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MV5EVMoFTHEAnElLlCAN INDIAN! 
 
 FREDERICK W. HODGE COLLECTION 
 
as;' 
 
 '«S5 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104080407 
 
REPORT OF THE SUPERINTENDENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 U. S. COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY 
 
 SHOWINe 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF THE WORK 
 
 DURING THE 
 
 FISCAL YEAR ENDING WITH 
 
 JUNE, 1884. 
 
 WASHINGTON?: 
 GOVEKNMENT FEINTING OFFICE. 
 
 1885. 
 

 Appendix No. 1 9 . 
 
 HISTORY OF DISCOVEEY AND EXPLOEATION ON THE COASTS Oi^ THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 By J. Gr. JCOBCXi, Ph. D. 
 
 PEEFATOET NOTE. 
 
 The historical accounts here given of discovery and exploration on the coasts of the United 
 States were prepared by Dr. J. G. Kohl, a geographer of distinction, at the instance of Prof. A. 
 D. Bache, the Siiperiutendent of the Coast Survey at the time (1854) of Dr. Kohl's visit to this 
 country. But a few years had then elapsed since the beginning of the survey on the Pacific- 
 coast, and the want of an authoritative and connected account of early exploration upon that coast 
 was greatly felt. Trustworthy data were needed to establish the origin of geographical names, 
 to decide disputed points of orthography, to identify localities named by early explorers, and to 
 show the condition of discovery and fix the limit of geographical knowledge at various periods. 
 
 The work undertaken by Dr. Kohl included, at the request of Professor Bache, in addition to 
 the historical account, a general map illustrating it, a collection of maps showing the range and 
 limits appertaining to each discoverer and explorer, a list of names of bays, capes, harbors, &c., 
 with critical remarks, and a catalogue of books, maps, manuscripts, &c., relative to discoveries. 
 
 In so satisfactory a manner was this work performed for the Pacific coast that Dr. Kohl was 
 asked to undertake a similar work for the coast of the Atlantic and Grulf of Mexico. Upon its 
 ^completion the entire work was deposited for reference in the archives of the Survey. Means for its 
 publication, as a whole, not having been available, it has now been deemed desirable to publish 
 the historical portions in the form of an appendix to this report. To each memoir is appended a_list^ 
 of the collection of maps. Some of these maps are copied from originals, others from old manu- 
 scripts or rare prints, and those of more modern origin are of interest as links in the chain of his- 
 torical connection. 
 
 ABSTBACT OF CONTBITTS. 
 
 Siatory of discovery and exploration on the Atlantic coast of the United States. 
 
 Tlie Northmen (982 to 1,347). — Settlement in Gnnbiorn's Land or Greenland in 982. Explorations from Greenland 
 to the southwest in the years 1000 and 1001. Also between 1002 and 1007, followed by a settlement in Vinland — 
 supposed to be on Narragansett Bay. Decline of the Scandinavian colonies in Greenland; last expedition to eastern 
 coast of North America in 1347. 
 
 Sebastian Calot (1497), — Voyage to Newfoundland, and thence southwardly— supposed as far as the entrance to 
 Delaware Ba y. Delineation of eastern coast of North America according to Cabot on map of Juan de la Cosa in the 
 year 1500. 
 
 Ponce de Leon (1512). — Expedition from Porto Eico to the coast of Florida. Other exujorers, between 1512 and 
 1519. 
 
 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon (1520-'25). — Voyages to the North American coast ; explorations near Saint Helena 
 Sound and a river to the south — supposed the Savannah Eiver. Finds that Florida is a peninsula. 
 
 John de Verrazano (1524). — Expedition from Dieppe under the auspices of Francis I, of France. Voyage along the 
 North American coast from the vicinity of Cape Fear, touching at the mouth of the Hudson ; thence to the eastward, 
 entering Narragansett Bay, and thence to the coasts of Maine and Kova Scotia. 
 
 495 
 
496 UNITED STATES COAST AJSD GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 Matevan Gomez (1525).— Expedition from Corumia to Ne-wfoundland, and thence southward along the eastern 
 coast of the continent. Names given to several localities. 
 
 English expedition (1527).— Voyage under the auspices of Henry VIII, of England, towards the coasts of Labrador, 
 Cape Breton, and New England. 
 
 Spanish expeditions, Narvaez and De Soto (1528-'43).— Voyages to the Gulf of Mexico; explorations in Florida, 
 Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. 
 
 Capt Jean Bibaiit, Capt. Beni de. Zaudouniere (X562-'65).— Expeditions from Dieppe and Havre to the coasts of 
 Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina. 
 
 Sir John BawUns (1565).— Visit to the coast of Florida and anchorage at the mouth of Saint John's Eiver. 
 Voyage thence to the northeast. 
 
 Don Pedro Menendez (1565-'74).— Expedition of discovery and of occupation to Florida; establishment of a colony 
 at Saint Augustine; circumnavigation of the peninsula; voyage to Chesapeake Bay. 
 
 Sir Walter Faleitjh (1584-'86). — Explorations and settlements in Virginia and North Carolina, under the auspices 
 of Queen Elizabeth, of England. 
 
 Capt. John White (1587-'90). — Voyages to and settlement at Eoanoke Island. 
 
 Bartholomexo Gosnold (1602).— Expedition from Falmouth, England. Explorations in the vicinity of Cape Cod 
 and Martha's Vineyard. 
 
 Martin Pring (1603). — Voyage from Bristol, England, to the coast of New England to the north of Cape Cod. 
 
 Bartholomem Gilbert (1603). — Lands near the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, but is killed by the Indians, and 
 expedition fails. — 
 
 Sieur de Monia and Champlain (1605).— Expedition from Havre, under the auspices of Henry IV, of Prance. 
 Explorations on the coasts of Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Maine, and Massachuetts. 
 
 Capt. George Weymouth (1605). — Voyage from an English sea-port to the New England coast. Exploration of 
 Penobscot Bay. 
 
 Capf. Christopher Ntupcrt (1606).— Expeditinn iitted out by the Loudon Con.pany f(ir exploiution and settlement 
 in " South Virginia.'' Colony established at Jamestown, Va. 
 
 Capt. John Smith (IBOH). — Examinations of the shores of the Chesapeake to the head of the bay and of the rivers 
 tributary to it. 
 
 Capt. George Popham and Capt. Baleigh Giliert (1607).— Voyage from Plymouth, England, and settlement attempted 
 at Cape Small Point, coast of Maine. 
 
 Capt. Samuel Argall (1613). — Breaks up the French settlements on the coast of Maine, from Mount Desert Island 
 to the eastward; 
 
 Capt. John Smith (161'1). — Publishes a map of Chesapeake Bay; explores the coast of Maine and compiles and 
 publishes a map and description of that loast; also a narrative and map of New England. 
 
 Capt. Thomas Dermer, CJiristopher Lerett (1618-'23). -Voyages to the coast of Maine and thence southward; 
 examinations in Long Island Sound and in Chesapeake Bay. 
 
 Henry Endson (1609). — Expedition from Amsterdam under the auspices of the Dutch East India Company. 
 Examinations in Delaware Bay and in the Hudson River. 
 
 Cornelius Jacobs May (1614-'23).— Explorations between Cape Cod and Delaware Bay. Pounds the first Dutch 
 colonies on the Hudson and Delaware Eivers. 
 
 David Pietersz de Vries (1632).— Expedition from the Texel to Delaware Bay ; exploration of the low shore of the 
 Delaware peninsula, and examination of the coast between Delaware Bay and the New York entrance. 
 
 Brief notice of expeditions of the seventeenth lentnry, concluding with reference to a map showing the outlines of the 
 Atlantic coast, published by La'et, the Dutch oosmographer, in the year 1624. 
 
 THE NOETHMEN. 
 
 • In the early history of Scandinavia it is known that maritime enterprise was a marked 
 characteristic of the inhabitants. At the close of the ninth century some Northmen had passed 
 southward through Itsily and Sicily, and after leaving colonies passed across the Mediterranean to 
 the coast of Africa. They founded settlements in France, England, Scotland, Ireland, Iceland, and 
 on the coast of Greenland, and it is probable that one early northern adventurer visited the 
 eastern coast of North America. Doubtless many fables were included in the narratives of their 
 early navigation, but our present concern is with the facts which have led historians to' regard 
 Scandinavia as the " storehouse of nations." 
 
 The first Scandinavian adventurer who landed on the shores of Iceland was a certain Naddod 
 in the year 861. Hiorleif, Ingulf, and other Northmen followed in the year 874, and in the course 
 of a century the island was covered with flourishing settlements. Frequent voyages were made 
 from thence to Norway, to Ireland, and to England. In the year 980 one of these Icelandic navi- 
 gators, Guubiorn, returned to his country, and stated that he had been driven out of his course 
 so far westward as to have in vie^ a great unknown land. When this report was known Eirek 
 who had been an outlaw in Iceland, sailed in the year 982 westward to search for Gunbiorn^s Land. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 497 
 
 He wintered there, returned to Iceland and Norway, and praised the newly discovered land so 
 highly that in subsequent years many Icelanders and Northmen went over to Greenland (as 
 Gunbiorn's Land was soon called), and there formed a community. One of the settlers was a 
 certain Heriulf, who had left a son named Biarni at home. The son set out to follow his father, 
 but was driven by stormy weather over to another unknown country, along which he coasted for 
 some time. Finally he turned, reached Greenland, and there his report concerning the new 
 western country was eagerly listened to, and especially by Leif, the son of Eirek, the first settler 
 in Greenland. Lief bought the ship of Biarni, and with it sailed towards the southwest. He 
 fonnd'a great rocky country, which he named Relluland, i, e., the stony country. This was probably 
 Newfoundland. 
 
 Leif, sailing farther to the southward and westward, again made the coast, and named it 
 MarUand [the country of the woods], and it is supposed to be Nova Scotia. Keeping the same 
 general course, the vessel passed around a far projecting peninsula which was named Kiliarnas, 
 i. e., Ship's Nose. This was probably Cape Cod, and the convenient bay in which he anchored is 
 judged to be Narragansett Bay. Leif and his men made on the shore of this bay a small settle- 
 ment, called Leif 's budir, i. e., Leif's cottages. They explored the vicinity, and finding grapes in 
 abundance they applied the name Vinland. In the following year, 1001, Leif and his men filled 
 their ship with firewood, and returned to Greenland. 
 
 Other expeditions followed. One in the year JOOU was under the command of Thorwald, a 
 brother of Birek ; another in 1005 was conducted by Thorstein ; and in 1007 a third set out under 
 Thorflnn Carlsefn. The last named adventurer intended to make a permanent settlement in 
 Vinland. He therefore brought over 160 men. He was accompanied by his wife, Gudrid, and 
 their son, Snorri Thorfinson, was born in Vinland. Gudrid subsequently made a pilgrimage to 
 Rome, and perhaps in that way some knowledge of the western country was spread in Italy. 
 
 The Scandinavian colonies of Greenland remained for some years in connection with Iceland, 
 attracted settlers from Europe, flourished, and finally covered a tract of nearly 400 miles along the 
 coast of the peninsula. But activity ceased. After Thorfinn (1007) an expedition went occasion- 
 ally. It is mentioned that a certain Gudleif Gudlaugson went to Vinland in the year 1028. He is 
 said to have sailed southward to a country which he called Huitramannaland, i, e., the country of 
 white men. Possibly the expeditions of the Northmen from Greenland to the eastern coast of North 
 America were repeated, while the Greenland colonies flourished. The last was according to Rafn, 
 the learned Danish investigator, performed in the year 1347. So this series of expeditions to 
 America can be traced through four centuries, but even the memory of it was lost in the decline of 
 Scandinavian colonies in Greenland. They seem to have been weakened by pestilence, and at 
 times they suffered from the hostile attacks of the aborigines. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT, 1497. 
 
 After the Northmen, the first European who touched on the Atlantic coast of North America 
 was Sebastian Cabot, son of John Cabot, a Venetian merchant, who was settled in England in the 
 time of King Henry VII. Columbus at the outset of his career had offered his services to the 
 court of England, but there the offer was refused. 
 
 Cabot says that the report of the voyage of Columbus " increased in his heart a great flame of 
 desire to attempt some notable thing." He believed, as Columbus did, that the eastern parts of 
 Asia could not be very distant, and therefore he proposed to sail westward in high latitude, or, as 
 he expressed the idea, "because he understood by reason of the sphere that the northwestern route 
 would be a shorter trace to come to India." 
 
 The king ordered two caravals to be fitted out, and in the year 1495 issued letters patent, in 
 which he granted to the undertakers and commanders of the expedition the usual rights and privi- 
 leges " to discover, and conquer for him, the King of England, any yet heathen country, and to 
 occupy it for him and for themselves as his lieutenants, vassals, and governors." In these royal 
 letters Sebastian Cabot, his father, John, and likewise two brothers, are named as the grantees, and 
 hence some writers have inferred that both father and son conducted the expedition across the 
 ocean. But it seems more probable that the wealthy merchant, John Cabot, was named in the 
 H. Ex. 43 63 
 
498 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 royal letters only because he assisted the expedition with money. Moreover, Sebastian states that 
 his father died previous to the year 1497, in which year the voyage was uudertaken. 
 
 Cabot sailed westward, keeping along the 50th parallel to Newfoundland, which had been pre- 
 viously known to the Northmen under the name of Helluland. After makingland he steered north- 
 ward, but not finding the desired passage to China lie turned south and passed along the coast of 
 what is now known as the New England States. The southern limit reached has been the subject 
 of doubt. Some suppose that he turned at the 38th parallel, but others judge that he went to the 
 vicinity of Cuba. Peter Martyr, Gomara, and other authorities make it certain that he reached 
 the entrance of Delaware Bay. 
 
 Hakluyt states repeatedly that Cabot drew maps and wrote reports of his discoveries, but 
 they have been unfortunately lost. We have, however, a delineation of the eastern coast, accord- 
 ing to Cabot's report, on the map by Juan de la Cosa in the year 1500. That map conflruis the 
 belief already expressed in regard to the southern limit of Cabot's voyage. 
 
 Some authors intimate that Cabot made voyages to America in the years 1498, 1499, and 1517, 
 but the particulars of such, if the voyages were made, are not known to us. The Portuguese 
 expeditions across the northern parts of America by the Brethren Cortereal, are of interest only 
 in regard to the Arctic regions. 
 
 PONCE DE LEON, 1512. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot had " taken possession " in the name of the King of England of the eastern 
 coast of the New World, and in later times the English founded on his discoveries their right to 
 dominion. The Portuguese did not promptly pursue the northern discioveries commenced by the 
 Cortereals. By the Spanish, the exploration of the northern part of Cuba was not taken in hand 
 until the year 1508, and in that year their navigator, Ocampo, circumnavigated that island for the 
 first time. 
 
 Excepting the French, Portuguese, and Biscayan fishermen, who, since 1504, yearly went to 
 Newfoundland, we do not know.with certainty of any European expedition to the eastern coast of 
 America between the years 1601 and 1512, when Ponce de Leon led in that direction. Some years 
 earlier he had conquered and settled the island of Porto Rico, and held possession there as gover- 
 nor. When deposed, in consequence of some misunderstanding with his offlcers, and with the court 
 of Spain, he was rich. He was yet in the force and bloom of his life, and he was enterprising. 
 He listened to what was related of unknown countries. The Indians told of a great country called 
 Gautio, and of the existence of a fountain or river, Bimini, which had the quality of restoring youth 
 and strength to those who bathed in its waters. 
 
 Attracted by the traditions, Ponce de Leon fitted out three ships and sailed with them on the 
 3d of March, 1612, from the harbor St. German, in Porto Eico. He passed along the northern side 
 of the Lucayan Islands, kept a northwestern course, and near Cape Canaveral saw the coast of 
 the North American continent on the 27th of March (Palm Sunday), which the Spaniards call Pascua 
 Florida de Resurreccion. At first he judged that the land in view was a small island, like one of 
 the Lucayan Islands which he had just left, but he sailed along with the continuous coast in view 
 until the 2d of April, and then applied the name. La Florida as well because of the flourishing as- 
 pect as also that he saw it first on the Sunday of Pascua Florida. He sought for a harbor, and 
 not finding a good one turned southward. 
 
 On the 8th of May Ponce doubled a large cape where the currents gave much trouble, and 
 which he therefore named Cabo de Oorrientes (cape of tlu^ currents), which Ilorrera puts in latitude 
 28° 15' north, and consequently it was Cape CaCaveral. In going southward several small isl- 
 ands were noticed but these cannot be identified, as many inlets have been ()])ened aiid closed again 
 in the course of time by the action of the sea. 
 
 Ponce de Leon doubled the Cape of Florida without attaching a name, and soon after dis- 
 covered the Florida Keys, or Martires, the Tortugas, nnd the western coast of the Florida 
 peninsula. On his return voyage to Porto Eico, one of the ships was sent in command of Perez 
 de Ortubia and Antonio de Alaminos toward the northwest to search again i'ov the island and 
 fountain of Bimini. Their report is meager, and no mention is made in it of the coast of Florida. 
 They appear to have sailed only amongst the Lucayan Islands. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AlfD GEODETIC SUEVEY. 499 
 
 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon was on the coast in the year 1620, but a few years earlier some 
 voyages of secondary interest were made. An English ship is said to have sailed at this period 
 southward from Newfoundland to the Antilles and Porto Eico. Amongst Spanish authors who 
 mention this voyage, Herrera puts its arrival at Porto Eico in the year 1519; othiers have put it in 
 the year 1517. Herrera, whom we follow, says that " in the year 1519 arrived an English vessel 
 in the island of S. Juan [Porto Eico], which was examined by Spanish oflBcers, and the commander 
 of which stated that they had been for the discovery of a northwest passage or oceanic route to 
 the Gran Can, i. e., to China, from England to Newfoundland, thence southwest to the river 
 Chicora, and that from there they had come in a southern direction to Porto Eico." As the 
 expedition is mentioned as English, some have supposed that Sebastian Cabot was the com- 
 mander. 
 
 Cortes, in the same year (1519), sent out Antonio de Alaminos with dispatches for Spain. He 
 passed through' the Gulf of Florida and the Strait of Bahama, but did not land on the eastern 
 coast of Florida, though at several times the land was in view. Passing by the Burmudas he 
 returned to Spain. 
 
 Diego Miruelo, a well-known Spanish pilot, doubtless made voyages in these regions on his 
 own account. His movements fill the interval between Ponce de Leon and Vasquez de Ayllon. 
 
 LUCAS VASQUEZ DE ATLIiON, 15-20-1525. 
 
 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon was a Spanish officer eminent by literary attainments. He was 
 some time auditor of the royal court of San Domingo, and had become wealthy in his employ- 
 ment. When laborers became scarce in the Lucayas and in the Antilles, Ayllon, with some others, 
 made an expedition to the north to kidnap Indian slaves. They fitted out two vessels, and Ayllon 
 took command. Diego Miruelo went as pilot. In the course of the year 1520 they followed the" 
 track of Ponce de Leon, and passing around the Lucayan Islands they arrived at the shore of a 
 great country, which, by the aborigines, was called Chicora. On that part of the coast they 
 named a cape " Cabo de Santa Elena," as it was first seen by them on the day of that saint. This 
 was probably a point of land near Saint Helena Sound on the coast of South Carolina. In that 
 vicinity Ayllon named a river after one of his captains, "iJio Jordan." The extent of the voyage 
 is not well defined, either by Herrera or Oviedo. Barcia says that the party landed at several 
 places, and on nearly contemporary Spanish maps we find the names "Cabo S. Eomans," "Eiv. 
 Canoas," " Cabo de Trafalgar," and others that suggest Ayllon as having applied them. It is, 
 however, possible that some of them were not given by Ayllon on his first voyage in 1520, but rather 
 on his second expedition in the year 1525. He went to Spain after his first voyage, and was com- 
 missioned by the king to explore, conquer, and settle that promising country. But by reason of 
 various impediments his second voyage was delayed. One of the hindrances will be mentioned. 
 A certain Ortiz de Matiengo, also a Spanish civil oflBcer, and like Ayllon, provided with vessels, 
 protested against Ayllon's expedition because one of Matieugo's ships had made the same dis- 
 covery. But Ayllon, notwithstanding the protest, sailed to Chicora. He merely added another 
 name, that of the river "Guale" or "Gualdape," or, as Oviedo writes, "Guadalupe," which is stated 
 as being about 30 miles south of the Point Saint Helena, and possibly it was Savannah Eiver. 
 
 In an unfortunate expedition against Indians at some distance from the coast, Ayllon and 
 many of his men were killed. The survivors of the party returned to the Antilles. Previously 
 Florida had been regarded as an island, but the expedition of Ayllon determined its peninsular 
 configuration, 
 
 JOHN DE VERRAZAilO, 1524. 
 
 Christopher Columbus and his brother Bartholomew, before acceptance in Spain, had made 
 propositions to the court of France, and at one time it seemed probable that their offer would be 
 there accepted. French pirates and adventurers were early followers of the Spaniards to the 
 West Indies, After the year 1504 French navigators of Dieppe and other ports of France crossed 
 the ocean to the banks of Newfoundland and returned to Europe with fish. 
 
 Francis I was, however, the first French king who sent an expedition specially intended for 
 
500 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 the discovery of new lands. The command of it was given to an Italian, John de Verrazano, 
 who belonged to Florence. 
 
 At the end of the year 1523 Verrazano sailed from Dieppe with four ships. On his arrival 
 at Madeira, only one vessel, the Dolphin, was found seaworthy, and in that, with fifty men, he 
 
 , started westward. After sailing about 900 leagues by his reckoning, and after being fifty days at 
 sea, he sighted the coast of America in the neighborhood of Cape Fear. From thence he sailed 
 northward, and, following the trend of the coast, must have passed the entrances of Chesapeake 
 and Delaware Bays. Finally he reached a very pleasant place showing steep hills, and an 
 exceeding great stream of water, so deep at the mouth that any great ship might pass up. He 
 entered with his boats, and found the country thickly peopled. Circumstances did not permit 
 him to proceed inland, so he sailed 50 leagues eastward as the trend of the coast was in that 
 direction. From this it seems evident that Verrazano touched the mouth of Hudson Eiver and 
 New York Harbor. For some time the Hudson was called "the river of the hills or mountains." 
 His mention of the trend of the coast eastward makes it certain that Verrazano was the first 
 European who visited the entrance of the Hudson. Sailing along the sea coast of Long Island, 
 he seems to have regarded it as part of the mainland; but in going eastward he soon discovered 
 an island somewhat triangular in outline. This he named L'isle Claudia, in honor of the mother 
 of Francis I. Some authors have judged this to be Block Island, but by others it has been, with 
 more probability, taken as Martha's Vineyard. However that might have been, Verrazano sailed 
 over to a great and commodious harbor or bay, in 41§ degrees of north latitude, and there remained 
 fifteen days, trading with the natives and exploring the country. This bay was 20 leagues in 
 circuit and contained five pleasant and fruitful islands, " among the which islands [he says] our 
 great navy may ride safe, without any fear of tempest or other danger." From this description 
 it seems clear that Verrazano had entered Narragansett Bay. It is remarkable that he was at this 
 time the first to mention the name "Island of Khodes," which afterwards was adopted as a 
 designation. 
 
 On the 5th of May, 1524, Verrazano left, and sailing east and then north for 150 leagues, 
 found the coast studded with crags, the shore having many turnings and windings between them, 
 offering fair harbors. He counted thirty-two islands on that part of the coast. Plainly he was 
 then on the coast of Maine. He does not mention the remarkable projection now known as Cape 
 Cod. From the coast of Maine he sailed northeast about 150 leagues, and when off Newfoundland 
 turned back and reached the coast of France early in July, 1524. 
 
 It is not known that Verrazano made any maps. In his report mention is made of latitude 
 and he assigned no names, excepting that of the island Claudia. But he indicates with tolerable 
 accuracy the trending of the coasts and distances. He saw the entire coast from Cape Fear 
 
 ' northward to the Bay of Fundy, and his descriptions are tolerable. From what he says, Narragan- 
 sett Bay and Hudson Eiver entrance can be readily identified. E^niusio says that Verrazano and 
 several of his men were killed by savages ; but some Spanish historians record that he was 
 captured in 1624 and hanged by their countrymen. 
 
 E8TEVAN GOMEZ, 1525. 
 
 The Spaniards advanced slowly towards the north. Previous to the year 1525 not one of their 
 navigators had passed the thirtieth parallel. Ayllon's north limit was the boundary of Spanish 
 research in that direction. Beyond that voyages had been made only by the English, Portuguese, 
 and French ; by Cabot, Cortereal, Verrazano, and others. Yet none doubted that tliere was much 
 land in the higher latitudes. Newfoundland and Labrador were included under the name 
 f'jBoccaZao*," and between that and Florida the Spaniards supposed there might be a strait. 
 True, Cabot and Juan de la Cosa had represented the coast as continental, but they did not look 
 into each inlet, nor explore as minutely as Verrazano. Moreover, maps of that i)eriod showed an 
 open gap or branch of ocean between Baccalaos and Florida. So, also, years after the voyage of 
 Columbus to Veragua and the Isthmus of Panaima, maps showed a channel, which it was thought 
 might have been overlooked by that navigator. In the year 1525 the Spaniards fitted out an 
 expedition in the hope of reaching China by a water passage around the continent of North 
 America. Estevan Gomez, who had been with Magellan, was put iu charge, and his expectation 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 501 
 
 was to repeat in a high northern latitude what had been done at the southern extremity of South 
 America. In fact, the notion was then somewhat common that geographical configuration at the 
 north should correspond with that at the south, 
 
 Estevan Gomez sailed with one ship from the port of Corunna, at the end of the year 1524, 
 directly over to Baccalaos [Newfoundland], and there turned and passed southward along the 
 eastern coast of North America. There is no journal of his voyage nor copies of maps which he 
 doubtless made. Spanish authors merely allude to the voyage. It is known, however, that he 
 followed the course of his predecessor, Verrazano, merely reversing the order by passing from 
 north to south. Oviedo says that Gomez sailed southward to the fortieth parallel, and that he 
 brought some Indian prisoners home to Spain. 
 
 Henera says : Gomez sailed much further to the southward, and traveled from Florida to 
 Cuba where he remained some time, and then returned to Europe. After an absence of ten months 
 he was again at Corunna in November, 1525. That he brought home a map and description of 
 the country explored is evident from the map of America made by Diego Eibero a few years after. 
 Without doubt he took the configuration of the coast from Gomez, as neither before nor soon after 
 was that part of the coast visited by any Spaniard. 
 
 Ribero gives to the entire region the name of the explorer, " Tierra de Estevan Oomez,^^ and 
 this may be regarded as the first name applied to New. England. It was retained on nearly all 
 maps of the sixteenth century. Gomez Land was the name commonly appplied, until it was 
 displaced by English discoveries. 
 
 Two capes marked by Gomez appear on nearly all subsequent maps, namely : " Cabo de Muchas 
 Islas " [cape of many islands] and " Cabo de Arenas," i. e. the cape of sand. The first seems to 
 be Cape Elizabeth, on the coast of Maine ; the other was either Cape May or Cape Henlopen. 
 The sea between the extreme capes is marked on the map "Archipelago de Estevan Gomez," but 
 on subsequent maps the name of the navigator is omitted. To the northeast of Cape Cod a 
 broad inlet is invariably marked as "Eio de las Gamas" (Deer Eiver), and perhaps it is what is 
 now known as Penobscot Bay. 
 
 ENGLISH VOYAGE, 1527 
 
 Hakluyt relates (Vol. Ill, p. 129) that Master Eobert Thome, of Bristol, a man of learning 
 and influence, moved King Henry VIII to encourage discovery in the northern parts of the new 
 world. 
 
 Two ships were fitted out, one of them bearing the name Dominus Vobiscum. One of the 
 vessels was wrecked on the coast of Labrador, the other went towards Cape Breton and the coast 
 of New England. After landing to look at the country, the vessel returned home early in October 
 of the year 1527. 
 
 SPANISH EXPEDITIONS, 1528-1543. 
 
 Estevan Gomez and Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon returned from the eastern coast of North 
 America, one to Spain, the other to the Antilles with miserable Indian prisoners or slaves in lieu 
 of expected riches. But the impression yet remained that wealth might be gained by going 
 further westward and that a region of gold might be reached by passing through the Mexican 
 Gulf. There followed consequently two land expeditions in that direction, one under Narvaez in 
 the year 1528 ; the other under Fernando de Soto in 1538. The ill-fated expedition of Narvaez 
 was attended by five vessels which carried four hundred men and eighty horses. After landing 
 at Tampa Bay the vessels passed on and the land force perished in the attempt to pass westward 
 along the coast in boats. 
 
 De Soto wintered at Apalachee and then inarched through territory which is now known as 
 the State of Georgia. His land of promise was " GofacMqve," a name by which Spanish authors 
 have designated Savannah Eiver. On reaching the country of the Licenciado Ayllon, he found 
 amongst the Indians some iron tools and weapons, probably remains of Ayllon's expedition of 
 1520 and 1525. The Indians described to De Soto several encounters with Ayllon's men. 
 
 Hoping steadily to find in the interior another land like Mexico or like Peru, the party exam- 
 ined the country and probably were in the region now occupied by Pensacola. After two years 
 
502 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 
 
 of travel and toil, De Soto ended his life in the interior of the Mississippi country. His two cap- 
 tains, Diego Maldonado and Gomez Arias, waited in vain according to his orders, supposing that 
 he might have returned from the interior by another route, but finally they made a series of expe- 
 ditions along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, but of these it is probable that detailed reports were 
 not written. Garcilasso, Herrera, and Barcia assert that the expedition went along over the 
 Atlantic coast northward to ^' Baccalaos,'" and looked into every harbor and every bay in search 
 for De Soto. 
 
 In the interval of thirty-six years preceding the French expedition under Eibaut in 1562 there 
 is no record of any Spanish exploration. The maps and geographical descriptions of that period 
 are marked with, new names, but we cannot refer them either to Estevan Gomez (1524) or to Ayllon 
 (1520-1525). 
 
 The most remarkable description of that time is contained in the second volume of Oviedo'g 
 History of the West Indies. We here append a summary ; but it is to be regretted that the date 
 of the manuscript is uncertain. We know, however, that Oviedo published the first volume of 
 his history in the year 1535; and that in the year 1657, when he died, the second volume, which 
 contains the description here in question, was ready for the printer. 
 
 Oviedo begins his description at the southward with what he calls " Punta de la Florida," and 
 that he states as in latitude 25§° north. The cape discovered by Ponce de Leon in 1512, and 
 which hfe named Oabo de Corrientes [Cape of Currents], is called by Oviedo Gabo de Canaveral. 
 But no practical purpose would be met by recapitulating the names given on old Spanish maps 
 to particular places. The " Cape Trafalgar" of that period is our Cape Hatteras. Oviedo 
 methodically states distances from points and river entrances in going northward. Few of the 
 places can be identified, but his description of Saint Antonio Eiver, which is "in aline direct 
 from the north to the south," leaves little doubt that he passed up the Hudson River. Estevan 
 Gomez was in that vicinity in the year 1524. From Oviedo's description it is easy to identify Long 
 Island and also Long Island Sound, as well as Narragansett Bay. Excepting Gomez and Ayllon, 
 Oviedo does not name any explorer as affording him knowledge, and it cannot be stated with 
 certainty which of the navigators first saw and named Cape Trafalgar [Hatteras], or Saint Mary's 
 Bay [Chesapeake], or Cape Arenas [HenlopenJ, and others. 
 
 CAPTAIN JEAN EIBAUT. 
 
 Admiral Ooligny, as chief of the Huguenots, sought an asylum for his persecuted brethren, 
 and with the permission of the King (Charles IX) fitted out two vessels in the harbor of Dieppe. 
 Eibaut was intrusted with the command of the expedition. He sailed on the 18th of February, 
 1562, and at the end of two months sighted a low cape which he named " Cap Frangois." This 
 was doubtless some object seen on the coast of Florida near Saint Augustine. He went north- 
 ward from thence, probably because he wished to avoid ground known to be under Spanish do- 
 minion. After sailing no great distance he entered a broad river on the 1st of May, and named 
 it '' La Eivi^re de May." This was doubtless the Saint John's. In coasting 60 leagues further he 
 discovered and named eight rivers, giving generally the names pertaining to well-known rivers in 
 France. Finally the vessels entered a spacious sound and found it more commodious than others. 
 This was by Eibaut named Port Royal, and there he concluded to make a settlement. He explored 
 the branches, and named them, but the names were not retained on subsequent maps. Some of 
 his soldiers, under command of a Captain Albert, were left in a fort which was named in honor of 
 the King of France, " Charles Fort." Eibaut went on to the mouth of Edisto Eiver and there 
 finding that his provisions were becoming scarce he turned eastward and arrived on the coast 
 of France on the 20th of July, 1562. Civil war then raged in that kingdom, and the little col- 
 ony on the coast of North America was left without succor. By the eJttorts of Coligny some 
 vessels were sent to protect the national interests ; but in the interval the colony at Charles Fort 
 suffered for want of provisions. Dissensions broke out in the party, and the commander, Cap. 
 tain Albert, was killed by turbulent members in his attempt to quell the revolt. At last they 
 built a vessel, trusted themselves to the ocean, and when in great distress were picked up at sea 
 by an English ship, and thus returned to Europe, 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 503 
 
 In the year 1564 three vessels were fitted out, and the captain (Een6 de Laudouniere) who had 
 accompanied Eibaut on the first voyage was put in charge of the little fleet, and sailed from Havre 
 on the 22d of April, 1564. He reached the coast of Florida on the 22d of June, and from his 
 description of the landfall must have been near Saint Augustine entrance. The expedition was 
 unfortunate. Most of the companions of the adventurer were killed in contests with the Spaniards. 
 Laudouniere gives the particulars in his " Histoire Notable de la, Floride," which was published in 
 1586. Like other commanders of new settlements in America, he encountered mutiny. A party 
 of his men, thinking it better to try some expedition against the Spanish settlements toward the 
 south, seized one of his ships and sailed to Cuba and Jamaica. With the others Laudouniere 
 passed the winter and spring of 1565 in exploring the coast. On the 30th of August the English 
 navigator, Sir John Hawkins, appeared on the coast and anchored at the mouth of May Eiver with 
 four vessels. Hawkins was then on his second return voyage from the West Indies, and had on 
 board a Frenchman who had been with Eibaut in 1562 at Port Eoyal. At that place Hawkins 
 took in fresh water, visited Laudouniere, and sold to him one of the English vessels. Thus pro- 
 vided, the Frenchman was about to return to Europe, when, on the 28th of August, his former 
 commander, Eibaut, arrived with a force suitable for any ordinary expedition. 
 
 SIE JOHN HAWKINS, 1565. 
 
 Before relating the particulars of Eibaut's second voyage, it is proper to mention that after 
 Hawkins raOged along the coast of Florida and left Laudouniere, as already stated, the English 
 commander sailed northeast as far as Newfoundland. His voyage is described in Hakluyt's third 
 volume. Doubtless he made a map of this survey, as he was the first English navigator who 
 closely examined the coast of Florida, but the existence of such map is not known. 
 
 On his second voyage Bibaut arrived at the river May on the 28th of August, 1565, and only 
 a week later a strong Spanish fleet appeared there under the command of Don Pedro Menendez, with 
 orders from the King of Spain to eject all heretics from the country of Florida, that territory being 
 from olden time regarded as Spanish dominion. The Spanish forces settled at a position a little 
 south of May Eiver and theu moved against the small French force under Eibaut and Laudoun- 
 iere. Jean Eibaut and many others were killed in the attack.' Laudouniere and some others 
 escaped in one of the vessels and reached France at the end of the year 1565. Two years later 
 (1567) the French captain, Gourgues, undertook to chastise the Spaniards. His expedition was 
 conducted with courage, and it is remarkable, also, for the quick voyage made by the party. 
 
 Gourgues sailed from France on the 22d of August, 1567, with one hundred and fifty soldiers. 
 He reached Florida in October, and in the course of the winter destroyed three Spanish fort^at 
 Saint John's Eiver and Saint Augustine Harbor, which were defended by numbers greater than 
 his own. The garrisons were dispersed, but with his limited force, being unable to keep possession 
 for France, he sailed from Florida on the 3d of May, 1568, and after a voyage of thirty-four days 
 landed at Eochelle. But Charles IX of Prance regarded these expeditions to Florida as being in 
 the interest of Huguenots and favored by Coligny, The King was unwilling to give any offense 
 to the Spanish court, hence no other effort was made from France. The names given by adven- 
 turers from that power, with a single exception, " Port Eoyal Entrance," disappeared from maps of 
 that period. 
 
 FLORIDA, 1565-1574. 
 
 Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles had distinguished himself as a commander of fleets and expe- 
 ditions in the service of the King of Spain. A son of de Aviles had served in the West Indies and 
 was finally shipwrecked on the coast of Florida, where he was supposed to be in captivity amongst 
 the savages. The father was p'ermitted to fit out an expedition for search, and was commissioned 
 also to explore the country and to make maps of the bays, harbors, capes, and other geographical 
 features of Florida. 
 
 While Menendez was yet in port he had news of the French expeditions of Eibaut and 
 Laudouniere, and it was rumored that a large reinforcement was on the way to Florida. The 
 King of Spain therefore enlarged the fleet and army of Menendez, and directed him to eject all 
 foreigners and intruders from the country in which he was to operate. 
 
504 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 Menendez sailed from Cadiz on the 29tli of June, 1565, with thirty-four vessels and about 
 three thousand persons. But the ships were separated by storms. The commander, with some of 
 the ships, sighted the coast of Florida on the 28th of Angust, the day of Saint Augustine. Where 
 the French had settled was not known. They were supposed to be northward, and the fleet moved 
 in that direction. A harbor was entered and explored. Laudouniere, in the year 1564, had named 
 it Riviere des Dauphins, but Menendez called it San Augustin. 
 
 Learning from the natives that the French were on the coast farther north, Menendez sailed on 
 and found them at the mouth of the river May, but they avoided his intended attack. Not 
 deeming it advisable to move on their fort without providing defenses on the coast for an 
 emergency, he returned to Augustine Harbor and there erected a fortified camp. Soon after he 
 marched and attacked the French fort "Caroline" by land and killed the greater part of the 
 garrison and settlers. He applied the name San Mateo, and the river May took then the same 
 name. The vigorous pursuit of the French led Menendez to various parts of the region, and he 
 was thus engaged during eight years after the year 1566. He established a small fort not far 
 from Cape Florida, in the Indian province of Teguesto ; the fort Santa Lucia, south of Cape 
 Canaveral, at an indentation which the Spaniards called "Puerto de Is;" the fort in Saint 
 Augustine Harbor ; the fort San Mateo, on the river May, i. e., Saint John's River ; and the fort 
 San Felipe, at Saint Helena entrance. He dispatched also a captain with thirty soldiers and some 
 Dominican friars as far north as Chesapeake Bay, but that expedition was unfortunate. The 
 party deeming it inexpedient to settle there sailed for Spain. 
 
 In the course of nine years Don Pedro Menendez sailed at least twelve times around .the 
 peninsula of Florida. The historian Barcia records him as having a more intimate knowledge of 
 the coast than any man before his time. He explored the interior also, along the Saint John's 
 and the Rio Salado, which it was supposed might be a passage toward the East Indies. 
 
 Of the expeditions of Menendez the most interesting is recorded in the narrative by his 
 nephew, Pedro Menendez Marquez, who was an able seaman and afterwards a commander of 
 Spanish fleets. The nephew was accompanied by four ships and one hundred and fifty men. 
 Barcia states that the exploration commenced at Cape Florida and was prosecuted northward 
 beyond the entrance to Chesapeake Bay. This bay (says Barcia) is 3 leagues broad at its 
 entrance and it stretches towards the north-northwest, and hSiS many rivers and ports on both 
 sides. His mention of soundings agrees so well with our charts that he must be regarded as one 
 of the best amongst early explorers of Chesapeake Bay. 
 
 Menendez died in the year 1574, soon after his return from Florida. His forts and colonies 
 wire deserted, and it may be said that with him ended the age of Spanish expeditions on the 
 Atlantic coast. 
 
 SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth of England granted to Raleigh, in the year 1584, certain letters patent, 
 nearly in tenor like those granted by Henry VII to Sebastian Cabot; and thus Raleigh was 
 allowed to fit out naval and military expeditions, and to " discover, search, find out, and view 
 such remote heathen and barbarous countries and territories as were not actually possessed of any 
 Christian prince, and to hold them as her vicegerent." This patent was issued on the 25th of 
 March, 1584, and on the 27th of the ensuing April the first expedition, fitted out by Raleigh at 
 his own charge, sailed under his command. 
 
 Raleigh had interested in his enterprise some wealthy merchants and other gentlemen, and at 
 their joint cost two vessels were provided with crews. They sailed from the Thames early in the 
 year 1584, under command of Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow, with instructions to explore the 
 east coast of Florida, and And some convenient place for settlement. As usual at that time, the 
 vessels made for the West Indies entered the Gulf Stream between Cuba and Florida, |nd then 
 went north and entered some convenient harbor. That they entered Ocracoke Inlet see^prob- 
 able, as the report says that after entering they sailed 7 miles north to the island of E^oke. 
 They named the entrance " Wokoken," probably from Indian pronunciation. In fact the first 
 adventurers on the coast of Virginia generally adopted Indian designations. On the first map ot 
 Virginia (by John White) there is only one European name, that of "Virginia." 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUliVEY. 505 
 
 Amadas, Barlow, and their men did not advance westward into the sound which is now 
 known as Pamplico Sound. They anchored at Eoanoke Island. There they had some friendly 
 intercourse with the aborigines, and from them acquired names for the parts of that region. The 
 river which enters the sound, then called the river Neus, bears at-this day the name Neuse Eiver. 
 In September, 1684, they returned to England, and their favorable report suggested to Sir Walter 
 Ealeighthe proposal that the country should be named "Virginia," which was done in honor of 
 Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Ealeigh hastened preparations for an expedition to further explore and make settlements in 
 the country. Seven vessels were fitted out and placed in charge of Sir Eichard Grenville. Of the 
 crews, most of the men had been in the earlier expedition, and Captain Amadas accompanied the 
 party. The vessels sailed from Plymouth on the 9th of April, 1585, and, as usual, made for the 
 West Indies and passed in the Gulf Stream to the northern part of Florida. On the 23d of June 
 they were near a cape and were in danger of shipwreck. This was named " Cape Pear," and three 
 days afterwards the vessels anchored in Wocokon Inlet, which is now known as Ocracoke Inlet. 
 Grenville passed seven days in exploring Pamplico Sound. From Hatfceras Inlet a colony of one 
 hundred men was sent to Eoanoke Island under Master Ealph Lane, and, leaving Master Philip 
 Amadas in general command, Grenville returned, and arrived in England on the 18th of October, 
 1585. 
 
 Lane and Amadas passed the winter of 1585-'86 on Eoanoke Island, and in the spring made ex- 
 cursions toward the south and also west and northwest. They explored the expanse now known as 
 Albemarle Sound and also Pamplico Sound, and went as far north as Chesapeake Bay. Doubtless 
 the geographical knowledge thus gained was laid down on the earliest map of Virginia, which is 
 ascribed to John White. It was first published by De Bry, in the year 1590. Ealph Lane intro- 
 duced the name " Chesapeake Bay." The Indians living on its shores he calls " Chesepians." Albe- 
 marle Sound he designates " Sound of Weapomeiock " ; the Chowan Eiver, which falls into it, the 
 " Eiver of Chawanaok"; and Eoanoke Eiver, as the " Eiver of Moratue." This last he explored 
 in boats to a distance of 60 miles, and supposing that the source was near Mexico, and that by 
 following the channel a passage might be made to the South Sea, he traced it to the mountains 
 in hope of finding silver. Soon after, disputes with the natives brought the colonists into distress. 
 The supplies promised by Ealeigh and Grenville did not arrive. Fortunately, Sir Francis Drake, 
 on his return from the West Indies and Florida, inquired, in order to report the state of the colony 
 in England. He offered provisions, and a vessel and boats, but the discouraged colonists requested 
 him to take them home, so the first Virginia colony arrived with Drake at Portsmouth on the 27th 
 of July, 1586. 
 
 Meanwhile, Ealeigh . had dispatched a ship with provisions for the relief of the colony, and 
 soon after three ships under Sir Eichard Grenville. All arrived safely not long after the depart- 
 ure of Drake ; but finding no one alive at the site of the colony. Sir Eichard left fifteen men, pro- 
 visioned for two years, on the Island of Eoanoke. The ships then returned to England. Of these 
 men nothing was heard afterwards. They perished, leaving no record. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN WHITE, 1587-1590. 
 
 This commander, who had been with Grenville, was sent out in the year 1587 with three ves- 
 sels. At the instance of Sir Walter Ealeigh, who provided the means. White was then styled 
 " Oovernour of the citie of Baleigh in Virginia.^^ White landed the colonists on Eoanoke Island, and 
 then returned to England for further supplies. But the Spanish armada was then about to sail 
 for England. All means of defense were needed there, and the colony at Eoanoke was of necessity 
 left to its own resources. In the spring of 1590, however, John White again sailed with three 
 vessels, but could find no trace of the Eoanoke settlement. The name " Croatan," cut in a tree, was 
 taken as intimating that the colonists had gone there, but White encountered heavy and continuous 
 tempests and was forced to lea^e the unsafe roadstead at Hatteras. At Eoanoke he lost many of 
 his best men, and some boats and anchors. This was the last of a series of unfortunate expeditions 
 to Eoanoke. Ealeigh and his associates had expended much money, and had fitted out about twenty 
 vessels. More than two hundred colonists perished in the settlement. 
 H, Ex, 43-^r-64 
 
506 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 
 
 COAST OF NEW ENGLAND, 1603-1605. 
 
 After the time of Verrazano and Estevan Gomez (1524-'25) and the voyage of the English 
 ships in 1527, we know not of any expedition to the shores of New England until the year 1602. 
 The French expeditions under Cartier and his successors were confined to the region of Canada. 
 The voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert was intended for the acquisition of Newfoundland, but was 
 unfortunate. His vessel, when returning, foundered at sea, on the 12th of September, 1583. At 
 that period many French, Portuguese, and English fishermen resorted to the same quarter, but 
 nothing was thus added to geographical knowledge. The maps were such as were given by Gomez 
 and Verrazano; and the coast was designated generally as Norumbega. A great river was marked 
 with that name, but on somemaps " Eio de Gamas," i. e., Deer Elver. The island "Claudia," mentioned 
 by Verrazano, was graphically conspicuous ; but the configuration of the coast was very erroneously 
 represented ; on some, so prominent a feature as the Bay of Fundy is not shown. By Spaniards 
 the region was mentioned as the "Northern parts of Florida." The French named it "Nouvelle 
 Prance";'and after Ealeigh's expedition the English styled it as the " Northern parts of Virginia." 
 
 After White's unfortunate voyage in 1590, twelve years elapsed without further action on this 
 part of the Atlantic coast. . 
 
 GOSNOLD AND GILBERT, 1602. 
 
 Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold sailed in a small bark, with thirty-two men, on the 26th of 
 March, 1602, from Falmouth, England. From the Azores he steered due west, but all preceding 
 navigators, in sailing for America, shaped their course for the West Indies. He reached the coast 
 in the vicinity of the forty-third parallel, and there his men took great numbers of codfish. The 
 nearest cape received at that time the name "Cape Cod," and the Indians were found in 
 possession of some European implements. Gosnold, sailing southward, passed the island ot 
 Nantucket, but went ashore at the next and named it " Martha's Vineyard," because, as he says, 
 it abounded in strawberries and other fruits. He found also deer and other animals. In crossing 
 to the mainland he passed several small islands. His men were willing to remain, but not being 
 well provided, they sailed eastward, and arrived in England on the 23d of July, 1602. 
 
 MARTIN PRING, 1603. 
 
 Soon after the return of Gosnold, the mayor of the city of Bristol (John Whitson), the 
 historian Eichard Hakluyt, and other gentlemen, formed acompany and fitted out two vessels, 
 which were placed in command of Martin Pring, He was accompanied by Eobert Salterne, who 
 had been one of Gosnold's pilots. The vessels reached the coast of America somewhat north of 
 the forty-third parallel. The country seen was high and covered with woods, and hence the land- 
 fall was certainly north of Cape Cod. It was probably in the neighborhood of Penobscot Bay. 
 He named an island " Fox Island," and going southwest he entered several rivers, and finally 
 passed into Cape Cod Bay, which had been missed in the preceding year by Captain Gosnold. 
 After lading his vessel with sassafras, which was an object of trade with the first explorers of the 
 coast of New England, Pring sailed eastward and reached home in October, 1603. 
 
 BARTHOLOMEW GILBERT, 1603. 
 
 An ineffectual attempt was made by Captain Samuel Mace, in 1602, to settle in Virginia. In 
 that year Bartholomew Gilbert had been with Gosnold to seek out the position of the settlers left 
 in those parts by Sir Walter Ealeigh in the year 1587, but he was unfortunate. He landed near 
 the entrance of Chesapeake Bay, but was slain by Indians, with his principal men. So, without 
 effecting anything in the way of exploration, the vessel returned to England in charge of Master 
 Henry Sute. 
 
 SIEUR DE MONTS AND CHAMPLAIN, 1605. 
 
 Henry IV of France commissioned the Sieur de Monts, a very enterprising navigator, to 
 conquer and settle the countries in La Nouvelle France between the 40th and 46th parallels of 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 507 
 
 latitude, and to him the King issued a commission as lieutenant-general of such territory in 
 America. 
 
 De Monts sailed on the 7th of March, 1604, from Havre, and by the usual route of French 
 vessels reached Newfoundland, Campseau, and I'Acadie [Nova Scotia]. He continued westward^ 
 and finally passed southward to the 40th parallel* Passing around Cape Sable he entered what 
 was then called " La Baye Frangoise," but which is now known as the Bay of Fundy. On the 
 24th of June (day of John the Baptist), he entered a river mouth, and hence the name. One of 
 his oflBcers examined the river to a distance of 50 leagues. From the St. John Eiver, De Monts, who 
 on this voyage was accompanied by the Sieur Champlain, went 24 leagues further westward and 
 entered Passamaquoddy Bay. They settled upon an island in Schoodic Eiver, and named it 
 ^^Isle de St. Croix.'" * After deciding to winter in the place, the larger vessels were sent to France. 
 The winter being severe, it was deemed expedient to seek a place for settlement further southward^ 
 but it seems probable that they went no further than Penobscot Bay. The configuration of the 
 entrance, in the descriptions of De Monts and L'Bscarbot, is compared to the figure of the Greek 
 letter Lambda. Further west De Monts entered another large river which the Indians called 
 '^Kinibelce; " and in the same direction a bay was entered and named "La Baye de Marchin," after 
 a French officer. This no doubt is what is known as Oaseo Bay. 
 
 Near Cape Cod the party remained for some days, and gave it the designation ^'■Ca/pe Male, 
 barre." But, being then short of provisions, the vessels returned to St. Croix. De Monts was 
 succeeded by the Sieur du Pont, who fitted out a vessel at Port Royal, in Nova Scotia. He was 
 thrice driven back by storms, and in a third attempt the bark was wrecked. The crew was 
 saved, but the disaster brought to a close French enterprise on the coast of New England. 
 
 CAPTAIN GEOKGE WEYMOUTH, 1605. 
 
 Early in the reign of James I of England, maritime research was active. Two of the patrons 
 of that period were Thomas Arundel, Baron of Wardour, and Henry, Earl of Southampton. They 
 employed Weymouth and fitted out for him a vessel with the requisite provisions, and a crew of 
 twenty -nine men. Weymouth sailed from England while De Monts was near the Bay of Fundy 
 and both navigators passed along the eastern coast of America. The first named came within 
 sight of the coast near Cape Cod in the middle of May, 1605, and anchored in what he calls " Pen- 
 tecost Harbor," because it was entered on Whitsunday, as stated in Captain Smith's narrative. 
 The coast was high and studded with islands, and high mountains were seen in the interior. This 
 Pentecost Harbor is supposed to be the mouth of St. George's River. The island lying out sea. 
 ward Weymouth named St. George Island. There Weymouth planted pease, barley, and garden 
 seeds, and early in June, 1605, explored Penobscot Bay, which in the same year the Frenchman, 
 De Monts, had examined and named Pentagoet. In the middle of June Weymouth sailed for 
 England. 
 
 CAPTAIN CHRISTOPHER NEWPORT, 1606. 
 
 The expeditions of Gosnold, Pring, Weymouth, Gilbert, and others, were fitted out by separate 
 companies, but these were by order of the king (James the First) placed under the same Genera] 
 Council of Government. He declared that Virginia belonged to England by old and later discov- 
 eries, and that explorations had been extended from the 34th to the 45tb parallel of nor^ latitude. 
 By royal order the region was to be regarded as divided between North Virginia and South Vir- 
 ginia, the division line being about midway between the 30th and 40th parallels. The exploration 
 and settlement of South Virginia he committed to the London Company; North Virginia was given 
 to the so-called Plymouth Colony, and ample privileges were granted to both. 
 
 In August, 1606, the London Company sent out a vessel in command of Henry Challons, but 
 he was seized by the Spaniards. At the end of the same year the same company fitted out three 
 ships and provided them with means for a plantation. The expedition was intrusted to Captain 
 Christopher Newport and sailed from England on the 19th of December, 1606. As usual the course 
 was by way of the West Indies. Southern entrances were at that time regarded as bad harbors, 
 
 * Now called Neutral Island. See Williamson's History of Maine. 
 
508 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEYET. 
 
 but Chesapeake Bay from the time of the earliest Spanish navigators was in esteem for safety, and 
 is so represented on the map of the neighborhood of Eoanoke drawn in the year 1590. On the 26th 
 of April, Newport entered the bay and named the south side of the entrance " Cape Henry," in 
 honor of the English prince of that name. The bay was sounded and some of the river mouths. 
 Near one of the anchorages the land was named^' Point Comfort," but what is now " Newport News" 
 was by him designated "Archer's Hope." Passing 8 leagues further up the river a little settle- 
 ment was made and was named " Jamestown" in honor of the King. The building of the fort there 
 was commenced on the 14th of May, 1607. Ten days afterward a cross was erected and the name 
 "King's Eiver " was applied. Captain Smith calls it " Powhatan Eiver," after the noted chieftain, 
 but it is probably the same river which was previously known to Spaniards, and which they had 
 marked as "Eio del Espiritu Santo." In the middle of June the fort at Jamestown was complete. 
 Captain Newport left at the settlement 104 persons and then returned to England. 
 
 In the early experience of the colonists dissensions were frequent, but all matters there event- 
 ually came under the control of a man of more than ordinary ability, and moreover of adventurous 
 spirit. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, 1608. 
 
 Smith had served as an ofiQcer in the Austrian army, against the Turks, and had traveled much 
 abroad. When the two companies were formed for colonization in Virginia, Smith became inter- 
 ested and accompanied Newport. By the King he was named as one of the councillors of the new 
 colony. When the settlement at Jamestown was deemed secured. Smith led in succession exploring 
 parties toward the interior, and finally, in the spring of the year 1608, made an exploration of the 
 shores of the Chesapeake Bay. At this time nothing was known respecting either its extent or its 
 direction. With an open barge Smith set out from Jamestown on the 2d of June, 1608, with 14 
 persons. He was accompanied by Walter Eussell, a physician. 
 
 Smith, from the mouth of James Eiver, crossed the bay and began the examination at Cape 
 Charles. The first island on which they landed was named " Smith's Isle," and from thence he 
 passed along the eastern shore of the bay, towards the north. The next group of islands was 
 named " Eussell's Islands." These are in Tangier Sound. Sailing further he named a group 
 "Limbo Isles," and a point south of these was marked "Point Ployer." Crossing to the western 
 shore the party examined the Patuxent and the Patapsco, but his men were then tired of hard- 
 ships in an open barge. Smith was constrained to return without having seen the head of the 
 bay or settling the question whether it did or did not lead towards China. On the 16th of June 
 they entered the Potomac and went up as far as the draught of the boat would allow, probably as 
 high up the stream as the site of Washington or Georgetown. He then returned, entered the Eap- 
 pahanuock, and explored its course. Near by he was wounded in the hand by a fish, and to mark 
 the place he applied the name " Stingray Island," which holds in the vicinity at this day. 
 
 On the 21st of July Smith was again at Jamestown, but on the 24th set out again along the 
 western shore of the bay and soon reached the head. He entered the Susquehanna, which he 
 named after the Susquehannocks, an Indian tribe settled on its shores, and he must have passed 
 well into what is now the State of Pennsylvania, as he marks part of the river as " Smith's 
 Palls." Another branch of the bay he named Tockwough, and it is, probably. Sassafras Eiver. 
 
 The Indians along the Chesapeake mentioned to Smith that another great water existed 
 beyond tUe hills, and he judged it to be a lake or river of Canada; but it seems more likely 
 that the Indians referred to Delaware Bay and Eiver. 
 
 After exploring the principal branches of the Chesapeake, Smith again reached Jamestown 
 on the 7th of September, 1608. He states that the aggregate of water courses examined was 
 about 3,000 miles. His map of the region is creditable in point of accuracy, and was copied 
 many times in the century following his time. He was elected president of the cplony and held 
 oflflce until the autumn of the year 1609. By an accidental explosion of gunpowder he was 
 wounded and felt himself constrained to return to England. After his departure no action wss 
 taken in furtherance of his wishes in regard to exploration. He had been previously on the 
 coast of New England, and hence his name will be again mentioned in this paper. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY, 509 
 
 CAPTAINS POPHAM AND RALEIGH GILBEBT, 1607. 
 
 The Plymouth Company made an attempt to settle a colony in the year 1606, as had been 
 done by the London Company. In the interest of the first-named company Captain Thomas 
 Hanham went to New England and explored the havens and harbors, but no details can be found 
 respecting his movements. But, in the following year, the same company fitted out two ships 
 and sent in them a hundred men under command of Capts. George Popham and Ealeigh Gilbert. 
 Thesy sailed from Plymouth on the 31st of May, 1607, and passing westward made land at Mon- 
 hegan Island on the coast of Maine. Near by, they entered a navigable river named Sagadahock 
 and there formed a settlement; but finding the place inconvenient they moved to Small Point, 
 a few miles west of the mouth of Kennebec Eiver. When preparations were complete for winter 
 the vessels sailed on the 5th of December for England. 
 
 The winter proved to be unusually severe and the settlers suffered in consequence of the cold. 
 Moreover, the Indians were hostile. George Popham and some others died. In the spring of 
 1608 other vessels arrived with supplies, but the colonists were already discouraged and concluded 
 to return to England. The death of a brother in England necessitated the departure of Gilbert. 
 
 In England the returning North Virginian settlers gave unfavorable reports respecting the 
 region and represented that it was uninhabitable for Englishmen. 
 
 CAPTAIN SAMUEL AEGALL, 1613. 
 
 Mention has already been made of the coast voyage by De Monts in the year 1605, and of the 
 unfortunate attempt by the Sieur du Pont in 1606. The French still regarded themselves as owners 
 of the coast, though of late years the English had visited the region oftener. In the year 1608 the 
 Fathers Biard and Masse went to Nova Scotia, but soon disagreed with the French governor, and 
 sought another place for settlement. On Mount Desert Island they constructed and fortified 
 a habitation, planted, and passed some years. Five years later they were joined by thirty 
 of their countrymen, who founded a settlement of the name of Saint Sauveur, which was 
 sometimes called Mount Mausell. But, by the English this French lodgment was considered an 
 intrusion on their Virginian possessions. Captain Argall was therefore sent to displace the 
 intruders. He had accompanied other commanders, and hence had large experience in coasting. 
 In the year 1613 he went in charge of a vessel, and was engaged in taking fish when a storm 
 forced him to enter Penobscot Bay. At Mount Desert he found the French settlement of Jesuit 
 missionaries and plundered it, and also seized the only French ship then in the harbor. Fifteen 
 Frenchmen were made prisoners and taken to Virginia, and there the fact that any foreign 
 settlement had b^en made caused much anxiety. The Governor immediately placed three armed 
 vessels under command of Argall, and he went north to operate against the French, as far as 
 Acadia. At Mount Desert he destroyed all vestiges that remained after his hostile visit, and set 
 up on the island the arms of Great Britain. Passing on to Saint Croix Eiver and the Bay of 
 Fundy, all traces of French habitations there and also at Port Eoyal were scattered. He then 
 returned to Virginia. In English publications and maps what had been and is now marked as 
 the Bay of Fundy was for a long period marked as The Bay of Argall. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, 1614. 
 
 Captain Smith left the Chesapeake region in the year 1609, went to England, and was there 
 active in promoting further settlements on the coast of America. He was regarded as a great 
 authority in such matters by leading men of the day. In the year 1612 he published his map of 
 Chesapeake Bay, accompanied by a description of the country, and thus favored the views and 
 interests of the London Company. Doubtless the Plymouth Company desired similar advantages 
 as they soon engaged Smith to go out with two ships, in company with Captain Hunt. The 
 vessels sailed promptly and made land at Monhegan Island on the coast of Maine. There the 
 crew was busy taking in a cargo of fish, while Smith with a few hands went in boats along the 
 coast as far south as Cape Cod. Three months were passed in making his survey. He entered 
 nearly every bay and harbor, procured the names of Indian tribes, villages, and localities ; 
 observed for longitude and latitude, and after his return to England (August, 1614) compiled a 
 
510 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 map and description. This was issued in the year 1820. In the interval, however, Smith made 
 (in 1615) another attempt to reach America. He sailed from England in March, but was captured 
 by French men-of-war and detained as a prisoner at Eochelle. When liberated, Smith returned 
 to England and there passed the remainder of his life in publishing his works. His first narrative 
 and map of New England was issued in the year 1616; and in toteu of their regard the members 
 of the Plymouth Colony conferred on him the honorary title of ^^Admiral of New England." He 
 says that he applied the name {New England) in o])position to the French, as their " New France" 
 adjoined, and as, moreover, they included Northern Virginia. On the western side of the continent, 
 under the same degree of latitude, Sir Francis Drake had landed and named a country New 
 Albion. Smith applied many new names, but in the course of time they were disused. He says 
 that when constructing his map several others, less accurate, were in his h|inds. The latitudes 
 assigned by Smith are good ; and the longitudes are better approximations than were recorded by 
 either of his predecessors. 
 
 Captain Thomas Dermer sailed from England in the autumn of the year 1618 and went west- 
 ward to Monhegan Island. His vessel there tookin fish and furs, and returned to England. 
 Dermer remained on the coast of New England, and in a small bark passed southward to some 
 part of Virginia in search of a mine reported to be there. He passed into Chesapeake Bay, and, 
 as he says, "Discovered many goodly rivers and exceedingly pleasant and fruitful coasts and 
 islands for the space of eighty leagues from west to east, between Hudson River and Cape James, 
 i. e., Cape Cod," Neither maps nor journals were left by Dermer. He left only a short letter giv- 
 ing a summary of his voyage from the coast of Maine south to Chesapeake Bay. He went south- 
 ward on the 19th of May, 1619, touched at Plymouth Harbor, passed around Cape Cod, and staid 
 some time at Martha's Vineyard. In Long Island Sound he found a " dangerous cataract amongst 
 small rocky islands, occasioned by two unequal tides." This mention marks the condition of Hell 
 Gate at that time. He passed through New York Bay and went south to Cape Charles, where 
 he anchored and made a map. After his return to the north he wrote a narrative of the voyage, 
 but nothing is now known respecting the details of either the map or the journal. 
 
 Christopher Levett was sent out from England by authorities claiming the province of 
 Maine in the year 1623. He landed at the Isles of Shoals, and from thence coasted in boats to 
 the eastward as far as the Kennebec; but on being told by the Indians that no place in that 
 direction was favorable for settlements, he returned to his vessel. 
 
 HENRY HUDSON, 1609. 
 
 At the end of the year 1608 the Dutch East India Company engaged the English navigator 
 Henry Hudson, who had gained reputation by his energy at sea. They gave hiin a small vessel. 
 The Half Moon, and commissioned him to explore the waters north of Europe and Asia, to find, 
 if possible, a short northern passage to the East Indies. He had been twice employed in such 
 service by certain murchants of London. 
 
 Hudson sailed from Amsterdam on the 25th of March, 1609, with a crew of Dutch and 
 English sailors, and passed by the north coast of Europe towards Asia. But he was beset by fogs 
 storms, and icebergs, and was unable to reach the well-known island of Nova Zembla. It was 
 deemed best to turn westward, and at the Banks of Newfoundland be tnrned towards the south 
 and traversed the New England coast. At Penobscot Bay he went ashore, and also at Cape Cod. 
 Keeping on southward he passed the entrance of Chesapeake Bay, and from the latitude of 35° 
 41' N. he turned back. The dry journal of Juet says nothing in regard to Hudson's intentions. 
 Cleveland, in his Life of Hudson, expresses the opinion that Capt. John Smith, a personal 
 acquaintance, had informed Hudson of his own belief in the existence of a western passage to 
 the south of Virginia. Not finding any such passage he turned northward, and coasted along 
 the series of sandy islands outside of the peninsula of Delaware. He remarks " the coast is a 
 white sandj shore, and sheweth full of bays and points, and all within the land to the northward 
 the water ranne with many islands in it." 
 
 Passing along to Cape Henlopen, he entered, on the 28th of August, Delaware Bay.* He 
 
 *See "Historical inquiry concerning Henry Hudson, By John Meredith Read, jr." Published at Albany, N. Y., 
 in the year 1866. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 511 
 
 sounded, wrote a description, and embodied sailing directions, thus recording the first mention of 
 any consequence after the examination by Oviedo in the year 1545. If maps were drawn by 
 Hudson, they were not preserved. He sounded along the coast of New Jersey, and in his journal 
 mentions the islands and inlets. On the 2d of September he had in sight the hills of Navesink, 
 and says " they are a very good land-mark to fall with and a pleasant land to see." He describes 
 Sandy Hook, biit named it Golman^s Point, because one of his men (John Colman) was wounded 
 there by an Indian arrow, and died. On the 11th of September Hudson passed the Narrows and 
 entered New York Bay. Finding that the water soon freshened, the passage was regarded as a 
 river, and he passed up to the site now occupied by the city of Albany. Laet says that Hudson 
 named the river "Manhattes " after an Indian tribe that lived near the entrance. 
 
 On the 4th of October Hudson sailed for England. The Dutch East India Company, seeing 
 the probable importance of his discovery, sent out vessels to that region, but the only narrative 
 of these several expeditions now known is that of De Vries, in the year 1632. After the time of 
 Hudson, the region was explored by Adrian Block and Hendrick Christiansen, but the routes 
 they followed, and even the year of their voyage, are uncertain. It was probably between the 
 years 1610 and 1612. Both of these commanders were on the shores of New Belgium for the 
 second time in the year 1614, with five ships. Block then explored the East Eiver and passed 
 through Long Island Sound. He sailed up the Connecticut River to the site now occupied by 
 the city of Hartford. 
 
 The East Indi* Company annually, until the year 1618, sent out some ships, but at the date 
 mentioned the privileges of the company expired. Private voyages were made to the region of 
 the Hudson until the year 1621, when the West India Company was chartered, and two years 
 later expeditions went out and soon gave names which appear on the early Dutch maps of that 
 quarter. 
 
 Cornelius Jacobs May, in the year 1614, was with Block and Christiansen in the New 
 Netherlands. He was again sent out in the year 1623 by the West India Company, and took the 
 lead of marine affairs for the States General, and also for New Netherlands, on the Hudson River. 
 Under the direction of the company. May led the first Dutch colony to settle along the Hudson. 
 He explored eastward as £ar as Cape Cod, and from thence passed southward and entered 
 Delaware Bay, which he called the " South River in the Southwest." His countrymen named 
 lower New York Bay " the. Port May ; " Delaware Bay they marked as " New Port May," and its 
 entrance capes, " Cape May " and " Cape Cornelius." Hudson, in the year 1609, had entered, but 
 turned without passing into the bay. May stopped in the Delaware at the site of Philadelphia, 
 and near it established the first Dutch settlement, and for its defense built Fort Nassau. 
 
 DAVID PIETERSZ DE VEIES, 1632. 
 
 De Vries led an expedition to Newfoundland and another to the East Indies. At his return 
 to Amsterdam in the year 1631, he formed with Samuel Godyn and other Dutch merchants a 
 company for exploring and settling on the Delaware River (then known as South River) and for 
 whale fishing in that vicinity. 
 
 The company sent out a vessel under Captain Peter Heyes to South River, and at the mouth 
 a small fort was built. But the enterprise was not successful. Only one whale was taken, and 
 the garrison of thirty men was unable to resist an Indian attack, and all the defenders were 
 killed. 
 
 In the following year De Vries arrived in person with two vessels. He sailed from the Texel 
 on the 24th of May, 1632, and reached the entrance of the Delaware on the 3d of December. The 
 vessels anchored near a place which he calls Swanendael, and there a settlement was commenced. 
 With one of the vessels the river was examined and names were given to several localities, as, 
 "Reed Island," "Wyngaert's Hill," "Vogelsant," "Swanendael," " Timmeokill," and others, 
 but these names soon disappeared as later maps were drawn. 
 
 After taking a few whales De Vries made a visit to the English settlement in Virginia, and on 
 his course explored the low shore of the Delaware peninsula. He returned from Virginia and was 
 again at South Bay on the 291>h of March. The crew of the vessel left there had, in his absence 
 
512 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 taken nine whales. That vessel was sent laden to Hudson River, and with the smaller one he 
 closely examined the coast, but no map is attached to his account of the coast features. From 
 Hudson River De Vries returned to Amsterdam, and arrived there on the 24th of July. Between 
 the years 1636 and 1642 he made a third voyage to New Netherlands, but the particulars bear only 
 on the early history of the State of New York. Nothing was thereby added to our knowledge of 
 coast hydrography. 
 
 The development of the eastern coast of the United States in regard to essential features became 
 known in a short period by the expeditions of French and English to the shores of New England ; 
 by voyages of the Dutch to Hudson River and vicinity ; and by the English to Chesapeake Bay 
 and vicinity early in the seventeenth century. Laet, the Dutch cosmographer, was able, in the 
 year 1624, to publish a map showing the outlines and coast details with considerable accuracy. 
 
 Titles of copies of maps of the Atlantic coast of North America or parts thereof. 
 
 [Published between the years 1600 and 1770, and collected by J. G. Kohl, Ph. D.] 
 
 No. 
 
 Description of map. 
 
 Tear 
 
 1500 
 1508 
 1529 
 1530 
 1534 
 1534 
 154? 
 1542 
 1544 
 1547 
 1550 
 1554 
 155? 
 1558 
 1562 
 156? 
 1565 
 1566 
 1578 
 1580 
 1582 
 1590 
 1592 
 1597 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 17 
 18 
 19 
 20 
 21a 
 216 
 22 
 23 
 24 
 25 
 26 
 27 
 28 
 29 
 30 
 31 
 32 
 33 
 34 
 35 
 
 A series of maps (Nos. 1 to 16, inclusive) under the general title of the "East coast," as follows : 
 
 By Juan de la Cosa * 
 
 From a map in the edition of Ptolemaeus 
 
 By Diego Eibero 
 
 From a map in Ptolemaeus 
 
 From an Italian map 
 
 From a map of the world by Baptista Agnese 
 
 From a map of the world by Diego Homem 
 
 Prom an English map of J. Rotz 
 
 From the Ptolemaeus of Ruscelli , 
 
 From a French map byN. Vallard 
 
 From a French map (author unknown) 
 
 From a map of America by A. Joan Bellero 
 
 From a manuscript map of Oxford 
 
 A map by the Portuguese geographer D. Homem 
 
 A map by Diego Gutierrez, a Spanish cosmographer ; 
 
 From an old manuscript atlas in the British Museum 
 
 Le Moyne's map of Florida 
 
 Italian map of the east coast by Zattiery 
 
 The east coast from a map of Joannes Martines 
 
 Map of the east coast by Fernando Simon. » 
 
 The east coast after Michael Lok 
 
 Map of Virginia, byDeBry 
 
 The east coast from Molineax's Globe 
 
 General map of the east coast by Wytfliet 
 
 (This number does not occur either on the maps or in the explanatory notes) 
 
 Virginia (more particularly Chesapeake Bay) by Capt. John Smith 
 
 New England, by L'Escarbot 
 
 New England, by Capt. John Smith 
 
 New Netherlands. From a Dutch map, the original in the archives of the Hague 
 
 French Florida, by L'Escarbot S 
 
 A map of the greater part of the east coast by Capt. John Smith 
 
 " Ould Virginia," by E. Vaughan after Captain Smith 
 
 A general chart of ( part of) the east coast of North America, by J. de Laet 
 
 New England, by Joannes de Laet 
 
 Coast of Florida, by de Laet - _ 
 
 New Belgium or New Netherlands, by Luoini 
 
 1608 
 1609 
 1614 
 1616 
 1618 
 1624 
 1624 
 1624 
 1630 
 1624 
 1631 
 
No. 
 
 3C 
 37 
 38 
 39 
 40 
 41 
 
 42 
 43 
 44 
 45 
 
 tfiriTEl) SPATES COaS* and geodetic StFEVEY. 513 
 
 Titles of copies of maps of the Atlantic coast of North America or parts tJiereof—Gontmned. 
 
 Description of map. Year. 
 
 The south part of New England, by William Wood 
 
 The first map of J^aT;^land 
 
 The New Netherlands, by Andriaen van der Donlc 
 
 New Jersey, by John Seller and William Fisher 
 
 Carolina, by W. Hack 
 
 A chart of the Gulf Stream, by Dr. B. Franklin 
 
 [Note. — Dr. Kohl has observed that the first map on which any notice at all is taken of the Gulf StrSauj 
 is the one copied by him from a manuscript of John Dee in the British Museum and bearing date of 
 1580. See No. 15 of the collection of maps relating to the Gulf of Mexico. The first delineation of the 
 course of the Gulf Stream on a chart of the Atlantic is the one which Franklin had engraved from 
 data furnished by Captain Folger, of Nantucket, and which he had published by Mount and Page, 
 Tower Hill, London. Dr. Kohl's copy of this map bears no date, but that given above (1769-70) is 
 taken from Franklin's own account of its origin. ] 
 
 Boston harbor, by Henry Popple 
 
 New York and Perth Amboy Harbors, by Henry Popple 
 
 The town and harbor of Charlestown in South Carolina, by the same 
 
 The harbor of Saint Augustine, by the same 
 
 [Note. — The copies of maps above named are deposited in the archives of the Coast and Geodetic Sur- 
 vey. There is also on file in the archives a map of the discovery of the East Coast of the United 
 States, compiled by .Dr. Kohl to illustrate his historical account, and showing by colors the range 
 and limits appertaining to each discoverer and explorer. 
 
 1634 
 
 1635 
 
 1656 
 
 1676 
 
 1684 
 
 1769 
 tol770 
 
 1733 
 1733 
 1733 
 1733 
 
 AB8TBACX OF CONTENTS. 
 
 History of the discovery and exploration of the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 Columhus (1492-1502). — Sails westward from the Isle of Pines, discovered by him iu 1494. On his fourth voyage, 
 150-2, is again in the western part of the Gulf. 
 
 Sebastian Cabot (1497). — Touches on the continent and passes southward along the coast. 
 
 Solis and Pinzon (1506). — Eeach the coast of Honduras and sail northward; how far is uncertain. 
 
 Sebastian de Ocampo (1508). — Examinations on the coast of Cuba. 
 
 Juan Ponce de Leon (1512). — Examinations on the eastern and western coasts of Florida, and in the approaches to the 
 Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 Diego Velasquez (1511-14). — ^I^eads an expedition for the conquest and settlement of Cuba. 
 
 Diego Miruelo (1516). — Voyages from Cuba to Florida. 
 
 Cordova. (1517). — Expedition from Havana, Cuba, to the coasts of Yucatan. 
 
 Grijalva and Alaminos (1518). — Expedition fitted out at Matanzas, Cuba, for the exploration of the coast of Yucatan 
 and of Mexico. ^ > 
 
 I Fernando Cortes (1519). — Commands the expedition fitted out at Havana and intended to make a thorough exami- 
 nation of the coasts of Yucatan and Mexico. Pounds a colony at Vera Cruz, and enters upon the conq^uest of Mexico. 
 
 Alvarez (1519). — Expedition fitted out under the direction of the governor of Jamaica. Examines the west coast 
 of the peninsula of Florida, and sails thence to Vera Cruz. 
 
 Narvaez (1520). — Commands an expedition fitted out by Velasquez to. proceed to Vera Cruz, and obtain the sub- 
 mission of Cortes to the authority of Velasquez. 
 
 Pineda and Camargo (1520). — Under the auspices of the governor of Jamaica an expedition is fitted out for a set- 
 tlement at Panuco on the Mexican coast. 
 
 Ponce de Leon (^second expedition 1521),— Expedition from Porto Rico to the Giilf coast of Florida. 
 
 Francisco de Garai (1523).— Eeceives from the King of Spain a grant of the government of a province on the west- 
 ern coast of the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 Narvaez (1527-'36). — Expedition starting from San Lucas in Spain for the purpose of exploration and settlement 
 on the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 De Soto (1539).— Expeditions to the Gulf of Mexico. Exploration and settlement between Tampa Bay and Apa- 
 laohee Bay. 
 
 Diego MaJdonado (154tr)T-==-Makes report to De Soto of his discovery of and entrance into Pensacola Bay. 
 
 H. Ex. 43 65 
 
514 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 X>e Soto (1541).-Di800ver8 a great river which the Spaniards named Bio Grande, but named subsequently the 
 Mississippi. _ 
 
 Luis de Moacoao, Maldonado, and Jriai (154a-'43).— Continuation of the explorations set on foot by De Soto. iLx- 
 peditioiis to the country south and west of the Mississippi, and descent of that river to the Delta. 
 
 Jndres de Ocampo (1543).— Explorations and travels in the regions between Mexico and Florida. 
 
 Andres de Olmos and Guid'o de las Bazares (1558).— Expedition from Vera Cruz for the examination of the whole of 
 the north shore of the Gulf, to find a harbor suitable lor the fleet of Don Tristan de Luna. 
 
 Don Pedro Menendez (1563-'67).— Commands an extensive expedition to the Florida coasts ; is made Captain-Gen- 
 eral of Florida, brealjs up the French settlements on the peninsula, makes examinations and surveys on both the 
 Atlantic and Gulf coasts. 
 
 French and English adventurers (1555-'67).— Voyages and explorations by Robert Tompsou, Sir John Hawkins, Cap- 
 tain William Michelson, and others. 
 
 Pedro Menendez Marquee (1573).— Commissioned to make a survey of the coasts of Florida. 
 
 Bviz, Lopez, Antonio Eap^o and others (1551-'83).— Explorations in New Mexico, Texas, and adjacent regions. Name 
 given to the province of New Mexico ; settlement of Santa F^. 
 
 Bolert de la Salle (1682-'85).— Plans an expedition to complete the work of exploration of the Mississippi Eiver. 
 Descends the river to the Delta, and sounds out and explores-the Passes. 
 
 Juan Enriquez Barrato (1685).— Commands an expedition to the north coast of the Gulf, and examines the bays and 
 capes from Pensacola Harbor to the westward. 
 
 Andres de Pes (.1693).— Enters PensaCola Bay, examines its shores and indentations, and gives names to its promi- 
 nent capes, &c. Proceeds thence to Mobile Bay and to Lake Borgne. 
 
 Iberville (1698-'99).— Lauds with an expedition under his command at Dauphin Island ; takes soundings in the 
 vicinity, names Biloxi Bay and Fascagoula Eiver, also Lakes Manrepas and Pontohartrain. 
 
 De Tonti (1700-'O4).— Having accompanied La Salle in his several expeditions, and having passed four times up 
 and down the Mississippi, dies at Mobile Bay. 
 
 St. Denis (1714-'19).— Under the direction of M. Crozat, manager of the French colony in Louisiana, traverses 
 Texas and Mexico ; returns to Mobile, and prepares maps of the Mexican Gulf countries.- 
 
 Lemoynede Bienville {1717-'-i0). — Sends out expeditions under his direction as governor of Louisiana to establish 
 settlements and military posts on the north coast of the Gulf. Founds a colony in 1718 on the present site of new 
 Orleans. Arrivalof Father Laval, a French astronomer of distinction, who determines latitude at a station on Dauphin 
 Inland. 
 
 Bernard de la Harpe (1721). — Commands an expedition for establishing French settlements on the coast of Texas. 
 
 Father Charlevoix (1722). — As an explorer, and as the historian of early times in the northern region of the Gulf of 
 Mexico, occupies a conspicuous place. 
 
 French and Spanish eommamders on the Gulf coast and on the peninsula of Florida (1718 and Za/er).— Contests for the 
 possession of S&int Joseph's Bay, Pensacola Harbor, and other points on the Gulf coast between French and Spanish 
 commanders. 
 
 U. S. Coast Survey (1646). — Geodetic operations on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico begun by the United States 
 Coast Survey. 
 
 COLUMBUS, U92-1502. 
 
 On his first arrival in the western hemisphere Columbus regarded as islands all the land then 
 seen. No chart of that time is extant, except what may be considered as such in the armorial 
 bearings ordered by the King of Spain at the end of May, 1493. Spotorno gives a facsimile of the 
 map, and Oviedo makes mention of it. He says : " On this chart are seen islands lying in a gulf 
 which is formed by tierra firme of the Indies, and upon the Uerra firme of the chai-t are represented 
 palm trees, other evergreens, and gold clumps." 
 
 On his second expedition Columbus sailed along the south shore of Cuba, and early in Jane. 
 1494, was at the Isle of Pines, and beyond it he sailed some distance. Strangely, he regarded the 
 region as being part of the East Indies, and turned without discovering Mexico. On his fourth 
 voyage (in July, 1502), Columbus was again in the western part of the Gulf, but did not reach 
 Yucatan. He never touched on the mainland of the continent of America. 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT, 1497. 
 
 The continent was touched on by Cabot on the 24th of June, 1497. This was previous to the 
 third voyage of Columbus. From his western landfall he passed along the coast southward but 
 the limit reached in that direction is somewhat uncertain. The only early chart marked with the 
 discoveries of Cabot is that of Juan deCosa, of the year 1500, referred to by Humboldt and Walk- 
 enaer. On it Cuba is represented as an island, and the continental shore liae runs to the north and 
 to the west of Cuba. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 515 
 
 JUAN DIAZ DE SOLIS AND VINCBNTE YANEZ PINZON, 1506. 
 
 In 1494 Columbus had intimated that no passage was practicable around the coast of Cuba, and 
 his declaration seems to have checked somewhat the progress of discovery in that region. The 
 effect was to divert attention to the southward and westward, and thus the outline of the Carib- 
 bean Sea became known while the north and west shore of the Gull of Mexico was yet unexplored. 
 Solis and Pinzon sailed from Hispaniola and reached the coast of Honduras. Fernando Colum- 
 bus says they had a pilot, Pedro de Ledesma, who had been in the same region with Christopher 
 Columbus. They sailed along the cost of Honduras and steered northward, but the limit of their 
 navigation cannot be marked with certainty. In the biography of his father, Fernando Columbus 
 says that Solis and Pinzon ijiade a chart of the newly discovered regions, but no copy of such 
 chart is known to us. 
 
 SEBASTIAN DE OCAMPO, 1508. 
 
 Herrera says (in 1507) that King Ferdinand of Spain regarded his ofScers as delinquent, 
 because so many years had elapsed without settling the question as to the insular character of Cuba- 
 He therefore sent an order to his Governor General of the West Indies, Don Nicolas de Ovando, to 
 lit out an expedition. Two vessels were sent under Captain Sebastian de Ocampo, who had been 
 with Columbus in voyages to Hispaniola. The navigation was difficult, and the vessels needing 
 repairs, a port was entered on the northwestern coast of Cuba, and there some time was passed in 
 refitting. The place he designated as Puerto de Careuas [harbor of careening], but it is not doubt- 
 ful that the port was Havana. Ocampo sailed along the south coast of Cuba, going eastward. 
 Near the Isle of Pines he crossed the track followed by Columbus in 1494, and returned to Hispan- 
 iola after being eight months at sea. There is no complete journal nor record of nautical and 
 astronomical observations made by Ocampo, but he was certainly the first man who discovered the 
 prospective importance of the harbor of Havana. 
 
 In the year 1512 Diego Velasquez marched in the interior of Cuba, and Ponce de Leon, sailing 
 from Porto Eico, traversed part of the shores of that great island. In the year following, a map 
 was printed in Europe, showing to the northwest of Cuba a gulf and a peninsula, and it was prob- 
 ably an attempt to represent Florida and the Gulf of Mexico. The map is given in the Strasburg 
 edition of Ptolemaeus, of the year 1513. On it is depicted, to the northwest of Cuba a continent 
 marked with the name Parias, which designation was somewhat common on early maps of the 
 American continent. The author of the map here especially referred to was John Schott. At 
 that time such publications were suppressed in Spain. Tlie map has no reference to Ponce de 
 Leon, nor is it marked with the naiiip Florida, nor with any other, pertaining to his adventures. 
 He regarded Florida as an island, and it is so represented on the map. 
 
 On a chart of the year 1508 Cuba is marked as an unfinished discovery, showing only part of 
 the northern and part of the southern shore, and it bears the inscription, " So far came the ships 
 of King Ferdinand of Spain." Evidently the parts shown were such as had been seen by Colum- 
 bus. Euisch, the compiler of the map, knew nothing of the map of Ccsa, which was made in the 
 year 1500. 
 
 Near the end of the year 1510, or possibly some months later, a vessel went from Hispaniola 
 for the capture of Indians. Thirty men were on board. By a storm the vessel was forced into 
 the Gulf of Florida, and was wrecked. All the crew were killed by the natives, excepting two 
 women and one man, who were given as slaves to a cacique of the Indian district near Havana. 
 There the captives lived until liberated at the time of the conquest of the island of Cuba, by Diego 
 Velasquez. The port in which the misfortune happened, was afterwards called Puerto de Matan- 
 zas [port of slaughter], and it still bears the name. 
 
 * Velasquez landed in 1511 and reached the middle parts of the island in about two years. He 
 learned that Spaniards were held by the Indians, and hastened to liberate them. The survivor 
 assured Velasquez that he had been held nearly four years. 
 
 In the year 1511 a vessel was despatched from the Isthmus of Darien, commanded by Captain 
 Valdivia, to bring a sum of gold, and to report the state of affairs to the Governor-General. Un- 
 fortunately this vessel was wrecked on some rocks on the south side of Jamaica. Valdivia and 
 
516 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 some of the crew iu a boat attempted to reach the coast of Cuba, but were swept westward by the 
 currents, and landed in Yucatan. There they were held by the Indians; some were killed and 
 others were kept as slaves. The only survivors were Geronimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guexro. 
 These were alive when Cortes arrived in Yucatan, in 1619, and the first-named, having acquired 
 the language and much knowledge of the country, became usefulto the daring adventurer. 
 
 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. 1512. 
 
 The Indians found on Cuba had a tradition of a country to the northward named " Cautio,''^ 
 where was a river of which the waters would restore youth. As Ocampo passed eight months of 
 the year 1508 in that vicinity it seems probable that his report was known to Ponce de Leon, who, 
 for some time, was governor of the island of Porto Eico. But a similar story was told of a foun- 
 tain on an island called "jBrnimt," to the northwest of Hispaniola. Three years later the governor 
 was superseded, but he had become wealthy, and fitted out at his own cost three vessels, and 
 with them sailed on the 3d of March of the year 1512 from Aguada, at the mouth of the river 
 Guanabo. In the middle of the month he was at Guanahani, where Columbus had landed. He 
 crossed the track of Columbus and advanced to the northwest. On the 27th of March, which 
 was a festival day, called by the Spaniards " el Dia de Pascua Florida de Eesurreccion," he saw 
 the coast of a new country, which he regarded as an island, and this he named ^^ La Florida^* 
 He coasted some distance, but finding no harbor turned back, as the current was strong. With 
 some difSculty he rounded Cape Canaveral, and going south ward"reached the Florida reefs and 
 keys. On the western coast of the peninsula, at a place which cannot readily be identified, the 
 vessels remained until the 3d of June. Next day they were attacked by a great fleet of canoes. 
 Many Indians and a few of the Spaniards were killed, hence -the place was named Isia de 
 Matanza ; i. e., the island of slaughter. For some days, however, intercourse was maintained with 
 the natives. Passing on westward, they reached the Tortugas on the 21st of June, and there they 
 caught in a single night one hundred and sixty large turtles. They killed also seals, pelicans, and 
 other birds which there abounded. Three days afterwards they sailed, and again saw land on the 
 26th. At the end of the month they entered a harbor to repair the vessels, but could learn noth- 
 ing of the country to which it pertained. By most of the party it was believed to be part of Cuba, 
 as some iron tools were seen, and trees that had been cut by knives. Moreover the trend of the 
 coast was east and west. On Friday, the Ist of July, they left the harbor and brought up at some 
 islands of the Lucayan group. There they sought for the island of Bimini, and met with a Spanish 
 vessel commanded by Diego Miruelo, who was sailing on his own account. Much was expected 
 from his experience as a pilot in that dangerous quarter, but the vessel in which he had joined the 
 fleet of Ponce was soon wrecked in a- storm, but without loss of life. The family to which Miruelo 
 belonged afterwards became famous as Gulf pilots. 
 
 Ponce decided to sail homeward, but before starting despatched a vessel to renew the search 
 for Bimini. This was commanded by Juan Perez de Ortubia and the pilot, Antonio de Alaminos. 
 Bimini was found, but nothing was seen of the wonderful fountain. The place was, however, 
 reported to be a cheerful, fresh-lookiug island, well watered, and full of trees. Herrera adds to 
 his report on this expedition a chapter on the nature and currents of the Gulf Stream, but as the 
 jouruals of Ponce de Leon were not extant, the conclusions in regard to that marine feature are 
 doubtless such as occurrrd to Herrera a century after the time of Ponce de Leon. He probably 
 drew a chart showing the contour of the Florida peninsula, and it seems likely that the sketch 
 given by Diego Eibero, in the year 1529, was reduced from the charts of Ponce. In the year 1613 
 Ponce de Leon went to Spain to make report, but nothing can be found of any detailed statement- 
 merely the sentence " to the northwest end of Cuba has appeared a great country, which they 
 believe to be a continent." « 
 
 VELASQUEZ, 1511-'14. 
 
 Shortly after the time of Ponce de Leon the gulf shore of Cuba was settled by Spaniards. In 
 the year 1511 Don Diego Colon, then Governor-General of the West Indies, resolved upon the con- 
 quest of the great island, of which nothing was known to Europeans except that it was a good 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. f^l? 
 
 land, thickly inhabited, and rich in natural productions. The governor sent out Captain Diego 
 Velasquez with three hundred men in four vessels. That commander was soon followed by 
 adventurers from Jamaica, Porto Rico, and other West Indian islands, and amongst them was 
 Sebastian de Ocampo, who had passed around the island in the year 1508. Pamphila de Narvaez 
 arrived in 1514, and marched partly on shore. He was very active, and twelve years later was 
 killed in Florida. Both Velasquez and Narvaez had been told of the existence of some Span- 
 iards in the neighborhood of Havana. These had been shipwrecked a few years before, and with 
 a view to their liberation Father Las Casas hastened to that region. 
 
 When Velasquez had traversed and taken possession of the gulf shore of the Island of Cuba, 
 he founded, iji 1514, near Ocampo's landing place, the town of Havana, and in the same year sent 
 his captain, Narvaez, to the west end of the island, now known as Cape San Antonio. At inter- 
 vening places Spanish settlers built houses and improved the land, and this was the first firm foot- 
 hold which the Spaniards gained on the shores of the gulf. The settlement on the north coast of 
 Cuba was the foundation of future conquests and explorations. 
 
 DIEGO MIRUELO, 1516. 
 
 It is probable that the Spaniards, settled by Velasquez near Havana, built vessels as well as 
 houses, and it seems likely that they made visits into the Gulf of Florida, and perhaps to the Flor- 
 ida Keys. There was certainly a trading expedition from Havana in the year 1517, conducted by 
 Pedro d'Avila, and records show that mariners and coasting and fishing vessels were known in 
 the port of Cuba in the year 1518. Barcia states that Diego Miruelo went from Cuba to Florida 
 in the year 1516, and there traded with the Indians. 
 
 CORDOVA. 
 
 Francisco Hernandez de Cordova was a wealthy settler of Cuba, who held Indians and also 
 an estate near the town of Espiritu Santo, near the middle of Cuba. He was elected as commander- 
 in-chief by upwards of a hundred enterprising young Spaniards, who desired to make discoveries. 
 All of them had come to Cuba from Darien, where the Governor, Pedro Arias de Avila, had not 
 found sufBcient occupation for them. But in Cuba they were too late. Velasquez had already 
 completed the conquest and partition of the island. Cordova, however, accepted the offer of these 
 men who wished to gain wealth or reputation. He fitted out two vessels, and the third was given 
 by the Governor under the condition that they should bring to him a number of Indian slaves 
 from the islands of the Guanajos. The offer was declined by Cordova, who explained that they 
 were concerned only in exploration and discovery. Velasquez then gave them the ship on their 
 own conditions. Their chief pilot was Antonio de Alaminos, and the vessel sailed on the 8th of 
 February, in the year 1517, from Havana. Going westward the party doubled Cape San Antonio 
 after coasting twelve days, and then stretched into the sea westward, without knowledge of rocks, 
 shoals, currents, or winds that might be encountered. It is not mentioned that they had on 
 board a copy of the chart of Columbus made in 1502, nor of Soils and Pinzon's chart of 1506. The 
 only inducement to take a western direction seems to have turned on the recollections of their 
 chief pilot, Alaminos, who remembered that Golumbus, with whom he had sailed as a boy, had 
 always a strong inclination to go westward. After a heavy storm, which lasted two days and 
 nights, the course was changed, and twenty-one days, after their departure from. Cuba they came in 
 sight of land. From the ship, they saw a large Indian town, and when they came to anchor, on 
 the 4th of March, many canoes came out to them, and some were of size sufiQcient to contain fifty 
 Indians. These, in their intercourse with the Spaniards, frequently repeated the words "Con 
 escotoch " ! and hence on the chart the place was marked " Punta de Cotoche." The Indian words 
 were probably intended to express an invitation to come ashore. 
 
 After a short land excursion to the interior, the Spaniards had a bloody encounter with the 
 Indians, but at the same time found to their great joy good buildings and temples, and in them 
 idols and ornaments of gold. Thus stimulated, they held along the shore to the west, and 
 discovered points, bays, and many of the shoals and reefs of that part of Yucatan. The pilot, 
 Alaminos, however, believed that the newly-found country was an island, a suggestion as will be 
 
518 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 
 
 remembered, made by Ponce de Leon in regard to the peninsula of Florida. On the 25th of March 
 they reached a bay, which the Indians called " Quimpech," but in the Spanish pronunciation it is 
 known to this day as Campeche. The natives hailed the adventurers repeatedly with the word 
 " Uastilaii," at the same time pointing toward the east. While taking in water from shore the 
 Spaniards saw temples ornamented like those at Catoche, but these could not be examined, as the 
 natives collected in great numbers and marched in battle array. The Spaniards retreated, but 
 brought off their water casks, and after stowing them sailed away to the southwest without 
 interruption, favored during six days by wind and weather. On the seventh day a heavy north 
 wind caused the casks to leak, and made it needful to seek another anchorage. They consequently 
 went into the mouth of a river near an Indian village, the name of which was Pononchau. Here 
 they found water wells, buildings of stone, maize plantations, and other signs of a good state of 
 cultivation ; but trusting too far inland they were attacked by natives in overwhelming uumbers, 
 and like those of Campeche, the Indians uttered the cry, " Castilan," " Castilan." In cutting their 
 way through the mass of savages the Spaniards lost fifty-seven men in killed and two others were 
 carried away as prisoners. The boats were capsized, the water casks lost, and all who reached 
 the ships were marked by wounds. The commander, Cordova, was wounded in twelve places. 
 This sad event ended further progress, and the place was named by the pilot and mariners of the 
 expedition " Bahia de la mala pelea," i. e., Bay of the disastrous fight. It was probably the month 
 of the river now known as the Champoton. 
 
 The lessened foice being insufBcient to work three ships, one of the vessels was burnt, and 
 the party resolved to return to Cuba. They suffered for want of fresh water, and consulted the 
 charts. Alaminos judged it best to leave the direct course and by turning northward to make the 
 coast of Florida, and then fall back to find the harbor of Havana. Only this general fact is known. 
 That commander had, when with Ponce de Leon, crossed the Gulf of Florida twice, and he had 
 sailed also with Ortubia amongst the Yucatan Islands. It is probable that, with Ocampo, he passed 
 entirely arouud the coast of Cuba. Hence his opportunity was ample for making observations on 
 the usual eastern direction of the winds which blow into and along the eastern gate of the Mexican 
 Gulf. The vessels had a short time before suffered by a heavy northeast gale. The expedition 
 was probably saved from further disaster by adopting the proposal of Alaminos. Going north 
 and northeast the party came in sight of the coast of Florida. He landed with some men, and 
 recognized the region which he had seen in 1612. By digging wells good water was found, but 
 they were attacked by Indians while so employed. In passing to Havana (by the Florida Keys) 
 they had only 4 fathoms of water, and the largest vessel struck against rocks, but the exhausted 
 crews at last reached Havana. The wounded captain, Cordova, retired to his plantation near 
 Santo Spiritu, and there died. Some of his offtcers and men presented themselves to the Governor 
 (Velasquez) and reported favorably of the new country. Some of the products were shown and 
 two of the inhabitants who had been taken as prisoners. 
 
 GRIJALVA AND ALAMINOS. 1518. 
 
 Keports in regard to Yucatan led to the fitting out of four ships, which were provided with a 
 force of two hundred and twenty men. Juan de Grijalva, a cousin of the Governor, and a man of 
 energy and prudence, was at the head of the fleet as Captain-General. Pedro de Alvarado 
 Francisco de Montejo, and Alonzo de Avila, all of whom afterwards became famous as companions 
 of Cortes, were assigned to the command of vessels; and some of the soldiers and sailors who had 
 been with Cordova joined the expedition. Amongst others was the chief pilot, Antonio de Alaminos 
 and Bernal Diaz del Castilla. ' 
 
 The instructions given by Velasquez to the commander of this expedition are not extant but 
 in the instructions of the same Velasquez, addressed to Cortes in the year 1518, the Governor says 
 that he sent out Grijalva principally for the purpose " of examining and circumnavigating the 
 island of Yucatan and to discover further onward." 
 
 The haibor of Matanzas, on the coast of Cuba, was indicated as the general rendezvous for 
 ofBcers, men, and ships, and from that place the fleet sailed on the 5th of April, 1518. Following 
 the track of Cordova's expedition, Cape San Antonio was sighted in eight days', and "from thence 
 
. UNITED STATES COAST AKD GEODETIC SURVEY. 519 
 
 after sailing ten days, they reached the coast of Yucatan. By the currents they were carried 
 southward and first saw the island of Cozumel, to the south of Cape Catoche, on the 3d of May. 
 To Cozumel was then given the name " Isla de Santa Cruz." They followed the track of Cordova 
 to Ohampoton, and there had a fierce battle, but the savages of Yucatan were put to iiight. 
 Coasting farther they soon saw an opening which was considered to be the mouth of a large river, 
 but, on entering, it was found to be a large lagoon. As late as the year 1550 charts were drawn on 
 the authority of Alaminos that show Yucatan as an island; and this was long after the pilots and 
 men of Grijalva had found out their mistake. 
 
 From the lagoon last mentioned the party sailed very cautiously along the unknown coast, 
 moving only by daylight. On the 7th of June they saw the mouth of a great river, which was 
 entered by the two smaller vessels and by all the boats. The twb larger vessels remained at anchor 
 outside. Here the Indians assembled in thousands, but there was no hostile demonstration. 
 Presents were interchanged. Amongst the Indians were some trinkets of gold; and the occasion 
 was further remarkable, as then for the first time the name "Mexico" was pronounced in the 
 hearing of Spaniards. When the natives were asked "where such gold could be found they pointed 
 towards the rising sun and pronounced the name " Mexico." The Spaniards quickly embarked for 
 the search, but the river, which they named Eio Grijalva, was long after his time known as JRio 
 Tabasco, as bearing the name of the cacique of the region. 
 
 An active period followed in which river mouths and other entrances were first known to 
 Europeans. The Eio de las Banderas became famous because Spaniards there found subjects of 
 the Indian Emperor Montezuma, and possessed themselves of a considerable quantity of golden 
 curiosities. In exchange for a few cheap European trinkets and blue beads they gained the sum 
 of 15,000 pesos. The next place visited was that which became the renowned port of Juan de 
 UUoa. This came into view on the 18th of June, and there some poor Indians had been sacrificed 
 to the pagan deities. Hence the place was named Isla de Sacrificios. The island and its name 
 stands on every old chart of the Mexican Gulf. At another place on the beach the Spaniards built 
 huts and remained several days exploring the vicinity. On a neighboring island evidences ap- 
 peared of the sacrifice of human beings. These were viewed by Grijalv^ with horror, and by an 
 interpreter he asked what had caused these abominations. The answer was, "Olua"! "Olua"! 
 Hence the name of the place was marked on the chart as ''Ulloa." This happened on the day of 
 St. John, and therefore addition was made to the Indian appellation; the place was known as 
 San Juan de Ulloa. The region adjoining was named Saint Mary of the Snow. Grijalva resolved 
 to send a message to Velasquez by Pedro de Alvarado in the ship San Sebastian ; and more- 
 over his party needed provisions. All the gold then gathered was sent, and also written reports 
 firom the several officers. After Alvarado's departure (on the 24th of June) Grijalva and his men 
 started with the remaining vessels and passed along the coast in hope of further discoveries. With 
 the mountains of Mexico constantly in view, they at last came to a river, "Rio de Canoas," in the 
 province of Panuco. Many Indian canoes made out boldly and commenced battle, but with little 
 effect, against the Spanish ships. Proceeding farther, a great cape was seen, but could not be 
 passed, as the currents were strong. The pilot, Alaminos, advised against sailing farther to the 
 north. It was found, moreover, that provisions were scarce, and that some of the ships leaked badly. 
 As winter was approaching the commander decided to return to Cuba. On the 29th of September 
 that island was sighted, and on the 9th of October they entered the port of Matanzas, from which 
 they had sailed six months earlier. On the resulting charts an important part of the gulf was 
 represented, and on them appear the names "Mexico," "New Spain," "Terminos," "Dlloa," and 
 numerous other designations that are yet retained. 
 
 From Ulloa a vessel was sent by Grijalva under command of Pedro Alvarado with orders 
 to examine the coast of Cuba. The Acssel arrived in safety, but no details are known respecting 
 the observations then made. So also of the voyage of Christoval de Olid, whom Velasquez sent 
 from Cuba to follow the track of Cordova and Grijalva. Olid reached the shores of Yucatan, but 
 by heavy gales was forced to return without meeting Grijalva or seeing much of the hitherto un- 
 known coast. Olid was subsequently sent by Cortes to Yucatan and the Bay of Honduras. 
 
 On his arrival at Cuba, Grijalva found that much interest had been excited by the discoveries 
 of Alvarado. The Governor, Velasquez, had fitted out another armament, and, although Grijalva 
 
520 UNITED STATteS OOASi: AND GfiODETIO SURVEY. , 
 
 had been euergetic, the governor was not content, as that commander had not settled and fortified 
 a place in the new country which was supposed to be rich. The commander was not again 
 employed, and soon after went to Jamaica, entered into the service of Garay, and accompanied him 
 in his expedition to Panuco in 1523. Grijalva was killed in a revolt of the Indians in Nicaragua, 
 where he had joined the standard of Pedriarias. 
 
 FERNANDO CORTES, 1519. 
 
 The voyages and operations of Cortes are described in the letter which he addressed to the 
 King of Spain from Yera Cruz early in August, 1519. The letter is not extant, but fortunately 
 the chaplain, Gomara, gives an extract in the fortieth chapter of his Cronica de la Nueva Espaiia; 
 and there are other sources of information touching the adventure. Velasquez instructed Cortes 
 to go first to Cozumel Island, and from thence to Yucatan. He was to sound and examine all the 
 ports, inlets, and watering places, including those of Mexico, and afterwards give a complete 
 nautical account. But the names "Mexico" and "New Spain" are not mentioned in that 
 document. 
 
 The armament consisted of eleven vessels, which carried five hundred soldiers and officers, and 
 the account says more than a hundred pilots and sailors. Nearly all the vessels of Grijalva and 
 his principal officers accompanied, but the commander was excluded. As in the preceding 
 expeditions, Antonio Alaminos went as chief pilot. Morillo, an Indian captured by Grijalva at 
 the promontory of Catoche, and who had been baptized and taught Spanish, was the interpreter 
 for Yucatan. Havana was the place of rendezvous. Pedro de Alvarado was sent in advance, and 
 the other vessels sailed from Havana on the 10th of February, 1519, and had a short passage to 
 Yucatan and the island of Cozumel. There Cortes questioned the men of Grijalva respecting the 
 word " Gastilan" which the Indians of Yucatan had so often pronounced, and he concluded that 
 some Spaniards were in the vicinity. On further inquiry these proved to be men who survived 
 the shipwreck of Hieronimo de Aguilar. 
 
 On the 5th of March the fleet doubled Cape Catoche, and soon after a vessel commanded by 
 Escobar was sent to examine the Bay of Terminos and select a site for establishing a colony. 
 Doubtless his report was unfavorable, as when he rejoined the fleet Cortes sailed immediately for 
 the Tabasco Eiver, and reached the entrance in seven days. It is thus made plain that no 
 soundings were recorded, nor nautical examinations of any other kind. His intention was to settle 
 and fortify. Some severe battles occurred with the Indians of Tabasco River. He accepted their 
 peace offerings and again listened to stories of the country " Mexico." On Holy Thursday the 
 fleet came to anchor at San Juan de Ulloa, and there some Indian messengers approached in 
 canoes and told Cortes of the great sovereign of the interior, Montezuma. Two vessels were 
 prepared and sent northward under command of Francisco de Montejo. These were piloted by 
 Alaminos. The vessels followed the track of Grijalva, but went beyond his limit, which was Cape 
 Roxo. Montejo and Alaminos doubled that cape and discovered the Rio Grande de Panuco, at the 
 mouth of which they arrived only a few days earlier than another Spanish navigator who had 
 reached that quarter from the north. Strong contrary currents withstood Montejo and Alaminos 
 and a heavy " norther" threatened them with destruction. But the north wind forced them back 
 to Ulloa, after an absence of twelve days. The only anchorage which Alaminos deemed safe 
 against strong north winds was some distance to the northward of Ulloa, and to that place the 
 army was transferred and the colony was founded. Cortes named it Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz 
 i. e., the rich town of the true cross. The latter designation implied that they had landed on 
 Holy Friday; and the word " rica " was added because gold was obtained. The name has import 
 similar to that of the " Golden Gate," as applied to the entrance of San Francisco Bay. 
 
 Cortes fortified the place and dispatched to the King of Spain a vessel with presents and re. 
 ports of his operations. He then destroyed his fleet and marched early in August, 1519 for the 
 conquest of Mexico. 
 
 Cortes confided his dispatches and presents to Puerto Oarnero and Montejo, two of his officers 
 and placed them on a vessel, of which Antonio Alaminos was chief pilot. Bernal Diaz says that 
 the best sailing vessel of the squadron was chosen. Hence it was probably the "S. Sebastian," 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY, 521 
 
 which vessel is repeatedly designated as the best sailer of the squadron of Cortes. Under com- 
 mand of Alvarado that vessel had often sailed as a pioneer in advance of squadrons. Cortes con- 
 ferred with Alaniinos respecting the most direct route from the Gulf coast towards Europe, as no 
 navigator had previously aimed at lessening the line of navigation. Only one vessel had been sent 
 directly over, and that carried intelligence of Grijalva's success, but the passage was made through 
 the Windward Islands. 
 
 Alaminos, who had been with Ponce de Leon in the year 1512, and with Cordova in 1517, pro. 
 posed to sail between Florida and Cuba, to the east and north. Cortes adopted the plan, and his 
 messengers, under the command of Alaminos, sailed from Vera Cruz on the 26th of July, 3519; 
 crossed the Gulf of Mexico, and passing eastward entered the Strait of Florida; and the vessel 
 which carried him arrived at San Luqar, in Spain, early in October. It would be needless to specu- 
 late on the route taken, and whether or not the Gulf Stream favored the passage. We know, how- 
 ever, with certainty that in going directly eastward he came in sight of the Azores, and no navi- 
 gator is on record for the same latitude previous to the year 1519. To Alaminos is doubtless due 
 the advantage of passing from the West Indies to Europe by keeping in the Gulf Stream. The 
 Bermudas were soon after discovered and a plan for their settlement was fixed in the year 1527. 
 
 Alaminos never returned to the Gulf shores. He went to Spain with the father of Fernando 
 Cortes, and reported his own discoveries and those of Cortes, Grijalva, and Cordova. He was 
 certainly the most intelligent and energetic of the Mexican Gulf pilots. He was with Columbus 
 in 1502-03 in the waters of the West Indies and towards Yucatan. With Ponce deLeon he passed 
 around Florida and the Lucajaii Islands in the year 1512, and in the same year was with Ortubia 
 on the voyage to Bimini. He accompanied Cordova to Yucatan in 1517, and in the following year 
 went with Grijalva to New Spain. In the year 1519 he attended Cortes along the west shore of 
 the Gulf as far as UUoa; and in the same year went with Montijo as far as the river Panuco. His 
 exijedient in navigating to advantage by way of the Gulf Stream is commended by Humboldt. 
 All the expeditions of this period, though conducted by others, may, so far as maritime history is 
 concerned, be regarded as prompted by Alaminos. 
 
 DON ALONZO ALVAEEZ PINEDA, 1519. 
 
 Francisco de Garay was a distinguished man who had been in the West Indies with Columbus, 
 and to him had been committed the government of the island of Jamaica. Having become rich, he 
 turned his attention to the north and west. When the reports of Cordova and Grijalva became 
 known, the Governor of Jamaica believed himself entitled to a share. Garay possibly had some 
 intercourse with the pilot Alaminos. The river Saint Peter and Saint Paul is not mentioned among 
 the discoveries of Grijalva, but on many old charts it is marked as about midway between 
 the river Panuco and Vera Cruz, and always to the south of Cabo Eoxo. It seems that Alaminos 
 regarded this as the limit of Grijalva's discoveries. Garay therefore fitted out four vessels while 
 Velasquez was preparing his armament for Cortes. The command was given to Don Alonzo 
 Alvarez Pineda, who sailed from Jamaica to the- northwest early in the year 1519 ; probably about 
 the time when Cortes sailed from Havana. Pineda, following the sailing directions of Alaminos^ 
 sailed from Jamaica early in the j ear, and coasted along the west side of Florida Peninsula in hope 
 of finding some passage. Finding none, he heky)n westward and entered the river Panuco, where 
 Moutejo had been a few months earlier. He next visited the harbor at which Cortes had built his 
 fortress of Villa Eica de la Vera Cruz, and from which Cortes had only a few days previous 
 departed with his army for the conquest of Mexico. The ships of Pineda were destroyed by the 
 forces of Cortes stationed at Villa Eica. That commander was absent at an Indian town some 
 leagues away, but he hastened to the coast, and captured some of Pineda's men who had landed. 
 From these he learned that the vessels had been sent by Garay, the Governor of Jamaica, and 
 that they came from the north, where they had traversed more than three hundred leagues of the 
 coast; and proposed arrangements in regard to the limits of their respective discoveries and 
 governments. But Cortes declared that the river Panuco and all the countries of that region had 
 been already taken in possession by himself in the King's name. So he held Pineda's men and 
 enlisted them in his own army. He was not successful in an attempt to get possession of Pineda's 
 H. Ex,43 60 
 
522 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. • 
 
 little fleet. The capture of the men must have been early in August of the year 1519. Cortes 
 was about that time at Zempoala, and on his march to Mexico. Pineda remained forty days at 
 the mouth of the river Panuco. 
 
 Pineda sent home with his report a chart of the Gulf of Mexico ; and by Garay's messengers 
 it was presented to the King of Spain. On that map are represented Florida, Cuba, and Yucatan, 
 but the outlines were probably given by Alaminos, and to these were doubtless added the northern 
 discoveries of Pineda. 
 
 There is another chart of the Gulf published in the year W2i at Nurnberg, to accompany the 
 second letter of Cortes, the date of which is October 3(), 1520. This resembles the chart published 
 by Navarrete, but is marked with more names. Cortes, in the second letter, does not refer to this 
 sketch, but he relates particulars in regard to the capture of Pineda's men. It seems probable 
 that we owe to Pineda all early knowledge concerning the northern part of the Gulf of Mexico. 
 On the first charts the mouth of the Mississippi is indicated, with the name Bio del Espiritu 8anto, 
 and it was so designated by Spaniards for more than a century. To the east of it is marked on 
 the early chart a bay, called " Mar Pequeua" (i. e., Little Sea), and this is doubtless Chandeleur 
 Bay. Of many names not now known on charts perhaps "Cabo Bravo" is an exception, as it 
 marks the position of the Eio Bravo of our day, and perhaps gave origin to that name. Most of 
 the designations were given by Pineda and the pilots of his four ships. 
 
 NAEVAEZ, 1520. 
 
 The proceedings of Cortes in New Spain were regarded by Velasquez as rebellious. He 
 therefore sent a large armament under command of Pamfllo de Narvaez, who had assisted him in 
 the conquest of Cuba, and that commander was instructed to bring Cortes to obedience, and to 
 complete the conquest of Mexico in the iiiterest of Veliisquez. 
 
 Narvaez sailed from Cuba early in March, 1520, with eighteen vessels, which carried nearly a 
 thousand men as soldiers, sailors, and pilots. On the 23d of April he was at anchor off San Juan 
 de UUoa. Such developments as he may have made in geography are not known. His military 
 undertaking ended in disaster. Made prisoner by Cortes, the men of Narvaez joined the banner 
 of the conqueror. He was, however, energetic and subsequently acted on another part of the 
 Gulf coast. 
 
 PINEDA AND CAMAR60, 1520. 
 
 Francisco de Garay, Governor of Jamaica, sent a second expedition into the Gulf in the spring 
 of the year 1520. His men, under Pineda, found nothing attractive on the north shore of the Gulf; 
 but near the river Panuco they saw the fine region now known as the province of Tamaulipas. 
 There the natives had some gold. Pineda apparently did not know that he had been anticipated 
 by Montejo and Alaminos ; nor was Garay aware of the earlier advance of Cortes to the Eio 
 Panuco. That commander, with the co-operation of Montezuma, had sent messengers to Panuco 
 and obtained tribute in token of the submission of the Indian chiefs. 
 
 Garay committed the enterprise to Alonzo Alvarez Pineda, and as-second in command Diego 
 Camargo, and gave them three vessels, one hundred and fifty men, and the materials requisite for 
 building a town and fortification. At Panuco, a settlement was begun, but probably at the 
 investigation of Cortes the Indians attacked the settlers. In the constrained embarkation one of 
 the vessels was wrecked. Pineda was killed. The remaining vessels under Camargo sailed south 
 and at Vera Cruz the soldiers went into service with Cortes. Garay had previously despatched 
 two other vessels with troops to the river Panuco to aid in founding the colony; but, hearing of 
 the disaster to Pineda, they went into the harbor of Villa Kica, and they also joined the army of 
 C/irtes. 
 
 PONCE DE LEON, 1521. 
 
 SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 When the fame of Cortes became great (says Herrera), the spirit of other adventurers 
 was aroused. All desired to undertake soinething for reputation. There was a general move- 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 523 
 
 ment toward the uorthwest, and the earliest discoverer of Florida was affected like others of great 
 energy. After his first expedition of 1512 he passed two years in Spain, and the King had conferred 
 on him the title of " Adelantado de la isla de Bimini y la Florida," and the government of that 
 province. But he was soon afterwards engaged in operating against the Indians of the Caribbean 
 Islands, and subsequenlly lived in retirement at Porto Eico. In the year 1521 he fitted out two 
 vessels and sailed to Florida. It is only known that he landed there after a boisterous voyage, 
 probably on the western coast of the peninsula. He had a severe battle with the natives and many 
 of his men were killed. Ponce de Leon himself was mortally wounded. He died of the hurt on 
 the coast of Cuba. One of his vessels (Herrera says) went to Vera Cruiz, and there Cortes bought 
 her munitions and stores. After his death the title of Adelantado of Bimini and Florida was 
 confeired on his son, Don Luis Ponce de Leon, but his name is not connected with any discovery 
 or geographical development. 
 
 FKANCISCO DE GAEAI, 1^83. 
 
 Of two expeditions sent to the Gulf by Garai, the second ended in total loss. But regarding his 
 large outlay, the King issued a decree granting him the government of the province of Amichel 
 with such rights as were then usual. But no mention was made of the limits nor of the boundary 
 line of the province. Christoval tie Tapia was to be sent out as a special commissioner to confer 
 in what related to Cortes, but he returned to Spain in 1522 and had not settled anything. Cortes 
 went forward with vigor in plans for conquest. He marched with an army from Mexico to Panuco 
 and founded at the mouth of the river a colony called " 8an Eatevan del Puerto." 
 
 Garai meanwhile was preparing an armament for the same region. He fitted out eleven vessels 
 and an array of nearly 1,000 men, and thus exhausted his own private means. The pilot of the 
 fleet was Diego Miruelo, a nephew of the Diego Miruelo who was in service with Ponce de Leon. 
 After a delay of two years the fleet sailed on the 26th of June, 1524. What Cortes had done was 
 made known at a harbor in Cuba where the fleet touched, but the vessels nevertheless kept on, 
 and reached the shore of Mexico near the mouth of the Eio de las Palmas. On all old Spanish 
 charts that river is marked as at some distance to the north of Panuco ; sometimes on the 25th and 
 sometimes on the 24th parallel. The river is marked on a chart of 1520, which doubtless Cortes 
 copied from Pineda's chart. It is the river now known as the Santander. 
 
 Garai sent a vessel into the river and it was explored to a distance of 15 leagues. Then his fleet 
 was sent under command of Juari Le Grijalva to sail southward while he marched with the army 
 in the same direction. At Panuco it was his intention to found a city to be named " Oarayana ; " but 
 the march was through a desert. The army arrived in distress on the borders of Mexico, and the 
 soldiers of Cortes were neither provided nor inclined to receive so many guests. Foraging parties 
 were sent out. Of the fleet, six vessels were lost and the others were damaged. Only a short 
 time before the arrival of Garai the royal decree was received in which Garai was peremptorily 
 forbidden to land at Panuco, as that province was regarded as belonging to Mexico. Cortes 
 promptly sent a copy and Garai recognized that he had erred. He resolved to retire with bis fleet 
 and army to the north and make a settlement at the Eio de Palmas. Orders were given to that 
 effect, but his soldiers were reluctant and declared an inclination to stay where they were. 
 
 Garai concluded to join Cortes. He went to Mexico and was well received, but broken-hearted 
 and poor he died soon after his arrival in the house occupied by Cortes. He made that commander 
 the executor of his will ; and one of his sons was betrothed to a natural daughter of Cortes. 
 
 After the death of Garai it may be said that the empire of Montezuma was wholly subject to 
 Cortes, and he extended his views to more distant regions. He fitted out vessels on the coast of 
 the Pacific Ocean, and also sent vessels to Central America, under Christoval de Olid. Another 
 armament was destined for adventures on the northern shores. In his fourth letter to the Emperor 
 Cortes remarks that "nothing seems to remain but to explore the coast lying between the river 
 Panuco and Florida, the latter being the country discovered by the Adelantado Juan Ponce de 
 Leon, and the northern coast of Florida as far as Baccalaos, because it is considered, certain that 
 there is a strait which leads into the South Sea." The delusion continued, and twenty years after, 
 the time of Columbus many hoped to find a strait; if not between Florida and New Spain, it was 
 thought that the strait might exist north of Florida. 
 
524 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 Cortes had destined three caravels and two brigantines, and his direction was that they 
 should advance as far north as the Baccalaos, i. e., to Newfoundland, But soon after he was 
 informed of the revolt of his captain, Olid, in Honduras, and felt obliged to march south. Moreover, 
 disturbances in Mexico claimed attention in the year 1526 and 1527 ; and then the exploration and 
 government had passed into other hands. By Cortes, more than any other adventurer, the Gulf 
 of Mexico became known in Europe ; and it was soon the center of flourishing commerce. But 
 he made no general chart ; and that fact is the more singular because he organized his plans for 
 conquest by means of a sketch drawn at his request by Montezuma. 
 
 NARVAEZ, 1527-1536. 
 
 Don Luis Ponce, de Leon, on whom the title of Governor of Florida had devolved from his 
 father, remained inactive ; and this seems to be true also of the son of Garai, to whom a daughter 
 of Cortes had been betrothed. Cortes had promised protection, but the spirit of adventure 
 found place only in Pamfilo de Narvaez, who had been previously engaged in explorations on the 
 Gulf coast. He had been with Velasquez to Cuba ; had carried a fleet to Mexico ; aud had been 
 unfortunate in an expedition against Cortes, who took him prisoner, but, at the request of Garai, 
 liberated him aud gave him means to return to Cuba and to Spaiu. He was rich, and offered his 
 services for the conquest of the north parts of the Gulf, aud in the year 1526 made with the Gov- 
 ernment a treaty signifying that he should be allowed to assemble a naval and military force, 
 and with it discover and possess ail countries north of the Rio de las Pahuas on the fiontier 
 of New Spain to Florida, and that he sliould found a settlement from one sea to the other, and 
 report on all that was wortUy of record. The commission was ample, as it comprised the settleuw'.ut 
 of our present Southern States, with a shore line of more than 1,200 nautical miles. If Narvaez 
 had fulfilled his commission, Cortes would have been coufronted by a powerful rival. At. the 
 same time a commission was given to Francisco Montejo as Governor of Yucatan, and to Pedro 
 Alvarado as Governor of Guatemala. These may be regarded as intended to check the influence 
 of Cortes. He had treated Narvaez generously after his defeat, but they could not be regarded as 
 friends. 
 
 The government included in the boundaries was named "El Govierno del Rio de las Palmas," 
 and it was expressly said that in this government should be included all that was called Florida. 
 Narvaez was made Adelantado and Captain-General. Amongst other officers appointed by the 
 King was the treasurer of the expedition, Cabega de Vaca. 
 
 Narvaez sailed from San Lucas, in Spain, on the 17th of June, 1527, with Ave vessels and six 
 hundred men. After crossing the Atlantic he touched at Saint Domingo, and there one hundred 
 and fifty of his men escaped. Near Cuba the fleet suffered by a hurricane, but at that island he 
 passed thfe winter. With the assistance of one of the most wealthy and generous of the proprie- 
 tors (Varco Porcallo), he collected there a store of provisions and engaged other ships and men, 
 and also the chief pilot, Diego Miruelo, who deserves particular mention, as he had accompanied 
 Garai on his expedition to Rio de las Palmas. He was, moreover, a nephew of the Diego Miruelo 
 who was with Ponce de Leon and afterwards with Lucas de Ay lion. Cabega de Vaca and Herrera 
 record him as an experienced pilot of the Rio de las Palmas and of the north coast, but it seems 
 unlikely that Miruelo could gain much experience with Garai in the year 1523. More probably he 
 was with Pineda, in the year 1519, around the north line of the Gulf coast. 
 
 In March, 1528, Narvaez sailed from the south coast of Cuba, doubled Cape San Antonio in 
 bad weather, and sailed towards Havana, but because of very stormy weather he was unable to 
 enter that port. He was near the coast of Florida early in April, and on the 13th of that month 
 anchored in a bay, which was found to be extensive. This was doubtless Tampa Bay. lu the 
 huts of the Indians who lived on the shore were found such boxes as the Spanish merchants then 
 used for their goods; and they were likely the remains of some wreck. Pieces of cloth were also 
 found like the stuff used in New Spain. The natives said that these articles were from " Apalache '> 
 aud that such goods were plenty there, as also gold. That place was sought, aud it seemed best 
 to send the soldiers aud horses to go ou land while the fleet kept near the shore to find a harbor. 
 The army moved ou the 1st of May, leaving the fleet under command of Carvallo, with direction to 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY, 425 
 
 anchor at some safe place. In case of delay the vessels were to sail to Cuba and bring provisions 
 to the Bay of Santa Cruz, where all the forces were to join. It has been well made .out that the 
 bay last mentioned is what is now known as Tampa Bay. 
 
 With about three hundred men Narvaez marched during a fortnight to the north and reached 
 a great river. One day was spent in passing it, with such labor that the forces rested for several 
 days. Two exploring parties went by the coast to look for a harbor. They found a shallow bay, 
 and it was probably the water at Cedar Keys. The river was doubtless the Withlacoochee, or the 
 Suwanee. The party saw nothing of the coast again, but kept on in search of " Apalache," and 
 came in sight of a village on the 24th of June. They took possession and found some maize, but 
 nothing else of consequence. On the 27th of July they reached Ante, and saw many bays, but the 
 G-ulf coast was not in view. One-third of the army had died or was sick, and the horses which 
 carried the sick were exhausted. The ships were not in sight and means of subsistence could be 
 had only by battles with the natives. On the 22d of September, after having eaten the last of 
 their horses, the party embarked in four wretched barges, and moved westward along the shore 
 of a bay which they named Baia de los Caballos, i. e., Bay of the horses. This was no doubt the 
 expanse now known as Saint George's Sound. Near Saint Mark's De Soto found the remains of 
 the forge used by Narvaez, and also some skulls of horses. 
 
 The party of Narvaez kept on westward, following the bay shores and inlets, and on the 29th 
 of September came to an island near the shore (Saint Vincent's Island), and passed a strait which 
 they named Saint Miguel. This corresponds with what is known now as Indian Pass. Keeping 
 on westward for thirty days they probably were in the vicinity of Mobile Bay about the end of 
 October. Then an island is mentioned where they remained six days, and soon after a bay, wliich 
 was full of islands. This was perhaps Chandeleur Bay. Soon they took fresh water from the sea, 
 and it may be supposed that they were then at the delt^a of the Mississippi. By the current they 
 were forced away, and a heavy norther carried them into the Gulf. Two of the boats foundered, 
 but the one which ca.rried Narvaez remained and was at anchor when a sudden flaw of wind 
 occurred. There was on board besides the Governor only two sick men, and neither provisions 
 nor water. They were never seen again, and thus perished in November, 1527. The shore party 
 endured great distress, but nearly all perished from hunger and fatigue. Soto Major was one of 
 the only two survivors, but he died, leaving Esquivel, who wandered in search of subsistence. 
 To another of the shipwrecked Spaniards he told of the fate of Narvaez, and then disappeared. 
 Figueroa subsequently met Cabega de Vaca and to him recounted the misfortune. 
 
 Before Narvaez set out from Tampa Bay to the interior, the pilot, Miruelo, was sent, as already 
 stated, to look for a harbor; but three of the ships were left at Tampa, under Carvallo, with 
 instructions to go up along the coast and to join the other vessels. Miruelo, not finding his 
 supposed harbor, turned back in accordance with his instructions and sailed to Cuba, and from 
 thence dispatched a vessel with provisions to Tampa Bay. Carvallo, with the remaining three 
 ships and a hundred men, sailed north, but finding no harbor turned back and joined Miruelo at 
 Tainpa Bay. Their search for Narvaez seems to have employed nearly a year, and as it was 
 fruitless they sailed to New Spain. The old charts are marked with the name "Miruelo Bay" in 
 the place occupied in our maps by the name Apalache Bay. 
 
 Cabega de Vaca, after being separated from Narvaez by currents and storms early in November, 
 1527, probably near the Mississippi delta, was, after rowing some dajs in the boats, at an island 
 where some shipwrecked Spaniards were assembled. There they wintered, and it was very likely 
 on one of the islands of Mississippi Sound. Four of the Spaniards started westward in search of 
 Panuco. Their names are given in the narrative, but nothing else is known concerning their fate. 
 Some preferred to remain with Cabega de Vaca on the island Malhado, and there were survivors 
 six years later.. They sustained themselves by fishing and hunting, and were constrained to work 
 for the Indians, who treated them as slaves. Finally, in the year 1533, the two Spaniards resolved 
 to leave the region by going westward. On the west side of the Mississippi Lope de Oviedo 
 separated from Cabeja de Vaca and was not heard of again. But the adventurer last named 
 found three other Christians who were held as slaves by the natives. These were Andreas de 
 Dorantes, Alonzo de Castillo, and Estjivanico, a black servant. They associated, escaped, and 
 started westward, and in the course of two years reached a Spanish settlement near the Gulf of 
 
526 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SLTRVEY. 
 
 California. Soon tbey were conducted to Mexico, and there the Viceroy Meudoza and Cortes 
 received them with kindness. Of the names added to charts of that period only the name 
 Apalache remains. The geographical results became known in time. Miruelo and Carvallo 
 returned in 1528; but Cabega de Vaca was absent from Europe until the year 1536, and his 
 observations were not published until the year 1655, when they were issued in Valladolid. 
 
 Cabeea de Vaca was willing to return if the Emperor would confer on him the government of 
 the regions through which he had journeyed, but Don Fernando de Soto appeared at the same 
 time in Spain. He had been in service with Pizarro and had acquired wealth. He lent money to 
 the Emperor, lived in comparative splendor, and added to his iniluence by marriage with a lady 
 who belonged to one of the most influential families of Spain. His ambition stirred at the mention 
 of vast regions, traversed by OabcQa de Vaca, and he requested of the Emperor a commission, and 
 was made Adelantado of Florida. The government of Cuba was at the same time conferred upon 
 him, as the port of Havana was best suited for fitting out vessels for any purpose. 
 
 De Soto used his own means largely in fitting out the armament, and besides he had assistance 
 from wealthy young noblemen of his acquaintance. Even from Portugal a number of cavaliers 
 offered their services. The armament sailed from San Lucas in Spain in April, 1538, with a force 
 of upwards of six hundred offlcers and men, and after being two months at sea reached the coast 
 of Cuba at Santiago. After settling the details of government he marched to Havana, while the 
 fleet, passing around Cape San Antonio, made for the same port, and there the entire force was 
 assembled at the end of summer. 
 
 Somewhat earlier, Havana had been plundered and burnt by French pirates. De Soto rebuilt 
 the churches, and fortified the place against another attack. He was thus occupied during the 
 autumn and winter of 1538-'39. It is not known that he derived any advantage from the explora- 
 tion made by Miruelo and Oavallo, the pilots of Narvaez, nor is anything known of the further 
 career of those two mariners. They are not mentioned as being with the party of De Soto, but it 
 seems very probable that he had in his command some of the explorers and pilots who had been 
 in Florida. He had a certain Juan de Anasco, who had repute as mariner, cosmographer, and 
 astrologer, and Anasco wajs sent in the autumn of the year 1538 with two small vessels to coast 
 along Florida and note the ports, inlets, and bays. He went out probably in September, and two 
 months afterward was again at Havana. Not satisfied with the results, De Soto sent him back 
 with instructions to explore the coast with accuracy. Three months later AHasco brought 
 information concerning a convenient harbor, but there is neither chart nor ship journal as the 
 result of this voyage. 
 
 DE SOTO, 1539. 
 
 De Soto sailed from Cuba on the 18th of May, 1539, with a fleet of five large ships and two 
 smaller vessels. He had a force of about seven hundred cavaliers, soldiers, and sailors. The 
 largest ship had once carried the flag of the Admiral Don Pedro de Mendoza to the river La 
 Plata. She had also been on a voyage to Mexico. 
 
 The fleet sailed directly to the port described by Juan de Anasco and arrived on the 25th of 
 May, at the harbor where Narvaez had landed; i. e., Tampa Bay. There he pitched a camp and 
 made short visits from it to the interior to gain information from the natives. A Spaniard was 
 found amongst them, Juan Ortiz, who had been with Narvaez and Miruelo. By the Indians he 
 had been held eleven years. As he could converse in one of the Indian dialects of Florida he was 
 able to serve as an interjireter. 
 
 De Soto sent his large vessels to Havana and stationed at Tampa only three small brigantines 
 with some soldiers and horsemen. These were for service under Captain Pedro Oalderon. De 
 Soto set out for the interior with his principal force early in June. He marched first in a north- 
 eastern direction, and then (like Narvaez) having received some promising reports in regard to 
 the counti'y "Apalache," he went north and northwest; and passed several rivers, one of which 
 was very probably the Suwannee. Of other rivers named at the period, none can be identified 
 except the Ocilla. 
 
 After marching four months De Soto reached Apalache, on the 27th of October. The narrative 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 527 
 
 mentions nothing of vestiges of Narvaez, but several excursions were made to the north and to 
 the east and west. Juan de Anasco went southward and found the village of Ante which is 
 mentioned in the narrative of the Narvaez expedition. On the Gulf coast he found also the forge 
 used by the workmen of Narvaez, the skulls of horses, and some other vestiges of the encampment. 
 The Indian guides related particulars of the former disaster. Anasco sounded the bay of Ante, 
 which is now known as Apalachee Bay. This service was of consequence to De Soto, and he 
 decided to move his army and vessels up from Tampa Bay. Juan de Anasco was sent with 
 thirty strong horsemen, nnd traveling near the shore he passed many swamps and river entrances. 
 In ten days' travel he reached Tampa Bay and there found Calderon with the vessels. One of 
 the ships was sent to Cuba with letters and dispatches to the wife of De Soto, and festivals were 
 made to celebrate the success of the conquest of Florida. 
 
 The two remaining vessels were refitted and sailed under the command of Anasco towards 
 Apalachee Bay, where they arrived on the 28th of December. Those were no doubt the first 
 European vessels that entered there. Meanwhile Pedro Calderon and the army set out from 
 Tampa Bay and marched along the shore. They reached Apalache after the arrival of Anasco in 
 Ante, i. e., on the 3d of June, 1540. We know nothing of their observations, but Garcilasso de la 
 Vega describes their sufferings and battles with the Indians. No mention of latitude is made in 
 his narrative, and seldom is any geographical particular referred to. 
 
 DIEGO MALDONADO, 1540. 
 
 De Soto intended to make an expedition to the north from Apalache, and wished also to 
 examine the country westward. He therefore dispatched the vessels under Maldonado to look 
 into the bays, rivers, and ports in this section of the coast, but with instructions to return to 
 Ante in two months. Maldonado sailed early in January, 1540, returned at the time appointed, 
 and reported that he had found an excellent harbor 60 leagues from the Bay of Ante. From the 
 description given there can hardly remain a doubt that the place mentioned was Pensacola Bay, 
 and Maldonado was the first European that entered. This he did doubtless in the middle of Feb- 
 ruary. Under orders from De Soto, a report was made by Maldonado and taken to Havana, in hope 
 that settlers from Cuba might be induced to move. To such end Maldonado was ordered to pro- 
 vide facilities ; to build vessels ; take settlers, horses, seeds, &c., provisions, clothing, and 
 ammunition. He was to return to Achnsi in October, and was specially directed to bring back 
 Gomez Arias, whom Do Soto wished to retain near him. He received also from Maldonado 
 two Indians, who were to act as guides in travel, and very probably he had also a copy of the 
 coast chart made by that navigator. He made a " full report," but no copy is extant. 
 
 On the 3d of March De Solo moved northward with his army from Apalache, and passed 
 through the middle parts of Georgia and South Carolina. He had the mountains in view, but 
 came in sight of the coast of the Gulf in the middle of October, 1540. Historians designate 
 the place as " Mavila" or " Mauvila," and it is now called Mobile. Previously the Spanish maps 
 showed only a few rivers, but many water courses were marked after the time of De Soto. Some 
 of the names then attached can yet be recognized, as, for example. Coca (the River Coosaw) and 
 Tascaluca (now Tuscaloosa). 
 
 Doubtless De Soto intended to join Maldonado at Pensacola ; but he had a severe battle 
 with the Indians at Mobile, and lost so much baggage that his soldiers were dispirited, as were 
 , also the officers, who deemed it best to return to Cuba. In order to check the tendency to 
 retreat, De Soto gave orders for marching to the northwest.. 
 
 After the discovery of Pensacola Bay Maldonado went to Havana, and there found many that 
 were willing to assist in the support of De Soto. He was soon provided with means, but finding 
 no Spaniards at Pensacola Bay, Maldonado and Gomez Arias sailed in different directions in hope 
 that the army might be in view from the coast. On prominent places they left letters in trees 
 and on rocks stating what was intended in the ensuing spring. But at the approach of winter 
 they were constrained to return to Havana without any intelligence concerning De Soto. No 
 settlement seems to have been, attempted at Pensacola Bay. 
 
 De Soto had been informed by the natives that Spanish vessels had passed along the coast ; 
 
528 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 and was told also that Mavila, where he had a battle, was not far from Achusi. But for reasons 
 of his own, he kept a northwest course and wintered (1540-'41) at an Indian village named 
 "Chicaga." This is probably now represented by the word Ohikasaw. So also the name given by 
 Herrera and Vega as"Alibamo" is doubtless identical with what is now written Alabama. At 
 Chicaga there was a contest with hostile Indians. Their village was burnt and also the Spanish, 
 camp, and in it were destroyed the baggage, some horses, and also pigs on which the Europeans 
 relied for subsistence. 
 
 On the 25th of April, 1541, De Soto renewed his search for the gold region, going as before 
 northwest. After many battles with savages he reached a place called GMsca on the bank of the 
 great river which the Spaniards named Kio Grande. This was afterwards and is yet known as the 
 Mississippi. The exact date of the discovery cannot be fixed, but it must have been an early day in 
 the month of May of the year 1541. De Soto remained at the place thirty days (until the 4th of June) 
 and constructed barges for crossing the river. It was found to have a strong current. The water 
 was muddy; much floating timber was seen; and there were several kinds offish. De Sotocame 
 in sight of the river probably near the mouth of the Arkansaw at Chickasaw Bluffs. He traced 
 the river upwards to a place named Pacaha, but the latitude cannot be fixed. It may have been 
 near the mouth of the Ohio. His party went westward of the river about 200 miles, and again 
 approached the buffalo country of which he had heard previously. In the autumn he came back 
 to a place named Autiam (probably the Wachita Eiver) and there passed the winter of 1541-'42, 
 He thought of returning to the gulf by the river course, but became sick and died on the 21st of 
 May, 1542, on the bank of the river at a place called Guachoya, which was probably not far from 
 ;he mouth of Eed Eiver. He was buried in the water of the great stream which had been discov- 
 ered under his l(*idership. 
 
 Maldonado and Arias had gone, the one westward toward Mexico, the other to the vicinity of 
 Newfoundland, but there is no circumstantial account of these expeditions. 
 
 After the death of De Soto, the Spanish exijlorers debated the Question as to the expediency of 
 following the course of the river or passing to the interior westward. Luis de Moscoso, on whom 
 devolved the command of the army of De Soto, held a council, and it was decided that the land 
 route should be followed. Some of them had seen the map of the country and judged that Mexico 
 would be only about 400 leagues distant. The natives told of another body of Spaniards in the 
 west of Florida, and these no doubt were part of the expedition of Vasquezde Ooronado traveling 
 nesir the lieads of the Arkansas iuid Eed Elvers. The Spanish navigator Oabrillo, while on the 
 coast of California, seeins to liave been told by natives of the movements of Coronado. 
 
 Moscoso probably led his men to the interior about 150 leagues from Guachoya, and the course 
 taken is repeatedly stated as being to the west. It probably inclined southward and passed into 
 Texas. Amongst Indian names mentioned by Moscoso's historians is "Naguatex," probably the 
 present Nacogdoches. The journey was closed at a great river named by the natives "Daycoa." 
 It is probably now known *as Brazos Eiver. 
 
 The Indians of the region provided the Spaniards repeatedly with fresh buffalo meat and with 
 buffalo skins, but neither Moscoso nor either of his men saw any of those animals alive, and, as 
 the party advanced, the country appeared to be more desolate. Their principal food, maize, became 
 very scarce in the Indian settlements. Nothing could be learned respecting Christian travelers, 
 and they returned to the Mississippi Valley. There they found maize and decided to follow the 
 river course. After many hardships they reached an Indian place at the end of November, 1542. 
 
 Maldonado and Arias set out again from Havana in the spring of the year 1542, when De Soto 
 was on his death bed, and their movements were seconded by Dona Isabella de Bobadilla the 
 mourning wife of De Soto. Seven months were passed in examining the shores, but the route taken 
 is uncertain. In the autumn they returned to Havana without result, intending after winter to 
 start again. 
 
 The place, '^Mlco," reached by Moscoso in November, 1542, was probably near the mouth of Eed 
 Eiver, and there it was that De Soto died. Early in December they stopped at another place, called 
 Aminoya, where provisions were more plentiful. In the course of the winter seven vessels or 
 barges were so constructed that they might be used at sea or with oars in rivers. These were no 
 donbt the first vessels built in the valley of the Mississippi. While the water was high the Span- 
 lards were not molested, but when the freshet lessened the savages became troublesome. A young 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY, 529 
 
 Indian chief, Quiqualtanqui, raised a general conspiracy for the destruction of the foreign intruders, 
 Moscoso held his course only by repeated contests with the savages. 
 
 The Spaniards started at Minoya on the 3d of July, 1543, and were followed by a fleet of 
 hostile canoes, which kept always in sight. Thej' had frequent encounters and a number of 
 Spanish officers and noblemen were killed. The last battle was no doubt near the site of the city 
 of New Orleans. There the Indians disappeared, and soon after the Spaniards noticed evidence 
 of being near the sea. At the Delta they saw masses of drift timber, and landed for the repair of 
 their vessels. Near the Gulf the depth in the channel which tHey followed was 40 fathoms, 
 
 Moscoso passed into the Gulf of Mexico on the 18th of July, but having no compass nor 
 instrument for determining latitude, they did not venture far from land. Turning to the west, 
 they kept the coast in sight and sought for the entrance of the llio de las Palmas, In the course 
 of fifty days they landed frequently to proem e fresh water, avoid storms, and for the purpose of 
 taking fish. Finally tliey saw palm leaves floating on the sea, and some mountains were then 
 in view. These must have been the highlands of Tamaulipas, Ou the 10th of September, 1543, 
 they landed at the mouth of the river Panuco, The ships had been separated, but they arrived in 
 succession, bringing about three hundred furclad adventurers, who were received with great 
 rejoicings. 
 
 In the spring of 1543 Maldonado and Arias again took the field in hope of finding traces of 
 De Soto. Their route is not known, but it is certain that they arrived at Vera Cruz in the middle 
 of October, and there they learned that Moscoso with three hundred men had reached Panuco and 
 brought intelligence of the fate of De Soto. In sadness the two explorers returned to Cuba and 
 informed the widow, Donna Isabella de Bobadilla, whom there is much reason for regarding as the 
 promoter of the searching expeditions which have been related. More than three hundred of the 
 force led by De Soto returned to civilization, and being widely dispersed, the information which 
 they brought was soon known in Europe. 
 
 ANDRES DE OCAMPO, 1543. 
 
 Coronado returned along the channels of the Gila and Colorado Rivers, and through Sonora 
 and along the Gulf of California; but some of his companions, and amongst them a Portuguese 
 named Andres de Ocampo, remained somewhat longer in the North. The friars were killed by 
 the Indians, but Ocampo escaped and found his way back to Mexico. Gomara says, "E« passed 
 from Quivera through the country of the Chichimecas and came out at Panuco." This journey was 
 through the legion now known as Texas. Towards the same region appear to have been directed 
 the travels of the Franciscan monk Andres de Olmos. Of him Barcia relates that in the year 
 1544 Olmos came to Panuco, and from tlience went as a missionary northward to the country of 
 the "Chichimecas bravos, on the confines of FIoridH." Ee says that he traveled more than 400 
 leagues, and that he collected and baptized some Indians and settled them at Tamaulipas. Other 
 travels were undertaken under the leadership of Julian de Samano and Pedro de Ahamada, These 
 ascertained that the northern regions afforded good furs, and that some pearls had been found, 
 but means could not be obtained in Spain for verifying the statements. 
 
 After the return of De Soto's men many schemes were proposed for the conquest of Florida. 
 A Dominican friar, Luis Cancel de Barbastro, after missionary experience amongst the Indians; 
 proposed to go to Florida. His plan was approved by the Emperor, and the Viceroy Mendoza was 
 directed to fit cut a vessel. The command was given to Captain Juan de Arana, and the ship 
 sailed in the ycsar 1549 from Vera Cruz to Havana, and from thence to the west coast of Florida. 
 Slie touched the land on Ascension day in aboufe 28° of latitude. The intention was to land at 
 Tampa Bay, but missing that entrance the party landed at Apalachee, There the Indians who 
 had withstood Narvaez and De Soto soon killed the missionaries. Fray Diego de Tolosa first and 
 then Father Luis Cancel. Other missionaries, one of whom was Father Beteta, were willing to try 
 their best on another part of the coast, but Captain Arava being short of provisions took the first 
 favorable wind and arrived in Mexico on the 19th of July, 1549. 
 
 Beteta and his associates were willing to go to the place where Father Cancel perished, but 
 their offer was not accepted. The particulars are worthy of note only as accounting for slow prog- 
 ress in geographical development along the coast of Florida. 
 H, Ex. 43 67 
 
530 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 The dangerous navigation of the Gulf of Florida was the occasion of several shipwrecks, and 
 those who survived disaster at sea were generally killed by the Indians. Some held as prisoners 
 were rescued by Spanish visitors, and made known their adventures afterwards in Europe. The 
 first shipwreck of which some particulars are known, occurred in the year 1545. Doubtless the 
 vessel was large, as two hundred of the persons on board were killed by the Indians. Some were 
 reserved and held as slaves, and of these some were alive twenty years after their capture. One 
 was liberated by the Spanish Governor, Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles, about the year 1566, and 
 in the preceding year another was Saved by the French commander Jean Kibaut. 
 
 In the year 1551 a ship was wrecked near Cape Florida. The vessel was Spanish, and was 
 returning ^ith gold from Peru, under Captain Juan Christoval. Among the passengers was a 
 young man, Hernando Escalante de Fontaneda, who, "though the poorest of all, had with him 
 25,000 pesos de oro." Nothing is said of the fate of other passengers, but young Fontaneda 
 became a slave to the Indians, and traveled in the country sixteen years. He was finally liberated 
 and sent to Spain by Menendez about the year 1566. Fontaneda wrote a narrative of his adven- 
 tures but it is of interest only as furnishing a basis for the remarks made by Herrera respecting the 
 Indies. That historian mentioned many names taken from Fontaneda. 
 
 A more disastrous shipwreck occurred in the year 1553. The great Mexican fleet sailed in 
 the spring of that year from Vera Cruz and reached Havana with.a thousand persons, including 
 sailors, soldiers, and wealthy passengers. The ships carried gold, silver, and other valuable prod- 
 ucts. In passing the Bahamas the currents put them out of the intended course, and by a storm 
 they were thrown on the coast of Florida, where most of the vessels were sunk. Of the smaller 
 vessels one returned to Vera Cruz and the other reached Seville in Spain. 
 
 GUIDO DE LAS BAZARES, 1558. 
 
 Philip II became King of Spain in the year 1555, and then the Viceroy of Mexico was Don 
 Luis Velasco. New orders were sent for the conquest and settlement of the vast regions north of 
 the Gulf of Mexico. There public affairs had flourished under Velasco, and much treasure had 
 passed to Spain. The field of discovery was extended northward, and in the year 1555 a mining 
 establishment was opened in the valley of one of the branches of the Eio Bravo del Norte. This 
 for a long time was the most northern settlement in New Spain. 
 
 In Ae council of the Indies in 1557 it was decided to send an expedition to Florida, and in 
 the following year an armament was prepared. The viceroy fitted out eleven ships and collected an 
 army of fifteen hundred officers and men. All were taktJi by preference who had some knowledge 
 of the country. Some who had betn shipwrecked were included, and some who had been held as 
 slaves by the Indians. Some Indians who had adopted Spanish customs were accepted. 
 
 Among the captains of this army (says Barcia) were six who had been in the province of 
 Co9a, and there for a time kept in slavery. The province of Co§a (Coosa) is often mentioned by 
 the historians of De Soto, but no writer mentions the return of the. captives to Spain. The com- 
 ma^ of the army and fleet was given to Don Tristan de Luna y Avellano, a son of the Marshal 
 Don Carlos de Luna. As usual a preliminary examination was made to find a harbor proper for 
 the fleet. The reconnaissance was conducted by Guido de los Bazares, and this was probably his 
 first service, as his name is not mentioned in any earlier record. 
 
 Velasco, the viceroy, gave to Bazares three small vessels with sixty soldiers and sailors^ and 
 the fleet left Vera Cruz on the 3d of September, 1558, with instructions to examine the whole of 
 the north shore of the Gulf. Bazares sailed to Panuco and from thence coasted north. He landed 
 at a place on the coast of Texas, and proceeding some miles northward found a large bay which 
 he called Bahia de San Francisco. This was probably Matagorda Bay. He then went (as he says) 
 to the " Alacrans," and seems to have passed along the coast to the easst of the Mississippi. Much 
 shoal water was traversed. He named the place Bay of Shoals, and it was probably Cbandeleur 
 Bay. Going eastward 10 leagues he entered a spacious port, and named it Bay of Philip, in honor 
 of the King. This was Pensacola Bay. " On the whole coast (says Bazares) no port is to be 
 found so commodious as this Baia Felipina." He found 3J fathoms of water on the bar. The 
 breadth of the entrance is given as half a league, and on one side was an island 7 leagues in 
 length. In the back ground of the bay, hills of red clay were seen. Bazares sailed eastward 20 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 531 
 
 leagues from Pensacola entrance, and then observed that the trend of the coast changed to south- 
 east. He was twice beaten back by contrary winds from the vicinity of Cape San Bias, and the 
 weather became rough and cold. But, as he had found a port for the expedition of General Luna, 
 he deemed it proper to return to Mexico, and he reached Vera Cruz on the lith of December, 1558. 
 It is remarkable that the narrative of Bazares contains no allusion whatever to the previous 
 explorations and discoveries along the coast of that vicinity by Maldonado and Arias Gomez, who 
 had been there repeatedly. Bazares mentions all his results as new discoveries. But as only 
 fifteen years had elapsed some of Maldonado's pilots and companions were probably alive in some 
 of the harbors. Cortes made no mention in his letters of the previous exploring expeditions of 
 Co^do^•a and Grijalva along the coast of Mexico and Yucatan, nor would he allow his soldiers to 
 mention their names in the letters which they sent to Spain. 
 
 On the 11th of June, 1559, the fleet of Don Tristan de Luna sailed from Vera Cruz to the 
 northward. The chief pilot of the expedition was Juan Rodriguez. After being seventeen days 
 afloat they reached the mouth of the Mississippi, and eight days afterwards came in sight of the 
 coast of Florida, probably in the vicinity of Cape San Bias. 
 
 The expedition of De Luna was unfortunate. Soon after the army was landed a hurricane 
 destroyed the fleet. Only one ship was left, which happily had started for Vera Cruz. The army 
 suffered for want of subsistence. The province of Coosa was sought, but it was a vast wilderness 
 filled with savage tribes. Some of the soldiers perished with hunger and thirst, and others were 
 killed in battles with the savages. In one of the expeditions it seems that they approached the 
 Mississippi and crossed it. 
 
 French Protestants had made settlements on the coast of Florida, at places that seemed to 
 threaten the safety of the Spanish silver fleets on the home voyages, and these induced expedi- 
 tions conducted by the Spanish Admiral, Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles; he was an ofiScer of 
 distinction, and had served under Charles and Philip II. In the American colony he had gained 
 wealth. His only sou commanded the Mexican fleet, which, as already stated, was cast away on 
 the coast of Florida, in the year 1553. Eleven years afterwards when liberated from an accusation, 
 he requested permission and assistance for sending an expedition to Florida. The grant was con- 
 ferred by the King, on condition that Menendez should make a survey of the Florida coast, and 
 try to effect some settlements. His fleet was, therefore, in lieu of a searching expedition enlarged 
 to the number of ten vessels, which carried six hundred men as officers, soldiers, sailors, and 
 landsmen. The conditions in his instructions enjoined that within three years he should explore 
 the country of Florida, including inlets and bays, and " mark them so that they could be laid 
 down on the sea charts and made known to mariners; he was to survey the ports, rocks, and currents, 
 and make a description of them, so that the secrets of the coast might be brought clearly to light." 
 Meanwhile it was expected that he should settle six hundred men to cultivate the country, plant 
 sugar cane, and erect forts for defense, as amongst the valuables landed were one hundred horses, 
 two hundred head of cattle, four hundred swine, and the same number of sheep and goats. The 
 outfit was ample, and the privileges extensive. 
 
 But when Menendez was about to sail it became known in Spain that French Huguenots had 
 settled on the coast of Florida, and it was also said that French reinforcements were to follow. 
 The Spanish King, therefore, enlarged the commission of Menendez, and authorized him to at- 
 tack and promptly destroy any heretics found in Florida. The entire armament consisted of 
 thirty-four vessels, and upwards of twenty-six hundred men. Menendez was made perpetual 
 Adelantado, hereditary Governor, and Captain-General of Florida. He hastened to that coast, came 
 suddenly upon the French, and destroyed them in September, 1563. After erecting some fortifi- 
 cations he sailed to Havana, and was there joined by all the vessels of the fleet. Further means 
 were then taken for search respecting his son. Some ships were sent to Saint Augustine, and in 
 person he went to the west side of the peninsula on the 10th of February, 1566. At Charlotte 
 Harbor he found some Christians held as captives by the Indians. These lie liberated, but he 
 could hear nothing concerning his son. He passed along and examined the Florida Keys, in March 
 1566, but no sketch or map is extant if any was made. 
 
 Of the geographical names introduced by Menendez only two deserve mention. One is 
 Tegeste, for a place near Cape Florida, and the other is Tocobaga, for an Indian chief and tribe 
 
532 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 near Apalachee Bay. Both names are frequently mentioned by Herrera, and doubtless lie took 
 them from Menendez. The names occur on maps of the period, and on some were applied to the 
 greater part of Florida. 
 
 After many struggles with the French, with the Indians, and even, with his own soldiers, and 
 some excursions east and west on the peninsula, Don Pedro Menendez returned to Europe in the 
 year 1667. The King (Philip 11) gave him 200,000 ducats, and made him Governor of Cuba. 
 
 In the year 1573 Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles gave the government of Florida to his 
 nephew, Menendez Marquez, who undertook some nautical surveys along the Atlantic coast. 
 
 FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADVENTURERS, 1555-'67. 
 
 French and English privateers followed Spanish navigators at an early date in the West 
 Indies. One English adventurer is mentioned as appearing at' Porto Eico as early as the year 
 1519. The French seem to have led the advance iu the Gulf waters. 
 
 Spanish historians relate that shortly before the arrival of De Soto the town of Saint Jago de 
 Cuba had been visited by a French pirate, and that another pirate arrived at Havana in August, 
 1538, and destroyed the town. This seems to be the earliest intimation of the presence of French- 
 men in that' quarter. 
 
 Hakluyt mentions as the first English adventurer iu the Gnlf of Mexico a certain Kobert 
 Tompson, who had settled at Seville with another Englishman named Fields. Both obtained a 
 royal license to go on cominercial affairs to the West Indies. At the Canary Islands they cm- 
 barked on a Spanish vessel commanded by Capt. Leonard Chilton, who Lad married in Cadiz. 
 The owner of the ship was John Sweetiug, an Englishman, who Ijad settled in that city. They 
 sailed in company with other vessels, and by way of San Domingo reached Vera Cruz in April, 
 1556. So far as we know, this is the first English voyage to that part of the Gulf of Mexico. 
 Tompson's travels into the interior of Mexico have no interest for our narrative of coast discovery 
 or development. 
 
 Roger Bodenham, another Englishman settled at Seville as a merchant, also went to Mexico. 
 He says that he embarked on that Mexican fleet that crossed the ocean under command of Don 
 Pedro Menendez in May, 1564. But the date thus given is erroneous, as it is known that 
 Menendez sailed in June of the year 1565. Moreover, his expedition went only to the cast coast of 
 Florida. It is true, however, that Menendez conducted a great merchant fleet across the ocean in 
 the year 1656, and possibly Bodenham went out with that fleet. We know that the sou of Don 
 Pedro Menendez was shipwrecked with a returning Mexican fleet in the year 1653 on the coast of 
 Florida. 
 
 Hakluyt mentions the voyage of a certain John Chilton, and also the voyage of Henry 
 Hawkes, both of whom went to Mexico. But these peaceful excursions were followed by wailike 
 expeditions. 
 
 Sir John Hawkins, iu the year 1562, took negro slaves to San Domingo, sold them there, and 
 with the proceeds took a valuable cargo, and returned to England by way of Florida Keys. He 
 was again in the Gulf three years later, having sailed from England with three vessels on the 18th 
 of October, 1664. On thait voyage also he took slaves to the West Indies, and compelled the 
 Spanish settlers to buy them at his own price. 
 
 After traversing the Caribbean Sea, the vessels arrived at Cape San Antonio on the 17th of 
 June, 1565. By currents the navigation became difQcult, but after some trouble he again entered 
 the Gulf of Florida. Hawkins was the flrst Englishman who explored the Tortugas Islands, and 
 in July he passed the Bahama Channel and coasted along the east side of the Florida peninsula. 
 
 For his third voyage Hawkins sailed from Plymouth iu October, 1567, with six vessels. 
 Passing as before by way of the coast of Africa, he took negroes, went to the Caribbean Sea, and 
 from thence to Cape San Antonio. But, when near that cape, he was eucouuteicd by a furious 
 storm on the 12th of August, 1568, and was forced into the Gulf. While seeking a port on the 
 west coast of the peninsula, a hurricane from the eastward constrained him to cross the Gulf and 
 take refuge in the port of San Juan de Ulloa. On the way, however, he captured three Spanish 
 vessels with passengers, in the hope that he might procure water and provisions as their ransom. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 533 
 
 The port of Vera Cruz was entered witliont opposition ; but a few days after the arrival of 
 Hawkins he was attacked by a Spanish fleet which had brought out the new Mexican Viceroy, 
 Don Martin Henriquez. Many of the English were killed, some were captured, and only two of 
 the ships, the Minion and the Judith escaped. These were soon after separated, and in the 
 Minion, the commander with a shattered vessel floated fourteen days on an unknown sea. On 
 the 8th of October they reached land somewhere near the mouth of the Rio de las Palmas, the 
 boundary between Mexico and Florida. At Vera Cruz ^some of the crews of the wrecked vessels 
 had been taken on board of the Minion. The ship was so much crowded that some of the com- 
 pany preferred to risk their lives on shore, either amongst the Indians, or by trusting to the 
 benevolence of Spanish settlers. After taking in water for the voyage Hawkins sailed, and after 
 enduring many hardships arrived in England on the 20th of January, 1569. Doubtless the party 
 left, about one hundred, landed near the Eiver Santander. Differing in regard to the best 
 course for their extrication, fifty of the number traveled along the coast southward, in hope of 
 finding a Spanish settlement. The others went northward. They chose as captains or leaders 
 John Hooper and David Ingram. But being soon attacked by hostile Indians, twenty five of the 
 party returned and joined those who had traveled southward. The remaining twenty-five kept 
 on northward and with them was Ingram. They marched towards the Rio Bravo; but nothing 
 is known of their fate. 
 
 Hakluyt mentions only one other English captain as having entered the Gulf of Mexico, up 
 to the close of the sixteentli century. This was William Michelson, in the ship Dogge, who chased 
 and captured several Spanish vessels. He was, however, encountered by a Spanish uianof-war 
 and narrowly escaped capture. As a coniiyanion of Hawkins, one who in time became famous 
 was Sir Francis Drake. He was in the Gulf in 1568. Hakluyt seems to have been the first in the 
 issue of sailing directions, but the notes were probably transcribed from Spanish documents, as 
 the orthography of the Spanish names is perfect. The descriptions, however, make no reference to 
 points above the twenty-fourth parallel, nor to harbors of the north and west coast of the Gulf; 
 but the Florida Keys and the Tortugas are mentioned. At this time no sailing directions had 
 been compiled in Spain. After the disastrous expeditions of Narvaez, De Soto, Luna, and others, 
 a Spanish author of the period exclaims : " To the south ! to the south ! there lie our treasures," 
 and that feeling seems to have been general amongst his countrymen. 
 
 On the Atlantic coast also where the Spaniard Gomez had coasted even to New England, 
 and Menendez had planned a colony on Chesapeake Bay, progress was stopped. On the Pacific 
 coast, Cabrillo and Vizcaino had passed above Cape Mendocino, but nothing was done afterwards 
 for more than a hundred and fifty years. Occasionally some earnest religionist offered for a mvs- 
 sionary tour to the north, but the attempts made did not prosper. 
 
 Some disastrous Shipwrecks induced orders for the survey of the Florida Keys and other parts 
 of the coast, but no record is left if the surveys were made. Each year the Spanish fleets, with 
 treasure from the Mexican mines, made their voyages through the middle and northern parts of 
 the Gulf, but it is not certain that any vessel at that time passed into the Mississippi Delta. The 
 settlements founded by Cortes in Yucatan and Mexico were maintained, and attempts were made 
 to extend them northwards, but the progress was very slow. 
 
 Usually the fleets from Spain passed south of Dominica or Guadaloupe, and sailed along the 
 southern coasts of Porto Rico, San Domingo, and Cuba, and then rounded into the Gulf by way of 
 Cape San Antonio. Menendez, in the year 1567, was the first navigator who entered from the 
 eastward against the Gulf Stream in order to reach Havana, but in general the custom was retained 
 to sail by the south shore of Cuba. From Cape San Antonio to New Spain two routes were used, 
 one for summer and the other only in winter. These were defined by the Alacrans and other 
 dangerous reefs. The landmarks relied on for arrival on the coast of Mexico were the high peaks 
 of Orizaba and the hills of Saint Martin. These were noticed by Grijalva in the year 1519. Be- 
 tween September and April, when northers were likely to happen, ships kept further from the 
 coast and went outside of the Alacrans, the Vermeja, the Triangle, and other banks and reefs of 
 the coast of Yucatan. 
 
 Amongst the sailing directions quoted by Hakluyt from the Spanish authority was the follow- 
 ing : " If, being near the Tortugas, you sound and find white sand very fine, you are east and west 
 
534 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 with them, « « * but if black eantl is brought up yon arc north aiid south with the 
 Tortugas." 
 
 MENENDEZ, )573. 
 
 When the Admiral Don Pedro Menendez was granted by the King the government of Cuba, 
 a nephew, Pedro Menendez Marquez, was rommissioned in the year 1573 to make a survey of the 
 coasts of Florida. Barcia says that Ma]>quez had on this occasion no cosmogrnj)her, and that no 
 sea chart could be made ; but he made such a description of the coasi that "the chart could be 
 constructed afterwards." In this way, doubtless, it was treated by the cosmographer, Don Juan 
 Velasco. 
 
 It seems probably that what we call the Marquesas Keys take their designation from the 
 navigator. 
 
 In tlfe year 1579 order was given for a survey of the eastern t oast of Florida, and that latitudes 
 and distances should be registered. But the order was disregarded, as the President of the Council 
 of the Indies left his place before the survey was commenced. 
 
 NEW MEXICO, 1581-'83. 
 
 In the year 1581 the Franciscan friar Augustine Euiz set out from the valley of Saint Barthol- 
 omew, in Mexico, for exploration to the northward. With eight soldiers he reached the upper 
 valley of the Eio Bravo, and that, since the time of Coronadoji, has been named the province of 
 Tiguas, or Tiques. There, at a distance of 250 leagues from Santa IJarbara, the soldiers left through 
 fear of the Indians and made their wiiy to Mexico. But Euiz and the friar Francisco Lopez re- 
 mained with the natives, who seemed to be friendly. Anxiety in regard to them induced the 
 sending of another member of the order, Fi'iar Bernardin Beltram, and he went out accompanied 
 by some soldiers. 
 
 There was then a wealthy settler in the valley named Antonio Espejo. He was a man of 
 great courage, offered to lead a northern expedition, and also meet the expenses, provided that 
 certain advantages should be conceded to him. This was done. He gathered a company of soldiers, 
 procured horses, mules, munitions, and victunls, and started from the valley on the 10th of No- 
 vember, 1582. He traveled along the course of the great Eio del Norte, passed many [ndian 
 tribes, and named the country New Mexico. On his route he was told that the Indians had killed 
 the two friars, Euiz and Lopez, and the natives mentioned also the passage of Narvaez through 
 the region. West of the river they sought Acoma and Zuni and were informed of the march of 
 Coronado. Some Spaniards remained there after his time. 
 
 Espejo went further west, but most of his companions left the service, and returned by way of 
 the Eio Bra^o to Mexico. With those who remained he seems to have passed to the headwaters 
 of the river, aiid then went eastward. They were in the Buffalo country in July, 1583. Finding 
 a river running south they went in that direction 120 leagues, everywhere finding herds of cattle. 
 They, no doubt, thus traversed the western part of the State of Texas. 
 
 Soon after these discoveries by Euiz and Espejo, the military expedition of Onate set out , and 
 as a result the city of Santa ¥6 was settled. In a work printed at Madrid in 1586 it is plainly 
 stated that the Rio Bravo empties into the Gulf of Mexico. But long after some European geog- 
 raphers represented that river as emptying into the Gulf of California. 
 
 Barcia relates that in the year 1592 a certain Friar Diego Perdonio returned to Mexico after 
 traversing a great part of Florida, but the particulars of his journey aic not known. 
 
 A Spaniard, Omana, is mentioned by Barcia as having started from the Jiio Bravo l.o go east- 
 ward, and that at a distance of 150 leagues he arrived at a river 1 league in breadth. This may 
 have been the Red River or the Mississippi. 
 
 In the year 1613 there were English settlements on Chesapeake Bay, on ground then regarded 
 by Spaniards as the eastern coast of Florida. To Spaniards the motions of the English seemed 
 to be encroachments, and in consequence the attention of Spanish settlers was drawn to interme- 
 diate countries, in particular to the valley of the Mississippi and the valley of the Rio Bravo. 
 Two enterprising captains, Joseph Trivino and Bernarb^ de la Casas, offered to settle the lower 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 535 
 
 part of New Leon, as the region around the Eio Bravo was then called. As late as the middle of 
 the eighteenth century that region included the greater part of Texas. Permission for the con- 
 quest was sought from the Marquis de Guadalcagar, who was made Viceroy in the year 1612, but 
 he would not give his consent, preferring to send all papers relating to the proposal for the decision 
 of the King of Sjjain. Nothing is known of the result. Mention is made that in the year 1630 
 a Portuguese captain, Vincente Gonzales, sailed up a large river which emptied into the Gulf of 
 Mexico. Some have supposed that it was the Mississippi, but the notice is so vague that no infer- 
 ence can be founded upon it. 
 
 During the Thirty- Years War, privateers and pirates had no restraint, and buccaneers flour- 
 ished. In one port of Flanders alone could be counted, in the year 1634, not less than three hun- 
 dred barks manned by pirates. Dutch, English, and French filibusters were chasing Spanish 
 ships in all directions. In 1640 the buccaneer Pierre le Grand, from the Tortugas, with a band 
 of twenty-eight desperadoes, attacked the ship of the Spanish Vice-Admiral of the Mexican fleet, 
 and took all the treasure found in the vessel to France. 
 
 Some years earlier the Mexican fleet when passing through the Bahama channel was met by a 
 heavy storm. Some of the vessels were wrecked on the coast of Florida; the Admiral's ship foun- 
 dered, her papers were lost, and thus the affairs of Florida were brought into confusion. Only 
 two of the ships escaped and finally reached Cadiz. 
 
 Early in January, 1656, Spanish galeons sailed from Havana with the Marques Monte Alegri, 
 but by a furious gale were soon driven back and scattered in the Gulf. The flag-ship was lost, 
 and the disaster was so notable that Don Diego Portiachuclo de Eibadeneira, a prebendary of 
 Lima, wrote a history of it, which was printed at Madrid in the following year. 
 
 It is probable that a Spanish navigator in the year 16G9 went up the Mississippi, and also up 
 the Ohio, but there is no detailed record of the voyage. Mention is made in a general way of the 
 voyage of an Englishman to the mouth of the Mississippi in the year 1670, 
 
 The Governor of Florida, Don Juan de Hita y Sala9ar, seems to have given attention to the 
 southern part of Florida and the keys, and probably was moved by the disastrous shipwrecks. 
 To the council he represented the need of a survey of the dangers, and he proposed a mission for 
 civilizing the Indians. The country to which he refers as that of the Cazique Carlos was the 
 region about Charlotte Harbor, and he included the Florida Keys. As a result it is only known 
 that one Franciscan missionary went over to the Indian provinces, by which is meant the coast 
 opposite to the port of Havana. 
 
 EGBERT DE LA SALLE, lfi82. 
 
 The Canadian Sieur Nicolet appears to have been the first who reached some tributary of the 
 Mississippi. In the year 1639 it is believed that he was on the waters of the Wisconsin. Thirty 
 years later the same river was found by the Jesuit father AUouez. But, amongst Frenchmen, 
 Father Marquette and his companion, Sieur Jolliet, were the first who reached the main channel 
 of the Mississippi. They passed out of the Wisconsin and into the waters of the main river on 
 the 17th of June, 1673. Marquette and Jolliet had several conjectures in regard to the probable 
 direction of the stream. By them it was deemed possible that it might end in Chesapeake Bay or 
 some other estuary of the Atlantic. So also in the uncertai-nty, it might go, westward into the 
 Pacific, or pass southward into the Gulf of Mexico. They went south to the vicinity of the 
 mouth of the Arkansas, and finding the course not changed, the conclusion was that it emptied 
 into the Gulf. The party turned back on the 17th of July, 1673, and arrived in Canada at the 
 end of summer. Father Marquette put on his maps " Conception Eiver," but in his journal it is 
 invariably written '' Mississippi." The name is of Indian origin and was known under other 
 forms, as "Mesi-sipi,"-" Aietchisipi," &c. By the Indians it was made known to the French before 
 it had been seen by th« missionaries. 
 
 Robert de la Salle, when commanding Port Frontenac, on the shore of Lake Ontario, Avas 
 informed of the existence of the great river, and planned an expedition to complete the work of 
 exploration as it had been left by Marquette and Jolliet. He intended to pass down the Missis- 
 sippi to its mouth, take possession, and develop for his own and his country's benefit and glory 
 
536 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 the resources of that central artery of North America. In May, 1678, he obtained a patent from 
 the King of Erance " to endeavor to discover the western part of New France, through which it is 
 probable a road might be found leading to Mexico." He was also authorized to erect such forts 
 and habitations as might be needful for his purposes. At some point west of the Falls of Niagara 
 he built a ship, and passed into Lake Michigan with provisions. A small fortification was 
 erected, and another on the banks of the Illinois Eiver, in order to secure his route on the return. 
 After many difficulties he began the descent of the river in canoes on the 13th of January, 1682^ 
 with twenty-one Frenchmen and a number of Canadian Indians. Father Zenobe Membr6, who 
 was one of the party, wrote a report of the voyage, and Sieur Henri de Tonty, the most active 
 associate of La Salle, subsequently became an energetic explorer in the same region. In the 
 narratives of that time the Mississippi is mentioned as " Eivifere- Colbert," in honor of the prime 
 minister of France, the patron of La Salle. Some of the contemporary accounts name the region 
 through which the river flows " La Louisiane," in honor of the King of France. The expedition 
 passed the mouths of the Ohio and the Missouri, and on the 12th of March was at the mouth of 
 Arkansas Eiver. Some Indian tribes were passed on th6 route, probably the same as had been 
 mentioned in the report of De Soto. The mouth of the Eed Eiver is indicated erroneously, and 
 no name is attached to the river. 
 
 On Easter Sunday (29th of March) the explorers arrived at the Delta of the Mississippi, and 
 on the 6th of April reached the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. Three bands were then equipped 
 to sound and explore the passes of the river. La Salle took the western side, M. de Tonti the 
 middle channel, and Sieur Dautray the eastern pass. All the channels were found to be navigable, 
 and weie reported as being deep. The parties again united on the 9th of April, and with religions 
 ceremonies "took possession" of the country. La Salle wished to explore east and west of the 
 Delta, but want of provisions obliged him to return. He started northward on the 10th of April, 
 and in September was again at the port on Lake Michigan. Iif the year 1685 he was again in 
 France preparing an expedition for moving up the Mississippi. The issue of the adventure was 
 unfortunate. Two years later, after having traversed the region watered by the great river, La 
 Salle, ill 1687, was killed by mutineers when he was endeavoring to get back to New France. The 
 force which he led was ample. In four vessels he took two hundred and eighty persons — soldiers, 
 workmen, and mechanics— with implements, provisions, and munitions for the establishment of a 
 fort. On the Ist of August, 1684, the vessels sailed from Eochefort, and after passing into the 
 Gulf of Mexico were apparently moved by chance towards the Delta. They passed far to the 
 westward of Ihe entrance, and at last anchored iu Matagorda Bay. Excepting tlie commander, 
 all were discouraged, and two of the vessels returned to Erance. La Salle remained with one 
 vessel, and from a camp near the entrance of the bay made several excursions in hope of finding 
 some branch of the Mississippi. By a series of mishaps his vessels were all destroyed, and he 
 was thus deprived of the possibility of succor from the French colony at San Domingo, to which 
 the intention was to have recourse in the event of disaster. Hence it was. essential to reach the 
 Mississippi by land in order to communicate with France by way of Canada. On the 22d of April, 
 1686, he set out on a northeastern course, probably to avoid the marshes and river mouths. Many 
 streams were passed before he reached a place inhabited by Indians. The .savages received the 
 Frenchmen in a friendly manner, and promised favor to all of that nation. 
 
 Here La Salle fell dangerously ill, and was detained by fever during two months ; and in 
 that period much of the provision was consumed by his party. Some of his men deserted, others 
 died. The commander was thus constrained to return to the fort, which he reached after an 
 absence of six months, on the 17th of October, 1686. He again took the field on the 7th of 
 January, 1687, leaving the fort jn charge of the Sieur le Barbier, but at some point between the 
 Brazos and Trinity Eiver he was slain, as already related, on the 19th of March, 1687, by some 
 reckless members of his party. 
 
 The French had been anticipated in this region. La Salle and his men found Spanish horses 
 in common use amongst the Indians, and some of them were procured for the transportation of 
 the baggage. Moreover, some of the Indians were in Spanish costume, and were possessed of 
 iron tools and silver spoons. Some pictures of saints and papers were found amongst them and 
 a few Spanish words were in use, as "capita" for commander, and "cohavillo" for liorse. ' The 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 537 
 
 Indians were much in fear of the Spaniards, and frequently mentioned that inroads had benn 
 made in their country from the northwest. 
 
 The conspirators who murdered La Salle resolved to settle in the country of the Cenis, but 
 soon quarreled among themselves, and some of the rufftans were thus killed. The adherents of 
 La Salle continued his intended exploration, and again set out in June, marching to the northeast. 
 Amongst them were a brother .and a nephew of La Salle. Several large rivers were crossed, and 
 on the 27th of June they crossed what is, doubtless, Eed River. At the end of July the mouth 
 of the Arkansas was reached, and at the first French habitation the party embarked, on the Ist 
 of August, to return to Canada. Pew of the names given by La Salle and his French companions 
 to rivers and places in Texas are now known in geography. One exception is that pertaining to 
 the little river near his Fort Saint Louis, namely, " La Riviere des Boeufs," which the Spaniards 
 translated as " Rio de las Vacas," and which is at present known as Lavaca Biver. 
 
 in the summer of the year 1685, La Salle's friend, the Sieur Henri de Tonty, was notified from 
 France that La Salle had sailed for the mouth of the Mississippi. De Tonty therefore embarked 
 in the autumn of the same year for the south end of Lake Michigan, and left Fort Saint Louis on 
 the 16th of February, 1686. He reached the Gulf, but finding no trace of La Salle, sent out two 
 canoes to make search. One of these went westward towards the coast of Mexico, the other went 
 eastward. Each made about thirty leagues and then stopped for want of fresh water. De Tonty 
 noticed that the Gulf waters rose and fell " not more than two feet perpendicularly on the coast." 
 He found also the cross with the arms of the King of France, which La Salle had set up in the 
 year 1682. It had been displaced by floods, and was therefore removed and set at a point on 
 higher ground about five leagues further up the stream. De Tonty addressed a letter to La Salle 
 and left it in the care of some Indian chief at the Mississippi delta, and that letter was found 
 fourteen years afterward in possession of the same Indians by the French oflScer Bienville. 
 
 De Tonty was a man of uncommon energy. After thorough search for La Salle in vain, he 
 proposed to his companions to return to Canada by way of the coast of the Atlantic. The 
 members of his party wpre unwilling to leave a known course, so turning back they kept along 
 the Mississippi, and arrived at Montreal near the close of July, 1685. He introduced the name 
 ^^Bed Biver" in our geography, and says of it: "The Indians call this great river Riviere Bouge, 
 because it deposits a sand which makes the water as red as blood." De Tonty states that he made 
 a map of the Mississippi River, and that the map was sent to France, but nothing is known 
 respecting it. 
 
 JUAN ENEIQUEZ BAEEOTO, 1685. 
 
 Information respecting La Salle's voyages was sent to Mexico by Don Andres de Ochoa y 
 Carate, commander of the Spanish fleet in Gulf waters. He obtained the particulars by the 
 capture of a French privateer on the coast of Yncatan. On receipt of the intelligence the 
 Marques de la Laguna, Viceroy of Mexico, sent at the end of the year 1684 a pilot named Barroto 
 to Havana, with order to the Governor of Cuba that without delay a vessel should be made ready 
 for an expedition to the Gulf. 
 
 Barroto is recorded as " a distinguished mathematician, and a man of great experience in 
 these waters." He was intrusted with the command and was instructed to sail to the bay of 
 Apalache, and then to examine the coast for any settlement that La Salle might have established. 
 He left Havana in January, and "registered" the bays and capes of the north coast, more 
 particularly that part between Apalache Bay and the cape which he calls Cabo del Lodo [Cape 
 of Mud]. He traversed also the Baia de Santa Maria, which is now known as Pensacola Harbor. 
 But no settlement was found, nor any trace whatever of Europeans. Many hardships were 
 encountered, and he was obliged to return to Vera Cruz. Barroto sent a narrative and chart to 
 the Marques de la Laguna, who transmitted the documents to the King, The chart is not extant, 
 but the report mentions the name Cabo de Lodo [Muddy Cape] as applied to the projecting spits 
 and broken ground at the delta. That name appears on all Spanish charts of the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 At the end of the year 1686 another viceroy, Don Melchor Portocarrero, Count of Monclova, 
 arrived in Mexico with a commission which autboriaed him to expel the French from the Gulf, 
 H. Ex. 43 68 
 
538 UNITED STATES COAST AJSD GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 and ta destroy their settlements. He reached Vera Cruz in September, 1686, and assembled a 
 counsel of pilots and commanders, and by them the chart made by Barroto was inspected. The 
 viceroy learned as the result that Barroto had not closely examined the coast, and that foreigners 
 might be where Barroto had not been. Two armed vessels were prepared to expel the French, 
 and, as was then usual on such occasions, two smaller vessels were fitted out to make preliminary 
 search. These were intrusted to the command of Don Martin de Eibas and Don Pedro de 
 Iriarte, but the chief pilot was Barroto. 
 
 The vessels sailed from. Vera Cruz on the 1st of January, 1687, for the bay of Apalache, but 
 violent storms and contrary winds in crossing the Gulf delayed the passage so that Apalache 
 was not reached until the beginning of May. It seems probable that the experience of the pilot 
 Barroto as a navigator alone saved the vessels from destruction. They finally entered a spacious 
 bay and found two fathoms of water on the bar. The wrecks of two French ships were seen near 
 the entrance. 
 
 La Salle was killed in March, 1687, but some of his party were then living at Fort Saint 
 Louis. The survivors sailed for Havana because the winds were unfavorable for Vera Cruz, but 
 to that port they turned after a stay of three days on the coast of Cuba. At Havana they had 
 been given up as lost in the furious storms that prevailed in the spring of the year. The viceroy 
 therefore hastened the departure of two armed vessels under the command of Don Andres de 
 Pes and Don Francisco Gomarra. They htid the distinguished pilot Luis Gomez Kaposo, and 
 examined the entire coast of the Gulf. On reaching Saint Bernardo or Saint Luis [Matagorda Bay] 
 they also saw the remains of the two ships of La Salle's expedition. Having closed the 
 examination, they arrived at Vera Cruz on the 14th of September, 1687. Barroto had already 
 reached that port. 
 
 As successor to the Count de Mouclova, the Conde de Galva arrived in Mexico and became 
 Viceroy in the autumn of 1688. Soon after it was known to him that in the frontier settlement at 
 the north, three Frenchmen had appeared who stated that other Frenchmen were yet alive in 
 that region. Orders were given to search for the French. A year earlier Alonzo de Leon had 
 erected a small fortification south of the Rio Bravo and named it in honor of the Viceroy " Fort 
 Monclova." From thence, in January, 1689, he set out at the head of a party of horsemen and 
 went north and northeast, accompanied by a geographer who was to take particular notice of 
 discoveries. After a long march a lagoon was reached and was named San Bernardo. Fort Saint 
 Louis had been abandoned. Eighteen pieces of cannon were found scattered on the ground and 
 some dead bodies of the French invaders. The Indians said that five Frenchmen of the expedition 
 were yet alive in the " Provincia de los Texas," which was a hundred leagues distant. This name 
 appears to designate the country and a Indian tribe which La Salle named the " Cenis." 
 
 By Indian messengers Leon sent a letter to the five Frenchmen, and two of them came to him 
 In the month of May he presented them to the viceroy of Mexico, and to that ofBcial they made 
 known the history of the expedition, of La Salle, including mention of his settlement at Saint Ber- 
 nard's Bay, his movement along the Mississippi and his ultimate fate. 
 
 To preserve the power of Spain the viceroy resolved that the Gulf coast should be settled • 
 that the province of Texas should be provided with defenses, and that possession should be taken 
 of the best naval position near the mouth of the Mississippi. For strengthening the armament at 
 Pensacola, Andres de Pes was sent to Spain to make due representations at court. To favor 
 settlements in Texas several small forts and missions were established in the year 1690 and Don 
 Domingo Terau was appointed Governor of "the provinces of Coahuila and Texas."' But this 
 effort of the Spaniards to settle that country was unfortunate. Indians were numerous • the cattle 
 died, and the crops failed. In the year 1693 only a few Spaniards remained in the province 
 
 On the 25th of March, 1688, a Spanish force sailed from Vera Cruz. The war ship was secured 
 m Mobile Bay, and the smaller vessel passed westward to the mouth of the Mississippi which 
 river was then known as Eio de la Palipada. The earlier name " Eio del Espiritu Santo" was 
 apparently then forgotten. The adventure was fruitless and the vessels were again at Vera Cmz 
 on the 10th of May. . ^ ^^^ ^^"^ 
 
 Under the orders of the viceroy, Andres de Pes went to Spain, and the King, pleased with 
 his intelligent and patriotic exertions, named him Admiral of the Mexican Gulf fleet; and for 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 539 
 
 services- already rendered conferred on him the habit of the order of St. lago. He returned to 
 Mexico in the year 1692 with the royal sanction for completely fortifying Pensacola. 
 
 In the following year (April 8, 1693) two Spaniijh vessels, under the direction of De Pes, 
 entered Pensacola Bay, and the learned Professor Siqaenza at once declared that it was the same 
 harbor in which Pamfilo de Narvaez disembarked, and which Diego de Maldonado had discovered 
 under the name of "Achusi" in De Soto's time. Pes and Siquenza examined all the shores and 
 indentations in boats, and gave names to the points, capes, bays, and rivers. Many of the names 
 appear on charts of the present day. At Mobile Bay the same navigators explored only near the 
 entrance but did not enter the body of the bay. Keeping on westward they came, on the Ist of 
 May, to a point which they named " San Miguel," and judging that there might be some passage 
 towards the Mississippi they entered with boats, but found only broken ground. Through a 
 narrow channel they entered a large lake, but beyond it could not pass into the river, and in 
 consequence they returned to their ships. The name Punta de San Miguel on later Spanish charts 
 is marked at the eastern entrance of Lake- Borgne. De Pes was afterwards Governor of the Indian 
 council, and one of the chief officers of the Spanish Admiralty. In the inscription on his monu- 
 ment he is styled " 8mus Mexicani Scrutator." 
 
 De Soto's pilot, Maldonado, had reported Pensacola Bay (then called Saint Mary's) as being the 
 most convenient place on the Gulf for a marine and military establishment, but no settlement was 
 made there until the year 1696, when Don Andres de Arriola went from Vera Cruz and built a 
 fort. But its position was commanded by higher ground, and there was no fresh water inside of 
 the lines of fortification. However, no foreign enemy was to be feared, and the neighboring 
 Indians only were kept in view. No fears seem to have been entertained respecting the French. 
 The soldiers of Arriola understood from the Indians that they called tlie country around the bay 
 "Pan9acola," which they said was the name of a nation that had been dispossessed by the present 
 owners of the ground. Arriola is styled in the contemporary record "The first Governor of 
 Pangacola." 
 
 IBERVILLE, 1698-'99. 
 
 Lemoyne d'Iberville was a Canadian gentleman ; had shown resolution in opposing the 
 English in Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and Hudson's Bay. He had traversed immense tracts of 
 land and water, and after expelling the English from Hudson's Bay he aimed at establishing 
 French emiiire in North America, and deeming the control of the Mississippi essential he per- 
 suaded the French minister. Count Pontchartrain, after the peace with England in 1697, to attempt 
 the occupation of the mouth of the great river. 
 
 Pontchartrain ordered the arming of two men of war at Rochefort, and gave the command to 
 Iberville. One account states that Chaleaumorand joined the expedition at San Domingo with 
 the ship Le Francois. Iberville was accompanied by two of his brothers, namely, the Sieur 
 Lemoyne Bienville and the Sieur Lemoyne Souvole, and both of them were distinguished in the 
 history of discovery. The expedition sailed on the 17th of October, 1698^ and made the passage 
 into the Gulf of Mexico by way of San Domingo. It was accompanied by the French adventurer 
 Laurent de Graff, or Grave, who had made himself formidable to the Spaniards under the name of 
 " Lorencillo." He seems to have served as pilot and guide. 
 
 Iberville and Chateaumorand reached Pensacola on the 25th of December, and there to their 
 disappointment found a Spanish fort. So keeping on westward they came to the entrance of 
 Mobile Bay, and landed at Dauphine Island. Here were found skeletons of human beings, and 
 some authors judge that they were the remains of the unfortunate followers of Narvaez in the year 
 1529. Passing on, Iberville took soundings and anchored near an island, which from that incident 
 was then named " Ship Island." On the 11th of February a little bay was entered, and from an 
 Indian tribe was named " la Baie de Biloxis." Soon after a river mouth was seen, and from another 
 Indian tribe was named " Eivifere des Pascagoulas." Having received from the natives information 
 about a great river which they called "Malbouchia," Iberville and his brother Bienville set out on 
 27th of February from Ship Island in two boats for exploration, believing that the river indicated 
 to them was the Mississippi. ' On the 2d of March they entered a large river with turbid waters. 
 After tracing the course for 60 leagues- they came to an Indian nation called "Ouma," and 
 
540 UNITED STATES COAST A^N^D GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 found .amongst them prayer-books in which the names of some of the Canadian companions of La 
 Salle were written. The Indians had also, and deliv^ered the letter which Tonti addressed to La 
 Salle in the year 1685. On the 22d of March they arrived at a narrow and shallow branch of the 
 river leading eastward. Two lakes were found and named Lac Maurepas and Lac Pontchartrain, and 
 a few days afterwards Iberville was joined (March 31) by his brother Bienville at the ship station. 
 On the 12th of April a little bay was entered and was named " La Baie de Saint Louis," but the 
 water being shallow, it was decided to settle at Biloxi. A fort was built, and was manned by 
 thirty-five of the followers of Sauvole and Bienville. Iberville on the 4th of May set sail for 
 France, intending to bring an additional force for the settlement. 
 
 In the course of the summer of 1699 Sauvole and Bienville made excursions in the vicinity of 
 the fort to gain the friendship of the natives. At the end of May, Bienville set out for Pasca- 
 goula Eiver. Six feet of water was then found on the bar. 
 
 On the 9th of June a land journey was made to Mobile Bay, and the party passed on from 
 thence to Pensacola Bay to observe the action of the Spaniards, who were then found to be 
 established in their fort. 
 
 In July two missionaries and a number of Canadians arrived at Biloxi. When told by 
 Indians of the new French settlement they descended the Mississippi in two canoes and thus 
 joined with countrymen who had reached the same region by way of the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 At a bend of the river, 28 leagues from from the sea, Bienville, to his great surprise, found 
 an English vessel armed with twelve guns and commanded by a Captain Barr. When notified 
 that he was an intruder the Englishman left, but threatened to return in the following year. This 
 meeting was on the 15th of September and the place has since that date been called "le Detour 
 aux Anglais," i. e., the "English Bend." 
 
 On the 7th of December Iberville reached Biloxi after his visit to France, and with him came 
 officers and passengers in the ships La EenommcSe and LaGironde. 
 
 Grants seem to have been conferred upon a Colonel Wood, of Virginia, who was there resident 
 between 1654 and 1664 ; and again in the year 1678 a number of persons are said to have moved 
 from Few England for discoveries in Few Mexico, but only casual mention can be found of these 
 undertakings. 
 
 When the English settled in Carolina, they claimed all the territory westward to the Pacific 
 Ocean. Charles I, of England, had granted by patent to Sir Eobert Heath, then attorney-general, 
 the undefined region. By him it was transferred to the Earl of Arundel. It is beyond doubt that 
 English adventurers arrived on the lower Mississippi as early as the year 1699. Bienville, the 
 Frenchman, states that on the 23d of April of that year he was informed by Pascagoula Indians 
 that on the 21st of that month two Englishmen, with two hundred Chicasaws, had plundered and 
 destroyed one of their villages. The narrative of Dr. Coxe mentions that he fitted out two vessels 
 for exploration. These sailed from England in the year 1698, under the command of Captain Barr. 
 One of the vessels had an armament of twenty-two guns, the other of twelve guns. In the sum- 
 mer of 1699 they were in the Gulf of Mexico, and had as pilot the French engineer Secou. 
 
 Captain Barr seems to have at first entered the bay east of the delta, and he calls it Nassau Bay 
 the same (says Daniel Coxe) " which the Spaniards designate as Spiritu Santo Bay." After pass- 
 ing the islands of Mississippi Sound, Barr entered Mobile Bay, This was probably near the close 
 of the year 1699. On the homeward voyage one of Ban's vessels was wrecked on the coast of 
 England and officers and men were lost ; but the journal and a full account of the country along 
 the coasts were saved. 
 
 All the bays, islands, and rivers denoted by Iberville and Bienville can be readily identified 
 as some of them yet bear the names attached by those explorers : as Ship, Horn, and Gat islands ' 
 also the Chandelear Islands, Saint Louis Bay, Biloxi Bay, and Pascagoula Eiver, Iberville Eiver' 
 Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, the Eigolets, and Bayou La Fourche. ' 
 
 In February, 1700, De Tonti again passed down the Mississippi to inspect the settlement at 
 Iberville, as he had fifteen years earlier journeyed in behalf of such as may have been intended 
 by La Salle. The enterprising traveler De Tonti died in the year 1704, at Mobile Bay, He had 
 passed four times up and down the Mississippi. In August, 1706, the active Iberville died of yellow 
 fever at Havana. In the year 1708 a French oflBcer, M, Diron d'Artaguette, arrived from France to act 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 541 
 
 as commissary, and to decide on the policy of maintaining a port. Massacre Island was examined, 
 the waters of the vicinity were sounded, and when in the year 1711 the settlement at Saint Louis 
 was inundated, Bienville was directed to remove to a position 8 leagues farther down. The place 
 selected was at the delta of Mobile Eiver. 
 
 In September, 1712, the King of France conferred the management and commerce of the French 
 colony, in Louisiana, upon an enterprising financier of great wealth, M. Orozat, and as was then 
 common in governmental changes a new impulse was given for explorations. The action of Spain 
 was at that time feeble. Fearing the French they had endeavored to expel them ; but they 
 dreaded also the English. This condition was changed after the grant of Louisiana to Crozat. 
 France and Spain lost their common interest. Defense against encroachments by the English, and 
 the grant to Crozat, to which the King of Spain had from the first been opposed, were in Spain re- 
 garded as acts of hostility. But Crozat inspired the French in Louisiana with a spirit of activ- 
 ity of which the Spaniards became jealous; and thus further expeditions and discoveries resulted 
 from emulation between the two great powers which had then founded settlements on the shores of 
 the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 By royal decree Crozat had exclusive right during fifteen years to send products from 
 Louisiana to France free of duty, and to introduce slaves from Africa. He was accorded the 
 monopoly of all mines that might be found in the valley of. the Mississippi ; was allowed to have 
 his own commissaries and directors for exploring and for making treaties with the Indians, and for 
 guarding his own private interests. The King required merely the transportation needful and 
 provisions for officers and soldiers assigned for defence. 
 
 The first vessel sent out under the grant arrived in Louisiana in the spring of the year 1713, 
 with the Eoyal Governor De la Motte Cadillac and some commercial directors and agents 
 appointed by Crozat. With large views that active man gave attention not only to the fur trade, 
 but also to commerce and navigation through the Gulf of Mexico. His aim was to take merchan- 
 dise from Louisiana to Pensacola, to Tampico, to Vera Cruz, to Tuspan, and to Havana. By his 
 agents, trading journeys were made along the Mississippi and Eed Eivers, and amongst them the 
 most conspicuous traveler was St. Denis, who was well acquainted with the country. In the 
 year 1714 he was sent to the southwest amongst the Spanish missions, then supposed to be in the 
 province, and was authorized to make overtures to the Spanish settlers for intercourse and trade. 
 Attended by a few Canadians and Indians, the energetic St. Denis entered Texas near the close 
 of the year 1715, and stopped in the vicinity which had been occupied by La Salle's compan- 
 ions eighteen years earlier.. He traversed the country, going southward and westward, and 
 crossed the rivers, but found no traces of civilization short of the Eio Bravo. A few leagues 
 westward of that river was the inilitary post and mission of San Juan Bautista. St. Denis was 
 received by the Spaniards with kindness. After some time he passed on to Mexico to seek 
 an interview with ^e Viceroy, who cordially entertained proposals, but stipulated that St. Denis 
 on his return through Texas should conduct some Spanish missionaries who were to settle at 
 diiferent stations on the road. 
 
 St. Denis left Mexico on the 26th of October, 1715, and crossed the territory of Texas by the 
 route followed in his advance. His Spanish companions in passing made several little settle- 
 ments amongst the Adays, the Assinays, and the Natchitoches in the vicinity of Eed Eiver. 
 
 On the 25th of August, 1716, St. Denis arrived at Mobile. Soon after other settlers and 
 troops were sent to re-enforce the posts founded by him and to establish others. Merchandise was 
 packed for trade with the Spaniards on the Eio Bravo, and on the 10th of October, 1716, the 
 party of St. Denis again set out from Mobile for the journey to Mexico. After reaching Eed 
 Eiver several missionary stations were visited. On the 21st of January, 1717, they were at a 
 Spanish "presidio," which was garrisoned by seventeen soldiers. Beyond Trinity Eiver they 
 passed the Eio Brazos, and on the 8th of April the Eio Colorado, on the 11th of May the Eio San 
 Marco, on the following day the Eio Guadalupe, and two days later they forded the Eio San An. 
 tonio. The four days following were occupied in traveling 27 leagues to the Nueces Eiver, and 
 on the 21st of April they arrived at the Eio del Norte. There the goods belonging to St. Denis 
 were seized by the Spaniards. He went to Mexico to claim their restoration ; but Don Baltasar, 
 who had succeeded the Duke of Linares, put St. Denis in prison. He, however, escaped and 
 
542 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 reached Mobile in March, 1719, and found there most of his companions. His expeditions rank 
 high in value, and the routes which he took were carefully marked on maps of the Mexican 
 Gulf countries. They appear on sheets which show the travels of Oabega de Vaca, Moscoso, La 
 Salle, Cavelier, and other resolute explorers, and from this time the geography of Texas may be 
 regarded as settled. 
 
 SAINT JOSEPH'S BAY, 1718. 
 
 Crozat did not reap the advantages expected from his Louisiana grant; nor had he advanced 
 the interests of the colony. He therefore (in 1717) renounced his privileges, and Louis XV, of 
 France, accepted his resignation. 
 
 Then (August, 1717) the Western Company was formed, and, under the direction of the noted 
 speculator Law, the company aimed at the control of the foreign and domestic commerce of France. 
 The King granted to that corporation privileges more extensive than those which had been allowed 
 to Crozat. They held under his letters patent for twenty-flve years the right to all lands, coasts, 
 ports, harbors, and islands pertaining to Louisiana, retaining for the Crown only fealty and 
 homage. They were at liberty also to choose governors and ofiicers for the command of troops. 
 Within the period specified the company engaged to settle in the territory six thousand white 
 persons and three thousand negroes ; to make efforts for the salvation of the Indian savages and 
 negroes ; to build chapels and maintain religious teachers. Under this grant three ships arrived 
 at Dauphine Island in February, 1719, bringing settlers, soldiers, and goods for commerce with 
 colonists already settled on the Gulf shores. Lemoyne de Bienville, a man of influence, and popu- 
 lar in Louisiana, was nominated by the company as governor. He fitted out a party to move 
 towards Saint Joseph's Bay, intending to make there a military post, as it was not far from Pensa- 
 cola Bay. To Saint Joseph's, therefore, Bienville sent his brother with fifty soldiers in the year 
 1718. A fort was erected, and was left in command of M. de Gousy. But the Spaniards, in 
 superior force, soon compelled the surrender of the place, and the fort was destroyed. The name, 
 and a tolerable representation of Saint Joseph's Bay, appear on the maps of the French geograi)her 
 De L'Isle. In August, 1717, a great storm inundated Dauphine Island and destroyed its harbor 
 by masses of sand. This event necessitated a search for ship protection elsewhere. Bienville 
 found at last, thirty leagues from the Gulf, a place on the Lower Mississippi, and in the year 1718 
 there built some houses and left men to clear the ground. On this site subsequently arose the city 
 of New Orleans. It was so named in honor of the Bourbon Prince who was then regent of France. 
 On the 19th of April, 1719, M. De Serigny arrived with notice that war had been .declared between 
 France and Spain. He brought a commission for exploring the coast of Louisiana in company 
 with Bienville, and he was authorized to gain, if possible, possession of the Spanish fort at Pensa- 
 cola, as it defended the only good port on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. Pensacola was sur- 
 prised by Bienville and Serigny in May, 1719, but in the. following month it was retaken by a 
 Spanish force from Havana. Somewhat later a French fleet, under M. de Champmeslin, captured 
 the place ; and thus in the course of six months Pensacola had changed masters three times. 
 
 In the year 1720 a French astronomer of distinction was sent to Louisiana. This was Father 
 Laval, professor of mathematics at Toulon. His observations were published at Paris in 1728, 
 and with them is included a plan of the harbor of Pensacola. Laval, in June, 1720, set up an 
 observatory on Dauphin Island and observed for latitude. The result found was 37° 17' 1" for 
 his place of observation, and he says that he drew the coast line of the entire Gulf 13 minutes 
 further south than it had been represented by earlier map makers. 
 
 Laval made observations on the currents, tides, and winds of the Gulf, but his operations 
 were interrupted by pestilence. The pious father, deeming that "science was only an accessory 
 duty for a man of his profession," gave all his time to the carie of his sick soldiers and sailors, and 
 as soon as practicable he returned to France 
 
 GALVESTON BAY, 1721. 
 
 When the King of France ordered the movement against Pensacola he gave at the same time 
 directions for pushing the French dominion to the southwest, indicating the "province of 
 Lastekas" [Texas], of which the Spaniards had possession. The governor of the province Don 
 Martin D'Alarcone, had in fact by his policy increased the number of settlers. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 543 
 
 St. Denis and Bernard de la Harpe had been sent to the French settlements at the north 
 in the year 1719. This expedition of La Harpe was directed to New Mexico, but on his return in 
 January, 1720, to New Orleans he found that the Western Company had issued an order for the 
 immediate settlement of Saint Bernard's Bay, which after the time of La Salle had not been 
 entered by any French officer. Mr. Belisle, in 1717, had been left there, and after many 
 adventures had returned. He was now requested to go under command of La Harpe to take 
 possession of the bay. A small vessel, the " Subtile,'' with twenty men, was assigned to La Harpe, 
 and he was named commandant of the Bay of Saint Bernard. He was to proceed without delay 
 and to- take possession of the adjacent country in the name of the company and the King, and to 
 build a fort. Spanish settlers were to be informed that the territory belonged to the King of 
 France, in whose name Eobert de la Salle had taken possession twenty-flve years before. 
 Intruders were to be driven out by force. 
 
 On the 16th of August, 1721, De la Harpe left Dauphin Island and sailed westward "for a 
 hundred leagues or more." At all places where attempts were made to land the natives were 
 hostile. He returned to Mobile and reached that place in the middle of October. 
 
 CHAELEVOIX, 1722. 
 
 In January the Jesuit fatherz Gliarlevoix arrived from Canada, and to him must be conceded 
 a conspicuous place as an explorer and as the historian of early times in the northern region of 
 the Gulf of Mexico. He visited all the French settlements there and gave to the world the first 
 reliable description of the country. He passed down the Mississippi and at the mouth, in 
 company with the French engineer Pauger, he sounded one of the passes. Subsequently Charle. 
 vojx was shipwrecked at the Florida Keys, but escaped in a small boat and with it arrived at the 
 Spanish settlement at Saint Mark's. He then passed along the north coast of the Gulf to 
 Louisiana,. and finally returned to France. 
 
 The principal centers of activity for the Spaniards were Pensacola and Mexico. From these 
 stations the northern and eastern parts of the Gulf coast were explored, and travels were made 
 toward Texas. That territory was, however, relinquished by Europeans in the year 1694, with the 
 exception of Spanish mission stations along the Eio Bravo. In the year 1714 French adventurers 
 again appeared in Texas. If any movements were made for exploration in. the interval of twenty* 
 years, the results are not known. France and Spain being at peace, travel followed the routes 
 between Vera Cruz, the delta of the Mississippi, Mobile, Pensacola, and Havana. 
 
 The movements of St. Denis so aroused the Spaniards that they made alliance with the French 
 discoverer, and sent Don Domingo Eamon with some soldiers and Franciscan missionaries to 
 accompany Saint Denis toward the region watered by Red River. Several stations were chosen 
 and provided with means for sustaining the missions. The province was then named by the Span- 
 iards "ias Nuevas Filipinas." The Marquis de Aguayo was the first royal governor, and he entered 
 his province in the year 1716. Some years of peace were enjoyed, and for some time no expeditions, 
 such as had been induced by wars in earlier times, were sent out. With the savage Apaches and 
 Comanche Indians the Spanish contended in the interior ; but for the same period there was no 
 naval enterprise. The northwest parts of the Gulf coast were not explored until the end of the 
 eighteenth centiiry, and Humboldt says (in 1812) they were " as unknown as the coasts of Africa.'? 
 
 In the year 1703 Don Juan de Ayala, an active and intelligent Spanish officer, who was well 
 acquainted with matters in Florida, suggested an expedition from Saint Augustine to the Gulf for 
 the conquest of territory between that place and Pensacola. His proposal was laid before one of 
 the most distinguished ministers of Spain, Don Alonzo Carnero, and it included the recommenda- 
 tion that some point on Appalachee Bay should be fortified. Ayala was appointed governor of 
 Florida in 1718, and as no measures had been taken on his earlier suggestion, he then ordered an 
 expedition to move from Saint Augustine toward the northeastern part of the Gulf, and directed 
 also the structure of a fort. The command of the expedition was given to Don Joseph Primo de 
 Ribera, "a soldier of great experience and courage," and he was furnished with all requisites for 
 building a fort in the region inhabited by Indians at Appalachee. A vessel with provisions was sent 
 from Saint Augustine to assist in the operations. Ribera set out by land on the 20th of February, 
 1718, and arrived at the head of the bay in advance of the ship. He immediately began the con. 
 
544 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 struction of a fort, and named it Saint Mark's, but the party was soon in want of supplies, as the 
 vessel did not arrive at the time expected. Some soldiers were therefore sent to Pensacola to ask 
 aid from Don Juan Pedro Matamoras, and provisions were sent by that offloer in a little coasting 
 vessel. Meanwhile the ship of Ayala arrived at Saint Mark's. 
 
 Bienville (governor of Louisiana) had recalled his commander at Saint Joseph's Bay, as that 
 station was desolate. The greater part of the garrison had previously deserted to the Spaniards, 
 and the remnant reached Mobile in a little vessel on the 26th of July, 1718. The Spanish 
 commander at Pensacola sent a few soldiers to take possession of the bay and build a fort. 
 Eoldan, who led that force, found the French defenses in ruin, but he promptly restored it and 
 made,a survey of the vicinity at the end of the year 1718. In the following year re-enforcements 
 came from Mexico under Don Gregorio de Salinas, to construct fortifications upon a larger scale 
 at Saint Joseph's Bay, and soon afterwards the coast of the peninsula from Pensacola to Saint 
 Augustine was explored. Thence onward, in the course of time, parts of the Gulf coast were visited 
 by English, French, and Spaniards, and local settlements were founded. 
 
 In the year 1846 the United States Coast Survey commenced geodetic operations in the Gulf 
 of Mexico, and in subsequent years latitude, longitude, and the magnetic elements have been 
 determined at many stations. Tides and currents have been observed, and the configuration of the 
 Gulf bottom is now as well known as that of the surface of any part of the adjacent territory. 
 The geological structure of the Florida Eeefs and Keys was investigated by the late Professor 
 Louis Agassiz, whose report on the subject is given in the printed annual report of the survey for 
 the year 1851. In other volumes will be found in detail the mention of developments made in the 
 progress of the work on land and afl^oat. 
 
 Titles of copies of maps illustrating Br. KohVs history of the discovery and exploration of the Qulf of 
 
 Mexico. 
 
 No. 
 
 Name of map. 
 
 Year. 
 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 
 16 
 17 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 Cuba and vicinity, with part of the east coast of North America, from Juan de la Cosa 
 
 The Antilles, from the map of the world in the edition of Ptolemaens, Rome 
 
 The Antilles and parts of America, from a map of the world, in Ptolemaens 
 
 The Island of Cuba and vicinity, from the Globus of J. fechoener, Frankfort 
 
 A map of the Mexican Gulf, from a Spanish map of the year 
 
 [Note. — This is the first map on which the name "La Florida" appears.] 
 
 A Spanish map of the Mexican Gulf of the year 
 
 The Mexican Gulf, from the map of the world by Diego Bibero 
 
 The Mexican Gulf, from a French map by Nicolas Vaillard de Dieppe 
 
 [Note. — This is the first map on which the name of the Tortugas appears.] 
 
 Copy of part of a manuscript chart preserved in Oxford, England 
 
 [Note. — Dr. Kohl states that this chart, which he thinks was n-.ade a little after or before the year 
 
 l.'iSO, is principally remarkable as being the first which contains a name for the Mexican Gulf— 
 
 ' ' Golfo Mexigo.'' This name, however, does not appear upon the part of the map copied by Dr. Kohl. ] 
 
 The Mexican Gulf, after a French map 
 
 From a map made by J. Bellerus _ 
 
 From a French map of the year ^ 
 
 From a map of Diego Homem,in the British Museum 
 
 From a manuscript atlas of Jnan Martines 
 
 From a manuscript of John Dee, in the British Museum 
 
 [Note.— Dr. Kohl remarks, referring to a legend on this map, "Canalls Bahama versus Septentrionem 
 
 semper flnit," that this appears to be the first map on which any notice at all is taken of the Gulf 
 
 Stream.] 
 
 From De Bry's map 
 
 Florida and Appalachee, from Wytfliet 
 
 Florida, by Herrera 
 
 La Florido, by H. Chiaves 
 
 1500 
 1508 
 1513 
 1520 
 1520 
 
 1521 
 1529 
 1547 
 
 155? 
 
 155? 
 1554 
 1556 
 1558 
 1578 
 1580 
 
 1594 
 1597 
 1600 
 160X 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC StTRVEY. 545 
 
 Titles of copies of maps illustrating Dr. KohVs history of the discovery and exploration of the Gulf of 
 
 Mexico — Continued. 
 
 No. 
 
 Name of map. 
 
 Year. 
 
 20 
 21 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 26 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 30 
 31 
 32 
 33 
 
 34 
 
 35 
 36 
 37 
 38 
 39 
 
 40 
 41 
 42 
 43 
 44 
 45 
 46 
 47 
 
 Grolfo de Nueva EspaOa, by Laet 
 
 La Floride EspagSole, by Sanson d' Abbeville 
 
 From a manuscript map of North America by J. B. Louis Franquelin ' 
 
 [Note. — On this map, as Dr. Kohl observes, the passes of the Mississippi and its delta are for the first 
 time represented as projecting with many branches and islands into the Gulf.] 
 
 From "Carte dela Louisiane et du Cours du Mississippi," by G. de I'Isle ■. 
 
 [NoTK. — This map, published by the 'celebrated French geographer and academician, De I'Isle, under 
 the auspices of the Trench Academy, is tn be considered as the first carefully prepared scientific map 
 of the regions bordering on the Gulf. ] 
 
 Carte de la Louisiane par le Sieur D'Anville 
 
 Dress^e en Mai, 1732; publico en 1752 •. 
 
 [Note. — Dr. Kohl observes that this valuable map may be taken as the embodiment of all the knowl- 
 edge and information which the French had acquired of the coasts, bays, and rivers east and west of 
 the Mississippi in the year 1732. ] 
 
 Partie de la Costa de la Louisiane, by N. Bellin J 
 
 The Coast of Louisiane, by N. Bellin 
 
 Carte reduite des Costas de la Louisiane et de la Floride par le Sieur Bellin, Ingenieur de la Marine 
 
 Part of Texas, by Don 3os6 da^Escandon 
 
 [Note. — ^With regard to this map Dr. Kohl remarks that it is one of the first on which the name of 
 Texas appears as the name of a province.] 
 
 A map of Florida, from the latest authorities, by Jefferys, geographer to His Majesty 
 
 Parte del Seno Mexicano ; from a Spanish manuscript map of the year , 
 
 Map of Florida, by Jefferys 
 
 Map of the eastern part of the Gulf of Mexico, by B. Romans 
 
 Carta Esferioa del Seno Mexicano oonstruida en el Deposito Hydrografieo de Marina par Don Juan de 
 Langara 
 
 The Gulf of Mexico, after Humboldt, by J. B. Poirson 
 
 [Note. — Dr. Kohl remarks that these two last-named maps (Nos. 33 and ^4) were for a long time the 
 basis of all the maps of the Gulf. Humboldt gives an explanation of his map in his political essay . 
 on New Spain, French quarto edition, vol. I, p. 52. ] 
 
 1 The descriptions of these two maps, as given by Dr. Kohl, do not correspond to the copies themselves 
 
 ) in portfolio. 
 
 The Delta of the Mississippi,- by le Sieur Divon - 
 
 The Mississippi Passes, by N. Bellin 
 
 The Delta of the Mississippi, from a French Government map • 
 
 Nos. 40 to 47 are sketches of the five principal harbors and bays of* the Gulf of Mexico, as they are rep- 
 resented in the Spanish Portulano of 1818 : 
 
 Charlotte Harbor, by Bomans 
 
 Ponce de Leon Bay, by Romans • 
 
 Plan of the Bay of Pensacola, by N. Bellin 
 
 Harbor of Pensacola 
 
 Bay of Tampa 
 
 Bay of Movila (Mobile) 
 
 Bay of Galvez-Town 
 
 Bay of S. Bernardo ' : 
 
 [Note.— In addition to the maps above named, there is also on file in the archives a map compiled by 
 Dr. Kohl, showing the progress of the discovery of the Gulf of Mexico, and indicating by colors the 
 limits of the several explorers with the dates of their explorations.] 
 
 1633 
 1656 
 
 1688 
 
 1719 
 
 1732 
 1752 
 
 1744 
 1744 
 1764 
 1747 
 
 1763 
 1765 
 1769 
 1774 
 
 1799 
 1811 
 
 1725 
 1744 
 17.64 
 
 1774 
 1774 
 
 1774 
 1818 
 1818 
 1818 
 1818 
 1818 
 
 H. Ex. 43 69 
 
546 tJNITBD STATES COAST AED GEODETIC SUEVEF. 
 
 ABSTKACT OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Hietory of ducov&ry avd exploration on the Pacific coast of the United Hiaiee. 
 
 California (1532).-Expeditiou sent out by Cortez, and conmiantled Ijy Diego Hurtado Mendoza, for tlie explora- 
 tion of the coast of California and islands adjacent. 
 
 California (1533-'34).-Second expedition fitted ont by C< rtcs, and placed under command of Diego Becena and 
 Hernando de Grijalva. ^ 
 
 California (1535-'36).— Expedition commanded by Cortes in person, reaobeN IJie coast of California. Lands at a 
 
 port on the Gulf of California. 
 
 California (1539-'40).— Voyage of Ulloa to the Gulf of California under the general direction of Cortes. Other 
 expeditions sent out by Mendoza, the successor of Cortes, under Coronado, Alarcou, Diaz, Cabrillo, and Feirelo. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake (1579).— Reaches the Pacific coast in about latitude 48° on his voyage around the world. Sails 
 southward along the coast in search of a harbor, and puts into "Drake's Bay.'' 
 
 Captain Tliomaa Cavendish (1587).— Makes a voyage to the Pacific, but reaches only the southern part of California. 
 
 Francisco Gali and Jayme Juan (1584).— The success of Sir Francis Drake induces the Spaniards to renew their 
 northwestern explorations. Fleet fitted out by the archbishop and viceroy of Mexico to survey the nortli western 
 coast of America. Voyage of Gali from the East Indies to the coast of California. 
 
 Sebastian Rodriguez Cermenon (1595).— Accompanies an expedition to the California coast which results unfortu- 
 nately, the vessel being wrecked in or near San Francisco Harbor. 
 
 Sebastian Vizcaino (1.596-1603).— In the course of two voyages to California accomplishes a detailed reconnaissance 
 of the coast as far north as Cape Mendocino.- 
 
 New Mexico (1581-1611).— Explorations in New Mexico by Friar Augustin Kuiz, Antonio de Espejo, and by Juan 
 de ODate. Founding of Santa F6. 
 
 Fcrrei- Moldonado and Jnan de Fvca (1609-'25).— Reports of discoveries in the northwest and on the Pacific coast, 
 not well authenticated. 
 
 Jvan IturU, Francisco de Ortega and Estavan Carboneli (163i;-'36).— Desultory expeditions to the California coast, 
 contributing but little to the advance of geographical knowledge. 
 
 Don Luis Ceslin de Canas, Don Pedro Porter y Casavata, Don Bernardo Bern^l de Piliadtro, Don Isidore de Atondo 
 (1642-'b5). — Various attempts to continue examinations of the coasts of the Gulf of California and of the ocean shore. 
 Also to found settlements at points suitable for harbors for the Manilla galleons. 
 
 Jesuit missionaries (1697-1717). — Explorations and settlenients under the direction of the Jesuit Fathers, Juan Maria 
 Salvatierra and Francisco Kino. 
 
 Father Jean Ugarte (1721). — Detailed exploration and partial surveys of the shores of the Gulf of California. 
 
 Father Sigianmndo Taraval, Father Fernando .Conealc, Father Winceslaus link (173S;-'66). — Examinations of the Gulf 
 of California and of the country adjacent continued by Jesuit missionaries until their expulsion from California in 
 1767. 
 
 Russian expeditions : Capt. Vidus Bering, Capt. Tschirikow, Lieutenant Synd, Captain Erinitzyn, Lieutetiavt Leivashoff 
 (1728-'66). — Explorations in Bering's Strait and tlie waters in the vicinity ; also of the Aleutian Mauds. Occupation 
 of the peninsula of Alaska ; formation of trading establishments and of hunting stations. 
 
 French expeditions (1673-1750). — Reference to a number of expfditious under French ausijieeH in search of the 
 " Great River of the West." 
 
 M. Chappe d'Auteroche (1769).— Expedition under (he auspices of the French Academy to California for the 
 purpose of observing the Transit of Venus. 
 
 Franciscan Missions : Father Junipero Seira and others (]769-'74). — Establishment of mission stations by Franciscan 
 friars at San Diego, San Buenaventura, and Monterey as bases for the gradual settlement of California by the Spaniards 
 and as centers from which exploring expeditions started to the northern parts of the country. 
 
 Soniira-San Diego (1775-'76). — Travels through the interior of California. 
 
 Father Francisco Garces, Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Don Bruno de Heieta, Don Juan Francisco de la Bodeqa Don 
 Juan de Ayala (1775). — Expedition from San Bias for the exploration of the northwest coast. First survey of the Bay 
 of San Francisco. Highest latitude reached in fifty-eight degrees north. 
 
 San Francisco Bay (1775-'76).— 'Ayala'^s report of San Francisco Bay as a " cluster of harbors," withhis plans and 
 surveys, leads to further explorations and to the founding of the Presidio mission. 
 
 Don Fernando de Rivera Moncada, Don Felipe Neve (1776-'77).— Conducjts a land expedition from Monterey nort.h- 
 ward. Crosses the plains of San Bernardino. Mission of Santa Clara founded. 
 
 Don Ignacio Artiaga,Don Jvan de la Bodega (1779).— Expedition to the northwest, organized by the Spanish Court 
 and by the Viceroy of Mexico, reaches the latitude of Mount St. Elias. 
 
 Don Fernando Rivera, Father Junipero Serra (1777-'84).— Establii-hment of ndditional mission stations on the coast 
 of California between San Diego and San Francisco., 
 
 Capt. James Cook (1778).— Voyage to the northwest coabt of Americii ; touches at various points between Cape 
 Gregory (now Cape Arago) and Nootka Sound. Great impulse given to other expeditions, both private and public, 
 by Cook's voyages. 
 
 Framfois Galoup de la PA-ouse (1786).— Voyage to the northwest coast of Aniorita. Examination jind survey of the 
 coast from near Cape Flattery southward to the 45th parallel. 
 
 Captains Hanna, Dixon, Portloek, Berkeley, and others (1785-'87).— Commercial, trading, and exploring expeditious to 
 the northwest coast. Some of these sent out by an association of London merchants, named the Nootka Sound 
 Company. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 547 
 
 Capt. John Mearea (1788).— Explorations on the northwest coastin the vicinity of Fuca Strait, Cape Flattery, and 
 to the southward. 
 
 Don Matavan Martinez, Don Gonzalo Lopez de Earo (1788-'89).— Examinations of Nootka Sound and the surrounding 
 country. Explorations in the Strait of Fuca. 
 
 Don Francisco Eliza, Bon Salvador Fidalgo (1789).— Expedition sent to Nootka <o take possession of the island for 
 the King of Spain. 
 
 Don Manuel Quimpo- (1790).— Sails from Nootka Island, passes along the southwestern shore of Vancouver Island, 
 and examines the Caual de Haro. 
 
 Malaspina, Don Frmcisco Eliza (1791).— Voyage from Acapulco as far north as the latitude of Mount St. Elias. 
 Accurate determinations of many points in latitude and longitude. Don F. Eliza, commander at'Nootka, explores the 
 Strait of Fuca and Eosario Strait and outers the Gulf of Georgia. 
 
 Marchand (1791).— Makes a voyage, partly for trading purposes and partly for exploration, to the northwest coast. 
 Passes along the coast from Sitka Sound southeastwardly, and examines points of land, ports, and bays on Queen 
 Charlotte's Island and in its vicinity. 
 
 Vancouver (1792-'95).— Makes three voyages of exploration and discovery to the northwest coast of America. 
 Explores Admiralty Inlet and its branches ; enters the Columbia Eiver, &c. 
 
 American explorers : Captains Gray, Fendritk, and Ingraham (1788-'93).— Voyages to the norths est coast. Explora- 
 tions in the vicinity of Vancouver's Island, Gray's Harbor, the Columbia Eiver, &c. 
 
 Galiano and Valdez (1792). — Command the last but one of the Spanish expeditions to the North Pacific. Beach the 
 southern point of Vancouver's Island, pass round the island, repeating the movements of the English explorer, and at 
 length join Vancouver's party in completing the survey of the Gulf of Georgia. 
 
 Caamano (1792). — Voyage of exploration to the North Pacific ordered by the Viceroy of Mexico. Passes round 
 Queen Charlotte's Island, and makes observation on the shores of the neighboring continent, but adds little to the 
 stock of geographical information. 
 
 Capt. W. B. Broughton (1795-98). — Arrives at Nootka in 1796, and ascertains that the Spaniards had delivered the 
 port to the English. Then proceeds southward. 
 
 Lewis and Clarice (1804-'06). — Are commissioned by President Jefferson to explore the Upper Missouri and find a 
 practicable route of water communication with the Pacific. Having ascended the Missouri to the mouth of the Yellow- 
 stone, they cross the Eocky Mountains and trace the Columbia Eiver to the ocean. 
 
 Bnssian expeditions (1803-'06). — Two vessels under command of Captain Von Kfnsenstern sail from St. Petersburg. 
 Explorations made iu northern parts of Eussian America. Other explorations to the southward. 
 
 Fur companies (1806-21). — Explorations made and" trading posts established by the Northwest Fur Company, and 
 the Missouri, the Pacific, and the Hudson Bay Fur Companies. And, under the auspices of the British Government, 
 explorations made by Franklin, Eichardson, Parry, and others. * 
 
 Russian settlements (1812-'41). — Trading post and agricultural settlement established on Bodega Bay by the 
 Eussian Fur Company. Occupation of the Farallones, and of some of the islands in Santa Barbara Channel. 
 
 Missionary travels. — Eeference to limited extent of explorations from the mission stations in California. No boats 
 or vessels being available, land excursions were made yearly. 
 
 Capt. F. W. Beechy (1826-'27). — On returning from a voyage to Bering Strait, enters San Francisco Bay and com- 
 pletes a survey of the port. Makes a similar survey at Monterey Bay. 
 
 Sir Edward Belcher (1836-'42). — Commands an expedition to the Pacific coast organized by tie Lords of the Ad- 
 miralty, and extends surveying operations twice along that coast from Mount St. Elias to Cape San Lucas, including 
 a survey of Colombia Eiver to Fort Vancouver. 
 
 French explorations (1820-'42). — Eeference to the resumption of French explorations on the Pacific coast; voyages 
 of DuPeto Thouars (1837), La Place (1839), and Eosamel (1840) ; also to the diplomatic mission and journeys of M. 
 Duflot de Mofras (1840-'42). 
 
 United States expeditimis (1820-'47). — Travels and explorations in the far west by Long, Ashley, Smith, Bonneville^ 
 and others. Expedition under the command of William A. Slacum, U. S. N., explores the Columbia Eiver. Map of 
 the coast and country south of the mouth of that river compiled. 
 
 United States exploring expedition : Lieut. Charles Wilkes (1B38-'41).— Fitting out of an expedition for exploring the 
 South Sea and determining the position of Pacific islands, authorized by act of Congress. Sails in August, 1838, 
 and arrives at Columbia Eiver entrance in April, 1841. Makes examinations and surveys of the lower reaches of the 
 Columbia Eiver, of Gray's Harbor, the Strait of Fuca, Admiralty Inlet, and the Haro Archipelago ; also of the Bay 
 of San Francisco and Sacramento Eiver. 
 
 Oregon and California.— Capt. J. C. Fremont (1842-'46).— Capta,in Fremont commands three expeditions through 
 the interior of the continent. Is instructed by the Bureau of Topographical Engineers, on his second expedition, to 
 connect his reconnaissance of 1842 with the surveys of Commander Wilkes on the Pacific coast. Carries a line of 
 astronomical observations across the continent, reaching the Pacific coast on the northern shore of the Bay of 
 Monterey. His map of Oregon and Upper California is published by the Senate iu 1848. 
 
 Maj. W. H. Emory, United States Topographical Engineers (1846-'47).— Commands an expedition which starts from 
 Fort Leav^ worth, Kans., in 1846, and determines in geographical position one hundred and twenty stations between 
 his point of departure and San Diego, Cal. Traces the southern boundary line of the United States, and fixes the 
 nitial point on the Pacific coast. 
 
 United States Coast Survey (1848).— Preliminary arrangements made for beginning the survey of the Pacific coast. 
 General reconnaissance, triangulation, astronomical observations, and hydrographic work provided for. 
 
548 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SDEVEY. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In September, 1513, Balboa, from the heights of Panama, discovered the Pacific Ocean; and 
 in 1520, Magellan, sailing through the strait that bears his name, saw the same ocean at a 
 more southern point. The record of these resolute men closes abruptly. Balboa was beheaded in 
 1514 by order of Pedro Arias de Avila, and Magellan was killed in a contest with savages at the 
 Philippine Islands. 
 
 The immediate successors of the navigators just named occupied themselves more particularly 
 with the western coast of South America, where they found the empire of Peru, supposed to be 
 rich in gold, and no one thought of advancing northward until 1532, when Cortes turned attention 
 to the northwest. 
 
 Thus for a period of forty years (1492-1532), during which the eastern and western coasts' of 
 South America had been circumnavigated, and imperfectly laid down on maps, and the eastern 
 shore of North America explored by Spaniards, by English, and by the French, and the Eiver 
 St. Lawrence traced inland to a distance of 600 miles, one quarter of the coast remained unknown 
 to Europeans. Large scope was left for the speculations of cosmographers and their views were 
 wild and various. Some supposed that no continent existed, and that the lands found, as Florida, 
 New France, Labrador, Greenland, &c., were only the extremities of large islands. As such they 
 are represented on early maps. But, most men then living believed that North America was a 
 large peninsula connected with Asia. Columbus himself so thought at one time. The land was 
 supposed to stretch over into Asia from that part of Central America which was made known by 
 Balboa and his successors, and by the first expeditions of Cortes ; while Mexico, China, and Thibet, 
 were represented as neighboring States. The Tartar nomads, with their herds of cattle, were sup- 
 posed to wander in what we now call " The Buffalo Country," and the Empire of Japan was judged 
 to be where California actually is. But, step by step, such notions gave place to views nearer the 
 truth. In the course of two centuries, Japan, China, and the nomadic Tartars were gradually 
 referred into place, and the great Pacific expanse between Asia and America widened to something 
 like true proportion. 
 
 The prevailing notions of the time had great practical influence. Cortes and Mendoza sailed 
 by charts erroneously constructed, just as Columbus had been guided by a map of the Italian, 
 Toscanelli, when he discovered America. Expeditions intended for discovery along the north- 
 western coast were instituted merely because Japan and China were supposed to be in that 
 neighborhood. 
 
 1532-1579. 
 
 In his third letter to the Emperor Charles V, Cortes states that Montezuma informed him 
 that an ocean existed west of Mexico. Of the explorers sent out by the Spanish commander, some 
 reached the Pacific in the neighborhood of Acapulco, at a point about 10 degrees northwest of the 
 summit from which Balboa saw the ocean. Others went further in that direction to explore aoid 
 conquer the kingdom of Mechoacan and Colima. The last brought back intelligence respecting 
 an island rich ip pearls and gold and inhabited only by a race of Amazons. The Indians of 
 Mechoacan asserted that some of their tribe had visited the island and that it lay at a distance of 
 ten days sail from Colima. Cortes relates this in his fourth letter to the Emperor, dated October 
 15, 1534; and it was probably the first notice received in Spain concerning California. 
 
 Cortes hoped to find a strait supposed to exist somewhere south of Yucatan, and in that direc- 
 tion he sent Captain Pedro Alvarado, who reached Guatemala in 1545. Thither were dispatched 
 the first ships built by his order on the Pacific coast, and when he marched to Honduras it was to 
 the same quarter that the steps of Cortes were turned. When of necessity his purposes in that 
 direction were abandoned, active attention was turned to the northwest, but probably one reason 
 for the change turned upon the fact that Nuno de Guzman, in 1530, conducted an expedition along 
 the Saint lago River, with a view of conquering the kingdom of Mechoacan. 
 
 The river then known as the Saint lago is the largest in Mexico. It runs in a northwestern 
 direction, and empties into the Pacific not far from the entrance of the Gulf of California and this 
 may be considered as the earliest embarkation of Spaniards for the northwest. Guzman was the 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 549 
 
 first who saw the coast opposite to the rocky peninsula of California. In his report to the Em- 
 peror he mentions a people said to be living at the west in a country surrounded by the ocean, and 
 this intelligence, confirming previous rumors, probably gave rise to the maritime expeditions sent 
 thither by Cortes two years afterwards. 
 
 CALIFORNIA, 1532. 
 
 The first expedition to that region was unfortunate and produced no result. It was com- 
 manded by Diego Hurtado Mendoza, a relative of Cortes, who with two ships sailed from Acapulco 
 on the 30th of June, 1532. He was instructed to proceed northwest, explore the western coast of 
 New Spain, and to discover, if possible, those "islands of the ocean," rich in pearls, and inhabited 
 by Amazons, of which Cortes had been informed. This voyage may therefore be considered as 
 the first Califoruian expedition, though it is doubtful whether Mendoza ever reached that country. 
 But, pursuing the course indicated, he discovered several harbors, and the Islands "las tres 
 Marias," in latitude 27° 02' N. When his provisions were much reduced his crew revolted, and he 
 sent back one of his vessels with the sick and discontented. Nothing more is known of this unfor- 
 tunate chief or of his companions. The returning ship was wrecked on its passage, and the few 
 who survived that disaster were imprisoned by Nuno de Guzman, who was then governor of the 
 northwestern coast of New Spain and the implacable enemy and rival of Cortes. The report of 
 these misfortunes was all the information received by Cortes" relative to the hapless experiment. 
 Navarrete, in his introduction to the work entitled " Eelacion del viage hecho par las Goletas, 
 Sutil y Mexicana en el ano de 1792. Madrid, 1802, page 11 et seq.," gives some particulars of 
 this voyage. 
 
 CALIFOKNIA, 1533-'34. ' 
 
 When Cortes heard of the loss of his vessels he resolved on a second attempt; and hastened to 
 the harbor of Tehuantepec to hasten the outfit of the Conception and San Lazaro, which vessels 
 he placed in charge of Diego Becerra and Hernando de Grijalva, with directions to pursue the 
 course indicated for their predecessors ; and at the same time to make diligent search for the 
 missing captain Mendoza. 
 
 On the 30th of October, 1533, the two vessels sailed, but were separated by a storm on the 
 second night of their voyage. Grijalva in the San Lazaro, anxious to rejoin his Chief Becerra, 
 sought him in various directions. He went southward to 13° north latitude ; and more than 100 
 leagues west of the coast of New Spain, an island was discovered and named Santo Tomas. One 
 north of it he named Los Inocentes. These are now known as the Revilla Gigedo Islands. 
 
 Finding no trace of his commander, Grijalva returned, and was subsequently employed by 
 Cortes in exploring other parts of the coast of New Spain. Meanwhile, Becerra, the chief of the 
 expedition, seems to have pursued his course to the northwest, but not far. While yet on the coast 
 of New Spain, he was murdered by his crew, who joined in a conspiracy against him under the chief 
 pilot Fortun Ximenez. The pilot assumed command, reached the coast near the harbor now called 
 La Paz and as far as kuown was the first European who set foot on that soil. Soon after he was 
 attacked by the natives and himself and twenty-two of his men were killed. The rest of the crew 
 returned to New Spain, and at Xalisco were captured by Guzman and robbed. Little is known 
 with certainty of the proceedings of Becerra and his pilot Ximenez. It is diflicult to fix exactly 
 the date of arrival of the first European vessel on the coast of California, 
 
 CALIFORNIA, 1535'-36. 
 
 The land reached by Fortun Ximenez was supposed by Cortes to be situated between Mexico 
 and the Moluccas, and possibly in the neighborhood of the celebrated Spice Islands. Full of 
 expectation, and desirous of searching again for his missing relative (Diego Hurtado) a new 
 enterprise was planned, and Cortes determined to command it in person. 
 
 In hope of finding another country like Mexico, and also to be prepared against his hostile 
 neighbor, Guzman, a force equal to that with which he had conquered Mexico was assembled by 
 Cortes. The whole consisted of not less than four hundred Spaniards and three hundred negroes. 
 This statement is cited by Navarrete from an old manuscript, and is given in his work at page 17. 
 
550 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUKVEY. 
 
 On the point of embarkation a difficulty arose, that seems not to haye been foreseen either 
 by Cortes or his companions. The three A'essels, namely, the Santa Aguida, San Lazaro, and Santo 
 Thomas proved barely sufficient for the transportation of a third part of the company, encumbered 
 as it of necessity was, with horses, canoes, implements, and provisions needful for war and for the 
 settlement of a colony. Cortes, however, set sail from the harbor of Chiametlan on the 15tli of 
 April, 1535, bound for the place where the pilot Ximenez and his crew had been slain. Without 
 difficulty the situation was identified. 
 
 On the 1st of May Cortes saw the mountains of California, and named them Las Sierra* de 
 San Felipe, and also an island, which he named Santiago. Two days after the party reached 
 the desired haven, where the remains of the unfortunate Ximenes were still to be seen. The bay 
 in which this port was situated they named Baia de Santa Cruz. In after years it was sometimes 
 called the Bay of Cortes, and also the Bay of California. This last name, from whence derived we 
 know not, was finally applied to the whole country.* 
 
 These few names, facts, and dates contain all the reliable information we have bearing upon 
 the history of discovery. The remaining records of the expedition mention only shipwreck and 
 disaster. It cannot be asserted that Cortes discovered any part of the coast north of the bay 
 above mentioned; nor is it known how far north he went into the£!alifornian gulf. He did not 
 succeed in transporting the rest of his army and stores to California, though he made several 
 attempts, and in person he at once returned to New Spain for that purpose. The ships dispatched 
 by him generally failed to reach their destination ; one with provisions arrived near the coast, 
 and was beaten back to the disappointment of the men left on the peninsula, who suffered from 
 hunger and disease, while the army marched hundreds of miles along the shore looking in vain 
 for the lost vessels. 
 
 Cortes, ever active, encountered manifold perils and misfortunes on the gulf, which in his time 
 was -called the "Sea of Cortes," but was able to transport only a small supply of provisions from 
 the coast of Mexico to relieve his famishing soldiers at the Bay of the Holy Cross. In the midst 
 of these difficulties he was summoned to Mexico. The arrival of his successor, the Viceroy Don 
 Antonio de Mendoza, and other affairs of importance made his return desirable ; but unwilling to 
 relinquish his Californian enterprise, and contemplating another expedition, Cortes left a small 
 force under the command of Francisco UUoa. 
 
 Meanwhile a report was circulated in Mexico that Cortes had been lost at sea on one of 
 his voyages, and great anxiety was expressed for his safety. This, and a threatened insurrection 
 of the Mexican Indians, induced the Viceroy, Mendoza, to send a vessel in search ; and Donaa 
 Juana de Zuniga, the wife of Cortes, in her extreme solicitude, dispatched ships for the same pur- 
 pose. These were all met by the returning chieftain, who early in 1536 entered the harbor of 
 Acapulco at the head of a fleet of six ships. 
 
 CALIFORNIA, lft39-'40. 
 
 Cortes, on his return to Mexico, found much to do. After settling his affairs with the now 
 Viceroy, he was called upon to assist the Spaniards in Teru, who were then menaced by a general 
 revolt of the Indians. The little force left at the Bay of Satita Cruz under the command of 
 Francisco de UUoa was in consequence withdrawn. 
 
 The decree which removed Cortes from the viceroyalty, constituted him "Admiral of the 
 Pacific," with command of all the ports and naval force, and reserved to him the special right 
 of discovery and conquest. Thus endowed for the prosecution of his purposes, he delegated the 
 command to UUoa, and on the 8th of July that officer sailed from Acapulco on what proved 
 to be, as far as regards geographical discovery, the most important and successful of all the 
 expeditions of Cortes. 
 
 A complete report of the voyage of UUoa, written by Francisco Preciado, one of his pilots was 
 printed by Eamusio. Hakluyt translated it into English and inserted it in his "Third and last 
 volume of the voyages, navigations, and discoveries of the English nation. London 1600." 
 
 UUoa coasted along the shores of Mexico, Sinaloa, and Sonora, and supposing the newly found 
 
 *Venega8 Notioia de la California. Madrid, 1757. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 551 
 
 California to be an island, sailed up the broad passage (Gulf of California), expecting to reach 
 China or some other part of "India Superior," under which name was then comprehended the 
 northeastern part of Asia. But to his disappointment he found fresh water at the head of the 
 gulf, and the country around the Eio Colorado being then a low sandy plain, it was not easy to 
 decide where the waters of the sea ended or those of the river began, or even to discern between 
 land and water in the distance. From a small sand bill he could see only the river and an unin- 
 viting stretch of land, although some of the party were of the opinion that a narrow outlet could 
 be traced leading to a sea beyond. The report of Ulloa left in doubt the real nature of the 
 peninsula. Sir Francis Drake, in ,1577, regarded it as an island. 
 
 From the head of the gulf, Ulloa coasted the eastern side of the peninsula of Lower California, 
 and carefully examined each indentation, hoping to find a passage. At Cape San Lucas he turned 
 to the west and examined the opposite shore. "With adverse winds and currents he struggled north- 
 ward and nearly reached the 28th parallel of latitude. Occasionally he landed; had encounters 
 with the savages, and tried to convert his captives by baptism, and with ceremonies then customary 
 he took possession of the region in the name of the King of Spain. In the course of the winter of 
 1539-'40, three attempts were, made to advance northward and westward, but the vessels were 
 always beaten back to the starting point. The most distant cape seen by the party was named 
 by them Cabo Engauo (Cape Deceit), which is believed to have been a point or object visible near 
 the 30th parallel of north latitude. 
 
 So much sickness prevailed amongst the companions of Ulloa that he was constrained at the 
 end of March, 1540, to send back one of the vessels, the Santa Agueda, to Mexico with the invalids- 
 That ship arrived without mishap at Acapulco with a report of the discoveries. 
 
 After repairing the Trinidad, which was the least damaged of his vessels, Ulloa remained on 
 Cedros Island, intending to start from thence on a northwestern course, "convinced (he says) that 
 this direction must bring him to something good and great"! His ultimate fate is unknown. 
 
 Cortes (the distinguished patron of Ulloa), who had manifested on these expeditions such 
 energy, and spent large sums of money out of his private fortune, was destined to pursue them no 
 further. He never returned to America after his departure for Spain in 1539. 
 
 The Viceroy, Mendoza, was thus left without a competitor in the broad field of adventure. 
 Governor of Mexico and Admiral of the Pacific, he availed himself of his powerful position to 
 become a promoter of the most important discoveries of the sixteenth century. Circumstances 
 combined to induce Mendoza to pursue explorations in the course opened by Cortes. It was not, 
 in his time, certain that the Gulf of California was closed at the north, and there was a lingering 
 hope that it might afford a passage to China. That the nature of this gulf "should be brought 
 thoroughly to light" was therefore an early subject of Mendoza's attention. 
 
 Some land travelers had reached the northwest and returned with accounts of the riches and 
 advantages of the country. Of these the most noteworthy were Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca 
 and the monk Marcos de Niza. 
 
 De Vaca, an officer in the unfortunate expedition which sailed from Xagua on the 20th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1528, under Narvaez, had, in the course of nearly ten years, traversed the Gulf coast between 
 Florida, from whence he set out, and some point west of the Delta of the Mississippi, and after 
 roaming over mountains and plains had reached the shores of the Pacific in the year 1537. 
 
 Attracted by the relation of what De Vaca had seen in his wanderings and encouraged by 
 Mendoza, the Franciscan monk, Marcos de Niza, in company with one of the companions of De 
 Vaca, started on foot in March, 1538, for further explorations. But, even with the aid of his 
 journal, the route traveled cannot be certainly made out, nor the localities identified that are in 
 his report made the subject of romance and exaggeration. He asserted that he had been north of 
 Mexico and that he had crossed a rich country and an empire called " Cibola," the metropolis of 
 which was as large and brilliant as the city of Mexico. Before an altar erected in a lonely forest he 
 secretly with some ceremony " took possession " of this empire and called it the " New Kingdom of 
 San Francisco." 
 
 Niza moreover declared that he had discovered in the heart of the new world the fabulous 
 " seven cities," so often sought in vain by the ancients amongst the islands of the Atlantic. Noth- 
 ing was too improbable for the excited, imaginations of his countrymen. They at once laid down 
 
552 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 on maps, side by side, the famous kingdom of Cibola and the fabulous seven cities. Palaces 
 roofed with silver and temples glittering with gold were items which adorned the descriptions in 
 common discourse. After the return of the monk to Mexico, Venegas says (Noticia, pp. 163, 164) 
 " Everybody in this city spoke of nothing but Cibola and the seven cities, and pretended that all 
 the best things and the greatest riches of the world were to be found there." 
 
 The Governor of Guatimala, Don Pedro Alvarado, as well as the Viceroy of Mexico, now began 
 to prepare new expeditions for this field of research. Captain Burney in his History of Discovery 
 in the South Sea; London, 1803, vol. 1, page 193, says that the return of the monk JSiza and his 
 exciting narration stirred up Cortes and gave rise also to the expedition of Ulloa, which he there- 
 fore relates after Niza's report. This is doubtless a mistake, Niza left Culiacan in March, 1539 
 (the date given by Burney on page 189), and after wandering a year at the north he could not have 
 returned to Mexico before the beginning of 1540. Ulloa sailed early in July, 1539, and so Captain 
 Burney states on page 194. His voyage, therefore, should have been recounted before that of Niza, 
 and cannot be reasonably considered as a consequence of that expedition. The same error has 
 been repeated by subsequent writers. 
 
 Alvarado collected a fleet, and made an agreement with Mendoza to combine their forces for 
 discovery and conquest in the northwest. The armament was to be under the command of 
 Alvarado, but the sudden death of that officer in 1641 stopped the undertaking, and the fleet was 
 dispersed. 
 
 Mendoza had meanwhile completed the array of a military force designed to follow the track 
 of the monk Niza and conquer the kingdom of Cibola, and to "explore the secrets" of the Gulf 
 of California. This expedition consisted of two divisions, one to proceed by land the other by 
 sea. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, Governor of the northwestern province of New Galicia, 
 was placed at the head of the former, with orders to march through Sinaloa and Sonora, while 
 Hernando de Alarcon, in command of the marine force, should sail along the shores. Both 
 companies set out at the same time in the spring of 1540, and their departure was coincident with 
 the return of Ulloa's men from the west. 
 
 Alarcon, who sailed from Acapulco on the 9th of May with the ships San Pedro and Santa 
 Catalina, completed and extended the discoveries made by Ulloa at the north of the Gulf of Cali- 
 fornia. "Because [he writes to Mendoza] your highness has commanded me to bring you, at all 
 events, the mystery of this gulf, I determined not to leave until I had thoroughly explored the 
 innermost recesses of its waters." He therefore entered the river which Ulloa had only seen afar 
 off, and sailed up its stream in boats for fifteen days, always hoping to find the rich " kingdom of 
 Cibola" and to meet Coronado, with whom he was to co-operate. 
 
 Disappointed in both of his objects, Alarcon returned to his ships, which lay at the mouth of the 
 Sacramento, after having traversed 86 leagues of the course of the river with great difficulty. 
 Near the entrance he erected a chapel in honor of the " Seiiora de la buena Guia" (our lady of the 
 Good Guide), and called the country " La Campana de la Cruz." 
 
 Alarcon discovered also the mouth of the river Gila, a great brancb of the Colorado, and 
 named it Brazo de Miraflores. He remarks that the " men of the marques," alluding to Fran- 
 cisco de Ulloa, were mistaken in fixing the latitude of the head of the Californian gulf, placing 
 it 2 degrees too far north, and that he had himself been 4 degrees further in that direction than 
 any who preceded him. At the end of the year 1540 Alarcon returned to Mexico. 
 
 Coronado was meanwhile engaged in his land journey. Until the year 1838 nothing had been 
 published concerning his expedition, excepting the short ceport in Itamusio's Vol. Ill, and occa- 
 sional allusions to it in Herrera and Gomara. At that time, however, M. Ternaux Compans gave 
 to the public a full account, written by Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera, one of the companions of 
 Coronado. 
 
 In April, 1540, Coronado set out from Culiacan, then the most northern Spanish town in Mex - 
 ico, and the depot of land expeditions, as Acapulco was for those by sea. His army consisted of 
 above six hundred Spaniards and many Indians, besides a number of enterprising young noblemen, 
 the flower of Spanish chivalry in Mexico. The array is mentioned by old writers as one of the most 
 complete and brilliant of the time. 
 
 With this imposing retinue Coumado took his couise Ihiougb the country east of the Cali- 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY, 553 
 
 fornian gulf. At a considerable river, which they called Eio Tizon, they turned towards its head 
 " and traversed promising countries and some deserts." The route of the army can be approxi- 
 mately traced. It is evident that the course was in the vicinity of the Gila and across the valley 
 of the Eio Bravo towards the plains east of the Eocky Mountains. The buffalo hunts, the geo- 
 graphical features of the plains »f the Upper Arkansas and Eed Elvers, their extent and barren 
 nature, even the long deep crevices into which the buffaloes as well as the horses of Ooronado 
 sometimes fell headlong, are so minutely described by Castaneda, that there Can be nO doubt in 
 regard to the region crossed by this party. 
 
 Castaneda observes that the rivers which they saw probably emptied into the great river 
 Espiritu Santo, discovered by De Soto ; that is, into the Mississippi. Early in April, 1543, the army 
 retraced its course, and reached Mexico at the end of the summer. 
 
 " Our enterprise" says Castaneda, " took a wrong course. We looked for Quivira on the 
 desert plains of the northeast, but the rich Quivira or Great India lies toward the northwest. 
 This is now quite clear from the sea expedition of Villalobos, who examined the coast of the 
 Pacific and found Great India in that direction." 
 
 Some early writers mention Quivira as bounded by the Pacific, and assert that Ooronado's 
 company saw strange ships having on their prows images of birds wrought in gold and silver, and 
 laden with merchandise supposed to have been brought from China. Castaneda says that the ves • 
 sels so ornamented were only canoes, and that he was so informed by the Indians who assured him 
 that they were common on a certain river in the interior. Gomara erroneously judged that the 
 water mentioned might be the western ocean, and from that time " Quivira" was marked on nearly 
 all contemporaneous maps in the positiou occupied by San Francisco Bay. On some maps it is 
 marked as being north of that bay. 
 
 Cabrillo, sailing along the coast in the autum, of 1542, was repeatedly told by the savages that 
 other Spaniards were traveling in the interior, and with these he tried to put himself in commu- 
 nication. He heard of them for the last time at Juan de Capistrano. It was reasonable to 
 suiipose that the party were Coronado and his followers. Castaneda says that the Knight 
 Melchoir Diaz, with a number of men, penetrated beyond the Colorado Kiver. According to that 
 writer, Diaz was left by Coronado in Charge of a fortified station on the route, but full of the spirit 
 of adventure he delegated the command of tiie quiet station, and set off at the head of twenty -five 
 chosen men for exploration towards the coast. After reaching the Eio Tizon he traveled along the 
 southern bank. Indians told him of the ships of Alarcon, and showed him the place of embarkation, 
 where Diaz found a tree with the inscription : "Alarcon came as far as this place ; there are letters 
 underneath." Prom the letters Diaz learned that the sea of Cortes was an inclosed gulf, and that 
 Alarcon, after some time waiting the arrival of Coronado, had returned to Mexico. 
 
 The Knight Melchoir Diaz crossed the Colorado on rafts constructed with the help of Indians, 
 and struck into the interior of what is now known as the Colorado Desert. How far the party 
 advanced before reaching that desolate region is not known. They describe it as being " covered 
 with hot ashes that seemed here and there to boil ' in fierce agitation." The ground trembled 
 under their feet, and the aspect of the place was forbidding. They found no water and turned for 
 the starting-point. On the route Diaz was killed by an unfortunate accident. 
 
 Expeditions to the sea of Cortes were no longer thought of. Ulloa as well as Alarcon had 
 reported it landlocked ; no doubt remained, and it is represented as a gulf on all the charts of the 
 sixteenth century. 
 
 The next party sent out by Mendo^ proceeded therefore to the outside of the peninsula. 
 
 Two vessels, the San Salvador and La Victoria, under command of the Portuguese pilot Juan 
 Eodriguez Cabrillo, left the port of Navidad, Mexico, on the 27th of June, 1542, and sailed along the 
 coast as far as it had been previously explored by Ulloa ; that is, to the Isle of Cedros and Cabo 
 Engano where they arrived on the 20th of August. From thence, advancing more successfully than 
 their predecessors, against adverse winds and currents, Cabrillo reached higher latitudes. At 34° 
 north he saw not far from the coast an inconsiderable group of desert islands (unas islas desiertas), 
 and near them a harbor, which he called Puerto de San- Miguel. The islands are now known as 
 " The Coronados," and the port was doubtless San Diego. The latitudes assigned by the Spaniard 
 H. Ex. 43 70 
 
554 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 for these places are not correct, but in every instance (excepting at Cape San Lucas) the latitudes 
 of Cabrillo are in error about a degree and a half. 
 
 On the 7th of October Cabrillo saw two islands, which he named after his vessels San Salvador 
 and La Victoria. They are now called San Cleniente and Santa Catalina. Beyond these he 
 entered a bay to which he gave the name of Baia de Fumos, per,haps the same that is now known 
 as San Pedro Bay, and passing several other islands on the way, he sailed through what is at 
 present designated the Santa Barbara Channel; Point Conception was named by him Cabo de 
 Galera, and was placed more than a degree and a half too far northward. Stormy weather 
 delayed progress, and at length drove him some distance southward, where he discovered an island 
 which he named San Lucas. The island is now called San Bernardo. A barbor eastward of the 
 cape gave his party shelter, and received the appellation o.f Todos Santos (San Luis Obispo), and 
 another, that of Puerto de las Sardinas, which is perhaps the place now known as San Simeon. 
 Cabrillo finally doubled the cape and along the coast made careful search, says Herrera, " for th» 
 Rio de Nuestra Senora, which, however, they could not find." 
 
 At 37^° north latitude, according to Cabrillo, a range of lofty mountains was in view, probably 
 the Californiau coast range, named by him Sierra de Saint Martin. On the 17th of November the 
 voyagers entered a bay, supposed to be the Bay of Monterey. They called it Bahia de los Pinos. 
 In latitude 38° 40' of their reckoning (about 37° north in reality) they saw a projecting spit of land, 
 to which theygave the name Cabo de la Nieve — the snow cape. That cape is supposed to be 
 Punta ano Nuevo. 
 
 In a storm which separated the two ships for several days Cabrillo was carried considerably 
 northward, and saw, at a distance, another cape (probably Point Arena), and that was the highest 
 latitude attained by the party. Sickness, conjoined with cold and stormy weather, induced him to 
 return as far south as the island of San Lucas (San Bernardo), where he had found a tolerably good 
 harbor. This he reached on the 23d of November, 1542, but Cabrillo soon after fell sick. He died 
 on the 3d of January, 1543, leaving the command of the expedition to his first pilot Bartolom(5 
 Ferrelo, or Ferrer. 
 
 Ferrelo and his companions soon felt the want of provisions, and on the 19th of January they 
 left the harbor to search for provisions and wood. In stormy weather, which was continuous, they 
 touched at several points on the main, and at the Santa Barbara Islands, but finally retired to 
 their winter quarters. In a second attempt at sea they were carried far to the southwest, where 
 they discovered " some other desert islands, great and small." These were doubtless the Sandwich 
 Islands. Still harassed by tempests the vessels were turned north, intending to make for the Bay 
 of Monterey, but were cairied beyond it — Herrera says to the 44th parallel of north latitude, 
 where they saw the mouth of a large river. This was the highest latitude reached by Ferrelo. 
 Storms were frequent, and the cold was excessive. He was thus forced to turn to the southward. 
 Some of his company died ; others were ill, and the able-bodied were on the point of starvation, 
 " only a scanty supply of spoilt biscuit " remained. Thus crippled, he returned to Mexico with the 
 remnant of his party. 
 
 There has been some difference of opinion with regard to the latitude reached by this expedi- 
 tion. If the 44° north, quoted by Herrera (probably from the journals of Cabrillo and Ferrelo), was 
 actually observed by them, and if it is true, as asserted by Navarrete, that they were always in 
 error by one degree and a half, it is fair to conclude that 42J° north latitude was the limit in lati- 
 tude. 
 
 Ferrelo, on his homeward passage, probably saw Cape Mendocino. That name does not appear 
 in his report, but the position corresponds with that of a headland which he named " Cabo de 
 Pottunas." 
 
 Nothing in the history of these voyages as drawn from the reports of Cabrillo and Ferrelo 
 indicates that either of those navigators entered the Bay of San Francisco, though they seem to 
 have passed near its entrance several times. They certainly had no knowledge whatever of the 
 great harbor to which the opening at the Golden Gate conducted. 
 
 Ferrelo reached Mexico with both of his ships after a passage of six weeks along the coast of 
 California. On the first of March he was on the northern limit of his voyage, and on the 14th of 
 April he entered the port of Navidad. 
 
. UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 555 
 
 With the exception of Alarcon, all the chiefs of naval expeditions sent to California by Cortes 
 and Mendoza had died or were lost at sea in the voyages. Only remnants of their parties 
 returned with appalling accounts of storms and dangers encountered in frozen regions and on 
 desert coasts. It is therefore no wonder that zeal for California exploration lessened, and that a 
 long pause ensued unmarked by^ any similar attempt; that "tAe north is cold, rough, and poor^^ 
 became an adage amongst Spaniards; and their horror of that region was deepened by the return 
 of a remnant of De Soto's expedition in the same year with that of Ferrelo, 1543. The sufferers 
 who survived the-hardships of travel came back from the interior after seeking vainly for three 
 years the fabulous Quivira, as others had sought an ever-receding Eldorado. 
 
 Such failures, of course, checked the fervor of discovery. Eiches and employment nearer 
 home were offered by the silver mines of Mexico, which disclosed abundant treasure, and at 
 length attention was drawn to the advantage of settling and improving territory instead of 
 merely plundering it. It was the avaricious spirit of the age that sent Cabrillo, Coronado, and 
 De Soto so far to the north. When we consider that the Spaniards had in their earlier enterprises 
 reached the fortieth parallel of latitude on the eastern coast, it may be said that in abandoning 
 expeditions on the Pacific^ coast they relinquished North America; not only the shores but also 
 the interior. But, considering the imperfect state of the art of navigation in the period here 
 under review, it is remarkable that so much was accomplished in the way of geographical devel- 
 opment. Moreover, iortune at the same period beckoned over quiet seas with favoring breezes 
 toward the coast of Asia. Instead of heavy gales and a tempestuous ocean, the trade-winds 
 invited navigators to the east. Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, had sent out expeditions to the 
 Old World, and Mendoza had also dispatched one under Villalobos in the year 1542, and when, 
 soon after the middle of the century, the Philippine Islands were acquired by Miguel de Legaspi, 
 a lucrative commerce was established between Mexico and Asia, the respective ports being 
 Acapulco and Manilla. 
 
 Many vessels sent westward from N£w Spain had attempted to return over the broad Pacific, 
 but without success. Sailing too far south in latitude the trade-winds were against them, and it 
 was not until the time of Legaspi's expedition that the prevalence of winds north of the tropics 
 was discovered. The first vessel that took advantage of these winds for returning from Asia to 
 New Spain appears to have been the San Lucas, one of Legaspi's fleet, that deserted him in conse- 
 quence of the disaffection of the captain and pilots. From Mindanas that ship kept a northerly 
 course, and reached the American coast near Cape Mendocino, and from thence coasting along 
 California arrived at New Spain. Of the same fleet another vessel, le Capitano San Pedro, took that 
 course from the Philippine Islands under command of Father Andres de Urdaneta, who carefully 
 kept a journal, made observations, and gave the results on a chart which served as a guide in sub- 
 sequent voyages. 
 
 Somewhat above the 40th parallel Urdaneta had met the northwest winds, and sailed with 
 them, as the San Lucas had done along the coast of California to the shores of New Spain, where he 
 arrived three months later. Burney says that the chart of the Northern Paciilc by Urdaneta was 
 in use among Spaniards in 1623. 
 
 Soon after the discovery of this route a regular and profitable intercourse was organized 
 between Mexico and Asia ; and there is little doubt that this circumstance turned the tide of 
 Spanish navigation again into its usual direction from east to west. Hence these excursions to 
 the north may be considered as exceptional deviations. Amongst other causes conjoining to this 
 result was the progress of the Portuguese in the northeast part of Asia. They had reached China 
 as early as 1530, and probably visited Japan a few years after. 
 
 In the latter part of the sixteenth century there was apparently a pause in the march of enterprise 
 at the north and at the south. California and Chili were no longer arenas of research, and some 
 discoveries of early date were forgotten. Some even questioned the existence of the Strait of 
 Magellan. The Spaniards at that time were in quiet possession of the Pacific Ocean as a great 
 highway for richly laden galeons that passed from the New World to the Old, gathering the wealth 
 of both, and they feared lest their advantage might be lost. When, therefore, Sir Francis Drake 
 entered the Pacific Ocean the Spaniards were aroused as by a thunderstroke. 
 
556 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 The interval between Cabrillo's expedition and the renewed spirit of adventure was, as usual in 
 such cases, filled with fabulous tales of impossible voyages. Some instances will be mentioned : 
 
 A Portuguese sailor, named Martin Ohacke or Chaque, was said to have sailed in 1555 from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean at the north of California, and to have reached the western waters 
 in latitude 59 degrees north. 
 
 Andres de Urdaneta, before alluded to, a mariner well known in Spain, was reported to have 
 gone from the South Sea to the Atlantic in 1656,-'57, circumnavigating the countries called Cal- 
 ifornia and Florida; and another Spaniard, Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero, in 1574, pretended that 
 he had certain knowledge of the existence of a passage north of California and Florida; that he 
 had been at the entrance of the strait, and could have easily gone through it if the condition of 
 his ship had not forced him to return home. These reports are not worthy of critical inquiry as to 
 their origin and history, having but slight relation to the coasts with which we are now concerned. 
 Navarrete gives, for the curious, ample details in regard to the spurious reports. 
 
 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, 1579. 
 
 • 
 
 English and French seamen and privateers had for more than half a century contented them- 
 selves with plundering -Spanish colonies on the eastern side of America, but at length a bold 
 adventurer extended his system of war and pillage into the Pacific. 
 
 Drake fitted out, partly at his own cost and partly by the aid of private gentlemen and com- 
 panies, a fleet of five small vessels. At the outset his flag-ship was named The Pelican, and the 
 commander was, in a certain sense, commissioned by Queen Elizabeth. The expedition left 
 England in December, 1577, sailed on the track of Magellan, and passed through the strait named 
 after that navigator. There Drake changed the name of his principal ship, calling it The Golden 
 Hind, and towards the end of 1578, with only two other vessels in company, he entered the South 
 Pacific Ocean. Soon after the two vessels separated from the flagship, and Drake continued 
 the voyage alone in The Golden Hind. 
 
 In the spring of 1579 he sailed along the western coast of South and Central America, capturing 
 and burning Spanish ships, and plundering some of the Spanish settlements. Laden with spoil, 
 his vessel at length reached the harbor of Guatulco, but again put to sea on the 16th of April, 
 steering boldly into the Pacific on a course west and northwest ifor 1,400 leagues without seeing 
 any land. His probable intention was to circumnavigate the continent of North America and 
 return eastward to Europe. Such design is not stated in the account of Drake's voyage, but the 
 opinion then generally held, that America could be circumnavigated through an open sea or strait 
 at the north, as it had been at the south, strengthens the probability of the supposition. Geogra- 
 phers of that period gave to the supposed channel at the north the name " Strait Anian," and 
 under that name it is depicted on all the maps of the next two centuries, with outlines as distinct 
 as if they had been actually surveyed. Frobisher had shortly before discovered the strait which 
 bears his name, and thus in England the hope of finding a northern passage had become very 
 strong. Without doubt the expectation of Drake was to reach Frobisher's strait from the west, 
 and so avoid a long and dangerous voyage in coming home by the Strait of Magellan. Apparently 
 with this intention he held on west and northwest, turning gradually eastward. The season and 
 other circumstances of his passage seem to have been favorable until he reached the forty-second 
 parallel of north latitude. There he encountered strong northwesterly winds and extremely cold 
 weather, but turned his ship to the northward and eastward, and holding that course discovered 
 the coast of North America in latitude 48 degrees north. At this point The Golden Hind .anchored 
 for some time in an open, illy-sheltered bay. It is a disputed point wHether or not Drake reached 
 the forty-eighth parallel as stated in The World Encompassed, or only 43 degrees, as given in 
 Hakluyt's report of The Famous Voyage. The best English and other foreign authorities admit 
 48 degrees north latitude as Drake's northern limit. 
 
 The weather continued unfavorable ; thick fogs prevailed, foyowed by a northeast storm in 
 which the crew suffered much hardship and were greatly discouraged. Finally the extreme cold 
 and recurring storms from the northwest obliged the commander to desist from his search for the 
 supposed passage eastward, and the unbroken character of the coast which he had traversed 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 557 
 
 probably hastened his determination. He concluded that the coast, instead of turning eastward, 
 " ran directly into Asia," and hence he resolved to sail for England by way of the Cape of Good 
 Hope. With that intention he went southward to find a harbor on the coast of California in which 
 his men might recruit their strength and repair the damaged vessel for such a voyage. In latitude 
 about 38 degrees north he found the desired haven, and piously attributed its discovery to Divine 
 Providence, which he declares had also favored him with a good wind for entering in safety. Here 
 Drake passed nearly five weeks in repairing The Golden Hind, recreating his men, and exploring 
 the surrounding country. The harbor which afi'orded the needful shelter was very probably that 
 small bay that since Vancouver's time has been called Sir Francis Drake's Bay. The adjacent 
 country was found " very pleasant, full of goodly plants, trees, and deer, of which (he says) some- 
 times thousands range in one herd." 
 
 It is remarkable that even the golden treasures of that region did not escape observation. In 
 his report Drake says : " There is no part of earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some 
 special likelihood of gold or silver ; " but that sentence, though often reprinted and read by 
 . thousands, seems to have been overlooked or disregarded. Drake's intercourse with the natives 
 was peaceful and cordial to such a degree that " they made him their king, and crowned him as 
 such." He is generally regarded as the first European visitor on the territory of California and 
 Oregon, though he was preceded in discovery at least as far as the Ibrty-third parallel by Cabrillo 
 and Ferrelo. He named the country " New Albion," because the cliffs on the coast appeared to 
 him like those of Southern' England. That name was retained on all European maps except those 
 compiled in Spain for nearly two centuries. 
 
 On the 23d of July Drake left the harbor, and the day following fell in with several small 
 islands, on which his men passed some hours in catching seals and birds. This group he named 
 " The Islands of Saint James," subsequently the Spaniards called them " Los Parallones." Drake 
 then sailed westward in pursuance of his design of returning to Europe by way of the Cape of 
 Good Hope, and on the 26th of September, 1580, arrived in England, where he was hailed as the 
 first circumnavigator of the globe. No immediate successor followed in this career. 
 
 Capt. Thomas Cavendish in 1587 made a voyage to the Pacific, but reached only the southern 
 part of California, and recorded nothing new in the way of discovery. With this exception an 
 interval of two hundred years passed (1579-1778), during which no English navigator appeared on 
 the northwestern coast of America. 
 
 The next in enterprise and discovery was Capt. James Cook, and until his time the name of 
 Drake, his harbor, his New Albion, and discoveries on the northwestern coast of America were 
 freely mentioned by writers on geography. 
 
 FRANCISCO GALl AND JAYME JUAN, 1584. 
 
 Activity was awakened by the inroad of the English into the Pacific, and the Strait of 
 Magellan became a prime object of attention to the Spaniards. The governors of Chili and Peru, 
 wishing to shut that pass against the English, organized expeditions for the purpose, and tried 
 to construct forts there. Similar measures at the northwest did not seem urgent, as no intruders, 
 to their knowledge, had found entrance or exit in that direction. This fancied security lasted until 
 it became known to the Spaniards in Mexico that Drake had visited and given the name of " New 
 AZbion " to a region far in the north. They heard, moreover, that the English were seeking from 
 thence the " Strait of Anian," the discovery of which had been several times proclaimed. Fears 
 of what might result finally induced the Spaniards to renew their northwestern explorations. As 
 before mentioned, these had ceased with the voyages of Cabrillo and Ferrelo. 
 
 In the year 1584 Don Pedro Moya de Contreras, then Archbishop and Viceroy of Mexico, fitted 
 out a fleet under command of Capt. Jayme Juan, with orders to survey the northwestern coast 
 of America. A special object in this intended expedition was to efi'ect some settlement on the 
 coast of California, and to erect fortifications " for the benefit of Spanish ships returning from 
 Asia." 
 
 After the year 1564 the Acapulco and Manilla galleons regularly sailed to the Philippine 
 Islands by a southern route, taking advantage of the trade winds. Their return voyages were 
 
558 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 
 
 made in a higher latitude, with variable winds, towards the shores of California, where northwest 
 gales and predominant currents aided in the passage to Mexico. These Manilla galleons were the 
 only Spanish ships that touched along the northwestern coast, and, so to speak, they had in that 
 casual way kept some knowledge respecting it. For their safety in returning it was essential that 
 the coast should be better known, and that some settlement, and, if possible, harbors for shelter 
 should be established. As before stated, such an undertaking had been determined upon in 1584. 
 
 While the viceroy, Coutreras, was preparing in the harbor of-Acapnlco the expedition for 
 that purpose, a vessel from Asia arrived there under command of the able and enterprising pilot 
 Francisco Gali. He was believed to have seen ihore of the northern parts of the Pacific Ocean, 
 including the coast of Northeastern Asia as well as that of Northwestern America, than any one 
 of his predecessors. Hence liis voyage enlisted much attention, and though mainly intended for 
 trade it ranked amongst enterprises for discovery. 
 
 Information in regard to Gali's voyage is contained in the work of Juan Hugues de Linschoten, 
 " Keise-geschrift von de navigation der Portugaloisers in orienten," which was translated into 
 English in 1598, and published by T. Wolfe in London. Linschoten says that the report which 
 he gives of Gali's voyage was translated from the original Spanish into Low Dutch. Hakluyt 
 reprinted in his third volume, in 1600, the English translation, of Wolfe. 
 
 Gali had sailed in the year 1582 from Acapulco to Manilla, and from thence to Macao. Leaving 
 the latter port on the 24th of July, 1584, he returned by way of Japan, of which Empire he believed 
 he had seen the northeastern extremity, and then stretched his course over the Pacific Ocean, in 
 a direction " east and northeast " towards America. The point where he reached the coast has 
 been a matter of doubt. Navarrete and some others state the latitude as 57J degrees north ; but 
 the English historians of the South Sea, Burney, Travers, Twiss, and others, assign the lower par- 
 allel of 37J degrees. This last appears most probable, as it is supported by the Dutch report of 
 Linschoten, by the translation of Hakluyt, and by the subsequent editions of his report. The 
 version 57J degrees north occurs first in a French translation of Linschoten, entitled " Le Grand 
 Eoutier de mer. Amsterdam, 1638," and is probably a misprint. 
 
 Gali states that he saw on the coast a beautiful country covered with forests and entirely 
 without snow. Sailing, as he did, from Macao, at the end of July, he jirobably reached tlie const of 
 America late in October, and at that time of the year he would no doubt have found Mount Edge- 
 cumbe, nearest to which Navarrete supposes him to have touched, covered with snow. 
 
 This voyage was a trading expedition. With Giili, discovery was incidental. His report dofes 
 not refer to a northwest passage. The object was, with ship and goods, to roach New Spain without 
 delay. Nothing but irresistible necessity, due to storms, could have driven him so far out of his 
 course. He seems to have followed the usual track of Manilla vessels, perhaps a little farther to 
 the northward. 
 
 The expedition then preparing at Acapulco, being destined for the region so recently visited 
 by Gali, the viceroy consulted that navigator in regard to it, and the report of his voyage seems to 
 have been drawn in response. This was a^ccompanied by a map giving latitudes and longitudes. 
 
 How far the preparations of Contreras had then advanced is not exactly known ; probably not 
 far, as in a letter to the King of Spain, dated March 24, 1685, he alludes to his " intentions," and 
 solicits the royal sanction and support. However, the viceroy was Ruperscded in his government 
 at the end of the year. 
 
 SEBASTIAN EODEIGUEZ CERMEfJON, 1595. 
 
 It has been already mentioned that the English adventurer Cavendish, had, like Drake, made 
 his way to the coast of California. In emulation of the last-named commander. Cavendish cap- 
 tured the Santa Anna, one of the richest of the Manilla galleons. This was in November 1587. 
 The loss, when made known in Spain, suggested the expediency of sending out their vessels 
 intended for California, from the Philippine Islands, rather than frojn Mexico, because the prevail- 
 ing winds would in that case be favorable. 
 
 Don Luis Velasco, Viceroy of New Spain from 1590 to 1695, accordingly issued instructions for 
 testing the route. It is probable that Gomez Perez de la Marifias, to whom that service was 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 559 
 
 intrusted, used one of the regular Manilla galleons, as the vessel (The S. Augustin), besides being 
 commissioned to make discoveries, was laden with silks and other oriental goods destined for 
 Mexico. Navarrete says that this ship was specially commissioned to examine the " port of San 
 Francisco " and its vicinity. So far as we know, this is the first mention of a port with that name. 
 The adventure was extremely unfortunate. Cermenon reached the coast of California, but his 
 vessel was wrecked in the immediate vicinity of a large harbor, called by Torquemada, the historian 
 of the expedition, Puerto de San Francisco. The ship, the goods, and the greater part of the crew 
 were lost. Some of the men found their way back to Mexico, and amongst them Francisco de 
 Volanos (called "Pilote Mayor"), who gave information of the disaster, and afterwards (in 1603) 
 accompanied Viscaino to the place where it occurred. From some accounts it seems that the 
 vessel was stranded inside of the bay ; but the Spanish pilot, Cabrera Bueno, in hia sailing direc- 
 tions (Dalrymple, p. 48), seems to indicate the Farallones, but adds, that " the loss was due more 
 to the fault of those on board than to stress of weather." What is known of this interesting expe- 
 dition is stated by Torquemada. Argensola does not mention it in his history of the Philippine 
 Islands. The San Augustin is said to have foundered "in the port of San Francisco." The 
 Spanish pilot says : "In the port of San Francisco, on the islands of Farallones "! 
 
 Some have thought that the " Puerto de San Francisco" of Torquemada was our Bay of San 
 Francisco, but it is more probable that he applied the name, as the pilot, Bueno, evidently did, to 
 the waters south of Point Eeyes, east of the Farallones, and off the Golden Gate. Subsequent 
 statements seem to prove that neither they nor Volanos had any knowledge of the landlocked bay 
 now bearing that name. 
 
 SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO, 1596. 
 
 The wreck of the San Augustin made evident the necessity for a settlement on the coast of 
 California, and preparations to that end were ordered by Philip 11, to carry out the plans of the 
 viceroy, Contreras. Soldiers, sailors, and laborers were recruited, and three vessels were fitted 
 out with requisites for a settlement. Some women were also embarked. The expedition was 
 placed in charge of the very enterprising pilot, Vizcaino. The principal authorities for particulars 
 respecting this expedition are Torquemada " Monarquia Indiana," and Navarrete, who used some 
 manuscripts (" algunos documeutos manuscriptos") which he does not further describe. 
 
 This expedition sailed from Acapulco in the beginning of the year 1596 and was in all respects 
 ineffectual. Vizcaino spent his time, provisions, and means in an abortive attempt to found a 
 settlement on the rocky coast of the Californian peninsula; but finding his ships and their crews 
 no longer in a condition to pursue discoveries, he returned at the end of the year. The only result 
 was merely the change of a name. The bay known in the time of Cortes as Santa Cruz, was 
 subsequently called, La Paz, 
 
 Some delay in Californian research followed the death of Philip II ; but in 1599 his successor, 
 Philip III, sent orders to the count of Monterey, Viceroy of Mexico, to make arrangements for an 
 expedition to the northwest. Monterey decided to employ Vizcaino, who was then supposed to 
 have more knowledge of the coasts of New Spain than any other commander. On his second 
 voyage he set out from Acapulco on the 5th of May, 1602. The principal sources of information 
 respecting it are the following : 
 
 1. The original journal kept by the Carmelite monk, Father Antonio de la Ascension, who 
 accompanied the expedition. Venegas says- in his Noticia, volume III, page 23, that he sought in 
 vain in the archives of Seville for the original journal of Vizcaino's voyage. Navarrete says (page 
 Ixviii) that he found there a copy of the original, which original had been left for preservation in 
 
 Mexico. 
 
 2. A report of the voyage by Torquemada in his " Monarquia Indiana," lib. 5, cap. 45. This 
 writer had access to the journal of Father Antonio, or had a copy, from which he made extracts. 
 But as the report itself was never printed, Torquemada was for upwards of two centuries the only 
 authority in regard to the particulars of the voyage. When his work (printed in 1615, and again 
 in 1725) became rare, Venegas reprinted it (in 1757) in his " Noticia de la California." 
 
 3. Navarrete, who, in addition to the original report of Father Antonio, used other manuscript 
 documents, accessible only to himself. He names the following : 
 
560 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 (a.) The agreements and opinions of the councils and meetings of Vizcaino's officers held in 
 the course of. the voyage. 
 
 (?).) The Eoutier of navigation along the coast of California, made by the cosmographer, 
 Geronimo Martin Palacios, who accompanied the expedition. , 
 
 (c.) Thirty-two charts and plans of the coast, showing ports, inlets, &o., made by Enrico 
 Martinez, cosmographer of the King, in New Spain. Navarrete compiled from them a general 
 chart. He used other documents, but does not specify in regard to them. 
 
 With greater facilities than either of his predecessors, Vizcaino surveyed more accurately the 
 coast line of California from Cape San Lucas northwestward to beyond Cape Mendocino, beyond 
 which limit he was not authorized to go. That headland was the point for which the Manilla 
 vessels on their home voyages usually made ; and north of it they never sailed. 
 
 Vizcaino had with him experienced officers, amongst whom were Volanos, the surviving pilot 
 of the San Atigustin, and a distinguished cosmographer, Geronimo Martin, who was commissioned 
 to draw the maps and charts of the expedition. 
 
 The fleet commanded by Vizcaino consisted of two large ships, the Capitana San Diego and 
 the Fregata Tres Eeyes, which last was accompanied by a small tender, the Santa Tomas, for 
 navigation in shoal water. He had also a long bark (un barco luengo) for entering inlets, rivers, 
 and creeks, but that craft proving to be an incumbrance was abandoned near Cape San Lucas. 
 
 During the first six months the party was employed in carefully examining the western coast 
 of Lower California. They discovered, named, and surveyed a number of bays, as Magdalena, 
 Santa Marina, Ballenas, San Bartholom6, Simon and Judas, and Todos los Santos. Off the southern 
 extremity of the coast, where they arrived early in November, four small islands were discovered, 
 to which they gave the name " de los Coronados," 
 
 On the 10th of the same month the little fleet entered a harbor north of the Coronados, which 
 harbor, sixty years earlier, Cabrillo had named San Miguel ; Vizcaino gave it the name of San 
 Diego de Alcada, probably in honor of the holiday which falls on the 12th of November, and per- 
 haps, also, to commemorate the name of his flagship. With the two exceptions (Point Pinos and 
 Cape Mendocino), no geographical name given by Cabrillo has been retained. Hence it may be 
 inferred that Vizcaino* was not acquainted with Cabrillo's reports nor guided by his maps. 
 
 After pioviding wood and water Vizcaino sailed on the 20th of November. On the 27th 
 they had In sight a large island, which they named Santa Catalina, as first seen on St. Catharine's 
 day. It was found to be densely populated. After mapping the island the voyagers kept on 
 southward and reached the island now known as San Clemente, the survey of which was deferred 
 and not finally accomplished. Hence it received no name at the time, and is not marked on the 
 chart of Vizcaino. 
 
 On the evening of Santa Barbara's day (3d of December) the party was at the eastern end of 
 a chain of islands between which and the coast of California lay a broad channel. Through this 
 they sailed, favored by a southwest wind, which opportunely continued until they reached the ex- 
 tremity of the passage near Point Conception. There the weather changed. A furious northwest 
 gale, with a heavy sea, separated the ships and threw them back towards the islands The storm 
 of two days subsided as the calendar marked "the feast of Holy Nicolas" (December 6) and the 
 name of the saint, perhaps, in allusion to this event, was given to one of the Santa Barbara Islands. 
 Soon afterwards the fleet rounded the cape which Cabrillo had doubled under like stress of weather 
 sixty years earlier, and which he at the time gave the name of Cabo de Galera. Vizcaino named 
 it "Punta de la limpia Conception," and it is still known as Point Conception. 
 
 Sailing along the coast towards Monterey the mariners came in sight of a range of high 
 mountains which Cabrillo had seen at the same season of the year (early in winter) and named 
 •'Sierra de S. Martin." It was named by Vizcaino, "Sierra de Santa Lucia," probably because it 
 came into view on the 13th of December, the day of the Holy Lucia. By that name the mountain 
 range is yet iTnown amongst Spaniards.. The captains of returning Manilla vessels had been accus- 
 tomed to recognize the coast of California by this landmark. 
 
 A small river, 2 leagues south of Point Pinos, also received the name which it still bears (ilio 
 
 *The configuration of San Diego harbor is well repjesenled on his chart. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY, 561 
 
 del Carmelo) ; and on the 16th of December the ships entered the Bahia de Pinos of Cabrillo, 
 which, however, Vizcaino named in honor of the viceroy, la Bahia de Monte Eey. There he 
 remained nearly three weeks, and from thence dispatched the Santo Tomas to Mexico with the 
 invalids of his party, and a report, with a chart for the Viceroy, of all that had been developed 
 geographically up to that date. 
 
 After providing wood and water Vizcaino sailed again to the northwest on the 3d of January, 
 1603. For several days the wind was favorable. They passed the entrance to San Francisco Bay, 
 but on the 7th a heavy northwester separated the vessels, and they did hot meet again until their 
 arrival in Mexico. The Fregata was in advance, but supposing her to be delayed, Vizcaino entered 
 the port of San Francisco in shelter of a cape, which he named Punta de los Reyes. So says 
 Torquemada — but his Puerto de San Francisco is not the bay which now bears that name- 
 Vizcaino wished to explore the place and search for vestiges of the crew and landing of the San 
 Augustin which had been wrecked in 1595 ; but, anxious in regard to the missing Fregata, after 
 a delay of two days he went to seek her at the northwest, the direction he supposed her to have 
 taken. 
 
 To the little harbor in which he had anchored he gave the name which he had applied to the 
 sheltering cape, calling it the Port of the Kings, probably because he discovered its entrance on 
 " the day of the Kings," and perhaps also in allusion to the Fregata Los tres Keyes, which was lost 
 in the same region. The name is not in Torquemada's extract, but it is on Vizcaino's chart. The 
 former mentions only a "Punta de los Eeyes" iu this vicinity. 
 
 Beating and tacking against northwesterly winds, the San Diego advanced slowly. On the 
 12th of January a high projecting cape was reached in latitude 41 Jo north, thought by the pilots 
 to be Cabo ^Mendocino, where they encountered a strong southeast storm, thick fogs, and a 
 boisterous sea. Six only of the crew were capable of duty ; the others and the officers and 
 missionaries were sick (en las camas) in their beds. 
 
 Under these circumstances it was decided to turn back, but the storm lasted for some days 
 and drove them still further north. At length, on the 21st of January, a northwest wind set iu 
 and cleared the atmosphere. They observed for latitude at 42° north (in their reckoning), where a 
 white cape was in view, which they named " el Cabo Blanco de San Sebastian," because fair weather 
 appeared on the eve of the day of the martyrs, San Fabian and San Sebastian. From thence they 
 turned back to the southeast with a favorable wind. The cape is not indicated on Vizcaino's chart, 
 nor is it marked to show either latitude or longitude. Later Spaiiish navigators have given the 
 name Cabo San Sebastian to a point near the 42d parallel, now called Point George; but as before 
 stated, if Torquemada piits Cape Mendocino one degree too far north, it is probable that other 
 assigned positions- are as much in error. Its true place therefore would be near Humboldt Bay or 
 Trinidad Bay. 
 
 The home voyage was quickly made, and to allow observation the ship was steered as near to 
 the coast as possible. But very little could be done, as the crew was sick with scurvy and some 
 among them died. The intended survey of the other Santa Barbara Islands was of necessity 
 renounced, as also the resolution to winter at Bahia de la Paz to wait for supplies. They sailed, 
 therefore, directly for New Spain, and arrived in the harbor of Acapulco on the 21st of March, 
 1603, where they again met the crew of the Fregata. 
 
 The gale of the 6th of January, which had separated the two vessels, and from which the 
 San Diego had sought shelter in the Puerto de San Francisco, had carried the Tres Eeyes 
 (commanded by Martin de Aguilar) some distance further north. Off Mendocino he encountered 
 the same southeast storm which had forced Vizcaino into port, and was driven by it to latitude 
 43° north, according to an observation made on the 19th of January by the chief pilot, Antonio 
 .Flores. Here Aguilar gave the name of Cabo Blanco to a white cape, where (as Torquemada 
 says) "the coast begins to turn to the northwest." Near it ran a deep and crooked river, which 
 he attempted to enter, but its strong outward current baffled every effort. 
 
 After doubling Cape Mendocino, the T'regata, having advanced further north than was 
 warranted by instructions, turned back southward; and the crew suffered greatly from scurvy. 
 Aguilar and Flores died before the vessel which carried them reached San Diego. The ship 
 H. Ex. 43 — -71 
 
562 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIG SURVEY. 
 
 was, therefore, taken to Acapulco by the pilot, Estavan Lopez, and there he was joined by the 
 Oapitana. 
 
 The general opinion has been that the extreme limit reached by Aj>nilar was the present Cape 
 Blanco or Orford, which is usually marked on Spanish maps "Cabo Blanco de Aguihir," but that 
 suppositioji rests on the single observation" for latitude made by the pilot, l^'lores. If the latitude 
 stated in Torquemada for Cape Mendocino is one degree too high, we should look for this Cape , 
 Blanco somewhere about Point George; but there is near it no considerahle stream, nor beyond it 
 does the coast begin to turn to the northwest, but, on the contrary, trends somewhat oiistward. 
 Moreover, it is said by Vancouver that our Cape Blanco or Orford does not look white, being 
 covered with dense forests down to the sea. To reconcile the discrepancies, or at least some of 
 them, Caj)taJn Burney supposed that in January, when Aguilar was on the coast, every jjart 
 exposed to the prevailing wind was probably whitened with snow. Ncjir Point George the 
 Klamath River empties, and beyond that entrance the coast inclines to the northwest. It is 
 possible, therefore, that the position here referred to may have been tlie Cape Blanco of Aguilar, 
 but the question cannot be decided. The river was not deemed of much consequence. Crooked 
 and deep it is styled in the report, and doubtless it was magnified into lindue imi)ortance, it may 
 be, because that point was for a century and a half the northern limit of Spanish navigation. 
 Every inlet or river month in that region was expected to be or to lead into the Strait of Auian, or 
 into the western end of some passage around America. Aguilar's cape and river are noticed in 
 all geographical books, and are marked on nearly all nuips of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries. 
 
 This expedition of Vizcaino, like that of Cabrillo, was more succcsslul than olinr Spanish 
 voyages to the northwest. Both saw the same stretch of coast, and icacihed abovit the same 
 latitude. Vizcaino observed everything closely, and his work deserves to be called a detailed 
 reconnaissance. His desire was to push exploration northward; find tlie Strait of Anian; sail 
 around America, and return by that route to Spain. But these schemes were never accomi)lished. 
 Vizcaino went to Spain, and after much exertion obtained from Piiilip 111 aii order for the 
 furtherance of his projects, but before needful arrangements could be completed he died, and with 
 him expired the spirit of enterprise. It was, says Navarrete, "an epoch in which the Spanish 
 nation retrograded." Spain was not afterwards governed by such nionarchs as l^'crdinand, Charles, 
 and Philip II. 
 
 !new MEXICO. 
 
 During the seventeenth century the court of Spain was beset by applicants, native and foreign, 
 offering vague projects for the development of the Straits of Anian; and many unsuccessful 
 expeditions were planned for settlements on the peninsula of California. Throughout the century 
 nothing was done to advance knowledge respecting the geography of the northwest. That region 
 seemed to be forgotten. There was, however, one expedition planned near the close of the previous 
 century, and accomplished, which to a certain degree connected with the geographical history 
 of the western coast. This was the discovery, conquest, and settlement of New Mexico. The 
 enteprise, like many others, was suggested by a Franciscan monk, Friar Augustin Ruiz, who lived 
 in the valley of San Bartolomeo, near the silver mines of Santa Barbara, at the outskirts of the 
 Spanish settlements. As early as 1581 he had journeyed among the Indians at the north and 
 brought back intelligence of a beautiful and populous valley through which flowed a river several 
 hundred leagues in length. 
 
 Antonio de Espejo, a wealthy and energetic man, put himself at tbe head of a company of 
 soldiers, and with some Franciscan monks marched, in 1582, to search for the valley and river 
 described by Ruiz. As he afterwards reported, Espejo reached "nearly to the source of the river" 
 and found every where villages and towns, with the iidiabitants of which he held friendly inter- 
 course. He also made a journey to the eastward through the buffalo country, and another 
 westward as far as Cibola and the river Gila, where Coronado had been previously. 
 
 In 1583, Espejo returned to Mexico and reporte<l his discoveries. Attempts were made at 
 intervals for the conquest of the interior, and at length Monterey, the Viceroy who had directed 
 the A;oyages of Vizcaino, struck a decisive blow. Be dispatched Juan de Ofiate, an ofBcer of high 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 563 
 
 repute, with an army of about one hundred Spaniards and five hundred Indians, to the north, 
 took possession of the country, and gave to it the name of New Mexico. Thus OQate became the 
 founder and first governor of the new province, and in it was established, in 1611, the flourishing 
 capital of Santa F6. 
 
 Ill these contemporaneous expeditions of Vizcaino. and Ofiate maybe traced a correspondence 
 _ with the sea and land enterprises of Alarcon and Coronado, sent out by Mendoza. 
 
 The upper valley of the Rio del Norte is a fertile oasis in the midst of deserts. Santa P6 soon 
 became a station of great hnportance as the depot for all Spanish expeditions to the eastern, 
 northern, and western regions. Prom thence discovery was pushed to Lake Utah, called by the 
 Spaniards "Timpauagos," and westward far into the territory watered by the river Gila. After 
 the settlement of the coast of California a road was laid out, terminating at Santa F6. 
 
 The first explorers of the valley of the Eio del Norte reached that river near the great bend 
 called El Paso, where the channel takes an easterly course towards the Gulf of Mexico. The 
 Spaniards had explored only the upper valley. They knew indeed of the Rio Bravo, but believed 
 it to be a separate river, having followed it only to ElPaso where the stream is hidden amongst 
 rocks and mountains. Ignorant of the course, the termination was supposed to, be in one of the 
 rivers of Cin^loa, or some water-course emptying into the Gulf of California. The discovery, 
 therefore, of the .Rio tfel Norte was considered by many as pertaining to the history of the 
 northwestern side of America, and as merely an addition to their linowledge of the Pacific basin. 
 This hypothesis, or rather geographical error, was long maintained, but was corrected on European 
 maps by Coronelli about the year 1680. 
 
 Of the fabulous accounts in regard to discovery, circulated between 1609 and 1625, only two 
 are deserving of mention, iiame!y, those of Perrer Maldonado and the so-called Juan de Puca. 
 
 The false reports were repeatedly disproved, but they influenced the history of geography. 
 Maps were constructed and the erroneous details were admitted in historical works. Names 
 attached to the assumed discoveries were given to previously known localities as well as to 
 imaginary straits, rivers, and countries. Expeditions were organized and instructions were issued 
 for exploring the regions that had been fictitiously described. In 1790, the officers of the Spanish 
 expedition of the Descubierta and Atrevida were directed to explore the coasts, straits, and 
 harbors supposed to have been discovered by Maldonado.* The influence of these stories dates 
 from the time of their promulgation, and not from the period at which the incidents were supposed 
 to have occurred. Maldonado pretended that he sailed in the year 1588, but the " results" of his 
 voyage were not given to the world until the year ]609. De Puca, though his expedition was said 
 to have been made in 1592, brought no account of it before the public previous to the year 1625. 
 In a chronological record of discoveries these impositions must be referred to the time of their 
 publication. 
 
 Lorenzo Perrer Maldonado was well known in Spain as a schemer and adventurer, and his story 
 touches but lightly the geography and history of California. He pretended to have sailed from 
 Lisbon to Labrador in 1588; and from Labrador to the Pacific through a narrow strait by which a 
 passage from Spain to China could be accomplished in three months. In 1609 he presented to the 
 Spanish Government a report on discoveries and added a proposal to return to the spot and em- 
 l)loy himself in erecting fortifications against the encroachment of foreigners. But, after careful ' 
 examination, his statements were decided to be false, and his proposition was of course rejected. 
 Be was treated as an ignorant impostor and charlatan. Some subsequent historians, nevertheless, 
 ready to believe any wonderful tale, mention these pretended travels and discoveries ; and thus the 
 subject was kept alive through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Copies of Maldonado's 
 original papers dejiosited in the Spanish archives found their way, we know not how, into foreign 
 countries, and near the end of the eighteenth centui-y (1790) the French geographer, Buache, " who 
 clung fondly to questionable discoveries," drew attention to them by declaring his confidence in 
 the veracity of Maldonado's statements. The last, perhaps, to give credence to the narrative of 
 adventures was the Italian savant Amoretti wlio in 1812 edited ian old manuscript found in the 
 Ambrosian Library, which manuscript he supposed to be a copy of the original report. 
 
 *S6e " Oregon Question," p. 82, and Navarrete, p. li. 
 
564 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 We need not enter minutely on the subject, as it bears only a, remote relation to our object. 
 The reader is referred to Navarrete, pp. xlix-lii; Twiss, "The Oregon Question," London, 184-6 
 pp. 79-82 ; London Quarterly Eeview, 1816, vol. 16, pp. 129-172. The author of the article in the 
 Quarterly thinks it possible that Maldonado might have seen Cook's Eiver, and mistaken it for a 
 strait between America and Asia. See also Burney's History of Voyages to the South Sea, vol. 
 V; and Barrow's Chronological History of Voyages to the Arctic Bay. 
 
 The story of Juan de Fuca bears more directly on one subject. It was lirst printed by Purchas 
 in his third volume, and was published in 1625, although it seems to have been in manuscript 
 some time earlier, and may have been known to a few persons. The Englishman Lok relates, in 
 the report published by Purchas, that he met in Venice an old Greek naA'igator named Juan de 
 Fuca or Apostolos Valerianos, who told him that he had been a captain in the Spanish service, and 
 as such had been sent in 1592 to tho uortliw est in com mand of a small vessel by the Viceroy of Mex- 
 ico, probably Don Luis de Velasco, who filled that post from 1690 to 1595. He stated that he had 
 sailed along the coast of California beyond the forty-seventh paiallel of north latitude; and there 
 found the coast trending east and northeast, forming with the opposite shore a broad inlet. At the 
 entrance he said there was a remarkable rock, having the appearance of an island, and northwest 
 of it a pyramidal rock. 
 
 Beyond this strait spread a wide inland sea, which stretched into openings towards the south, 
 the north, and the east. At various places on the shores he had found fertile country and natives 
 clothed in the skins of animals. He furtlier asserted that he sailed a long course through open 
 water, and after i)assing many islands came out into the North Sea or Atlantic Ocean, from 
 whence he returned to Mexi( o and reported to the. viceroy. He had also reported in person to 
 the King of Spain, but though well received in both instances*liis services were }iot properly 
 rewarded, and he finally returned to the island of Cephalonia, where he belonged. 
 
 This account soon after appeared in a work published by Lucas Fox, and was repeated by 
 many writers. Believers in the truth of the narrative were numerous in the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth centuries. De Fuca's discoveries, like those of Maldonado, were represented on maps, 
 and De Fuca's Strait is laid down north of California in contemporary works, at about 47 or 48 
 degrees of north latitude. 
 
 Towards the end of the eighteenth century such a strait as De Fuca has described was found 
 beyond the forty-eighth parallel, trending eastward, opening into wide water, having many 
 islands and inlets to the south, north, and east; surrounded, too, by a fertile country, and peopled 
 by fur-clad inhabitants. Some travelers thought they recognized the pillar-like rock on the 
 southern side of the entrance, as he had represented. 
 
 Many were induced to believe in the truthfulness of De Fuca's report, and the channel was 
 named De Fuca's Strait. Some thought that the first part of his story, so far as it related to the 
 channel and a broad gulf beyond, might be true, but doubts were entertained in regard to his 
 coming out upon the Atlantic. It seems likely that he passed around Vancouver's Island, after 
 being in the Gulf of Georgia, and so passed into the Pacific. But Navarrete asserts that no 
 navigator of the name Juan de Fuca or Apostolos Valerianos was ever at any time known in 
 Spain or mentioned by contemporary Spanish writers; nor is there extant any record of the visit 
 of such a person to the King of Spain or to the viceroy of Mexico. In none of the papers relating 
 to the expeditions of Vizcaino, written only a few years after 1592 (the time of De Fuca's supposed 
 voyage), can be found any allusion to him; nor is any document bearing on his history in the 
 archives of Sevilla or New Spain. It seems probable that Juan de Fuca never made a voyage in 
 the service of the viceroy of Spain, nor discovered a strait in the latitude indicated, and it may 
 be considered as a mere accident that in the beginning of the seventeenth century a strait in that 
 region was described in a manner coinciding so nearly with the reality as ascertained at a much 
 later date. 
 
 The history of Spanish expeditions to the peninsula of California is somewhat tedious. They 
 were not ably conducted ; they entailed large expense ; scarcely furthered the progress of discovery • 
 and in no instance enlarged the boundaries of the Spanish settlements In fact, they touched only 
 the southern part of the eastern coast of the peninsula. The western coast of the peninsula was not 
 surveyed, nor was the upper end of the Sea of Cortes visited for many years. Its configuration, well 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBT, 565 
 
 known in the time of Cortes and Mendoza, was so utterly forgotten that the gulf was supposed to 
 extend to the forty-eighth parallel, and that it connected there by a channe],-both with the Pacific 
 Ocean and with the Atlantic. California was considered, therefore, not as part of the continent, 
 but as a large island reaching from De Fuca Strait to Cape San Lucas. This erroneous notion 
 seems to have originated with some Dutch freebooters called Pichilingues, who in the beginning 
 of the seventeenth century formed a piratical settlement in the Eay of Pichilingue, on the southern 
 coast of California. They caused it to be reported in Holland that a vessel had once sailed 
 through the Sea of Cortes (Gulf of California) to the north, and from thence had come out upon the 
 Pacific, thus circumnavigating the whole area of California. The story was believed, and a majj 
 constructed to accoM with it was sent to England. Purchas, who was one of the earliest adherents 
 of this geographical theory, published an account of it in 1625 in the third volume of his Pilgrims, 
 and inserted also the first printed map of North America, on which California is represented as an 
 island, and the Sea of Cortes as a broad channel of enormous length. The views of Purchas were 
 adopted by nearly all the geographers of the time. Spaniards, even forgetting the maps of Castillo 
 and their, other pilots (tben lying ib the Spanish archives), shared at last fully in the belief, and 
 about the year 1670 changed the name California to another in honor of their sovereign, Charles 
 11. They named the country "Jas Islas Carolinas," intimating that it formed a cluster of large 
 islands. 
 
 The unsuccessful attempts made at this time by Spaniards, in regard to discovery and devel- 
 opment, appear as types of the condition into which the great Spanish monarchy had fallen. In 
 this prostration Mexico participated. Commonplace explorers with great pretensions were sent 
 out, and were styled " Admirals "; but they were feeble in comparison with such captains as Ulloa, 
 Cabrillo, and Yizcaino. 
 
 After the death of Vizcaino, the first who was commissioned to conduct an expedition to Cal- 
 ifornia appears to have been Juan Itiirbi. With two ships he passed along the greater part of the 
 eastern coast of the peninsula, and as far north as 30°, but was driven back by northwesterly 
 winds, and in distress reached the shores of Cinaloa, where he was received by the Jesuit mission- 
 aries, who saved his life. Father Andres Perez de Eibas, a Jesuit, wrote the history of this expedi- 
 tion. 
 
 One of the vessels of Iturbi had been captured by the Pichilengnes, and it was feared that 
 those pirates might attack also the returning Manilla galleon. Iturbi, therefore, on arrival, was 
 sent out again to protect the galleon, and the further exploration of Calilornia was abandoned. 
 There was no other effort in regard to that object made until 1632, when Francisco de Ortega 
 attempted it. He surveyed only a small part of the coast between Cape San Lucas and the Bahia 
 de la Paz, and from the last-mentioned place made his way back to Mexico. In 1633 and 1634, he 
 made two other voyages to the same region, with the intention of founding a settlement, but the 
 attempt was unsuccessful. 
 
 Iturbi seems to have derived some profit from the pearl fisheries, which were then still 
 productive. Spanish settlers on the coast of Mexico and Cinaloa were thereby induced to fit out 
 vessels and cross the Gulf of California to seek for pearls on the opposite shore. 
 
 In oflUci'al expeditions, or such as were assisted and favored by Government, Ortega was 
 followed by his pilot, Estavan Carbouieli, who affirmed that his chief had failed from want of 
 knowledge and courage. Carboneli promised to find, in a higher latitude, a more fertile country, 
 better adapted for settlement, and he set sail for that object in the year 1536. He '• advanced as 
 far^north as he could," to what latitude is not stated, but only sterile rocks and poor Indians 
 were to be seen. He collected some pearls, as others had who preceded him, and returned to New 
 Spain, where Ortega saw him derided, in turn, as an ignorant poltroon. 
 
 Venegas says that one reason why these repeated expeditions to California did not succeed 
 was that no care was taken of former reports, surveys, maps or plans. '' They were not carefully 
 preserved and made known by print." 
 
 The usefulness of the enterprise being evident, it was renewed in the year 1642 by the viceroy 
 Don Diego Lopez Pacheco, who sent on this occasion the governor of Cinaloa, Don Luis Cestin 
 de Canas, with soldiers and missionaries, with the often repeated instructions " to survey the 
 coasts, bays, islands, rivers, inlets, and creeks of California." The result was much the same as 
 
566 tTNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 in former instances. Cestin visited Bahia de la Paz, and from thence sailed along the coast, bat 
 only " forty leagues to the northwest." Father Jacinto Cortes, a Jesuit missionary who accom-' 
 panied him, wrote a report of the expedition, which report was sent to the Viceroy, with some 
 pearls which had been collected on the coast. 
 
 Governor Cestin was followed in adventure by the Admiral Don Pedro Porter de Casanate 
 Venegas so writes the name, but in Navarrete it is written " Porter y Casanata." 
 
 Casanate embarked for California in 1643. Three years earlier that officer had been commis- 
 sioned to survey the coasts of the Pacific in the immediate vicinity of the peninsula (Lower 
 California) and to make soundings. Navarrete says that the results, after presentation to the 
 council of the Indies, were deposited with other documents in the " Archives' of India." 
 
 Duly empowered in 1640 to make the intended exploration, Casanate had also, by authority, 
 a monopoly in regard to navigation in the Gulf. The reason of his detention in Spain is not 
 explained. In 1644, when his expedition was ready, he was ordered to sail without delay toward 
 Cape San Lucas, to convey the Manilla galleon, and protect it against some English and Dutch 
 pirates who had been seen in the waters of New Spain. At Irtigth the survey was commenced on 
 the eastern coast of the peninsula, but was again deferred in consequence of an urgent call to 
 guard the Manilla vessels against the ever-threatening pirates. 
 
 Thus interrupted, the Admiral did not return to California, but reporting the dif3Qculty of the 
 undertaking to the Viceroy of Mexico, he was soon afterwards sent to South America smd made 
 Governor of Chili. His abortive undertakings in regard to geographical development were so 
 discouraging that an interval of twenty years elapsed in which nothing was done. But, towards 
 the end of the reign of Philip IV, an order was issued for further exploration. The command 
 of an expedition was intrusted to Admiral Don Bernardo Bernal de Pinadero. The outfit was 
 small, as the condition of the Spanish treasury was low. With two small vessels he sailed, in 
 1664, for California. Instead, however, of surveying the coast, the avaricious soldiers of the party 
 would attend to nothing except pearl fishing. They forced the natives to do all the heavy work 
 for them, and when a quantity of pearls had been secured they quarreled .among themselves in the 
 division. Pinadero, for himself, secured a small share, but was constantly engaged in efforts to 
 keep his men from quarreling. 
 
 A second voyage by the same admiral in 1667 was not more successful, and no result marked 
 the next expedition, which was led by Francisco Lucenilla in 1668, 
 
 Philip IV, the monarch who had directed the last-mentioned enterprises, died in 1665. In the 
 early part of the reign of his successor, Charles II, nothing was done. But the Council of the 
 Indies, aware of the advantages that might result from the conquest of California, determined to 
 renew efforts towards that end. In the year 1677, orders for the purpose were issued to tho Viceroy 
 of Mexico, and a contract was made with the Admiral Don Isidore de Atoudo as commander 
 who was confident of success notwithstanding the failure of all his predecessors. 
 
 On the 18th of May, 1683^ Atondo sailed with two ships carrying sailors and soldiers, and a 
 third vessel laden with implements, munitions, and provisions. He arrived at Bahia de la Paz 
 and fortified against hostile Indians, but the store-ship, beaten off by storms, was so long delayed 
 that the soldiers suffered for want of food. One of the vessels was therefore sent to New Spain 
 and obtained a cargo, but was unable to reach port. Three attempts were made, but the vessel 
 was driven back although in sight of the coast. Under these circumstances Atondo found it 
 impossible to maintain order, and was obliged to abandon his position at La Paz. By the sale or 
 everything he could dispense with he was. enabled to procure provisions, and he embarked for a 
 more northern bay in latitude 46° 30', which he called San Bruno. This doubtless was the bay 
 afterwards called by the Jesuits "Bahia de la Conception." 
 
 On his arrival Atondo commenced a settlement, built a cliurch, and passed a year in exploring 
 the neighboring regions. He made distant excursions, and tried by traversing the peninsula to 
 reach the Pacific side. On these journeys, ^and generally in his tiavels, he was accompatiied by 
 missionary Jesuits, who thus became thoroughly acquainted with the country and learned the 
 languages of the natives. At the head of these missionaries was the intelligent Father Kino o'r 
 Kuhn, a German, who had served as cosmographer (cosmografo mayor) in the expedition and who 
 subsequently wrote a very interesting account of it. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBT. 567 
 
 Atondo seems to have been energetic, but he spent nearly three years in ineffectual attempts 
 to make a settlement in California. Finding it impossible to procure means for maintaining a 
 colony, in the autumn of 1()85 he re-embarked the soldiers and missionaries, and taking a few of 
 the baptized Indians, returned to Mexico. There he found other employment, and in addition was 
 ordered to start to oppose pirates and convoy home the Manilla galleons. Nothing was gained by 
 the expeditions of Atondo, They were costly, and consequently there was little disposition either 
 in Mexico or Spain to incur further outlay. The government of Mexico, says Father Baegert " re- 
 nounced not only all activity in this direction, but actually refused assistance and protection for 
 private undertakings to California." 
 
 1697-1717. 
 
 California, thus abandoned by the Spanish Government, still had the attention of the Jesuits, 
 who were then powerful and active in both divisions of the western hemisphere. They had estab- 
 lished missions along the eastern si^eof the Gulf of California, and through Cinaloa, Soriora, and 
 Pimeria, and furnished missionaries, journalists, cosmographers, and historians to nearly all the 
 Government expeditions, down to that of Admiral Atondo, who was, as already stated, accompa- 
 nied by Father Kino. These pious men thought that by preaching to the Indians, and conversing 
 with and civilizing them, might be accomplished, wha,t no avaricious merchant or pearl fisher, no 
 sailor or soldier, however courageous, had been able to effect, the settlement and exploration of 
 California. They proposed therefore a system of procedure in which missionaries should not be 
 subordinate either to a military or naval chieftain. Missionaries were to take the lead with an 
 army at their command. 
 
 The most complete history of the Jesuits in California is " Noticia de la California y de sucon. 
 quista temporal y espiritual hasta el tiempo presente, sacada de la historia manuscripta formado 
 in Mexico aiio de 1739, por el padre Miguel Venegas, de la Compania de Jesus ; y deotras Noticias 
 y Eelg-ciones antiquas y modernas Anaclida de algunos mapas particulares, Madrid, 1757." The 
 work is in three volumes, and is generally ascribed to Venegas ; but the history of California is 
 carried by him only down to the year 1739. Andreas Marco Burriel compiled from themanuscripts 
 of Venegas and from other sources and issued an edition in 1752. The work isvaluable, but there 
 are misprints in regard to the chronology. The third volume contains interesting quotations from 
 other authors and treatises on geographical questions relating to California. 
 
 On the subsequent history of the Jesuits in California, from 1752 to 1767, when they were 
 compelled to leave that country, many books have been published. One of the most valuable of 
 these was written by Baegert, and was printed in 1773. Baegert was a German Jesuit who passed 
 much time in California. His clear narrative and description of the country include references to 
 the missions and journeys, and mention of the close of that religious order on the coast. This work 
 also was translated into English and some other languages. 
 
 Juan Maria Salvatierra, an Italian nobleman of Milan, and a Jesuit, was at this time in 
 Mexico. He was known as a man "of zealous faith, of large mind, and of great patience, and 
 withal of a strong bodily constitution." While visiting the mission of Sonora he met the German 
 Jesuit Franz Kuhn (called by the Spaniards Francisco Kino), who told him of the neglected state 
 of the country and of the misery of its inhabitants. This relation kindled in the mind of Salva- 
 tierra a desire for Christianizing the Indians. He finally received permission to go to California, 
 but nothing was to be expended from the royal treasury on his account. 
 
 Salvatierra was poor, but a wealthy gentleman of Acapulco, Gil de la Sierpe, placed at his 
 disposal two vessels and a sum of money. He received contributions also from Europe. Five 
 soldiers, several seamen, and some associates accompanied him, and, having procured a cannon, 
 with provisions for the expedition, he sailed, in October, 1697, from Cinaloa to the coast of Cali- 
 fornia, and settled in latitude about 26° north, where he founded a mission wiiich he called San 
 Loretto. He preached to the Indians in their own language, baptized them, and resolved to pass 
 his life in religious work. More than twenty times he crossed the Mar Vermejo, and was enabled 
 by the assistance of his friends in Mexico to procure men, missionaries, and provisions, and to 
 found several other missions on the coast of California. Between the years 1697 and 1716 he 
 
568 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEYEY. 
 
 expended in this work 300,000 " pesos duros," collected by himself and his pious companions from 
 devoted individuals and corporations in sympathy with the cause. 
 
 This was the first of several Jesuit missions in Lower California. They attracted attention 
 in Europe, and were believed to be constituents of a powerful domination aiming at riches and 
 empire. Such was the accusation, and it resulted in the dissolution of the order. 
 
 What the Dane Egede did for Greenland, Salvatierra effected for California. He labored a,lso 
 for the exploration of the country, made excursions to the interior, and decided the long-standing 
 doubt concerning the peninsula, which by many was supposed to be an island. At his request, 
 Father Kino traversed the country from Sonora to the Eio Colorado. The usual residence of Kino 
 was the mission of Neustra Sonora de Dolores, on the northern frontier of Sonora. In one of his 
 journeys (in the year 1700) he followed the course of the river Gila down to its junction with the 
 Colorado, but for want of provisions could proceed no iurther. Before returning he ascended a 
 mountain, and, looking westward and southward, saw continuous land. Venegas says that with 
 "a spy-glass" he traced the course of the Colorado to the gulf and recognized the mountains. 
 Convinced of the continuity of land between Sonora and California, and assured also by the 
 Indians of different tribes assembled around him (about five hundred in all). Kino yielded to the 
 necessity forced on him by the sickness of his companions, as well as want of provisions, and 
 returned home. 
 
 Though highly pleased, Salvatierra was not entirely satisfied with a conclusion based on 
 a distant view. He required practical proof. Nothing less than actually walking around the gulf 
 on dry land would thoroughly settle the question. The Fathers therefore proposed to set out from 
 Kino's mission Dolores, in Sonora, walk around the gulf, and down on its western side to the mission 
 of Salvatierra (San Loretto), in California. Salvatierra joined his companion at Sonora, and both 
 set out on this expedition from Dolores on the 1st of March, 1701. Taking a route different from 
 the one traveled by Kino previously, they did not go as far north as the Gila, but turned westward 
 to follow the shore of the gulf, and reached a sandy, waterless desert, in which the party suffered 
 with heat. They were obliged, therefore, to content themselves with a view of the shores from an 
 elevation of the Sierra de Santa Clara, a mountain range, where the party assembled, and from 
 thence saw the coast of California, the narrow northern end of the lake, and the mouth of the 
 Colorado, after which they returned to Dolores. 
 
 At the end of the same year, 1701, Father Kino again went north and followed the Gila and 
 Colorado to avoid the sandy desert. He passed down the Col6rado,__^landed on the western shore, 
 and in the country adjacent found only wide plains and saw hills in the distance, but no 
 appearance of any prolongation of the Gulf. The Indians told him of the ocean, and showed him 
 shells from the "contra costa," which, they said, could be reached in ten days' walking. Kino 
 wished to make a journey to Monterey and also to Cape Mendocino, but being unable to cross the 
 Colorado with horses and mules he wrote to Salvatierra from the western side of the river, and 
 sent the letter by an Indian, trusting that it might be forwarded to San Loretto. 
 
 In 1702 Kino made the last of his excursions, and was then accompanied by Father Martin 
 Gonzalez. Again he reached the junction of the Gila and Colorado, and from thence passed along 
 the eastern shore of the last-named river, and reached its mouth, whick until then Kino had only 
 seen from afar. There many friendly Indians from the western side gathered around him, 
 described their country, its rivers and mountains, and stating the distance to the ocean, invited 
 him to visit their settlement. But Kino was again prevented from going westward. His 
 companion, Gonzalez, fell sick and died, and was buried on the road. Occuj)ied with missionary 
 duties elsewhere. Kino was unable afterwards to visit the northern end of the gulf. He died in 
 1710 and Father Salvatierra in 1717, leaving unsettled the question in regard to the continental 
 character of California. 
 
 JUAN UGARTE, 1721. 
 
 The Gulf of California had been partially examined. Its shores had been looked at from the 
 mast of some distant vessel, but the indentations were scarcely known. 
 
 The first traveler who gave particular attention to such details was the Father, Juan Ugarte 
 who, iu 1721, built two small vessels and sailed on the 16th of May from the Bay of San Dionisio 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 569 
 
 de Lorettp. With the crews were several who had passed through the Strait of Magellan, and 
 also an able and intelligent pilot, Guillermo Estrafort. 
 
 Sailing north along the eastern coast of the gulf this party closely examined the shores, 
 corrected the errors of early maps, and after encountering dangers and diflflculties reached the 
 mouth of the Colorado early in July. In the middle of that month they turned back, and on the 
 home voyage surveyed parts of the eastern and western shores of the Gulf. In September, 1721, 
 they arrived at the port of San Loretto, and there announced that between the Peninsula of 
 California and the Province of Pimeria there was no water excepting that of the Kio Colorado. 
 
 Father Ugarte wrote an account of this expedition and appended to it the map of his pilot, 
 Estrafort, which map, says Venegas, he considered the principal result of the undertaking, but 
 neither the narration nor the map seem to have been published. 
 
 1732. 
 
 The Jesuits had for a long period manifested interest in the exploration of the interior of the 
 peninsula and of what was then called " contra costa," or the seaward side of the peninsula. They, 
 in fact, inherited the purpose of forming some settlement for the benefit of the returning Manilla 
 galleons. Several " entradas " had been made, the first by Father Ugarte, after many difficulties, 
 in the year 1706, when a tract of about 20 leagues was surveyed near the twenty-fifth degree of 
 north latitude. A company, conducted by the same Father, in 1712 founded not far from the ocean 
 (at about 26° north latitude) the mission of Purissima Concepcion de Maria, and surveyed part of 
 the coast. In 1719 Father Clemente Giiiken led an expedition to the vicinity of 24^ north latitude, 
 and examined Bahia de Magdalena, which had been named by Vizcaino, and noted by him as one 
 of the best protected ports'in that region. In that neighborhood the mission of San Luis Gonzaga 
 was established by the Jesuits. But the most interesting of the expeditions patronized by that 
 order was accomplished by Sigismundo Taraval, in 1732. 
 
 Born of noble parents at Todi, in Lombardy, Taraval was well instructed. In the year 1730, 
 and when in the prime of manhood, he arrived in California. The most northwesterly mission then 
 maintained was at San Ignacio, near 28 degrees north latitude, the care of which was confided to 
 Taraval, with directions to explore the region beyond and open the way for similar establishments. 
 Putting himself at the head of a company of baptized and friendly Indians, he traveled six days 
 and reached a bay, which lie called Bahia de San Xavier, the latitude of which is not stated in 
 the narrative. There he saw several small islands, distant 6 or 7 leagues from the coast ; and 
 after constructing a balsa, sailed over to one of them but found only birds. So he named 
 the group " Islas de Aves," i. e., Bird Islands. Another island, some leagues from these, in 
 latitude about 31 degrees north, he named " Isla de Neblinas," or Foggy Island. In the interior 
 of this last was a considerable mountain which Taraval ascended, and at a distance of 8 or 10 
 leagues saw a cluster of islands, which he named " Islas de los Dolores." Against the horizon 
 other islands were seen at the north, which he supposed to be the Santa Barbara group, one of 
 which had been called " Isla de Santa Catalina " by the navigator Vizcaino. There is little doubt 
 that the " Dolores " mentioned by Taraval were the Coronados Islands. 
 
 On the map of North America, in the third volume of the History of California by Venegas, 
 these islands are put down in latitude 32 degrees north, and are marked " Islas de los Dolores, 
 reconocidas por el Padre Sigismundo Taraval en 1732." 
 
 The bay named by Taraval " Bahia de San Xavier" is not indicated on this or on any other 
 map. Probably it is the small bay now known as San Diego Harbor. Venegas says that Vizcaino 
 passed, perhaps in the night-, from the harbor of San Diego to the Bay of San Xavier, and then 
 discovered near this bay the island of Catalina. 
 
 After Taraval no Jesuit missionary went so far north of Mexico. "'We wished very much," 
 says Venegas, " to found missions on the islands of the Santa Barbara Channel, seen by our father, 
 but the distance was too great, and we had still too much to do in our immediate vicinity." 
 
 1746. 
 
 An expedition similar to that of Ugarte in 1721 was undertaken by Father Fernando Consak, 
 a native of Bohemia, in 17i6. With four canoes, he started from the bay of San Carlos' (latitude 
 H. Ex. 43 72 
 
570 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC ;SUEVBY. 
 
 28 degrees north) on the 9th of June. His undertaking closely resembles that of TJgarte, both in 
 regard to route and as respects the conclusions. Consak explored the coasts, bays, inlets, and 
 islands along the eastern shore of Lower California, and on the lltb of July arrived at the mouth 
 of the Colorado. He tried to ascend the river with his canoes, but the current was too strong for 
 his oarsmeu to admit of any considerable advance. He surveyed, however, on the return some 
 parts of the gulf, and constructed a map, of which Yenegas gives a copy in the third volume of 
 his History of California. 
 
 1766. 
 
 As no one had actually walked round the northern end of the Oulf of California, some doubt 
 remained. To settle the matter finally, Father Winceslaus Link was sent, in 1766, to go by land 
 through the peninsula toward the Eio Colorado. He was then in charge of the mission of San 
 Borgia, then the most northerly establishment of the Jesuits. The journey was commenced with 
 sixteen Spanish soldiers and one hundred Indians. After a weary march they reached a point 
 20 or 30 leagues from the Colorado, and there his Indians were all sick; his horses and mules 
 died, and the soldiers were so ir.uch dispirited that Link was obliged to retrace his steps. 
 As far as could be seen, however, he discovered only sandy plains about the north end of the 
 gulf, and like those who preceded him, it was reported to be landlocked. From his time Lower 
 California has been universally known as a peninsula. A few years after this the Jesuits were 
 forced to leave the country which they had explored, cultivated, and peacefully governed. For 
 some years an opinion prevailed in Europe that the Jesuits had in California and in Paraguay, 
 powerful and populous empires, and that enormous wealth had been derived from their gold mines 
 and pearl fisheries. When therefore the dissolution of the order throughout the world was 
 decreed, the viceroy of Mexico (in 1767) sent an armed force, under Don Caspar de Portola, to 
 California, with directions to seize the country in the King's name and assume jurisdiction as 
 Eoyal Governor. The Jesuits were arrested at their several missions and sent to Spain. Some 
 perished, and others, after much suffering, reached Europe. Portola was not resisted, but he 
 found instead of the expected El Dorado, a very poor, rocky country, with only wild tribes of 
 Indians, who had made under the guidance of the Jesuits, their first advances toward civili- 
 zation. 
 
 Franciscan friars were substituted for the displaced missionaries, and the work of colonization 
 inclined toward the far northwest. In the course of twenty-five years that region was rapidly 
 developed. 
 
 RUSSIAN EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 The Jesuits, by their settlements and exploration of the peninsula and Gulf of California, laid 
 a foundation for farther progress towards the northwest. Two European nations, the Russians 
 and the French, advanced from opposite directions to the same region. Their enterprises influ- 
 enced the ideas of geographers, and moved the Spanish Government to make a final exploration 
 of that part of the country. 
 
 A sketch will suffice to mark the discoveries made by Russians in their expeditions from 
 Siberia. Cossacks had passed the Ural Mountains and commenced.au easterly movement at the 
 end of the sixteenth century. They traversed Siberia and arrived on the shores of the Northern 
 Pacific by the middle of the seventeenth century. One of these named Deschnew, as early as 
 1646, sailed through Bering Strait, but left no detailed account of his adventures. Others followed, 
 and by reaching the peninsula of Kamtchatka gave the Cossacks some notion of lands east of 
 Siberia. There had been amongst them the rumor of an " eastern country or island," with large 
 rivers and forests in which were fur-bearing animals. The enterprising monarch, Peter the Great 
 formed a plan for the exploration of the region, but his death not long afterwards devolved the 
 execution of the scheme upon his successor. 
 
 la 1728 Capt. Victus Bering, chosen by the Em'peror Peter for the undertaking, sailed 
 from Kamtchatka and took a northeasterly course. He saw only the western part of the gulf 
 which bears his name, crossed the strait dividing Asia from America (traversed by Deschnew) 
 
united; STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 571 
 
 aud reached, at the sixty-sixth parallel, a promontory which he believed to be the most northern 
 headland of Asia. From that point he returned home. 
 
 In the time of the Empress Elizabeth (1741), a more important expedition moved, under 
 command of the same Bering. With two ships, one in charge of Captain Tschirikow, a Eussian, 
 he sailed from Kamtchatka in a southern and eastern direction. The vessels were soon separated 
 by a storm, but both reached the coast of America, though at different points. Bering made 
 land under 60 degrees north latitude in the neighborhood of a large mountain, called since his 
 time Mount Saint Elias, and Tschirikow at 56 degrees north latitude touched on one of the islands 
 now known as the Prince of Wales Archipelago; but neither of the commanders could go farther. 
 Their crews were sick and their means of subsistence exhausted. On the home voyage they saw 
 some of the Aleutian Islands. On a small island west of them Bering was wrecked and died, 
 but his crew and Captain Tsohirikow's returned safely to Kamtchatka before the end of 1741, 
 bearing the news of their discoveries to Europe. 
 
 The operations last mentioned resulted in the introduction of a new fur-bearing animal, the 
 sea otter, which soon became one of the chief inducements for future expeditious and explorations 
 in the northwest. On the island where Bering died his crew killed many of these animals, and 
 in China sold the skins at large prices. 
 
 The Eussian Government did not at once follow up the geographical discoveries of Bering, 
 but enterprising individuals fitted out private expeditions to hunt the otter. None of these 
 reached the qpasts visited by Bering and Tschirikow, but they explored the Aleutian Islands aud 
 brought home some sketches and maps. 
 
 In 1764 the Eussiaus occupied the peninsula of Aliaska, on the continent of America, mistaking 
 it for an island, and formed different trading establishments and hunting stations. At length 
 these attracted the attention of the Eussian Government, and induced an ofiicial investigation in 
 regard to their extent and connection with other countries. 
 
 By order of the Empress Catharine II, expeditions were dispatched about the time of the 
 expulsion of the Jesuits from California, and the substitution of more active explorers (the 
 Franciscan missionaries) to till places vacated by that religious order. The first was sent in 
 1766-'67, under command of Lieutenant Synd, and the second in 1768, in charge oi Captain 
 Krinitzyu and Lieutenant Lewashoff. But these navigators failed in attempting to reach the 
 latitudes attained by Bering and Tschirikow. They effected nothing except a little improvement 
 in the knowledge of the position and condition of the Aleutian fur islands. The attention of the 
 Spanish Government, anxious to preserve and defend its old pretensions to the possession of the 
 Pacific, was excited by these movements. They were regarded as invasions of Spanish California. 
 
 FRENCH EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 The expeditions of the French, sent out westward from Canada, and their discoveries, like 
 those of the Eussiaus, could not but influence the views held in regard to the nature and con- 
 figuration of the northwestern coast. On the Saint Lawrence the French were told of a great 
 expanse of water at the westward, and they supposed it to be the Pacific Ocean, as, according to 
 opinions then prevalent, the continent was not of very great breadth. The first English settlers 
 in Virginia believed that beyond the Alleghany Mountains there was a large sea, supposed by 
 some to ,be the Pacific, by others only a bay or branch of the Gulf of Cortes (Californian Gulf), and 
 that supposed sea is marked on some of the early maps of Virginia. 
 
 The French had found that the so-called " Great Sea" was daerely a series of lakes. In 1673, by 
 passing the Mississippi they disproved also the supposition in regard to the proximity of the 
 Pacific. Its coast was, however, in imagination, removed only so far west as was made 
 needful in representation by positive evidence. It remained a favorite idea with the Canadian, 
 French, and Virginian English that the continental breadth was not great, and at each step west- 
 ward they expected to find water courses running in that direction. 
 
 In the year 1683, soon after the discovery of the Mississippi, a French traveler, the* Baron 
 Lahonlan, while exploring the river "Moingona" (perhaps the Minnesota), met some Indians who 
 told him of a river running westward. One of them painted upon a buffalo skin a map of the 
 
572 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 river with its mouth opening into a large expanse of water; and on the shores of that expanse 
 were towns and trading vessels. This story is like the vision of the Spaniard, Coronado, who also 
 saw salt water at the west, with great gilded trading ships. • Lahonlan brought home a map, and 
 we see in consequence on French publications of that day a great western river not far from the 
 Mississippi, and in addition the shore of a broad stretch of salt water, but whether intended 
 for a large inland lake (Utah?) or part of the Oalifornian gulf, or the Pacific itshlf, cannot be 
 decided. 
 
 In 1721 Charlevoix, a French Jesuit, went down the Mississippi, and was told by Indians near 
 the mouth of the Missouri that they had been westward and found its source in very high mount- 
 ains, on the other side of which was a stream flowing towards the west. A similar but more 
 circumstantial account of this western river was given by an Indian to Du Pratz, another French 
 traveler, in 1735. He called it Tacoutche Tessee, and said he had traveled from its source to its 
 mouth, or as far down as the great water towards the setting sun. Amongst Indians on the upper 
 waters of the Missouri some French voyagers saw sea-shells, which had probably come from hand 
 to hand over the Rocky Mountains to the valley of the Mississippi, and these were considered as 
 sure indications that an ocean existed in the west. 
 
 In the northwest the French discovered and traced the river of the Assinaboines and the 
 Saskatchawan, obtained some knowledge of the Rocky Mountains, and also heard again of the 
 "Great River of the West." 
 
 Amongst the travelers in that region was the Chevalier de la Verenderye, a man of enterprisisg 
 spirit, who, with his sons, manifested steady interest in geographical development, but it is not 
 probable that he actually reached the mountains. He went far in that direction, and pictured them 
 on his map, as also the river of the west, which is represented as an outflow of Lake Winnipeg. 
 The French map-makers who followed his indications, as, for example, N. Bellin, in 1743, not only 
 sketched the river, but added some parts of the coast of the Pacific, which they adopted as the 
 western boundary of La Nouvelle France, or " Canada." Opinions respecting the mouth of the 
 river were as various as those held in regard to the source. Some thought that it led to the harbor 
 of San Francisco, where two western rivers do in fact join their waters. Others supposed it to 
 flow in the opening seen by Martin d'Aguilar, and some had in view an outlet towards the 
 Strait of Juan de Fuca. 
 
 The English traveler Carver, who, like Verenderye, set out intending to reach the Pacific, 
 says : " The river Oregon, or River of the West, falls into the Pacific Ocean at the Strait of Auiau." 
 Mtiller, the able German historian of Russian discoveries, says: "According to my opinion, the 
 much spoken of Great River of the West falls into the ocean opposite either to Kamtchatka or 
 the country of the Tschuktschi." 
 
 Spaniards showed on maps of the country northwest of Mexico some large rivers, but the 
 directions are marked as uncertain. Their names are Rio Dolores, Rio Buenaventura, Rio San 
 Felip6, Rio Los Monges, and others. Some believed these to be independent streams, but others 
 supposed they were branches of one large river, probably the Oregon, mentioned by Carver or 
 as named by the French, " Rivifere de I'Ouest." 
 
 The French lost control in Canada before their explorations could be extended from the Saint 
 Lawrence and Mississippi towards the Pacific. Others completed the work, as will be mentioned 
 hereafter. Neither the expeditions of the Jesuits nor those of the Russians or French at this 
 period reached the middle of the northwestern coast of America, though many speculations and 
 hypotheses were started by them. There remained an immense tract as little known in 1750 as 
 it had been at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Before alluding to further operations 
 two enterprises of this period will be touched on, namely, the apocryphal discoveries of the so- 
 called Admiral Ponte, and the expedition to California under the astronomer Chappe. 
 
 The so-called voyages and discoveries of Admiral Fonte have no historical foundation. Before 
 the year 1708 no one had heard of such a person. Then it was for the first time mentioned that 
 he had made important discoveries in the year 1640. When first told the story gained little 
 attention, but in 1750 the two eminent French geographers De I'Isle and Buache declared their 
 belief and brought the details before the Academy of France, and the story attracted much atten- 
 tion. Even the Spanish Jesuits in California occupied themselves towards the close of their tenure 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 573 
 
 with the subject. It seems proper, therefore, to raeution it, which may be done briefly, as Venegas, 
 the annah'st of the Californian Jesuits, gives a treatise on De Fonte in his third volume. 
 
 Of De Fonte's pretended discoveries none but that of the Eio de los Eeyes was ever deemed 
 plausible. 
 
 In 1708, without signature or mention of authority, an English periodical, " The Monthly Miscel- 
 lany or Memoirs of the Curious," contained an article entitled "A Narrative," in which a certain Admi- 
 ral Bartolome de Fonte or Fuente relates that he was sent by order of the King of Spain and the 
 Viceroy of Peru, in the year 1640, to make discoveries on the northwestern coast of America ; that 
 he had sailed in furtherance along the coast of California, and reached, at about 53 degrees north 
 latitude, the mouth of a great river, which he named Eio de los Eeyes, and opposite to this a large 
 archipelago, which he called " San Lazaro." He further states that he entered the river and passing 
 northeast discovered lakes, channels, and other waters, to each of which he gave a name, and at 
 last leaving his vessel in one of the lakes he traveled overland to Hudson's Bay, where he found 
 a ship from Boston in New England. The narrative adds that while De Fonte was on his extra- 
 ordinary journey, one of his officers made at the north similar discoveries of channels, lakes, and 
 passages from the Pacific into the northern waters, that he had given names to all of them, and 
 described each of them minutely in his report to the Admiral. 
 
 The fiction here mentioned would not .be worthy of notice if such intelligent men as T. N. de 
 I'Isle and Philippe Buache had not brought the matter ]before the Academy of Prance, and declared 
 their belief in its authenticity. English writers have made it probable that the story was fur- 
 nished by Mr. James Petiver, the naturalist, whose taste and talents for such productions were 
 well known. When eminent French geographers issued a map showing the pretended discoveries 
 of De Fonte, of course they had imitators* Jefferys, Brouckner, and Bernouille, among others, 
 adopted the whole or part, copied the map, and gave the names "Archipelago de San Lazaro," 
 "Elb de los Eeyes," and others, thus perpetuating the fable and promulgating it to the world. 
 
 1769. 
 
 The voyage of the astronomer, M. Chappe d'Auteroche, was one of several made to different 
 parts of the globe for the purpose of observing the transit of Venus which occurred on the 3d of 
 June, 1769. The Fren«h Academy was at the head of the enterprise, and wished to have observa- 
 tions made on one of the Spanish South Sea Islands, but pertaission being refused, the peninsula 
 of California was chosen instead, and there the court of Spain was willing to lend a helping hand. 
 So a combined expedition was arranged, of Spanish and French observers, and the direction was 
 given to Chappe, who had previously made a voyage to Siberia in the interest of astronomy. For 
 the observations of 1769 he was amply provided with astronomical and mathematical instruments, 
 and he was accompanied by a French geographical engineer and a watchmaker. Two Spanish 
 astronomers, M. Doz and M. Medina, joined him at Cadiz on his way to the New World. 
 
 ^he party expected to sail in one of the ships of the great Spanish fleet destined for Vera Cruz, 
 but its departure being deferred from week to week, the time for the transit of Venus drew so 
 near that a vessel was hastily made ready, and they sailed to Mexico and in a miserable condition 
 landed on the 8th of March, 1769. With a caravan of mules the instruments were transported to 
 the harbor of San Bias, and after long detention by calms and high winds the party reached the 
 shore of the peninsula of California at a point near the mission of Saint Joseph, where, having 
 some time left, they erected observatories in barns and under tents. 
 
 Favored by serene skies, M. Chappe had the good fortune to record a series of satisfactory 
 observations on the transit and noted other astronomical phenomena, amongst which was a lunar 
 eclipse and the immersion of one of Jupiter's satellites. All these and an interesting narrative o;t 
 the expedition were made known to the scientific world by Cassini. The preparations of Chappe 
 had been methodical, and his observations were made with scrupulous exactness. The Spanish 
 astronomers pursued their operations separately. From all the observations the geographical posi- 
 tion of San Joseph proved to be 23° 3' 20" N. and 112° 2' 30" west of Paris. But the best Mexican 
 charts of that time varied much from this result, differing as much as three degrees in longitude 
 and more than a deglree in latitude. 
 
574 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 According to calculatious resiiltiug from the observations of Chappe, Western America was 
 found to be nearer to Europe than previous estimates by about four degrees of longitude. The 
 result became a standard for all subsequent surveying operations. In 1793, when Vancouver tin- 
 ished his survey of the northwestern coast, he repaired to Cape San Lucas and the vicinity of 
 Saint Joseph, in order to compare his results for position with those obtained by Chappe in 1769. 
 While the last-named observer was engaged on the peninsula a malignant epidemic raged. He 
 died there, as did several of his companions — his watchmaker and the Spanish astronomer, Don 
 Salvador de Medina, In fact, the entire party of learned men assembled near Cape Saint Lucas 
 became seriously ill. Those who recovered fled from the fatal shores, regardless of intended 
 explorations for the benefit of geography and natural history. 
 
 The British Government sent out Captain Cook in the year 1768, accompanied by the 
 astronomer Green and naturalist Solander, to observe the transit at a station on the island of 
 Tahiti, and this was the first of a series of Pacific voyages which, ten years later, brought Cook 
 to the northwestern coast of North America. 
 
 FRANCISCANS AND VANCOUVEE, 1769-'92. 
 
 Fear of the progress of the Eussians in the Pacific, the expulsion of the Jesuits from Cali- 
 fornia, and the zeal in missionary work evinced by" their successors, the Franciscan friars, 
 awakened activity which was not again interrupted until the coast was thoroughly explored. 
 Year after year one expedition followed another, European nations concurring, and at the end ot 
 the century nearly all the " mysteries of the west" lay open before the world. 
 
 Alarm at Eussian progress had drawn the Spaniards to the northwest, and they had previously 
 moved northeast (on the American continent) in consequence of the advances of the French. To 
 check these in the valley of the Mississippi the Spanish sent expeditions which resulted in the 
 settlement of western Texas. In 1762 they acquired from France the cession of the western half 
 of the Mississippi country, and detachments of Spanish dragoons, missionaries, and tradesmen 
 from New Mexico went sometimes as far north as the fiftieth parallel. At this time they seemed 
 willing to take possession of a continent conferred on them by a Papal bull at the end of the 
 fifteenth century. But this was merely as the last brightening of a flame before its extinction. 
 
 The Marquis de Croix, Viceroy of Mexico, who, in 1767, ordered the expulsion of the Jesuits 
 from California, and gave their missions and settlements to the Franciscans, directed the latter to 
 advance towards the northwest. Warmed by the triumph over their rivals, the Franciscans 
 manifested great zeal. An enterprise was planned by their superior, Joseph de Galvez, with the 
 approbation of the Viceroy, who was, however, succeeded in office by Don Antonio Maria de 
 Bucarrelli in 1771, a man not less active in promoting geographical exploration and missions. By 
 the exertions of these men was carried into effect, in the course of six or eight- years, the long 
 desired settlement, cultivation, and exploration of what the Jesuits had called the " Contra Gosta." 
 
 The history of the labors and sufferings of the Franciscan friars and their companions is 
 highly interesting. The aims and results at wliich they arrived served an important end in 
 advancing the hydrography of the coast. Peaceful and comparatively strong, the missions became 
 fulcrums of civilization in that region and desirable supports for subsequent northwestern voyages. 
 
 Spanish explorers returning exhausted, as also English, French, and other nationalities, relied 
 on these establishments. Vancouver would probably have perished but for the succor afforded 
 by the Franciscans in- California, and the Eussiaus relied on them for provisions. Agents of 
 the Hudson Bay Company traveled from the Columbia Eiver for supplies. In short, these missions 
 were the basis of empire. Without them the United States would have found it much more diffi- 
 cult to establish government in that part of its territory. All American travelers in the begin- 
 ning of the present century repaired to these hospitable settlements, as the mariners, the Eussians 
 and the Canadians did, asking for bread and for succor when exhausted ; and many doubtless would 
 have perished if the Franciscans had not previously dotted the coast line with cultivated patches 
 cattle, peaceful Indians, and homes. It would be interesting to follow the history of these missions' 
 but our main interest here relates to the land and sea expeditions by which they were established! 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 575 
 
 MISSIONS, 1769. 
 
 It was concerted between the Viceroy and the Superior of the Franciscan convents ( Jos6 ae 
 Galvez) that three missions should be founded, one at San Diego, another at Monterey, and a third 
 midway between the two, both of which had been pronounced by Vizcaino, a hundred and fifty 
 years earlier, as well adapted for the intended purpose. The middle station was called San 
 Buenaventura. 
 
 Two expeditions were to be sent out at the same time, one from the peninsula, by land, the 
 other by sea from San Bias. Galvez himself superintended the arrangements for both. The land 
 expedition was to conduct the principal missionaries with soldiers and cattle, lay out a road, and 
 begin friendly intercourse with the Indian tribes on the way. This was under command of Don 
 Caspar de Portola, the captain of dragoons, who had been charged to expel the Jesuits from Lower 
 California. He was supported by other of&cers, some soldiers, and several missionaries, under the 
 supervision of Father Junipero Serra, who was constituted president of the new missions. They 
 set out in two divisions, the smaller an exploring party under the conduct of Don Fernando Eivera 
 and Moncada going in advance. The principal body, commanded by Portola, followed on the 15th 
 of May, 1769, from the Mission de San Fernando en Velicata, the most northern settlement in 
 Lower California. This had been founded only a short time before their departure. The track of 
 the old Jesuit traveler. Father Wenceslaus Link, was followed to the neighborhood of the Colo- 
 rado. From thence, taking a northwesterly direction, they arrived on the 1st of July, 1769, after 
 forty-six days' travel, at the shore of a bay recognized by them as the harbor of San Diego, according 
 to the old maps and charts, and there they found the sea expedition at anchor. 
 
 The sea expedition was intended to aid that on land by carrying out more soldiers, provisions, 
 and implements. They were also to survey, or, as that operation was then expressed, " register 
 the coast" (a tracer el registro de la Costa). For this purpose three ships were fitted out from 
 San Bias: The San Carlos, San Antonio, and San Joseph. The principal vessel carried Don 
 Vicente Vila, commander in-chief of the expedition, and the second, Capt. Don Juaz Perez, who 
 was afterwards one of the most active among the explorers and navigators of the northwestern 
 coast. 
 
 The three ships sailed on separate days. Perez, in the San Antonio, arrived at San Diego Bay 
 on the 11th of April. The San Carlos started more than a month earlier, but was a fortnight 
 behind the San Antonio, the captain of the San Carlos, judging from " the indications of the old 
 maps" that the port of San Diego was between 33° and 34° of latitude, but he found it at 32° 40' 
 He lost, therefore, much time, and did not discover his error until his crew was much wasted by- 
 sickness, hunger, and fatigue. Some of the crew died on this voyage. The third vessel (San 
 Joseph) was never seen or heard of after sailing. The members of the two expeditions rejoiced in 
 being united, but as a voyage to Monterey was out of the question, the San Antonio was manned, 
 and Juan Perez sailed in. that vessel on the 9th of July from San Diego southward to procure 
 provisions and hands. 
 
 When the ships were found unavailable, and the San Antonio had sailed homeward, Portola 
 determined to march northward, moving on the 14th of July, 1769, in search of Monterey. Part 
 of the company was left at San Diego with Father Junipero Serra to form the intended settlement 
 and mission and to negotiate with the surrounding Indians. He started with some soldiers and 
 missionaries, including Friar Juan Crespi, the journalist of this and other Franciscan expeditions, 
 and traveled slowly along the coast, accompanied by a train of mules and many friendly Indians. 
 Passing the Sierra of Santa Lucia, they came in sight of the harbor of Monterey on the 1st of 
 October. Men were sent to reconnoiter the bay, but could find nothing answering the description 
 of the port of Monterey as given by the pilot, Cabrero Bueno, which was their only guide. The 
 open bay they thought could scarcely be called a "port," and if Monterey was to be found they 
 must look for it farther north. Portola was very anxious, as he hoped to find there the San Joseph, 
 of the loss of which vessel he was yet ignorant. He therefore continued his march northward, 
 though many of his followers were sick with scurvy; and thus "they turned their backs on the 
 very port they were in search of." 
 
576 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBT. 
 
 On the last day of October they were within sight of the Farallones off San Francisco entrance, 
 « the signs of which, being compared with the remarks of the pilot, Oabrero Bueno, were found to 
 be exact." They were then convinced that they had left Monterey to southward, and on the 11th 
 of November they turned in that direction and .reached the bay, some of the party now believ- 
 ing it to be Monterey. There they remained until the 10th of December, waiting for the San 
 Joseph, but no vessel arrived. The Sierra of Santa Lucia was already covered with snow, and 
 Portola kept on towards the south. It seems probable that once during this expedition the party 
 was on the shore of the harbor but could not identify the place. They arrived at San Diego on 
 the 24th of January, 1770, after more than six months of travel and trouble, having been driven 
 by hunger to eat their mules and horses on the way. Some of the party reported that the harbor 
 of Monterey had probably been changed since the time of Vizcaino, as the spot so named on his 
 map had been found filled with sand hills. 
 
 The ship San Antonio returned, as before related, to Mexico, and reached San Bias towards 
 the. end of July, 1769. From thence it was again dispatched, under command of Juan Perez, early 
 in the year 1770, with provisions to Monterey, where it was supposed the land expedition had 
 meanwhile arrived. But on tcjjiching at a point on the Santa Barbara channel to procure fresh 
 water, Perez was told by the Indians that the expedition had gone back to San Diego,, and 
 having lost an anchor which he hoped might be replaced there, he was induced to steer for that 
 harbor, and reached it on the 23d of March, barely in time to save the enterprise, as Portola and his 
 party, destitute of any means of subsistence, had fixed upon that very day to go south and abandon 
 the attempt at settlement. 
 
 When the two branches of the expedition united at San Diego with replenished means they 
 agreed to set out again for Monterey. Perez sailed in the San Antonio on the 16th of April, 1770, 
 accompanied by Father Junipero Serra. They were forced back by storms to the thirtieth parallel, 
 where they found more favorable winds, and after six weeks of tedious navigation they entered 
 Monterey on the 31st of May, being as far as we know the first Europeans who did so in a period 
 of one hundred and sixty-seven years which elapsed after the visit of Vizcaino. 
 
 , Portola and his party, including Father Crespi, the journalist of the expedition, left San Diego 
 the day after the San Antonio sailed. They reached Monterey, where the vessel awaited them, 
 and the reunited missionaries founded there the mission of San Carlos de Monterey, or the Eoyal 
 Port of San Carlos. Names were given at this time to some small rivers, valleys, and other 
 places, but they are not all mentioned in the narrative of the expedition. 
 
 Early in August, 1770, the action at Monterey became known in Mexico, and the joy of the 
 authorities there was such that they ordered a general ringing of the bells and a great festival. 
 Mass was celebrated and a procession formed in which the Viceroy and all the tribunals joined. 
 A proclamation was printed and distributed, giving a short description of the travels and dis- 
 coveries of Portola and the missionaries, and announcing that the dominions of the King of Spain 
 had been extended 300 leagues along the coast towards the north. 
 
 Perez had sailed from Monterey in the San Antonio on the 9th of July, 1770, to return to 
 Mexico and bring from thence provisions. On reaching San Bias he gave intelligence of the 
 proceedings at Monterey. From San Bias he was again sent, early in the year 1771, to Monterey, 
 and there arrived with ten other missionaries on the 14th of April. On the 7th of July, 1771, 
 he went to San Diego with dispatches, and from that place returned to San Bias with invalid 
 missionaries. 
 
 Father Junipero Serra occupied the time after his arrival at Monterey by making excursions 
 into the adjacent country, visiting Indian tribes, and seeking convenient sites for missions. Every 
 mission thus founded was combined with previous explorations, and served also for extending 
 geographical knowledge. Serra explored the valley of the Rio Carmelo near Monterey, and trans- 
 ferred to that valley his mission of San Carlos, the first position of which was further northeast. 
 With other friars he visited the Sierra de Santa Lucia, and there settled the mission of San 
 Antonio de Padua. He celebrated mass on the 14th of July, the day of San Buenaventura. 
 
 The mission of San Gabriel was established at the end of the summer of 1771. 
 
 Having somewhat advanced towards the south the chain of missions and settlements by which 
 he intended to connect Mexico and Upper California, Father Junipero turned his attention to the 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 577 
 
 north. An expedition in that direction was agreed upon with the military commander Don Pedro 
 Fages, who with some soldiers and the friar Crespi started from Monterey on the 20th of March, 1772. 
 The latter wrote a journal of the expedition which shows that the enterprise was very unfortu- 
 nate. Part of the country was surveyed, or "registered," when the work was interrupted by a 
 report from San Diego of famine and sickuess, and the contemplated abandonment of that port. 
 The party consequently returned as soon as possible. 
 
 After returning with the invalids to San Bias at the end of the summer of 1771, Perez was 
 again employed, early in the following year, to carry provisions to Monterey ; but the bad condi- 
 tion of his ships and unfavorable weather made it impossible to attempt the passage around Point 
 Conception. Instead, therefore, of making his destined port he carried the provisions to San Diego, 
 which settlement, on the brink of ruin, was thus saved by him a second time. Information was 
 sent to Father Serra in Monterey of the arrival of these supplies, and a request that they should 
 be sent for by land, because of the diflSculty and danger of water transportation; bat the father, 
 though now old and somewhat infirm, journeyed in person to the latter place and persuaded Perez 
 to trust in God, notwithstanding the bad seasoii, and attempt once more the voyage to Monterey, 
 as the station must be abandoned unless the much needed provisions should soon arrive. Yielding 
 to the pro uptings of Serra's faith and zeal, Perez again set sail, arrived in safety, and after laud- 
 ing his curgo returned to San Bias. 
 
 In 1772 Father Jnnipero founded the mission of San Luis Obispo de Tolosa at the south of 
 Monterey; and after visiting the other missions resolved to retu n to Mexico for conference with 
 the new Viceroy, Don Antonio Maria de Bucarelli, who had succeeded the Marquis de Croix, the 
 fornu'r patron of Serra's enterprise, and who was supposed to be unacquainted with the importance 
 of western missions and exploiations. Junipero explained to the Viceroy the political importance of 
 the missions, found ready audience, and procured all the aid desired. 
 
 Perez was sent out again with supplies, but his voyage was unfortunate. Driven by storms 
 to the peninsula he was constrained to unload his vessels, and the friars and soldiers dependent 
 on him for supplies elsewhere suffered greatly from hunger. 
 
 DON JUAN BAUTISTA ANZA. 1774. 
 
 At the request of Father Junipero, the Viceroy of Mexico had also sent an order to the com- 
 mander of the northern frontier of Sonora to fit out an expedition for Monterey, and to trace an 
 overland route in that direction, so that missions might not be entirely dependent on weather, 
 communication with Mexico up to that time having been either by sea, around Cape San Lucas, or 
 half way by land to Velicata and San Loretto in Lower California, and from thence by water. 
 
 Anza traveled with soldiers, cattle, mules, and provisions from Sonora to the Bio Colorado, 
 crossed that river and went through the country to the coast, and thence to Monterey. He 
 arrived in April, 1774, having on the way traced out a new land route between California and 
 New Mexico through Sonora. 
 
 Partly at the suggestion of Father Junipero, the Viceroy was induced to furnish a larger expe- 
 dition. The Santiago, a new ship, was fitted out and placed under the command of Juan Perez, 
 bound to San Diego and Monterey, from whence the captain was to proceed to higher latitudes. 
 In this ship, which sailed from San Bias on the 24th of January, 1774, Father Junipero returned 
 to his mission. Landing at San Diego he traveled to Monterey, and arrived there on the 9th of 
 May. On the road he met Anza, who was then on his return from Sonora. Perez also touched at 
 Monterey and discharged supplies before going further north. His voyage to Nootka Sound was 
 undertaken at the suggestion of Father Junipero Serra, and Perez was accompanied on it by two 
 Franciscan friars, namely, Juan Crespi and Tomas de la Pena, so it may be considered as a branch 
 of the Franciscan expeditions. Crespi and Pena jointly wrote an account, but no statement was 
 ever made public by the Spanish Government. The particulars remained unknown during the 
 last century. Some vague reports induced the insertion of the following remarks on maps: " The 
 Spaniards are said to have made in 1774 an expedition as far as 55° N. L." Navarrete was the 
 first who gave additional information in regard to this undertaking. The journal of Crespi and 
 H. Ex. 43 73 
 
578 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 Peiia was made known to Humboldt in Mexico, and is mentioned in his Essai Politique, second 
 edition, Paris, 1827, Yol. II, p. 296. 
 
 The founding of missions at San Diego and Monterey not only occasioned voyages, but con- 
 tributed to their success. Mariners for such service were trained by associating with intelligent 
 men, and the officers who commanded transports and provision ships also conducted explorations 
 in the northern regions. 
 
 Perez after discharging his cargo at Monterey fitted his vessel for duty in high latitudes, and 
 set sail for the north on the 6th of June. He seems to have taken at the outset a western course 
 into the Pacific, but turned northward and again saw land in 53° 63' north latitude, which, if the 
 reckoning was true, must have been part of Queen Charlotte's Island. At 54p north he reached 
 a cape and an island, and to the last applied the name Santa Margarita. 
 
 What is known as Dixon's Strait was at a much earlier date called by Spaniards " Entrada de 
 Juan Perez.^^ 
 
 On his way southward Perez saw various parts of the western coast, but his principal dis- 
 covery was the harbor of San Lorenzo, in latitude 49° 30' N., afterwards visited by Captain Cook 
 and by him named Nootka Sound. Perez had some trade with the Indians, and Cook found 
 traces in sundry articles of Spanish origin when he subsequently visited the ])lace. The Span- 
 iards doubtless saw some points of Vancouver's Island, and some writers suppose that at this time 
 the entrance to De Puca's Strait was first observed. What is now Iciiown as Cape Flattery was 
 called formerly Punta Martinez, after the pilot of the San Antonio, whose name was Bsfavan Jos6 
 Martinez. On his way south Perez determined the latitude of Cape Mendocino, and arrived at 
 Monterey on the 17th of August, 1774. He was soon afterwards again at San Bias. 
 
 This voyage may be considered fortunate, Queen Charlotte's and Vancouver's Islands being 
 then for the first time touched on by Europeans. The Spanish Government keiit long (.-oncealed 
 the accounts and maps furnished by Perez, and subsequently English navigators were considered 
 as discoverers of the places. 
 
 In the summer of 1774 Father Junipero Sena and the lately appointed military commander, 
 Don Fernando Eivera y Moncada, started 'for the purpose of founding a mission on the shores of 
 the Santa Barbara Channel. It was to be called San Juan Capistrano, and to be in charge of the 
 Fathers Ferouin Lazuen and Gregorio Amurrio, who were sent out at the end of October to ex- 
 l^lore the country. They selected a convenient spot and founded tlie mission, the name of which 
 is still retained by a little port on the coast. The completion of the estiiblishment wsis, however, 
 delayed by an Indian revolt which broke out in the neighborhood of San Diego. This prevented 
 further attempts for the settlement of missions by Father Junipero through the following year, 
 1775. 
 
 SONOKA— SAN UIEGO. 1775. 
 
 A journey was made in 1775 by a Carmelite friar, Francisco Garces, and thereby another way 
 of communication was opened towards the interior. Father Garces traveled from Sonora through 
 the Colorado country, saw the southern end of the Sierra Nevada, and discovered in the interior 
 of California; a river which he called Rio de San Felipe (perhaps the upper part of the San Joa- 
 quin), and passing on to San Diego he returned from thence to Sonora. Several journeys were 
 made by the friar. This mention of his California excnrsion is in accordance with a map made 
 by M. Mascaro, and in 1782 published in Arisiie. The map has on it the route of Garces, as well 
 as that of Don Juan Bautiste de Anza. This last-named traveler, after returning to Mexico, 
 made in 1775 a second journey to California, taking witli him soldiers and settlers, horses, mules, 
 and cattle. On the 29th of September he set out from the Presidio San Miguel, in Sonora, and 
 arrived at the mission of San Gabriel on the 4th of January, 1776. 
 
 NORTHWESTERN COAST, 1775. 
 
 Soon after the return of Perez, the viceroy of Mexico, Don Antonio de Bucarelli y Orsue 
 animated by this first success, ordered the fitting out of two vessels, the Santiago and the Sonora 
 for another expedition, which was put under command of Don Brnno de Ileceta. He sailed in the 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 579 
 
 first named ship, and for the command of the second assigned Don Juan de Ayala, assisted by Don 
 Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra. Antonio Manrelle served as pilot and afterwards wrote 
 an account of the expedition. Perez, who conducted the enterprise of 1774, as also some others, 
 lost his life in this undertaking. Both'of the ships sailed from San Bias on the 16th of March, 1775, 
 with orders to proceed along the northwest coast as far as the sixty -fifth parallel if p^fesible. On 
 the first part of the voyage they were accompanied by the packet San Carlos, which vessel was 
 bound to Monterey and San Francisco in charge of Don Miguel Maurique. But unfortunately 
 that officer was seized with insanity a short timeafter he left San Bias. The command of his vessel 
 was given to Ayala, and Bodega took the place of the latter in the Sonora. Thus Bodega became 
 prominent in the expedition. Ayala, by taking the San Carlos into Monterey and San Francisco, 
 was separated from it, and at that time made the first survey of the bay of San Francisco. 
 
 After separating from the San Carlos, the two remaining ships sailed to the northwest and had 
 on board for information the history of California, by Venegas ; also a map of the French geographer, 
 Belliu, which " was found very unreliable and fanciful." They had also the chalrt made by their 
 predecessor, Perez, wlio accompanied them on this voyage. 
 
 On the coast north of Mendocino they found a small harbor in 41° 07' north latitude, which 
 they entered on the 5th of June. In the course of a few days they surveyed the harbor, and erected 
 a cross on the shore, and named the harbor Holy Trinity. A river emptying into it was called 
 by them Eio de las Tortolas, or Pigeon River, from the large flocks of those birds seen there. 
 
 They sailed further north, looking as they went for the inlet marked on their map asDeFuca's 
 Strait, and reached the coast in latitude 47° 24' north, where a party from the crew of the Sonora 
 was sent on shore for fresh water. They were attacked by the natives, and seven of the crew were 
 killed. The saVages iipi)eared to be numerous; the landing was difficult; hence the murder was 
 not avenged, and keeping on to the northwest the unfortunate spot was named Isla de Dolores. 
 On some Spanish maps the place is marked as Ensenda de los Martires (Inlet of the Martyrs) ; 
 and is probably the locality afterwards and even yet called Destruction Island. 
 
 On the 1st of August, and when in about 50 degrees north latitude, the ships separated in very 
 thick weather. After seeking each other in vain. Bodega and Maurelle, in the Sonora, resolved to sail 
 northward, but Heceta, in the Santiago, despairing of success, turned back to the southward. 
 
 In latitude 57° 04' north. Bodega saw a high mountain, and named it San Jacinto. The same 
 was afterwards called by Captain Cook Mount Edgecombe. In latitude 55° 30' north a spacious 
 bay was named, in honor of the viceroy of Mexico, Port Bucarelli. Other localities were at this 
 time named by the Spanish explorers in this neighborhood, but they are now of no special interest. 
 The highest latitude reached by Bodega was 58 degrees north. There his means were exhausred 
 and he turned southward. On the 19th of September he was a^ain in sight of the coast of California, 
 in latitude 47 degrees north. Keeping on southward he reached an entrance in latitude 38° 18' 
 north, and supposed it to be San Francisco, but the great sea-mark, the Farallones, not being in 
 view, his error became apparent to all in the party. A cape north of the port before him was 
 called Punta de Arenas, and to the port itself was given the name Puerto de Bodega. It was now 
 the 4th of October, and without entering at the Golden Gate, he passed on to Monterey. 
 
 The most interesting event of the expedition occurred on the return voyage. On the 16th of 
 August Heceta saw the mouth of the Columbia Eiver, but was unable to enter. Supposing it to 
 be the mouth of some large river or strait, he called it the Bay of Assumption. On later maps it 
 is named Entrada de Heceta, but on some Eio de San Eoque, from the promontory north of it, to 
 which Heceta had given the name San Eoque. Both names are from the church calendar, that of 
 the Assumption on the 15th of August and San Eoque's the next day. 
 
 Heceta called the south cape of the inlet Cabo Frondoso, or Leafy Cape ; but at this day it is 
 known as Point Adams. He thought the opening might be the Strait of Juan de Fuca. South- 
 ward of this he saw another headlaud, and nauoed it Cabo Falcon (now Cape Lookout), and 
 continuing his course Heceta reached Monterey on the 301h of August. On the 7th of October he 
 was joined there by the Sonora, and on the 20th of November both ships again anchored in the 
 harbor of San Bias. 
 
580 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUKVEY. 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO BAY, 1775. 
 
 The packet ship San Carlos, in charge of Don Juan de Ayala, a commander of the Royal 
 Spanish Navy, after leaving provisions at Monterey for the uses of the missionaries, was directed 
 to make a purvey of the bay of San Francisco, for the convenience of other missions that by order 
 of the Viceroy were soon to be founded. , 
 
 Ayala arrived at Monterey on the 27th of June, 1775, discharged his cargo, and sailed promptly 
 to determine (says Father Pal n) " whether the canal which had been imperfectly seen from a 
 distance by the former lajid expedition was really an outlet to the sea or not." Nine days after 
 leaving Monterey he found the outlet of the canal, which he called the Inlet of the Farallones ; and 
 the San Carlos passed safely through in the night. Thus, as far as can be now known, Ayala was 
 the first European who entered Sau Francisco Bay. Perez in the preceding year had passed by, 
 and the Franciscan friars on their land expedition, in 1769 and 1772, had merely seen the interior 
 basin from the land side. Ayala reported the inlet of the Farallones as being " a Spanish league 
 long and a quarter of a league broad, with strong currents issuing or entering, according to low 
 or high water; and behind it a little Mediterranean Sea with two arms, one stretching 15 leagues 
 to the southward, and the other 5 leagues to the north ; and, again, beyond this he discovered the 
 great bay 10 leagues broad, and another bay of a round figure [San Pablo Bay], into which 
 empties the great Eio de Nuestro Padre San Francisco; " i. e., the Sacramento River. Doubtless 
 Karquines Strait was mistakrn for the mouth of the Sacramento. He remained in the bay forty 
 days exploring in a boat, and "registering" the large sheet of water. The Indians on shore 
 seemed to be friendly. 
 
 After completing hia "i)lan " of the bay, the entrance of which, according to hi» detorniiuation, 
 was a few minutes below tlie 35th parallel, Ayala returned to Monterey, and reached port in the 
 middle of September, 1775. Being asked whether the place visited was a good port, he replied 
 that "it was not a port, but a cluster of ports," and that " many fleets could anchor there without 
 seeing each other." 
 
 Ayala reported his researches to the Viceroy, and presented his map. As a result, great in- 
 terest was awakened in Mexico, and activity in regard to settlements near a port having such man- 
 ifest advantages. 
 
 Although this exploration by Ayala was one of the most important hydrographic achievements 
 of the time, it was strangely overlooked by later historians. Navarrete does not niejiiion it at all 
 in reference to results, but merely says, "Ayala was the commander of the ship Felicidad (Sonora) 
 and went with Heceta and Bodega to the north." Some writers record him as commander of that 
 expedition. Greenhow corrects that error and states that Ayala had no concern with the northern 
 expedition of Heceta and Bodega, having merely accompanied those explorers "a short distance 
 from San Bias." But the last named writer does not mention the useful survey made by Ayala, 
 which has been, as stated above, missed in the researches of historians generally. 
 
 The first land expedition from the south, which reached the bay of San Francisco, started from 
 San Diego in 1769-'70. The second was undertaken in the following year, and proceeded from 
 Monterey for the exploration of that body of water. The third expedition proceeded from the same 
 place, and was conducted by Don Juan Bautista de Anza, who had made the journeys from Souora 
 to California. 
 
 On the 4th of January, 1776, Anza brought to Monterey the special order and instruction of 
 the Viceroy for a survey of the bay of Sau Francisco, with a view of selecting the best sites for two 
 missions, namely, one for San Francisco, and one at Santa Clara. In the following sjmng the ser- 
 vice was perfoimed. With the help of another officer aud some soldiers a map was made from the 
 land side, aud positions were selected for the Presidio and missions. The party then returned to 
 Mexico and reported to the Viceroy. 
 
 After his survey of the bay of San Francisco, Ayala returned in the San Carlos and arrived in 
 Mexico at the end of the year 1775. Early in the following year the ship was dispatched to Mon- 
 _ terey with provisions, and with it orders were sent for assisting in the foundation of the new mis- 
 sions. On the voyage the San Carlos was commanded by Don Fernando de Quiros, and arrived at 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 581 
 
 Monterey early in June, 1776, when Anza had just returned from his land expedition to the bay of 
 San Francisco. 
 
 The land expedition, under command of Captain Don Josef Moraga, set out from Monterey 
 on the 17th of June, accompanied by some Spanish families, soldiers, Indians, and cattle. The 
 principal missionaries assigned to conduct the religious affairs of this northern station were, Father 
 Thomas de la Peria, some of whose journals of the Franciscan expeditions are yet extant; Father 
 Francisco Palon, who wrote a history of the missions ; and the Father Pedro Benito Cambon. 
 Some of the missionaries went with the land expedition, which leached its destination after a few 
 weeks of travel, without any special difficulties. Others sailed in the San Carlos and were months 
 on the voyage. By contrary winds the ship was driven back southward to the thirty-second par- 
 allel, and did not reach San Francisco until the 18th of August. 
 
 The parties began at once to build houses, magazines, forts, and chapels, and when the work 
 was partly accomplished the commander of tiie San Carlos went out in a boat to explore the bay. 
 He was on that occasion accompanied by Father Cambon. A small company was at the same 
 time sent under command of Don Josef Moraga to walk around the bay, assist the boat party, 
 and unite with it in the northeast at the mouth of the river. 
 
 On this occasion most of the points on San Francisco Bay received the names by which they 
 are still known, as "San Pablo Bay," "Point San Pablo," "PointSan Pedro," &c., but only a few 
 are specially mentioned in the account of the expedition, and it is likely that they were named by 
 Ayala. He was not, as Qniros was, attended by missionaries who would give religious names 
 to places. 
 
 The land expedition went first to the southeast, passing around the shallow lagoon in which 
 the bay of San Francisco terminates. At the southern end they found a I'iver and called it " Eio 
 de Notra Senora de Guadalupe." From thence going along the eastern shore of the lagoon until 
 opposite to the harbor of San Francisco on the "Contra Costa," tliey saw in the mountains to the 
 east an opening or valley which they thought might prove to be a short route to the point of 
 rendezvous with the sea expedition, the mouth of the Sacramento Elver. In this, however, they 
 were deceivied. Losing their way, the party passed the mountains and came out upon a marshy 
 plain crossed by several rivers, or river branches, and after traveling a short distance along what 
 seemed to be the principal stream, thev crossed it and marched northeast. But the plain seemed 
 endless. They saw no inhabitants, and the heat was intense. The time for meeting the sea 
 expedition passed by, and Moraga determined to return hom^. He thought that all the streams 
 came from the southeast, and that their source was in the great "Tulares" (bullrash marshes) lying 
 in that direction. It was the river Joachin along the lower reach of which they wandered — 
 the first Europeans who saw its waters. 
 
 Captain Moraga and his company, on reaching the mission, gave an account of their journey. 
 The boat party under Quiros advanced meanwhile to 'the northern part of the bay. They explored 
 San Pablo Bay and entered the Strait of Karquines, which (as did also Ayala) they mistook for 
 the mouth of the river Sacramento, and called it El Desembogue del Eio Grande. After it 
 turned toward the east they found a port which had not been seen by Ayala. The same is now 
 called Suisun Bay. 
 
 Father Palon, a witness of some of these events and the only historian who records them, 
 does not say that the mouth of the Sacramento was reached on this occasion, or that a name was 
 given to it. We may suppose that Che party advanced as far as the junction of the Sacramento 
 and San Joachin, or to what is now known as Sacramento Point. At this point the missionary. 
 Father Cambon, "consecrated the waters," and the administration of the sacrament there 
 suggested the name which was afterward applied to the river itself. On the map of San 
 Francisco Bay, drawn at the time, the junction of the rivers, and also Sacramento Point, are 
 accurately delineated, but no name is attached. Quiros explored the northern part of San Pablo 
 Bay. On entering, he saw several small inlets and creeks, the largest of which he supposed 
 might communicate with the ocean, but soon found " without any doubt" that the bay of San 
 Francisco had only one outlet, and that the land on each side of the entrance formed peninsulas, 
 
 Quiros, in the San Carlos, returned to San Bias to report to the Viceroy, leaving Moraga and 
 the missionaries to take care of themselves, construct their houses, till the ground, and civilize 
 
582 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 the Indians. After this time Fernando Quiros served as an ofticer in the expedition under 
 Arteago and Bodega in 1779, and was witli thcni again in San Francisoo Bay. 
 
 SANTA CLARA MISSION, 1776. 
 
 The successor of Portala in the military comaiand of California was Don Pedro Fages. 
 When that officer retired, in 1774, his place was filled by Don Fernando do Eivera Moncada, who, 
 although concerned in plans for exploration, had not previously taken an active part for 
 settlement and further discovery. 
 
 In the autumn of 1776 Rivera set out at the head of some troops to "register" the region in 
 which it was desirable to found another mission, and marching north from Monterey across the 
 plains of San Bernardino, he reached the southern end of the lagoon of San Francisco Bay at the 
 river Guadalupe. The adjacent country was mapped by the party, and a site then selected for the 
 mission was settled in January, 1777. On the same plain the Si)anisU village called El Pueblo de 
 San Joseph de Guadalupe was founded, and names were assigned for the neighboring mountains 
 and streams of water. In the following summer Don Felipe Neve became Governor of California, 
 and founded the mission of Santa Clara. 
 
 1779. 
 
 The expedition of Heceta and Quadra in the year 1776 was considered successful, but it left 
 some questions undecided, and amongst them the extent of the Russian settlements. 
 
 Bucarelli, Viceroy of Mexico and the court at Madrid, consequently decided upon another 
 expedition, and two corvettes, La Princesa and La Favorita, were selected for the purpose. After 
 much delay they sailed on the 11th of February, 1779. The command was given to Don Ignaoio 
 Arteaga, and Don Juan de la Bodega y Quadra. In the expedition of 1775 the last-named ofiBcer 
 had command of a ship. 
 
 Sailing northward, the expedition of 1779 reached the latitude of Mount Saint Elias, after 
 having made many observations along the coast between the fifty-sixth and the sixtieth parallels. 
 Provided with Russian maps they advanced to the vicinity of Cook's River, where they seem to have 
 been bewildered. According to La Perouse, the peninsula \fas supposed by them to be Kamtchatka, 
 and an attack by Russian forces wa^dreaded. Moreover, many of the crew were sick. So, without 
 reaching the seventieth parallel the vessels turned southward and entered Sau Bias on the 20th 
 of November, 1779. An account of the voyage was written by Maurelle. ia Perouse obtained a 
 copy of the manuscript. The original is yet in the archives at Madrid, and a copy* approved by 
 Navarrete is in the library of the State Department, Washington, D. C, which contains also 
 copies of several accounts of the same voyage. 
 
 Arteaga and Bodega as little knew of having been preceded in this. voyage by Cook one year 
 before as Cook did of the expedition previous to his own, made by Perez and Heceta. 
 
 In 1777 settlements extended as far north as the Bay of San Francisco. To the southward 
 several links of the intended chain of establishments were not yet filled in. The coast of Santa 
 Barbara channel had been only partially explored, though Father Junipero had long intended to 
 found there three missions. Settlers, soldiers, and missionaries could not be immediately 
 procured, but in the year 1.777 orders were given in Mexico to recruit for that object, and 
 about one hundred persons started for California under the direction of Don Fernando Rivera 
 Some delays occurred, but in the spring of 1782 Father Serra left Monterey and traveled soutli 
 along the coast to thti mission of San Gabriel. He thei e consulted with Don Felipe Neve who 
 ha') arrived as Governor in 1777, and they decided that tlie mission of Buenaventura should be at 
 the eastern extremity of the channel; that of Purisima Goucepciou at the western end and Santa 
 Barbara between the t;wo. On the 26th of March they started from San Gabriel and were 
 traveling when the Governor was recalled by urgent business. Serra kept on, however to a site 
 called, (Palon says) since the first expedition in 1769, Assumpta, or Asuncion de Nuestra Sefiora 
 where he found an Indian village in latitude 34° 13' N.; and by erecting some houses and a chapel 
 he founded the mission of San Buenaventura. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AKD GEODETIC SURVEY. 583 
 
 Neve rejoined tlie expedition, and leaving some soldiers to protect the new establishment, he 
 marched westward towards the coast, attended by Father Serra. The shore was "registered" (i. 
 e., mapped), and was closely examined with reference to facility for anchorage. Ten leagues from 
 San Buenaventura they found a small bay, which seemed to promise good anchorage, and on the 
 shore they erected a cross and built a small Presidio or fort. 
 
 The Governor judged that the mission could not be safely established until the fort was 
 complete. He therefore returned to San Diego, and Serra to Monterey. Some soldiers and a 
 priest were left at the station, which they named Santa Barbara. 
 
 In the following year Serra journeyed to San Gabriel, San Buenaventura, San Luis, and other 
 stations, aud made a tour of inspection to the northern missions, near San Francisco Bay. In 
 the following year, 1784, the venerable missionary died at the mission of San Carlos de Monterey, 
 and was buried there. With him the progress of exploration and settlement in California seems 
 to have ceased, but at intervals some villages and missious were subsequently founded. It had 
 been in contemplation to form an establishment at the harbor of Trinidad (discovered by Heceta 
 in 1775), but that purpose was never accomplished. Of the persons enlisted in this work, several 
 died about the same time. Don Juan Perez, the pilot, a personal friend of Serra and assistant in 
 his land excursions, ended his days in 1775, soon after his return from the far north with Heceta 
 and Bodega. 
 
 Father Juan Crespi, the associate of Father Serra in many labors and journeys, and author 
 of some valuable journals, died in California in 1782 ; and in the same year Father Garces, after 
 opening a way from the Colorado country to the westward, was killed by the Indians. Don 
 Antonio Bucarelli, the Viceroy who had liberally assisted tlie Franciscans, died in 1779, and his 
 successors were not energetic men. 
 
 The American Eevolution, in which were involved in the interest of the colonies both France 
 and Spain as aga,inst Great Britain, interrupted the series of Spanish undertakings and turned 
 the attention of the court of Madrid to the east. It was decided that there should be no other 
 expeditions started tor America until peace was restored. 
 
 The scientific and commercial world for a long period derived no benefit from the early 
 Spanish voyages to the northwest. All records of them being retained by the court and the 
 Viceroy of Mexico, the public knew'only of the departure, from time to time, of the companies as 
 they were sent ont. * 
 
 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, 1778. 
 
 * ' 
 
 After Anson's voyage, in 1741, English navigators had appeared at intervals in the Pacific. 
 Wallis, Byron, and others traversed the waters along the equator and south of it, but the enter- 
 prising Captain Cook extended navigation to higher latitudes. 
 
 In 1769 Cook was near Otaheite and New Zealand. In 1772 he again entered the South Sea, 
 and it was easy to forecast that the British would soon reach the northwest coast of America, 
 where they had not been since the time of kSir Francis Drake (in 1578). But the coast had been 
 remembered by them under the name New Albion, which on this map* was intended to include 
 the whole of Upper California. Spaniards, also, extended their pretensions, and some of their 
 authors claimed rights that would be limited only by impassable ice towards the North Pole. 
 
 Captain Cook had viewed the icy barrier near the South Pole, but in 1776 he turned northward 
 and was commissioned to discover whether any passage for ships was practicable between the 
 Pacific and the Atlantic waters. Other officers were at the same time sent for the same object to 
 Baffin's Bay. It was not supposed that any passage could be in less than 68 degrees of latitude, 
 as Hearne, an English traveler, had found the land continuous below that parallel. Cook was 
 therefore directed to winter at the Sandwich Islands, and proceed from thence in the spring of 
 1778 as directly as possible to the coast of New Albion, and to refit, if needful, in some harbor 
 there. He was then to gain the sixty-fifth parallel, "taking care not to lose time in exploring 
 rivers or inlets or upon any other account until he should get in the before-mentioned latitude." 
 
 Some distance north of Cape Mendocino the coast was seen on the 7th of March, 1778, and as 
 determined by chronometer reckoning the longitude was 235° 20' east. Tb&,)atitude by observation 
 was 44° 33' north. Weather being unfavorable he named the cape first seen from his vessel Cape 
 
584 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 Foulweather, which he supposed to be in latitude 44° 55' and longitude 235° 64' east. He stood 
 lor some time to the northwest, but making no progress and finding no harbor the course was 
 changed to southwest. After recording lunar observations he reduced seventy-two sets of observa- 
 tions which had been previously made "with the timekeeper" in the course of three weeks, and 
 these gave a mean result of 235° 15' 26" east for the longitude. That determination was adopted, 
 and was applied as a check in marking on the chart all other positions along the coast. 
 
 On the 7th of March Cook was near a cape which he named Cape Perpetua, and five days 
 alter approached another, and called it Cape Gregory. He saw no more of the coast, as a storm 
 drove his vessel southward and westward into the open sea, where an observation gave'for the 
 latitude 42° 45' north. Favored soon with better winds and steering northeast the coast was seen 
 again in 47° 05', and continuing on that general course it seems jjrobable that he approached the 
 vicinity of Destruction Island. The extremity of the land which he saw was named Cape Flattery, 
 because he hoped to find a harbor near it, but found none. Hence Cook did not enter the Strait 
 of Fuca, but recorded the geographical position of the cape, or more probably that of Flattery 
 Eocks. If somewhat southwest of those rocks he could not well see the mouth of the strait. jJu 
 charts of the British Admiralty, the Flattery Eocks are named Cape Flattery, and the name of 
 the cape on them bears the designation given by Vancouver, namely, Cape Classet. With 
 varying winds Cook stood out from the cape, first to the south, then west-northwest, and finally 
 northeast, and on that course he reached land on the 29th of March in latitude 49° 29' north. The 
 cape in view he called Woody Point, and a projection southwest of it he named Point Breakers. 
 A bight between the heads he designated Hope Bay, because he expected to find there a harbor, 
 and so it i)roved. He 'ran into the bay on the 1st of April, moored his ships, and remained several 
 weeks, occupied in making repairs, taking in wood and water, in recording astronomical observa- 
 tions, and iu conferences with the natives of the region, which he thought was part of the conti- 
 nent. When repairs were complete, Cook set out on the 20th of April in boats to view the sound, 
 and on the sketch he marked it King George's Sound, but he soon ascertained that by the 
 inhabitants it was known as Nootka. In books and maps after Cook's time both of the names 
 were applied, but ultimately the Indian appellation alone was used. 
 
 Amongst the aborigines Cook found some iron tools, and copper and brass implements. 
 These, and two silver spoons mentioned in his narrative, probably had been left by the Spanish 
 expedition of Perez in 1774, but, having no knowledge of that, possession was taken of tlie harbor 
 and surrounding country in the iiiinie of tlie King of Great Britain. Earlier, Poicz had done the 
 same for the King of Spain, and out of this and similar events arose controversies and discussions 
 between the two powers. 
 
 Cook left Nootka on the 26th of April, and passed some time in examinations further north. 
 He traced the coast of Eussian America, and soon after was killed in a dispute with savages at 
 the Sandwich Islands. His successor in command, Capt. Charles Gierke, after another attempt to 
 find a passage through the northern region of America, reached Kamtohatka with an exhausted 
 crew, and from thence the vessel proceeded to Canton in command of Lieutenant Gore. Gierke 
 having died of consumption on the 22d of August, 1779. At Canton the sea-otter skins obtained 
 of the Indians for a few buttons and scraps of iron, were sold for $60, and iu some cases for $100 
 each. " It is astonishing," says La Perouse, " that the Spaniards who had this article in such 
 abundance on the Californian coast, and who were for two hundred years iu active commercial 
 communication with China, should not have found out its value; furs having been for a long 
 period procured by the Chinese from the coast of Kamtchatka." In fact, the statement by 
 Captain Cook in regard to sea-otter skins, moved the commercial and seafaring world more than 
 his geographical developments. The mention of them in the history of his voyage (published in 
 1784) excited a strong spirit of enterprise, and induced " a general starting for the northwest " as 
 there once had been for the silver mines of Peru and Mexico. All maritime nations were incited 
 to action, and from 1785 until 1793 followed a series of private and public expeditions which in less 
 than ten years, made the northwest coast of America well known, though it had been a mystery 
 during three centuries. Vancouver's voyage completed the development; but all others were of 
 interest. Even trading voyages were dignified by descriptions, and details were published 
 because they related to countries comparatively unknown. Each navigator brought home addi- 
 
UNITED STATES OOAST AND GEODETIC SUEYEY. 585 
 
 tional information, knowledge, and name of a promontory, channel, inlet, island, or previously 
 unknown part of the coast, and the particulars were speedily translated into all the languages of 
 Europe. 
 
 LA PfiEOUSE, 1786. 
 
 Francois Galoup de la P6rouse sailed from Brest on the Ist of August, 1785, with two ships, 
 La Boussole and L' Astrolabe, and after touching at the Sandwich Islands reached the northwest 
 coast of America on the 23d of June, 1786. When Mount Saint Elias was in view, he turned 
 southward and sailed as far as Monterey, in a direction different from that prescribed by his 
 instructions, in which the special objects mentioned were the exploration of the coasts of China, 
 Japan, Tartary, and Kamtchatka. But as the trade winds there did not set in earlier than 
 February, some time was given for the examination of the Pacific coast. Until the 3d of August 
 the vessels were detained by several accidents at a port which La P^rouse called Bay des 
 Francois. He reached Nootka on the 24th of August, and as the weather was very foggy, it 
 is certain that little was done for geographical definition. At the Strait of Puca he did not see 
 the entrance, but in the offing took soundings and found " a bank of rounded pebbles at the 
 depth of 40 fathoms." This is marked on his map, and in the narrative is described as being 
 150 feet high, 1 league wide, and of indefinite length. On the 1st of September La P6rouse 
 was off the coast a short distance southward of Cape Flattery, and surveyed from thence 
 down to the forty -fifth parallel, and had several opportunities for observing latitude and longitude. 
 This stretch of the coast had not been examined by Captain Cook. 
 
 At Cape Blanco or Orford, the French navigator saw the rocks which stretch out to the 
 southwest, and named them Isles Necker, and subsequently he applied the same name to two 
 groups of South Sea islands. In all other instances La P6rouse adopted for his charts the 
 Spanish names, or those given by Cook. The French vessels sailing amidst fogs arrived at 
 Monterey on the 15th of September, and there observations were made for geographical position. 
 On the 24th of that mouth La P^rouse started on his voyage across the Pacific Ocean. A 
 comparison between his charts and those of Vancouver (only six years later) shows that the 
 French navigator had no opportunity to advance knowledge in the hydrography of that region. 
 Still, his observations woiild have been valuable, if they could have been made known to the 
 world promptly ; but the unfortunate fate of that accomplished navigator delayed the publication 
 of results until the year 1797. Vancouver and others had meanwiiile laid open to the world the 
 secrets of the Pacific coast ; and thus it happened that even the few names affixed by La P6rouse 
 to localities on our northwestern coast were not adopted by geographers, and are now seen only 
 in the journals of his voyage. His charts were constructed under the direction of the astronomer 
 Dagelet, member of the Academy of France. 
 
 1785-1787. 
 
 The resorts of fur-bearing animals became objects of much interest soon after the time of 
 Captain Cook. In the higher latitudes the skin of the sea otter was worth much, but along the 
 coast of California those animals became scarce, and the furs were less valuable. Prompted by 
 interest, several expeditions went to the northwestern coast, and after touching at points south of 
 it, they finally selected Nootka Sound as a recruiting station. But of many voyages, only such 
 will be mentioned as tended to improve the knowledge previously gained respecting the western 
 coast. 
 
 The first fur hunting expedition was conducted by Captain Hanna, of England, who sailed 
 in 1785 from Canton to Nootka Sound. Cook had made his best bartiers in the last-mentioned 
 place ; and there Hanna collected many skins and sold them at large prices in Canton. In the 
 year following he made another voyage for trade, but it added nothing in the way of geographical 
 development. So also of the voyages in 1786 by Captains Peters, Lowrie, and Guise, from Canton 
 and Bombay. Peters was wrecked on one of the Aleutian Islands, but the others reached their 
 destination, procured furs, and sOld them in China. 
 
 Captains Meares and Tipping in the year last mentioned were unfortunate. The first was 
 H. Ex. 43 74 
 
586 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC 8UEVBY. 
 
 frozen np in Prince William's Sound, and lost many of his crew. Tipping, with his vessel, was lost, 
 and was never heard of again. In 1788-'89 Meares made two successful voyages. 
 
 In 1785 an association of London merchants, under the name of King George's or Nootka Sound 
 Company, sent two ships to the North Pacific. One of the vessels, the Queen Charlotte, was 
 commanded by Capt. George Dixon j the other. King George, was in charge of Capt. Nathaniel 
 Portlook. Both of these ofacers had served under the celebrated navigator. Cook, and by him 
 were regarded as able men. They reached the northwestern coast in the summer of 1786; and 
 there traded and made explorations, and wintered at the Sandwich Islands. Dixon returned to 
 the northwest, and named several places. As the chief result of his voyage, may be mentioned 
 the circumnavigation of the large island named after his ship. Queen Charlotte's. He proved 
 that it was separated from Vancouver's Island, as well as from the continent of America; and to 
 the dividing channel he gave the name Dixon's Strait. 
 
 The fur-trading adventurers sailed under different flags, to avoid collision with English and 
 Bast India companies. Some used the Portuguese, and one. Captain Berkeley, sailed from Ostend, 
 in 1787, in the ship Imperial Eagle, on which he carried the Austrian flag. This voyage was the 
 first one made from Nootka Sound to the southward along the coast of California. At Vancouver 
 Island, Berkeley anchored at an inlet for trade, and marked it ou the map with his own name, but 
 it is now known as Natinat Sound. A boat was sent to Cape Flattery, and after landing near 
 an Indian village named Classet, went on southward, but previously a yawl had been manned 
 to examine the mouth of a great inlet. On landing the crew was attacked by Indians and 
 murdered, and that untoward event was commemorated by naming the place Destruction Isle. 
 It is probably the same island that in 1775 was named by Heceta "Isla de Dolores." Berkeley 
 sailed to the Sandwich Islands, and from thence to China. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN MEARES, 1788. 
 
 The narrative published at London in 1790 is accompanied by two charts — one of the North 
 Pacific Ocean, the other of the northwestern coast of America. 
 
 Meares made several voyages from Calcutta after the beginning of the year 1786. In 1788 he 
 was again with his ships, the Felice and the Iphigenia, in King George's Sound (Nootka), and 
 there built a trading-post. While so engaged he was visited by an Indian chief from the south of 
 Vancouver's Island, and was invited to the settlement of the tribe at the Bay of Clayaquot. On 
 the 11th of June Meares sailed in the Felice from Nootka, where he left part of his company 
 employed in erecting buildings. Captain Douglas, in the Iphigenia, was directed to trace the 
 coast to the north between Cook's Eiver and Nootka, while Meares went southward. 
 
 At Clayaquot Sound, he anchored in a harbor which he called Port Cox ; and passing Berke- 
 ley's or Natinat Sound, he had, on the 29th of June, in clear weather an inlet in view, bearing 
 east-southeast with unbroken horizon towairds the east. He sailed over to the land south of the 
 entrance of this inlet, which he thought to be the one described by Captain Berkeley in the pre- 
 ceding year, and then named John de Fuca Strait. At page 156 of the printed narrative, Meares 
 gives a large view of the entrance. Near Cape Flattery the vessel was moored, with the intention 
 of exploring with boats to the eastward. Tatooche, an Indian chief, then ruled in the vicinity of 
 the island which is known now as Tatoosh Island. Meares saw on the coast a village named by 
 Berkeley, and from that the headland (Cape Classet) was named by Vancouver. Going southward 
 Meares saw Destruction Island, where the men of the ship Imperial Eagle had been killed by the 
 savages. The bay north of this he calls Queenbithe, the name given by Berkeley ; and south of it 
 a projecting part of the coast he named Saddle Hill. 
 
 A large snow-clad mountain seen at the northeast was named by Meares Mount Olympus. 
 The Spanish navigator Perez saw it in the year 1774 and named it Cerro de Santa liosalia. Meares 
 passed the entrance of Gray's Harbor without seeing it, but on the 5th of July, he discovered from a 
 distance a similar body of water and named it Shoalwater Bay, because the soundings decreased very 
 much in its vicinity. From the masthead the bay was seen extending inland, and made up of several 
 branches, and inland the bay was bounded by mountains. At the entrance the northern cape was 
 named Cape Shoalwater, the southern he called Low Point. Some land was seen to the southward 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUIiVEY. 587 
 
 and he hoped it might be the Cape Saint Eoc of the Spaniards behind which Heceta was said to 
 have found a harbor. As he rounded the promontory a large bay seemed to open, but when he 
 tried to enter, shoal water was met, surrounded by breakers, and as soon as possible the ship hauled 
 out again. In consequence of this (says Meares), being now convinced that there was no inlet or 
 approachable port, the bay was named Deception Bay, and the promontory Cape Disappointment, 
 which headland is the Cape Saint Eoque of some Spanish maps, and now Cape Hancock on charts 
 of the Coast Survey. This was on the 6th of July, and Meares then believed himself able to assert 
 that there existed no such river at all as that of Saint Eoc. Steering on farther south he saw two 
 headlands and between them a bay formed by the receding coast. To the northern headland (now 
 Tillamook Head) he gave the name of Cnpe Grenville, and to the southern, seen from a distance, 
 that of Cape Lookout. The intervening body of water he called Quicksand Bay. The rocks sea- 
 ward of Cape Lookout were named the Three Brothers. In his published work Meares gives a view 
 of the cape and its rocks, and among the latter appears the perforated rock now so well known to 
 mariners who pass along the coast. Cape Lookout was the southern limit of the exploration by 
 Meares. Peeling uneasy in regard to the safety of the people left at Nootka, he turned northward 
 and in the course of his voyage entered the sound near Vancouver Island. It was known ap 
 Berkeley Sound after the year 1787, but it is now known as Natinat. There he found a harbor, 
 named it Port Effingham, and performed the ceremony of taking possession of the Strait of Juan 
 de Fuca in the name of the King of Great Britain. From thence the long boat was dispatched in 
 charge of Mr. Eobert Duffin to explore the strait. Duffln left on the 13th of July, but returned to 
 Port Effingham on the 20th of the same month. Meares says that after advancing nearly 30 
 leagues up the strait, Duffln entered a port or harbor from which "he observed that the strait to 
 the northeast appeared to be of great extent, and that it increased." Meares has Port Duffin on his 
 map in the position now occupied on charts by San Juan, or Poverty Cove. In that neighborhood 
 Duffin was attacked by the natives, who wounded some of his men, and as soon as possible the 
 little party, in consequence, returned to Port Effingham. Meares decided to return to the party 
 which had been left at King George's Sound ; and after an absence of nearly two months he again 
 anchored in Friendly Cove, at Nootka. 
 
 Soon after his return to England Captain Meares published an account of his explorations of 
 1790, and added what had been told to him of the American Captain Gray, whom Meares had 
 met at Nootka in 1788. Meares was informed that Gray sailed in the ship Washington, in the 
 year 1789, to the Strait of Fuca, and there entered an extensive inland sea. After sailing in it 
 eastward, north, and northwestward, he had come out upon the Pacific at the north of Queen 
 Charlotte's Island, thus proving that the land between Fuca Strait and the fifty-flfth degree of 
 north latitude was merelj a group of islands. Confused by these statements, Meares declared in 
 his published work in 1790 that the discovery of a northwestern passage (around the continent of 
 North America) was a reasonable supposition. Captain Gray gave to Vancouver a true account 
 of his voyage, and stated that he had seen very little of De Fuca's strait. 
 
 Many geographers in Europe hailed the exaggerated report of Meares, and the fables of 
 Admiral De Fonte respecting a great northern inland sea and water communication between the 
 Pacific Ocean and Hudson's Bay were revived. Fleurieu, the French author and minister of 
 marine; Forster, the German historian of the northwest, and others adopted as a fact in geog- 
 raphy "the great open sea discovered by the American ship Washington." Some called it simply 
 "la mer de I'Ouest," and others recalled the fabulous name "Archipelago of Saint Lazaro," given 
 by De Fonte. On some maps the route of Captain Gray was laid down as running through the 
 middle of an archipelago on a dotted line upwards of 600 miles in length. Vancouver reduced 
 that fantastic sea to its proper size. But, as late as the sixth year of the French Eepublic, the 
 geographer Fleurieu could not consent to give up the " mer interieure." Like the two Buaches, 
 he continued to foster belief in the authenticity of the romance of Admiral De Fonte, and he 
 blames the map-maker, Arrowsmith, because on his map of 1794 the sea was not introduced, 
 which, as Fleurieu declared, " would no doubt lead to much more important discoveries, and per- 
 haps open or at least facilitate the long-wished-for communication with the eastern ocean." 
 
 A few years preceding the French revolution, English fur-traders went to the northwest, and 
 from France the navigator La P^ionse passed into the Pacific. He was soon followed (in 1791) 
 
588 UNITED STATES COAST AKD GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 by a private expedition, conducted by Marchand^, and the Government of the United States 
 ordered that exploration should be made in the South Sea. Spain also, which for ten years had 
 discontinued her northwestern expeditions, renewed action, and in 1788 sent out several parties. 
 These were partly contemporaneous with Vancouver. The Spanish parties were commanded by 
 Don Estavan Martinez and Don Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, who sailed, in the ships La Princesa and 
 San Carlos, on the 8th of March, bound from San Bias to the north to exanjine the vicinity of 
 the Eussian settlements. An account of this expedition is given by Navarrete ; and Humboldt 
 found in Mexico a large manuscript relating to the voyage. The same vessels were sent north 
 in 1789, and on the 6th of May Martinez reached his destination, and seeing some foreign vessels, 
 made known to their commanders that he had come to take possession of Nootka and the sur- 
 rounding country in the name of the King of Spain. He erected a small fort, mounted artDlery, 
 and sought communication with Macuina, the Indian chief of the region, who had been during 
 ten years well known to northwestern navigators. The chief remembered the visit of Martinez 
 fourteen years earlier", when he was on the coast with Perez. 
 
 Macuina is styled by Humboldt the " Montezuma of the northwest." To him and his people 
 Martinez declared that his King was sovereign everywhere in America, and that without his per- 
 mission none could trade, navigate, or settle there. He inspected the papers of all foreign cap- 
 tains. Those of an American and of a Portuguese vessel were admitted as valid, and they were 
 allowed to trade ; but the ship of an Englishman, Captain Oolnet, was seized, and he was sent a 
 prisoner to Mexico. 
 
 The mission of Martinez was in fact merely political, yet it included some further exploration 
 of the vicinity of Nootka and of the channel which separates it from Vancouver Island. For the 
 port itself he adopted the name of Puerto de Santa Cruz de Zfutka. 
 
 STEAIT OF FUCA, 1789. 
 
 When Martinez was at the north with Perez in 1774 he had noticed an opening which he 
 supposed to be a strait, and havingnow the control of means its exploration was undertaken. He 
 accordingly built at Nootka a small galley, the Gertrudio, and put it under command of Don Lopez 
 de Haro, who had been with him in his preceding voyage. That officer sailed along the south- 
 western shore of Vancouver Island, and after entering the Strait of Fuca turned and examined 
 the southeastern end of the island, but want of provisions and bad weather constrained him to 
 return to Nootka. 
 
 This enterprise of De Haro was conducted under special instructions. The result is given in 
 the journal of the Sutil and Mexicana, and the author gives a sketch of previous expeditious for the 
 exploration of the strait, mentioning the ship Gertrudis as commissioned by Martinez ; but he does 
 not name Haro as the commander. It is also noticed in Quimper's manuscript journal, a copy 
 of which, approved by Navarrete, is in the library of the State Department in Washington City, 
 D. C. That journal mentions the vessel as under command of De Haro. It is believed, therefore, 
 that M. Duflot de Mofras is in error when he says that Don.Jos6 Narvaez was commander of this 
 expedition in the Gertrudis. The memory of Narvaez may have failed him, as he was at least 
 eighty years old when he met De Mofras in Mexico in the year 1842, Narvaez had been a very 
 active officer. He accompanied Elisa in 1791, and it is therefore possible that he was with De 
 Haro in 1789. 
 
 When the British Government protested at Madrid against the treatment of Captain Colnet 
 the Viceroy of Mexico deprived Martinez of his command, and ordered him to return home by the 
 end of the year 1789, but at the same time three armed vessels were sent to the northwest under 
 the command of Don Francisco Elisa and Don Salvador Pidalgo, to take possession of Nootka for 
 the King of Spain. This expedition reached its destination in March, 1790. Elisa remained to 
 fortify and enlarge the establishment at Nootka, while Fidalgo made a voyage of discovery to the 
 north. In the course of the year he viewed the Eussian establishments as other Spaniards had 
 done, and entered on his maps some names which have not been retained. At the close of the 
 year he returned to Monterey, and from thence to San Bias. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC 8UEVET. 589 
 
 DON MANUEL QUIMPBR, 1790. 
 
 Quimper sailed from Nootka in the balandra La Princesa Real on the Slst of May, and passed 
 along the southwestern shore of Vancouver Island, exploring on his way Clayaquot Sound. He 
 anchored in the Bahia de San Eafael, and subsequently in the port of Cayuela, which he says 
 was so named by Lopez de Haro the year before. Quimper reconnoitered Clayaquot Sound and 
 made a map of it, but did not examine its numerous inlets and branches. He then entered the 
 Strait of Puca, coasted along the southern shore, and anchored at the harbor of Nunez Gaona 
 (Neeah Harbor), and took possession in the name of the King of Spain. The document in 
 which an account is given of this interesting ceremony is signed by Quimper himself, and his 
 two pilots, Don Gonzalo de Haro and Don Juan Carrasco. 
 
 Proceeding easterly to the port called by him Puerto Quadra, but afterwards named by 
 Vancouver (in 1792) Port Discovery, Quimper steered to the northwest and north until he reached 
 the strait called La Boca de Haro, and that name (Mouth of Haro) he mentions as if already known. 
 He looked into the passage but was unable to explore it, as his means were exhausted. For the 
 same reason Quimper says " we could not explore the other small inlets or harbors which we saw 
 a* the western entrance of De Haro Strait." Many years afterwards these were named by the 
 English Peddler Bay and Becher Bay. 
 
 MALASPINA, 1791. 
 
 The Italian navigator Malaspina was noted for scientific acquirements and discoveries, and 
 his career was marked by misfortune. Like Captain Cook and La P6rouse, he engaged in geo- 
 graphical explorations, of which the northwest coast of America was merely one branch. In 1789 
 he sailed from Cadiz with two well appointed vessels, La Descubierta and Atrevida, and, after 
 reaching the Eio de la Plata, made a careful survey of the coast of South America, from thence 
 into the Pacific, and as far north as Mexico. Malaspina arrived at Acapulco on the 2d of February, 
 1791. By direction he was to proceed north, survey the coast, and seek for a passage into 
 Hudson's Bay, as that was still regarded as an unsettled question. The well-known geographer 
 T. N. Buache had in the previous year read a memoir before the Academy of France, in which 
 he attempted to prove that the old fable of Maldonado's discovery of a strait at the north " was 
 founded on reason, nature, and probability." Another of the name had believed in the fictitious 
 narrative of De Fonte. It seems likely that some account of the statement by Meares respecting 
 a northern Archipelago, through which the American sloop "V^ashington was said to have sailed, 
 had reached the court of Spain. 
 
 Malaspina left Acapulco on the 1st of May, 1791, and sailed northward as far as the lati- 
 tude of Mount Saint Elias. He saw no indication of Maldonado's strait, but having instruments 
 and knowledge of methods of observation (as stated by Humboldt) he determined longitude 
 and latitude at many points more accurately than had ever been previously done. The height 
 of Mount Saint Elias and the height of Mount Fairweather were approximately ascertained and 
 magnetic observations were recorded. 
 
 Touching at Nootka on his return, Malaspina erected an astronomical observatory and 
 determined the geographical position of the place. Two of his officers, Don Joseph de Espiaosa 
 and Don Ciriaco Cevallos, were sent in boats to survey the islands and channels of that locality. 
 They found that Nootka was on an island, and passing around it they came out upon the sea 
 by a channel since known as Jjsperanza Inlet. 
 
 Malaspina was not able to explore the Strait of Fuca, but from. Cape Mendocino he passed, 
 with the coast in view, down to Cape San Lucas, frequently recording observations for the 
 construction of his chart. No previous expedition had afforded data for defining the shore line 
 with such accuracy. His records were deposited in the Spanish archives, and ultimately he 
 became the victim of court intrigues. In a dungeon he languished many years, and was at last 
 released by the French. His name seemed to be forgotten in Spain, as, with the appearance of 
 studied malice, his expedition to the Pacific was alluded to by Spanish writers as having been 
 made by the ships Descubierta and Atrevida. The learned author Navarrete, in his history of 
 
590 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY, 
 
 the northwestern coast, does not mention Malaspina, but sometimes refers to him as the " com- 
 mandant," &c. But in time most of the works of Malaspina were published, and upon the 
 results of his observations (says Humboldt) are founded all the Spanish sea charts of America 
 made since the year 1799. Previous representations are of value only as documents pertaining 
 to the history of discovery and development. 
 
 The commander at Nootka, Don Francisco Elisa, went out in the summer of the year 1791 to 
 clear up uncertainties respecting the Strait of Fuca, some doubts having arisen in regard to the 
 report given by Quimper who had been there in the previous year. Like some others this voyage 
 of Elisa has been neglected or overlooked by most writers. There seems to be only one source 
 of information in regard to it, namely, the journal of Galiano and Valdez, on the second page 
 of which is given a short account of the undertaking, and in the narrative are mentioned special 
 points, the capes and bays mentioned by Elisa, with the names which he assigned to them. He 
 sailed from Nootka in May, 1791, and until the 7th of August was engaged in exploring the Strait 
 of Fuca and Eosario Strait. Advancing further than his predecessors, he passed the entrance of 
 Admiralty Inlet (Bocas del Coamaiio), Deception Sound (Entrada de Flow), and sailed through 
 what is now called Rosario Strait. He discovered and named several islands, and entered 
 Bellingham Bay, which he called " Seno de Gaston." Elisa was the first European who entered the 
 Gulf of Georgia, and to it he gave the name Canal de Nuestra Senora del Eosario. Advancing as 
 far as Frazer's Eiver entrance and Buzzard's Inlet, he named the latter Canal de Florida Blanco, in 
 honor of the Spanish minister. He went no further, but seems to have had some distant capes in 
 view. His means were exhausted, most of his crew were sick, and himself so ill that one of his 
 offtcers, Don Joseph Narvaez, was in the latter part of the voyage the active commander. It was 
 Narvaez also who compiled the maps of the expedition, and these circumstances perhaps explain 
 his assertion made to De Mofras when they met in Mexico, that he had himself explored the Strait 
 of Fuca and Eosario Strait in 1791. But he had boasted of this as early as 1789, when he was, 
 perhaps, there under the command of De Haro. 
 
 MARCHAND, 1791. 
 
 Etienne Marchand was captain of a French merchant vessel trading to the East Indies when 
 (in 1788) returning from Bengal he met at St. Helena, with Captain Portlock, an Englishman, who 
 told him of the very profitable fur trade then commencing on the northwest coast of America. On 
 his arrival at Marseilles, Marchand made the facts known to the house of Baux, a wealthy and 
 enterprising commercial firm, who at once fitted out the ship Le Solide and gave the command to 
 Captain Marchand. A staff of eleven officers joined him, and preparations were made to enable the 
 party to make discoveries as well as to carry on trade. They sailed from Marseilles in December, 
 1790, four years after La P6rouse, and on the 12th of August, 1791, arrived at Norfolk Bay, called 
 by the Spaniards Baya de Guadalupe, and by the Eussians, Sitka Sound. Somewhat disappointed 
 with the results of commercial transactions, Marchand passed along the coast southeast, and 
 examined points of land, ports, and bays on Queen Charlotte's Island and in its vicinity; but all 
 of these had been previously visited by La P^rouse, and by some of the English navigators. 
 After some attempts at trade Marchand went further south, intending to enter Berkeley Sound on 
 Vancouver Island, and from thence, if practicable, go as far south as Cape Mendocino, 
 
 Marchand anchored off Berkeley Sound on the 7th of September, but was prevented from 
 entering by threatening weather. While making ready on the following day, he saw a three- 
 masted vessel coming out of the port, which he concluded had taken all the furs that were 
 previously there. He noticed that .the strange vessel (an American ship) took the course which 
 he had intended to pursue towards the coast of New Albion and Cape Mendocino. Hence, being 
 anxious to get the highest price for his cargo, he sailed for China. Fleurien regards it as 
 improbable that Marchand saw even the entrance of the Strait of Fuca. 
 
 VANCOUVER, 1792-'95. 
 
 In the period of fourteen years after the expedition of Captain James Cook no party was 
 sent from England to the Pacific Ocean. A voyage, however, was planned in 1789 for exploring 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVBY. 591 
 
 some of the southern regions, and Captain Henry Eoberts, a friend of 'Cook, was invited to take 
 command. Captain George Vancouver, associated with Cook in his last voyage, was urged by 
 Eoberts to accept place as his second, and the ship Discovery was fitted out for them. 
 
 Not long before the vessel was ready for sea (April, 1790) it became known that the English 
 factories at Nootka and the English ship of Captain Colnet had been seized by the Spaniards. 
 The ship "Discovery" was in consequence provided with an armament; and the preparation of a 
 formidable English fleet induced the court of Spain to offer restitution. In July an officer was 
 sent to Nootka " to receive back the territory which the Spaniards had seized." George Vancouver 
 was appointed for that duty. 
 
 The attention of the British Government being, thus drawn to the northwest, where fisheries 
 and the fur trade had become objects of material importance to England, Vancouver was directed 
 to make an accurate survey of the coast from the thirtieth parallel northwestward to Cook's Eiver, 
 " to pay particular attention to the examination of the supposed Strait of Puca, said to be situated 
 betweeu 48° and 49° north latitude, and to lead through an opening which the sloop Washington 
 was reported to have passed in 1789." He was farther directed to enter and explore all the 
 waters, rivers, and inlets of that coast only so far as they were navigable for sea-going vessels, and 
 on no account whatever to touch at any port of the northwest coast south of the thirtieth parallel 
 of latitude. 
 
 Vancouver, though amply provided with means and instruments, was not so well provided as 
 Cook and La P6rouse had been with scientific observers. Hence the task of making astronomical 
 and naatical observations devolved on Vancouver personally. He had " amongst the officers and 
 young gentlemen of his quarter deck a few who, with a little instruction, would soon be enabled 
 to construct charts, take plans of bays and harbors, draw landscapes, and make faithful portraits 
 of the headlands, coasts, and countries which might be discovered." His able officers deserve 
 to be mentioned, as their names are attached to inlets, bays, and capes to this day. Those in the 
 ship Discovery were Zacharia Mudge, Peter Puget, Joseph Baker, and Joseph Whidbey. The 
 Chatham was commanded by Lieut. W. E. Broughton, and the officers associated with him were 
 James Hanson and James Johnstone. 
 
 Vancouver, like most of his predecessors, made the Sandwich Islands his chief place of resort 
 and his winter station. He sailed from England on the 1st of April, 1791, and arrived at the 
 Sandwich Islands on the 1st of March, 1792. On the 18th of the same month he again went to 
 sea, and saw the coast of New Albion, and also Cape Mendocino, and from thence sailed northward, 
 as far as the Strait of Puca, with favorable winds. He kept the coast in view, as the weather 
 was clear, at an average distance of about 3 leagues from land. " When the weather prevented 
 our making free with the shore or our hauling off for the night, the return of fine weather and 
 the daylight uniformly brought us, if not to the identical spot we had departed from, at least 
 within a few miles of it, and never beyond the northern limits of the coast which we had previously 
 seen. This afforded the most complete opportunity of determining its various turnings and 
 windings, as also the position of all its conspicuous points, ascertained by meridional altitudes 
 for the latitude, and observations by the chronometer, which we had the good fortune to record 
 once, and in general twice, every day." He noted accurately the configuration and sounding* 
 near Cape Mendocino, and explored the sandy beach near Humboldt Bay, but did not enter that 
 body of water. He also recognized and named the capes Eocky Point, Point Saint George, Cape 
 Orford, Cape Gregory, Cape Perpetua, and Cape Poulweather, where Captain Cook had touched 
 the coast ; likewise Cape Disappointment and Deception Bay, names given by Meares to the 
 entrance of Heceta Inlet, now Columbia Eiver entrance. There Vancouver was deceived as Meares 
 had been. He saw breakers, and " not considering this opening worthy of more attention," he 
 passed on with pleasant weather and a favoring breeze which he was anxious to improve. He 
 endeavored to enter Shoalwater Bay but was unable, and did not attempt to get a nearer view of 
 the country, being attracted when off Gray's Harbor by a high cape in the distance, named by 
 him Cape Grenville. He recognized the Island of Destruction, named by Captain Berkeley, and 
 " approached with increasing curiosity and excitement the region where De Fuca's strait was said 
 to be." 
 
 On the 29th of April Vancouver fell in with the American ship Columbia, commanded by 
 
592 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 Capt. Eobert Gray, the seime officer who in the sloop Washington was said to have sailed through 
 De Fuca's strait to an interior sea. With him Vancouver conferred and learned that Gray had 
 seen only about 50 miles of the strait ; but Gray gave more important information in regard to 
 the mouth of a large river which he had seen in latitude 46° 10'. Vancouver kept on northward, 
 looking for the promontory named by Captain Cook Cape Flattery, but because of discrepancy in 
 the latitude he could not identify the place with complete satisfaction. He concluded, however, 
 that the northwestern end of the land 2 miles from Tatooche Island, which he had called Cape 
 Olasset, must be the point so named by Cook, and therefore adopted the name on his chaj?t. He 
 accounted for the discrepancy in latitude by supposing that Cook had been carried by the currents 
 farther north than he was aware of, but in that conclusion Vancouver probably erred. The head- 
 land which Cook called Cape Flattery was not the same as that named by Meares and Vancouver 
 Cape Classet, but was more probably the Flattery Eocks. 
 
 A rock standing northwest from the Cape, Vancouver named Eock Duncau, in compliment to 
 an English captain from whom he received an excellent sketch of the entrance of the Strait of Fuca. 
 The sketch is doubtless the same " sketch of the coast of North America from Nootka down to 47 
 degrees north latitude, including the Gulf of Juan de Fuca," of which mention is made by the 
 Lords of the Admiralty in their additional instructions to Vancouver. Dalrymple in the year 1791 
 published Captain Duncan's chart of the Strait. On the evening of the 29th of April Vancouver 
 entered it, sailed next day along the south shore, and gave the name New Dungeness to a low sandy 
 point which resembled Dungeness in the British Channel. In the course of the following day he 
 examined and named Port Discovery without knowing that two years earlier it had been named by 
 the Spaniards Puerto de Quadra. There he moored his vessels for repair, left a party on shore in 
 charge of Mr. Broughton, and then with boats went eastward to explore the unknown waters. The 
 party under Vancouver started on the 7th of May with provisions for five days. After rounding 
 the eastern entrance of Port Discovery they entered a broad inlet, with two branches stretching 
 south-southwest and south-southeast. In the western arm a harbor was found similar to Port 
 Discovery, and to it was given the name Port Townshend, in compliment to the English marquis of 
 that title. A high, steep cliff forming the point which divides the harbor from the broad eastern 
 inlet was called Marrowstone Point, because it seemed to be composed of a species of marrowstoue. 
 
 On the 9th of May Vancouver went southward into Admiralty Sound, and saw on the west- 
 ern shore a small bay fringed by large trees. This he named Oak Cove. From a high perpen- 
 dicular bluff, marked by him as Foulweather Bluff, he observed that the inlet separated, as at 
 Marrowstone Point, into two branches. The western arm was explored as far as Hazel Point, a 
 name which he applied because of the abundance of those trees ; but it has since been known as 
 New Kolowan Point. From thence the channel sends out a short arm or bay to the north, and 
 this was explored by Vancouver, but was not named. 
 
 He then passed into the southwestern extremity of the great canal, and according to his obser- 
 vations it ended in latitude 47° 21' north. Hoping that some communication with the east 
 might be found in Admiralty Inlet, Lieutenant Johntone was sent to examine that quarter, but, 
 according to his report, the arm known as Hood's Canal was overlooked. This was subsequently 
 examined and traced by the exploring expedition, under Captain Wilkes. Vancouver, however, 
 passed through it and named it for one of the Lords of the Admiralty. He resolved to explore 
 the broad inlet (Admiralty Inlet) with the ship Discovery, while Mr, Broughton, in the Chatham, 
 was examining the islands northeast of the Strait of Fuca. 
 
 On the 18th of May both vessels moved accordingly, and Vancouver entered the main body of 
 Admiralty Inlet. He found an attractive region. A point of land near a good roadstead he first 
 named Village Point, from an Indian village in that vicinity, but afterwards he marked it as Ees- 
 toration Point, having, as he says, " celebrated that memorable event when at anchor under it." 
 This point, lying at the northern entrance of Port Orchard, north of a small island now known as 
 Blake Island, he made the principal station while exploring the sound. From thence he sent out 
 parties to examine the different water branches, and there he awaited the return of the party in 
 the Chatham. Towards the south, Admiralty Inlet shows two branches, separated by Vashon 
 Island. To explore the southwestern arm a party was sent in boats under Lieutenant Puget, on 
 the 19th of May. Meanwhile Vancouver and his men examined the vicinity, and approaches to 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 593 
 
 their station. A narrow inlet seems to form a small cove, but when explored by Mr. Orchard it 
 was found to communicate with other waters. A boat expedition found it to be an interior basin 
 with several branches, and it was named Port Orchard. On Vancouver's chart it is shown as a 
 clpsed basin, but subsequently his sketch was corrected when it became known that this so-called 
 port had other branches, communications, and passages. 
 
 On the 25th of May Mr. Broughton returned to the Chatham from his northern excursion, and 
 joining Vancouver off Port Orchard gave him intelligence of a large assemblage of islands northeast 
 of the Strait of Fuca : the Haro Archipelago. Vancouver set out on the following day to explore 
 further south the main arm of the great channel (Admiralty Inlet), at the same time directing that, 
 on the return of Puget and his party, Broughton was to examine a branch to the northeast, the 
 entrance of which had been seen on the eastern shore. Vancouver had noticed on that shore, in 
 latitude 47° 17' north, an opening which he supposed might lead far to the eastward, as a range of 
 distant snow clad mountains was marked by a break corresponding with the direction of the branch. 
 He soon after found there only the ciosed body of water now known as Commencement Bay. 
 Proceeding on the main water, another land opening was seen leading in the direction to the 
 place at which the ships were moored. The land proved to be a large island. He sailed around 
 it and named it Vashon Island, in memory of his friend, Captain Vashon, of the British navy. 
 Keeping on south and west various bays and branches were explored, biit they all ended in swampy 
 ground. On Monday the 28th he reached the south end of Admiralty Inlet, and on his chart 
 placed it in latitude 47° 03' north, and longitude 237° 18' west. To the east and south all was in- 
 closed by land and he had already entered the quarter which had been assigned to Mr. Puget. He 
 therefore returned and reached the anchorage on the 29th of May, on his way passing the western 
 side of Vashon Island. Puget had passed quite .through the southwestern part of Admiralty Inlet, 
 and to that branch Vancouver gave the name of Puget Sound. 
 
 Broughton had sailed to the branch which was afterwards called Possession Sound, and there 
 the returning party found the Chatham at anchor on the 30th of May. 
 
 Mr. Whidbey had been previously sent in a boat to explore the northern branches of that 
 sound. One was named Port Susan, but it is now known that it has an opening to the north. 
 Another was named Port Gardner, and to a small harbor found by the party Vancouver gave the 
 name of Penn's Cove. 
 
 The oflQcers and men of Vancouver's company being again collected, and, as he judged, the 
 . exploration being complete, the commander concluded to take formal possession of the region 
 before .proceeding to another field of research. That ceremony was performed on the 4th of June, 
 the anniversary of the birth of King George III. Vancouver went ashore, and with customary 
 formalities dlaimed all the coasts from that part of New Albion in latitude 39° 20' north to the 
 entrance of the Strait of Fuca; also the islands within the strait, those in the interior sea, and 
 all the channels and branches of that sea. To these collectively he gave the name Gulf of Georgia. 
 The adjacent tract he called New Georgia, and the bay or inlet where the ceremonies were per- 
 formed was named Possession Sound. 
 
 On the 6th of June both ships sailed through the entrance of Admiralty Inlet to the north 
 around the cape to which was then given the name Point Partridge, and, when near what is now 
 called Smith's Island, Whidbey was sent with boats to explore two entrances visible on the main 
 shore towards the northeast, the vessels keeping on north to a harbor seen. by Broughton when 
 he was cruising with the Chatham at the end of May. He had named the place Strawberry Bay. 
 This port was on the southeastern side of an island, called by Vancouver Cypress Island, where 
 the ships were moored to await the return of the boats. There Whidbey arrived on the 10th of 
 June, and reported that having entered the most southern of the two inlets he found it a narrow 
 and intricate channel abounding in rocks and communicating with another previously discovered 
 by him, which was supposed to be closed, and was named Port Gardner. The name-given to the 
 one last visited was Deception Passage, and the long strip of land which Whidbey had proved to 
 be an island was named after him, Whidbey Island. After leaving Deception Passage he had 
 entered an inlet to the northeast and found an extensive bay, the shore lines of which he. did not 
 trace. They left Strawberry Bay, and going north anchored on the 11th June in another, wliich 
 was afterwards called Birch Bay, where Vancouver intended to establish a central station for 
 H. Ex. 43 75 
 
594 UNITED STATES COAST AISD GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 further operations and boat excursions. There Broughton was left in command, and was directed 
 to make astronomical observations, while Whidbey went southeast to complete the survey of the 
 great bay he had discovered from Deception Passage ; and Vancouver in person started with 
 boats to the north to examine the shore of the continent. He left Birch Bay on the 12th of June, 
 and explored two bays, but assigned no name to either. Passing around a long, low peninsula, 
 west of these, he called it Point Roberts, after Capt. Henry Roberts, his predecessor in the 
 command of the ship Discovery, and sailed along the shores of the delta of what is now known as 
 Frazer's River. Here the soundings diminished from 10 fathoms to 1 fathom, and all endeavors 
 to approach the eastern shore were to no purpose. The sand bank was so extensive that in order 
 to clear it he was constrained to pass westward to anchor for the night. Next day he again 
 started in a northeast direction and found a cape which ho named Point Gray, in compliment to 
 Capt. George Gray. The space between this and Point Roberts seemed to be " a low flat very 
 much inundated, and to have two openings between the two points." These were doubtless the 
 mouths of Frazer's River. The sand bank between them he named Sturgeon Bank, as he had 
 bought some sturgeon there from Indian fishermen. Thus Vancouver missed the discovery of the 
 largest river in New Georgia, as he had previously overlooked the Columbia River entrance. 
 
 From Point Gray he surveyed three extensive channels, named by him Buzzard's Canal, 
 Howe's Sound, and Jervis Canal. On his way southward Vancouver met on the 22d of June two 
 Spanish vessels near Gray's Point ; and in conversation with Captains Valdez and Galiauos learned 
 that the expedition under Elisa had in the preceding year, and earlier than himself, examined the 
 shores of the Gulf of Georgia. They exhibited Elisa's charts, and Vancouver saw on them the 
 shore lines of bays and other geographical details extending 4 leagues further than he had advanced. 
 The Spanish commanders were surprised when told that Vancouver had not seen the river entrance 
 which Elisa had named Rio Blanco. The English commander evidently knew nothing of the exist- 
 ence of Frazer's River. 
 
 On the 23d of June Vancouver again was at the anchorage of his vessels in Birch Bay. Whid- 
 bey had previously arrived from his boat excursion to the eastward, and reported that ho had ex- 
 amined a large expanse of water ; and on his chart Vancouver marked it with the name Bellingham 
 Bay. Other boats had been employed in the examination of islands at the west, but " these were 
 found so abundantly dispersed as to preclude any correct examination without having leisure for 
 the purpose." Thus, having traced only the southern and eastern parts, the development of the 
 Haro Archipelago was left to later explorers. With a fine breeze and very pleasant weather, the 
 two ships sailed frojoa Birch Bay on midsummer morning and proceeded northwestward up the gulf. 
 Soon after, Vancouver again met the Spanish expedition under Valdez and Galiano, and the three 
 commanders resolved to carry on the work of discovery jointly. Sometimes the exploration of an 
 inlet or cape was confided to the Spanish, and at other times to the English oflBcers ; but the partner- 
 ship was soon dissolved. After the 13th of July each party pursued its own course. 
 
 Vancouver sent Lieutenant Johnstone in a boat to ascertain whether or not the inland waters 
 on which they now were had any outlet to the Pacific. After passing through narrow straits, it 
 was found that the tide entered from the northwest; and as the party advanced many Indian 
 canoes were met, and as generally near the mouth of an outlet the shores were studded with 
 Indian settlements he judged that he was in a passage to some other water, and soon after saw 
 a broad sheet of ocean in the distance. On the chart the passage was marked Johnstone Strait. 
 On the 10th of August Vancouver entered the Pacific and passed along the coast to the 52d parallel 
 returned around the island, and arrived at Nootka on the 27th of the same month. Four days 
 after he was followed by the Spanish ships Sutil and Mexicana, which had also explored Johnstone's 
 Strait with its numerous branches and inlets, and had given names to all. Vancouver preceded 
 them, and it is proper that geographical names attached by that navigator should be retained on 
 existing charts. With Quadra, the Spanish governor, then resident at Nootka, Vancouver agreed, 
 and the great island was named Quadra and Vancouver Island. In October of the same year 
 (1792) he sailed for the Sandwich Islands, which had become, since the time of Captain Cook and 
 the fur-traders, a harbor of resort for the northwestern navigators from England and Eastern 
 America. Vancouver left Nootka with three vessels, the Discovery, the Chatham, and the Dmdalus. 
 After remaining a short time in sight of the southern- coast of the island, he crossed the approacjhes 
 
UNITED STATES OGJBT AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 595 
 
 of the Strait of Puca. Captain Cook had applied the name Cape Flattery to what Vancouver had 
 called Cape Classet, but, on finding that his designation was the name of an inferior Indian chief, 
 Vancouver adopted the name which the cape now bears. 
 
 On the 18tb of October he was off Bulflnch Harbor, so called by Captain Gray, who discovered 
 it, and from thence Mr. W^hidbey was sent in the Daedalus to explore the port. Vancouver in the 
 Discovery, and Broughton in the. Chatham, went on to the entrance of Columbia Eiver, and there 
 the Chatham was directed to lead in, and signal at the bar if not more than 4 fathoms of water 
 should be found on it. She safely made her way in, but the Discovery in following soon came into 
 3 fathoms. Vancouver considered his vessel in danger, and hauled to the westward. The day fol- 
 lowing he made two other attempts to enter and reach the Chatham. The weather was clear and 
 favorable. Vancouver saw far into the valley, and observed to the eastward a high snow-clad 
 mountain, which he named Mount Saint Heleng, in honor of the British ambassador at Madrid. It 
 is a peak of the great range of mountains south of Mount Baker and Mount Eainier. On the 21st, 
 as the weather looked threatening, Vancouver stood out to sea, leaving the exploration of the river 
 entrance to his lieutenant, Broughton. Un the way southward the commander again determined 
 the geographical position of Cape Mendocino, and found the latitude to correspond exactly with his 
 former observation. The longitude determination was within 3', and this proved the accuracy of 
 his first survey. Prom thence he made a quick passage to San Prancisoo Bay, where he arrived 
 on the 14th of November, and was rejoined in the following week by Mr. Broughton, who had 
 returned in the Chatham after exploring the Columbia Eiver, He safely passed the bar of that 
 river and anchored about a mile and a quarter inside of it. Seeing the Discovery put to sea again 
 Broughton supposed he was left to examine further. He had no definite instructions, but went on 
 eastward, guided at the outset by a sketch made by the American, Captain Gray. Broughton 
 sounded in different directions, and gave names to- several points and bays. Young's Bay and 
 Young's Eiver he named after Sir George Young, of the Eoyal Navy ; Gray's Bay he named in 
 compliment to the American captain, and Baker's Bay for the commander of a small vessel, the 
 Jenney, which had entered the Columbia before the Chatham. In the course of ten days Broughton 
 went about 80 miles up the river, and gave names to several points, islands, and branches. It is 
 now difficult to identify the places, as the sketch published by Vancouver (plate 5 of his atlas) 
 contains only a few of the names. But this is not important. It suffices to state that he went up 
 the river nearly to the great mountain range, and only a few leagues west from the Cascades, 
 which were described to him by^ an Indian. He named the place at which he turned back Point 
 Vancouver. Possibly the river Mannings, of Broughton, may be the Willamette, but the latitudes 
 do not agree closely. 
 
 On the 4th of November Mr. Broughton was again on board the Chatham. He put to sea on 
 the 10th, and ten days afterwards rejoined Vancouver at San Prancisco. 
 
 While his vessel was at anchor at the entrance of Gray's Harbor, Whidbey had examined the 
 bar in boats, and finding a channel of 18 feet he passed in and moored of£ the north point of the 
 entrance. From that place he began his exploration in boats and completed it on the 26th. The 
 north point of entrance he named Point Brown, in honor of Captain, afterwards Admiral Brown, 
 of the British navy. The southern was named Point Hanson, for the lieutenant who had com- 
 manded the Daedalus in the passage from England. To a point inside of the bay 4 miles east of 
 Point Brown he gave the name Point New, after the master of his vessel. Mr. Whidbey left 
 probably on the 27th of October, and rejoined his commander at Monterey about the middle of 
 November. Vancouver remained at San Francisco Bay only to make a sketch of the entrance, 
 and some visits to the neighboring missions. He left on the 25th of November, and " delineating 
 the coast," proceeded to Monterey, where he arrived on the 26th and remained until the end of the 
 year 1792, occupied in exploring the vicinity and preparing charts, drawings, reports, and letters 
 for England. He determined the longitude of his observatory, near the Presidio of Monterey, from 
 a series of nearly two hundred sets of observations, to be 238° 25' 45" east. "This result" Vancou- 
 ver remarks, " differs considerably from that of Malaspina, who places Monterey 35 miles farther 
 to the west, in 237° 51', and he also places the northern promontory of Cape Mendocino 26', and 
 Point de los Eeyes 33' farther to the westward of their positions as shown by our observations.' 
 By Vancouver's calculations the entire coast of North America was uniformly moved about 30 
 
596 UNITED STATES COAST AN* GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 miles eastward of the longitude assigned by Cook and Malaspina. " These" says Vancouver, " are 
 authorities which demand the greatest respect and confidence, yetfrom the uninterrupted serenity 
 of the weather that prevailed at the time our observations were made, I have been induced to 
 adopt the meridian obtained from the result of our own observations." 
 
 On the Idth of January, 1793, Vancouver left Monterey and sailed directly for the Sandwich 
 Islands, where he remained until the end of March, and then set out ona second voyage. He made 
 the coast near Cape Mendocino, and having on his first visit in 1792 passed Port Trinidad unnoticed, 
 which, according tothe Admiralty Register of 1781, " appeared to be an eligible place for shipping," 
 he entered it on the 2d of May, and anchored in." a small open cove, bounded by detached rocks." 
 "When moored," he says, "the bearings from the ships were a high, steep, rounding, rocky headland, 
 (Trinidad Head) forming the bay, bearing N. 75° W., distant three quarters of a mile, and the dis- 
 tant headland of Mendocino in sight towards the south." This description proves that the vessel 
 was in the little cove on the shore of which now stands the town of Trinidad. All hidden dangers 
 there have been developed in the work of the Coast Survey, but Vancouver reported it to be " a 
 very unsafe roadstead for shipping, scarcely deserving the denomination of a port." In an excur- 
 sion to the shore one of his officers found the cross which had been erected by the Spaniards under 
 Quadra y Bodega in 1775, bearing the inscription " Carolus III Dei G. Hyspaniarum Rex." On 
 the 5th of May he again stood out to sea and sailed for Nootka. 
 
 Between the islands of Vancouver and Queen Charlotte's there is a large gulf. The last 
 named island stretches some of its promontories far to the west and advances more into the ocean 
 than other islands of that region. Hence it was one of the first chosen for exploration. Towards 
 the «ast and nearer to the mainland lies a labyrinth of islands, inlets, channels, and long 
 peninsulas, which, up to the time now under review, had been considered as part of the continent. 
 Vancouver entered these waters, and in this was preceded only by one navigator, the Spanish 
 captain, Coamano, whose observations were useful to the English navigator. The Spaniard, of 
 whose voyage further mention will be made presently, sailed from Mexico when the Sutil and 
 Mexicana started, and in the course of six months surveyed many parts of the archipeUigos of 
 Revillagigedo, Prince of Wales Island, &c. Some of the names given by him were retained by 
 Vancouver, which proves that he must have known something of Coamano's results and was 
 materially assisted by his charts, which, in the opinion of Humboldt, he probably had on board. 
 But much the greatest degree of merit regarding these explorations must be accinded to Van- 
 couver. Here in the north, as formerly in the south, near the Gulf of Georgia and at the mouth 
 of Columbia River, Vancouver and his officers, by advancing through the deeply indented inlets, 
 approached those remarkable mountains that run along the northwest coast of America. A few 
 high summits of the coast ranges and some isolated peaks were previously known, as, for example, 
 Monnt Saint Elias, Mount Fairweather, Mount Edgecnmbe, and others; but the interior ranges 
 had never been seen by Europeans. Vancouver traced them from California northward to Russian 
 America. 
 
 On the 8th of October Vancouver left Nootka, and in the course of a week he was off Cape 
 Mendocino. Lieutenant Puget was sent to gain information concerning Port Bodega, but as in the 
 year previous, inclement weather made the intended survey impracticable. Vancouver meanwhile 
 went to San Francisco, but the Spanish authorities were not cordial, and he kept on to Monterey. 
 On the 5th of Novembei" he sailed again to complete his examination of the coast southward to the 
 30th parallel, as enjoined by his instructions. He passed along to Point Conception and from 
 thence through the "Santa Barbara Channel to San Diego. Favored by circumstances he every- 
 where approached the shore line, entered little harbors, and gave names to several points which 
 he found to be nameless on the Spanish maps, as Point Sal, Point Argnello, Point Felipe, Point 
 Firmin, Point Vincente, Point Lasuen, Point Dume, which have been adopted by geographers, and 
 Vancouver has thus (Sominemorated many noble and hospitable Spanish friends, both officers and 
 missionaries, Don Sal, Don Arguello, Don Felipe Goyeochea, Father Francisco Dume, Father 
 Vincente, and Father Lasuen, each of whom had received him cordially as he stopped at intervals 
 in passing along the coast. He left San Diego on the 9th of December and coasted as far as San 
 Francisco entrance. From thence he stood over to the Island of Guadalupe and the Sandwich 
 Islands, intending to make his winter station there for the season of 1793-'94. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC 8UEVEY. 597 
 
 Among the non-existing waters marked on maps, even after the time of Captain Cook, was 
 that deep and large inlet in Eussiau America, called Cook's Eiver. It had been mistaken for 
 the mouth of a great stream like the Saint Lawrence. Some in that day eagerly caught at the 
 idea, and with no knowledge of mountain systems they gave the river a source in the Great Slave 
 Lake. Mackenzie, it is true, showpd that the waters of the Slave Lake flowed towards the Arctic 
 Ocean, but space remained west of Mackenzie's Eiver for the mythical stream once known as 
 Cook's Eiver. 
 
 On his third northwestern cruise, in the summer of 1794, Vancouver closely examined the sur- 
 rounding country and expunged imaginary rivers which had been marked on earlier maps. To 
 the one last mentioned after examination he gave the name Cook's Inlet, its proper designation. 
 But he omitted some that were important. In the north, as twice before at the south, he was thus 
 unfortunate. He had doubted the existence of the Columbia Eiver until Gray proved it, and he 
 left Prazer's Eiver in the Gulf of Georgia unexplored, although informed of its character by 
 intelligent Spanish officers. Of the Atna or Copper Eiver of the Eussians he says nothing, nor 
 did he hear anything of the large river Yukon or Yukehanna. 
 
 Vancouver returned to Nootka, and passing along the coast of California he again made some 
 (Observations of importance ; but he was anxious to visit San Diego. That station being central, 
 all his calculations for determining the trend of the coast of New Albion southward of the thirtieth 
 parallel were referred to it. On the way he touched at two points for connecting and correcting his 
 series of longitude determinations, at the island of Guadalupe, the position of which he had previously 
 ascertained, and at Cape San Lucas. There the French expedition under Chappe d'Auteroche for 
 observing the Transit of Venus in 1769 had settled the geographical position with a high degree of 
 exactness ; and finding by comparison his results in accordance with those of the Spanish and 
 French observers, Vancouver returned to Europe. He reached England in the summer of 1795. 
 
 Cook, La P^rouse, and Malaspina had touched the western coast here and there, but Vancouver 
 was the first in attempting a continuous survey. The Spanish voyages of that period, even when 
 intended to aid in geographical development, were commonly mere summer excursions ; but 
 Vancouver took ample time. His explorations employed three summers from the date of his arrival 
 at the northwest in April, 1792, until his departure in September, 1794. Moreover, many of the 
 previous expeditions had been conducted by men of merely ordinary acquirements, captains of 
 merchant vessels and fur traders, like Portlook, Dixon, Marchand, Gray, and others, who of course 
 occasionally made discoveries in a region so little known. Vancouver and his companions pos- 
 sessed the qualities aud the means requisite for his purposes. He had been trained under Captain 
 Cook, and was provided with the best instruments then known for making useful observations. 
 The period of his survey was probably the most active in the history of western exploration. He 
 states that in 1792 there were upwards of twenty fur-trading vessels on the coast, and exclusive 
 of his own three ships, the Spaniards had two under Valdez and Galiano; two or three men of 
 war under Bodega y Quadra, sent to Nootka Sound ; and the surveying vessel Arauzas, under 
 Captain Caemano. The total of thirty vessels were conducted by ofiloers of ability, and were 
 accompanied by astronomers. All contributed to make those hitherto obscure regions better 
 known. No former time had gathered such means and forces for coast exploration. 
 
 After the disclosures made by Cook in 1786 had directed attention to the Northern Pacific, 
 citizens of the United States, as also some in England, France, and other countries, sent expeditions 
 to that promising region to engage in the fur trade; and some Americans while so employed 
 became as prominent in the history of discovery as Marchand, Meares, and Dixon, of whom mention 
 has been made. Amongst them, the Captains Kendrick, Gray, and Ingraham are best known. 
 But few of the American captains wrote narratives of their voyages. All probably kept log 
 books or journals, but these were not published, and probably have been lost. Of Capt. John 
 Kendrick's papers none, so far as we know, have been published or even preserved. The log book 
 of Capt. Eobert Gray was for some time in possession of his heirs, and from the second volume a 
 few extracts were published in Boston, but nothing is now known of the manuscript. The journal 
 of Capt. Joseph Ingraham's voyage in the ship Hope, in manuscript, is in the library of the State 
 Department in Washington City, D. C. It is in four thin folio volumes, very well written, and 
 contains maps of Washington Island, as he calls Queen Charlotte's ; also of Vancouver Island, 
 
598 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 and of the coast of California, drawn from information given by Captain Gray. Much information 
 in regard to the explorations of the earliest American navigators in this direction is given here 
 and there in the reports of Dixon, Meares, Vancouver, and others. 
 
 In the year 1787 some Boston merchants, among whom were Mr. C. Bulflnch and Mr. J. M. 
 Pintard, formed an atisociation for combining the fur trade of the North Pacific with the China 
 trade, in a manner similar to that attempted by the King George's Sound Company of London. 
 They fitted out two vessels the Columbia, and the Washington, with requisites, and gave the direc- 
 tion of the expedition to Captain Kendrick, with whom, in the Columbia, Ingraham went as mate. 
 Gray iiad command of the Washington, and both were provided with sea letters issued by the 
 Federal Government, and the vessels sailed from Boston on the 30th of September, 1787. Green- 
 how, in his work on Oregon and California, gives ample information in regard to the voyages of 
 Kendrick, Gray and Ingraham. 
 
 In January, 1788, they doubled Cape Horn and immediately afterwards the vessels were 
 separated by a violent storm ; Captain Gray, in the Washington, made the northwest coast in 
 latitude 46 degrees north, and reached an inlet or coast opening which he tried but in vain to enter. 
 This was probably the mouth of Columbia Eiver. On the bar his vessel grounded, and was 
 attacked by the natives; but he got off without much injury, and on the 17th of September he 
 arrived at Nootka Sound, the place of rendezvous, where he was soon followed by Captain Kendrick 
 in the Columbia. Occupied with transactions in the fur trade, the vessels remained in harbor 
 during the winter of 1788-'89. The Columbia passed the following summer there, but the Wash- 
 ington made trips to the north and south, exploring the country, and collecting furs, which Gray 
 from time to time deposited at Nootka. In one of his trading excursions (June, 1789) he explored 
 the eastern coast of Queen Charlotte's Island. The western shore had been seen by the Spaniard 
 Perez, in 1774, by the French under La P^rouse in 1786, and by the English, Captain Dixon, in 
 1787, who had also observed partially along the east side and discovered the broad strait which 
 separates it from the continent. He called the island Queen Charlotte's, and the channel Dixon's 
 Strait. 
 
 Not knowing the facts which have just been stated. Captain Gray believed himself to be the 
 discoverer of the great island, the eastern coast of which he saw and followed further than either 
 of his predecessors. He touched also at many points along the shore, and gave it the name of 
 Washington Island, and that designation was in use for some years among the fur traders of the 
 United States. 
 
 In one of his voyages from Nootka to the south. Gray entered the strait discovered by Captain 
 Berkeley in 1787, and by him named De Fuca Strait. Gray sailed in it about 50 miles, and under- 
 stood from the natives that it extended farther north, and then returned towards the Pacific. 
 Gray afterwards related this to Vancouver, but he nowhere states why he did not pursue -this 
 promising opening. On his return to Nootka he found Captain Kendrick preparing to sail with 
 furs for China, but after hearing the account given by Gray respecting the Strait of Fuca it was 
 decided that the latter should take the Columbia across to China, while Kendrick remained with 
 the Washington on the northwest coast. 
 
 Gray arrived at Canton on the 6th of December, 1789, sold his furs, and returning with a 
 cargo of tea by way of the Cape of Good Hope, reached Boston on the 10th of August, 1790, 
 having carried the flag of United States around the world. What Captain Kendrick did mean- 
 while is not exactly known. Mr. Greenhow says that on parting with the Columbia he sailed in 
 the Washington to the Strait of Fuca, and was the first navigator who passed through its entire 
 length into the Gulf of Georgia. We will therefore briefly recapitulate what is known certainly in 
 regard to Kendrick's movements, voyages, and fate, after his separation from Gray in the autumn 
 of 1789. 
 
 We know that after the separation he engaged in speculations, one of which was the collection 
 of the odoriferous sandal-wood which grows on many islands of the Pacific, and that he took the 
 wood to China. He purchased several tracts of land near Nootka from the Indian chief Maguinna 
 and he was again at Nootka in the summer of 1791. In that same summer Captain Gray returned 
 to Vancouver Island and passed the following winter at Clyoquot Sound. It is probable that he 
 went once or twice to Nootka and there saw and conferred with his former commander. At the 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET. 599 
 
 end of the year 1791 Kendrick probably sailed for China, as early in the ensuing year he was seen 
 there by Captain Ingraham, of the American ship Hope, who had been at Macao since th<tlst of 
 December. Ingraham had previously sailed with Kendrick as mate, and of course had some con- 
 versation with him, as explicitly stated in his journal. Kendrick was killed by an accident at the 
 Sandwich Islands in the year 1793. So far as we know he made no important discoveries, but his 
 countryman, Eobert Gray, made several. The anonymous author of three letters from California 
 called "Noticias de la Provincia de Californias" (not to be confounded with the noticias of Venegas) 
 says that the viceroy of Spain had sent out letters to all the missions, directing that notice should 
 be given to the Indians of a certain American-Englishman named Juan Kendrig, sailing about 
 their coastj who had coined and issued money in his own namp, and ordering them to seize him 
 wherever they could. 
 
 The results of Gray's commercial operations were not large, but he sailed again in the ship 
 Columbia from Boston on the 28th of September, 1790. Several other vessels sailed at about the 
 same time from that port and from New York, bound for the North Pacific, and amongst them was 
 the brig Hope, commanded by Joseph Ingraham, formerly mate of the Columbia. 
 
 On his second northwestern voyage Gray arrived at Clyaquot (Vancouver Island) on the 5th 
 of June, 1791, as stated by Greenhow. Prom thence he went to higher latitudes and returned in 
 the autumn to Clyaquot, where he built a fort (Fort Defiance) and passed the winter of 1791-'92. 
 In the following spring he made a trip southward along the coast of New Albion. At the outset, 
 on the 29th of April, 1792, he met Vancouver and conversed with him respecting the Strait of 
 Fuca and a certain great river (Columbia Eiver), to which allusion has already been made. 
 
 After parting with Vancouver Gray went southward. On the 7th of May he discovered in 
 latitude 46° 58' north an inlet which seemed to promise a good harbor. He entered and found 
 himself in a bay " well sheltered from the sea by long sand-bars and spits." There he remained 
 three days, trading with the natives, and named the place Bulfiuch Harbor, in Ijpnor of one of 
 the owners of his vessel. This same bay was afterwards called Gray's Harbor by Vancouver. 
 
 On the 11th of May Gray was again near the entrance seen by him in 1788, which in his log- 
 book is styled his " desired port," probably because he had great expectations in regard to it. On 
 passing the bar he found the entrance of a large river of fresh water, and remained ten days 
 trading with Indians. According to his logbook the exploration then made was prosecuted to a 
 point nearly 25 miles by the river course. When Gray left he gave to the river the name Columbia 
 Eiver, after his ship. The entrance cape he called Capes Hancock and Point Adams. Soon after- 
 wards he made known at Nootka Sound the discovery of Bulfinch Harbor and Columbia Eiver 
 to the Spanish commander Quadra, and subsequently to Vancouver, who ordered a further 
 exploration of the vicinity. 
 
 From Nootka Sound Gray returned, by the way of China, to the United States. 
 
 Captain Ingraham, in the ship Hope, left Boston in September, 1790. While crossing the 
 Pacific he touched at a group of unknown islands, and then went northward to Queen Charlotte's. 
 He inade a second voyage to that island in 1792. The journal of his voyages is important, as it 
 preserves notices of other American explorers, chiefly of Kendrick and Gray ; and from the last 
 named communicates a map of Vancouver Island aud the coast of California. ~Iu 1793 Ingraham 
 returned, by way of China, to the United States. Subsequently he was an ofiScer on board the 
 ill-fated ship Pickering, which was never heard of after saciling from the Delaware in August 1800. 
 
 GALIANO AND VALDEZ, 1792. 
 
 An account of the voyage made with the galiots Sutil and Mexicana was published at Madrid 
 in the year 1802. The introduction to the narrative was written by the Spanish histori- 
 ographer and director of the archives, Navarrete, but the name of the author of the account is 
 not mentioned. The atlas which accompanies it contains charts, plans, and views ; and of these 
 the most interesting in this connection are the first plate, showing the coast of California from 
 Cape Perpetua to Cape San Lucas; the second, on which is given the remainder of the coast of 
 California and Vancouver Island ; the fourth contains a reduced copy of the old survey of the 
 coast of Calfornia by Vizcaino in 1602 ; and the fifth and sixth give plans of the harbors of San 
 Diego and Monterey. 
 
600 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 The most valuable part of this work is the introduction. Compared with Vancouver's the 
 narraiJve is meager and uninteresting and the charts are inferior, only that of Vizcaino havin 
 any special historical interest. They are not equal to the Spanish charts given in the Madr . 
 atlas of that period. 
 
 Malaspina was on the northwest coast in the year 1791, but had not time to examine the Stn it 
 of Fuca. After his return to Mexico he snbmitted to the viceroy a plan for the examination >t 
 certain important places, and ofl^ered to furnish the expedition with instruments from his vessel.*. 
 This proposition was accepted. The galiots Sutil and Mexicana were fitted out, and placed under 
 the command of the captains Don Dionisio Alcada Galiano and Don Oayelano Valdez. It was 
 the last of Spanish expeditions. .The equipment was meager. The vessels were each only about 
 50 feet long, of less than 50 tons burden, and were navigated by only twenty-four men. Each 
 ship had one chronometer, and a single quadrant did service for both of the vessels. Vancouver 
 was amazed at the sight of what he deemed " so unfit for its destination." Both Valdez and Gali- 
 ano complained of the inconvenience of such small vessels. They sailed from Acapulco on the 8th 
 of March, 1792, traversed the coast of California at a distance, to avoid the northwest winds, and 
 arrived at Nootka on the 12th of May. From thence they sailed on the 3d of Juno, and on the 5th 
 entered the Strait of Fuca. Tetacuo, an Indian chief, informed them that Vancouver had been 
 there five weeks earlier, with two large ships. 
 
 After visiting the little port of Nufiez Gaona (Neah Harbor), the Spaniards ]>a8sed to the 
 eastern part of the strait without examining Port Discovery or any other harbor of that vicinity, 
 " because their predecessor Elisa had already seen them." They also passed by Las Bocas de 
 Caomano (Admiralty Inlet), partly for such reasons as had induced Elisa to leave it unexplored 
 and partly because it was thought that the inlet might lead in a southwestern direction to the 
 inlet of Heceta (mouth of Columbia Eiver), and if so, it could be more conveniently examined on 
 their return, d 
 
 Hastening therefore to Eosario Strait, to reach as soon as possible the point at which Elisa 
 closed the survey, they sailed for the southern point of Vancouver Island, and having doubled it, 
 kept along the southern shores of the archipelago De Haro, passed the island of Guemes, and 
 entered the Seno de Gaston (Bellingham Bay), to see i^ there was not a channel leading from it to 
 the north. Finding no outlet they made their way to what Elisa in 1791, had called Canal de 
 Florida Blanca, in hope that it might lead to something yet undiscovered. Elisa had mentioned the 
 existence of a river in that region, which river, according to Vancouver, he called Eio Blancho. 
 There they of necessity repeated Vancouver's movements. Finding turbid water (agnas turbias) 
 and very shallow soundings, they were driven by currents, and went over to the eastern side of 
 Vancouver Island to seek for an anchorage. There they passed several days in different roadsteads 
 to which they gave names, after marking shore lines on the chart. • 
 
 Elisa had represented the country about the mouth of Praser Eiver as composed of islands. 
 The ridge of snow-clad mountains to the eastward seemed to be broken in the direction taken by 
 the Canal de Florida Blanca, showing a broad valley ; and it was judged that the canal there 
 passed the mountains and led into another sea. But Eraser Eiver was not examined, either by 
 Vancouver, Valdez, or Galiano. In the previous year Elisa appears to have seen something of it, 
 as on his map it is laid down as a river. While Galiano and Valdez were near its niouth, they 
 met the boats of Vancouver and conversed with his ofScers. The two parties at length joined, and 
 completed the survey of the Gulf of Georgia. The Spanish report states that the Spaniards did 
 the best they could to follow their English friends, but always were somewhat behind in consequence 
 of the inferiority of the Spanish vessels. They entered the Pacific through the strait named on 
 their chart Salida de las Goletas. This is south of the island marked on Vancouver's chart as 
 Island of Galiano and Valdez. On the 27th of August they sailed around Vancouver Island, 
 and on the 31st arrived at Nootka. On the 10th of August Vancouver entered the Pacific, and 
 after making some explorations at the north of the island, reached Nootka on the 28th of the same 
 month. The English certainly preceded in navigating entirely around the island ; but it was agreed 
 between the commanders that it should bear the name Quadra and Vancouver Island. 
 
 On the Ist day of September Galiano and Valdez left Nootka to cruise along the coast of 
 California towards Monterey, and to survey places pointed out by their instructions. Like Van- 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 001 
 
 couver, they heard at Nootka of a newly discovered port (Gray's Harbor), aud of a large river 
 mouth (Colunibia .Eiver), discovered by the Aniericau Captain Gray. The intention was to 
 examine both, but owing to the bad condition of their vessels the purpose was found impracti- 
 cable. With their small craft and unfavorable wind and weather they made their way south, 
 touched at San Francisco, Monterey, aud San Diego, and arrived at San Bias on the 23d of 
 November, Humboldt mentions these Spanish officers as "able and exp^ienced astronomers"; 
 but they recorded no observation or discovery worthy of mention. 
 
 In the Strait of Buca the commanders Galiano and Valdez had been preceded by Quiraper, 
 Elisa, and Vancouver, and in the Gulf of Georgia they were assisted by the English. Spanish 
 charts with eariy designations were published in 1K02, but Vancouver's charts, much superior in 
 detail, came out in 1798, and thus were established the names which he had attached to places in 
 the region. 
 
 CAAMANO, 1793. 
 
 Brief mention will suffice of an expedition by Don Jacinto Caamano in the Spanish ship 
 Arauzazn. This voyage, like that of the Sutil and Mexicana, was ordered by the Viceroy of Mexico 
 Count Eevillagigedo, and was suggested by Malaspina, who judged that somewhere about Port 
 Bucareli, in latitude 56 degrees north, and behind Queen Charlotte's Island might be found the 
 open water of Admiral Fonte. 
 
 Caamano left San Bias on the 20th of March, a fortnight later than Galiano and Valdez. 
 Like them he traversed the coast of California, and he arrived at Nootka on the 14th of May. 
 From thence he went north and passed around Queen Charlotte's Island. Many observations were 
 made on the neighboring shores of the American continent. These, as Humboldt remarks, weie 
 useful to Vancouver, but they are beyond the boundary of our present research. On his return 
 in October, 1792, Caamaiio, sailing jrith northwestern winds along the coast of California, touched 
 at several points, but seems to have added nothing to the stock of information. He reached San 
 Bias on the 4th of November, where, a fortnight after, Galiano and Valdez arrived with the Sutil 
 and Mexicana. In these the Spanish Government ended a long series of exertions for exploring 
 the northwest coast. Beginning with Ulloa and Cortes, a period of nearly three hundred years 
 had been marked by activity in geographical development. 
 
 CAPT. W. E. BEOUGHTON, 1795-'98. 
 
 Broughton's voyage was from its outset very unfortunate. He had been with Vancouver in 
 tlie North Pacific, and, as already stated, was in command of one of the vessels (the Chatham) of 
 Vancouver's expedition. After examining the Columbia Eiver, Broughton went overland across 
 Mexico by direction of Vancouver, with communications respecting transactions with the Spanish 
 authorities at Nootka Sound. Affairs were settled amicably by the willingness of Spain to yield • 
 jiossession to Great Britain. The surrender had been refused during the stay of Vancouver. 
 
 At the end of the year 1793 the ship Providence was put in charge of Broughton. He was 
 directed to proceed to the Pacific, visit Nootka, and receive possession of that port in case the 
 restitution to Great Britain had not been previously made. He was also instructed from the 
 Admiralty to survey the western coast of South America between Valdivia and the Strait of 
 Magellan " upoja the supposition that Captain Vancouver, who had similar orders, would not have 
 been able to fulfil them." 
 
 After many delays Broughton sailed from England in February, 1795, before the return of 
 Vancouver, and arrived at Nootka (from the Sandwich Islands) on the 15th of March, 1796, and 
 found the place at which activity had been manifested for years almost deserted. An Indian 
 village was on the site of the early Spanish settlement, and several letters, delivered by the Indian 
 chief Maguinna, informed Broughton that the Spaniards had delivered the port to the English 
 Lieutenant Pierce. It was also stated that Vancouver had sailed for England. 
 
 His vessel needing repairs, Broughton could not leave Nootka until the 21st of May. He then 
 sailed, and visited Monterey, but received no attention from the Spanish officers there, and was 
 not even allowed to set up a tent on shore for the astronomical observations needful to settle the 
 H Ex 43 76 
 
602 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 rates of his watches. He ascertained definitely that Vancouver had left about eighteen months 
 before, and that his two ships had been in good condition at Monterey^ Further, that he had 
 sailed from Valparaiso to survey the lower part of the western coast of South America. Broughton, 
 thus apparently left to his own discretion, decided to survey part of the coast of Asia, and to that 
 end he sailed from Monterey on the 20th of June for the Sandwich Islands. His ship was wrecked, 
 but he made some us^ul surveys in the region to which La P6rouso sailed from California. He 
 returned to England in 1799. 
 
 LEWIS AND CLAEKE, 1804-'06. 
 
 In January, 1803, President Jefferson sent to the Congress of the United States a confidential 
 message recommending the examination of the interior and far western region pertaining to the 
 republic. The suggestion was approved, and he commissioned Captains Meriwether Lewis and 
 William Clarke to explore the Upper Missouri Eiver and its principal branches, and then to seek 
 and trace to its termination some river, the Columbia, the Oregon, or any other which might offer the 
 most direct and practicable water communication across the continent for the purposes of commerce. 
 
 Soon after the cession of Louisiana to the United States the travelers named set out westward 
 from Saint Louis, with a party of about forty men, on the 14th of May, 1804. They went up the 
 Missouri to the mouth of Yellowstone Eiver, and the upper heads of the last mentioned stream 
 were explored in 1805. In July they crossed the Rocky Mountains and reached the headwaters 
 of the Columbia. Following its course, they arrived at the falls of the river in the Cascade 
 Mountains, and on the 2d of November came to tidewater at the point reached by Bronghton, 
 (Vancouver's lieutenant) in 1792. Five days afterwards Lewis and Clarke reached the eastern 
 extremity of the estuary of the Columbia, and, " the fog clearing off, enjo.'^ed for the first time the 
 delightful prospect of the ocean." The broad Pacific was before them. On its waters they rowed 
 in the vicinity of Gray's Harbor, which they called Shallow Bay. Cape Disappointment and the 
 adjacent coast were examined. They rounded Tongue Point (naming it on their map Point 
 Williams) and selected for their winter encampment a place near their river Netul, which on 
 later maps bears the name Lewis and Clarke's River. This empties into Young's Bay. There, 
 on the 8th of December, they commenced building a camp, which on completion was named Fort 
 Clatsop, and after passing the winter they began their homeward journey on the 23d of March, 1806. 
 
 Throughout the winter they had much intercourse with the Indians, and made many hunting 
 and exploring excursions to the interior and along the coast. Tlir.v noted the winter climate, the 
 rainy season of that region, the animals, and indigenous productions, many of the segetiibles 
 being unknown at the east. 
 
 Amongst Indian tribes inhabiting the shores of the Columbia Eiver were the Clatsops, Killa- 
 mucks, Chinooks, and the Cathlametes, 
 
 Of the excursions made, one of the most interesting was led by Captain Clarke. On that 
 journey they ascended on the 8th of January, 1806, a high and rugged headland of the coast. It 
 was named Clarke's Point of View, and is doubtless identical with Tillamook head on charts of 
 the United States Coast Survey. 
 
 Before leaving the mouth, of the Columbia Lewis and Clarke put on paper a short memo- 
 randum of their jouriiey to the Pacific, distributed copies to the Indians, and posted a copy at 
 Fort Clatsop, t ne of these papers was subsequently given by the natives to Captain Hill an 
 American, who in the course of the summer of 1806 was on the Columbia Eiver. The paper went 
 to China, and was seen by Americans in Canton before the close of the year. 
 
 On the 23d of March Lewis and Clarke started eastward, following at first the route i)ur8ued 
 in approaching the Pacific. The company afterwards separated into parties to examine valleys of 
 the Upper Columbia, but the parties were rejoined at the mouth of the Yellowstone and all 
 reached Saint Louis on the 23d of September, 1806. By this memorable expedition an immense 
 river system and a large section of the American continent were made known to the world. It 
 gave impulse to movements, American as well as English, both by sea and land. Many profited 
 by the facilities pointed out by Lewis and Clarke. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 603 
 
 RUSSIAN EXPEDITIONS, 180?-'06. 
 
 The first expedition from Russia was sent out at the instance of the Chancellor Count 
 Romanzoif. Two ships, the Nadeschda and the Newa, under command of Capt. A. T. von 
 Krusenstern, sailed from St. Petersburg in August, 1803. The Kewa was in charge of Capt. 
 U. Lysiansky, and each vessel pursued its own course, making different explorations in the 
 northern parts of Russian Asia and America in. the years 1804 and 1805. With the expedition 
 went as envoy to the Emperor of Japan, the Russian Chamberlain Von Rezanoff. But that 
 Asiatic power strictly maintained its system of non-intercourse with other nations, and declined 
 the proposed mission, and the envoy in consequence was taken to the harbor of St. Peter and St. 
 Paul in Kamtchatka. There some letters from St. Petersburg induced him to visit the Aleutian 
 Islands and northwest coast of America. He was accompanied by the German naturalist Von 
 Langsdorff, who afterwards published a history of the voyage. The passage was made in the galiot 
 Maria, a slow sailing vessel belonging to the Russian Fur Company from Petro Pawowsk. Starting 
 on the 25th of June, 1805, the party passed along the Aleutian Islands, Alaska, and Kadiak, 
 to Norfolk Sound (Sitka), and there arrived on the 7th of September. Baranoff, the governor of 
 the Russian establishments, had some years earlier taken xjossession, had built a fort at Sitka, and 
 made it the central station of Russo-American dominion, which until then had been at Kadiak. 
 He assembled at Sitka many Russian fur-hunters and Aleutians, and- the company was further 
 augmented by the crew of the Maria, who intended to pass the winter in port. But the resources 
 of the young and i)Oorly provided colony could not sustain the dependent number. A disastrous 
 famine ensued ; sickness jirevailed and threatened the establishment with ruin, when, fortunately, 
 the American vessel Juno, from Bristol, R. I., arrived with a cargo of provisions. These were 
 immediately purchased, but the famine was thereby only averted for a time. At length Baranoff 
 and Rezanoff' purchased the American vessel, in order to bring from California what might be 
 indispensable for supporting the colony. The command of the Juno was given to the Russian 
 lieutenants Chwosdoff and Davidoff". Rezanoff and the naturalist, Langsdorff", went with them, 
 and the ship left Sitka for San Francisco on the 8th of March; 1806. The passage was made 
 tedious by sickness amongst the Russian sailorsj all of them being sick with scurvy. They never- 
 theless tried to make some coast examinations, and attempted to enter the mouth of Columbia 
 River, where the Russian plenipotentiary thought of founding an establisment. An opening on 
 the coast, supposed by them to mark the entrance of that river, was examined with boats, but it 
 was soon found to be the inlet which Vancouver had named Gray's Harbor. Some days after 
 (March 31) the Juno was at anchor off" Cape Disappointment with a very sick crew. Next day 
 they tried to enter, but observing that the eastern horizon was strongly marked with sui'f, and 
 having been driven by the currents towards Cape Adams, it was deemed advisable to get away, 
 and take advantage of the favorable northwest wind. They therefore sailed direct for San 
 Francisco, and entered tbatport on the 8th of April. 
 
 The transactions of Von Rezanoff" and his officers at San Francisco were mostly commercial and 
 political. At the Spanish mission offers were made to exchange the woolen stuffs and other goods 
 bought with the cargo of the Juno for flour, meat, and vegetables, and to establish by treaty 
 a lasting commerce between the missions and the Russian settlements. They had with them Van- 
 couver's maps, which were found serviceable, and also a tracing of the survey made by La P6rouse 
 at San Francisco Bay. Langsdorff made some useful observations in geography and natural 
 history. He visited the south part of the bay in a boat, and he is the only authority we have in 
 regard to the condition of the Franciscan missions in 1806, and also respecting their undertakings 
 
 in earlier years. 
 
 This expedition is moreover of interest because the Russians, failing In the plan for establish- 
 lishing commercial intercourse with the Californians, conceived the idea of planting a colony of 
 their own on the coast. Ou the 12th of May the party left Sau Francisco, and without delay 
 returned with their provisions to Sitka, where they arrived ou the 20th of June. This was the ftrst 
 Russian expedition to California of which we have accurate information. 
 
H04 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 VUR COMPANIES, 1«00-'21. 
 
 The c'xpodilion of LewiN mid Cliirke was noticed with ^]^n^) iiiteroMt by cx|)lorers and fnr-tradei'N. 
 Some existing coinpanios revived and others were organized for prospective gains in the recently 
 opened country. 
 
 The Northwest Company, tlien active and enterprising, iiad, while Lewis and Clarlie wore in 
 motion, sent parties towards the llocky Mountains, and had crossd them in 1793, when their agent, 
 Mr. A. Mackenzie, arrived on the Paciflc coast. Another agent, Mr. Simon Eraser, crossed the 
 mountains in 1806 at the source of the river which bears his name, and established a settlement, 
 which was called New C'aledonia. Mr. D. W. Harmon traveled as chief agent of the Northwest 
 Company during several years beyond the mountains. Though his book ([)ublishod in Loixlon in 
 1820) is simply written, it contains interesting information in regard to the country cast of Van- 
 couver Island, and of that around the Strait of Fuca, and also the Columbia River. It is in many 
 matters connected with discoveries in that region the onlj^ source of authentic information. The map 
 accompanying it is the iirst on which Eraser River is laid down in its true course. 
 
 A Missouri fur company was formed in 1808 for settlements on the Upper Missouri, and one 
 of its agents, Mr. Henry, founded a post on one of the branches of the Upper Columbia, but the 
 post was soon abandoned. 
 
 In 1810 Captain Smith, from Boston, entered the Columbia and built a house 40 miles above the 
 moutli, but the house was destroyed within twelve months, as stated in Greenhow's "Oregon and 
 California," page 291. 
 
 At the period here inider notice John Jacob z\stnr, of New York, established the I'licilic 
 Eur Company. Ee was a personal tViend of President Jofl'ersoa, wlio had orij^inatod the-expedi- 
 tion of Lewis and Clarke. Mr. Astor enlisted expert Canadian, Scotch, and American travelers 
 and sailors who had been in the service of the Northwest Company. He sent out in 1809 the ship 
 Enterprize, under Captain Ebbets, to make observations at several places on the northwest coast of 
 America; but no detailed account has been given of that voyage. 
 
 On the 2d of September, 1810, a second sea expedition, in the ship Tonquin, was sent to the 
 mouth of Columbia River by way of Cape Horn, under Capt. T. Thorne. The best account of this 
 expedition is given in " Adventures on the Columbia River, by Ross Cox." That book details events 
 which occurred in Oregon between the years 1810 and 1816. Another is entitled, '• Relation d'un 
 voyage a la cote Nord Ouest dan les ann6es, 1810-1814, jiiir Gabriel Franchore. Montreal, 1820." 
 Ross Cox and Franchere were, for the most part, eye witnesses of what they describe. The first 
 named came to the Columbia by sea, the other went across the Rocky Mountains. A well written 
 accourit of the operations of the Pacific Company is given by Greenhow. 
 
 A land expedition under the chief agent, Mr. Hunt, set out from Saint Louis in January 1810 
 going by way of the Missouri River. 
 
 An expedition in the ship Beaver, under Capt. Cornelius Sowles, sailed in October, 1811. 
 These were all attended by men expert in their several ways as navigators, scientific observers 
 and hunters. Ross Cox went as clerk in this expedition. 
 
 "While the Astorian parties were on their way the Northwest Company also advanced towards 
 the Columbia by sending out (in 1810), by way of the Peace River, a company i'roni Canada under 
 the surveyor and astronomer David Thompson. All these parties arrived successively on the Pacific 
 in what was then called the Oregon country. The English detachments were a< the north the 
 Americans farther south, and especially iit the mouth of the Columbia Rivci', where, in the spring 
 of 1811, they built Fort Astoria in the vicinity of the cape named by Broughtoii Point George. 
 
 Thonipson explored the region watered by the main branch of the Columbia. He followed ])art 
 of the route of Lewis and Clarke, corroborated and in some particulars corrected their reports and 
 gave an imiudved map of the sources of the Missouri as well as of the Coluit^bia River. Much in- 
 lormation in regard to this expedition was given by Washington Irving in his "Astoria or Anec- 
 dotes of an Enterprise beyond the Rocky Mountains. Philadelphia, 1830." 
 
 In August, 1812, the ship Beaver was sent from Astoria towards the Russian establishments 
 but the war that ensued between the United States and Great Britain checked the operations of 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 605 
 
 the Pacific Fur Company. Disasters followed. The ship Tonquin was wrecked and her crew was 
 murdered by savages. The ship Lark, sent from New York by Mr. Astor in the, year 1813, was 
 wrecked at the Sandwich Islands, and much suffering was endured by the land parties. 
 
 While the agents of the Pacific Fur Company held possession of the fort at Astoria (from June, 
 1811, until ctober, 1813) several parties were sent out from thence, bat all were directed to the 
 upper branches of the Columbia. Mr. Astor intended " to have coasting vessels of his own at 
 Astoria,ofsmalldraughtof water, fitted for coasting service," butthatpurposewasnot accomplished. 
 The people there were without means for navigating the coast, with which they consequently 
 remained entirely unacquainted, while the interior regions were well known to.them. Finally, when 
 threatened by the presence of a British sloopof war in the Pacilic, the agents of Mr. Astor, on the 
 16th of October, 1813, sold the fur establishment to the Northwest Company. Only a month after 
 the transfer the sloopof war Kaccoon, Captain Black, entered Columbia Eiver, the British flag was 
 raised, and the name Astoria was changed to Fort George. After the restoration of peace the fort 
 was again (1818) in possession of the United States. Mr. Astor for a time contemplated the revival 
 of his western projects, but the Northwest Company had in the interval occupied the valley of the 
 Columbia Eiver and its chief tributaries, and were carrying on trade in the neighboring regior. 
 Official aid could not be obtained, and without such aid it was deemed impossible to dispossess the 
 intruders. 
 
 Citizens of the United States were at this period settling and improving the fertile lands of 
 Ohio and the Mississippi Yalley. The distant Pacific region had become less attractive as the sea 
 otters diminished in number; and moreover the fur yearly decreased in yjrice. The Federal 
 Government, hov^ever, repeatedly asseitcd ils right to that part of North America. , 
 
 In the year 1821 the fur companies, alter beingat enmity as rivals, were united under the name 
 of Th'e Hudson Bay Company, and this union gave strength to the British interest on the 
 northwest coast. 
 
 The voyages and travels of Franklin, Eichardson, Parry, and others, undertaken by order of 
 the British Government, and favored by the Hudson Bay Company, aided much in geographical 
 development near the Eocky Mountains. New roads were opened to the west, but their views 
 were chiefly directed to the north. In a peaceful way the agents of the company in time occupied 
 nearly the whole Pacific slope between California and the Eussian i)ossessions, and all the country 
 drained by the Columbia, Eraser, and oihcr rivers. These agents, says Mr. Greenhow "were 
 now seen throughout the whole northwest, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, hunting, trapping, and 
 trading with the aborigines. Their boats sailed on every lake and river, and their trading posts 
 and fortiflcatioijs were in every important location. For many years scarcely one American citizen 
 was to be seen west of the Eocky Mountains ; nay, they were obliged even to withdraw their vessels 
 from the northwestern coast." 
 
 The Hudson Bay Company had their principal residence on the Columbia, in Fort Vancouver, 
 founded in the year 1824, at a considerable distance from the mouth of the river. This became the 
 center of operations in what they called The Columbia Department (now Oregon and Washington), 
 but they established some trading post in every position of importance, from the north, even beyond 
 the Eussian settlements, and to the southward at San Francisco and Monterey. They resorted 
 also to the Sandwich Islands. Mr. Aster's idea of a coasting fleet was realized by this company. 
 Small vessels to explore the inlets and ports along the coast were provided, and in the interval 
 between the years 1830 and 1840, they had in service five corvettes of about 300 tons each and a 
 small steamer (the Beaver), besides two larger seagoing vessels for trading between Columbia 
 Eiver and Loudon. 
 
 In successive excursions the Canadian hunters extended their trading district from the Colum- 
 bia southward to the Sacramento, and on their way found several rivers the banks of wliich were 
 inhabited by distinct tribes of Indians. Some of the names then given to streams are still retained^ 
 as Umpquah Klamath, &c. Commodore Wilkes, whose exploring parties from the Columbia 
 Eiver in 1841 partly followed the tracks opened by the Canadian hunters, gives much useful 
 information in regard to this region in his " Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition," 
 Vols. IV and V. The French traveler, Duflot de Mofras, who was journeying there in the year 
 
606 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 184] , made t he matter a subject of investigation, and gave much information in bis published work 
 entitled " Exploration du territoire de FOregon. Paris, 1844." 
 
 The Hudson Bay Companj' sent some parties to explore the lower reaches of rivers which 
 had been crossed by the Canadian hunters, and to build small forts at suitable places. It may be 
 said that at this time they were the only navigating parties on the coast. But the company ke])t 
 no account of their land operations. De Mofras says that Captain Brotchle, in the service of that 
 company, was. very active; he' was one of the most experienced officers on the coast, and in the 
 year 1836 made a coasting voyage in the schooner Oadborough to the south of the Columbia 
 River to examine the entrances of the little rivers Sagousta, Killimon, Yacoun, Nebalem, Umpquah, 
 and Klamath. A fort was erected near the mouth of the Umpquah in the year 1837. 
 
 An important branch of the operations of the Hudson Bay Comi»any was their exploration at 
 the north, towards the Strait of Fuca and Vancouver Island. In that direction they founded 
 posts after the year 1830. At that time Fort Nisqually was founded at the head of Puget Sound, 
 and in time it became their chief station in that quarter. The eastern coast of Vancouver Island 
 was also at that period further explored and partially settled. Coal Was found on the island in 
 the year 1834, and by means of the little steamer Beaver, already mentioned, steam navigation 
 was used for examining the nooks and corners of that vicinity which had not been seen by 
 Vancouver, Valdez, or Galiano. 
 
 In the year 1828 Fraser River was for the first time navigated in canoes from its source to 
 the mouth by Sir George Simpson, governor of the territories of the Hudson Bay Coippany. 
 Other rivers were traced, and in i)articnlar the Stikiue, which was iirst examined by the traveler 
 McLeod. These and other streams of the northwest had not been explored by Vancouver. The 
 center of these movements was Fort Vancouver, but animation was given by the company's chief 
 agent in the Columbia district, Dr. John McLaughlin. That energetic man deserves mention in 
 the history of exploration; he crossed the Rocky Mountains with the Northwest Company, and 
 in the year 1824 built Fort Vancouver. It was at his instance that all the enterprises here 
 mentioned were undertaken, and (says De Mofras) to him .the Hudson Bay Company owed 
 principally the advancement of their affairs and the extension of their commercial dominion on 
 the Pacific coast. He ruled, so to speak, in those regions for more than twenty years. 
 
 RUSSIAN SETTLEMENTS, 1812-'41. 
 
 The Hudson Bay Company and the Russian Fur Company so greatly extended their settle, 
 ments that at one time the two corporations seemed to divide the entire region between 
 themselves. 
 
 After the year 1806, when the naval expedition of Rezanoff and Langsdorff came down from 
 the north to San Francisco and attempted to establish there a commercial connection with the 
 Spanish missions, those regions had not been forgotten by the Russians, and as they always needed 
 provisions they concluded to settle at some point on the coast not already occupied, and there 
 cultivate ground on their own account. For this purpose they chose Bodega Bay, north of San 
 Francisco, which had not been reached by the Spanish missions, M. Baranoff, the enterprising 
 Russian governor, sent in the year 1812 an expedition, consisting of one hundred Russians and a 
 number of Aleutians, in a fleet of barks commanded by M. Kuskofi'. They sailed from Sitka 
 southward as far as Port Bodega. There they made a settlement, which in course of time 
 extended along the coast nearly 40 miles, and iu that stretch were a . fort, Russian farm-houses 
 magazines, chapels, fruit gardens, and ground under cultivation. The Spanish authorities 
 repeatedly protested against this Russian encroachment, but were unable to resist it by force. 
 The Russians consequently retained possession for nearly thirty years. They made yearly boat 
 expeditious from Sitka to Bodega Harbor, and from thence gradually extended their journeys for 
 hunting on land and for taking seal along the coast. They went into San Francisco Bay and 
 killed the sea otter iu sight of the Spaniards, who, if able to resist them, had no boats. 
 
 In the year 1826 the Russians possessed themselves of the Faralloues, where they established 
 a little colony of Kadiacks and held those islands so long as seals and the seaotter were to be 
 found there. They proceedjed south to the Santa Barbara Channel and occupied some of the 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SFEVET, 607 
 
 islands. The island of San Nicolas is particularly mentioned as the usual hunting ground of the 
 Eussians. Captain Beechy and Sir George Simpson make mention of these movementa. It 
 appears that the Eussians were assisted in some of these expeditions by Boston men or American 
 mariners. In Irving's Astoria, we read: "The American captains engaged in this particular 
 department of west coast trade used to come to New Archangel, the principal place of the Eussian 
 colonies. Here their ships would be furnished with a little fleet of canoes and a hundred Kadiack 
 hunters, and fitted out with everything necessary for hunting the' sea otter on the coast of Cali- 
 fornia. The ships would ply along the Californian coast from place to place, dropping parties of 
 hunters in their canoes, and leading them to depend upon their own dexterity for maintenance. 
 When a sufficient cargo was collected they would gather up their canoes and hunters and return 
 with them to New Archangt,: , where the American captain would receive one-half the skins for his 
 share." 
 
 The Eussians gave to places on the coast names of their own. Bodega Bay was called by 
 them Port Eomanzoff; Bodega Head was their Cape Eomanzoff; the river San Iguacio they named 
 Avatscha Eiver ; the river San Sebastian is their Slavianka Eiver; and the point now known as 
 Fort Eoss was in their designation Cape Sievero Zapadnoi, that is Northwest Cape. 
 
 As their baidarkas were very small vessels and the Kadiacks expert fishermen, they probably, 
 in the course of those thirty yeats, gained intimate knowledge of little inlets which had never been 
 seen either by the Spaniards or Vancouver. It is therefore unfortunate that we do not know 
 what names were given to them. It is also to be regretted that their scientific observations and 
 charts of the region are lost, for it can scarcely be doubted that such existed when we read the 
 description given by a French traveler of the cultivated society of talented officers once assem- 
 bled on the shoires of Port Eomanzoff". 
 
 The Eusso- American Company is said to have derived large gains from the sojathern settle- 
 ments; and thus the Eussian Government was induced to form plans for dominion. One of the 
 Sandwich Islands was seized, and in the year 1821 a ukase issued by which the Eussian Gov- 
 ernment was declared to be in possession of the coast northward of Vancouver Island, and all 
 foreigners were- prohibited from approaching within 100 miles. These measures were somewhat 
 like those of the Spanish King who soon after the Middle Ages attempted to make the Pacific 
 Ocean a mare clausum. But the protests of the United States and Great Britain against the sin- 
 gular proceeding, and the subsequent treaties between those powers and Eussia in 1825 and 1826, 
 made the decree which has been referred to, of no effect. The southern, boundary of the Hussiau 
 empire on the northwest coast of America was finally fixed, and in the year 1841 the Eussian 
 Commercial Company gave up their establishments on the coast of California. The good sites for 
 sealing and sea-otter hunting had been -exhausted, and the necessity for seeking provisions so far 
 south was removed by the operations of the Pnget Sound Agricultural Company, which had culti- 
 vated land nearer to the Eussian colonies. All the circumstances had changed ; another nation 
 was approaching California, and the Eussians sold all the property to which they had claim. 
 
 MISSIONARY TRAVELS. 
 
 The Franciscan missionaries did not extend their explorations in California either along the 
 coast or towards the interior. They were able to do little, as they had not in San Francisco Bay 
 any vessel, or even a boat, at their disposal. When a ship arrived at the Golden Gate it was 
 hailed by a speaking trumpet and was obliged to send a boat on shore to the fort. Expeditions to 
 the eastern side of the bay were made on horseback round the basin, and the rivers were exam- 
 ined in the same manner. This appears almost incredible, yet. Vancouver in 1792, as well as 
 Langsdorff in 1806, and others mention what has just been stated. From this it may be concluded 
 that nothing could be done at that time for the hydrography. Langsdorff' says (in 1806) that 
 Sp'aniards had' traced the river Sagfamento nearly 90 leagues, but only along one of its banks, never 
 having been able to examine the right bank for want of boats. Of the source of the river noth- 
 ing was known, and even the sea entrance was doubtful. But land excursions were made yearly 
 from the principal Spanish posts, Monterey, San Diego, and San Francisco, to procure Indians for 
 service at the missions ; and at the same time efforts were made to Christianize them. These jour- 
 
608 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 
 
 neys of course tended to enlarge knowledge in regard to the territory. Some appear to have been 
 made for establishing communication between Santa ¥6, in New Mexico, and the upper coast of 
 California. In 1785 the Governor of that province, Don Pedro Fages, had proposed an expedition 
 from Monterey, or the river of San Francisco, to the east, with a view of communicating with the 
 province of New Mexico. It seems that now and then a journey was made expressly for discovery. 
 Thus we read that in the year 1811 two Franciscan friars, the Fathers Fortuui and Abello, 
 traveled along the course of the San Joaquin Eiver and explored its valley, excepting the upper 
 parts. No doubt the history of these excursions would be interesting, but no writers such as 
 Fathers Crespi, Palon, and De la Pena were left in California to make journals. 
 
 Langsdorff says that while he was at San Francisco a sergeant and corporal with thirteen sol- 
 diers arrived from the east, having just returned from travel. They asserted that they had pene- 
 trated into the country between 80 and 90 leagues, and had reached the vicinity of the Sierra 
 Nevada. In the same direction another party went soon after under Don Luis Arguello and 
 Father Joseph Uria. 
 
 CAPT. 1\ W. BEECHY, 1827. 
 
 While continental war continued in Europe the British Government gave no attention to the 
 question concerning a northwest passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, but after the year 1816 
 the subject was again taken up. Maritime parties explored. Baffin's Bay, including its northern 
 branches and inlets. In 1821 Captain Parry sailed into Lancaster Sound, and went westward 
 somewhat farther than either of the navigators who preceded him. After his return a combined 
 laud and sea expedition was planned, and he was again sent to Lancaster Sound, with directions 
 to pass on westward, if possible, to Bering Strait. Captain Franklin went overland through the 
 central parts of Arctic America to explore the coast of the frozen sea. It was, moreover, resolved 
 to send a shij) through the Pacific to Bering Strait to supply Captain Parry, if he shou d arrive 
 there, with provisions, and to bring home the Laud party of Captain Franklin. The ship Blossom 
 was selected for the service, and Captain Beechy was assigned to command. As the estimated 
 time of arrival at the strait was ample, he was instructed to explore and survey parts of the 
 Pacific deemed most important for navigation and within reach of his intended course. The ship 
 was therefore fitted with appliances for surveying, and was accompanied by several officers of 
 ability, one being Lieut. Edward Belcher. Only general directions were given in regard to the 
 exploration of onr coasts, and discretionary power was allowed in the choice of places for pro- 
 curing provisions and water. So also in regard to the return voyage, .of which liberty Captain 
 Beechy so availed that he made a prolonged stay on the coast of California, and on his way home 
 passed along the shores that had not been visited by a.uy scientific expedition since the time of 
 Vancouver. His instructions included that paiticular note should be made of the differences of 
 longitude as given by his chronometers. 
 
 Captain Beechy made the '' Highland of New Albion " on the 5th of November, 1826, as he was 
 returning from his visit to Bering Strait. He passed with Bodega and Point Eeyes in view, and 
 soon entered San Francisco Bay, where, by Sounding, he discovertid some dangerous rocks, one of 
 which he named after his ship Blossom Eock. Without delay he sounded and comj^eted a survey 
 of theijort and bay, and by astronomical observations corrected the position of the place. He then 
 proceeded to Monterey, where he was for a time occupied in a similar way. On the 5th of January, 
 1827, he sailed for the Sandwich Islands. In the course of the same year, on his return voyage to 
 Europe, after a second summer sojourn at Bering Strait, Beechy was again in San Francisco Bay, 
 and also at Monterey, but only for a few days in November and December. In the report of his 
 voyage he treats at length on the Spanish missions, and in regard to the Indians of California. 
 Beechy's determinations for geographical position compare well with the final results reached in 
 the operations of the Coast Survey. ^ ' 
 
 SIR EDWARD BELCHER, 1836-'4-i. 
 
 The British Government previous to the year 1836 had been active, and several expeditions 
 were sent to explore the coasts of America. Captain King and Captain Fitzroy, in the ships 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. . 609 
 
 Adventure and Beagle, were occupied nearly ten years (1826-1836) with the survey of the Strait of 
 Magellan and the adjacent southern part of the western coast of South America. 
 
 In December, 1835, another expedition was ordered by the Lords of the Admiralty, to continue 
 the survey of the western coast of America north of the point where it was discontinued by 
 Eitzroy. "The impulse which American commerce had received from the revolutions in the 
 Spanish colonies had brought English vessels into contact with every port from Valdivia in the 
 south to Columbia River in the north, and particularly the western American commence had long 
 been in need of good charts." Two vessels, the Sulphur (British sloop of war) and the schooner 
 Starling, were therefore fitted out, and Captain Beechy, who had been on the western coast, was 
 placed.in charge of the expedition. The Starling was intrusted to the command of Lieutenant 
 Kellet. Captain Beechy conducted the voyage as far as Valparaiso, but being constrained to 
 return to England as an invalid, Captain Belcher was commissioned to replace him, and after 
 crossing the Isthmus of Panama, Belcher joined the squadron on the Pacific in February, 1837. 
 He sailed at once by way of the Sandwich Islands, and from thence reached Prince William Sound 
 in August. His instructions directed that " a general chart should be made of California," and he 
 was advised "to devote some time to the bar of Columbia River, and to its channels of approach, 
 as also to its inner anchorages and shores." In touching the district visited by Vancouver (called 
 the northwest coast) care was to be taken to verify the longitude at two or three of Vancouver's 
 principal points which ditter materially from the longitudes assigned by Senor Quadra and the 
 Spaniards. From the latitude of Mount Saint Elias " the survey again might be pursued to the 
 southward and along to the shores of Mexico and Guatemala alternately changing the ground 
 according to the periodic change of weather." In accordance with these instructions, which gave 
 liberty in regard "to the selection of ground and in "respect of the division and disposal of his 
 time," Belcher extended surveying operations twice along the northwest coast from Mount Saint 
 Elias to Cape San Lucas, once in the summer of 1837 and again in the summer of 1839. As 
 already stated he was in the latitude of Mount Saint Elias in August. He passed some time near 
 the Russian settlements, and early in October was at Nootka, where he found an Indian prince 
 named Maguilla or Maguinna, a descendant of the former chief of that name. From thence he 
 went southward, passed the Columbia River entrance, as the weather was boisterous, and kept on 
 to San Francisco, where he dropped anchor in Terba Buena Bay on the 19th of October. 
 
 San Francisco Bay had been explored by himself and Captain Beechy in the year 1827, when 
 they were in the ship Blossom, but that survey was ended at Karquines Strait. On the 24th of 
 October Captain Belcher started from Yerba Buena with the tender Starling, a pinnace, two 
 cutters, and two gigs, to explore the navigable channel of the Rio Sacramento. He carried the 
 Starling in as far as Suisun Bay, and with his boats in the course of five days ascended the river 
 about 150 miles, including the curves of the channel. The limit of progress with boats he named 
 Victoria Point. In returning he made a trigonometrical survey of the course of the river and was 
 thus engaged during twenty days. On the 24th of November he again reached the ship Sulphur, 
 and ten days afterwards arrived at Monterey. Only a few days previous to his arrival the French 
 frigate La Venus had cleared from that port. On the 11th of December Captain Belcher passed 
 near Guadalupe to land, and en the 16th reached Cape San Lucas, where.he closed his first survey- 
 ing cruise along the coast of California. 
 
 During the two subsequent years Belcher was occupied on the coast of the Pacific more to 
 the southward, but he returned by way of the Sandwich Islands in the spring of 1839, and was at 
 Sitka early in July. Near the close of that month he entered Columbia River and surveyed its 
 course and channel up to Fort Vancouver. Two months were occupied in that work. The 
 channel at the south entrance he called Queen's Channel. On the 14th of September he left 
 the river, but on the way, toward San Francisco, he sent Lieutenant Kellet with the Starling 
 into Bodega Bay with directions to complete a survey. The report mentions that the work was 
 done " as soon as the fog permitted." 
 
 On the 5th of October Belcher reached Monterey, and on the 7th was in the Santa Barbara 
 
 t/hannel. Partial surveys were made off the anchorage and at the approaches to San Pedro Bay. 
 
 From thence the Starling was dispatched to examine the island and anchorage of Santa Catalina. 
 
 Belcher meanwhile visited the harbor of San Juan and San Diego Bay. He made a careful 
 
 H. Ex. 43 77 
 
610 UNITCED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 survey of "the last-mentioned bay, and near the close of October left the coast and never returned. 
 Kellet was there again in command of a surveying vessel, and in the year 1847 made some 
 surveys in the strait of Fuca, the results of which are ^ven on the admiralty charts. 
 
 FKENCH EXPLORATIONS, 1820-'42. 
 
 Mention has already been made of the French voyages to the northwest coast under La 
 P6rouse and Marchand, After these, the French revolution restrained maritime action in the 
 Pacific, but on the restoration of the Bourbons, or soon following that event, sea enterprises were 
 resumed. Bach voyage doubtless had some influence in geographical development, but it would 
 be needless to trace them without access to the separate narratives, even if such narratives were 
 in existence. In chronological order they were — 
 
 1. A voyage around the world by Eoquefeuil in the year 1820. 
 
 2. A voyage around the world in the frigate La Coquille. 
 
 3. A circumnavigation of the globe in the frigate La Th6tis and the corvette I'Esperance, in 
 the years 1824-'26, under Baron Bougainville. 
 
 4. A circumnavigation of the globe in the corvette La Favorite in the years 1830-'32, under 
 command of M, La Place. 
 
 5. A voyage around the world in the years 1836 and 1837, in the corvette La Bonite, com- 
 manded by M. Vaillant, Captain de Vaisseau. 
 
 6. A voyage around the world in the frigate La Venus, 18S6-'39, by Abel du Petit Thouars. 
 
 7. A circumnavigation of the globe by the frigate La Artemise in 1837-'39, under command 
 of M. La Place. 
 
 8. A voyage around the globe in the corvette La Danaide, commanded by Capt. D. Eosamel, 
 iu 1839 and 1840. 
 
 Most of these expeditions touched at the usual places and ports of the North Pacific 
 explorers, China, the Sandwich Islands, and California. 
 
 Between the years 1837 and 1840 there was annually a French expedition in the harbor of 
 Monterey. All of them made, observations occasionally, and some surveys of harbors, capes, and 
 bays. 
 
 As the most interesting of these voyages in relation to California, we may point out those of 
 Du Petit Thouars (1837), La Place (1839), and Eosamel (1840). 
 
 French or Canadian missionaries also who traveled in the Oregon country advanced the 
 knowledge of its geograpliy by publication. The journey of Blanchet and Demers, iu 1838, was 
 one of that kind, when they founded several Eoman Catholic missions amongst Canadian settlers 
 on the shores of Columbia Eiver. 
 
 During the excitement incident to the contested possession of Oregon the French Government 
 sent M. Duflot de Mofras on a diplomatic mission to Mexico (1840-'42) with instructions to visit 
 the western and northwestern provinces of Mexico, Upper and Lower California, the Eussian estab- 
 lishments, and the Oregon Territory. He traveled iu each of the places indicated, and on the coast 
 met the United States Exploring Expedition under Captain Wilkes. De Mofras collected much 
 interesting information, smd gave the results in a well-written work. He gives particulars re- 
 specting the journeys of the French Canadians under the auspices of the Northwest and Hudson 
 Bay Companies, and regards them as French explorations. They may be so called, as the French 
 began the march of discovery from the Saint Lawrence towards the Pacific. By their help as 
 subjects of England the British company brought that movement to a satisfactory conclusion. 
 
 The voyage of Captain Eosamel and the laud expedition of De Mofras to Califoruia were the 
 last which can be properly named as French undertakings in that direction. 
 
 UNITED STATES EXPEDITIONS 1820-'47. 
 
 After the unfortunate experience of the Pacific Fur Company, citizens of the United States 
 for a time lost sight of the far northwest. A pause of some years ensued, but at length attention 
 was directed southwest, to the head of Colorado Eiver, to New Mexico, and occasionally to the 
 southeastern branches of Columbia Eiver, where they were not likely to come in contact with the 
 Hudson Bay Company. It will suffice to point out the progressive steps taken in that direction. 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 611 
 
 lu the year 1820 Maj. Stephen Long went to the Eocky Mountains, to the heads of the Platte 
 and Arkansas Eivers, and to New Mexico. Eegular trade was soon established between the 
 Mississippi and Eio Colorado, between Saint Louis and Santa P6. Nearly every summer after the 
 year 1823 large caravans passed between those two places, and many American trappers and 
 hunters arrived at different points on the Upper Colorado. Of these the most successful was Mr. W. 
 H. Ashley, who conducted or sent in the period between 1823 and 1827 several bodies of trappers, 
 with horses, beyond the Eocky Mountains to the headwaters of the Colorado and Columbia Eivers. 
 •From thence he made several excursions westward, and sent detached parties to different branches 
 of the western waters. He discovered the South Pass, and was the first American who saw Utah 
 Lake and Green Eiver and other branches of the Colorado. Mr. Ashley was succeeded by Messrs. 
 Smith and Soublette, who bought his interests and pushed operations beyond the Eocky Mountains, 
 and also along the southeastern branch of the Columbia, in the years 1827 to- 1829. Mr. Smith 
 was the first American who traversed central California from the Eocky Mountains towards the 
 San Joachin Eiver, San Francisco, and the Pacific ; but he recorded no astronomical observations. 
 He was murdered in the year 1829 by Indians near Utah Lake. On his map of the northwest De 
 Mofras approximately represents the route taken by Mr. Smith. 
 
 In the years 1828 and 1829 another American traveler, Mr. Pilcher, a member of the Anierican 
 Pur Company, followed the southern branch of the Columbia, journeyed along the northern branch, 
 and returned by the Athabasca and Eed Eivers. 
 
 Excursions for hunting and trapping were made in 1832 and 1833 by Mr. J. O. Pattie and 
 Captain Bonneville. They first traversed the Colorado country and California, and Bonneville "led 
 a band of more than a hundred men, with wagons, horses, and mules, from Missoui-i to the countries 
 of the Colorado and Columbia, in which he passed two years in hunting." About this time 
 Captain Wyeth formed a scheme similar to that of Mr. Astor for establishing trade between China, 
 Eastern Asia, and the United States by way of the Columbia Eiver, and for that purpose he organ- 
 ized the Columbia Fishing and Trading Company. A ship was sent to Columbia Eiver, and a 
 party was arranged to carry by laud goods and men across the mountains. With ^he men Wyeth 
 went in person, and established a port at the mouth of Willamette Eiver. But It was soon aban- 
 doned, as the Hudson Bay Company, by peaceful opposition, counteracted all his eff'orts to retain 
 the place. His journals and a narrative of his adventures have been published. 
 
 In the year 1834 the first body of American emigrants settled in the Columbia region, and 
 were conducted by the Methodist missionaries, Lee and Sheperd. Other religious associations 
 became active. In 1835 the Eev. Samuel Parker made a journey to Oregon, and was followed by 
 Eoman Catholic as well as Protestant missionaries. 
 
 American trappers, hunters, and fur-traders were steadily traveling and trading at the south; 
 also in the neighborhood of the Colorado and towairds California on paths opened and beaten by 
 Ashley, Smith, Pattie, and Bonneville. In this way the attention of the Government of the United 
 States became directed to the Pacific slope, on which citizens had established large interests. In 
 furtherance of them Mr. Forsyth, Secretary of State, in 1836, proposed the first official exploring 
 expedition westward. In November, 1835, President Van Buren accordingly directed William A. 
 Slacum, an ofBcer of the United States Navy, to proceed to the western coast and endeavor " to 
 obtain there all such information, political, physical, statistical, and geographical as might prove 
 useful or interesting to the Government." The instructions and particulars of the voyage are given 
 in Senate Doc. No. 24, second session. Twenty-fifth Congress. 
 
 Mr. Slacum traveled through Mexico to Guaymas, and left that port on the 1st of June, 
 intending to rtiach the Columbia Eiver by land. In Sonora he bought mules and provisions, but 
 was compelled to abandon the journey, being informed by Dr. Keith, who had just then come from 
 the north, that the land route to Oregon was impracticable at that season of the year. Slacum 
 returned to Guaymas, chartered the Loretano, a vessel of 12 tons, and in her set sail, on the 7th 
 of July, for the Columbia Eiver entrance. After being at sea nineteen days and making only 
 400 miles he was, near Cape San Lucas, forced by furious head winds to put into Mazatlan 
 in distress and there abandon the schooner. An English barge, the Falcon, was then at La Paz, 
 in Lower California, and about to sail for the Sandwich Islands, Slacum took passage, hoping to 
 get from thence to his intended destination. He reached the Sandwich Islands on the 5th of 
 
612 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUKVEY. 
 
 No-vember, and there chartered the American brig Loriot, sailed and arrived at tlie mouth of the 
 Columbia on the 22d of December, 1836. His purpose was to explore the river as far as practicable, 
 then pass along the coast to the Eussian settlement at Bodega, and, leaving the vessel, to cross the 
 Indian country on his return to the ifnited States. Slacum made some useful observations. He 
 sounded and plotted a chart of the mouth of the Columbia, and added sailing directions. He 
 procured charts and sketches from the officers of the Hudson Bay Company, and from them 
 compiled a map of the coast and country south of the Columbia. Four rivers appear on it, namely, 
 the Klamet, Rogues, Cowis, and Umpquah. These had never before been laid down on any pub- • 
 lished map. Slacum gathered some facts of interest relating to the history of the establishments 
 of the Hudson Bay and Russian Fur Companies, and then crossing the continent he returned to 
 the United States. 
 
 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION 1B38-M1. 
 
 On the 18th of May, 1836, an act of Congress authorized the- President of the United States 
 to fit out an expedition for exploring the South Sea, and determining the position of Pacific islands 
 and countries lying near the track of American vessels. Six vessels were made ready, namely, the 
 Vincennes, Peacock, Porpoise, Relief, Sea Gull, and Flying Fish, and under command of Lieut. 
 Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., the fleet sailed from Chesapeake Bay on the 18th of August, 183«. He 
 was directed to be at the Sandwich Islands in the spring of the year 1840, to sail from thence to 
 the northwest coast of America, and " make there such surveys and examinations, first, of the 
 territory of the United States on the seaboard, and of the Columbia River, and afterwards along 
 the coast of California, with special reference to the bay of San Francisco, as he could accomplish, 
 until the month of October following his arrival." Special attention was to be given, when ptac- 
 ticable, in regard to the geography and hydrography of the various places visited. 
 
 Lieutenant Wilkes was detained in the southern part of the Pacific Ocean a year longer than 
 was contemplated when the instructions issued. The Sea Gull was wrecked. With the Vincennes 
 and Porpoise he left the Sandwich Islands oiJ the 5th of April, 1841, the last-named vessel being 
 in charge of Lieut. C. Cadwallader Ringgold. The Peacock and Flying Fish had been sent under 
 Capt. William Hudson from the Sandwich Islands to explore parts of tlie Pacific, with directions 
 to join the chief of the squadron at the Columbia River by the end of April, 1841. 
 
 Wilkes arrived there on the 28th of April with the intention of entering, but the sea on the 
 bar was heavy, and he concluded to sail for the StraiJ; of Fuca, and there begin surveying opera- 
 tions. He entered the strait on the 1st of May, and, following the tracli of Vancouver to Port 
 Discovery, Port Townsend, and Admiralty Inlet, hastened to the anchorage at Nisqually, where 
 the Hudson Bay Company had an establishment, and there moored his ships on the 11th of May. 
 For upwards of eight weeks he made that his station, and organized surveying parties which were 
 sent out in different directions. To the north Ringgold was sent in the Porpoise with two boats 
 to take up thfe survey of Admiralty Inlet, proceed to Fraser River, and as far as Johnstone's 
 Inlet. Four boats were intrusted to Lieutenant Case for the survey of Hood's Canal and Puget 
 Sound. 
 
 A land party was sent under Lieutenant Johnson to the east, with directions to land and 
 explore the interior as far as the Cascade Mountains and the middle reaches of the Columbia 
 River. 
 
 Lieutenant Wilkes in person conducted a party overland south to the Lower Columbia, to 
 s^art a survey by the crew and boats of the Peacock, that vessel being due from her cruise at the 
 south. All the parties moved about the middle of May, leaving Lieutenant Carr in charge of the 
 ship station near Nisqually and of operations at the observatory which had been erected there. 
 The two land parties recorded observations of interest, but of course none bearing on hydrography. 
 Attention will therefore be limited to the ship expeditions. The snrvey of Hood's Canal by Lieu- 
 tenant Case was satisfactory. The canal was not found to terminme at the place suj)posed to be 
 its end by Johnstone (Vancouver's lieutenant) in 1792, but to stretch, after a short turn to the east 
 10 miles farther towards Puget Sound. 
 
 Lieutenant Case then surveyed Puget Sound, and was soon joined by Captain Wilkes. The 
 joint party had se^en boats with efficient crews, and the survey of the numerous branches of the 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC STJEVBY, 613 
 
 sound was completed in the course of a week. Several inlets, not named on Vancouver's chart 
 were at this time named for oflacers of the United States Exploring Expedition, as Budd's Inlet, 
 Eld's Inlet, Totten Inlet, &c. 
 
 • On the 17th of July, all the parties excepting the one with Ringgold in the Porpoise were 
 again at the station near Msqually ; and a compaTiy was organized for the survey of Gray's Harbor 
 and Shoalwater Bay. Lieutenant Eld was intrusted with that work. After his departure the 
 Vincennes also left Nisqually, and, steering northward, took another station near Dungeness, in 
 the Strait of Fuca, on the 20th of July. Ringgold, on the same day, returned from his northern 
 survey. He had left Nisqually on the 15th of May and commenced work in Admiralty Inlet.' The 
 space then sounded he named Commencement Bay, as it had been left nameless on Vancouver's 
 chart. From thence Ringgold went north, surveying and naming many points and indentations on 
 his way. On the 20th he entered the Port Orchard of Vancouver, and surveyed it in the course 
 of nine days. It was found to communicate at the north through a strait with another bay or 
 branch of Admiralty Sound (Port Madison) -which had been overlooked by Vancouver in his short 
 visit to that vicinity. 
 
 Ringgold then entered what had been called by Vancouver Possession Sound, and surveyed 
 Port Gardner, Penn's Cove, &c. On the 18th of June he was at Deception Passage, which Van- 
 couver judged to be insufflcient for the passage of ordinary vessels. 
 
 Early in July all the bays and islands northward of Deception Passage were surveyed as far as 
 Eraser River, and from that entrance Ringgold returned and joined the Vincennes at New Dunge- 
 ness on the 20th of July, after laborious operations which occupied his party two months. 
 
 It was the intention of Captain Wilkes to survey minutely the Gulf of Georgia. Accordingly, 
 as soon as practicable, he sent the Porpoise, under charge of Ringgold, to Eraser River with direc- 
 tions to sail from thence through Johnstone's Strait around Vancouver Island, while Wilkes him- 
 self should explore the Haro Canal. Both parties started on the 25th of July. But these 
 operations were interrupted by the loss of the Peacock on the bar of Columbia River. It became 
 necessary to proceed to that place without delay. Captain Ringgold was recalled from Eraser 
 River to New Dungeness and Wilkes hastened with his boats, having completed all .that "was 
 essential for the navigation of Canal De Haro." 
 
 Both vessels took courses westward, surveying on the way two small harbors, San Juan, on 
 the south side of Vancouver Island, and Neeah, near Cape Flattery. They arrived at the mouth 
 of the Columbia on the 7th of August, where an English vessel was purchased to receive the crew 
 of the wrecked ship Peacock. The craft was named the Oregon, and needful arrangements were 
 made for continuing the objects of the expedition. Under Ringgold the Vincennes was sent to 
 survey San Francisco Bay and the Sacramento River. * 
 
 A large land party in charge of Lieutenant Emmons was sent to travel from the Columbia 
 along the Willamette; to examine also the Sacramento and San Francisco Bay; and Wilkes, with 
 the Porpoise, the Flying Fish, and the boats saved from the wreck of the Peacock, commenced the 
 survey of the Columbia on the 9th of August. 
 
 Mr. Eld and his party had left Nisqually on the 19th of July, and traveling through the 
 interior passed several lakes and rivers, mostly branches of the Chikeeles, a tributary of Gray's 
 Harbor, where they arrived early in August. The survey of that vicinity, by means of boats and 
 the canoes of neighboring Indians, was completed in the course of three weeks. Lieutenant Eld 
 subsequently traced the coast southward to Cape Disappointment, and passing Shoalwater Bay 
 in a canoe reached Baker's Bay on the last day of August. His performance of duty is specially 
 commended in the report of Captain Wilkes. The commander himself was employed on the 
 Columbia during August, September, and part of October, and the survey was carried to the 
 vicinity of the cataracts. On the 10th of October, when the operations were finished, Wilkes crossed 
 the bar of the Columbia and sailed in the Porpoise to San Francisco. The Flying Pish was at the 
 same time ordered to examine the lower part of Umpquah River, but the attempt to enter was not 
 successful. On the 19th of October-the Porpoise reached Saucelito Harbor in San Francisco Bay, 
 and there the Vincennes was found at anchor. Ringgold had arrived on the 14th of August and 
 surveyed the Sacramento as far up as Feather River. He had also examined San Pablo Bay and 
 the mouth of the San Joaquin. The party under Mr. Emmons arrived in San Francisco Bay on 
 
614 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 the 28th of October, having followed and surveyed the trail from the Columbia Eiver. Some of 
 the intervening rivers were seen and the party examined the valleys, particularly those of the Elk, 
 the Unipquah, Eogue, and Klamath Eivers. 
 
 All the exploring parties having returned, preparations were made for sailing from Sau 
 Francisco with the first fair wand. The latitude of Saucelito Fort, where an observatory had been 
 erected, was found to be 31° 50' 50" N., and the longitude, by a series of observations on moon 
 culminating stars, 122° 25' 30" west of Greenwich. These determinations are in tolerable accord 
 with those of Beechey, and were used provisionally by the oflicers of the United States Coast Survey 
 at ther outset of their operations. 
 
 The exploring expedition left San Francisco on the 1st of November, intending to sail to the 
 Philippines. Captain Wilkes went south as far as the Bay of Monterey. The Porpoise was sent 
 with dispatches for Washington, D. C. As the principal hydrographic results of the expedition 
 we may point out the examination and survey of the lower reach of the Columbia River, the 
 survey of Gray's Harbor, the Strait of Fuca, Admiralty Inlet, and the Haro Archipelago ; also 
 of the Bay of San Francisco and Sacramento River. Close examinations were found impracticable 
 at the Gulf of Georgia, at Vancouver Island, and along the coast between Columbia River and 
 the Golden Gate, weather being unfavorable. 
 
 OREGON AND CALIFORNIA. 1842-1846. 
 
 Capt. John Charles Fremont's first expedition to the West, in the year 1842, was limited to 
 the country between the frontiers of Missouri and the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains, along 
 the courses of the Kansas and Great Platte Rivers. Subsequently he recorded observations for 
 latitude and longitude from the east across to the foot of the mountains. His western limit was 
 the high peak which bears his name on mai)s published since that journey. 
 
 In the spring of 1843 Fremont again went westward, with instructions from the Bureau of 
 Topographical Engineers "to connect his reconnaissance of 1842 with the surveys of Commander 
 Wilkes on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, so as to give a connected survey through the interior of 
 the North American continent." 
 
 Mr. Fremont was accompanied on this expedition by an able engineer and draughtsman, Mr. 
 Charles Preuss, and provided with good instruments for determining geographical position, time, 
 temperature, &c. His course was at the outset directed toward Oregon. In August, 1843, he 
 reached the heads of the south branch of Columbia River, and passed down to Fort Vancou- 
 ver, where he arrived in November, and in accordance with instructions his reconnaissance was 
 there connected with the surveys of Captain Wilkes. Fremont was prevented by the rainy sea- 
 son from going quite to the Pacific ; so, returning to the Dalles of the Columbia, he passed from 
 thence southward into the country along the Cascade range of mountains and the Sierra Nevada. 
 Crossing the head of the Klamatb' the party at the close of the year were near the mountains, and cir- 
 cumstances constrained him to attempt to cross them in midwinter. Under many difSculties and 
 dangers the party in the beginning of February reached the snowy, peaks, " and saw from thence 
 below them, dimmed by the distance, a large snowless valley, bounded on the western side, at the 
 distance of about 100 miles, by a low range of mountains, which were recognized as those border- 
 ing the coast." Between them and the low coast range was the valley of the Sacramento. Soon 
 after water was seen flowing towards the Pacific, and " a shining line of water was discovered 
 directing its course towards another broader and larger sheet," which were " the Sacramento and 
 the Bay of San Francisco." In the spring of the year 1844 the party traveled from the Lower 
 Sacramento, along the western slope of the Sierra Nevada, through the valley of the San Joaquin. 
 Fremont returned in a northeastern direction to the Rocky Mountains, and so again reached the 
 banks of the Mississippi. His observations on that part of his route— "from the heads of the Sac- 
 ramento to the heads of the San Joaquin, and the valley which Collects all the waters of San Fran- 
 cisco Bay, proved that there was no such river as the fabulous Buenaventure, which had been said 
 to come down from the base of the Rocky Mountains and to open a communication with San Fran- 
 cisco Bay, far to the interior." He adds : 
 
 " This want of interipr communication from San Fl-ancisco Bay, now fully ascertained, gives 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVEY. 615 
 
 great additional value to the Columbia,, the only great river on the Pacific slope of the continent 
 which leads from the ocean to the Eocky Mountains, and opens a line of communication from the 
 sea to the valley of the Mississippi." 
 
 On his third expedition, in 1845 and 1846, Fremont traversed the central parts of the great 
 interior basin, passed the Sierra Nevada at the southern end of the range, crossed the San Joa- 
 quin Valley, went to the south end of San Francisco Bay, and passed up the valley of the Sacra- 
 mento to the heads of that river and to the sources of the Klamath. His large map of Oregon and 
 Upper California was published by order of the United States Senate in the year 1848. 
 
 In reference to geographical positions Mr. Fremont remarks that the line of astronomical 
 observations carried by him across the continent reached the Pacific Ocean on the northern shore 
 of the Bay of Monterey, and that when the newly established positions were marked on the map 
 it was found that they carried the line of coast about 14 miles west of the longitudes given 
 by Vancouver, and the valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin about 20 miles east of the 
 longitudes laid down on former maps. Comparison showed that the positions agreed with the 
 observations of Captain Beechy and Captain Belcher, and also with those of the Spaniard 
 Malaspina. " Vancouver (says Fremont) removed the coast line as fixed by Malaspina, and the 
 subsequent observations carry it back." That remark, however, needs qualification. Coast 
 survey determinations fix the coast about midway between the positions assigned by Malaspina 
 and Vancouver. 
 
 MAJ. W. H. EMOEY, U. S. COEPS TOPOGEAPHICAL ENGINEEES, 1846- '47. 
 
 In the year 1846 a detachment of United States troops was sent to operate in the northern 
 provinces of Mexico and California. As the route was through unexplored regions, it was sug-~ 
 gested that some of the officers " should be employed in collecting data which would give the 
 Government an idea of the region traversed." For this purpose a party of topographical engineers 
 went under the command of Lieutenant, afterwards Major, Emory, with orders to perform- military 
 service, in case of necessity, under Colonel Kearny. 
 
 The party was furnished with two chronometers, two Gambey sextants, and other instruments, 
 with which astronomical observations were made between Saint Lonis, on the Mississippi, and San 
 Diego, in California. 
 
 Lewis and Clarke, in the year 1806, were the first Americans who carried astronomical instru- 
 ments across the Eocky Mountains and connected that part of the western coast which lies near 
 the mouth of the Columbia with the Mississippi region by . a chain of observations. And, as 
 previously stated, in the year 1813 Mr. Thompson, astronomer and surveyor of the Hudson Bay 
 Company, connected the northern parts of the Columbia with the region around Hudson's Bay. 
 In the course of nearly three hundred years it had been crossed by Coronado and by the early 
 missionaries; but Emory marked the first well-defined line through those regions and developed 
 the physical features of a country until then but little known. He adopted the meridian of Fort 
 Leavenworth as determined by Mr. Nicollet, and to it referred all his subsequent determinations 
 for longitude. 
 
 At the end of June, 1846, Major Emory started from Leavenworth, carried on a nearly 
 uninterrupted series of observations for latitude and longitude, and on his route fixed the positions 
 of one hundred and twenty places, all of them determined by repeated observations, and some, 
 when a longer stay in camp permitted, by series of combined observations. At San Diego, where 
 he arrived in December, 1846, his longitude determinations were compared with those of Sir 
 Edward Belcher, and were found nearly accordant. All the geographical positions ascertained by 
 Major Emory were laid down on a map which was published in the year 1847. That officer also 
 recorded a series of barometrical observations, and these availed for an approximate profile of the 
 ground surface along the route. The altitudes of the "divides" and passes near the southern 
 section east of San Diego were found to be about 3,000 feet. Previously the heights had been 
 roughly estimated by mariners at a distance, merely from eye-sight. Subsequently M^or Emory 
 traced the southern boundary line of the United States. The initial point then fixed on the 
 
616 UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. 
 
 Pacific coast has been adopted, in respect of the latitude and longitude, in the operation's of the 
 Coast Survey. Having brought down the history of developlnent to the inception of that work, 
 the reader is referred to the annual reports of the Superintendent of the Survey. 
 
 Titles of copies of maps of the Pacific coast of North America or parts thereof. 
 
 [CoUepted by Dr. J. G. Kohl to illnstrato Us hiBtory of discovery and exploration on that coast.] 
 
 Descriptiou of map. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Maps of the west coast before the discovery of California or before Cortes: 
 
 From a inauusoript map of the British Museum 
 
 Mexico and Japan 
 
 Eotz's Mexico and California 
 
 Maps between 1530 and 1579, or from Cortes to Drake : 
 
 From a map of Domingo del Castillo ,, 
 
 APortnguese map of California, by J. Freire 
 
 The coast of California, by J. Freire '. 
 
 From the New World, of T. Gastaldi J 
 
 From a map of Bolognini Zaltieri ; 
 
 Mexico and California, by Diego Homem * 
 
 California, from a map of Juan Martines 
 
 Maps of the Northwest coast between 1579 and 1697, or from Drake to the Jesnits : 
 
 From a map of California, by M. Lock 
 
 From a map of Molineux 
 
 Flrom a map of C. de Judaeis 
 
 From the great map of the world of Hakluyt ^. J 
 
 Map of tlie discoveries of Viscaino '. 
 
 California, by Sanson ; 
 
 The Californian Gulf, by Cotonelli • 
 
 Map of Western America and Eastern Asia, or " The Country of Yesso," by the Dutch geographer 
 Lugtenberg 
 
 Maps of the period between 1697 and 1769,* or from the Jesuits to the Franciscans : 
 
 Map of thentlisooveries of Father Kino ; -. L. 
 
 From a map of theEiver of the West byBellin \. .'. ". 
 
 Map of the supposed discoveries of DeJ'onte, by P. Buache....i 
 
 A Spanish map taken by Anson in •. 
 
 and published by Venegaa in 
 
 Copy of the same map as published according to act of Parliament, by Jefferys in 
 
 From a map published by the Academy of St. Petersburg 
 
 From a map of California by Don Antonio Alzate 
 
 [Note.— With reference to this map. Dr. Kohl observes that it may serve to show the knowledge of the 
 
 West coast which the Mexicans in general possessed of it just before the discoveries of the Franciscan 
 
 friars. ] 
 
 The Northwest coast, from a map of J. N. Buache after Kngel and Vaugondy 
 
 Maps and charts between the years 1768 and 1794, or from the first voyages and travels of thq Francis- 
 can friars to Vancouver : 
 
 Chart of Upper California, by Miguel Constanso 
 
 Copy of a map of the Northwest coast which was constructed after the expedition of Heoeta and Bodega. . 
 Map showing results of combined sea and land expedition round the Bay of San Francisco under Quiros 
 
 andMoraga; also the route of Father Junipero Serra 
 
 [Note.— Dr. Kohl observes that one of the most interesting features of this map is that it is the first 
 
 which sljows the whole of the Bay of San Francisco.] 
 
 1530 
 1540 
 1542 
 
 1541 
 1546 
 1546 
 1560 
 1566 
 1568 
 1578 
 
 1582 
 
 1592 
 
 1593 
 
 1598 
 
 1602 
 1603 
 
 1C56 
 
 1691 
 
 1706 
 
 1698 
 1701 
 
 1748 
 
 1750 
 
 1743 
 
 1757 
 
 1753 
 
 1756 
 
 1772 
 
 1776 
 
 1770 
 
 1775 
 
 1776 
 1777 
 
UNITED STATES COAST AND GEODETIC SUEVET, 617 
 
 Titles of copies of maps of the Pacific coast of North America or parts thereof— ContinaeA. 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 6 
 7 
 8 
 9 
 10 
 
 11 
 12 
 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 III 
 
 IV 
 V 
 
 VI 
 VII 
 
 Description of map. 
 
 From Cook's map of the north-west coast ^ 
 
 Prom a. map of the English geographer Harrington, on which are combined the discoveries of the 
 Kussians, of Bodega, and of Cook .., 
 
 Prom a map by M. A. Mascaro, showing discoveries and travels in the. interior of California 
 
 From a map of the survey and voyage of La P6rouse , 
 
 From a Mexican chart, showing the settlements and travels of the Franciscan missionaries 
 
 Part of Dixon's map of the northwest, showing his discoveries to the north of Vancouver Island 
 
 Prom a chart made by Captain Meares, showing his discoveries on the coast of Vancouver Island, and 
 of Washington and Oregon Territories 
 
 Prom another chart of Captain Meares 
 
 De la Borde's map of comparison, combining and comparing the surveys of Cook (1778), La F^ronse 
 (1786), Dixon (1787), and of Meares (1789) 
 
 From the map of Captain Marohand 
 
 From a geiteral chart composed by Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega 
 
 Map of Vancouver Island, by Captain Ingraham 
 
 Prom a map of the coast of California and Oregon by Ingraham, from data supplied by Captain Gray . . . 
 
 Prom a map showing Vancouver's discoveries on the northwest coast 
 
 Quadra and Vancouver Island, after Vancouver 1 
 
 Vancouver Island, after G-aliano and Valdes 
 
 From Vancouver's survey of the whole coast of New Albion, or Upper California 
 
 California, from a chart of Galiano and Valdes.., -. 
 
 MAPS FROM 1794 TO 1850. 
 
 Year. 
 
 "Entrada de Juan de Fuca,"from a Spanish admiralty chart 
 
 California, from Tanner's map ". 
 
 Map showing the extent of Captain Belcher's surveys on the west coast 
 
 Map of M. Duflot de Mofras, showing the routes of the Canadian trappers and hunters from the mouth 
 of the Columbia Eiverto the Sacramento 
 
 Map of the United States Exploring Expedition, under Captain Wilkes, U. S. N .". 
 
 Prom a map published by De Mofras in his atlas, showing the coast from Bodega Harbor northward, as 
 derived from Russian sources 
 
 Copy of Greenhow's map of the west coast 
 
 Copy of a map of part of the west coast, made by Lieut. W. P. McArthur, U.S. N., Assistant, Coast Survey. 
 
 1778 
 1779 
 
 1780 
 
 1782 
 1786 
 
 1787 
 1787 
 
 1790 
 1790 
 
 1792 
 
 1792 
 
 1791 
 
 1792 
 
 1792 
 
 1792 
 1794 
 
 1792 
 
 1792 
 
 1792 
 1794 
 
 1802 
 
 1795 
 
 1829 
 
 1837 
 1839 
 
 1844 
 1841 
 
 1840 
 1844 
 1850 
 
 [Note. — Accompanying the collection of maps above enumerated is a general map, compiled by Dr. Kohl, and 
 similar in character to those compiled by him for the coasts of the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico.] 
 
 H. Ex. 43 78 
 

 
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