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THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
THE 
 
 LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OP RECENT EXPLORATIONS AND 
 DISCOVERIES IN ASIA MINOR, WITH DESCRIP- 
 TIONS OP THE HITTITB MONUMENTS 
 
 With Maps and Plans 
 , Ninety-nine Photographs and a Bibliography 
 
 BT 
 
 JOHN GAKSTANG D.Sc. B.Litt. M.A. 
 
 RANKIN PROFESSOR OF THE METHODS AND PRAOTICB OF 
 
 AHCH^OLOOT IN THE UNrVERSITY OP LIVERPOOL ; FELLOW 
 
 OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON 
 
 HON. MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF NORTHERN 
 
 ANTIQUARIES, COPENHAGEN 
 
 NEW ^RK 
 E. P. BUTTON AND CO. 
 
 1910 
 
 f. 
 
^u 
 
 University of Liverpool 
 
 
 Institute of Archaeology 
 
 
 irt- 
 
 .ytt 
 
 r-^O"**^^ 
 
TO MY WIFE • 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 
 
 By the Rev. Professor A. H. Sayce, 
 D.D., D.LiTT., M.A. 
 
 The history of ancient Oriental civilisation is slowly 
 revealing itself to the excavator and archseologist. 
 Scientific excavations have been carried on in Egypt, 
 Assyria, Babylonia, and Palestine; it is now the turn 
 of Asia Minor, both north and south of the Taurus ; 
 and there are indications that the revelation which 
 Asia Minor and the neighbouring lands of Syria have 
 in store for us will be even more startling than that 
 which has come from Egypt and Babylonia. There 
 we already knew that great empires and wide-reach- 
 ing cultures had once flourished ; the earlier history 
 of Asia Minor, on the other hand, was a blank. But 
 the blank is beginning to be filled up, and we are 
 learning that there too an empire once existed, which 
 contended on equal terms with those of the Nile and 
 the Euphrates, and possessed a culture that formed a 
 link between the east and the west. What I once 
 called the forgotten empire of the Hittites is at last 
 emerging into the light of day, and before long much 
 
viii THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 that is still mysterious in the art and religion of 
 Greece and Europe will be explained. 
 
 This much has already been ascertained by the 
 excavations made by the German expedition under 
 Professor Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, north of the 
 Halys, the site of the Hittite capital. But there are 
 many other sites in Asia Minor and northern Syria 
 where Hittite culture once flourished, and where, 
 therefore, discoveries similar to those which have 
 startled the scientific world at Boghaz-Keui may be 
 expected to be made. Some of these sites were 
 examined by Professor Garstang in his preliminary 
 journeys of exploration ; at another he has begun the 
 work of excavation and brought to light important 
 remains of art and antiquity. 
 
 Sakje-Geuzi lies at a short distance from Sinjerli, 
 where German excavators have discovered monuments 
 which form the chief attraction of the Hittite section 
 in the Museum of Berlin. The mound of Sakje-Geuzi 
 represents a continuous history of unnumbered cen- 
 turies. The earlier strata are the accumulation of 
 a neolithic people ; above them come the ruins of 
 Hittite and Aramaean builders. The temple dis- 
 interred by Professor Garstang shows us what Hittite 
 art was like in the Syria of the tenth and following 
 centuries before our era, and enables us to guess 
 at the character of the cult that was carried on 
 in it. 
 
 In the following pages he has given an account of 
 his work and the conclusions that may be drawn from 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTE ix 
 
 it. This, however, occupies but a small portion of 
 his book. Its main purpose is to review our present 
 knowledge of Hittite history, art, and archaeology; 
 to describe the Hittite monuments now known to 
 exist, and to trace the story of the Hittite empire 
 as it has been revealed to us by recent dis- 
 coveries. 
 
 Among the great political forces of the ancient 
 Oriental world we now know that none exercised a 
 more profound influence than the Hittites of Asia 
 Minor. It was they who overthrew the Amorite 
 dynasty of Babylonia to which the Amraphel of 
 Genesis belonged ; to them was due the fall of the 
 Egyptian empire in Asia, and it was they who checked 
 for centuries the desolating advance of the Assyrians. 
 In Palestine their influence was supreme, and it is 
 with good reason that in the tenth chapter of Genesis 
 Heth is named second among the sons of Canaan. 
 They were the founders of the Heraklid dynasty in 
 Lydia, and Babylonian art as modified in Asia Minor 
 was carried by them to the Greek seas. Greek religion 
 and mythology owed much to them; even the Ama- 
 zons of Greek legend prove to have been the warrior- 
 priestesses of the great Hittite goddess. Above all, 
 it was the Hittites who controlled the mines of Asia 
 Minor which supplied the ancient world with silver, 
 copper, lead, and perhaps also tin. Before the age of 
 Abraham traders carried the bronze of Asia Minor to 
 Assyria and Palestine, and thus transformed the whole 
 culture of western Asia. The story of the forgotten 
 
X THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 people is a fascinating one, and the reader cannot do 
 better than study it under the guidance of Professor 
 Garstang, whose work will be the standard authority 
 on the subject for a long while to come. 
 
 A. H. Saycb. 
 NtJBiA, December 1, 1909 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 
 
 Since Professor Sayce and Dr. Wright first called atten- 
 tion, more than thirty years ago, to the forgotten empire 
 and civilisation of the Hittites, no book has appeared to 
 keep the English reader abreast of the further informa- 
 tion which has since come to light upon that subject. In 
 the meantime researches made by British and German 
 explorers in northern Syria and Asia Minor, and the 
 studies of numerous scholars who have applied them- 
 selves to this problem, have advanced the position so 
 far that the Hittites are nebulous no longer, but stand 
 revealed in the clear light of history, claiming the 
 attention of all those interested in the story of the 
 Bible Lands, of Asia Minor, and of early Greece. The 
 position and character of Asia Minor lend a wide 
 interest and charm to its past no less than its present. 
 The present volume aims at filling the gap which has 
 already grown too wide. It starts ab initio with a 
 rapid survey of the Hittite lands, and an outline of 
 their history. The Hittite monuments are then passed 
 in review, each described separately and independently, 
 in such a way as to be useful to any one visiting them 
 in situ or in the museums of Constantinople and Berlin, 
 where there are departments devoted specially to this 
 branch of archaeology. The bibliography and numerous 
 
xii THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 cross-references in the footnotes will, it is hoped, make 
 the work handy to the archaeologist as a book of 
 reference. The author's own theories are mostly con- 
 fined to the last chapter, and an effort has been made 
 to distinguish between facts proved or generally ac- 
 cepted and matters of personal opinion. The attempt 
 to reconstruct the history of the fourteenth and 
 thirteenth centuries B.C. from the archives recently dis- 
 covered by Dr. Winckler at Boghaz-Keuiis put forward 
 tentatively, and would doubtless have been better done 
 by a philologist. It has been found impossible to treat 
 the subject of Hittite art and religious symbolism in 
 general within the limited scope of this volume and 
 its title. 
 
 Some other points are best noted at the outset. One 
 aim. of the book being to interest the English reader in 
 a fascinating but neglected subject, the bibliographical 
 references are given in English wherever translations 
 of foreign authors are available. Unhappily some of 
 the masterpieces of modern scholarship, like Meyer's 
 Geschichte des Alterthums, are not yet rendered into 
 English. The geographical names employed, even at 
 the risk of inconsistency, are those most familiar or in 
 common use. Thus Hamath instead of Hama, Aleppo 
 for Haleb, Carchemish for Jerablus, Tyana for Kilisse 
 Hissar. In regard to the term ' Hittite,' also, the word 
 is primarily used in reference to that class of monu- 
 ments generally known as Hittite, and hence to the 
 ancient people whose handiwork these were. The 
 word Hatti is used in a more restricted sense, to imply 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE xiii 
 
 the central and at one time dominant Hittite state or 
 states whose seat and centre of organisation was at 
 Boghaz-Keui. But it should not be forgotten that 
 actually the words Hittite and Hatti are interchange- 
 able. 
 
 There are many friends who have helped forward 
 the completion of the work at various stages. Among 
 them are the writer's colleagues during two of his 
 journeys of exploration in Asia Minor. The Rev. W. 
 M. Linton Smith has corrected several chapters in 
 proof, and has provided several photographs of the 
 Phrygian monuments. Mr. Arthur Wilkin has kindly 
 supplied the photographs of Ephesus, Sardis, and the 
 goddess on Mount Sipylus. The bulk of the illustra- 
 tions, however, are the handiwork of Mr. Horst Schliep- 
 hack, and they speak for themselves. Any one who 
 has attempted photography under the conditions of 
 travel in Asia Minor will realise the skill with which 
 these results have been obtained. In Constantinople our 
 work has received the constant help of Sir Edwin Pears 
 and Mr. G. H. Pitzmaurice ; while H.E. the late Hamdi 
 Bey greatly facilitated our expeditions by his good- 
 will as Director of the Imperial Ottoman Museum. In 
 this connection we cannot omit to mention those 
 patrons of science whose generosity provided the 
 means of carrying out these expeditions, namely, the 
 Right Hon. Sir John T. Brunner, Bart., M.P., the late 
 Dr. Ludwig Mond, Mr. Ralph Brocklebank, Mr. Martyn 
 Kennard, and Mr. Robert Mond. These gentlemen 
 have earned the gratitude of all those interested in 
 
xiv THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the advance of knowledge ; and the writer trusts 
 sincerely that they will find within these pages some- 
 thing that will reward their interest in these under- 
 takings. Mr. Hogarth and Dr. Messerschmidt are also 
 to be thanked for the loan of several photographs, 
 and for the facilities granted in the museums at Oxford 
 and Berlin respectively under their control. 
 
 The brunt of the proof-reading has again been borne 
 by the Rev. W. Macgregor, and Mrs. R. Gurney has also 
 helped again in the revision of a considerable portion 
 of the manuscript previous to printing ; in this connec- 
 tion the help and kindly criticism of colleagues at 
 Liverpool is not forgotten. ' Finally to Professor Sayce 
 the writer's warmest gratitude is due, both for his first 
 lessons in Hittite lore, and for the constant stimulus 
 of suggestion and correction given unstintingly from 
 the funds of his knowledge. The pleasant labour of 
 the best part of two years devoted to the preparation 
 of this volume has been amply rewarded by many 
 delightful days spent with him amid the Past in 
 Oxford and Edinburgh and on the Nile. 
 
 J. G. 
 
 Merob, February 7, 1910. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE: By the Rev. Professor 
 A. H. Satcb, LL.D., D.D., D.Litt. . . vii 
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE, . . . . xi 
 
 I. A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY, . . . 1-50 
 
 Boundaries and physical features (pp. 2-4) ; eastern 
 Taurus and Anti-Taurus (p. 5) ; northernmost Syria : 
 the plains, the valleys of the Afrin and Kara Su 
 (pp. 6-13) ; Passes of the Amanus (pp. 14-15) ; Valley of 
 the Orontes (p. 16). 
 
 Plateau of Asia Minor, boundaries and features (pp.l7- 
 19) ; five regions (pp. 20-21) ; position of Ceesarea, the 
 roads (pp. 22-25) ; the Halys River (pp. 26-28), its basin 
 (pp. 29-31) ; position of Boghaz-Keui and Eynk (pp. 
 32-33) ; northern roads and rivers (pp. 34-35) ; western 
 regions, Angora, Phrygia, Konia (pp. 36-40); south- 
 eastern region, Kara Dagh, Ivrtz, Tyana (pp. 41-42) ; 
 Taurus : the Bulghar Dagh (pp. 43, 44), the Cilician 
 Gates (pp. 45-47) ; Cilicia (pp. 48-50). 
 
 ri. SOME PAGES OP HISTORY, . . . 51-73 
 
 Outline of Hittite period : the empire, revival and final 
 submergence (pp. 52-55) ; survival of customs (p. 56). 
 The Phrygians, in Assyrian and Greek history 
 (pp. 57-58), their civilisation and monuments (pp. 59- 
 61) ; the Urartians and Cimmerians (p. 62). Lydia (pp. 
 63-64) ; Greek colonies (pp. 65, 66). Persian rule (p. 67). 
 Alexander and Hellenising influences (pp. 67, 68). 
 Roman period : Seleucids, kings of Pontus, Cilicians ; 
 organisation (pp. 69-70); monuments (p. 71). The 
 Saracen (Arab) conquests (p. 72) ; the Seljuk Turks 
 (p. 73). 
 
xvi THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 III. MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES, . • 74-195 
 
 Preliminary : method of study (pp. 74-76), chronology 
 (pp. 77-79), classiflcation (pp. 80-82), disposition (pp. 
 84-91). 
 
 Section a.— Monuments of the north of Syria : Hamath, 
 Restan, Aleppo (pp. 93-97); Kurts-oghlu, Sinjerli, 
 Kara-burshlu, Sakje-Geuzi (pp. 98-106) ; Aintab, Killiz, 
 Marash (pp. 107-122); Jerablus (Carchemish), Tell- 
 Ahmar, Samsat, Rum-Kali (pp. 123-131). 
 
 Section b.— Monuments in the Taurus and Anti-Taurus 
 Malatia, Derendeh, Palanga, Gurun (pp. 132-144) 
 ArslanTash, Albistan (pp. 132-146) ; Kuru-Bel(p. 147) 
 Ekrek, Tashji, Fraktin (pp. 148-151). 
 
 Section c— Monuments of the Halys Basin : Asarjik, 
 Suasa (pp. 152, 153) ; Karaburna, Bogche, Yamoola 
 (pp. 154-157) ; Boghaz-Keui, Denek Maden (pp. 158- 
 160). 
 
 Section d.— Monuments of the West : Angora, Giaour- 
 Kalesi, Yarre (Chesme Keupru), Doghanlu, Bey-Keui 
 (pp. 161-167) ; Sipylus, Kara-Bel (pp. 168-172) ; Kolit- 
 oghlu, Eflatoun-Bunar, Passiler (pp. 173-176). 
 
 Section e. — Monuments of the South - East : Kara 
 Dagh, Kizil Dagh (pp. 177-182) ; Emir-Ghazi, Ardis- 
 tama (pp. 183, 184) ; Tyana, Bor, Nigdeh, Andaval (pp. 
 185-189); Bulghar-Madgn (p. 190) ; Ivriz (pp. 191-195). 
 
 IV. THE NORTHERN CAPITAL : A Description of 
 THE Ancient City at Boghaz-Keui and the 
 Sculptures called Iasily Kaya, . . 196-241 
 
 Identity with Pteria (p. 197) ; history, economy, and 
 situation (pp. 198-200) ; the acropolis ramparts, gate- 
 ways and defences (pp. 201-205), Nishan Tash and 
 other monuments (p. 206) ; the Lower Palace (pp. 207, 
 208) ; chronological evidences (pp. 209-211). 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 xvu 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 
 Part ii.— The Rock-sculptures called lasily Kaya: 
 Situation, description of sanctuary and decorative 
 scheme (pp. 211, 213) ; leading figures of gods (pp. 214- 
 216) ; a priest-flgure (p. 217) ; procession of male 
 figures (pp. 218-220) ; plan and schedule (p. 221) ; the 
 leading goddesses, etc. (pp. 222, 223), procession of 
 females (p. 224), the Priest-king (p. 225) ; ceremonial 
 feast and monsters (p. 226). The Inner Gallery : the 
 moving figures (p. 227); Dirk-deity (p. 228). General 
 survey (pp. 230-232) ; historical considerations (pp. 233- 
 234) ; the divine triad (pp. 235-241). 
 
 V. WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES, 
 
 242-314 
 
 Paet 1.— The Palace and Sculptures of Eyuk (pp. 242- 
 269). Researches (pp. 242, 243) : the site (pp. 244-245) ; 
 the Sphinx-gate (pp. 246-248) ; buildings and masonry 
 (pp. 249-252). The Sculptures: sphinxes, bull-god, 
 priest and priestess, masons, musicians (pp. 253-262) ; 
 the mother-goddess, lion corner-stone, groups (pp. 
 263-266) ; oblation scene, double eagle (pp. 267-270). 
 
 Part ii.— The Town and Sculptures of Sinjerli (pp. 270- 
 298). Excavations, summary of results (pp. 270-273) ; 
 reliefs from city gate, eagle-headed deities, horse- 
 riders, vringed monsters, male figures, bovrman, hare 
 and stag (pp. 274-276); citadel gate (pp. 277-278); 
 reliefs — (i) charioteer and victim, (ii) warrior, (ill) lion, 
 (iv) God of Chase, (v, vi) lion and monster (pp. 279- 
 283); (vii) man bearing kid, (viii) Ceremonial Feast, 
 (ix, x) three male figures, (xi) archer, (xii-xiii) stag 
 and kid, (xiv) winged lion rampant, (xv-xvi) figures 
 with double hammer (pp. 284-288) ; (xvii) warrior and 
 sphinx, (xviii) monster, (xix) figure of woman (pp. 289- 
 291); (xxiv, xxv) bull and horse-rider, (xxvi-xxvii) bull 
 and man with clubs (pp. 292-294); (xxviii-xxix) pair 
 of deer, (xxx) winged lion, (xxxi) warrior, (xxxii) 
 hunter, (xxxiii) dog, (xxxiv) musician, (xxxv) male 
 
xviii THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 CHAP. ^^^'^ 
 
 figure, (xxxv, xxxvii) pair of goats (pp.295-296) ; recon- 
 struction of gateway, lion corner-stones, two peculiar 
 busts, the sphinx-bases (pp. 297-298). 
 
 Part hi.— The ^Mounds and Palace-portico of Sakje- 
 Geuzi (pp. 298-314). Local history and research, walled 
 citadel (pp. 298-300); palace entrance, decorations, lion 
 comer-stones (pp. 301-302) ; reliefs, eagle-headed deity, 
 fertilising tree, sphinx, king-priest, attendants (pp. 
 303-308); sphinx-base (pp. 309-311) ; historical results, 
 stratification, pottery, foreign relations (pp. 312-314). 
 
 VI, THE STORY OF THE HITTITES, . . 315-391 
 
 The Authorities (pp. 315-316). The Hittites, their coming 
 and settlement, early culture, earliest historical 
 allusions (pp. 317-325.) The Hatti rulers ; conquests of 
 Subbi-luliuma, treaties with Mitanni, the Amorites, 
 and with Egypt (pp. 326-336). Empire of Subbi-luliuma, 
 reign of Mursil ; Mutallu and the battle of Kadesh 
 (pp. 337-343) ; Hattusil, the Egyptian treaty and foreign 
 politics; his successors (pp. 346-352). Survey of Hittite 
 civilisation under the Hatti ; the position of women, 
 religion, organisation, the army, roads and cities, 
 sculptures, and architecture (pp. 353-367). The Euro- 
 pean migrations, disruption of the Hittite empire, the 
 Muski, the Assyrians, Carchemish (pp. 368-371). The 
 great revival, the ' Cilician ' empire, disposition of the 
 Hittite kingdoms, with map, the balance of power 
 (pp. 372-377.) Changes in decorative and religious art; 
 Semitic influence in Syria (pp. 377-380). Oncoming of 
 Assyria, coalitions of Hittite states, battle of the 
 Qarqar, fall of Tarsus (pp. 381-384). The Vannic kings, 
 conquests in Syria, decisive battle with Assyria; 
 supremacy of Assyria in Syria ; fall of Carchemish, 
 Marash and the Tabal (pp. 385-390). Epochs in Hittite 
 history (pp. 390-391). 
 
CONTENTS xix 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Appendix A.— Bibliogbapht op Hittitb Archeology, 392-394 
 
 Appendix B.— Index to Hittite Monuments, with a 
 
 Bibliography, . . . 395-401 
 
 Author Index, Classical and Biblical Beferences, 402-403 
 
 General Index, ..... 404-416 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Bulghar 
 tains, 
 
 PHOTOGRAPHS 
 
 ■ MadSn : Approaching the Taurus Moun- 
 
 Frontispiece 
 
 n. 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 j (i) A Valley in the Taurus, 
 ( (ii) Headwaters of the Halys near Sivas, 
 Aleppo : View of the city from the citadel, 
 Karakul : A Kurd family at home, . 
 
 v. Kartal 
 
 ( (i) Verandah of a house, . 
 \(ii) Group of Turkoman women, 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 
 XIII. 
 XIV. 
 
 XV. 
 
 XVI. 
 XVII. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 XXIII. 
 
 Bogche : A chief pass over the Amanus Mountains 
 
 Beilan : Summit of the pass. 
 
 Woodland on the south slopes of Taurus, 
 
 CsEsarea : Cloister of a school, and citadel, . 
 
 Injesu : Mosque and town, 
 
 Halys River, between Chok Geuz and Blr Geuz, 
 
 Yeni-Han, near Sekkili : Nomad encampment, 
 
 {(i) Chesme Keupru : Interior of the han, . 
 (ii) Sekkili (near) : Yuruk encampment, 
 (i) Nefez-Keui : Women drawing water at the 
 
 Spring, .... 
 
 (ii) Tyaua : Turkish women and child, 
 
 {(i) Yuzgat : Dervish and vagabonds, 
 (ii) Kulakly Keui : Types of inhabitants, . 
 Angora : Old houses on the outskirts, 
 Nefez-Keui; Carpet-weaving, 
 
 t(ii: 
 
 ) Nefez-Keui : Minaret of the village mosque, 
 ) Anatolian Horses : Noonday halt. 
 
 Bor : Bridge over the Kizilja-Su, 
 Approaching the Cilician Gates, 
 Entrance of the Cilician Gates, 
 (i) Going south through the Cilician Gates, 
 i) Tarsus : The gardens and the town, 
 [Tarsus : (i) The walls of Dunuk Tash, 
 \ ,, (ii) Sacred stone at an Arab shrine. 
 
 f(i) 
 t(«) 
 
xxii THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Plate 
 XXIV, 
 
 xxv. 
 
 XXVI. 
 XXVII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 XXXVII. 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 XL. 
 
 XLI. 
 XLII. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 XLV. 
 XLVI. 
 
 XL VII. 
 XLVIII 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 L. 
 
 LI. 
 
 LII. 
 
 
 ) Bey-Keui : The Royal Road, 
 
 ) Dimerli : A fallen Lion, 
 
 (i) Dimerli : The Lion tomb, 
 
 (ii) Ayazln : Tomb with Lions, . 
 
 (iii) Tyana : Phrygian inscription of Midas, 
 
 View near Sardis : Valley of the Pactolus, 
 
 Cilicia : Roman aqueducts over the Eastern plain, 
 
 T, , [ (i) Roman Tomb, and . ^ 
 
 Kyrrhus : ■[ ,; ' „ , , „ . , 
 
 ^(ii) Ruined Bridge, . 
 
 Baalbek : Sculpture and Temple Ruins, . 
 
 Ephesus : The Library of Celsus, 
 
 Angora : Temple of Rome and Augustus, 
 
 Nigdeh : Portal of the White-Midresseh, 1223 A, 
 
 Nigdeh : Tomb of the Seljuk period, 
 
 (i) Ephesus : Mediseval fortress with Seljuk 
 Remains, 
 
 (ii) Konia ; Zazadln Han, of Seljuk work, 
 Rowanduz Kaleh ; Mediseval fortress, 
 Csesarea : Old Turkish cemetery, 
 Hamath : Inscription in Hittite hieroglyphs, 
 Aleppo : Fortress on the Acropolis, 
 Sakje-Geuzi : Royal hunting scene, 
 ( (i) Killiz : Bronze figures, 
 \(ii) Denek Maden ; Ivory seal, . 
 Aintab : Inscription on sculptured corner-stone, 
 Marash : Architectural Lion corner-stone 
 
 scribed, .... 
 
 Rowanduz : Camp scene in the Qurt Dagh, 
 
 f(i) Priest offering to lightning-god 
 Malatia : -[ on bull, . 
 
 (,(ii) Priestess offering to winged deity 
 Palanga : Inscribed columnar statue, 
 Ekrek: Hittite inscription with Christian em 
 
 blems, ■ . . . . 
 
 Fraktin : The rock-sculptures, . 
 Bogche : Hittite inscription on round-topped 
 
 stone, .... 
 Yamoola : Giant eagle standing upon lions. 
 Angora : The acropolis, . 
 Ayazin : Rock-hewn tombs and church, 
 ,, Roof of the church with dome, 
 
 To face page 
 56 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Plate 
 
 LIII. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 LV. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 LVII. 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 LXII. 
 
 LXIII. 
 
 LXIV. 
 LXV. 
 
 LXVI. 
 LXVII. 
 LXVIII. 
 
 LXX. 
 LXXI. 
 LXXII. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 LXXV, 
 
 LXX VI. 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 Sipylus : Image of the Mother-goddess, . 
 Kara-Bel : The Hittite God of Arms, 
 Tyana : Ruined Koman aqueducts, 
 Bor : Hittite inscription and relief, 
 Ivrlz ; Giant sculptures on the rock, 
 Boghaz-Keui : Site of Pteria, 
 
 ,, Gorge of the Beuyuk Kayanin 
 
 Daresi, .... 
 ,, The Lion Gate, 
 
 (i) The Fortress called Yenije-' 
 
 Kaleh, 
 (ii) Remains of the Lower 
 Palace, 
 Bird's-eye View of the Lower 
 Palace, 
 (i) Camp at the foot of Beuyuk"j 
 Kaleh, . . .( 
 
 (ii) lasily Kaya : Sculptures on 
 the left, 
 General view of lasily Kaya, 
 Central sculptures at, 
 Group of two monstrous figures. 
 One of the female figures. 
 The King-Priest at lasily Kaya, 
 (i) The Small Gallery: view, A 
 (ii) Hittite portraits, three V 
 figures, . . .j 
 
 , The dirk-deity, 
 
 ,, Hittite God embracing the priest. 
 
 Sculptures decorating frontage of palace. 
 Shrine of the Mother-goddess, 
 usicians vcith bagpipe and guitar, 
 Coast Route round the Gulf of Issus, 
 ) Ceremonial Feast, . 
 ) Warrior with spear. 
 Sculptures of gateway in situ, 
 
 xxm 
 
 To face page 
 168 
 
 :l 
 
 Byuk; 
 
 r (i) St 
 \(ii) Mu 
 uoute I 
 
 Sin3erli:{« 
 
 1^' 
 
 ) Hittite God of the Skies, 
 ) God of the Double Axe, 
 Sakje-Geuzi : Entrance to Palace, 
 
 ,, Lion corner-stone (left). 
 
 
 :} 
 
 172 
 
 184 
 188 
 192 
 200 
 
 202 
 204 
 
 206 
 
 208 
 
 210 
 
 212 
 
 214 
 218 
 222 
 224 
 
 226 
 
 228 
 232 
 252 
 
 260 
 270 
 280 
 
 286 
 
 292 
 
 300 
 302 
 
 Lion and adjoining sculptures (right), 304 
 
xxiv THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Plate 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 LXXXIII. 
 
 Sakje-Geuzi 
 
 To face page 
 I Sculptures of left flanking wall, 
 i) Continuation of the series, 
 Sphinx-pedestal to central column, 
 
 Hittite Allies :/«^°°^°i°^^- " j 
 
 i:/« 
 3phi- 
 
 '•) 
 
 Lxxxiv. Surviving Types 
 
 ) Proto-Greek, 
 ) Amorite, 
 ) Hittite, . 
 
 t(ii 
 
 LXXXV. Nomads passing into Asia Minor, 
 Lxxxvi. Caesarea : Types of Semitic settlers, 
 Lxxxvii. Yeni-Han : Group of nomad women, 
 Lxxxviii. Battle of Kadesh : Hittite chariotry charging. 
 
 306 
 310 
 318 
 
 320 
 
 322 
 334 
 840 
 344 
 
 PLANS 
 
 Boghaz-Keui : Plan of the Rock Sanctuary called lasily page 
 Kaya, ....... 221 
 
 Eyuk ; Plan of the Sphinx-Gate, . . . .247 
 
 Sinjerli : Sketch Plan of Gateway, . . . 278 
 
 MAPS 
 
 Hittite States after the Revival of the Tenth Century B.C., . 375 
 Submergence of the Hittite States (Eighth Century B.C.), . 385 
 Map of Hittite Sites in Asia Minor and Northern Syria, To face 390 
 
A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 At the outset of our undertaking we are faced by a 
 considerable perplexity, in that the land we are setting 
 forth to examine is practically undefined. We are 
 guided indeed by vague and scanty historical references 
 towards the north of Syria and the east of Asia Minor, 
 but for a wider and surer delimitation, however incom- 
 plete, we must rely on the evidence afforded by the dis- 
 position of the Hittite monuments themselves. These 
 cannot fix for us any certain boundaries, nor does the 
 area throughout which they have as yet been found 
 coincide with any great natural landmarks such as 
 are w^ont to form the frontiers of nations. On the 
 other hand, their curious disposition, and the very 
 disunity of the tract they indicate, awaken our interest 
 by a suggestion of unusual circumstances that could 
 weld together, in political unity, peoples whose condi- 
 tions of life so differed. And though mostly in the 
 heart of a peninsula washed by the blue waves of two 
 great inland seas, no part of the long coast-line can be in- 
 cluded, upon present evidence, in our territory. Maybe 
 the cause is only that the conditions there are not 
 favourable to the preservation or recovery of monu- 
 ments ; but none the less it is to be noted that no trace 
 of Hittite handiwork has yet been found around the 
 coast, whether along the wooded shores of the Black 
 
2 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Sea in the north, on the fertile inlets of the west,^ or on 
 the rocky passes of the Syrian seaboard ; nor has any 
 clear connection yet been shown between the Hittite 
 confederated peoples and those sea-rovers who, from 
 their harbours under the southern shelter of the 
 Taurus, made piratical descents upon the Egyptian 
 Delta in the thirteenth century B.C.^ 
 
 Thus we see the Hittites as a purely inland people, 
 not taking to the sea more kindly at any rate than do 
 the Turkish peoples of to-day. The centre of their 
 monuments is the mountainous region of the Taurus 
 and Anti-Taurus systems, whence on the one hand they 
 lead us down to the hot plains that lie betw^een the 
 right bank of the Euphrates and Mount Amanus (the 
 Giaour Dagh), with a continuation to the south by the 
 valley of the Orontes as far as its sources in the 
 Lebanon ; and on the other hand widen out to embrace 
 not only the northern fringe of the Taurus Mountains, 
 and the basin of the Halys River, but practically the 
 whole broad tableland of Central Asia Minor, with one 
 finger pointing down the Hermus valley past Sardis to 
 the west. The inference to be derived from these 
 preliminary considerations will receive confirmation as 
 we proceed with our inquiry, when we shall find reason 
 to believe that the peoples whose land we are trying 
 to map out were of mountain origin. The problem of 
 their settlement, however, remains obscure ; we must 
 await the results of further investigations to determine 
 whether it was a combined movement of peoples, 
 bringing with them the elements of their civilisation, 
 
 1 We regard, however, the sculptures of Mount Sipylus (PI. liii.) and of 
 Kara-Bel (PI. Liv.) as witnesses to the possession of inland passes leading 
 to the Lydian coast. 
 
 2 In particular the Lycians (Lukki), who appear among the Hittite allies 
 in the time of Rameses ii., and later with the sea-peoples in the reign of 
 Meren-ptah. 
 
A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 3 
 
 like the Turks in modern history, or whether for ages 
 they endured the rigours of mountain life before they 
 became strong enough to descend upon the hospitable 
 plains below. 
 
 The wilder mountains of Greater Armenia, east of 
 the head-waters of the Euphrates, show no definite 
 sign of Hittite settlement ; ^ but they form a distinctive 
 boundary to our region, being the culmination of the 
 system of which the Taurus are a part. Here too is 
 the centre of mountain-ranges which, like the rivers 
 rising in their heights, descend in several directions. 
 To the north the towering peak of Ararat, seventeen 
 thousand feet in height, looks down upon the green 
 upland valleys of the Caucasus. Towards the east, the 
 range which skirts the Caspian Sea connects beyond 
 with the systems of Central Asia. Towards the south, 
 another chain holds up as it were the highlands of Asia, 
 on the one hand, giving way on the other to the basins 
 of the Euphrates and the Tigris, and touching eventu- 
 ally the eastern waters of the Persian Gulf. 
 
 The Taurus system is another such chain trending 
 westward, dividing Asia Minor from the rest of Asia, 
 skirting the southern coast-line, then breaking and 
 scattering as the level falls towards the west until 
 it descends below the sea, where its hilltops, still pro- 
 jecting, form the ^gean archipelago, until drawn 
 together it rises to dry land on the soil of Greece. In 
 the heart of these mountains, the two main sources of 
 
 1 There is no evidence to enable us to include the ' Vannio ' monuments. 
 Cf. Sayce's Herodotus {LonAon, 1883), App. iv. p. 424 and below, pp. 54, 385; 
 we exclude also as capable of other interpretation isolated discoveries of 
 moveable monuments, like those at Kedabeg (Messerschmidt, Corpus 
 Inscrip. Hettiticarum, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 
 1900, Pt. V. No. 1.), at Babylon {op. cit., Nos. 3, 4, 5), and Nineveh (ibid., PI. 
 XXXIX. Nos. 2-9), etc. The inscribed stone reported as found near Erzerum, 
 now in the museum at Constantinople, No, 1193, is of doubtful provenance 
 {op. at, 1906, Pt. V. pp. 7, 8). 
 
4 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 the river Euphrates flow in a westerly direction until 
 they unite above Malatia ; ^ thence twisting and turning 
 ever, in its search for a passage through the rocky 
 ramparts that oppose it, the great river makes an 
 easterly contour until nearing the plains. Before 
 reaching Gerger, however, its direction is changed once 
 more, turning westward in a long curve past Samsat 
 towards Aintab, and southward to the latitude of 
 Aleppo : from here its course becomes more tranquil 
 and direct towards the Persian Gulf. 
 
 The bend of the Euphrates below Malatia marks for 
 the present the boundary of the Hittite country on the 
 east. The whole mountainous region lying to the 
 west of this landmark is divided by the gorges of the 
 Pyramus, comprising the bleak easterly heights of 
 the main Taurus range on the one hand, and the more 
 broken but less barren regions of the Anti-Taurus 
 which lie within. From the Taurus numerous torrents 
 fall southward to join the bend of the Euphrates, while 
 the northern slopes of the same range look down on 
 the deep valley of the Tochma Su. This river, flowing 
 eastward, is another main tributary of the Euphrates, 
 which it joins not far from Malatia, and it forms our 
 present boundary to the north in that direction.^ Its 
 sources are found high up past Gurun in the main 
 watershed, from which some rivers flow southward to 
 the Cilician plain, others north-west to feed the Halys. 
 The routes connecting the north of Syria with Asia 
 Minor make use of these natural channels of approach. 
 Thus the main road from Aintab northwards, after 
 reaching the Pyramus near Marash, follows that river 
 
 ' These Hittite sites are shown on the map, to face p. 390. 
 
 2 Mr. Hogarth, writing in the Recueil de Travaux, xvii., records that 
 during his journeyings up through the valley he never saw nor heard of 
 any pre-Hellenic monuments on the north side of the river. 
 
PLATE 11 
 
 A VALLEY IN THE TAURUS 
 
 (Seej>. 5.) 
 
 HEAD-WATEKS OF THE HALYS NEAIi SIVAS 
 
 {Seep. 26.) 
 
VALLEYS OF THE TAUKUS 5 
 
 closely to Albistan, whence the bed of a stream leads 
 up to the divide that gives way to the valley of the 
 Tochma Su beyond. Derendeh is thus gained ; and up 
 this new valley the road passes by Gurun northward, 
 and so over the watershed to Sivas in the valley of the 
 Halys. From Albistan another route leads eastward 
 to Malatia ; and westward a path passing by Izgin rises 
 over the mountains to the interior.^ A more direct 
 route, however, from Aintab and Marash leads by 
 the side of streams that feed the Pyramus north-west- 
 ward up to Shahr (the classical Komana), on the sources 
 of the Cilician Sarus ; thence, by one of several passes, 
 among which is the Kuru-Bel, the head-waters of the 
 Zamanti Su are reached, so leading down to Csesarea 
 at the foot of Mount Argseus. The last-named river is 
 tributary to the Sarus, passing by Ekrek, Tashji, and 
 Fraktin on its course. 
 
 It may be judged that a region so broken up by 
 mountain-streams is not altogether barren or inclement. 
 Its very altitude, averaging six thousand feet above 
 the sea, gives respite from the summer heats that make 
 life burdensome upon the Syrian plains. Green patches 
 nestle under the shelter of its heights, protected there- 
 by from the severity of winter blizzards when the 
 mountain-passes may be filled with snow. And in its 
 deeper valleys, though the actual banks are mostly 
 rocky, yet the broad slopes on either side are generally 
 favourable to the cultivation of cereals and other 
 necessaries. The numerous fair towns that have 
 sprung up in favoured spots, mostly upon Hittite sites, 
 with their • gardens and vineyards, fruit and olive 
 
 ' For these routes see Hogarth, Recueil de Travaux, xv. p. 29, and in 
 Macan's Herodotus (1895), App. xiii. § 9; also Ramsay, Historical 
 Geography, pp. 35, 46 ff. 
 
6 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 plantations, their industries in weaving and em- 
 broideries, reveal to us something of its attractions 
 and the possibilities of ancient settlement. 
 
 Just as the roadways of this region converge upon 
 Marash, so from this centre other lines of communica- 
 tion spread out into the regions of the south. On the 
 one hand the valley of the Pyramus leads down to the 
 Cilician plain ; on the other the road to Aintab, which 
 we now follow, brings us to the northernmost parts 
 of Syria, historically the scene of the struggles of the 
 Hittites with the Pharaohs and with Assyria. The 
 whole tract before us as far southward as Aleppo is of 
 twofold character: on the east are the great plains 
 that lie away to the Euphrates, while on the west two 
 mountain-ranges intervene between these and the sea, 
 lying parallel with one another and with the coast. 
 
 The plains are really an apex to the Syrian desert, 
 themselves watered sparsely by winter streams flowing 
 to the Euphrates, with some independent rivers which, 
 failing to find an exit, resolve themselves into small 
 salt lakes and swamps. There are no trees or other 
 protection against the withering sun, and the surface 
 is broken only here and there by low ridges and the 
 mounds which mark the sites of ancient settlements.^ 
 The people are mostly Kurds, mingled with the settled 
 descendants of northern Bedouins, using a primitive 
 Arab speech. Their life is arduous : their crops are 
 parched before they can be reaped ; but none the less 
 out of generations of experience they find the means 
 to live and feed their flocks. Except for local routes, 
 the only roads which cross this desolate tract lead 
 
 - For the modern condition and ancient importance of this region, see 
 further : Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 94 ;, Peters, Nippur, i. p. 81 ; 
 Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations (London, 1896), pp. 144 and ff. ; and 
 The Passing of Empires (1900), p. 35, with an illustration. 
 
PLATE III 
 
FEATURES OF NORTHERN SYRIA 7 
 
 from Aleppo and from Aintab to the crossing of the 
 Euphrates now found at Birejik, not far from the site 
 of ancient Carchemish at Jerablus.^ 
 
 Aleppo itself must be classed as a city of the plain, 
 though its economy is different. Here is the natural 
 centre of commerce for the north of Syria and a great 
 part of Western Asia. So, instead of being a peasant 
 village upon a nameless stream, Aleppo has grown to 
 be one of the fairest cities of the East. Local industries 
 have developed, adding to its resources. Its stone- 
 built houses and public places, its groves and fruit- 
 gardens, as well as the hearty spirit of its people, are 
 the tokens of its prosperity. Another town of con- 
 siderable interest and importance is Killiz, on the 
 border of the plain, midway between Aleppo and Ain- 
 tab. In approaching this place the road passes 
 through miles of olive-groves, which form long lines of 
 dark green upon the red loamy soil. 
 
 From Killiz as we turn westward the character of 
 the landscape is immediately changed ; the plains are 
 left behind, and the mountain country is entered that 
 lies between them and the sea. Of the two ranges 
 mentioned previously, the Qurt Dagh, which is first 
 encountered, is less bold than its western neighbour, 
 and also less continuous, giving way gradually towards 
 the south. It is wild and varied enough, however, to 
 provide a series of memorable panoramas of mountain 
 
 ' Here also the Euphrates is still our eastern boundary ; for Tell-Ahmar, 
 the scene of Mr. Hogarth's recent discoveries (p. 129), though on the further 
 side, is on the water's edge ; and the few monuments found further east, 
 like the seal from XTrfa (Messerschmidt, op. cit., C.I.H. 1900, PI. XLi. No. 3), 
 and the palace sculptures of Tell-Halaf (Von Oppenheim, Der alte Orient, 
 1908, Heft 1), which owe something to Hittite iniluence, are not definite 
 enough to imply Hittite occupation. That the river separated the land of 
 Mitanni from the Hatti is substantiated by the archives of Boghaz-Keui 
 (Winckler, Mitteilungen der D. Orient.-Ges. 1907, No. 35). On the rela- 
 tion of Mitanni to Hittite see below, pp. 38, note 1, 324, note 2. 
 
8 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 scenery. Northward the head-waters of the Af rln^ River 
 have scoured deep gorges in its wooded heights ; and 
 the main stream, flowing southward in a wild and 
 sparsely cultivated valley, has hewn for itself a rocky 
 bed through which it swirls until the hills are left 
 behind, when turning Avestward it flows on to join the 
 Orontes near to Antioch. In such a country it is not 
 surprising that no Hittite monuments have been placed 
 on record. It is in contact, nevertheless, on either hand, 
 with places where some of the most instructive Hittite 
 works have been discovered; and we are tempted 
 therefore to linger somewhat in this unfamiliar region, 
 seeking in the life and features of its people for living 
 witness of the ancient civilisations in which it must 
 have shared. 
 
 The population is naturally scanty, and varies racially 
 according to its disposition. On the basalt plateau 
 which forms the eastern boundary to the valley, lead- 
 ing down to Killiz and Aintab beyond, several villages 
 of Kurdish families are found. Here communication 
 with the towns is frequent, and mingling is not un- 
 common accordingly with other elements of the Turkish 
 people. The houses are often well constructed of 
 masonry, for stone is plentiful ; indeed, the whole 
 plateau is so thickly strewn that even the pathways 
 are difficult and narrow, while before the plough can 
 be put to the land a space must first be cleared at con- 
 siderable labour. Consequently the amount of cultiva- 
 tion is small, and even the sparse grain that grows 
 wild over thousands of acres remains unreaped. In 
 addition to the settled villages, and the tumbled ruins 
 of many deserted hamlets, this high ground is freely 
 sprinkled in the summer-time with the tents of nomads, 
 
 ' Pronounced Afreen. 
 
PLATE IV 
 
 KAKAKUL : A KUKD FAMILY AT HOME 
 Husband, wiTe, child of nn elder wife ; two brothers, left. 
 
THE VALLEY OF THE AFRIN 9 
 
 either seeking refuge temporarily from the eastern 
 plains, in accordance with a common practice, or halt- 
 ing for a brief season on their endless journey. 
 
 The rocky edges to this plateau on the western side 
 are broken ever and again by rifts, down which a more 
 copious supply of water tumbles from above, opening 
 out into little nooks under the shelter of the heights 
 before joining the main valley of the river below. In 
 such places a village may be found amid a patch of 
 comparatively luxurious cultivation, well illustrated by 
 the vines and mulberries of Rowanduz. This pleasant 
 spot lies at the foot of the steep descent from Karakul 
 upon the plateau, and is marked by the ruins of a fine 
 mediaeval castle crowning a prominent cone-like hill.^ 
 The groves and gardens are watered by a primitive 
 system of irrigation. The rich soil readily repays the 
 labour bestowed upon it in however simple fashion. 
 
 Lower down, in the main valley and nearer the 
 river's bed, the aspect of the country is generally savage 
 and neglected. A short withered scrub speckles the 
 surface of the ground, which is reft in every direction 
 by the dry gullies of winter torrents. The main routes, 
 here as elsewhere, keep consistently along the higher 
 levels, crossing the rifts near their beginnings, before 
 they have become too rough and too steep to scale. 
 Other tracks are found naturally along the river's bed, 
 which they cross and recross, scaling the cliffs where 
 the water has laid bare the rocks, and at other times 
 passing through more open spaces cheered by narrow 
 strips of corn-land and the rich bloom of a myriad 
 oleanders, wherever the steep banks recede a little way 
 on one side or the other. These lower tracks, however, 
 are never easy to follow, even under favourable con- 
 1 See Plates xxxv., xliii. 
 
10 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 ditions, on account alike of the numerous scranables 
 over cliffs often shaly and precipitous, where a false 
 step of horse or man might lead to disaster, and also of 
 the numerous crossings of the river, often deceptive to 
 any one unfamiliar with the fords. The latter obstacle 
 becomes a grave danger after mountain storms which 
 may have passed almost unnoticed in the valley. Even 
 in summer-time thunder-clouds from time to time 
 collect above the heights, and amid a gorgeous display 
 of lightning and reverberating thunder a torrential 
 rain transforms in a few minutes the rocky basin of 
 the river. The dried-up gullies are now alive with 
 splashing streams, and the slumbering rivulets become 
 foaming torrents, the sudden uproar of scurrying 
 streams and newly born cascades striking the ear with 
 curious strangeness and foreboding.^ In an hour or 
 two the streams are once more tranquil and the sun 
 has reappeared ; but the river below has received nearly 
 all the water that has fallen, and swirls on deep and 
 dangerous. Fords that have little changed their ap- 
 pearance are now impassable, and none but the stranger 
 will attempt to cross them. 
 
 Even without such temporary dangers, the unw^ary 
 traveller in such a country, trying maybe to force a 
 march when unacquainted with the village tracks and 
 local landmarks, will surely come to grief ; and though 
 within an hour or two of some village where loyal, if 
 frugal, hospitality awaits him, will find himself lost, 
 with little means of knowing how to direct his foot- 
 steps. For the village which he would gain lies hidden 
 out of sight in some sheltered nook, or behind a bend 
 in the river, or beyond a rise of ground. Yet even 
 though he reach the village by night, whether as an 
 1 We noticed this effect especially at Karadinek, August 1907. 
 
SOME VILLAGE CUSTOMS 11 
 
 armed party or as a benighted wanderer, his welcome 
 is secure, and his life is sacred. No questions will be 
 asked him, nor will any demand the reason of his 
 coming. Warm milk and home-made bread-cakes, and 
 sometimes honey, will be offered him as refreshment ; 
 and after a few simple courtesies the best room will be 
 put at his disposal. In the morning the ' swash-swish ' 
 of the churn, an inflated goatskin, will tell him that the 
 housewife is busied with his breakfast : soon the door 
 is opened and he recognises in his attendant, who lays 
 the round tray before him, none other than his host, 
 the headman of the village. His horse is fed and 
 saddled, and the chief's son is his guide. 
 
 In the main valley, however, we have not found that 
 which we seek. Pushing on then up one of the sources 
 of the river we reach Kartal, in a green dell begirt 
 with wooded hills. Though off the beaten track this 
 place is only one day's journey by mountain-path from 
 Aintab. Perhaps on this account the people here are 
 freer. Their simplicity of life is the same, but their 
 curiosity is greater and their restraint is less. Here 
 we are soon friends ; and have opportunity to study 
 their manners and their features. Their houses are 
 partly hollowed in the hillside as in many parts of 
 Asia Minor, alike for economy in construction, and for 
 better protection against rain and cold. The roofs are 
 built of timber, and so covered with earth that it is 
 difficult in descending from above to distinguish them 
 from the surface of the ground with which they are 
 continuous. The chief industry of the villagers, in 
 addition to the tending of their fields and flocks, is the 
 making of butter and dairy produce, which is sent to 
 the market at Aintab. They are said to be Turkomans, 
 descendants of wanderers from the East who settled 
 
12 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 here many generations back, and now an element of the 
 Turkish people. But there is something in their faces 
 reminiscent of Hittite portraits, suggested generally 
 in the women, and marked strongly in some of the 
 men, though in others not at all. This glimmer seems 
 to be due to mixture in past times with a pre-existing 
 population ; for in the hills above there are settle- 
 ments of woodmen whom even these villagers regard 
 as a somewhat strange and different people. Here, at 
 last, we come face to face with that remarkable type 
 portrayed so clearly on Egyptian sculptures, and sug- 
 gested also in the Hittite monuments themselves, char- 
 acterised by the strong nose in line with the receding 
 forehead, the round protrusion of the head behind, 
 the heavy lips and beard, and the stolid look. The 
 figure is short and thickset, betokening stamina and 
 strength. Our photograph ^ was obtained at Kuchuk 
 Kizil-Hissar, nearer to Aintab, but it is clear that 
 the home of this type is now the mountainous 
 country, where it has persevered in seclusion and 
 still survives. 
 
 Our wanderings in this district have not then been 
 fruitless. The traveller may be rewarded also by a 
 picture of wonderful beauty to be seen at sunset from 
 the wooded heights near the sources of the Afrin River 
 and the Kara Su. Pen cannot describe the delicacy 
 and harmony of the colours in the trees, with the 
 effects of light and shade among their leaves and in the 
 shadows of the foreground ; nor could brush compose 
 
 ' PI. Lxxxiv. (i), p. 320. This is clearly the old Amorite-Hittite type as 
 represented on the Egyptian temple sculptures, temp. Rameses ii., then 
 apparently most prevailing in the Lebanon region. See Petrie, Racial 
 Tyxies, No. 147, and Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 147 and ifig. ; 
 cf. also W. Max Miiller, Asien unci Europd, pp. 229, 233, and the Book 
 of Joshua, X. 6, and xi. 3. The type is now more widely dispersed, as 
 seen from this example and Pis. xv. (ii), Lxxxvi. below. 
 
KAIiTAL : VERANDAH Ol-' A HOUSE 
 Churning, left ; crushing grain with a wooden mallet, right back. 
 
 KAKTAL : GROUP Of TUKKOMAN WOMEN 
 (Note the cylindrical hat and cover). 
 
SINJERLI AND SAKJE-GEUZI 13 
 
 the majesty and depth imparted by Nature to the 
 distance of this scene. Ridge beyond ridge, of varied 
 forms and softening colours, leads back to where 
 beneath the reddening glow the bold ranges of the 
 Amanus chain are seen purple, even while the snow- 
 clad peaks of far-distant Taurus in the north still 
 gleam in the last lingering rays of light. 
 
 From here the western edge of the Qurt Dagh range 
 descends abruptly to a broad and marshy valley, shut 
 in, on the other side, by the Giaour Dagh. The land 
 is flat, and the streams, after descending from the 
 mountains, mostly stagnate in marshes overgrown with 
 reeds and scrub. From the middle tract egress is 
 almost wholly shut off, by ridges and outliers from 
 the hills. Such water as escapes either flows north- 
 ward to join the Pyramus or southward to form the 
 Kara Su. Though now pestilential with malaria and 
 sparsely inhabited, this valley is naturally very fertile ; 
 and numerous mounds which dot the surface are in- 
 dicative of extensive ancient settlement.^ Among 
 these are the sites of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi, which 
 provide us with our most complete architectural 
 monuments of the Hittites on this side of the Taurus. 
 Here there seem to have been a series of petty states 
 or principalities,^ consisting of groups of towns cluster- 
 ing round the palace of the local king, fortified strongly 
 with stone walls and towers. We do not yet know 
 what may have been the precise relations of these 
 elements of the population to one another; but it is 
 clear that in the days of Hittite supremacy they must 
 have been amongst those tribes who shared in the con- 
 
 1 A local tradition says that 120,000 men were drawn from this region 
 in the time of Alexander. 
 
 2 Von Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, i. ; and Liverpool Annals 
 of ArchcEology, i. p. 99. 
 
14 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 federacy.^ It is also obvious that no people could 
 hope to defend themselves in this valley vs^ho did not 
 hold the passes of the mountain-ranges on either side. 
 The westerly chain of the Giaour Dagh, indeed, was 
 readily defensible. Except for a few local tracks avail- 
 able only in the summer, there are but fe'w passes over 
 its unbroken mass, and these are well defined. This 
 splendid range of mountains, better known as Mount 
 Amanus, forms a main branch of the Taurus system, 
 from which it is divided only by the valley of the 
 Pyramus. It separates Syria from Cilicia on the west, 
 and touching the sea near Alexandretta follows the 
 coast south-westward, until arrested by the broad valley 
 of the Orontes. The average height of the chain is 
 from four to six thousand feet, while some of its peaks 
 reach almost to the snow-line.^ Of the several passes 
 that traverse it, that which leads transversely from 
 Marash into Cilicia presents the easiest gradient, and 
 is much used by caravans, though impassable by carts. 
 The central pass above Bogche, however, is better 
 known, being the direct line of communication between 
 Cilicia and the East. Bogche itself is reached from 
 Osmaniyeh on the eastern borders of the Cilician plain 
 by a path which, while generally following the valley 
 of the Bogche Su, traverses also some outlying ridges. 
 The village is thus found picturesquely situated in an 
 open and fertile spot among the hills. The long ascent 
 thence continues up to one of the main sources of the 
 same stream until the watershed is crossed, whence 
 the descent is steep and rugged to the valley. The 
 track then heads directly by Sakje Geuzi over the Qurt 
 Dagh to Aintab, and so eastward to the crossing of the 
 
 - Including the kingdoms of Unki, Samalla, and Jaudi : see the map 
 p. 375. 2 cf. Plate lxxiv. 
 
PASSES OF THE AMANUS 15 
 
 Euphrates. Though direct and not very difficult, this 
 route is not yet made passable by carts, and perhaps 
 for this reason the mail from Adana and the West 
 takes the coast route, on mule pack, round to Alex- 
 andretta,'^ whence rises the main road to the interior. 
 The Beilan Pass, as it is called, above Alexandretta, is by 
 far the easiest, and the steep gradient on either side is 
 so nicely engineered that it is hardly realised in passing 
 where the watershed is crossed. Leading down directly 
 to the fair seaport on the Mediterranean, this route 
 for centuries has been a main channel of commerce 
 between Europe and Asia; and until the railway con- 
 necting Aleppo with Beyrout diverted a large part of 
 the traffic, caravans consisting of hundreds of laden 
 camels in long procession could be seen daily, bringing 
 out the merchandise of the East, and taking back the 
 manufactured products of the West. 
 
 The mountain-chain now turns south-west, and 
 terminates abruptly in the rocky point called in Arabic 
 Ras El Khanzir, ' The Pig's Head,' while its southern 
 slopes descend steeply to the estuary of the Orontes. 
 Beyond, the mountainous character of the coast is 
 continued south in the Jebel Ansaria (or Bargylus 
 Mountains), which hold on until broken by the broad rift 
 which divides them from the Lebanon. Hugging the 
 eastern side of this range the Orontes River comes 
 northward, and turning sharply where the mountains 
 break, it flows past Antioch south-westward to the 
 sea. At the bend it is joined by the Afrin River 
 
 1 The coast route to Alexandretta was In course of reconstruction in 
 1907. Formerly the rocky promontory known as Pylce Syrice et Cilicice 
 presented a formidable obstacle, over which carts could pass only with 
 great difficulty; while for travellers on horseback the easiest passage 
 was by wading in the sea at the foot of the cliffs. The Bogche route is 
 that contemplated for the new section of the railway heading for 
 Baghdad. 
 
16 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 and the Kara Su in a broad and swampy hollow 
 almost shut in by the mountain-ranges and the eastern 
 plains. 
 
 The sources of the Orontes are found in the northern 
 region of the Anti-Lebanon, and here the southern 
 limit of the Hittite monuments is reached.^ In this 
 vicinity was Kadesh, the frontier fortress of the 
 Hittites that figures so prominently in the battle-scenes 
 of Egypt. Here, too, is Horns, now a remarkable Arab 
 city, at the junction of the main routes from Damascus 
 to Aleppo, and from Palmyra to Tripolis on the sea. 
 Further north is Restan, strongly placed at a bend 
 of the river on a steep and naturally defended knoll. 
 Further again is Hamath, where the main road and 
 the river separate, the latter turning westward to seek 
 its green bed below the mountains, and the former 
 holding on directly towards Aleppo across the plains. 
 Here, at Hamath, were found the hieroglyphic inscrip- 
 tions which first gave rise to systematic Hittite studies. 
 Here, too, types of people are found strongly reminiscent 
 of the past, like living models of the ancient sculptures.^ 
 
 This district, in the head-waters of the Orontes, was 
 not only the Hittite frontier, but was such as the 
 Hittites in the period of their settlement seem to have 
 delighted in. Here their walled towns and citadels 
 sprang up, in the midst of a land well watered and 
 reasonably fertile, under the shadow of mountains 
 
 ' A silvered copper seal, cylindrical in shape, is recorded as from Haifa 
 [C.I.H. 1900, PI. XLi. 2), but no argument can be based thereon. Other 
 small objects from this region are a seal and archaic bronze figure 
 from Latakia (C.I.S. loc. cit. No. 6, and Peiser, Die Bronze-flgur von 
 Schernen, aus Sitzungsber. der Altertumsges. Pi-ussia, Heft 22, p. 428), and 
 a similar archaic bronze from Homs, said to have been found in the 
 Orontes (Peiser, op. cit.). 
 
 2 See Plate lxxxiv. (ii), reproduced from a sketch by Mr. Horst Schliep- 
 hack. The subject vras an Arab-speaking carriage driver, resident in 
 Hamath, who said that his birthplace vras TJrf a. Of. the types Pis. lxxv., 
 pxxvii, 
 
PLATE VII 
 
THE PLATEAU OF ASIA MINOR 17 
 
 which cut them off from the sea and from their enemy 
 of the South ; while behind the road was open to call 
 up in necessity the assistance of the northern branches 
 of their people. 
 
 From the Taurus we descended firstly to the north 
 of Syria, because in the development of Hittite studies 
 this region first attracted attention through the 
 references to it in Egyptian and Assyrian history. But 
 modern research has added to our knowledge of the 
 Hittite lands a wider and different territory on the 
 other side. There the descent to the interior of 
 Asia Minor from the mountains is not so marked, 
 for even around the foot of snow-capped Argaeus, the 
 most advanced pinnacle of the system, the plateau is 
 still four thousand feet above the sea. The level falls 
 gradually towards the west, but rarely much below 
 three thousand feet; while on the other hand the 
 numerous minor ranges that break the surface of the 
 interior attain a considerably greater height. This 
 tableland is almost enclosed by ridges of mountains: 
 on the north and south these descend directly to the 
 coast ; on the west they are more broken and less bold, 
 but they constitute none the less a great obstacle 
 between the plateau and the green valleys of the 
 ^gean coast.^ On the east, as we have already seen, 
 are the Anti- Taurus ranges, backed by the Armenian 
 hills beyond. The upland area thus enclosed is from 
 two to three hundred miles across according to the 
 direction taken, for its form is irregular. Only to the 
 south is the boundary sharply defined, where the range 
 of Taurus forms a mighty wall, which in the middle 
 
 1 Bamsay, Journ. Boy. Asiatic Soc, xv. p. 100. 
 B 
 
18 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 turns almost a right angle in direction, running north- 
 eastward and north-west. The whole plateau may be 
 regarded as irregularly five-sided. 
 
 The interior varies greatly in its features, the chief 
 agent being the peculiarities of its river systems. Shut 
 in as it is, many rivers fail to find an outlet to the sea : 
 this is especially the case in the plain which lies at the 
 foot of the western ranges of the Taurus, where the 
 waters stagnate, forming salt lakes or marshes. This 
 plain is green around Konia, but its extensions to the 
 north and east are practically desert, being parched 
 and barren in the summer months. On its north-east, 
 in the centre of the peninsula, its boundary is the 
 largest salt lake of the interior, which is fed likewise 
 by several minor inland streams. There are some 
 rivers, however, which find an outlet even through the 
 Taurus ranges, but such are more common towards the 
 west and north-west. The districts which these water 
 are consequently among the most attractive of Asia 
 Minor, with areas of natural woodland and green 
 pastures, as well as fertile soil for cultivation. 
 
 But the greatest river and most important landmark 
 of the interior is the Halys, which describes a broad 
 circuit through the heart of the plateau, enclosing 
 towards the north-east a tract about a hundred and 
 fifty miles across which mostly lies in the basin of the 
 river, well watered by its many tributaries. This region 
 is one of the most important in our subject. Though 
 not extensively cultivated, for the stable population 
 even here is relatively small, it is none the less highly 
 fertile. Its hills and slopes are mostly green with 
 pastures, and in the flat valleys are long reaches suit- 
 able for the plough. Another favoured district lies 
 southward from the Halys, passing by Mount Argaeus, 
 
PLATE VIII 
 
 WOODLAND ON THE SOUTH SLOPES OF TAURUS 
 
 (Seci't- 19. 47-) 
 
WOODLAND AND CLIMATE 19 
 
 skirting the eastern edges of the plain, and watered by 
 streamlets from the Anti-Taurus. Here in the vicinity 
 of Tyana are wide acres of corn-land, gardens are 
 plentiful, and even trees abound. 
 
 Woodland is rare in the interior, but highland trees 
 grow in profusion on the mountain-sides. The middle 
 heights of the Taurus are covered with virgin forest, 
 especially on the southern aspect, where every variety 
 of European tree is found ; and the pine-woods of 
 Phrygia in the west have been a feature of the country 
 throughout its history.^ The slopes overlooking the 
 Black Sea, however, catch the chief share of the 
 northern rains, and here consequently forest-land is 
 plentiful,^ and nearly continuous along the coast. The 
 interior is almost rainless in the summer-time,^ and 
 relies chiefly for its water supply on the winter storms, 
 and later melting of the mountain snows. Owing to 
 its high elevation above the sea the cold season is 
 severe and persistent : the bleak winds from southern 
 Kussia sweep across its plains and open spaces, driving 
 the population of the exposed areas for shelter into 
 houses either sunk below the surface of the ground or 
 hollowed in the banks of streams. The compensation 
 for this inclement season is ample in the summer 
 weather, when the v\rarm sun shining down from blue 
 skies is tempered by refreshing breezes which the 
 altitude produces — features of climate that distinguish 
 this tableland from the southern coasts, and from the 
 plains of Syria. 
 
 Such in brief are the striking features of this portion 
 
 ' Cf. Livy, Bk. xYxviii. 18, etc., for the contrast between Phrygia and 
 the plains. 
 
 2 This feature also is historic. Cf. Strabo xii. viii. 8. 
 
 ' For the general geographical conditions affecting life on the plateau, 
 cf. Hogarth, The Nearer East (London, 1902), pp. 246 if. 
 
20 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 of the Hittites' land. On these breezy highlands the 
 ancient people found all the elements of contentment : 
 hunter, woodman, shepherd, and peasant found each 
 his home, in which Nature provided him with all the 
 ordinary requirements of his life. Nor was the develop- 
 ment of his civilisation to be arrested by his settle- 
 ment : the resources of his country were inexhaustible ; 
 mines of useful and precious minerals are not uncom- 
 mon ; ^ and the means of providing other commodities 
 was at hand, for the walls of the plateau were not 
 without openings to foster some relations with the 
 coast and so with other lands. But, on the whole, the 
 uplands which he had occupied were economically 
 self-contained ; and for the stimulus to his civilisation 
 we look naturally to the Bast, and especially to the 
 old-established culture on the Euphrates, the com- 
 munications with which, by the nature of his settle- 
 ment, were open and in his power.^ 
 
 In the foregoing general view of Central Asia 
 Minor we have seen that the interior tableland may 
 be divided conveniently for description into five main 
 regions, not for the most part separated from one 
 another by any definite boundary, but each char- 
 acterised by some special feature. These are, in the 
 south, the plains that lie northward and eastward 
 from Iconium ; in the west, the pine-clad hills and 
 verdant pastures of Phrygia, where several great 
 rivers rise that descend in different directions ; in the 
 north, the upland but not highland country around 
 
 ' For mineral and other resources consult inter alia, Hamilton, 
 Researches in Asia Minor (London, 1842), vol. i. chs. xvi., xx., xx'iii. • 
 likewise Van Lennep, Travels in . . . Asia Minor ("London, 1870). 
 
 ^ It is of interest in this connection to notice that one of the earliest 
 historical references to the Hittites occurs in the Babylonian chronicles 
 (King, Chronicles of the Early Babylonian Kings, London, 1907 pp 72 
 and 148). 
 
LANDMARKS OF THE INTERIOR 21 
 
 Angora, in which also is the divide between some 
 tributaries of the Sangarius and of the Halys ; in the 
 north-east, the broad tract enclosed by the convex 
 curve of the Halys River, to which we shall presently 
 return ; and, in the south-east, the tract of which 
 Tyana is the centre, with which we shall include the 
 eastern portion of the plain of Konia and the range of 
 Taurus that bounds it on the south. Of these regions, 
 the two latter may be regarded as an eastern or inner 
 group as opposed to the three former lying to their 
 west, from which they are physically separated, more 
 clearly, at any rate, than the components of either 
 group from one another, by the broad expanse of 
 desert, the great central lake, and especially by the 
 middle course of the Halys. This distinction between 
 eastern and western will be found to have a real 
 significance as our story develops : it is clear from the 
 outset, however, that the former group would first 
 receive and longest retain contact with Eastern civilisa- 
 tion, whether by the natural approaches over the 
 watershed between the Euphrates and the Halys, or 
 by the several crossings of the Anti-Taurus which 
 converge upon Caesarea, or by what is now the chief 
 channel of communication through the Taurus Moun- 
 tains by way of Cilicia. This distinction will be found 
 further emphasised by the comparative plenty of 
 Hittite monuments on the one side, and their paucity 
 in the west. On the southern plains, indeed, skirting 
 the main range of Taurus, westward progress was less 
 restrained ; ^ but that the Halys in the north presented 
 a real barrier ^ is borne out by the fact that when the 
 
 ' Witness the group of monuments in the Kara Dagh, p. 90. 
 
 2 A barrier, that is, to general migration in ancient times. As a 
 political boundary its importance is clear from the fact that it divided 
 the Median and Lydian empires (Herodotus, i. 72). 
 
22 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 Lydian Croesus crossed the Halys in the sixth century 
 B.C. he found a strange and presumably non-Aryan 
 people surviving upon the eastern side, who were 
 indeed, according to Herodotus,^ called Syrians by 
 the Greeks, and by that historian spoken of as Syro- 
 Cappadocians. 
 
 With our two eastern divisions we must include the 
 plain and district westward of Caesarea, a tract which 
 on the north lies partly in the basin of the Halys, and 
 on the south is practically continuous with the plains 
 of Tyana, from which it is separated only by a low 
 ridge of hills. Towards the west are the remarkable 
 troglodyte villages,^ where, probably from remote 
 antiquity, the inhabitants have hewn out their dwell- 
 ings in the soft surface rock and conical mounds which 
 are the peculiar feature of the locality. There is little 
 evidence as yet, however, to make this region of 
 importance in our subject, and it is only recently that 
 Csesarea has yielded trace of Hittite handiwork.^ None 
 the less the continuation of exploration will certainly 
 bring to light new monuments, for the district lies in 
 the heart of the Hittite country; and Old Caesarea 
 (Mazaca) was the residence of Cappadocian kings. 
 
 The position of Csesarea is geographically of great 
 importance, and from Roman times at any rate has 
 marked the focus of the trade and traffic, and conse- 
 quently of the road-systems, of the interior. The soil 
 locally is of great fertility, owing to its volcanic 
 nature. Vines and fruit-trees grow and thrive 
 luxuriantly. The middle heights of slumbering 
 
 ^ Loc. cit., Strabo (xii. iii. 9) speaks of 'the " Leuco-Syrians" whom 
 we call Cappadocians.' See also p. 92; and Ramsay, Historical Geo- 
 graphy, pp. 32, 33. 
 
 ^ Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, vol. ii. ch. xliii. 
 
 ' Liverpool Annals of Archmology, i. (1908), p. 6, Pis. viii., ix. 
 
PLATE IX 
 
POSITION OF C^SAREA 23 
 
 Argseus are covered thickly with pine-woods. The 
 snow-capped peak of this mountain towers in the 
 heavens, the conspicuous feature of the horizon and 
 the landmark for two days' journey on every side. 
 Its form is conical : to the west and south, where it 
 rises directly from the plain, its base is washed by 
 great lakes and marshes of variable extent. Towards 
 the east it is connected up by broken ridges with the 
 Anti-Taurus system. On its northern slope is Asarjik, 
 overlooking Ceesarea, which lies at the foot of the 
 mountain on that side. The site of the ancient city 
 (Mazaca) is probably that marked by the ruins of 
 Graeco-Roman times, to be found in the Vineyards on a 
 low spur of the mountain about a mile south of the 
 modern town.^ Here is a spot that will one day reward 
 excavation by a volume of unsuspected history. In 
 the modern town, apart from its bazaars and industries 
 and its splendid mediaeval remains,^ one of the most 
 interesting sights is the ever-changing stream of 
 human faces to be seen in its streets, for its traffic and 
 position bring to it daily caravans from every side. In 
 its resident population there are considerable Greek 
 and Armenian elements ; but there may be noticed 
 as specially of interest to our subject the Jewish 
 families,' in which the dominant features of face and 
 stature recall again the type previously noticed at 
 Kartal in Northern Syria. Main roads radiate from 
 Caesarea in all directions : towards the north-east to 
 Sivas by the valley of the Halys ; to the north by 
 Yuzgat, crossing the river, which is five hours distant 
 from Caesarea, by a remarkable bridge of many spans 
 
 1 It is noteworthy that Strabo (xii. ii. 7), describes Mazaca (then the 
 capital of the Cilician province) as being in a ruinous state without 
 walls, while its land remained unfertile and uncultivated. 
 
 2 See PI. IX. ^ See PI. t-xxxvi. 
 
24 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 (hence called Chok-Geuz Keupru) ; to the north-west by 
 way of a lower bridge (called in contrast Bir-Geuz, or 
 One-span Bridge), heading thence directly for Angora 
 by the bridge at Cheshme Keupru ; to the west across 
 the plains to Konia by Sultan Han, skirting the 
 southern border of the salt lake (Tuz Geul) ; to the 
 south by Injesu and Tyana, and so to the Cilician 
 Gates, or by a western branch to Eregli. An alterna- 
 tive route from Csesarea to the Cilician Gates, shorter 
 but impassable by carts, leads through defiles of wild 
 beauty through the outlying ridges of the Anti-Taurus. 
 South-east there are several well-established mountain 
 tracks, like those to Fraktin and Ekrek, but there is 
 one of special interest and antiquity, to which we have 
 already alluded, heading directly for Marash by way of 
 the high pass of Kuru - Bel,' and passing hence by 
 Komana. Of the other routes enumerated there is one 
 which was already of importance on general grounds 
 before a recent discovery gave to it a special historical 
 interest. This is the main road north and south, passing 
 through Yuzgat, which in antiquity connected Boghaz- 
 Keui with the east by way of Tyana and the Cilician 
 Gates. This is clearly a southerly stage of the Eoyal Road 
 of the Persian period, but whether it is the main route 
 is not determinable from the description of Herodotus.^ 
 It has, however, now been traced for several miles be- 
 tween Injesu and a ford of the river'near Bogche,^ by the 
 ruts scored deeply and over a broad track on the surface 
 rock, exactly like the section previously traced through 
 Phrygia by Sir William Ramsay." It is significant that 
 
 ' Professor Ramsay {Historical Geography, p. 35) already argued the 
 necessary antiquity of such a route before the Hittite monument on the 
 mountain pass was brought to light. 
 
 2 See below, pp. 45, 366, note 2 ; and cf. Macau's Herodotus, App. xiii 
 §§ 7, 8, 9. ■'' Liv. Annals of Arch., i. (1908), p. 11. i Cf. PI. xxiv (i). 
 
ROADS OF THE INTERIOR 25 
 
 this route did not touch Csesarea, to reach which a 
 considerable detour must be made around the foot of 
 Argseus, so much so that even now an optional route is 
 in use from Injesu to Chok-Geuz Keupru. The old route 
 was, if anything, even more direct, for from Injesu, near 
 which it is traceable, it headed for the river in due line 
 for Boghaz-Keui. The Hittite inscription overlooking 
 the river at Bogche, the continuous signs of the road 
 approaching Injesu from this direction, the Phrygian 
 inscription found on the site of Tyana,^ and the 
 Hittite inscriptions from the same vicinity,^ are 
 evidences of the antiquity of this road analogous in 
 every way to those which have been accepted as 
 identifying it in the Phrygian country, from Bey-Keui 
 to Doghanlu. Incidentally we find light in this dis- 
 covery on the historical antiquity of the Cilician Gates 
 as the main channel of communication with the east. 
 Later in these pages ^ we shall find reason to believe 
 that the western part of the great Royal Road, which 
 led the Persian posts in crossing Asia Minor to make 
 the wide detour by way of Pteria (even though the 
 city was in ruins),* had been made and established by 
 the Hittites in the thirteenth century B.C., when the 
 stone ■walls of their capital crowned the hilltops of 
 Boghaz-Keui. Possibly the earliest communication 
 with the East was by way of the valley of the Tochma 
 Su,^ or by Marash; but the development of this 
 southern branch of the main chariot-way cannot well 
 be later than the tenth century B.C., when the second 
 kingdom of the Hittites grew prominent with Tyana 
 (or maybe Csesarea) as its centre. 
 
 ' See below, PI. xxv. (iii) ; and Liverpool Annals of Arch., i. pp. 10, 13. 
 
 2 At Andaval, C./.-ff. (1900), PI. xxxi. ; and at Bor, ibid. (1906), 
 Pi. XXXIII. See below, p. 91. 
 
 3 See p. 233. * See pp. 33, 38. ^ See p. 143. 
 
26 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 In passing now to a closer examination of the 
 geography of those portions of the tableland with 
 which we shall be most concerned in later chapters, we 
 cannot begin more appropriately than by a description 
 of the Halys River itself, as one of the definite land- 
 marks of the interior, and as including in its circuit 
 some of the most instructive Hittite works. This 
 splendid river, known in the Turkish language as the 
 Kizil Irmak, has a total length of five hundred miles, 
 without counting its minor windings. Its sources must 
 be sought in the map beyond Sivas, far up the northern 
 slope of the lower Armenian hills, ^ where at one point 
 but a few miles divide it from several tributaries of 
 the Euphrates. For nearly two hundred miles it holds 
 on in a south-westerly direction through hilly country, 
 fed by numerous short streams on either hand, which 
 scour for themselves deep channels in their swift 
 descent. Its waters are deeply stained red-brown in 
 colour by the rich sediment which it carries. Its banks 
 are rugged, and like most main rivers of western Asia 
 it flows deep below the general level of the basin which 
 it drains. The bridge opposite Csesarea (Chok-Geuz) is 
 only gained by a steep climb on either side. Between 
 this and the other bridge some fifteen miles lower down, 
 the river flows characteristically through a steep-sided 
 valley, with only narrow strips of verdure along its 
 banks. These strips are precious, and, though liable 
 to be washed out by flood,^ are cultivated with great 
 care by individual peasants, who are rewarded with 
 fruits and even flowers, as well as the vegetables which 
 are their chief concern.^ Sometimes these strips, which 
 
 1 See PI. II. (ii). 2 cf. Strabo, xii. xi. 8. 
 
 ' We noticed in passing an aged pair working together in their small 
 garden of vegetables. It was- summer-time, and their sleeping-place 
 was a bower of branches and twigs covered entirely with pink roses. 
 
PLATE XI 
 
 
THE COURSE OF THE HALYS 27 
 
 are never more than a few feet in width, give way 
 entirely where the rocks protruding from the bank 
 present an obstacle around which the deep waters 
 swirl. Ever and again, however, the steep banks 
 recede, leaving a green oasis wherein a village lies 
 among its crops. Yamoola is such a place, where the 
 right bank lies back as the lower bridge is approached. 
 But for the most part the edges of the plateau in which 
 the river's bed is sunk are so rugged and so strewn 
 with stone that they remain uncultivated. Here and 
 there villages are found even in the river's banks ; in 
 some cases the entire houses are excavated therein, so 
 that their windows look out on the water through 
 walls of solid stone, as at Chok-Geuz Keupru ; in other 
 cases the excavation is more partial, leaving most of 
 the frontage and part of the roof to be built — the one 
 with mud, the other with timber and mud, as may be 
 seen by following the left bank below the lower bridge. 
 The traveller will also be rewarded here in summer- 
 time with wildflowers in varieties of colour surpassing 
 imagination, possible only in a highly fertile and 
 neglected soil. Patches of pink, blue, orange, white 
 and yellow meet the eye in quick succession. Roses 
 grow in profusion, while here and there are whole 
 fields of purple iris, shining and changing hue as they 
 bend in the sunlight to the winds that play upon 
 them. 
 
 The volume of the river has now become so great 
 that fords are few and generally difficult. That near 
 Bogche ^ is no longer passable in the winter and spring- 
 time. The village itself lies back from the river- brink 
 about fifteen miles below the Bir-Geuz bridge. Kara- 
 
 1 To be distinguished from the Bogche, which gives its name to the 
 pass over the Giaour Dagh (p. 14). 
 
28 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 burna lies near the opposite bank, another day's 
 journey lower down. Hereabouts the hilly ground 
 which lies eastward of the great lake Tuz Geul 
 arrests the southerly progress of the river, which, 
 thrown back, turns in a great sweep north-west- 
 wards for nearly a hundred miles, then northwards to 
 latitude of Angora, so dividing the heart of the 
 peninsula. The chief bridge in the latter portion of 
 its course is now at Cheshme Keupru, where amongst 
 other main communications the road from Csesarea 
 to Angora recrosses the river. Hereabouts it would 
 seem there was a bridge and fort or guardhouse in 
 Persian times,^ where the royal road from the Phrygian 
 country and the west passed over towards Boghaz- 
 Keui. Above this bridge the immediate banks are 
 green and on the left side open ; but below the ■waters 
 pass at once into a rocky defile, changes which are 
 typical of the varying nature of the river's bed. 
 Opposite Angora (which is distant about thirty miles 
 at the nearest point) Nature opposes further obstacles 
 to the northerly progress of the river in the broken 
 ranges of the northern coast, so that it now turns 
 completely upon its original direction, and henceforth 
 flows north-easterly with one main detour. As it 
 winds around the foot of the Kush Dagh it descends 
 from the plateau, and in a widening valley with fertile 
 banks finds its way into the Black Sea, northwards 
 from Samsun, at the point of a promontory which it 
 has itself deposited. 
 
 The great circuit of the Halys encloses a tract of 
 country a hundred and fifty miles across, watered 
 chiefly by tributaries of the same river. Of these the 
 
 ' Herodotus, i. 75, and v. 52 ; Ramsay, Historical Geography, p. 29 ; 
 but see below, p. 38, note 1. 
 
PLATE XII 
 
THE BASIN OF THE HALYS 29 
 
 Delije Irmak is chief, and it is perhaps more directly 
 concerned with the fertility of the country than its 
 parent river. It rises in the watershed of the Ak Dagh 
 Mountains, under the southern slopes of which the 
 Halys itself flows down the long reach between Sivas 
 and the bridges near Caesarea. Thence in its course 
 it makes a similar circuit within that of the Halys, 
 which it only joins in the middle of the north-westerly 
 reach. This river is more gentle in its flow, and its 
 banks are mostly flat alluvial tracts of great fertility ; 
 indeed, the land would support a population many 
 times more numerous than its settled inhabitants. 
 Long green pastures and arable spots remain unneeded 
 and neglected. It is small wonder that the wandering 
 Turkoman and other nomad peoples have found out 
 this favoured region so suitable to their habits and the 
 feeding of their flocks. Their tents in little groups are 
 found quite frequently in places off the beaten tracks ; 
 indeed their encampments remaining through several 
 years sometimes mark the foundation of villages and 
 settled life. The tent of the nomad is generally made 
 of lengths of rough hand-made cloth, woven from home- 
 spun goats' wool. These are sewn together to give a 
 considerable expanse of cover, which is spread over 
 vertical poles and brought down to earth on the wind- 
 ward side. In such a tent the owner and his family 
 share a common shelter with their flocks and any other 
 animals they may possess.^ In some cases the develop- 
 ment of the house from tent may be watched growing 
 proportionately with the duration of their stay. For 
 the ashes and rubbish are regularly thrown out around 
 
 ' Cf. Pis. XII., XIII. (ii). We are alluding to the poorer classes. There 
 is a considerable degree of refinement and simple luxury among the more 
 prosperous Turkomans. See, for example, Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, 
 pp. 223-4. 
 
30 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 the back of the tent for mere convenience. This refuse 
 gradually accumulates, and may be increased by earth 
 cleared gradually from within, and by stones collected 
 from the land in use around, so that in a year or two a 
 wall or mound three or four feet high already encloses 
 the tent on three sides. The worn-out cloth cover is 
 now replaced by a roof of rafters and twigs covered 
 with earth, and perhaps without realising it the nomad 
 has settled and built a house. The solution is not 
 always so simple or purely economical. In some cases 
 walls of reed are built, over which the cover will be 
 stretched as before and held down all around with 
 pegs. In due course, with a prolonged stay, the worn- 
 out cloth will be replaced by thatch, and rough stone 
 walls supplant the decaying reeds ; and so, as he loses 
 the habit of wandering, the nomad loses also the neces- 
 saries of his journeys. 
 
 The Delije Irmak is replenished in its turn by 
 numerous smaller streams ; on one of these is Yuzgat, 
 Tvhich had its origin in a settlement of Turkomans, 
 and has now grown to be one of the most important 
 towns of the district. It is pleasantly situated in the 
 cup-like hollow of a green hillside, and with its well- 
 ordered streets, its stone-built bazaars and public 
 buildings, has an appearance of considerable attrac- 
 tion. Here horses are to be procured of useful kind 
 and at reasonable prices, and a great horse fair is held 
 annually in the summer months. The masoned stone 
 used in its construction was largely brought from the 
 ruins of ancient Tavium, which is found at Nefez-Keui, 
 a short journey to the west. The latter is one of the 
 most typical and instructive villages of the interior. 
 It is placed near the sources of another tributary of 
 the same river, well up the southern slopes of a 
 considerable secondary watershed. In typical fashion 
 
PLATE XIIL 
 
 CHESME KEUPKU: INTERIOR OF THE HAN 
 
 (Seeji. 28.) 
 
 NEAR SEKKELl : YUKUK ENCAMPMENT 
 
 i^See p. 29.) 
 
VILLAGE ON A HISTORIC SITE 31 
 
 the backs of the houses are partly excavated in the hill- 
 side, so that the mud-covered roofs are continuous 
 with the ground behind, while the fronts of the houses 
 and the village streets are banked up in terraces. 
 Nearly all the houses have some form of verandah 
 sheltering their entrances ; and numerous Greek in- 
 scriptions may be found built into the walls of many 
 buildings. The ancient acropolis may be recognised by 
 a few sculptured fragments in a steep knoll some 
 minutes westward, and on the way the modern cemetery 
 is passed in which also several stones bearing Greek 
 inscriptions or sculptures have been re-used and in 
 some cases re-inscribed. The main industry of the 
 villagers here, as everywhere in Asia Minor, is naturally 
 agriculture. The fields in the dales below, though 
 somewhat marshy in places, are very green with 
 luxurious pastures and some quantity of trees ; while 
 nearer the village gardens of vegetables are plentiful 
 with orchards of fruit-trees and a considerable ex- 
 panse of vineyards. Other national industries are 
 carried on in the houses unnoticed, such as the hand- 
 weaving of small carpets,^ done chiefly by the women. 
 The water supply of the village is found in several 
 springs, which have been built up and prepared for 
 the watering of cattle and flocks, as well as for 
 domestic purposes. The scene of women washing 
 their garments or their children at the trough, or 
 drawing water at the source is here, as throughout 
 the East, one of the most characteristic of daily life. 
 The prevailing type of face among the inhabitants of 
 this place is Turkoman, but a certain clean-cut Greek 
 or proto-Greek type of face may be found suggested 
 in some few of the men, recalling distantly a special 
 type of Hittite warriors as portrayed in Egyptian 
 
 ' PI. XVII. 
 
32 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 sculpture. Some of the women are noticeably 
 beautiful.^ 
 
 Northwards from Nefez-Keui the route continues to 
 rise to the crest of this secondary watershed, which 
 reaches a height of over seven thousand feet. From 
 the eastern edge several streams fall away to join the 
 Chekerek. As soon as the northern slopes are reached, 
 a remarkable change of landscape presents itself ; bare 
 patches are replaced by continuous pastures, and the 
 stream which descends towards Boghaz-Keui passes 
 through meadows and wooded glades of peculiar 
 beauty. As the river ^ gathers strength it works its 
 way into a deep continuous vale of increasing 
 splendour, the slopes of which are thickly covered 
 with trees and shrubbery of considerable variety, 
 except where here and there a bare patch of rock or 
 red-brown soil adds to the contrast of colours. At 
 the mouth of this valley, on the right at the foot of 
 the hill, the little village of Boghaz-Keui is disclosed, 
 with its white minaret and houses and large konak, on 
 a low outcrop of rock, made pleasant by a few trees and 
 splashing streams. The ridge is left behind, and the 
 landscape immediately opens out into wide pastures 
 bounded by dark green uplands, and broken freely by 
 white limestone rocks. The name of this place, the 
 'Village of the Gorge,' has arisen possibly on account 
 of its general situation, or more probably in reference 
 to the deep ravine of another river ^ which bounds the 
 eastern edge of the historic hill, on which are the palaces 
 and acropolis of ancient Pteria, that marks the one- 
 time capital and centre of the land. It is difficult for 
 us now to realise, with the changed political and 
 
 ' Cf. Pis. XIV., XVIII. 2 The Yazir Daresi. 
 
 ' The Beuyuk Kayauin Daresi. See PI. lis. 
 
PLATE XIV 
 
 NEFEZ-KEUI ; TWO WOMEN URAWING AT THE SPKING 
 
 
 TYANA; TURKISH WOMEN AND CHILD 
 
PEOPLES OF ASIA MINOR 33 
 
 economic conditions, what special feature there was 
 peculiar to this site, unless that were its climate and 
 defensible position, that should have marked it out for 
 such a destiny. Its ancient city is now a deserted ruin, 
 without meaning to modern life. Its roadways have 
 no longer any significance, and even in the faces of its 
 people there can be seen no reflection of its former 
 population. It would seem that the Lydian conqueror 
 of the sixth century B.C. had thoroughly and effec- 
 tively destroyed it.^ 
 
 Another Hittite site, marked by a low mound now 
 covered by the village of Eyuk, lies some twenty miles 
 farther to the north. The route thither winds around 
 somewhat barren uplands, among which a few arable 
 spots have been chosen as the sites of villages. In 
 some of these, particularly in the remoter places 
 upon the hills, an ancient type survives in striking 
 and rugged contrast to the familiar though varying 
 Turkish features.^ Our photograph, taken at Kulakly 
 (a hamlet on the way from Boghaz-Keui to Eyuk), dis- 
 closes the same prominent facial details and sturdy 
 figures as we have previously seen in the wood- 
 
 ' Herodotus, i. 76, says that Croesus enslaved the inhabitants, and 
 took also the adjacent places, expelling the population. 
 
 ^ We do not attempt to distinguish any but the types that recall the 
 various Hittite representations in contemporary sculptures, particularly 
 those which decorate the walls of Egyptian temples. Such resemblance 
 may be accidental, but it is of interest. In the deeper inquiry, there is 
 a wonderful field of material for a trained ethnographist. Probably no 
 ' nation ' on earth to-day is composed of so many and varying elements 
 as is that of the Turks. A walk through any market town, where 
 the people are brought together, or even a glance out of the carriage 
 window at the people on the platform of a busy railway station, will 
 bring forth visions of Tartars and Mongols, Greeks and Jews, even 
 occasionally Hindoos and Arabs, as well as the dominant Turkoman, 
 Circassian and Armenian types, all of which under Nature's gentle and 
 wonderful influence seem to blend quite fittingly together. There is 
 nothing, moreover, that astonishes the reason ; for this country was 
 not only the battlefield of nations, but the natural pathway between two 
 continents. Cf. Pis. xv., lxxxv.-lxxxvii. 
 
34 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 lands above Kartal in the north of Syria. It is 
 a type preserved to some extent in the Jewish 
 families found in some of the towns of Asia Minor, 
 as we have seen to be the case at Caesarea.^ It is 
 strikingly reminiscent of the Amorite element among 
 the Hittite allies on the Egyptian battle scenes. 
 
 The main roadways of this region, as indeed through- 
 out the tableland in general, are curiously independent 
 of the river systems. Local tracks follow naturally 
 the valleys of streams so far as these serve for the 
 required direction, but in general the high roads are 
 independently devised. Of these the two which cross 
 at Yuzgat are the chief : the one leads from Csesarea 
 northwards either to Chorum, the administrative head- 
 quarters of this district,^ or to Amasia somewhat east- 
 ward, and so on to Samsun on the coast of the Black 
 Sea ; while the other connects Sivas with Angora and 
 the west. The latter route as it approaches the Halys 
 passes by Denek Maden, where are considerable mines 
 of lead and silver, the ore of which contains also anti- 
 mony and gold. The descent to the Halys bed lies 
 through a well - timbered country, and the river is 
 crossed by this route at Cheshme Keupru. There are 
 also other routes of considerable importance, one of 
 which has been mentioned as connecting Csesarea 
 with Angora directly, crossing the Halys twice ; while 
 another from Angora eastward, much used in summer- 
 time, passes over the river considerably north of 
 Cheshme Keupru, heading for Sungurlu, whence the 
 
 ' Cf. Pla. Lxxxiv., Lsxxvi. (i). On the subject of surviving types, 
 cf. Wilson (Sir Charles) in the Quart. Statement Pal. Expl. Fd., 
 Jan. 1884. 
 
 2 And thence in ancient times to Sinope. Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 28 ; 
 see also Curtius, Griech. Gesch., ed. 5, i. 408, and Herodotus, i. 76, in 
 reference to w^hich cf. Perrotand Chipiez, History of Art in Sardinia . . . 
 Syria and Asia Minor (Engl. ed. 1890), ii. p, 103. 
 
PLATE XV 
 
 YUZGAT • DERVISH AND VAGABONDS 
 
 KULAKLY KEUI : TYPES OF INHABITANTS 
 
NORTHERN ROADS AND RIVERS 35 
 
 way is open to Chorum by way of Eyuk, or to Yuzgat, 
 passing in this case by Boghaz-Keui. 
 
 There are some few rivers of this region which do 
 not enter the basin of the Halys. The chief of these is 
 the Chekerek, which rises likewise in the Ak Dagh 
 Mountains, and pursues a circuitous course north- 
 wards, in avoiding the slopes of minor ranges, until it 
 joins the river Iris at Amasia. The last-named river, 
 called in Turkish the Yeshil Irmak, with its main 
 branch the Lycus, belongs entirely to the coastal 
 system, and so does not enter into our account of the 
 interior plateau. Another stream just eastward of 
 the Iris is the Thermodon, made famous in Greek 
 literature ^ by its association w^ith the Amazons. This 
 is one of a series of similar rivers which flow almost 
 directly northwards to the Black Sea from the lower 
 Armenian hills. There are other short rivers of like 
 kind westward of the Halys, some of which help to 
 feed that river, while others flow directly to the sea. 
 These do not need to be mentioned by their names, 
 as they all fall away from the northern slopes of the 
 broken and irregular chain of mountains that forms 
 the northern boundary to the tableland. 
 
 The most westerly main river flowing to the Black 
 Sea is the Sangarius or Sakaria, which rises in the 
 interior, and avoids the northern ranges by a long 
 westerly detour. Numerous early tributaries of this 
 great river rise indeed in the slopes of those northern 
 mountains, while others fall from the western side 
 of the divide, which on the east overlooks the Halys. 
 These meander southward and westward, seeking for 
 an opening through the upland region of which Angora 
 is the economic centre. The country which they water 
 ' E.g. Herodotus, Ix. 27 i and Strabo, XI. ch. v. i. 
 
36 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 resembles in general characteristics many portions 
 in the basin of the Halys ; and though large tracts 
 equally remain barren and neglected through lack of 
 population, it is on the whole better cultivated, and 
 hence more productive. Ajigora itself is strikingly 
 placed upon a hill, crow^ned by an old fortress which 
 overlooks a ravine with precipitous sides.^ Here are 
 extensive gardens and cultivation in sheltered spots, 
 and in the immediate neighbourhood are numerous 
 orchards and vineyards. The place is famous for its 
 fruits, especially pears and apples, and for its honey. 
 The Angora goat is historic, and there is still a con- 
 siderable trade in the mohair which this animal pro- 
 duces, and to some extent in special woven fabrics. It 
 is the administrative headquarters of a large province, 
 the seat, that is to say, of a Wali ; and is an important 
 trade centre for the interior. Several main roads con- 
 verge upon it, notably the high road connecting Con- 
 stantinople with the East, by way of Yuzgat and Sivas, 
 which crosses the Halys at Cheshme Keupru. A route 
 no longer of first importance, but dating probably from 
 Phrygian times ^ at least, connects Angora with Giaour- 
 Kalesi, some thirty miles south-west, and another place 
 in this vicinity with which we are concerned is Yarre, 
 placed just above a bridge across the Sangarius called 
 Karanje Keupru. 
 
 In the time of Herodotus the country around Angora 
 was obviously regarded as a part of Phrygia, the 
 eastern boundary of which was the Halys, dividing 
 it from Gappadocia,' yet we have preferred to look 
 upon this as a northern region apart, and to assign 
 
 1 See PI. L. 
 
 2 B&ms&j, Historical Geography, p. 31, and Jour. Roy. As. Soc, xv. 
 pp. 100-112 ; also Crowfoot, Jour. Hell. Stud., xix., i. p. 50. 
 
 3 Herodotus, i. 72. But cf. also Homer, Iliad, iii. 187, and xvi. 719. 
 
PLATE XVI 
 
THE UPLANDS OF PHRYGIA 37 
 
 to the Phrygian country its later and more familiar 
 boundaries. As such Phrygia forms the geographical 
 centre of the western portion of the peninsula. Here 
 is the main watershed, in which are, found the head- 
 waters of three river systems. On the one side are the 
 sources of the Hermus and the Mseander flowing down 
 to the -^gean in the west ; on another rises the Cayster 
 (the Akkar-tchai), and several smaller rivers which 
 follow a southerly or south-easterly course, emptying 
 into inland lakes ; while from the northern slopes, as 
 we have previously noticed, other waters feed the San- 
 garius, and are rolled with the flood of that river into 
 the Black Sea eastward from the Bosphorus. These 
 uplands are among the most attractive parts of Asia 
 Minor; the bracing air is filled with the delicious scent 
 of pine-woods, the verdant pastures are well watered 
 by numerous clear streams, and the meadows ripen 
 under a glowing sun, the rays of which are tempered 
 by the altitude. Here, too, are numerous monu- 
 ments of the Phrygian kingdom ; while north-east from 
 these, at Doghanlu Daresi, on one of many minor 
 tributaries of the Sangarius, and south-west at Bey- 
 Keui, at one of the sources of the same river, near the 
 summit of the watershed, there have been found 
 traces of Hittite handiwork. Through the heart of 
 this region, too, there passed the royal road of Persian 
 times,^ visible as a series of parallel scars in the sur- 
 face rock. This was the main highway linking West 
 with East, and that it developed largely during Hittite 
 times also is seen by the disposition of Hittite monu- 
 ments along its track. Near the coast, it passed near 
 where the sculptures of Sipylus and Kara-Bel looked 
 down on the approaches to Smyrna and to Ephesus. 
 ' Ramsay, Historical Geography, pp. 29, 30. See PI. xxiv. (i). 
 
38 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 From Sardis its precise route eastward is not deter- 
 mined, but it must have entered the Phrygian country 
 near Bey-Keui, whence it is traceable past Bakshish 
 and the monument of the Phrygian Midas, near which 
 is also the Hittite sculpture at Doghanlu Daresi. Still 
 leading north-westward past Giaour-Kalesi, it would 
 seem to have crossed the Sangarius near to Yarre, and 
 the Halys either at or just northwards from Cheshme 
 Keupru,^ heading in all this otherwise unexplained 
 detour for Boghaz-Keui, the chief centre of the Hittites 
 in the north. This road had already lost its main objec- 
 tive even in Persian times, for Pteria seems never to 
 have recovered from its overthrow by Croesus, but it 
 continued to be used, probably because it was ready 
 made; and its traces remain, like the isolated monu- 
 ments of the Hittites in the west, striking witnesses to 
 a vast system of government and economic organisa- 
 tion unlike anything in later times. For our immedi- 
 ate purpose it is sufficient to notice that all the clearly 
 Hittite monuments westward of the Halys are found 
 along this single line of road, a fact which is as signifi- 
 cant as it is remarkable. 
 
 We do not include in the foregoing considerations 
 the region of which Iconium (Konia) is the centre, 
 which fills the southern corner of the tableland. 
 Several main roads radiate naturally from this place, 
 which is the chief town of the province ; there are, 
 however, only two or three with which we are even in- 
 directly concerned. Of these one leads north-westward, 
 
 ' Herodotus, i. 75, quotes a general doubt (in which, however, he does 
 not share) that the Halys was not yet bridged in the time of Croesus. 
 There are, however, suitable fords northward from Cheshme Keupru still 
 freely used for the summer routes leading from Angora across the river 
 eastward ; and that the bridge was in use in Persian times seems to be 
 clear {ibid., v. 52). 
 
PLATE XVII 
 
 NEFEZ-KEUl ; CARPET-WEAVING 
 
 (,S-«/. 31.) 
 
THE PLAINS OF ICONIUM 39 
 
 passing Ilgin at a distance of about fifty miles, and so 
 into Phrygia, which it approaches up the valley of the 
 inland Cayster. The second is that which leads eastward 
 across the plains by Sultan Han and Akserai for 
 Caesarea; and a third, bending southward to avoid 
 the desert plains, communicates by Eregli with the 
 Cilician Gates and with Tyana (Kilisse Hissar). In 
 ancient times there must have been a more direct road 
 connecting Iconium with Tyana, passing by Ardistama, 
 the site of which is still marked in what is now desert 
 by the name of Arissama, with the neighbouring 
 mounds of Emir-Ghazi.' 
 
 Around and northward from Iconium there are ex- 
 tensive grass plains, the natural grazing ground of 
 horses which are sent in great droves annually to the 
 fairs and markets of the country, even as far as Bagh- 
 dad. The breeds are not remarkable for quality, and 
 cannot compare with those rare and beautiful animals 
 reared in the plains that border the middle course of 
 the Euphrates ; but they are for the most part a hardy 
 species standing little higher than a European pony, 
 useful for transport, and trained for the saddle to the 
 fast walking pace in which long journeys are always 
 made.^ The rivers of this region are short and local, 
 ending for the most part upon the plains in salt lakes 
 and marshes, which, after the snows have ceased to 
 melt, become almost dry, leaving the ground covered 
 
 1 Vide Ramsay, Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern 
 Provinces of the Roman Empire (Aberdeen, 1906), pp. 177-180. 
 
 2 The Hittite horses -vrere called by the Egyptians abari, strong or 
 vigorous {Anastasi Pap., iv., PI. xvii., 11. 8-9), but we may suspect that 
 the reference here and elsewhere is to the breeds of Syria (vide Annals 
 of Thothmes iii.) ; Maspero {Struggle of the Nations, p. 215, note 4, and 
 p. 332, note 4) seems divided in his view, referring the passage in one 
 place to Cappadocia and in the other to Syria. Cf. also his Passing of 
 Empires (1900), p. 205. There was a special breed in Cilicia, it would 
 appear, in Persian times, from the reference in Herodotus, iii. 90. 
 
40 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 with white incrustation. Some of these lakes are of 
 such volume as to be permanent; the largest of the 
 kind, as has already been mentioned, is Tuz Geul ; its 
 waters are more dense even than those of the Dead 
 Sea, and as they recede with the approach of summer 
 they leave behind thick deposits of salt, collected regu- 
 larly by the natives, who come many days' journey for 
 the purpose. 
 
 There is another great lake a long day's journey 
 westward from Iconium; its situation, however, is 
 quite different from the foregoing, as it is well up in 
 the western mountains, nearly four thousand feet 
 above the sea. The town of Beyshehr, which gives its 
 name to the lake, is found on its south-eastern corner ; 
 and the road thereto from Iconium passes by Fassiler, 
 a place remarkable for its ancient monuments and the 
 peculiar facial type of its inhabitants. Further to the 
 north, and near the eastern border of the lake, is 
 Eflatoun-Bunar, the site of a famous ' Lycaonian ' 
 structure called ' Plato's spring.' With the tract west- 
 ward of Konia, however, we have at present little con- 
 cern,^ and when we turn eastward we are inclined to 
 regard the Hittite sites, whether along the edge of 
 Taurus like Mahalich and Ivriz, or isolated in the desert 
 like Emir-Ghazi, as pertaining not to Konia, from 
 which they are separated by desert, but to the same 
 group as Tyana, with which they are to some extent 
 geographically connected. 
 
 This eastern group of sites, indeed, is remarkably 
 linked together by a common river system. The centre 
 is the ' White Lake ' Ak Geul, at the foot of the Taurus, 
 westward from Eregli, and southward from the desert 
 
 ' It is, however, full of interests, as any student of Professor Ramsay's 
 researches will know. 
 
PLATE XVIII 
 
 NICFEZ KEUI : MINARET OF THE VILLAGE MOSQUE 
 Built of the drum of a fluted column, an altar and moulded base, 
 of [he Roman period. (S£e ^. ^i.) 
 
 ANATOLIAN HOUSES; 
 
 THE HALT AT NOONDAY 
 
 (Seep. 39.) 
 
THE SOUTH-EASTERN REGION 41 
 
 ridge called Karaja Dagh, on the northern slopes of 
 which is Emir-Ghazi.^ This lake is of variable size. 
 When overfull its surplus waters disappear in a 
 hole that passes under the mountain ; during the 
 dry season, however, it becomes a marshy pond of 
 stagnant water. Into this come three chief rivers. 
 From the south-east the Ak Su, which rises in the 
 main chain of Taurus, drains also the outlying spur 
 known as the Kara Dagh, on the crest of which is 
 Mahalich. Here also is Bin Bir Kilisse, ' The Thousand 
 and One Churches,' an ancient site ; while just to the 
 north the isolated hill called Kizil Dagh rises from the 
 plain. From the south-east there comes the Kodja Su 
 from high in the Bulghar Dagh, flowing past Eregli, be- 
 fore w^hich it is joined by a stream that with wonderful 
 noise gushes forth in many points from the rock near 
 the hamlet of Ivrlz, six or seven miles above the town. 
 This source is called by the natives Huda Verdi, ' God- 
 has-given,' in appreciation of a divine gift that trans- 
 forms an arid corner of the desert into a garden-valley 
 rich in fruit-trees and vines. Into the same lake from 
 the north-east comes the Kizilja Su, after a sluggish 
 journey across the eastern plains, fed in its course by 
 many streams descending from the inner ranges of the 
 Taurus. The head-waters of this river give life to a 
 whole district of peculiar interest. The main stream 
 rises just northward at Andaval, flowing past that 
 village to Nigdeh and thence to Bor; just below here 
 it is joined by another branch on which is Kilisse 
 Hissar, the site of old-time Tyana. Here are abundant 
 and picturesque ruins of antiquity, and though nothing 
 
 ' Professor Kamsay's Luke the Physician, pp. 129 ft. , tells of numberless 
 neglected irrigation works in the desert and on the slopes of Taurus. 
 The country must, at one time, have presented quite a different appear- 
 ance. 
 
42 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 has yet been found earlier than the time of the 
 Phrygian Midas,' there seems to be no doubt from the 
 accounts of Strabo and other sources that it was from 
 earliest times the political centre of this region. It is 
 even probable that the Hittite inscriptions found in 
 each of the neighbouring towns just mentioned have 
 been transported from here in past times.^ This 
 district is mostly level, being actually the eastern 
 border of the plain, though lying at the foot of the Ala 
 Dagh Mountains that from here trend north-east 
 towards Argaeus. Owing doubtless to the various ferti- 
 lising properties of the numerous streams that come 
 down from the hills the whole country is unusually fruit- 
 ful and productive ; indeed, the region around Bor was 
 in olden times selected as a part of the Roman Imperial 
 Estate. Everywhere are ^ide acres of corn-land ; while 
 in the vicinity of the town are gardens, groves, and 
 vineyards, adding to the attraction which the numerous 
 monuments of antiquity already impart to it. The 
 same features prevail all along the route from Csesarea 
 by Injesu, passing by the extensive groves and gardens 
 of Develi Karahissar and the miles of arable land, dry 
 but productive, between Arabli and Andaval. The 
 approach to Tyana, as we proceed, runs for miles 
 alongside an ancient but ruined aqueduct, picturesquely 
 placed among gardens and trees.^ Continuing south, 
 the rolling plains give w^ay gradually to the outlying 
 spurs of the Taurus, and the main route crossing the 
 watershed leads on towards the Cilician Gates, down 
 the main valley of the Chakia Su."* 
 
 1 See below, p. 56, and PI. xxv. (iii). 
 
 2 Cf. Eamsay and Hogarth, Recueilde Travaux, xiv. (1893), pp. 74 and ff. 
 
 3 See PI. LV. 
 
 * Locally called the Bozanti Su or Ak Su, from the names of Important 
 points along the route ; it is a main tributary of the Sarus, which it joins 
 after uniting with the Korkun as it nears the plain. 
 
PLATE XIX 
 
 BOR : BRIDGE OVEK THE KIZILJA-SU 
 
A VALLEY IN THE TAURUS 43 
 
 A mountain-track, leaving the road at Bayal, leads 
 southward over a series of parallel ridges of increasing 
 height and grandeur ^ directly for Bulghar-Maden. The 
 silver mines, to which the place owes its name and 
 probably its being, seem to have been considerably 
 worked in ancient times. The village is found deep in 
 a valley under the Bulghar Dagh, a chief range of 
 Taurus, nearly nine thousand feet in height. The 
 stream rises far up the ridge, from the opposite side of 
 which a branch of the Kodja Su flows down towards 
 Ivriz and Eregli. Its course is eastward, and as it 
 dashes down its rocky bed it is already, when passing 
 Bulghar-Maden, nearly three thousand feet below the 
 snow-splashed crags along the base of which it flows. 
 From there the valley, though narrow and steep-sided, 
 assumes the verdant and enchanting beauty that ever 
 dwells by mountain-streams, lending character to a 
 large portion of the Hittites' country. But to the 
 traveller following in summer-time the track that 
 winds down the left bank of the river, this beauty and 
 enchantment is intensified here by the vast setting of 
 the picture, by its fulness and variety of detail and 
 rich contrasts of colours, combined with the move- 
 ment and variegated costumes of the people that 
 mingle in the scene. The banks are fruit-gardens, and 
 wildflowers of varied sorts carpet the ground with 
 splendour. Vines and mulberries are in profusion ; and 
 ripe cherries may be plucked even from the saddle, 
 their bright clusters mottling everywhere the dark 
 green foliage. Below, the swirling waters, seen at 
 intervals, contribute also their harmonious changes, 
 being white and gleaming where played on by the 
 bright sunlight, and again clear green in the deeper 
 ' See frontispiece. 
 
44 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 pools and shaded places. From among the trees, the 
 bright colours prevailing in Turkish costumes, reds and 
 blues, yellow and white, add to the effect; for the 
 whole population of the scattered hamlets, men and 
 women, boys and girls, are in the gardens or beneath 
 the trees. At one place may be seen an aged couple 
 bending side by side at their work upon their tiny 
 plot of land. Below, under a spreading tree, against 
 the stem of which he leans, a bare-legged boy is 
 piping his reed flutes, as Marsyas did, while boys 
 and girls stand near in groups talking and at play. 
 Beyond, out of sight of these, upon a sand-and-pebble 
 beach two little boys, quite naked, are dancing merrily 
 by themselves to the distant music. In the background 
 rises the immense wall of mountain : its lower slopes 
 are thickly wooded with larch and pines, giving way in 
 the middle heights to scrub oak, which continues to 
 struggle upward until the bleak rock appears. Over- 
 head a curious phenomenon tempers the heat of noon- 
 day in this happy valley, especially on windless days 
 when its beneficence is most appreciated. Towards mid- 
 day a mist, arising probably from the melting of the 
 snows upon the ridge, spreads over the valley like a 
 canopy, and so it remains until as the afternoon wears 
 on the vapour re-condenses, and the bright sun reap- 
 pears to cheer the evening. Except for this peculiarity 
 the valley resembles in general many of those innum- 
 erable sheltered rifts among the Taurus and Anti- 
 Taurus Mountains, wherein the rigour of winter is 
 recompensed by the bounteous summer, and the scat- 
 tered population pursues its life, isolated from and 
 almost independent of the moving world. 
 
 Where this mountain-stream unites with the Chakia 
 Su a bridge carries the track across to the other bank 
 
PLATE XX 
 
 to 
 
HISTORIC PASS THROUGH TAURUS 45 
 
 to join equally the main road to the South. This is the 
 historic route leading through the Cilician Gates, the 
 only pass available for traffic through the unbroken rock 
 wall of Taurus. Peoples have passed through it that 
 have formed nations ; the armies of conquerors have 
 traversed it in the struggle of continents ; religions 
 from the East have made it their channel of approach 
 towards the unthinking West ; Paul of Tarsus travelled 
 through it bringing the Cross of Peace ; and through 
 it the Crusaders took back in due time the Cross of 
 War. Makers of history — Persian, Greek, and Mace- 
 donian; Christian, Jew, and Moslem, all have passed 
 this way. The nicely engineered road, however, with 
 its bridges and embankments, its rock-cuttings and 
 eased gradients, is a work of modern times. At the 
 opening of our story we must look back to the begin- 
 nings of the pass in a rough track alongside the rushing 
 stream. Even in early Hittite times, if we pay regard 
 to the disposition of their monuments, it seems pro- 
 bable that the longer but more open route that follows 
 the Tochma Su, and the shorter but rocky track that 
 descends by Kuru-Bel, continued to be the chief lines 
 of coramunication between the two main branches of 
 their empire.^ Previous, however, to Persian times the 
 road through the Cilician Gates must have been 
 sufficiently arranged to enable a wheeled cart or 
 chariot to pass that way.^ 
 The route may be divided into main sections, the first 
 
 1 It is stated, however, by Aucher-Bloy, Relations de Voyages en Orient 
 de 1830 a 1838, i. p. 160, that a rock sculpture (of uncertain character) 
 which he had seen in the Cilician Gates was destroyed in 1834. 
 
 ^ We may reasonably suspect that this dates from the revival of the 
 Hittite state with Tyana as its centre, in the tenth century B.C. (See 
 above, p. 24, and below, p. 373.) On this question see Eamsay, Tlie 
 Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), pp. 114 and ff., also Pauline and other 
 Studies (London, 1906), ch. xi. ; cf. also, for a description of the route, 
 Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), ch. viii. 
 
46 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 reaching as far as Bozanti Han. In this portion, which 
 may be regarded as the northern approach to the 
 Cilician Gates, the scenery gradually attains all the 
 beauties of a deep mountain-pass. The steep slopes of 
 the valley are clad with the dense growth of pines, 
 mixed freely with oak and cypress, and other trees of 
 varying foliage. In places the bare rock protrudes 
 and towers aloft precipitously, with sharp peaks 
 reaching to the snow-line. Ever and again a more 
 open glade, or the widening of the wooded valley where 
 the river is joined by other waters, adds pleasing 
 variety to the journey, and brings into greater pro- 
 minence the boldness and beauty of the views. At one 
 place, visible by a short detour, there burst out of the 
 rock the clear dark waters called appropriately Kara 
 Su, changing the colour of the entire river. Several 
 ' Hans ' ^ are passed and bridges crossed before nearing 
 Bozanti; and hereabouts the river, with which the 
 road has descended thus far, enters a rocky and pre- 
 cipitous defile through which it rushes to the plain. 
 Avoiding this, the route crosses a low divide, and 
 descends upon an arm of another river, the Cydnus, 
 which leads down eventually to Tarsus and the sea. 
 For a short way in this second section of the route the 
 country is more open, but the enchantment of it is 
 maintained in the wooded highland landscapes, with 
 views of the dark green slopes of rugged Taurus and 
 the snowy crest and crevices of Bulghar Dagh. Two 
 well-placed ornamental forts ^ are passed, and the 
 winding road, when seemingly faced by an impenetrable 
 ridge of mountain, enters suddenly a deep rocky gorge. 
 The spot is marked by an inscription of Marcus Aurelius 
 
 ' Roadside rest-houses. Cf . Pis. xiii. , xx. 
 
 2 Built or rebuilt it would seem by Ibrahim Pasha. 
 
PLATE XXI 
 
 
 
 
 ENTKANCE OF THE CILICIAN GATES 
 
THE CILICIAN GATES 47 
 
 on a rock in the river's bed. This is the veritable Gate 
 of Cilicia. A double door would close it and defy an 
 army. 
 
 In keeping with its momentous history, the scenery 
 as the descent continues at once assumes a wild and 
 impressive grandeur, unparalleled in beauty, passing 
 description, to which all that has passed before served 
 but as introduction. Now the keynote is changed, and 
 Nature's full orchestra breaks forth into a theme of 
 violent and majestic discords, ever changing yet sus- 
 tained, leaving for ever the impression of its grand 
 harmonies. Here the crags tower up a thousand feet 
 on either side. A myriad trees, their varied tones 
 intensified by the glowing sunlight, clothe with soft 
 colours the heights that hem in the horizon save where 
 it is broken by fantastic peaks. Now the valley is torn 
 by great rifts of red and grey rock, and warning pre- 
 cipices of prodigious character overhang the path- 
 way. Below, on a verdant bed bedecked with flowers 
 and creepers, peaceful glades and vistas disclose the 
 chequered, waters of the stream. Another turn, and a 
 broad sweep of virgin forest lines the slopes in an 
 unbroken curve ; and ever and again Nature's pano- 
 rama changes, attracting the eye to some fresh beauty 
 or surprise. 
 
 Though seemingly inaccessible, yet up in the wooded 
 heights here and there a small village may be found, 
 its houses nestling among fruit-trees and luxurious 
 wildflowers. The people are very poor, for on these 
 broken hilltops arable spots are scarce and difficult to 
 work. They are also reticent and unsophisticated, and 
 it is impossible to obtain from them any consistent 
 reason as to their choice of dwelling-place while so 
 many miles of corn-land in the interior await man's 
 
48 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 labour. And since the bracing mountain air amid the 
 pines, and the unique views all round, which extend 
 beyond Tarsus to the sea, are to them considerations of 
 last importance, we are left to conjecture in this case 
 also that their ancestors found refuge here from the 
 political storms of an unknown date. We are inclined 
 to believe that this was the reason, and that the date 
 w^as remote, because of the survival amongst them in 
 striking purity of a type of the old Hittite races which, 
 though peculiar, is familiar on the Egyptian monu- 
 ments. It may indeed have been that of the Cilicians 
 in general : it is strongly mongoloid in appearance ex- 
 cept for the nose, which is strong and straight, but 
 fine. The chin is beardless, but there is a thin dark 
 cynical moustache ; the cheek-bones are high and 
 the eyes oblique. In the Egyptian sculptures a 
 pigtail usually completes the striking features of the 
 portrait, but this seems not to have survived the 
 Moslem tonsure. 
 
 Once through the pass the whole character of the 
 country changes as by a magician's wand and another 
 land unfolds itself. The bracing dry uplands are left 
 behind with their peculiar fascination and unrealised 
 possibilities, and in their place there appear the palm- 
 trees and fruit-gardens of a southern clime, with phy- 
 sical peculiarities, economy, and population entirely 
 different. The western plain of Cilicia is entirely 
 alluvial soil, and is well called the fruit-garden of 
 Western Asia. Towards the east there are some hilly 
 places, but to the north-east the plain stretches out 
 again, following an inland bay of the mountains. These 
 plains seem to be wholly the gift of the numerous 
 rivers which water them. These, descending from the 
 mountainous region above, wherein the nature of the 
 
PLATE XXII 
 
 
 
 GOING SOUTH THROUGH THE CILICIAN GATES 
 
 
 TARSUS ; THE GARDENS AND THE TOWN 
 
THE PLAIN OF CILICIA 49 
 
 stone is various and to a large extent volcanic, bring 
 down with them the rich alluvium which is deposited 
 in their sluggish course below. Their names have been 
 already mentioned. Some further streams to the west 
 have a swifter course from the mountains which in 
 that direction gradually approach the sea. Mersina, 
 the modern port, marks almost the western extremity 
 of the plain. 
 
 The green tract of Cilicia is so shut in to the 
 north by the Taurus ranges, and to the east by the 
 Amanus mountains, and so exposed to the sea, that it 
 seems as if Nature had designed this unique corner of 
 Asia Minor for a history of its own. Its remarkable 
 fertility, however, and the important passes which lead 
 down to it in several directions, make it impossible 
 that it could have been overlooked by any power in 
 possession of its frontiers. For this reason, and in this 
 instance, the absence of any clearly Hittite remains^ 
 must be attributed to accident and to the nature of the 
 country. But it is indeed remarkable that in none of 
 the defiles that connect it with the several portions of 
 the Hittite land has a single Hittite monument been 
 discovered. When we consider how suitable many 
 spots would seem to be for Hittite monuments, whether 
 in the Cilician Gates, or in the valley of the Pyramus, 
 or in the pass leading by Bogche over the Amanus 
 mountains eastward, or on the wave-washed rocks 
 which must be crossed by the coast route to Alexan- 
 dretta, this absence of any Hittite trace becomes the 
 more conspicuous and significant. It establishes the 
 probability towards which we have been already drawn, 
 
 ' We cannot accept as Hittite, from the evidence before ua, the door- 
 way and carved lintel from Lamas near Aseli-Keui ; Langlois, Voyage 
 en Cilicie, p. 169; Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 57; 
 Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1900), PI. xxxiii. b. 
 
 D 
 
50 A CHAPTER OF GEOGRAPHY 
 
 that the main channel of communication between the 
 lands of the Hittites in the north of Syria and in Asia 
 Minor was by way of the mountain passes of the 
 Taurus and Anti-Taurus where their monuments are 
 found in comparative plenty. 
 
PLATE XXIII 
 
 
 ^*^1 
 
 
 TARSUS ; THE CONCHETE WALLS OF DUNUK TASH 
 
 TARSUS: SACRED STONE IN A COFFIN, IN THE COURT OF AN ARAB SHRINE 
 
II 
 
 SOME PAGES OP HISTORY 
 
 In this chapter we take a passing glance at the 
 history of the Hittite lands after the Hittite power 
 had passed, down to the establishment of the Seljuk 
 Turks in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries A,D. It 
 is not a connected story, for with the disappearance 
 of the Hittites the political horizon changed: there- 
 after the balance of power in the Near East was 
 several times distributed anew. We must therefore be 
 content to sketch an outline of the general course of 
 eventful history in which the lands subsequently 
 shared, and to note in what manner, but not to what 
 extent, the local records and monuments are evidence 
 of the parts they severally played. 
 
 We are compelled to make these limitations, for no 
 land on earth can claim a history so momentous as the 
 drama that was worked out in Asia Minor during the 
 centuries that followed the Hittite domination. Here 
 was the scene of a long struggle for supremacy both 
 among its own peoples and between the adjoining 
 portions of the two continents which it connects ; a 
 thousand Iliads would do scant justice to the deeds of 
 arms alone. And the struggle of the continents was 
 not merely for the possession of a land itself rich in 
 minerals and for the most part highly fertile, but for a 
 passage-way for great migrations, civilisations, and 
 religions. To this story we have nothing to contribute, 
 
52 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 no new evidence to bring forward, no new opinions to 
 maintain ; the history of Asia Minor has been written 
 by pens more able and more eom.petent to deal with 
 it.^ In introducing these few pages our object is to 
 subserve our main inquiry ; to enable us to distinguish 
 between the works of the various phases of history 
 that we meet with in our wanderings, and especially 
 to appreciate by contrast the peculiarities of the 
 Hittite monuments which we shall next consider. 
 
 Though we defer writing the story of the Hittites 
 until we have seen what their own works can tell us, 
 we find ourselves obliged to trace its outline ^ in 
 order to decide at what point that story ends. The 
 Hittites first appear in history about 2000 B.C., when it 
 would appear that they were already powerful enough 
 to overturn the first dynasty of Babylon and sack that 
 city, and that they had settlements in southern Syria 
 on the frontiers of Egypt. Certain Hittite tablets 
 from Central Asia Minor are said to belong to the same 
 age. Nothing is known, however, of the constitution 
 of the Hittites in these early times ; but it may be in- 
 ferred that they subsequently retired from the south 
 or were there submerged. It is not until the fifteenth 
 century B.C. that the name of the Hittites definitely re- 
 appears, when successive expeditions of the Pharaohs 
 encountered them in the north of Syria. Then in the 
 fourteenth century their capital is found at Boghaz- 
 Keui, in the ruins of which their archives of this period 
 have been recently unearthed. These, supplemented by 
 the Tell-el-Amarna letters, tell how the King of the 
 
 1 Among works readily accessible, we may refer the reader to Mr. 
 Hogarth's summary in the introduction to Murray's Handbook ; to the 
 articles by Winckler and Brandis in vols. iii. and iv. o£ 27ie World's 
 History, Ed. Helmolt (London, 1902); and for the materials to Kamsay, 
 Historical Geography of Asia itfmor (London, 1890). 
 
 2 For a detailed account, with the sources, see below, Chapter vi. 
 
SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 53 
 
 ' Hatti ' — the local and at that time dominant element — 
 became Great King of the Hittite confederated peoples 
 and vassal states, whose chief towns included most of 
 the sites identified with Hittite remains, like Hamath, 
 Aleppo, Carchemish, Marash, Malatia, and many city- 
 states as yet unidentified. This was the period of their 
 greatest empire, and it is probable that the regions 
 of Oilicia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and even Lydia at this 
 time acknowledged the suzerainty of the all-powerful 
 soldier-king. For five or six generations of the Hatti 
 rulers the position of the Hittites as a dominant power 
 in Western Asia was recognised by the Pharaohs and 
 the Kings of Babylon, both in their letters and treaties 
 and by the exchange of ambassadors. During the 
 great migrations of the twelfth century B.C., however, 
 it would seem that the Hatti dynasty was overthrown 
 and the Hittite empire dismembered. This may be 
 inferred from the cessation of their own archives and 
 from the appearance of the Muski, identified in later 
 times with the Phrygians,^ upon the north-west frontier 
 of Assyria,^ having thus fought their way across the 
 heart of Asia Minor. These were repulsed,^ but this 
 incursion ■was contemporaneous w^ith a shifting of the 
 chief Hittite power to Carchemish, while Hamath on the 
 Orontes and other southern centres come into increased 
 prominence. 
 
 In trying, to work out the story of the decline and 
 fall of the Hittite power, we are faced with the same 
 difficulty that enshrouded the whole problem of the 
 Hittites until recent discoveries shed the light of 
 
 ' The identification of Mita of Muski witli Midas of Phrygia was first 
 pointed out by Winckler, Ostorientalische Forschungen, ii. 71 S. Our 
 inference is that the MuskT^f the Assyrian Annals, the Moschoi of 
 Herodotus (iii. 91), were really akin to the Phrygians of later history. 
 
 2 About 1170 B.C. 3 Fifty years later, in the reign of Tiglath Pileser i. 
 
54 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 internal documentary evidence upon the period of their 
 empire — namely, that for the most part only the events 
 connected with certain of their frontier lands came at 
 all within the horizon of the Assyrian and the Greek 
 historians, and these are seen by us with relative 
 disproportion. To take a single illustration, we fail 
 to find in the Egyptian and Assyrian records any 
 suggestion as to the position of the Hittite capital of 
 the fourteenth century at Boghaz-Keui ; and for more 
 than seven hundred years we are without any direct 
 evidence as to its fortunes, until a chance reference by 
 Herodotus in describing the affairs of Lydia tells us of 
 its final overthrow. 
 
 In the tenth century, however, during the temporary 
 decline of Assyria and the withdrawal of the Phrygians, 
 the Hittite states may be inferred to have largely 
 recovered their power and independence. But though 
 there were frequent alliances between neighbouring 
 states, there does not seem to have been any over-lord, 
 as of old, powerful enough to unite them all under his 
 leadership and to maintain a consistent policy. Malatia 
 and Marash appear as the chief cities of kingdoms in 
 Taurus, while in the Anti-Taurus the kingdom of 
 Tabal (or Tubal) probably included the districts of 
 Komana, Ekrek, Mazaca, and Fraktin. On the plateau 
 the kingdom of the Khilakku, which we may call 
 Greater Gilicia (embracing the region from Tyana to 
 the Kara Dagh, and from Karaburna to Bulghar- 
 Maden), replaced the original state of Hatti within the 
 Halys as chief representative of Hittite power and 
 tradition. But it was not for long : if the Muski had 
 retreated it was only to gather strength ; while in the 
 east a new rival, of force and character similar to the 
 Hittites, had appeared in the region of Lake Van, press- 
 
THE LAST OF THE HITTITES 55 
 
 ing down to the Euphrates and even into Syria, where 
 also the steady infiltration of Aramaean peoples was 
 already challenging the dominance of the old Hittite 
 stock. 
 
 From the middle of the ninth century also the 
 struggles of the weakening Hittite tribes against the 
 reviving power of Assyria were renewed ; and this 
 tinae they were doomed. Their lands of Syria and in 
 the Taurus were thereafter the objective of many 
 punitive expeditions on the part of successive Assyrian 
 kings, who claim always to have conquered and exacted 
 tribute. For over a century, however, though many 
 times defeated and severely punished, these states as 
 often found opportunity for casting off the yoke. But 
 Sargon, late in the eighth century, adopted with stern 
 determination the policy which his predecessors had 
 initiated, of transporting large numbers of the rebel- 
 lious population and replacing them by Assyrian 
 colonists. One by one the greater Hittite centres on 
 his frontiers were absorbed, and when the Assyrian 
 forces passed into Asia Minor to challenge the supre- 
 macy of the Phrygian Midas, about 718 B.C., it is clear 
 that these two powers had divided the Hittite territory 
 between them. The appearance, too, in the north, of 
 the Cimmerians, in wellnigh irresistible strength, had 
 changed the political horizon.^ 
 
 From one point of view, however, it would be natural 
 to point to the destruction of Pteria by Croesus, in the 
 middle of the sixth century B.C., as the last event of 
 Hittite history, and so begin our post-Hittite story from 
 that time. The conquest by Cyrus and the reunifica- 
 tion of all the Hittite lands under Persian rule a few 
 years later, in 546, would provide a suitable starting- 
 
 ' See the Maps accompanying Chap. vi. pp. 375, 385. 
 
56 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 point ; yet, in fact, from the age of Sargon, a century 
 and a half before, there can be traced no real semblance 
 of surviving Hittite power nor any of the old Hittite 
 individuality in the local arts. Their very name then 
 almost disappeared from Oriental history, and was re- 
 tained but as a memory ; while in Asia Minor the power 
 of the Phrygian kings was then at its zenith, and in the 
 presence of Phrygian inscriptions at Eyuk,^ near the old 
 Hittite capital, and at Tyana,^ which seems to have re- 
 placed Pteria in importance in the revival of the tenth 
 century, there is indication that the Hittite day was 
 already ended. But though the Hittite power was 
 broken and disintegrated, their civilisation faded only 
 gradually from view. Long after the sun had set upon 
 its pride it lingered on, felt rather than seen, in the 
 twilight that obscures our vision of the tableland in the 
 early part of the first millennium B.C., surviving long 
 enough here and there, as we shall see, in the form of 
 institutions and religious customs, to have left a trace 
 in the pages of Greek history. Thereafter we have 
 several clear phases to review, interrupted by others 
 of considerable disturbance and obscurity. Following 
 the overthrow of Assyria on the one hand, and the 
 decline of Phrygia on the other, two new powers 
 appeared in the sixth century in the Medes and the 
 Lydians, who similarly divided Asia Minor, with the 
 Halys as their mutual boundary. By 546, however, 
 Cyrus had annexed the whole country to the Persian 
 Empire, in the continuous history of which it shared 
 until the advent, in B.C. 324, of Alexander, who once 
 more established the supremacy of the West. With 
 
 ' Hamilton, Researches in Asih Minor, i. p. 383; Ramsay, Jour. Boy. 
 As. Sac. , XV. p. 123. 
 
 2 See PI. XXV. (iii), from Liv. Annals, i. PI. xiii. The name of Midas in 
 this inscription was first recognised by Prof. Myres, op cit, p. 13. 
 
PLATE XXIV 
 
 BEY-KEUI : THE ROYAL ROAD TRACED BY RUTS IN THE 
 SURFACE ROCK 
 
 (Sec pp. 24, 38.) 
 
 DIMERLl : A FALLEN LION 
 
 (Sec p. 60. ) 
 
 MONUMENTS OF PIIRYGIA 
 
THE PHRYGIAN IMMIGRATIONS 57 
 
 his death the tribal struggles of antiquity reappear in 
 new guise, and history is occupied chiefly with the 
 varying fortunes of the kingdoms of Pergamum, of 
 Pontus, and of the Seleucids, until in the first cen- 
 tury B.C. Roman organisation gathered together the 
 loose threads of independence and retied the knot in 
 a manner that remained firm, in fine, for several hun- 
 dred years. The next great landmark is not till 668 a.d., 
 when, forty-six years after the flight of Mohammed, 
 the Saracen army laid siege to Constantinople. In 1067 
 the Seljuks appeared from the east, followed two 
 centuries later by the Osmanli-Turks, though these 
 were not finally re-established in power, after the 
 Mongol invasions, until 1413 A.D. 
 
 Of the monarchies that arose as the Hittite power 
 declined, and in their turn passed away, that of the 
 Phrygians first attracts our attention by its proximity 
 in time and place. When the Muski first appeared in 
 the twelfth century B.C. upon the north-west frontier 
 of Assyria,'^ they gave warning of a tide of Aryan 
 immigration setting in from the north-west. This first 
 wave, after beating vainly against the ramparts of the 
 Assyrian Empire, seems to have retreated ; but it left 
 its traces behind in a group of people, whether colonists 
 or prisoners settled on the soil in the Assyrian manner, 
 who by the same name reappear some centuries later ^ 
 as a small state on the east of the Euphrates opposite 
 Malatia. We know nothing of the early history of 
 this movement, but, so far as can be seen, the rolling 
 of this wave across Asia Minor was coeval with the 
 submergence of the Hatti seated at Boghaz-Keui as 
 
 1 Of. Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 591, 643. 
 
 2 In the reign o£ Assur-Nazir-Pal ; cf. Maspero, The Passing of 
 Empires, p. 16. 
 
58 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 the dominant power among the Hifctite states. Nor is 
 it clear to what cause we must attribute the retiring 
 of this vanguard. Probably, as in Syria with the 
 Hittites/ and in Asia Minor with the Cimmerians, the 
 migratory movement was intermittent ; and histori- 
 cally we may see in the repulse by the Assyrians on the 
 one hand, and in the development of the rival state of 
 Lydia and the Greek colonies on the other, coupled with 
 a certain recuperative vitality latent in the Hittite 
 states of the centre, various active causes tending to 
 the consolidation of the Phrygians at the focus of least 
 resistance, in the fertile tracts to which they gave their 
 name. However that may be, at the dawn of Greek 
 history we find them already a fading power, but one 
 which had left an indelible impression in Greek tradi- 
 tion and romance, obscuring entirely the old-time 
 Hatti power of which no memory remained. 
 
 Though the settlement of the Phrygians is just 
 beyond historical vision, the leading features of the 
 movement can be inferred from Greek literature, 
 and a certain amount of detail gathered from the 
 monuments which they have left behind.^ The chief 
 migration of the Phrygians — the ninth wave of our 
 simile — may be judged, from certain facts which Pro- 
 fessor Ramsay has pointed out, to have taken place 
 about the beginning of the ninth century B.C. They 
 came in irresistible bands of mail-clad warriors from 
 Macedonia and Thrace, crossing into Asia Minor by the 
 Hellespont, and eventually establishing their monarchy 
 
 ' Regarding, that is, the successive appearance of the Mitanni, the 
 Hittites, and the Urartu (the Vanuic power) as analogous movements. 
 Cf. Winckler, Mitteil. d. Deuf. Orient.-Ges., December 1907, pp. 47 ff. ; 
 and in The World's History, vol. iii. p. 113 etc. 
 
 2 See especially Ramsay, 'A Study of Phrygian Art,' in the Jour. Hell. 
 Stud., ix. (1887-8), pp. 350-352, and an earlier article in vol. iii. pp. 1-32; 
 and Maspero, Tlie Passing of Empires, pp. 328-335. 
 
PHRYGIANS m TRADITION 59 
 
 and state on the sources of the Sangarius.' Being all 
 men and conquerors, their coming introduced new 
 ideas of the dominance of the male element in religion 
 and in society.^ The pre-existing central ideal of the 
 people of Asia Minor had been based on the importance 
 of motherhood, reflected in religion by the worship of 
 the Mother-goddess, and in society by a matriarchal 
 system and absence of true marriage. Now the Phry- 
 gians introduced a new Father-god and a god of thunder, 
 and a reminiscence of the struggle between the old and 
 new ideals may be traced in the pages of Homer ; but 
 ultimately they were amalgamated in various ways in 
 different parts of the country.' 
 
 Profound as were the changes in religious and social 
 ideals which the Phrygians introduced, these influences 
 could hardly stir the popular imagination so deeply or 
 so rapidly as their deeds of arms. Defended from 
 all harm by their impenetrable armour, they carried 
 all before them, so that they appeared in Greek 
 tradition as a race of heroes, whose kings were the 
 associates of the gods, whose language was before all,* 
 and the speech of the goddess herself.^ ' Their country 
 was the land of great fortified cities.' ^ In this popular 
 acclaim we suspect that the Phrygians received credit 
 for works and to some extent for the prestige of the 
 Hatti whose realm they had inherited.'^ Their king- 
 
 1 Cf. Homer, Iliad, iii. 187 ; xti. 719. 
 
 2 On this point, see Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 
 (Oxford, 1895), i. p. 7. 
 
 5 Ramsay, loc. cit. Cf. the central group of Hittite sculptures at 
 lasily Kaya, PI. Lxv., where, however, the Father-god, the consort of the 
 Mother-goddess, is seemingly derived from Babylonian origins. So, too, 
 the Storm-god of the Hittites has clearly a Babylonian prototype in 
 Hadad. On the subject of the Hittite deities, see below, pp. 356 ff. 
 
 * Herodotus, ii. 2. ^ Homer, Hymn. Aphr. Ill and ff. 
 
 " ^pvyiris ivTicxriToio. Cf. Ramsay, loc. cit. 
 
 ' In this opinion we may appear to differ from Hogarth, Ionia and 
 the East (Oxford, 1909), p. 70, but the standpoints are different. 
 
60 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 dom without doubt held chief sway over the north- 
 west and centre of Asia Minor during the ninth and 
 eighth centuries B.C. In the west, indeed, it was only 
 at the end of that period challenged by the indepen- 
 dence and growing strength of Lydia ; and on the 
 other hand it must have embraced, as we have shown, 
 the regions both of Pteria^ and of Tyana, where it 
 touched the Assyrian frontier in the age of Sargon > 
 but on the whole we fail to find any wide range of 
 Phrygian works, of walled cities or of vast monu- 
 ments, that could entitle the Phrygians to the whole 
 credit of these memories. 
 
 None the less, some Phrygian monuments, like the 
 ' tomb of Midas' near Doghanlu, are striking, peculiar, 
 and impressive. So, too, are others further south, 
 of which we reproduce some illustrations,^ because of 
 the added interest of the influence of Hittite art and 
 technique which can be traced in them. The ' lion 
 tomb,' near Dimerli, illustrates a motive dominant in 
 their decorative reliefs, reflected in the later sepulchres 
 of Ayazin. Here are seen two lions, guarding as it 
 were the entrance to the tomb, arranged facing one 
 another on either side of the door. In the tomb of 
 Dimerli the lions are rampant, and a column or altar is 
 seen between them. The symbolism of this design 
 may be purely Phrygian, but the decorative conception 
 of the twin guardian lions is too freely found in 
 
 ' In addition to tlie Plirygian inscrii3tions at Eyuk, cited above, the 
 story o£ Dasliylos, tile fugitive Lydian prince (b.c. 720), indicates close 
 political relation between the two sides of the Halys at this time ; 
 for when fearful of remaining in Phrygia at the accession of Myrsos 
 to the Lydian throne, for greater security he crossed the Halys and 
 took refuge with the 'White Syrians.' Cf. Nicholas of Damascus, 
 Fragm. Hist. Grec. (ed. Miiller-Didot), No 49. On the relationship with 
 Pteria and the Chalybes see also Radet, La Lydie et le Monde Grec, 
 pp. 63, 111. 
 
 2 Pis. XXIV., XXV. 
 
PLATE XXV 
 
 P^^^L^ 
 
 .-: , . -M-r/ 
 
 -'■■'v'-^-'i. 
 
 Ik^i 
 
 .•■^-■;^ 
 
 
 :«^| 
 
 
 ^ssnn 
 
 
 
 
 ir 
 
 S_i^'' 
 
 *-:^^^^ 
 
 Ji--'-V 
 
 ^S'?;.*-*'— 
 
 -"- ^-i" 
 
 •^Ml 
 
 
 *afe 
 
 DIMEKLI ; THE LION TOMB AYAZlN : TOMB WITH LIONS 
 
 MONUMENTS OF PHRYGIA 
 
 TVANA : PHUYGIAN INSCKIITION OF MIDAS 
 
 (See/,. 56.) 
 
THE PHRYGIANS IN HISTORY 61 
 
 Hittite art ^ for us to doubt that it had been borrowed 
 from the older population. So, too, in the method of 
 carving the reliefs, as well as in detail of treatment, 
 as, for instance, in the outline of the shoulder muscles 
 of the fallen lion,^ there is abundant indication to us now 
 of an influence not visible to the historians of antiquity. 
 Though the monuments and legends together help 
 us to reconstruct the base and framework of Phrygian 
 history, there are very few authenticated data with 
 which to fill in the details. There is no long list of 
 royal names, for the rulers are supposed to have been 
 named Midas and Gordius alternately ; and a few other 
 names preserved in Greek tradition are merely legen- 
 dary. It is not until the age of Sargon ' at the close of 
 the eighth century B.C., that a few facts come to light 
 among the Assyrian archives. Then it would appear 
 that the Phrygian sphere of influence had penetrated 
 far into south-eastern Oappadocia and was expanding, 
 until challenged by the Assyrian forces in a series of 
 campaigns beginning in 718 B.C. But Midas the Phry- 
 gian was not easily restrained, and in the next year 
 prevailed on Pisiris of Carchemish to revolt against 
 the Assyrian supremacy, while several minor states 
 of Cappadocia, forming part of the region called Tabal, 
 followed this example, prompted, doubtless, from the 
 same source of inspiration. The rebels were promptly 
 punished, and one of these expeditions sent against 
 them penetrated, it would seem, to Tyana, at this time 
 an important centre for the Phrygians * in the conduct 
 
 1 Cf. Pis. LX., Lxxviii. 2 PI. XXIV. (ii); cf. pp. 121, 263, 289. 
 
 2 Our newest authority for this period is Olmatead, Western Asia in 
 the Days of Sargon (New York, 1908). 
 
 " If the Tuna of the Assyrians be really Tyana, there is clear evidence 
 of Phrygian supremacy there in 714, in the fact that Matti of Tuna dis- 
 claimed his allegiance to Assyria and turned to Midas. If, however, 
 Tuna is to be located somewhat further east (cf . the Tynna of Ptolemy v., 
 
62 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 of their wars. In 709, however, following a further 
 expedition sent against Midas from Cilicia, the Phry- 
 gians capitulated, sending ambassadors and tribute. 
 The reason for this sudden change of front is also 
 made apparent. About the middle of the eighth 
 century B.C. there had appeared the first wave of an 
 overwhelming movement of peoples from Southern 
 Europe,^ including seemingly both Cimmerians and 
 Scythians, coming by way of the Caucasus, spreading 
 terror and devastation as it passed. The Vannic power 
 of Urartu in Southern Armenia about 720 B.C. received 
 the first onslaught, and then the frontiers of Sargon, 
 who had to call up all the resources of his armies to 
 protect his kingdom. Recoiling, the tide set west- 
 ward through Asia Minor, meeting about 710 another 
 similar stream ^ that had crossed the Bosphorus ; and 
 the united barbarians for half a century established a 
 reign of terror in the north of Asia Minor. The details of 
 the story are wanting, so far as it directly affects the 
 Phrygians during this fateful period. About 675 
 however, the royal Midas (presumably the grandson 
 of Mita who had begged Assyria through his ambas- 
 sadors for help), defeated on every hand, in despair 
 committed suicide. The Cimmerians overran his 
 country, and the kingdom of Phrygia henceforth 
 ceased to be. We do not follow the movements of 
 these hordes further; for they have left no trace or 
 handiwork upon the Hittite lands w^hich they had 
 overrun, although it was not until the close of 
 
 6, 22, and Maspero, The Passing of Empires, p. 239, note 2), or south- 
 east at Paustinopolis (Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 68), then the inference is 
 equally clear that the Phrygian sphere reached at least to Tyana, if 
 not beyond. This evidence is supplementary to that of the inscription 
 already mentioned (PI. xxv.). 
 
 1 Herodotus, iv. 11, 12. We follow the story as worked out by Maspero, 
 op cit, p. 345. 2 iStrabo, xiv. i. 40. 
 
LYDIAN KINGS AND STATE 63 
 
 the seventh century that they disappeared. Their 
 inroads, however, and the violent deflections which 
 they gave to the course of history, are pro- 
 bably responsible for the final disappearance of all 
 trace and memory of the Hittite power in Greek 
 history. 
 
 The Lydian state in the west, that fought the final 
 struggle for civilisation against these restless and untir- 
 ing foes, next claims our notice from the way in which 
 certain of its institutions and ancient customs reflect 
 the influence of the Hittite civilisation, from which, in- 
 deed, they may have been inherited.^ Unlike the rulers 
 and customs of Phrygia, the leading elements of the 
 Lydian society had been matured on the soil from dim 
 antiquity. Tradition speaks of a dynasty of Heraclidae 
 who ruled from the twelfth century for five hundred 
 years,^ and whose ancestor, Agron,^ was descended 
 from Hercules himself. Even before that date there is 
 memory of a royal family of Atyadae, whose rule, if 
 there be anything in this memory, must have passed 
 back to the days of direct Hittite domination that saw 
 the carving of the warrior-gods of Kara-Bel and maybe 
 the Mother-goddess of Sipylus. 
 
 However that may be, we see the Lydians already an 
 organised state, even while the Phrygian power was 
 still at its height, before the Cimmerian storm had 
 burst. As with the Hittites in past time, their consti- 
 tution was partly that of confederate or vassal states 
 governed by hereditary chiefs owning allegiance to the 
 
 ' Cf. Maspero, op. cit., p. 336 ; also Sayce, Empires of the East, i. p. 427. 
 
 ^ Herodotus, i. 7. On the way in which the date is derived, see 
 Schubert, Gesch. der Konige von Lydien, p. R. 
 
 ' For tiie character of the early names and their relation to the Hittite 
 see Sayce, loc. cit. ; cf. also Hall on Mursil and Myrtillos, Jour. Hell. 
 Stud., xxix. (1909), pp. 19-22; and on the same point, Winckler in the 
 Orientalistische Littercttur-Zeitung, Dec. 1906. 
 
64 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 ruling power at Sardis, and partly feudal,^ the chief- 
 tains owing their military service and their tribal 
 forces to the king, while the common people appear 
 as serfs. In this society the king was both head of 
 the priesthood and chief commander of the vassal 
 chiefs in war.^ The emblem of sovereignty was a 
 double axe, which the Greeks said was derived from 
 Hercules himself.^ From among the mass of legend 
 which characterise the earliest efforts of Greek history, 
 it might be possible to trace many suggestions of the 
 influence of the Hittite civilisation; but the lack of 
 local monuments (a fact due doubtless to physical con- 
 ditions), to reveal to us the dominant features of Lydian 
 art, restrains us from this aspect of inquiry. One 
 point at any rate is established, that not merely was 
 the district of Lydia at one time embraced within the 
 Hittite empire,* but that it became imbued then with 
 many features of social organisation which it carried 
 down from the old world to the new. Our main 
 inquiry being based on the monuments of the Hittite 
 lands, we cannot dwell upon the stories of the Lydian 
 kings, of their desperate struggles with the Cimmerians 
 following the downfall of Phrygia, nor of their warfare 
 with the Medes, with whom, after the fall of Nineveh 
 in 607 B.C., they ultimately divided Asia Minor, with 
 the Halys as the boundary between them. The names 
 of two kings are worthy of mention as historical land- 
 
 ' Gelzer, Das Zeitalter des Gyges, Ehelns. Mus., vol. xxxv. 
 pp. 520-524 ; cf. Badet, La Lydie et le Monde Grec, etc., pp. 90, 91. 
 
 2 Ct. the position of the Hatti kings, pp. 340, 361 ff ; and of the kings of 
 Comana, of Pontus, and other states (Strabo, Bk. xii. ch. iii. sec. 32). On 
 this subject see also Ramsay, in Recueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. pp. 78 ff, 
 on ' The Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia.' 
 
 ^ For the double axe in Hittite symbolism, see PI. Lxv. ; and for the 
 relation of the God-of-the-double-axe to Hercules, see pp. 195, 240. 
 
 * On this question, and on the whole subject of Hittite influence sur- 
 viving in the civilisations of the western coast, see the brilliant survey 
 by Hogarth, Ionia and the East, especailly pp, 74 ff. and lOX-2, 
 
PLATE XXVI 
 
 
 
 
 VIEW NEAR SARDIS, THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF LYDIA 
 
 The valley of the Pactolus, a tributary of the Hermus, which rising on Mt. Tmolus 
 flowed past the temple of Kybele at Sardis. 
 
HITTITE CULTURE IN THE WEST 65 
 
 marks ; the one is Gyges, first of the Mermnad dynasty 
 in the middle of the seventh century B.C., contemporary 
 of Assurbanipal, the Assyrian, and of Psamtek, Pharaoh 
 of Egypt, with both of whom he held relations of 
 diplomatic character. The other is Croesus, the last 
 and greatest of them all, who, having established his 
 power eastward to the Halys, turned his attention to 
 those rich Greek cities which had sprung up in the 
 West. 
 
 These colonies, founded in selected spots along the 
 coast several centuries before, had indeed in many 
 cases already passed their zenith. Cities like Smyrna, 
 Ephesus, and Colophon were in the pride of their 
 prosperity before the fall of Phrygia and the rise of 
 Lydia. How old they were in their origin is not 
 determinable, but they had received, and retained in 
 historic times, the impress of the Hittite civilisation, so 
 much so that Mr. Hogarth, writing of Ionia, concludes 
 that 'this coast was long dominated by an inland, 
 continental power, that of the Cappadocian Hatti, who 
 imposed their own distinct civilisation, and admitted 
 the jSJgean culture only as a faint influence ascending 
 along the trade routes.' ' ' The Goddess of the Phrygian 
 mountains became at Smyrna the Sipylene Mother, 
 and at Ephesus Artemis of the Many Breasts was 
 worshipped with rites more Oriental than Greek.' 
 Recently also Sir Cecil Smith, in discussing certain 
 ivory statuettes found by Mr. Hogarth in the founda- 
 tions of the temple of Artemis, has pointed out 
 further analogies with the old cult of the goddess, as 
 revealed by the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui.^ However 
 that may be, the fact that the Hittite armies of the 
 
 1 Op. cit., pp. 101-2. 
 
 2 Excavations at Ephesus : i. The Archaic Artemisia p. 173, 
 
66 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 fourteenth or thirteenth century B.C. had penetrated to 
 the coast at Smyrna and Ephesus, is made clear by the 
 sculptures of Sipylus and of Kara-Bel, to which we have 
 alluded.^ Now these fair cities of Ionia fell one by one 
 to Croesus, who seemed likely to establish an empire 
 even over the islands, when suddenly Cyrus the Persian 
 appeared from the East, reuniting all the sundered 
 parts of the old empires of Assyria and of Babylon as 
 he passed. Croesus marched immediately out to resist 
 his oncoming, and as a preliminary step crossed the 
 Halys and ' ravaged the lands of the " Syrians," and 
 took the city of the Pterians and enslaved the 
 inhabitants. He also took all the adjacent places and 
 expelled the population, who had given him no cause 
 for blame.' ^ Possibly we may see in these acts, which 
 appeared wanton to the historian, an effort on the part 
 of Croesus to delay or prevent the passing of the Per- 
 sian army, which would naturally follow the old royal 
 road in preference to the undeveloped route across the 
 desert. However that may be, the effort was vain: 
 about 546 B.C. the Lydian capital and its king fell into 
 the hands of Cyrus. 
 
 The old Hittite realms were now reunited under 
 Persian rule, and continued to share in the common 
 history of the Empire of the Great King for more than 
 two hundred years. For the purpose of administration 
 Asia Minor was divided into provinces, governed by 
 Satraps, of which the old kingdom of Lydia formed 
 one, and the regions of Konia, Angora, Pteria, and 
 Sivas were included in another, the largest of all, 
 which reached from Lydia to Armenia, and included the 
 whole plateau from the Taurus northwards to the sea. 
 
 1 Above, p. 37 ; see also below, p. 338, and Pis. Liii., Liv. 
 
 2 Herodotus, i. 76. 
 
ASIA MINOR UNDER PERSIAN RULE 67 
 
 The tract of Cilicia with part of the province of Aleppo 
 formed another, while the former Hittite states in the 
 north of Syria were similarly grouped together. But 
 the hold of the Great King ruling in Susa over his 
 distant provinces was weak, and the spirit of Persian 
 civilisation did not penetrate, or could not, into these 
 historic lands. No monument remains to tell us of 
 this phase, during which the old local institutions 
 were maintained and even developed unrestrained. 
 The Greek cities of the coast retained their Greek 
 characters under Greek governors ; while the tribes of 
 the interior restored the rule of their local princes or 
 priest-dynasts amid a condition of security and freedom 
 which they had not known for many generations. All 
 that the central power demanded was tribute and 
 tranquillity. Local feuds between the Satraps might 
 smoulder, and the symptoms of rebellion here and 
 there remain almost unheeded, so long as these con- 
 ditions were fulfilled. Under these circumstances the 
 western people gradually recovered the spirit of inde- 
 pendence, while from across the sea the Greek states 
 even aspired to empire. The march of the Ten Thou- 
 sand in 40^, under Cyrus the younger, made famous 
 by Xenophon in his Anabasis, showed how lax was the 
 organisation and how weak the control of the central 
 government. It also opened up incidentally the south- 
 ern route by the Maeander, Ilgin, and Iconium to the 
 Cilician gates, in preference to the longer royal road 
 by way of Boghaz-Keui, by which hitherto the posts 
 from Susa had travelled west to Sardis. 
 
 In B.C. 334 Alexander the Great crossed the Helles- 
 pont, and within a year, by his energy and ability to 
 use the new army-machine which he had inherited, had 
 conquered western Asia Minor as far as the Halys, and 
 
68 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 passed on leaving it his own. This date marks an issue 
 more changeful to Asia Minor than the conquest of 
 Cyrus. For though no monuments throw light on the 
 story of the next two centuries, the system of govern- 
 ment was now initiated which in due time was to 
 result in the Hellenising of the interior. Cities were 
 founded with Greek names, and the Greek speech 
 gradually made its way, through Greek-speaking 
 princes and governors, as the official language. The 
 change worked very slowly, but it was profound in the 
 issue, as we shall see. At first the states maintained 
 their old customs and native dialects without appre- 
 ciable difference, except in the vigour of the new 
 government, but in the course of two or three cen- 
 turies Greek language and Greek culture even to some 
 extent Greek thought and religious ideas, had permeated 
 widely among the upper-class natives of the interior. 
 
 The struggles of Alexander's successors, who had in- 
 herited from him the empire, are matters of common 
 history. The Seleucids reunited, though in futile 
 manner, the formerly Hittite regions in the north of 
 Syria and Cilicia, and for a time gained some ascend- 
 ency in Asia Minor, until defeated in 191 B.C. and driven 
 back beyond the Taurus, where for another century 
 they retained a sphere of influence. But of greater 
 interest to us is the survival of local power in Cappa- 
 docia, under the dynasty of Ariarthes, which had come 
 to the fore in the last century of Persian domination. 
 This state, at first with incessant warfare, and then by 
 means of tribute to the Seleucids, maintained in efPect 
 a form of local independence which survived even down 
 to the Roman occupation and beyond. Another state 
 that retained its freedom and local princes throughout 
 this time was Bithynia, on the tract opposite Constan- 
 
PLATE XXVI r 
 
DIVISION INTO ROMAN PROVINCES 69 
 
 tinople, but this is a region outside the boundaries of 
 our story. 
 
 The Romans dallied long in following up the defeat 
 of the Seleucids at Magnesia, when the way lay open 
 to the annexation of Asia Minor, for which its people» 
 torn by their internal wars, would have been even 
 grateful. But it was not until late in the second century 
 B.C. that the west was united as a Roman province. 
 Even then the east remained under the direct govern- 
 ment of the local princes, to whom the Roman Senate 
 entrusted their frontier. At the beginning of the first 
 century B.C. the disaffection of Mithridates, king of 
 Pontus, a state bordering the Black Sea, and his efforts 
 to win for himself a kingdom in Cappadocia and 
 Bithynia, was one of the last fitful traces of the old 
 native power, and called up more serious efforts on the 
 part of Rome. The Cilician pirates, who from their 
 base under the southern slopes of Taurus had become 
 a leading naval power, were also suppressed, and dur- 
 ing the century that followed the whole country as far 
 as the Euphrates was gradually brought under direct 
 control, and the provincial system was established. 
 The province of Cilicia had been founded in B.C. 103, 
 and after various successive modifications, during which 
 the western district, Cilicia Trachsea, continued to be 
 ruled by the priest-dynasts of Olba, the whole was 
 united with Lycaonia under a consular legate about 
 137 A.D. Bithynia Pontus, the scene of the late re- 
 hellions, came into the power of Rome by the will of 
 its last king in B.C. 74, and the double province was put 
 under the administration of a praetorian proconsul in 
 B.C. 27. Galatia was constituted in B.C. 25, and Pontus 
 was added to it in 63 a.d. Finally, the occupation of 
 Cappadocia, dating from a.d. 17, completed the division 
 
70 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 of the administrative districts ; for the sixth province 
 Asia, in the west, had been the earliest founded, as we 
 have noted, in B.C. 133. 
 
 The system of Roman organisation at first modified 
 and finally broke up the old tribal communities. For 
 some time, many old-world institutions were main- 
 tained, notably the priest-dynasts of Comana, Olba, 
 and Venasa ; but gradually the native communal 
 temple-district organisation of society gave way, to be 
 replaced by the Greek political system, the seeds of 
 which had been planted two or three centuries before, 
 and had now taken root. In this system the city be- 
 came the administrative centre, and the villages around 
 were its branches. Greek became more and more the 
 language of the people.^ The formal records of military 
 works, the milestones and imperial monuments, are 
 inscribed in Latin, but the inscriptions in the old grave- 
 yards are carved in Greek letters. We cannot dwell 
 upon the history of these times, of the reorganisation 
 under Diocletian, at the close of the third century, 
 marking the commencement of the Byzantine period, 
 nor of the spread of Christianity, with the great social 
 changes that involved. We reproduce, however, some 
 illustrations of Roman works, such as are met with in 
 plenty throughout the length and breadth of Hittite 
 lands, from Malatia to Iconium and beyond, from 
 Tarsus to the Black Sea coast. The great aqueducts 
 like those of Tyana,^ and those which stretch for miles 
 across the Cilician plain,' are an indication of the vast 
 scheme of development that was instituted under the 
 new well-ordered system of government. Great cities 
 both in Syria and in Asia Minor were the product of 
 
 1 On this subject see Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire 
 (London, 1909), pp. 120, 123. 
 
 2 PI- LV. 3 PI. XXVII. 
 
KYRKHUS : KOMAN TOMB AND KUINliD KKIDGE 
 
 (Seei. 71.) 
 
RUINS OF A ROMAN CITY 71 
 
 these times. Many of these were the foundations of 
 places that still remain centres of administration ; while 
 some have lost their importance, and are falling gradu- 
 ally to ruin in silence and desolation. The remains of 
 Kyrrhus upon the Afrin,^ a site now marked only by 
 the small village of Huru-Pegamber some distance 
 away, are among the wonderful memorials of antiquity. 
 The imposts are falling from their pilasters, and the 
 keystones to its arches are working loose, but it retains 
 its silent streets of impressive stone buildings, its arches 
 and colonnades, its amphitheatre, as though its people 
 had quitted hardly a generation ago. Numerous Greek 
 inscriptions may still be found amongst the ruins,^ and 
 just southward of the Acropolis several sarcophagi 
 of marble, with Greek names upon them, indicate the 
 position of the old-time burying place. In the extreme 
 south of the site, with its sanctity still maintained in a 
 modern Mohammedan shrine and well adjoining, there 
 stands perfect a tomb-structure ^ in the Roman style of 
 the second century A.D. We give a photograph of this, 
 which is one of the best-preserved examples of its 
 kind. Our other photographs * taken at Ephesus and 
 at Ba'albec,^ at the two ends of the Hittite lands, will 
 
 1 This place was visited by Drummond, Travels . . . in Parts of Asia 
 to the Euphrates (London, 1874), who gives a sketch plan (No. 9 to f. p. 
 201). Theodoret in his Ecclesiastical History mentions three inscriptions 
 over the gate, as well as a castle, a ' very superb ' Theatre, a Basilica, 
 Temple, and other buildings ; cf. also Maundrell, A Journey from 
 Aleppo to Jerusalem, (ed. 1799), p. 158. 
 
 2 For these see a paper by the Kev. W. M. Linton Smith, in the Liv. 
 Annals of Arch., 1910. 
 
 ' PI. XXVIII. Cf. the Mausolee Pyramidal de Maktar, published by 
 Gauckler, Les travaux d'Art . . . en Tunisie, in Revue Generate des 
 Sciences (Paris, November 30, 1896), p. 971, fig. 15. Also tombs at Aries 
 and in Algeria, published by Gsell in Les Monuments Antiques d'Algerie 
 (Paris, 1901). For these references we are indebted to Professor Bosanquet. 
 
 * Pis. XXIX., XXX. 
 
 ' The old Aramaean name for Heliopolis ; it is really just south of the 
 historic Hittite frontier in the Lebanon. 
 
72 SOME PAGES OF HISTORY 
 
 sufficiently illustrate the art and civilisation of their 
 time and place. 
 
 The very prosperity of the country during the Roman 
 occupation was one cause of its danger, presenting it 
 as an alluring prize to the forces gradually arising along 
 its frontiers. The extreme centralisation of the Byzan- 
 tine system weakened, if it did not altogether exter- 
 minate, the power of local resistance andadministration. 
 So long as the central government remained powerful 
 all was well, but the danger of the system was mani- 
 fested by the ease with which the Arab forces in 668 
 passed through the land from end to end, pausing only 
 before the walls of Constantinople. The hold of the 
 Saracen power, however, was not firm, and the Roman 
 system was possessed of great latent vitality which in 
 the end was equal to the emergency, so that in a series 
 of campaigns extending from 920 to 965, the Saracens 
 were driven back from point to point, until firstTarsus ^ 
 was recovered and then Antioch, which had for more 
 than three hundred years been in their possession. 
 
 The Seljuk Turks, who next appeared on the scene, 
 were a more formidable and resistless enemy. Having 
 at one time been the servants of the Arab sultans, they 
 had now become the masters, and in 1067 they entered 
 Asia Minor, conquering Cilicia and Cappadocia. Four 
 years later the Emperor Romanus Diogenes himself 
 was their prisoner, and by 1081 the whole centre and 
 east of the tableland was recognised as their realm. 
 Adopting a policy of depopulation and devastation, in 
 which the whole of Phrygia was laid waste, the Turks 
 rapidly set up an almost impassable frontier between 
 themselves and the Byzantine power which still held 
 
 ' For photographs of the ruins and city of Tarsus see PI. xxii., xxiii. ; 
 cf. also Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, Part ii., with Pis. ii.-v. 
 
PLATE XXIX 
 
SELJUK AND OSMANLI TURKS 73 
 
 sway in the West. Notwithstanding spasmodic efforts 
 of the old rulers to regain their dominion, the country 
 gradually relapsed into Orientalism, and with the rise 
 of the Osmanli Turks from 1289 the Empire of the 
 West rapidly disintegrated. Under the Seljuk rule, a 
 new aspect of decorative art and architecture appeared 
 in Asia Minor, a phase much neglected yet most worthy, 
 as Professor Ramsay has pointed out, of special study. 
 Under certain of their lines a brilliant series of monu- 
 ments arose, among which the Hans ^ or roadside rest- 
 houses are specially noteworthy, contributing also as 
 they did to public security and pacification. In addition 
 to these, other public works like their bridges and forti- 
 fications, as well as their mosques and colleges with 
 cloisters and sculptures, are all evidence of one of the 
 brightest phases of Moslem art. Some of the beautiful 
 monuments which are shown in our illustrations, like 
 the sculptured portal of the old school (or Midresseh) at 
 Nigdeh, and the ' tomb of Havanda,' at the same place,^ 
 with its delicate tracery and design, belong to the best 
 phases of this memorable period. 
 
 With the enthronement of the Seljuks the old world 
 faded rapidly from view. No conquest in all the 
 history of the Hittite lands had been so thorough and 
 so enduring. Previously we had seen old institutions 
 surviving under a new system that grew up around 
 them; but now a new language and new forms of 
 government, with new administrative districts, were 
 imposed by the conquerors ; while the devastation of 
 the earlier stages of the conquest, followed by the 
 repeated incursions of nomad peoples, profoundly 
 modified the racial stock of the population. With 
 them the modern Turkey-in-Asia was born. 
 
 ' See PI. XXXIV. (ii). ^ Pis. xxxii., xxxiii. 
 
Ill 
 
 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Preliminary : Chronology — Classification — 
 Disposition 
 
 With this outline of the chief historical phases of Asia 
 Minor before us, we pass from the remains of mediaeval 
 and classical antiquity to a consideration of those more 
 ancient monuments which bear witness to Hittite handi- 
 work. Notwithstanding the progress of historical re- 
 search, these remain the surest basis for the study of our 
 subject, giving us an insight into the Hittite civilisa- 
 tion, which is rendered more valuable and naore intelli- 
 gible by the light thrown upon Hittite chronology by 
 recent excavation. Their nature and intrinsic details 
 are material evidence of Hittite arts, which, in the lack 
 of internal literary documents, no other sources can 
 satisfactorily supply ; while their disposition defines 
 for us the Hittite lands in a manner more reliable 
 and more substantial than theories based on vague 
 and difficult references in oriental history. A reason- 
 able consideration of the environment of these monu- 
 ments, also, may help us to appreciate something of 
 that which is most difficult to realise but all-important, 
 namely the circumstances of the life of those whose 
 hands produced them.^ 
 
 ' On the importance of this aspect of study, cf. Frazer, Adonis, Attis, 
 and Osiris, in the Preface ; and Hogarth in Authority and Archceology, 
 2nd ed. (London, 1899), Preface, vii. 
 
 74 
 
PLATE XXX 
 
METHOD OF STUDY: CRITERIA 75 
 
 Obedient to a now accepted principle of psychology, 
 we follow in the development of our inquiry the 
 sequence of evidences by which this subject has been 
 established during the past generation. Postponing 
 for the present any detailed account of the walled 
 towns and groups of sculptures which have been 
 the scene of recent investigation, we shall consider 
 firstly those monuments which are found isolated and 
 scattered throughout the regions indicated in the 
 opening chapter. If, in so doing, we can yet be guided 
 by the light of modern discoveries, we may hope to 
 avoid some of the difficulties which beset the path 
 of these pioneers whose work introduced to us this 
 new material. Our method of study, like theirs, 
 must be comparative; but we shall be content to 
 confine ourselves almost entirely to the monuments 
 identified as Hittite by the presence of the peculiar 
 hieroglyphic signs or inscriptions carved upon them. 
 It was indeed upon this line of evidence that Professor 
 A. H. Sayce was enabled, thirty years ago, to establish 
 the relationship of the unexplained inscriptions of 
 Hamath with the sculptures of Kara-Bel in the far 
 west of Asia Minor, and thence to make his brilliant 
 inference of a forgotten empire.^ 
 
 We use the test of Hittite hieroglyphs, not only 
 because it has become in this way fundamental to our 
 subject, but because it is no longer open to doubt 
 whether these peculiar signs are of Hittite origin or 
 not. Formerly there may have been room for reason- 
 able criticism so long as this conclusion was based 
 only on the fact that these symbols were found 
 chiefly on unexplained monuments from Hamath and 
 neighbouring places in Northern Syria associated in 
 1 Sayce, The Hittitea (London, 1888), 3rd cd., 1902, p. 67. 
 
76 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 history with the Hittites. But now the increasing 
 accumulation of this kind of circumstantial evidence 
 has been crowned by the discovery that the chief site 
 of such monuments in Asia Minor, namely Boghaz- 
 Keui, was for two centuries the capital of the Hittites, 
 whose name (Hatti) appears freely on the literary 
 documents that have been unearthed ^ there in recent 
 excavations. Being secured then against fundamental 
 error, a comparison of the Hittite monuments identified 
 on this basis readily reveals peculiarities of art which 
 may be regarded as typical, so that we might reason- 
 ably include in our category other monuments of like 
 kind which lack only the ultimate criterion which we 
 have set before us. We do not wish, however, nor do 
 we need, in the scope of this volume, to press the 
 argument by analogy, being warned against the pit- 
 falls of such a method by several general considera- 
 tions, and especially by the noticeable survival of 
 Hittite influence in the local sculptures, like those of 
 Phrygia ^ and western Lycaonia.^ 
 
 Though we continue to employ the old materials, 
 however, we see them now in a clearer light. Just as 
 the time has passed by when the word ' Hittite ' must be 
 written in inverted commas, or qualified with the adjec- 
 tive 'so-called,' so now we are not content any longer to 
 regard the older monuments of the interior together 
 in general as pre-Hellenic, much less pre-historic, with- 
 out distinction as to period or locality. The references 
 
 ' As well as other sculptured and inscribed stones ; see Winckler : 
 Preliminary Report of Excavations at Boghaz Keui, 1907. {Mitteilungen 
 der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, No. 35, Dec. 1907), figs. 6, 7, pp. 
 57, 58. 
 
 - Hist. Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia {Jour. Roy. Asiatic Soc, 
 XV., PI. I.), p. 124. 
 
 ' Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. etc., pp. 214 and ff. ; 
 also Hamilton, Researches, etc., ii., pp. 350, 351; and Revue Arch., 3, v. 
 pp. 257-264, and Pis. xi., xii. 
 
PLATE XXXI 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL BASIS 77 
 
 to the Hittites in Babylonian, Egyptian, and Assyrian 
 history alone, it is true, would not be sufficient to 
 establish an historical basis for this phase of our inquiry, 
 though giving us a range of dates that covers broadly 
 the whole of the second millennium down to the eighth 
 century B.c.,^ but these allusions are now supplemented, 
 and in great measure ruade intelligible, by the evidence 
 of the Hittite archives recently discovered at Boghaz- 
 Keui, which establish chronological relationships of the 
 thirteenth and fourteenth centuries B.c.,^ togetherwith a 
 series of contemporary Hittite works. This date now be- 
 comes the basis for all inquiry, bringing into line several 
 points previously problematical and much disputed, 
 just as the intrinsic evidence of these archives throws 
 a new flood of light over the disposition and consti- 
 tution of the Hittites at the very period when they 
 figure most prorainently in the pages of Egyptian 
 history. 
 
 Other researches have contributed towards broaden- 
 ing this basis of investigation. At Sakje-Geuzi recent 
 
 ' (a) A Hittite invasion preceded tlie overthrow of the First Baby- 
 lonian Dynasty. The date in the eighteenth century B.C. assigned by 
 King {Chronicles, etc., i. p. 137) is accepted by Meyer, but thought by 
 Sayce and others to be too late. (6) The Egyptian annals, diplomatic 
 letters, mural decorations, etc., make frequent mention of the Kheta 
 from the 33rd year of Thothmes III. (about B.C. 1471) until the time of 
 Eameses III., early in the twelfth century B.C. There is an early 
 appearance of the group of signs reading ' Kheta ' on a stela of the Twelfth 
 Dynasty (Louvre, ci.) ; some philologists are disposed to regard the group 
 in this instance as forming part of a longer word — a unique instance which 
 implies at any rate familiarity with the word Kheta in the Twelfth 
 Dynasty. It is more probable, Mr. GriflBth tells us, that the group is really 
 to be translated 'Kheta' though written (under circumstances that can 
 be explained philologically) with a false determinative. The Babylonian 
 evidence now prepares us for this early appearance of the name, (c) In 
 the Assyrian records the earliest reference to the Hatti seems to be in 
 the reign of Shalmaneser i., about 1320 B.C., but the name is not found 
 recurring until the time of Tiglath Pileser i., about 1120 B.C. : Sargon 
 (B.C. 721-704) seems finally to have subjected and disunited their princi- 
 palities in N. Syria. 
 
 2 Winckler, Report, cit,, especially pp. 27 and flf. 
 
78 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 excavations^ have established the fact previously in 
 doubt, that the settlements of Hittite peoples had 
 begun there at any rate many centuries, possibly 
 several thousand years, previous to the age marked 
 by the on-coming and ultimately overwhelming tide 
 of Assyrian influence early in the first millennium B.C. 
 The relation of the later phase of local arts to Assyrian 
 chronology is given by the results of excavations made 
 on the great mound at Sinjerli, distant about a day's 
 journey in the same valley towards the south.^ 
 Here certain palace buildings and sculptures, some 
 of which betray Assyrian feeling, may be dated, by 
 help of inscribed monuments that were unearthed, 
 to the eighth century B.C., when this principality 
 became tributary to Tiglath Pileser iii. The reign 
 of Esarhaddon, the conqueror of Egypt, brought 
 even this nominal independence to an end about 
 680 B.C. 
 
 To these revelations by the spade there should be 
 added various contributions of the pen, which, together 
 w^ith the old materials, make possible the study of 
 Hittite remains upon an historical rather than a purely 
 archaeological basis. We might indeed make some 
 general inferences from the results of these researches, 
 but it will be wise to keep ever in view the geographical 
 conditions, and never to assume collateral development 
 among the various branches of the Hittite peoples 
 whose lands were physically so disunited. Evidence 
 affecting one state in the north of Syria may be 
 applied with some surety to its neighbours ; but it may 
 not be applicable beyond the Taurus. No published 
 accounts enable us to test the antiquity of Hittite 
 
 1 See chap, v.. Part 3, pp. 299, 314. 
 
 2 See chap, v., Part 2, pp. 271-273. 
 
PLATE XXXn 
 
HISTORICAL INFERENCE 79 
 
 settlements upon the tableland of Asia Minor, and it 
 is doubtful if even the necessary soundings have been 
 made. For the middle period, however, the difficulty 
 is less, where history shows that the influence of the 
 Hatti administered from Boghaz-Keui must have 
 predominated in . the north of Syria, and contem- 
 poraneity of development may therefore be inferred. 
 But when we come to the inferior limit of date the 
 same difficulty (the possibility of independent develop- 
 ment) is reopened, for, in the absence of positive 
 material evidence to the contrary, the Assyrian arms 
 seem never to have passed the Halys even while 
 Assyrian influences were dominant in Syria. On the 
 other hand, as we have seen in the previous chapters, 
 we have to take into account the possible influence of 
 the new civilisations, like that of the Phrygians, which 
 had meanwhile been developing upon the tableland. 
 One thing at any rate seems clear, that no Hittite 
 m^onuments of Asia Minor can well be later than the 
 period of Phrygian domination in the eighth cen- 
 tury B.C.,'^ so that in the end a general parallel is 
 suggested with the closing dates afforded from Assyrian 
 history. 
 
 Having now considered in general terms the method 
 and the new chronological basis of our inquiry, we come 
 first to an account of those isolated monuments which 
 illustrate to us the diversity of Hittite art and the wide 
 range of its influence. The most striking of these are 
 perhaps those carved on the living rock, which may 
 take the form of single figures, some gigantic, others 
 less than life-size, or groups representing deities and 
 their ministers, accompanied in each case by Hittite 
 hieroglyphs, or long inscriptions without any sculptures 
 ■ See above, pp. 55, 56 ; cf. also Xenophon, Anabasis, v. 4-30. 
 
80 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 to give a suggestion of their meaning.^ Of the move- 
 able monuments only one is found clearly in situ^ and 
 this from its position and nature may be thought, like 
 some of the rock-inscriptions, to have been a boundary 
 stone. There are others, however, of such weight^ or 
 peculiar character'' that they maybe judged to have 
 been set up not far from the sites where they have 
 been found. The provenance of monuments found on 
 or in the vicinity of ancient sites is also reliable as 
 evidence.^ Sculptures are rarely executed in the round, 
 except for architectural purposes,* though in one or 
 two instances there have been found fragments of 
 statues.'^ Reliefs however, are plentiful, mostly repre- 
 senting mythological creatures or persons; while a 
 distinct class, which represents a ceremonial feast or 
 communion, seems to include some specimens of 
 funerary character.^ Among inscribed monuments 
 the most interesting are those stelae which show a 
 human figure, accompanied, it would seem, by a formal 
 biography of good works.^ 
 Unfortunately a considerable proportion of the 
 
 ' The inscriptions still largely hold their secrets. The cause would 
 seem to be chiefly the imperfections in our copies, for Professor Sayce's 
 system (described in the Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1904, et seqq.) has con- 
 sistently developed geographical and local names corroborated by the 
 circumstances of discovery. The language seems to be unlike any that is 
 known, and to vary in localities. 
 
 ^ The inscribed round-topped stone on its pedestal, on a rise of ground 
 near Bogche, overlooking the Halys. See PI. XLViii. 
 
 ^ Like the massive altar on the pass of Kuru-Bel. See p. 147. 
 
 ^ E.g. the lions found near Derendeh ; the obelisk of Izgin, and the 
 columnar figure from Palanga. See pp. 141, 145. 
 
 ^ E.g. the monuments of Jerablus, the site of Carchemish ; and of 
 Marash, the ancient Marghasi ; also those found at Emir-Ghazi near 
 Ardistama ; or at Bor, Nigdeh, and Andaval near Ttana. 
 
 " Like the lions of Sakje-Geuzi, Marash, Eyuk, etc. 
 
 ' E.g. at Kurts-oghlu and Marash. See pp. 98, 11.S. 
 
 * E.g. from Kara-burshlu, Sinjerli, Sakje-Geuzi, Marash, Malatia. 
 
 '•' E.g. from Jerablus, Marash, etc. See the readings of Professor Sayce, 
 Proc. S.B.A., 1904, Nov. et seqq. 
 
PLATE XXXIII 
 
 
 NIGDEH : TOMB OF SELJOk PERIOD 
 
 Traditionally the tomb of Havanda, wife of Ala-ed-din, but dated 1344 A.D. 
 Note the desigrij tracery, and stalactite ornamentation. 
 
 (Seep. 73.) 
 
CLASSIFICATION 81 
 
 inscribed blocks of stone that have been found are 
 imperfect, so that little can be hoped from the inscrip- 
 tions themselves. There are also a few small objects 
 so portable, and reported from regions so exceptional, 
 that they cannot be used as topographical evidence. 
 Lastly, there are naturally a number of monuments 
 simulating Hittite work which we hesitate to include 
 without further evidence. It will be useful at this 
 stage to give a classified list of the places where the 
 chief Hittite monuments have been found.^ Towns 
 and palaces are included though not discussed in 
 this chapter ; further, classifications which are based 
 on inference, or doubtful in any way, are denoted 
 by square brackets, while an asterisk signifies that 
 the Hittite origin of the monument to which it refers 
 is problematical and unconfirmed. Other special 
 features are pointed out in the footnotes. 
 
 Walled Towns. — Boghaz-Keui, Eyuk, Sakje-Geuzi, 
 Sinjerli. [Hgin (Kolitoghlu Yaila), Jerablus (Car- 
 chemish), Marash.] 
 
 Palaces. — Boghaz-Keui, Eyuk, Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli.^ 
 [Malatia, Marash.'] 
 
 FoKTRESSES. — Boghaz - Keui (Sary Kaleh, Yenije 
 Kaleh), Giaour Kalesi, Karaburna, Kizil Dagh. 
 
 Rock Carvings. — Sculptures with Inscriptions — 
 Boghaz-Keui (lasily Kaya), Fraktin, Ivriz, Kara-Bel 
 (Mount Tmolus), Kizil Dagh, Mount Sipylus, Tashji. 
 Sculpture o-nZ?/— Giaour-Kalesi.* Inscriptions only — 
 Asarjik, Boghaz-Keui (Nishan Tash), Bulghar-Maden, 
 Gurun, Kara Dagh (Mahalich). 
 
 ' These are marked upon the map, p. 390. A more detailed place-index 
 ■ to these monuments, with a bibliography, is given in Appendix B. 
 
 2 Sculptures decorate the three last-named palaces. 
 
 3 May be inferred from analogy of sculptured blocks and locality. 
 ■* A careful scrutiny might reveal some signs. 
 
 F 
 
82 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Stones in situ. — Inscribed Sculpture — Kuru-Bel. 
 Inscription only — Bogche. 
 
 Moveable Stones. — Sculptures in the round — Bo- 
 ghaz-Keui,^ Derendeh^ (and at Arslan Tash),^ Eyuk,^ 
 Eski Yapan,'^ Kurts-oghlu,' Kuru - Bel,* Marash,^ 
 Yamooia.^ Reliefs; mural — Aintab, Boghaz-Keui, Dog- 
 hanlu, Malatia, Marash. [Angora (Kalaba, Yalanjak, 
 Amaksiz Keui).] Reliefs representing a Ceremonial 
 Feast — Kara-burshlu, Malatia, Marash, Sakje-Geuzi, 
 Sinjerli,^ Yarre. Inscriptions accompanying human 
 figure — Andaval, Bor, Jerablus ^ (Carchemish), Kellekli, 
 Marash," Samsat, Tell - Ahmar. Inscriptions only — 
 Aleppo, Alexandretta,'' Albistan (Kirch uk Yapalak), 
 Bey-Keui, Ekrek,'^ Bmir-Ghazi,* Hamath, Ilgin (Kolito- 
 ghlu Yaila), Izgin,* Jerablus, Karaburna, Nigdeh,* 
 Restan, Suasa. 
 
 Exceptional Districts.— Babylon, Erzerum (Kaza 
 Passinler)," Kedabeg,'^ Toprah Kaleh. 
 
 Problematical Monuments.— Eflatoun-Bunar, Fas- 
 siler, Gerger. 
 
 The first thing that strikes us in considering this list 
 is that these monuments are all of stone. We might 
 possibly be able to include, with suitable caution, some 
 number of small objects of bronze or pottery, mostly 
 in animal form, and also a number of peculiar ceramic 
 types, including painted vases and neolithic pottery 
 decorated in a primitive manner by incisions. But, 
 except in the latter instances,^" these do not advance 
 the main subject of our inquiry ; for while their 
 
 - Eagle monuments, presumably Hittite. 
 
 * Lion monuments, head only in the round. 
 
 ^ Statuettes in the round ; at Marash, Lion monuments also. 
 
 •* Altar. ' Built into the gate facade. 
 
 ^ Seemingly biographical or memorial. 
 
 ' Objects easily portable. * Columnar statue. 
 
 " Provenance doubtful. i" Cf . below, ch. v. p. 313. 
 
PLATE XXXIV 
 
 EPHESUS : MEDIEVAL FORTRESS WITH SELJOk REMAINS AT AYASOLUK 
 
 KONIA : ZAZADIN HAX, OF SELJUK WORK AND STYLE 
 
 (,Seet. 73.) 
 
ARGUMENT FROM DISPOSITION 83 
 
 identification with the Hittites is chiefly a matter of 
 general inference, their provenance is nearly always 
 doubtful. The same thing might be said unhappily of 
 the definitely Hittite seals and kindred objects, of which 
 several excellent specimens are on record,^ whether 
 made of silver,^ stone,^ or ivory.* While all of these are 
 worthy of closest study from the point of view of 
 Hittite art and motif, yet nearly all have been found in 
 the hands of peasants who were loath to tell the exact 
 site of their discovery, or of town-dealers who did not 
 know. 
 
 Hence to define our Hittite land by the disposition 
 of the monuments, we fall back largely on the works 
 in stone, the original position of which is known or 
 can be inferred. Doubtless at one time the surface of the 
 ground was covered with other indications, with ruins of 
 villages and houses where now the grass grows over 
 indistinguishable mounds ; and doubtless also many 
 exposed monuments must hitherto have escaped scien- 
 tific record. Hence our argument from the disposition 
 of the monuments should be guarded; it is positive, 
 indeed, so far as we have evidence, but the negative 
 case should not be urged. The durability of stone has 
 perpetuated these monuments to us, but it is not 
 thereby demonstrated that ^he Hittites had any ex- 
 clusive preference for this material. And being of 
 stone, they are most plentiful in stony regions, and 
 rarely found upon grassy plains. We cannot expect, 
 for instance, upon the broad pastures of Iconium any- 
 thing analogous to the sculptures which are found in 
 rocky Taurus, where the opportunity was all-tempting 
 
 ' Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1900), Pis. xxxix.-XLV. 
 ^ E.g. from Bor, Recueil de Travaux, xiv. p. 88. 
 
 * E.g. from Aintab, op. cit., vol. xvii. p. 26. 
 
 * See below, p. 160, PI. xl. (ii). 
 
84 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 which in the former case was lacking. It has been 
 well said that 'if the plateau presented throughout 
 the same character, there would be no need to seek on 
 its surface monuments of the past. Hunters and wood- 
 men build no cities, and arts are unknown to them.'^ 
 Consequently, in finding a concentration of Hittite sites 
 upon the hilly regions of the map, this fact should not 
 be allowed to weigh disproportionately, although there 
 is independent evidence tending to the conclusion that 
 several branches of the Hittite peoples, particularly 
 those of Asia Minor, were of mountain origin." 
 
 With these considerations in mind, a study of the 
 disposition of these Hittite sites upon the map^ can teach 
 us much, notwithstanding our self-imposed restrictions. 
 Our southerly frontier reaches to Hamath on the 
 Orontes. Eastward our boundary is the Euphrates, 
 flowing past Malatia, Samsat, and Jerablus. West- 
 ward the monuments follow the inner edge of Taurus 
 as far as the Kara Dagh, with not a single site under 
 the southern slope of these mountains. In the north 
 we have no clear boundary. Eyuk and Boghaz-Keui 
 are found in the middle of the circuit of the Halys, 
 with no places nearer than those which lie in the valley 
 of that river. Across the river a single line of monu- 
 ments, including Giaour-Kalesi, Yarre, Doghanlu, and 
 Bey-Keui, seems to lead on towards the Lydian coast, 
 to where Sipylus and Kara-Bel are found between Sardis 
 and Smyrna. 
 
 A brief consideration of the classified list of monu- 
 ments above will reveal the fact that for description 
 no grouping of these places is so convenient as that 
 formed naturally by geographical divisions. The first 
 
 ' Perrot in Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 83. 
 2 See later, p. 321. 3 To face p. 390. 
 
PLATE XXXV 
 
 
 
 .,>^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 v.i*t';#^«k*,| 
 
 ■«■ ■'* : .'V- '■•■**' -'Ta,i^ 
 
 -■■^.V.m'' 
 
 v/', ^'^ >:!'.^''AS^'ii^BLI'fc;(' 
 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL GROUPING : SYRIA 85 
 
 main group (A) will include all the monuments of the 
 north of Syria, in which we may recognise three 
 separate districts. The most southerly is the Orontes 
 valley, with which we can include Aleppo, though the 
 latter historically would seem to have been the centre 
 of an independent state. ^ The monuments from Hamath 
 consist of a series of stones inscribed in relief, partly be- 
 longing to the same inscription ; while at Aleppo there is 
 one sniall stone of similar character. The places Restan 
 and Homs indicated upon the map are positions of im- 
 portance further up the Orontes, though unidentified 
 by local remains.^ The site of Kadesh, the historical 
 frontier fortress of the Hittites in their warfare with 
 Egypt, is similarly now unrecognisable, but a consensus 
 of opinion among students of the Egyptian records 
 places it not far southward of the present lake of Homs.^ 
 Eastward we have the monuments on the Euphrates, 
 including numerous inscriptions, a stela, and frag- 
 ments of sculpture, from the irregular mounds which 
 mark the site of ancient Carchemish at Jerablus. 
 Several carved and inscribed monuments are recently 
 reported from Kellekli and Tell-Ahmar,* which are in 
 the same vicinity, while further up the river there are 
 found an inscribed and sculptured block from Samsat, 
 and a doubtful carving on the rocks near Gerger Kalesi. 
 The remaining monuments of the north of Syria lie 
 towards the west, mostly in the valley of the Kara Su. 
 
 ' Khalabu in Annals of Thothmes III., 33rd year; Khalman in the 
 Assyrian records ; Khalpa in Hittite, and Haleb in Arabic. 
 
 2 Except a smiU archaic bronze figure procured from Homs (Menant: 
 Bevue Arch., 1895, p. 31); another bronze figure and a cylinder seal of 
 ironstone purchased at Latakia upon thecoast. (Longp^rier Musee Napol. , 
 Pis. xxi.-xxii. ; and Amsrican Jour. Arch., 1898, p. 163, and 1899, p. 18.) 
 Addendum : an inscription of two lines in relief has recently been found 
 at Kestan by the Rev. Father Ronzevalli of Beyrout. 
 
 ^ See, for instance, Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. 
 p. 18; Breasted, The Battle of Kadesh {Chic3,go, 1903), pp. 13, etff. 
 
 * See pp. 128, 130 ; and the list of monuments in Appendix B. 
 
86 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 The mounds of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi are included, 
 wherein excavations have disclosed the ruins of sculp- 
 tured palaces and other monuments that will be de- 
 scribed with more detail in a later chapter. A relief 
 with inscription comes from Kara-burshlu in the same 
 vicinity ; while a sculptured and inscribed corner-stone 
 of peculiar character has been found at Aintab, a 
 little to the east. To the south of this town is Killiz, 
 a place not marked by any peculiar remains, but the 
 centre where numbers of bronze figures,^ seals, and 
 other small objects of Hittite character, are commonly 
 found in the bazaars. Lower down on the Afrin, and 
 hence geographically contiguous, is Kurts-oghlu, 
 whence comes a portion of a small statue carved in the 
 round, upon which still remain two lines of incised 
 inscription. We include Marash also in this group, 
 though it is on higher ground at the ascent of the 
 Taurus mountains. Here there must have been a 
 city of importance, suggested alike in the strategic 
 position and in the number and character of the monu- 
 ments found upon the site. Among these are two 
 sculptured lions (one inscribed with hieroglyphs in 
 relief), slabs carved with reliefs depicting interesting 
 scenes, and the lower part of an inscribed statue, as 
 well as several blocks and fragments also inscribed. 
 
 Passing northwards the monuments found in the 
 mountain regions of Taurus and Anti-Taurus constitute 
 our second main group (B). This embraces the district 
 marked by the four sites in the valley of the Tochma 
 Su, with which there may be included two others 
 in the head-waters of the Pyramus. At Malatia there 
 have been found several architectural blocks sculptured 
 in relief with religious representations and hunting 
 1 See PI. XL. (i). 
 
TAURUS AND ANTI-TAURUS 87 
 
 scenes, most of them bearing also groups of Hittite 
 hieroglyphs upon them. There can be no doubt that, 
 situated like Marash in a position of great strategic 
 importance,^ at one time on the Mitannian and later on 
 the Assyrian frontier, this place is equally one of the 
 more noteworthy Hittite sites. From Derendeh come 
 an inscribed fragment of a statue and a small basaltic 
 lion ; and from a spot called appropriately Arslan Tash, 
 one hour distant to the south, two other lions, which 
 are presumably architectural. At Palanga an inscribed 
 cylindrical columnar figure has been found ; while 
 Gurun, further up the valley, is the site of two inscrip- 
 tions, one on the living rock and the other on an 
 isolated block. On the southern side of the watershed 
 an inscribed stone has been found in a cemetery at 
 Kirchuk Yapalak, two hours distant from Albistan ; 
 while the column or obelisk from Izgin, inscribed 
 on four sides with hieroglyphs in relief, is an object 
 almost as remarkable as the round column from 
 Palanga. 
 
 This group includes, as a second district, five sites in 
 the Anti-Taurus. The most easterly is Kuru-Bel, a 
 pass near old-time Oomana : here is one of the most 
 striking Hittite works, resembling a great altar with 
 lions crouching upon the top on either hand. Three 
 places are on the main stream of the Zamanti Su : from 
 an Armenian cemetery at Ekrek there has come a stone 
 inscribed in incised hieroglyphs, which has been re- 
 dressed with Christian emblems; at Tashji are two 
 figures and an inscription incised upon the rock ; while 
 Fraktin is famous as the site of rock-sculptures that 
 
 ' Ramsay {Hist. Geog., p. 35 ; also Becueil, xv., p. 28) believes in a main 
 eastern route passing through Malatia, and connecting with the Royal 
 Road. The place was, of course, the site of a Roman frontier fortress. 
 
88 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 make important additions to Hittite religious sym- 
 bolism. Lastly, at Asarjik, on the northern slope of 
 Mount Argaeus, overlooking Cassarea, an inscription is 
 incised upon a broken rock, accompanied by interest- 
 ing markings like graffiti. 
 
 In our third main group (C) we include those few 
 monuments found in or near the valley of the Halys, 
 north-westward of Csesarea. These are a great sculp- 
 tured eagle on a lion-base, an object not demonstrably 
 of Hittite workmanship, on the river-bank near 
 Yamoola ; a perfect inscription covering four sides of 
 a round-topped stone, standing on a pedestal, over- 
 looking the river valley on the south bank near Bogche ; 
 thirdly, an inscription in three lines on a stone found 
 at Karaburna, which is on the opposite bank consider- 
 ably lower down ; and lastly, two incised inscriptions 
 found recently at Suasa, which lies back considerably 
 from the river, almost opposite the place last named. 
 
 With the same group we class the district inside the 
 circuit of the Halys, the monuments of which are 
 almost confined to the famous ruins of Boghaz-Keui, 
 with the neighbouring sculptured sanctuary of lasily 
 Kaya, and the walled mound and palace of Eyuk, both 
 of which are described in later chapters. There are, 
 however, one or two features which may be appro- 
 priately singled out for comparison in this chapter, 
 notably the inscription in relief on the rock called 
 Nishan Tash, on the high ground of the citadel at 
 Boghaz-Keui, and a couple of building blocks sculptured 
 like those of Sinjerli, Malatia, and Eyuk, recently 
 found at the foot of the acropolis. If we may mention 
 also two objects of doubtful provenance, these introduce 
 a place called Eski-Yapan, on the road from Sungurlu 
 to Chorum, where an architectural lion is built into a 
 
PLATE XXXVI 
 
THE HALYS BASIN AND THE WEST 89 
 
 modern wall/ and Denek-Maden, near to Cheshme- 
 Keupru, where an interesting round ivory object en- 
 graved with Hittite characters and signs has been 
 rescued.^ 
 
 We are inclined to group together all the monuments 
 westward of the Halys (D), including with them the 
 two famous sculptures near the Lydian coast. We 
 thus bring together for comparison the rock carvings 
 of Giaour-Kalesi and of Kara-Bel, which are analogous, 
 and the dethroned Niobe seated on Mount Sipylus. In 
 the Phrygian country there are on record an inscribed 
 stone at Bey-Keui, and a sculpture with uncertain 
 hieroglyphs at Doghanlu Daresi. A relief found at 
 Yarre, representing a ceremonial feast, conforms with 
 a definite class of Hittite sculptures found elsewhere on 
 the several sites mentioned in the list above. The same 
 may be said, though with less confidence, of carved slabs 
 found in the vicinity of Angora, representing lions, but 
 we exclude the sculptured lion to be seen near the bridge 
 at Cheshme Keupru. The remarkable thing about the 
 disposition of these monuments, excluding the reliefs at 
 Angora, is that they seem to mark out the line of a 
 single road, namely the Royal Road from Boghaz-Keui 
 to Sardis and the west.^ The only reasonable doubt 
 seems to be as to the route from Giaour-Kalesi to 
 Boghaz-Keui, about which there is no evidence. Some 
 students of the local topography think it must have 
 gone by way of Angora, in spite of the tradition (which 
 in the absence of evidence becomes of interest) that 
 Angora was a comparatively late Phrygian foundation.* 
 
 1 Liverpool Annals of Arch., i. p. 9. 
 
 2 Ibid., -p. 11, and PL xiv., fig. 1. See below, PI. XL. (ii). 
 
 ' See above, p. 38, and Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 
 pp. 30, 31. 
 * Pausanias, i. Iv. 5. 
 
90 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Others urge^ that it was improbable that the road 
 'swerved southwards to Giaour-Kalesi,' an opinion 
 seemingly forgetful of the road's objective.^ 
 
 The district westward of Iconium, in which are found 
 the Lycaonian-Hittite monuments of Eflatoun-Bunar 
 and Fassiler, stands by itself. But as there is only one 
 clearly Hittite object from this region, namely a stone 
 inscribed with hieroglyphs in relief, from near Kolit- 
 oghlu Yaila, near Ilgin, w^e include this with the main 
 western group. 
 
 We now come to the fifth and last group (E) of these 
 arbitrary divisions, which includes nine sites and several 
 of the most important monuments.^ It embraces the 
 whole of the south-western range of Taurus from the 
 Kara Dagh to Bulghar Dagh, as well as the districts at 
 its foot, of which in classical times Eregli (Cybistra) 
 Arissama (Ardistama) and Kilisse Hissar (Tyana) were 
 the more important centres. The monuments recently 
 discovered on the Kara Dagh might indeed have been 
 regarded as a group apart ; but as this district shares 
 in the geographical economy of the others, and is a 
 spur of the main Taurus range, we prefer to class them 
 with the rest. They are found in two places, firstly, 
 near Mahalich, on the summit of the Kara Dagh, where 
 there are two inscriptions in relief and a passage in 
 the rock ; and secondly, on the outlying knoll called 
 Kizil Dagh, on which are the remains of a ' high place,' 
 including a rock-throne and an incised seated figure 
 with three inscriptions ; while on the very summit 
 there are the ruins of a fortress, and an inscription 
 in relief upon the rock. The monument of Ivriz, 
 
 1 Journal Hellenic Studies, xix., Part i., 1899, p. 50. 
 
 2 Or perhaps discrediting it. Cf. J.H.S. loc. cit., p. 45, at the top. 
 
 ■* Our relatively large material for this region is mostly due to the con- 
 sistent researches of Professor Sir William Ramsay and his school. 
 
THE SOUTH-EASTERN DISTRICT 91 
 
 above Eregli, is well known ; it is a gigantic and im- 
 posing sculpture of the god of fertility (by whatever 
 name he may be known) with the local priest-king in 
 adoration ; three short inscriptions accompany the 
 scene. The traces of a second sculpture of similar 
 character are to be found not far above.^ At Bulghar- 
 Maden, on the other side of a lofty ridge, an incised 
 inscription of five lines is graved upon the living rock. 
 These two monuments seem to have been connected 
 in some way with Tyana, in the vicinity of which 
 several inscribed stelae and sculptures have been found. 
 That from Bor, discovered in two portions which were 
 rescued at different times, is the best of these ; and an 
 interesting fragment remains at Eski Andaval, where 
 jealousies and suspicions prevent it from being seen. 
 Nigdeh contributes an incised altar of round shape. 
 From Tyana itself nothing is reported, but the anti- 
 quity of the site is unquestioned, and its known monu- 
 ments reach back to the time of a Phrygian Midas.^ 
 In this district, particularly at Bor, nunaerous small 
 objects of great interest have been secured, and there 
 is little reason to doubt but that they were found 
 originally not far away.^ Further west, in the desert 
 tract of the eastern extremity of the great salt plains, 
 there are the ruins of Ardistama ; and in the vicinity, 
 near Emir Ghazi, there have been found in late years 
 an inscription in relief, and three others on round altars. 
 These are included in the same group on account of 
 their geographical proximity. 
 
 Now that we have completed this preliminary survey 
 
 1 Kamsay, Luke the Physician, p. 174, footnote. 
 
 2 See above, p. 56, and PI. xxv. 
 
 3 This uncertainty, however, forbids us to use their provenance 
 as evidence, though in themselves objects with special features of 
 interest. 
 
92 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 of the disposition of such Hittite monuments as by 
 their character or the circumstances of their discovery- 
 may be accepted by us as evidence in our inquiry, we 
 realise naore clearly the reason for the distinction we 
 made in an earlier chapter between the eastern and 
 western portions of Asia Minor. In the West we can 
 speak of only nine monuments, of which four are not 
 of Hittite origin. Six of these seem to lie along the line 
 of a single road ; and of the others, only one is inscribed 
 with Hittite characters, and even that is moveable and 
 not found in its original position. If only by contrast 
 with this paucity, the comparative frequency of monu- 
 ments towards the East, and their definite character, 
 naturally inclines us to assign some tentative boun- 
 daries to the Hittite country. In the North this is not 
 difficult; the Halys River remained in the time of 
 Croesus a division between peoples of different race,^ 
 and Sir William Ramsay has pointed out ^ differences 
 in important racial customs between the peoples of 
 the two banks in ancient times. 
 
 But to the south there is no such boundary ; even 
 the great plains, which form so prominent a landmark 
 in the map, seem to be more barren now than in the 
 days when Ardistama flourished.^ This change is illus- 
 trated by the western extension of the monuments 
 along the foot of the Taurus and in the desert. We 
 must not forget, also, that whole tracts are eliminated 
 from our purview from absence of stone ; nor should 
 we allow ourselves to be prepossessed with the idea 
 of divisions on the tableland, which is, after all, 
 continuous and coterminous. If it is true that nearly 
 
 ' Herodotus, i. 76, and i. 72 ; see also above, pp. 21, 22. 
 2 Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890), p. 32 . 
 ^ Professor Ramsay points out the neglected irrigation works, Lu ke 
 the Physician, p. 129. 
 
MONUMENTS OF NORTH SYRIA 93 
 
 all the evidences of Hittite occupation in the west re- 
 solve themselves into monuments erected along a single 
 road, it is also true that if we exclude from our view 
 the group of remarkable monuments at Boghaz-Keui 
 and Eyuk, there remains little sign that the country 
 within the circuit of the Halys was indeed at any time 
 Hittite territory, much less that it enclosed their 
 northern capital. In face of such considerations the 
 great sculptures and fortress of Giaour-Kalesi, the 
 carvings of Doghanlu, the inscription and tumulus of 
 Bey-Keui, and most striking of all, the sculptures of 
 the west on Mount Sipylus and in the pass of Kara-Bel, 
 as well as those monuments in Phrygia and Western 
 Lycaonia which at least reflect the influence of 
 Hittite art, become imbued with a relative importance 
 not to be overlooked in our inquiry. The land of the 
 Hittites is for us as broad as the extent of their works : 
 it is for another phase of our subject to inquire whether 
 there is evidence to tell us how and when their territory 
 was acquired, and for how long it remained in their 
 power. 
 
 Section A.— Monuments of the North of Syria. 
 
 HAMATH, BESTAN, ALEPPO ; KURTS-OGHLU (ALBXAN- 
 DRETTA), SINJERLI, KABA-BURSHLU, SAKJE-GEUZI; 
 
 aintab (killiz), marash; jerablus, kellekli, 
 tbll-ahmar, samsat, rum kali (gerger). 
 
 The town of Hamath has grown up where the main 
 road from the north enters the Orontes valley. This 
 river, in characteristic fashion, flows for the most part 
 deep below the level of the surrounding plains; and 
 
94 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Hamath is found at a spot where the banks widen out, 
 so that the town is in a hollow, almost surrounded by 
 escarpments formed of the steep banks and the broken 
 edges of the plain. Though picturesque, the position 
 in general can have had little strategic importance, 
 even in antiquity, being overlooked and exposed. Hence 
 it probably came into being in Hittite times as an im- 
 portant halting-place upon the main road through 
 Syria, and as a natural centre for the surrounding 
 agricultural districts. The original Hittite stronghold 
 would seem to have been more strongly placed ; this 
 probably covered the broad-topped mound ^ which 
 marks, in the manner so familiar in old Syrian towns, 
 the beginnings of the site. Doubtless this would be 
 surrounded at a certain stage with a wall, as was 
 the fashion of those days ; and later, on the analogy of 
 Sinjerli, the population overspread the limits of the 
 enclosure, and so settled in times of quiet on the tempt- 
 ing ground at the foot of the acropolis. In this de- 
 velopment, and in the nature of its situation, Hamath 
 shares largely the general features of many Syrian 
 sites. Being (even now) somewhat out of the way of 
 European travellers, it is curious that numerous in- 
 scriptions should have been noticed here, while a famous 
 historical site like Kadesh remains unidentified, and a 
 strong natural position like Restan was until recently 
 without record of Hittite occupation.^ 
 
 Whatever may be the explanation, as early as 1812 
 a black basaltic block built into the corner of one of 
 the houses in a bazaar attracted the eye of a famous 
 
 ^ Thought by Miss Gertrude Bell to have been artificially separated 
 from the ridge, of which it seems like a projecting headland. See The 
 Desert and the Sown (liondou, 1905), p. 223. The same work may be con- 
 sulted for modern interests of this remarkable Arab town. So also 
 Tyke, Dar el Islam (London, 1907). 
 
 2 See p. 8^, note 2 (addendum); and Sayce in Proc. S.B.A. (1909), p. 259. 
 
PLATE XXXVII 
 
 HAMATH : INSCRIPTION IN THREE LINES OF HITTITE 
 
 HIEROGLYPHS CARVED IN RELIEF, ONE OF THE 
 
 SO-CALLED 'HAMATHIC' INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 (See i>. 95.) 
 The photograph is taken from a paper impression. 
 
HAMATH : THE INSCRIPTIONS 95 
 
 traveller ^ by reason of the strange-looking hieroglyphic 
 signs upon it. Sixty years later other stones came to 
 light ; " some were built into the modern walls, others 
 lay loose. All were regarded with veneration Dy the 
 inhabitants,^ and it was with great difficulty that they 
 were removed, in 1872, to a place of safety by the 
 Turkish Governor through the energetic initiation of 
 Dr. Wright, supported by the British Consul. 
 
 The inscriptions are five in number,* whereof two 
 are on adjacent sides of the same block of stone. The 
 first was found in the wall of a house ; it measures 
 nearly 15 inches in height and 13 inches in length.' The 
 inscription is in three lines ; and it begins at the 
 top right-hand side, with the symbol of the human 
 arm and head, with finger touching the lips, a sign 
 which indicates the beginning of a first personal de- 
 claration. Other hieroglyphics may be readily recog- 
 nised in the photograph. The yoke which has the 
 phonetic value of our letter S is thrice repeated in the 
 lower part of the line ; while towards the end there is 
 seen the hand and fore-arm, marked off by the smaller 
 
 • Burckhardt, Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, (London 1822), 
 p. 149. 
 
 2 For the progress and vicissitudes of the attempts to obtain a record 
 of the Hamath stones, consult Wright, The Empire of the Hittites; 
 Burton, Unexplored Syria, and the Quarterly Statements of the Palestine 
 Exploration Fund (1871-2-3) ; and for a connected account, Sayce, The 
 Hittites (1905) ; pp. 60-64. 
 
 ' One in particular, which was long, had virtues for the rheumatic, who 
 stretched themselves upon it. The Aleppo stone was regarded as eflTecti ve 
 for ophthalmia ; and some superstition clings to nearly all such remains 
 when they have long been known to village communities. In Egypt 
 any monuments of stone, even a stela newly found but of guaranteed 
 antiquity, is particularly sought out by barren women, who seem to have 
 a definite formula and ritual to observe— one of these acts is to cross and 
 recross the stone, if possible, seven times each way without turning the 
 eyes to right or left. 
 
 * C.I.H. (Mitteilungen, etc., 1900, 5), Pis. ra. B; iv. A, B ; v., vi., 
 and text (1900, 4), pp. 6-8. Also Wright, op cit.. Pis. i.-iv., pp. 139-141. 
 
 ^ Being a characteristic specimen and of historical interest we re- 
 produce this monument in PI. xxsvii. 
 
96 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 word-dividing signs above and below, which in this 
 grouping seems to express some attribute of lordship,' 
 as ' mighty ' or ' powerful.' On the analogy of other 
 hieroglyphic systems, the signs face always towards 
 the comm^encement of the inscription. In this way the 
 character of Hittite inscriptions may be recognised as 
 boustrophedon, turning alternately in direction with 
 the successive rows, like oxen ploughing in a field. 
 The second row in this ease must be read then towards 
 the right. The most noticeable sign is the royal head- 
 dress, which is conical and drawn always with a mid- 
 rib.^ This symbol is an ideograph meaning king. 
 Below the first example of this sign there occurs the 
 freely used determinative of a locality ; it is oval in 
 shape, and is to be distinguished by details from a 
 similar symbol indicating sanctity or divinity, which 
 is seen commonly at the top of the groups of signs 
 which seem to name individuals in the sculptures.^ 
 
 There seems to be little variation between the texts 
 of this inscription and two others from the same place.* 
 Of these, No. 2 is an inscription likewise in three lines, 
 lacking only a few signs at the end. The stone 
 measures nearly 20 inches in length by 15 inches in 
 height ; it was found built into the wall of a garden. 
 The inscribed end of the third stone (that which was 
 looked on as possessed with virtue for the rheumatic), 
 is only just 11 inches in height, with a width the same 
 as in the former instance. There are two lines of in- 
 
 1 Sayce, Proc. S.B.A., 1903, March. 
 
 ^ This feature distinguishes this sign from the determinative of a 
 district, represented as a conical hill, 
 
 ^ See for example the groups of symbols accompanying the divine 
 figures at Boghaz-Keui, Pis. lxv., lxii. 
 
 ' A reading of No. 1 was tentatively put forward by Sayce, Proc. 
 S.B.A. (1903), p. 354; but this must be revised in the light of the new read- 
 ing of No. 2, and the note on one of the signs of No. 1, in Proc. S.B.A., 
 1905, Nov., p. 218. 
 
ALEPPO: AN INSCRIPTION 97 
 
 scription preserved. The largest stone of all was found 
 built into the corner of a small shop ; its height is just 
 over 2 feet, and its length 3 feet in front. It is cubical, 
 with a thickness or depth of at least 15 inches. It was 
 probably a corner-stone in antiquity also, for it is in- 
 scribed on the front and on the left-hand side.^ The 
 signs, as in the other cases, are in relief. The inscrip- 
 tion is not continuous around the corner, for in front 
 are five rows, which begin to read from the right, 
 while by the side are four rows only, beginning from, 
 the left. The depth of the rows is the same in each 
 case. The face inscription is considerably rubbed and 
 damaged, and a portion of the last line missing ; while 
 the edges of the side-inscription are also rubbed away.^ 
 The one monument of Aleppo ' is a single panel of in- 
 scription carved in relief upon a block of basalt, nearly 
 2 feet 6 inches long, and 1 foot 6 inches high. When seen 
 originally it was built into the south wall of an old 
 mosque, and was regarded with special superstition by 
 the native people, who ascribed to it powers of curing 
 ophthalmia. The smooth-rubbed nature of the surface 
 of the stone may be partly ascribed to the devotions of 
 the afflicted, who were wont to rub their aifected eyes 
 upon it. When attention was drawn to the character 
 and archaeological importance of this monument, it was 
 hastily removed, and reported as broken. Rather 
 more than twenty years later, however, it was ref ound,* 
 
 • Cf. the Aintab stone below, p. 107, and PI, xli. Also the corner-stones 
 in situ at Eyuk, Pis. Lxxii., Lxxiii. 
 
 2 These monuments are now to be seen at Constantinople, in the 
 Ottoman Museum. (Nos. 831, 832, etc.) 
 
 2 C. I. H., PI. III. A, Text, p. 4 (Mitteilungen, etc., 1900, 4, 5), and Proc. 
 5.B.i.,T. (1883), p. 146. 
 
 * By the Liverpool Expedition of 1907. See Liv. Annals of Arch., i. 
 p. 8, PI. IX., 3 ; and cf. Proc. S.B.A., June 1908. For three uninscribed 
 but presumably Hittite sculptures from Aleppo, see Liv. Annals, ii. p. 184, 
 and PI. XLII. 
 
 G 
 
98 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 built again into the wall of a mosque, and a new photo- 
 graph was obtained. The signs are too worn to tran- 
 scribe with certainty, and the inscription is too in- 
 complete to be of much present use for comparative 
 study. It is remarkable that no other Hittite monu- 
 ments from Aleppo have been recorded. Possibly the 
 reason is that the fine mediaeval Turkish castle now 
 completely covers the bold acropolis which was probably 
 the position of the stronghold in Hittite times.^ There 
 is rumour of other inscriptions in the masonry of the 
 keep, and in the town, but nothing has yet come to light. 
 We pass now westward towards the ancient lands of 
 Wan. From here only one monument is recorded,^ but 
 that is of peculiar interest, being part of a sculpture in 
 the round. This was found in a large rubbish-mound 
 at Amk near Kurts-oghlu, a village not far from the 
 Gindarus of Roman times upon the Afrin. It is now 
 in the Berlin Museum.^ It consists of the lower part 
 of a statue, which must have represented a somewhat 
 stolid person standing, clad in long skirt, below which 
 the toes protrude. The inscription is incised in two 
 rows around the front and sides of the skirt at the 
 bottom, beginning from behind the right-hand side. 
 The space not inscribed behind is filled with four 
 vertical folds, descending from the waist, which seems 
 to be encircled with a belt. The upper part of the body 
 is broken away, but it seems to have been clad in a 
 garment which reached down, in front and behind, to 
 the waist and descended lower over the thighs ; but the 
 upper part is all broken away, leaving only the position 
 of one elbow, which was bent. The height of the 
 preserved portion of the statue is 16 inches, and width 
 
 ' See PI. XXXVIII., to face. 2 c.I.H. (1900), PI. vii. and p. 8, 
 
 3 Vorderasiatische Abteilung, No. 3009, 
 
PLATE XXXVIII 
 
 ;i 
 
KURTS-OGHLU : KARA-BURSHLU 99 
 
 at the bottom 10^ inches. Dr. Messerschmidt notes 
 with regard to the inscription that an attempt seems 
 to have been made to add a third line, which was aban- 
 doned possibly owing to lack of room, and the signs 
 added were then effaced with cross-lines. It remains 
 probable, none the less, that these extra words were 
 essential to complete the sense of the inscription.^ 
 
 Northward lies Sinjerli, the centre of old-time Shamal, 
 in the valley of the Kara Su, uzider the eastern slopes 
 of Mount Amanus. Here one of the numerous mounds 
 in this locality has been excavated, and disclosed the site 
 of a walled town surrounding an acropolis which was 
 separately enclosed. Within were palaces, or Hildni, 
 of different building periods, and decorated like the 
 gates of the citadel and tow^n with sculptures of vary- 
 ing character. Several inscriptions, from the dated 
 evidence upon them and their relative positions, added 
 to the archaeological value of these discoveries, which 
 will be found described in greater detail in Chapter V. 
 
 An hour northward from Sinjerli is the village of 
 Kara-burshlu, at the foot of Mount Amanus, and on 
 the way from one of the chief local descents from the 
 mountains called significantly Arslan Boghaz (Lion 
 Gorge). Above this village there towers a steep knoll, 
 on the summit of which an interesting carved monu- 
 ment was found by members of the first Berlin 
 expedition to Sinjerli.^ The subject of the relief is a 
 Ceremonial Feast, similar in its general features to 
 
 ' Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1900, pt. 4, p. 8. There 
 is another inscribed object coming from this region now in the museum 
 at Alexandretta, but it seems to have come originally from Marash. It 
 is a small stone inscribed on both sides, of which one is flat and the other 
 convex. The four rows of hieroglyphs in relief are preserved on either 
 side, while portions of a fifth are visible, for a part of the object is broken 
 away. Its width is 9^ inches, and the height of what is preserved 14 
 inches (ibid., loc. cit.). 
 
 2 C.I.H. (1900, 5), PI. XXVI. 1, 2, and do. (1900, 4), p. 20. 
 
100 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 others observed in the locality at Sinjerli,^ Sakje-Geuzi, 
 Marash, and Malatia, and in Asia Minor at Boghaz- 
 Keui (lasily Kaya) and at Yarre, but rendered im- 
 portant through certain variations. For it seems to 
 have been inscribed on both sides and on the top; 
 while, below, part of a pedestal remains, on which it 
 must have been designed to stand.^ Thus it could not 
 have been intended for a building stone, nor is there 
 any suggestion that it was an old stone re-used. Its 
 height is 3 feet 7 inches, its width 3 feet; and the 
 pedestal is preserved to a length of about 5 inches 
 with a width of 18 inches. Unfortunately the stone 
 was found in a poor state of preservation, and could 
 not be moved, so that we have to rely chiefly on 
 sketches and impressions taken on the spot by the 
 discoverers. These, however, were executed with great 
 skill, and it is the fault rather of the condition of the 
 monument, and of our unfamiliarity with the writing, 
 that more of the inscription cannot be made out. As 
 it is, only part of four rows from the right-hand side 
 have been published; but there seem to have been 
 originally six rows on each side and at least one row 
 on the top. The letters are all incised. The sculpture 
 is in relief, and represents two figures seated on either 
 side of a low table, similar to one another and vis-di-vis. 
 The hair of the one seems to be short, and of the other 
 curled. Their shoes turn upwards at the toe. Their 
 robes are long and fringed, reaching to the ankles, and 
 
 1 The illustration of the Sinjerli scene, PI. Lxxv., explains thesubject in 
 general: only at Sakje-Geuzi one of the figures is standing, in the other 
 cases both are seated. 
 
 ^ Compare in shape and subject the 'gravestone of an Aramaic Queen,' 
 eighth century B.C., Berlin Museum (Vorderasiatische Abteilung, No. 
 2995). The shape corresponds also with that of the monument from 
 Samsat (below, p. 130); and of the stela of Nabonidus from Mujelibeh 
 now at Constantinople, published by Scheil, Recueil de Travaux, 
 xviii. 1, 2 (Paris, 1896). 
 
THE CEREMONIAL FEAST 101 
 
 there is a belt (partly at least) around the waist. Each 
 raises the further hand with something in it to the 
 level of the mouth. The nearer elbow is drawn back 
 in a natural position, and a staff is suggested in the 
 hand. The chairs are square cornered and straight 
 legged, twice as high as broad, with spindles to match, 
 and low backs, the upper bars of which are thicker and 
 rounded behind. The table is of familiar shape, rather 
 squeezed in the drawing. The top seems to be round, 
 and the curved legs (which are probably three in 
 number) cross about two-thirds of their height, forming 
 a tripod. The feet of the legs are ornamented, probably 
 but not clearly, as animals' feet. Upon the table are 
 five flat circular objects (if we interpret the perspective 
 of the drawing rightly) like native loaves of bread, and 
 upon them are two small pear-shaped objects more 
 difficult to define. 
 
 The class of sculpture to which this monument 
 belongs is to be distinguished in our opinion from 
 that in which one of the personages represented is 
 clearly more exalted than the other,^ hence presum- 
 ably the lord or master to whom a servant ministers ; 
 whereas in these, the persons seem to be on an 
 equality, and both share in the feast. The suggestion 
 of a 'funerary feast '^ as an explanation of these 
 sculptures seems most natural, but the difficulty in 
 accepting this arises from the fact that at Sinjerli the 
 stone in question forms part of a mural decoration, 
 and others of those mentioned seem to be clearly 
 architectural blocks. This difficulty might be explained 
 away by the compromise that the scenes were origin- 
 
 ' Such as are to be seen at Sakje-Geuzi and in one instance at MarasJi. 
 
 ^ Unfortunately there seem to have been no soundings made for a 
 much- wanted Hittite necropolis. On the possible evolution of the motive 
 in general, see below, p. 357. 
 
102 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 ally commemorative of some religious institution of a 
 funerary character, though not actually tombstones.^ 
 
 One of the most interesting monuments of this kind 
 is found at Sakje-Geuzi, which lies in the same valley as 
 Sinjerli, about a day's journey to the north-east. The 
 route passes through a gap in a low ridge which divides 
 the valley transversely and forms a natural boundary 
 between the two districts. Recent excavations ^ have 
 unearthed in one of the mounds at Sakje-Geuzi the 
 outline of a walled citadel and the foundations of a 
 palace with portico sculptured in characteristic fashion. 
 These buildings we describe with those of Sinjerli and 
 Eyuk in a later chapter; but there are one or two 
 surface monuments of this site that may appropriately 
 be mentioned now. One of these is the relief in 
 question.^ The stone was found in the marshy ground 
 at the foot of the mound called Jobba Eyuk. The stone 
 is preserved to a height of 27 inches, and is probably a 
 decorative building slab, brought down in modern 
 times from the mound. The carving is very weathered, 
 but its main features may be readily made out. The 
 figure on the left is seated, with hands stretched out 
 towards the table; while that on the opposite side stands 
 facing the other, with hands forward as though in 
 the act of serving.* The dresses seem to be long robes ; 
 that of the standing figure may be bordered or fringed. 
 
 ' On this point see p. 357, and of. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier 
 (Strassburg, 1898), p. 166 ; and Crowfoot, Jour. Hell. Stud., xix., pp. 42, 43. 
 
 2 Liv. Annals of Arch., i. pp. 97-117, and Pis. xxxiii.-iLix. 
 
 5 Publ. in Liv. Annals of Arch., i. PI. XLV., and pp. 101-2. There is a 
 cast at the Liverpool Institute of Archaeology. 
 
 * Cf. the monuments of this class from Marash, described below, and 
 the stela of Nerab, a Phoenician monument of the ninth century B.C. (of 
 which a good photograph is published by Ball, Light from the East, to 
 face p. 236). These sculptures should be compared with representations 
 of shrines, or offerings at the altar, like the reliefs at Fraktin, PI. XLVii. 
 (Recueil de Travaux, xiv., PI. vi., and Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, 
 PI. XXIII.); also a scene at Eyuk, PI. Lxxiii. (i). 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : CEREMONIAL FEAST 103 
 
 The hair of the seated figure ends in a bunched curl.^ 
 The chair is straight-legged as before, only the back is 
 higher, and while curving very slightly backwards 
 does not thicken but rather tends to taper. The table 
 is better drawn than in the last instance; the curve 
 and crossing of the legs is more clear; but the third 
 leg is shown in each case stopping short at the junction, 
 possibly because the artist thought the curve took it 
 out of the plane of the sculptures. The objects upon 
 the table cannot be identified : the one which seems to 
 be proffered by the left hand of the standing figure is 
 round and set upright ; the other is small and T-shaped. 
 Another monument not found in situ, and no longer 
 at Sakje-Geuzi, was removed to Berlin^ some years 
 ago from the walls of the Konak, or chief's house, in 
 the village. It consists of three sculptured stones, 
 obviously part of a mural decoration, but forming in 
 themselves a complete group. The subject depicted 
 is a royal lion hunt.^ The king or priest dynast is 
 marked out by a winged disk near to his head ; he 
 rides in a two-horsed chariot, which is driven by a 
 companion. The horses, like the men, are clad in mail ; 
 jaunty tassels hang from their sides and shoulders. 
 The car is small and seemingly open at the back; a 
 quiver for arrows is hung up on each side, as well as 
 an implement which seems like a javelin. The tires 
 of the wheels are thick, and there are eight spokes. 
 The two figures standing within the chariot are clad 
 exactly alike, in long mail robes with short sleeves 
 that do not reach the elbow. Both are without other 
 
 ' Cf. the similar sculpture from Marash, p. Ill, and C.I.H. (1900, 5), 
 PI. XXII., and from Malatia, below, p. 135. 
 
 2 Vorderasiat. Mus., No. 971. 
 
 ^ PI. XXXIX.; ct. also Unmann andPnchstein, Eeisen 171 Kleinaeienund 
 Nord Syrien (Berlin, 1890): Atlas, PI. XLVI. Perrot and Chiplez, Art in 
 . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 64, and fig. 279. 
 
104 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 headgear than their copious hair or wig, which is 
 arranged in long parallel curls over the head; their 
 beards also are dressed in pendent curls in the Assyrian 
 style. The face of the warrior is partly hidden by that 
 of him who drives, but the visible characteristics are 
 the same. The eye is rendered in full, while the some- 
 what aquiline nose and prominent lips are in profile. 
 The similarity of these two figures is somewhat strik- 
 ing ; possibly, on the Egyptian analogy, it is the king's 
 son who drives. He holds the reins in his two hands, 
 a pair in each, while in his right he seems to grasp also 
 a short-stocked whip. The figure seen partly behind, 
 which we take for the monarch, is portrayed in the act 
 of shooting. The short bow is drawn to the back of 
 the neck, and the middle part of the weapon, held by 
 the outstretched left hand, together with the long 
 point of the arrow, is seen protruding from before the 
 face of the nearer figure. His quarry is a noble lion 
 which is seen immediately in front of the chariot 
 horses. A third figure in the background here inter- 
 venes, being partly hidden by the forelegs of the horses 
 and the hind parts of the lion. He is clad only in a 
 short tunic from the waist ; the garment has apparently 
 a seam vertically down the front, and the fold, which 
 is fringed or bordered, falls transversely over the right 
 thigh. His feet are shod in sandals.^ The face of this 
 person is not well preserved, but his hair is short and 
 very curly. In his right hand an implement resembling 
 a double axe is poised aloft, while with his left he 
 still grasps a spear, the point of which protrudes from 
 the near flank of the lion. The beast itself is shown 
 also in profile ; the tail with bushy tip is down ; the 
 
 ' Cf. the similar composition of anotlier sculpture from the same site. 
 Liv. Annals, i. (1908), PI. xv., fig. 2. 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : THE LION HUNT 105 
 
 mane and ruffle are depicted, and the hair is shown full 
 behind the shoulder and under the belly.^ The mouth 
 is open, with the teeth all bared, and the left paw is 
 upraised with the claws turned outwards, both actions 
 threatening a fourth person who with face turned 
 towards the group completes the scene. With both 
 hands this man drives home a spear into the skull or 
 left shoulder of the animal. He is clad like the riders 
 in the chariot in a long suit of mail, with short sleeves. 
 In this case the lower part of the garment may be 
 seen, which in the others is hidden by the side of the 
 chariot : it is cut away from above the knees, though 
 falling behind nearly to the ankles. There is a belt 
 around the waist as before ; the sandals have flat soles, 
 while toe-piece and ankle-strap are clearly delineated. 
 The head-dress of this person is peculiarly interesting. 
 While perpetuating the form of the conical hat it 
 seems to look more clearly like a helmet. This may, 
 however, be an illusion, as there is a border around the 
 brow, and the appearance of a turnover fold which 
 reaches down the side from the peak. Over the back 
 of the animal, between the spears of the two standing 
 figures, there appear four rosettes of twelve petals 
 each ; while the upper and lower borders of the stones 
 are decorated also with a pattern composed of con- 
 tiguous concentric circles. The height of these slabs is 
 nearly four feet, which accords with the measure of other 
 stones of similar character and decoration found upon 
 one of the mounds of this site.^ Together these form a 
 series of pronounced Assyrian feeling, and obviously of 
 later date^ than the palace-portico recently unearthed. 
 
 1 Cf. the lion of Marash, PI. XLii., and the newly found lion of Sakje- 
 Geuzi, PI. Lxxix. ^ cf. Liv. Annals, i. (1908), Pis. xxxiv. 2, xxxv. 2. 
 
 ' Attributed by Puchstein, Pseudo-hethitische Kunst (Berlin, 1890), to 
 the age of Sargon. 
 
106 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 From Sakje-Geuzi a difficult mountain track leads 
 over the Qurt Dagh to Kartal, crossing the head- 
 waters of the Afrin, and, following the wild upper 
 valley of that river to Karadinek, passes thence under 
 the curve of the basalt plateau to Killiz. The distance 
 in time is much the same as the better road by way 
 of Aintab, being two days' journey in either case, but 
 the scenery and interests of the former route are 
 unparalleled in Northern Syria. At Killiz various 
 small objects have been from time to time bought 
 in the bazaars, such as stone seals and small bronze 
 figures. Two of the latter we illustrate here,^ but it 
 is not certain that they are of Hittite origin. Their 
 archaic appearance, however, the range of country 
 and localities in which this class of objects are found, 
 and several other considerations, render the suspicion 
 a probability.^ 
 
 Aintab, one day's march eastward from Sakje-Geuzi, 
 lies at the juncture of two main routes, the one 
 from Cilicia eastward across the Euphrates, the other 
 from Marash southward by Killiz to Aleppo. It is 
 somewhat surprising therefore that there is no further 
 evidence of Hittite handiwork forthcoming than a 
 single granite corner-stone. This is a cubical block,^ 
 about twenty inches in height, inscribed on the one 
 face and sculptured on the adjoining side to the right. 
 
 1 PI. XL. (i). From Ziv. Annals, i. (1908), figs. 2, 3, PI. XIV. 
 
 ^ Cf. inter alia Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, PI. xxiv. ; also (Bez- 
 zenberger unci) Peiser, Die bronze Figur von Schernen (Sitzungsher. der 
 Altertunisges. Prussia, Heft 22), where the distribution of this class of 
 bronze figure is thoroughly examined. Among the sites of Asia Minor 
 there appear Yuzgat, Angora, Amasia, Karashehr, Iconium, and ten 
 unnamed places of Cappadocia. On the Syrian side, Marash and Homs 
 and the Lebanon region are noticeable. The distribution thus includes 
 many Hittite sites, but not exclusively, 
 
 ' PI. XLi. ; cf. Liv. Annals Arch., i. (1908), Pis. X., XI., p. 8, and flg. p. 7. 
 Several important small objects have been secured at Aintab. 
 
PLATE XL 
 
 KILLIZ : BRONZE FIGURES. 
 
 {See p. 106.) 
 
 DENEK MADE.N ; IVORY SEAL. 
 
 (_See p. 160.) 
 
KILLIZ AND AINTAB 107 
 
 It is clearly an architectural piece, for neither sculpture 
 nor inscription is completed on the single stone ; yet it 
 should be mentioned that in the palace buildings of 
 Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli, and Eyuk in no case has an 
 inscription been found built into the walls which are 
 decorated with sculptures. Recently at Malatia, and 
 at Boghaz-Keui, sculptured blocks have been found on 
 the face of which are hieroglyphic signs, as may be 
 seen in situ at Eyuk ; but in no case is an inscription 
 found built into a wall. We feel inclined to regard 
 this stone therefore as part of another class of 
 structure, like a built-up hero-monument or shrine.^ 
 The inscription is in three panels, of which the middle 
 one is complete and enclosed by a border ; the lowest 
 is lacking only in the left-hand corner at the bottom, 
 while the uppermost is suggested only by traces of 
 the lowest signs within it. A religious character is 
 suggested in the reading of the middle panel tentatively 
 offered by Professor Sayce: 'This (monument) erect- 
 ing to the god of my country.' The sculptured side is 
 equally problematical. That which remains shows the 
 right leg of a man from thigh to knee. The dress 
 seems to be a short tunic, the lowest edge of which 
 seems to be curled up behind. The position of the leg 
 and dress suggest several points of interest in attempt- 
 ing a restoration of the attitude. The figure must 
 have been about life-size, and posed for action with 
 left leg forward; not running but rather walking 
 quickly, or possibly hurling a spear, with the muscles 
 of the leg strung up to give the final impetus to the 
 throw. 
 Marash lies one day's journey northwards of Ain- 
 
 ' Cf. the monument recently discovered at Marash, described below, 
 pp. 114 ff. 
 
108 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 tab: it is a considerable town placed at the descent 
 from the Taurus on sloping ground well above the plain 
 and 2500 feet above the sea. We have seen that it 
 has played a considerable part in local history, as 
 follows from its important position at the junction 
 of several main routes ; and to judge from the remains 
 that have been found there, it must have been in 
 earlier times one of the more important centres of 
 the Hittites. As in the parallel cases of Aleppo and 
 Hamath, probably the conical knoll to the west of 
 the town, crowned by the remains of the mediaeval 
 and earlier fortifications, marks the original village 
 ' tell,' which, like the mounds of Sakje-Geuzi, began to 
 grow with the first settlements of Hittites upon the 
 spot. Into an arched stone gateway on this acropolis 
 there had been built two sculptured lions of Hittite 
 workmanship, one of them, indeed, freely inscribed 
 with Hittite characters. Originally the two lions 
 had unquestionably guarded the entrance to a palatial 
 building, forming the corner-pieces of the lowest 
 course ; ^ but in later times they had been poised aloft 
 in the masonry as mei'e ornaments.^ Though these 
 are perhaps the most striking objects from this place, 
 several other monuments are on record, the interest 
 of which is enhanced by their variety of character 
 and detail.^ These include a slab sculptured with the 
 representation of a Ceremonial Feast, similar to those 
 of Kara-burshlu and Sinjerli, but with the addition 
 of Hittite hieroglyphs upon the sculptured face. 
 There is also the body of a small statue with a con- 
 siderable part of the sculpture preserved, and a stela 
 
 1 As at Sakje-Geuzi. See PI. Lxxviii. 
 
 2 Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii., fig. 268. 
 
 ^ Humann and Puchstein, Beisen, etc.. Atlas, PJs. xlvh.-xlis. 
 
PLATK XLI 
 
 AINTAU ; INSCRIPTION UI'ON SCULI'TUHEU CKANITE CORNER-STONE 
 
 (,Scef. 107.) 
 
MARASH: LION CORNER-STONE 109 
 
 with carved figure and long incised inscription. 
 Several other sculptures may be unhesitatingly in- 
 cluded in the list, though without Hittite hieroglyphs 
 upon them. One of these is a fragment showing a 
 woman seated with a child on her knee, holding in 
 her left hand a lyre upon which is perched a bird. 
 Another is also broken, but the figure of a man serv- 
 ing at a table is preserved, and there is clear sugges- 
 tion of a greater figure on the opposite side. Below, 
 in an ill-drawn scene, a man holding a spear is repre- 
 sented leading a horse.^ Recently a fine monumental 
 piece has been added to the list, consisting of a cubical 
 block of stone carved on the four sides, with inscrip- 
 tion in this case as well as a human figure in relief. 
 There are also various fragmentary inscriptions which 
 have been longer known. There can be no doubt but 
 that Marash was a royal seat of even greater import- 
 ance than those at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi. 
 
 The first object of this list, the inscribed lion, is well 
 known, and has several times been published in illus- 
 tration. We reproduce a photograph of its profile,^ 
 which is the most typical and interesting point of 
 view. Its architectural nature is evident, and is entirely 
 accordant with that of the lions found in situ at Sakje- 
 Geuzi.^ It must have stood at the left hand as the 
 decorative corner-stone of a palatial portico, with its 
 fellow lion in the corner opposite. The place on the 
 back prepared for the reception of an upper course of 
 masonry may be seen, and the relative alignment of 
 both walls may be inferred. The fore-quarters and 
 head of the lion stood out from the wall, and these are 
 
 ' Other sculptured fragments are described on pp. 118-122. 
 
 2 PI. xLii. from a photo of the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Con- 
 stantinople, by courtesy of H. E. Hamdy Bey. 
 
 3 Below, Pis. XXXVIII., Lsxix. 
 
no MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 sculptured in the round ; the rest of the body is in 
 relief. The treatment obeys the now familiar canon, 
 though not carried out in detail : the ruffle of the neck 
 and hairy belly are suggested ; the tail curls under, 
 and is seen between the tTv^o hindlegs. Only one fore- 
 leg is seen in profile, in contradistinction to the familiar 
 Assyrian representations. In this case, however, detail 
 of execution is sacrificed to the long inscription, which 
 uniquely covers the body and even the legs of the 
 animal as well as the spaces between them. The 
 hieroglyphs are deliberate and well cut; the basaltic 
 nature of the rock probably accounts for their super- 
 ficial roughness, especially in view of the great number 
 of signs carved on a really small surface ; for the 
 object is much less than life-size, being only 17 
 inches high, 35 inches long, and just over 10 inches 
 thick.^ From the rendering of the inscription by 
 Professor Sayce,^ it would appear to have been carved 
 by the Hittite king of the district, who united the 
 priestly dignities with his office, as we should expect 
 from the accounts of Strabo in parallel cases.^ There 
 are several striking points developed by this transla- 
 tion, which though unconfirmed commands our interest 
 and respect. The king claims for himself amongst 
 other attributes to be 'the dirk-bearer* powerful,' 
 ' citizen of Merash,' ' priest of Merash,' ' royal lord of 
 these lands, king of the lands of the god,' ' who pro- 
 vides food for the sanctuary,' ' of the men of the corn 
 land the chief,' ' seated on the throne of Kas.' He also 
 
 1 The original is now at Constantinople Museum, No. 840 ; a cast may 
 be seen in the British Museum. 
 
 2 Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. 1905, Nov., p. 225. 
 
 3 i'.gi. atComanaof Pontus, Strabo, xir. iii. 32; ibid., and of Cappadocia, 
 where the priest was second in rank, ibid., xii. li. 3; also at Pessinus, 
 ibid., XII. vi. 3. 
 
 * Cf, the sculpture No. 72 at lasily Kaya, PI. Lxx., and p. 228; also p. 360, 
 
PLATE XLII 
 
MARASH : CEREMONIAL FEAST 111 
 
 claims to ' have nourished the sanctuary of the Hittite 
 . . ■ the god's high place,' and to ' have made a high 
 place for the dancers ' for the celebration of religious 
 rites. The Assyrian name of Marash was Markhasi, 
 which seems to take the form Ma{a)rghasi in the 
 Hittite. There is a clear suggestion of a theocratic 
 ideal in state aiSairs, beginning with the high priest- 
 hood of the sovereign, and borne further by naming 
 the subjects of the Marash king ' children of the gods,' 
 for which there is analogy in the Vannic inscriptions. 
 Sandes seems to be chief god. 
 
 The stone sculptured with the representation of a 
 Cerem.onial Feast is reported to have been found, 
 together with ' lance heads and potsherds,' in a vine- 
 yard of Marash.^ This is another of that class of 
 monument of which we noted the wide distribution 
 and varying features in connection with that found at 
 Kara-burshlu. In this case both figures are seated. 
 They are presumably but not necessarily female. They 
 are clad in long robes ; details of the bust are not 
 visible, and it is only the relative smallness of the 
 feet and hands, and certain fulness in the treatment of 
 the bodies, that offer a suggestion of their sex. They 
 are seated on high square chairs with backs that curl 
 away at the top, and their feet rest upon low square 
 footstools. A table between them has straight legs, of 
 which only two are shown, ornamented in some way 
 at the feet. On the table are three round bread-cakes 
 and a cup. The figures are vis-a-vis : each one stretches 
 out the further hand, the left one holding a cup, the 
 other a round mirror of familiar Egyptian shape. 
 Their other hands are drawn back and only just pro- 
 trude from their cloaks ; each seems to hold the same 
 1 Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1900, pt, 5), PI. xxii., and ibid., 4, p. 18, 
 
112 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 sort of object, 'perhaps a vase or pomegranate.'^ 
 The garment is curious, being continuous over the 
 head-dress, and descending to the ankles, with a fringe 
 or border all along the edge and round the bottom. 
 There is a waistband to each figure, which is seemingly 
 composed of separate strands, but it is difficult to under- 
 stand its attachment.^ The head-dress is singular, being 
 cylindrical in shape, recalling most nearly that of the 
 Turkoman women.' The faces of the persons are ill- 
 drawn and unnatural, but prominence is given to the 
 straightness of nose in line with the receding forehead * 
 and to the fulness of the lips. Above and between the 
 heads there are traces of a considerable inscription in 
 relief, of which the signs towards the sides can be 
 made out with some certainty ; but the middle portion 
 is too worn to enable one to study the sequence of 
 the characters, or even to decide whether they form 
 two groups, one referring to each person. The where- 
 abouts of this stone is uncertain, but casts are in the 
 Berlin Museum. Its height is 49 inches and width 
 35 inches ; it is just over 15 inches thick. The material 
 is basaltic stone or dolerite. 
 
 The portion of a statue from Marash * is of importance 
 as numbering, together with a large hand from the same 
 place and the broken figure from Kurts-oghlu, among 
 the very few recorded Hittite sculptures in the round. 
 Unfortunately this one is too broken and too small to 
 tell us much in detail of this feature of Hittite art. 
 
 1 Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, li. p. 64. 
 
 2 C(. the similar feature in a sculpture from Carchemish, p. 127. 
 
 3 Cf. the photograph PI. v. (li) of women at Kartal, which is in the 
 Kurt Dagh to the south of Marash. A suggestive general resemblance 
 is to be found on certain Etruscan monuments. 
 
 * Cf. PI. LXXV., LXXVII. 
 
 ^ C.I.H. (1900-5), Pi. XXIII. A-B. Original in the Berlin Vorderasia- 
 tiscbes Museum, No. 973. 
 
MARASH: TORSO AND STELA 113 
 
 With the exception of the right shoulder, however, the 
 whole body is preserved, and only the head and feet 
 are lacking ; but the style of the object is formal, and 
 in place of artistic detail there are merely four or five 
 irregular bands of inscription in relief, with other 
 signs upon the preserved shoulder. The right hand 
 remains, but it is worn and lacks detail; in the left 
 there seems to be held a sort of loop with pendent 
 tassel. The material of the statuette is basalt. The 
 height preserved is under 9 inches, its width 6 inches. 
 This torso seeras to have belonged to a figure quite 
 distinct from another of similar material which seems 
 to have come from the same vicinity.^ Of this only 
 two broad bands of the inscription remain, but they 
 seem to mark the beginning of a long inscription; 
 the symbols are boldly cut in relief, and are similar 
 in every way to those of Jerabis. The fragment is 
 rounded and apparently formed part of a hollow figure : 
 it was copied by the discoverers amid much difiiculty 
 and subsequently disappeared. The existence of a third 
 statue at Marash, but in this case of gigantic size, is 
 indicated by a large hand, fully twice life-size, and 
 carved in the round.^ It is, of course, impossible to 
 say from this fragment whether it is really of Hittite 
 origin. 
 
 Another important monument of Marash has the 
 appearance of a royal stela with a long inscription 
 accompanied by an image of the king. This belongs to 
 a class of monument of which we shall find further 
 examples at Carchemish and in the neighbourhood 
 of Tyana. In this case the figure occupies the central 
 part of the stone, reaching almost to its full length ; and 
 
 ' Hogarth, Eecueil, etc., xv. p. 32, and PI. ii., fig. B. 
 2 Berlin Vorderasiatisches Museum, No. 972. 
 
 H 
 
114 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the inscription is incised in six rows across the whole, 
 the face and feet and forearms of the man alone 
 excepted. The face of the kingly personage is turned 
 to his right, and the whole figure is in profile with the 
 exception of the shoulders, which are square to the 
 observer — in conformity with the common Oriental 
 principles of drawing. The right hand holds a staff 
 which touches the ground in front of the right foot, and 
 rises vertically as high as the shoulders ; both elbows 
 are bent at right angles, the left fist being closed and 
 shown about the middle of the body. The robe is a 
 single garment reaching to the ankles, the bottom 
 being fringed or bordered. The toes of the boots are 
 upturned, and, being represented clumsily, look like 
 sabots. The face of the man is too worn to show 
 much character ; there is a long curled beard, a band 
 around the forehead, and the hair or wig ends in a 
 prominent curled bunch behind the neck. This stone 
 seems to have been found outside Marash in a burying- 
 place on the road to Adana.^ Its height is nearly 3 feet 
 8 inches, and its breadth just over 1 foot 10 inches.^ 
 
 This monument must yield place to another, which is 
 of unique character and interest, more recently dis- 
 covered^ on the citadel. This is a block of granite 
 more nearly cubical in shape, but with the top and 
 bottom broken away, so that its original height re- 
 mains problematical. The preserved portion measures 
 about 2 feet 3 inches in height, and the combined 
 length of three sides, which are approximately equal, 
 is about 5 feet 2 inches. On three sides the inscription 
 is continuous; the hieroglyphs are in relief and are 
 
 1 C.I.H. (1900-4), p. 20 ; Ihid. (1900-5), PI. xxv. 
 
 ^ It is now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York; (Cesnola Coll., 
 No 1904), and there are impressions in the Berlin Museum. 
 3 C.I.H. (1906), pp. 12-15, and PI. Lll. 
 
MARASH: A FOUR-SIDED MONUMENT 115 
 
 arranged in five bands, of which four are seemingly 
 complete. A sixth band at the bottom is partly trace- 
 able, and there may have been others below; at the 
 top, however, the limit is clearly marked, so that the 
 beginning of the inscription is preserved. The open- 
 ing groups of signs resemble closely those on the lion 
 previously described, though variations of single signs 
 are noticeable, and may possibly supply philologists 
 with alternative readings. It is not, however, the in- 
 scription, though unusually legible and complete, that 
 attracts our interest, so much as the sculptures and 
 composition of the whole. The inscription is preceded 
 by a king-like figure in relief, who occupies the right- 
 hand portion of the side on which he is carved and 
 faces away from the inscription, to the right, looking 
 that is to the corner. The inscription follows : the 
 height of the figure is equal to four bands of the hiero- 
 glyphs, and the lower bands project under his feet. 
 The second side is entirely filled with the continuation 
 of the inscription, which comes to an end at the left 
 hand of the third side (which is opposite the figure) 
 with the upper part of the picture of a dagger and 
 part of an attachment for it. On the fourth side there 
 is no inscription ; the corners are cut away, but there is 
 seen in the middle a sort of tassel, on a large scale 
 accordant with that of the dagger-hilt. It must be 
 noted that the king is turned towards this object in 
 the extended drawing : he is portrayed much as on 
 the stela described above, but the drawing is not 
 good or well preserved. He wears a long robe 
 bound around the waist; the short sleeves are orna- 
 mented at the ends, whether with a plain band or 
 otherwise; and the bottom of the plain skirt, which 
 reaches to the ankles, is also fringed or bordered in 
 
116 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 some way. The toes are shown upturned. The head- 
 dress seems to be a close-fitting skull-cap, behind which 
 the hair descends in the familiar bunching curl. The 
 beard hangs in curls. The face is crudely represented, 
 the mouth being no longer distinguishable. The left 
 hand, which is very disproportioned, is held up before 
 the face with fingers towards the mouth, in the posi- 
 tion which in the hieroglyphs is read to indicate the 
 beginning of a personal declaration. The right hand 
 is drawn up breast high, but no staff is shown, possibly 
 because it would have traversed the body. 
 
 This stone is thought by Dr. Messerschmidt, who has 
 studied it closely,' to have been re-dressed and re-used 
 in Hittite times ; he thinks that a large god-figure, 
 wearing a dagger suspended from the shoulder, 
 must have been originally the chief subject of the 
 sculpture ; and that this was partly effaced in Hittite 
 times by the king, who had the stone re-dressed and 
 his own figure carved thereon. The inscription he 
 regards as pertaining to the larger figure; and he 
 looks upon the mutilation of the figure of a god as 
 the sign of a period of decline and degradation. 
 
 This monument is unique in character, and every 
 respect must be paid to the conclusions of one who, 
 being familiar with Hittite works, has studied this one 
 carefully. Having only the photograph and drawings 
 which he published as guide, we naturally hesitate to 
 put forward any alternative view; yet it must be 
 said that there are several fundamental objections 
 to the explanation which has been offered. The most 
 obvious and irremovable is that there is direct evidence 
 on the face of the stone that the carving is all con- 
 temporary; for it is all in relief, and in accordance 
 
 ' Op. cit., p. 13, Theoriginalisat the Constantinople Museum, No. 1625, 
 
MARASH : A PECULIAR CULT 117 
 
 with precedent the background not sculptured must 
 have been cut away, so that it would have been im- 
 possible subsequently to carve thereon a figure with the 
 same relief as the rest. Added to this, it is clear that the 
 inscription is arranged with due regard to the small 
 figure, not the reverse. Also the ends of the inscribed 
 bands are coterminous with the dagger, stamping the 
 whole composition as contemporary. It must next be 
 noted that no trace of a great figure is to be seen, nor can 
 its form be conjectured, seeing that the dagger hangs 
 on one side and the tassel on the next, unless indeed the 
 stone formed the lower portion of a somewhat angular 
 statue,^ about four times its present height. A figure in 
 relief would have occupied part of two sides of the stone 
 including the corner — an unprecedented complication 
 in Hittite sculpture. The analogy quoted by Dr. Messer- 
 schmidt of the god-figure discovered in the last excava- 
 tions at Sinjerli breaks down at this point. That object 
 was carved in the round, representing a deity standingin 
 Hittite fashion upon a base composed of two standing 
 lions, as on the monuments of Carchemish andBoghaz- 
 Keui. He wears a dagger stuck into a belt, and with 
 the trappings there is a large tassel of the kind seen 
 on the fourth side in this instance. From these details 
 Dr. Messerschmidt thinks that the Marash monument 
 only differed in that the dagger must have been worn 
 suspended from the shoulder, on account of the pen- 
 dent position of the belt. On all analogy, however, 
 the priest-king in this case must be facing the deity he 
 is worshipping. If then no other form of deity can be 
 suggested, we must take the only evidence before us as 
 
 ' After inspection of the object we believe this to be the real explana- 
 tion. We are confirmed also in our impression that the inscription and 
 carving are contemporary with the original monument.— March 1910. 
 
118 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 to its nature, which would lead us to infer that it 
 is here represented by the dagger and tassel. We 
 venture no hypothesis in explanation; the Sacred 
 Dirk^ as a cult object is known in Hittite symbolism 
 and familiar in the hieroglyphs; and it would be 
 equally accordant with precedent to imagine that the 
 dirk was really emblematic of the deity with whom it 
 was usually associated. Alternatively the object of 
 worship may have been a great divine statue upon the 
 skirt of which these representations were carved. 
 
 Among the minor inscribed objects from Marash 
 there should be mentioned one, which is a fragment of 
 basalt lOJ inches high and 8 inches wide, inscribed 
 with characters in high relief on two adjacent sides.^ 
 There are also several uninscribed sculptures from 
 Marash of peculiar interest. The first is a slab of 
 basalt 21 inches high, carved in relief.^ The subject is 
 that of a female seated at a table facing to the left ; 
 on her left knee * is a child, whose face is towards the 
 mother. In the right hand of the woman is a 
 decorated mirror, or something of that form ; and in 
 her left, which is extended over the table, she holds a 
 primitive five-stringed lyre, square in shape.'^ Over 
 the lyre is a bird often taken for a dove, but more 
 nearly resembling a vulture.^ The counterpart to the 
 figure, if such existed, is broken away ; the carving 
 
 1 See, for example, flg. No. 72 in the small gallery at lasily Kaya, below, 
 PI. Lxx. ; also pp. 110, 360. For the tassel of. pp. 306, 308, and PI. Lxxxi. (li). 
 
 2 C.I.H. (1900-4), p. 19 ; and (1900-5), PI. xxiv. 
 
 3 Humann and Puchsteln, Beisen, etc.. Atlas, PI. xlvii.. No. 2; Perrot 
 and Chlpiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii., flg. 281. Metrop. Mus. of Art, 
 New York, No. 1906. 
 
 * Thought by Perrot to be a high stool. 
 
 ' Cf. the lyre held by an Asiatic immigrant into Egypt about 2000 B.C. 
 Newberry, Beni Hasan (London, 1893), PI. xxxi. 
 
 ' As a cult object this bird provides a wide and interesting range of 
 study. Cf. for example, an Archaic Greek statue of the sixth century 
 B.C., from Asia Minor, in the Berlin Museum (Stehende Frau), No. 1597. 
 
MARASH : UNINSCRIBED RELIEFS 119 
 
 is crude and the surface worn. Such details as are 
 distinguishable, the robe, the hat, the chair and table, 
 seem to be similar respectively to those upon the sculp- 
 ture of the Ceremonial Feast from this place previously 
 described. There is a second uninscribed stone on 
 which appears the emblem of a bird similar to the other 
 in outline and appearance.^ In this case the subject 
 shows two figures, one on either side of a small two- 
 legged table. That on the right, which is seated, wears 
 the same cylindrical hat as in the cases just described. 
 That on the left, w^hich is standing, is clad in a long 
 robe, which, from such details as are visible, suggests 
 the toga-like garment which distinguishes the priestly 
 class on certain monuments of Asia Minor. The 
 further hand of each is outstretched as usual, the one 
 holding a mirror and the other the bird ; the latter 
 feature, however, is not carved with the same detail as 
 in the case just quoted. Over the right shoulder of the 
 standing figure there seems to hang a bow of the 
 peculiar triangular form often depicted in ancient 
 drawing.^ The cord, however, is not seen; and the 
 stone is in general worn so smooth that little detail 
 can be discerned. The bow reappears on a third un- 
 inscribed fragment, which probably resembled the 
 former in subject somewhat closely. On this a figure 
 is shown standing before a two-legged table, over which 
 he holds aloft a curving bow with his extended left 
 hand. In his right hand, which is kept low, there may 
 be seen two arrows, while a quiver hangs at his waist. 
 This stone is also very smooth-worn, but some details 
 of dress may still be recognised, notably the skull-cap 
 
 ' Humann and Puchstein, Beisen, etc.. Atlas, PI. XLVii., fig. 4. There 
 Is a cast in the Berlin Museum, No. 61. 
 
 2 E.g. at Kara-Bel, PI. Liv. ; and at Malatia, PI. xliv. Cf. also the 
 scene of the storming of Dapur in the Eamesseum at Thebes. 
 
120 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 long robe with fringe, and turned-up shoes. The Hittite 
 character of the theme is sustained by the arrange- 
 ment of the hair, which falls away in a single thick 
 cluster or curl behind the neck. A tassel is attached to 
 the waist-belt.^ 
 
 A fourth stone of somewhat larger size, being 
 35 inches high, is decorated with a subject of unusual 
 character, but unfortunately the most important 
 figure of the scene is largely broken away.^ This 
 must have been a picture of a god, represented in 
 long fringed robe, and sandals with upturned toes. 
 Poised aloft in front of him, but how supported 
 is not seen, there is the end of an implement or 
 weapon, the attachment to which forms a loop, and 
 then hangs down. A low table, with two curving legs, 
 is placed opposite the middle height of this figure; 
 upon it is a bird, seemingly a goose, with bread-cakes 
 and other eatables. On the opposite side, and facing 
 the major being, a small male figure stands at the 
 same level as the table. He is clad in a short fringed 
 tunic, with oblique fold, and a vest with short sleeves. 
 On his feet are sandals, with the points very promin- 
 ently returned, and above these are anklets, unless 
 these be long laces wrapped around the ankles to bind 
 the sandals. His hair is curly on the head and bound 
 by a fillet, while lower down it hangs more straightly 
 as far as the shoulders. An ear-ring is suggested, and 
 thick bracelets are clearly shown. He holds an object 
 in his left hand which may be taken for a palm leaf, 
 while with the right he partly proffers towards the 
 greater person a small cup which seems to be bound 
 
 ' A cast is in tlie Berlin Vorderasiatisches Museum, No. 63, V.A.G. 
 
 2 Humann, etc., op. cit., XLVii. 5 ; Perrot, etc., op. cit., fig. 282. The 
 original is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, No. 1905 ; and there 
 is a cast in the Berlin Museum. 
 
MARASH: SCULPTURED FRAGMENTS 121 
 
 around with two small bands, as though made of wood. 
 Below, in such space as remains available, the sculptor 
 has added a horse led by a man. Both are on a small 
 scale, but disproportionate, as the man stands higher 
 than the horse's head ; this arises from the fact that a 
 greater height is available under the feet of the small 
 figure than under the greater one, where the horse's 
 body is seen. The animal is a stallion, represented 
 with a vague suggestion of spirited movement in the 
 fore-legs ; and his shoulder-muscles are shown in the 
 same conventional outline as is seen sometimes on the 
 representations of lions in this style of art.^ The man 
 holds the bridle with his right hand ; and, with his back 
 to the horse, and indeed to the greater figure, he holds 
 a spear upright with his left hand, the end of the shaft 
 resting on the ground. He seems to wear a skull-cap, 
 and his hair falls behind in the characteristic bunch or 
 knot. In this case, as in nearly all the figures con- 
 sidered, the outline of the face shows the nose and 
 forehead as practically continuous. 
 
 There are two further sculptured fragments of stones 
 from Marash worthy also of special mention. On the 
 one there is preserved the front part of a chariot 
 and the hind part of a horse ; ^ the carving is rough, 
 and the drawing neither clear nor good. A small 
 animal under the horse may be a dog. The wheel of 
 the chariot seems to have had eight spokes. The 
 driver is hardly seen, except for the forearm and the 
 hand that grasps the reins. We may conclude none 
 the less that the fragment formed part of a scene of 
 the royal hunt.^ 
 
 1 Cf. pp. 265, 282. 
 
 2 Humann and Puchstein, op. cit., PI. XLVii. 1. Berlin Vorderasiatisches 
 Museum, 62. 
 
 3 Cf. similar sculptures of Malatia, p. 133 ; Sakje-Geuzi, PI. xxxix. 
 
122 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 The other fragment is better known, showing the 
 head of a musician playing the double pipes. ^ From 
 the treatment of the hair and general character of the 
 carving of this piece we suspect that it is of post- 
 Hittite art, corresponding to the Aramaic period at 
 Sinjerli. There is also in the Berlin Museum a new 
 piece in Hittite style which may very well come from 
 the same place. It is about two feet high, and rather 
 wider. The sculpture is fragmentary, but of striking 
 interest, for the central figure, a man, seems to be 
 riding on horseback. He grasps the bridle with his 
 left hand, and holds a curving nameless object in 
 the right. His legs and the body of the horse are not 
 visible. In the background to the left there is the 
 smaller figure of a female seated on a chair. She 
 holds a pomegranate in her right hand, and raises a 
 drinking-cup with the left. To the right of the man's 
 head a tiny figure seems to represent the whisk- 
 bearer, turning towards his lord, and waving a palm 
 leaf. 
 
 This brings to an end the list of major monuments 
 from Marash. When it is considered that the site 
 has never been excavated for its antiquities, and that 
 these discoveries are mostly accidental, it must be 
 admitted that there is evidence here of a Hittite city 
 of exceptional importance. The date to which it can 
 be assigned as a seat of power will be considered 
 when all the data for comparison are before us.^ 
 
 We now pass to a third group of Syrian monu- 
 ments : those which are found at places on the 
 Euphrates, which we accept as the eastern frontier. 
 We begin naturally with Jerablus, the site of Car- 
 
 1 Original Berlin Vorderas. Mus., No. 974 ; Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., 
 ii. p. 77, fig. 290. 2 See below, p. 380. 
 
PLATE XLIII 
 
CARCHEMISH : THE LION-DEITY 123 
 
 chemish, as being the nearest, the furthest south and 
 the most famous. Here was the strategic frontier in 
 the struggle of the oriental nations, and here a 
 Hittite fortress was so strongly placed that it defied 
 the assaults of the Pharaohs, and resisted with a great 
 measure of success the efforts of the Assyrians to 
 reduce it several centuries after the Hittite power had 
 passed its zenith.^ Some anaount of excavation has 
 been made upon the site, and though not thorough and 
 inadequately reported, we gain thereby an indication 
 of a walled city upon the river's brink, protected on the 
 land side by ditches in addition to the ramparts,^ and 
 enclosing as usual a high knoll which marks at once 
 the acropolis and the site of the original settlement in 
 a remoter age. Here there have been found several 
 lengthy inscriptions in Hittite characters, numerous 
 fragm.ents of the same kind, two stelae and the upper 
 portion of a third, as well as a stone sculptured upon 
 its flat side with the full-face portrait of an exalted 
 being. In some of the sculptures the motive, and in 
 others the details, of treatment tell of the proximity 
 to a dominant extraneous artistic influence. This is 
 particularly to be noticed in the emblems of winged 
 deities, and in some of the monuments on which 
 no Hittite hieroglyphs are found. One of the 
 latter category is a striking monument represent- 
 ing two figures standing upon the back of a crouch- 
 ing lion. The mane of the lion is represented, but 
 no hair is shown underneath the belly. The atti- 
 tude of the beast is uncommon in Hittite art, as may 
 
 ' Cf. below, p. 371, and Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 145 ff. 
 
 " See Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., ii. p. 281, for summary of a report 
 printed in the Graphic. Consult also Drummond, Travels . . . to the 
 Banks of the Euphrates (1754), p. 209 ; and Maundrell (Hy.), A Journey 
 . . . to the Banks of the Euphrates (Oxford), 1749. 
 
124 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 be seen by comparing the lions of Sinjerli, Sakje- 
 Geuzi, Marash, Derendeh, and elsewhere. The animals 
 carved on the rock walls of the sanctuary of lasily Kaya, 
 which also support exalted persons, are represented 
 as standing ; whereas in this case the chin, belly, and 
 tail of the animal almost touch the ground. The 
 nearest analogy is perhaps one of the less known 
 sculptures of Eyuk,^ but there is no real parallel for 
 this treatment of the subject. Of the personages, one 
 is winged and clearly divine, while the other, though 
 dressed in the same way, stands behind over the quarters 
 of the animal, with one hand raised in an attitude of 
 reverence or supplication. Otherwise the figures are of 
 equal height, and their costumes also are alike. The 
 head-dress ^ is a conical hat with prominent upturning 
 brim ; the toes of the shoes are likewise turned up in 
 an exaggerated manner. The robe in each case is 
 long, with a broad fringe around the bottom ; around 
 the waist there is a belt or girdle, and a fold of the 
 skirt falls sideways from the middle towards the right. 
 The wings of the leading figure rise sharply upwards 
 from behind the shoulders, as on one of the deities of 
 lasily Kaya. He stands upon the shoulders of the 
 beast, whose head cowers in abjection. In the photo- 
 graph before us there is a suggestion of hieroglyphs 
 upon the face of the stone, a feature which is not, 
 however, confirmed by the observations of others. 
 We thus have in this sculpture a recognisable mingling 
 
 > See p. 263; and ct. PI. Lxv. (lasily Kaya), PI. Lxxix. (Sakje-Geuzi), and 
 PI. XLii. (Marash). For a discussion of the motive in general, see Aus- 
 grabungen in Sendschirli, cit,, p. 270, note 1. 
 
 2 As represented by Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 62, 
 flg. 276. For the photo from which we write we are indebted to the courtesy 
 of the Mission at Caesarea. This object is illustrated by an ill-printed 
 photograph in Sayce's The Hittites, to face p. 58, where it is described by 
 oversight as from Marash. 
 
CARCHEMISH: SCULPTURES 125 
 
 of the Hittite and Assyrian motives ; and the sculptor's 
 art, at any rate, has not suffered in the combination. 
 Both in treatment and in drawing this monument, 
 though weathered and exposed, reveals an evidence of 
 artistic skill which in some of the purely Hittite 
 monuments elsewhere is not even suggested. 
 
 Turning now to the monuments of Jerablus that 
 bear Hittite inscriptions upon them, another deity is 
 found on a fragment of basalt, 31 inches high, upon 
 which the lower part of the body and the ends of four 
 bands of hieroglyphs are preserved.^ In this case the 
 wings are depressed, folding by the sides, and reaching 
 to the knees, otherwise they would hardly be visible 
 on the broken stone. The feet of the figure and the 
 left hand are missing ; in the right hand, which is in 
 front of the body, is a small seed-basket — a symbolism 
 derived from the other side of the Euphrates.^ The 
 long robe of this deity is similarly strange to early 
 Hittite art, being bordered with a long fringe, and 
 divided by several parallel bands of embroidery.^ This 
 seems to be an outer cloak, for one may see on the 
 original traces of the familiar short tunic. The 
 carving of this monument is unsurpassed on any 
 inscribed Hittite relief. The delicate indications of the 
 knee muscles may be noted as an illustration, especially 
 when the gritty nature of the stone is taken into con- 
 sideration. In making this conaparison it should be 
 borne in mind that most of the known Hittite reliefs 
 are worn through exposure to the weather ; and that 
 
 1 British Museum, Guide to Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities, 
 p. 27, No. 3 ; Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii., flg. 277 ; 
 Measerschmidt, C.I.H. (1900), PI. xii. A photograph in Ball, Light 
 from the East, p. 142. 
 
 2 Cf. also the sculpture found at Sakje-Geuzi, PI. lxxx. ; and Liv. 
 Annals Arch., 1908 (4), PI. XLi., No. 2, where the deity has four wings. 
 
 3 Cf. the sculptures of Bor, PI. Lvi. ; and lyriz, PI. lvii. 
 
126 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 objects unearthed for the first time, as at Sakje-Geuzi, 
 give a different impression as regards the sculptor's 
 craft. Another noteworthy instance is at lasily Kaya, 
 where a row of figures which had been partly covered, 
 at least for long centuries, has been cleared during the 
 last few decades, giving evidence of a detailed treat- 
 ment of the whole series which would not have other- 
 wise been suggested. 
 
 Another sculptured object belongs to the category 
 of stelae, resembling in general that of Marash. 
 It is partly chipped away, but sufficient remains 
 for us to make out its original character and 
 dimensions.^ It is 47 inches high and 26 inches 
 wide. It is crossed horizontally with eight bands of 
 hieroglyphic inscriptions in relief, with raised lines 
 between them, except where the outline of the central 
 figure intervenes. This represents a man, in higher 
 relief than the rest of the carving,^ who stands in the 
 middle portion of the stone, his feet descending below 
 the inscription, and his head just entering the topmost 
 band. The figure is nearly all chipped away, but the 
 outline remains by that very process well defined. 
 The person, undoubtedly a king, faces to his left, and 
 in his extended left arm he holds aloft a short staff 
 or rod which is marked as though divided down the 
 middle. His right arm is not seen. His robe was crossed 
 obliquely by folds, and it descended to the ankles. His 
 feet were shod, and the toes of the shoes turned sharply 
 upwards. His hair seems to have been dressed ^ in a 
 
 1 C. I.n., 1900, PI. X. ; British Museum Guide, cit., p. 27, No. 8. Render- 
 ing by Sayce in Proc. S.B.A., 1905, Nov., p. 201, beginning ' the dirk- 
 bearer of Carchemish.' The repetition of the geographical word 
 Kar-lca-me-is (Assyrian Gargamis) is a remarkable corroboration of 
 Professor Sayce's system of translation. 
 
 2 Cf. for this feature the Bor sculpture, PI. LVi. 
 
 •5 On the importance of this detail as a criterion, see p. 379. 
 
CARCHEMISH : INSCRIPTIONS 127 
 
 single bunched curl behind the neck, but the point is 
 obscure. The upper portion of a second similar monu- 
 ment is on record,^ but the object is destroyed. It 
 shows a central figure turned likewise to the left ; with 
 the left hand up, and forward, and the right hand before 
 the chest. The head-dress seems to be a skull-cap, with 
 band across the forehead. The sleeves of the dress are 
 short ; and around the waist there is another instance 
 of the broad girdle of cords, ending, it would seem, 
 in a curling knot or loop.^ There are four rows of 
 hieroglyphs, of which we have only an imperfect 
 copy. A fragment of a third monument of like kind is 
 preserved,^ but it is uninstructive. 
 
 There are two notable inscriptions from Jerablus 
 among many which are fragmentary. The one is a 
 corner-stone of special shape,* being recessed in the 
 very angle for eight inches on each side. The raised 
 inscription upon it, however, seems to be continuous 
 even through the recessed angle to the broken end of 
 the block. The stone is basalt, and the whole measures 
 39^ inches in height. The widths of the various stages, 
 beginning from the right side, which is unbroken, are 
 7 inches, 8^ inches. 8f inches, and 22 inches to the frac- 
 tured edge. In further explanation of the form of the 
 stone, it may be said that the first and third of these 
 measures are in the , same parallel direction, and com- 
 bine to give that side of the whole stone a width of 15|^ 
 inches. Similarly the next side was at least SO^- inches 
 wide. The inscription is in relief, and is arranged in 
 
 ' Boscawen in the Graphic, Dec. 11, 1880 ; Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., ii., 
 Additions, fig. 390; C.T.S. (1900), PI. xv. 13, and Text, p. 12. 
 
 2 Cf. Baruch, vl. 43. ' The women having cords around their body sit ; 
 and one says . . . why was I not chosen and my cord broken ? ' 
 
 3 Brit. Mus. Guide, p. 27, No. 6 ; C.I.R. (1902), PI. xiv.. No. 7. 
 
 * British Museum Guide, p. 27, No. 1, where 'portion of a building' is 
 the sum of information available; C.I.H., PI. ix., and Text, p. 9; Ball, 
 Light from, the East, p. 143 ; Sayce in S.B.A., 1905, Nov., p. 204. 
 
128 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 five bands, divided by lines of equal projection. The 
 signs are clear, and the tenor of the inscription, 
 according to Professor Sayce's reading, is religious and 
 monumental, giving the king-priest's account of his 
 setting up a bull shrine on a high place at Carchemish. 
 Another considerable inscription is found on a portion 
 of a round column, 5 feet 6 inches high.^ Four bands 
 of the inscription are perfect so far as they continue, 
 namely, for 41 inches, but the beginning and ending of 
 the lines are not preserved. There is another band 
 partly visible above. The back of this object has been 
 dressed, subsequently to the breaking of the stone, for 
 the purpose of carving thereon a figure seemingly divine 
 and in full face. It is not in Hittite style, but Hittite 
 influence may be found surviving in certain features. 
 
 We cannot dwell longer with profit upon the details 
 of these broken remains, nor of the numerous inscribed 
 fragments, of which copies of nearly twenty are before 
 us. But if we may cull from a somewhat unusual 
 source, namely the columns of a daily newspaper, an 
 account of excavations made for the British Museum 
 on the site, it would seem that the foundations of at 
 least one palatial building were come upon. 'Facing 
 the entrance,' we are told, ' there were found two 
 imperfect tablets, which formed part of an adoration 
 scene. On the one was the image of a goddess, the 
 Hittite Kybele, naked, winged, and with hands offering 
 her breasts.' Her hair descends in a double plait on each 
 side, curling away at the bottom around the shoulders.^ 
 The hat is of conical shape, the brim upturned, and 
 
 > C.I.H. (1900), PI. XI., 2, and Text, p. 10; British Museum Guide, 
 p. 27, No. 2 ; Sayce in S.B.A., 1905 (Nov.), p. 206. 
 
 2 Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., flg. 390. Addenduin, 1910 : our informa- 
 tion about these sculptures is now supplemented by Mr. Hogarth's 
 account, Liv. Annals of Arch. (Dec. 1909), ii. pp. 165-172, and Pis. xxxv., 
 sxxvi. (i). See also Kellekli in Appendix B. 
 
BIREJIK AND TELL-AHMAR 129 
 
 bulging at the top. The priestess represented on the 
 adjoining slab was thought by those who saw the 
 sculptures to have been clad in a cloak, but the stone 
 was broken away above the knees of the figure. A 
 little further along were three figures in procession. 
 This stone was likewise broken about the middle of the 
 figures ; ^ but the central figure may be seen to have 
 been clad in a long fringed cloak, with a long under 
 garment which is belted, while the outer figures hare 
 only the short tunic familiar in Hittite sculptures. 
 Only the outer figures wear the turned-up shoe, an 
 interesting distinction if correctly represented. M. 
 Perrot sees in the sculptures a priest between two 
 warriors. The border to the stone is the pattern 
 of continuous concentric circles such as we have seen 
 at Sakje-Geuzi on sculptures of late Hittite art. 
 
 A short distance up the Euphrates from Jerablus is 
 Birejik, which has now supplanted the former as the 
 place for the passage of the river. From here there 
 comes a curious monument of indefinite origin, now 
 in the British Museum under the title ' Monolith of a 
 King.' As there is no clear evidence upon it or in the 
 circumstances of its discovery that it is of Hittite 
 handiwork, we do not dwell upon it. It has, however, 
 several suggestive features, not the least interesting of 
 which is the winged disk with horse-shoe ornament 
 above the figure, as in the emblems which designate 
 the priest-king at Boghaz-Keui.^ At Tell- Ahmar, where 
 there is another crossing of the Euphrates about the 
 same distance southward from Jerablus, Mr. Hogarth 
 has recently made discoveries which contribute impor- 
 tant evidences to our subject. Awaiting a full descrip- 
 
 1 Perrot and Chipiez, Ariin . . . Asia Minor, fig. 391. 
 
 2 Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit, ii. p. 62, fig. 278. 
 
130 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 tion of these newly-found monuments,^ we may take 
 note that the site of the finds was on the eastern bank of 
 the river, revealing the Hittites of that day as masters 
 of this crossing ; and that among the objects discovered, 
 here or in the neighbourhood, are a lion of somewhat 
 Hittite character, inscribed in cuneiform but not in 
 hieroglyphs, and a stela or sculptured monument of 
 sorts, with eight lines of inscription in relief around 
 three sides, and on the fourth side the lower part of a 
 male figure standing upon a bull. Further up the river, 
 above Birejik, is Rum-Kale, whence comes another 
 fragment equally doubtful and even more curious. It 
 is certainly one of the worst serious efforts to draw a 
 human figure that sculptor or mason ever worked 
 upon. M. Perrot ^ apparently includes this in his list 
 of Hittite works, though he describes it as ' uncouth,' 
 There is in this case no indication of Hittite or of any 
 other style, so that nothing can be gained by considering 
 it further. 
 
 When we reach Samsat, however, a definitely Hittite 
 monument presents itself.^ This is an object which in 
 form recalls the funerary stela of Kara-burshlu ; but 
 as in this case a pedestal of diminishing thickness is 
 preserved, and the inscription is likewise found upon 
 the two sides of the stone, there is further evidence in 
 favour of its having stood alone. The subject of the 
 sculpture carved upon the face is quite different, how- 
 ever, being only a single figure. So far as this can be 
 seen (for a deep groove has been cut at some time down 
 the length of the stone through the middle of the body), 
 
 ' Since published, see App. B, and Liv. Annals of Arch., ii. pp. 177- 
 183, and Pis. xxxvii.-XL. 
 
 2 Op. cit., fig. 283. First published in Gazette Arch., 1883. PI. xxii. 
 
 2 Humann and Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und NorA Syrien 
 (Berlin, 1890), Atlas, PI. XLix., No. 1-3. Also Messerschmidt, C.I.H. 
 (1900), PI. xvu., and Text, p. 14. 
 
SAMSAT AND GERGER 131 
 
 it seems to be that of a man turned to his right. He is 
 clad in a long robe fringed at the bottom, and wearing 
 shoes with the toes turned extravagantly upwards. 
 He seems to be holding (with the right hand possibly) 
 a staff, and more doubtfully a reversed lituus with the 
 left, after the manner of the priests of Boghaz-Keui 
 and Eyuk. The inscription is incised, but it is hardly 
 sufficiently well preserved to be copied with any certi- 
 tude. Nine rows of hieroglyphs are traceable at the 
 one side and six upon the other, but nearly half of 
 the stone is missing. It was found in the open, partly 
 buried, between the town and the hill of the acropolis. 
 Its height is just over five feet, without including the 
 pedestal, so that the figure which stands clear of the 
 bottom was about life size. The face of the stone is 
 25 inches wide, and the depth of the inscribed sides 
 seventeen inches. 
 
 At Gerger Kalesi, almost at the main turn of the 
 river, there is a monument on the rocks, about which 
 further details would be full of interest. From the 
 published drawings ^ it resembles the Hittite reliefs of 
 Giaour-Kalesi and Kara-Bel in the west of the Hittite 
 lands ; and we await some further careful examination 
 with expectation of finding Hittite hieroglyphs upon it. 
 The figure is apparently gigantic, of three times human 
 height. It is that of a warrior clad in short tunic (the 
 details of which are doubtful). He wears a collar of 
 some kind and a conical hat. There is a bow over the 
 left shoulder ; the right hand is down and forward. It 
 simulates a Hittite monument very closely, and its 
 presence on the brink of the Eastern frontier of that 
 people is the more full of interest. 
 
 ' Humann and Puchatein, Eeisen, etc., p. 355, fig. 50. 'Felarelief bei 
 Gerger.' 
 
132 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Section B. — Monuments in the Taurus and 
 Anti-Taukus. 
 
 malatia, derendeh, palanga, gurun ; arslan tash, 
 
 ALBISTAN ; KURU-BEL ; EKRBK, TASHJI, ERAKTIN. 
 
 From the north of Syria we pass to the mountainous 
 region of the Taurus and Anti-Taurus. Here is the 
 centre, if not the focus, of the Hittite lands, and 
 isolated monuments are found in considerable numbers 
 and variety. When one takes into account the diffi- 
 culty of exploration, it must be conceded to be a re- 
 markable and suggestive fact that no fewer than 
 eleven Hittite sites in the Taurus country are clearly 
 indicated, as compared with the same number in the 
 north of Syria, and about twenty scattered throughout 
 the whole tableland and west of Asia Minor. 
 
 One of the most important of these sites is located 
 at Old Malatia, which lies near the confluence of the 
 Tochma Su with the Euphrates. Here there must 
 have been a fortified city, comparable to Marash, for 
 the defence of the frontier. Though no systematic 
 excavation of the site has yet been made, yet the 
 nature of the several sculptures found there speaks 
 for itself. The mound which marks the old-time acro- 
 polis is probably that now called Arslan Tepe, near the 
 village of Ordasu, about two or three miles north- 
 eastward from the modern town : the attention of 
 scholars was called to this spot by the visit of Mr. 
 Hogarth's expedition in 1894. The explorer describes 
 the mound ^ as about fifty feet in height, of irregular 
 shape, longest from north to south, like the accumula-. 
 
 ' Becueil de Travaux, xvii. p. 26. 
 
MALATIA : THE LION-HUNT 133 
 
 tion above a building, but without any visible masonry 
 upon it. West of it rise two smaller mounds, and to 
 the south. one. The Euphrates is about two hours dis- 
 tant. The sculptured stones are seven in number, and 
 they seem to form part of a series decorating a fa<jade. 
 Three of these are facing-slabs merely, while four others 
 (found independently) are more solid, and may have 
 been building- blocks. The most perfect slab ^ is just 
 under four feet in length, with a height of two feet, 
 and thickness one foot. Along the top is an incomplete 
 row of hieroglyphs in relief,^ reading from the left. 
 Below is the main theme of decoration, representing a 
 lion hunt, carved in strong relief. The picture is com- 
 posed of a horse chariot with two riders, a dog below 
 the horse, and a wounded lion in front. Several hiero- 
 glyphic signs are found above the horse's back, and 
 also between his head and that of the lion; but as 
 these signs read now from right to left, it may be con- 
 cluded that they continue the inscription above. The 
 sculpture is formal and lacking in vitality, but several 
 details may be noticed. The chariot is small. The 
 charioteer and the warrior stand within, side by side ; 
 the latter occupies a front place in the picture, which is 
 drawn in profile with the usual conventions. Both 
 men are clad in short tunics with waist-belts, and both 
 wear close-fitting skull-caps, and the hair of the warrior 
 curls in characteristic fashion behind the neck. His 
 weapons are the bow and the spear. The bow is short 
 and curved, and the arrow is strongly barbed; two 
 quivers are depicted cross-ways upon the side panel of 
 
 1 Constantinople Museum, No. 846. Hogarth, loc. cit., with Plate, fig. 3. 
 Hllprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands (Philadelphia, 1897), fig. 159; 
 Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1900), PI. xvi. A., and Text, p. 13. 
 
 2 Discussed by Sayoe, S.B.A., 1905, Nov., p. 212. Hand copy, Hogarth, 
 loc. cit., p. 25. 
 
134 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the chariot. The spear is shown point upward, ready 
 at hand in the back of the chariot. The driver holds 
 two pairs of reins, from which it may be inferred that 
 two horses are being driven, though being side by side 
 the outline of only one is visible. The shoulder muscles 
 of the horse are outlined conventionally, and it is 
 noticeable that his mane is tightly bound and ends in 
 a curl. The trappings are not distinguishable. The 
 figure of the dog is seen between the horse's front and 
 back legs ; it is crude and uninteresting. The pose of 
 the lion is unconventional. He is represented as half 
 rampant, turning round his head with open mouth 
 towards his tormentors, and clawing the air with the 
 pain of his wound. The shaft of an arrow is seen 
 below the shoulder. The tail is short and thin, and 
 curls upwards ; that of the horse is long, and falls so as 
 almost to touch the ground. The mane of the lion is 
 represented fully by short curls; but the belly and 
 shoulders are hairless.* The claws are exaggerated ; 
 the nose is out of drawing, and the execution of the 
 sculpture in general is poor. 
 
 The second block ^ is smaller, but broken in two 
 pieces; it seems to lack also the upper band of in- 
 scription. On the right hand it is clearly defective, 
 showing towards that side the back part of a chariot, 
 with six-spoked wheels, quivers, spear, and bowman, 
 exactly as in the previous instance. The more perfect 
 scene, though broken through the middle, shows two 
 figures seated at a ceremonial feast of the kind 
 previously described.^ Though both persons are 
 seated, they are not represented exactly alike. That 
 
 ' Cf. the sculptures, Pis. XLii. and Lxxix. 
 
 2 Constantinople Museum, No. 847. C.I.H. (1900), PI. xvi. B. Hogarth, 
 Recueil, xvli. p. 25. ^ See pp. 99, 103, HI. 
 
MALATIA: CEREMONIAL FEAST 135 
 
 on the left seems to be a male ; he is distinguished by 
 a close round skull-cap with upturned peak or orna- 
 ment upon the brow. His long, straight nose is very 
 prominent. His hair turns backward in a single full curl 
 behind the neck. His robe is long, and fringed around 
 the bottom. The toes of his shoes are prominently up- 
 turned, and his feet rest on a square-framed stool. 
 The chair on which he sits has curving legs, forming a 
 figure-of-eight cross, and ending in a small outward 
 curve, similar to those supporting the table in other 
 sculptures. The back of the chair is high and turns 
 outward. In his right hand the man holds a crooked 
 staff reversed, and in his left he holds up a small cup. 
 The objects on the table cannot well be identified, as 
 the stone thereabouts is rubbed smooth ; but the table 
 may be seen to be supported by two straight legs 
 which cross. The figure on the right of the table, 
 which faces tow^ards the other, is less clearly seen upon 
 the stone, but sufficient may be made out to show that 
 it differs considerably in some details. The head-dress 
 is a hat which is not close-fitting, but rises squarely in 
 front. From behind, a long veil or shawl seems to 
 descend to the waist, where it can no longer be traced 
 owing to the weathering of the stone. The suggestion 
 of the face and clothing is that the figure represents 
 a woman. She is seated, as in the other cases of 
 women,^ on a square-framed seat with spindle, the 
 back of which must have been low. It is suggested, 
 but not certain, that her feet rest on a footstool. A 
 few hieroglyphic signs between the heads of the 
 figures, and a longer row over all, complete the whole. 
 Though poorly preserved and poorly carved, the 
 general theme of these sculptures is not without 
 1 Cf. PI. Lxxv.(i), and p. 111. 
 
136 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 special interest. The right-hand portion with the 
 chariot and archer is of the same nature as the lion- 
 hunt seen on the stone previously described, and 
 possibly formed part of the same scheme. The left 
 side, with its two seated figures, belongs to the class 
 of ceremonial feast, of which we have already de- 
 scribed various examples. The association of this 
 subject with others of entirely different import has a 
 parallel in the wall sculptures of Sinjerli, where, how- 
 ever, the different subjects are not found on the same 
 stone as in this instance. Here also the persons repre- 
 sented seem to be man and woman. Neither serves 
 the other; both seem to share equally in the rite. 
 In them we are inclined to see the local king and 
 queen, inasmuch as they are personages of sufficient 
 importance to be represented, even though no 
 special attributes of rank denote them. The chieftain 
 and his consort feasting would constitute a theme 
 readily comprehensible in oriental art ; but if the 
 subject have really a religious significance, which 
 is more probable, we see them in their capacity 
 of chief priest and priestess,^ an association for 
 which the sculptures of Eyuk provide us with suffi- 
 cient analogy.^ This alternative we regard as the real 
 explanation in this instance. 
 
 A third sculpture from Malatia^ is of smaller size, 
 measuring only thirty - tvro inches in length and 
 eighteen in height. It is, however, in beautiful con- 
 dition, and though the edges are broken, the scene 
 depicted upon it is complete in itself. The carving is 
 
 1 Cf . the epilogue to the treaty between Rameses ii. and Hattusil, p. 349. 
 
 2 Cf. PI. Lxxii. On this question in general see below, p. 360. 
 
 ' In the Louvre Museum, Paris. Publ. Heuzy, Les Origines Orientales 
 de I'Art, Pt. i. (Paris, 1892), PI. x. Messerschmidt, CLE. (1906), PI. 
 XLVii., and p. 7. 
 
MALATIA : SCENE OF THE CHASE 137 
 
 in relief. As in previous cases a line of inscription ^ 
 runs along the top from left to right. The subject 
 reproduces a striking resemblance to most of the 
 features on the stone first described, except that a 
 fleeing stag takes the place of the wounded lion. 
 Otherwise the horse, chariot, bowman and driver, even 
 the dog below the horse's feet, are reproduced almost 
 in exact facsimile. Only in this case the better preser- 
 vation of the stone enables us to trace some details 
 more clearly, while the drawing and carving are 
 executed with greater .skill and care. The short 
 sleeves of the men's dress are distinguishable; the 
 ' two quivers ' suspended crosswise on the side panel of 
 the chariot seem almost like stout diagonal supports 
 to an open framework. As in the former case only 
 one horse is represented, but the trappings are clearly 
 designed for two, and there is a raised band above 
 his back which may be taken for the back of the 
 further horse, or possibly the pole of the chariot. 
 The horse is entire. The muscles of the shoulder 
 and thigh on all the animals are outlined with de- 
 liberation, and behind the horse's shoulder are certain 
 further markings, intended probably to represent the 
 ribs or muscles more fully, recalling the similar conven- 
 tion seen on certain sculptures of Eyuk ^ and of Sakje- 
 Geuzi.^ The stag is represented with branching horns ; 
 and his head is well drawn. He is in full flight before 
 his pursuers, his hind legs being shown in the picture 
 as overlapping the forelegs of the horse. 
 
 1 First published and discussed by Sayce, P.S.B.A. xxvi. (1904, Jan.), 
 p. 13, with drawing. Prof. Sayce's rendering is : 'of this gateway the 
 carver-out is Lie . . s, the lord of . . . the . . . ian,' but Messerschmidt 
 disputes the reading ' gateway,' loc. dt. 
 
 2 Cf. PI. Lxxii., and pp. 256, 265. 
 ^ PI. Lxxix., and p. 301. 
 
138 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 The other stones from Malatia ^ are four in number, 
 each decorated on one face. Unfortunately no in- 
 formation is forthcoming in regard to them except 
 the published photographs, which again are not satis- 
 factory. The subjects carved upon the stones are of 
 striking interest. In the first of the series a deity, 
 wearing a conical head-dress decorated with rings,^ 
 stands upon the back of a horned bull.^ His left leg is 
 forward (as he faces to the right), and on his feet are 
 tip-tilted shoes. In his right hand, which is drawn 
 back, there is a triangular bow,* and in his out- 
 stretched left hand he seems to hold up a forked 
 emblem, like the lightning trident,^ and to grasp at the 
 same time a cord which is attached to the nose of 
 the bull. His dress is a short bordered tunic. Facing 
 him is a long-robed personage, in whom we 
 recognise the king-priest, distinguished by his close- 
 fitting cap and the characteristic large curl of hair 
 behind the neck. In his left hand he holds a reversed 
 lituus; his right is partly extended and seems to be 
 pouring out some fluid which falls in a wavy stream. 
 He is followed by a small person who leads up 
 (with some difficulty it would seem) a goat clearly 
 intended for an offering. Some hieroglyphs com- 
 plete the picture. It is instructive to compare the 
 whole theme with that which decorated the left 
 
 ' See PI. XLix. from Liverpool Annals of Archeology, i. (1908), Pis. 
 IV., V. More recently Mr. Hogarth (ibid., 1909, PI. XLi.) has secured a 
 new set of photographs which show the details much clearer. 
 
 2 Cf. the head-dress of the god at Boghaz-Keui, Pis. Lxv., Lsxi. 
 
 ' He corresponds, Professor Sayce points out, with the Syrian Hadad, 
 who similarly stands on the back of a bull which he guides with a cord. 
 Cf. also the statement of Lucian (De Dea Syria), that the chief god of 
 Hierapolis, which replaced Carchemish, was supported on a bull. On the 
 position of the god in the Hittite Pantheon, see p. 359. 
 
 * Cf. sculpture of Kara-Bel, PI. Liv., also p. 119. 
 
 * For this object cf. a sculpture of Sinjerli, PI. Lxxvii. (ii); and for a 
 formal representation, the leading god at Boghaz-Keui, PI. lxv. 
 
PLATE XLIV 
 
 MALATIA. 
 
 1. King-priest making oblations at the shrine of the God of the skies, who stands on 
 
 a bull with lightning in his hand. 
 
 (Scet/,. 138, 359.) 
 ii. Qucen-priestess making oblations to a tutelary winged dtiiy. 
 
 iScef. 139.) 
 
MALATIA: OBLATION SCENES 139 
 
 hand of the facade to the palace at Eyuk,^ especially 
 as the blocks of stone seem to be in this instance 
 also cubical building stones. The second sculpture of 
 this series shows a different deity, who is winged,^ 
 though wearing the same conical hat with rings and 
 upturning peak. His dress is curious ; the lower part 
 seems like a many-pleated continuous flowing garment 
 which winds around his body and one leg, and passes 
 behind the other leg. His two hands are held near his 
 body, and in the left he grasps some object which is 
 obscured, but may be seen to have reached to the left 
 shoulder. He is approached by the queen-priestess, 
 who is recognised (as in former cases) by the low 
 cylindrical hat and the long cloak or veil descending 
 therefrom behind the shoulders to the ground. Her 
 left hand is raised as in reverence, and her right one, 
 extended but low, seems to hold a narrow jug, with 
 side handle and long neck, from which she is clearly 
 pouring an oblation into a two-handled vase which 
 seems to rest on the ground before the feet of the god.^ 
 Behind her there follows a small attendant leading an 
 animal which may be presumed to be a goat as in the 
 previous case. The few hieroglyphs accompanying these 
 figures are illegible. The third block of the series seems 
 to have been decorated with a row of male figures, 
 unaccompanied by any hieroglyphs. Two of these 
 remain. Each is clad in a short bordered tunic reaching 
 to the knees, a conical helmet with rings between the 
 ribs, and shoes with turned-up toes. The second man, 
 who brings the series to an end, is bearded ; his nose is 
 
 1 PI. txxii., p. 256. 
 
 2 Cf. the winged deity of Boghaz-Keui (lasily Kaya), No. 5 L., p. 216. 
 
 ' For the types of vases cf. the Syrian tribute in Maspero, The Struggle of 
 the Nations, p. 263 ; and especially the Hittite tribute, temp. Akhenaten, 
 published by Davies, El Amarna II., PI. xl., and p. 41 ; cf. also the 
 oblation scenes of Eyuk {k., p. 268), and of Fraktin, PI. xlvii. 
 
140 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 mongoloid rather than aquiline or Semitic, and he wears 
 a conspicuous curling pigtail. In his advanced left 
 hand he holds in a vertical position a long spear (or 
 similar object), the shaft of which rests on the ground. 
 In his right hand, which is held to his side, he clasps 
 the handle of a mace, the head of which is made up of 
 a ring-like device similar to that seen in the helmets. 
 At his waist-belt there hangs a dagger with curling 
 blade and crescental handle. The man whom he 
 follows seems to be beardless, and he wears a short 
 mantle, one end of which is thrown loosely over the 
 right shoulder. His knife is like his neighbour's ; but 
 an object with long shaft that he carried obliquely, 
 grasped in both hands, is difficult to recognise; from 
 the upper end there seems to hang a short tassel or 
 object attached by a cord. Both figures face to the 
 right, and in obedience to convention, their faces and 
 bodies are in profile, the shoulders in full view, while 
 the left foot and left arm are advanced. The last of 
 this series is fragmentary, and seems to be the decorated 
 upper border of a larger subject. In what remains it is 
 possible to see hypothetically a pair of hands held aloft 
 amid flames. Over all is the pattern of a twisted coil 
 of rope. 
 
 Looking back for a moment at the nature of these 
 sculptured monuments, we may with some certainty 
 attribute them to two different building periods. The 
 earliest are those four just described, which, from the 
 pointof view of construction andof symbolism, resemble, 
 as we have seen, the palace works and sculptures of 
 Eyuk.^ The other sculptured slabs, which we described 
 first, correspond more nearly from both points of view 
 with the remains of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi,^ which 
 ' On the question of date, see p. 339. 2 gee pp. 277, 301. 
 
PALANGA : COLUMNAR FIGURE 141 
 
 we shall find reason to believe in later chapters belong 
 probably to a later phase than the foregoing. The one 
 group may be dated in general terms to the later 
 half of the second millennium B.C., and the other to 
 the early centuries of the first. 
 
 Passing up the valley of the Tochma 8u, a small group 
 of monuments is met with just after passing Derendeh. 
 There was a rumour, when the English explorers, 
 Hogarth and Munro, passed that way in 1891,^ of a sculp- 
 tured lion at a place called Hauz, not far from Derendeh 
 towards the north. But the monuments on record 
 were found in the neighbourhood of Palanga (Chiftlik), 
 which lies on the higher ground after leaving the gorge 
 of the river, some three hours' journey westward from 
 Derendeh. Here a small lion carved in basaltic stone 
 was seen built into the main gateway ; while lying in a 
 puddle near a well hard by, and used as a stepping-stone, 
 was a fragment of a unique columnar figure made also 
 of basalt. The lion was similar to those found in the 
 neighbouring wayside cemetery, hence called Arslan 
 Tash, which we shall presently describe ; the columnar 
 figure,^ however, is unique and instructive. The frag- 
 ment preserved is fifty-two inches high and about fifty- 
 five inches in circumference towards the top : it swells 
 a little lower down. It 'represents the lower portion 
 of a draped figure ; it is a mere shapeless column with- 
 out feet, but a double protuberance of the stone at the 
 end of the first line of the inscription is evidently 
 intended to represent the buttocks. The drapery 
 consists of an underskirt, plain except for a short series 
 of perpendicular pleats down the middle of the back, 
 
 1 Recueil de Travaux, xv. p. 27, Pt. iv. 
 
 " Ramsay and Hogarth, Recueil de Travaux, xv. PI. iii., Constantinople 
 Museum, No. 1215 (630) ; Messerschmidt, C.I.S. (1900), PI. xx., and 
 revised copy, 1906, PI. xx. 
 
142 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 and an upper garment thrown round the left side, the 
 folded edges almost meeting under the right arm.^ 
 This mantle or cloak reaches down below the level of 
 the knees ; its vertical edges are fringed with a border 
 of narrow lappets or tags very similar to those repre- 
 sented on a terra-cotta statuette from Cyprus.' ^ The 
 inscription on this monument extends from the front 
 of the figure around the left side to the back, covering 
 two-thirds of the circumference. The signs are incised, 
 and arranged in four bands, whereof the lowest is 
 broader but less carefully cut than the others. Mr. 
 Hogarth, in his description, points out other interesting 
 analogies. The columnar form, the flat treatment of 
 the drapery, and the ribbed pleats of the underskirt, 
 recall to him the Hera of Samos in the Louvre ; while 
 for the rendering of the zigzag folds at the edges of 
 the cloak and the buttocks, a parallel might readily be 
 found in early Greek art, as, for example, among the 
 archaic statues in the Acropolis Museum at Athens. 
 In particular, the large terra-cotta figures from Salamis 
 present an interesting comparison as regards both form 
 and the general disposition of the draperies. 
 
 It is difficult to point to any nearer analogies than 
 those which Mr. Hogarth indicated at the time of his 
 discovery. Though belonging to a different place and 
 later period, the statue of Hadad, found near Sinjerli, 
 seems to us to be a product of the same tradition in art.* 
 There is another statue of later date from the latter 
 place, the discovery of which was recently announced.* 
 
 ' Cf. Journal of Sellenic Studies, vol. xii. PI. IX. 
 
 2 Hogarth, loc. cit.,'p. 31. 
 
 2 Vorderasiat. Mus., Berlin, No. 2882, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, i. 
 {Mitt, aus den Orient. Sammlungen, 1893, Berlin, Heft xi.), PI. vi. 
 
 * Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1906), p. 13. The base of the statue appears 
 to be a survival of the columnar bases of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi 
 (PI. Lxxxii.), in the design of which two sphinxes support the drum 
 
PLATE XLV 
 
 PALANGA : INSCRIBED COLUMNAR STATUE 
 
GURUN : ROCK INSCRIPTIONS 143 
 
 This is also of columnar form, though the bottom of 
 the skirt and feet are shown. The arms also are in 
 relief, while the head and face, the latter wof uUy ill- 
 drawn, are in the round. It is a survival and develop- 
 ment from the older motive. • 
 
 The string of monuments from Palanga to Albistan 
 indicates a southern bifurcation of the route, linking in 
 Hittite times with the valley of the Pyramus. The 
 suggestion of an important Hittite road leading con- 
 tinuously up the valley of the Tochma Su, and so over 
 the watershed to the Halys and possibly towards 
 Pteria, seems to be substantiated by two further in- 
 scriptions found on the rocks at Gurun, which is some 
 way further up the river on the edge of the divide. 
 This place (the Gauraina of Ptolemy and Guriania of 
 the Assyrian texts) lies in a defile on both banks of the 
 river. Just above the village the waters race through 
 a narrow rocky gorge, at the foot of which the two 
 inscriptions were found.^ The one is incised on the 
 face of an overhanging crag, near a small spring. 
 It fills a space about four feet wide and three feet high, 
 
 of the column upon their backs. In this case the design is modified, but 
 retains striking features surviving from the older prototype, The 
 sphinxes are replaced by lions, in the style of the corner-stone lions of 
 Sinjerli [Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, iii., PI. XLvii.), and between their 
 fore-parts there appears the figure of a man carved in relief. He is in a 
 crouching attitude, dictated probably by the small space at the sculptor's 
 disposal ; his hands are stretched out to the collars of lions on either side ; 
 his face is shown in full, with square-cut ridged beard, and a curl of hair 
 prominent on either side of his head, attached clearly to a wig. His dress 
 is a short fringed tunic and short-sleeved vest ; a belt is round his waist, 
 to which a dagger is attached. His legs are turned towards his left; 
 upon his feet there seem to be bands or anklets, possibly to bind on his 
 footgear. Though no shoe is visible, the toes are prominently upturned. 
 It Is a striking object. The rim of the drum is not decorated in any way, 
 but on the top there is a large square-cut socket, corresponding to the 
 tongue upon the bottom of the statue. (Orig. Consple. Mus., No. 1519.) 
 
 ' By Sir Charles W. Wilson ; Wright, Empire, etc. , p. 57. Ramsay and 
 Hogarth, Becueil, etc., xiv. and PI. iv. C.I.H., 1900; PI. xviii., and 
 p. 15. 
 
144 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 and is placed about twelve feet or more above the 
 ground. The other is somewhat higher on the decliv- 
 ity, and further from the stream : the hieroglyphs 
 are larger than in the former case, and less carefully 
 incised. The inscriptions are very weathered, so that 
 it is hardly possible to make much of them, but they 
 seem to be partly in duplicate. The emblems which 
 distinguish the two chief male deities in the divine 
 triad at Boghaz-Keui ^ may be recognised ; and Pro- 
 fessor Sayce has also detected a variant of the place- 
 name frequently recurring on the inscriptions of 
 Carchemish (Gar-ga-me-i-si-ya), which makes it appear 
 that there was some political relation between the two 
 places. 
 
 Turning from Derendeh southward up towards the 
 divide, ' Arslan Tash ' is reached, about three miles 
 after passing Palanga. The place lies about one mile 
 east of the Kurdish village of Yeni Keui. The spot is 
 marked by a series of hummocks near a small wayside 
 graveyard, and receives its name^ from two great 
 monumental lions of hard limestone,^ one erect, and 
 the other fallen on its left side. They form a pair each 
 about eight feet in length, and nearly six feet in 
 height. These monuments, though large and impres- 
 sive, are of crude appearance. They recall most nearly 
 two massive early lions found at Sinjerli,^ but though 
 obeying certain early canons they are less thoroughly 
 worked, as well as more roughly drawn. Their mouths 
 are open, but exaggerated in size. The rough of the 
 
 ' Cf. Pis. LXV., LXXI. 
 
 '^ The name means ' Lion-stone,' and is familiar wherever such monu- 
 ments are found. 
 
 ^ Ramsay and Hogarth, loc. cit. PI. ii., A. 
 
 * See below, p. 297, and Mitt. a. d. Orient. Samm. Sendschirli, iii. 
 (Berlin, 1902), PI. XLVi. Originals in the Berlin Vorderas. Mus., Nos. 
 2718, 3001. 
 
ALBISTAN : INSCRIBED OBELISK 145 
 
 mane is strongly but not finely marked ; the legs are 
 not at all disengaged from the stone ; the forepaws 
 are almost shapeless, but the hind ones are fully 
 outlined, with the muscle of the thigh suggested. Only 
 one forepaw and one hindpaw appear in the profile 
 view (a purely Hittite convention) while the tail comes 
 down between the legs forward, ending in a curl.^ 
 Mr. Hogarth thinks that as they lay when found these 
 lions may have marked the position of the entrance to 
 a building. 
 
 Just over the watershed, at a place called (Ashagha) 
 Yapalak, a badly defaced Hittite inscription has been 
 seen,^ but not published, and it seems to have been 
 removed. The record, however, marks the continuity 
 of the track, and the next discovery brings us well into 
 the valley of the Pyramus at Izgin. The monument 
 itself was seen and photographed amid considerable 
 excitement at Albistan,* whither it had been trans- 
 ported, and it is now in safe keeping in the museum at 
 Constantinople. 
 
 The object is an obelisk, a unique example among 
 Hittite works. Its Hittite origin is attested by the 
 inscription which covers its four sides. Its material is 
 coarse limestone ; in height it measures eight feet two 
 inches ; in form it narrows slightly towards the top from 
 one point of view, maintaining its width (twenty-one 
 inches) in the other. The tapering faces are narrower at 
 the bottom than the others, being only ten inches wide. 
 The apex is slightly rounded. The hieroglyphs are in 
 strong relief, arranged in rows. There are about nine- 
 teen of these rows on the broad faces, and sixteen 
 
 1 Cf. the lions of Marash and Sakje-Geuzi, Pis. XLii., Lxxis. 
 
 ^ Sterrett, Epigraphical Journey (1884), p. 299. 
 
 3 Ramsay and Hogarth, Becueil, etc., xv. p. 30 and Pis. l.-ii. 
 
146 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 only on the narrow ones, so that the signs are less 
 crowded on these sides. Unfortunately the monument 
 is very worn around the middle, and a considerable 
 portion of the inscription cannot be recovered. It was 
 originally seen standing as a headstone in a graveyard 
 at Izgin, which is a Turkoman village, some six miles 
 north-east from Albistan, near the confluence of the 
 Kurman Su with the Pyramus. 
 
 We have seen that the monuments which we have 
 examined thus far in the Taurus region mark out the 
 track of two main highways, the one following the 
 valley of the Tochma Su, the other branching from 
 that route southward to gain the valley of the 
 Pyramus. A monument recently discovered now 
 suggests one way at least by which in ancient times 
 the Anti-Taurus might be traversed. This is found in 
 the high pass of Kuru-Bel, a route which has now 
 fallen considerably into disfavour, though not without 
 its advantages. The distance is not more than ten 
 miles to Comana (identified with the modern village 
 of Shahr), which lies to the south-east. By this route, 
 the tracks from the east, whether by way of Marash 
 or by Albistan, converging on Comana, might lead 
 down directly to Csesarea and the interior; or they 
 might, without serious difficulty, connect with Ekrek 
 farther to the north, or Tashji and Fraktin farther 
 south, all of them sites of Hittite works. In this case 
 the monument seems like a great altar of stone, square 
 cut, with a lion crouching on the top on either hand. 
 The material is grey trachyte, which is only found 
 fifteen or twenty miles nearer to Mount Argaeus ; '^ and 
 
 1 G. de Jeraphanion, Proc. S.B.A., 1908 (Feb.), p. 42 and PI. i. For the 
 two photographs before us as we write we are indebted to the members 
 of the American Mission at Csesarea. 
 
KURU-BEL : ALTAR WITH LIONS 147 
 
 as the object weighs just over a ton, it is a matter of 
 considerable perplexity how it was transported in 
 ancient times over the rugged path to the spot where 
 it now lies. There is little doubt but that it remains 
 in its ancient position. It is found on a limestone 
 rock which rises from a small grassy plateau over- 
 shadowed by the lofty peaks of the Soghan Dagh, 
 being itself about 7500 feet above the sea. The base of 
 the object is solid and rectangular in form, with a 
 length of four feet ; its width is just under three feet, 
 and its height seventeen inches. The two crouching 
 lions are carved in the same piece of stone, one on 
 either side, like the decorative arms to a throne. The 
 stone is considerably weathered, so that it is not 
 possible to recover much impression of the original 
 finish or detail of the work. The limbs of the animals 
 are outlined, and shown in full relief ; the carving is 
 all in the round. The lions are nearly as long as the 
 stone is broad, while they are ten inches high and 
 about eleven inches broad. The clear space between 
 them on the top of the altar is about two feet. In 
 front there may be made out several incised Hittite 
 hieroglyphs, which seem to have formed part of a 
 considerable inscription in three lines. We accept the 
 term altar as an explanation of this monument on the 
 mere general suggestion of its shape ; it is, however, 
 unique, and there is no material for forming a definite 
 opinion. The modern shepherds of the vicinity make 
 use of it for pounding up the roots from which they 
 extract a dye for marking their sheep. This usage 
 has considerably damaged the lions, and affords us no 
 clue as to the original purpose of the monument. It 
 may, however, have very well been an altar to the God 
 of the Mountain or of the Pass. The sculptures of 
 
148 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the Kara Dagh,^ and even those of Boghaz-Keui,^ 
 prepare us for local cults of this character. 
 
 From Kuru-Bel, as we have mentioned, several 
 different routes lead on to the plateau of the interior. 
 One of these (but not the easiest or most direct) follows 
 the stream called Kuru Chai down till it joins the 
 Zamanti Su. A little way above the junction on the 
 opposite side there flows in another stream which comes 
 past Ekrek. This is a small Armenian village, eight 
 hours' easy journey eastward from Csesarea. It boasts 
 three Christian churches, and from one of the grave- 
 yards there has come to light a stone ^ of special interest. 
 This was originally a Hittite monument with a panel of 
 hieroglyphs incised along the bottom, bordered by a 
 double line. A few signs appear below, but they are not 
 continued . The stone has been redressed.it would appear, 
 in Christian times, and five crosses have been carved 
 upon it, being left in false-relief by cutting away the 
 surface of the stone. There is a feather and zig-zag 
 border around the edge, which may possibly be original. 
 The two rosettes might equally well be a Hittite device, 
 but their relief corresponds with that of the crosses. 
 The latter are symmetrically arranged, two small ones 
 on each side under the arms of the larger central cross, 
 which stands on a bar upon a roughly incised ' calvary.' 
 
 Farther do"wn the Zamanti Su we come to the village 
 of Tashji, placed in a narrow glen on the bank of a 
 small tributary. Here, upon a rock, there are visible 
 the incised outlines of two figures and a considerable 
 number of hieroglyphs.* The carvings are so weath- 
 
 1 Pp. 180, 181. 2 p. 237. 
 
 ' P). XL VI ; G.I.H. (1900), PI. xxxi. p. 26 ; Ihid. (1906), PI. xxxi. A and 
 p. 23. Constantinople Museum, No. 1217. 
 
 •* Hans Rott, Kleinasiatische Denkmciler (Leipzig, 1908), p. 178, flg. 3 ; 
 Jeraphauion, Proc. S.B.A., xxx. (1908) pp. 43, 44, and PI. ii 
 
PLATE XLVl 
 
 EKKEK: HiTTITE INSCRIPTION KEDKESSED WITH CHRISTIAN EMBLEMS 
 
EKREK : TASHJI : FRAKTIN 149 
 
 ered, and the record of them so insufficient, that little 
 can be made out of the inscription. The two figures, 
 however, may be judged to have been clad in priestly 
 dress, with close-fitting skull-cap. The sharply-cut 
 features of one of them remain conspicuous. They are 
 to the right hand of the scene as published, and facing 
 to the observer's right ; hence it is probable that they 
 are facing some deity or deified object which has 
 escaped observation. The position of this monument 
 is of special interest, as it is only eight miles eastward 
 from Fraktin, which is found on the next main bend 
 of the river. 
 
 Here, at Fraktin (otherwise Ferak-Din),^ is one of 
 the most famous of Hittite sculptures, which makes 
 most important contributions to Hittite religious 
 symbolism.^ From its position on the river. Professor 
 Ramsay has, with reason, identified this place with the 
 Dastarkon on the river Karmalas mentioned by Strabo,' 
 and has shown how the omission of the name of the 
 place from the list of Hiera, though at one time the 
 most important, and the head over all others in Cap- 
 padocia, argues for its extreme antiquity as a religious 
 centre, the importance of which was already passing 
 when the list was made. Its sanctity was preserved, 
 however, even in Christian times, by the Bishopric of 
 Kiskissos, situated at Kiskeui, the nearest village to the 
 site. 
 
 The sculptures* of Fraktin are found about half a 
 mile north-north-east of the village, carved upon a 
 
 1 Murray's Handbook for Asia Minor, p. 273. 
 
 2 Ramsay and Hogarth, Becueil, etc., xiv. p. 81, and PI. vi. ; C.I.H. 
 (1900), PI. XXX. and p. 25 ; Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce (Paris, 1898), 
 PI. XXIII. and p. 125. 
 
 ^ Hist. Oeog., pp. 288, 312. The identification probably remains un- 
 shaken by the discovery at Tashji. Cf. Strabo, xii. 2-6. The word seems 
 to Involve the name Taek. . . ^ PI. xlvii. 
 
150 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 convex rock facing to the west, where a cliff about 
 fifteen or twenty feet high rises above a sluggish stream, 
 the Kara Su, which flows past at the foot. They are 
 about four feet from the ground, and the figures are 
 from three feet to three feet four inches in height. The 
 group fills a space nine feet eight inches wide, or, in- 
 cluding an outer group of hieroglyphs, thirteen feet 
 ten inches over all. The carving is executed in relief 
 about two inches high. There are two scenes, in each 
 of them two personages. The group on the left con- 
 sists of two male figures, facing one another, and 
 separated by an altar. They are both clad in Hittite 
 fashion, with short tunic, conical hat, and shoes with 
 upturned toes,^ while each has seemingly a dagger at 
 the waist. The figure to the left holds out some object 
 in his extended left hand above the altar. In his right 
 hand there is grasped a curving staff, which rests upon 
 the shoulder.^ With this figure there is associated the 
 divided oval, the emblem of sanctity ; so that we cannot 
 doubt that if either of these two is a divine figure 
 to whom the other is ministering, then it is the one in 
 question. The figure upon the other side of the altar is 
 more defaced ; he seems to hold under the left arm a 
 triangular bow,^ while with his right hand he grasps 
 an object which is continued by a wavy outline to the 
 ground before his feet." The altar between the two is 
 very curious, and the object upon it unintelligible. 
 The pedestal seems to be draped almost like a human 
 figure with a narrow folded garment ending in a fringe. 
 The narrowing at the top, representing the waist, and 
 the horizontal belt around it, are evident. 
 
 ' Cf. thegod-flgures of Boghaz-Keui, PI. Lxv. 
 
 2 This position is unique; cf. tlie priest-figures in Pis. LViii., LXXII. 
 
 3 Cf. tlie god-figures of Kara-Bel, PI. Liv. ; Malatia, PI. XLiv. 
 
 * Cf. the oblation scenes of Malatia, PI. xliv., p. 138, and of Eyuk, p. 268. 
 
PLATE XLVII 
 
FRAKTIN : THE ROCK SCULPTURES 151 
 
 The group to the right is not completely carved, the 
 outlines only being shown, though the background is 
 cut away. On the left of the altar in this case, the figure 
 is seated on a square-shaped stool, and notwithstand- 
 ing the conical hat (generally a part of the male attire), 
 the only parallel cases of a seated deity suggest the 
 figure of Ma, the Mother-goddess.^ Whoever or what- 
 ever it may be, the hands are held out towards the altar. 
 On the opposite side there is a similar long-robed 
 figure standing, and the garment in this case shows a 
 considerable train behind, while in front the turned-up 
 toe of one foot protrudes. The right hand seems to lean 
 on a long staff,^ while the left, contrary to the usual 
 convention, is extended, and grasps a long pendent 
 object which reaches the floor,' as in the counterpart. 
 The object perched upon the altar is unexplained, but 
 most resembles the crudely drawn outline of a falcon 
 or other large bird* facing the goddess. 
 
 Much has been written, and much might still be 
 argued, as to the meaning of these sculptures. All that 
 is certain is- the insufficiency of evidence by which to 
 identify them. We seem to have, however, two acts of 
 worship, probably oblation scenes, represented ; and on 
 the analogy of the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui,^ we may 
 feel drawn to see in these sculptures two shrines, the 
 one of the Mother-goddess, later known as Cybele, the 
 other of her companion, likewise familiar in later 
 times as Attis. At Boghaz-Keui the same divine pair 
 appear in other guise. But being ignorant of the 
 local religion, we learn little or nothing from these 
 
 1 Cf. Eyuk, PI. Lxxiii. (i) ; Sipylus, PI. Liii. 
 
 2 Cf. the female figure at Boghaz-Keui, PI. Lxvii. 
 
 ' Cf. the tassel at Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxxi. (ii); and Marash, p. 115; also 
 the oblation-scene at Malatia, above, PI. XLiv. 
 ■• Cf. the sculptures from Marash, p. 118, and Yarre, p. 165. ^ cf_ p 24]. 
 
152 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 identifications. It is however of interest to notice how 
 deeply permeated and how widely spread throughout 
 the Hittite lands was the cult of the Nature-goddess 
 in early times. 
 
 Section C. — Monuments of the Halys Basin, 
 asarjik, suasa ; tamoola, bogche, karaburna ; 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI (DENEK MADBN). 
 
 With this group of monuments there are two or three 
 outside the convex curve of the Halys, though none 
 the less in the basin which that river drains. The first 
 of these, on the slopes of Mount Argaeus, might per- 
 haps more appropriately have been classed with the 
 monuments of Anti-Taurus, of which system Argaeus 
 is really the most advanced and most prominent peak. 
 We have no doubt that near the summit of this mag- 
 nificent slumbering volcanic cone there might be found 
 traces of Hittite high-places, but for the present our 
 only evidence of Hittite presence in this locality is to 
 be found a comparatively short way up the ascent, at 
 a place called Tope Nefezi, near to Asarjik.^ Here, 
 among a number of small rocks, there is found 
 one, enclosed with a growth of low scrub, upon the 
 southern face of which a Hittite inscription is incised. 
 The spot is near one of the main ascents of the cone, 
 com^manding a view of the plain below, while in front 
 the snowy peak emerges in vivid, gleaming contrast 
 out of the dense growth of pine and fir trees that clothe 
 the middle heights of the mountain. A stream coming 
 from high up the mountain passes near the spot, and 
 
 1 Liverpool Annals of Archaeology, vol. i., No. 1, p. 6, and Pis. viii. 
 and IX. (i.). 
 
ASARJIK : ROCK INSCRIPTION 153 
 
 descends just eastward of Csesarea to join the Deli 
 Su. This river, flowing west through the marshes, 
 shortly afterwards enters the Kara Su, which empties 
 into the Halys just above Bir Geuz bridge.^ 
 
 The rock itself is cracked vertically and weathered 
 at the edges, so that some of the inscription on the left 
 hand is missing, and some of it is illegible. It covers 
 a space nearly four feet wide and nearly two feet high. 
 It consists of two bands, of which the lower one, about 
 eight inches in height, is marked only faintly with 
 half-obliterated signs which suggest graffiti. The 
 upper band is covered with incised hieroglyphs and a 
 group of short upright strokes probably representing 
 numerals. In the left part of the inscription, three or 
 more signs are superposed in each column, while the 
 whole is to be read clearly from right to left. For the 
 moment the presence and position of this monument 
 are its chief features of importance. 
 
 The other site, about equally distant from the 
 Halys, but considerably to the west, is Suasa, on the 
 headwaters of the stream- which enters the Halys just 
 above Karaburna. Here, on a cubical block of stone, 
 similar to many hundreds fallen from the cliff, there 
 has been found ^ an inscription, incised on the front 
 and back. The exposed part of the stone is rather more 
 than three feet wide. The record of the monument 
 is insufficient to let us assign much importance to its 
 apparent intrinsic details, such as the possible appear- 
 ance of a winged animal and a fish among the hiero- 
 glyphs. That which concerns us most, as in the former 
 case, is the unquestionably Hittite nature of themonu- 
 
 ' See above, p. 24. 
 
 ^ Hans Rott, Kleinasiatische Denkmdler (Messerschmidt in the same), 
 pp. 175-179 and figs. 1, 2. 
 
154 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 ment, and the place where it is found. If we are to 
 regard these isolated monuments as general evidence 
 of Hittite routes, we may see in this one the suggestion 
 of a road from Akserai {Archelais) direct to Karaburna, 
 connecting on the one hand with Ardistama or with 
 Konia, and on the other with Boghaz-Keui by a 
 southern branch of the royal road.^ 
 
 Karaburna lies on the north bank of the Halys 
 river.^ Just behind the village a steep hill rises about 
 four hundred feet, and is crowned with an ancient 
 fortress. On two sides the wall of rock forms a 
 sufiicient defence, but on the west, and particularly 
 on the north, this is more broken, and is supple- 
 mented by an artificial wall of rough stone work.^ In 
 the east side there is a sort of gateway, and below 
 there is an underground passage leading probably to 
 a well.* On a shelf of rock to the left of this entrance 
 there is a lengthy Hittite inscription.'' The surface of 
 the rock is not very smooth, and it was found both 
 worn and covered with lichen. None the less the dis- 
 coverer brought back good copies of the inscription, 
 which is important both intrinsically and topographi- 
 cally. The hieroglyphs are incised, and are arranged 
 in three rows with border and dividing lines. They 
 seem to have filled a space rather more than five feet 
 long and just less than two feet wide. The inscription, 
 as translated by Professor Sayce, refers chiefly to the 
 building of the fortification and the towers thereof; 
 
 ' See above, p. 24. 
 
 ' It is described by Anderson, Jour. Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901), pp. 
 328-332 as six miles north-north-west of Tuz Keui, hence is probably 
 the Karapunar of Kiepert's map, and to be distinguished from Kara- 
 puma, north-west of Arapison. 
 
 3 CI. the fortress and inscription of Kara Dagh, below, p. 178. 
 
 ■' Cf. Jo2ir. Hellenic Studies (1899), p. 55 flf. 
 
 ^ Discovered by Anderson, cf. op. cit. and Plate ; also Sayce, Proc. 
 S.B.A., 1905 (Nov.), p. 217; C.I.H. (1902), PI. XLVi. 
 
PLATE XLVIII 
 
K ARABURNA : BOGCHE : YAMOOLA 155 
 
 there is also a remarkable suggestion that the district 
 was subject to or part of Tyana. If we may make an 
 inference therefrom, it is that the inscription belongs 
 to a time when Tyana had superseded Pteria as the 
 Hittite capital, and when Greater Cilicia had taken 
 the place of northern Oappadocia as the most im- 
 portant Hittite state. 
 
 At Bogche, higher up the river, and on the opposite 
 bank, there is a unique Hittite monument, which, so 
 far as can be judged, stands now precisely where it did 
 in antiquity. It is a flat round-topped granitic stone, 
 inscribed on both sides and ends, and standing upon a 
 suitable plinth or pedestal. The width of the stone is 
 almost exactly four feet, and its height three feet. At 
 the side it is twenty-one inches wide at the bottom, 
 narrowing to eleven and a half inches at the top.^ The 
 position of the monument is a slope of high ground 
 overlooking the valley of the river, and isolated amid 
 pastures to the west of the village. Its nature and 
 situation alike suggest a tribal or village boundary 
 stone, such as we suspect at Gurun and Bulghar-Maden. 
 The inscription is arranged in four lines, and seems 
 to commence at the top right hand of the northern 
 face (which is towards the river). The hieroglyphs are 
 incised, and include several new and uncommon signs. 
 Though difiicult the inscription is one of the most per- 
 fect pieces available for the decipherer or philologist. 
 
 Passing the Bir Geuz bridge, Yamoola is found some 
 little way farther up the river, upon the northern bank. 
 The village is in open ground, but just above the valley 
 narrows to a gorge, which is practically continuous as 
 far as Chok Geuz Keupru.^ A pathway follows the 
 
 1 See PI. XLViii. for our photo of the southern face, Cf. C.I.H. (1906), 
 PI. LI. and pp. 11, 12. 2 cf. p. 27, above. 
 
156 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 river-side for the most part, winding along the narrow 
 strip of soil between the water and the heights which 
 overlook it. Other tracks take the higher ground, but 
 they are rendered difficult by the loose stones that 
 thickly cover the surface, imparting a desolate and 
 wild character to the region. About forty minutes' 
 journey above Yamoola, or two and a half hours 
 below Chok Geuz Keupru, the monument is found upon 
 gently-sloping ground near the brink of a steep knoll 
 about five hundred feet in height. The spot does not 
 command an extensive view of the river, though only 
 a hundred yards away, because the ground rises slightly 
 in between ; but a little way up stream the banks are 
 more gentle, and the water comes into view at a bend. 
 
 The monument is a gigantic eagle of stone, ^ sculptured 
 in the round, standing upon a solid base carved in bold 
 relief with the design of a seated lion within each of 
 three panels at the front and sides. The height over 
 all is seven feet. It now lies upon one side, but it 
 would appear that it was originally set up some four 
 or five yards distant on a platform of stones, the front 
 edge of which is slightly raised like a ridge to prevent 
 slipping.^ 
 
 The head of this great eagle is unfortunately broken 
 away, and has not been found. Around the neck the 
 feather pattern which covers the body gives way to a 
 hair-like representation, seen as two clusters of hair 
 curling finally towards one another. This may, indeed, 
 be only a method of reproducing the down upon the 
 neck, parallel with the treatment of the legs ; on the 
 other hand, hair may be intended, and it is thus possible 
 
 ' See PI. XLix. Cf. Robinson, Proc. S.B.A., 1908(Jan.), p. 27 and flg. 1, 
 2; and Liv. Annals of Arch., 1, i. Pis. vi., vn. and p. 5. 
 
 2 Cf. the constructive details of the Lower Palace at Boghaz-Keui, 
 below, p. 208. 
 
PLATE XLIX 
 
 GIANT HKADLESS EAGLE STANDING ON A SOLID PEDESTAL 
 SUPPORTED BY LIONS 
 The background has been removed. 
 
YAMOOLA: THE GIANT EAGLE 157 
 
 that the bird was human-headed. After due considera- 
 tion of the details and probabilities, however, we are 
 disposed to accept the simpler solution : that the em- 
 blem was a simple though gigantic eagle, set upon a 
 lion-base. Upon the breast of the bird, the plumage 
 is represented by a leaf-like pattern with a boldness 
 accordant with the great size of the subject. Upon 
 the back this detail is repeated to some extent, but for 
 the most part the work is more conventional, consist- 
 ing of bands of herring-bone pattern running down the 
 full length of the body, diverging upon the shoulders, 
 and then converging gradually so as to cross towards 
 the tail. The legs are shown covered with down, and 
 the talons are forcefully executed. 
 
 The base of this monument is also of special interest. 
 In each of the two visible panels (hence presumably 
 upon the third) a lion is shown in an attitude not 
 exactly crouching, but as though supporting the weight 
 upon his shoulders and back. His fore-quarters are 
 too much raised for an ordinary recumbent position, 
 though otherwise the attitude of these animals is re- 
 poseful. The left leg in each case crosses over the 
 right, and the tail curls up from between the legs back- 
 ward over the thigh. The right side is presented in 
 each case, and the face looks outwards. The width of 
 the base, excluding the tail, which projects about five 
 inches, is three feet nine inches. Framing the panels 
 in which the lions are shown, and separating the 
 pedestal from the rest of the monument, there is a 
 curious wavy ridge of stone upon which the eagle is 
 perched. It may possibly be intended as a branch of 
 a tree, but it is made almost to resemble a writhing 
 serpent, with its alternate narrowing and widening. 
 
 We have departed from the strict lines laid down at 
 
158 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the outset of our inquiry in including this object, which 
 is uninscribed, and bears no direct evidence of date 
 upon it. We do so because we claim it with some con- 
 fidence as Hittite work. Eagles, in relief and in the 
 round, and lions, are familiar emblems in Hittite 
 reHgious art, and they are found in association at 
 Boghaz-Keui ; ^ indeed, at this place, which we may 
 believe to have been the religious centre for the whole 
 Halys basin, a cult of the eagle seems to have been 
 perpetuated in Hittite times. ^ Hence, though the 
 character and composition of the monument are 
 unique, the emblems which it comprises are familiar 
 subjects in Hittite art, and appropriate to the locality. 
 As to its meaning, however, we can hazard no opinion ; 
 its position near the valley of the river suggests a 
 possible relationship, and we know ^ that rivers were 
 sacred to some Hittite tribes. 
 
 Leaving now the valley of the Halys, it is a singular 
 fact that there is no permanent trace of Hittite 
 presence on record within the broad circuit which 
 that river encloses, except the ruins of the capital at 
 Boghaz-Keui and of the neighbouring palace at Byuk. 
 At the former place there is one monument called 
 Nishan Tash, which claims mention independently of 
 the buildings and sculptures to which we devote a 
 special chapter, inasmuch as it is a rock-carving un- 
 like anything else on the acropolis where it is found. 
 It lies between the two fortresses of Beuyuk and 
 Yenije Kaleh, where the surface of a rock facing 
 to the south has been smoothed for a space about 
 twenty feet by ten, and carved with a design or in- 
 scription arranged in ten separate lines. It is generally 
 
 " Cf. PI. Lxv. 2 See pp. 2.35, 236. 
 
 ^ From the treaty between Hattusil and Rameses n., see below, p. 348. 
 
BOGHAZ-KEUI: ISOLATED CARVINGS 159 
 
 thought that this is an inscription in Hittite hiero- 
 glyphs, and probably that is correct ; but owing to its 
 extremely weathered state, we do not believe it 
 possible now to recognise the signs with any certainty, 
 though one traveller claims to have deciphered four 
 lines in comparatively recent years. The rock lies 
 back at a considerable angle, and is thus entirely 
 exposed to rain and frost. At the present time the 
 carving simulates a series of animal forms, arranged 
 in pairs facing one another, and (in the second row) 
 of winged creatures placed singly and separated by 
 dividing lines from one another. In the ninth row 
 there is a suggestion of bulls facing one another in 
 pairs, with lowered heads. Doubtless this is illusion,^ 
 but it shows the unfortunate impossibility of recover- 
 ing the original inscription with any reliability. 
 
 Two further monuments, recently discovered,^ may 
 be appropriately mentioned, inasmuch as they have 
 no clear relation to any other buildings of the site. 
 They are cubical building blocks of granite (similar to 
 those from Malatia and elsewhere), and the face of 
 each is decorated with a relief. In the upper part of 
 the stone there is a socket-hole, from which fact 
 the discoverers argue that they were the bases for 
 statues, though from the analogy which their other 
 discoveries afford, it would appear more probable that 
 they supported a building carried up in timber. The 
 subject of the relief is clearly religious, and it includes 
 some striking and important features, which appear 
 on each stone. Indeed, the only difference between 
 the two is found in three out of five hieroglyphic 
 
 ' Especially as some hierogylpbs are visible in M. Perrot's photo- 
 graph. 
 
 2 Winckler, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient. Gesellschaft zu Berlin, 
 Dec. 1907, No. 35, pp. 57, 58, figs. 6, 7. 
 
160 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 signs that occur in each case. Otherwise the subject 
 represented is the same. This shows a priest, clad in 
 toga-like robe standing in an attitude of prayer before 
 an altar. He wears a skull-cap, shoes with turned-up 
 toes, and ear-ring. The toga is worn (in one case 
 plainly) over a short tunic and vest. His left hand is 
 raised towards the altar, and his left foot is advanced. 
 The altar is of square shape, and without parallel in 
 Hittite representations.' It is decorated with squares 
 divided by diagonal lines and crosses. There is a little 
 difference discernible in the arrangement of these 
 decorative details, the chief point being that on the 
 one they are arrayed in rows (in which case there are 
 no crosses) and in the other in columns (in which case 
 the crosses form a partial middle column between two 
 of diagonals). Most curious of all, upon the altar, 
 seemingly one on the right hand and one on the left, 
 are two tall loop-like or round-topped objects stand- 
 ing vertically. Behind the altar there seems to be the 
 cult object, which at first glance looks very like a 
 harpoon, though the head is bent somewhat back- 
 ward. It may, however, be thought to represent some 
 pointed object (like the Hittite hat) on a pole. 
 
 (There is a small ivory object recently obtained at 
 Denek Maden, near Chesme Keupru, which we may 
 appropriately mention here,^ as it is characteristic of 
 a certain class of Hittite objects, though not of direct 
 use to our present subject. Its form makes it im- 
 probable that it was a seal in the ordinary sense. On 
 the obverse there is the figure of a god clad in a short 
 tunic; from the hieroglyphs alongside he is to be 
 recognised perhaps as Sandan, or Sandes. On the 
 
 ' Though found in hieroglyph at Emir Ghazi ; and in the round at 
 Kuru-Bel (above p. 147). 
 2 See PI. XL. (ii), and Liv. Annals of Arch., 1, i. p. 11, and PI. xiv. (1). 
 
MONUMENTS OF THE WEST 161 
 
 reverse there is the robed figure of a priest holding 
 apparently a long staff in his hand, and wearing a 
 skull-cap. Certain hieroglyphs accompany this figure 
 also. The character of the object and treatment of 
 detail have several features of special interest.) 
 
 Section D. — Monuments of the West. 
 
 ANGORA, giaour-kalesi, yabrb (chesmb keupru) ; 
 doghanlu, bey-keui ; sipylus, kara-bel; ilgin 
 (kolit-oghlu yaila), (eflatoun-bunab, passiler). 
 
 It has already been indicated that the Hittite vs^orks 
 in the west are few in number and of somewhat special 
 character, and that they are disposed for the most part 
 seemingly along a single line of road.^ They betoken a 
 line of conquest rather than a period of settlement. 
 Nevertheless, if we may permit ourselves to take into 
 consideration certain sculptures which, though unin- 
 scribed, are of strongly Hittite character, we shall find 
 reason to feel the presence of Hittite influence, or close 
 contact with Hittite artistic feeling, in Galatia north- 
 east from Phrygia. In view of the fact which has been 
 established ^ that the Halys River formed a boundary 
 between peoples of different racial customs, this 
 evidence, if it may be accepted, assumes definite import- 
 ance, inasmuch as such influence was less likely, under 
 the circumstances, to be the result of neighbourly 
 assimilation. It would argue, in short, for a deflnite 
 occupation or suzerainty. 
 
 Of such uninscribed works we may single out three 
 in the immediate vicinity of Angora, the one at Kalaba,' 
 
 1 See pp. 37, 38. ^ See pp. 21, 92. 
 
 2 Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . , . Asia Minor, ii. p. 198, fig. 350. 
 
162 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 which is just eastward of the town, the others at 
 Amaksiz and Yalanjak,^ which lie to the west and 
 south-west respectively. These are uniform slabs of 
 stone, suitable for the facade of a building, decorated 
 with reliefs of lions.^ It is not merely the analogy of 
 motive and of subject, but certain details of treatment, 
 which give them a Hittite character. The beasts are 
 in each case represented as advancing, with wide open 
 mouths. The farther legs are advanced and the tail 
 curls over the back. On the lion from Kalaba the body 
 is seemingly hairy below the belly and the collar is 
 suggested. Most characteristic of all is the treatment 
 of the shoulder muscles, which are drav^^n in conven- 
 tional outline, as at Eyuk, Sinjerli, and elsewhere. (At 
 Chesme Keupru, also, exposed to the weather on the 
 western side of the bridge, there is a lion sculptured 
 completely in the round. This is in itself a fashion 
 unknown to Hittite art, and added to that there must 
 be noticed the seated posture of the animal and uncouth 
 treatment of the subject. We cannot see in this any 
 semblance of Hittite influence.) 
 
 The sculptures of Giaour-Kalesi, however, are of 
 unmistakably Hittite origin, even though no inscrip- 
 tion seems to have been noticed with them. Here the 
 subjects are god-like figures, in familiar Hittite guise.^ 
 They are carved in relief upon the living rock, and 
 their situation is particularly noteworthy. A rocky 
 knoll overlooks, indeed partly overhangs, a narrow 
 pass : upon the summit is a fortress, rectangular in 
 shape, about eighteen yards by thirty - seven, and 
 supported by an outer and lower wall at a distance of 
 
 ' Crowfoot, Jour. Hellenic Studies, xix. pp. 45-48, flg. 5. 
 2 Cf. the construction at Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxviil. 
 ' Perrotand Chipiez, op. cit., ii. p. 202 fig. 352. 
 
PLATE L 
 
 ANGORA : THE ACROPOLIS 
 
 (Sfe also p. 36.) 
 
GIAOUR-KALESI: FORT AND RELIEFS 163 
 
 twelve to thirty yards. The masonry of the inner wall 
 is rough dry-walling, while the outer is built in the 
 style of the fortress on Beuyuk Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui,^ 
 of stones roughly pentagonal in shape, irregular in size, 
 fitted to one another, and laid without mortar. In its 
 shape this fortress corresponds to that of Yenije Kaleh 
 at Boghaz-Keui ; ^ in its double wall and rough inner 
 masonry to that on Kizil Dagh ; ^ and in the position of 
 the monuments near its entrance to that on Kizil Dagh 
 just mentioned, and to another at Karaburna.* 
 
 The sculptures represent two male figures : the one 
 bearded, the other beardless. Both are clad in the short 
 tunic, tip-tilted shoes, and conical hat familiar in the 
 god-figures at Boghaz-Keui.° A dagger with crescental 
 hilt is stuck into the belt of each. They are of gigantic 
 size, seemingly about ten or twelve feet high, and both 
 are posed in the same way facing in the same direction. 
 They turn to the observer's left ; their right hands are 
 advanced, as though pointing down the pass, while 
 their left arms are drawn back. Obedient to conven- 
 tion, the right legs are advanced, and the shoulders are 
 seen almost in full view. Something hangs down from 
 the hat of each, falling behind the neck ; ° and upon the 
 front of the hat worn by the bearded figure there may 
 be traced a curving object, but whether the upturned 
 brim familiar on the sculptures at Sinjerli and Boghaz- 
 Keui,^ or some other emblem, is not determinable. 
 
 There can be little doubt as to the identification of 
 these two figures, as they are portrayed, with the father- 
 god and the son-god (the two forms of Attis of later 
 
 1 See p. 205. 2 See PI. jlxi (i). 3 See p. 178. 
 
 * See p. 154. ^ See PI. LXV. 
 
 ^ It is interesting to compare this head-dress with that of the Scythians 
 (cf. the designs on the Electron Vase from Kul-Oba, Keinach, etc., 
 Antiquities of Southern Russia). ' See p. 215, note. 
 
164 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 times), seen in exact correspondence on the sculptured 
 walls of the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui/ Is it merely a 
 coincidence that, while being a link in the great westerly 
 route from Boghaz-Keui towards Kara-Bel and Sipylus, 
 they are pointing down the pass which is thought by 
 many to have led also directly to Pessinus or Pessinous, 
 the chief sanctuary of the Mother-goddess^ in this 
 part of Asia Minor ? 
 
 Whatever may have been the direction of the Royal 
 Road eastward of Giaour-Kalesi, it would seem to have 
 passed west by way of Yarre, vs^hich is found near a 
 bridge over the Sangarius called Karanji Keupru. Here 
 a sculptured slab has been found ^ decorated with a 
 relief representing a ceremonial feast. This is an import- 
 ant link, for this class of subject has a wide distribution, 
 as we have seen,* throughout Hittite lands on both 
 sides of the Taurus. Its appearance west of the Halys 
 betrays the influence not only of Hittite art but of 
 a common religious institution. 
 
 The slab is almost exactly thirty inches square and 
 twelve inches thick. The back is rough, and on the 
 upper side is carved a tongue or ' joggle,' for attaching 
 another slab : clearly it formed part of the facade of a 
 building like the slabs of Angora, Sinjerli, and Sakje- 
 Geuzi. The drawing of the scene is more angular and 
 less free than is seen on most Hittite works, but there 
 are several intrinsic Hittite peculiarities. Two figures 
 are seated, their feet on footstools, at opposite sides of 
 a narrow table or altar. The head and back of the 
 
 ' See PI. Lxv. 
 
 2 Strabo, xii. v. 3 ; for the route cf. Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., p. 202 ; 
 Anderson, Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. p. 95 ; Ramsay, Mist. Geog., p. 31 ; and 
 Jour. Roy. Asiat.Soc, xv. (1S83), p. 109. 
 
 3 Crowfoot, Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. Pt. 1 (1899), pp. 40-45, and fig. 4. 
 ■• See pp. 99, 100, and PI. Lxxv. (i). 
 
YARRE: CEREMONIAL FEAST 165 
 
 left-hand figure are missing. The shoes of both turn 
 upwards at the toes, and their garments seem to be 
 long, reaching to their ankles. The end of a toga-like 
 garment is conspicuous on the right-hand figure, falling 
 over the right shoulder and reaching almost to the 
 seat. The head-dress of this figure resembles a skull- 
 cap with expanding front, and a short hood or veil falls 
 behind the neck. The features are sharp, the nose and 
 chin being particularly prominent. The figure is seated 
 on a stool with two straight legs which cross. In the 
 left hand (which, as at Sinjerli and elsewhere, is inac- 
 curately represented with the palm instead of the 
 knuckles towards the observer) there is grasped a 
 small round-topped object ; and in the right hand, 
 which is partly raised, there seems to be a cup. The 
 opposite figure is clad alike, so far as it can be seen, 
 and similarly raises a cup towards the lips. The 
 object between them resembles in form the narrow 
 tapering altars seen on the sculptures of Fraktin. 
 Upon it there seem to be a bird, and possibly some 
 other offerings not clearly defined. In the background 
 between the two heads, and above the 'altar,' there 
 appear certain marks, in relief, which may be the 
 remains of hieroglyphic signs. It is unfortunate that 
 the whole of this sculpture is not preserved, a circum- 
 stance which makes us hesitate to attempt to explain 
 its meaning. It is probable, however, that the persons, 
 being both seated, are in this case on an equality, and 
 both share in the feast, as at Marash,^ Boghaz-Keui,^ and 
 Sinjerli.^ We infer that they are man and woman, but 
 that is not clear. The figure on the right, clad in the 
 toga and long robe, wears also an earring. The seat 
 on the left is not a stool of the same kind as that on 
 1 P. 111. " P. 226. 3 p_ 284 and PI. Lxxv. (j). 
 
166 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the right, but rather a square-shaped chair, though, 
 being broken in two, we have only a portion remaining 
 from which to judge. 
 
 In the Phrygian country the rock sculptures of non- 
 Phrygian character near the Midas-tomb at Doghanlu ^ 
 may be thought to carry on the line of Hittite highway 
 to the west. These are found on a plateau above the 
 valley in which are the Phrygian monuments, and 
 they seem to have been anciently reached by means of 
 a road ascending in a gentle curve, now partly hidden 
 at the bottom by accumulated earth. There are 
 several figures of gigantic size carved in relief upon 
 the rocks, but that which has attracted most attention 
 is a small one in the series, two feet four inches high, 
 described by the discoverer as a figure of 'Hermes.' 
 The person stands, facing left, his left foot and arm 
 advanced. His hair is dressed close, or it may be covered 
 by a skull-cap, and a curl is visible behind the neck. In 
 the left hand a caduceus is held upright, the head of 
 which is seen like a small disk with horn-like objects 
 projecting from the top and turned towards one 
 another. Beyond the staff are certain picture-signs, 
 amidst which a bird^ naay be recognised, with a small 
 triangular sign below. These signs, in the opinion of 
 the discoverer, are not the same as the Hittite hiero- 
 glyphs. None the less, the monument is accepted as 
 Hittite by Dr. Messerschmidt ^ and M. Perrot.* We 
 consider their interpretation of the origin of the 
 sculpture to be extremely doubtful. We do not feel so 
 strongly as Professor Ramsay that the Phrygians 
 
 ' Ramsay, Jour. Hell. Stud., [iii\{188S) pp. 6-11 and fig. 2. For the 
 Phrygian monuments in brief see Murray's Handbook, p. 142, etc. 
 
 2 Cf. the sculpture from Marash, p. 119, and at Fraktin, p. 151. 
 
 3 C.I.H. (1900), PI. XXXVI. E, and text, p. 32. 
 
 ^ Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 206 and fig. 353. 
 
PLATE LI I 
 
 AYAZiN; ROCK-HEWN KOOF OF THE CHRIbTIAN CHUKCH 
 
 Notice the dome and capitals, 
 
 {Sec PI. LI. and p. 60.) 
 
DOGHANLU AND BEY-KEUI 167 
 
 obviously learned this type from the Hittites of Pteria, 
 as may be seen from a comparison with the youthful 
 god in the sanctuary of that place. On the other hand, 
 the caduceus, the picture-signs, and the short robe of 
 the figure, are not really those familiar in Hittite art. 
 We are told, however, that other sculptures of the 
 series with which the 'Hermes' is associated have 
 more in common. The theory of Hittite influence, 
 though not of Hittite origin, is perhaps easiest recon- 
 ciled with history, and we may accept it tentatively 
 as a working hypothesis explaining their presence, but 
 not as independent evidence. 
 
 The same doubt does not exist, however, in regard 
 to an inscription from Bey-Keui, which is a definite 
 trace of the Hittites in the west. The monument is a 
 dressed block of limestone, dug by Professor Ramsay ^ 
 out of a mound at the entrance to a glen. The hiero- 
 glyphs are in relief, and on the portion of the stone 
 preserved were arranged in rows, of which two partly 
 remain. The whole was surrounded by a plain border.^ 
 From the published copy two or three of the signs 
 may be readily recognised as distinctively Hittite. 
 The position of the monument has thus a great interest 
 amid the paucity of evidence in the west. 
 
 Those monuments which tell of the Hittite influence 
 in the extreme west are found on the mountains of 
 Sipylus and Tmolus, not far in either case from Smyrna. 
 The river Hermus before entering the sea flows about 
 a mile distant on the northern side of Mount Sipylus. 
 On the other bank there stretches out a considerable 
 expanse of highly fertile plain. The road and railway 
 
 ' Mitteilungen der Deutschen Arch. Inst. Athen. Abtlg., xiv. (1889), 
 p. 181 ; C.I.H. (1900), PI. xxxvi. A, and text, p. 32; Murray's Handbook, 
 p. 135. 
 
 2 Cf. the original appearance of the inscription from Ekrek, PI. XLVi. 
 
168 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 pass between the river and the mountain, and from 
 them the famous sculpture may be plainly seen. It 
 is several hundred feet up the slope, involving a sharp 
 climb up the accumulated debris and soil at the foot 
 of the cliflf. Above, the cliffs rise sheer and almost 
 precipitous.^ 
 
 The monument occupies a recess specially prepared, 
 about forty feet in height, while the figure itself is over 
 thirty feet high. This gigantic sculpture, perhaps on 
 account of its accessibility, has been more noticed in 
 writings, ancient and modern, than any other. Its 
 present condition,^ however, leaves us no chance of 
 forming any new opinion as to its original meaning 
 and character. Fortunately on both points there re- 
 mains little doubt, in spite of a considerable controversy, 
 which is, however, now no longer of interest. As to its 
 meaning, we are guided by the studied words of Pau- 
 sanias,^ read in the light of modern information, to 
 believe that it was a rock image of the Mother-goddess ; 
 and as to its character, we may see in its present 
 weathered state the indications of a sculpture in very 
 high relief, almost indeed in the round, though not 
 disengaged from the rock, which once represented a 
 female seated, with her feet presumably upon a stool. 
 The head of the figure is seemingly inclined forward, 
 and the form of the female bust may still be recog- 
 nised. Those who previously may have thought the 
 carving to represent a bust upon a pedestal were 
 deceived by its present appearance, for certain hiero- 
 
 ' For a description of the mountain, and a comparative study of the 
 religion of the famous monument, see a paper by Ramsay, ' Sipylus and 
 Cybele,' in Jour. Hell. Stud., iii. pp. 33-68. Cf. Perrot and Chipiez, 
 Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 234 and S., and fig. 365 ; Weber, Le Sipylus 
 et ses riionuments (Paris, 1880); C.I.H. (1900), Pis. xxxvil., xxxvill., 
 and text, p. 33. 2 gee pi, liii., to face. 
 
 2 Pausanias,iii. xxii. 4, quoted below. 
 
PLATE LUI 
 
 MT. SIPYLUS : GIANT IMAGE OF THE MOTHER-GODDESS 
 
SIPYLUS: THE MOTHER-GODDESS 169 
 
 glyphs ^ in the recess near the head attest its Hittite 
 origin : the motive of bust and pedestal finds no place 
 in the category of Hittite art, while the seated 
 figure of the Mother-goddess has its counterpart in 
 the Hittite sculptures at Eyuk^ and Fraktin.* The 
 inscription in question is very fragmentary, though 
 certain characteristic symbols can be recognised, 
 notably the tip-tilted shoe and the horned (ram's) 
 head. ' It contains,' writes Professor Say ce, 'the name 
 of the Mother-goddess, with her title " Queen of the 
 Rock," all of which signs recur in an inscription from 
 Emir-Ghazi.'* 
 
 It would seem that classical writers, following gener- 
 ally in the footsteps of Homer, confounded this image 
 with another object, a natural rock on the same moun- 
 tain, which tradition associated with Niobe, and would 
 seem indeed to have conveyed a suggestion of her 
 weeping form. Thus Homer ' sings that ' Niobe, turned 
 to stone, upon arid Sipylus broods o'er her sorrows ' ; 
 and so again Ovid : ® ' Fastened to the rock she weeps, 
 and the marble sheds tears.' Fortunately Pausanias, 
 himself probably a native of this country, ascertained 
 the facts and showed how the confusion had arisen. 
 ' This Niobe,' he says,^ ' I myself saw when I ascended 
 Mount Sipylus ; close at hand it is merely a rock and a 
 cliff, with no resemblance to a woman, mourning or 
 otherwise ; but if you stand farther off, you will think 
 you see a weeping woman bo-^ved with grief.' This is 
 clearly the Niobe of Homer, Ovid, and Sophocles, and 
 clearly also the smoothed appearance of the rock above 
 
 ' Dennis, Proc. S.B.A., iii. p. 49 ; Sayce, ib., vol. yii. PI. v. ; C.I.H. 
 (1900), PI. XXXVIII. 2 pi_ Lxxiii. (i). ' PI. XLVii. 
 
 * Below, p. 184. 
 
 ^ Iliad,, xxiv. 615. ^ Metamorphoses, vi. 310. 
 
 ' Pausanias, trans. Frazer, i. xxi. 3. 
 
170 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the image of the Mother-goddess (which is not, it seems, 
 due at all to the action of the water), was one of 
 the reasons accounting for the confusion. As to the 
 identity of the image, Pausanias leaves us in no doubt 
 where he says,^ ' Here (at Aeriae) there is a temple of 
 the Mother of the Gods, with a stone image of her: 
 both are worth seeing. The people of Aeriae say that 
 it is the most ancient sanctuary of this goddess in the 
 Peloponnese. The oldest of all her images,^ however, 
 is on the rock of Coddinus at Magnesia, to the north of 
 Sipylus : the Magnesians say it was made by Broteas, 
 son of Tantalus.' Finally the same writer makes his 
 distinction apparent by showing that he was aware of 
 the passage in Homer referring to the story of Niobe.^ 
 
 As in other cases, we do not dwell upon the religious 
 symbolism of the monument. That the Mother-god- 
 dess (Ma) was the prototype of Kybele remains un- 
 disputed, and all that is of interest in the cult of the great 
 Phrygian goddess has been pointed out by Sir William 
 Ramsay * and others. But the attributes of the god- 
 dess in the minds of the Hittites remain indefinite, and 
 are to be inferred from the rites represented with 
 her at Boghaz-Keui, Eyuk, and Fraktin, from the ritual 
 described by Strabo and Herodotus, as surviving at 
 Comana, Tyana, Pessinus, and elsewhere, and from the 
 inherited attributes of Kybele herself.^ 
 
 The other Hittite monuments of the west on the 
 pass of Kara-Bel are comparatively near at hand. A 
 
 ' Pausanias, trans. Frazer, in. xxii. i. 
 
 2 Cf. Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., ii. p. 236, where this passage is trans- 
 lated : ' A statue of the Mother of the Gods, the oldest goddess of all.' 
 The Greek runs : ^rjrpos Oeav dp^aioraTov AjravTotv aya\p,a. There can be no 
 doubt, however, as to the identity of the monument. 
 
 3 Pausanias, viii. xxxviii. 10. 
 
 ^ J.S.S. (loc. cit.), iii. p. 41, etc., p. 54. Cf. also Kawlinson, .4ncicii< 
 Monarchies, i. p. 494. 
 ' On the place of this cult in the Hittite religion, see pp. 354 ff. 
 
KARA-BEL : THE GOD OF ARMS 171 
 
 stream which feeds the Hermus, flowing around the 
 foot of Mount Sipylus on the east, comes down from 
 the valley which separates that mountain on the south 
 from the opposite slopes of Olympus. The bed of 
 another small tributary leads up these southern slopes 
 to a narrow wooded glen upon the ridge, in which are 
 the sources of the Kara Su. Through this glen there 
 passes a track, now not much used, connecting Ephesus 
 to the south with Sardis or Smyrna by the northern 
 valley. About seventy feet above this track, in the 
 perpendicular face of the cliff, a niche of rock encloses 
 a sculpture in relief. The niche is about six feet wide 
 at the base and nine feet high, being considerably 
 narrower at the top.^ The figure within is that of a 
 warrior, similar to those of Giaour-Kalesi, and resem- 
 bling the god-figures at Boghaz-Keui. He stands 
 facing to his left, his left leg and arm advanced, and 
 his shoulders squared to the observer. He wears a 
 short tunic and short-sleeved vest and high boots, which 
 in some early drawings are shown as turning up at the 
 toes.^ The conical Hittite hat completes his costume. 
 A triangular-shaped bow is carried over his right 
 shoulder, and his extended left hand seems to grasp a 
 long staff or spear.^ The sculpture, being on the east 
 side of the ravine, is turned towards Ephesus. There 
 is another similar sculpture on a detached block of 
 stone some two hundred and fifty yards farther up the 
 pass. This stone seems to have fallen from the rocks 
 above, and it now lies on the west side near the stream, 
 
 ' See PI. Liv., taken from Sayce, The Hittites (1903), p. 68, and repub- 
 lished by courtesy of the author and the S.P.C.K. 
 
 2 Texier, Description, vol. ii. PI. cxxxil. ; Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., ii. 
 p. 229, fig. 362. 
 
 2 Alternatively a sword held aloft ; the markings on the stone above 
 and below the hand are not in line. Cf. the God 2 L. at Boghaz-Keui, 
 
 PI. LXV. 
 
172 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 about twelve yards below the level of the path. As it 
 lies the sculptured face is towards the east, and the 
 figure being turned as in the former case, towards the 
 left, looks to the north. It is probable, however, from 
 the similarity of the two subjects, that they originally 
 looked in the same direction. 
 
 It is curious that there is no mention of these 
 sculptures by Pausanias. Herodotus, however, describes 
 them as images of Sesostris,^ ' the one on the way from 
 Ephesus to Phocaea, the other from Sardis to Smyrna. 
 In both places a man is carved, four and a half cubits 
 high, bearing a spear in his right hand, and in his left 
 a bow ; and the rest of his equipment is in unison, for 
 it is partly Egyptian and partly Ethiopian. From one 
 shoulder to the other there extend across the breast 
 sacred Egyptian characters, incised, which read as 
 follows : " I acquired this region by my own shoulders." 
 Who or whence he is he does not here show.' It is 
 clear that Herodotus was writing from hearsay : there 
 is just enough general accuracy in his account to 
 identify the monuments, and enough discrepancy to 
 make it apparent that he had not visited them himself. 
 The details as to position we have already noticed ; and 
 Professor Sayce has shown ^ that the inscription, so far 
 from being across the breast of the figure and in 
 Egyptian characters, is found in the characteristic place, 
 between the spear and the head of the figure, and 
 consists of a group of Hittite hieroglyphs, in which 
 certain symbols can be recognised. On the fallen block 
 no trace of inscription remains, as the sculpture has 
 suffered mutilation ; in fact, a Yuruk's tent was at one 
 
 • Herodotus, ii. 106. 
 
 2 Trs. S.B.A., vii. pp. 266, 439, and Proc. 8.B.A., xxi. p. 222 ; also in The 
 Hittites, pp. 67 ff. Cf. G.I.H. (1900), PI. xxxix. and p. 38. 
 
PLATE LIV 
 
 KARA-BEL: THE HITTITE GOD OF ARMS 
 
KOLIT-OGHLU: INSCRIPTION 173 
 
 time pitched against it, and the niche used as a fire- 
 place. But sufficient remains to make it demonstrable 
 that no Egyptian inscription ran across the breast. 
 We can hardly hesitate to identify this figure with one 
 of the two forms of the Hittite national deity, and if 
 the suggested absence of beard be a guide, he will be 
 in this case the son-god of Boghaz-Keui, the Sandon of 
 Tarsus, the prototype of Attis the consort of Kybele. 
 We are inclined to see him here, as at Giaour-Kalesi, 
 in the aspect of a God of Arms. We may notice once 
 more, and ask, as in a previous case, whether it can be 
 mere coincidence that the only Hittite monuments 
 surviving in the extreme west are representations of 
 the Mother-goddess and of the chief male deity of the 
 Hittite peoples. 
 
 With these monuments of the west we classify also 
 one definitely Hittite inscription from near Iconium, 
 and two instructive monuments reflecting Hittite in- 
 fluence, found near the Lake Beyshehr. The inscrip- 
 tion was found near Ilgin, at a place called Kolit-oghlu 
 Yaila,"^ about three miles from the latter and eight miles 
 eastward from the former, and about three hundred 
 yards off the road from Ilgin to Kadyn Khan. Actually 
 the spot is about fifty miles north-westward from 
 Iconium. Here there are traces of an ancient site in a 
 slight eminence upon the plain, and the ruins of a wall 
 running in a curve for a long distance. It is possible, 
 Professor Ramsay thinks, that these indications may 
 mark the site of pre-Hellenic Tyriaion^ which was one 
 of the three chief cities of the Phrygio-Lycaonian 
 
 1 Becueil de Travaux, xiv. ; C.I.H. (1900), PI. xxxv. and p. 31; Perrot 
 and Chipiez, op. cit., ii. p. 213 (where the name is incorrectly given as 
 Kosli-Tolu). The inscription was first published in Bevue Archeologique, 
 3= s^rie, 1885, v. p. 262. Bevlsed copy of Sayce in Proc. S.B.A., Jan. 1904, 
 p. 24, with Plate. ^ Xenophon, Anabasis, i. ii. 14. 
 
174 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 frontier lands. In Roman times, however, Tyriaion 
 was placed without doubt at Ilgin. It is more probable 
 that the mound indicates a site of antiquity that fell 
 for some reason into neglect as Tyriaion came into 
 prominence. Out of the top of this there was dug up 
 a block of limestone, about two feet eight inches high 
 and six feet long. It is not quite complete ; but upon 
 it there may be made out with some certainty three 
 rows of Hittite hieroglyphs in relief, the inscription 
 commencing with the right-hand side at the top. 
 The position of the monument is of special import- 
 ance, for it seems clearly to have been found near 
 to its original position, and is the sole witness 
 of Hittite handiwork in this part of the tableland. 
 And though it stands alone, it does not seem to be 
 of that class, the isolation of which may be accounted 
 for and is in itself instructive, like the sculptures of 
 Sipylus and Kara-Bel. It seems, on the other hand, to 
 be the product of settled conditions, and its presence 
 implies a whole field and period of Hittite influence 
 which would otherwise have remained in obscurity. 
 
 There are two monuments south-west of Konia which, 
 though not inscribed nor demonstrably of Hittite 
 handiwork, reflect clearly Hittite influence and feeling 
 in art. One of them is 'Plato's Spring' at Eflatoun- 
 Bunar,^ nine miles northwards from Beyshehr. This 
 consists of two walls of an unexplained structure, of 
 which about two-thirds has been destroyed. The 
 facade, which is decorated with sculptures, is about 
 twelve feet in height and twenty feet in length. It is 
 washed by a stream which has been partly dammed by 
 
 ' Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, ii. pp. 350, 351 ; Perrot and 
 Chipiez, op. cit,, ii. p. 214 and fig. 356; Bevue Archeologique, 3' s6rie, 
 vol. V. pp. 257-264, Pis. xi., xii. 
 
EFLATOUN-BUNAR : FASSILER 175 
 
 stones taken from the building. The stones are large, 
 almost gigantic, and dressed with care : they are 
 decorated with human figures in relief, which vary in 
 size with the stones, though forming a symmetrical 
 group, and each posed with hands raised, in full view ; 
 several of them wear the conical Hittite hat. Two 
 pairs of wings, enclosing disks, are carved upon a single 
 stone which spans all but the corner-stones, while a 
 great slab which covers the whole retains the decora- 
 tion of a single pair of wings and part of a central 
 disc. In the side view some of the stones are dressed 
 with a panel; other stones are lying about, and 
 Professor Ramsay has detected one on which a lion 
 seemed to have been carved. 
 
 There is another remarkable but equally problem- 
 atical monument at Fassiler,^ near the route from Bey- 
 shehr to Iconium. It is a gigantic stela, about eight 
 yards in height, and nearly a yard thick. At the 
 bottom its width is nearly three yards, narrowing at 
 the top to nearly two yards. The subject represented 
 upon it is carved in very high relief. It shows two 
 lions side by side separated only by a figure, clad in 
 a long robe, with hands folded before the breast. 
 Upon the shoulders^ there is posed a greater figure, 
 wearing the short tunic and conical hat of peculiar 
 form. The right hand is raised, while the left arm is 
 bent, and some indistinct object is grasped by the 
 hand. Meagre as is our information about this monu- 
 ment, we do not hesitate to see in it a reflection of an 
 idea which we see carried out in the Hittite sanctuary 
 of Boghaz-Keui. The theme seeras to us to represent 
 
 ' Perrot and Chipiez, (yp. cit., ii. pp. 222, 223 ; illustration in Ramsay, 
 The Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), p. 134, flg. 7. 
 
 2 This is an inference from the omission of the feet ; actually the legs 
 come to an end upon the head of the lower figure. 
 
176 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the statue of the god borne upon the shoulders of his 
 priest ; and the lions, as emblems or guardians of the 
 god, suggest a derived form of the son-god or Attis, 
 which we discuss in a later chapter/ The character 
 of the lions flanking the monument, with their heads 
 projecting boldly in front, is also in keeping with 
 Hittite tradition;^ and the position of the sculpture 
 between the lions has its counterpart in a monument, 
 equally of post-Hittite times, which has been brought 
 to light at Sinjerli.^ Finally the whole appearance of 
 the monument suggests a columnar figure upon a lion- 
 base,* of which this is a clumsy and ill-carved substitute. 
 A wonderful gulf separates the drawing and execution 
 of this monument from the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui. 
 
 Section E.— Monuments in the South-East op the 
 Tableland. 
 
 KAKA DAGH, EMIB-GHAZI, TYANA (BOR, NIGDEH, 
 
 ANDAVAL), bulghab-mad^n, iveiz. 
 
 We turn in fine to the south-eastern corner of the 
 tableland, now a desert tract fringed by the northern 
 slopes and outlying ridges of the Taurus mountains. 
 Our comparatively intimate knowledge of the monu- 
 ments and historical geography of this region is due 
 almost entirely to the consistent researches of Professor 
 Sir Wm. Ramsay and his school. 
 
 We come firstly to the Kara Dagh (Black Mountain), 
 an outlying ridge of Taurus,^ which rises three or four 
 
 1 Cf. pp. 235, 239. 
 
 2 Cf. especially the lions and sphinx-base of Sakje-Geuzi, Pis. LXXIX., 
 Lxxxii. ' See p. 142 above, note 4. 
 
 * Cf. below, p. 311. ° Cf. chap. 1. p. 41. 
 
MONUMENTS OF THE SOUTH-EAST 177 
 
 thousand feet above the plain, to a height of seven 
 thousand feet above the sea. At the foot of the 
 mountain, on the north, the little village of Maden- 
 Shehr marks the classical site of Barata, better known, 
 perhaps, as Bin Bir Kilisse, 'the thousand and one 
 churches.' Professor Ramsay tells ^ of the great changes 
 that time has wrought in this locality. Here there 
 'must have been in ancient time the summer sana- 
 torium of the Lycaonian plain. The soil is very fertile, 
 and being volcanic, is specially suitable for vines. 
 Many kinds of fruit trees also were cultivated. Water 
 is not plentiful, but there are several springs of re- 
 markably good water. The needs of agriculture and 
 viticulture were met by a wonderfully elaborate system 
 of storing the rain and the melted snows of winter.' 
 But now 'the site of this ancient city is the most 
 inhospitable in the whole of Lycaonia. There is no 
 water except filthy half-poisonous puddles stored in 
 the ancient cisterns. The vines have almost entirely 
 disappeared, the orchards remain only in a few trees 
 run wild. There is hardly any cultivation. The water 
 runs rapidly off the steep slopes of the mountain, and 
 is of no benefit to agriculture except in the lowest 
 parts of the little sheltered valley where the city was 
 built.' 
 
 That the life, and possibly the sanctity, of the place 
 dates back to remote antiquity is shown by the dis- 
 covery ^ of two Hittite inscriptions on the summit of the 
 mountain. The spot called Mahalich is marked by a 
 Byzantine Church, which seems to preserve the ancient 
 sanctity of a high place of older times.^ The church 
 
 1 Luke the Physician, pp. 163, 164. 
 
 2 By Miss Gertrude Bell, 1907. 
 
 3 Bamsay, op. cit., Pis. xiv., xv. 
 
 M 
 
178 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 is supported on the north side by rocks in which a 
 passage can now be traced, though it would seem to 
 have been partly hidden at least by the Byzantine 
 walls. This passage was to some extent artificial, and 
 on its rock- walls are two inscriptions, a short one in 
 relief upon the north, and a longer one incised on the 
 south. The shorter inscription consists of four groups 
 of signs only, translated by Professor Sayce ^ to mean 
 ' Tarkyanas, the supreme king.' The other inscription 
 is longer, comprising twelve groups of signs in a row, 
 in addition to the same royal name, w^hich in the 
 middle recurs with little variation in its hieroglyphic 
 form, though surmounted in this case by a winged 
 emblem. There appears in this inscription ^ a hierogly- 
 phic sign otherwise unknown, resembling a horned 
 altar. 
 
 In the same neighbourhood, about eight miles to the 
 north-west, there is an outlying rocky hill called Kizil 
 Dagh, which rises sharply from the plain to a height 
 of nearly four hundred feet. The summit of this knoll 
 is crowned with a fortress, the early character of which 
 is betokened, says the discoverer,^ by its style and by 
 three hieroglyphic inscriptions found near by. We are 
 not yet told the precise nature of the ramparts, but 
 the position of the fortress recalls those of Giaour- 
 Kalesi, Boghaz-Keui, and Karaburna. Near a gate in 
 the western wall, on the right-hand side, the longest 
 inscription of the series is to be seen upon a sort of 
 rock altar. The hieroglyphs are carved in relief, and 
 arranged in two rows. As with the inscription on the 
 Kizil-Dagh, the same royal name appears in the middle 
 
 1 Proc. S.B. A. (M.a.rch 1909), xxxi. p. 86, PI. vii. No. 5, 
 
 2 Sayce, op. cit., PI. viii. No. 6. 
 
 3 Ramsay, op. cit., p. 160 and PI. xvi, 
 
KIZIL-DAGH: FORT & INSCRIPTIONS 179 
 
 of the group of signs, surmounted, it would seem, by a 
 winged disk. Lower down on the hill, but still upon 
 the shoulder, there rises a sharp rock, roughly hewn 
 into the form of a high-backed seat or throne, and on 
 the back of this a bearded figure has been engraved. 
 The personage is represented as seated on a square- 
 shaped throne, his feet upon a stool ; but the details 
 of the design are unlike anything else that has been 
 recorded.^ Much of its peculiarity may be attributed 
 to the unskilled hand that carved it, but there are 
 certain features rendered with deliberation that are 
 worthy of note. The left arm is outstretched, and the 
 hand grasps towards the top a staff with crescental 
 knob, which is held vertically. The lower end of the 
 staff stops short above the stool, possibly in obedience 
 to the general convention of perspective in Hittite art. 
 Were the drawing completed, indeed, in our own con- 
 vention, with the vanishing point suitably chosen, it 
 would be found that the staff seemed to rest upon the 
 stool. In the right hand, which is just in front of the 
 body, there seems to be a cup of some kind.^ The dress 
 is not clearly drawn, but there is the suggestion, by a 
 simple oblique line, of a loose fold or possibly the loose 
 end of a toga across the body. The hem of the skirt is 
 fringed. No foot-gear is apparent, and the head-dress 
 is apparently a degradation of the familiar conical hat, 
 reduced in this case to an inverted V-shape by unskilled 
 drawing. The hair falls straight and backwards upon 
 the shoulders. The seat is curious, and plainly simu- 
 lates a substantial chair of wood. The back is a solid 
 
 I 
 » Proc. S.B.A. (March 1909), PI. vii. 
 
 ^ Professor Sayce does not agree with Professor Ramsay's interpreta- 
 tion, which we adopt in lack of an alternative explanation, and especially 
 in view of the parallels afforded by the sculptures of Eyuk (PI. Lxxiil. (i) ) 
 and of Sakje-Geuzi (PI. Lxxxi.). 
 
180 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 upright piece, square cut, and the side-pieces which 
 form the arms are lateral strips, connecting the front 
 legs with the back. The footstool is similar in style. 
 Without other evidence it would have been difficult to 
 support an argument of Hittite origins for this carv- 
 ing ; but that question does not arise, owing to the 
 presence of a group of hieroglyphs appearing charac- 
 teristically between the top of the staff and the face, 
 and these signs are at once recognisable as forming 
 the same group which we have met with three times 
 previously in the same vicinity, namely, the royal name 
 read by Professor Sayce Tarkyanas} The same name 
 appears in two other places on the same rock. In the 
 one case it is followed by two short lines of inscription, 
 incised like the rest, and the spelling of the name seems 
 to illustrate an interchangeability of two hieroglyphic 
 signs. Surmounting the whole there is a winged 
 emblem, in which the central portion seems to be 
 composed of two crescents underneath a disk (which 
 is also divided like a crescent). Above the emblem 
 there appear the symbol of sanctity (the divided oval) 
 and the hieroglyph which Professor Sayce interprets 
 as the name of the god Sandes.^ The same arrange- 
 ment, with slight variations, is repeated with the other 
 occurrence of the name, which in this case, however, 
 is spelt as in the earlier instances. The centre of the 
 winged emblem may be seen to be a rosette, with a 
 
 1 Professor Ramsay (op. cit.,-p. 160) reproduces the name as Tarkuattes; 
 but the form given by Professor Sayce {S.B.A. loc. cit., p. 84) corresponds 
 closely with the name of a Hittite leader, Targannas, recorded by 
 Rameses ii. 
 
 2 The sign is ideographic, and the reading Sandes (or Sandon) is cor- 
 roborated in various ways. The same sign seems to denote the storm-god 
 (the Babylonian Hadad, and Tessup of the Mitanni) on the Hittite monu- 
 ment found at Babylon (Sayce, Proc. S.B.A. , 1904, p. 306). Dr. Wincliler, 
 however, in discussing the archives of Boghaz-Keui, believes that Tessup 
 was the name of the national Hittite deity. See also p. 358. 
 
KIZIL-DAGH: THE MOUNTAIN-GOD 181 
 
 curious spreading object below. Above, two dots follow 
 the name of Sandes, and the picture-sign of a human 
 arm bent ' in adoration ' is by the side. 
 
 These two groups of inscriptions, and the carving 
 which accompanies them, awaken several interesting 
 thoughts. The most important point is one which 
 might be easiest lost sight of, namely, that these sacred 
 places are sought on rocky points or hilltops, bearing 
 out the suggestion of the sculptures near Boghaz-Keui,^ 
 in which there may be reasonably suspected the sur- 
 viving traces of mountain-cults, or cults of mountain 
 deities, underlying the newer religious symbolism. 
 There the idea is conveyed in the drawings, here in 
 fact. Who this deity was, in his local guise at any 
 rate, we do not learn. It would seem, however, that 
 he was identified at some time or other with Sandes, 
 just as at Boghaz-Keui most of the various local deities 
 seem to be identified with the chief national god of 
 the age. The monuments before us, then, probably 
 belong to the time when the cult of this god was 
 dominant, as under the Hatti rulers, or during the 
 ascendency of Greater Cilicia (possibly Kas in the in- 
 scriptions) as head-state of the Hittite confederacy. As 
 for the name repeated in each inscription, the fact that 
 the winged rosette, or winged emblem of sorts, over- 
 spreads it in four instances, leads us to infer from 
 the analogy of similar Hittite monuments,^ that the 
 name is that of the king-priest of the locality. We 
 recognise then in our Tarhyanas (by Tvhatever name he 
 may have been called) the local dynast of the period 
 
 1 Below, PI. Lxv. and p. 237. Notice also the altar on the Pass of Kuru- 
 Bel, above, p. 147. 
 
 2 Cf. pp. 129, 232. Among the Hatti, it appears from the archives of 
 Boghaz-Keui, the King was called the Sun-God. Winckler, Mitteil. der 
 D. Orient- Ges., No. 35, Dec. 1907. 
 
182 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 of the sculptures, who was the chief minister and 
 representative of the local god. 
 
 Who, then, is the seated figure ? It may be naturally 
 thought that the group of hieroglyphs repeating the 
 same name decide that fact, but we are led on further 
 consideration to incline to another conclusion. For 
 there is no single example in Hittite art where the 
 king is represented seated or enthroned. On the other 
 hand, it is the god who is found to be enthroned, and 
 the king appears in such scenes by virtue of his 
 priestly office. In this case the winged emblem does 
 not accompany the writing of the name between the 
 figure and his staff; hence it is conceivable that we 
 have here a representation of the deity called by a 
 name which was that used also by the priest ; if this 
 be so, then it may be assumed that the priest has really 
 adopted to himself a name similar to, or compounded 
 of, that by which the god was known in the locality.' 
 
 There is one further point of importance which 
 these inscriptions illuminate. It is hardly to be 
 doubted but that they are all contemporary, especially 
 as we have reason to believe that they each contain 
 the name of the same living person. Yet the different 
 styles in which they are carved — some in relief, others 
 incised, some badly drawn, others outlined with more 
 care — would have otherwise given scope for argument 
 as to different periods of origin. We may dismiss, at 
 any rate for the future, the arguments as to period 
 based merely upon the difference between relief-work 
 and incision, irrespective of style and details.^ 
 
 ' In this conclusion we differ somewhat from Prof essor Sayce, and agree 
 partly with Professor Ramsay. Our argument, however, is only based 
 on somewhat distant analogies. Cf. also Ramsay in the Eecueil, etc., 
 xiv. pp. 74 ff. on the priestly oflBce. 
 
 2 Cf. Ramsay and Hogarth, Becueil de Travaux, xv. p. 26. 
 
EMIR-GHAZI : INSCRIBED ALTARS 183 
 
 The plain is broken between Iconium and Tyana by 
 a low ridge called the Karaja Dagh. On the northern 
 side of this, an isolated naass of rocks rises from the 
 plain, and is known as the Arissama Dagh. On one of 
 its highest peaks an ancient fortress, called naturally 
 Arissama Kaleh, commands a track which skirts the 
 northern shoulder of the ridge and looks down on the 
 remains of a village called Eski Kishla (Old Winter 
 Quarters), about four miles distant to the west. The 
 place is now hardly inhabited, save for a few half- 
 starving nomads ; but there are considerable traces of 
 an anciept site in the squared stones to be found 
 among the debris. Here there has been found ^ a re- 
 markable stone altar of mushroom shape, and inscribed 
 in the Hittite hieroglyphs. Some three miles south- 
 east is the village of Emir-Ghazi, placed upon the slope 
 of a considerable mound, where also old worked stones 
 are excavated in quantity. Here Professor and Lady 
 Ramsay discovered two further monuments, also 
 inscribed ; the one was a fragment of a second altar of 
 the same form, but the original character of the other 
 object remains uncertain, as it had been converted 
 into a water-trough and so considerably damaged. 
 
 These three monuments ^ are an important contribu-' 
 tion to Hittite archaeology, and their position throws 
 considerable light upon the changed conditions and 
 economy of the past. The altar is unique and perfect. 
 It is forty-two inches high, cylindrical in shape, with 
 an expanding top, the diameter of which is twenty- 
 four and a half inches. The material is black basalt. 
 
 ' By Mr. T. Callander, a member of Prof. Ramsay's expedition of 1904. 
 
 2 Bamsay, Studies in the History and Art. of the Eastern Provinces of 
 the Roman Empire (Aberdeen, 1906), p. 178 and Pis. ix., x., xi. ; C.I.H. 
 (1906), p. 9 and Pis. XLix., L. Professor Ramsay found still another altar 
 in 1907. 
 
184 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 The pedestal tapers somewhat from the base upwards, 
 and the top spreads out sharply like a table. The 
 Hittite hieroglyphs upon it are in relief, and form a 
 seemingly continuous inscription, arranged around the 
 top edge and around the shaft in six parallel rows. A 
 conspicuous feature of the inscription^ is the ^dicula 
 (so called), being the grouping of the royal or priestly 
 emblems in the form of a shrine (or naiskos) under the 
 outspread wings attached to a rosette, and recalling 
 closely the emblems of the priest-king at Boghaz-Keui." 
 From the second altar, the tray and bottom of which 
 are broken away, one line of inscription is entirely 
 missing, while the ends of the other lines (of which 
 there were five originally) are also wanting. As in 
 the former case the hieroglyphs are carved in relief. 
 This form of altar, though not found elsewhere in the 
 round, is suggested by the rock carving of Fraktin,' 
 and is clearly and elaborately represented on the 
 dromos-decorations at Eyuk.^ In the latter case the 
 altar is placed before the enthroned bull, and towards 
 it the priests and priestess lead up rams to the 
 sacrifice. 
 
 The remaining monument is so imperfect that but 
 little can be made out as to its original nature. That 
 it was a corner-stone is certain from the arrangement 
 of the inscription, and we may compare it with the 
 monuments from Aintab^ and from Marash.* Dr. 
 Messerschmidt is inclined to give it the same form as 
 a corner-stone with recessed angle from Carchemish. ' 
 
 ' For an exhaustive comparative study of these inscriptions see a paper 
 by Sayce, Proc. 8.B.A. xxvii. (1905), pp. 21-31 and Pis. i., II., in., and 
 revised note, ibid., vol. xxviii. (l906). May, p. 134. 
 
 2 See below, Pis. Lxvni., Lxxi. 
 
 ' Above, PI. XLVii. * Belovr, PI. lxxii. ^ p. X07, PI. XLI. 
 
 " Pp. 114 ff. ' P. 127. 
 
TYANA AND VICINITY 185 
 
 However that may be, five lines of hieroglyphs in 
 relief are partly preserved upon the two inscribed 
 faces, the rest being cut or broken away ; the height 
 is about twenty-five inches, and the width of the sides 
 seventeen and fifteen inches respectively. 
 
 At the eastern limits of the great plains we reach 
 Kilisse Hissar, the site of the old-time Tyana.^ It is 
 shut in on three sides by ridges and low outlying hills, 
 but is open to the plain, and accessible from Eregli and 
 from Bulghar-Maden. It can hardly be doubted that 
 this was the chief city for the region we are consider- 
 ing, even in Hittite times, to judge from its importance 
 in the minds of classical writers and from the 
 extensive nature of its mounds and ruins. Strabo 
 describes it as ' built upon the mound of Semiramis ' 
 which was • fortified with good walls.' Here, curiously 
 enough, no Hittite monument has been brought to 
 light, probably because haphazard excavation in the 
 mound is hardly possible, owing to the fact that it is 
 almost covered by the modern houses. None the less, 
 a Phrygian inscription of Midas ^ attests the antiquity 
 of the site; and three separate Hittite inscriptions 
 seen in the neighbouring places of Bor, Nigdeh, and 
 Andaval may be reasonably believed, as is supposed, 
 to have come from the same source. 
 
 The most instructive and interesting of these monu- 
 ments is that from Bor, which is a monumental stela, 
 recovered in two main portions at different times at 
 an interval of twelve years or more.* Even now the 
 
 1 See above, p. 41. ^ xii. 2-7. ' Above, p. 56. 
 
 * Constantinople Museum, No. 857. Hogarth, Wandering Scholar, 
 p. 16. ; Bamsay and Hogarth, Mecueil, xiv. PI. i. ; Sayce, Proc. S.B.A. 
 xxviii. (1906), p. 94 ff. and PI. Hi.; Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1906), PL 
 XXXIII. and p. 3. For our photo, PI. LVi., we are indebted to the authori- 
 ties of the Imperial Ottoman Museum. 
 
186 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 stone is not complete ; as may be seen from our illus- 
 tration the fitted edges do not quite correspond, so 
 that a small portion is missing from the height, while 
 the left-hand edge is entirely broken away. The upper 
 part measures thirty inches by sixteen, with a thick- 
 ness of eight inches. The lower part is five inches 
 taller, so that the whole must have been six feet or 
 more in height. Fortunately, on the fragments that 
 have survived, there is to be seen nearly the whole 
 figure and face of a man, clearly the priest-king, as 
 well as an indication of the nature and arrangement 
 of the inscription. The figure is carved in high relief, 
 with a projection amounting in places to three inches, 
 while the hieroglyphs are incised upon the back- 
 ground. The figure occupied a height equivalent to 
 eleven bands of the hieroglyphs, of which fourteen 
 are indicated. We have no means of judging how 
 wide the stone was originally, as the bottom is 
 fractured and the top has plainly been re-dressed since 
 it was broken, to correspond with the narrower width. 
 We are inclined to think that the larger and more 
 important portion of the stone is still lacking. For 
 the attitude of the figure is that of adoration or of a 
 suppliant. The man is depicted with his back near the 
 'edge of the stone, and his hands raised before his 
 chin, exactly as on the rock monument of Ivriz.^ 
 Now on the stelae in which one figure alone appears, 
 like those of Carchemish and Marash,^ the personage, 
 be he priest or king, occupies the central position on 
 the stone, and almost its whole height. He stands in 
 those cases with one arm outstretched grasping his 
 staff, while the other arm is close to his side ; on the 
 one he faces to the left, on the other to the right, but 
 ' See below, PI. lvii. 2 Above, p. 126 and p. 113. 
 
PLATE LVI 
 
 BOR : HITIITE INSCRIPTION AND RELIEF 
 
 The subject is the King-Priest in adoration of a deity whose 
 
 figure is missing. Cf. PI. lvh. 
 
BOR: THE PRIEST-KING 187 
 
 the pose is the same. In this case the details are 
 all changed. To judge by certain faint indications on 
 the stone, and by comparison with the monument of 
 Ivriz described below, it may be inferred that the 
 hands are clasped in front of the face; it is at any 
 rate clear in the photograph that one hand at least is 
 raised before the mouth. He does not occupy the 
 centre of the stone but the side of it, as may be judged 
 from the short lines of inscription beginning just 
 opposite the face. He does not fill the whole monu- 
 ment in accordance with the idea of ' exclusive majesty ' 
 so common and so dominant in Oriental art; on the 
 other hand there are three lines of inscription above 
 his head, and at least one below. We are inclined 
 from these considerations to regard these fragments 
 as forming part of a much larger whole, on which the 
 theme was one of adoration, not much unlike that 
 carved on the rocks at Ivriz.^ The resemblance may 
 well be extended, for on comparing the two priestly 
 or kingly figures many striking features will be found 
 in common. The most apparent difference is the 
 arrangement of the cloak, which on the Bor stone is 
 fastened below the throat, while on the Ivriz sculpture 
 it is shown to hang more loosely, so that the front 
 edge of the fringed border trails on the ground. 
 Otherwise the details correspond closely ; in each case 
 the cloak is embroidered in three bands, and bordered 
 with a fringe. Even the patterns are similar, the 
 svastika appearing on the stone before us in the middle 
 band between two bands decorated with diamond 
 pattern (or ' continuous squares '). The skirt below is 
 even more sumptuously embroidered ; in each case 
 the svastika fills the lowest band, and from this hangs 
 
 ' PI. LVII. 
 
188 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 a fringe. On the Bor fragment other elaborate 
 devices are introduced, including the double or quad- 
 ruple Ionic curve, and the rosette ; an embroidered 
 waistbelt, collar, and shoes complete the treatment. 
 Other features, less exceptional, conform to the old 
 conventions : the turning-up points to the shoes, the 
 bunched curl of hair behind the neck, the skull-cap, 
 and the straightness of the nose. The beard is full 
 and curly. 
 
 The inscription conimences with two groups of 
 hieroglyphs which may be read Ay-mi-ny-a-s of the 
 land of Tyana} An earlier reading^ by the same 
 decipherer suggested Ai-m-gal-a-s, corresponding to 
 the royal name Atj/ya\os occurring in Greek inscrip- 
 tions of Cilicia. However that may be, and whatever 
 may be the precise values to be assigned to these 
 hieroglyphs, the initial group which contains the royal 
 name' will be found to recur on the two famous 
 monuments of Bulghar-Maden and Ivriz. On the latter, 
 the name appears in one place written exactly in this 
 instance, and in another place, as at Bulghar-Maden, 
 with a slight and evidently grammatical variation. 
 This fact throws a welcome light upon the local history 
 of the period. 
 
 Of the other monuments of the locality, the fragment 
 from Andaval— now hidden in the Greek church of that 
 place — seems from the description given of it to have 
 been part of a similar monument, or at any rate of a 
 stone decorated with human figure and inscription.* 
 The stone is broken and rounded, measuring about 
 
 1 Letters from Professor S<ayce dated Oct. 2, Oct. 9, 1909. 
 
 2 Sayce, Proc. S.B.A. 1905, p. 200; and 1906, p. 94, with PI. in. 
 ^ The first five signs on the right of the first column. 
 
 ■* C.I.H. (1900), PI. XXXI., c. and text, p. 27. Ramsay and Hogarth, 
 Eecueil, xiv., PI. i. p. 84. 
 
ANDAVAL AND NIGDEH 189 
 
 thirteen inches across. It shows only the top and back 
 of the head o£ the figure, with two lines of incised 
 hieroglyphs above and the beginnings of two lines 
 behind. The hair on the head is shown by small curls, 
 while behind the neck it falls in the characteristic 
 bunch. The eye is seen as usual in full upon the profile 
 of the figure, which is turned to the observer's right. 
 
 The third monument has been found ^ in late years 
 at Nigdeh, where it was dug out of the foundations of 
 a house. It is round and moulded, and in all proba- 
 bility formed part of the base of a column or of a 
 built-up pedestal of some kind. At the bottom there 
 is a protrusion of stone for attachment, and in the top 
 there is a square-cut socket hole, of a width equal to 
 about a third of the whole diameter. The mouldings, 
 which run around the upper edge only, look almost 
 Roman in style. The inscription^ upon it is short, 
 occupying a space only twelve inches by four, and the 
 letters are incised. 
 
 The monument of Bulghar-Maden is an inscription in 
 five lines of incised hieroglyphs.* It may be reached 
 by crossing the outlying ridges of Taurus between 
 Tyana and Bulghar-Maden (a distance of thirty miles), 
 or by turning from the main road up the valley of the 
 stream which flows at the foot of the Bulghar Dagh.* 
 In either case the monument is found near the small 
 village oi Ali Hodje, two miles below Bulghar-Maden, 
 on the left (or north) bank of the stream ; and it is to 
 
 ' By a botanist, Herr Walter Siehe, C.I.H. (1906), PI. Liii. p. 15. 
 
 ^ Professor Sayce suggests to us the following translation : ' This stone 
 was set up by the king, the Prince of Kas.' 
 
 3 C.I.H. (1900), PI. XXXII. and p. 27; Hogarth and Ramsay, Secueil, xiv. 
 PI. II. and p. 85 ; Sayce, Proc. S.B.A. 1905, p. 229. In the Liverpool Insti- 
 tute of Archaeology there is an enlarged photo of the original, which has 
 been collated with the cast in the Ashmolean Museum. 
 
 * See frontispiece and p. 43. 
 
190 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 be reached only by a sharp climb up the steep side of 
 the valley, a little way above the village. A guide is 
 necessary, for the inscription is inconspicuous, and it 
 is carved on an outcrop of brown rock similar to many 
 others in the locality. The rock overhangs slightly, 
 and is fairly smooth, though its rough granitic nature 
 renders it difficult to work with ease. The inscription 
 is in fair preservation, but it has probably never been 
 deeply or clearly incised. It occupies a space about four 
 feet high and rather more than six feet wide, and it is 
 divided off from the rock around by a border-line incised 
 to about the same depth as those which separate the 
 rows of hieroglyphs. These rows are not all of the same 
 length, for the two uppermost are shorter on the left 
 hand than the others, probably on account of a consider- 
 able flaw in the stone which they thus avoid. The top 
 of the inscription is about ten feet from the ground, so 
 a ladder is desirable in order to study it closely. 
 
 It is generally thought that the vicinity of the silver- 
 mines explains the presence of this inscription. Yet the 
 mines are some four miles distant, and a more appro- 
 priate spot near the entrance to them could have been 
 readily found. It seems much more probable that this 
 monum.ent, like the stone upon a pedestal near to 
 Bogche, marks the boundary to a territory or state, 
 which in this case, for the reason we have indicated, 
 would be that ruled from Tyana. The general tendency 
 of the reading given by Professor Sayce,^ which is 
 remarkably instructive, seems to confirm this opinion. 
 Thus ' A prince am I who has fixed the boundaries,' and 
 again, 'This is the prince-god's sacred stone for the 
 land, set up here, belonging to the boundary.' It is 
 only fair to say that Professor Sayce regards his 
 ' Op cit., p. 230, line 3 and line 5. 
 
BULGHAR-MADEN AND IVRIZ 191 
 
 reading in this case as tentative ; he also reads the 
 name of the prince in this case as a ' son of Ayminyas ' 
 of Tyana ; and there is another compound form of the 
 word which may be taken for ' the land of Ayminyas.' 
 We come, in conclusion, to the monument of Ivriz,^ 
 which is best approached from Tyana or Iconium by 
 way of Eregli,^ but is also accessible to the adventurous 
 traveller from Bulghar-Maden by traversing the rocky 
 snow-flecked ridge that lies between. From. Eregli 
 following up the bed of the Kodja Su the dreary barren 
 plains are left behind, and a verdant though neglected 
 valley is unfolded. The pathway lies through old 
 gardens and vineyards and reaches of cornland ; willows 
 line the waterside, and the country is cheered by a 
 profusion of trees in which the hazel and chestnut 
 abound, with here and there a great walnut or a row 
 of poplars. The valley with its singular fertility and 
 beauty is in marked contrast to the arid tracts beyond, 
 and the change is only intensified where, leaving the 
 main stream, the pathway follows up, on the left bank, a 
 richly wooded vale that trends towards the south. This 
 new valley leads into the mountain, and after a distance 
 of nearly three miles it comes to an abrupt end where 
 the wall of Taurus is met, rising almost precipitously, 
 and encircling the head of the glen where the hamlet 
 of Ivriz is found. At the foot of the rock a stream of 
 water, clear and cool, bursts out in tremendous volume, 
 and, supplemented by other similar sources, becomes 
 in a hundred yards a raging and impassable torrent, 
 roaring with a wonderful noise as it foams and leaps 
 over the rocks in its course. Before joining the main 
 
 1 We pronounce this word Ivreez ; though locally it is commonly pro- 
 nounced Ibreez, owing probably to racial diSJculty with the letter v, 
 ^ See Chapter i. p. 41. 
 
192 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 stream of the valley it washes at a bend the foot of a 
 bare rock, upon which from the opposite side there may 
 be seen the famous sculptures,^ the most striking of 
 all known Hittite works, and one of the most imposing 
 monuments of the ancient East. 
 
 The treatment of these sculptures is all in relief. In 
 composition there are two persons represented : the 
 Peasant-god, a gigantic figure fourteen feet in height, 
 distinguished by the bunches of grapes and bearded 
 wheat which he holds, and the King-priest, an heroic 
 figure eight feet in height, facing towards the god, with 
 clasped hands raised in adoration or thanksgiving for 
 his bounty. 
 
 The god is clad in the short tunic, short-sleeved vest, 
 pointed cap, and shoes with turned-up toes, charac- 
 teristic of the godlike figures on all Hittite sculptures. 
 But here the sculptor has elaborated his theme, and 
 has worked into it ideas or conceptions which we may 
 reasonably suspect were derived ultimately from the 
 East through the intermediary of Cilicia.^ The figure 
 is squat and stolid, and the face almost Semitic. The 
 nose, while straight and prominent, is treated with 
 unusual fulness. The hair is arranged in ringlets, so 
 too the beard, except upon the face where it is repre- 
 
 ' There is a plentiful literature on the subject. See inter alia for a 
 picturesque description of the country, Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, 
 pp. 245-248. For an account of the monument in relation to its environ- 
 ment, with much beauty of thought and written with charm of expres- 
 sion, see Ramsay, Luke the Physician, pp. 171-179, and PI. xxi. ; also a 
 note in Pauline and other Studies, pp. 172, 17.S. For a comparative study 
 of the religious symbolism of the monument, Frazer, Adonis, Attis, and 
 Osiris (1907), pp. 93-97. For our photograph, PL LVii., taken from a plaster 
 cast in the Asia Minor Museum at Berlin, we are indebted to Dr. Messer- 
 schmidt, who describes his visit tothe spot, CI.H. (1906), pp. 5, 6, and PI. 
 XXXIV. This photograph shows more of the delicate detail than any of the 
 originals that have been published, in which the shadows are usually too 
 violent. 
 
 ''■ On the development gf the route through the Cilician Gates, see 
 above, p. 45, 
 
PLATE LVII 
 
 IVRiZ : GIANT SCULPTURES ON THE ROCK 
 
 The subject is the King-Priest in adoration of the Hittite god of cultivation. 
 
 From a plaster cast in the Berlin Museum. 
 
IVRIZ : ADORATION SCENE 193 
 
 sented by curls. ^ The left hand is advanced, holding 
 up the ears of corn; while the right one is by the 
 body, grasping the vine-branch with pendent clusters. 
 The drawing of the body obeys the ordinary con- 
 vention ; the left leg is advanced, the head is seen in 
 profile to the left, while the shoulders are squared to 
 the observer. There are bracelets on the wrists, and 
 the suggestion of something undetermined upon the 
 right forearm. The belt is decorated as if of worked 
 leather, and ends in a curl before the body, possibly 
 suggesting an attachment on the further side. The 
 boots are high, with a front flap bound to the 
 ankle by a lace wrapped around, like the boots of the 
 peasantry of the district and of Cilicia in modern 
 times. Perhaps the most peculiar and Oriental detail 
 is to be found in the horns which decorate the helmet, 
 of which four pairs are visible. In front of the right 
 foot is the suggestion of a bolted implement, possibly 
 a plough. 
 
 Facing the god, and posed at a higher level (possibly, 
 as in other examples of eastern art, so that the relative 
 smallness of the figure would be less apparent), is the 
 figure of the priest-king, who, if we mistake not the 
 group of hieroglyphs that denote him, is the same 
 that we have previously met with near Tyana.^ 
 In general style and in some details, the treatment 
 of this figure is similar ; but the dress differs in several 
 ways. The priestly skull-cap is surrounded by three 
 decorated fillets with a knotted ornament of jewels 
 upon the brow. The long skirt is a richly woven 
 garment, on which the pattern is chiefly a series of 
 punctuated squares in parallel rows, with a svastika 
 
 ^ Cf. the treatment of the priest-king and other monuments at Sakje- 
 Geuzi, PI. Lxxxi. ^ Cf. PI. lvi, 
 
 N 
 
194 MONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES 
 
 border edged with a fringe. Over the shoulders there 
 is thrown an embroidered mantle, with ample collar, 
 attached in front with a jewelled clasp or brooch. It 
 falls behind to below the knees, while in front the 
 tasselled or fringed ends trail on the ground. The 
 pattern is arranged in three bands of continuous 
 squares or double zigzags. There is a substantial neck- 
 lace and bracelet. The boots and features and hair are 
 treated as in the god-figure opposite ; perhaps the hair 
 is bunched in this case a little more thickly behind the 
 neck. The right leg is advanced, and the two raised 
 hands are clearly clasped before the face, the fingers 
 and nails of the further hand being carefully repre- 
 sented. 
 
 There are three short inscriptions accompanying 
 these figures. In that which is carved before the 
 face of the god, Professors Sayce^ and Jensen both find 
 the name of Sandes in the first line (the W-like sign 
 below the divided oval that signifies divinity). In the 
 next line, as in the overlap of the first and second lines 
 of inscription behind the king, we find the same name 
 (read Ayminyas)^ as we have previously seen in the 
 inscriptions of Bor and of Bulghar-Maden. This point 
 is of importance in considering the history of the 
 Hittite peoples when, as it seems, the central authority 
 was no longer at Boghaz-Keui. For the date of these 
 sculptures, if only from their close analogy in treat- 
 ment to those of Sakje-Geuzi, may be put down to the 
 tenth or ninth century B.C. It would seem indeed 
 
 1 Sayce, Proc. S.B.A., May 1906, pp. 133, 134, and Plate. 
 
 2 In the former instance in a compound or variant, Ay-mi-ny-a-si-s 
 (? son of Ayminyas) ; in the latter instance exactly as at Bor, Ay-mi- 
 ny-a-s. The signs are the two last of the first row, and the three below 
 them in the second row, of the inscription behind the king. Cf. the first 
 five signs of the Bor inscription, PI. LVi. 
 
IVRIZ: IDENTITY OF THE GOD 195 
 
 that we are here drawn into relation with the kingdom 
 of (Greater) Cilicia, which, with Tyana probably as 
 capital, took the place of the Hatti-state within the 
 Halys, as the dominant Hittite state at the beginning 
 of the first millennium B.c.^ 
 
 This point becomes more probable as we dwell upon 
 the religious symbolism of the monument. As Pro- 
 fessor Ramsay has shown, in the muscular toiling 
 peasant-god who by his hoe and plough reclaims an arid 
 waste and makes it bounteous, we have a conception 
 of Hercules, and that he was the recognised chief deity 
 of the district is evident from the name Herakleia 
 given by the Greeks to Eregli. Professor Frazer also 
 has put it beyond doubt that the attributes of this 
 Hercules are to be found in Sandon of Tarsus. Now 
 the prototype of Sandon we shall find in the national 
 Son-god (later Attis) portrayed in the sculpture gallery 
 of Boghaz-Keui,^ and in this way we are linked at once 
 with the older Hittite mythology through the inter- 
 mediary of the Cilician. 
 
 ' See what is said on this subject in the previous cliapter, p. 54. 
 2 Cf. pp. 238, 240. On the origins and development of this conception 
 of the god, see below, pp. 378, 379. 
 
IV 
 
 THE NORTHERN CAPITAL 
 
 A Description of Pteeia, the Ancient City at 
 Boghaz-Keui, and the Sculptures called Iasily 
 Kaya. 
 
 Fundamental though they are to our inquiry, the 
 isolated monuments which have been reviewed in the 
 preceding chapter illustrate only certain aspects of 
 Hittite art, and disclose only incidentally a few details 
 of features, dress, and armour, with some suggestion 
 of religious observances and customs. Their disposi- 
 tion, it is true, helps us to determine the confines of 
 the land we have set forth to examine ; but their 
 provenance tells us little or nothing of where and how 
 the people lived who fashioned them. Nevertheless, 
 just as these were the first materials from which 
 scholars have little by little created a science of Hittite 
 studies, so we may employ them most fittingly as the 
 criteria for our further investigation; that we may 
 examine, with minds prepared, the more coherent 
 evidences of the Hittite civilisation, as disclosed by the 
 ruins of their cities and fortifications, their sanctuaries, 
 and their palaces adorned with mystic sculptures. 
 
 Such places are few indeed ; but our knowledge of 
 them is chiefly the result of recent scientific expedi- 
 tions, and is therefore the surer and more precise.^ 
 
 1 We may pay special tribute to the pioneer work of the Berlin expedi- 
 tion at Sinjerli, to the explorations of Sir Wm. Ramsay and his school 
 in Phrygia and Lycaonia, and to the organised labours of Dr. Winekler 
 at Boghaz-Keui. We shall incorporate also some of the preliminary 
 results of the excavations of the Liverpool Institute at Sakje-Geuzi. 
 19C 
 
THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 197 
 
 The published accounts enable us to select four sites, 
 which happily afford material for a comparative study. 
 Two of these, Eyuk and Boghaz-Keui, are towards the 
 north of Asia Minor,^ within the wide circuit of the 
 Halys ; while the other two are found below the 
 Taurus at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi in the north of 
 Syria.^ Three of these, moreover, are sites superficially 
 similar, being small walled towns placed on consider- 
 able mounds, which contain also the remains of palace 
 buildings decorated with peculiar sculptures. The 
 fourth, which covers the hilltop above the village of 
 Boghaz-Keui, is of vastly greater extent, and includes 
 in its remains many peculiarities not represented by 
 the others. It has with some certainty been identified^ 
 with the Pteria (or Ptara) across the Halys which, 
 according to Herodotus,* fell about 550 B.C. before 
 Croesus of Lydia, who found it in possession of a 
 ' Syro-Cappadocian ' population whom he reduced to ser- 
 vitude.^ It has also for some time been linked with the 
 Hittites in the minds of scholars, both by the nature 
 of the art its ruins illustrate, and by the doubtful hiero- 
 glyphic inscription on the rock called Nishan Tash,^ and 
 more particularly by the clear hieroglyphs associated 
 with the neighbouring sculptures of lasily Kaya. 
 Recently Dr. Winckler has added to these links two 
 building-stones decorated with sculptures and with 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 32. ^ Vide supra, p. 13. 
 
 2 See inter alia, Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. pp. 
 103 et seq. The name Ptara is suggested by Ramsay, who accepts the 
 identification {Luke the Physician, p. 215, note). 
 
 " Herodotus, i. 76. The situation of Pteria is indicated vaguely as Kara 
 2iv(i>irr]v which is read to mean ' opposite ' or ' over against Sinope ' ; the 
 full context is : ^ fie nrepiri eVri ttjs X'^PV^ TavTTjs to IcrxvpoTarov Kara 
 
 2Lif637VT]V TToXlv . . . fidXttTrd KTf K€lfl€VTJ, 
 
 * We prefer the term 'Syro-Cappadocian' to 'White-Syrian,' or 
 'Leuco-Syrian,' as a more comprehensive equivalent in our days of the 
 original name Suri. " Supra, p. 158. 
 
198 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 hieroglyphs^ in the familiar Hittite style; and has 
 finally riveted the chain of evidence by the discovery 
 in the ruins of an early palace of numerous inscribed 
 tablets of brick inscribed in cuneiform characters, 
 which prove to be from the archives of Hatti kings, 
 including fragments of diplomatic correspondence 
 with the Pharaohs of Egypt and other Oriental 
 potentates in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 
 B.C. It seesns clear, then, that for several centuries 
 at least the ancient city of this place was the 
 centre of Hittite power and civilisation. In an 
 earlier chapter^ we have shown reason to believe that 
 the decline of this power is traceable to an early 
 movement of a people akin to the Phrygians, in the 
 twelfth century B.C. We do not know as yet to what 
 extent the city suffered at their hands, if at all, or 
 indeed during the later struggles with Assyria. The 
 palace of the fourteenth century B.C., however, would 
 seem to have been in ruins some two or three hundred 
 years later when it was rebuilt.^ The visible remains of 
 the city, some of which possibly belong to this period 
 of revival, present no evidence of any striking changes 
 in the art they typify, and we may assume that they 
 represent to us the Hittite handiwork, or at least the 
 direct survival of Hittite art, down to the period of 
 Phrygian domination in the eighth century B.C., if not 
 to the final overthrow and depopulation of the city at 
 
 1 Winckler, ' Preliminary Report on Excavations at Boghaz-Keui, 1907' 
 {Mitteihmgen der Deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft, Berlin, 1907), p. 57-58. 
 See also above, p. 160. See also an earlier article in OrientalistiscJie 
 Litteratur-Zeitung, Dec. 1906. 
 
 ^ See above, p. 53. 
 
 ^ It had probably been destroyed, as the archives vrere not transferred 
 to the new building which was placed upon the ruins of the old. The 
 date is based on a calculation of difference in axial direction kindly 
 supplied by Sir Norman Lockyer, vide infra, p. 210. 
 
PTERIA : SITUATION AND ROADS 199 
 
 the hands of Croesus. These ruins thus claim our first 
 consideration. 
 
 Fortunately for the preservation of these remains 
 the village of Boghaz-Keui lies just belovv^ the boun- 
 daries of the ancient site, and is also a day's journey 
 from the nearest modern towns of any importance, 
 namely, Yuzghat and Sungurlu. In ancient times, 
 however, the place seems to have been connected by 
 a system of engineered roads with other portions of 
 the country. The royal road which traversed Phrygia,^ 
 linking, it is supposed, by the Hermus valley with 
 Sardis and the west, held on towards the Halys ^ with- 
 out other apparent objective than to approach this 
 city. To the south also a similar royal road has been 
 traced for miles,^ scouring the surface rocks north- 
 wards from Injesu (near Csesarea), leading towards , 
 a ford of the Halys near to Bogche. The Persian 
 posts from east to west are credited with having 
 followed this northern route, although the direct 
 road from Carchemish to Ephesus or Smyrna, whether 
 by way of the Cilician Gates or by one of the passes 
 leading down on Caesarea, did not need to approach, 
 much less to cross, the Halys river at all. It is indeed 
 possible that the earliest continuation of the route 
 passed eastward by the valley of the Tochma Su,* while 
 a northern objective may be found in the old-time 
 importance of Sinope as seaport. These considera- 
 tions however, only increase the importance of Boghaz- 
 Keui as the focus of the system. Nowadays, as we 
 have seen,° the main routes run differently, adapting 
 themselves to changed conditions, and the place which 
 was once the apparent centre of all activities in the 
 
 1 Supra, p. 37. ^ Herodotus, v. 52. ^ Supra, p. 24. 
 
 * As suggested by Kiepert, cf. pp. 143, 366. ^ Supra, pp. 33, 34. 
 
200 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 interior is now without economic interest, a wonder- 
 ful memorial of the past. 
 
 The position chosen for this city was one of con- 
 siderable natural strength. Its walls surround the 
 broad top of an outlying hill which is connected 
 with the watershed lying to the south only by the 
 high ground in that direction. On either side it is 
 cut off by the steep valleys of two mountain-streams 
 flowing northward, which meet just below the modern 
 village. These in turn are fed by small tributaries 
 from just behind the hill, which is thus almost en- 
 closed. From the point where these rise the fall is 
 about a thousand feet to the confluence of the main 
 streams two miles away ; and though the descent of 
 the latter is necessarily more gradual, they are still 
 very rapid, and in the winter are foaming torrents. 
 That on the eastern side in particular, the Beuyuk 
 Kayanin, has by its force worn down its rocky bed so 
 deeply that where it passes by the eastern knoll of 
 the citadel, called Beuyuk Kaleh, its banks have be- 
 come precipitous cliffs requiring little or no artificial 
 defence.! The Yazir Daresi, on the western side, 
 flows through more alluvial ground, and has there 
 scooped for itself a gorge, in the steep bank of which 
 the harder rocks are left protruding, thus rendering 
 an assault uninviting on that side also. The engineers 
 who planned the defence utilised the natural advan- 
 tages of the position, banking up the slopes, and 
 bringing their wall wherever practicable to the edges 
 of the rocks, in which all possible footholds were filled 
 up with masonry. 
 
 On the north side, where the line of defence is less 
 clear, the ground is broken by a third small stream, 
 ' See PI. Lix. 
 
PLATE LVIII 
 
PTERIA: WALLS AND DEFENCES 201 
 
 the Kizlar Kaya Daresi, which rises within the circuit 
 of the wall in the high ground of the acropolis, and 
 now joins the Yazir in the modern village at its foot. 
 On the level ground, near this junction, there are the 
 traces of an ancient rampart ; but the line of natural 
 defence being somewhat higher, it may reasonably 
 be suspected that the enclosure was at some time 
 extended in this direction, possibly in order to include 
 the Lower Palace. However that may be, the really 
 vulnerable point would seem to have been oy way of 
 the higher ground to the south, and here the artificial 
 protection was stronger in proportion. The wall seems 
 to have been built on this side upon a rampart 
 revetted with stone, which in its turn followed the 
 line of a natural ridge in the ground, giving an almost 
 impregnable appearance to the enormous mass of the 
 defensive works. So high is this mound that a narrow 
 subterranean v^ay was constructed through it, giving 
 access to the interior. 
 
 The ground within, which we call the acropolis, is 
 the flat top of the hill, around which the wall forms 
 approximately three sides of a hexagon (omitting the 
 northern portion which descends, as we have seen, to a 
 lower level). The length of the wall upon the acro- 
 polis is about one and a half miles, and the greatest 
 width across from east to west is about three-quarters 
 of a mile. The whole circuit of the defences, includ- 
 ing the lower portion, is about three miles and a half ; 
 while the greatest length from north to south upon 
 the plan is about one mile and a quarter, of which 
 about half lies on the upper level. 
 
 The city wall, though built without mortar, was 
 constructed in such a way that it is still traceable 
 continuously around the acropolis, and is preserved in 
 
202 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 many places to a height of twelve feet or more. It 
 has an average thickness of about fourteen feet, made 
 up of an inner and outer facing each about four feet 
 thick, padded with a core of stone between. The 
 outer face was especially strong, consisting of large 
 stones sometimes as much as five feet in length (but 
 averaging from two feet six inches at the bottom, to 
 one foot towards the top), dressed so as to fit cleanly 
 together, with a preference for an approximately rect- 
 angular or five-sided form. The masonry was laid in 
 courses as far as practicable with such material, but was 
 liable to be interrupted by a stone larger than usual, or 
 from other cause. Indeed, in some of the inner walls, 
 where the masonry is less massive thoiigh similar in 
 character, large stones have been inserted at intervals 
 as a bond and to give general stability. The contour 
 of the wall was further strengthened by buttresses or 
 extra-mural towers, placed at intervals which varied 
 according to the situation, averaging about a hundred 
 feet apart. These do not seem to have been designed 
 from principles of defence, but solely as architectural 
 supports.^ 
 
 Some of the original doorways leading through the 
 wall seem to have been extremely small, not more than 
 three feet in width. The subway under the southern 
 rampart is also very narrow, but this was possibly a 
 later addition. Its exit is a plain doorway, four feet 
 wide, built of three granite blocks arranged as jambs 
 and lintel; inside, the passage has a width of about 
 five feet at the bottom, and is lined with stones in 
 triangular arrangement, with the apex six feet from 
 the floor. It is of interest to compare the principle of 
 
 ' Cf. however the mural towers so characteristic of the Syrian for- 
 tresses, infra, pp. 273, 300. 
 
PLATE LIX 
 
PTERIA: THE GATEWAYS 203 
 
 vaulting under pressure illustrated by its construction 
 with the system of counterpoise employed in the arches 
 of the larger gateways. These again may have been 
 added since the original inception of the wall. In the 
 vicinity of the Lion-gate, at any rate, the regular 
 courses of the outer masonry give way at the corners, 
 and in their place an arrangement of fitted stones, 
 shaped to receive the corners and eccentricities of their 
 neighbours, recalls the bonding of the palace walls in 
 the lower portion of the interior. This may of course 
 have been a deliberate original variation designed to 
 strengthen the corners where the recess for the gate 
 intervenes ; and it is also obvious that some gateway 
 wide enough to admit a cart or chariot must have 
 been necessary at the beginning. Such, however, we 
 are inclined to see in the unsculptured entrance, of 
 similar character but smaller size, called Eshuk Tash, 
 on the south-east of the town. The architectural 
 principle, however, is in each case much the same, and 
 maybe studied in the photograph of the Lion-gate itself.^ 
 This entrance is set back thirteen feet from the road, 
 with an approach twenty feet across, narrowing to a 
 clear space of thirteen feet between the jambs of the 
 gateway. These main supports are of great size and 
 weight ; and while tending towards one another in 
 a gentle curve as they rise, are so shaped and bonded 
 to the wall that they stand in solid equilibrium. The 
 height of these single stones is about twelve feet, and 
 in the other gate mentioned about eleven feet. The 
 latter illustrates more clearly the upper structure, in 
 which the pointed arch was brought to its completion 
 by repetition of the same principle of counterpoise. 
 Each of the upper stones projected towards the other, 
 
 1 PI. LX. 
 
204 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 while overhanging sufficiently in the opposite direction 
 to retain its balance singly. Further details are not 
 preserved, but the faces of these also must have been 
 dressed to the curve of the arch, and if they did 
 not approach one another close enough to touch, 
 then the arch must have been completed by a 
 fifth stone placed over all, as is indeed suggested in 
 the case of the Eshuk Tash. In this veay we gain a 
 minimum height for the gateway, without superficial 
 structure, of fifteen or sixteen feet. As the arch was 
 repeated within at a distance of twenty-five feet, it is 
 probable that the two spans supported a chamber or 
 sentry-walk continuous with the parapet. Probably 
 the mass of masonry to left and right indicates a guard- 
 chamber flanking the approach on either side, in the 
 well-known style later adopted by Roman engineers 
 and finally transmitted to mediaeval architecture. 
 
 We have dealt somewhat lengthily with the ele- 
 mentary details of this stronghold, but none the less 
 deliberately; for the contemplation of this mass of 
 masonry and the details of its execution is rewarded by 
 an insight, which perhaps no other monument dis- 
 closes, into the solidarity, power, skill and resource of 
 the people whom it has so long survived. The famous 
 Lions which guard this entrance are further witness to 
 the standard of their civilisation, and are among the 
 brightest products of their art. That on the right hand, 
 which is almost perfectly preserved, illustrates a 
 wealth of detail which the somewhat distant photo- 
 graph does not show. The appropriate boldness and 
 realism of the design, however, are manifest. This 
 fashion of adorning the gateways, particularly with 
 lions, as also at Sinjerli, Marash, and Sakje-Geuzi, is 
 further paralleled by the sphinxes of Eyuk, and to 
 
PLATE LX 
 
PTERIA : INTERNAL FORTS 205 
 
 some extent by the monstrous emblems in relief ward- 
 ing off trespassers from the inner gallery at lasily 
 Kaya.^ In another gateway of the same character on 
 this acropolis, Professor Winckler's excavations have 
 disclosed a high relief of a being clad in the Hittite tunic, 
 shoes and hat, supposed at the time to represent a king,^ 
 but since recognised as a female warrior or Amazon. 
 
 The outer wall was not the only defensive work 
 which the advantages of the site afforded. Across the 
 enclosure are a series of prominent crags overlooking 
 the lower ground to the north, and marking by their 
 alignment the edge of the acropolis which gives access 
 to them.^ One may be tempted to presuppose, as indeed 
 we have already suggested, that these indicate a line 
 of earlier defences and the natural limits of an earlier 
 city situated entirely upon the hill. They were crowned 
 with rectangular forts, built of square blocks of 
 masonry arranged in courses, and constituted in any 
 case a formidable second line of defence against attack 
 from below. That which is called Yenije Kaleh is 
 illustrated by our photograph : * its position is not 
 naturally so strong, however, as that of the middle of 
 the three forts of this series, which presents a pre- 
 cipitous face to the northern side. The largest of these 
 knolls — hence called Beuyuk Kaleh— is to the east, and 
 overlooks the gorge of the river on that side.° To the 
 north, however, where the slope descends to the lower 
 part of the enclosure on which lie the famous palace 
 ruins, it is less abrupt, and it has been fronted 
 
 1 Cf. infra, p. 226. 2 Report cit., PI. xii. C(. below, p. 357. 
 
 ^ A plan is published in Humann and Puchstein, Reisenin Kleinasien, 
 PI. XIV., and a revised version in Murray's Handbook, p. 21. 
 
 * Cf. the Ports of Giaour-Kalesi, p. 163, Karaburna, p. 154, and Kizil 
 Dagh p. 178. 
 
 ° Vide the photograph on PI. LViii. , where these features may be seen 
 in the distance. 
 
206 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 accordingly with a stout buttressed wall, built of large 
 stones roughly pentagonal or squared, the lowest 
 courses of which are from two to three feet in height. 
 
 Hereabouts, in the dip between the two forts last 
 described, is the weathered rock inscription known as 
 Nishan Tash.^ Descending thence to the lower ground, 
 following the course of the stream which flows through 
 the middle of the enclosure, two further rocks arrest 
 attention by the fact that they have been worked by 
 hand. The first of these is called the Maiden's Rock, 
 and has given its Turkish name of Kizlar Kaya to the 
 stream which passes just below it. Though of con- 
 siderable dimensions, this rock, besides being dressed 
 around the sides and worked down squarely in two 
 places in the body, has been cleanly cut across the top 
 with the exception of a small table-like protuberance 
 remaining towards one end. The other, which lies still 
 further down and nearer to the Lower Palace, has 
 been cleft in two, to form as it were a passage through 
 it from side to side. It would be unsafe without 
 evidence to suggest any definite use for these rocks in 
 ancient times, and it is possible that their peculiarities 
 may have resulted only from the quarrying of the 
 stone blocks used for the Lower Palace or other build- 
 ings of the site. 
 
 We use the term Lower Palace to designate the 
 foundations made famous by the visit of Texier,^ and 
 the later descriptions of Professor Perrot,^ in distinc- 
 tion to those more recently discovered by Dr. Winckler 
 on the Upper Acropolis, where the ruins of four such 
 buildings were found, of which three were probably 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 158. 
 
 ^ Texier, Description of Asia Minor, i. PI. Lxxx. 
 
 2 Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., pp. 108 et seqq. 
 
PLATE LXI 
 
 
 EOGHAZ-KEUl ; THli; FOKTKESS CALLED YENIJE-KALEH 
 
 (See^. 205.) 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI : REMAINS OF THE LOVVEH PALACE 
 
PTERIA : THE LOWER PALACE 207 
 
 palaces and the fourth a temple.^ The lower courses 
 of the first-mentioned palace, however, are visible 
 above the ground, so that its plan may be readily traced 
 out; and whether to be identified as palace or as a 
 temple, it presents an interesting study, and a peculiar 
 link between the architecture of the Bast and West.^ 
 As may be seen in our photograph,' that which remains 
 of it is built in large single blocks of stone about four 
 feet in thickness and averaging twice that measure in 
 length. Its form is rectangular, with a length just 
 over two hundred and ten feet down the main axis, 
 and a width of one hundred and twenty-eight feet. Its 
 chief entrance is in the middle of the southern side, 
 and, passing small guard-rooms on either hand, it leads 
 into a large central court, around which are chambers, 
 a double series at the ends and a single series at the 
 sides. To the north and to the west a passage or 
 corridor intervenes between the court and the rooms : 
 that on the north seems to have been entered by an 
 opening opposite the main entrance, and one chamber 
 (across the passage and to the left) is filled by a large 
 tank or bath of stone. These portions of the building 
 may be judged to have been residential, while the 
 front and east wings were devoted to offices of the 
 palace. There are few further features of the interior 
 obvious to the eye except the size and arrangement 
 of the rooms, on which we do not need to dwell. The 
 central court is paved with rough stones * at a depth 
 of three feet below the present surface, a depth which 
 
 ' Winckler, Report cit., pp. 62 and if. 
 
 2 The best plan was published by Barth, Reise von Trapesunt . . . 
 nach Scutari, p. 48. 
 
 3 PI. i,xi.(ii). 
 
 * We are indebted to the courtesy of Dr. Winckler and his colleagues 
 for the facilities which enabled us to study this site during the progress 
 of the excavations. 
 
208 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 probably accords with the foundations of the walls 
 and with the ancient level. 
 
 The sloping ground to the north was prepared for 
 this building by a stone revetment mounting in steps ; 
 and special precautions were taken against slipping in 
 the bonding of the masonry on that side. Not only are 
 the stones of the upper courses shaped to fit into one 
 another in a scheme of ' joggles,' resembling ' tongues 
 and grooves,' to borrow a term better known, but the 
 lower course is provided with a ridge rising along its 
 front edges, which further prevented any general 
 movement of the whole in that direction. As for the 
 upper part of this structure, it is for the excavators to 
 decide whether it was carried up in masonry, of which 
 there remains no visible trace, or whether it was of 
 wood and brick, as in the Hittite palaces across the 
 Taurus. The level nature of the preserved masonry, 
 and certain features pointed out by Perrot,^ suggest that 
 the latter method was employed here also, as is indeed 
 supported by observations made by Dr. Curtius in one of 
 the upper buildings recently discovered in the acropolis.^ 
 
 To judge by the foundations disclosed at a greater 
 depth by Dr. Winckler's expedition, the palace which 
 we have just described seems to mark the site of an 
 earlier and somewhat similar building, in the ruins of 
 which were found numerous precious tablets inscribed 
 in the cuneiform script. These are long-lost pages in 
 the history of monarchs, of empires and principalities 
 in Western Asia, and as such their relevance lies with 
 a later chapter of our work. That which is important 
 for the moment is the fundamental date they give, over- 
 lapping in part the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties 
 
 ■ Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., p. 115. 
 2 Winckler, Beport cit., p. 64 and ff. 
 
PLATE LXn 
 
PTERIA : DATE OF THE RUINS 209 
 
 of Egypt, and coming to an end shortly after the reign 
 of Rameses ii. in the thirteenth century B.C. 
 
 We have no pubHshed means of estimating, from this 
 source or otherwise, the history of the development of 
 this ancient capital. But some conjectures, as a work- 
 ing hypothesis, may be made from the probabilities of 
 the case with this date as a basis, awaiting meanwhile 
 further illumination from Dr. Winckler and his col- 
 leagues. In the first place, as to the date of the main 
 fortifications, though the period of empire is not often 
 the time of building home defences, yet in this case the 
 deliberate and vast nature of the outer walls conveys 
 no impression of a stricken people hastening to defend 
 themselves, nor even of precipitation. The scheme 
 and details are carried out with dignity, thoroughness, 
 and elaboration. It was the product of a prosperous 
 age, dictated by prudence rather than immediate con- 
 scious necessity. Yet the pride of Hittite power soon 
 passed ; even while treating on equal terms with the 
 courts of Thebes and Babylon, the shadow of the 
 Assyrian armies already clouded the eastern horizon ; 
 and the menace of barbarian northern hordes was 
 probably ever present, particularly as their offensive 
 powers weakened. It may safely be supposed that 
 their city must have been prepared against assault at 
 any rate before the inroads of the Phrygian Muski, in 
 the twelfth century B.C. And secondly, with regard to 
 the palace just considered, built as it is upon the ruins of 
 one which flourished in the time of Rameses the Great, 
 it represents a reconstruction and re-establishment of 
 royal state at some time subsequent. As to the date of 
 this revival there is little evidence. From the plan of 
 the palace it may be conjectured to have preceded any 
 wide spreading of Assyrian influences; and from 
 
 o 
 
210 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 our own observations it was probably contemporary with 
 a certain class of coloured pottery, which at Sakje-Geuzi ^ 
 was already passing out of vogue at the beginning of 
 the first millennium B.C. Upon this point it is interesting 
 to notice that the difference of axial direction between 
 this and the buried palace, namely, 2j°, would, if astro- 
 nomically dictated, suggest a difference of date amount- 
 ing to about two hundred and thirty years,^ assigning 
 the period of restoration to the eleventh century B.C. 
 
 Doubtless some clear evidence will be forthcoming 
 with the progress of excavations; for the present we 
 can only pay due regard to the few items of circum- 
 stantial evidence that are available. The absence of 
 visible sculptures on the facade of the building, in 
 contrast with the buildings of Byuk, Sinjerli, and Sakje- 
 Geuzi, is curiously significant. That phase of motive 
 seems to be reflected rather in the two sculptured 
 stones already mentioned as recently found somewhat 
 further up the slope of Beuyuk Kaleh, at the foot of 
 which the palace stands.^ Two sculptured lions indeed 
 are found lying in close proximity to the lower palace, 
 those which were supposed by Texier and Perrot* to 
 be the arms of a throne, but are now shown ' to be the 
 end ornaments of a tank, with a similar pair on the 
 opposite side. These correspond both in style and in 
 details of art with the lions guarding the palace 
 entrance at Sakje-Geuzi,^ which may be dated with 
 some security to the tenth or ninth century B.C. If 
 then the lions of Boghaz-Keui can be shown to have 
 
 ' See infra, p. 312. 
 
 ^ Prom calculations supplied from our rough data by Sir Norman 
 Lockyer. 
 ^ Above, p. 159 ; for our date, see below, p. 339. 
 * Perrot and Ghipiez, op. cit., p. 114. 
 
 ^ By Dr. Winckler's excavations, Report cit., figs. 3, 4 ; pp. 54-55. 
 ^ Irtfra, Pis. Lxxis., lxxs., and p. 311, 
 
PLATE LXIII 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI ; CAMP AT THE FOOT OF EEUYUK KALEH 
 
 EOGHAZ-KEUI : THE SANCTUARY OF lASILY KAYA 
 View of the sculptures on the left side from within. 
 
lASILY KAYA : THE SCULPTURES 211 
 
 organic relation to the palace in the precincts of which 
 they lie, then a basis for solution to the problem is 
 obtained, and the date depends upon the range of time 
 during which such sculptures were in vogue. But if, on 
 the other hand, this tank was an addition to the palace, 
 and of later date, as its partly exposed situation, above 
 the level of the palace floor, suggests, then the palace 
 is of earlier date, preceding the period when such sculp- 
 tured lions were in fashion, a conclusion which our other 
 considerations seem to justify. Incidentally we arrive 
 at a possible date for certain sculptures of like kind, as 
 the lion of Eyuk, and possibly the Lion Gateway of the 
 acropolis. 
 
 In conclusion we tentatively summarise the present 
 possibilities of local development, which any new item 
 of evidence may profoundly modify : 
 
 1350-1300 B.C. Period of the earlier lower palace. 
 
 1300-1200 ,, Main fortifications built, temp. Hattusil. 
 
 1200-1100 ,, First Phrygian invasions. 
 
 1100-1000 ,, Lower palace reconstructed. 
 
 1000-850 ,, Period of Lion-sculptures. , 
 
 850- 700 „ Phrygian domination. 
 
 700- 600 „ Cimmerians. 
 
 Circa 550 ,, Fall before Croesus. 
 
 Part II. — The Rock Sculptures called 
 Iasily Kaya. 
 The far-famed sculptures named by the Turks simply 
 ' Inscribed Rock ' are at a distance of about two miles 
 eastward from the village of Boghaz-Keui. They are 
 not easy to locate. After leaving the village and 
 crossing the river opposite the lower palace, a footpath 
 rises steeply to the plateau about six hundred feet 
 above, meeting the roadway, which skirts the base of 
 this knoll on its northern side, about a mile further 
 on, where it turns southwards towards Yuzghat. The 
 ancient city is no longer visible, and there are few 
 
212 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 landmarks of special character. To the north-west a 
 number of rolling valleys unfold themselves, while the 
 gently rising ground to the north-east is partly corn-land 
 and partly green pasture, splashed as it rises to its crest 
 with dark scrub, and broken here and there with bare 
 limestone rocks ; a typical view of an Asiatic highland. 
 The sculptures are found in one of these masses of 
 rock, which is not the largest or most conspicuous of 
 the series, nor distinguishable in any general way. 
 Its chief attraction of old was probably the natural 
 facility which certain irregularities in its formation 
 afforded to the purpose in view. Towards its west 
 side there is a recess about thirty yards deep, which 
 opens towards the south-west on to a broad grassy 
 terrace. The entrance to this rocky chamber, so far 
 as it concerns us, may be reckoned about seventeen 
 yards wide. Its walls are irregular with projections, 
 especially on the right hand, but on the whole they 
 draw gradually together until separated by only six or 
 seven yards at a distance of about six yards from the 
 end. The farther portion is more regular in shape, 
 widening slightly, so that the inner face opposite the 
 entrance is about eight yards in width. This being 
 the largest plane surface and placed suitably in the 
 depth of the recess, it was prepared for the central 
 group of sculptures, which are on a scale proportionate 
 to the relative dignity of the personages they represent. 
 For the rest, the sides were dressed in short lengths of 
 two or three yards, following the windings of the rock, 
 in a more or less continuous band about three feet 
 hfgh. Though the stone was prepared, the smooth 
 surface must have been fashioned in clearing away the 
 backgrounds of the sculptures, which are throughout 
 in relief and in the peculiar Hittite style. 
 
PLATE LXIV 
 
lASILY KAYA: ARRANGEMENT 213 
 
 At the outset it may be noticed that the motive 
 of these sculptures seems to be commemorative or 
 emblematic rather than decorative : they are also 
 extremely weathered, being protected only from the 
 violence of the wind from certain quarters, and not 
 at all from the rain ; so that little need be said as to 
 the artistic composition of the whole, or the details of 
 its execution. The design, in brief, represents two pro- 
 cessions of beings which meet in the middle (on the inner 
 wall facing the entrance south). On the right the 
 figures, with two exceptions, are those of robed females. 
 On the left the persons represented are chiefly male,^ 
 but include two females, and are interspersed with 
 certain winged beings of mythological character, and 
 a group of two monstrosities which have not been ex- 
 plained. Hittite hieroglyphs and emblems accompany 
 many of the figures, which are further identified by 
 certain recognisable details of dress and weapons. 
 
 Our chief interest centres naturally in the signifi- 
 cance or symbolism of the leading figures of these 
 processions — those which are carved on the short wall 
 opposite to the opening: the relative importance of 
 these is made clearer by a preliminary glance at those 
 
 ' Ramsay {Luke the Physician, p. 203, in a chapter largely reprinted 
 from a paper in the Jour. Boy. Asiatic Soc. 1882) makes the remarkable 
 suggestion that most of the figures apparently male are those of females in 
 disguise (e.gr. of Amazons); but we have found nothing in our study of 
 these sculptures to support this view. With all deference to a great 
 scholar's first impressions, we believe that if he revisited the monuments, 
 and viewed them in the light of the new comparative material, he would 
 find no reason to maintain the point of view which may have seemed 
 warranted twenty-seven years ago. One of the chief arguments is the 
 delicacy and femininity of face seen in some of the sculptures ; yet on the 
 same argument several of the Pharaohs of the eighteenth and nineteenth 
 dynasty would appear to have been female. The refinement is clearly 
 that of the sculptor. The same point of view is taken in reference to the 
 Amazon sculptures recently discovered {Expository Times, Nov. 1909), 
 in an article on The Armed Priestesses of the Hittite Religion ; but in 
 our judgment these belong to a phase of art quite distinct, and several 
 centuries later in date. Ou this point, see below, p. 357. 
 
214 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 which follow in their trains.^ The main figures on 
 the left hand are forty-three in number, of which the 
 first stands upon the shoulders of t^wo others, bringing 
 the total number on that side to forty-five. The leader 
 is a godlike figure nearly seven feet high, clad in short 
 tunic and shoes with turned-up toes. His left leg is 
 forward and his left arm is advanced ; the right arm is 
 drawn back, and, the face being in profile to the left, 
 we have here an illustration of the convention familiar 
 also in Egyptian drawing, whereby the front view of 
 the upper part of the body is seen, while the head and 
 limbs are reproduced in profile. Only in the sculptures 
 before us we see, whether as an illusion caused by the 
 softening hand of Time, or whether by the deliberate 
 treatment of the Hittite sculptor, an infinitely greater 
 freedom, fulness, and suggestion of life imparted to 
 the figure than we are wont to find in Egyptian 
 funereal sculptures and temple decorations, notwith- 
 standing the masterly skill with which the latter may 
 have been executed. The right hand of this figure 
 grasps the handle of a large round mace which rests 
 upon his shoulder, and a dirk with crescent-shaped 
 handle hangs at his left side, presumably from a girdle. 
 Upon his head there is the tall conical head-dress of 
 the Hittite peoples, though differing slightly from the 
 ordinary representations in that the vertical ribs or 
 flutings of this hat are connected by rings, in suggestion 
 of metal work.^ In the treatment of this feature the 
 sculptor has realised our own convention of perspective, 
 never adopted by the Egyptians, in the diminishing 
 distances between the ribs receding round the sides. 
 The hair at the back was dressed in a long pigtail, the 
 
 ' See the plan, p. 221, and Pis. lxiii.-lxviii. 
 ^ Cf . Malatla sculptures, etc., PI. xliv. 
 
PLATE LXV 
 
lASILY KAYA : LEADING GODS 215 
 
 curling end of which is seen behind the elbow. The face 
 seems to have been bearded, and it is suggested, but 
 not clear, that a large earring hung from the lower lobe 
 of the ear. The outstretched left hand holds a three- 
 pronged emblem and sign towards the advancing figure 
 to which it is opposed, the two figures being balanced in 
 the composition of the group. Behind each is a small 
 horned animal, presumably a goat, capped with the 
 plain conical hat upon its head, and with the fore-part 
 and legs advancing beyond the body of the main 
 figure. The two beings which support the figure just 
 described wear long robes, bound by a girdle at the 
 waist, and seemingly fringed or bordered round the 
 bottom of the skirt. Their clasped hands are raised 
 before their bearded chins, and their heads are slightly 
 bowed in a natural pose of reverence or adoration. 
 Their hats are similar to that just described, but seem 
 to be flexible, bending forwards towards the tip in 
 response to the inclination of the heads ; while lower 
 down there is sonaething projecting, possibly the brim 
 of the hat upturned, but rather more suggestive of the 
 royal uraeus as in the crown of ancient Bgypt.^ 
 
 The figure which follows, though somewhat smaller 
 in stature, would seem to have considerable importance, 
 being raised on two tall flat-topped pinnacles, so that 
 his head is on a level with the others of this group. 
 In details of pose, costume, and armour, this figure 
 resembles that which precedes it, except that in the 
 left hand a long sword with flat hilt is held aloft, 
 and the emblems which denote his rank are placed 
 
 ' This is a common feature on Hittit.e sculptures, and on several well- 
 preserved Instances from here [cf. PI. lxix. (ii)] and elsewhere, notably 
 from Sinjerll [cf. PI. lxvii. (ii), and Berlin V.-A. Mus., Cast No. 199], it 
 seems to be due to a plain metal or otherwise stiiT attachment rising from 
 or continuous with the brim of the hat. 
 
216 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 between the sword and hat. The girdle also is plain 
 in this instance, and the left elbow seems to rest upon 
 a staff. A third figure follows, on this wall, but is not 
 shown in our photograph. It is in an exposed corner, 
 and most of the detail is lost, but it may be seen to 
 resemble the foregoing, though the emblem held in the 
 left hand seems to differ considerably, being of feather- 
 like appearance. The right leg also, which is behind 
 as in all other cases in this scene, may be designedly 
 hidden by the fold of a cloak descending to the ankle. 
 
 Turning now to the left-hand wall, the fourth figure 
 resembles again the leader of the procession, though on 
 the smaller scale, being only three feet in height. The 
 fifth is altogether different in character. The shoes, 
 pigtail, and earrings are repeated ; the hat also is the 
 common one without the rings ; but the long shirt or 
 cloak has curious oblique curving folds, and it trains 
 somewhat behind the right leg. The left toe alone is 
 visible, and the front edge of the robe is seen as far 
 forward as the elbow, obviously descending from the 
 shoulder. Most conspicuous of all are a pair of narrow 
 wings rising from behind the shoulders well above the 
 top of the head.^ The objects held by the hands cannot 
 now be recognised. 
 
 Then follow two female figures, clad in long pleated 
 skirts like the figures in the opposite procession. A 
 belt encircles the waist of each, but it is not clear 
 whether the upper part of the body is bare or clad in 
 a tight-fitting garment; the breasts in any case are 
 visible. The head-dress is not plain ; if a cap is worn 
 it must fit closely, while the hair or wig ends in large 
 distinct curls above the shoulder. The left hands are 
 not visible, but the right hands fall by the side, holding 
 1 Compare the winged deity of Malatia, PI. xliv. and p. 139. 
 
lASILY KAY A : A CHIEF PRIEST 217 
 
 by their handles in a reversed position a curved object 
 not very clear, but vsrhich in the rear figure forms a 
 complete disk, suggestive of the Egyptian mirror.^ The 
 eighth figure, like the fifth, is vringed; and horns, or 
 a crescent, are conspicuous in the hat, but other details 
 are obscure. The ninth is clearer and of great interest. 
 The robe, however, is like a toga, with a tight sleeve 
 to the right arm, and the loose end flung over the left 
 shoulder, as on certain figures at Eyuk. A dirk is by 
 the side as before, but in the right hand there appears 
 a new object in the long curving lituus held reversed. 
 Above the outstretched left hand is a group of three 
 signs, which may be recognised as a crescent, a feather 
 or star-like object, and above them the divided oval 
 which accompanies all such devices.^ The face is beard- 
 less, and the cap is close-fitting to the skull. Above 
 the head is a composite emblem, in which the main 
 elements are a rosette surrounded by a horseshoe- 
 shaped device recalling the shape of the wig on the 
 Eyuk Sphinx,' and reminiscent of the so-called Hathor 
 head-dress of the Egyptian monuments. The whole 
 is supported by large outspread wings, bound at in- 
 tervals, and turning slightly upwards at the ends. 
 This figure closely resembles the larger one opposite 
 to it, the isolated twenty-second figure on the right,^ 
 which is described below. 
 
 The six figures just described fill the left-hand wall 
 of the inner part of the enclosure. The rock novs^ breaks 
 away somewhat sharply, and the next length is decor- 
 ated with nine figures on a somewhat smaller scale. 
 Five of these are similar to one another.^ Their 
 
 1 Cf. pp. Ill, 118. 
 
 '^ Presumably a sacred stone; videSayce, Proc. S.B.A., 1903, p. 154, No. 11. 
 ' PI. Lxxii. and p. 255. * See PI. Lxviii. 
 
 s Namely, Nos. 10, 11, 13, 16, 18, in the plan, p. 221. For position of 
 the group, see the photograph, PI. Lxiv. 
 
218 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 costume includes the short-belted tunic, the conical 
 ribbed hat with rings, and the shoe with upturned toe ; 
 and the pose of figures is as previously detailed. The 
 pigtail is suggested in some cases, though the chins are 
 beardless. No weapons are discernible, but each carries 
 in his right hand an object like a sickle or scimitar, 
 which is supported by the right shoulder. A group of 
 emblems or signs precedes each figure, varying in each 
 case. Two other figures of the nine differ only slightly 
 from this model ; the one ^ in having apparently a long 
 cloak which partly covers the right leg, in addition to 
 the tunic ; and the other ^ in the appearance of a wing 
 rising from the left shoulder, a cap of closer fit, and no 
 object over the right shoulder; but these three distinc- 
 tions may be illusions due to the weathering of the 
 stone. With regard to the remaining pair,^ however, 
 there is an utterly different motif. These two are 
 nearly alike, and together form a group of monstrous 
 character. The arms and body of each are human, the 
 legs are those of a quadruped, and the head, with feline 
 ears, is also that of an animal. To the right-hand figure 
 a tail is added, while each is represented with a pigtail. 
 The left-hand figure wears a short plain skirt. The 
 arms of both are upraised, and bracelets may be 
 detected on the wrists ; they support an object of 
 crescental form, near the lower edge of which are folds 
 or ridges. The pair are placed symmetrically upon an 
 object (possibly a wine-press*) oblong in form with two 
 rod-like handles projecting from each side, equally 
 difficult to describe as to explain. It is possible that 
 monkeys are intended by this group, but if so, the 
 
 ' No. 17. 2 No. 12. 3 Nos. n^ 15. 
 
 ■* Resembling a large double bellows. Professor Sayce points out the 
 analogy with a Hittite hieroglyph in an inscription from Emir-Ghazi. 
 (See above, p. 183.) 
 
PLATE LXVI 
 
 m 
 
 BOGHAZ-KKUI : GROUP OF TWO MOiNSTRUUS llljUKLi .STANUINU lU.SSlKLY 
 
 ON A WINE-PRF.SS 
 
 In the large recess at lasily Kaya. 
 
lASlLY KAYA: THE PROCESSION 219 
 
 animal was unfamiliar to the artist; it is more pro- 
 bable that they represent some composite mythological 
 creature of the imagination. 
 
 The three figures following this pair have been de- 
 scribed, and with them the second straight length of 
 wall comes to an end. The next bend is inwards, and 
 the wall becomes nearly parallel to the axis of the 
 chamber, containing in this length nine further figures. 
 The leaders ^ are similar in general appearance to those 
 which precede them, though the object carried on the 
 shoulder may be thought to resemble rather the mace 
 carried by the head of the whole procession. The 
 same may be said of two others ^ of this series, but the 
 condition of the stone is too bad to enable much detail 
 to be gathered. In regard to the pair between these,^ 
 no objects are now visible in their hands, while their 
 costumes also show some difference of detail. The one 
 seems to have a long cloak, or possibly a stafP, hanging 
 from the arm, while the robe of the other is striped 
 horizontally over the left leg. The third figure of the 
 group * is peculiar ; the arms seem to be thrown forward, 
 with a cloak or long staff hanging down from below the 
 shoulder, while the hat also is inclined slightly forward. 
 A horn or peak to the hat is also traceable. The two 
 last of this series' resemble rather the type of the 
 figures supporting the leader of the procession, both as 
 regards costume, position of the hands, and the curving 
 forward of the hat, even though the heads are not 
 inclined as in the earlier instance quoted. There next 
 follow, on a short return of the wall, three figures^ 
 which we found too weathered to describe, though two 
 of them have been represented by earlier visitors as 
 
 1 Nos. 19, 20. 2 jjos_ 22, 25. ^ nos. 23, 24. 
 
 * No. 21. 6 Nos. 26, 27. ^ Nos. 28-30. 
 
220 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 bearded and wearing embroidered robes. The next 
 and last turn of the wall, which now resumes its main 
 parallel direction, is occupied by thirteen figures, of 
 which the first ^ seems to be a robed and bearded figure 
 of the kind indicated by those two which precede it. 
 It stands apart from those which follow ; so too do the 
 next two, though not so far, while the remaining ten 
 figures ^ are close together. These twelve figures are 
 all alike, clad in tunics, conical hats, and tip-tilted 
 shoes. They carry no weapons, and their right feet are 
 partly raised, touching the ground only with the toes, 
 as in the act of running, which is suggested also by the 
 position of the arms, drawn up at the double, and to 
 some extent by the poise of the bodies. These figures 
 also, unlike the rest, are not in procession but in line, 
 for the right elbows and right feet of the more ad- 
 vanced are hidden by those which are shown behind 
 them, and the left hands of the latter partly hide the 
 former — a convention of perspective adopted freely 
 by Egyptian artists also, and repeated in an inner 
 gallery which has yet to be described. This completes 
 the series of sculptures on the left.^ 
 
 1 No. 31 of the whole series. ^ Nos. 32-43. 
 
 ' A schediile of the figures with our reference numbers may be of use : 
 Left. 
 
 {1 L. One standing on two others, bearded and ezalted. 1 p, 
 2, 3. Two others, younger, on pinnacles. J 
 
 '4. One similar, but not raised aloft. 
 5. One winged. "j 
 
 ■ 6, 7. Two females as a group. V PI. Lxiii. (ii). 
 
 8. A second winged. J 
 
 9. One with lituus and toga ; winged rosette above (cf. 22 R.). 
 riO-13. Four with scimitars, of which one is winged. \p, 
 
 14, 15. Two monsters as a group (PI. lxvi.). / ' ''■^'^• 
 
 [16-I8. Three with scimitars. 
 ri9-20. Two with maces like the leaders. 
 1 21. One with arms and hat forward. 
 I 22. One with mace. 
 
 23, 24. Two with no weapons visible. 
 
 25. One with mace. 
 
 26-27. Two with arms and hat forward. 
 
lASILY KAYA: REFERENCE PLAN 221 
 
 This series of sculptures finds its counterpart in those 
 upon the opposite side of the recess, which being less 
 
 Scfrle of Metres 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI : PLAN OF THE ROOK SANCTUARY CAJLLED lASILY KAYA, WITH 
 THE POSITIONS OP THE SCULPTURES NUMBERED. 
 
 28. One indistinct (tunic and hat). 
 29-31. Three robed and bearded. 
 32-43. Twelve in line, running. 
 
 Right. 
 
 (1 R. One female on bacli of panther. 
 2. One youthful male with double axe. 
 3, 4. Two similar to first, forming a group on double eagle. 
 5-21. Seventeen in procession resembling 1 R. (PI. Lxvii.). 
 22R = 65. One with lituus, toga, and winged rosette, etc., 
 standing on two stony mounds (PI. Lxviii.). 
 
 PI. LXV. 
 
 in hand. 
 
222 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 numerous, and for the most part like one another, are 
 more readily described. The figures are twenty-two 
 in number, of which only two are male ; they are 
 represented likewise in procession, but approaching 
 in the opposite direction with their faces turned con- 
 sequently to the observer's left. The leading figure, 
 which is opposed to the godlike figure just described, 
 is likewise of majestic stature. She stands upon the 
 back of a panther, which in turn is poised upon four 
 low flat-topped pedestals (or ' mountains '). She is clad 
 in a long pleated skirt with train and waistbelt; the 
 upper part of the body seems to be bare or clothed in 
 a tight-fitting garment, and the female breast is sug- 
 gested in the fulness of the bust below the outstretched 
 arm. Her head-dress is the ' mural crown,' an upright 
 flat-topped bonnet with vertical supports.^ Her long 
 plait of hair and turned-up shoes are conspicuous. 
 Both arms are forward ; with her left hand she holds a 
 long staff on which she partly leans, and with her right 
 she proffers certain special emblems,^ which almost 
 touch those held out by the male figure which meets 
 her. To complete the balance of composition, the fore- 
 part of a goat with a conical cap upon his head, 
 protrudes from behind her dress also. 
 
 The figure that follows, though smaller, is none the 
 less striking and important. It represents a boy or 
 beardless man, with curling pigtail, in the now familiar 
 costume, consisting of short tunic, shoes with toes 
 
 ' Seethe photograph, PI. Lxv. The head-dress was commonly employed 
 by the Phrygian women. Its shape is recalled by the modern hat of the 
 Turkoman women, which is worn covered by a shawl to serve at times 
 as a veil. 
 
 2 These emblems are composed in each case of pictorial or hieroglyphic 
 signs, and in them doubtless lies the clue to the identification of the 
 figures. A sign like a divided oval (which Professor Sayce believes to 
 represent a sacred stone) is found at the commencement of each group 
 accompanying a divine or exalted personage. 
 
PLATE LXVIl 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI : ONE OF THE FEMALE FIGURES OF THE RIGHT-HAND 
 SERIES IN THE LARGE RECESS AT lASILY KAYA 
 
 {See p. 224.) 
 
I ASILY KAYA : THE KING-PRIEST 225 
 
 connection with the ninth figure on the left, only in 
 this case the figure faces to the observer's left ; the left 
 arm is thus the one that is sleeved, and the loose end 
 of the robe hangs over the right shoulder, reaching 
 almost to the ground and ending possibly in a tassel. 
 The dirk is by the right side, and the reversed lituus 
 is grasped in the left hand, v^^hich is raised to hold it. 
 The cap has three bands round the edge ; a pigtail is 
 possible but doubtful. The feet rest on two rounded 
 pedestals with scale-like surfaces;^ and the extended 
 right hand supports a series of emblems.^ These form 
 a somewhat complicated group; in the middle of it 
 there is a small bearded figure wearing a conical ribbed 
 hat which tilts forward at the top, and clad in a long 
 robe decorated vdth scale-like pattern. At the sides 
 are three protrusions which are difficult to explain.^ 
 This little figure rests upon what resembles a Hittite 
 shoe, the toe of which is prominently upturned. Its 
 left hand is upraised above the head, and the right arm 
 is outstretched. The outside elements of this emblem 
 are tapering columns of three flutes capped by Ionic 
 volutes ; between these and the figure a third device 
 intervenes on each side, consisting possibly of a 
 dirk with its point resting in a quiver. The whole 
 is covered by a device in which two rosettes form 
 the central features, the lower one encircled by a 
 horseshoe-shaped object, and borne on a pair of out- 
 spread wings as previously described. This figure, we 
 shall find, recurs once more in a group in the adjoining 
 gallery, to which we shall shortly pass. 
 On the opposite side of the same projection of rock, 
 
 1 Clearly stony hilltops, as on the gates of Balawat. 
 
 2 Arranged, as Professor Ramsay suggests {Luke the Physician, p. 212) 
 to resemble a yaiVicor. 
 
 3 Possibly, suggests Prof. Sayce, a sort of fringe. 
 
 p 
 
226 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 and therefore facing to the south, exactly where we 
 have defined the entrance, there is a group of two 
 figures ^ which have not been previously described, but 
 are characteristic and of special interest. These are 
 very difficult to trace on the weather-beaten rock, and 
 to make out the details it is necessary to examine them 
 in various lights, particularly in the early morning and 
 again in the early afternoon. By this means it is 
 possible to make out that the group consists of two 
 females or robed figures seated at opposite sides of 
 a table in the characteristic attitude seen on the slabs 
 representing ceremonial feasts, from Marash, Sinjerli, 
 Yarre, and elsewhere.^ One of the figures at least has 
 the appearance of a plait of hair or shawl thrown back ; 
 the chair on which she sits seems to be solid. Certain 
 emblems accompanied each figure, but these cannot 
 now be identified, except the oval emblem of sanctity 
 or divinity which surmounts each group. 
 
 On the next bend of the wall, some six yards distant, 
 and thus really outside the main chamber, there are 
 two monstrous winged figures just over three feet 
 high. They face one another on opposite sides of a 
 narrow rift in the rock, which seems to have been the 
 ancient approach to an inner sanctuary adorned also 
 with a series of sculptures. That on the left hand^ 
 presents most detail. The body and limbs are human, 
 but the head is that of a lion, and two short wings are 
 added behind, of which the right is slightly raised and 
 the left hangs down. The hands are raised one on 
 each side of the head, and the fingers are extended like 
 claws, adding menace to the threatening aspect of the 
 jaws, as in warning to those who dared to approach 
 
 1 Nos. 66-67. The presence of sculptures at the spot -was noted by 
 Perrot and Chipiez. ^ of, pp. joi ff. and PI. Lxxv. (i). 3 j^o_ gs. 
 
PLATE LXIX 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI ; THE SMALL GALLERY AT lASILY KAVA 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI ; HITTITE PORTRAITS 
 Three figures from the group on the left itl the small gallery at lasily Kaya. 
 
lASILY KAYA : INNER GALLERY 227 
 
 the entrance over which it watched. A short tunic tied 
 across the waist reaches barely to the knees, and 
 around the lower edges a broad fringe may be traced. 
 The upper part of the body seems also to be clad in a 
 garment fastened down the front. The carving of the 
 companion figure,^ on the opposite side, seems hardly 
 to have been completed in detail, though it reproduces 
 in general the design and appearance of the former. 
 
 The entrance which these creatures guard is now 
 closed by fallen stones, and access to the interior is 
 gained further to the right by climbing over stones 
 and rubbish at a place which would seem to have been 
 originally closed. On entering from this end we find 
 ourselves in a narrow gallery between vertical walls of 
 rock, which open out slightly as we advance. By the 
 original entrance, however, the approach would be 
 from the broader end.^ On the west side there are 
 carved twelve male figures^ side by side, resembling 
 the similar group in the main chamber already 
 described.* In this case, however, the group is low 
 down, and until recent times was partly or wholly 
 covered with earth, so that the sculptures are in 
 excellent preservation.' The action and attitude of 
 the figures suggests a quick march in line. The 
 costume and details in each case are the same, and have 
 already become familiar. Bach wears a short tunic 
 with a fold in front, a belt around the waist, shoes 
 with upturned toes, conical ribbed hats with brim, and 
 a horn-like emblem attached to the front. The earring 
 is plain in several cases. The left arm is forward and 
 turned up at the elbow, the hand being empty. The 
 
 1 No. 69. 
 
 2 The broad end is not altogether enclosed, but leads to rooky broken 
 ground. 
 
 3 Nos. 70-81, * Nos. 32-43 L. ^ PI. LXIX. (li). 
 
228 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 right hand holds a weapon like a sickle, which rests 
 upon the shoulder, the curved part of the blade being 
 upwards. The form is very nearly that of the sacred 
 khopesh of Egypt.^ The figures are not unnaturally 
 stolid, but the faces are heavy and the nose and lips 
 thick, though not protrusive. 
 
 On the opposite wall are two important sculptures, 
 facing in the same sense. The front one ^ is generally 
 regarded as an heraldic figure. It is very tall, being 
 about eleven feet in height. The upper part is the 
 body of a man, face right, wearing the conical hat with 
 ribs and rings. He is represented as clad in lion-skins, 
 two of which hang from the shoulders, the heads 
 facing outwards and replacing the arms, which are not 
 visible or suggested. The other pair hang downwards 
 from the waist, each suspended by one foot, their other 
 hind-legs being drawn under the bodies and approach- 
 ing close to one another. The heads of the lions reach 
 with the fore-paws to the approximate level of knees. 
 The whole design may be alternatively regarded as 
 composed of lions in this combination, replacing 
 altogether the body of the man, while reproducing 
 the same form. Below the knees the legs are replaced 
 by a device which may be taken for the tapering point 
 of a great dagger or dirk with midrib. The figure has 
 no visible frame. 
 
 We come now to the last sculptures of the series, 
 which form a group of two figures.^ The one is great 
 and majestic, reserabling on a large scale in all details 
 the youthful figure that stands upon the lioness in 
 the main series.* Only in this case the rings in the 
 conical hat are prominent, and seem not to lie wholly 
 
 1 Cf . The weapon carried by the men on the Phaestus cup. 
 
 2 No. 72. 3 Nos. 73, 74. « No. 2 E. 
 
PLATE LXX 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI : THE DIRK-DEITY, CLAD IN LION SKINS 
 In the small gallery at lasily Kaya. 
 
lASILY KAYA : INNER GALLERY 229 
 
 between the ribs, but to be bisected by them. The left 
 hand also, which in the other figure holds the double- 
 headed axe, here grasps the upraised right wrist of a 
 smaller figure, which his left arm enfolds about the 
 neck. This smaller figure is in all respects similar to 
 that which we have met with twice previously in the 
 outer chamber,^ clad in the toga as before, and carry- 
 ing the lituus reversed in the hand which is free. The 
 curled end of a pigtail is seen behind his shoulder, but 
 this may be judged to belong to the larger figure, on 
 account both of its large scale and position, and because 
 the bare neck of the smaller figure is visible. Both 
 figures are identified by the emblems which accompany 
 them : the greater by the device of a small body and 
 legs, held up as in its counterpart by the outstretched 
 right hand; the smaller one by the composite group 
 placed in the bare space above his head to the right. 
 This is the same as that accompanying the figure 
 mentioned,^ except for the small central figure which 
 is here replaced by a different symbol, thought by 
 some to be a phallus. The symbols on either side give 
 the impression of uraei crowned with a disk, seen in 
 full face, but the real motive is doubtful. 
 
 So many and so various are the hypotheses that 
 have been put forward as to the meaning of these 
 sculptures,^ that it will prove less confusing perhaps to 
 regard them entirely de novo. We are the more con- 
 
 1 Nos. 22 K., 9 L. 2^0. 22 R. 
 
 ' See particularly Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. pp. 
 149-153 ; Ramsay, Luke the Physician, chap. vi. ; and Journal Royal 
 Asiatic Society, vol. xv., New Series (1885), pp. 113-120; Hamilton, Re- 
 searches, etc. (i.) p. 394; and for an illuminative anthropological point 
 of view, Frazer, Adonis, Attis, and Osiris {Golden Bough, iv. 2nd ed.), 
 bk. I. chap, vi., § 4, pp. 105-110. 
 
230 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 strained to do so, in that the attention of scholars has 
 been largely f ocussed on the identification of the deities 
 in the central group, without much consideration of 
 the series as a whole, or its relation to Boghaz-Keui 
 and the Hittite peoples. It seems to us that the whole 
 series must from its composition illustrate one central 
 idea, on which any explanation of individual figures 
 should throw some light. Looking then broadly at 
 the sculptures, it is clear that certain of the figures, 
 notably those with wings, are of divine aspect, repre- 
 senting gods or minor deities.^ The exalted figures 
 which lead the procession must then be those of gods or 
 of persons held in highest reverence. These are, on the 
 left, firstly, the great male figure borne on the shoulders 
 of two ministers, and behind him two other male figures 
 of like kind but lesser magnitude. On the right are the 
 leading female figure and the youth borne on the backs 
 of lionesses or panthers. Behind these is a pair of 
 female figures, clad like their leader, standing upon 
 the emblem of the two-headed eagle. These two 
 groups are parallel; if the leading figures are those 
 of gods, as we are led to infer, the pair of figures 
 which follow on each side should equally be gods or 
 personages of divine rank. Casting our eyes left and 
 right we find numerous figures clad in like fashion to 
 their leaders, and we conclude that the gods of the 
 Hittites at this stage of their art are represented in 
 their national costumes as they are in human form.^ 
 
 ^ These, it seems to us, have been too much neglected in attempts 
 which have been made to elucidate the meaning of the sculptures. 
 
 2 Frazer, Adonis, Attis, and Osiris {The Golden Bough, iv., 2nd ed.), 
 p. 107, reminds us that the deities associated with animals are probably 
 derived from a more primitive conception when the god was indistinguish- 
 able from the beast. Doubtless the lioness (or panther) and the eagle 
 were cult objects, if not totems, before they were humanised. In fact, 
 in the sphinx and human-headed eagle, there is seen the intermediate 
 anthropomorphic stage. The human forms were already developed in 
 
lASILY KAYA : GENERAL VIEW 231 
 
 The train which follows the goddess and her youthful 
 companion and the female divinities of the double 
 eagle is composed of females, many of whom are 
 denoted by special symbols.^ In these we see the 
 priestesses of the cult or cults, wearing the dress and 
 simulating the persons of the goddesses.^ The common 
 costume on the left, excluding certain special figures,' 
 is the short tunic characteristic of the Hittite soldiery 
 and people. In these male figures we readily recognise 
 two classes. First, those who mingle with the main 
 procession, and are often denoted by special symbols. 
 These seem to be the priests, though some of the fore- 
 most may be demi-gods. Second, those who form a 
 group of twelve at the end of the procession. These 
 may represent the populace * taking part in the rites 
 represented. 
 
 Where now is the king under whose direction these 
 sculptures were made, and whose figure on the analogy 
 of all the commemorative sculptures of the ancient 
 East should occupy a place and rank second only to 
 the gods ? On the main facade he finds no place, for 
 the attendant figures in each case are in pairs, and the 
 
 Babylonia, whence they may have been derived, being superimposed on 
 the pristine native beliefs and fetishes. (On the relations with Baby- 
 lonia and kindred cults, see pp. 323, 355 ft.) We may assume that the 
 evolution of the mountain-god was similar, though inanimate. The 
 ' high place ' on Kizil Dagh, with image of the god carved on the rock, 
 (p. 181) is an illustration. Probably also the altar on Kuru Bel (p. 147), 
 may be most naturally explained as dedicated to the spirit of the 
 mountain or of the pass. 
 
 ' We do not deal with these symbols in detail, as the reading of some of 
 the signs is doubtful, and being isolated groups, they present special pit- 
 falls to attempts at translation. It is interesting to note, however, that 
 such priests and priestesses commonly received a special sacred name as 
 a mark of their ofBce. 
 
 ^ Cf. Ramsay, in Secueil de Travaux, xv. (1890), p. 78, on the priest- 
 classes of Asia Minor. 
 
 ' E.g. excluding Nos. 29-31 from the whole series, 19-43. 
 
 * Or servants of the temple. Cf. Strabo on the rites at Comana, bk. xii. 
 chap, xl., § 3. 
 
232 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 youth who follows the leading goddess to the right 
 shows no insignia of royalty, but seenas to be grouped 
 naturally with his leader. Looking around, we find 
 facing this scene the majestic figure clad in a toga,^ 
 accompanied by a whole group of emblems which 
 indicate his rank. He stands alone, exalted and dis- 
 tinguished, yet following as it were in the train of 
 the goddess. In the other procession, to the left,^ he 
 follows the figures of the lesser gods. In the inner 
 gallery he is embraced by the godlike figure of the 
 same youthful deity who, in the outer gallery, accom.- 
 panies the goddess ; and we are reminded of the Egyp- 
 tian text ^ which describes the representation of the god 
 of the Hittites embracing their king as the design upon 
 the royal signet which was attached to a treaty.* Now 
 this figure is that which is generally regarded as repre- 
 senting the high priest, and not without reason ; it 
 reappears without insignia as leading in the act of 
 sacrifice before the bull-shrine at Eyuk,^ and on two 
 sculptured blocks recently discovered at Boghaz-Keui, 
 we find the same again ministering before the altar.' 
 It mattered little what was the object of the cult ; the 
 costume was evidently that of the priesthood. Now 
 the same treaty informs us that the great king of the 
 Hittites was also chief priest of the god. The king- 
 priest indeed was a feature of Hittite national life, 
 and in this light we are able to interpret their monu- 
 ments across the Taurus also.' We are led to con- 
 clude that such is the explanation of these sculptures, 
 
 1 No. 22 R. 2 No. 9. 
 
 ^ The treaty of Rameses ii. with Hattusil. 
 
 * This analogy was first pointed out by the late De Cara, Gli Sethei 
 Pelasgi (Rome, 1894), i. p. 192. 
 <• Cf. below, p. 257 and PI. Lxxii. 
 ° Winckler, Report cit., pp. 57-58 ; above, p. 159. 
 ' C£. Pis. Lxxxi. (i) (Sakje-Geuzi^, and LXiv. (Malatia). 
 
PLATE LXXI 
 
 
 
 BOGHAZ-KEUI : HITTITE GOD EjMBKACING THE PRIEST 
 
 In the small gallery at lasily Kaya 
 
 Sutekh of the Hittites embracing the great King. 
 
 {Sic also p. 228.) 
 
lASILY KAYA : HISTORICAL POINTS 233 
 
 and that in the figures before us we have both chief 
 priest and king. The problem is now much simplified. 
 The kingly figure accompanies both processions : that 
 in which his majesty is most clear is that of the great 
 goddess and her consort; while on the other side he 
 seems to embrace or at least to sanction by his 
 presence the worship of the other deities. 
 
 It is possible, however, that when the minutiae of 
 the royal insignia, the winged rosette, shall be more 
 thoroughly understood, it will be found that these two 
 kings are not one and the same person. Who then can 
 they be ? Why are they associated here together with 
 so many different deities? Who are these deities? 
 What can be the meaning of the whole series of repre- 
 sentations ? 
 
 Before attempting to answer any of these questions, 
 let us pause to remind ourselves of several funda- 
 mental considerations. Recent discoveries have made 
 it clear that in the fourteenth century B.C. the 
 organising centre of the Hatti power— the capital, in 
 short, of the Hittite peoples — was at Boghaz-Keui. So 
 far as we can see, this was the greatest period of the 
 Hittite empire, when their arms were not only contest- 
 ing the possession of Syria with the Pharaohs, on the 
 one hand, but had penetrated through Lydia to the 
 jEgean on the other. We are prepared to believe that 
 the great sanctuary of lasily Kaya was also the pro- 
 duct of this age, if only from the fact that it is the 
 most imposing monument which has survived. The 
 intimate correspondence, moreover, in the nature and 
 treatment of the chief male figures with those which 
 from their position beyond the Halys must belong to 
 the period of empire, like the sculptures of Kara-Bel and 
 Giaour-Kalesi, points also to this period. We are indeed 
 
234 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 already prepared in our minds for this suggestion by 
 the clear correspondence of the seal impressed upon 
 the treaty between Hattusil and Rameses the Great 
 with the design of the sculpture in the inner sanctuary 
 described above. Now the constitution of the Hittite 
 power at this period was clearly a confederacy, an 
 alliance of petty states, the traces of which may be 
 found on both sides of the Taurus. The 'kings' of 
 those states were the 'allies' or vassals of the great 
 king who directed their military operations, and 
 whose seat at this time was at Boghaz-Keui. The 
 archives of the site itself confirm the point, which was 
 already suggested by the Egyptian monuments, and 
 especially from the intrinsic evidence of the treaty 
 (which has now, in view of recent discoveries, become 
 authenticated material for our use). 
 
 We have made this digression to establish certain 
 facts, the appreciation of which seems to us fundamental 
 to a right consideration of the problem of the sculptures. 
 Briefly put, these are : that Boghaz-Keui marks the site 
 of the Hittite capital at the time of the greatest Hittite 
 extension (in the xivth and xiiith centuries B.C.) ; that 
 the constitution of the Hittite power at this time was 
 a confederacy of states from both sides of the Taurus ; 
 and that the sanctuary of lasily Kaya was contem- 
 porary with this period. We may expect then to find 
 the national deities most prominent in the sculptures. 
 Again, having due regard to the nature of the states, 
 each ruled by its own king or priest-king, each separ- 
 ated from its neighbour by the broken nature of the 
 country, developing its own customs, ritual, and religion, 
 it is not to be supposed that any common national cult 
 could supplant or greatly change the local worships. 
 The definite history of later times leads us to infer the 
 
lASILY KAYA : MOTHER-GODDESS 235 
 
 contrary; and we are again confirmed in this con- 
 clusion by the evidence of the treaty, to the sacred- 
 ness of which the numerous gods of states were called as 
 witness.^ With some of the states the national deity, 
 or the national word for a deity (Sutekh), is associated ; 
 others mention their separate deities by name. 
 
 Let us return now to the sculptures. The first two 
 figures on the right hand, the female and the youth 
 who ride the backs of lionesses, are recognised almost 
 unanimously by scholars as prototypes of the great 
 Mother-goddess (ma) of Asia Minor and her Lover-son, 
 identified on the one hand with Cybele and Attis, as 
 with Istar and Tammuz on the other. This identifica- 
 tion, while it helps us to conjecture the local attributes 
 of the deities, enables us also to recognise at once the 
 national character of the leaders in the procession, 
 for the cult of the Nature goddess was world-wide. 
 Her association with the lioness is familiar in her 
 many guises, as for instance in Phrygia, where she 
 rides in a lion-drawn car. Doubtless in the Lion- 
 goddess accompanied by the Lion-son there is a remin- 
 iscence of some primitive worship, the origins of 
 which perhaps were already lost to view, and which 
 we must seek somewhere in the hilly borders of the 
 Euphrates valley. The Lion pair is followed by the 
 twin deities of the Double Eagle, goddesses both.^ The 
 significance of the double-headed eagle is unknown. 
 But that there was a local worship associated with 
 the eagle is indicated alike by the discovery at Boghaz- 
 Keui of a sculptured head of this bird, in black stone, 
 
 • Cf. Winckler, Report cit., p. 36 (below, p. 338), where the same custom 
 is illustrated in a treaty with the Mitanni. 
 
 2 Incidentally it is of interest to note that an eagle was associated with 
 the rites of Sandon of Tarsus, identified with the Son-god, who here 
 precedes the eagle-deities. Cf. Frazer, op cit., p. 99. 
 
236 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 larger than natural size,^ and by a newly deciphered 
 cuneiform fragment from the same site, on which 
 mention is made in ideographic writing of the house 
 or temple of the eagle." That such a cult was general 
 within the circuit of the Halys is suggested by the 
 great monument which now lies prone in a wild spot 
 overlooking the river near to Yamoola,^ and by 
 various smaller objects. At Eyuk also there is a 
 conspicuous though partly defaced representation of 
 a priest of the Double Eagle, on a sphinx-jamb of the 
 palace gateway,'' a symbolism which we read to imply 
 that the occupant of the palace was chief priest of 
 the cult. This palace, however, at so short a distance 
 from the capital, probably marks the site of a royal 
 estate rather than an independent kingdom. Now we 
 have already come to the conclusion that the sculp- 
 tures on the right-hand procession pertain particularly 
 to the locality of Boghaz-Keui, inasmuch as the chief 
 representation of the king-priest is associated with 
 this group. Hence we conclude that, following the 
 images of the national deities on this side (the Mother- 
 goddess and her Son, the Lion deities), there come the 
 images of the local cu.lt of this part of Cappadocia, 
 namely, the twin goddesses of the Double Eagle. The 
 other female figures of this side distinguished by 
 separate symbols represent probably the priestesses 
 of the cults, which may have been to some extent 
 allied ; while the continued procession of nameless 
 women recalls to mind the rite of self-dedication 
 practised in the temples of Istar at Babylon.^ 
 
 The left-hand series of sculptures is more complex, but 
 
 1 Berlin Vorderasiatisches Museum (Konigl. Mus.), No. 977. 
 
 2 Letter from Professor A. H. Sayce, July 23, 1909. 
 
 ' See above, p. 153 and PI. XLix. < See p. 269. 
 
 " Of. Herodotus, 1. 199 ; Strabo, xvi. 1. 20. 
 
lASILY KAYA : FATHER-GOD 237 
 
 open to explanation in general terms on the same line 
 of argument. The leading figure clearly represents 
 the Father-God (in contraposition to the Mother- 
 Goddess), the Zeus of the Greeks, the Baal of Tarsus, 
 the ' Sutekh,' or national deity of the Hittites. This 
 is shown supported upon the shoulders of two priestly 
 attendants, who, like the lions opposite, seem to stand 
 upon the tops of mountains. There is in this detail a 
 lurking reminiscence or absorption of a mountain-cult, 
 which becomes clearer in the two figures which follow. 
 These deities we take to be the local forms of ' Sutekh ' 
 pertaining to different Hittite states^ other than 
 Cappadocian; the first is distinguished by the un- 
 sheathed sword, the second by a detail of his dress, 
 but both are almost identical with the leader, while 
 both stand upon mountain-tops. It is significant that 
 the peoples whom we suspect from their dress to have 
 descended from the mountains should preserve also 
 in this way the unconscious memory of their ancestral 
 deity. Another figure of like kind follows, but it is 
 the two winged figures that particularly attract our 
 notice.^ Here in Hittite art we have clearly deities 
 from across the Taurus,' claiming place in the cere- 
 mony here depicted just as they claim separate 
 mention in the list of Hittite deities in the Egyptian 
 treaty.* There follows the image of a priest-king ; but 
 whether that of the great king seen on the opposite side, 
 or of a vassal king from beyond the Taurus similarly 
 
 • Independently Professor Sayce informs us that he has recognised in 
 the symbol accompanying the first of these the emblem of the kingdom 
 of Kas, the second state of the confederacy. '^ Nos. 5, 7. 
 
 ^ Compare especially No. 5 with the winged deity of Malatia. PI. XLiv. 
 
 * In view of the proposition of Sayce (Proc. S.B.A. 1904) that there were 
 nine chief Hittite states, It is remarkable to notice that the figures 
 preceding this priest may be regarded as representing seven different 
 gods or cults, while two are represented in the opposite series. On this 
 subject see also below, p. 348. 
 
238 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 accompanying his deities, is not determined. The 
 star-like emblem^ and crescent which he bears must 
 be a clue, if only it could be interpreted. At this 
 point we suspect the list of divine beings gives way 
 to the sacred ; but it may be that the gods of minor 
 states (in all cases identified with the great god) con- 
 tinue to occur, accompanied in several cases by their 
 local retinue. Finally there conies the group of 
 moving beings, which alone tells us that the scene 
 which we are looking on is the picture of a rite, and 
 not a mere commemoration of an alliance. 
 
 What then is this rite ? There is little direct evidence 
 to answer us. In the central group are the images of 
 male and female deities, accompanied by a youth, 
 Nature's divine Triad. We cannot hope at this stage 
 of our knowledge to penetrate the mystery of the 
 symbolism seen in the mountains, the lions, and the 
 goats. But from what is known of the cult of Cybele 
 in her various forms, and of Attis, her lover-son, 
 whose attributes are distinguished yet identified in 
 the separate cults of Baal and Sandon of Tarsus, there 
 can be little doubt as to the main object of the cere- 
 mony.^ The rejuvenescence of Nature, symbolised by 
 the divine nuptials of the Goddess of Earth with the 
 God of Fertility, is the central motive ; and the fruits 
 of the earth are the issue. But though we recognise 
 the nature of the cult, we do not feel justified in pre- 
 supposing anything but a general resemblance between 
 the local worship and the rites practised elsewhere in 
 later times. That which we do see in this monument is 
 a national religious ceremony of the Hittites, at which 
 the local deities of the chief states, or the divine person- 
 ages representing them, were present. In this cere- 
 ' For a full Insight into these cults see Frazer, op cit,, pp. 97, HO, 
 
lASILY KAYA : RELIGIOUS UNION 239 
 
 mony the image of the national god was borne upon the 
 shoulders of his priests ^ to the shrine of the Mother- 
 Goddess, which was found in the local sanctuary of 
 the capital. The objective was that the earth should 
 be fertile and yield her produce, that the fruits should 
 ripen and the ears of corn grow fat. As to the season 
 when this ceremony took place, there is little sugges- 
 tion. The spring-time is that which seems to us 
 appropriate ; but if the grotesque figures in the left- 
 hand series ^ really stand upon a wine-press, and if the 
 group of men ^ on the same side really hold sickles in 
 their hands, then the harvest-time is indicated. On 
 the other hand, the ceremony may have been seasonal 
 or irregular, or adapted to some great date of the 
 Hittite calendar. Speculation on the point is useless. 
 As to the further nature of the rites we remain like- 
 wise in ignorance, realising only the dance or march 
 of the men and the presence of the women, and having 
 only the knowledge which has been handed to us of 
 rites practised at the shrine of the goddess in other 
 places. 
 
 If we pass to the inner sanctuary we only find our- 
 selves face to face with new mysteries. The group of 
 figures on the left is clearly a counterpart to those 
 depicted in the outer chamber, suggesting the cere- 
 monies in the act. But on the opposite side the two 
 separate sculptures are of new and independent char- 
 acter. In the one is seen the dirk-deity enfolded in 
 lion-skins ; in the other the youthful god, now assum- 
 ing a greater dignity, embraces the king. It has been 
 suggested, with much apparent reason,* that the 
 
 ' Cf . the rites of Comana (Pontus), Strabo, bk. xi. chap. iii. § 32 ; and in 
 the temple of Mabog, Lucian, De. Dea Syria. 
 '^ Nos. U, 15. ' Nos. 32-43. 
 
 * Professor Frazer, op, cit., p. 108, 
 
240 THE CAPITAL OF THE HATTI 
 
 symbolism may be interpreted to mean that the priest- 
 king or his representative is gently guided by the deity 
 ' through the valley of the shadow of death ' to 
 sacrifice. But we know of no parallel for such sym- 
 bolism in Oriental sculptures, and we prefer to see in 
 this inner chamber merely a special sanctuary of the 
 god, with images pertaining to his cult. In the one 
 the king is received as high priest into the presence 
 and embrace of the god. We have already seen that 
 such an action in itself was deemed of so great moment 
 that it formed the subject of the royal signet. There- 
 by, maybe, the king became invested with sanctity of 
 person ; in any case, his privilege of access to the god 
 is recognised. In the other sculpture, in our opinion, 
 we see the god once more, but in another guise, and 
 identified with another cult, which from its widespread 
 vogue and influence must have been almost national — 
 namely, that of a sacred dirk.^ A first attribute of 
 the kingship, indicating, it would seem, his priestly 
 office, was the guardianship of the sacred dirk, just -as 
 one might say ' Defender of the Faith.' That such a 
 dirk has some original reference to sacrifice we cannot 
 doubt. Here we find it forming the lower part of a 
 composite divine figure. The face of the deity may be 
 thought to suggest the Son-god: we are tempted to 
 believe in this identification by a somewhat venture- 
 some analogy. For this god is clearly to be identified 
 with the Sandon of Tarsus, Hercules son of Zeus ; and 
 in his early character Hercules is represented clad in 
 lion-skins, much as we see the deity before us. Hence 
 it is possible that the sculpture which decorates the 
 wall of the inner sanctuary commemorates some rite 
 
 1 Cf. Sculpture of Marash, p. HO, also the translations of Professor 
 Sayce, Proc. S.B.A. 1904-5. 
 
lASILY KAYA : THE SON-GOD 241 
 
 of investiture of the king with the insignia of his 
 office as high priest of the god. We see, then, in the 
 inner chamber a separate shrine of the Son-god, to 
 which the king had access, by virtue of his office as 
 high priest. The outer recess we regard as a shrine 
 of the Mother-goddess, adorned on the one side with 
 the symbolism of her cult, and on the other with the 
 representation of the rite we have described. The 
 further consideration of the historical aspect of these 
 sculptures belongs to a later chapter. 
 
WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 Part I.— The Palace and Sculptures of Eyuk. 
 
 In the foregoing chapter it has incidentally become 
 apparent that the northern capital arose to greatness 
 as the centre of a military organisation rather than as 
 the geographical or economic focus of a country. The 
 alliance between the states, though seen to us mainly 
 as a confederacy in arms, cannot have been without 
 effect in tending to some extent to unify, if not to 
 nationalise, the local customs and institutions. On the 
 other hand, they were separated in many cases by 
 physical boundaries that must otherwise have fostered 
 and emphasised their natural differences. In passing 
 then to examine such of these minor capitals as have 
 been sufficiently disclosed to us by excavation, it will 
 be a special and constant interest to note how far a 
 common or mutual influence in art and architecture 
 can be traced among their ruins. The result is, on the 
 whole, surprising. We can only single out for com- 
 parison one site from Asia Minor and two neighbouring 
 sites in the North of Syria ; and though the inquiry is 
 rendered difficult through insufficient chronological 
 material, and the result complicated by the intrusion 
 of other influences more potent on the one side than 
 the other, nevertheless we shall find a correspondence 
 in general features and in some detail which is sufficient 
 
 212 
 
THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 248 
 
 at any rate to stamp them as products of the same 
 civilisation, all dominated by a common motive, even 
 though separated by some generations or maybe 
 centuries in point of time. 
 
 We begin with the site of Byuk, a village situated 
 some twenty miles northwards from Boghaz-Keui, 
 sufficiently near to have been closely in touch with the 
 activities and culture-progress of the capital, albeit 
 sufficiently far to have maintained some local peculi- 
 arities. Here the ruins which we now know to be 
 Hittite were lighted upon by Hamilton,^ ' the prince of 
 travellers,' in 1835; subsequently they were visited by 
 Barth ^ and Van Lennep.^ The account of them given 
 by the last-named, who was for thirty years a 
 missionary in Turkey, was the first attempt to hand 
 down a reliable and complete description, accompanied 
 by a rough plan of a building and sketches of the 
 sculptures which adorned its portico. Then came 
 Professor Ramsay, in 1881, and in the record* of his 
 visit to these monuments we have the first scholar's 
 impression of their meaning and significance. M. 
 Perrot visited the site and incorporated his notes in 
 his great work on Exploration Archiologique,^ and 
 many inquirers have followed in his wake. The 
 Liverpool Expedition of 1907 called here and secured a 
 complete series of photographs and a measured plan ; ^ 
 and subsequently in the same year the Ottoman Govern- 
 ment was enabled to make some useful clearances in 
 
 1 Researches in Asia Minor, etc. (London, 1842), i. pp. 382-3. 
 
 2 Beise von Trapesunt nach Scutari, pp. 42 and 43 ; also Uber die 
 Buinen bei Hejuk {Arch. Zeit. 1859, pp. 50, 59). 
 
 3 Travels in Little-known Parts of Asia Minor (London, 1870), pp. 129- 
 148. 
 
 * Ramsay on Z7ie Early Historical Belations of Phrygia and Cappa- 
 docia, Pt. 11 (Journal Royal Asiatic Society, xv., London, 1883), pp. 116. 
 
 * Also Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . ... Asia Minor, vol. ii. pp. 153-158, 
 8 Liv. Annals Arch., i. (1908), p. 3, and Pis. ii. and lii. 
 
244 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 front of the now famous portico of sphinxes, adding 
 considerable information, and bringing to light two 
 interesting sculptures which had lain previously- 
 buried.^ The accounts of these various writers, though 
 in the main agreed as to the nature of the ruins, differ 
 to some extent in their description of details, and very 
 considerably in their interpretation of the meaning of 
 the sculptures. This being so, we shall use our own 
 notes and plans as the basis of our description, indicat- 
 ing so far as possible the places where we differ in our 
 interpretation from one or other of the more recent 
 investigators. In the plan, also, we shall omit the 
 present position of those sculptured blocks no longer 
 in situ, but whose original position is known, because 
 they have been considerably moved in recent years, 
 leading to discrepancies in successive published plans. 
 We shall also for the same reason use letters instead of 
 figures to denote the blocks, in order to avoid further 
 confusion with the various classifications and enumera- 
 tions that have been published. 
 
 The mound which the little hamlet of Eyuk just 
 covers is more or less quadrangular in shape with 
 rounding corners; its length from north to south is 
 about 250 yards, and its width a little more. It is not 
 prominent as one approaches from Boghaz-Keui, as it 
 rises gently from the plain on that side, attaining its 
 greatest height of forty to forty -five feet towards its 
 northern limits, whence it gives way again somewhat 
 steeply to the level ground. The background on this 
 side is a range of low hills, from which, however, the 
 mound is quite distinct and separated. Traces of a 
 wall enclosing the top of the mound may be seen here 
 
 1 Macridy Bey, La parte des sphinx a Euyulc (Mitteilungen der 
 Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1908, 3). 
 
EYUK: THE MOUND AND RUINS 245 
 
 and there, and would be readily followed out by 
 excavation. Near the northern brink the masonry 
 is visible inside a stable with a low-lying floor ; in fact, 
 the new wall has partly used the old one for a founda- 
 tion. It is generally similar in construction to some of 
 the roughly polygonal masonry seen in some interior 
 walls at Boghaz - Keui, like that which surrounds 
 Beuyuk Kaleh. Hereabouts also a postern-way is 
 reported, constructed entirely like that on the south 
 slope of the acropolis at Boghaz-Keui, roofed with 
 corbelled masonry, and sufficiently high for a man to 
 walk through it upright. It can be followed in a 
 southerly direction for some fifteen yards, when it 
 turns abruptly westwards and continues for six or 
 seven yards further.^ In the ridge of the roof there 
 may be noted a flat slab of stone perforated with a 
 circular hole, as for the admission of light, or the 
 drainage of water from above. We are not told to 
 what depth the roof is now buried beneath the surface. 
 About tw^enty yards westward from this spot, on the 
 mound, there are a number of dressed blocks of stone, 
 one of which at least has a rounded hole in one face, 
 a feature noticeable in several instances at Boghaz- 
 Keui. 
 
 From these general indications of an ancient walled 
 town ^ we pass to the more famous sculptures, which 
 are found on the lowest part of the mound towards 
 the south-east, about twenty yards only from the culti- 
 vated plain. These decorated the lowest course of the 
 facade of a gateway which in plan resembles closely 
 
 1 First noticed by Macridy Bey, op. cit., p. 2. 
 
 2 A town Teiria, of the ' Leuco-Syrians,' is mentioned by Hecataeus of 
 Miietns (Fragm. Hist. Graec, ed. Miiller-Didot, No. 194). M. Maspero 
 inclines to the identification of this place with Eyuk (2'he Passing of 
 Empires, p. 338). 
 
246 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 that of the Lion-gate on the acropolis at Boghaz-Keui. 
 This plan is shown to scale on the opposite page, so 
 that we do not need to give detailed measurements 
 of the blocks where the arrangement involves no 
 reconstruction. Fortunately, though exposed for long 
 ages, the alignment of the stones remains almost 
 intact, so that the plan of this interesting gateway 
 may be determined without much difficulty. It re- 
 mains also unique hitherto among Hittite works of 
 Asia Minor. 
 
 As in the Lion-gate at Boghaz-Keui this entrance has 
 an outer and an inner doorway. The nearer one lies 
 back from the frontage of the main wall a distance of 
 just over thirteen feet. The width between the corners 
 of the approach (E, G), making allowance for a slight 
 displacement of the corner-stones, is almost exactly 
 twenty feet : this is reduced between the great mono- 
 liths which form the jambs to a few inches over 
 eleven feet. The interval between the faces of the 
 outer and inner monoliths on either side is about twenty- 
 six feet, which must have been approximately the 
 distance from one door to the other. Between the two 
 gateways the space widens out to the same width as 
 the approach outside ; but inside the inner gate the 
 walls return at once on either side (II, KK) without 
 any approach on that side corresponding to that from 
 without. Thus the projection of the walls flanking 
 the approach beyond the gates becomes by comparison 
 with the Lion -gate at Boghaz-Keui an established 
 feature of Hittite military architecture, designed to 
 protect the gateway by enfilading fire from above.^ 
 
 The recent excavations conducted by Macridy Bey 
 have thrown light on several important features not 
 '■ Cf. the citadel gateway of Sinjerli, p. 278. 
 
EYUK: PLAN OF THE SPHINX-GATE 247 
 
248 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 previously determined. From the plan which he 
 publishes^ it would seem that the frontage to the 
 approach, on the left side at any rate (E, F), is really 
 the outer wall of the gate tower and external to the 
 main wall. We are thus confirmed in our conclusion 
 that the entrance was flanked on either side by extra- 
 mural towers, as later well known in Roman military 
 forts and mediseval architecture of Europe. Unfor- 
 tunately the excavators did not carry on their inquiry 
 to ascertain (as might have been done with little diffi- 
 culty) the line of frontage of the main wall of the whole 
 building or enclosure. This we suspect would be in 
 line with the nearer monoliths, though from a sug- 
 gestion upon the plan it may have been a little nearer 
 the interior — a position which from several reasons 
 would not be probable — and, indeed, such a wall must 
 have been much stouter than anything marked upon 
 the plan. 
 
 From the foundations preserved it would seem that 
 each tower was designed with chambers. Two other 
 strong oblong chambers or vaults may be noted in 
 the thickness of the wall, and there seems to be indi- 
 cation in the plan of a continuation to the series. The 
 excavators were troubled by the fact that no door 
 openings were found to these rooms.^ As no section 
 is given by them to show the relative levels of the 
 different walls, it is not possible to form an opinion as 
 to whether they are at all preserved above the lower 
 courses. It is in any case interesting to observe that 
 in military Roman forts of later days (in the earlier 
 system of the first and second centuries) the chambers 
 on the lower fioors of such guard-rooms were often 
 merely vaults or cellars, gained from the upper floor 
 ' Op. cit., PI. I. fig. 10. 2 Macridy Bey, op. cit., p. 6. 
 
EYUK: TWO BUILDING PERIODS 249 
 
 (which was nearly level with the sentry-go upon the 
 wall) by means of an internal ladder. 
 
 There is a still more important fact revealed by this 
 recent excavation, the full significance of which does 
 not seem to have been noted. This is the discovery, on 
 the left hand, of a lower frontage wall or foundation 
 (X, Y), upon which the upper one partly rests. Now 
 between these upper and lower walls there is, according 
 to the plan, a clear angle of deviation amounting to 
 five degrees. The masonry of the lower wall corre- 
 sponds with the roughly ' polygonal' system of walling 
 illustrated on Beuyuk Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui and 
 elsewhere, while that of the upper consists en- 
 tirely of large square blocks of granite, nearly 
 uniform in height and mostly five or six feet in 
 length, bound together by means of 'joggles,' and 
 backed by a revetment of rough stones, making the 
 whole about two metres thick. So far as one can 
 judge from the published evidence, there is clear sug- 
 gestion of two different building periods, as we noted 
 in regard to the lower palace at Boghaz-Keui. The 
 earlier one is seen in a stout military wall of polygonal 
 type, the later in the line of sculptured blocks which 
 was built partly over the remains of the other. The 
 monoliths and other sculptures, and the visible remains 
 in general, belong to this later series. 
 
 Before passing on to a consideration of the sculptures 
 there are two or three architectural points to be noted. 
 In the large cubes for the frontage vrall, it is noticeable, 
 particularly in the interior, that their faces are dressed 
 only for a width of five or six inches around the edges, 
 while the rest of the face projects considerably beyond 
 this dressed line. This seems to have been a regular 
 mason's method of treatment, for the same may be 
 
250 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 noticed in the smaller stones in the main wall at the 
 approach to the Lion-gate at Boghaz-Keui (PI. LX.). It 
 is clear that in the latter case no sculptures were 
 contemplated, hence this feature does not necessarily 
 imply that such stones were left by the mason for the 
 sculptor, and remained for some reason unfinished, 
 nor even that the sculptures were wont to be carved 
 after the stones had been placed in position.^ If the 
 latter was true, it must be proved from other evidence ; 
 the contrary conclusion seems to be more probable 
 prima facie, and to be borne out to some extent by the 
 general completeness of the group of sculptures upon 
 each stone individually, and by the care with which the 
 bottom-most details of the reliefs are executed, features 
 which would have tended to be neglected had the stone 
 been already in position on the ground. Another point 
 is the reconstruction of the doorway, whether as a canti- 
 lever archway, as at Boghaz-Keui, or by a single massive 
 lintel. The great size of the granite block which marks 
 the threshold shows that the latter method was pos- 
 sible to the engineers, and part of the lintel may per- 
 haps be seen in a huge square-cut mass of granite {i), 
 with a few hieroglyphs upon it, which lies, unclaimed 
 for any other purpose, in front of the gateway, where 
 it might easily have fallen. On the other hand, the 
 clear space between the jambs is nearly t'welve feet in 
 length, and it may be thought that the jambs are not 
 designed of sufficient relative proportions to support a 
 mass and weight so great as would have been required 
 of a single stone that spanned them. In the preserved 
 upper part of the left-hand monolith also (B) it may 
 be seen that the horizontal portion declines a little as 
 though to form the offspring of an arch, while the 
 
 ' In this conclusion we differ from Macridy Bey, op, cit., pp. 11, 13. 
 
EYUK: MASONRY OF WALLS 251 
 
 vertical stop is inclined slightly outwards, as though 
 designed to receive the direct thrust of an arch, whether 
 of two large stones or of many small ones. The thrust 
 would be further taken by a backing of masonry behind 
 the monoliths, which may be seen from the plan to 
 have been included in the original design. Notwith- 
 standing these considerations, the material evidence in 
 this case is in favour of a great stone lintel, of strength 
 and size proportionate to the width of its span. 
 
 A third point is the reconstruction of the upper 
 courses of the building, and this involves a consideration 
 of the mutual relation of the upper and lower walls of 
 the frontage (EF and XY). With regard to the upper 
 wall (EF), a dressed block of the second course remains 
 seemingly not much out of its original position.^ This 
 prepares us for the restoration of the whole course in 
 stone, and possibly another fallen block (lying Just in 
 front of that marked /) might be fitted into place to 
 the left hand of the former. This creates for itself a 
 precedent, for in other sculptured walls that are known, 
 as at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi, the wall was carried up 
 in brick. In those cases, however, the sculptures were 
 carved on facing slabs merely, not on cubical building 
 blocks, so that for architectural analogy we must look 
 rather to the palace at Boghaz-Keui. The latter, how- 
 ever, furnishes no direct evidence on the point, though 
 M. Perrot suspected that it was carried up on a 
 timber frame. We must, then, accept the suggestion 
 of this single stone in situ ; but we must hesitate 
 to accept without clear proof the theory that there 
 were sculptures also on the second tier,^ a feature for 
 
 1 It may be seen in the photograph, PI. Lxxii. , and covers the sculptured 
 block marked e in the plan, extending a little way on either side. 
 
 2 The restoration suggested by Macridy Bey, op. cit,, p. 11. 
 
252 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 which we have no analogy in Hittite works. The two 
 sculptured blocks {x, y) recently found at a lower 
 level, in front of the lower wall (XY), represent sub- 
 jects entirely difPerent to those in situ, and seem from 
 the published photographs^ to illustrate a phase of 
 art as different as the early and later reliefs of Sinjerli. 
 Measurements taken of stones irregular in outline are 
 apt to be deceptive, and not until these, when tried, are 
 found to fit accurately into the position suggested, 
 alongside that which is in situ, on the second course of 
 the upper wall, can we believe that such was their 
 original position. It has been noted that these blocks 
 were found in the excavation which disclosed the lower 
 wall. Now there is clear suggestion, in plan and photo- 
 graph, that the lower wall was antecedent to the upper, 
 and bearing in mind the later level, -which is best seen 
 in the threshold between the sphinxes, it is highly 
 improbable that the lower wall remained exposed to 
 view at the time when the upper one was in use. It 
 was probably already hidden by debris and ruins. The 
 analogy of the palaces of Boghaz-Keui is entirely 
 accordant. We are inclined, therefore, to believe that 
 the two sculptured blocks in question {x, y), represent- 
 ing scenes of the chase, belong to the earlier period 
 coeval with the lower wall. However that may be, 
 the evidence before us tells of two distinct phases in the 
 history of the Hittite Eyuk : the first when the site was 
 surrounded by a town wall, possibly with a decorated 
 gateway ; ^ the second after the earlier works had been 
 ruined (like the neighbouring palace of the Hatti at 
 Boghaz-Keui), and in their place a palace was con- 
 
 ' Macridy Bey, op. cit., iigs. 23, 24. 
 
 2 Cf. the ' Stadt-thor' at Sinjerli ; Von Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Send- 
 schirli (Berlin, 1902), Pis. xxix., xxxiv. ; and below, p. 27i. 
 
PLATE LXXII 
 
EYUK : THE SPHINX-GATE 253 
 
 structed with its entrance over the remains of the 
 older gateway. Later in this chapter we shall find 
 indication in an unplaced corner-stone (p) of still a 
 third building period, to which alternatively the newly 
 found blocks {x, y) may possibly be assigned. 
 
 The sculptures decorating this palatial entrance are 
 of two classes : there are the great monoliths forming 
 the jambs of the gateway, fashioned like sphinxes 
 (A, B, C, D), and there are the reliefs with which the 
 walls of the frontage and the approach- way are adorned. 
 The outer sphinxes (A, B) are almost identical : each is 
 over seven feet in height, while the blocks of which 
 they form a part are about ten feet high in all. The 
 inner sphinxes must have been similar but smaller.^ 
 Only the forepart of the sphinx is represented, and that 
 is in bold relief. The breast and fore legs are those of 
 a large animal ; this is generally supposed to represent 
 a buU,^ though that on the left has five toes or claws. 
 There is a bagginess as of pendent flesh between the 
 legs. The upper part is a human face, surrounded with 
 a wig or head-dress of sorts, which has the shape of a 
 horse-shoe, ending in front of the shoulders in a com- 
 pleted outward curve within which is an inner con- 
 centric circle. At the sides of the head this feature 
 comes outwards and forwards like a hood to protect 
 the ears and neck. It is fitted to the head by a broad 
 band around the brow; from this there descend in 
 front of the ears two long attachments to support a 
 collar which forms a band under the chin. That on the 
 left is plain ; but that on the right is ornamented with 
 
 'The recent excavators failed to see the remains of these sphinxes, op. 
 cit., p. 11, but they are quite plain in profile after the earth has been 
 cleared away ; see a photo, Liverpool Annals of Archceology, i. (1908), 
 PI. III. 
 
 2 Cf. for example, Murray's Handbook for Asia Minor, p. 27. 
 
254 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 three rosettes, each with six hollow loop-like petals. The 
 ears are human, but large and too low down. The eye- 
 sockets are hollowed as for insetting the eyes separately. 
 The face is too weathered to preserve much character ; 
 it may be judged to have been full and round, especially 
 in the upper part of the cheeks. The photograph 
 speaks more clearly than any length of description.^ 
 
 It has been supposed by early writers,^ and repeated 
 by many, that these sphinxes are of Egyptian sugges- 
 tion. But the sphinx in general is not necessarily 
 Egyptian : no one has traced any indigenous develop- 
 ment of it as an artistic motive or as a religious symbol. 
 It is much commoner in the Euphrates valley, where 
 also it is found in greater variety of form. Its meaning 
 in those more life-like representations becomes clearer. 
 There the strength and dominion of the monarch 
 are symbolised by the movement and force of the noble 
 beast upon which his features are portrayed. But in 
 Egypt the Sphinx is, for the most part, conventional 
 and lifeless, an adaptation to the religious after-death 
 symbolism which is the dominant motive of surviving 
 Egyptian art. The familiar posture in early examples is 
 sitting, and even the face is represented with so much 
 conventionality and death-like mystery that it has 
 given rise to an adjective in our language in the word 
 ' sphinx-like,' implying an unvarying aspect of potential 
 and mysterious serenity. Finally, no example of this 
 class of sphinx, where the body is that of a bull, seems 
 to have been found in Egypt, which could then hardly 
 have provided the model for these standing pon- 
 derous bull-sphinxes of Eyuk. 
 
 The face carved upon the sphinxes may be that of 
 
 1 PI. Lxxii. Cf. the details of the Sphinx from Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxxii, 
 ° Cf t Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 648. 
 
EYUK : THE SCULPTURES 255 
 
 the royal and priestly law-giver who dwelt within the 
 palace which they guarded, or it may be a conventional 
 type ; upon that point there is no evidence. We have 
 disclaimed any Egyptian motive in these sphinxes on 
 general grounds, but there are found two curious and 
 unexplained resemblances when we come to consider 
 the facial type portrayed and the manner in which it is 
 adorned. The one is in the portrait-statue ^ of Nefret, 
 a queen of Egypt in the middle of the twelfth 
 dynasty (before or about 2000 B.C.) a sculpture which 
 represents a type exceptional, indeed almost unique, 
 in Egyptian art. There is something to be borne 
 in mind, however, in making a comparison, namely, 
 that this statue may have been carved in the Delta, 
 and that ancient monuments of Lower Egypt are so 
 rare that their standard character is little known. 
 Hence it is not certain whether this peculiar monument 
 merely reproduces a type of which no other examples 
 have survived, or whether it was itself worked from a 
 model strange even to the Delta. In the latter case 
 the interesting explanation offers itself, that perhaps 
 as early as the twelfth dynasty the Egyptian kings 
 intermarried with Mesopotamian or Hittite princesses, 
 as was done during the eighteenth and nineteenth 
 dynasties. The other resemblance is found in an Etrus- 
 can monument,^ which presents a general similarity in 
 subject and treatment at once striking and noteworthy. 
 Turning now to the reliefs that adorn the frontage- 
 walls, it is seen that, as at lasily Kaya, two main series 
 are opposed to one another in the composition of the 
 
 ' See the photograph in Newberry, etc., Short History of Egypt (ed. 
 1907), frontispiece. The special feature of the horseshoe-like head-dress 
 occurs on scarabs of the Hyksos period (cf. the same writer's Scarabs, 
 London, 1906, PI. xxv. No. 30), another suggestion of Asiatic origins. 
 
 2 Berlin Mus., Etruscan Booms, No. 1251. Compare also some 
 weathered statues from Sinjerli described below, pp. 297, 298. 
 
256 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 whole. In both the main themes are religious. On 
 the left-hand side the shrine of a Bull is represented, 
 with priest and priestess and attendants bringing up 
 smaller animals to be sacrificed. On the right-hand 
 side the centre of -worship appears as an enthroned 
 goddess, twice depicted; and other stones in the row 
 are decorated with a bull and lion of magnificent 
 proportions. The cult-deity occupies in each case the 
 naturally prominent place, namely, the front face of 
 the corner-stones on either side, facing towards the 
 worshippers and others who follow in their train. 
 
 The bull (a), the object of adoration on the left, 
 stands on a panelled pedestal with projecting cornice. 
 His dewlap, hair, full chest, and heavy shoulders are 
 delineated, and he seems to bear some special marks 
 upon his flank and quarter. His generative organs are 
 represented, but not in exaggeration when allowance 
 is made for the tendency of old-time sculptors to 
 enlarge on details. He stands the emblem of earthly 
 strength and virility ; and it is reasonable to infer 
 from his counter-position to the Mother-goddess, that 
 he here separately embodies the essentially masculine 
 powers of her divine consort, with whom indeed he 
 seems to have been originally identified.^ 
 
 In front of the bull, the nearest object, on the next 
 stone, may be taken for an altar, the precise form of 
 which, however, is not apparent. It was presumably 
 round. Its pedestal narrows towards the top, and is 
 crossed by lateral bands, the alternate ones being deco- 
 rated by transverse lines in alternating series.^ The fig- 
 ure who leads the worshippers is the priest-king, a type 
 familiar in the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui and Malatia, 
 
 ' Cf. PI. XLiv. See also what is said about this cult on p. 359. 
 2 Cf. the round altars o£ Emir-Ghazi, p. 183, and tJie representations at 
 Fraktin, PI. XLVii. p. 150. 
 
EYUK : PRIEST AND PRIESTESS 257 
 
 only here he lacks the winged emblem which seems in 
 the former case to denote his sovereignty. Here, how- 
 ever, his dignity at the head of the procession is appar- 
 ent. He wears the same skull-cap, toga-like robe, ear- 
 rings, and shoes with upturned toes. In his right hand 
 is the reversed lituus, while his left, with the thumb 
 prominent, is stretched out towards the altar. He is 
 followed or accompanied by a female, the chief priestess, 
 his queen. We do not hesitate in this identification, 
 derived from general considerations, because this office 
 is associated with the queen in the description of the 
 seal of the treaty concluded between the Hittite and 
 Egyptian kings ^ to which we have previously alluded. 
 Her dress is interesting. She wears a skirt with 
 oblique curving pleats, and tightly fitting vest. Her 
 hair seems to descend behind as a pigtail almost to the 
 ground, though some stray plaits may be seen also 
 falling over the ear. The earring is plain : so too are 
 the turned-up points of her shoes. The arms are in a 
 curious position, and not easy to trace upon the stone : 
 it seems probable, however, that the left one is folded 
 under the right, and that it rests near the elbow upon 
 a staff, which may be seen to be inclined thence 
 obliquely towards the left foot, which is advanced. 
 The head of this staff is not visible, and it cannot be 
 said, therefore, whether it resembles those used similarly 
 by the priestesses in the right-hand series of sculptures 
 at lasily Kaya;^ it may be seen, however, to be 
 decorated by a series of short transverse parallel lines 
 down its whole length. The head-dress is broken away. 
 The face of this figure also is not well preserved, but it 
 may be seen to resemble that of the leader in the 
 
 1 Ct Sayce, The Bittites (1903), p. 39, for revised translation of this 
 passage in the treaty : cited below, p. 3i9, 2 Qf_ p]_ j,xvii. 
 
 E 
 
258 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 straightness of the nose, which is in line with the 
 receding forehead, a feature repeated too deliberately 
 and too often to be accounted for merely as a defect 
 in drawing.^ 
 
 Then here follows a gap from which a smaller stone 
 is missing ; to have escaped from the joggles that fixed 
 it in position it must have been broken, and has so 
 disappeared.^ The third stone (c) is well filled by a 
 scene representing a ram and three sheep led forward 
 by a man as to the sacrifice. The latter holds the ram 
 by the horns, and two of the sheep appear as an upper 
 register, in the usual convention which was intended 
 to convey the impression of distance ; by this arrange- 
 ment it is possible that a flock of sheep is symbolised, 
 as suggested by M. Perrot, but it is noticeable that the 
 number of animals is the same as the number of priest- 
 shepherds (or attendants), of whom three more are 
 shown following this group on the next stone (d). 
 These are clad uniformly in similar fashion to their 
 leader, and the only feature in this respect that dis- 
 tinguishes them from the chief priest is the fall of 
 their cloaks, which ends almost in a point behind the 
 foot. One hand of each is raised before the face, but 
 the other is employed differently in each case. The 
 leading attendant, it was noted, grasps the horn of one 
 of the animals. The first figure of the group that 
 follows (d) seems to be holding a cord or whip, the 
 continuation of which cannot, however, be traced on 
 the stone in front. The second holds up an object 
 which is worn away at the top, but ends below, level 
 with his elbow, in an outward curl. The last is repre- 
 sented similarly with both hands raised, but nothing 
 
 1 Cf. Pis. LXV.-LXVII. 
 
 ^ We cannot accept the theory of an intentional opening (Macridy Bey, 
 op. cit., p. 11). 
 
EYUK: THE STONEMASONS 259 
 
 can now be seen to have been held by them. The head 
 of this figure, too, is almost wholly obliterated. 
 
 Then follows, on the fourth stone, one of the most 
 curious representations of the series. This consists of 
 two small figures of men, one of whom is mounting a 
 ladder of twenty rungs, which rises obliquely from the 
 ground-level and ends at two-thirds of the height of 
 the stone. M. Perrot suggests that these were clowns, 
 which seems to be an unnecessary complication : it 
 is more natural to suppose that there is here com- 
 memorated some scene familiar in the rites, or in the 
 representation of them. The men are clad in short 
 tunics, and other details noticeable in their dress are 
 the helmet-like hat ^ of the man upon the ladder, the 
 skull-cap and earrings of the other, the girdle-knot of 
 both. The position of their hands is very curious 
 and interesting, and enables us to divine with some 
 certainty the real meaning of the group. In the 
 several photographs before us,^ taken from different 
 points of view in different lights, we get (as is com- 
 monly the case) a comparative effect of great assist- 
 ance in eliminating the unessential features on the 
 stone. It may be seen^ that the man upon the ladder 
 is not holding the ladder in order to climb up higher. 
 There is plain to careful scrutiny of the photograph 
 a small thin implement projecting below the clenched 
 hand, which is just clear of the ladder near the top. 
 The right hand is raised aloft and grasps a rounded 
 implement (more clearly seen in another picture), in a 
 natural attitude of striking a blow. He is working 
 with a chisel and mason's hammer ; it must be the 
 simplicity of the interpretation that has so long de- 
 
 1 Cf. p. 105, PI. XXXIX. 
 
 2 At the Liverpool Institute of Arpljaeglogy. 
 
 3 PI. LXXII. 
 
260 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 ferred it. Now the courses of this wall are about four 
 feet in height,^ so that a ladder of ordinary tread with 
 twenty rungs would rest approximately against the 
 fourth course or the fifth. If the man stood about the 
 middle of the ladder, which was nearly twice his own 
 height, as is suggested in the picture, he would be 
 working on the third or fourth course, or at the equi- 
 valent height. In either case it is implied that he is 
 dressing the wall face, as was commonly done after the 
 blocks had been fitted, and this being a last stage of 
 the building, the completion of the palace is com- 
 memorated by the sculpture. The possibility that the 
 sculptor here represents himself at work, as was not 
 unknown in Oriental mural decorations, seems to be 
 excluded by several considerations, the first being the 
 use of a long ladder, which would have been un- 
 necessary even for a second course of sculptures, and 
 the second the absence of any design on that part of 
 the stone where the chisel is at work. The figure 
 standing on the ground-level is seen to be at work in 
 similar fashion upon the lowest courses; he is repre- 
 sented in the act of striking his blow, the hammer 
 being in contact with the chisel.^ 
 
 On the same block there is depicted one of three 
 musicians, all of whom face in the reverse direction, 
 towards the left. They are presumably taking part in 
 another scene, not connected at any rate with the 
 groups of worshippers. The one in question is a 
 trumpeter, his instrument being a plain straight 
 trumpet with expanding end.^ His dress is the short 
 
 1 The stones of the lower course vary from 3 ft. 11 in. to 4 ft. 2 in. 
 
 2 This is more clearly suggested in a second photograph taken in the 
 afternoon, with the shadows to the right hand. 
 
 3 Traceable easily on the stone, but usually in shadow, owing to the 
 projection of the stone of the upper course. 
 
PLATE LXXIII 
 
 EVUK : SHRINK OF THE MOTHEK-GOUDESS 
 Sculpture decorating right frontage of palace entrance. 
 
 {See fi. 262.) 
 
 EVUK: MUSICIANS WITH BAGPIPE AND GUITAR 
 
EYUK : THE MUSICIANS 261 
 
 tunic, skull-cap, and tip-tilted shoe. He wears an ear- 
 ring, and the pigtail is thick and conspicuous, ending in 
 a curl well below the shoulder. The other musicians are 
 found on the next block (e). The middle one is clad 
 like the former, but his instrument is different. It is 
 an inflated skin, into which he is clearly blowing, 
 but no pipe is represented: we must suspect a drone 
 effect, the invariable accompaniment of Oriental 
 music.^ The third instrument is again different, 
 being a fine specimen of guitar, twanged, it would 
 seem, by the fingers. It is attached by a cord to the 
 waistbelt of the operator, and is decorated by loose 
 ribbons which flutter from the end. 
 
 On the last block (/) an ox is represented in outline 
 facing the original direction. Two round objects 
 accompany the scene, the one hollowed in the centre, 
 the other a plain disk. Upon the back of the animal 
 there is a load, the top of which projects. It is im- 
 possible to say what the motive of this sculpture was, but 
 being prepared for a non-religious interpretation by the 
 scenes which precede it, it may be explained as a beast 
 of burden, bringing a load towards the building of the 
 palace. Possibly the round objects represent the wheels 
 of a wagon which could not be introduced owing to 
 lack of space upon the wall, which here comes to an end. 
 
 The series of sculptures on the right hand, which 
 corresponds with those we have just described, opens 
 with the representation of a religious rite. In this case 
 it is a female deity, enthroned, that is the object of 
 
 1 'The bagpipe consists of the skin of a dog apparently, the insufflation 
 pipe being at the tail end, while the drone pipe was probably concealed 
 within the dog's head, with the vent through its mouth. The same idea 
 was carried out in the Middle Ages in Europe. Cf. Aristophanes, 
 Acharnians (i. 866) : ' you flute-players who are here from Thebes blow 
 the dog's tail with your bone-pipes ' (Extract from a letter from Miss 
 K. Schlesinger). 
 
262 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 adoration ; but we miss any distinctive features among 
 those who worship. The goddess is presumably to be 
 recognised here, again, as the prototype of Kybele, 
 the sanae who is similarly enshrined on Mount Sipylus,^ 
 and described by Pausanias as the Mother-goddess. We 
 have been able to identify her in the representations 
 of lasily Kaya,^ and on the rocks at Fraktin ; ^ and on 
 the other side of Taurus she is found in Hittite 
 mythology at Carchemish. She was plainly a deity 
 acceptable to all branches of the Hittite peoples, indeed 
 under other names and guises her worship was almost 
 general throughout the ancient east. In this case (l) 
 we find her seated, facing right, upon a low-backed 
 chair. Her dress is a long robe reaching to the ankles, 
 and beneath it, upon a low stone, her feet may be seen, 
 the left advanced, clad in shoes, the toes of which turn 
 up and back in a completed curve — a unique instance. 
 She wears a threefold collar, and her hair falls in a 
 long pigtail reaching to the seat of the chair between 
 its back and her body. The nose is angular and in line 
 with the receding forehead, but the head-dress is 
 broken away. With her right hand she holds some- 
 thing to her mouth, and with her left she holds aloft a 
 drinking-cup in the form of a goblet, the stem of which 
 is partly hidden by the hand, and not drawn straight. 
 The chair on which she sits has four legs, the feet 
 of which turn forward : the seat is slightly curved, and 
 the frame is supported by a spindle. 
 
 The worshippers (jn) are three in number, and seem 
 to be all similar to one another ; unfortunately their 
 faces are obliterated. They stand with one foot for- 
 ward, which is probably the right, as they are turned to 
 the left towards the goddess. They seem to be clad in the 
 
 1 PI. LIII. 2 pi_ LXV. 3 PI. XLVII. 
 
EYUK : SHRINE OF THE GODDESS 263 
 
 toga-like garment, as worn by the priest and his attend- 
 ants in the corresponding scene on the opposite side. 
 The front edge of this garment, however, is bordered in 
 some way and so prominently displayed that it has mis- 
 led many observers. The right arms of these figures 
 are advanced with hands uplifted.^ The left elbow is by 
 the side and bent, and the hand, opposite the middle of 
 the chest, clasps a straight staff about its middle, with 
 the upper end resting upon the shoulder in a natural 
 position. The top end does not curve (as suggested by 
 M. Guillaume's drawing), and if there was any embel- 
 lishment it was in the addition near the middle of the 
 crescental object seen better on a sculpture (a^) in 
 the left hand of the approach, which is described 
 below. The feature is not clear in this case, however. 
 This block is followed by a third (n) still in situ, on 
 which there may be faintly made out the representa- 
 tions of three other figures similar to those which 
 precede. The next block (o) is out of place, and some- 
 what lower than those of this facade : none the less it 
 is sufficiently near in position and in size for it to be 
 probable that it followed next in the series. Upon it 
 there is depicted with magnificent realism a buU,^ with 
 lowered head, as in the act of charging or preparing to 
 toss. Another stone (p), though at hand, is separated 
 from its neighbours, and standing now on end, does 
 duty as the jamb of a doorway into the public wash- 
 house of the village. This is carved with equally 
 vigorous realism, the subject being a lion holding 
 down a ram with his forefeet ; the hind legs, too, are 
 
 ' MM. Perrot and Guillaume in particular seem to have fallen before the 
 pitfalls of perspective in the picture, and their drawing is misleading 
 (Exploration Archeologique, Cappadoce, PI. lxiv. ; Art in . . . Asia 
 Minor, ii. , fig. 338). They have been followed by others. 
 
 ^ Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., p. 174, fig. 339. 
 
264 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 outstretched as though he had not recovered from his 
 spring. The tail is down and curls outwards. The 
 lion faces left, and the ram is transverse to the latter's 
 profile. This block must have served as corner-stone, 
 from the analogy of similar monuments at Sakje- 
 Geuzi ^ and elsewhere, in which the body of the lion is 
 carved in relief, with the head and forepart in the round. 
 Upon his back there is to be seen a squared surface for 
 the reception of the upper corner-stone. In this case 
 the ram also is in high relief, with head in the round, as 
 the length of its body corresponds with the thickness 
 of the stone.^ The treatment of detail on the flank and 
 quarters of the ram obeys a definite Hittite convention, 
 which is further illustrated by the two loose stones 
 recently discovered. These were found ^ below; and in 
 front of the lower frontage-wall on the left (x, y). Each 
 is carved in an upper and lower register. On the one, 
 in the upper part, a man is represented kneeling, taking 
 aim with bow and arrow against a wild boar which is 
 charging him. His dress is the short tunic and skull- 
 cap ; the bow is only medium length, but the arrow is 
 long and barbed. The animal is depicted with con- 
 siderable realism, especially the snout and bristles : 
 the tail ends in a treble point. In the register below> 
 a stag, facing left, is nibbling at some herbage ; the 
 artist has been short of space in height, and has 
 squeezed his subject so that the animal seems to 
 crouch. It is followed in series by another huntsman 
 figure, who was represented in the same attitude as the 
 one above, but the stone at this place is very much 
 worn, and only the arrow point and outline can be dis- 
 
 1 See below, Pis. Lxxix., lxxx. 
 
 2 See Perrot, Art in . . . Asia Minor, il., flg. 341 and fig. 340; Ex- 
 ploration, PI. LVII. 
 
 ' Macridy Bey, op. cit., figs. 23, 24. 
 
EYUK : UNPLACED CORNER LION 265 
 
 tinguished. The second stone is in sequence to the 
 left ; in the upper row only a tree can be plainly made 
 out towards the left, but the remainder may be be- 
 lieved to have been a continuation of the scene of 
 chase. In the lower register the herbage (remarkably 
 like gentian) appears to be continued on the right, and 
 facing it is another standing stag. Two smaller but 
 similar animals face the other way, and in the distance 
 (shown high in the scene and small in size) there may be 
 seen another, running left but with head turned back. 
 
 In the treatment of these animals the same peculiar 
 conventions are observed, particularly in the delinea- 
 tion of the shoulder muscles, that we have noticed on 
 the small animal under the lion's paws (p) described 
 above : the three sculptures are not, however, neces- 
 sarily contemporary.^ As stated previously, it seems 
 probable that the newly found reliefs {x, y) belong to 
 the earlier building period,^ by reason of the circum- 
 stances of their discovery and the scenes depicted upon 
 them. Moreover, the lion block (p) is a corner-stone, 
 and fits no visible position in the palace entrance that 
 we have been considering ; so that there is indication of 
 still a third building period, which was presumably 
 the latest.^ 
 
 Two sculptured blocks have been displaced from the 
 walls that line the approach leading to the sphinx-gate 
 (EB, GA), but they have been recognised from their 
 dimensions among those lying loose about the en- 
 trance.^ There are only two blocks on either side, 
 
 ' These details were in vogue throughout the whole range of Hittite 
 art at Sinjerli : see pp. 275, 289. Cf. also PI. xxiv. (ii). 
 
 ^ P. 252 : on the question of date, see below, p. 367. 
 
 ^ There is no analogy to date this object earlier than the ninth or tenth 
 century B.C. Cf. pp. 210, 301. 
 
 * Ramsay, Jour. Boy. Asiatic Society (N.S.), xv. p. 116, with sketch plan. 
 
266 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 whereof the corner-stones remain in situ, with their 
 ends to the line of frontage {a} and I in the plan) ; so that 
 the loose stones fall into place between the corner- 
 stone and the sphinx on each side {h, k in the plan). 
 On the left hand the faces of both stones are sculp- 
 tured (a^, h). The nearer one is the corner-stone, on 
 the end of which there appears, as we have seen, the 
 image of the bull upon a pedestal. On the short side, 
 however, the subject is quite different ; and we see two 
 pairs of male figures, the members of each pair facing 
 towards one another. On the left each member grasps 
 a staff : the one figure is taller than the other, so that 
 his hand is found above the other, the staff resting on 
 the ground and rising vertically between them. Each 
 figure is clad in a short tunic, but little else can be 
 made out except the earring and prominent receding 
 nose of the taller. As in the case of the bull last 
 described {g), the carving does not seem to have been 
 executed in anything but outline, though that is fairly 
 deep, and the background has been cut away. The 
 smaller figure, which is to the left, has partly dis- 
 appeared with the broken corner of the stone, and the 
 upper part has also been considerably damaged.^ The 
 group on the right of the same stone is not quite the 
 same. The taller figure faces left in this case also, but 
 he is clad in the long toga-like garment, with skull-cap, 
 earring, and tip-tilted shoes, and he alone touches the 
 staff which he holds aloft with both hands, the right 
 above the left. Projecting from the middle of the 
 staff, and at the very place where the left hand grasps 
 it, there is a crescental object, with interior peak, 
 resembling in the drawing a certain kind of axe-head 
 
 ' Perrot, op. cit., fig. 335, represents the right-hand figure with head- 
 dress serrated, but this marking seems to be the weathering of the stone. 
 
EYUK : ENTRANCE TO THE PALACE 267 
 
 found in Egypt, which was affixed at three points to 
 the staff. It is difficult to form any opinion as to what 
 this really is intended to represent ; an axe-head would 
 hardly be fixed to the middle of a staff, even though 
 only for ceremonial purposes ; while, on the other hand, 
 by the old conventions of perspective, the curving 
 outer edge may really represent some solid object that 
 was round in the plane perpendicular to the surface of 
 the stone, as seen for example in the trumpet depicted 
 on the outer facade {d). The smaller figure in this case 
 is very indistinct, and is represented as standing some 
 distance beyond the greater, though facing it (his 
 feet being shown, that is, on a higher level than the 
 rest). 
 
 The next block (h) shows six figures.^ These sculptures 
 are in a poor state, but some details may be gleaned. 
 The men are in procession or in line, all turned towards 
 the right, facing, that is, the sphinx and the entrance 
 to the palace. They seem to be clad in short tunics, and 
 they wear tip-tilted shoes. Their head-dress is possibly 
 helmet-like, as worn by the mason on the ladder 
 described above. The knot of their girdle-rope is seen 
 in some cases. The left hands seem all to be held up 
 in symmetry, with their right hands near the middle 
 of the waist, and their right elbows bent. 
 
 The counterpart to this group on the opposite side 
 (fc) is of special interest, but was not published by M. 
 Parrot. As pointed out by Professor Ramsay,^ who first 
 rolled this block over and so found the sculpture, 
 there is on the right hand of the picture the clear out- 
 line of a seated goddess, resembling in most respects 
 the goddess adored in the front group (Z), which we 
 
 1 Perrot, op. cit, fig. 336, PI. LXIII. ; Macridy Bey, op. cit, fig. 28, p. 21. 
 
 2 Loc. cit., also Becueil de Travaux, xiv. p. 91 and fig. 5, 
 
268 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 have described and identified with Kybele. In this 
 case the stone is broken, and only the knees and hands 
 are seen, with part of the stool, but the analogy is 
 sufficient. Any object that may have been held in her 
 hand is no longer visible, and a row of points has been 
 drilled at some time across the stone as though to 
 sever that end from the block. The next feature of 
 interest is the reappearance of the chief priest and 
 priestess, whom we suppose to have been the local 
 king and queen, and whose figures we have seen 
 previously, on the left front (6), conducting the rites at 
 the shrine of the Bull. Only in this case an oblation 
 scene is represented, such as we have noticed at Malatia 
 and at Fraktin.^ In the restored scene the priest pours 
 out the liquid offering with his left hand into a vase held 
 by the goddess ; while the priestess poises some large 
 object like a pomegranate aloft. Unfortunately in 
 this case again the head-dress of the queen cannot be 
 made out. She is followed by two weathered figures, 
 who resemble the attendants in the previous instance, 
 wearing the same toga-like garment with prominent 
 front edge. 
 
 The inner face of the corner-stone (l) on this side 
 is not sculptured at all ; but on the side of the great 
 sphinxes (A, B) that flank the entrance, there have been 
 considerable reliefs, among which that which remains 
 on the right hand (g) is of special interest. Here we 
 find a repetition of the double eagle which we last met 
 with in the sculptures of lasily Kaya.^ In this case 
 the talons of the bird are fixed on two hares, the faces 
 of which turn outwards. There was apparently only 
 one figure represented upon his back; whether this 
 was male or female it is difficult to say. The form of 
 1 Cf. Pis. XLiv. and XLVii. 2 pj ^xv., p. 223 (Nos. 3, i, R.). 
 
EYUK : THE DOUBLE EAGLE 269 
 
 the skirt trailing behind would well agree with those 
 of lasily Kaya ; but there are no vertical pleats. On 
 the other hand, a scrutiny of the photograph suggests 
 that there may be detected traces of the loose end of 
 a toga and of the curved end of a reversed lituus, 
 features which suggest a male figure clad like the 
 priest-king now familiar in these sculptures. One 
 detail is quite clear, namely the turned-up toe of the 
 shoe, and this raay be seen upon the corresponding 
 side of the opposite sphinx, together with traces of an 
 eagle's head. The inner ends of these monoliths (re- 
 moved, that is, from the front of the sphinxes) are too 
 broken to detect any sculptures upon them, but in the 
 corresponding places on the inner sphinxes (s, t) there 
 may be found deep down the feet of a man wearing the 
 tip-tilted shoe, and turned towards the gateway. There 
 seems to be an analogy to the warrior figures recently 
 found adorning a gateway at Boghaz-Keui.^ 
 
 There are no other carvings found in situ : of those 
 lying about we may mention a large block with a few 
 hieroglyphic signs ^ upon it, lying near the threshold 
 (i in Plan) ; another stone with a border on two sides, 
 and a figure in high relief upon it, which seems to us 
 to be possibly the body of a seated goddess, though in 
 another sense it looks like a crude crouching lion.^ It 
 lies in a garden not far from the gateway.* There are 
 also a pair of large stones that seem to have formed 
 part of the local series, but are now irrecognisable.* 
 
 1 Winckler, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft (Berlin, 
 1907, No. 35), p. 70. Abb. 12, Das Ost-tor. See also above, p. 205. 
 
 2 Messerschmidt, C.I.H., PI. xxix., No. 17. 
 
 3 Taken by Perrot for part of a sphinx, and by Macridy Bey for the 
 lower part of a standing upright figure {op. cit, p. 25). 
 
 * No. 16 in M. Perrot's Plan, op. cit., fig. 324 (PI. LV.). 
 
 " We do not agree with any of the suggested restorations of these 
 motives. Cf. Macridy Bey, op. cit., pp. 27, 28; Chantre, Mission en 
 Cappadoce (Paris, 1898), p. 9. 
 
270 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 They lie a mile away on the rising ground, where they 
 have been arranged at some forgotten date to serve as 
 the jambs of an entrance which may be still traced 
 below the soil. 
 
 Part II.— The Town and Sculptures of Sinjebli. 
 
 Excavations conducted during three seasons at Sin- 
 jerli by the German Orient Committee ^ have thrown 
 a flood of light upon the archaeology of Northern Syria. 
 They have also contributed a great series of monu- 
 ments to our list of Hittite works ; and the later history 
 of the city and neighbourhood are further illuminated 
 by the discovery of several inscribed monuments, 
 which though not dealing with the period of Hittite 
 domination, nevertheless establish for us definite 
 historical landmarks from which to work backwards 
 in our argument. The monuments and architectural 
 remains discovered belong to three main periods, which 
 may be distinguished, terminologically at any rate, as 
 the Hittite, Aramaean, and Phoenician. With the 
 monuments of the two later phases ^ we are not con- 
 cerned, except so far as they throw light upon the story 
 of the Hittite occupation of the site : yet even in 
 them the dominant feeling is derived from the Hittite 
 prototypes. 
 
 Many of the buildings, indeed a whole series of sculp- 
 tures as well as historical documents, belong to the 
 so-called Aramaean period. At this time the place was 
 the seat of a principality identified with Samaal (or 
 
 ' Von Luschan and others : Mitteilungen aus den Orientalistiscfien 
 Sammlungen, Hef te xi. , xii. , and xiii. ; Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, i. , li. , 
 iii. (Berlin, 1893, 1898, 1907). 
 
 2 Published under the same auspices. Ausgrabungen in Send- 
 schirli, iv. 
 
PLATE LXXIV 
 
WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 271 
 
 Samalla), which in the eighth century B.C. was ruled at 
 different times by local kings, named Panammu and 
 Barrekub, under the suzerainty of Assyria. Formerly it 
 had possibly formed part of the Hittite feudal state of 
 Hattina,^ which included also laudi and Unki ; and it 
 was absorbed by the growing power of Assyria under 
 Tiglath-Pileser III., as would appear from the name of 
 Panammu, Prince of Samaal, amongst his tribute lists 
 of B.C. 738 to 735. In the next century, 670 B.C., Esar- 
 haddon seems to have made the place a temporary 
 residence during his warfare with Egypt and with 
 Tyre, and he set up there a stela recording victories 
 that were probably imaginary, showing the kings of 
 Egypt and of Tyre held captive by a cord. 
 
 The ruins unearthed in the course of these excava- 
 tions disclose to us a walled citadel or acropolis, 
 enclosing several palaces and other buildings, and 
 surrounded upon the plain below by a double wall 
 which marks the limits of the township. There was 
 considerable difference of opinion, it would seem, 
 amongst the excavators themselves as to the dates to 
 be assigned to the various features of the site. It is 
 well then to recognise that the ground for this differ- 
 ence of opinion existed in the insufficiency of dated 
 materials. This is no criticism of the excavators them- 
 selves, who admirably conducted their pioneer work 
 without the aid of established local criteria to help in 
 solving the various minor problems which arise daily in 
 the course of an excavation. One criticism which may 
 be made is that no systematic record of the finding of 
 the pottery fragments seems to have been kept, such as 
 might conceivably have helped to establish the re- 
 lationship of one part of the site to another, and more 
 
 1 See the Map on p. 375. 
 
272 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 particularly would have been serviceable in future 
 excavations in the north of Syria, or indeed anywhere 
 in Hittite lands. Such an investigation, however, 
 would have been one demanding great foresight, for 
 the buildings vrere found to have been destroyed and 
 reconstructed at various times, and to this cause pro- 
 bably must be attributed the fact that this investiga- 
 tion was not made. 
 
 The excavators seem to have been in agreement, 
 however, as to the general growth of the site from 
 a group of shepherds' huts into a walled town. They 
 recognised three different building periods, the first 
 of which may belong to the latter part of the second 
 millennium B.C., when the site of the city was wholly 
 confined to the mound which later became the citadel. 
 In this village the houses were closely packed together, 
 and their outer walls, being continuous and without 
 windows, presented a line of defence around the knoll. 
 The foundations of several houses were partly traced 
 under the sites of the palaces of later times, and though 
 marked as unimportant, these may really be the ruins 
 of the chieftains' residences during the early Hittite 
 period. The entrance to this citadel was to the south, 
 but the excavators believed it had not yet assumed its 
 final plan, nor had it yet been decorated with the 
 sculptures that later rendered it so remarkable. 
 
 The next great period is not clearly separated 
 from the first, from which it may have been derived in 
 our judgment by natural growth : it is characterised by 
 the laying out of the whole city and township on much 
 the same lines as it preserved through the succeeding 
 centuries. During this phase there sprang up a wall 
 surrounding the whole township, an outer and inner de- 
 fensive wall to the citadel, a cross-wall which seemed to 
 
SINJERLI: WALLS AND PALACES 273 
 
 have marked some period of renovation, as well as the 
 foundations of an older palace and several other minor 
 features of rearrangement. The buildings of this time 
 are characterised by rows of timber with stone layers 
 between. This phase must be dated in the opinion of the 
 excavators to twelfth century B.C. ; and it is notipeable 
 that the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser i., is found to 
 have copied the plan of a Hittite palace (called Hilani)^ 
 which corresponds exactly with the plans of the palaces 
 built upon the citadel during the next period. 
 
 The third phase is assigned to about the eighth cen- 
 tury B.C. The city was now fully established. On its 
 walls rose eight hundred towers. The south gate of the 
 citadel was finally built and adorned with sculptures like 
 the older gateway of the city, but in more elaborate 
 fashion. The corner-stones of the palaces were architec- 
 tural lions, and their porticos were supported by columns 
 placed upon the backs of sphinxes. Of these palaces 
 there were three in chief, and they conformed to a 
 standard type, which is distinguished by wing-towers 
 on either side of the portico, and was approached by 
 steps leading beyond to a hall around which were 
 several chambers.^ Thereafter, from about 750 B.C., a 
 date which the documentary evidence supplies, houses 
 sprang up between the palaces. There was a departure 
 from the former strict type of the Hilani, to admit of 
 greater accommodation, and the purely Hittite charac- 
 ter of the buildings was greatly modified. The city 
 seems to have been burned about 680 B.C., correspond- 
 ing with the date of Esarhaddon's stela. 
 
 ' Not much can be inferred from this fact, inasmuch as the Hittite 
 palaces even of the Aramaean phase were probably based upon earlier 
 models and of much the same plan. There are references to the Hilani 
 in the time of Sargon. 
 
 2 Compare the plan of the lower palace at Boghaz-Keui, p. 207. 
 
 S 
 
274 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 In the absence of more precise historical data, our 
 interest is centred upon the several series of sculptures 
 which adorned the gateways and palaces. Those 
 which the excavators believe to be the oldest were 
 found at the southern gateway of the city. The stones 
 themselves are weathered, but the subjects upon them 
 have been carefully studied and reproduced. They are 
 carved in relief upon blocks of dolerite. The drawing 
 is for the most part crude, but they illustrate to us the 
 standard conventions in such Hittite works with some 
 interesting variations. Being numerous, we shall con- 
 fine ourselves to a brief description of the subjects, 
 noting here and there details which help us in our 
 comparative study. "^ Firstly, there is an eagle-headed 
 winged creature with human body and limbs, clad in a 
 short Hittite tunic, holding up both hands, and stand- 
 ing with his left foot advanced in the direction towards 
 which he faces. Though no shoes are visible, the 
 toes upon the sculpture are upturned in conformity 
 with the Hittite pattern. A lock of hair descending 
 by the side of the eagle's head ends in an outward 
 curl, which is a mark of the earlier Hittite style. A 
 tassel also hangs from the middle of the girdle. On 
 another block the same representation appears with 
 little modification. A third stone shows, in crude 
 fashion, a horse-rider ; he holds up with his left 
 hand a mask, the features upon which resemble his 
 own, being of the usual Hittite character, with 
 straight nose and large eye seen in profile. He rides 
 with his heels drawn up as though clutching the 
 horse's side, for he has no stirrups. He is clad in a 
 short tunic and short-sleeved vest, and upon his head 
 there is the conical hat, though not so high as those 
 1 Cf. Ausgrahungen in Sendschirli, iii. PI. xxxiv. 
 
SINJERLI : CITY GATE RELIEFS 275 
 
 now familiar in the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui, while 
 the curling lock or pigtail is prominent behind his 
 neck. By his left side there is suspended a long knife 
 or dagger, and he holds with his right hand a diminu- 
 tive looped object which may be intended for his bow. 
 The drawing of the horse is even more crude. The 
 head might be taken for that of a zebra, but in the 
 treatment of the shoulder muscles and the haunches 
 there is a certain obedience to the Hittite conventions. 
 There is another stone on which a horse-rider is por- 
 trayed in a style which is very similar, but the details 
 are almost obliterated. 
 
 We then come to two monstrous mythological crea- 
 tures, carved upon a single stone, the one above the 
 other, to be imagined therefore as side by side. The 
 lower one has the body of a lion on which the shoulder 
 muscles are suggested, while the face is that of a 
 human being, and the curling pigtail is clear behind 
 the neck. The head-dress is a modification of the 
 conical hat, with a sort of knob upon the top, and the 
 brim is upturned in front and behind. One wing only 
 is shown, being that upon the further side. The tail is 
 upright, and ends in the head of a bird.^ The upper 
 monster is the same in all respects except the head, 
 which is purely a product of the artist's imagination, 
 though from the hooked bill it may be supposed to be 
 intended for that of a bird. Both creatures are walk- 
 ing with the left forefoot advanced and in the air. Curi- 
 ously, it is the right hind leg of the lower animal that 
 is advanced, while the corresponding leg of the upper 
 animal is behind. This monument is perhaps the 
 crudest of the series. 
 
 Upon the sixth block of stone there appear two male 
 1 Compare with the tail of sphinx of Salsji-Geuzi. PI. Lxxxi. 
 
276 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 figures facing one another : each is clad in a long robe, 
 the hem of which is visible ; each advances the further 
 leg towards that of the other ; each grasps in his nearer 
 hand a short staff, and with his further hand approaches 
 a cup-like object to his lips. They are distinguished 
 only in that the right-hand figure has a tassel ^ de- 
 scending from his girdle. They seem to wear skull- 
 caps, and the curling pigtail is seen on the left-hand 
 figure, while the corresponding portion of the stone on 
 the other side is broken away. The next sculpture is 
 somewhat broader, and shows a hunting scene in which 
 a bowman is seen in the act of discharging his arrow. 
 He is clad in a very short fringed tunic ; the toes are 
 upturned, and a pigtail curls away from his neck. A 
 knife hangs, point forward, from the girdle on the 
 further side, but the detail is obscure. Behind him, 
 poised in the air head downwards, is an animal re- 
 sembling a hare, which he may be supposed to have 
 shot. His aim is probably directed, however, agp,inst 
 a stag seen in the sculpture which precedes. This 
 again is a drawing so crude as to be almost quaint. 
 The animal stands with his head turned back towards 
 his pursuer. An arrow has pierced his neck, and the 
 barbs are visible beyond, while an ill-drawn dog is 
 joining in the chase. In front of this again two other 
 animals, represented upon a single stone, are obviously 
 intended to suggest further quarry for the sport. The 
 one is a stag, drawn in this case in full profile (includ- 
 ing his antlers) ; while in the lower register there is 
 seen a lion which, though it can be identified, lacks in 
 the drawing any character that invites comment. 
 A more interesting, though in part less ancient, 
 
 • Cf. a sculpture from Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxxi. (ii), and one from Marash, 
 p. 115, So also the eagle-headed monster described above, 
 
SIN.TERLI: CITADEL GATE 277 
 
 series of sculptures decorated the main door of the 
 citadel. This was placed at the southern bend of the 
 wall, and, as it appears in its final form, resembled 
 closely in general plan the gateways of the palace at 
 Eyuk and of the citadel of Boghaz-Keui, which we 
 have previously described.^ The approach to this 
 entrance is protected, as in those other cases, with wing- 
 towers on either hand.^ The width at this point of the 
 entrance is about twelve yards, and the depth of these 
 extra-mural towers before reaching the first doorway 
 is six yards. The first doorway is met with almost in 
 alignment with the contour of the wall. Its broad 
 pilasters project eleven feet, leaving the space between 
 them rather more ; this was filled, as the excavators 
 f otmd reason to believe, by a double door. , The space 
 beyond — lying, that is to say, between the two doorways 
 — forms a separate chamber the same width as the 
 entrance and -with a depth of sixteen feet, bounded on 
 the inner or northern end by the pilasters which sup- 
 ported the second doorway. These are almost in align- 
 ment with the main inner walls of the entrance-towers, 
 which thus have a total depth of fifty-five feet ; their 
 breadth is about ten yards. The main wall of the 
 enclosure, to which they return on either side, has a 
 thickness estimated at about fifteen feet. 
 
 The whole of the face of this entrance, both along 
 the facade of the towers and around the bases of the 
 pilasters, was decorated with sculptured slabs. The 
 carving in all cases is in relief ; the subjects represented 
 are various, including deities, mythological emblems, 
 and scenes of the chase, the treatment of which in all 
 cases corresponds to the established Hittite motives and 
 
 ' See above, pp. 203, 253, and PI. LX., and plan, p. 247. 
 2 Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, ii. p. 122 (Koldewey). 
 
278 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 presents in other details traces of Hittite handiwork. 
 The date of this gateway is at least as early as, indeed 
 probably earlier than, the stela which Esarhaddon set up 
 in the space between the two doors in B.C. 681. Indeed, 
 the origin of the gateway was traced by the excavators 
 to the second great building period, though its final 
 structure and some of its decorations belong to the 
 later phase. We may assume that its latest sculptures 
 were the work of the eighth century B.C. 
 
 XXVI II-XXIX 
 
 1 
 
 Ga t e 
 Tower 
 
 XII-XV 
 5 
 
 Wall 
 
 xxx-x> 
 
 <XII 
 
 
 
 
 
 Gate 
 
 Tower 
 
 
 
 
 
 KVtXIX^ 
 
 
 
 Wall 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 SIN.IERLI : SKETCH PLAN OF THE GATEWAY, SHOWING BY NUMERALS 
 THE POSITION OF THE SCULPTURES DESCRIBED IN THE TEXT. 
 
 The sculptures in this case are so numerous that we 
 find it convenient to attach numbers to them for refer- 
 ence. We begin with the outer approach to the gate- 
 way from the southern end, and describe the sculptures 
 on each face of the wall east and west, before proceed- 
 ing to the next return.^ At the approach of the door- 
 way and facing south the series of sculptures begins 
 on the left hand (to the west) with 
 
 No. i. Two slabs upon which the subject of decoration 
 is a horse and chariot. The general scheme recalls the 
 
 1 Corresponding in tiie main with the scheme of publication in Ausgra- 
 bungen in Sendschirli, iii. pp. 208-229, to the illustrations of which we refer 
 in the footnotes. 
 
SINJERI.I : DECORATIVE RELIEFS 279 
 
 chariots which we have previously found among the 
 sculptures of Malatia and Sakje-Geuzi/ but there are 
 about this one certain details unique in Hittite art, 
 while other features previously difficult to explain are 
 now made clear. The chariot is small and mounted upon 
 a six-spoked wheel.^ The two objects upon the panel of 
 the chariot, crossing one another, are clearly in this 
 case quivers to hold the arrows for the warrior who 
 stands within. As in the other examples we have 
 noticed, a spear is placed with point upwards in the 
 back of the car, and leaning backwards. Outside, on 
 the back of the chariot, there is seen in profile the 
 head of a small lion, an emblem probably of the royal 
 rank of the owner. As before, there are two men 
 standing inside, and we see their features in this case 
 more plainly because the driver is represented some- 
 what in advance of the other, who occupies the nearer 
 part of the car, and in characteristic fashion is bending 
 his bow with the arrow ready for its flight. This 
 personage, although we must take him for the chief 
 or prince of the city, wears the national Hittite dress, 
 a short tunic belted at the waist, and a vest with short 
 sleeves. His head-dress is more peculiar, but unfor- 
 tunately it is too weathered for much detail to be 
 gathered : there may be seen, however, a curling lock 
 of hair upon the near side, continuous possibly with 
 a wig upon his head, and coming to an end behind 
 the neck. The figure in the background is similarly 
 clad, but on his head there is a plain cap which fits 
 tightly to the skull. Both figures are bearded, but in the 
 latter instance the ringlets of his beard are not trimmed 
 square. He stands with his arms outstretched, holding 
 
 1 Pp. 133, 134 ; PI. XXXIX. and p. 105. 
 
 2 Op. cit., iii. PI. XXXIX. 
 
280 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 two pairs of reins, which leads us to infer that a pair 
 of horses is being driven, though, as in previous cases, 
 only one is represented. This animal hears a jaunty 
 trapping on his head, and just behind the neck (hence 
 presumably an ornament upon the collar) there is an 
 emblem -which is taken by the excavators to resemble 
 the head of a long-necked griffin. The trappings of 
 the horse are plainly defined and resemble a halter 
 firmly fixed behind the ears, though possibly from the 
 position of the reins a bit also is employed. This point, 
 however, is not certain. The draw^ing of the animal as 
 usual is crude ; it obeys certain ordinary rules in that 
 the muscles of the shoulder and the haunch are shown 
 in outline. Unique, however, in Hittite representa- 
 tions is the picture of a man prostrate between the 
 fore and hind legs of the animal and pierced by two 
 arrows, obviously shot by the warrior in the car. 
 With one hand the victim tries to pluck an arrow from 
 his thigh. The picture is almost a counterpart to 
 those so familiar upon the walls of Egyptian temples, 
 in which the Pharaoh may be seen slaying with his 
 arrows his fleeing Hittite enemies. Here, however, it 
 is not a foreign enemy that is represented. The 
 prostrate man conforms in general character to the 
 North Syrian type, such as may be seen even in the 
 charioteer within the car. He is apparently without 
 clothing except for his cap, which is close-fitting ; the 
 curl of hair behind his neck is shown in outline, and even 
 the toes of his shoeless feet are represented by the 
 habit of the sculptor as being upturned. 
 
 No. ii. The corresponding sculpture on the opposite 
 face of this entrance — that is to say, on the eastern side, 
 but still facing south, is the upright figure of a warrior 
 armed with spear and shield as well as the customary 
 
PLATE LXXV 
 
SINJERLI: A FOOT-SOLDIER 281 
 
 long dagger or sword.^ Curiously enough, he faces in 
 the same direction as the chariot, namely, towards his 
 left, looking therefore in this instance away from the 
 gateway. The warrior stands with his left foot and 
 left arm advanced ; his body and face shown in profile, 
 and his shoulders in full view, in obedience to the 
 ordinary conventions of Oriental art. He is dressed 
 in the familiar short tunic which is fringed at the 
 bottom, and the overlap of the garment is seen falling 
 obliquely in front ; the upper part of his body is lightly 
 covered with a short-sleeved vest. A broad girdle 
 passes around the waist, and the long dagger hanging 
 from his left side seems to have a special attachment 
 which passes over the right shoulder. His head-dress 
 is the conical hat of the Hittite peoples with the brim 
 upturned, but with the top expanding like a ball. On 
 his feet are shoes the points of which are extravagantly 
 upturned, while around the ankles there is a suggestion 
 of ornaments or of attachments, for binding on the 
 shoes.^ The features of the man, though conventional, 
 are represented with boldness. The long straight nose 
 in line with the forehead is drawn with deliberation. 
 From the chin there falls a square-cut beard, and a 
 moustache also is represented. The eye is shown in 
 full profile, and is also too large in proportion. The 
 conventional lock of hair, like the survival of a pigtail, 
 falling from the crown of the head, ends in a broad 
 curl behind the neck. The shield which he holds up 
 is obviously intended to be of the figure-of-eight shape,^ 
 
 ^ See PI. Lxxv. (ii), reproduced by courtesy of Dr. Messerschmidt. Cf. 
 Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, iii. PI. XL. 
 
 2 As the band is in each case doubled, it does not seem probable that 
 this is merely the detail of an upper part to the shoe. Cf. the monument 
 of Ivriz, PI. I.VII. 
 
 ' Compare the shield of the Hittite warrior shown on the north wall of 
 the temple of Bameses ii. at Abydos, Egypt ; below, PI. lxxxiii. (ii). 
 
282 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 though the perspective of the picture has given the 
 artist trouble. The spear, which he holds transversely 
 with the point down, is longer than himself. The shaft 
 is not drawn straight, possibly suggesting the natural 
 shape of the branch of a tree. The blade is long and 
 pointed, with indication of a midrib. His short weapon 
 is probably a dagger, though represented of such length 
 that it might also be a sword. The hilt is crescental,^ 
 with a notch on either side of the handle,^ and is doubt- 
 less enclosed in a sheath ; the midrib is well defined 
 along its entire length. 
 
 From the outer face we pass to the sculptures which 
 decorate the flanking w^alls of the pilasters in the first 
 doorway. 
 
 No. iii. The decoration on the left, facing therefore to 
 the east, comprises two subjects : the one a large lion, 
 which occupies two slabs, with its head upon the 
 corner-stone,^ and the other a monstrous creature 
 holding up a rabbit. The lion * faces to the left, look- 
 ing out therefore from the gateway. The picture is 
 poorly drawn ; there is no vigour and little life in the 
 animal, and the artist's conventions are exaggerated so 
 as to be no longer artistic. The beast's mouth is open. 
 His further legs are advanced, and his tail falls 
 between the two hind legs as in the standard types. 
 The shoulder muscles are shown by a border line, 
 which reaches in a broad curve to the back of his 
 neck, and a collar, whether of hair or what not, is 
 suggested behind the ears. The claws are curved 
 and prolonged so as to be ridiculous. The body, 
 which is found on the second stone, is elongated 
 
 ' Compare Pis. lxv., lxviii., lxxi. - Compare PI. lxxxi. 
 
 ^ But not projecting beyond it as with the lions of Eyuk, p. 263, and 
 Marash, PI. xlii., Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxix. . compare the lion reliefs of 
 Angora, p. 162. * Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, iii. PI. XLiv. (ii). 
 
SIN.TERLI : THE LION-GATE 283 
 
 and narrow, and hardly seems to fit on to the heavy 
 forequarters. 
 
 No. iv. The monstrous figure which is his companion 
 faces to the right. It is called by the excavators the 
 God of the Chase. His body is that of a human being, 
 clad in a short tunic, vest, and upturning shoes ; while 
 his head is that of a lion, with wide-open mouth and 
 long exaggerated neck. A slender dagger hangs from 
 his left side. With his outstretched left arm he holds 
 up a rabbit by the back legs; while borne upon that 
 hand there is a bird, which cannot be readily described, 
 though its hooked beak suggests a vulture or a falcon. 
 The right arm is held aloft behind the head, wielding 
 some short curving implement like a throwing-stick, 
 and behind that there is seen another bird with open 
 beak. 
 
 Nos. v.-vi. The counterpart to these representations, on 
 the opposite side of the doorway, is practically a repeti- 
 tion of the subject just described, only that in this 
 case both creatures face to the right, looking out from 
 the doorway. The leader is a lion represented even 
 more crudely than in the last instance, and with no 
 further instructive detail ; while the only variation in 
 the upright monster that follows is in the position of 
 the two birds, which in the former instance were seen 
 upon his hands, and are now perched upon his arms. 
 
 No. vii. We now come to the inner wall of the chamber, 
 which is found between the doorways. We commence 
 as before on the left-hand side, with the sculptures that 
 face to the east, continuing subsequently with those 
 on the return facing south. The first part comprises 
 five sculptured blocks.^ The first of these is the 
 picture of a man facing left, clad in a short tunic and 
 
 ^ For Nos. vii.xv. see Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, iii. PI. xxxvii. 
 
284 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 upturned shoes. He wears a close skull-cap, and behind 
 this the Hittite curl is represented. His beard is long 
 and square-cut. His arms are aloft, and he bears a 
 kid upon his shoulders, the head of which is turned 
 as though looking backwards. 
 
 No. viii. The next block is filled with the scene of a 
 Ceremonial Feast.^ Two figures, clearly man and 
 woman, are seated facing one another on opposite 
 sides of a low table filled with provisions. The man 
 is on the left, and his seat is a square-framed chair, 
 with high back. He wears a close round skull-cap, 
 and the Hittite lock falls behind his neck. He is 
 represented with both beard and moustache ; his nose 
 is prominent and straight. His dress is a long robe 
 reaching to his ankles, and the toes of his shoes are 
 upturned as usual. His right arm is by his side and 
 holds a long crooked staff, while with his left he is 
 raising some object to his mouth. The figure opposite 
 presents several differences. Her hat is cylindrical, 
 and is covered with a long slender wavy object reach- 
 ing down behind her back almost to the ground ; this 
 may be taken for a veil pushed back from before the 
 face. Her dress also is a long robe, and her girdle, like 
 that worn by the man, is broad, and composed of six 
 or more strands, as of cord. Her hair is dressed in the 
 usual curling lock or pigtail. Her features are sharp, 
 but not so prominent as in her counterpart. Like him, 
 with her right hand she holds up some object towards 
 her mouth, and in her left hand, which is by her side, 
 she holds two seemingly edible objects on stalks. She 
 has bracelets on both her wrists. Her seat is a 
 low stool, which, in contrast to that of the man, 
 is seemingly without a back. For want of space 
 
 ' See PI. LXXV. (i) (by courtesy of Dr. Messerschmidt). 
 
SINJERLI: CEREMONIAL FEAST 285 
 
 the table between them is set back from the picture. 
 Only two legs are seen, and these are curved as usual. 
 The top of the table also is curved downwards, suggest- 
 ing that it was round ; so too are the provisions piled 
 upon it, which cannot, however, be identified.^ We have 
 previously described several sculptures of like kind, 
 and to some extent discussed their character The 
 closest analogy to the present instance is one from 
 Malatia,^ and here as there we take the subject to be a 
 feast on the part of the royal pair. In spite of the in- 
 congruous scenes around, the religious origin of this 
 class of sculpture seems to be perpetuated in the 
 priestly dress in which the male figure is clad. 
 
 No. ix. Upon the next stone there are two figures repre- 
 sented, both facing to the left. The leader is smaller 
 than the other. He is clad in the usual Hittite fashion, 
 with short tunic and skull-cap. His long, straight 
 nose, and the curl of hair, are equally characteristic. 
 His left arm is by his side, and his right, which is seen 
 only in outline, is advanced, but no further details 
 are distinguishable. The figure which follows him, 
 facing in the same direction, is somewhat taller. He is 
 clad differently ; his dress being a long robe reaching to 
 his ankles and ending in a fringe. The usual belt, with 
 upper and lower border-lines, encircles the waist. The 
 sleeves are short, and the toes of his shoes upturned. 
 In place of a hat he clearly wears a wig, from which 
 the Hittite curl descends behind his neck. His beard 
 is long and conventional, and he is seemingly without 
 moustache. His nose is straight and exaggerated in 
 length, and the features are poorly drawn. His right 
 hand is extended, but the left is drawn back, holding a 
 long curving object, which rests on and reaches beyond 
 
 1 Cf. pp. 101, 111. 2 p. i3g_ 
 
286 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 his left shoulder. He wears also a dagger on the 
 further side of his belt. 
 
 No. X. A third man follows upon the next stone, clad 
 like the foregoing in a long robe, which however is 
 not fringed. This is an interesting figure, for in the 
 place of turning-up shoes he clearly wears sandals,'^ the 
 straps of which may be traced. His head-dress too is 
 different : whereas in the sculpture which precedes him 
 the hair or wig is arranged in conventional concentric 
 bands and curls, or short plaits, the cap worn by this 
 man is covered with plain ribs passing over from one 
 side to the other. The Hittite curl descends, however, 
 behind the neck, and the beard, though receding, is 
 conventionally represented. The face of this man is 
 striking, even though the drawing is ill done. The 
 long nose in line with the forehead is represented more 
 deliberately than in any other instance. The chin is 
 receding, and the lips, though thin, are prominent and 
 protruding. From his belt there hangs a tassel, which 
 may be seen to consist of a loop and two loose ends, 
 like a loop of cord doubled. Among other distinguish- 
 ing features, a dagger with crescental hilt is held in 
 his left hand, while his right hand outstretched holds 
 an upright staff.^ 
 
 No. xi. The stone which follows is small, and the fig- 
 ure upon it faces to the right. It is the representation 
 of an archer with bent bow. He is shown with all the 
 common features of male attire — the tunic, turned-up 
 shoes, skull-cap, curl, girdle, and dagger. He stands 
 upon his left leg with the right knee bent, in the act 
 of shooting. This stone is set upon another below it, 
 
 ' Compare a sculpture from Sakje-Geuzi, p. 105 ; also PI. Lxxxi. 
 
 2 For a photograph of the sculptures ix.-xv., in situ, see PI. Lxxvi., re- 
 produced by courtesy of Professor A, H. Sayce and the S.P.C.K., from 
 The Hittites, p. 70. 
 
PLATE T.XXVI 
 
SINJERLI: A DOUBLE HAMMER 287 
 
 in order to bring it up to the required height, and it 
 brings the inner wall of this recess to an end. The 
 adjoining wall advances eastward, and consists of five 
 stones decorated with four subjects. 
 
 Nos. xii.-xiii. A stag facing to the right occupies the 
 first two stones. It is badly drawn. The head and 
 neck are utterly mis-shaped ; the conventions of animal 
 representations are exaggerated, and a lifeless picture 
 is the result. It is preceded on the third stone by 
 a kid looking backwards, the carving of which is 
 perhaps more successful, though still displaying little 
 artistic feeling or application. The muscles are out- 
 lined in the usual fashion. 
 
 No. xiv. A different picture, better drawn and better 
 carved, fills the whole height of the block which follows. 
 The subject here is a winged lion rampant, whose left 
 paw claws the air, while the right paw is depressed. A 
 wing rises from his near shoulder and passes behind 
 the neck. The tail is erect behind the back, end- 
 ing in a stiff curl. The muscles of his haunches 
 are suggested with some vitality, but the claws are 
 exaggerated. 
 
 No. XV. The next stone brings this series to an end) 
 the corner having been rearranged in antiquity by 
 the inclusion of a pedestal. Upon the face we are 
 considering there is the figure of a man carrying over 
 his right shoulder what seems to be a large double- 
 headed stone hammer, or a double axe. He is clad in 
 a short tunic, fringed, shoes with upturned toes, and 
 a skull-cap so high as to be almost conical. The 
 Hittite curl is prominent behind his neck ; the strong 
 nose may be traced, and a square-cut beard falls from 
 his chin. He is armed also with a long dagger shown 
 with the hilt behind the girdle and the blade or sheath 
 
288 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 projecting forwards. His legs are bare as usual, and 
 his figure is perhaps unusually powerful and muscular. 
 
 No. xvi. Passing across no^w to the eastern side of this 
 recess, the wall corresponding to that which we have 
 last described ^ is similarly adorned with four sculp- 
 tured blocks, whereof the first is a repetition in detail 
 of that which we have last described, and needs little 
 further description. There may be noticed, however, 
 two slight variations in the treatment of the subject. 
 Firstly, the dagger is now suspended in the usual 
 fashion, with the hilt shown in front of the body; 
 and the headgear seems to be higher, more like the 
 conical hat of the Hittites, with expanding top.^ It 
 may be noted also that the double axe or hammer is 
 sonaewhat broader and shorter, and is marked with 
 four short lateral lines, while the long handle is some- 
 what bent as though formed of the branch of a tree. 
 This handle he grasps with both hands, the left one 
 holding the end. There is an error of drawing in 
 the delineation of the left hand ; for though the left 
 elbow is advanced and the hand drawn back towards 
 the body, the palm of that hand is turned outwards, 
 while the thumb is uppermost, and the fingers are also 
 represented in full, pressing into the palra, instead of 
 which the mere knuckles should be shown in front of 
 the handle. This is an error of a kind not uncommon 
 in oriental drawing. 
 
 No. xvii. The next block of stone is larger than the 
 others, bearing two figures upon it, both facing as in 
 the previous case to the observer's right. In front 
 there is a winged sphinx walking, followed by a 
 
 1 This wall, it will be borne in mind, faces to the south, being the inner 
 wall of the inner pilaster. For the sculptures xvi.-xxxii., see Ausgra- 
 bungen in Sendschirli, iii. PI. xxxviii. 
 
 ' Cf. No. ii. above, PI. Lxxv. (ii). 
 
SINJERLI : WINGED MONSTERS 289 
 
 warrior with spear and shield in much the same style 
 as that which we have previously described.^ In this 
 case the figure is so small and the surface of the stone 
 so much decayed that no new details can be added, but 
 with the exception of the dagger or sword, all the 
 features of the earlier stone seem to be suggested. The 
 upturned brim of the hat in front is perhaps more 
 prominent. The sphinx is an interesting representa- 
 tion. The body is that of a lion, and the face, which is 
 somewhat delicate, is that of a human being. A wing 
 rises from behind the shoulder, sloping backwards. 
 The muscles of the animal are shown in outline, and 
 the claws or talons are exaggerated as usual. The tail is 
 erect in the air and seems to end in the head of a bird,^ 
 though possibly this appearance is illusory. The face 
 is beardless and of clear-cut Hittite type ; the head- 
 dress is a skull-cap with brim, the front peak of which 
 upturns. A double plait falls from under it behind the 
 head, turning upwards behind the neck and completely 
 round, forming a prominent curl. A second double 
 plait of hair seems to fall from behind the ear, in front 
 of the breast of the animal, and halfway to the ground, 
 where it ends in a curl. The delineation of the wing is 
 unusual, the curving ribs being drawn together in the 
 middle towards the upper part, as though that were a 
 new starting-point for a series of feathers. 
 
 No. xviii. Another monstrous figure precedes the 
 sphinx, in this case a griffin, with the body of the lion 
 and the head of an eagle. A wing rises from the 
 junction of the long neck and the body ; the muscles 
 are shown in outline ; the head is ill drawn, and pro- 
 vided with ears ; the tail hangs down behind the body. 
 
 ' No. ii., PI. Lxxv. (ii). 
 
 2 Compare the sphinx from Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxxi. (i). 
 
 T 
 
290 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 A double plait falling from behind the right ear of the 
 animal, as in the previous case, ends in a curl to the 
 left part of the breast. The drawing, on the whole, is 
 lacking in spirit and vitality. 
 
 No.xix. The last sculpture in this length of wall seems 
 to represent a man, but the carving has not been 
 carried out in detail, and except that he is facing to his 
 right, with both arms held backwards, the outline 
 of his figure conveys little other suggestion than the 
 ordinary Hittite type. The wall now turns parallel 
 with the opposite face, running north and south, the 
 sculptures therefore facing westward. There are four 
 of these ; ^ all face towards the right, as in the previous 
 section. 
 
 No. XX. The first is an upright monstrous figure with 
 depressed wings ; the body is that of a man, the head 
 that of an eagle. His dress is a short tunic. His arms 
 are raised aloft as in adoration. Behind the ear, with 
 which the bird's head is adorned as in the last instance, 
 there falls a similar double plait, ending in a curl upon 
 the throat.^ 
 
 No. xxi. In front there is a worn representation of a 
 
 seated figure, in which little detail can be discerned. 
 
 The head-dress seems to be cylindrical in form, with 
 
 a long veil falling as usual behind. A curling lock of 
 
 hair is suggested beside the neck of the figure. The 
 
 right arm is held up by the side. The chair is low and 
 
 square shaped, and its high back ends in an outward 
 
 curl. The general appearance of this stone bears such 
 
 a marked contrast to the sharp carving of those on 
 
 either side of it, that it seems probable that it was 
 
 already old when the doorway was constructed in its 
 
 ' In Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli., iii., PI. sxsviii., at the top, these 
 sculptures are aligned artificially with others for the photograph. 
 ^ Cf. the eagle-headed deity at Sakje-Geugi, below, PI. Lxxx, 
 
SINJERLI: THE LIGHTNING GOD 291 
 
 present form, and that it formed at one time the left- 
 hand part of a Ceremonial Feast similar to that which 
 we previously described (No. viii.), to which it would 
 thus form the counterpart.^ 
 
 No. xxii. It is preceded by a splendid sculpture of the 
 Hittite storm-god Tessup, or by whatever name he 
 should be called.^ He wears the characteristic short 
 tunic and upturned shoes of the Hittite people. His 
 head-dress is the tall conical hat with expanding top. 
 His beard is long, square-cut, and depicted as usual in 
 successive bands of short curls or plaits. The nose is 
 long and straight, and the eyes are large. A long 
 curling plait of hair, resembling a pigtail, falls behind 
 his neck and shoulder, and is seen below the right 
 elbow, which is held up. A long dagger with crescental 
 hilt, and the midrib clearly shown, is slung from the 
 farther side of the belt, the handle backwards. In his 
 left hand he holds up an emblem, like a three-pronged 
 trident, representing, it is supposed, forked lightning, 
 while in his right hand he wields aloft an axe-hammer 
 with short handle, to which it is bound by threads. 
 
 No. xxiii. The next sculpture fills one side of the 
 
 corner-stone. It is the representation of a woman, 
 
 and though broken at the top several new features 
 
 may be discerned in it, while other details are more 
 
 plainly seen than in cases previously described. Her 
 
 dress is a long robe reaching to the ankles, bound at 
 
 the waist with a rope - girdle of six strands. This 
 
 garment seems to be wrapped round the body, joining 
 
 down the right side, where it is fringed or bordered in 
 
 some way. Behind the figure there is the suggestion 
 
 of a long veil or cloak, which, from the numerous 
 
 ' On the general question of rearrangement of these sculptures, see 
 below, p. 296. 
 8 See PI. LXXVII. (i); and Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, ii., PI. XLi. (i). 
 
292 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 serrations in the drawing, may also have been fringed 
 or embroidered. The top of the hat is not clear, but 
 the front peak is turned upwards. A double plait and 
 curl are seen as usual behind the neck, and a necklace 
 also is shown. In her right hand she seems to grasp 
 something like a feather, while with her left hand she 
 holds up a round mirror, with handle similar to those 
 frequently found in Egyptian tombs.^ The drawing 
 of the right hand, which is in front of the body, 
 exhibits the same fault as we indicated in a recent 
 instance, where, with thumb upwards, the palm of the 
 hand is also turned outwards — an impossible position. 
 
 We have now reached the return of the wall, on the 
 inner side of the pilaster to the outer gateway. This, 
 like the corresponding wall on the opposite side to the 
 left, was left blank, probably because it did not strike 
 the eye of any one entering the gateway, and it was 
 also in comparative darkness to any one going out. 
 We proceed then to describe the remaining sculptures 
 decorating the pilasters of the inner doorway, and, in 
 the first place, those which flank the position of the 
 doorway on either side : the corresponding walls of the 
 outer doorway were decorated with representations of 
 lions facing outwards. 
 
 Nos. xxiv.-xxv. In this case bulls form the leading 
 motive of the decoration : on the left hand two stones 
 are filled with a representation of this animal.^ The 
 drawing, as in the case of the lions, is too much elon- 
 gated, and the sculptor has not carried out his work 
 with realism, obeying only established conventions. 
 The horns of the animal are both drawn forward ; his 
 shoulder muscles are shown in exaggerated outline, 
 
 ' C£. the sculptures of Marash, p. Ill, and of Boghaz-Keui, p. 217, 
 PI, Lxiii. (ii). '^ Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, iii., PI. xLiv. 
 
PLA-JE LXXVII 
 
 I. HITTITE GOD OF THE SKIES 
 
 WITH LIGHTN'ING AND A 
 
 HAMMER IN HIS 
 
 HANDS 
 
 (^See f>. 291.) 
 
 HITTITE GOD OF THE DOUBLE 
 AXE (CF. THE SCUI-PTURES 
 OF BOGHAZ-KEUI, 
 I'L. I.XIV. ) 
 
 (See /<. 28S.) 
 
SINJERLI : THE BULI.-GATE 293 
 
 and just above his hoof on each leg there seems to be a 
 ring or ornament of some kind. The third block of 
 stone bears a new design, being that of a rider facing 
 in the same direction. The horse is small and ill- 
 drawn; the trappings seem to be somewhat like a 
 halter, as in the case of the chariot horses, and the 
 rider holds a pair of reins or ropes, both of which pass 
 on the near side of the neck. No saddle or stirrup is 
 visible. The features of the man are not clearly 
 preserved. His head-dress, however, is plainly the 
 simple conical helmet or hat, and the Hittite curl may 
 be seen falling behind. Upon his left arm, and covering 
 his body from our view, there is borne a large round 
 shield. Rising from behind his back, at a level with 
 his shoulder, is an object which may be taken for a 
 large quiver. 
 
 Nos. xxvi.-xxvii. Corresponding to these sculptures 
 on the opposite side, the right-hand flanking wall to 
 the inner doorway is decorated by a similar representa- 
 tion of a bull, facing outwards, and occupying two 
 stones, and of a man on the left-hand side who faces 
 in the opposite direction. The latter representation 
 (No. xxvii.) is new. The man stands, it is evident, with his 
 back to the animal, and probably the two subjects are 
 distinct. He is clad in a long-fringed skirt and vest 
 with short sleeves. A close-fitting skull-cap and the 
 Hittite shoes complete his costume. His beard pro- 
 jects somewhat forward, and the Hittite lock is seen 
 behind his neck. A long dagger or sword hangs from 
 behind his girdle, the handle forward. He carries two 
 objects which seem to be similar to one another, 
 resembling clubs in outline. In his right hand he 
 holds out one of these, which he grasps just above the 
 level of his head ; in his left hand, however, he holds 
 
294 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 the other at the end of the handle which rests in a 
 natural way upon his left shoulder. 
 
 Nos. xxviii.-xxix. There remain the sculptures which 
 decorate the inner frontage-wall of this doorway, that 
 is, the first wall confronting any one passing out from 
 the citadel. On the right hand, the nearest sculptures 
 are a pair of deer drawn only in outline, one upon 
 each of two blocks of stone. The animals are turned 
 towards one another, but the nearer one is looking 
 backwards, so that both their faces are looking towards 
 the entrance. On the opposite side, that is to the 
 east, there are three sculptures on separate blocks of 
 stone. 
 
 No. XXX. Of these three the first,^ which is carved 
 on the same block as the man with clubs (No. xxvii.) 
 just described, is a complex monstrous figure. The 
 body is apparently that of a lion, with mouth open 
 and tail erect. A wing rises from behind the shoulder, 
 and in the drawing is continuous with the conven- 
 tional outline of the shoulder muscles. Upon the neck 
 there rises the head of a human-being wearing the 
 close skull-cap, the front brim of which upturns. The 
 features are those familiar in the preceding sculptures, 
 and the Hittite curl behind the neck is not omitted. A 
 broad band, decorated in three rows, is shown around 
 the neck. It is unfortunate that the stone shows signs 
 of weathering, and little detail can be made out, for 
 the representation is unique ; and though the drawing 
 is crude, it is not altogether inelegant. 
 
 No. xxxi. The next stone is not decorated, but upon 
 the second from the corner is the picture of a warrior, 
 with shield and spear similar to those two previously 
 described (Nos. iii. and xvii.). The only detail which 
 
 ' Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli iii., PI. XLlii. No. 1. 
 
SINJERLI : MUSICIANS 295 
 
 may be added is the appearance of a tassel hanging 
 from the peak of his conical hat. 
 
 No. xxxii. After a similar interval there appears the 
 last sculpture of this wall, in which, though much 
 weathered and hardly traceable, we seem to see the 
 picture of a hunter holding up a rabbit with his left 
 hand and brandishing a long spear in his right. He 
 seems to wear a tall helmet, but other details are 
 obscure. 
 
 Having now completed a survey of the sculptures 
 decorating the inner walls of this entrance on either 
 side of the doorway, we pass outside, where there 
 were found several interesting carvings which seem 
 to have decorated the outer flanking walls, and were 
 seen therefore in approaching the entrance to the 
 citadel from the south. On the right hand side, that 
 closest the corner was decorated with an animal figure 
 now no longer visible, while on a small stone (No. 
 xxxiii.) placed above it there seems to be the picture 
 of a dog, which is equally destroyed. The next four, 
 however, are more plain. 
 
 No. xxxiv. The first is the picture of a musician 
 seated upon a stool. He wears a long skirt with waist- 
 band, but the details of his dress and features call 
 for no special comment. The instrument which he 
 plays, however, is of interest, being ^ ' a Tambur of 
 pronounced Assyrian type, exactly similar to one of 
 the time of Assur-nazir-pal,' dr. 880 B.c.^ There is a 
 cord for attachment to the shoulder. It has been 
 suggested, alternatively, that an instrument like a 
 harp seen from the side is intended; the position of 
 the musician's hands, however, does not support this 
 
 ' Letter from Miss K. Schlesinger, October i, 1909. 
 2 In the Camp Scene, Brit. Mus. 
 
296 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 view, as with his left he clasps the stem of the instru- 
 ment which he plays ^ with his right. On a small 
 stone placed above this one there is the outline of an 
 eagle or vulture.^ 
 
 No. XXXV. The sculpture on the next stone shows a 
 man who seems to be in relation to the musician to- 
 wards whom he is turned. His dress is a short skirt, 
 and he seems to have worn, in addition to the upturned 
 shoes, some prominent ornament around his ankle. 
 The hat is close-fitting and ribbed laterally. The beard 
 and curl are as usual. His left arm is bent, and with 
 his fingers he seems to touch his beard ; the right hand 
 is obliterated. 
 
 Nos. xxxvi.-xxxvii. The last two sculptures . of this 
 side may be taken together, for they represent the 
 familiar oriental scene of a pair of goats standing 
 upon their hind legs in order to reach the upper green 
 shoots of a shrub at which they are nibbling. 
 
 The left-hand flanking wall to the approach of this 
 main gateway seems to have been destroyed previous 
 to excavation, and no sculptures are on record to form 
 the counterpart to the group last described. In our 
 description we have endeavoured to record the actual 
 find-spot of each stone, but we are convinced, from an 
 examination of the original monuments, and of the 
 excavators' photographs, that very few of them were 
 found in the positions for which they were originally 
 intended. Their varying sizes, the medley and lack of 
 sequence of the subjects they represent, all contribute 
 to support this point of view. Nor do we share with 
 the excavators the opinion that all the sculptures of the 
 outer gate of the town, which we described first, are 
 
 ' Cf. the musicians of Eyuk, PL Lxxiii, (ii). 
 ' Cf. tlie sculpture of Marash, p. 118. 
 
SINJERLI : PROBLEM OF DATE 297 
 
 necessarily older than those of the gate of the citadel ; 
 the former are more weathered, for they have been 
 more exposed, and the latter are not, in our opinion, 
 all contemporary with one another. We can dis- 
 tinguish three or four groups of subjects, which were 
 probably ranged together, as at Eyuk and Sakje- 
 Geuzi. Among these are the procession of mytho- 
 logical creatures and representations of the deities 
 (possibly the king himself impersonating the gods^), 
 the scenes of the chase, the musicians, and the 
 Ceremonial Feast, all of which appear for the most 
 part to be intermingled haphazard. It seems to us 
 that the warrior-figure (No. ii.) might be as old as 
 any sculpture of Boghaz-Keui, while others again 
 might be as late as history sanctions. We believe them 
 to be in the main the work of the tenth century B.C., 
 and we regard the rearrangement to be due to one of 
 the later restorations of the site, such as the local 
 documents show must have been not infrequent, and 
 possibly to the preparation of the buildings as summer 
 palace of Esarhaddon in the seventh century B.C. 
 
 There are several further sculptures of considerable 
 interest, including two pairs of massive lions which 
 must have served as corner-jambs of doorways, like 
 those of Sakje-Geuzi.^ In this case, however, the 
 lions are of enormous size. One pair is carved only 
 in outline, while the work of the other is carried out 
 in detail of admirable quality. Most striking of all, 
 however, are two stone busts in relief, found near to 
 the lions last mentioned.^ Here we are face to face 
 
 ' Compare the features of the warrior, No. ii., PI. Lxxv. (ii), with the 
 god-figures, Pis. lxxv. (ii), Lxxvii. 
 ^ Below, PI. Lxxix.; and Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, iii., Pis. XLVi., 
 
 XL VII. 
 
 ' Op. cit., iii. p. 236 (with figs. 142, 143, 144, 145), where they are ascribed 
 to Byzantine origins. 
 
298 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 with that remarkable facial type and head-dress which 
 characterises the sphinxes of Eyuk.^ The stones are 
 very weathered, but there can be little doubt, from 
 the front and profile views which have been published, 
 that they are each decorated with the bust and head of 
 a woman. There can be distinguished the roundness of 
 face, the high cheek-bones, the band across the fore- 
 head, the curving wig over the head, and finally (but 
 faintly) the outward curl of the ends of the wig on 
 each side of the throat, which are plain on the 
 sculptures ^of Eyuk. The nature of the sphinx-bases, 
 another series of sculptures of striking character, will 
 become apparent in the description of the palace-portico 
 at Sakje-Geuzi which follows. 
 
 Part III.— The Mounds and Palace-portico at 
 Sakje-Geuzi. 
 
 We have already described the situation of the neigh- 
 bouring site of Sakje-Geuzi, and the nature of some of 
 its surface monuments. There are several prominent 
 mounds in this locality : the sculptures mentioned and 
 the palace ruins lately discovered ^ are connected with 
 the smallest of these. Soundings made in the other 
 mounds have made it clear that their nature is similar, 
 and their growth collateral: in all probability they 
 contain inscribed and sculptured monuments, the care- 
 ful uncovering of ■which would contribute new pages, 
 if not volumes, to our knowledge of oriental history. 
 So far as excavation has proceeded on this site, it has 
 been sufficient to determine the nature of the main 
 
 ' Above, p. 254 and PI. lxxii. 
 
 2 By the Liverpool expedition of 1908. Liv. Annals of Archccology, 
 i. (1908), pp. 97-117, and Pis. xxxiii.-XLix. 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : LOCAL HISTORY 299 
 
 fortifications, and to disclose within the walls the por- 
 tico of a palace decorated with a frieze of sculptured 
 slabs in their original positions and in fresh un- 
 weathered state. It is also demonstrated that here, at 
 any rate, long ages of local development preceded the 
 period which these striking monuments have rendered 
 more conspicuous, though historically not more im- 
 portant. In the story of the decline and fall of the 
 Hittite power, however, nothing could be more inter- 
 esting than these sculptured monuments, with the 
 increasing signs of Assyrian influence upon them, and 
 the study of them becomes endowed with wider 
 significance by comparison with those elsewhere. Not 
 only can we measure, by the local differences and 
 similarities to be seen in the works of Sinjerli and 
 Sakje-Geuzi, the depth to which Assyrian feeling had 
 already permeated the Hittite arts in the early cen- 
 turies of the first millennium B.C. ; but by comparing 
 these again with those of Byuk, we may realise how 
 far certain features of architecture and religious 
 symbolism were originally Hittite, and though here 
 modified by close contact with the all-absorbing 
 Assyrian power, remained on the farther side of the 
 Taurus free from recognisable intrusion to the end. 
 
 In the small mound excavated at Sakje-Geuzi, the 
 form of the main enclosure was found to be practically 
 rectangular and four-sided, enclosing an area about 
 a hundred feet long and eighty feet wide. A slight 
 modification in form seems to have been made, either 
 at the time of building the whole wall or later, where 
 the north-western wall skirts the steep edge of the 
 mound as it approaches the northern corner. No 
 gateway was found, the lower side of the mound 
 opposite the palace being almost denuded even to the 
 
300 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 foundations of the wall, which was found, in other 
 places, six or eight feet below the surface. Nor did any 
 outer rampart on the lower level correspond to the 
 wide enclosure at Sinjerli. The wall was built of small 
 stones revetted together by stouter facing blocks ; 
 these, though laid approximately in courses, were fitted 
 together without much shaping and without mortar, as 
 in Beuyuk Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui, and in the fortifica- 
 tions of Sinjerli. The wall was supported by external 
 buttresses or mural towers, about thirteen feet wide, 
 and projecting about three feet ; these occur at 
 intervals which decrease considerably around the 
 steeper edge of the mound. The corners were similarly 
 strengthened by rectangular turrets of the same pro- 
 jection. The wall was nearly twelve feet thick, and 
 its foundations were proportionately deep and massive, 
 as though destined to sustain a height of twenty feet 
 or more, of which some thirteen feet remained pre- 
 served where the soil was deepest. The lowest courses 
 of the foundations were built of large stones, sugges- 
 tive of the masonry on Beuyuk Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui.'^ 
 Within the enclosure a series of superposed build- 
 ings on the higher ground gave token of successive 
 ages of occupation, and partially covered the site of a 
 palace, which was found at a depth of seven or eight 
 feet below the surface. This has not been completely 
 uncovered, but the details of the portico and the sculp- 
 tures which adorned its facade, show that it was 
 generally similar to the chief Hittite palace (of Ara- 
 maic times) at Sinjerli, which was still in use in the 
 eighth century B.C. Probably most of the construction 
 had been made in unburnt brick, which had largely 
 been reduced to mud, leaving, as usual, little trace of 
 
 > Cf. p. 205. 
 
PLATE LXXVIII 
 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : LION-PORTICO 301 
 
 original arrangement ; but the sculptured slabs which 
 had adorned the entrance remained standing in posi- 
 tion, and enable the plan of the building to be traced. 
 The doorway seems to have been divided and sup- 
 ported in the middle by a round column/ and to 
 have been flanked on either hand by a square wing- 
 tower, distantly suggestive of the Egyptian pylon. It 
 was approached by two broad steps reaching from side 
 to side, leading up to a platform or threshold paved 
 with large flagstones. This formed the main threshold, 
 twenty-four feet in width and seven feet in depth. 
 The pavement was continuous in the wings only far 
 enough to serve as foundations for the facing slabs of 
 the corner towers : the ornanaental pedestal just men- 
 tioned was also set upon it. 
 
 Turning to the scheme of decoration,^ the main 
 feature is found in two life-size and realistic repre- 
 sentations of lions, one on either side, guarding as it 
 were the entrance to the building of which they formed 
 the corner-stones. The forequarters and heads of the 
 animals are carved in the round, and project beyond the 
 frontage of the wall, while the body and hind-quarters 
 are in high relief, being continuous with the other 
 sculptures that adorn the flanking walls. In detail of 
 execution these beasts are fashioned after the models 
 already familiar from earlier descriptions.^ The fore- 
 paws are side by side and slightly advanced; the 
 further hind leg is advanced, and the tail droops down 
 and forward, ending in a curl between the feet. The 
 
 1 Only the base or pedestal of the column was preserved, and the 
 excavators found reason to believe that, after the destruction of the build- 
 ing, it had served some other purpose, possibly as an altar. 
 
 2 See Pis. Lxxvii., lxxxi. 
 
 3 See Pis. Lxxix., lxxx.; and compare the lions of Marash (Pi. xlii.), 
 of Eyuk (p. 263), and of Sinjerli (p. 297). Also of Boghaz-Keui, PI. lx. and 
 p. 210, 
 
302 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 mane is full, with a ruifle round the throat, and the 
 hair is specially thick upon the shoulders and below 
 the belly, as in other instances. That which is striking 
 about these and, indeed, the other sculptures of this 
 series, is their sharpness and preservation, which 
 enables us to look upon them with renewed interest 
 and refreshment, especially after contemplation of the 
 weathered reliefs from which Hittite art has previously 
 been almost wholly known and judged. Though ' pro- 
 vincial' work, the snarling defiant realism of these 
 lions has never been surpassed in any specimen of 
 oriental art. Architecturally, it has been noticed, they 
 formed the corner-stones of the building, and the line 
 of the front wall is indicated by the stops across the 
 dressed horizontal surface of the stone above their 
 backs, upon which they must have seemed to bear the 
 chief weight of the towers, if not of the door-jambs 
 themselves. The blocks out of which they were carved 
 were proportionately more massive than the other 
 stones of the series, in order to bear a superimposed 
 weight as well as to enable the forepart of the animals 
 to be represented in the round. 
 
 The subjects depicted on the slabs adjoining the 
 lions, both those by the side along the frontage and 
 those which immediately follow along the flanking 
 walls of the portico, were reproduced in duplicate on 
 either side. The nearest, along the side, shows in each 
 case an eagle-headed winged deity with human body 
 (a familiar Assyrian design) ; he stands erect, with bare 
 feet, facing towards the lion ; he proffers with the 
 extended further hand a seed, and carries a basket in 
 the near hand, which is held up with elbow bent. His 
 dress is a plain skirt reaching hardly to the knees. 
 The muscles of the legs are shown with some amount 
 
PLATE LXXIX 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : ASSYRIAN MOTIVES 303 
 
 of detail. The wings are four in number, of which one 
 pair rise up from the shoulders, while the others are 
 depressed. The head-dress ends upon the shoulder in a 
 conspicuous curling plait. The next slab is much wider, 
 but the height remains the same, namely about three 
 feet. On this two figures, standing and facing towards 
 one another, are represented in the act of fertilising 
 the sacred tree. The further hand of each holds a 
 seed aloft, while the near one grasps a curving knife 
 with upturning blade. The tree is shown convention- 
 ally with three pairs of curling branches, while the 
 stem (but not the foliage) suggests the scaly date- 
 palm.^ The figures are clad alike, in a short skirt 
 reaching just to the knee, covered by a sleeveless 
 cloak cut away in front and falling behind to the 
 ankles. The lower part is fringed. Their hats are 
 like the fez of modern times, with a knob in the 
 middle on the top (in the Assyrian fashion) and a horn 
 upon the sides. Their feet seem (but not clearly) to 
 be shod with shoes with upturning toes. The features, 
 beard and hair, are in a conventional Assyrian style. 
 Above the figures, and reaching from side to side of 
 the slab, is the emblem consisting of a winged rosette 
 and crescent. There are twelve petals to the rosette, 
 and the crescent is immediately below it : in these two 
 features we may have a prototype of the star and 
 crescent of the Turkish peoples.^ The legs of the 
 bird ^ survive in the composition of this emblem only 
 as decorative features, and the talons give place to 
 outward curves or circles, like those seen on the head- 
 
 1 Compare the treatment of the mounds upon which stands the priest- 
 dynast in the sculptures of lasily Kaya, No. 22 R., PI. Lxviii. 
 
 2 On the subject of this emblem, cf. Ridgeway, ' The Origin of the 
 Turkish Crescent,' Jour. Eoy. Anihrop. Inst., vol. xxxviii., ii. (1908), 
 p. 241. 
 
 3 Cf. the double eagles of lasily Kaya and Byuk, Pis. lxv., lxxij. 
 
304 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 dress of the sphinxes at Eyuk.^ From these, slender 
 pistillate objects, with divided or cup-like ends, hang 
 down to touch the seeds within the uplifted hands 
 of the men. Other objects like cords, but undefined, 
 hang down from the same place, falling behind their 
 wrists. It is suggested that possibly the fertilisa- 
 tion of the pistil is the subject of the scene. However 
 that may be, we notice that, as in the previous case, 
 the muscles of the arms and legs are strongly shown ; 
 the figures, too, are stolid, and the drawing, treatment, 
 and subject are alike strongly Assyrian in feeling, with 
 the exception of the peculiar and distinctive feature of 
 the rosette and crescent. This representation completes 
 the series of sculptures decorating the frontage of the 
 palace, but there are others flanking the entrance on 
 either side. Of these the lion corner-stones come first, 
 and the details of these we have already examined. 
 
 The Lions are followed on each side by representations 
 of winged sphinxes, the two sculptures, as in the other 
 cases examined, being practically duplicates of one 
 another. The creatures may be supposed to have the 
 body of a lion, though the general pose is stiff, and the 
 position of the front legs even suggests a bird, corre- 
 sponding to the wings above; the further details of 
 the monster, however, do not bear out this suggestion. 
 The treatment of the head and details of this sculpture 
 again fails to suggest anything distinctively Hittite, 
 but only here and there the survival of Hittite feeling 
 and tradition. Probably this art corresponds to an 
 early phase of Semitic influence, such as was illus- 
 trated with more completeness in the excavations of 
 Sinjerli. The first criterion is to be found in the treat- 
 ment of the hair, which falls all around the back of 
 > Cf, p, 253 and PI. Lxxil. 
 
PLATE LXXX 
 
SAKJEGEUZI: SPHINXES 305 
 
 the head in ringlets, and does not curl backward in a 
 single bunch, in the fashion characteristic of the Hittite 
 figures of Marash, Carchemish, and Bor. The beard is 
 treated in similar fashion, while upon the cheeks it 
 is represented by little coils or concentric circles. The 
 features of the man are also much softer and less 
 pronounced than those with which we are familiar in 
 Hittite works of Asia Minor. The head-dress is a sort 
 of helmet, a close-fitting rounded hat with a knob on 
 the top. The wings of this creature are folded by the 
 side, extending beyond the tail, and the whole of the 
 breast is covered as it were with down. The hind- 
 quarters of the animal are strongly delineated, and 
 the treatment here certainly suggests a lion's body. 
 The tail is held aloft and comes to an end in the shape 
 of a bird's head, but whether of a swan or goose is 
 not clear. Though we fail to comprehend the full 
 meaning of the symbolism involved in this detail, it is 
 full of interesting suggestions.^ This feature is found 
 on each sphinx ; and there may also be traced, more 
 clearly on the right than on the left, the design of a 
 horn upon the helmet. On the right-hand side the 
 series of sculptures now terminates, the corner having 
 been disarranged at some time. Two or three loose 
 slabs, with traces of sculpture upon them, were found 
 in the neighbourhood, and obviously had completed 
 the decoration of the inner corner. The sculptures 
 seem to represent men, two of them clad in long robes 
 with fringed border, and a third presumably clad in a 
 short tunic. On one of the former, the figure is preserved 
 below the shoulders, and there may be seen the outline 
 
 ■ In the Liverpool Institute of Archaaology there is a small stela of 
 Egyptian work dating from about the twenty-eighth dynasty, on which a 
 standing sphinx is portrayed ; the tail of this creature is made to repre- 
 sent the head of a cobra. Compare also a sculpture from Sinjerli, p. 275. 
 
306 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 of a long dagger, or knife, in its sheath, with a fringed 
 tassel ' probably in attachment with its handle. Owing 
 to the condition of the stone, it cannot be seen whether 
 this tassel was attached to a girdle or whether it was 
 independent ; nor indeed is it clear that it hangs 
 actually from the handle of the dirk. The other stones 
 of this corner are too much weathered and broken 
 for further instructive details to be made out with 
 certainty. 
 
 Upon the left-hand side, however, the series is com- 
 plete, and remains in good condition in its original 
 position. Following the sphinx there comes the figure 
 of a man who, from his position, is the most important 
 human being of the series, and must be deemed there- 
 fore to be the priest-dynast of the locality. The figure 
 itself faces naturally to our left, following the direction 
 of the leading sculptures, looking, that is, towards the 
 outside of the palace. In the treatment of this sculp- 
 ture there is revealed an interesting mixture of 
 original Hittite motive with the change brought about, 
 as we suppose, by Semitic infusion. The robe in which 
 he is clad is a survival of the toga so familiar in the 
 sculptures of Asia Minor.^ The loose folds pass frona 
 behind over the right shoulder and are clasped by his 
 left hand. The garment seems to hang quite loosely, 
 and numerous folds in it are shown, following the 
 direction in which it is wrapped around him- The 
 sleeves of the undervest may also be seen, coming to 
 an end as usual at the elbow. His feet are shod with 
 sandals, and there are large bracelets upon his wrists. 
 His hair is dressed in a series of wavy curls, arranged 
 
 ' Cf . the tassel and dirk upon the stone recently discovered at Marash, 
 p. 115. 
 
 2 Especially in representations of the priesthood. Cf. Boghaz-Keui, 
 (PI. Lxviii.), Eyuk (PI. LXXii.). 
 
PLATE LXXXI 
 
 I. SCULPTQKES DECORATING LEFT-HAND FLANKING WALL 
 
 i!. SCULPTUKES ON THE KETUKN WALL CONTINUING THE SERIES 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : PRIEST-KING 307 
 
 from side to side across the top of the head, and bound 
 by a narrow fillet, which is decorated at intervals with 
 concentric circles. The features of this personage are 
 crudely represented : the eye is shown in full, and ex- 
 aggerated in size ; the nose, in contradistinction to 
 the usual Hittite representations, is small and almost 
 Mongoloid ; the lips are heavy. The beard, both upon 
 the cheek and where it hangs freely, is in the style illus- 
 trated by the sphinx figure which precedes, but the hair 
 obeys the older convention to a certain extent, being 
 bunched together behind the neck and curling back- 
 wards. In his right hand the king-priest holds out some- 
 thing like a cup with a long stem, the precise nature of 
 which is not evident. It can hardly be thought that he 
 is offering to either of the creatures that precede him, 
 inasmuch as they are facing away from him. It seems 
 more likely, from the sculptures which follow, that he 
 is simply refreshing himself with wine. The series is 
 continued, but not upon the same face of the wall ; for 
 the stone upon which the priest-king is carved proved 
 to be the corner-stone, marking the return of the 
 inner wall of the wing-tower on that side. On this 
 inner wall two further sculptures are found on two 
 separate slabs. With these the series comes to an end, 
 though it is not clear that the actual corner of the 
 tower is indicated by this discontinuity. Both figures 
 are those of men : both are carved with noticeable 
 skill, and remarkably preserved. They seem to be 
 attendants in the palace or personal servants of 
 the king, for they are clad alike and carry in their 
 hands objects for the king's use. Their dress is a long 
 robe with a fringe-like band some little way above the 
 hem. Their feet are shod with sandals, the toes of 
 which are slightly upturned. They wear no ornaments, 
 
308 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 and round their heads there is only a plain fillet end- 
 ing in a fringed bow. Both stand facing to their right, 
 following their leader, with their right feet advanced, 
 their right arms extended, and the left arms held up 
 by the side of the body. The leader holds up in his 
 right hand what seems to be a fly-whisk, while with his 
 left he holds a pendent object like a piece of leather 
 or ribbon ending in a fringe. This probably explains 
 the representation on the corresponding stone on the 
 opposite side, and it is significant that it seems to have 
 no connection with the dagger, which is suspended 
 from his waist by an attachment passing over the 
 right shoulder. It is interesting to note also that this 
 stone seems to have been carved in situ, for part of the 
 whisk is found upon the corner-stone which precedes 
 it, while the end of the dagger is found in like manner 
 on the stone which follows. The second figure holds 
 aloft a bird carved like a vulture, but from its size 
 and the general nature of the subject it must be 
 taken for a falcon.'^ In his left hand the falconer holds 
 the ' lure,' a sling, to which there was generally attached 
 a bell or similar object, to be thrown after the bird to 
 attract it to return. This person also carries a dagger, 
 suspended in like manner by an attachment which 
 passes over the right shoulder, and is connected with 
 the sheath appropriately at two points. The handle of 
 this dagger is peculiar, suggesting a small notch in the 
 metal between the hilt and the blade. 
 
 There remains to be mentioned one striking sculp- 
 
 ' The treatment of this bii-d is very similar to that on the small monu- 
 ment from Marash, p. 118, illustrated in Humann and Puchstein, Reisen in 
 Kleinasien, PI. XLVii., fig. 2 ; and Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia 
 Minor, ii. p. 68, Sg. 2, and p. 181. It is interesting to compare it also with 
 the bird sculptured on an archaic statue from Asia Minor of the sixth 
 century B.C., No. 1577, Berlin Museum, Stehende Frau. 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : SPHINX-BASE 309 
 
 tured object, placed as we have mentioned in the 
 middle of the portico between the wing-towers, and 
 clearly defined as the base of an architectural column 
 to support the doorway. The design, in brief, suggests 
 that the weight of the drum was borne upon the backs 
 of two sphinxes standing side by side. All round the 
 top edge the pedestal is decorated with a design of 
 numerous fingers placed side by side, the nails up- 
 wards ; a similar object was found, as we have seen, at 
 Sinjerli, upon which this detail also was clear. The 
 rest of the sculpture is more simple, but equally 
 striking, not merely from the nature of the design, 
 but from the beautiful quality of its execution. The 
 body of each sphinx seems to be that of an elongated 
 Hon. Two paws are seen in front, three from the side 
 and two from behind, so that we have a new con- 
 vention illustrated, which seems to be peculiar to 
 Hittite art. It recalls that of Assyrian art, but 
 nevertheless differs essentially. In both cases such 
 animals are represented with five legs, in order to 
 give a realistic effect to each of the three points 
 of view. But in Assyrian art the front leg on the 
 remote side would have been repeated in the side 
 view ; whereas here it is the hind leg which is dupli- 
 cated. The human portrait upon this animal is remark- 
 able, recalling to a striking degree the head of the 
 sphinx at Eyuk, and to a certain extent the portrait 
 statue of the Egyptian queen Nefret, to which we 
 have alluded.^ It seems without doubt to represent 
 a female. The face is full, the lips are firm and 
 somewhat severe, the eyes are hollowed as for the 
 reception of inlaid precious stones. The hair hangs 
 in two ringlets on either side, between which the ear 
 1 See p. 255, PI. lxxii. 
 
310 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 can be seen. Upon the head there is placed a close- 
 fitting wig, or head-dress of that character, made, as 
 we may suspect, of plaited hair or of fine ropework, 
 the strands of which run from front to back. It ends 
 with the shoulders in a triple border, and is decorated 
 on either side of the head with horn-like emblems.^ 
 
 As in the case of the sphinx upon the flanking wall, 
 the breast of this creature is covered with down as 
 though partaking of the scheme completed by the 
 wings, which as in the former case are folded by the 
 side. These cover the upper half of the body only, 
 below which the belly and hind-quarters of the animal 
 may be seen, strongly though somewhat conven- 
 tionally delineated. As in the former cases of lion 
 sculptures there is copious hair under the belly, which 
 in this instance recurs also behind the fore-paws and 
 on the hinder-quarters. The tail descends between 
 the hind legs, curling forward towards the ground, 
 where with a short backward curl its bushy end may 
 be traced. The two sphinxes are similar in all respects 
 to one another, but the head of one was found to have 
 been broken away. The whole composition of this 
 sculpture is so complex that it may be readily believed 
 that it was not designed from an architectural point 
 of view alone, as the mere support for a plain column. 
 The excavators indeed found reason to believe that in 
 some secondary use of the site, after the upper walling 
 of this palace had been destroyed, the flat top of this 
 
 ' Compare the head-dress of the priest-king just described. The horns 
 are wanting on the similar sphinx-base from Sinjerll (Ausgrabungen in 
 Sendscliirli, ii., PI. xxxiii.), and in this case an extra short wing is shown 
 descending behind the shoulder : otherwise the details of treatment corre- 
 spond. It is interesting to compare these bases with one of purely Assyrian 
 style, published by Layard (Monuments of Nineveh, i. PI. xcv.) ; In the 
 latter case there are three pairs of horns, and the rendering of the idea 
 differs in nearly every detail. 
 
PLATE LXXXn 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI: STYLE OF ART 311 
 
 pedestal had served as an altar or its equivalent, and 
 by the side of it they found numerous burnt bones 
 and cinders. It is clear, however, that in its original 
 inception the palace doorway must have required a 
 column to help the broad span between the wing- 
 towers, which amounted to more than twenty-three 
 feet. We are inclined to believe that possibly such a 
 column, in conformity with the general design of the 
 building, may have been in the form of a great statue, 
 similar for example to that of Panammu found at 
 Gerdschein near to Sinjerli,^ and more particularly 
 to the round column-figure found at Palanga.^ This 
 conclusion is, however, merely hypothetical, based 
 purely on the elaborate nature of the pedestal, and on 
 the rounded nature of the statues in question. It 
 would however, be well accordant with the phase of 
 oriental art to which the sculptures pertain. 
 
 Before passing from the subject of this portico, we 
 must mention also two broad steps which obviously 
 formed part of the same building. They are decorated 
 chiefly with rosettes, and seem to have given access to 
 an inner chamber, the connection of which with the 
 threshold is not yet clear. 
 
 In regard to the art illustrated by these subjects in 
 general they lead us, after careful comparison with 
 other Hittite monuments and with the ' Aramaic ' monu- 
 ments of Sinjerli,^to the conclusion that they represent 
 an intermediate stage between the one and the other.* 
 We cannot, from the internal evidence, decide whether 
 
 ' See Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, i., p. 54, fig. 16; and Berlin Vor- 
 deras. Mus., No. 3012. 
 
 2 See Chapter m., p. 141, and PI. xlv., and cf. p. 142, note 4. 
 
 ' In the Berl. Vorderas. Mus., vide Ausgrabungen, etc., iv. 
 
 * In this opinion we differ somewhat from Dr. Messerschmidt, Orien- 
 taliatische Litter aturzeitung, Sept. 1909, pp. 378, 381, where he reviews 
 the results of the excavations made by us at SakjeGeuzi. 
 
312 WALLED TOWNS AND PALACES 
 
 this appearance is due to the influence of Hittite 
 dominion over an Aramaean population, or to the super- 
 session of a Hittite stronghold by Semitic rulers. 
 
 The excavations which have been made at Sakje- 
 Geuzi have not as yet been rewarded by any document- 
 ary evidence. An effort was made to obtain some 
 material basis for chronology by cutting a section of 
 the mound down to the undisturbed ground upon 
 which it had grown. It was found that the whole mound 
 was artificial, being the accumulated rubbish of con- 
 tinuous or successive settlements. It began in remote 
 antiquity with the middens and other traces of a 
 primitive neolithic population, whose flint and obsidian 
 fragments and black pottery formed a distinct deposit, 
 in which the excavators thought they detected three 
 strata. That age was succeeded by two others, during 
 which the neolithic culture remained predominant. 
 Towards the end of this phase a new style of painted 
 pottery began to make its appearance, and thereafter 
 for two long ages painted motives typify the Ceramic art 
 of the locality. The main wall of the mound was built 
 at the close of the last of these periods, and it seems to 
 have been contemporary with the construction of the 
 palace within. Subsequently painted pottery appears 
 only sporadically, and such fragments as were found 
 are more definitely related to late j3l]gean art, while the 
 commoner pottery was the hard burnt brick-like ware 
 familiar on Assyrian sites.^ 
 
 There can be no doubt that in this record of two 
 thousand fragments of pottery in their original strati- 
 fication, there is valuable material for future compara- 
 tive study. For the present, however, that which 
 
 ' See Liverpool Annals of Archceology, vol. i., No. 4, PI. XLlil., and 
 p. 112, etc. 
 
SAKJE-GEUZI : PROBLEM OF DATE 313 
 
 prevents the immediate application of this material to 
 the problem of chronology is the remarkable fact that 
 nearly all the early painted fabrics,' which constitute 
 by far the larger portion of objects found in the course 
 of this section, seem to be local, or at any rate unlike 
 any others upon record. In the course of future 
 excavations in this and other localities, doubtless rela- 
 tions will be established which will enable archaeologists 
 to connect the growth of this site with the established 
 chronology of some civilisation like that of Egypt or 
 Assyria. For the present the only relations suggested, 
 and these are not clearly established, are firstly, in 
 regard to the black pottery, sometimes decorated with 
 a white incised pattern, which resembles in general 
 character that found sparsely in the Troad by Schlie- 
 mann ^ and by Dr. Arthur Evans in the neolithic and 
 earliest ' Minoan ' strata of Crete ; ^ secondly, a few 
 fragments of a peculiar fabric with black pattern on 
 yellow base, belonging at Sakje-Geuzi to the neolithic 
 epoch, and corresponding closely to some of the age of 
 Naram-Sin, found freely by M. de Morgan in his 
 excavations at Susa ; * and, thirdly, some general 
 resemblance between individual fragments of the 
 painted fabrics and those found by Dr. Pumpelly in 
 Turkestan,^ by Professor Petrie in the Royal Tombs of 
 the First Dynasty at Abydos,^ and more especially by 
 
 ' The later painted fabrics have a clear relation to those of Kara Eyuk 
 (Chantre, ilfissioTO, Pis. iii., x.-xiii.), Boghaz-Keui, and the Kara Dagh. 
 These, however, are not earlier than the first millennium B.C. 
 
 2 Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Excavations (London, 1891), p. 41, figs. 
 18, 20, 21. 
 
 3 Ashmolean Museum, the black, red-black, and red-brown wares, also 
 the pointille. 
 
 * Les Premieres Civilisations (Paris, 1909), p. 198, note 5. 
 
 '' K. PumpeUy, Explorations in Turkestan (Washington, 1908), Pis. 
 XXIX. -XXXIII., specimens to be seen in the Volkerkunde Museum, Berlin. 
 
 " Boyal Tombs, ii. (1901), PI. Liv., specimens to be seen in the Ashmolean 
 Hus., Oxford. 
 
314 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Dr. Evans in the early Minoan strata of Crete.^ The 
 precise nature of these suggested relations is not yet 
 made clear, but for our purpose it is of interest to 
 realise that it is so remote. So far as its Ceramic 
 art is concerned, the Hittite civilisation for many ages 
 developed independently. Further, it is established 
 that the growth of that civilisation may be traced back 
 in the locality for several thousand years, a fact which 
 these excavations have for the first time demonstrated. 
 
 1 E.g. Ashmolean Mus., Class ^. 757 (various kinds), M. 753(red on buff), 
 and M. 758 (mottled red). After early Minoan ii. the resemblance ceases. 
 
VI 
 
 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 In this concluding chapter we shall endeavour to 
 relate the material evidences of Hittite handiwork to 
 the story of their doings. The monuments have been 
 described, their disposition noted, and in some cases 
 the materials for dating them have been defined ; but 
 the outline of Hittite history as sketched in the second 
 chapter remains to be filled in with such details as can 
 be gleaned from the literary sources both old and new. 
 The old sources are well known. They include the 
 letters found at Tell el Amarna,^ the decorative scenes 
 and inscriptions on the walls of Egyptian temples,^ 
 and the archives of the Babylonian and Assyrian 
 kings. In our use of these we must rely on the 
 published translations and critical discussions of 
 philologists,^ which we can do with more reliance in 
 that this branch of investigation is associated with 
 such names as Maspero, IVleyer, Miiller, Sayce, Winck- 
 ler, Hommel, Knudtzon, Reinach. The new sources 
 are the archives of the Hatti kings, the first dynasty 
 of the Hittites yet visible to history, discovered 
 
 1 Temp. Amenhetep iii. and iv. , overlapped by Subbi-luliumaof the Hatfci 
 and Tushratta of Mitanni. We use the edition of Winckler (referred to 
 in the notes as Winckler, T. A. Letters), with some amendments by 
 Knudtzon. 
 
 2 In particular those of Karnak (temp, Seti i. and Kameses ii.), the 
 Bamesseum at Thebes, Abu Simbel and Abydos (temp. Kameses ii., 
 overlapping Mutallu and Hattusil of the Hatti), and Medinet Habu (temp. 
 Barneses iii.). 
 
 ^ For bibliography, etc., see the Appendices, pp. 392 ff. 
 
 316 
 
316 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 recently amid the ruins of their capital at Boghaz- 
 Keui.^ These documents are at the beginning con- 
 temporary with the Tell el Amarna letters, which they 
 supplement and substantiate, and they range in date 
 practically as far as the Egyptian references, by the 
 side of which they provide a series of important 
 synchronisms. These new archives have not yet been 
 published in full, so that we do not reap the advantage 
 of others' criticisms in this case. But Dr. Winckler 
 has given the world the first fruits of his labours,^ 
 which embody the materials for many long-lost pages 
 of oriental history. These we have endeavoured to 
 analyse, for they are difficult and obscurely put for- 
 ward, and we shall express them in what appears to 
 us to be their historical sequence and relationship. 
 
 As usual, however, in these investigations, the purely 
 archaeological evidences throw light on the settle- 
 ment of the Hittites long before the earliest literary 
 allusions. The mound of Sakje-Geuzi,^ at the southern 
 foot of Taurus, illustrates the development of local 
 culture during a continuous occupation of the site 
 throughout a period which is not overestimated as 
 beginning before .3000 B.C. and lasting down to the 
 time of Assyrian domination. We have already seen 
 that the earliest settlers shared some features of their 
 neolithic culture in common with Susa on the one 
 hand and the Troad and even Crete on the other.* 
 Was all western Asia and the jEgean infused with a 
 common germ of civilisation in those days, or was this 
 settlement in remote antiquity an incident in a migra- 
 
 ' See above, p. 208 ; also an article in Liv. Annals of Arch., i. pp. 41 ff. 
 
 2 Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-Koi, 1907, by Hugo Winckler ; Mitteil. der 
 Deuts. Orient-Ges., 1907, No. 35. Also an article. Die in Sommer 1906 . . . 
 Ausgr., in Orient. Lit.-Zeitung, ix., No. 12, pp. 621 flf. 
 
 3 See above, p. 312. < See above, p. 313. 
 
THE PROBLEM OF ORIGINS 317 
 
 tion from one point to the other ? Unfortunately we 
 have no collateral evidence as to the plateau of Asia 
 Minor to help in answering these questions ; yet if 
 the Hittite culture had taken root in the north of 
 Syria before the second millennium B.C., it may readily 
 be believed that it had been planted equally long upon 
 the tableland, where in historic times its chief power 
 is found. The high standard of Hittite culture, as 
 revealed by their own archives and monuments at 
 the dawn of their history in the fourteenth century B.C., 
 argues in itself a long period of settlement and 
 development under civilised conditions; while a long 
 contact with the culture of the Euphrates valley is 
 indicated also by the fact that their earliest interna- 
 tional correspondence was conducted in the Assyro- 
 Babylonian language, while their scribes had sufficient 
 intimacy with the cuneiform system of writing to be 
 able to apply it to their own language, which was 
 radically different. The great deities of the Hittite 
 pantheon also have their prototypes in Babylonia. 
 
 Of what stock, then, were these early settlers, and 
 whence did they come ? Did they form part of a great 
 migration from the East, like the Turks in modern 
 history, according to an old school of thought? were 
 they Semitic? or did they pass like the Phrygian 
 conquerors, from Europe into Asia, absorbing and 
 adopting Eastern thought and habits, a veritable 
 mirage orientale ? That the Hittites were not autoch- 
 thonous, if such a term has any meaning, is apparent 
 already, and will become more clear as we proceed, 
 from the complexity of their pantheon and the mingled 
 elements of their peoples. We must from the outset 
 beware also of the pitfall of inconsistent terminology. 
 The name Hittite is commonly employed in three 
 
318 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 senses which we must distinguish : it may be used in 
 reference to the whole confederacy of peoples as 
 depicted in the Egyptian scenes, or to the smaller 
 and more homogeneous band of Hittite tribes, or to 
 the dominant tribe of Hatti within the Halys, which 
 seems to have given its name in antiquity to the 
 whole. The Egyptian artists indeed recognised the 
 mixed character of the confederates in their day, and 
 noted some of their peculiarities, but did not dis- 
 tinguish between them with sufficient clearness or 
 consistency for our purpose. Two types which we 
 reproduce ^ will serve to illustrate the wide difference 
 of racial character among the Hittite allies obvious to 
 the Egyptians in the time of Rameses the Great. The 
 one is Mongoloid, characterised by a definite pigtail,^ 
 oblique eyes, high cheek-bones ; in short, a recognisable 
 •^Tartar type. We are inclined to place it in the vicinity 
 of Carchemish, if not beyond the Euphrates, upon the 
 main trade route with the East. The other is a clean- 
 cut proto-Greek type, with a special form of shield, 
 which we are tempted to assign to Lydia or some part 
 of western Asia Minor. The Amorites, an Aramaean 
 (Semitic) people, are also conspicuous among the 
 allies of these times, being distinguished by a pro- 
 jecting beard, receding forehead, and other features.^ 
 These vast differences among the peoples united under 
 
 1 PI. Lxxxiii. , from the north wall of the temple of Rameses ii. at Abydos. 
 
 2 In this case the head is shaved. There is another form of pigtail 
 which must be distinguished from this, being in fact only the hair so 
 cut and drawn together behind the head that it ends in the same way. 
 Cf. De G. Davies, Tell el Amarna II. (temp. Amenhetep iv. Akhenaten), 
 PI. XL. (bottom row) ; also ' the people of Dapur in the land of the 
 Amorites,' S. wall o£ the great hall in the Ramesseum (T in Mui-ray's 
 Handbook for Egypt, 1907, p. 414), where also the square shield and 
 triangular bow should be noted. 
 
 3 This type may be freely recognised, e.g. in the Ramesseum and at 
 Abydos, Petrie, Racial Types, pp. 146-148, republished in his History of 
 Egypt, ni.^.i8,&^.Vl. Cf. our 'livingAmorite,'Pl.Lxxsiv. andp. 12, n. 1. 
 
THE EASTERN ELEMENT 319 
 
 the Hatti leadership in the thirteenth century B.C. are 
 now explained historically, as will become evident later 
 in this chapter. They reveal to us a population of the 
 Hittite lands no less mixed than that of Turkey in 
 Asia to-day. They do not, however, throw any light 
 upon the question of the original race of the Hittite 
 tribes. These are commonly identified with another 
 type with a long head, long nose, and receding fore- 
 head, deep-set eyes somewhat obliquely placed, and 
 yellow, wrinkled skin. A sharp, firm line runs down 
 from beside the nostril on either side of the lips.^ 
 On the walls of the Ramesseum, where it is best seen, 
 this type is associated with Aleppo, and we must 
 recognise in it an element of the Hittite peoples ; but 
 on comparing it vs^ith the Hittite sculptures of Sinjerli, 
 Boghaz-Keui, and elsewhere, we must regard it as 
 still hypothetical whether even the central Hittite 
 states were strictly homogeneous in race. The Hatti 
 themselves, indeed, we look on as a dominant conquer- 
 ing element, differing again, maybe, considerably from 
 other Hittite peoples ^ in a manner best explained by 
 considering the dominance of the Seljuks or the 
 Osmanlis in later times, or most analogous perhaps to 
 the position of the Phrygian rulers in antiquity amongst 
 other peoples of kindred race who had preceded them. 
 Though we fail to identify the Hittite race,^ there is 
 some general indication of the direction whence they 
 came. We have dismissed the direct evidence of the 
 pigtailed element amongst the Hittite peoples, in spite 
 
 1 Petrie, Racial Types, pp. 55, 143-145, in his History, iii. p. 48, fig. 17 (i) ; 
 Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 353 ; Sayce, The Hittites, 1903, 
 p. 11. 
 
 2 Cf. PI. LXix. (ii), and compare the type with that from Sinjerli, 
 PI. Lxxv. (ii). 
 
 3 Their language, which might have formed a clue, is equally proble- 
 matical. There is strong temptation to regard both as Caucasian. 
 
320 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 of the temptation of the pigtails on the sculptures of 
 Boghaz-Keui,^ and the description of a pigtailed leader 
 as a royal Hittite, lest we should push the argument 
 there-from further than might be warranted. We may 
 regard these facts, however, as a general indication 
 of relationship with the East. The contact with 
 Babylonia has been already argued, and we must 
 recall the singular relations between the painted 
 pottery of Sakje-Geuzi with that of Turkestan, ex- 
 tending over a long range of post-neolithic culture.^ 
 Another link, not previously mentioned, is the early 
 employment by the Hittites of the horse, dating from 
 at least the beginning of the second millennium B.c.,^ 
 and the antiquity of the remains of horses found 
 equally in the mounds of Turkestan.* Another item 
 of evidence on this question may be found in the 
 footgear of the Hittites, which, except in the later 
 sculptures of North Syria, is always represented, as 
 we have seen, as a shoe or boot with upturned toe.^ 
 This feature is now specially characteristic of the 
 Tartar peoples, and hence another eastward connection 
 is suggested. But it is not so exclusively; the Arabs (who 
 borrowed it in the Middle Ages from the Turks) employ 
 it in the desert sands, and in the more special form in 
 question it may be found in many mountain countries, 
 for example Greece, and it has long been used in Crete. 
 
 1 Cf. Pis. LXV., LXXI. 2 Cf. p. 313. 
 
 ^ Cf . the addresses of some case tablets from Asia Minor, published by 
 Pinches, Liv. Annals of Arch. i. pp. 49 ff. , assigned by that scholar to 2000 
 B. c. ; also a Cappadocian tablet of the same period, now in the Royal Scottish 
 Museum of Art and Science. Horses and chariots were employed by 
 Aitagama in the early fourteenth century; while Hittite cavalry are 
 mentioned in the treaty with Rameses li., and are depicted on the north 
 wall of Karnak. 
 
 * Though we await some revision of Dr. Pumpelly's chronology, we 
 cannot doubt the antiquity of the deposits in question. See his 
 Explorations in Turkestan, i. p. 38. 
 
 15 Cf. Pis. XLVII., LVII., LXV., LXXI,, Lxxv. (ii), etc. 
 
PLATE LXXXIV 
 
 
 
ANTIQUITY OF SETTLEMENT 321 
 
 It is commonly supposed to be the natural form of 
 snow-shoe for highland regions, though the shepherds 
 of the Pyrenees, who also use it, believe it to be 
 specially adapted to walking upon broken and stony 
 ground. However that may be, most scholars are 
 agreed that it argues a mountain origin for its Hittite 
 wearers,^ and this suggestion is borne out by the 
 mountain cults found in the Hittite pantheon.^ The 
 mountains by which the Hittites reached the plateau 
 of Asia Minor are not far to seek ; they lie eastward, 
 in Armenia, the Caucasus, and the Taurus. 
 
 We do not press the argument of these suggestions, 
 but only regret the paucity of evidence available. For 
 the present we must be content that we have been 
 able to find some evidence as to the antiquity of the 
 Hittite settlement. We cannot suppose that the 
 mounds of Sakje-Geuzi stand alone : indeed a myriad 
 others, that remain unexamined,^ are evidence to the 
 contrary, and considerable inference may be naade 
 with these as basis from the disposition of the Hittite 
 tribes as revealed by the first light of history. One 
 powerful branch must have early seized the position 
 of Carchemish, while others settled in the plains that 
 lie westward of the Euphrates. Others again found 
 their homes in the valleys of the Kara Su and the 
 Orontes, while some branches passed the Lebanon 
 and mingled with the aboriginal people of southern 
 Syria, where they were gradually submerged. If we 
 are right in our argument, the habitable valleys of the 
 Taurus and anti-Taurus regions must have been earlier 
 peopled ; and to judge from the relationship we have 
 
 ' Cf. W. Max Miiller, Asien und Europa, pp. 328, 372 ; Lenormant, Les 
 Origines d'Histoire (who infers a northern origin), lii. p. 299. 
 2 Cf. p. 237, and PI. LXV. =* Cf. pp. 13, 298. 
 
 X 
 
322 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 indicated, the western extension of these tribes in 
 Asia Minor must have been considerable even as early 
 as neolithic times. Whether the Hatti rulers them- 
 selves V5rere part of a later immigration is still open 
 to consideration; upon that point we await further 
 evidence. The Hittites would seem to have brought 
 with them (sooner or later) a new cycle of deities, 
 with Babylonian prototypes, including their national 
 Sandes or Sandan, lord of heaven, a god of the skies 
 with lightning in his hand, in one of his various forms ; 
 and they seem to have absorbed into their pantheon 
 a number of acceptable nature-cults, like the worship 
 of mountains and streams and of the mother-goddess 
 of earth, already practised by an earlier population 
 whom they overlaid. The sun-god they seem to have 
 received from contact with the Semite, and to have 
 identified him with their own chief god. With 
 regard to other aspects of their primitive culture, we 
 can argue from the one site of Sakje-Geuzi alone, and 
 from the reflected witness of later times. There is 
 only one general assumption, therefore, that we make, 
 that once settled in a metal-producing country, in 
 contact with the rich mines of the Caucasus,^ and the 
 copper sources in Cyprus and the Taurus, their civilisa- 
 tion would share to the full in the stimulus of the 
 copper and bronze ages as these arose. It is at the 
 latter stage that they emerge into the full light of 
 history^ in the fourteenth century B.C. 
 
 The earliest allusions to the Hittites, however, in 
 oriental records take us back to the period of the great 
 
 ' We suspect tin from this direction. Cf. description by Belcli (Fer- 
 handl. der Berl. Ges. fiir Anthropologie, 1893, pp. 61 ff), of tombs at 
 Kala-Kent near Kedabeg. For tliis reference we are indebted to Mr. 
 H. Scliliephack. 
 
 '•^ Cf . tiie bronze figure, PI. XL. ; tiie bronze axe and trappings of Bog- 
 haz-Keui, Winckler, op. cit., pp. 7 fF. and flg. 1. 
 
PLATE LXXXV 
 
 
EAKLIEST HISTORY 323 
 
 movements in western Asia some five or six centuries 
 before. These references are naturally scanty, but 
 they occur in the records of three different peoples, 
 and are in a sense parallel to one another, so that the 
 main facts bear the stamp of historical accuracy. 
 From the Babylonian archives it appears that about 
 1800 B.C., or before, the Hittites were chiefly responsible 
 for the overthrow of the first dynasty that ruled at 
 Babylon s'^ while of even earlier date in the same 
 dynasty are references to the king of the Hittites and 
 his doings, contained in the great Babylonian work on 
 astrology,^ and there is an allusion of possibly much 
 older date.^ The mention of the Hittites at the be- 
 ginning of the second millennium is almost synchronous 
 with the earliest dated reference from Egyptian 
 sources, in an inscription of the twelfth dynasty,* from 
 which it would appear that settlements of the Hittites 
 had been established in southern Syria, and that these 
 were among the objectives of a military expedition. 
 The historical setting of this record is apparent, and it 
 is confirmed and amplified by the references in Hebrew 
 history, which claim our consideration no less than the 
 inscriptions carved by loyal subjects of the Pharaoh. 
 These passages show us that in local tradition of the 
 time of the Patriarchs the Hittite settlements were no 
 matter for special comment.^ On the other hand, their 
 
 ' King, Chronicles, i. pp. 168, 169. 
 
 '' Of the date of Khammu-rabi ; for this reference we are indebted to 
 Professor Sayce. 
 
 2 In the Book of Omens (Hommel, Die Semit. Volker und Sprache, 
 pp. 176 ff.), cited by Maspero, Struggle of the Nations (1896), p. 19. The 
 extract is supposed to date from the time of Sargon (of Akkad) and 
 Naram-Sin, but more probably belongs. Professor Sayce tells us, to that 
 of Khammu-rabi. (Cf . also Winckler, Alttestament. Forsch., p. 162, note 1 ; 
 Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 271, note 6.) 
 
 ■• Stela, C. 1, Musee du Louvre. See above, p. 77, note 1 (&). There is, 
 however, considerable difTerence of opinion among philologists as to this 
 reading. 
 
 * Cf Genesis xxiii., xxv. 9, xxvi. 34, xlix. 29, 32. 
 
324 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 name was practically synonymous with that of 
 Canaanites,^ and, like the Amorites, they were long 
 looked upon as one of the settled peoples of the land.^ 
 For some centuries, however, we are without dated 
 records, nor is there any direct evidence as to the 
 history and doings of the Hittites until the eighteenth 
 Egyptian dynasty. One thing, however, is clear, that 
 the ' Hyksos ' peoples who overran Egypt in the mean- 
 while were deeply imbued with the elements of a 
 culture which, if not purely Hittite nor directly trace- 
 able to them at this date, was still largely shared by 
 the Hittites in historic times. ^ The people that had 
 overthrown the dynasty of Babylon was clearly an 
 established power already organised. 
 
 Though the earliest kings * and dynasties of the 
 
 1 Genesis xxvii. 46, xxviii. 1. (Also xxxvi. 2, but the text is subject 
 to amendment.) Cf. also Meyer, Cfesch. des Alter thums, i. pp. 213, 214. 
 
 2 Ezekiel xvi. 3, 45. Messerschmldt also points to the analogy of the 
 name of a king of Jerusalem, Abd-khipa (T. A. Letters), with those of 
 Putu-khipa (wife of Hattusil the Hittite) and Tadu-khipa (wife of Tush- 
 ratta of Mitanni). Winckler (Mitteilungen D.O.G. 1907, 35, pp. 47 ff.) attri- 
 butes these early references and the appearance of the Hittites in these 
 times in southernSyriaandBabylonia.to the settlement of the Mitannians, 
 whom he regards as a kindred but earlier stock. Among these he finds 
 an Indo-Germanic element (op. cit., p. 31) ; but with the controversy on 
 this point we are not concerned. 
 
 3 On the relation of Hyksos and Hittites, see Maspero, The Struggle of 
 the Nations (1898), p. 57. For us, in the recent recognition of the 
 Amorites as an Aramsean people, coupled with the Semitic names of the 
 Hyksos leaders, and the vassalage of the Amorite to the Hittite in later 
 centuries (see below, p. 336), the problem is nearing solution. 
 
 ^ On this point Professor Sayce kindly supplies the following note : — 
 ' In the fourteenth chapter of Genesis we are told that one of the vassal 
 allies of Chedor-laomer in his campaign against his revolted subjects in 
 the naphtha-bearing district of southern Canaan was Tid'al, king of the 
 Goyyim or " Nations." In the fragments of the Babylonian story of 
 Chedor-laomer published by Dr. Pinches, the name of Tid^al is written 
 Tudkhul, and he is described as king of the UmmanManda or Nations of 
 the North, of which the Hebrew Goyyim is a literal translation. Now 
 the name is Hittite. In the account of the campaign of Ramses ii. 
 against the Hittites it appears as Tid<=al, and one of the Hittite kings of 
 Boghaz-Keui bears the same name, which is written Dud-khaliya in 
 cuneiform. The name is evidently a compound of Dud or Tud— with 
 which we may compare Tadu-Khipa — and the territorial divinity 
 Khaliya (Greek Halys ; cp. the Lydian Alyattes). 
 
THE HATTr DYNASTY 325 
 
 Hittites remain unknown, the nature of the Hittite 
 organisation in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 
 B.C. is now made clear by the archives recently dis- 
 covered at Boghaz-Keui. These cover the reigns of six 
 generations of the Hatti dynasty of kings, making 
 allusion in all to eight of their sovereigns. They 
 include treaties with internal states in Syria and 
 elsewhere, with Mitanni, with the Amorites, and with 
 Egypt, most of them prefaced by historical notes of 
 events leading up to the conclusion of the treaty in 
 question. There is also correspondence of a diplomatic 
 character with the courts of Thebes, of Babylonia and 
 of Mitanni, and other documents of varied sorts. 
 These are written in cuneiform, and the language 
 employed in foreign affairs is the Assyro-Babylonian : 
 only in some internal matters the Hittite language is 
 used. Though the documents have not yet disclosed 
 the full nature of their contents, the archives as a 
 whole ^ have already thrown as much light upon the 
 history of the Hittites at this period as did the Tell 
 el Amarna tablets, with which they are in part con- 
 temporary, on the foreign affairs of Egypt during the 
 eighteenth dynasty. 
 
 ' In the Bogche inscription [p. 155] the king who erected the monu- 
 ment is called Khaleis " the Khalian," and we probably have the same 
 name in Khulli, the father of the Cilician Amris. 
 
 ' The important fact which results from this is that the Hittite king 
 was already serving as an ally or vassal under the king of the Babylonian 
 empire in the age of Abraham and Khammu-rabi, the Amraphel of the 
 Old Testament.'— A. H. S., December 1, 1909. 
 
 ' We refer to these archives henceforward for brevity as the B. K. 
 Tablets, with a reference to the page of Dr. Winckler's preliminary pub- 
 lication of them in Mitteilungen der Deut. Orient-Gesellschaft, Dec. 1907, 
 No. 35, pp. 1-71. The most important documents of which translations 
 are given are — 1. Treaty with Mitanni, tetnp. Subbi-luliuma, with historical 
 preamble describing previous relations with Tushratta, Isuwa, Alshe, 
 Aleppo, and finally the terms of alliance with Mattiuaza. 2. A treaty 
 fragment of the same reign referring to Nukha.sse and Aitagaraa. 
 3. Treaty with Amorites, temp. Mursil. 4. Treaty with Amorites, 
 
326 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 The story opens with a bid for empire under the 
 Hatti leadership in the person of Subbi-luliuma.^ This 
 ruler (known in Egyptian records as Sapalulu) had 
 inherited only the kingship of his city-state of Ku-sar 
 [or Su-sar], which was possibly at Boghaz-Keui itself, 
 from his father, Hattusil i. ; but so well were his plans 
 laid, and so accomplished his military leadership, that 
 before his death he had won for himself the title of 
 Great King.^ "We cannot follow the story of his doings 
 in Asia Minor, for unfortunately the names of the 
 places mentioned in Hittite in this and the succeeding 
 reign cannot yet be identified; but it will be clear 
 from what follows that his western frontiers, if not 
 already peopled by Hittite tribes and subject to his 
 authority, must have claimed his first attention. In 
 other directions his policy and movements are revealed 
 more clearly. Among his own peoples he seems to 
 have arranged a series of alliances ; other lands which 
 he overran he parcelled out among his followers, 
 while to some non-Hittite tribes he granted terms of 
 vassalage, v 
 
 Though we have no clear allusion to the kingdoms 
 in the Taurus regions at this time, we may infer that 
 the two great Hittite states of Arzawa* and Khali- 
 
 temp. Hattusil, with historical preamble covering the reigns of Subbi- 
 luliuma, Mursil and Mutallu. 5. Correspondence of Hattusil with Baby- 
 lonia re the succession, the Egyptian treaty, the Amorites and Assyria. 
 6. Edict of Dudkhalia, relating to internal afiairs ; and 7. A document of 
 same king in Hittite relating to an Amorite revolt, temp. Mutallu. 8. Cad- 
 astral survey, temp. Arnuanta, signed by the royal ladies. 
 
 1 Treaty with Mitanni, Winckler, op. cit., pp. 32,33, 34, 36. 
 
 ^ And is once so named, Winckler, op. cit., p. 17. 
 
 ^ That Arzawa was a vassal state would appear from the fact that its 
 archives are found at Boghaz-Keui ; but that it retained its own kings is 
 seen from the letter addressed to Tarkundaraus by Amenhetep III.' 
 (Winckler, op. cit., pp. 40, 41), as well as from the former to the latter 
 {Proc. S.B.A., xi. p. 336). It seems, according to Sayce, to have been in 
 N.E. Cilicia, corresponding therefore to the district of Que in the Assyi-ian 
 texts. Its tutelary deity is cleMly Tarqu or Tarkhu, found also in the 
 
CONQUESTS IN SYRIA 327 
 
 rabbat,^ which lay on either side of his pathway, were 
 already allied with him in one or other of these ways, 
 before he descended to the north of Syria, and ventured 
 to enter the political arena of western Asia, where 
 the older powers were stationed to resist his oncoming. 
 The whole of Syria as far northward as Aleppo had 
 indeed for something like a century been within the 
 sphere of influence of the Pharaohs. It is claimed for 
 the Egyptian monarch Thothmes i. that before the close 
 of the sixteenth century B.C. he had set up the boundary 
 of his empire somewhere near Carchemish on the 
 Euphrates, in the 'land of Naharain.' Three of his 
 successors by occasional expeditions, beginning with 
 that of Thothmes iii. about 1469 b.c.,^ had sought to 
 retain this boundary, and had come into conflict with 
 the Hittite tribes already settled in these regions. 
 These seem to have submitted like other northern 
 states, nominally at any rate, to the Egyptian supre- 
 macy, and to have regularly sent their tribute to the 
 Pharaoh. But though Amenhetep iii. inherited the 
 full power and dominion of his predecessors, he seems 
 
 name of Tarkon-demos, the Tarku-dimme of the well-known silver boss 
 {C.I.H., 1900 ; xlli. p. 9). Possibly Tarsus and Dastarkon, the latter iden- 
 tified by Ramsay with Fraktin (p. 149), embody the stem of this name : in 
 this case a wider area of influence is indicated : that the state was 
 wide and comprehensive appears from the fact that another king, Alak- 
 shandu, is mentioned as a vassal of Tarkundaraus ; while a third king 
 sent presents to the Pharaoh through the latter's ambassadors. 
 
 ' This reading is due to Professor Sayce, being based on an inscription 
 recently found by De Morgan at Susa. Its position was on the Tochma 
 Su, for Schrader {Keilinschriften u. Geschichts-forschung.,pp. 151 S., 530) 
 has shown that it included Malatia. The same writer gives the reading 
 Khanigalbat; while W.MaxMiiller (AsienundEuropa,xi.3W)\isesK.ha.ni- 
 rabbat, and points out an analogy between Khani-the-Great and Kheta- 
 the-Great of the Egyptian texts. Jensen {Zeitschrift fiXr Assyriologie, 
 V. p. 177, note 1) and Winckler (Gesch. Babs. und Assyrs., pp. 174,259) 
 support Schrader. That it was an Important state appears from its name, 
 and from its independent correspondence with Egypt (Winckler, T. A. 
 Letters, Nos. 1, 15) ; and that it was allied to the Hatti must be inferred 
 from the account of the campaigns of Subbi-luliuma which follows. 
 
 2 Annals of Thothmes III., 33rd year. 
 
328 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 to have found it necessary to send an expedition at the 
 beginning of his reign to maintain his suzerainty. 
 
 These frontier states indeed occupied at this time a 
 position of considerable difficulty, where all the diplo- 
 macy of their chieftains was required to maintain the 
 security of their inheritance. The reins held by the 
 Pharaoh on his distant throne at Thebes may, it is 
 true, have been only lightly felt : an occasional present 
 or diplomatic letter to the court would generally 
 secure respite from that direction ; but their anxieties 
 were not thereby ended, for in the East a nearer power 
 claimed their allegiance also, before the arrival of the 
 Hatti leader added to their perplexities. This power 
 was the kingdom of Mitanni, which was firmly estab- 
 lished in northern Mesopotamia, from the Euphrates 
 to the Tigris. Tushratta, who now occupied the throne, 
 represented the fourth generation of his illustrious 
 house,^ the authority of which had been strengthened 
 through the foresight of his predecessors by inter- 
 marriage with the royal family of Thebes. His 
 father's sister had been wife of Thothmes iv., and his 
 own sister was married to the ruling Pharaoh. He 
 clearly realised that the continued support of Egypt 
 would be necessary to him if he was to save his 
 kingdom from being crushed by the increasing pressure 
 of Assyria on the one hand and of the Hittite on the 
 other; so that with some alacrity on his part^ his 
 daughter was sent to Egypt to become the wife of the 
 heir-apparent. Propped up in this manner, the Mit- 
 annians had not only established a formidable barrier 
 at the Euphrates against Hittite expansion eastward, 
 but had even extended their own influence westward of 
 
 ' See the Genealogical Table, p. 329. 
 2 Winckler, T. A. Letters, No. 21. 
 
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330 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 that landmark, so much so that some of the princes of 
 northern Syria first encountered by the Hittites hardly 
 knew to whom they owed their allegiance, and were 
 conquered as vassals of Mitanni while professing in 
 their letters to be loyal subjects of the Pharaoh.^ 
 
 With these two allied powers arrayed against him, 
 Subbi-luliuma must have had confidence in the unity 
 and valour of his forces when he crossed the Taurus to 
 throw down the challenge. We cannot tell whether 
 he employed any new method or weapon of war that 
 encouraged him in his aspirations. As seen by us now, 
 in unravelling the tangled record of his rapid move- 
 ments and effective victories,^ his successes appear to be 
 attributable to the hardihood and mobility of his troops 
 and to his own able generalship. As to his forces, 
 we may assume from the absence of contrary evidence, 
 that the whole region behind him, northwards and 
 westwards from Marash, as well as the states round 
 Carchemish and in the valley of the Kara Su, already 
 acknowledged his supremacy, and united with him in 
 this enterprise. 
 
 His first operations were thus directed against Nukh- 
 asse, a region which we suppose to have extended 
 northwards of Aleppo as far as Killiz, including some 
 of the ancient cities of the plain. He took all the 
 lands of the several states^ that were included in this 
 district. The king, Sarrupsi, fled, but his relatives were 
 made prisoners, and a servant of the dethroned king 
 was set up in his stead, doubtless as a vassal. The con- 
 queror was turning his attention to the district of 
 
 ' Winckler, Ausgrahungen, 1907, p. 35. 
 
 2 In what follows we attempt to reconstruct the campaigns of Subbi- 
 luliuma from the new records read side by side with the Tell el-Amarna 
 letters, basing the sequence of events, where no clue is provided, on the 
 gradual movement of the scene from north to south. 
 
 ■* Fragment of treaty, Winckler, B. K. Tablets, p. 35. 
 
THE EUPHRATES CROSSED 331 
 
 Abina, being disposed to leave Kinza unmolested, when 
 the king of the latter district, Sutatarra, and his son 
 Aitakama, with their war chariots, bore down upon 
 him and gave battle. Though he had been prepared to 
 respect these adversaries, Subbi-luliuma was not slow to 
 respond to and punish this provocation : the king and 
 his son, together with many of the chiefs, were taken 
 prisoners and sent in triumph to the capital. The fate 
 of Sutatarra is unknown, but Aitakama reappeared 
 later, reinstated in his kingdom, and a faithful ally of 
 the Hittite, who entrusted him with the command 
 of the Syrian armies.^ The land of Kinza is unplaced, 
 but it seems to have lain westward, possibly on the 
 lower Orontes, corresponding with the district of 
 Hamath or the kingdom of the Hattina in later times. 
 It was probably peopled with a Hittite tribe, to judge 
 from the nature of these chieftains' names and the 
 position subsequently accorded to Aitakama. Realis- 
 ing in these incidents the constant influence of Mitanni, 
 and attributing them to the hostile attitude of Tush- 
 ratta, Subbi-luliuma now deemed it desirable to estab- 
 lish his prestige, and so turned eastward, ready, if 
 necessary, to join issue with Tushratta. In a single year 
 he added to his territory the whole region of the plains 
 lying between the mountains and the Euphrates.^ In 
 this campaign he seems to have overrun the Aramaean 
 district of Am (or Amma), and with the aid of his allies 
 to have captured several cities.^ But the real objective 
 of the Hittite leader was the destruction of the 
 
 ' See below, and cf. Winckler, T. A. Letters, Nos. 132, 139. 
 
 2 Winckler, loc. cit. 
 
 2 Winckler, T. A . Letters, No. 125. The alternative reading Am in place 
 of the more familiar Amki is proposed by Sayce (cf. The Hittites, p. 164), 
 and corresponds closely with the Amma or Ammiya of the Tell el- Amarna 
 texts. He points out that the reading Amki is inadmissible, as ki is 
 really the ordinary determinative. 
 
332 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Mitannian supremacy and power. Therefore crossing 
 the Euphrates ^ he ' went forth against the might of 
 the king Tushratta,' and marched against the lands 
 of Isuwa, which are supposed to have bordered on the 
 Tigris, bringing its people into subjection, as it would 
 appear his father had done in some previous campaign 
 hitherto unrecorded.^ This record is difficult to under- 
 stand, but we are led to infer that Tushratta did not 
 actually give battle to him on this expedition, and 
 even when the conqueror made his way northwards 
 into the mountainous region of Alshe, the Mitannian 
 king still hesitated to join issue with him.^ The newly 
 acquired territory was handed over to a confederate, 
 Antaraki, ' as a present.' 
 
 The power of Tushratta would seem, indeed,^ to have 
 been crushed by these irresistible exploits ; ^ the kingdom 
 fell into anarchy, and the king himself was shortly after- 
 wards raurdered, giving the Hittite a further occasion 
 for interference in its affairs, an opportunity which we 
 shall find he was not slow to seize. Meanwhile, how- 
 ever, disaffection had shown itself in the North of Syria, 
 seemingly as a result of the overtures of Pharaoh's 
 emissaries.^ 'Wheeling about,' the record says,^ 
 Subbi-luliuma recrossed the Euphrates and descended 
 on Aleppo. His route lay probably from Malatia by 
 
 ' Mitanni treaty preamble, Winckler, op. cit., p. 32. C£. Maspero, 
 Struggle of the Nations, pp. 358 ff. 
 
 ^ Unless it be that which Tushratta claims in a letter to the Pharaoh 
 to have successfully resisted. Winckler, T. A. Letters, No. 16. 
 
 ^ Winckler, B. K. Archives, op. cit., p-p. 33, 34. 
 
 ' We may suspect that, as the fashion was, numbers of the conquered 
 Mitanni people were drafted off to the Hatti-land and settled on the soil, 
 where they appear in later times as the Matieni (Herodotus, i. 72 ; v. 49, 52). 
 Cf . Th. Reinach, Un Peuple ouhlie, les Matienes (Rev. des J^tudes Grecques, 
 •94, pp. 217,218). 
 
 ^ The fact seems to transpire in the T. A. Letter's: cf. the story of 
 Akizzi which follows. 
 
 » Winckler, S. K. Tablets, op. cit., p. 34. 
 
AITAKAMA IN SYRIA 333 
 
 way of Samsat or Marash, and the absence of comment 
 at this stage confirms our impression that this region 
 was already subject to him, though there is a sugges- 
 tion that a generation previously it had been for a 
 time in the hands of the Mitannians.^ The subjection 
 of Aleppo^ and the neighbouring lands and cities of 
 Ni and Katna ^ was swiftly effected, and at first these 
 districts were placed under the rule of one Akia, king 
 of Arakhti ; but on the disaffection of this chief they 
 were reduced to direct government by Hittite ofiicials 
 and became a province of the kingdom. A chieftain 
 who remained loyal to Egypt made an effort about 
 this time to recover the land of Am for the Pharaoh, 
 but he was repulsed by Aitakama with the Hatti.* 
 Aitakama thus reappears on the scene, and from the 
 same record it is clear that he had been reinstated in his 
 father's kingdom. He now appears as the most influen- 
 tial agent of the Hititte king in the north of Syria, 
 entrusted with the conduct of naissions and command 
 of troops, even while protesting to the Pharaoh ^ that he 
 was maligned by those who accused him of infidelity. 
 His attempts to seduce the frontier states from their old 
 allegiance had been reported to the Pharaoh by Akizzi,^ 
 who wrote from Katna, apparently on the eve of the 
 events we have just recorded, appealing at the same 
 time in despair for help against the catastrophe that 
 threatened. To Aitakama's proposals Akizzi replied 
 
 1 An Assyrian king, Ashur-uballit ii. (? c. 1420 B.C.), claims to have 
 wrested Malatia from the Mitannians ; cf. Johns, in Hastings' Diet. (1909). 
 
 2 Khalpa in Hittite, Khalman in Assyrian. 
 
 3 Katna lay on the Khabour, tributary of the Euphrates ; Ni must have 
 been somewhere N. W. of Aleppo. 
 
 1 Winckler, T. A. Letters, No. 132. ^ Ibid., No. 146. 
 
 « Winckler, T. A. Letters, No. 139; Winckler, B. E. Tablets, p. 34. The 
 parallelism between the archives of Tell el-Amama and Boghaz-Keui is 
 remarkable and instructive. 
 
334 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 that though he should die he would not go over to the 
 king of the Hatti. With him there remained faithful 
 the kings of Nukhasse, of Ni, of Zinzar, and of Tunanat, 
 all city-states near Aleppo, while with the Hittite there 
 were leagued the kings of Rukhizi and Lapana, whose 
 names were Arzawia and Teuwatti. We have seen 
 that Akizzi's appeal and his fidelity were alike in vain. 
 The Pharaoh was powerless or unwilling to interpose ; 
 resistance unsupported was impossible; and Subbi- 
 luliuma with his generals easily made good his victories. 
 Akizzi himself seems to have escaped from Katna 
 before that city fell,^ but the king of Ni, by name 
 Takua,^ and his brother Aki-tessub were among the 
 prisoners. 
 
 The triumph of the Hittite arms in these, and 
 doubtless other minor expeditions, had now established 
 the authority of the Hittite king throughout the 
 region of northern Syria, and had extended his frontier 
 until it bordered on that of the Amorites, hitherto 
 professed allies of the Pharaoh. These early settlers 
 have recently been recognised as of Aramaic (Semitic) 
 stock; in records of Babylonia as old as the time of 
 Hammurabi, from which this inference is made, they 
 are described as living in the western deserts, and now 
 appear to have pushed gradually northward, until 
 they had occupied, like Bedouin, all the habitable 
 fringe of the tongue of desert lying between Meso- 
 potamia and the Lebanon. Their patriarch, Ebed- 
 Asherah, now found himself in the same dilemma as 
 Aitakama and other northern chieftains had before 
 
 ' For he addressed a letter to the Egyptian court in the third year of 
 the reign of Amenhetep iv., about 1373. 
 
 2 Furtlier information about this chieftain also transpires in the letters 
 (Winckler, No. 7 ; Knudtzon, No. 51) in reference to Nukhasse. 
 
PLATE LXXXVI 
 
AMORITES WON OVER 335 
 
 him, but the rapid advance of the Hittite power left 
 him little time for hesitation.^ He and his sons were 
 the recognised leaders of the Amorite tribes in peace 
 and policy and war. They had watched with anxiety 
 the approach of the Hittite leader on Tunip from 
 Nukhasse,^ and the failure of the Pharaoh to send 
 them support could not but have added to their con- 
 cern. Quick by instinct to read the signs of the times, 
 they covertly came to an understanding with the chief 
 of Kadesh, a city already under the Hittite suzerainty, 
 if not actually within the domain of Aitakama. At 
 the same time Aziru, the most active of the sons of 
 Ebed-Asherah, making pretence of still serving his 
 old master, cast his eye upon the city of Sumur as his 
 nearest prize. The change of attitude and subtle 
 dealings of the Amorites did not escape the notice 
 of the Pharaoh's emissary, who reported Sumur to 
 be in great danger though not yet fallen, and Ebed- 
 Asherah's sons as minions of the new northern power.^ 
 The Egyptian sovereign was grieved but inactive. In 
 a letter addressed to the Amorite chief * he charged them 
 withtheirduplicity,and ordered the appearance of Aziru 
 as a hostage at his court. The latter, however, evaded 
 the command. He would seem to have already brought 
 about the downfall of Sumur and other cities, and felt 
 some natural hesitation in accepting his sovereign's 
 invitation. He found also a pretext for postponing 
 the rebuilding of Sumur as commanded,^ and still 
 protested his fidelity. In response, however, to a more 
 
 ' That his action followed closely on the events just described is clear 
 from Letter, Winckler, No. 119, where the defection of his son Aziru and 
 his destruction of Sumur are reported to the Pharaoh at the same time 
 as the annexation of Am(ma) by Aitakama, 
 
 2 Winckler, T. A. Letters, No. 27. 
 
 3 Ibid., No. 87. * Ibid., No. 50. 
 6 Ibid., No. 51. 
 
336 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 peremptory summons, in spite of shifts and subter- 
 fuges, Aziru appeared ultimately at Thebes^ for the 
 judgment of his case. But the Amorites had influence 
 at court, as appears from a letter of their patriarch 
 to one of the officials asking for his son's release.^ 
 Amon 'passed sentence' on Aziru and 'granted him 
 his life.'^ The mercy extended to Aziru, however, was 
 unavailing; and further allegiance to the Pharaoh 
 could only have proved fatal to the best interests of 
 his people. The Hittite cause was clearly triumphing, 
 indeed the Egyptian made no apparent effort to resist 
 his oncoming; in any case the Amorite hastened to 
 take the winning side. Betaking himself to the Hittite, 
 Aziru ' cast himself under the feet of Subbi-luliuma,' 
 who 'granted him grace.'* The price of the Amorite 
 vassalage appears in another record as three hundred 
 shekels of gold paid yearly. ° 
 
 With the Amorites on his side it would appear that 
 the Hittite leader might now have swept onwards to 
 the frontiers of Egypt, but at this stage the southerly 
 progress of the Hittite arms seems to have been stayed. 
 Occupied probably with other canapaigns of similar 
 character for the expansion of his power in Asia 
 Minor, Subbi-luliuma had been obliged to entrust the 
 conduct of much of his Syrian wars to Aitagama, and 
 possibly he found that the region of the Lebanon was 
 a frontier already distant enough for effective control 
 However that may be, he found it desirable to come 
 to terms with the Pharaoh, and concluded with him 
 
 1 All these events seem to have preceded the conversion of Akhenaten 
 
 2 Winckler, T. A. Letters, No. 52. 
 
 " Winckler, Ausgrabungen, etc., 1907, p. 42. 
 
 ■i Preamble Amorite treaty, temp. Hattusil, Winckler, B. K. Tablets 
 op. cit., p. 43. 
 ^ Preamble Amorite treaty, temp. Mursll; ibid., p. 44, 
 
EVENTS IN MITANNI 337 
 
 an alliance,^ which brought their struggle for some 
 time to an end. 
 
 Some of the events which we have described seem to 
 have happened with a swiftness surprising even in 
 oriental history, but the Great King probably foresaw 
 that a sterner task lay before him in the consolidation 
 of his empire. Here again fortune proved to be on 
 his side, by removing the two chief sources of inquietude 
 on his Asiatic frontiers. In Egypt, Amenhetep iv., who 
 had succeeded to the throne about 1375 B.C., was too 
 young or too busily occupied with home affairs to take 
 any active interest in the possession of Syria, and was 
 only too glad to renew the Hittite treaty in due 
 course.^ Babylonia, where the kings of Karduniash 
 sat upon the throne, was too distant to give occasion 
 for anxiety, and in addition the broad tract subject 
 to the Amorite regime was wedged between their 
 respective spheres of influence. In the East the tragic 
 development of affairs among the Mitannians,^ the 
 murder of Tushratta, the flight of the heir-apparent 
 from the usurper and patricide, Sutatarra, and the in- 
 vasion of the land by the Assyrians and by the 
 mountaineers of Alshe, were a series of events all 
 favourable to the Hittite cause. The armies of Subbi- 
 luliuma crossed the Euphrates to make good his claim 
 to a portion of the disintegrated kingdom, and when 
 he realised the distressful condition which the anarchy 
 of these times had brought about, he even sent his 
 administrators with cattle, sheep, and horses to re- 
 establish the population.* Finally, when the fugitive 
 
 ' The treaty with Sapalulu mentioned in that with Khetasar (Hattusil 
 II.), temp. Rameses ii. 
 
 2 With Maurasar (Mursil), who succeeded, ibid. 
 
 3 Hittite-Mitanni treaty ; Winckler, S. K. Tablets, p. 36. 
 * Ibid. 
 
^ 
 
 338 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Mattiuaza, after a vain appeal to the court of Babylon,^ 
 turned to him for protection, he saw and grasped his 
 opportunity. The oracle was consulted, and ' the 
 Hittite god gave judgment in favour of Mattiuaza, 
 Tushratta's son' (as against Sutatarra, whom he had 
 previously supported). Taking, therefore, the unhappy 
 prince by the hand, SubbiTluliuma gave him one of his 
 daughters to wife, and set him upon the remnants of his 
 father's throne. Terms of allegiance were defined, and 
 the new but reduced kingdom of Mitanni was created a 
 special Protectorate.^ The gods of both peoples were 
 invoked as guardians of the treaty. The frontier of 
 Subbi-luliuma on the Euphrates was amply secured by 
 the gratitude of the re-established king. 
 The empire of the Hittites beyond Taurus had now 
 f reached, under Subbi-luliuma, its furthest historical 
 \ extent ; and in Asia Minor, though direct evidence is 
 not yet available, we may infer that his sway had been 
 / extended westward far beyond the confines of the 
 Halys, even if his arms had not already penetrated to 
 the Lydian coast.^ We thus see in Subbi-luliuma the 
 founder of the Hittite empire under the dynasty of 
 the Hatti, which for nearly two hundred years con- 
 tinued to hold its own amid the constant tremblings 
 of the balance of oriental power throughout this 
 time. Relieved for the present from their frontier 
 campaigns, the Great King and his allies seem to have 
 reaped the reward of their good fortune and prosperity. 
 
 ' When he appears under the name of Abu-Tessub, Winckler, op. dt., 
 p. 38. 
 
 ^ Hittite-Mitanni treaty; Winckler, op. cit., p. 36. 
 
 ' Such evidence as there is on this point (pp. 163, 199) seems to link the 
 monuments of the west, at Giaour-Kalesi and Kara-Bel, with the reign of 
 Hattusil 11., by analogy with the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui ; but 
 historically the opportunity for westward expansion was now open. 
 Hattusil, like his Egyptian compeer, seems to have been mostly concerned 
 with retaining what he had inherited. 
 
EMPIRE OF SUBBI-LULIUMA 339 
 
 In the capital at Boghaz-Keui, ' the city of the Hatti,' 
 the royal palace seems to have stood on the northern 
 crest of Beuyuk Kaleh.^ At Malatia, the palace of 
 his vassal or ally, the king of Khali-rabhat (the Milid 
 of later Assyrian records), was decorated with sculp- 
 tured blocks showing the ruler and his consort as 
 high priest and high priestess, making oblations before 
 Sandes (the Hittite national deity), and to the winged 
 deity who seems to have been the guardian of the 
 tribe. ^ To the same phase of art, though not neces- 
 sarily the work of this generation, we must assign the 
 similar oblation scenes of Byuk ^ and Fraktin ^ ; in the 
 former case, moreover, the forms of the sacred vessels 
 are the same as those seen at Malatia. It is true that 
 such vases may have continued in use for ceremonial 
 purposes after their common vogue had passed ; but in 
 any case the lower buildings at Eyuk, the existence 
 of which we have pointed out,^ must be as old as these 
 times ; while in the rock-sculptures of Fraktin we recog- 
 nise a phase of art and motive as early as that of any 
 recorded Hittite works. 
 
 It is a singular fact that notwithstanding the great 
 deeds of Subbi-luliuma and his successors, no sculpture 
 of any kind has come down to perpetuate the Hittite 
 
 1 See pp. 159, 205. 
 
 ^ See PI. XLiv., and pp. 138, 139. Oui- date is based on the resemblance of 
 the oblation vases (more clearly seen in Miss Bell's photographs published 
 by Hogarth in Liv. Annals of Arch., 1909) to those found in the hands 
 of Hittite prisoners in Egypt, temp. Akhenaten; see De Garis Davies, 
 El Amarna II. (London, 1905), pp. 41, 42, and PI. XL. (bottom row). Such 
 vases vrere common in Hittite Syria during the fifteenth century B.C. 
 (cf. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, fig. on p. 263), and the date of the 
 sculptures is therefore liable to modification from various considera- 
 tions, such as the range of time such types were in use, the probability 
 of antique forms surviving in religious practices, and the possibility of 
 special forms being sent as tribute to the Pharaoh. 
 
 3 P. 268. But see Puchstein, Pseudo-hethitiache Kunst, who assigns it 
 to the ninth century B.C. 
 
 1 P. 151, PI. XLVII. 5 P. 249. 
 
340 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 triumphs. The Hittite monuments of Asia Minor are 
 all of primarily religious signification. The royal palaces 
 were decorated with religious scenes, while even the 
 warrior deities of Giaour-Kalesi and Kara-Bel are 
 identified with forms of the national god Sandes. The 
 king is always spoken of as The Sun, and this fact 
 may be reflected in the terms of address to the Pharaoh 
 by his Syrian subjects at this time,^ who otherwise is 
 invariably styled the Horus. At Malatia the local 
 king and queen are already seen as high priest and 
 high priestess of the gods.^ In these early suggestions 
 we see the first traces of ideals so clear in later history, 
 namely, priest-kingship and the high status of the 
 woman,^ with all the ramifications which the main- 
 tejiance of these principles involved. 
 
 /^The nature of the Hittite constitution as a whole 
 becomes more clear in later reigns, but we have already 
 seen something of the nature of the kingdom and 
 confederacy in watching the tying of its bonds. Three 
 distinct grades of allegiance can be recognised already : * 
 the allies, the vassals under tribute, and the conquered 
 states administered by the crown. The special pro- 
 tectorate of Mitanni may be classed with the first of 
 these. Each subject state would seem to have been 
 bound to the Great King by special treaty : that with 
 the Amorites has been already mentioned, while even 
 the petty kingdom of Nukhasse seems to have its 
 special firman granted when first conquered, previous 
 to the disaffection of its chief.'' 
 
 ' Though Akhenaten himself may have claimed the title, it was employed 
 before his couversion. 
 
 2 Cf. the position of Hattusil and Putukhipa, in the seal of the treaty 
 with Rameses ii., below, p. 349. ^ on this point see below, p. 353. 
 
 * See what is said above (p. 64) about the surviving elements of the 
 Hittite constitution in the state of Lydia. 
 
 6 Winckler, B. K. Tablets, op. cit., p. 35. 
 
PLATE LXXXVII 
 
THE REIGN OF MURSIL 341 
 
 Subbi-luliuma died,^ and ' mounted the hill,'^ where 
 on the sacred high place he was gathered to his god. 
 Thereafter for over a century and a half, notwith- 
 standing the constant development of new historical 
 situations, the dynasty of the Hatti sat firmly on the 
 throne, throughout the greatest visible period of 
 Hittite power. His son Arandas, who nominally 
 succeeded after a short interregnum, seems to have 
 been without effective power, and was shortly replaced 
 by his brother Mursil, the Maurasar of the Egyptian 
 texts. During the earlier part of an apparently long 
 reign, this monarch seems to have had leisure and 
 tranquillity to enjoy the empire which he had inherited 
 from his father. During the first ten years at any 
 rate, the annals of which are preserved, there seems to 
 have been no incident of foreign affairs more note- 
 worthy than a series of minor troubles on the frontiers. 
 His relations with a number of states are mentioned, 
 but the Hittite names of these are not yet recognisable.^ 
 The governorship of various frontier lands was appor- 
 tioned, or possibly these were now for the first time 
 brought under Hittite rule. One Barkhu-izuwa was 
 appointed to the land of Mira, Manapa-Tessub * to 
 Amaskhe-haku, and Targds-ndli to Happalama. The 
 terms of the Amorite vassalage were renewed in a 
 special treaty with Abbi-Tessub, who now appears as 
 chieftain of that people.^ In the period of apparent 
 
 1 We infer, from the synchronisms with Egypt and Mitanni, between 
 1360 and 1340 B.C. ; he and his successor overlap by their reigns those of 
 Amenhetep iii. and Sety i. Mutallu and Hattusil were contemporary 
 with Rameses ii. 
 
 2 On this interesting expression, occurring in the preamble to the 
 Amorite treaty, temp. Hattusil, see Winckler, Ausgrabungen, etc., 1907, 
 p. 43, note. We have still to learn the nature of the Hittite burial rites, 
 but this reference is significant. 
 
 2 E.g. Gasga (Assyrian Kaska), Tibia, Zikhria; of. Winckler, op. cit., 
 p. 18. 
 * ? Manapa-SantZa. ^ Winckler, op. cit., pp. 19, 44. 
 
842 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 calm in the early part of this reign, we may see his- 
 torically the opportunity when in the security of his 
 kingdom the monarch built a new royal palace at 
 Boghaz-Keui on the lower ground to the north of the 
 acropolis, outside the main line of the defences.^ 
 
 But inactivity in these empires of the sword was 
 always fraught with danger. Towards the close of his 
 reign, if we read the somewhat obscure chronology of 
 this period rightly, the eastern frontiers of his empire 
 suffered several shocks. The Assyrian kingdom had 
 been steadily gathering strength, and soon after 
 1320 B.C. Shalmaneser i. seems to have dispossessed 
 the Hittite entirely of his suzerainty eastward of 
 the Euphrates, ravaging all the kingless country of 
 Mitanni as far as Carchemish.^ Further north he even 
 crossed the Euphrates and entered Khali-rabbat, cap- 
 turing Malatia, just as a previous Assyrian monarch 
 had done a hundred years before. In this campaign 
 the Hittite forces sent against him seem to have been 
 definitely defeated, and Shalmaneser penetrated as far 
 as Muzri,^ while his successor also invaded the district 
 of Kummukh, which lay on the Hittite side of the 
 Euphrates around Samsat. Egypt also, rejoicing in 
 the re-establishment of a strong line of kings, was not 
 long in taking advantage of this temporary weakening. 
 Sety I. had hardly ascended the throne of the Pharaohs 
 when he initiated a series of campaigns in the south of 
 Syria, and erelong found himself able to beat back the 
 
 ' See above, pp. 207, 208; cf. Winckler, op. cit., p. 14. 
 
 '■^ Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 608 ; Johns, in Hastings' Abridged 
 Dictionary (1909). We adopt the latter's chronology. 
 
 2 See the map, p. 375. Muzri is a term meaning ' the frontier lands,' 
 and hence not fixed, vide Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Assyr., p. 530, 
 note 2 ; Tiele {Bab. Assyrische Gesch., p. 201) regarded this Muzri as 
 referring to the border-lands of Cilicla, while Winckler {Alttestamentliche 
 Untersuch., p. 172) thinks it applies at this time to the whole of North 
 Syria. 
 
STRUGGLE WITH EGYPT 343 
 
 Hittite forces, and to penetrate northwards as far as 
 Tunip and the land of Naharain,^ reaching possibly to 
 the Euphrates. The early operations of his successor, 
 Rameses ii., however, seem to have extended only as 
 far as the Lebanon,^ where the Hittites were encoun- 
 tered ; hence we may conclude that the latter had been 
 able to regain their ascendency in northern Syria. In 
 these critical times, with a great struggle inevitable 
 and even imminent, Mursil died, and his son Mutallu 
 succeeded to the Hittite throne.^ 
 
 The new monarch was not slow to realise the critical 
 state of affairs that had arisen on his eastern frontiers. 
 Assyria, indeed, seems to have withdrawn temporarily, 
 through internal reasons, from her efforts to obtain a 
 footing in the Hittite lands, but the repeated incur- 
 sions of the Egyptian armies, and the evident intention 
 of the Pharaoh to regain his dominion over Syria, 
 called forth a mighty effort on the part of Mutallu to 
 retain the empire which his great ancestor, Subbi- 
 luliuma, had established, if not even to extend its 
 boundaries. The call to arms was sounded through 
 the Hittite lands, and the response from every side 
 showed how deeply and widely the power of the Great 
 King had been established. Practically all parts of 
 Asia Minor are represented in this splendid rally round 
 the Hittite leader. United in this common enterprise, 
 
 1 The argument of Petrie, History, iii. (1905) p. 17, as to the reliability 
 of the Egyptian sourceS in this matter seems to be supported historically 
 by the new light upon the period. 
 
 2 Though Professor Sayce has detected at Karnak a scene which may 
 refer to the northern districts. 
 
 2 We place this event about the time of the accession of Rameses ii., 
 c. 1292 B.C. (following the chronology of Breasted, based on Meyer). The 
 battle of Kadesh, which is reflected in the Hittite treaty of Rameses il. 
 (cf. Winckler, op. cit., p. 45), links the two reigns, and would fall under 
 this system of dates about 1288-1289 B.C. MutaUu's short reign (Winckler, 
 op. cit., p. 20) would thus end shortly afterwards : he is the Mautenel or 
 Mautal of the Egyptian texts. 
 
344 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the states of the centre, like the Hatti (Kheta), Arinna, 
 Pisidia, were joined by Dardanians and Mysians 
 from the furthest portions of the peninsula, as 
 well as by Lycians of the southern coast, and Kata- 
 onians from the anti-Taurus.^ Northern Syria, from 
 Carchemish to Kadesh, sent also its contingents, for 
 the Hittite leader 'left no people on his road. Their 
 number was endless, nothing like it had ever been seen 
 before. They covered the mountains and hills like 
 grasshoppers for their number.' The Pharaoh valiantly 
 went out to meet this formidable enemy before it 
 entered his own dominions, and the fateful battle was 
 joined not far from Kadesh. The opening stages were 
 favourable to the Hittite, who made a strategic and 
 unforeseen onslaught on the enemy's flank, and for a 
 time disorganised the Egyptian forces. The Pharaoh's 
 position, indeed, at one moment seems to have been 
 almost desperate, but in the issue he managed to 
 recover his formation and claims to have pursued the 
 Hittites from the field.^ The Bgytian losses were so 
 great that they were unable to follow^ up their advan- 
 
 1 For a summary of the Egyptian sources, see de Roug6, Revue jigypto- 
 logique, iii. p. 149 ; vii. p. 182. For discussion of the identity of 'the peoples, 
 with the authorities, Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, pp. 390, 398. Time 
 has brought respect for the latter's common-sense principle of inquiry, 
 and for the insight of Professor Sayce (The Hittites, 1903 ed., p. 26) in 
 this matter. The argument of Professor Petrie, based on the improba- 
 bility of troops, ' three men in a car,' being able to cross ' so rough a 
 country as Asia Minor ' {History, iii. p. 47), breaks down at the first name 
 on the lists, and we may regard the main subject of this controversy 
 practically closed. So, too, new evidence makes it unnecessary to discuss 
 in detail the attitude of Hirschfeld, Die Felsenreliefs in Kleinasien und 
 das Volk der Hittiter (Berlin, 1881), and O. Puchstein, Pseudo-hethitische 
 Kunst (Berlin, 1890), though we notice special points of criticism. For a 
 review of the whole situation down to 1896, see Reinach, Chronigues 
 d'Orient, especially i. pp. 372 flf. and pp. 772 S. 
 
 '' For an exhaustive study of the strategy of the Egyptian leader, and 
 a critical examination of the authorities, see Breasted, I'he Battle of 
 Kadesh (Chicago, 1903). Cf, also E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, 
 pp. 288 f . ; Maspero, Histoire (1875), pp. 220 ff. , and Struggle of the Nations, 
 pp. 392 if. 
 
PT.ATE T.XXXVIII 
 
 XwJi 
 
KADESH AND AFTER 345 
 
 tage : even Kadesh remained unassailed, though the 
 Hittite king had taken refuge within its walls ; so that 
 the battle must be regarded as indecisive. The moral 
 effect, however, on both sides was sufficient. Mutallu 
 made overtures for a truce, which the Pharaoh readily 
 accepted,! and the Egyptian forces were withdrawn. 
 
 The result of this battle proved indeed an effective 
 
 rebuke to the ambitions of the leaders on both sides. 
 
 Thereafter Rameses confined his military operations 
 
 to southern Syria. With the Hittites the issue was 
 
 more serious, and the consequences more immediate. 
 
 Two princes of the royal blood, Sipa-zar (? Subbi-sil) and 
 
 Mazarima, several chiefs, soldiers, and charioteers had 
 
 been counted among the slain. The Kataonian chief 
 
 also perished in the battle, and the king of Aleppo 
 
 was drowned while attempting to cross the moat and 
 
 marshes that protected Kadesh. The great army had 
 
 to be disbanded, dismayed and disappointed, when 
 
 victory had been so nearly within their grasp. The 
 
 Amorites, whose home lands had suffered perhaps 
 
 most of all in this warfare, and who were at all times 
 
 watchful of the balance, threw off their allegiance.^ 
 
 Their] chief, Put-akhi,^ was deposed, but escaped the 
 
 punishment of his offence. The disaffection spread 
 
 among the troops : a mutiny took place, in which the 
 
 chief general figures conspicuously, and Mutallu was 
 
 assassinated.* The zenith of Hittite power was passed ; 
 
 1 Miiller (^Asien und Europa, p. 216, note 1) thinks this passage in the 
 poem of Pentaur must refer to the overtures of Hattusil ii. sixteen 
 years afterwards ; but the preamble to the treaty with the latter, read in 
 the light of the new synchronisms, leads us to accept the text as 
 historical. 
 
 2 Winckler, B. K. Tablets, op. cit., p. 45. 
 
 ^ Professor Sayce notes that this rendering of the name, which is 
 written ideograph ically, must be considered doubtful. The same person 
 appears as Banti-shinni in other texts. 
 
 * The facts alone transpire (Winckler, op. cit., p. 19); this sequence is 
 our interpretation of them. 
 
346 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 the Hittite Sun had reached its highest point, and 
 the shadows at that same moment began to lengthen. 
 Never again, it would seem, could the Hittite leaders 
 call up in their special enterprise so many allies drawn 
 from such varied peoples. 
 
 The dynasty of the Hatti none the less retained the 
 throne ; Hattusil, brother of the ill-starred leader, whose 
 end we have described, now became Great King, and 
 Putukhipa, Princess of Qizwadna, was his queen. As 
 daughter of the city of Arinna, the home of the sun- 
 god, this lady was probably the foremost of the land, 
 and her union with the Prince of the Hatti was one of 
 the events that contributed to restore the prestige of 
 his house. As Khetasar this monarch looms big in the 
 pages of Egyptian history, and indeed his reign was 
 one of considerable importance and duration. But, as 
 with his compeer upon the throne of Egypt, the actual 
 tendency of events throughout this reign shows signs 
 of weakening in the Hittite power and the gradual 
 dismemberment of their empire.^ As with Egypt also 
 from this date, this reign was free from serious con- 
 flict or disturbance in Syria. Assyria had fallen tem- 
 porarily behind in the bid for empire, the Mitannians 
 were utterly submerged, and neither of the other two 
 powers was yet disposed to resume hostilities. One of 
 Hattusil's first acts contributed indeed to secure the 
 tranquillity of his frontier in this direction, by the 
 reinstatement of Put-akhi as Chief of the Amorites, 
 under the same terms of vassalage as of old.^ It was 
 indeed to Hattusil's intervention that the Amorite 
 prince owed his life at the time of his disaffection ; 
 and now, with a Hittite princess (Gashuliawi) for wife, 
 
 JCf. Winckler, Ausgrabungen, etc., 1907, p. 27. 
 Winckler, B. K. Tablets, op. cit, p. 24. 
 
POLICY OF HATTUSIL 347 
 
 Put-akhi was united in his allegiance by a double 
 bond. 
 
 Later in his reign, about 1271 B.C., Hattusil succeeded 
 in bringing about a definite offensive and defensive 
 alliance, and treaty of extradition, ' a good treaty for 
 friendship and concord, which was to assure peace, for 
 a longer period than bef oretime ' with the Pharaoh. 
 The preliminary negotiations occupied many months, 
 and were carried out with a full measure of oriental 
 dignity. The queens on either side took part in the 
 negotiations, and the chief wife of Rameses wrote to 
 Putukhipa specially expressing her satisfaction when 
 the affair was concluded. The first draft of the treaty 
 was clearly prepared by the Hittite diplomatists ; not 
 only does the name of the Hittite king come first in all 
 cases where both names occur, but a summary has 
 been found among their archives which does not 
 contain all the clauses finally incorporated.^ It is 
 prefaced with an historical preamble, after the well- 
 established precedent found in the Hittite treaties 
 with the Amorites and the Mitannians, as well as with 
 minor vassal states. Only in this case, the treaty being 
 one of equity, no pointed allusion was made to the first 
 conquest of Subbi-luliuma on the one side, or to the 
 exploits of Sety on the other : the fact of past wars 
 and of the previous interim treaties was mentioned, 
 but now the two kings were to be as allies, friends, and 
 brothers, with a good understanding between them for 
 evermore. Neither should henceforth invade the other's 
 lands, the boundary between them being the northern 
 Lebanon ; on the other hand, if either was in distress 
 of war, and appealed to the other for assistance, then 
 troops should be sent accordingly ; their warfare should 
 ' Winckler, op. cit., p. 21. 
 
348 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 be in common.^ Minor matters, such as the question 
 of fugitive servants and refugees, were also arranged. 
 
 We do not know whether duplicate copies of this 
 treaty were actually exchanged, but this may be inferred 
 from the fact that an Egyptian embassy was received 
 in the Hittite capital.^ The Egyptian record of this 
 affair, inscribed on the walls of the temple of Karnak, 
 only makes it known that two Hittite ambassadors, by 
 name ' Tal-tisebu ' and ' Rameses,' accompanied by a 
 goodly retinue, presented the Hittite copy engraved on 
 a silver tablet to the Pharaoh. 
 
 The gods of all the Hittites were separately invoked, 
 after their time-honoured custom, as guardians to the 
 inviolability of this treaty. The sun - god, lord of 
 heaven, takes first place, followed by the sun-god of 
 Arinna. Then come the various localised forms of 
 Sandes,^ called Sutekh by the Egyptians, and associated 
 here with nine chief states, in which we seem to 
 recognise three,* Arinna, Aleppo (Khilpa), and Sarisu, 
 possibly the classical Sareisa. A list of the tutelary 
 deities follows, including seven gods and three 
 goddesses,^ but possibly the gaps in the text betoken 
 others. Finally, the god of the land, the queen of 
 heaven, the goddess of the soil, the mistress of the 
 oath, the goddess (Askhir) of the mountains, and the 
 rivers of the Hittite lands, are appealed to ; with a last 
 reference to the gods of Qizwadna, the home of the 
 
 1 See the translation into Englisli by Professor Sayce, The Hittites, 
 pp. 31-39 ; also trans, from text of Miiller (ZJer Siindnis-vertrag Eamses II. 
 und des Chetiterkonigs, Berlin, 1902) in Messerschmidt, Tlie Hittites. 
 
 2 Winekler, B. K. Tablets, op. cit, p. 23. 
 
 3 The sculptured figures of the god at Malatia, PI. XLiv. ; at Sinjerli, 
 PI. Lxxvii. ; and at Boghaz-Keui, No. 1 L., PI. lxv. 
 
 * The others are : Zanu-arnda, Pirqa, Khisa-sapa, Bukhasina, Tonisa, 
 Salihepaina, all unrecognisable in their Egyptianised forms. 
 
 ^ Cf. the arrangement of the seven god-figures and three divine female 
 figures left and right in the sculpture of Boghaz-Keui, p. 215, Pis. 
 LXIII. (ii), LXV. 
 
TREATY WITH EGYPT 349 
 
 Hittite queen, and to those of Egypt, who are all 
 covered by one clause. The designs and inscriptions of 
 the seals are of special interest : upon the tablet itself 
 these were naturally engraved. On the obverse, we 
 are told, there was the image of the Hittite national 
 god embracing the Great King,^ surrounded by an 
 inscription rendered, through the medium of the 
 Egyptian text, ' The Seal of Sutekh, Prince of Heaven,' 
 and ' the seal of the treaty made by Khetasar (Hattusil) 
 son of Maursar (Mursil), the great and powerful king of 
 the Hittites.' This was the seal of the Hittite god of 
 the skies. The reverse was parallel, only in place of 
 the figure of Sandes was that of the sun-god of Arinna, 
 lord of the whole earth, and the Great Queen was 
 shown in the deity's embrace. Around was an inscrip- 
 tion, 'The seal of the sun-god of the city of Arinna, 
 lord of the earth,' and ' The seal of Putukhipa, Great 
 Queen of the Hittites, daughter of the land of Qizwadna 
 ... of the land of Arinna, the mistress of its territory, 
 the priestess of its goddess.' 
 
 The fame of this treaty was noised abroad, and an 
 inquiry was received from the king of Babylonia as to 
 its purport. The Hittite king replied^ with firmness 
 and obvious exultation : ' I will inform my brother : the 
 king of Egypt and I have made an alliance, and made 
 ourselves brothers. Brothers we are and will [unite 
 against] a common foe, and with friends in common.' 
 The letter continues with an explanation of the 
 previous warfare between the nations that had 
 rendered this compact desirable, and allusion is made 
 to the inroads of the Pharaoh on the Hittite lands. 
 
 Though relations between Egypt and Babylonia at 
 
 ' C£. PI. LXXI. and pp. 228, 239. 
 
 2 Winckler, ^ K. Tablets, op. cit., pp. 23, 24. 
 
350 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 this time were well established, it might have been 
 thought that Babylon was too distant to have been 
 much concerned with the Hittite seated in the north of 
 Asia Minor. Yet in fact at this time only the eastward 
 extension of the Amorite realm divided the two powers, 
 just as the same people formed the frontier with Egypt 
 further west. Diplomatic relations had indeed been 
 opened between them for fully a generation, and 
 several long letters have been recovered. They refer 
 chiefly to the brigandage of the Amorites, whom the 
 Hittite king is asked to keep in order, and punish as 
 being his vassals. It is interesting to notice also the 
 influence which Hattusil exerted, through the forceful 
 language of his ambassador at the Babylonian court, 
 and his own almost threatening diplomatic letters, 
 interfering even in the settlement of the succession to 
 the Babylonian throne. This subject might well be 
 regarded as outside the sphere of international politics, 
 and the Babylonian king found reason to object also to 
 the terms of the communication on this matter, which 
 would have been addressed more fittingly to a vassal 
 rather than a compeer. But Hattusil's reply is worthy 
 of record : ' I only wrote this, " If you do not acknow- 
 ledge the son of your lord, will it not happen that if an 
 enemy attack you, I will not come to your aid ? " for my 
 brother was then a child, and he is an evil man who 
 deals according to evil thoughts.' 
 
 Questions of foreign policy also were discussed by 
 these two powers in several letters. One fragment 
 from Babylon shows that the increasing power of 
 Assyria ^ was the problem of the moment, and a reply 
 
 ' Winckler (op, cit,, p. 21) identifies Katashman-turgu of the letters 
 with Katashman-buriash, and hence synchronises these events with the 
 period of Shalmaneser i., which we have treated as earlier. Possibly we 
 have here new material for a revision of Assyrian chronology. 
 
THE LAST HATTI KINGS 351 
 
 of HattusiP shows that they were being drawn to- 
 gether on this matter, which was of grave concern to 
 them both. His advice to the younger king, expressed 
 in flattering terms, to ' go and plunder the land of the 
 foe,' indicates the astute politician's anxiety to get the 
 sword that hung menacing over his own head removed. 
 The situation that now developed is one of considerable 
 historical interest. Like Tushratta of Mitanni on the 
 approach of the Hatti, so now the Hittite king at this 
 crisis took special raeans to ensure the support of 
 Egypt, where Rameses the Great still sat upon the 
 throne of Thebes beside the tranquil Nile. Formerly 
 Tushratta had granted a daughter in marriage at the 
 first time of asking, contrary to precedent ; but now 
 not only was the first Hittite princess seemingly offered 
 to Rameses, to take a place among the other royal 
 wives, but the Hittite king himself with great state 
 accompanied her to Egypt, and, escorted up the Nile, 
 visited the Egyptian monarch in his capital, an 
 event without parallel in oriental history. Naturally 
 Rameses made adequate record of this incident,^ and 
 the beauties of his new bride received the praises of his 
 courtiers. 
 
 Little is known of the two successors of Hattusil, 
 Dudkhalia, and his son Arnuanta, under whom the 
 
 ' Winckler, op. cit., p. 26. 
 
 2 The on]y surviving record is found in the rock-temple of Abusimbel, 
 high up on the southern side. Unfortunately the name of the Hittite 
 king could not be made out by Lepsius, who first noticed ti,T scene. 
 Probably he was Hattusil's successor, for the princess offered to Rameses 
 was apparently his eldest daughter, and on all precedent could not well 
 have been older than fifteen or sixteen years if she was to prove acceptable. 
 Yet Hattusil was already of mature age when he succeeded to the 
 throne, for it will be recalled that his father's reign was a long one, and 
 his brother's short reign also intervened. The date of the event was 
 about B.C. 1258, in the thirty-sixth year of Eameses' reign, thirteen 
 years after the treaty with Hattusil, twenty-nine years after the battle 
 of Kadesh — three events without historical connection. 
 
352 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 dynasty of the Hatti kings was prolonged into the 
 twelfth century, B.C. An edict issued by the former 
 concerns the organisation of the empire and the posi- 
 tion of the greater vassals.'^ The names of some of the 
 chieftains transpire among the witnesses to the docu- 
 ment : Eni-Tessub ^ appears at this time as king of 
 Carchemish, which was probably the second state of 
 the empire. Another event in the reign of Dudkhalia 
 is a 'treaty' with the king of Aleppo, doubtless a 
 ratification of the terms of vassalage, but the name of 
 that chieftain is not revealed. 
 
 The name of Arnuanta, his son, who in turn became 
 Great King, is the last of the dynasty that has come to 
 light, and circumstances tend to show that the day of 
 Hatti dominion was really over. He is known only 
 from two fragments of royal edicts, and a more com- 
 plete document (found in the debris of a gateway), 
 seemingly an elaborate land register or cadastral 
 survey.^ This is rendered of special interest by the 
 seals, which, like the famous boss of Tarkudimme, 
 were inscribed in Hittite hieroglyphs and in cuneiform. 
 The Hittite inscription on one seal is defaced, but 
 the cuneiform can be read in both cases. The first 
 seal is that of Arnuanta himself, the Great King, 
 son of Dudkhalia. The second gives the names of 
 the royal ladies, namely, the Queen-Mother Tawassi,* 
 and his wife, the Great Queen, Munidan ; while a 
 daughter of Dudkhalia is mentioned, though her name 
 is lost. 
 
 The appearance of these royal women side by side 
 
 " Winokler, op. cit. , p. 28. 
 
 2 Alternatively read Eni-Sanda by Prof. Sayce, the last group being 
 ideographic. 
 
 3 Winokler, B. K. Tablets, op. cit., p. 15 and p. 19. 
 
 * Winckler (toe. cit.) interprets these relationships otherwise, and sees 
 in them the traces of family intermarriage. 
 
STATUS OF WOMAN 353 
 
 with the monarch in the transaction of state afPairs 
 reawakens a whole series of interesting allusions which 
 transpire in the earlier archives of this dynasty, indi- 
 cating a clear position of authority held by the female 
 side, and even suggesting a matriarchal system of 
 succession to the throne. In the edict of Dudkhalia 
 the Queen-Mother, Putu-khipa, is mentioned as co- 
 ruler; and we have seen above that she separately 
 placed her seal upon the treaty with Egypt, wherein 
 she is described as Great Queen of the land of the 
 Hittites, ... of the land of Arinna, the mistress 
 of its territory.' Further, the son of this powerful lady 
 succeeded to the throne upon the death of Mutallu, 
 even though the latter's son was still alive (being 
 mentioned in documents of Hattusil). During the 
 interregnum ^ she maintained the continuity of the 
 government, with sole powers in her hands, as appears 
 from her correspondence at this time with Rameses. 
 The title of Hattusil himself to the throne can best be 
 explained in view of these facts, by his marriage with 
 this lady, a first princess of the land ; ^ and, that her 
 son would succeed seems to have been foreseen by 
 Kameses ii. when he wrote to her diplomatically, wish- 
 ing him 'good health.' The part taken by royal women in 
 state affairs in the East can be illustrated from modern 
 events in China, Tsrhich under its Mongol rulers presents 
 us with so much interesting comparison, no less than 
 from the records of the correspondence between Egypt 
 and Mitanni in the age with which we deal. 
 
 This respect of the worshippers of the Mother- 
 Goddess for the female was inculcated by them among 
 
 ^ A similar stiort interval seems to have occurred before the succession 
 of Arnuanta, and probably of Mursil previously. (Winckler, op. cit. , p. 18.) 
 
 2 Qizwadna seems to have held an autonomous position exceptional 
 among the Hittite states. Cf. Winckler in Orient. Lit.-Zeit., loc. cit. 
 
 z 
 
354 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 various branches of their peoples. It will not be 
 forgotten that the founder of the Hatti dynasty, when 
 he admitted the fugitive Mitannian prince to his family 
 and extended to him his protection, laid down the con- 
 dition of a monogamous marriage. So, too, Hattusil, in 
 granting his daughter to the Amorite chieftain, Put- 
 akhi, whom in like manner he re-established in his 
 authority, inserted in the document recording the 
 alliance a clause to the effect that the sovereignty over 
 the Amorite should belong to the son and descendants 
 of his daughter for evermore. 
 
 These indications all agree with the impression that 
 Greek tradition and the Hittite monuments have 
 already left upon our minds. The worship of the 
 Mother-Goddess, to which we have alluded, would 
 seem, indeed, to have been paramount throughout 
 the Hittite lands, from Carchemish to Ephesus, from 
 Kadesh to the coast of the Black Sea. Originally a 
 nature cult, derivable from the productivity of the 
 earth, this had now taken divine form with the quality 
 of self-reproduction, to develop later into the con- 
 ception of a universal mother. Though this worship 
 was general throughout western Asia, its introduc- 
 tion into Asia Minor is traceable to the Hittites, 
 upon whose monuments its symbolism appears earlier 
 than it is known elsewhere, notably at Boghaz- 
 Keui,i Eyuk,^ Fraktin,^ and on Sipylus.* We do not 
 wish to imply a local development of the cult, though 
 that may be admitted as a possibility when we consider 
 the simple and general nature of its origins, and the 
 power of the human mind then as now to attain in a 
 few years the standpoint reached only by generations 
 
 1 P. 235, PI. Lxv. 2 P. 262, PI. lxxiii. 
 
 2 P. 151, PI. XL VII. 4 p. 168, PI. LIU. 
 
THE MOTHER-GODDESS 355 
 
 of ancestral experiences, and thereon to build up new 
 conceptions, to be transmitted in like manner together 
 with those inherited. Yet on the fertile plains of 
 Babylonia the seasonal productivity of nature was 
 more conspicuous and almost spontaneous; there in- 
 deed, as it seems, man was earlier able to give up his 
 wandering life and settle, noting with satisfaction and 
 gratitude that earth and sunshine with other elemental 
 forces provided him with the means of living. Taking 
 also the evidence as it stands, it would seem that the 
 embodiment of these conceptions in divine form (under 
 the name Istar) is earliest attributable to Babylonia ; 
 and from there consequently we are disposed to derive 
 her when found in Asia Minor, whether by general 
 contact, as is historically admissible, or introduced, as 
 seems more probable, by some early migration of 
 Hittite peoples that had already assimilated her to 
 themselves. 
 
 The worship of a goddess with virtues so natural and 
 with powers that it was so desirable to propitiate would, 
 in any case, it may be thought, be readily acceptable to a 
 peasant people. It became deeply rooted, and in certain 
 localities took special forms, reflected many centuries 
 later in rites like those of Ma at Comana, Kybele in 
 Phrygia, Artemis at Ephesus, and, latest of all, Semir- 
 amis at the post-Hittite city at Carchemish. From the 
 sculptures of Boghaz-Keui ^ it may be seen that, as in 
 Babylonia, there was already associated with her a 
 youth, whose male powers were necessary to complete 
 her own. With her also there appears a lioness or 
 panther whose force and character seemed to be em- 
 blematic of hers. Though clearly attributable to an 
 earlier phase of thought, this association may have 
 
 ' PI. LXV. 
 
356 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 been made before the cult was localised. There are, 
 however, traces in these sculptures of more primitive 
 conceptions, attributable to older strains of population. 
 From the evidence in general, four or five strata, indeed, 
 may be discerned in the Hittite pantheon. In the low- 
 est of these there appear the purely elemental forms, 
 mountains and streams,^ earth,^ sun,^ moon* and star.® 
 Passing from the inanimate to the anim^ate, we find 
 the lion,'' the bull,'^ the eagle,* the falcon or dove,^ 
 the goat,'" the stag, the serpent '"^ and other living 
 creatures, some of them possibly adopted as tribal 
 totems, and all no doubt representing some special 
 virtue or power that later became embodied in the 
 deities associated with them. Upon these substrata 
 the gods of human form appear to be imposed, and 
 first among these the Mother-goddess. Already, as we 
 have noticed in these sculptures,'^ her supreme powers 
 in life and her unfathomable actions had found ex- 
 pression in the semblance of a lion, before she was 
 adopted by the mountain-Tvorshippers ; and another 
 class of monument, possibly of later evolution, seems 
 to reveal her in another aspect, as a goddess to be pro- 
 pitiated at death. The two ideas in her case are not 
 far separated ; for just as in the simplest conception of 
 her powers through her the dead earth revived, while in 
 her developed cult, her dead son yet lived in her oflf- 
 spring (through her unnatural union with him), so the 
 
 1 Cf. p. 348 and PI. lxv. 
 
 2 Cf. p. 348 and PI. lxviii. The boot in the design of the sedicula may 
 be taken to be emblematic of the earth. 
 
 3 Cf. PI. LXVIII. ■> Pp. 217, 303; cf. Pis. LXViii., lxxx. * Ibid. 
 Cf. pp. 157, 235, and PI. lxv. ? pjg xliv., lxxii., p. 256. 
 
 s Pis. XLix., LXV., p. 236. » Pp. 118, 151, 165. 
 
 11 PI. LXV. and p. 215, 
 
 " The two latter only appear upon small seals, C.I.H. (1900), PI. 
 XLi. (i), which, though Hittite, we must regard as beyond the scope of 
 this volume. iii PI. lxv., p. 235. 
 
AMAZONS IN HISTORY 357 
 
 instinctive belief of humanity in the incompleteness of 
 death found expression in offerings to her for the dead,^ 
 and in communion of the dead at her table.^ The idea 
 of a future life after death was inseparable from her 
 worship. 
 
 In the sculptures^ of these times there are associated 
 with the goddess a number of divine attendants and 
 priestesses, each holding as it seems a bent staff upon 
 which she leans. These are not armed, but in them 
 we may see the prototypes of a class of women devoted 
 to the goddess, "who in later centuries, on the decline 
 of the Hittite power, at the coming maybe of the 
 Phrygians, at first for the defence of their religion, 
 and later separating in independent action, developed 
 into armed priestesses, and possibly the Amazons of 
 tradition.* But that was not yet; nor do we see in 
 any of the shrines of the goddess of this age any sign 
 
 ' Cf. pp. 102, 119, and Pis. XLVii., Lxxiii. (i). 
 
 2 In this way we explain the development of the funerary symbolism 
 of the Ceremonial Feast (p. 100), which became a stereotyped design 
 (PI. Lxxv. (i), pp. Ill, 135, 164, 226, 284, 290). 3 p]. lxvii. 
 
 ^ As we diflfer on this question in our interpretation of the sculptures 
 of Boghaz-Keui from Professor Ramsay (see p. 213), who inter alia ranlcs 
 what we regard as male figures [PI. LXix. (ii)] among the female body- 
 guard of the cult, we feel it due to him to recapitulate our argument. 
 a (i) In Egyptian art down to 1200 B.C., though there are detailed descrip- 
 tions of Hittite allies (cf. PI. Lxxxiii.), and down to 1150 B.C. of Asiatic- 
 jEgean coalition (p. 368), there is no suspicion of women warriors ; (ii) In 
 Greek tradition there is no memory of the Hatti power, but the Amazons 
 appear. 6 (i) These sculptures seem to belong to the great Hatti period, 
 and in particular to the age of Hattusil (of. the argument on p. 233), being 
 somewhat more conventionalised than those of probably earlier phase 
 (compare the lightning emblem of fig. 1 L, PI. Lxv., with that of the 
 Malatia god, PI. xlv., which is freely drawn like that of Sinjerli, 
 PI. LXXIII.) ; (ii) the sculptured gateway, newly recognised as decorated 
 with an Amazon figure (p. 205), has been independently dated by us (pp. 210, 
 211, 380) by a series of direct analogies in aesthetic treatment, to a period 
 probably some centuries later. Thus far we are possibly agreed, but at 
 the next point we differ, c (i) In the sculptures of lasily Kaya, 
 the males and females seem to us to be as distinct as ever man and 
 woman were in art ; the former are characterised by their short tunics, 
 muscular athletic figures, firm thighs, and masculine chests, not to 
 speak of their arms; the latter are disclosed by their long robes, their 
 
358 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 or suggestion of the orgies and carnal festivals that a 
 thousand years later were celebrated in her name. On 
 the other hand, we see the cult at this age in its 
 simplicity ; in some cases the goddess worshipped 
 alone, in others accompanied by the son-consort; whose 
 position in legend and at Boghaz-Keui is secondary to 
 her own. In the latter case, however, she is face to 
 face with another god who is her equal. We have been 
 able to trace in these sculptures to some extent the 
 merging of this religion with the old conceptions, and 
 now we pass to consider its union with the new. 
 
 In this fourth phase the male predominates. The 
 new divinity was a god omnipotent, with lightning in 
 his hand. We call him Sandes, from a name surviving 
 in Greek tradition in Cilicia and Lydia; but his real 
 name is unknown. Possibly Tarku was one Hittite form 
 of it ; but at this period of his conspicuous individuality 
 Baal or Zeus would suit him better. Like the god- 
 dess, he was well known in western Asia under various 
 guises, the Tessub of Mitanni, the Hadad of Syria, the 
 Rimmon of Babylonia. He came into Asia Minor, it 
 seems to us, as guardian deity of the conquering Hatti, 
 clad like their warriors ; and in their wake came a 
 limited number of kindred tribes, among whom also 
 he was worshipped under various f orms,^ notably as a 
 God of War with sword in hand.^ By them he was 
 
 full breasts, and other ordinary feminine characteristics, (ii) In view of 
 the emphatically female character of the Amazon figure of the gateway, 
 stamped by the conspicuous breasts, the feminine thighs, and long hair, 
 we think it unreasonable to suppose any concealment of sex in tlie 
 warrior figures of the earlier sculptures. We conclude then (d) that in 
 neither the contemporary records nor monuments, so far as known, is 
 there any trace of female warriors, before 1200 or 1150 B.C. ; that the 
 whole cycle of the Amazon legends belongs historically to a later age, 
 subsequent to the downfall of the Hatti warrior-kings. On the eunuch- 
 priest, however, see p. 361, note 2. 
 
 1 Cf. The Sutekh cycle of the nine states in the Egyptian treaty, p. 348. 
 
 2 Cf. figures 2 L and 3 L at Boghaz-Keui, PI. Lxv., and at Kara-Bel, PI. Liv. 
 
THE FATHER-GOD 359 
 
 transmitted as the national god to the other Hittite 
 peoples, whose tutelary deities, however, seem to have 
 been various.^ In him, the embodiment of manly 
 strength, the nature worshippers saw the sun, ruling 
 in the skies,^ supreme, a fitting husband for their 
 Mother Earth. It was not hard to reconcile the cults. 
 Just as the sun's return in spring-time to shine upon 
 the earth was necessary to revivify the dead year ; so 
 was the periodic union of the god with the goddess 
 natural and appropriate, that the earth might bring 
 forth her fruits in due season. The sculptures^ 
 illustrate the rite that arose upon this new ideal, where 
 we see the statue of the god borne upon the shoulders 
 of his priests to the open-air sanctuary of the goddess, 
 and the divine nuptials celebrated with the dancing 
 and revelry that have accompanied marriage festivals 
 through all time. 
 
 The conception of Fatherhood, hitherto submerged, 
 now found expression in independent form, wherein 
 the new god was identified with the Bull, the emblem 
 of virility. At Malatia * the god rides upon the animal's 
 back; at Eyuk° the animal alone is found, in a 
 scene where his ministers are the royal high priest 
 and priestess, the counterpart to the worship of the 
 goddess herself on the other side of the gateway. In 
 this character food and music and revelry were his 
 delight. There were present all the elements which 
 under other conditions might have led to the develop 
 
 ' The second cycle mentioned in the Egyptian treaty ; cf. the sculp- 
 tures of Malatia, where the chief god and a winged deity are worshipped 
 with different rites. 
 
 2 Sutekh and the sun-god are both called lord of heaven in the 
 Egyptian treaty (pp. 348, 349). Cf. the identification of Sandes with the 
 sun-god (p. 322). ' PI- LXV. 
 
 ■• PI. XLIV. 
 
 5 PI. Lxxii. The bull figure, unfortunately, is not wholly shown in 
 these photographs. 
 
360 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 ment of a special and exaggerated worship of mas- 
 culine powers. But here the circumstances were un- 
 favourable. So long, indeed, as the warrior kings 
 maintained the throne, their god also retained his 
 individuality,^ amid an environment, however, too 
 deeply imbued with the older ideals to maintain his 
 separate worship after their downfall. Already we 
 see one way in which his cult was liable to be sub- 
 merged ; for the part he now claimed, as it were, by 
 force, had been hitherto played in esoteric fashion 
 by the son. Hence a new identity arose, in which the 
 attributes of the father-god and the son-god became 
 confused and merged in one.^ This fact seems to be 
 reflected even in the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui, where 
 the cult of a dirk, which each important male figure 
 wears, becomes endowed vrith a separate ritual.^ Pos- 
 sibly, however, this may be more particularly an 
 aspect of the son-god, and associated with the ritual 
 of the Mother-goddess. It was, moreover, a national 
 cult, widespread, and revered.* In any case the 
 association of the Father-god with the Son-god in 
 the cult of the Mother-goddess, nature's divine triad, 
 seems to us an essential feature of the religion of these 
 times. 
 
 The part played by the king and his queen in this 
 worship is clear in the sculptures of Eyuk^ and Malatia," 
 and their position as high priest and priestess of the 
 god is defined in the text of the Egyptian treaty.' 
 Whether the king himself took an official position in 
 the worship of the goddess is still open to conjecture ; 
 
 1 At Boghaz-Keui (PI. Lxv.), and Giaour-Kalesi (p. 163) he is repre- 
 sented with a beard in contradistinction to the beardless Son-god. 
 
 2 Cf. the legends of Baal and Sandan of Tarsus, above, pp. 195, 238. 
 
 3 PI. Lxx., p. 240. « Cf. p. 170. ° PI. Lxxii., p. 268. 
 " PI. XLiv., p. 139. ' P. 349. 
 
THE HATTI KINGSHIP 361 
 
 for the pictures of the high priest at Boghaz-Keui,^ 
 though accompanied by the royal insignia, are open to 
 another interpretation,^ and possibly in her festivals 
 the king's place was taken by a eunuch-priest of con- 
 siderable authority, in accordance with a ritual long 
 established and surviving in later times. At Sinjerli 
 there is an interesting suggestion in a certain series of 
 sculptures ^ belonging possibly to this era. In compar- 
 ing these it seems to us that the king himself is shown 
 impersonating his gods or god in various characters ; 
 in one he is the ■warrior with shield and spear, in 
 another he holds aloft the lightning trident, and in a 
 third we see him like Thor with a magic hammer. In 
 the rites of the various deities the king may possibly 
 have carried these sacred emblems ceremonially. 
 
 The position of the Hatti kings in state affairs, the 
 nature of their kingdom and their empire, has been 
 already disclosed in watching how their power was 
 won.^ The army was the mainstay of their empire, yet 
 no martial scenes decorate the walls of the palaces and 
 temples that have been hitherto unearthed. This may 
 be accounted for by the essentially feudal nature of the 
 constitution, whereby the bulk of the forces would be 
 composed of troops under the more direct command of 
 the vassal kings and chieftains. Within the domain of 
 his own tribe or tribes, though doubtless a royal body- 
 guard was maintained, it would almost seem that the 
 power of the Hittite king was sustained rather by con- 
 
 ' Pis. LXVIII., LSXXI. 
 
 2 We have given our reasons (p. 231) for preferring to see in them the 
 person of the iiing; but if certain emblems in the naiskos are really 
 phallic, they may be read as indicating the sacrifice of these organs. On 
 the other hand, like the bull, they maybe merely emblematic of the king's 
 position as chief representative of the virile god. The evidence seems to 
 us insufl&cient to solve this point. 
 
 3 Above, p. 297. '' Above, pp. 326 flf. 
 
362 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 stitutional rights such as have been indicated. Some 
 of the religious sculptures, however, give an indication, 
 though in somewhat conventional and maybe anti- 
 quated form, of the dress and armour of the Hittite 
 infantry ; while the general character of their chariots 
 and arms may be gathered from the hunting scenes of 
 later date in Syrian towns. Where the home sources 
 fail, the Egyptian carvings supply a wealth of detail 
 illustrating all branches of the Hittite forces;^ and these, 
 though drawn as it were from afar, have none the less 
 the advantage of being contemporary evidence, re- 
 corded, too, by past-masters in this branch of archivism, 
 who allowed no characteristic detail to escape them. 
 
 The freest drawing of a foot-soldier is that from Sin- 
 jerli,^ wherein a warrior is seen armed with a spear and 
 shield; the head of the spear is narrow and ribbed 
 down the middle, and the shaft is about the length of 
 the man ; the defensive weapon is of the figure-of-eight 
 shape traditional in Asia Minor, and associated with 
 some branches of the Hittites in Egyptian sculptures.^ 
 The dirk which is worn, an invariable side-arm of the 
 Hittites, is here shown so long that it looks almost like 
 a two-edged sword ; from other sculptures, however, 
 like those of Griaour-Kalesi * and Boghaz-Keui,' we may 
 be sure that a dirk or dagger is indicated. The 
 crescental hilt and the mid-rib are noticeable features. 
 That the sword was used, however, may be gathered 
 from other scenes.* The dress of the Hittite warrior, 
 like that of his gods, was uniformly the short tunic, 
 short-sleeved vest, shoes with turned-up points, and 
 tall conical hat ; the last named is seemingly padded in 
 
 1 See Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 356 f . ; and cf . "W. Max 
 Miiller, Asien und Europa, pp. 324-329. 2 pj lxxv. (ii). ; cf. p. 281. 
 s Cf. PI. Lxxxiii. (ii). * P. 163. 6 Pis. ^xv., lxx. 
 
 « Cf . Boghaz-Keui , PI. lxv. , No. 2 L. , and Kara-Bel, PI. Liv. , p. 171, note 3. 
 
HITTITE ARMY AND ARMS 363 
 
 this instance at the top. Equestrians and charioteers 
 seem to have modified or discarded this head-dress ^ as 
 being unsuitable for rapid motion. In addition to the 
 spear, the bow was doubtless used by both infantry ^ 
 and chariotry ; ^ but other implements, originally of an 
 offensive character, like the club, double-axe,* mace, 
 and curved dagger,^ are found only in religious 
 symbolism in such connection that it must be con- 
 sidered doubtful whether they continued to be used in 
 war. The throw-stick is, however, admissible, though 
 found only in sporting scenes.® As to the Hittite 
 cavalry the local sources almost fail us. Two stones 
 from Sinjerli show a rider armed with bow and dagger, 
 and possibly a shield decorated with a human face;'' 
 and a third sculpture from the same site introduces a 
 large round shield and possibly a quiver. ** There is also 
 a fragment, possibly from Marash, showing a horse 
 rider ,^ though apparently not in that instance a fight- 
 ing man. In another case a led horse is shown, with 
 attendant groom, as though awaiting his royal master's 
 pleasure.^" In Egyptian scenes,^^ however, the Hittite 
 horse-rider is conspicuous, fleeing before the Pharaoh's 
 arrows, himself armed with a lance ; and in two literary 
 passages at least, clear reference is made to the Hittite 
 cavalry.^^ 
 The chariotry of the Hittites was, however, their 
 
 1 Cf. pp. 274-5. 
 
 2 Ct PI. XLiv. (Malatia) and PI. Liv. (Kara-Bel). 
 
 2 Cf. PI. XXXIX. (Sakje-Geuzi), and there are earlier confirmatory 
 scenes described on pp. 133, 134. ■* PI. Lxv. and p. 287. 
 
 * P. 140; Liv. Annals of Arch., i. PI. v. 
 
 '"• P. 283. ' Pp. 274-5. * P. 293 (No. xxy.). 
 
 " p. 122. '" P. 121. 
 
 " Cf. N. wall of the temple of Karnak, the rout after the battle of 
 Kadesh. 
 
 1^ Treaty with Fgypt, temp. Hattusil, p. 347 ; Preamble to treaty with 
 Mitanni, temp. Subbi-luliuma, cf. p. 331. 
 
364 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 chief arm of offence. Unfortunately only one war- 
 chariot is shown in their own sculptures/ and this is 
 apparently of later date and employed in an inter- 
 tribal struggle. In this case two persons are shown in 
 the car, the warrior and his driver. The wheel has six 
 spokes, the car is lightly built, and a pair of horses are 
 harnessed to it.^ The warrior's arms are the bow and 
 spear. Other chariots appear in hunting scenes, show- 
 ing little variation except the eight-spoked wheels ; 
 but it may be thought from the Egyptian representa- 
 tions that a someTvhat heavier car with panelled sides 
 was employed for war. The magnificent appearance 
 of the massed Hittite chariots in attack excited the 
 admiration of their enemies, the Egyptians, who have 
 handed down vivid pictures of them taken from their 
 wars : the assault on a hill,^ an incident in the battle 
 of Kadesh, shows excellent formation in close order 
 while advancing at a gallop. The Egyptians were 
 unanimous in representing three Hittites in each car, 
 a practice which differed from their own, and so 
 attracted their attention. The third man was a shield- 
 bearer, whose absence from the hunting scenes of the 
 Hittite sculptures is self-explanatory. A square shield, 
 mostly associated with the Syrian allies, makes its 
 appearance in the scene before us ; but the Egyptian 
 artists were so much perplexed by the necessity of 
 crowding and showing three men within the tiny car, 
 that they forgot or found no room for the offensive 
 arms of their redoubtable enemy. 
 For transport in war the Hittites seem to have 
 
 ' P. 279. 
 
 2 On the antiquity of the horse and chariot, see what Is said above, 
 p. 320, note 3. 
 
 3 Cf. PI. Lxxxviii., from the north wall of the temple of Rameses ii. 
 at Abydos. 
 
TRANSPORT AND ROADS 365 
 
 employed freely a covered wagon on four wheels, a 
 characteristic vehicle throughout western Asia to-day, 
 and drawn then as now either by bullocks or a pair o£ 
 horses. In addition, the hardy ass was also requisi- 
 tioned, represented as struggling with the weight of 
 his panniers.^ Though for the frontier wars with 
 Egypt, fought out mostly near the Lebanon, the 
 Hittite doubtless employed a strategic base in northern 
 Syria, such as Carchemish, yet for his Syrian campaigns, 
 and for the general control of his Syrian dependencies, 
 it becomes almost self-evident that there ruust have 
 been one route at least available for wheeled traffic 
 connecting with the interior and the capital. But it is 
 by no means easy to determine which of the several 
 passes may have been used for this purpose.^ The history 
 of these times leads us to infer a system of communi- 
 cation throughout the empire, with Boghaz-Keui as its 
 focus. From this centre, to judge by the disposition of 
 the earlier monuments and other evidence, roads already 
 radiated in several directions. To the north was Sinope,^ 
 which seems at one time to have been the first port of 
 the country, but to have fallen into decline with 
 Boghaz-Keui itself. To the east we must infer a road 
 connecting the valley of the Halys, whether by way of 
 Sivas or otherwise, with that of the Tochma Su,* and so 
 leading down to the frontier at Malatia. A southerly 
 bifurcation of this route led by Albistan down the 
 passes of the Pyramus to Marash,^ communicating thence 
 severally with Carchemish, Aleppo, and the valley of 
 the Kara Su, wherein lay the cities of Sakje-Geuzi and 
 Sinjerli. A more direct track over the mountains from 
 Mazaca (Caesarea) to Marash passed by Kuru-Bel near 
 
 ^ Abydos temple, N. wall, the Hittite prisoners. 
 
 2 Cf. p. 5, note 1. ' See p. 34, note 2. * See p. 143. ^ See pp. 6, 24. 
 
366 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 old-time Comana,^ whence also Dastarkon (near Ferak- 
 din) might be approached. The line of communication 
 from Boghaz-Keui to Mazaca is not known, but a direct 
 road from the former towards Tyana is traceable, and 
 possibly it sent off a branch corresponding with the 
 modern route from Injessu to Csesarea. Whether in 
 its direct southerly line it continued as a wheel track 
 thus early through the Cilician gates to Tarsus is open 
 to question, though it was clearly open some three 
 centuries later.^ Westward also there must have been 
 established now or shortly afterwards an embranch- 
 ment connecting Tyana by way of Ardistama with 
 Iconium ; while, as we have already noted,' the existence 
 of a main westerly route from Boghaz-Keui to the 
 Lydian coast is testified by the contemporary sculptures 
 of Giaour-Kalesi and Kara-Bel. 
 
 Of the cities which these roads connected there remains 
 little trace. At Boghaz-Keui only the buried remains 
 of the palace built by Mursil* and the sculptured 
 sanctuary which we have dated to the age of Hattusil ^ 
 can be assigned with any security to the two centuries 
 
 1 Cappadocice, later distinguished always from Comana of Pontus. 
 
 2 See pp. 24, 45. As to the problem of the direction followed by the 
 Persian Posts in later times, we have formed no opinion, and it is beyond 
 our subject. The suggestion made by Prof. Kiepert that it led over by 
 Sebasteia to the valley of the Tochma Su, and so past Malatia, seems to 
 be supported by the fact that no second crossing of the Halys was con- 
 sidered noteworthy in the record. Mr. Hogarth's summary (Macan's 
 Herodotus, 1895, vol. ii. App. xiii. §§ 8, 9) in favour of a route by 
 Mazaca and Comana, descending on Samosata (Samsat), satisfies all the 
 conditions, but seems to us to be improbable owing to its difficulties and 
 to a lack of internal evidence of its importance. Prof. Ramsay's original 
 preference for a route by the Cilician gates is seemingly substantiated by 
 our new evidence of a visible section northwards from Injessu, which 
 corresponds so nearly to that portion of the Royal Road which he has 
 traced on the Phrygian uplands (PI. xxiv.). We do not think the material 
 at present sufficient to solve the problem, which we believe must in any 
 case be attacked upon the lines laid down by Prof. Myres in a paper read 
 before the Roy. Geog. Soc. 1896, in which he attempted to reconstruct the 
 Maps of Herodotus. 
 
 3 Pp. 37, 38. i Pp. 208, 342. 6 P. 233. 
 
EARLIER HITTITE CENTRES 367 
 
 that we have been considering. At Eyuk and Malatia 
 the cubical building blocks decorated with sculptures 
 seem to indicate the existence of palaces as early as 
 the reign of Subbi-Iuliuma.^ The site of Sakje-Geuzi 
 was already occupied by Hittite people, and probably 
 counted six walled townships and citadels within its 
 neighbourhood ; ^ we suspect it to be the centre of the 
 state that later becomes known in the Assyrian records 
 by the name of laudi. Sinjerli was also a large and 
 flourishing city/ the capital of the kingdom later called 
 by the Assyrians Samalla. Carchemish,* Aleppo,^ and 
 Hamath^ are also known as Hittite cities from the 
 history of these times, but no remains of buildings 
 have been found within their areas that can be assigned 
 to this period.^ We may infer, however, from the 
 evidence of the excavations at Sinjerli, and from con- 
 temporary Egyptian sculptures, as well as from the 
 designs of late fortifications, that the cities of this age 
 w^ere already surrounded by masoned walls, supported 
 by numerous external towers, and entered through 
 gateways barred by a pair of double doors and guarded 
 by wing towers on either hand. But most of the visible 
 architectural remains of Boghaz-Keui, and nearly all 
 those that have come to light in Syria, including those 
 of Marash, belong upon our evidence to a later period 
 after the disintegration of the empire, when for a 
 while in the development of history the opportunity 
 occurred for a revival of local arts upon the old models 
 among the small kingdoms that survived. 
 The disintegration of the Hittite empire introduces 
 
 1 See p. 339, note 2. 
 
 2 P. 298, and Liv. Annals of Arch., i. PI. xxxm. 
 
 3 p. 272. ■" See p. 123. 
 " See pp. 7, 97, and PI. xxxviii. " See p. 94. 
 
 ' In regard to an inscription from Carchemish, see, however, p. 371. 
 
368 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 a new phase of their history. With it was involved 
 the downfall of the Hatti rulers, indicated by the 
 failure of the archives of Boghaz-Keui after the reign 
 of Arnuandas, two generations after the time of 
 Hattusil, and hence probably about 1200 B.C. In the 
 great combine of land and sea powers against Egypt, 
 which Rameses in. resisted and dispersed,^ the Hittites 
 again figure among the confederates, but this time no 
 longer as leaders ; and subsequently they appear no 
 more in Egyptian history. They had held sway over 
 Asia Minor for about two centuries, a lengthy period 
 for an oriental dynasty, and now they were sub- 
 merged by historical movements, of which the details 
 are wanting so far as it affected them, though the 
 development of events may be traced in outline. As 
 often in the history of Asia Minor, the tide of immi- 
 gration that had formerly set westward had now 
 turned, and, sweeping irresistibly from Europe south- 
 ward and eastward over the Greek world and the 
 ^gean Islands, traversed also the peninsula.^ The 
 wave which Rameses in. turned away from the 
 Egyptian frontier had swept away the Hatti power, 
 and it may be thought that their part in the move- 
 ment, like that of others, was migratory rather than 
 warlike, pressed onwards by newcomers from beyond. 
 In the redistribution of power that followed the 
 dispersal of these peoples, the dominant position in 
 Asia Minor seems to have been held by the Muski,^ 
 whom we presume to be a European people, akin to 
 the Phrygian conquerors of later times.'' With these 
 
 1 Inner wall of the second pylon of the temple Medinet Habu at 
 Thebes. 
 
 2 On this subject, cf. Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 468 and 
 587. 
 
 ^ Cf. Wlnckler, Ausgrabungen, etc., 1907, p. 30. 
 * Cf. above, p. 53, note 1. 
 
DISRUPTION OF THE EMPIRE 369 
 
 newcomers at any rate the Assyrian kings were occu- 
 pied for half a century. By 1170 B.C., it would appear, 
 they had traversed Asia Minor and descended upon 
 Kummukh, the Hittite state lying around Samsat, 
 between Carchemish and Malatia, upon the Assyrian 
 frontier ; and it was not until 1120 that they were 
 driven back by the valorous expeditions of Tiglath- 
 Pileser i. It is possible that the Assyrian king followed 
 up his victories as far as the Black Sea ; ^ but in any 
 case the power of the Muski would seem to have been 
 broken and to have gradually declined until reinforced 
 by the Thracian immigrants of the ninth and eighth 
 centuries B.c.^ In the meanwhile the Hittite states 
 found the opportunity for a remarkable revival. 
 The readiness of these peoples, though no longer 
 politically united, to combine against a common 
 enemy is well shown by the experiences of the 
 Assyrian king, who had no sooner crossed the frontier 
 at Malatia, than he was assailed on his right flank by 
 twenty-three chieftains,^ while in front lay sixty others 
 whose domains extended to the Upper Sea. Though 
 possibly this expedition lay eastward of the boundary 
 of the Hittite lands, the central Hittite states did not 
 escape from the ambitious raids of the Assyrian king, 
 who crossing the Euphrates on rafts of skin, this time 
 nearer to Carchemish, put Mount Bishri* to the sword, 
 
 1 Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des AUerthums, i. p. 331. See, however, Schrader, 
 ^ Bab.-Ass. Gesch., pp. 162-3, who identifies the 'Upper Sea' of the text 
 
 (published by Winckler, Inschriften Tigl.-Pilesers I.) with Lake Van; 
 he is supported by Sayce and others. M^nant thought that the Caspian 
 was referred to, and Eawlinson the Mediterranean, but neither of the 
 latter theories agrees with the geography of the expedition, on which 
 see Maapero, Struggle of the Nations, pp. 6534. 
 
 2 See what is said on this subject above, pp. 57-8. 
 
 3 The Annals of the x"> year record the number as 30, Winckler, op. cit, 
 p. 28, 1. 10. 
 
 * (?) Tell Bashar, in difficult country between Aintab and Carchemish. 
 
 2a 
 
370 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 and advancing northwards, devastated the frontier 
 lands (Muzri), which lay now, as we have seen, beyond 
 Kummukh, nearer to the kingdom of Malatia. The 
 Kumani, dwelling probably in the mountainous region 
 round Comana (Shahr), seem to have gone out to the 
 assistance of their kinsfolk, harassing the Assyrian pro- 
 bably on his left flank. But their native fastnesses and 
 walled cities did not protect them from the vengeance 
 of the Assyrian. Their advanced troops were over- 
 come and imprisoned in the fortress of Arinni; 
 while the remainder of their fighting men, some 
 20,000 strong, who lay entrenched on Mount Tala, 
 were driven out and pursued as far as the range 
 of Kharusa, on the frontiers.^ Kibshuna, the 
 capital of the Kumani, surrendered. The states 
 of Syria were the next to fall to the Assyrian con- 
 queror, for a fresh expedition passing up the Orontes 
 seems to have crossed the Lebanon and reached the 
 Mediterranean coast northward from Beyrout.^ 
 
 Though the expeditions of Tiglath-Pileser i. were 
 far-reaching, they do not seem to have established 
 anything like a permanent hold over the Hittite states 
 of Syria. Carchemish, upon the frontier, does not 
 seem to have lost any of its independence, and it 
 may be suspected that after the decline of the Hatti, 
 this state remained the chief centre of the Hittite 
 
 ■ We are inclined to place this range in the Amanus, on the Cilician 
 frontiers. The treble-walled city of Kibshuna (Maspero, Struggle of the 
 Nations, pp. 655-6) recalls strongly the defences of Sinjerli (see above, 
 p. 272) ; possibly it is to be identified with Kabessus on the Sarus. The 
 route of the Assyrian army, descending southward by the passes of the 
 Pyramus, might easily avoid Marash, which is not mentioned in the 
 record. 
 
 2 Maspero, op. cit, pp. 657-8. The inscription on the rocky sea front at 
 Nahrel-Kelb Is hardly legible; and our photograph yields no fresh 
 evidence on this point, 
 
REVIVAL OF THE STATES 371 
 
 power.^ There is indeed a suggestion that its kings 
 were descended from, or early related to, the Hatti 
 rulers,^ and that at one time, perhaps in the eleventh 
 century, they held sway as far as Gurun,^ in the 
 valley of the Tochma Su, indicating a kingdom which 
 embraced all the central Hittite states. However 
 that may be, some names of the early kings of Car- 
 chemish have been handed down among the archives 
 of the Hatti,* under whom it seems clearly to have 
 been already a state of major importance ; and its in- 
 dependence was maintained, in name at least, as late 
 as any of which the history is known. 
 
 The apparent independence of Carchemish through- 
 out the reign of Tiglath-Pileser is not only a testimony 
 to its own military resources, but an indication that 
 the Assyrian conquests were not secured. The time 
 of the great Assyrian empire was not yet, and as the 
 Assyrian power gradually weakened for a while, so did 
 that of the Hittite states revive. For something like a 
 century and a half, until about 950 B.C., some semblance 
 of Assyrian authority may still be traced on the near 
 side of the Euphrates,^ but in view of the history of 
 these times it may be said that during the tenth 
 century B.C., until the renewal of Assyrian invasions 
 (about 850 B.C.), the Hittite states of Syria were free, 
 and their works illustrate to us their latent vitality 
 and the revival of their traditions. 
 
 1 Of. Schrader, Keilinschriften und Geschichts-forschung, pp. 225-236. 
 Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, pp. 589, and note 3. 
 ' Sayce, translation of a Hittite inscription of Carciiemish, above, p. 126. 
 ' Sayce, inscription of Gurun, above, p. 144. 
 
 * Biyassili (%Kasyas-sU, suggested by Professor Sayce), temp. Subbi- 
 luliuma ; and Eni-Sanda, temp. Dudlihalia. Other liings of later history 
 are: Shangara (or Sangar), drca 860 B.C., and Pisiris, the last of all, 
 circa 740-717 B.C. 
 
 * Assur-bel-kala seems to have retained possession of Kummukh, and 
 later Assurirba claims to have penetrated to Mount Amanus and the 
 sea, circa 950 B.C. Cf. Hommel, Oesch. £al>, und Assyr., p. 540. 
 
372 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 It was not only in Syria that this opportunity was 
 afforded, for a parallel development of circumstances 
 upon the plateau of Asia Minor seems to have encour- 
 aged the revival of the chief states also by the removal 
 of their embarrassments. The Assyrian invasions had 
 broken the strength of the Muski, who had for some 
 time threatened to overwhelm and submerge the 
 Hittite peoples ; and now the gradual withdrawal of 
 both enemies was marked by a cycle of Hittite works 
 which proved how deep-rooted was their civilisation, 
 and later history shows how radical must be the 
 changes that would supplant it in their mountain 
 homes. At Boghaz-Keui a new palace, unadorned, 
 however, with sculptures, sprang up on the site of that 
 of the Great Kings, which was now completely ruined. 
 It is possible that the great walls of the citadel as they 
 are now seen were the product also of this age.^ They 
 would seem to have been furnished, now or within a 
 few generations, with the great arched gateways deco- 
 rated with sculptures^ which are one of their most 
 striking features. Incidentally there is disclosed in the 
 representation of a female warrior upon one of the 
 great jambs ^ the development of, or union with, the 
 
 1 The visible lower palace (p. 207) and the main defence of the upper 
 city (p. 201) are related by the feature of joggles and fitted stones (cf. 
 p. 208). 
 
 ^ Cf. PL LX. and p. 203. The treatment of the lion's face is an import- 
 ant factor in the date, as it corresponds to the works of this period at 
 Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi (p. 311). The lion tank of Boghaz-Keui 
 (p. 210) is related in like way, and this from its position helps to give a 
 date to the lower palace (p. 211). The unplaced lion corner-stone of Eyuk 
 Cp' on the plan, p. 247) belongs to the same class and phase of art, 
 and is indicative of an upper series of buildings that have seemingly 
 disappeared. 
 
 ^ See above, pp. 205, 357. The importance and nature of this sculpture 
 were first pointed out by Miss Dodd, having been apparently overlooked 
 by the members of Dr. Winckler's expedition, under whom It was brought 
 to light {Ausgrdbungen, etc., 1907, PI. xii.). At the time of writing 
 we have only seen Miss Dodd's sketch and memoranda, for which we are 
 Indebted to the courtesy of Professor Sayce. 
 
THE CILICIAN EMPIRE 373 
 
 Amazons,^ whose fame lived in Greek history and 
 tradition while the deeds of the old Hatti kings were 
 already buried in oblivion. At Eyuk we have seen 
 there is indication of a corresponding phase of local 
 buildings, involving details of architecture and sculpture 
 peculiarly Hittite. 
 
 It would seem, however, that it was not in the old 
 centre of administration that the dominant Hittite 
 spirit most revealed itself. The sculptures of Bor ^ and 
 Ivriz,^ and the related inscriptions of Bulghar-Maden * 
 and Karaburna,^ with others on the Kara Dagh and at 
 Bogche, as well as numerous minor works, are all 
 indications of a considerable area united as a single 
 kingdom, the centre of which was Tyana. The Assyrian 
 records of later times tell indeed of a powerful tribe 
 or people named by them the Khilakku, whose 
 geographical disposition seems to correspond with this 
 area. These two facts in association recall the tradi- 
 tion of a great ' Cilician ' empire, mentioned by Solinus,^ 
 which was said to have embraced within its sway most 
 of the great states of Asia Minor and of Syria that had 
 formerly acknowledged the rule or suzerainty of the 
 Hatti kings.^ 
 
 Though this renaissance of the Hittite kingdoms may 
 
 ' A passage from Pindar, quoted by Strabo (xii. iii. 11), seems to imply 
 that in the old Hatti state within the Halys the Amazons became the 
 recognised leaders in warfare. There is also a suggestion that these 
 developments were coeval with the rise of the Iron Age. 
 
 2 PI. LVi., p. 186. 3 PI. LVII., p. 191. 
 
 * P. 190. ^ P. 154. 
 
 ' Quoting Hecataeus of Miletus {Polyhistor., ed. Mommsen, p. 129, c. 38, 
 § 1 and ff.). This tradition formed the basis of many old theories about 
 the Hittites, notably those advanced by Mordtmann, Lehmann, and 
 Jensen, upon which we need no longer dwell. 
 
 ' VTotessoTyLsiSV^vo {Struggle of the Nations, p. 668) seems to us to have 
 traced the origin of the tradition in a confusion between the memory of 
 the great kingdom of Khilakku and the fabled dominion of the Hatti 
 kings. 
 
374 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 have been short-lived,^ it was none the less real and 
 general, as the peculiar features and relationship of the 
 monuments of this age testify. Practically nothing is 
 known, however, of the history of this period: their own 
 inscriptions seem to be mostly theocratic or religious, 
 while Egypt and Assyria were too much engaged with 
 home affairs to send expeditions into Hittite-Syria, the 
 records of whose adventures might otherwise have en- 
 abled us to penetrate into the obscurity which hides this 
 brilliant epoch from our view. The period falls, however, 
 within the first pale glimmer of Greek tradition, which 
 enables us at any rate to interpret more clearly some 
 aspects of the local monuments of these times. The map 
 of the Hittite world ^ in the tenth century B.C., deduced 
 from the disposition of their monuments, and from 
 the records of the Assyrians when they came again into 
 contact, is also instructive, and seems to us to indicate 
 the home-lands or settling-places of the real Hittite 
 peoples more clearly even than a map of the Hittite 
 empire, based as that would necessarily be on the 
 whole range of Hittite works ^ and the uncertain 
 identification of Egyptian names. Eastward of the 
 Khilakku,* the kingdom known by the Assyrians as 
 Tabal seems for part of the time to have embraced 
 most of the cities of the Anti-Taurus from Fraktin 
 to Comana, extending northwards possibly as far as 
 Bkrek and Mazaca (Csesarea). It included numerous 
 
 ' The inscriptions of Bor, Bulghar-Maden, and Ivriz are clearly confined 
 to two generations at most ; of. p. 188. 
 
 ^ P. 375. In this map the Assyrian names of the states are used, and 
 modern names are quoted in some cases where identification is possible. 
 Capitals denote modern towns not necessarily Hittite but useful as 
 landmarks. 
 
 ^ Cf. the map to face p. 390. 
 
 * With Khilakku we incline to include Cilicia with Tarsus ; North- 
 eastern Cilicia seems to have been distinct under the name of Que ; see 
 above, p. 326, note 3. 
 
THE HITTITE STATES 
 
 375 
 
 'b/j^.Q^-'Lt^^^^^^dik' 
 
376 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 small states/ some of which at various times became 
 separately prominent, among which Kammanu seems 
 to be recognisable in Komana (identified with the 
 modern Shahr), while the principality of Shinukhta and 
 the city of Tynne ^ lay nearer to Tyana. On the Tochma 
 Su, Guriania was the name of a minor kingdom seated 
 at Gurun, while lower down old Malatia was the chief 
 town of the kingdom of Milid (Miliddu), which still 
 retained its great importance.^ Gurgum lay seemingly 
 around Marash, then known as Marghasi, to which 
 we refer below, while Kummukh* extended, as we 
 have seen, north-eastward up the near bank of thfe 
 Euphrates. Several states lay in the valley between 
 the Kurt Dagh and the Giaour Dagh,^ like Mikhri, 
 bordering on the Pyramus ; laudi, with its centre 
 (Kullani) possibly at Sakje-Geuzi or at Killiz; and 
 Samalla, farther south, with its capital at Sinjerli ; 
 while lower down on the Kara Su was Unki,^ which 
 probably included Kurts-oghlu and the site of the 
 classical Gindarus. The boundaries of the small states 
 and larger kingdoms alike cannot be fixed, and pro- 
 bably varied continually with the ascendency of this 
 
 ' ' Twenty-four kings ' are mentioned, c. B.C. 838. 
 
 2 Identified by Bamsay with Faustinopolis , see above, p. 61, n. 4. The 
 record is dated B.C. 718, lay which time the power of the 'Cilician ' kings 
 in Asia Minor had probably been broken by the Phrygians. 
 
 ^ See the note on Khali-rabbat, p. 327, note 1 ; and the description 
 of monuments, pp. 132 ff. Names of Icings found in Assyrian sources 
 are : c. 800, Lalle (which seems to lack the god-name usually prefixed, cf. 
 Subbi-luliuma) ; 758, Khite-ruadas ; 717, Tarkhu-nazi ; and 672, Mugallu, 
 who seems to have ruled also the Tabal. 
 
 ■• The names of three kings appear in the Assyrian records : Kundashpi, 
 c. 859 B.C. ; Kushtashpi, c. 743 B.C. ; and Mutallu, c. 717 B.C. 
 
 5 See p. 13. 
 
 " The name of one king, Tutammu, appears c. 740 B.C., whose capital 
 was at Kinulua. Earlier, c. 884, Lubarna, King of the Hattina, had his 
 palace at the same place, which is identified with Gindarus. Cf . Maspero, 
 Passing of Empires, p. 38, and Tomkins, Bab. and Oriental Record, iii. 
 p. 6, who points to the name surviving in Tell-Kunana. It was a riverine 
 country, with woods and mines ; cf. Polybius, v. 59. 
 
LATER HITTITE CENTRES 377 
 
 chief or the other. The region last mentioned, for 
 example, seems at one time to have been mostly subject 
 to Samalla,^ while at other times it was divided between 
 Gurgum and the Hattina, or subject to one or other of 
 these powers. The latter, as their name implies, were 
 a Hittite folk, whose numerous principalities^ lay in 
 the valley of the Orontes,^ with Hamath doubtless as 
 their capital. Lastly, the Hatti themselves seem to be 
 represented by the powerful kingdom of Carchemish 
 on the Euphrates,* the boundaries of which were 
 indefinite, but reached at any rate to the Khabour 
 River on the south. 
 
 On the outskirts of the Hittite kingdoms there were 
 already present most of the elements of the powers 
 that later were to submerge them. In the immediate 
 West we place the Muski-Phrygians, but the mutual 
 boundary is indefinable and probably varied constantly.® 
 East of the Euphrates, Mitanni was no more, and Assyria 
 was recruiting; while from the south and south-east 
 there had already begun the steady infiltration of 
 Aramaean peoples, who now occupied most of the 
 tongue of land between the Orontes and the Euphrates.^ 
 Damascus was their centre, and within the Hittite- 
 Assyrian sphere they had already planted strong 
 settlements in the plains westward of the Euphrates. 
 Even the kings of Samalla are early found with Semitic 
 
 ' These local struggles are reflected in one of the monuments described 
 above, p. 280. 
 
 2 'Twelve kings' are referred to, v. 849 B.C. (Maspero, Passing of 
 Empires, p.|78). Three names of kings found in Assyrian texts are Lubarna, 
 c. 880 B.C. ; Shapalulme, c. 860 B.C. ; and Garparunda, c. 859 B.C. 
 
 ^ Cf. Winckler, Altorient. Forsch. i. p. 3; Delattre, L'Asie Occid. dans 
 les Inscr. Assyr., pp. 44-52. 
 
 * Cf. Schrader, Keilinschriften und Geschichts-forschung, pp. 221, 236. 
 
 ° See what is said, pp. 83, 84, on the arch^ological problem of the 
 plateau. 
 
 ^ Cf. Maspero, The Passing of Empires, p. 589. 
 
378 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 names,^ a fact which corresponds with the character of 
 a whole series of its monuments.^ We may suspect 
 from the name in like manner the Aramaean extraction 
 of the dynasty of Bit Adini, which ruled over a broad 
 and numerously peopled Hittite tract extending from 
 south of Carchemish even across the Euphrates, includ- 
 ing probably the site of Tell-Ahmar. Shugab lay also 
 on both banks of the river, somewhat further north. 
 In the north-east a new and formidable power akin 
 to the earlier Hittites was gathering strength in the 
 vicinity of Lake Van, by name Urartu ; but the Cim- 
 merian hordes had not as yet appeared in the north. 
 
 Many of the surface monuments of the Hittites seem 
 to belong to this period of revival : they are linked by 
 various common features in detail, and illustrate at the 
 same time the development of new motives in art. 
 The increasing power of the priest-king is reflected in 
 the prominence now given to his portrait as a chief 
 subject for the sculptures.^ His dress has now assumed 
 a magnificence of embroidery and tapestry unknown in 
 earlier times, though clearly derived, as regards the 
 close cap, long robe, mantle, and shoes, from the 
 priestly dress of the bygone age. On the rock carving 
 of Ivriz he pays his devotions to a god of agriculture, 
 who presents so many new features that he might at 
 first sight be taken for an entirely new conception, not- 
 withstanding that his dress is obviously a direct modi- 
 fication only of the time-honoured and sacred costume 
 
 ' E.g. Akhuni, c. 860 B.C., and Khaiani, c. 859 B.C. ; see also p. 272. 
 
 2 See above, p. 273. Cf. also a sculpture of later date from Sinjerll, 
 now in the Berlin Vorderasiat. Museum, No. 2996, where a Hittite is seen 
 placed between two Semites, the former distinguished inter alia by the 
 typical bunch of hair curled behind his neck, the latter by the equally 
 characteristic designing of the hair in ringlets. On this interesting 
 criterion see below, p. 380. 
 
 3 Cf. the monuments of Bor, PI. LVii., Ivriz, PI. Lvii., Marash, p. 113, 
 Sakje-Geuzi, PI. Lxxxi. 
 
CHANGED MOTIVES IN ART 379 
 
 of the Hatti gods. Yet he is a descendant of the Son- 
 god of Boghaz-Keui,^ and his new virtues are a product 
 of the Hittite lands. Now he has become the peasant's 
 god, the patron of agriculture, himself rewarding toil 
 with fruit and corn. In Babylonia, where the grain 
 grew wild, and the harvest was a gift of nature varying 
 only in degree, the function of the consort to the earth- 
 goddess, as the fertiliser, had been a secondary con- 
 sideration. In the prominence of manhood under the 
 Hatti kings, the god had received his separate local 
 attributes and sanctuary. Now he appears, alone, in a 
 third phase clearly developed upon a soil where the 
 goddess was benign only to those who toiled. Here 
 the clearing of the ground, irrigation, ploughing, sow- 
 ing, and constant tending were necessary before the 
 harvest could be won ; and in this attribution the god 
 is worshipped. The Greeks, when they arrived upon 
 the scene, saw in him their own Hercules as the god of 
 toil. His dress, however, as we have mentioned, be- 
 tokens his Hittite origin. The tunic and turned-up 
 shoes, though more elaborate, remain essentially the 
 same as of old. The national hat, however, has lost its 
 height, and is also broader ; and the same difference 
 may be noted in the newly found Amazon figure at 
 Boghaz-Keui. This change, indeed, may be traced back 
 to the later years of the Hatti period, if reliance may 
 be placed on the Egyptian representation^ of the 
 Hittite monarch who visited Rameses ii. The pigtail, 
 moreover, has disappeared, and from the source last 
 quoted and other considerations we are inclined to 
 believe that even in the Hatti period it vi^as already 
 antiquated, surviving only in religious representations 
 as sanctified by time. For civil purposes it may even 
 1 Cf. pp. 222, 240. 2 Temple of Abu Simbel, N. wall. 
 
380 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 then have been replaced by the new style, which at 
 any rate is characteristic of the monuments of the age 
 we are considering, in which the hair is gathered in a 
 thick bunch curling backward behind the neck.^ 
 
 The range of these changes in detail on both sides of 
 the Taurus is another indication of close bonds between 
 the various branches of the Hittite peoples. In the 
 architecture of these times there appears a new and 
 striking motive, equally wide in its distribution, in the 
 lion corner-stone.'^ The lion itself we have seen to 
 have been early introduced into Hittite symbolism, 
 but the earliest examples in the round seem to 
 be the product of this age. The carvings of Sakje- 
 Geuzi, which show the Hittite style just tinged with 
 Assyrian or Aramaic (Semitic) influence, can be 
 assigned with some certainty to the period 900-850 B.C. 
 At Sinjerli the great lions seem to be of earlier date,^ 
 but in any case there is a remarkable coherence in 
 design and method of employment between all the 
 recorded specimens; as well as a correspondence in 
 treatment of detail with the lions which decorate the 
 chief gateway and the tank at Boghaz-Keui.* 
 
 One of the lions of Marash is covered with an in- 
 scription, the nature of which seems to conform 
 entirely with the dominant theocratic ideals of the 
 age.^ The monuments and ruins of this place are in 
 themselves evidence of a city of remarkable strength 
 and of conspicuous importance in the Hittite world,® 
 of which it was one of the last surviving members. 
 Unhappily for history we must still wait here as else- 
 
 ' See also above, pp. 188, 194. \ 
 
 2 Cf. Pis. XLii., Lxxix, and pp. 109, 265, 297, 301. 
 
 3 Cf. above, p. 297. * Pp. 203, 210. 
 ^ See above, pp. 110, 111, and cf. Strabo, xi. iii. p. 32. 
 
 " Cf. above, pp. 108-122. Only two kings are known, namely, Garparunda, 
 u. 859 B.C., and Tarkhulara, c. 740 B.C. 
 
ONCOMING OF ASSYRIA 381 
 
 where for the evidences which the excavator's spade 
 alone can satisfactorily bring to light. The bare 
 references in the Assyrian annals to the capture of 
 this or that city, or to the various desperate coalitions 
 of the Hittite states against the power that threatened 
 their independence, if not their existence, tell us little 
 but the date and manner of their downfall. If one 
 could but penetrate the gloom that enshrouds the 
 story of the Hittites in these stirring times, how many 
 Iliads could be written to delight their readers ! 
 
 We pass then to the last phase, which covers the 
 period 850-700 B.C., during which the Hittite states 
 were one by one submerged by the various powers 
 that encircled them, and finally the Cimmerians 
 blotted out from Asia Minor the memory of the past. 
 The story is soon told ; for we have only the record of 
 the Assyrian ^ and Vannic ^ inscriptions to help in fill- 
 ing the outline of the Hittite story of these last 
 centuries which was sketched in an earlier chapter. 
 These records also are usually either brief and formal, 
 or expressed in terms obviously exaggerated and 
 partial; and the operations of which they tell were 
 for the most part confined to the eastern Hittite 
 states. Such as they are, however, they are welcome. 
 
 The story opens about 884 or 885 B.C., with the loss 
 of Tul Barsip, a chief stronghold of the Bit Adini. 
 This was, as it were, the warning of a long series of 
 incursions by the Assyrian forces under Assur-nazir- 
 pal and his successor, Shalmaneser ii. The Euphrates 
 was crossed by them on rafts of skin as aforetime. 
 Shangara, King of Carchemish, was awed into sending 
 
 1 Our work of constant reference at this stage is Maspero, The Passing of 
 Empires, coupled with various articles by Johns, Winckler, and others 
 cited in the footnotes. 
 
 2 Published by Sayce, Jour. Boy. Asiatic Soc, xiv. 
 
382 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 a handsome tribute to secure the safety of his crown 
 and life. Among his gifts were a royal chariot, objects 
 of gold, silver, copper and iron, bulls of bronze, deco- 
 rated cups and carvings in ivory. The route of the 
 Assyrian leader lay by way of the Orontes valley, and 
 for a brief moment, Lubarna, who at that time was 
 head of the principalities of the Hattina, seems to 
 have contemplated resistance. Realising, however, 
 the inutility of such a course, he followed the 
 example of Shangara, and paved with presents the way 
 of the Assyrian king, who, with the route now open, 
 passed onwards beyond the Lebanon. But the Hittite 
 leaders were not yet conquered. Somewhere about 
 860 B.C. nearly all the Hittite states of Syria, including 
 Carchemish, Bit Adini, Gurgum, Samalla, Que, and the 
 Hattina, leagued themselves in a determined effort to 
 resist, if not to rid themselves of, the Assyrian menace. 
 Taking advantage of the absence of Shalmaneser's 
 army in the north, where he was assailing the fastnesses 
 of the Urartu, they even crossed the frontier and made 
 considerable inroads upon the Assyrian lands. The 
 vengeance of the Assyrian was swift. The towns of 
 Bit Adini were taken by storm, and the Euphrates was 
 crossed. Gurgum, one of the states first open to 
 attack, seceded from the confederates and submitted. 
 The combined army of Adini, Samalla, and the 
 Hattina was next defeated, and the Assyrian forces 
 pressed once more up the valley of the Orontes, this 
 time in pursuit of the King of the Hattina, Sha- 
 palulme, who had escaped. Seizing the opportunity, 
 the King of Samalla collected his troops, and being 
 joined by the King of Carchemish, with reinforcements 
 also from Que and further west, he prepared to defend 
 his country against the invader. The effort, however, 
 
HITTITE STATES COMBINED 383 
 
 was vain. The fortress of Shapalulme was burnt. 
 It is even possible that the Assyrian passed over the 
 Amanus into Cilicia/ being only stopped on the 
 frontiers of the chief Hittite state by ambassadors and 
 presents.^ Hittite prisoners graced this triumph of 
 the Assyrian conqueror, in his capital, being dis- 
 tinguished by their long robes and cumbrous hats.' 
 
 Though in the following year Bit Adini once more 
 rebelled, with the result that two hundred villages and 
 six fortresses were taken or destroyed, and Tell Barsip 
 was garrisoned by Assyrian troops, it would seem that 
 five years later the states of Carchemish, Kummukh, 
 Milid,Samalla,Hattina and Gurgum^ still acknowledged, 
 however unwillingly, the suzerainty of their all-power- 
 ful neighbour, and their respective kings attended a 
 conference at his bidding. Aleppo alone stood aloof, 
 and was persuaded accordingly by force of arms. 
 Satisfied apparently with their submission and atti- 
 tude, the Assyrian king determined to try conclusions 
 with the Aramaean power seated at Damascus. The 
 Hittites of Hamath, Que, and the Taurus fought 
 against him in the great battle which ensued at 
 Qarqar.^ The issue was indecisive, but the Assyrian, 
 as the attacker, lost prestige by his lack of success. 
 Carchemish and other vassal states promptly refused 
 
 1 Tarzi (Tarsus) was among the cities that fell. 
 
 ^ We place Muzrl in this instance in the Taurus, in the vicinity of the 
 Cilician gates, partly because of the nature of the presents— claimed in 
 the Assyrian records as tribute— which included silver (derivable from 
 Bulghar-Maden and Bereketli Maden) and salt (obtainable from Tuz 
 Geul and elsewhere in the plain of Konia). Cf., however, the opinions 
 of Tiele, Sabylonisch-Assyrische Gesch., p. 201, note 1; Hommel, Gesch. 
 Bab. undAss., p. 609, and Winckler, Alt-testatnent. Forsch., p. 172. 
 
 ^ Maspero, op. cit., p. 64. 
 
 * There is probably some confusion in the text at this point where 
 Garparuda appears as king of both Gurgum and Hattina, since Khaiani 
 ruled at Samalla, which intervened. Cf. Winckler, Gesch. Bab. und 
 Ass., p. 193. 
 
 ^ Cf. Maspero, op. cit., p. 71. 
 
384 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 to renew their tribute. Shalmaneser was a whole 
 year suppressing this rebellion, and thereafter found 
 it desirable to send an expedition to the frontier each 
 year to maintain his authority. 
 
 Thus far, it is clear, the incursions of the Assyrians 
 into the Hittite territory had been rather of the 
 nature of raids for booty and the exaction of tribute ; 
 no serious effort had been made as yet to bring the 
 states within the direct government of Assyria, and 
 the operations had been confined practically to the 
 north of Syria. There is a record of 850 B.C. from 
 which it may be thought that a first blow was now 
 aimed at the central Hittite states.^ In the next 
 year, however, after the Assyrian forces had passed 
 Carchemish and reached the Amanus, and then 
 turning southward had held Hattina to ransom, a 
 league of twelve Hittite kings in the vicinity of 
 Hamath seems to have barred their further progress. 
 These kings are no more mentioned, and possibly their 
 territory was absorbed by Damascus, which had 
 obviously gained influence after the battle of Qarqar. 
 The King of Hamath, however, paid homage to the 
 Assyrian when he once more entered the valley of the 
 Orontes in 842 B.C. 
 
 Turning for a moment from the affairs of Syria, the 
 kingdom of Tabal was for the first time invaded 
 in 838 B.C., and the Assyrian claims to have reduced 
 twenty-four of its chieftains to subjection. In Que the 
 king, Kati, was dethroned and replaced by another 
 named Kirri ; while further west Tarsus also fell into 
 the Assyrian hands. At this stage Shalmaneser gave 
 up his military command; for a while the Hittite 
 
 ^ Maspero, op. cit., p. 28. Tiele, Bah.-Ass. Gesch., pp. 187, 201. 
 Winckler, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 197. 
 
THE VANNIC POWER 
 
 385 
 
 states had respite, and some of them, like the Hattina, 
 resumed an attitude of independence. 
 
 Spheres of Influence : Hittite irTTTTTTI Phrygian INM Assyrian tZZ] Urartljn ^ Cimmeriin 
 
 Submergence of the Hittite States in the Eighth Century B.C. 
 Meanwhile, however, the Vannic kings had been 
 steadily gaining strength and now found themselves 
 powerful enough to more than hold their own. Ere- 
 long they began to cause the Assyrians considerable 
 inquietude on their northern frontier, and about 804 
 B.C. Menuas drove back the Assyrians and attacked 
 the Hittites. Crossing the Euphrates the Urartians 
 exacted tribute from Malatia.^ The events of the 
 next generation are obscure ; but in 776 the Hittite 
 tribes of Syria, notably those under the Amanus, took 
 advantage of the discomfiture of the Assyrians at the 
 hands of the new Urartian king, Argistis of Ararat, 
 to throw off their allegiance ; and within a few years 
 most of them were free of the Assyrian yoke. But their 
 freedom was transient. Argistis looms in the history 
 1 Sayce, op. cit., pp. 558-592, No. xxxlii. 
 2 B 
 
386 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 of these times as a great conqueror, and the Hittite 
 states on his immediate frontier, including not only 
 Malatia and Kummukh, but possibly a great part of 
 Tabal, yielded to his authority. After a temporary 
 withdrawal, it would seem, the whole of northern 
 Syria was swiftly brought within the domain of the 
 new power. In 758 B.C. the kingdom of Malatia, which 
 under Khite-ruadas had regained a momentary inde- 
 pendence, was invaded once more by the hardy 
 mountaineers : the capital, as well as fourteen castles 
 and a hundred towns, fell into their hands,^ By 756 
 B.C. Marash also had probably fallen, for the conquests 
 of the Vannic power extended as far south as had the 
 Assyrian, and the Hittite states of northern Syria were 
 all forced into allegiance. Previous to the year 744 B.C. 
 at any rate, when the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser 
 III., with a reinvigorated army, prepared to repel the 
 invaders, Carchemish, Gurgum, Kummukh, Unki and 
 Que all acknowledged the suzerainty of Sharduris.^ 
 
 The details of the struggle for Syria between two 
 foreign powers can hardly be regarded as Hittite 
 history. The Hittite strength was already gone ; their 
 kingdoms in Syria and the Taurus had been broken, 
 ravaged, and weakened by the scourge of constant 
 wars; while in Asia Minor a similar but more vital 
 struggle, all unknown to history, was being waged 
 between the advancing Phrygians and the chief 
 Hittite kingdoms of the interior. All hope of general 
 union was at an end. Yet in the records of the Syrian 
 side of these affairs, it is wonderful to see how the 
 
 ' Sayce, The Cuneiform Inscr. of Van ; op. cit., xiv. p. 612-649, also 
 XX. pp. 18, 19. 
 
 2 This must be regarded as the minimum extent of the Urartian con- 
 quests, inasmuch as the source of information is Assyrian, being drawn 
 from Annals of Tiglath-Pileser, p. 7i3, 11. 59-62. 
 
THE LAST STRUGGLES 387 
 
 spirit of independence lived on in the old Hittite 
 centres, ready at any time to break out in open 
 rebellion. No ordinary military punishments seemed 
 able to crush it. In 743, Tiglath-Pileser met and routed 
 the great confederate army of Sharduris, with whom 
 fought the Hittite contingents from Agusi, Gurgum, 
 Kummukh, and Malatia.^ The issue was decisive and 
 momentous. Both kings led their armies in person, 
 and the Assyrian record^ states that 73,000 of the 
 enemy were slain in battle. Yet undismayed, Matilu 
 of Agusi, the centre of which was Arpad, seems to 
 have asserted his freedom and to have resisted the 
 Assyrian for nearly three years, when he was over- 
 come and slain in 740 B.C. The downfall of Arpad 
 and the death of its king were not without a re- 
 active effect upon the^other states, so that the kings 
 of Kummukh, Gurgum, Oarchemish, and Que came to 
 the victors to humbly tender their formal submission. 
 The Hattina still held out, but the Assyrian moved on 
 their capital, Kinalua, which was carried by assault ; 
 and in order to avoid further disturbance in these • 
 rebellious quarters, both Agusi and Unki were here- 
 after administered by Assyrian officers and garrisoned 
 by Assyrian troops. The policy thus initiated, coupled 
 with that of deportation of the natives in large 
 numbers, proved more fateful to the Hittites than 
 the long series of punitive expeditions sent against 
 them. 
 
 Samalla was next in arms. Profiting by the absence of 
 the Assyrian forces on their own north-eastern frontiers, 
 Azriyahu, who appears to have been a native prince, 
 laid claim to the throne, though it was occupied by 
 
 1 Maspero, op. cit, p. 146 and note 3. 
 
 2 AriTials of Tiglath-Pileser, iii. 11. 59, 73. 
 
388 THE STORY OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Panammu ii./ a Semitic ruler who had been set up by 
 the Assyrian king. Tiglath-Pileser hastened back to 
 restore order, laying waste KuUani^ on his way. He 
 then passed southwards up the valley of the Orontes, 
 ravaging as he went. Hamath yielded, and the kings 
 of Carchemish, Malatia, and Tabal, with others, were 
 convinced by these exploits that it was their best 
 policy to tender their complete submission and to 
 send their tribute. The Assyrian supremacy was now 
 complete, and it was demonstrated by an arduous 
 expedition which penetrated to the walls of the 
 Urartian capital, in the mountains of the north. The 
 Vannic power was broken, and thereafter its warriors 
 only appear like those of the Hittites, in a series of 
 vain struggles against the greater power that was 
 steadily overwhelming them. In 732 B.C. the fall of 
 Damascus at last laid open the way to the founding of 
 the greatest Assyrian empire. 
 
 Our tale is nearly told ; the inevitable issue is trace- 
 able in a bare statement of the chief events of a dozen 
 years. A last combine in 720 B.C. of the Hittites of 
 Tabal and Carchemish, reinforced by the Urartians, 
 only tended to precipitate the end. In 718 the troops 
 of Sargon passed northwards through the Cilician 
 gates,' beyond which Tyana no longer represented the 
 
 ' Cf. p. 271. He was the grandson of the earlier ruler of that name, and 
 son of Barzar. For a reflection of these local wars, cf. the monument 
 of Sinjerli described on p. 280. For a full discussion and bibliography of 
 these incidents, cf. Maspero, op. cit., p. 150. 
 
 2 From local geographical considerations, this place may perhaps be 
 identical with Killiz. But cf. Tiele, Bab. Ass. Gesch., p. 230; Hommel, 
 Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 660; Winckler, op. cit., p. 225. 
 
 ^ The objective of this expedition was the punishment of Kiakku of 
 Shinukhta, whose principality was given to Mattl of Atuna or Tuna. On 
 the possible identification of this place with the Tynna of Ptolemy (v. vi. 
 22), see above, p. 61, note 4, and with Faustinopolis, see Kamsay, Sist. 
 Geog., p. 68. Olmatead (Western Asia in the Bays of Sargon, p. 83, note 
 9) places it at Tyana itself, which opens up interesting possibilities. 
 
FALL OF CARCHEMISH 389 
 
 chief Hittite centre, but was now a frontier strong- 
 hold of the Phrygian Midas.^ This monarch was 
 obviously perplexed by the Assyrian advance, and 
 made overtures to Pisiris of Carchemish, who openly 
 revolted. But Midas failed him : his kingdom became 
 an Assyrian colony, and the greatest Hittite strong- 
 hold of Syria, that had so long retained a semblance 
 of real independence amid the submergence of the 
 states around, was now garrisoned with Assyrian 
 soldiers.^ The Tabal were again in arms in 713 B.C., 
 though the rebel leader was a protege of Assyria.^ He 
 was duly punished, and his fief was annexed to the 
 Cilician province. Following an incursion led by 
 Tarkhunazi of Malatia, the eastern portion of the 
 Tabal, around Comana, was in 712 B.C. fortified as an 
 Assyrian frontier state, with five forts on the Urartian 
 side, two towards the north, and three as protection 
 against the Phrygians. The kingdom of Malatia itself 
 was in 710 put under the rule of Mutallu of Kummukh, 
 and the whole mountain region was renamed Tul- 
 garimme. Gurgum, with its stout fortress of Marash, 
 was the last to succumb. For something like thirty 
 years its last king, Tarkhulara, had retained his throne 
 by diplomatic presents and submission first to the 
 Urartian, and then to the Assyrian. Upon the out- 
 break of local hostilities, however, in 709, this state 
 also was created an Assyrian province, and with that 
 event the last element of Hittite freedom disappeared. 
 In the mountains of Taurus, in the kingdom of 
 
 ' On the identification with ' Mita of Muski ' of the Assyrian texts, see 
 above, p. 53. 
 
 2 On the organisation of the Assyrian provinces in these times, see 
 Winckler, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 210 ff. ; Tide, Bab. Ass. Gesch., pp. 
 497-499. Cf. also Olmstead, op. eit, pp. 163 flf. 
 
 ' On these events which concern Uassarmi, chief of Tabal in 740 B.C., 
 and others, cf. Maspero, op. eit., p. 251. 
 
390 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Tabal, the smouldering fire might still burst from time 
 to time ^ into a flame. But the Cimmerian hordes put 
 out that spark, as they had done for the Urartu, and 
 did in due time for the Muski ; and before they could 
 be driven back the course of history was changed. 
 The story of the Hittites was ended; 'Meshech and 
 Tubal ' ^ were destroyed, and ' the Land of the Hittites ' 
 became a memory of the past.^ 
 
 ' As in 706 B.C., Pinches, Bab. Chron., col. 2, 1. 9 ; and later in 672 B.C., 
 Winckler, Alt. Forsch., ii. pp. 125 ff. 
 
 2 Cf. Ezekiel xxxii. 26, 27. 
 
 ' Cf. Egyptian inscription, temp. Taharqa, B.C. 673, which mentions 
 Mitannl also ; and an Assyrian record, temp. Esarhaddon, B.C. 672 
 (Maspero, op. cit., p. 370). 
 
 EPOCHS OP HITTITE HISTORY 
 
 2000 B.C.' Settlements in southern Syria; overthrow of the 1st 
 Dynasty of Babylon (p. 323). Horse and chariot used in 
 Asia Minor (p. 320). 
 
 1400 B.C.' Hattl kings established at Boghaz-Keui (p. 326). 
 
 1380 B.C.' Subbi-luliuma annexes N. Syria (p. 330) and invades Mesopo- 
 tamia (p. 331). 
 
 1370 B.C.' Amorite vassalage (p. 336); Treaty with Egypt (p. 337); 
 Mitanni a protectorate (p. 338). 
 Empire in Asia Minor and N. Syria. 
 
 ^ Palace on Beuyuk-Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui ; local palaces 
 at Eyuk and Malatia ; sculptures of Fraktin and 
 (?) Sipylus (p. 339). 
 
 1350 B.C.' Reign of Arandas. 1340 B.C.' Accession of Mursil (p. 341). 
 
 1330 B.C.'' Lower palace at Boghaz-Keui constructed (p. 342). 
 
 1320 B.C.' Assyria takes Mesopotamia and Malatia (p. 342). 
 
 1310 B.C.' Egypt reconquers N. Syria (p. 343). 
 
 1295 B.C.2 Accession of Mutallu (p. 343). 1288 B.C.,' Battle of Kadesh 
 (p. 343). 
 ' Date approximate. 2 Date inferred. 
 
EPOCHS OF HITTITE HISTORY 391 
 
 1271 B.C. Hattusil concludes treaty with Egypt (p. 347). 
 Diplomatic relations with Babylonia (p. 350). 
 ^ Sculptures of lasily Kay a, Giaour-Kalesi, and Kara-Bel (p. 366). 
 [ ? Fortifications of Boghaz-Keui constructed] Hittite cities 
 at Hamath, Aleppo, Carchemish, Sinjerli, Salsje-Geuzi, 
 Marash, Malatia, Comaua ; confederate states in western 
 and southern Asia Minor. 
 1258 B.C. Hittite king (? Dudkhalia) visits the Pharaoh (p. 351). 
 1220 B.C.' Arnuanta, cadastral survey (p. 352). 
 1200 B.o.l Invasions by the Muski-Phrygians ; fall of the Hatti and (?) 
 
 Boghaz-Keui (p. 368). 
 1170 B.C.' Muski reach the Assyrian frontier ; 1120, repelled (p. 368). 
 1120 B.C. et seqq. Assyrian invasions of N. Syria and Taurus (p. 369). 
 1000 B.C. f ' Revival of the Hittite kingdoms. 
 
 Sculptures of Bor, Ivriz, Eyuk, Malatia, Marash, Sinjerli, 
 Sakje-Geuzi; inscriptions of Bulghar-Maden and Kara- 
 to { burna (p. 373). 
 
 Road opened through Cilician Gates (p. 366). 
 Palace reconstructed at Boghaz-Keui ; Amazon sculpture 
 900 B.C. \ (p. 372). 
 
 885 B.C. Invasions by Assyria as far as (838) Tabal and Tarsus (p. 384). 
 750 B.c.i N. Syria and Taurus subject to the Vannic kings (p. 386). 
 
 2 Plateau of Asia Minor subject to Phrygia. 
 743 B.C. Assyrian supremacy re-established (p. 387). 
 718 B.C. Fall of Carchemish ; Assyrian troops enter Asia Minor (p. 388). 
 712 B.C. Tabal (Taurus) conquered ; 709, fall of Marash (p. 389). 
 
 ' Date approximate. ^ Date inferred. 
 
APPENDIX A.— BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 WORKS ON HITTITE ARCHEOLOGY QUOTED 
 
 For Wo]-ks of History, Travel, and General Reference, see Author Index. 
 
 Andbbson, Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901), p. 322. 
 Babth, Reise von Trepesunt nach Scutari. Uber die Ruinen bei 
 
 Heyuk (Arch. Zeit., 1859). 
 Belck, Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthropologischen Gas. 
 
 (Dec, 1901.) 
 Cali,andkb, See Ramsay. 
 Chantbb, Mission en Cappodoce. (Paris, 1898.) 
 Crowfoot, J. W., Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. 1 (1899), pp. 34-51, 
 
 figs. 4, 5. 
 Davis, E. J., On a New Hamathic Inscription at Ibreez. (Trs. See. 
 
 Biblical Arch., vol. iv. 1876.) 
 
 Life in Asiatic Turkey. (London, 1879.) 
 
 Da VIES, DB Gabis, El Amarna ii. (London, 1905.) 
 
 Feazbb, Pbof. J. G., The Golden Bough, iv. ; Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 
 
 2nd ed. (London, 1907.) 
 Hamilton, W. J., Researches in Asia Minor. (London, 1842.) 
 HiLPBEOHT, Research in Bible Lands. (Edinburgh, 1905). Pro- 
 fessor P. Jensen in same : ' The so-called Hittites and their 
 
 Inscriptions ' (755-793). 
 HiBSCHFELD, Die Felsenreliefs in Klein-Asien und das Volk der 
 
 Hittiter (Abhandlungen der Akademie in Berlin, 1887). 
 HoGABTH, D. G. (i), Recueil de Travaux, . . . xvii. [See also 
 
 Ramsay, j 
 (ii) Appendix xiii., § 9, in Macan's ed. of Herodotus. 
 
 (Oxford, 1895.) 
 
 (iii) Ionia and the East. (Oxford, 1909.) 
 
 (iv) Liv. Annals of Arch., ii. (1909). 
 
 HuMANN and Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nord-Syrien 
 
 (with Atlas), 1890. 
 Jensen, P., Hittiter und Armenier (Strassburg, 1898). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 393 
 
 Jbraphanion (Gu. db), Two new Hittite Monuments in the 
 
 Cappadocian Taurus. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., xxx. (1908, Feb.). 
 Liverpool Annals of Archaeology, vols. i. ii. iii. (Liverpool, 1908 
 
 et seqq.) [Abbr. Liv. ylnnals.^ 
 Lennbp, Van, Travels in . . . Asia Minor. (London, 1870.) 
 LusoHAN, Von, and others, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, i. ii. iii. 
 
 (Mitteilungen aus den Orientalistischen Sammlungen, K. 
 
 Museen zu Berlin.) Berlin, 1893, '98, 1902. 
 Macbidy Bby, La porte des Sphinx k Euyuk. (Mitteilungen der 
 
 Vorderasiatischen Gesellsohaft, 1908, 3, Berlin.) 
 Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations. (London, 1896.) 
 
 The Passing of Empires. (London, 1900.) 
 
 Mbssebschmidt, (i) Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum. (Mittei- 
 lungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellsohaft.) Berlin, 1900, 4 
 
 and 5; 1902, 3 ; 1906, 5. [Abbr. C.I.H.'\ 
 (ii) The Hittites. (Ancient East Series vi.) (London, 1903, 
 
 being transl. of Die Hittiter, Der alte Orient, Leipzig, 1903.) 
 
 (iii) Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung (1909, Sept.). 
 
 Mktbr, Ed., Geschichte des Alterthums. (Stuttgart 1884, et seqq.) 
 
 MiJLLBB, W. Max, (i) Asien und Europa. (Leipzig, 1893.) 
 
 (ii) Der Biindnis-vertrag Ramses ii. und des Chetiter-Kdnigs. 
 
 (Berlin, 1902.) 
 Murray, Handbook for Asia Minor, etc. (London, 1895.) 
 Mtrbs, Prop. J. L., (i) Midas beyond the Halys. (Liv. Annals, 
 
 i, 1908.) 
 
 (ii) Geography of Herodotus (Eoy. Geog. Soc, 1896). 
 
 Olmstead, Western Asia in the days of Sargon of Assyria, 722-7 
 
 B.C. (New York, 1908.) 
 Von Oppbnheim, Der alte Orient, 1908. Heft. i. 
 Peiser, Die Bronze-figur von Schernen (Sitzungsber. der Alter- 
 
 tumsges. Prussia. Heft 22. 
 Perbot and Chipibz, History of Art in Sardinia . . . Syria and 
 
 Asia Minor ii. (Engl. ed. London, 1890). [Abbr. Art in . . . 
 
 Asia Minor. ^ 
 
 AND GuiLLAUMB, Exploration Arch^ologique (Cappadoce, etc.) 
 
 PucHSTBiN, O., (i) Pseudohethitische Kunst, ein Vortrag (Berlin, 
 
 1890). 
 Ramsat, Prop. Sib Wm., (i) On the early Historical Relations 
 
 between Phrygia and Cappadocia, i. ii. iii. (Jour. Roy. 
 
 Asiatic Soc. N. S. xv., 1883.) 
 AND HoaARTH, Recueil de Travaux relatifs k la Philologie 
 
394 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 et k I'arch^ologie lilgyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. xv. xvii. 
 
 [Abbr. Recueil de Travaux.\ 
 Ramsay (ii) Studies in Asia Minor, i. and ii. (Jour. Hellenic 
 
 Studies, iii. (London 1883), also ibid., ix. p. 372. 
 (iii) The Historical Geography of Asia Minor. (London, 1890.) 
 
 Royal Geog. Soc. Suppl. Papers. Vol. iv. [Abbr. Historical 
 
 Geog.] 
 (iv), Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces 
 
 of the Roman Empire (Aberdeen, 1906) ; V. T. Callander. 
 
 Exploration in Lycaonia and Isauria, 1904. [Abbr. Stud. 
 
 History and Art\ 
 (v) Pauline and other studies. (London, 1906.) Esp. Chs. 
 
 VL XI. 
 
 (vi) The Cities of St. Paul. (London, 1907.) 
 
 (vii) Luke the Physician (London, 1908). Esp. Chs. v. vi. 
 
 Reinach, Chroniques d' Orient. (Paris 1891, 1896.) 
 
 Robinson, W. A., A monument from Tsok-Goz-Kuprulcoe. Proc. 
 
 Soc. Bibl. Arch., xxx. 1. (1908, Jan.) 
 ROTT, Hans, Kleinasiatische Denkmaler (Leipzig, 1908), Messer- 
 
 schmidt in do., pp. 175-8, flgs. 1, 2, 3. 
 Sayce, the Rev. Pbop. A. H. 
 (i) The Hittites. (8rd ed., London, 1903.) 
 
 (ii) Monuments of the Hittites, Trs. S.B.A., vii. 
 (iii) The Hittites Inscriptions, in the Proceedings of the 
 
 Society of Biblical Archaeology; 1903, March, May, June, 
 
 Nov., Dec. ; 1904, Jan., Nov. ; 1905, Nov.) 
 (iv) Inscriptions from the Kara Dagh. (Ibid., vol. xxxi., 1909, 
 
 March.) 
 Sayce, A Hittite Cuneiform Tablet from Boghaz-Keui. (Publ. 
 
 jointly by the Royal Asiatic Society, London, and Liv. Inst. 
 
 of Arch., Oct. 1908.) 
 Van Lennbp. See Lbnnep. 
 Von Luschan. See Luschan. 
 WiNCKLBB, H., Vorlauflge Nachrichten tiber die Ausgrabungen in 
 
 Boghaz-Keiii in Sommer 1907. (Mitteilungen der deutschen- 
 
 orient. Gesellschaft zu Berlin. No. 35, Dec. 1907.) [Abbr. 
 
 Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-K., 1907.] 
 Note on Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-K., 1906, Orientalistische 
 
 Litteraturzeitung, ix. 
 Wright, Wm., B.A., D.D., The Empire of the Hittites. (London, 
 
 1884.) 
 
APPENDIX B 
 
 INDEX OP HITTITB MONUMENTS, WITH 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 [C.I.H. = Corpus Inscriptionum ECettiticarum (Messerschmidt). For 
 other abbreviations see Appendix A ; and for full titles of the books of 
 travel and general reference see the footnotes.] 
 
 Aintab: Sculptured and Inscribed Corner-stone, pp. 106, 107, 
 
 PL XLI. 
 
 BiBL. : Liv. Annals of Arch., i. (1908), p. 8 and fig. p. 7 ; Pis. x., xi. 
 
 Albistan : Inscribed Obelisk from Izgin, pp. 145, 146. 
 
 BiBL. : CIS. (1902), pp. 13 and PI. xix. ; Recueil de Travaux, xv. 
 p. 30 and Pis. i., ii. Now in the Constantinople Museum. 
 
 Aleppo : Inscribed Stone, p. 97. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 4, PI. m. A ; Quart. St. Pal. Expl Fd., 1873, 
 p. 73; "Wright, Empire, p, 142, Pis. v.-vn. ; Proc. S.B.A., v. 
 (1883), p. 146, and 1908 (June) ; Liv. Annals of Arch. i. (1908), p. 8 
 and PI. IX. (iii), 
 
 Sculptured Lion and Eagle ; relief of Ceremonial Feast, 
 
 uninscribed. 
 
 BiBL. : Liv. Annals of Arch., ii. p. 184 and PI. XLii. (i, ii, iii). 
 
 Alexandretta : Small Stone, inscribed both sides, possibly from 
 Marash, p. 99, note 1. 
 
 BiBL. : CIS. (1900), p. 8 and PI. viii. 
 
 Amaksiz. See Angora. 
 
 Andaval : Top of Inscribed Stela with figure, pp. 188, 189. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 27 and PI. xxxi. c. ; Recueil de Travaux, 
 xiv. p. 84 and PI. i. 
 
 Angora ; Reliefs of Lions from Amaksiz, Kalaba, and Yalanjak, 
 pp. 161, 162. 
 
 BiBL.: Perrotand Chipiez, Art in Asia Minor, ii. p. 202 and fig. 
 352 ; Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. pp. 45-48 and fig. 5. 
 
 Asarjik : Inscription on Rock, p. 153. 
 
 BiBL. : Liv. Annals of Arch., i. p. 6 and Pis. viii., ix. (i). 
 
396 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Bey-Keui : Inscription on Black Stone, p. 167. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 32 and PI. xxxvi. A ; Mitt. d. Deut. Arch. 
 Inst. Athen., xiv. (1889), p. 181; Jour. Hell. Stud., ix. p. 372; 
 Murray's Handbook for Asia Minor, p. 135. 
 
 Bogche : Inscribed Stone in situ, p. 155 and PI. XLViii. 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1906), pp. 11, 12, and PI. Li. 
 
 Boghaz-Keul : (1) Rock Inscription (Nlshan Tash) ; (11) Two 
 Sculptured Blocks with hieroglyphs, pp. 158, 159. (iii) Remains 
 of Pteria, pp. 196-211, with Pis. lviii.-lxii. (Iv) Sculptures of 
 lasily Kaya, pp. 211-241, with Pis. LXiii.(li)-LXXl,, and Plan, 
 p. 221. 
 
 BiBL. : (i) C.I.H. (1900), p. 22 ; Perrot, Exploration, ii., PI. xxxv. ; 
 Mitteil. d. DeutscJi.'. Arch. Inst. Athen. Abtlg. (1889), xiv. p. 170. 
 (li) Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient. Ges. Berlin (1907), 35, pp. 57, 58, 
 and figs. 6, 7. (iii) The Name : Herodotus, i. 76 ; Perrot and 
 Chipiez, Art in. ., A sia Minor, ii. p. 103 ; Kamsay, Luke the Phy- 
 sician, p. 215, note. Excavations : Chantre, Mission en Cappa- 
 doce, pp. 13 ff. ; Winckler, Mitteil. der Deutsch. Orient. Ges. 
 (1907), pp. 57, 58 ; Winckler, Orientalistische Lit. Zeitung (1906), 
 Dec. (iii and iv) Descriptive : Barth, Meise . . . nach Scutari, 
 pp. 44-52 ; Humann and Puchsteiu, Beisen in Kl. A., pp. 54 ff. 
 and Pis. VII. S; Perrot, Exploration ArcheoL, ii. Pis. 
 XXXV. ff. ; Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., pp. 108 ff. ; Texier, 
 Description de I'Asie Mineure, i. Pis. LXXX. flf. (iv) Eeligion : 
 Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., pp. 149-153; Ramsay, Luke the 
 Physician, ch. vi. ; Eamsay, Jour. Roy. As. Soc, xv., N.S. (1885), 
 pp. 113-120 ; Expository Times, Nov. 1909 ; Hamilton, Researches 
 in A. M., i. p. 396; Frazer, Adonis, Attis, and Osiris, i. vi. pp. 
 105-110. Sculptures and Hieroglyphs : C.I.H. (1900), Pis. XXVII.- 
 XXIX. 
 
 Bor : (part of) Inscribed Adoration Scene, pp. 185-188 and PI. Lvi. 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1906), p. 3 and PI. xxxiii. ; Recueil, xiv. PI. I. ; 
 Proc. S.B.A., xxviii. (1906), p. 94 and PI. iii. ; Hogarth, Wander- 
 ing Scholar, p. 16. Now in Constantinople Museum, No. 857. 
 
 Bulghar-MadSn : Rock Inscription, pp. 189, 190. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 27 and PI. xxxii. ; Recueil, xiv. p. 85 and PL 
 II. ; Proc. S.B.A. (1905), p. 229. Casts at Oxford (Ashmolean Mus.) 
 and Berlin (Vorderas. Mus.). Large-scale photographs at Liver- 
 pool (Inst. Arch.). 
 
 Carchemish. See Jerablus. 
 
 [Denek Maden : Ivory Seal, p. 160 and PI. XL. (ii).] 
 
 Derendeh. See Palanga, Haiiz. 
 
 Doghanlu ; Hermes and other Rock Sculptures, pp. 166, 167. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 32 and PI. xxxvi. b ; Jour. Hell. Stud., iii. 
 (1883), pp. 6-11 and flg. 2 ; Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Arch. Inst. Athen. 
 Abtlg. (1889), xiv. p. 182, PI. vi. ; Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit., 
 ii. p. 206 and fig. 353. 
 
INDEX OF HITTITE MONUMENTS 397 
 
 Bflatoun-Bunar : Sculptured ' Lycaonian ' Monument, pp. 174, 175. 
 BiBL. : Hamilton, Researches, ii. pp. 350, 351 ; Revue Arch., 3« ser. 
 vol. V. pp. 257-264 and Pis. XI., sii. ; Perrot and Chipiez, Art 
 in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 224, flg. 356. 
 
 Bkrek : Inscribed Stone (redressed), p. 148 and PI. xlvi. 
 
 BiRL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 26, PI. xxxi., and ibid. (1906), pp. 2, 3, 
 PI. XXXI. A. Now in Constantinople Museum, No. 1217. 
 
 Emir-Ghazi : Three Inscribed Altars and an Inscribed Corner- 
 stone, pp. 183, 184. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1906), p. 9 and Pis. XLix., L. ; Proc. S.B.A., xxvii. 
 (1905), pp. 21-23, Pis. i.-iii., and ibid., xxviii. (1906), p. 134; 
 Ramsay, History and Art of the Eastern Provs. of Rom. Emp., 
 p. 178 and Pis. IX., x., xi. 
 
 Eski-Yapan : Uninscribed Sculptured Lion, p. 88. 
 BiBL. : Liv. Annals of Arch., i. (1908), p. 9. 
 
 Eyuk : Foundations of Walled Town. Palace Gateway with 
 Sculptures, pp. 242-269, Pis. lxxii., lxxiii.. Plan, p. 246. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), pp. 24, 25 ; Hamilton, Researches, i. pp. 382, 
 383 ; Barth, Reise , . . nach Scutari, pp. 42, 43 ; Arch. Zeit. 
 (1859), pp. 50-59 ; Van Lennep, Travels in . . . Asia Minor, pp. 
 129-148 ; Perrot, Exploration, ii. Pis. liii. ff. ; Perrot and Chipiez, 
 Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. pp. 153-158 ; Chantre, Mission, p. 1 ; 
 Maspero, Passing of Empires, p. 338 ; Struggle of Nations, 
 p. 648 ; Humann and Puchstein, Reisen, p. 82, PI. vii. ; Recueil de 
 Travau^, xi v. p. 91. fig. 5 ; Jour. Roy. As. Soc. , xv. p. 116 ; Mitteil. 
 d. Vorderas. Ges. (1908), 3; Liv. Annals of Arch., i. (1908), p. 3, 
 Pis. II., III. 
 
 Fassiler : Sculptured ' Lycaonian ' Monument, pp. 175, 176. 
 
 BiBL. : Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. pp. 222, 223. 
 Illustb. : Cities of St. Paul, p. 134, flg. 7. 
 
 Fraktin : Rock Sculptures, pp. 150, 151, and PI. XLVll. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), pp. 25, 26, and PI. XXX. ; Recueil de Travaux, 
 p. 87 and PI. xiv. ; Chantre, Mission, p. 125 and PI. xxiil. 
 
 Gerger ; Rock Sculpture (doubtful origin), p. 131. 
 
 Giaour-Kalesi : Fort and Rock Sculptures, pp. 162-164. 
 
 BiBL. : Perrot and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 202, 
 fig. 352. 
 Gurun : Rock Inscriptions, pp. 143, 144. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 15 and PI. xviir. ; Recueil de Travaux, xiv. 
 p. 86 and PI. iv. ; Wright, Empire, p. 57 ; Sayce, Trans. S.B.A., 
 vii. p. 305 ; Proc. S.B.A. (1903), p, 148. 
 
 Hamath : Five Inscribed Stones, pp. 95-97 and PI. xxxvii. 
 
 BlBL. : C.I.H. (1900), pp. 6-8 and Pis. iii. B-vi. ; Wright, Empire, 
 pp. 139-141 and Pis. l.-iv. ; Sayce, Hittites, pp. 60-64 ; Burckhardt, 
 Travels in Syria . . ., p. 146 ; Burton, Unexplored Syria, p. 
 335; Palestine Expl. Fund, Q. S., 1871, p. 173; t6id., 1872, pp. 74, 
 
398 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 199 ; ibid., 1873, pp. 35, 61, 74 ; Amer. Pal. Expl. Soc. (1871), p. 31 ; 
 Trs. S'.B.^., vii. p. 429; Proc. S.B.A. 1903 (March), ibid., 1905 
 (Nov.), p. 218. Now in the Constantinople Museum, Nos. 831- 
 834. 
 
 Ilgtn. See Kolit-oghlu. 
 
 Ivrlz : Rook Sculptures with Inscription, pp. 191-195 and PI. LVII, 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 30 and Pi. xxxiv. ; ibid. (1906), p. 5 and 
 Pi. XXXIV., and pp. 19, 20; Davis, Trs. S.B.A., iv. (1876). pp. 336, 
 346 ; Life in Asiatic Turkey (1879), pp. 245-260 ; Hamilton, Ue- 
 searches, ii. pp. 304-307 ; Ramsay and Hogarth, Becueil, xiv. pp. 
 71-85, Pis. iii.-iv. ; Ramsay, Luke the Physician, pp. 171, 179, and 
 PL XXI.; Ramsay, Pauline, etc., pp. 172, 173; Sayce, Proc. 
 S.B.A. (1906), pp. 133, 134, and PI. ; Frazer, Adonis, etc. (1907), 
 pp. 93-97. Cast in the Berlin Vorderas. Museum. 
 
 Izgin. See Albistan. 
 
 Jerablus, Site of Carchemish. Inscribed Stela with relief and 
 fragments of the others. Inscription with Winged Figure. 
 Inscribed Corner-stone : Inscribed Column. Inscribed Frag- 
 ments of Stone. Belief showing Figures on Lion's Back. 
 Belief showing ' Adoration of Kybele.' Relief showing Priest 
 between Warriors, pp. 123-129. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), pp. 9-12 and Pis. ix.-xv. ; ibid. (1902), pp. 2-12 
 and Pis. x.-xv. ; Wright, Empire, pp. 143, 148, Pis. viii.-xm., 
 also xix.-xxii. ; Trs. S.B.A., vii. p. 435; Perrot and Chipiez, 
 Art in Asia Minor, ii. p. 62, figs. 276, 277, and p. 281, with figs. 390, 
 391 ; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 141-143 ; Proc. S.B.A. (1905), 
 pp. 201 ff.; The Graphic, Dec. 11, 1880; Liv. Annals of Arch. 
 (1909), ii. pp. 165-171, with fig. 1 and Pis. xxxv., xxxvi. (i); 
 Maspero, Struggle, p. 145; Maundrell, Journey to Euphrates 
 (1749) ; Drummond, Travels to . . . Euphrates (1754), p. 209. The 
 Inscriptions now in British Museum {Guide, p. 27). 
 
 Kalaba. See Angora. 
 
 Kara-Bel. Bock Sculptures, pp. 171-173 and PI. Liv. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 37, PI. xxxix. ; Sayce, Hittites (1903), p. 67, 
 with PI. ; Texier, Description, ii. PI. cxxxii. ; Perrot and 
 Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. p. 229 and fig. 362 ; Wright, 
 Empire, p. 155 and PI. xviii. ; Revue Archeol. (1866), xiii. PI. xii. ; 
 Trs. S.B.A., vii. pp. 266, 439; Proc. S.B.A., xxi. p. 222; Hero- 
 dotus, ii. p. 106. 
 
 Karaburna : Bock Inscription, pp. 154, 155. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1902), pp. 17, 24, PI. XLVi ; Jour. Hell. Stud., xxi. 
 (1901), pp. 328-332, with PI. ; Proc. S.B.A. (1905), p. 217. 
 Karaburshlu : Inscribed Sculpture, Ceremonial Feast, pp. 99-101. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 20 and PI. xxvi. (1, 2). 
 Kara-Dagh : Bock Passage, with two Inscriptions, (Kizil-Dagh) : 
 Fortress, with three Inscriptions ; Bock Altar, with Inscription : 
 Rock Throne, with Figure and Inscription, pp. 177-181. 
 
INDEX OF HITTITE MONUMENTS 399 
 
 BiBL. : Ramsay, Luke the Physician, pp. 160 ff. and Pis. xiv.-xvi. 
 Proc. S.B.A. (1909), xxxl. p. 86 and Pis. vii. and viii. 
 
 Kellekli : Eight miles north of Jerablus. Recently found : (i) Relief 
 of Human Figure in long robe, (ii) Stela showing relief of 
 two Figures facing, inscribed on face and two sides. 
 
 BiBL. : Hogarth in Liv. Annals of Arch. (1909), ii. p. 172, figs. 2, 3, 
 and PI. XXXVI. (ii, iii). 
 
 Kizil-Dagh. See Kara-Dagh above. 
 
 Kurts-oghlu : Fragment of Statuette inscribed, pp. 98, 99. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. Sand PI. vii. Now in Berlin Vorderas. 
 Museum, No. 3009. 
 
 Kuru-Bel : Inscribed Altar with Lions, pp. 146-148. 
 
 BiBL. : Proc. S.B.A. (1908), xxx., Pt. II., p. 42 and PI. i. [Remains 
 in situ.'\ 
 
 Malatia : Three Reliefs of Lion Hunt, Stag Hunt, and Ceremonial 
 Feast, with Inscriptions. Four Reliefs with Deities and Obla- 
 tion Scenes, etc., pp. 135-140 and PI. XLiv. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 13, PI. xvi. (a, e) ; ibid. (1906), p. 7, PI. XLVii. ; 
 Heuzy, Les Origines Orientales d'Art, i. PI. x. ; Liv. Annals of 
 Arch., i. (1908), Pis. IV., v.; ibid., 1909, p. 180 and PI. XLi. ; 
 Hogarth, Recueil, xviii., with PL, p. 25; Proc. S.B.A. (1905), 
 p. 212 ; ibid. (1904), xxvi. p. 13. Lion Hunt and Feast now in 
 Constantinople Museum, 846, 847 ; Stag Hunt in the Louvre 
 Museum, Paris. 
 
 Marash : (a, 6) Two Lion Corner-stones (one Inscription), pp. 108- 
 111 and PI. XXII. 
 Inscribed : — (c) Relief of Ceremonial Feast, pp. 111-112. (d) Portion 
 of a Statue, p. 113. (e) Fragment of a Statue, p. 118. (/) 
 Royal Stela, p. 114. (g) Four-sided Monument, pp. 115-117. 
 (h) Fragment of Basalt, p. 118. 
 Uninscribed Reliefs :— (i) Woman seated with Child, p. 118. (k) 
 Ceremonial Feast, p. 119. (I) Warrior before Table, p. 119. 
 (m) Adoration Scene, p. 120. (n) Chariot and Horse, p. 121. 
 (o) Musician with Pipes, p. 122. (p) Horse-rider, p. 122. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), pp. 18, 19, and Pis. xxii.-xxv. ; (1902), pp. 15, 
 16, and PI. xxi. ; (1906), p. 2 and Pi. xxii. ; Humann and Puch- 
 stein, Beisen, Atlas, Pis. xlvii.-xlix. ; Recueil, xv. p. 32 and 
 PI. II. B ; Wright, Empire, p. 162 and Pi. xxvi. ; Perrot and 
 Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. fig. 268 and pp. 64 ff. ; Proc. 
 S.B.A. ix. (1887), p. 374; (1905), p. 225. 
 Now a at Constantinople Museum, No. 840; Cast at British 
 Museum ; d, n, o at Berlin (V.A. Museum, Nos. 973, 974); /, h, I 
 Metropolitan Museum, New York, Nos. 1904-6-5 ; I, k, m Casts 
 at Berlin (V.A.G., 61, 63, 62); ff at Constantinople Museum, 
 No. 1625. 
 Nigdeh : Inscribed Altar or Moulded Base, p. 189. 
 BiBL. ; C.I.H. (1906), p. 15 and PI. Liii. 
 
400 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Palanga : Carved Lion. Columnar Figure inscribed, pp. 141, 142, and 
 
 PI. XLV. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 17 and PI. xx ; ibid. (1906), pp. 1, 2, and 
 PI. XX ; Becueil, xv. p. 95 and PI. iii. ; Proc. S.B.A., xxviii. 
 pp. 93, 94, and PI. ii. Now in Constantinople Museum, No. 1215. 
 
 Restan : Inscribed Stone, p. 85, note 2, and p. 94 
 BiBL. : Proc. S.B.A. (1909), p. 259. 
 
 Sakje-Geuzi : (a) Reliefs of Lion Hunt, Ceremonial Feast, and 
 fragments of Lions, etc., pp. 102-105 and PI. xxxix. (6) Walled 
 Mounds, Palace Ruins, and Reliefs, pp. 298-314 and Pis. Lxxviii.- 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 BiBL. : (a) Humann and Puchstein, Beisen, Atlas, PI. XLVi. 
 Perrot and Chiplez, j4ri m . . . ^sia Jfinoj-, ii. p. 64 and flg. 279 ; 
 Liv. Annals of Arch., pp. 101, 102, and PI. XLv.; (6) ibid., pp. 97- 
 117 and Pis. xxxiii.-XLix. Now Lion Hunt at Berlin ; casts of 
 a at Liv. Inst, of Arch. 
 
 Samsat : Inscribed Stone with Pedestal, pp. 130, 131. 
 
 BiBL. : C.I.H. (1900), p. 14 and PI. xvii. ; Humann and Puchstein, 
 Beisen, Atlas, PI. XLix. (1-3). 
 
 Sinjerli : Walled Town and Citadel : Gate Sculptures, Ruins of 
 Palaces, Carvings, pp. 270-297 and Pis. lxxv.-lxxvii. 
 
 BiBL. : Luschan and others, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli. Now 
 half gate sculptures at Berlin and half at Constantinople. 
 
 Sipylus : Rock Sculpture of Mother-goddess, with Inscription, pp. 
 168-170 and PI. liii. 
 
 BiBL. : a. J.ir. (1900), pp. 33-36 and Pis. xxxvii., xxxviii. ; Perrot 
 and Chipiez, Art in . . . Asia Minor, ii. pp. 234 ff. and flg. 365 
 Weber, Le Sipylus, pp. 36 ff. ; Jour. Hell. Stud., iii. pp. 33-68 
 Proc. S.B.A., iii. p. 49; ibid., vii. PI. v.; Academy (1879) 
 Pausanias, in. xxii. 4. 
 
 Gerger : Rock Sculpture resembling Hittite, p. 131. 
 
 BiBL. : Humann and Puchstein, Beisen, p. 355 and fig. 50. 
 
 Suasa: Inscription on Stone, p. 153. 
 
 BiBL. : Rott, Kleinas. Denkmiiler, pp. 175-179 and figs. 1, 2. 
 
 Tashji: Rock Carvings and Inscription, p. 149. 
 
 BiBL. : Rott, Kleinas. Denk., p. 178, fig. 3; Jeraphanion, Proc. 
 S.B.A., XXX. (1908), pp. 43, 44, and PI. il. 
 
 Tell-Ahmar : Mounds of Hittite Site, East Bank of Euphrates, 
 south of Jerablus, pp. 129, 130. (i) Stela in Black Basalt, round 
 topped, upper half ; figure wearing polus, and clasping object, 
 (ii) Six broken Blocks of Basalt, with hieroglyphs, forming a 
 four-sided monument, with male Hittite deity standing on bull 
 upon the face, and an inscription in eight lines of hieroglyphs 
 in relief upon the sides and back. [Measures about 200 X 90 X 90 
 
 >7^- 
 
INDEX OF HITTITE MONUMENTS 401 
 
 cms., tapering slightly.] (iii) Broken Slab, two draped figures, 
 with fringed robe and upturning shoes, (iv) Broken Slab with 
 two figures in relief, clad in tunics and upturned shoes with 
 objects in hands, (v) [Gigantic Lion sculptures, inscribed in 
 cuneiform.] (vi) [TJninscribed large Block, with relief of two 
 rampant horse-demons.] (vii) [Slab, T-shaped, with relief of a 
 bull.] (viii) [Broken Block, relief of forearm and hands.] 
 (ix) [Basalt Block, relief of eagle-headed winged deity in 
 Assyrian attitude.] 
 
 BiBL. : Hogarth, Liv. Annals of Arch. (1909), il. pp. 177-183 and 
 Pis. XXXVI. (Iv)-XL. 
 
 Yalanjak. See Angora. 
 
 Yamoola : Sculptured Eagle on Lion Base, pp. 155, 156, and PI. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 BiBL. : Proc. S.B.A. (1908), p. 27 and figs. 1, 2; Liv. Annals of 
 Arch., i. p. 5 and Pis. vi., vii. 
 
 Yarre : Relief Ceremonial Feast, pp. 164, 165. 
 
 BiBL. -. Jour. Hell. Stud., xlx. pp. 40-45 and fig. 4. 
 
 Yapalak : Inscription seen, p. 145. 
 
 BiBL. : Sterrett, Epigraph. Journey, p. 299. 
 
 2c 
 
AUTHOR INDEX 
 
 Anderson, 154, 164. 
 
 Bali,, 102, 125, 127. 
 Barth, 207, 243. 
 Belck, .322. 
 Bell, 04, 177, 339. 
 Bosanquet, 71. 
 Boseawen, 127. 
 Brandis, 52. 
 Breasted, 85, 344. 
 Burckhardt, 95. 
 Burton, 95. 
 
 Callandek, 183. 
 
 de Cara, 232. 
 
 Chantre, 102, 106, 149, 269, 313. 
 
 Chipiez, 34, 49, 76, 85, 103, 108, 112, 
 122-125, 127-129, 161, 162, 164, 168, 
 170-174, 197, 206, 208, 210, 226, 229, 
 243, 264, 266, 267, 269, 308. 
 
 Crowfoot, 36, 102, 162, 164. 
 
 Curtius, 34. 
 
 Davies, 139, 318, 339. 
 Davis, 45, 192. 
 Dennis, 169. 
 Didot, 60. 
 Dodd, 372. 
 Drummond, 71, 123. 
 
 Eloy (Aucher.), 45. 
 Evans, 313. 
 
 Fbazeb, 74, 169, 170, 192, 229, 230, 
 235, 238, 239. 
 
 Gelzer, 64. 
 Glaucher, 71. 
 Griffith, 71, 77. 
 Gsell, 71. 
 Guillaume, 263. 
 
 Hall, 63. 
 Hamdi Bey, 109 
 
 4oa 
 
 Hamilton, 20-22, 56, 76, 174, 243. 
 
 Heuzy, 36. 
 
 Hilprecht, 133. 
 
 Hirschfeld, 344. 
 
 Hogarth, 4, 5, 7, 19, 42, 52, 59, 64, 65, 
 
 74, 102, 113, 132-134, 138, 141-144, 
 
 145, 149, 182, 185, 188, 366. 
 Hommel, 342, 371, 383, 388. 
 Humann, 103, 108, 118-121, 130, 131, 
 
 205, 308. 
 
 Jensen, 102, 323, 373. 
 Jeraphanion, 146, 148. 
 Johns, 333, 342. 
 
 KlEPBBT, 154, 366. 
 King, 20, 323. 
 Knudtzon, 315, 334. 
 Koldewey, 277. 
 
 Langlois, 49. 
 
 Layard, 6, 310. 
 
 Lehmann, 373. 
 
 Lennep (Van), 20, 243. 
 
 Lepsius, 351. 
 
 Lockyer, 198, 210. 
 
 Longp6rier, 85. 
 
 Luschan (Von), 13, 124, 144, 252, 270, 
 
 274, 278, 279, 281-3, 288, 290, 291-3, 
 
 297, 310, 311. 
 
 Maoan, 24, 366. 
 
 Maoridy Bey, 244, 245, 248, 250-252, 
 238, 263, 264, 267, 269. 
 
 Maspero, 6, 12, 39, 57, 58, 62, 63, 123, 
 139, 245, 254, 319, 323, 324, 339, 342, 
 344, 368-371, 373, 377, 381, 383, 384, 
 387, 388, 390. 
 
 Maundrell, 71. 
 
 Menant, 85, 369. 
 
 Messerschmidt, 3, 7, 16, 49, 83, 97-99, 
 103, 111, 114, 118, 125, 127, 128, 130, 
 133, 134, 136, 141, 142, 143, 153, 166, 
 
AUTHOR INDEX, ETC. 
 
 403 
 
 184, 185, 192, 269, 284, 311, 324, 348, 
 
 362. 
 Meyer, E., 77, 324, 344, 369. 
 Mommsen, 70. 
 de Morgan, 313, 327. 
 Mortman, 373. 
 Miiller ("W. Max), 12, 60, 321, 327, 
 
 345, 348, 362. 
 Myres, 56, 366. 
 
 Newberry, 118, 255. 
 
 Olmstead, 61, 388, 389. 
 Oppenheim (Von), 7. 
 
 Peiseb, 16, 105. 
 
 Perrot, 34, 46, 76, 85, 103, 108, 112, 
 118, 120, 122-125, 127-129, 159, 161, 
 162, 164, 166, 168, 170-174, 197, 200, 
 206, 208, 210, 225, 229, 243, 263, 264, 
 266, 267, 269, 308. 
 
 Petrie, 12, 313, 818, 319, 343, 344. 
 
 Pinches, 320, 390. 
 
 Puchsteln, 103, 105, 108, 118, 119, 121, 
 130, 131, 205, 339, 344. 
 
 Pumpelly, 313, 320. 
 
 Kadet, 60, 64. 
 
 Ramsay, 5, 17, 22, 24, 28, 34, 36, 37, 
 39, 41, 42, 45, 52, 58, 59, 62, 64, 72, 
 76, 87, 89-92, 102, 141, 143, 144, 145, 
 149, 164, 166-168, 170, 173, 175, 177, 
 179, 182, 183, 185, 188, 192, 196, 197, 
 210, 213, 225, 229-231, 243, 265, 267, 
 357, 376, 388. 
 
 Rawlinson, 170, 369. 
 Reiuach, 163, 332, 344. 
 Ridgeway, 303. 
 Robinson, 156, 
 Rott, 148, 153. 
 de Roug6, 344. 
 
 Sayce, 3, 63, 74, 77, 80, 94, 95, 96, 97, 
 124, 126, 128, 133, 137, 138, 154, 169, 
 171, 172, 173, 177, 179, 182, 184, 185, 
 188, 189, 194, 217, 218, 222, 225, 226, 
 227, 229, 257, 286, 319, 323, 324, 331, 
 343, 344, 348, 371, 372, 381, 386. 
 
 Scheil, 100. 
 
 Schlesinger, 261, 295. 
 
 Schliemann, 313. 
 
 Schrader, 327, 369, 371, 377. 
 
 Schubert, 63. 
 
 Schuchhardt, 313. 
 
 Smith (C), 65. 
 
 Smith (M. L.), 71. 
 
 Sterrett, 145. 
 
 Texier, 171, 206. 
 
 Theodoret, 71. 
 
 Tiele, 342, 383, 384, 388. 
 
 Weber, 168. 
 
 Wilson, 34, 143. 
 
 Wincliler, 7, 52, 53, 58, 63, 76, 77, 159, 
 181, 196, 197, 198, 205, 206, 207, 208, 
 210, 232, 235, 269, 315, 316, 322-328, 
 330-343, 345-353, 368, 369, 372, 377, 
 383, 384, 388, 390. 
 
 Wright, 95, 143. 
 
 CLASSICAL AND BIBLICAL WRITINGS, Etc., QUOTED. 
 
 Aristophanes, 261. 
 
 Baruch, 127. 
 
 Ezekiel, 324, 390. 
 
 Genesis, 323, 324. 
 
 Hecataeus of Miletus, 245, 373. 
 
 Herodotus, 21, 22, 28, 33, 34, 35, 36, 
 
 38, 39, 53, 59, 62, 63, 66, 92, 172, 197, 
 
 199, 236, 332. 
 (ed. Sayce), 3; ibid. (ed. 
 
 Macan), S, 24, 366. 
 Homer, 36, 59, 169. 
 Joshua, Booli of, 12, 
 
 Llvy, 19. 
 
 Lucian, 138, 239. 
 
 Nicholas of Damascus, 60. 
 
 Ovid, 169. 
 
 Pausanias, 89, 168, 169, 170, 172. 
 
 Pindar, 373. 
 
 Ptolemy, 61, 388. 
 
 Sophocles, 169. 
 
 Strabo, 19, 22, 23, 26, 35, 62, 64, 110, 
 
 149, 231, 236, 239, 372, 380. 
 Xenophon, 79, 173. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 For works of reference cited in the footnotee, see Author Index and App. A. 
 
 AstNA, 331. 
 
 Aboriginal people of southern Syria, 
 
 321. 
 Abusimbel, rock-temple of, 351, 379. 
 Abu-Teshub, 338. 
 Abydos, Hittite warrior in arelief at, 
 
 281 n. 
 
 royal tombs of, 313. 
 
 Adana, 15. 
 
 jEdicula, 184. 
 
 ^gean Archipelago, 3. 
 
 coast, 17. 
 
 Islands, 368. 
 
 pottery, 312. 
 
 jEriae, temple of the mother of the 
 
 gods at, 170. 
 Afrin River, 8, 12, 15, 86, 71, 98. 
 Agron, king of Lydia, 63. 
 Agusi, 387. 
 Aintab,4-7,11, 14, 86, 97 n., 106, ia6n., 
 
 184. 
 Aitakama, 331, 333, 334. 
 Ak Dagh, 29, 35. 
 Ak Geul (White Lake), 40. 
 Akhenaten, 336. 
 Akia, king of Arakhti, 333. 
 Akizzi, story of, 332, 334. 
 Akkar-tchai, 37. 
 Akserai, 39, 154. 
 Ak Su, 41, 42 n. 
 Ala Dagh, 42, 
 Alakshandu, vassal of Tarkun- 
 
 darus, 327. 
 Albistan, 5, 145. 
 
 — monuments near, 143. 
 Aleppo, 4, 7, 8, 15, 16, 53, 67, 85, 97, 
 
 106, 319. 
 
 description of, 7. 
 
 Alexander in Asia Minor, 56, 67. 
 Alexandretta, 14, 15, 49. 
 104 
 
 Algeria, 71 n. 
 
 Ali Hodje, near Bulghar-Maden, 
 
 189. 
 Alliance between Hattusil and the 
 
 Pharaoh, 347. 
 Alshe, 332. 
 Altar, 150, 
 
 of stone, 146, 183. 
 
 Altars on sculptures of Fraktin, 
 
 165. 
 Am, 331. 
 
 Amanus, 14, 49, 99, 213, 370, 383. 
 Araasia, 34, 35, 106 n. 
 Amazon figure at Boghaz - Keui, 
 
 205, 357, 373. 
 Amazons, 213, 357, 373. 
 
 on the Thermodon River, 35. 
 
 Amenhetep iii., 327. 
 
 IV., 337. 
 
 Amkh, statue at, 98. 
 
 Amon, 336. 
 
 Amorite face-type, 12 n., 34. 
 
 vassalage and tribute, 336. 
 
 Amorites, an Aramsean (Semitic) 
 
 people, 318, 324. 
 Amraphel of the Old Testament, 
 
 325 n. 
 Andaval, 41, 42, 80 n., 185. 
 
 inscription of, 25 n. 
 
 Angora, 21, 24, 28, 34-36, 66, 89, 106. 
 Annals of Tiglath-Pileser, 386. 
 
 of Thothmes iii., 327. 
 
 Antaraki, 332. 
 
 Anti-Lebanon, 16. 
 
 Anti-Taurus, 2, 4, 17, 19, 21, 24, 44, 
 
 87. 
 Antioch, 8, 15. 
 
 taken from Saracens, 72. 
 
 Apis, worship in Egypt, 256. 
 Arabli, 42. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 405 
 
 Arabs in Asia Minor, 72. 
 Aramaeandistrictof Am (or Amma), 
 
 331. 
 
 monuments at Sinjerli, 277 ff. 
 
 peoples, 55. 
 
 Aramaic influence in Hlttite art, 
 
 3H, 312. 
 
 period at Sinjerli, 122. 
 
 Arandas, son of Subbi-luliuma, 
 
 341. 
 Ararat, Mt., 3. 
 Arched gateways decorated with 
 
 sculpture, 372. 
 Architectural remains of Boghaz- 
 
 Keui, 367. 
 Archives of the Babylonian and 
 
 Assyrian kings, 315. 
 
 of the kings of Hatti, 315. 
 
 recently discovered at Boghaz- 
 
 Keui, 3. 
 Ardistama, 39, 80 n., 90-92, 154. 
 Argseus, Mt., 5, 17, 18, 23, 28, 42, 88, 
 
 146, 152. 
 Argistis of Ararat, Urartian king, 
 
 385. 
 Ariarthes, 68. 
 Arinua, the home of the sun-god, 
 
 344, 346, 353. 
 Arissama, 39, 90. 
 
 Dagh, 183. 
 
 Aries, 71 n. 
 
 Armed priestesses, 213, 357. 
 
 Armenia, 66. 
 
 Greater, 3. 
 
 southern, 62. 
 
 Armenian hills, 17, 26. 
 
 Amuanta, son of Dudkhalia, 329, 
 
 351, 352. 
 Arpad, downfall of, 387. 
 Arslan Boghaz, 99. 
 Tash, sculptures at, 87, 141, 
 
 144. 
 
 Tepe, mound of, 132 ff. 
 
 Artemis, 65. 
 
 — at Ephesus, rites of, 355. 
 
 Aryan immigration, 57. 
 
 Arzawa, great Hittlte state, 326. 
 
 Arzawia, king of Rukhizi, 334. 
 
 Asarjik, 23, 88, 152. 
 
 Ashkir, goddess of the mountains, 
 
 348. 
 Asia, Roman province, 70. 
 Asia Minor, geography of, 17 ff. 
 Asia Minor, tal)leland of, 17, 18. 
 
 Ass with panniers for transport, 
 365. 
 
 Assur-ballit ii., Assyrian king, 333. 
 
 Assurbanipal, 65. 
 
 Assur-belkala, 371. 
 
 Assurirba, 371. 
 
 Assur-nazir-pal, 57 n., 295, 381. 
 
 Assyria, 271. 
 
 revival of power of, 55. 
 
 Assyrian influence in Hittite art, 
 299. 
 
 invasions, 371. 
 
 Assyrians invade Mitanni, 337. 
 
 Assyro-Babylonian language used 
 in earliest international corre- 
 spondence, 31, 325. 
 
 Astarte, 128. 
 
 Astrology, great Babylonian work 
 on, 323. 
 
 Attis, 151, 238. 
 
 Atyadae, 63. 
 
 Authors. See App. A. 
 
 Axe with double head, 223. 
 
 Ayazin, sculptures of, 60. 
 
 Ay-mi-ny-a-s of the land of Tyana, 
 188. 
 
 Azriyahu, 387. 
 
 Baal, 237, 238. 
 Ba'albek, 71. 
 Babylon, 3 n., 53, 209. 
 
 archives, 323. 
 
 sacked by Hittites, 52. 
 
 Baghdad, 39. 
 
 railway, 15 n. 
 
 Bakshish, 38. 
 
 Banti Shinni, 329, 345. 
 
 Barbarian northern hordes, 209. 
 
 Bargylus mts., 15. 
 
 Barkhu-izawa, 341. 
 
 Barrekub, king of Samaal, 271. 
 
 Bayal, 43. 
 
 Bedouins in Syria, 6. 
 
 Beilan Pass, 15. 
 
 Bell, Miss, 339. 
 
 Berejik, monument at, 129. 
 
 Bereketli, 383. 
 
 Berlin Expedition at Sinjerli, 196. 
 
 Beuyuk Kaleh, 200, 205, 300. 
 
 walls at, 245, 249. 
 
 Kayanin, 200. 
 
 Daresi, 32. 
 
 Bey-Keui, inscription at, 25, 37, 38, 
 84, 89, 93, 167. 
 
406 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Beyrout, 15, 370. 
 
 Beyshehr, lake and village of, 40, 
 174. 
 
 Bin Bir Kilisse, 'the thousand and 
 one churches,' 177. 
 
 Bird, 151. 
 
 offering on altar, 165. 
 
 sign, 166. 
 
 Birejik, ford of Euphrates at, 7, 
 
 Bir-Geuz, 24, 27. 
 
 Bridge, 153. 
 
 Bishopric of Kiskissos, 149. 
 
 Bit Adini, 378, 382, 383. 
 
 Bithynia, Poutus, Roman province, 
 68, 69. 
 
 Biyassili (? Kawyas-sil), 371. 
 
 Black Basalt, altar of, 183. 
 
 Sea coast, 28, 34, 37, 195. 
 
 Bogche, 49, 80n.,88, 155, 199. 
 
 pass near, 14, 15 n., 373. 
 
 Su, 14. 
 
 Boghaz-Keui, In., 24, 25, 27,28, 32, 
 33, 64 11., 65, 67, 79, 84, 88, 89, 93, 
 96 n., 100, 107, 158, 277, 292 n., 297, 
 300, 306 71., 244-256, 269, 273, 275. 
 
 priest-king in sculptures of, 
 
 256. 
 
 Book of Omens, 323. 
 
 Bor, 41,42, 80m., 91, 305. 
 
 aqueducts of, 70. 
 
 inscribed sculptures of, 373. 
 
 inscription from, 23 n., 185. 
 
 Bosphorus, 37, 62. 
 
 Boss of Tarkudimme, 352. 
 
 Boundary stone, 155. 
 
 Bow, triangular, 150, 171. 
 
 Bozanti Han, 46. 
 
 Su, 42 n. 
 
 Bracelets on wrists of peasant-god, 
 193. 
 
 Brigandage of the Amorites, 350. 
 
 Bronze axe and trappings of Bog- 
 haz-Keui, 322. 
 
 Building blocks, cubical, 159. 
 
 Bulghar Dagh, 41, 46, 90. 
 
 Bulghar-Mad§n, 43, 44, 54, 91, 185, 
 188, 373, 383. 
 
 Bull, shrine of Eyuk, 256. 
 
 identified with father -god, 
 
 359. 
 Buttresses of extra-mural towers, 
 
 202. 
 Byzantine church at Mahalich, 177. 
 period, 70, 72. 
 
 Cadastral survey, 352. 
 
 Caduceus, 166, 167. 
 
 Ca;sarea, 5, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 
 
 29, 34, 39, 42, 88, 366. 
 Calvary, 148. 
 
 Campaigns of Subbi-luliuma, 330. 
 Canaanites, 324. 
 Cappadocia, 36. 
 Phrygian influence in, 61, 69, 
 
 106 m., 110 m. 
 Carchemish, Kybele represented at, 
 
 53, 61, 80 m., 85, 262. 
 
 early Hittites at, 52. 
 
 monuments at, 122 ff., 305, 318, 
 
 327, 330. 
 
 stele at, 113, 117. 
 
 Carvings of Sakje-Geuzi, 380. 
 
 in ivory, 382. 
 
 Caspian Sea, 3. 
 
 Caucasus, 3, 62, etc. 
 
 Cavalry, Hittite, 320. 
 
 Cayster River, 37, 39. 
 
 Ceremonial Feast, 164. 
 
 Chair, square shaped, 166. 
 
 Chakia Su, 42, 43. 
 
 Chalybes, 60 n. 
 
 Chariot with panelled sides, 364. 
 
 Chekerek, 32, 35. 
 
 Cheshme Keupru, 24, 28, 34, 36, 38, 
 
 38 n., 89, 162, etc' 
 Chok-Geuz, 26. 
 
 Keupru, 24, 25, 27, 155. 
 
 Chorum, 34, 35. 
 
 road to, 88. 
 
 Christian churches, 148. 
 Christianity, spread of, 70. 
 Cilicia, 14, 21, 67, 68, 72. 
 
 Roman province, 69. 
 
 under the Hittites, 53. 
 
 western plain of, 48-50. 
 
 Cilician face-type, 48. 
 
 Cilician gates, 24, 25, 39, 42, 383, 
 
 388. 
 
 description of, 45-48. 
 
 horses, 39 n. 
 
 pirates, 69. 
 
 plain, 4, 6, 14. 
 
 aqueducts of, 70. 
 
 Cimmerians in Asia Minor, 55, 58, 
 
 62, 64, 378, 381. 
 Classical writings cited. See App. A. 
 Cloak with fringed border, 187. 
 Club, 363. 
 Colophon, 65. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 407 
 
 Comana (Komana), 87, 110 n., 146, 
 366. 
 
 Combine of land and sea powers 
 against Egypt, 368. 
 
 Confederacy, 318. 
 
 Conical Hittite hat, 171, 215, 223, 362. 
 
 Constantinople, 36, 72. 
 
 Constitution of the Hittite power, 
 234. 
 
 Contemporary rulers and royal alli- 
 ances, 329. 
 
 Convention in art, 145. 
 
 Crescent, 217, 238, 303 n. 
 
 Crete, early Miuoan pottery of, 31. 
 
 neolithic pottery of, 313, 320. 
 
 Crcesus, 22, 33 m., 38, 38 n., 55, 65, 66, 
 92, 197, 199. 
 
 Crosses carved on Hittite monu- 
 ment, 148. 
 
 Crusaders, 45. 
 
 Cubical building blocks decorated 
 with sculptures, 367. 
 
 Cult of the Nature-goddess, 235. 
 
 Cuneiform system of writing, 317. 
 
 documents found recently at 
 
 Boghaz-Keui, 325. 
 
 Curtius, Dr., 208. 
 
 Curved dagger, 363. 
 
 Cybele. See Kybele. 
 
 Cybistra, 90. 
 
 Cydnus, 46. 
 
 Cyprus, copper sources in, 322. 
 
 terra-cotta statuette from, 
 
 142. 
 
 Cyrus, 66, 67, 68. 
 
 annexes Hittite country, 56. 
 
 Dagger, curved, 363. 
 
 with crescental hilt, 163. 
 
 Dagger with semicircular handle, 
 
 223. 
 Damascus, 16, 377, 383, 384. 
 
 fall of, 388. 
 
 Dardanians, 344. 
 
 Daskylos, Lydian prince, 60 ?i. 
 
 Dastarkon, 149, 366. 
 
 Delije Irmak, 29, 30. 
 
 DeliSu, 153. 
 
 Delta of Egypt, 2, 255. 
 
 Denek Maden, 160. 
 
 mines at, 34. 
 
 Derendeh, 5, 80 n., 87, 141 S. 
 Develi Karahissar, 42. 
 Diocletian, 70. 
 
 Dirk, the sacred, 118. 
 
 with crescent-shaped handle, 
 
 214. 
 
 with midrib, 228. 
 
 deity, 239. 
 
 cult of, 360. 
 
 Dimerli, ' lion tomb ' at, 60. 
 
 Disintegration of the Hittite Em- 
 pire, 368. 
 
 Disk suggestive of mirror, 217. 
 
 Doghanlu, 25, 84, 166. 
 
 Daresi, 37, 38, 89, 93. 
 
 ' tomb of Midas,' at, 60. 
 
 Double-axe, 363. 
 
 god of the, 64 n. 
 
 Double Eagle, 235. 
 
 at Eyuk, priest of the, 
 
 236. 
 
 Downfall of the Hittite rulers, 368. 
 
 Dress of Hittite warrior, 362. 
 
 Dromos, decoration at Eyuk, 184. 
 
 Dudkhalia, successor of Hattusil, 
 351, 352. 
 
 Dud-khaliya, 324. 
 
 Eagle, double-headed, 223. 
 
 gigantic stone, 156. 
 
 monument at Yamoola, 236. 
 
 Eagles in Hittite religious art, 158. 
 
 Earring, 215, 227. 
 
 Ebed-Asherah, Amorite patriarch, 
 
 328, 334, 335. 
 Edict of Dudkhalia, 326, 352, 353. 
 Eflatoun-Bunar, 40, 90, 174. 
 Egypt, Delta, 2, 255. 
 early Hittite settlements on 
 
 frontiers of, 52. 
 Egypt, war of Esarhaddon with, 
 
 271. 
 Egyptian artists, 318. 
 
 face-type in Syria, 12, 16. 
 
 influence in the sphinxes of 
 
 Eyuk, 254. 
 Ekrek, 5, 24, 54, 148. 
 
 inscribed stone at, 87. 
 
 Emblems in form of a shrine under 
 
 outspread wings, 84, 217, 225. 
 Emir-Ghazi, 39, 40, 41, 80 n., 91, 169, 
 
 183. 
 
 round altar at, 256. 
 
 Eni-Tessub, 352. 
 
 Ephesus, 37, 65, 66, 71. 
 
 Eregli, 24, 29, 40, 41, 43, 90, 185, 191. 
 
 Erzerum, 3 n. 
 
408 
 
 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Esarhaddon, 78, 271, 273, 278, 297, 
 
 390. 
 Eshuk Tash, 203, 204. 
 Eskl Andaval, sculpture at, 91. 
 
 Kishla (old winter quarters), 
 
 183. 
 
 Eski- Yapan, stone lion at, 88. 
 
 Bunuch-priest, 361. 
 
 Euphrates, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7n., 15, 21, 39, 
 
 85, 106, 318. 
 
 valley, 317. 
 
 Eyuk, 35, 80 n., 84, 102, 107, 277, 282 n., 
 
 296 re., 297, 301 n., 303 n., 306 7!,., 
 
 339. 
 
 Hittite site at, 33. 
 
 mound and palace at, 88, 93. 
 
 palace and sculptures of, 242 S. 
 
 Phrygian inscriptions at, 56, 
 
 60 n. 
 
 sphinx at, 298, 309. 
 
 Ezekiel, 45, 390. 
 
 Fassileb, 40, 90, 175. 
 Father-god, 237, 359, 360. 
 
 of the Phrygians, 59, 
 
 Faustinopolis, 388. 
 Feather-like emblem, 238. 
 Female warrior, 372. 
 Ferak-Din. See Fraktin, 149. 
 Fish hieroglyph, 153. 
 Flexible hats, 215. 
 Footgear of the Hittites, 320. 
 Fortress, ancient, 154. 
 
 at Arissama Dagh, ancient, 
 
 183. 
 
 at Giaour-Kalesi, 162. 
 
 on Kizil Dagh, 178. 
 
 Fortress of Arinni, 370. 
 
 of Shapalulme, burnt, 383. 
 
 Fraktin, 5, 24, 54, 87, 149, 256, 262, 
 
 339. 
 Fringed skirt, 215. 
 
 Galatia, Roman province, 69. 
 Garparunda, 377, 380, 383. 
 Gashuliawi, a Hittite princess 
 
 married to Put-akhi, 347. 
 Gauraina. See Gurun, 143. 
 Genealogical table, 329. 
 Gerdscheln, statue at, 311. 
 Gerger, 4. 
 Gerger Kalesi, 85. 
 Gerger Kalesi, monument at, 131. 
 Giaour Dagh, 2, 13, 27. 
 
 Giaour-Kalesi, 36, 38, 84, 89, 90, 93, 
 338. 
 
 sculptures at, 162. 
 
 Gindarus, 98, 378. 
 
 Girdle, 214, 215. 
 
 Goat, 215. 
 
 with conical cap on head, 222. 
 
 God of Arms, 173. 
 
 God of the Mountain, 147. 
 
 Gordius, 61. 
 
 Goyyim, 324 n. 
 
 Graffiti, 153. 
 
 Greek colonies in Asia Minor, his- 
 tory of, 58, 65 ff. 
 
 face-type, 31. 
 
 influence in Asia Minor, 68, 70. 
 
 Gurgum, 376, 377, etc. 
 
 Guriania. See Gurun, 143, 376. 
 
 Gurun, 4, 51, 87, 148, 371. 
 
 Gyges of Lydia, 65. 
 
 Hadad, statue of, 142. 
 
 the Syrian god, 59 n., 138 n. 
 
 Haifa, seal from, 16 n. 
 
 Halys Basin, monuments of the, 152. 
 
 description of, 18, 22, 26 ff. 
 
 River, 2, 4, 5, 18, 21, 26, 28, 29,34, 
 
 35, 36, 38, 54, 56, 64, 65, 66, 84, 88, 
 
 89, 92, 318, 338. 
 Hamath, 63. 
 
 inscriptions of, 75. 
 
 kingdom of the Hattina, 331. 
 
 remains at, 93 ff. 
 
 Hammurabi, 334. 
 
 Harpoon cult object, 160. 
 
 Hat with flutings, 214. 
 
 Hathor head-dress, 217.' 
 
 Hatti, the dominant tribe, ,318, 319. 
 
 Hattina, feudal state of, 271, 377, 
 
 etc., 382. 
 Hattusil, 136 n. 
 Hattusil I., 326. 
 
 II., 338. 
 
 Havanda, tomb of, 73. 
 
 Heliopolis, 71 n. 
 
 Helmet decorated with horns, 193. 
 
 Hera of Samos, the, 142. 
 
 Heraclidae of Lydia, 63, 
 
 Herakleia, 195. 
 
 Heraldic figure, 228. 
 
 Hercules, 63, 64, 64 re., 195, 240. 
 
 Hermes, 167. 
 
 Hermus, 2, 37. 
 
 Hermus valley, 199. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 409 
 
 Herodotus, 22, 170, 197. 
 
 Hilani, 99, 273. 
 
 Hilt of sword, flat, 215. 
 
 Hittite routes, 154, 365. 
 
 sites and monuments. See 
 
 Appendix B. 
 Hogartli, D. G., 145, 339. 
 Homer, 169. 
 Horns, 16, 85, 85 n., 106 n. 
 
 bronze figure from, 16 n. 
 
 Horned altar, 178. 
 
 Horse, early use by the Hittites of 
 
 the, 39 n., 320. 
 Horses and chariots employed by 
 
 Aitakama, 320. 
 Horus, the, title of the Pharaohs, 
 
 340. 
 Huda Verdi, spring, 41. 
 Human-headed bird, 157, 230. 
 Huru Pegamber, 71. 
 Hylcsos period, 255 n., 324. 
 
 Iasilt Kata, sculptures at, 59 n. 
 
 carved walls at, 124, 126. 
 
 reliefs at, 196, 205, 255, 
 
 257, 262, 268, 269, 303 n. 
 
 sanctuary at, 88, 110. 
 
 laudi, 271, 367, 376. 
 Iconium, 20, 38, 67, 90, 106 n. 
 
 inscription from near, 173. 
 
 traces of ancient site near, 
 
 173. 
 Ilgin, 3, 67, 90. 
 
 Imperial Ottoman Museum, 185. 
 Incursions of the Assyrians, 384. 
 Indo-Germanic element, 324. 
 Injesu, 24, 25, 42, 199, 366. 
 Inscritied Rock (lasUy Kaya), 211. 
 Inscriptions, Hittite. See App. B. 
 on walls of Byzantine church, 
 
 178. 
 Ionia, 65. 
 Ionic volutes, 225. 
 Iris River, 35. 
 Istar, 236, 355. 
 Isuwa, land of, 332. 
 Ivory object, 160. 
 Ivriz, monument of, 41, 43, 187, 191, 
 
 281 n. 
 
 sculpture at, 90, 373. 
 
 Izgin, 5, 80 n., 87, 146. 
 
 Jbbel Ansaeia, 15. 
 Jensen, 19. 
 
 Jerabis, reliefs at, 113. 
 Jerablus, 80 n., 84, 85. 
 
 monuments at, 122 ff. 
 
 Jewish face-type, 34. 
 Jobba Eyuk, relief at, 102. 
 ' Joggle,' 164, 208. 
 
 Kadesh, 16. 
 
 site of, 85. 
 
 the battle of, 343, 344, 345, 
 
 364. 
 Kalaba, 161. 
 Kara-Bel, 2 n., 37, 63, 66, 75, 84, 89, 
 
 93, 233. 
 
 pass of, 170, 338. 
 
 Karaburna, 28, 54, 153, 154, 373. 
 
 inscription at, 88, 100. 
 
 Kara-burshlu, 80 n.. Ill, 86, 108. 
 Kara Dagh, 41, 54, 84, 90, 176, 373. 
 
 pottery of, 313 n. 
 
 Karadinek, 106 n. 
 
 Kara Eyuk, pottery of 313 n. 
 
 Karaja Dagh, 41, 183. 
 
 Karakul, 9. 
 
 Karanji Keupru, 164. 
 
 Karashehr, 106 n. 
 
 Kara Su, 12, 13, 16, 85, 99, 153, 171, 
 
 321, 330, 376. 
 Karduniash, 337. 
 Karmalas, 149. 
 Kartal, 11, 23, 34, 106. 
 Kas, 110. 
 Kataonians, 344. 
 Katashman-turgu identified with 
 
 Katashman-buriash, 350. 
 Kati, king of Que, dethroned, 384. 
 Katna, 33. 
 Kedabeg, 3 n. 
 
 Khaiani, king of Samalla, 383. 
 Klialeis 'theKhalian,' 325. 
 Khali-rabbat (the Milid of late 
 
 Assyrian records), 326, 339. 
 Khalpa (Aleppo), .3.33, etc. 
 Khammurabi, 323. 
 Khani-galbat. See Khali-rabbat, 
 Kharusa, range of, 370. 
 Kheta, 77 n., 344. 
 Khetasar (Hattusil ii.), 337, .346. 
 Khilakku, kingdom of, 54, 873, 
 
 375. 
 Khite-ruadas, 376, 386. 
 ' Khopesh,' 228. 
 Kiakku of Shinukhta, 388. 
 Kibshuna, 370. 
 
410 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 inscribed stone 
 
 Kibshuna, treble-walled city, 370. 
 KlUlse Hissar (Tyana), 39, 41, 90. 
 site of the ancient Tyana, 
 
 185. 
 Killiz, 7, 8, 86, 106, 330, 388. 
 Kinalua, 376, 387. 
 King-priest, 192. 
 Kinza, 331. 
 Kirchuk Yapalak, 
 
 at, 87. 
 Kirri, king of Que, 384. 
 Kiskeui, 149. 
 Kizil Dagh, 90, 178. 
 
 Irmak, 26. 
 
 Kizilja Su, 41. 
 Kizlar Daresi, 201. 
 Kodja Su, 41, 43, 191. 
 Kolit-oghlu Yaila, 90. 
 
 inscription found at, 173. 
 
 Komana (Comana), S, 24, 54, 64 n., 
 
 70. 
 (identified with modern Shahr), 
 
 376. 
 Konia, 18, 21, 24, 38, 40, 66, 174. 
 Korkum, 42 n. 
 Kuohuk Kizil-Hissar, 12. 
 Kulakly, 33. 
 Kullani, 388. 
 Kummanu, 376. 
 Kummukh, 342, 368. 
 Kundashpi, 376. 
 Kurds in Syria, 6, 8. 
 Kurman Su, 146. 
 Kurts-oghlu, 76, 80 «,., 86, 98, 112. 
 Kuru-Bel, 24, 45, 80 n., 87, 146. 
 Kuru Chai, 148. 
 Ku-sar (Siisar), 326. 
 Kush Dagh, 28. 
 Kushtashpi, 376. 
 Kybele, 128, 151, 238, 268. 
 
 in Hittite mythology, 262. 
 
 in Phrygia, rites of, 355. 
 
 Kyrrhus, ruins of, 71. 
 
 Lake Bbyshehb, monuments re- 
 flecting Hittite influence, found 
 near, 173. 
 
 Van, 378. 
 
 Lalle, 376. 
 
 Lamas, monument probably not 
 Hittite, 49 n. 
 
 Lance, 263. 
 
 Language of the Hittites, 319. 
 
 Latakia, seal and bronze figure 
 
 from, 16 n. 
 Lebanon, 2. 
 Lepsius, 351. 
 
 Leuco-Syrians of Strabo, 22, 245 n. 
 Lightning emblem, 357. 
 
 trident, 361. 
 
 Lion, 146. 
 
 at Cheshme Keupru, 162. 
 
 seated, 156. 
 
 base, columnar figure upon, 
 
 176. 
 
 gate, 203. 
 
 tank, 210, 372. 
 
 of Eyuk, 211. 
 
 corner-stone of Eyuk, 372, 380. 
 
 goddess and son, 235. 
 
 Lions at Amaksiz and Yalanjak 
 
 162. 
 
 at Boghaz-Keui, 380. 
 
 at Sinjerli, 380. 
 
 on monuments at Fassiler, 
 
 175. 
 
 Lituus, 217, 229. 
 
 Lubarna king of the Hattina, 376. 
 
 377, 383. 
 Lycaonia, 69. 
 
 local sculptures in, 76. 
 
 Western, 93. 
 
 Lycaonian structure, 40. 
 
 Lycians, 34^ 
 
 Lycus, 35. 
 
 Lydia, coast of, 2 n. 
 
 empire, 21 n. 
 
 history of, 56, 58, 60, 63 if. 
 
 under the Hittites, 53, 66. 
 
 Lyre, the, in Egypt, 118 n. 
 
 Ma, Mother-goddess, prototype of 
 
 Kybele, 170, 235. 
 
 at Comana, rites of, 355. 
 
 the Mother-goddess, 151. 
 
 Mace, 214. 
 
 Maden-Shehr marks the classical 
 
 site of Barata, or Bin Bir Kilisse, 
 
 177. 
 Mseander, 37. 
 
 route by, 67. 
 
 Magic hammer, 361. 
 
 Magnesia, 69. 
 
 Mahalich, Hittite site, 40, 41, 90. 
 
 marked by a Byzantine church, 
 
 177. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 411 
 
 Maiden's Rock, 206. 
 Malatia, 4, 5, 33, 54, 57, 80 n., 84, 86, 
 87 n., 88, 107, 339. 
 
 monuments at, 132 fif. 
 
 sculptures of, 279. 
 
 Manapa-Sanda, 341. 
 
 • -Tessub, 341. 
 
 Marash, 4, 5, 6, 14, 24, 25, 53, 54, 80 ji., 
 
 86, 87, 99 n., 101 n., 102 n., 105 n., 
 
 106, 184, 205, 276 m., 279, 282 ra., 
 
 292 n., 296 n., 301 n., 308 n., 330, 
 
 333. 
 Marash, inscribed objects at, 118, ff. 
 
 royal stela at, 113, 114-118. 
 
 sculptured fragments, 121. 
 
 • statue at, 113. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius, 46. 
 
 Margasi, 80 n. 
 
 Markhasi, 111. 
 
 Masonry, pentagonal in shape, 163. 
 
 Matilu of Agusi, 387. 
 
 Matriarchal system in Asia Minor, 
 
 59. 
 Matti, 61 n. 
 
 Matti of Atuna or Tuna, 388. 
 Mattiuaza, 325, 338. 
 Mazaca (Old Csesarea), 22 flf., 54, 366, 
 
 375, etc. 
 Mazarima, Hittite prince, 345. 
 Medes, appearance in Asia Minor, 
 
 56,64. 
 Median empire, 21 n. 
 Medinet Habu, temple of, 368. 
 Menuas drives back the Assyrians, 
 
 385. 
 Merenptah, 2. 
 Mermnad dynasty, 63. 
 Mersina, 49. 
 Meshech, 390. 
 Midas, in history, 55, 61, 62. 
 
 monument of, 38. 
 
 Phrygian inscription of, 42, 
 
 91, 185. 
 
 so-called tomb of, 60, 166. 
 
 Mikhri, bordering on the Pyramus, 
 
 376. 
 Milid (Miliddu), 376. 
 'Mita of Muski,' the Phrygian 
 
 Midas, 62, 389. 
 Mitanni, 7 51., 58 m., 328. 
 created a special protectorate, 
 
 338. 
 Mithraio type of face at Jerablus, 
 
 128. 
 
 Mithridates, 69. 
 Mohammed, flight of, 57. 
 Mongol Invasions, 57. 
 
 type of face, 307. 
 
 Mongoloid Hittite allies, 318. 
 Monstrous figures, pair of, 218. 
 Monstrous winged figures, 226. 
 Mother-goddess, 164, 322, 353, 354. 
 
 ' Queen of the Rock,' 169. 
 
 Mouldings in Roman style, 189. 
 Mount Amanus, 371, etc. 
 
 Bishri, 369. 
 
 Tala, 370. 
 
 Mountain cult, 321, 327. 
 
 Mugallu, 376. 
 
 Mujelibeh, 100 n. 
 
 Mural crown, 222. 
 
 Mursil replaced his brother Aran- 
 
 das, 341, 366. 
 Muski, 53, 54, 57, 368. 
 
 Phrygians, 377. 
 
 Musri, 342, 370, 383. 
 Mutallu, 326, 341, 343, 345, 376. 
 Mutiny of the Amorites, 345. 
 Myrsos, Lydian king, 60 n. 
 Mysians, 344. 
 
 Nabonidus, stele of, 100 n. 
 Nahr-el-Kelb, 370. 
 Naram-Sin, 313, 323. 
 National deity (Sutekh), 235. 
 Nature-cults, 322. 
 
 goddess, cult of the, 152. 
 
 Nefez-Keui, description of, 30-32. 
 
 Nefret, queen of Egypt, 255, 309. 
 
 Nerab, stele of, 102 n. 
 
 Ni, 333. 
 
 Nigdeh, altar at, 91. 
 
 Hittite inscriptions at, 41, 
 
 80 n., 185. 
 
 monuments at, 189. 
 
 — — ■ Seljuk sculptures at, 73. 
 Nineveh, 3 n. 
 
 fall of, 64. 
 
 Niobe, 89. 
 
 confused with figure on Mount 
 
 Sipylus, 169. 
 Nishan Tash, inscription at, 88, 158, 
 
 206. 
 Nukhasse, 330, 340, 
 
 Obelisk, 145. 
 
 Oblation vases, 339. 
 
 Olba, priest-kings of, 69, 70. 
 
412 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Old Malatia, Hittite site at, 132 ff. 
 
 Ordasu, mound near, 132. 
 
 Orontes, 8, 14, 15, 16, 93, 321, 370, 
 
 377. 
 Osmaniyeh, 14. 
 Osmanli Turks, 57, 72, 319. 
 Oval, the emblem of sanctity, 150. 
 Ovid, 169. 
 
 Painted pottery of Sakj e-Geuzi, 320. 
 Palace at Beuyuk Kaleh, 206, 207. 
 Palanga, 80n.,87, 311. 
 
 monuments at, 141 if. 
 
 Palmyra, 16. 
 
 Panammu, king of Samaal, 271, 311. 
 
 II., a Semitic ruler, 388. 
 
 Pantheon, Hittite, 317. 
 
 Panther and eagle, probably cult 
 
 objects, 230. 
 Paul of Tarsus, 45. 
 Pausanias, 168, 170. 
 Peasant-god, 192. 
 
 the patron of agriculture, 379. 
 
 Pentaur, poem of, 345. 
 Pergamum, kingdom of, 57. 
 Persian Empire, under Cyrus, 56. 
 
 Gulf, 3. 
 
 posts, 199. 
 
 Perspective convention, 214. 
 
 Pessinus, 110 n, 164. 
 
 Pharaoh, 323. 
 
 PhcEnician monuments at Sinjerli, 
 
 270 ff. 
 Phrygia, 24, 39, 93. 
 
 • boundaries of, 36, 37. 
 
 local sculptures in, 76, 
 
 monuments, 37. 
 
 pine-woods of, 19, 20. 
 
 Seljuks in, 72. 
 
 under Hittites, 53. 
 
 Phrygian conquerors, 317. 
 
 history of the, 57. 
 
 power at its height, 56. 
 
 Pig's Head, cape, 15. 
 
 Pigtail, 216, 218, 222, 229, 318, 379. 
 
 Pisidia, 343. 
 
 Pisiris, 61, 371, 389. 
 
 Plan of the Rock Sanctuary called 
 
 lasily Kaya, 221. 
 Plato's Spring, 40, 174. 
 Pontus, kingdom of, 57, 69. 
 
 Roman province, 69. 
 
 Pottery, coloured, 210. 
 
 Priest, 160. 
 
 king, 186, 237, 340, 738. 
 
 kings of Lydia, 64. 
 
 Proto-Greek type of Hittite allies, 
 
 318. 
 Psamtek of Egypt, 65. 
 Pteria, 9, 25, 32, 60, 60 to., 66, 196, 197. 
 
 destruction of, 55. 
 
 overthrow by Croesus, 38. 
 
 Ptolemy, 388. 
 
 Put-akhi, chief of the Amorites, 
 
 345, 346. 
 Putukhipa, Princess of Qizwadna, 
 
 340, 346. 
 Putu-khipa, mentioned as co-ruler 
 
 353. 
 PylEe Syriae et Clliciae, 15 n. 
 Pyramus, 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 49. 
 
 River, 86. 
 
 valley of the, 145, 365. 
 
 route via, 143. 
 
 Pyrenees, 321. 
 
 Qarqar, battle of, 384. 
 
 Qizwadna, 346, 348. 
 
 Que, 375, 382, etc. 
 
 Qurt Dagh, 7, 13, 14, 106. 
 
 Qurts-oghlu, See Kurts-oghlu. 
 
 Racial chakacteb, wide difference 
 of, 318. 
 
 Rafts of skin, 381. 
 
 Rameses, 77 n. 
 
 Rameses the Great, 209, 351. 
 
 Rameses, Hittite ambassador, 348. 
 
 Rameses ii., 2, 12 n., 136, 281 n., 343. 
 
 III., 77 TO. 
 
 Ramesseum, 319. 
 
 Ras El Khanzir, 15. 
 
 Renaissance of the Hittite king- 
 doms, 373. 
 
 Records of the Assyrians, 375. 
 
 Restan, 16, 85. 
 
 Rites of Comana, 239. 
 
 of Istar at Babylon, 236. 
 
 Rock carving of Fraktin, 184. 
 
 carvings, 148. 
 
 of Ivriz, 378. 
 
 image of the Mother-goddess, 
 
 168. 
 
 sculptures called lasily Kaya, 
 
 211. 
 
 Roman province of Asia, 69. 
 
 provinces in Asia Minor, 69, 70. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 418 
 
 Komans in Asia Minor, 57, 69 ff. 
 Eomanus Diogenes, 72. 
 Rosette device on stela at Bor, 188. 
 surrounded by horseshoe- 
 shaped device, 217. 
 Rosettes, 148. 
 Rowanduz, 9. 
 Royal insignia, 233. 
 
 Road, 24, 25, 89, 199, 366, 
 
 Rum Kale, monument at, 130. 
 
 Satce, 190, 194. 
 Sacred dirli:, 240. 
 Sakaria (Sangarius), 35. 
 Sakje-Geuzi, 13, 14, 77, 80m., 86, 100, 
 
 101 n., 102, 103, 106, 109, 264, 276n., 
 
 282n., 286n.,289n., 290 n., 297. 
 
 column bases of, 142 n. 
 
 mounds and palace-portico at, 
 
 298 ff. 
 
 sphinx at, 275. 
 
 technique of walls, 251. 
 
 the Berlin relief, 103 ff. 
 
 Salamis, terra-cotta figures from, 
 
 142. 
 Samalla (Samaal), identified with 
 
 Sinjerli, 270, 367, 376, 377. 
 Samosata (Samsat), 366. 
 Samsat, 4, 84, 85, 100 n., 333, 342, 369. 
 
 monument at, 130-131. 
 
 Samsun, 28, 34. 
 
 Sanctuary of lasily Kaya, 226, 234. 
 
 Sandes, or Sandan, 160, 322, 339, 348, 
 
 358. 
 Sandon of Tarsus, the prototype of 
 
 Attia, 173, 235, 238. 
 Sangarius, 21, 35, 36, 37, 38, 59. 
 Saracens, 72. 
 
 besiege Constantinople, 57. 
 
 Sardis, 2, 38, 64, 67, 84, 89, 199. 
 Sargon, 60, 61, 62, T7n., 273 n., 323, 
 
 388. 
 
 conquers Hittite country, 55. 
 
 Sarisu, possibly the classical Sareisa, 
 
 348. 
 Sarrupsi, king of Nukhasse, 330. 
 Sarus, 5, 42. 
 
 Satraps of Persia, 66, 67. 
 Sculpture on Mount Sipylus, 168. 
 
 of non-Phrygian character, 166. 
 
 Sculptures of lasily Kaya, 357. 
 
 of Boghaz-Keui, 319. 
 
 of Sinjerli, 319. 
 
 Scythians, invasion of, 62. 
 
 Seal of the Hittite god of the skies, 
 
 349. 
 of Sutekh, Prince of Heaven, 
 
 349. 
 Seals inscribed In Hittite hiero- 
 glyph and cuneiform, 352. 
 
 of treaty, 349. 
 
 Seated figure on throne near Kizil 
 
 Dagh, 179. 
 Seleucid kings, 57, 68, 69. 
 Seljuk Turks, 50, 57, 72 ff, 319. 
 Sesostris, images of, described by 
 
 Herodotus, 172. 
 Setyl., 342. 
 Shahr, 5, 146. 
 Shalmaneseri., 77 n., 342, 382. 
 
 n., 381, 384. 
 
 Shahr, Comana, 370. 
 Shangara (or Sangar), 371. 
 
 king of Carchemish, 381, 382. 
 
 Shapalulme, 377. 
 
 king of the Hattina, 382. 
 
 Sharduris, 386, 387. 
 
 Shinukta, 376. 
 
 Shoe with upturned toe, 320. 
 
 Shugab, 378. 
 
 Sickle, or scimitar, 218. 
 
 Silver mines near Bulghar-Maden, 
 
 190. 
 Silver and salt recorded as tribute 
 
 in Assyrian records, 383. 
 Sinjerli, site of, 13, 80 n., 86, 88, 99 ff., 
 
 100, 101, 102,|106, 108, 109, 122. 
 
 column bases of, 142 n. 
 
 gateways of, 246 n., 252 ji. 
 
 god-figure at, 117. 
 
 technique of walls, 251. 
 
 town and sculptures of, 270 ff., 
 
 300, 301 n., 309, 310 n., 311. 
 Sinope, 199, 365. 
 Sipa-zar, 345. 
 Sipylene Mother, 65. 
 Sipylus, Mount, 2 n., 37, 63, 66, 84, 89, 
 
 93, 167, 262, 366. 
 
 sculpture on, 168. 
 
 Sites, Hittite. See App. B, 
 Sivas, 5, 26, 29, 34, 36, 66, 365. 
 
 road to, 23. 
 
 Skull-cap surrounded by three 
 
 decorated fillets, 193. 
 Smyrna, 37, 65, 66, 84. 
 Socket-hole in granite blocks, 159. 
 Soghan Dagh, 147. 
 Solinus, 373. 
 
414 THE LAND OF THE HITTITES 
 
 Son-god, 195, 235, 240, 241, 360. 
 
 Sophocles, 169. 
 
 Sphinx, 230. 
 
 Sphinxes of Eyuk, 204, 253 ff. 
 
 Square shield, 318, 364. 
 
 Staff with crescental knob, 179. 
 
 Stela, C. 1, Musee du Louvre, 323. 
 
 at Bor, 185. 
 
 at Fassiler, 175. 
 
 Stool with straight legs, 165. 
 
 Storm-god, the Hittite, 138 n. 
 
 Strabo, 23, 185, 231, 239. 
 
 ritual ol Mother-goddess de- 
 scribed by, 170. 
 
 Suasa, inscriptions at, 88, 153. 
 
 Subbi-luliuma of Hatti, 315, 325, 326, 
 330, 331, 334, 367. 
 
 Subbi-sil (Sipa-zar), 345. 
 
 Sultan Han, 24, 39. 
 
 Sumur, 335. 
 
 Sun-god, 322. 
 
 Invoked on Hittite treaty, 348. 
 
 Sungurlu, 34. 
 
 road to, 88. 
 
 Susa, 67. 
 
 excavations at, 313. 
 
 Sutatarza, king of Kinza, 331. 
 
 Sutekh, 359. 
 
 national deity of the Hittites, 
 
 237. 
 
 Sutekh cycle of the nine states in 
 the Egyptian treaty, 358. 
 
 Svastika, 187. 
 
 Sword, long, 215. 
 
 Syria, 4, 14, 19, 55, 67, 68. 
 
 Assyrian influence in, 79. 
 
 desert, 6. 
 
 early Hittite settlements in, 52. 
 
 geography of, 6 flf. 
 
 Syrian villages, 10, 11. 
 
 wars, 336. 
 
 Syrians, 66. 
 Syro-Cappadocians, 22. 
 
 Tabal, 375, 390. 
 
 kingdomof, invadedln 858 B.C., 
 
 384. 
 Tablets of brick, 198. 
 inscribed in cuneiform script, 
 
 208. 
 Taharka, 390. 
 Tal-tisebu, 348. 
 Targas-naii, 341. 
 Tarkhunazi of Malatia, 376, 389, 
 
 Tarku, a Hittite form of Sandes, 358. 
 
 Tarkulara, 380, 389. 
 
 Tarkundaraus writes to Amenhetep 
 
 III., 326. 
 Tarqu or Tarkhu, tutelary deity of 
 
 Arzawa, 326 n. 
 Tarsus, 46, 48. 
 
 falls into Assyrian hands, 384. 
 
 taken from Saracens, 72. 
 
 Tartar peoples, 320. 
 
 Tashjl, 5, 148. 
 
 figures and Inscription on rock, 
 
 87. 
 Taurus Mountains, 2, 3, 13, 14, 17, 18, 
 
 19, 21, 41, 42, 44, 49, 68, 78, 84, 86, 
 
 92, 262, 330. 
 
 copper sources in, 322. 
 
 Tavium, 30. 
 
 Teiria, 245 n. 
 
 Tell- Ah mar, 7 n., 85, 129-130, 378. 
 
 Tell el Amarna letters, 315, 316, 330. 
 
 Tell Halaf, 7 n. 
 
 Temple of the eagle, 236. 
 
 Ten Thousand, march of, 67. 
 
 Tessup, Hittite storm-god, 291. 
 
 Texier, 206. 
 
 Thebes, 53, 209, 328. 
 
 Thermodon Biver, 35. 
 
 Thothmes i., 327. 
 
 III., 77 n., 327. 
 
 Thracian immigrants, 369. 
 
 Throne hewn out of the rock near 
 
 Kizil Dagh, 179. 
 Throw-stick, 363. 
 Tiglath-Pileseri., 77 n., 273, 369, 371. 
 
 III., 78, 271, 386, 388. 
 
 Tigris, 3, 332. 
 
 Timber used for building, 159. 
 Tinne, capital of Shinukta, 376. 
 identified by Ramsay with 
 
 Faustinopolis, 376. 
 Tmolus, mountain, 167. 
 Tochma Su, 4, 5, 25, 45, 86, 143, 146, 
 327, 365, 371. 
 
 route by the, 199. 
 
 Toga, 160, 217, 232. 
 
 Tope Nefezi, 152. 
 
 Track connecting Ephesus with 
 
 Sardis or Smyrna, 171. 
 Transport wagon, 365. 
 Treaties with internal states in 
 
 Syria, 325. 
 Treaty between Hattusil and Barn- 
 eses the Great, 234. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 415 
 
 Treaty, Hittite copy of, presented 
 
 to the Pharaoh, 348. 
 
 with Mitanni, 338. 
 
 Triangular bow, 318. 
 
 Tribal totems, 356. 
 
 Tripolis, 16. 
 
 Triumph of Assyrian conqueror, 
 
 383. 
 Troad, white incised pottery of, 313, 
 
 316. 
 Tubal, kingdom of, 54, 61. 
 Tul Barsip, chief stronghold of the 
 
 Bit Adini, 381. 
 Tuna, 61 n. 
 Tunip, 343. 
 
 Turkestan, mounds of, 320. 
 Turkey in Asia, 319. 
 Turkomans at Kartal, 11. 
 
 in Halys Valley, 29. 
 
 at Nefez-Keui, 31. 
 
 Tushratta, 328, 337, 351. 
 
 of Mitanni, 315. 
 
 Tutammu, 376. 
 
 Tuz Geul, 24, 28, 40. 
 
 Twin goddesses of the Doable Eagle, 
 
 236. 
 Two-headed eagle, 230. 
 Tyana, 19, 21, 24, 39, 40, 42, 45 n., 54, 
 
 60, 61, 62 »., 80 n., 90, 91, 155, 221, 
 
 366, 373. 
 centre of second Hittite king- 
 dom, 25. 
 Phrygian inscription from, 25, 
 
 56. 
 
 stele at, 113. 
 
 Types of faces, various, 33 n. 
 
 of Hittites, 318. 
 
 Tyre, war of Esarhaddon with, 271. 
 Tyriaion, 173, 174. 
 
 Uassarmi, chief of Tabal, 389. 
 TTmman Manda or Nations of the 
 
 North, 324. 
 Underground passage, 154. 
 XJnki, 271, 376, 386, 387. 
 
 TJrartians exact tribute from 
 
 Malatia, 385. 
 Urartu, 62, 378, 382, 390. 
 Urfa, seal from, 7 n. 
 
 Van, Lake, 54. 
 
 Vannic inscriptions, 62, 381, 385, 388. 
 
 monuments, 3 n. 
 
 Vassalage of the Amorite to the 
 
 Hittite, 324. 
 granted to non-Hittite tribes, 
 
 326. 
 Venasa, 70. 
 Vine-culture, 177. 
 
 Walled townships, 367. 
 
 Wan, monuments at, 98. 
 
 War-chariot, 363. 
 
 Warrior deities of Giaour-Kalesi, 
 
 340. 
 
 statue of, 171. 
 
 Weapon resembling a sickle, 228. 
 White Syrians, 60. 
 Winged animal, 153. 
 
 deity, 339. 
 
 disk on inscription found at 
 
 Kizil Dagh, 187. 
 
 rosette, 233. 
 
 Worship of mountains and streams, 
 
 322. 
 
 Xenophon, 67. 
 
 Yamoola, 27, 236. 
 
 sculptures at, 88, 155. 
 
 Yapalak, 145. 
 Yarre, 36, 38, 84, 89, 100. 
 Yazir Daresi, 32, 200. 
 Yeni Keui, monuments near, 144. 
 Yenije Kala, 205. 
 Yeshil Irmak, 35. 
 
 Yuzgat, road to, 23, 24, 30, 34, 35, 36, 
 106 «. 
 
 Zamanti Su, 5, 87, 148. 
 Zeus, 237. 
 
Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 
 at the Edinburgh University Press 
 
I r.