem is closed by a consonant borrowed from the first consonant of the stem. Examples of third persons with -a- before a third modal prefix are: ya/dAl/yAc "he is ashamed" t'Al/dAc "he runs" nd/xwAl/ye "he plays" ya/jAl/gAd "he climbs" ya/wls dAl/nl "he whistles" t'a/yAt/na "he drinks" Examples of third persons with -a- followed by an inorganic consonant are: dd/nAt/VAc "he went to bed" {-t- is not third modal; cf. second person singular dd/ni/t'Ac) fe/An/yAl/lAl "he is sinking in the water" {-I- is not third modal; cf. second person singular Ve/An/ji/lAl) First modal n-, reduced from ne-, however, has in several cases been found without following inorganic vowel and consonant. E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 319 In such cases it closes the preceding syllable, which may even belong to another word. Examples are: do/dAt 'An/tie "not-anywhere there-is" (cf. Kato qn/t'e "it is;" Hupa un/te "there is") Idn/do "nine" (really la n/do "one is-lacking") ; nd/xAn/do "eight" (reduced from na/xi n/do "two are-lacking") (cf. Kato n/do^/bun "it will not be," but also nut/do^ "all gone") cic/mAnen/dd' { = ci c/mAne n/da') "I my-house is" (cf. Chipewyan ne/da "she sat") If the verb form consists, properly speaking, of the stem alone, without prefix of any kind, an inorganic A- completed by a consonant that depends for its form on the first consonant of the stem is prefixed for the third person: As/se/t'e "he must cry" {<*se/t'e; cf. do/As/se "I'm not crying" <*Ac/se) do/wa/Al/le' "he will become" (<*/e; do/wa is adverb not influencing form of verb proper. That -I- is here no third modal element is shown by forms like Hupa o/le "let him become") This ^- at the beginning of a third personal form appears also when the verb begins with a third modal element : aI/Az "he sneezes" In this respect Chasta Costa differs from Kato, which need have nothing preceding the stem; with As/se compare Kato tee' "he cried." In the third person of definite tenses with second modal y- or n- prefix this element is followed by -I, in case there is no third modal prefix present. This goes back, without doubt, to nasalized -i- or -A-, in turn reduced from original -irj- (or -Ar]-). This nasal element, characteristic of definite third personal forms (except such as have 6-, Athabascan s-, as second 320 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. modal prefix) is found also in Hupa (-in-), Kato {-un-), and Chipewyan {-n-, -in-). Examples are: t'e/ni/lai "he drowns" (cf. Kato tc'n/nul/lat "it floated there," nul- assimilated from nun-; t'e/ni/lai also "you drown") yi/dac "he dances" (cf. Kato tc'/gun/dac/kwan "he had danced") yd/yi/t!a "it flies" (cf. Hupa na/win/tau "it will settle down;" ya/yi/t!a also "it flies") di^/s'at" "it pains" ((it'- < *J«57-, contracted" from *de/- yiv, cf. Hupa du/win/tcat "it got sick") Rather hard to understand is: Ve/An/yAl/lAl "he is sinking in the water" One would have expected -yl-, not -yAl- (as seen above, -l- is not third modal, but inorganic). Is yA- reduced from first modal ye-, this form being indefinite in tense? In Hupa this -in- does not seem to be found before third modal prefixes; in Chipewyan -n- {-in-) may, however, occur before -I- and, as inferred from Father Legoff's Montagnais paradigms, also -/-. As for Chasta Costa, what examples are available on this point show that -i- does not occur before -l- (e. g. yd/yAl/gAB "he climbs"). For I- verbs I have no safe example. Before -/- it seems that -i- is present in some cases, not in others: tdd/yit/sih/la "he pointed with his finger" but, without -i-\ na/da/yAt/tlo "he is bathing" On the whole, it seems possible that Athabascan -ai\- (or -i4«-) was originally a more freely movable element than it has " Parallel in form to Hupa verbs belonging to Class I, Conjugation 1 D, in which prefixed first modal i- or deictic h'^l- contracts with -it\, w- (Athabascan 7-) being lost. See Goddard, op. cit., p. 113. E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MOHPHOLOGY.' 321 become in e. g. Hupa, being required by certain verbs in their definite tenses, but not by others. This is suggested also by Father Legoff's Montagnais paradigms. Third Modal Prefixes. There are three of these: -1-, -/-, and -/-; they always complete a syllable immediately before the stem. -I- is characteristic of many verbs which are either transitive or, at any rate, imply activity directed outward; in some cases, however, this significance is not obvious. As we have seen, this -I- becomes -I- in the first and second persons plural. Examples of -l-{-L-) are: eid/t'al "I kicked him" t6!Ad/da caI na/dil/sl "story to-me you-told, made" necl/l "I'm looking at him" nal/de "he washes (something)" nail -Lib "he writes" tc!Al/t!d "he sucks" yn/wls dAi/nl "he whistles;" yu/wls dAcl/nl "I whistle"^^ xwAn/ne/6iL/ya "you win" If nothing precedes this element, it seems (unlike -/-) to begin its word without preceding inorganic A- : do/wa/i/t'dt/nAi "they will be broken" (do/wa is merely proclitic) i/t'i "he is important" Verbs in -I- are regularly intransitive; they denote states of mind or bodily activities that may be thought of as self- contained, not directed outwards. A reflexive meaning is sometimes apparent. After first person subjective -c- (s-) it always appears as -1-. Hence the first person singular, the first person plural, and the second person plural of -i- verbs and /- verbs are always alike (but contrast dicl-<*sAci- with sAsl<*sAcl-). As -/-, when standing after s, becomes -i- also in the third person, the second person singular alone remains '■2 This verb is irregular, inasmuch as -I- does not occur in the second person singular: yii/wis di/nl "you whistle." 322 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. as an infallible criterion of whether a verb belongs to the l- class or /- class. Examples of -I- are: ya/dAl/yAc "he is ashamed" xwAcl/I "I believe;" xwil/i/ha "do you expect?" t'Al/dAc "he runs" yd/yAl/gAd "he climbs" nd/dAl/de "he washed himself" aI/Az "he sneezes" t'Al/xwAe "he coughs" na/xAt/da/yAl/ei "they are bathing" nd/xwAl/ye "he plays" nd/dAl/nic "he works" tddsL/se "he cries;" tc!d/6il/se "you cry" tc!dcL/se/Ve "I'll cry;" tc!dl/se/t'e "you'll cry" hd/yACL/l "I stop, cease;" ho/il/l "stop!" Verbs in -t- are also intransitive. Examples are: t'd/yit/nd "you drink" ye/ydt/ne/la "he bit (it)" tdo/yit/siL/la "he pointed with his finger" q!wAt/daBt/gAc "it lies thrown down on top, table-cloth" yAct/lb "I laugh" {-t/lo may, however, represent original Athabascan -did "to laugh") ya/da/yit/dja "we are ashamed" There may be a passive significance in: C[!wAt/tc!At/dja "whereon it is eaten, table" With iterative na-: na/ya/dAdt/xwi "I vomit" Verb Stems. The stems that have been determined for Chasta Costa are: -'d,-'a "to have position, to be" (cf. Hupa -ai, -a; Kato -'ai% -'a'): O/'d/la "(one table) was" E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MOKPHOLOGY. 323 'AC "to bring" (cf. Hupa -an, -un, -auw "to transport round objects"; Kato -%n, -%c): yAn/na/'Ac "he will bring it" -'An "to bring to a halt, stop" (perhaps another form of preceding stem): na I nil An "stop him!" -Az "to sneeze": acl/az "I sneeze" -al "to come" (cf. Chipewyan -'as, -'az, -'ais "to travel, used of two persons only"?) an/yi/'ai "come on!" -ei, -el "to bathe (plur. subject)" (cf. Chipewyan -el, -ei, -UL "to move on the surface of water"): na/da/yil/el "we are bathing" 'I "to see, look at" (cf. Hupa -en, -in; Kato -'w' "to look"): ye/eic/i "I saw him" -I "to stop, cease" (cf. Hupa -en, -in "to do, to act, to deport one's self'?): ho/yACL/l "I stop (laughing)" -I "to believe, expect": xwAcl/i "I believe" -ya, -yAc, -yic "to go, come" (cf. Hupa -yai, -ya, -yauw; Kato -yai, -ya, -yac): Ve/dic/ya "I go;" t^Ac/yAc/t'e "I must go" -ya "to eat" (cf. Hupa -yan, -yiln, -yauw; Kato -yan' -yll''}: tcUy/ye/eic/ya "1 eat;" q!wAt/tc!At/dja(<-t/ya) "whereon one eats, table" -ya "to win" (cf. Kato -yan, "Kato Texts," p. 146, 1. 13; not listed in "Elements of the Kato Language"): xwAn/ne/diL/ya "you win" -yan "to upset" (cf. Kato -yaii "to clear off"?) : do/wd/An/- nd/yan/nAl "he will upset them" -ya, -yAc "to be ashamed" (cf. Kato -yan "to be ashamed") : ya/dAl/yAc "he is ashamed;" ya/da/yit/dja i<-t/ya) ' 'we are ashamed' ' -ye "to play" (cf. Hupa -ye "to dance"): nd/xwAl/ye "he plays" -lal "to sleep" (cf. Hupa -lal, -laL; Kato -lal, -IqL): t^ed/- lal/la "he's been sleeping" -IaI "to sink in water;" -lat "to drown" (cf. Hupa -lat, 324 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. -la "to float"): t'e/An/yAc/Ui "I am sinking;" t'e/- nic/lat "I drown" -le "to become" (cf. Hupa -len, -Un, -lu, -le; Kato -tin', -le): do/wa/Al/le' "it will become" -lee "to wager, bet": ne/tc!uc/lec "I'll bet you" -lee "to smoke": mAi/t'e/te!At/ts!Al/lec "wherewith it is smoked" -Id "to laugh, smile" (cf. Chipewyan -dlo, -dlok'): yit/lo "laugh!" -lIo "to write" (cf. Hupa -Lon, -Ld, -Low, -Loi "to make baskets, to twine in basket-making;" Kato -Loi, -Ld, -Lon): nal/tld "he writes" -nd "to drink" (cf. Hupa -nan, -nun; Kato -nqn): t'd/- yAet/nd "I drink" -nd "to lie" -(cf. Kato noL/tin/na' "were left"?): qlwAt/ dash/nd "it was lying on it" -ne "to bite, seize with one's teeth": ye/ydt/ne/la "he bit it" -m, -n "to make a sound, to say" (cf. Hupa -ne, -n "to speak, to make a sound;" Kato -nl, -ne, -n, -nee, -mi): yA/wis dAi/nl "he whistles;" d/dJAn "he says" -nie "to work": nd/dAl/nic "he works" (cf. Montagnais -ni "exprime Taction des mains"^^ -OaI "to wash oneself (plur. subject)" (cf. Hupa -sel, -seL "to be or to become warm;" Kato -sil "to steam," -sill, -suL "to be warm"): tclAt/t'it/dAl "we wash ourselves" -del "to throw": yd/yi/dei "you threw" -se "to cry" (cf. Hupa -tewu, -tewe "to cry, to weep;" Kato -tceG, -tee'): tddsL/se "he cries" -si "to cause" (cf. Hupa -tewen, -tcwin, -tewe "to make, to arrange, to cause;" Kato -tein, -tcl, -tclL): ndcl/sl "I cause" -sil "to point with one's finger" : tc!o/yit/ sit/la "he pointed with his finger" ""Father L. Legoff, "Grammaire de la Langue Montagnaise," p. 139. E. SAPIR — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 325 -da', -da "to sit, stay" (cf. Hupa -dai, -da; Kato -da, -dai): dd/di/da "you are sitting" -dAc "to run" (cf. Hupa, -dai, -daL, -dauw "to pass along, to go, to come;" Kato -dac "to travel"): t'Al/dAC "he runs" -dac "to dance" (cf. Kato -dac "to dance"): ni/dac "you dance" -de "to wash (sing, subject)" (cf. Kato -dec, -de'): ni/- dAl/de "he washed himself" -t'di "to kick" (cf. Hupa -taz, -tul, -tUL, -tal "to step, to kick;" Kato -tal% -tqh): eici/t'ai "I kicked him" -t'Ac "to lie down, go to bed" (cf. Hupa -ten, -tin, -tuw "to lie down;" Kato -tin, -tuc): dd/nAc/t'Ac "I go to bed" -t'at "to break, go to pieces" (cf. Chipewyan -taL, -tul "to break"): do/wa/i/t'dt/nAl "they will Be broken" -t'e "to want" (cf. Hupa -te "to look for, to search after"?) : do/ucL/t'e "I do not want;" de/ucz/t'e "what I want" -ft "to be, make valuable" (cf. Carrier tti/tM "thou makest hira valuable, treatest him as important"): i/t'i yAn/na/'d "he brags" -t!a "to fly" (cf. Hupa -tau; Kato -t'ac, -t'a'): do/ydc/tla "I won't fly" -tie "to be of (that) sort" (cf. Hupa -te; Kato -t'e): do/dAt 'An /tie "there is not anywhere (one like him)" -t!d "to swim, bathe (sing, subject)": nac/tlb "I swim, bathe" -tlo "to suck" (cf. Kato -t'ot): tc!Al/t!d "he sucks" -td!i "to sit (plur. subject)" (cf. Hupa -tse; Chipewyan -d'l): da/ de/ en /ten "we are sitting" -tslat "to hurt, pain (intr.)" (cf. Hupa -teat, -tea "to be sick, to become ill"): di'/s'at' "(my eyes) hurt" -ya "to go about, live" (cf. Hupa -wai, -wa "to go, to go about;" Kato -ga, -gai): nd/ya "he goes about, lives" -xe "to paddle" (cf. Hupa -xen, -xuw "to float, used only of plural objects;" Kato -ke^ "to bathe (plural only);" 326 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. II. Chipewyan -kl "to paddle a canoe, to travel by canoe") : ndc/xe "I paddle" -xwAd "to cough" (cf. Kato kos "cough," as noun; Carrier xwas): t'Al/xwAd "he coughs" -xwl "to vomit" (cf. Carrier khu "vomiting," as noun): na/yd/dAdt/xwi "I vomit" -gAd "to climb" (cf. Hupa -kas "to throw"): yd/yAl/gAd "he climbs" -gAc "to throw"? (cf. Hupa -kas "to throw"): qlwAt/dadt/- gAc "it lies thrown down on top, table-cloth" It will be observed that several verb stems are restricted in their use as regards number of subject (or object). This trait is characteristic of Athabascan, as also of other American linguistic stocks. Definite and Indefinite Tenses. My material on Chasta Costa is not full enough to enable me to give a satis- factory idea of its tense-mode system. It is clear, however, that absolute time (present, past, future) is quite subordinate to whether activities are thought of as taking place at some definite time (generally present or past) or are more indefinite as to time occurrence. Indefinite forms are apt to be used for general statements that apply irrespective of any particular time, for future acts, for negative (particularly negative future) acts, and regularly for imperative and prohibitive forms. The contrast between definite and indefinite present forms comes out in: definite: nd/da/yAct/t!d "I bathe" (i. e. am now engaged in bathing) indefinite: cAl/q^!we na/dAct/t!d "I'm used to bathing" (here bathing is not restricted as to time) definite: tc!d/sAsL/se "I cry" indefinite: t'wi/dAn As/se "I always cry" definite: yeSt/lo "he breaks into laughter" (i. e. laughs at one particular point of time) indefinite: ydt/lo "he laughs" E. SAPIE — NOTES ON CHASTA COSTA PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY. 327 [definite: xAt/Ve/lai/la "they have been sleeping" (may ■I be said of them at moment of waking up) [indefinite: xAt/t'Al/lal "they sleep" Futures, as we shall see, are explicitly rendered by suffixing -Ve to present (generally indefinite) forms; but simple indefinite forms, particularly with adverbs pointing to future time, may often be used as futures in contrast to definite present forms. Examples are: I definite : na/da/yil/el ' 'we are bathing' ' .indefinite: nd/dil/el "we'll bathe" definite td!Ad/da caI na/dll/sl "story to-me you-told" indefinite: xun/de tdlAd/dd uaI ndci/si "tomorrow story to-you I-tell" definite: n/ye/dic/l "1 saw you" indefinite: xAL/tsH/dAn do/wan/jAc/l "this-evening I'U- see-you" definite: t'e/dic/ya "I go" indefinite: xun/de t'ac/yAc "tomorrow I'U-go" Negative presents or futures are regularly expressed by pre- fixing do "not" to indefinite forms; when more explicitly future, -t'e is suffixed to them. Examples of indefinite forms preceded by do are: /definite: tdac yd/yi/t!a "bird is-flying" I indefinite: do/yA/tla "he won't fly" definite: na/yd/dAdt/xwi "I vomit" .indefinite: do/na/yAct/xwl "I do not vomit" definite: tdd/sAsi/se "I cry;" tc!d/dil/se "you cry" indefinite: dd/As/se "I'm not crying;" do/l/se "you're not crying" definite: ye/dic/i "I saw him;" c/ye/dt/l "you saw me" indefinite: do I y Ac j I "I didn't see him;" do/ld/c/yl/l "you didn't see me" definite: Ve/dic/ya "I gof t'ed/ya "he goes'' ■ indefinite: do/t'Ac/yic "I'll not go;" do/t'Ac "he won't go" {