THE GIFT pj; A.-.s^A^A ^/l/9M.. Cornell University Library 249.U58 1889 The revolutionary diplomatic corresponde 3 1924 007 385 523 All books are subject to recall after two weeks Olln/Kroch Library DATE DUE GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.S.A. The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007385523 REyOLUTlONiRy UNITED ST.\TES EDITED UNDER DIRECTION OE CONGRESS By FRANCIS WHARTON, PRELIMINAEY INDEX, AMI NflTES HISTORICAL AND LEGAL, PUBLISHED IX CONFOTailTY WITH ACT OF l.'oXnKErtS uv Ari:i"ST i;;, ikss. V<)T.TTMF. II. WASTT I ^M;TON : UOVERNMENT ^"•RINTI^;i^ OFFICE. ISS'J. ^5-^73 I/.2 CO RRESPONDENCB. 1 WH— VOL 3 CORRESPONDENCm Franklin to Thomson,* Secretary of Congress. London, February 5, 1775. Deae Sir : I received duly your favours of November 1, by Captain TaJconer, aud afterwards that of October 26, both inclosing the letter from the Congress and the petition to the king. Immediately on receipt of the first I wrote to every one of the other gentlemen nominated and desired a meeting to consult on the mode of presenting the petition committed to our care. Three of them, viz: Mr. Burke, Mr. Went- wortb,t and Mr. Life declined being concerned in it, and without con- sulting each other gave the same reason, viz: That they had no instruc- tions relating to it from their constituents. Mr. Garth | was out of town; so it rested on Mr. Bollan, Mr. Lee, and myself.§ We took council with our best friends and were advised to present it through Lord Dartmouth, that being the regular official method and the only one in which we might on occasion call for an answer. We accordingly waited on his lordship with it, who would not immediately undertake to deliver it, but requested that it might be left with him to peruse, which was done. He found nothing in it improper for him to present, and afterwards sending for us he informed us that he had presented the petition to his majesty, who had been pleased to receive it very graciously and to command him to tell us it contained matters of such importance that as soon as they met he would lay it before his two houses of Parliament. We then consulted on the publication and were advised by wise and able men, friends of America whose names it will not be proper to mention, by no means to publish it till it should be before Parliament, as it would be deemed disrespectful to the king. We flattered ourselves from the answer given by Lord D that the king would have been jileased to recommend it to the consideration of Parliament by some message, but we were mistaken. It came down among a great heap of letters of intelligence from governors and officers * Collections of the New York Historical Society (1878), p. 25; 5 Bigelow's Frank- lin, 42r. tSee Introduction, J 208. t At the time agent for Maryland. § As to Lord North's contemptuous opinion of this petition, see 1 Hutchinson's Diary, 330; "Mr. Lee" is Arthur Lee, see index, Artliiir Leo. 4 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. in America, newspapers, pampblets, Laiulbills, etc., from that country, the last iu the list and laid upoQ the table with them, undistinguished by any particular recommendation of it to the notice of either house, and I do not ftud that it has had any fiirther notice taken of it as yet than that it has been read as well as the other papers. To draw it into the attention of the house we petitioned to be heard upon it, but were not permitted, and by the resolution of the committee of the whole house, which I inclose, you will see that it has made little impression; and from the constant refusal, neglect, or discourage- ment of American petitions these many years past, our country will at last be convinced that petitions are odious here, and that petitioning is far from being a probable means of redress. A firm, steady, and ftiithful adherence to the non-consumption agreement is the only thing to be depended on ; it begins already to work (as you will see in the votes of the house) by producing applications from the merchants and manufacturers and it must finally lead Parliament into reasonable measures. At present the ministers are encouraged to proceed by the assurances they receive from America thatthe peopleare not unanimous; that a very great part of them disapprove the proceedings of the Con- gress and would break thro' them if there was in the country an army saffloient to support these friends, as they are called, of the govern- ment.* They rely, too, on being able to divide us still farther by various means, for they seem to have no conception that such a thing as public spirit or public virtue any whei e exists. I trust they will find themselves totally mistaken. The Congress is in high esteem here among all the friends of liberty, and their papers much admired. Perhaps nothing of the kind has ever been more thoroughly published or more universally read. Lord Camden spoke highly of the Americans in general, and of the Congress particularly, in the House of Lords. Lord Chatham said that taking the whole together and considering the members of the Congress as the unsolicited and unbiased choice of a great free and en- lightened people, their unanimity, their moderation, and their wisdom, he thought it the most honorable assembly of men that had ever been known ; that the histories of Greece and Eome gave us nothing equal to it. Lord Shelburne would not admit that the Parliament of Britain could be comparable with it, a parliament obeying the dictates of a ministry who in nine cases out of ten were governed by their under- secretaries. You will see, among the papers herewith sent, the motion made by Lord Chatham as preparatory to his plan, viz : That the troops should be removed from Boston. I send also a copy of the plan itself which you may be assured is genuine. The speeches hitherto published as his during the session are spurious. The Duke of Eichmond and the Duke of Manchester appeared for us also in the debate and spoke extremely well. Lord Chatham's bill, f See Introduction, J 28, FEBRUARY 5, 1775. 5 tho' Oil SO important a subject and offered by so great a character, and supported by such able and learned speakers as Camden, etc., was treated with as much contempt as they could have shown to a ballad offered by a drunken porter. It was rejected on a slight reading with- out being suffered even to lie on the table for the perusal of the mem- bers. The House of Commons, too, have shown an equal rashness and precipitation in matters that required the most weighty deliberation, refusing to hear, and entering hastily into violent measures. And yet this is the government by whose supreme authority we are to have our throats cut if we do not acknowledge, and whose dictates we are im- plicitly to obey, while their conduct hardly entitles them to common respect. The agents have not time to make so many copies of the papers sent with this, nor indeed of our letters to the speakers of the several assem- blies as would be necessary to send one for each. We therefore send only two, one per Falconer and the other per Lawrence to New York, requesting that you would get them copied at Philadelphia and forward them northward and southward, one to each speaker, by the earliest conveyance. It is thought by our friends that Lord Chatham's plan, if it had been enacted here, w^onld have prevented present mischief and might have been the foundation of a lasting good agreement for tho' in some points it might not perfectly coincide with our ideas and wishes we might have proposed modifications or variations where we should judge them neces- sary, and in fine the two countries might have met in perfect union. I hope therefore it will be treated with respect by our writers and its author honored for the attemi)t, for though he has put some particulars into it as I think merely by way of complying a little with the genera] prejudices here to make more material parts go better down, yet, I am persuaded, he would not otherwise be tenacious of those parts, meaning sincerely to make us contented and happy as far as consistent with the general welfare.* I need not caution you to let no part of this letter be copied or printed. With great esteem I am, sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant, BeNJ. FEANKLIN.t Ch. Thomson, Esq.j: * See as to attitude at this time of Britisli parties, latroduction, H 31, 32. tThe siguature, it is stated by Mr. Bigelow, is not given in the original. t Charles Thomson, secretary of the Continental Congress, to whom the ahove is addressed, was born in Ireland in 1729, and died in Lower Merion, Philadelphia. He came to Philadelphia when very young, was educated in the Friends' Academy, in that city, and retained in after years his attachment to the Society of Friends. His tastes were philosophical as well as political, which threw him into frequent inter- course with Franklin and Jefferson ; and he was a staunch frieud of Franklin in the controversies as to the disseusion at Paris in 1778-79. He was a member of the first federal house of representatives. Singularly simple in his tastes, and severe in his 6 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. FRANKLIN'S NARRATIVE OF NEGOTIATIONS IN LONDON.* On Board the Pennsylvania Packet, Captain Osborne (Bound to Philadelphia), March 22d, 1775. Dear Son: Having dow a little leisure for writing I will endeavor, as I promised you, to recollect what particulars I can of the negotia- tions 1 have lately been concerned in with regard to the misunderstand- ings hetiveen Great Britain and America. During the recess of the last Parliament, which had passed the severe acts against the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, the minority hav- ing been sensible of their weakness, as an eft'ect of their want of union among themselves, began to thint seriously of a coalition. For they saw in the violence of these American measures, if persisted in, a hazard of dismembering, weakening, and perhaps ruining the British Empire. This inclined some of them to propose such an union with each otlier as might be more respectable in the ensuing session, have more weight in opposition, and be a body out of which a new ministry might easily be formed, should the ill success of the late measures, and the firmness of the Colonies in resisting them, make a change appear necessary to the king. I took some pains to promote this disposition in conversations with several of the principal among the minority of both houses, whom I besought and conjured most earnestly not to suffer, by their little mis- understandings, so glorious a fabric as the present British Empire to be demolished by these blunderers ; and for their encouragement as- sured them, as far as my opinions could give any assurance, of the firm- ness and unanimity of America, the continuance of which was what they had frequent doubts of, and appeared extremely apprehensive and anxious concerning it. From the time of the affront t given me at the council board in Jau- morals, he was lilsened in these respects to Saninel Adams, from -whom, however, he (littered in political matters, Thomson being strongly attached both to Franklin and Jcti'erson. Some of Thomson's notes as secretary of Congress, together with portions cf his corrfspoiidence, were published in the collections of the New York Historical Society for 1878. As to the ditl'erences between Thomson and H. Laurens, see introduction, ^ 172. »5 Bigelow's Franklin, 440; r> Sparks' Franklin, 2. This important paper was written, as is stated by Mr. Sparks, "immediately after the events, during the author's passage to America, in the form of a letter to his son. It was not published till many years after his death, having first appeared in William Temple Franklin's edition of his works." tThe " affront" was as follows : A correspondence of Hutchinson, royal govcruornf Massachusetts, showing a combination on his part with other Massachusetts loyalists forcibly to put down colonial liberty, was placed iu Franklin's hands in 1779, Frank- lin felt it his duty, :is it undoubtedly was, to communicate copies of this correspond- ence to certain of his friends in Massachusetts, i>laciugthem under restrictions, which he himself was under, as to luihlicatioii. The substance of the correspondence, how- MARCH 22, 1775. 7 uary, 1774, I had never attended the levee of any minister. I made no justification of myself from the charges brought against me; I made no return of the injury by abusing my adversaries ; but held a cool, sullen silence, reserving myself to some future opportunity ; for which ever, became known, aud a petition was sent by the Masaachusetts assembly to tlie crown asking for the removal of Hutchinson aud Oliver, the latter being chief-justice. The petition was heard on January 20, 1774; and Wedderburii, afterwards Lord Chancellor Loughborough, appeared in opposition to the petition, and availed him- self of the opportunity to pour on Frauklin, who was staudiug at the bar, a torrent of abuse which was as malignant as it was coarse. Turuing to Franklin, whose philosophical attainments he ridiculed aud whose political character ho denounced, he pointed him out as a thief, to the delight of Sandwich and officials of his type, who signified their approval by loud and jeering laughter, in which even Gower, the president of the council, joined. Franklin listened apparently unmoved. It is said that eight years afterwards, when he signed the preliminaries of peace by which the independence of the United States was recoguized, he wore the coat that he had on when insulted by Wedderburn. I endeavored, iu the appendix to the second edi- tion of my digest of international law, to show that this tradition is without founda- tion ; and on its face it seems unlikely that a display so dramatic would have been made by Franklin, to whose nature dramatic or histrionic display was peculiarly for- eign. Lord Campbell (6 Lives of Loid Chancellors, 104) attaches extraordinary conse- quence to this affront. "I now come to his (Wedderburn's) memorable contest with Benjamin Franklin. ' The babe that was unborn might rue The speaking of that day.' " It mainly conduced to the civil war which soon followed, aud to the dismeuiber- meut of the empire, by exciting overweening arrogance on the one side, and rankling revenge on the other. Had Frauklin been soothed instead of being insulted, America might have been saved. As yet, though eager for the redress of the wrongs of his transatlantic brethren, he professed, and I believe he felt, respect and kindness for the mother country, aud a desire that all ditferences between them might be honorably adjusted. * * » A petition to the king was unanimously agreed to [in the Massachusetts assembly] praying for the recall of the lieutenant-governor and the chief -justice. This petition was very imprudently referred to a committee of the privy council, that its allegations might be openly discussed. The executive govern- ment ought quietly to have disposed of it either by refusing the jjrayer, or by trans- ferring the parties complained against to some other sphere, where their services would be more available for the public good; but it was thought that a glorious opportunity had occurred of publicly inveighing against the colonists and of heaping cdium on their champion. As the day for the hearing approached, public expecta- tion was raised to a higher pitch than it had been by any juridical proceeding since the trial of Sacheverell. The scene was the council chamber at the cockpit, White- hall. Thirty-five privy counselors attended, with Earl Gower, the lord president, at their head. Accommodation was made near the bar for Burke, Priestley, Jeremy Bentham, and distinguished strangers, and the adjoining rooms were crowded by an innumerable multitude who could only catch some distant murmurs of the vitupera- tion, and inquire from time to time what was likely to be the result. We have from Jeremy Bentham, a curious description of the apartment and the appearance of him who was beheld of all beholders: ' The president's chair was with the back parallel to and not far distant from the fire ; the chimney-piece, projecting a foot or two, formed a recess on each side. Alone in the recess, on the left hand of the president, stood Benjamin Franklin in such a position as not to be visible from the situation of 8 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. conduct I Lad several reasons uot necessary here to specify. Now and then I heard it said, that the reasonable part of the administration was ashamed of the treatment they had given me. I suspected that some the president, remaiuins the whole time like a rock in the same posture, bis head restiDgou his left haud, and iu that attitude abiding the peltiug of the pitiless storm.' Dunning and Lee stood at the bar as counsel for the petitioners. Wedderburn, as solicitor-general, alone attended for the crown, or more properly speaking as assessor to the privy councih ' His station was between the seats of two of the members on the side of the right hand of the lord president.' » • * Wedderburn did uot stand in need of the stimulus of a fierce attack; but came fully charged with venom which he had long been distilling." Large extracts from Wedderburn's speech are then given in which occur the followiug: " I hope, my lords, you will mark and brand the man for the honor of this country, of Europe, and of mankind. » * » I can com- pare him only to Zanga in Dr. Young's 'Revenge': 'Know, then, 'twas I, I forged the letter, I disposed the picture, I hated, I despised, and I destroy.' I ask, my lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed by poetic liotiou only to the bloody-minded African is not surpassed by the coolness and apathy of this wily New Euglander." " The effect," continues Campbell, " of this invective upon the hearers was greater than almost anything we read in the history of English eloquence. Says Jeremy Bentham, ' without any prejudice in favor of the orator I was not more astonished at the brilliancy of his lightning than astounded by the thunder that accompanied it.' We can easily, conceive the delight of the assembled privy counselors, who hud been selected and summoned on this occasion from their known hatred of the discontented Americans and their impatient desire to coerce them, but without very strong testi- mony we could uot give credit of the stories circulated of their demeanor, consid- ering they were sitting as judges and that at least the affectation of impartiality might have been expected from them. 'Nevertheless,' says Dr. Priestley, ' at the sallies of his sarcastic wit all the members of the council (the president himself. Lord Gower, not excepted) frequently laughed outright. No person belonging to the council behaved with decent gravity except Lord North, who, coming late, took his stand behind a chair opposite me.' Some accounts represent that they actually cheered him as if they had been listening to a spirited party speech in Parliament. Lord Shelburne, in a letter to Lord Chatham, writes : ' The indecency of their be- havior exceeded, as is agreed on all hands, that of any committee of election;' and Charles b'ox, in the debate on the renewal of the war in 1803, warning the house not to be led away by the delusive eloquence of Pitt, reminded them 'how all men tossed up their hats and clapped their hands in boundless delight at Mr. Wedderburn's speech against Dr. Franklin, without reckoning the cost it was to entail upon them.'" "Wedderburn," so Lord Campbell sums up his discussion of this epoch-making pro- ceeding, "must be severely condemued for thus pandering to the low i)assions of his countrymen instead of honestly trying to enlighten them. So objectionable was this proceeding, which he probably prompted and in which he played the principal part, that Adolphus, the almost indiscriminate apologist of all the measures of George Ill's reign, is driven to confess that 'the characterof the inquiry and the dignity of the tribunal to whose investigation it was submitted were not duly considered. Ministers, taught by experience, ought to have known the degradation which they must inevitably incur when they elevated an individual into the rank of apersonal opponent. Dr. Franklin, who had recently completed his sixty-seventh year, who was known and honored in the most eminent philosophical and literary societies in Europe, sat, with his gray unadorned locks, a hearer of one of the severest invectives that ever proceeded from the tongue of man ; and an observer of a boisterous merriment and exultation which added nothing to the dignity of his judges. He had sufficient self-command to sup- press all display of feeUng; but the transactions of the day sank deeply into his mind and produced an inextinguishable rancor against this country which colored all the MARCH 22, 1775.- 9 who told rae this, did it to draw from me my sentiments concerning it, and perhaps my purposes; but I said little or nothing upon the subject. Ln the mean time their measures with regard to New England failing acts of liis subsequent life and occasioned extensive and ever memoraljle conse- quences.' " But it was not Wedderbnrn's vituperation wliicb, standing by itself, produced this eftect. Franklin could liave borne this, had this been all, with the equanimity with which he bore the still more vituperative attacks of Arthur Lee and of Izard. It was the action of the government on the Massachusetts petition, of which Wedderburn's speech was merely an incident, which occasioned such "memorable consequences." That petition was perfectly proper and respectful. The Massachusetts assembly had ample evidence that Hutchinson and Oliver, royal governor and chief-justice, were bent on establishing what would have been virtually martial law iu the common- wealth. The petition for the removal of these two functionaries was referred to a committee selected from those members of the privy council who had been most vio- lent in contemptuous objurgations of America. The hearing was planned and carried on in such a way as to show the American people not only that they could not obtain justice from the mother country, but that when they asked for justice they would receive insult. The committee instantly, without deliberation, voted that the petition was " false, groundless, vexatious, and scandalous and calculated only for the seditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamor and discontent in the provinces." And this contemptuous decision was made at ahearing charged with such indecent and malig- nant contempt of colonial rights as to convince American patriots that they would receive from the British crown, when they applied for redress, not merely injustice bnt insult. (See Introduction, sS^ 21, 2:i.) Alexander Wedderburn was born in pjdinburgh in February, 1733. In 1753 he moved to Loudon, and in 1757 he was admitted to the English bar. His knowledge of Scotch law, as well as his marked forensic abilities, led to his employment in the great Douglass case iu 1769, in which he greatly distinguished himself. Attaching himself to Lord Bute, he entered Parliament in 1762 as a partisan of that minister ; and then, after Bute's fall, sported himself for a while in opposition, taking ground iu opposition to North's American policy. This, however, was but a temporary diversion, and in 1772 he formally "ratted" and was made solicitor- general by North. From this time he devoted himself to a vehement support of the war, accompanied by frequent indecorous vituperation of his former whig associates. He was employed, as will hereafter appear, on a confidential mission, in the summer of 177C, to Paris for the purpose of counteracting the growing friendly tendency of the French ministry towards America. A more unfortunate person could scarcely have been selected, since his attack on Franklin was regarded in Paris as singularly brutal, and his speeches in Parliament had been almost as insulting to France as to America. In 1778 he became attorney-general and in 1780 chief-justice of the common pleas, under the title of Lord Loughborough ; and on the formation of the North-Fox coalition min- istry, be came first commissioner of the great seal. When Pitt came into power he went out of oflice, hut was made chancellor by Pitt in 1793. This post he resigned in April, 1801, when he was created Earl of Eoslyn. Without political principle, but gifted with plausible eloquence and great business tact, he managed to attain the high- est position open to his profession, and to support himself in it, so far as his judicial action was concerned, with respectability. He died in January, 1805 ; and George III hearing of his death, said, " he has not left a greater knave behind him in my domin- ions." But Wedderburn, as his correspondence and speeches show, while a "knave," was not a "great knave," if to great knavery sagacity is essential ; for, by his vitu- perative attacks on his opponents, when they were not able to defend themselves, he much enhanced the difficulties of his case. And it is one of the most discreditable features of George Ill's political career that he should have placed in the highest offices a man whose knavery he declared to be so great. 10 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. of the success that had been coiifldently expected, and liiidiug them- selves more and more embarrassed, they begau, as it seems, to think of making- use of me, if they could, to assist in disengaging them. Bat it was too humiliating to think of applying to me openly and directly, and therefore it was contrived to obtain what they could of my senti- ments through others. The accounts from America during the recess all manifested that the measures of administration had neither divided nor intimidated the people there; that, on the contrary, they were more and more united and determined; and that a non-importation agreement was likely to take place. The ministry thence apprehending that this, by distress- ing the trading and manufacturing towns, might iniluence votes against the court in the elections for a new Parliament (which were in course to come on the succeeding year), suddeuly and unexpectedly dissolved the old one, and ordered the choice of a new one within the shortest time admitted by law, before the inconveniences of that agreement could begin to be felt or produce any such effect. When I came to England in 1757, you may remember I made several attempts to be introduced to Lord Chatham* (at that time first minis- * The distinctive positiou of Chatham aud of Shelburne has beeu already noticed, (lutroduction, § 3'^.) Whether, bad Chatham lived, he would have supported the pre- liminaries of 1782 baa been much discussed. He probably would have doue so, in tliB then position of aft'airs, if the recognition of iudepeudeuce could have been made part of a system of commercial reciprocity. His love for America, and his dislilie of France would have led hiiu to give to the new empire all the Mississipi)i, and then, by establishiug between it aud England commercial reciprocity, to make the United States the chief feeder aud tliu chief customer of EngUiud, in this way augmenting England's wealth to an extent which would never have been reached h id that valley remained in Spanish bauds. That Chatham may have taken this positiou wo may iufer from the fact that this was the position of his sou, William Pitt, who supported the peace, and who introduced a bill for commercial reciprocity with the United States, making such recix>rocity a part of the system of pacilicatiou. Chatham had great defects. He was fond of occasional theatrical -display. He was jealous of associates who would be likely to interl'ere in the premises of war aud of foreign affairs over which, as miuister, lie assumed control': His temper prevented him from gatheriug ronnd him a body of political friends. He quarreled from time to time with his two brothers in-law. Temple and George Grenville, thongli they had mncli with him in common, beside the link of their sister, Chatham's wife, who was » woniau of much ability, and who did her best to keep up the family attachments. He would enter into no party alliance with the Rockingham whigs, though his prin- ciples and theirs were much the same, and though by such au alliance the tory as- ceiulaucy would have been broken. When he did form a ministry, ou his last acces- sion to power, it was not a cabinet of consulting and harmonizing statesmen, but a mere aggregation of heads of departments, each one of which was at liberty to go his own way, and who, from their great diversity of opinion, had no common policy. Aud then there is no question that during the greater part of this admiuistratiou, he was insane. Yet, with all this, he not only had a political genius superior to that of any man of his day, but au eloquence aud enthusiasm which aroused for him almost constant popular admiration aud support. His patriotism was vehement aud haughty; but the object of its devotiou was not the English soil but the English people, wherever MARCH 22, 1775. 11 er), on accouutof my Peuusylvauia business, but witLout success. He vas then too great a man, or too much occupied in affairs of greater Qoment. 1 was therefore obliged to content myself with a kind of non ipparent and unacknowledged communication through Mr. Potter and ilr. Wood, bis secretaries, who seemed to cultivate an acquaintance FitU me by their civilities, and drew from me what information I could five relative to the American v/ar, with my sentiments occasionally on Qeasures that were proposed or advised by others, which gave me the ipportunity of recommending and euforciug the utility of conquering )anada. I afterwards considered Mr, Pitt as an inaccessible. I ad- aired him at a distance, and made no more attempts for a nearer aquaint- -nce. I had only once or twice the satisfaction of hearing through jord Shelburne, and I think Lord Stanhope, tliat he did me the honor f mentioning me sometimes as a person of resi)ectable character. But towards the end of August last, returning from Brighthelmstone, called to visit my friend Mr. Sargent at his seat, Halsted in Kent, greeable to a former engagement. He let me know that he had prom- sed to conduct me to Lord Stanhope's at Gheveniug, who expected I ^ould call on liim when I came into that neighborhood. We accord- jgly waited on Lord Stanhope that evening, who told me Lord Chatham esired to see me, and that Mr. Sargent's house, where I was to lodge, eing in the way, he would call for me there the next morning and carry je to Hayes. This was done accordingly. That truly great man re- eived me with abundance of civility, inquired particularly into the ituation of affairs in America, spoke feelingly of the severity of the ite laws against the Massachusetts, gave me some account of his speech ] opposing them, and expressed great regard and esteem for the people f that country, who he hoped would continue firm and united in de- mding by all peaceable and legal means their constitutional rights. ley might be. America to him was liis country as mucli as Eugland ; part of it his enius had torn from France; the Englishmen who dwelt in the Anglican colonies he loked upon with peculiar love and pride, partly because they had aided him in his reat Canadian victories, partly because the class of men iu England who disparaged le colonies were the class of men whom he particularly de8j)ised ; but perhaps chiefly scause he regarded Englishmeu in America as fighting not merely for their own berty, but for the liberty of Englishmeu in England. Among them he saw almost niversally implanted a heroic love of liberty, which in England was then compara- vely dormant. It was for this reason that while he declared that if he were in merica he would never lay down his arms until the national grievances were re- ressed, he nevertheless summoned all his old eloquence to rouse England to cou- nue the war as long as America was allied to France. Yet we can gather from this st speech that it was on France alone that he desired to concentrate the attack ; id it is not inconsistent with his position to suppose that if he could have de- ched America from Prance he would have acceded to American independence, pro- ded it was coupled with commercial reciprocity. But the alternative he most ■eaded was the subjugation of Englishmen in America by roy.al arms, not only be- luse he loved America, but because he believed that the liberty of Englishmen in rigland would be lost when that of Euglishuieu in America was destroyed. (See itroductioD, ^ 22.) 12 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I assured liiiu, tbat I made no doubt tliey would do so; which he said he was pleased to liear from me, as he was seusible I must be well acquainted with them. I then tooli occasion to remarlc to him, that in former cases, great em- pires had crumbled first at their extremities, from this cause ; thatcouD- tries remote from the seat and eye of government, which therefore could not well understand their affairs for want of full and true infor- mation, had never been well governed, but had been oppressed by bad governors, on presumption that complaint was difficult to be made and supported against them at such a distance. Hence such governors had been encouraged to go on till their oppressions became intolerable. But that this empire had happily found, and long been in practice of, a method whereby every province was well governed, being trusted in a great measure with the government of itself; and that hence had arisen such satisfaction in the subjects, and such encouragement to new settlements, that, had it not been for the late wrong politics (which would have Parliament to be omnipotent, though it ought not to be so unless it could at the same time be onmiscient), we might have gone on extending our western empire, adding province to province as far as the South Sea. That I lamented the ruin which seemed impending over so fine a plan, so well adapted to make all the subjects of the greatest empire happy ; and I hoped that if his lordship, with the other great and wise men of the JBritish nation, would unite and exert themselves it might yet be rescued out of the mangling hands of the present set of blundering ministers; and that the union and harmony between Britain and her Colonies, so necessary to the welfare of both, might be restored. He replied, with great politeness, that my idea of extending our em- pire in that manner was a sound one, worthy of a great, benevolent, and comprehensive mind. He wished with me for a good understand- ing among the different parts of the opposition here, as a means of restoring the ancient harmony of the two countries, which he most earn- estly desired; but he spoke of the coalition of our domestic parties, as atteuded with difficulty, and rather to be desired than expected. He mentioned an opinion prevailing here, that America aimed at setting up for itself as an independent state; or at least to get rid of the naviga- tion acts. I assured him, that, having more than once traveled almost from one end of the continent to the otiier, and kept a great variety of company, eating, drinking, and conversing with them freely, I never had heard in any conversation from any person, drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for a separation, or hint that such a thing would be advantageous to America. And as to the navigation act, the mam, material part of it, that of carrying on trade in British or plan- tation bottoms, excluding foreign ships from our ports, and navigating with three-quarters British seamen, was as acceptable to us as it could be to Britain. That we were even not against regulations of the gen- 1775. lo eral commerce by Parlicvment, provided such regulatious were bona fide for the beueflt of the ichole empire, not for the small advantage of one part to the great injury of another, such as the obliging our ships to call in England with our wine and fruit from Portugal or Spain; the restraints on our manufactures in the woolen and hat-makiug branches, the prohibiting of slitting-mills, steel-works, etc. He allowed that some amendment might be made in those acts; but said those relating to the slitting-mills, trip-hammers, and steel- works were agreed to by our agents in a compromise on the opposition made here to abating the duty. In fine, he expressed much satisfaction in ray having called upon him, and particularly in the assurances I had given him that America did not aim at independence ; adding that he should be glad to see me again as often as might be. I said I should not fail to avail myself of the permission he was pleased to give me of waiting upon his lordship occasionally, beiag very sensible of the honor and of the great advan- tages and improvement I should reap from his instructive conversation, which indeed was not a mere compliment. The new Parliament was to meet the 29th of November, 1774. About the beginning of that month, being at the royal society, Mr. Baper, one of our members, told me there was a certain lady who had a desire of playing with me at chess, fancying she could beat me, and had requested him to bring me to her. It was, he said, a lady with whose acquaint- ance he was sure 1 should be pleased, a sister of Lord Howe's,* and he * Mrs. Howe, tlie "Hou. Caroline Howe," appears to have been somethingof a politi- cian. (7 Cunningham's Walpole, 80.) In a letter to the Miss Berrys, of Dec. 13- 14, 1793 (9 Id., 4d8), Walpole thus speaks of her: "If Lord Howe has disappointed you (in his failure shortly before to capture the French fleet) will you accept the prowess of the virago, his sister, Mrs. Howe? As soon as it was known that her brother had failed, a Jacobin mob broke her windows, m'staking them for his. She lifted up the sash and harangued them ; told them that was not the house of her brother, who lives in the other part of Grafton street, and that she herself is a widow, and that that house is hers. She stilled the waves, and they dispersed quietly." But to this is appended the following note from the editor: "The Hon. Caroline Howe, married to John Howe, of Hauslop, Bucks. She died at her house, No. 12 Grafton street, 29th June, 1814, in her ninety-third year." Miss Berry adds the following: "A person of distinguished abilities. She possessed an extraordi- nary force of mind, clearness of understanding, and remarkable powers of thought and combination. She retained them unimpaired to the great age of eighty-five, by exercising them daily, both in the practice of mathematics and in reading the two dead languages, of which, late in life, she made herself mistress. To those acquire- ments must be added warm and lively feelings, joined to a perfect knowledge of the world and of the society of which she had always been a distinguished member. Mr. Walpole, from misinformation of her conduct towards a friend of his in earlier life, had never done justice to her character - a mistake in which she did not participate relative to him." (See farther, Barrow's Life of Lord Howe, 88.) Richard, Lord Howe, who was admiral of the British forces on the American coast in 1776, was born in 1725. He entered the navy when fourteen years of age, and served with much activity and gallantry in 174.5, when he was engaged in a success- ful attack on a superior French force carrying provisions for the Pretender's use in 14 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. hoped I would uot refuse the challenge. I said I had been loug out of practice, but would wait npou the lady when he and she should think fit. He told me where her house was, and would have me call soon and without farther introduction, which I undertook to do; but think- ing it a little awkward, I postponed it, and on the 30th, meeting him again at the feast of the society election, being the day after the Par- liament met, he put me in mind of my promise, and that I had not kept it, and would have nie name a day when he said he would call for me and conduct me. I named the Friday following. He called accord- ingly. I went with him, played a few games witli the lady, whom I found of very sensible conversation and pleasing behaviour, which ia- Scotlaucl. In 1755 lie wns with Aflmiral Boscawen iu the cruise on Newfoundlanfi that was one of the precursors of the Seven-years' 'war, and iu that war he achieTed great distinction. At its close he was placed in the admiralty board, and iu 1765, being still a commoner, he Avas elected to the House of Commons, and was made treasurer of the navy. He had shown much atfcctiou for America, and may, for this reason have been selected by Lord North as vice-admiral to command the British fleet on American waters, and to act as joint commissioner with his brother in the effort to obtain a reconciliation. His efforts in this line are narrated hereafter. Had he possessed full powers, a settlement, based on Chatham's plan of federation, might have been at least gravely considered on the American side. But he liad uo sucli powers, and this soon was known. The consequence was that his brother and him- self, in their real kindly desire to effect a reconciliation which they had no power to carry through, felt more or less paralyzed in their military efforts. Aside from a natural kindliness of temper, which led him to dwell with peculiar pleasure on the pacific side of his mission, the death of his brother George in 1758, when leading American troops at the siege of Ticonderoga, and the honor paid that brother in America, had made him look on Americans as friends and old comrades in arms. Of his naval achievements dnring the Revolution full notice is taken in the eorrespond- enee in the text. The principal event in that career was an encounter with the French fleet, under D'Estaing, off Rhode Island, iu which the combatants were sepa- rated by a storm in which the vessels on both sides were much damaged. Lord Howe's services on the European coasts were far more eft'ectivo, he having succeeded on being placed in charge of the British fleet off Gibraltar in 1782, in relieving the British garrison at that place, against great odds. In 1794 he gained a decided vic- tory over the French fleet on the western coast of France. He died Aug. 5, 1799. Iu appearance dark and forbidding, bearing among sailors the name "Black Dick," he was truthful, brave, and fair and kindly, and there is no question that ia the interviews reported in the text he was sincerely desirous of doing all he could to restore peace. To his brother George, who, as is stated, died at the siege of Ticon- deroga in 1758, the Massachusetts assembly erected a monument at Westminster Abbey, expressive of their admiration for his merits and affection for his character. Sir William (General) Howe, a youugsr brother, served under Wolfe in the cam- paign in Canada iu 1759, and was commander-in-chief of the British forces iu America from 1775 to 1778. He succeeded General Gage in Boston, iu May, 1775, and after the evacuation of Boston, followed by a brief stay for the purpose of recruiting at Halifax, he reached Long Island, with his troops, early iu August, 1776. His cam- paigns in New York and New Jersey are noticed iu full in the letters which follow in the text. Since they were written, however, much light has been thrown on those campaigns by the discovery of the fact that General Charles Lee, when a prisoner of General Howe in 1779, gave full infortnation to the Howes of the condition and pros- pects of the American army as far as he was able, and supplied them with a plan, 16 duced mc to agree most readily to an appointment for another meeting a few days afterwards, though 1 had not the least apprehension that any political busiuess could have any conaection with this new acquaint- ance. On the Thursday preceding this chess party, Mr. David Barclay called on me to have some discourse concerning the meeting of mer- chants to petition Parliament. When that was over he spoke of the dangerous situation of American aftairs, the hazard that a civil war might be brought on by the present measures, and the great merit that person would have who could contrive some means of preventing so terrible a calamity and bring about a reconciliation. He was then which they afterwards used, for attackiug the American Hues. (See note to letter of Franklin to Charles Lee, Feb. 11, 1776, infra.) How far this treason of Geueral Lee had pervaded his prior American career we have now no information which would entitle us to form an opinion ; but we have enough now to say that the course of the Howes in treating him as a proper object of military exchange after they knew he was a traitor to the American cause, has cast a serious blemish on their name. Gen- eral Howe was succeeded by Clinton in May, 1778, and was no longer engaged in active service. He died in 1814. .Tndge Thomas Jones, a leading New York loyalist, thus speaks in his History of New York: "A different set of politics at this time [on Howe's arrival at New York] prevailed, the rebels were to bo converted and the loyalists frowned upon. Proclama- tions were to end an inveterate rebellion. An opposition, a most unprincipled oppo- sition, in England, was to be pleased, the almighty powers and patronage of the commander-in-chief to be continued, that quarter-masters, barrack-masters, com- missaries, etc., might enrich themselves by amassing large fortunes out of the pub- lic. This was effectually done. They became nabobs of the West, and became equally rich with those of the East. Had half the pains been taken to suppress the American rebellion as there was to drain the British treasury of its cash, any one year of the war would have demolished rebellion, and Great Britain been at this day (1784) still in possession of thirteen opulent colonies, of which she has been dis- membered by the misconduct and inattention of one general, by the stupidity of another, and by an infamous ministry, who patched up an ignominious peace, to the dishonor of the nation, the discredit of their sovereiga, and to the ridicule of all Europe." (1 Jones' History of New York, 121.) Many pages are devoted by this dis- tinguished loyalist to show the incapacity of the Howes and of Clinton. In the intro- duction will be found notices of Sir W. Howe's rapacity and dissoluteness, ^ 23 ; of his abandonment of loyalists, j: 24 ; and of his recognition of Washington's ability, § 12. A copy of "Remarks upon General Howe's account of his proceedings in Long Island, etc., by Israel Maudait," with the author's autograph (apparently) and pict- ure, and other illustrations, is in the library of the Department of State. The writer, with much force, censures Howe's inactivity in letting the rebels at New York escape, possessing as they did, not more than twelve thousand men, and with very inadequate arras, when he was " at the head of an American establishment for fifty thousand troops, attended with ninety-six ships of war," and when he had every attainable kind of arms and ammunition. A second edition of the Narrative of Lieut.-Geu. Sir William Howe, in a committee of the House of Commons, was published in London in 1780, and a copy of it is in the library of the Department of State. In the same volume are Sir W. Howe's " Obser- vations upon a pamphlet entitled Letters to a Nobleman." 16 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. pleased to add that he was persuaded, from my kuowledge of both coautries, my character aud iiitiueuce in oue of them, ami my abilities in business, uo mau had it so much iu his power as myself. I naturally answered that I should be very happy if I could iu any degree be in- strumental in so good a work, but that I saw no prospect of it; for, though I was sure the Americans were always willing and ready to agree upon any equitable terms, yet I thought an accommodation im- practicable, unless both sides wished it, and by what I could judge from the proceedings of the ministry, I did not believe they had the least disposition towards it; that they rather wished to provoke the North American people into an open rebellion, which might justify a military execution and thereby gratify a grounded malice, which I conceived to exist here against the whigs aud dissenters of that country. Mr. Barclay apprehended I judged too hardly of the ministers; he was persuaded they were not all of that temper, aud he fancied they would be very glad to get out of their present embarrassment on any terms, only saving the honor and dignity of government. He wished, there- fore, that I would think of the matter, and he would call again and converse with me further upon it. I said I would do so, as he requested it, but I had no opinion of its answering any purpose. We parted upon this. But two days after I received a letter from him, inclosed iu a note from Dr. Fothergill, both which follow. YOUNGSBURY, NEAR WARE, 3d 12th month, 1774. Esteemed Friend: After we parted oa Thursday last, I accidentally met onr mutual friend. Dr. Fothergill, in my way home, aud intimated to him the subject of our discourse; in. consequence of which I have received from him an invitation to a further conference on this momentous affair, aud I intend to be iu town to-morrow accordingly, to meet at his house between 4 and 5 o'clock, aud we unite iu the rec[ue8t of thy company. We are neither of us insensible that the affair is of that magnitude as should almost deter private persons from meddling with it ; at the same time we are respectively such well-wishers to the cause that nothing iu our power ought to be left undone, though the utmost of our efforts may be unavailable. I am thy respectful friend, David Barclay. Dr. Franklin, Craven street. Dr. Fothergill presents his respects to Dr. Franklin, and hopes for the favor of his company in Harpur street to-morrow evening, to meet their mutual friend David Barclay, to confer on American affairs. As near 5 o'clock as may be convenient. Harpur Street, 3d inst. The time thus appointed was the evening of the day on which I was to have my second chess party with the agreeable Mrs. Howe, whom I met accordingly. After playing as long as we liked, we fell into a little chat, partly on a mathematical problem and partly about the new Par- liament, then just met, when she said, "And what is to be done with this dispute between Great Britain aud the Colonies? I hope we are not to have a civil war." " They should kiss aud be friends," said I; « what can they do better? Quarreling can be of service to neither, but is ruin to 1775. 17 both." " I have often said," replied slie, " that I wished government would employ you to settle the dispute for them ; I am sure nobody could do it so well. Do not you tbink that the thing is practicable 1" " Un- doubtedly, Madam, if the parties are disposed to reconciliation; for the two countries have really no clashing interests to differ about. It is rather a matter of punctilio which two or three reasonable people might settle in half an hour. I thank you for the good opinion you are pleased to express of me; but the ministers will never think of employing me in that good work ; they choose rather to abuse me." "Aye," said she, " they have behaved shamefully to you. And indeed some of them are now ashamed of it themselves." I looked upon this as accidental con- versation, thought no more of it, and went in the evening to the ap- pointed meetiog at Dr. Pothergill's, where I found Mr. Barclay with him. The doctor expatiated feelingly on the mischiefs likely to ensue from the present difference, the necessity of accommodating it, and the great merit of being iustrumental in so good a work; concluding with some compliments to mo ; that nobody understood the subject so thoroughly, and had a better head for business of the kiud ; that it seemed there- fore a duty incumbent on me, to do everything I could to accomplish a a reconciliatioB ; and that, as he had with pleasure heard from David Barclay, that I had promised to think of it, he hoped 1 had put pen to paper and formed some plan for consideration and brought it with me. I answered that I had formed no plan; as the more I thought of the proceedings against the Colonies, the more satisfied I was, that there did not exist the least disposition in the ministry to an accommodation ; that therefore all plans must be useless. He said I might be mistaken ; that whatever was the violence of some, he had reason, good reason, to believe others were differently disposed ; and that if I would draw a plan, which we three upon considering should judge reasonable, it might be made use of and answer some good purpose, since he believed that either himselt or David Barclay could get it communicated to some of the most moderate among the miuisters who would consider it with attention; and what appeared reasonable to us, two of us being En- glishmen, might appear so to them. As they both urged this with great earnestness, and when I men- tioned the impropriety of my doing anything of the kind at the time we were in daily expectation of hearing from the Congress, who un- doubtedly would be explicit on the means of restoring a good under- standing, they seemed impatient, alleging that it was uncertain when we should receive the result of the Congress and what it would be; that the least delay might be dangerous ; that additional punishments for New England were in contemplation and accidents might widen the breach aud make it irreparable ; therefore, something preventive could not be too soon thought of and applied; — I was therefore finally prevailed with to promise doing what they desired and to meet them again on ii WH — VOL 2 18 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDKNCE. Tuesday evening at the same place, and bring with me something for tholr consideration. Accordingly, at the time, I met with them and produced the following paper : Hints for conversation upon the subject of terms thai might prohably produce a durahle union between Britain and the Colonies. 1. The tea destroyed to be paid for. 2. The tea-duty act to be repealed, aad all the duties that have been received upou it to be repaid into the treasuries of the several provinces fron which they have been collected. 3. The acts of navigation to be all re enacted in the Colonies. 4. A naval officer, appointed by the Crown, to reside in each, colony to see that those acts are observed. 5. All the acts restraining manufactures in the Colonies to be repealed. 6. All duties arising on the acts for regulating trade with the Colonies to be for the public use of the respective Colonies, and paid into their treasuries. The collectors nud custom-house oificers to be appointed by each governor, and not sent from Eugland. 7. In consideration of the Americans maiutaiuiug their own peace establishment and the monopoly Britain is to have of their commerce, no requisition to be made from them in time of peace. 8. No troops to enter and quarter in any colony but with the consent of its legisla- ture. 9. In time of war, on requisition made by the king with the consent of Parlia- meu t, every colony shall raise money by the following rules of proportions, viz : If Britain, on account of the war, raises 3 shillings in the pound to its land tax, then the Colonies to add to their last general provincial peace tax; a sum equal to one- fourth thereof; and if Britain, on the same account, pays 4 shillings in the pound, then the Colonies to add to their said last peace tax a sum equal to half thereof, which additional tax is to be granted to his majesty, and to be employed in raising and pay- ing men for laud or sea service, furnishing provisions, transports, or for such other purposes as tlie liiug shall require and direct. And, though no colony may contribute less, each may add as much by voluntary grant as they shall think proper. 10. Castlo William to be restored to the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and no fortress built by the Crowuinany province but with the consent of its legislature. 11. The late Massachusetts and Quebec acts to be repealed and a free government granted to Canada. 12. All judges to be appointed during good behaviour, with equally permanent salaries to bo paid out of the province revenues by appointment of the assemblies. Or, if the judges are to be appointed during tbe jjleasure of the Crown, let the salaries be during the pleasure of the assemblies, as heretofore. 13. Governors to be supported by the assemblies of each province. 14. If Britain will give up its monopoly of American commerce, then the aid above meutioued to be given by America in time of peace as well as in time of war. 15. The extension of the act of Henry the Eighth, concerning treasons to the Colo- nies, to be formally disowned by Parliament. 16. The American admiralty courts reduced to the same powers they have in Eng- land, and the acts establishing them to be re-enacted in America. 17. All powers of internal legislation in the Colonies to be disclaimed by Parlia- ment. In reading this paper a second time I gave my reasons at length for each article. MAKCII 22, 1775. 19 On the first I observed, that, wheu the injury was doue, Britain had a light to reparation and would certainly have bad it on demand, as was the case when injury was done by mobs in the time of the stamp act; or she might have a right to return an equal injury if she rather chose to do that; but she could not have a right both to reparation and to return an equal injury ; much less had she a right to return the in- jury ten or twenty fold, as she had done by blocking up the port of Boston. All of which extra injury ought, in my judgment, to be repaired by Britain. That, therefore, if paying for the tea was agreed to by me as an article fit to be proposed, it was merely from a desire of peace and in compliance with their opinion expressed at our first meeting, that this was a sine qua non, that the dignity of Britain required it, and that if this was agreed to everything else would be easy. This reasoning was allowed to be just ; but still the article was thought necessary to stand as it did. On the second, that the act should be repealed, as having never an- swered any good purpose, as having been the cause of the present mis- chief and never likely to be executed. That, the act being considered as unconstitutional by the Americans and what the Parliament had no right to make, they must consider all the money extorted by it, as so much wrongfully taken and of which therefore restitution ought to be made; and the rather as it would furnish a fund out of which the pay- ment for the tea destroyed might best be defrayed. The gentlemen were of opinion that the first part of the article, viz, the repeal, might be obtained, but not the refunding part and therefore advised striking that out; but, as I thought it just and right, I insisted on its standing. On the third and fourth articles I observed, we were frequently charged with views of abolishing the navigation act. That in truth those parts of it which were of most importance to Britain as tending to increase its naval strength, viz, those restraining the trade to be carried on only in ships belonging to British subjects, navigated by at least three-quar- ters British or colony seamen, etc., were as acceptable to us as they could be to Britain, since we wished to employ our own ships in prefer- ence to foreigners and had no desire to see foreign ships enter our ports. That indeed the obliging us to land some of our commodities in England before we could carry them to foreign markets, and forbidding our im- portation of some goods directly from foreign countries, we thought a hardship and a greater loss to us than gain to Britain, and therefore properto be repealed. But asBritain had deemed it an equivalent for her protection we had never applied, or proposed to apply, for such repeal. And if they must be continued I thought it best (since the power of Parliament to make them was now disputed), that they should be re-en- acted in all the Colonies which would demonstrate their consent to them. And then if, as in the sixth article, all the duties arising on them were to be collected by officers appointed and salaried in the respective gov- ernments, and tiie produce paid into their treasuries, I was sure the 20 DIPLOMATIC COEEESPONDENCE. acts would be better and more faithfully executed, and at much less expense, and one great source of misunderstandiug removed between the two countries, viz, the calumnies of low ofiaoers appointed from home, who were for ever abusing the people of the country to govern- ment to magnify their own zeal and recommend themselves to promo- tion. That the extension of the admiralty jurisdiction, so much com- plained of, would then uo longer be necessary ; and that besides its being the interest of the Colonies to execute those acts, which is the best security, government might be satisfied of its being done, from accounts to be sent home by the naval officers of the fourth article. The gentlemen were satisfied with these reasons and approved the third and fourth articles ; so they were to stand. The fifth they apprehended would meet with difficulty. They said that restraining manufactures in the Colonies was a favorite idea here, and therefore they wished that article to be omitted, as the proposing it would alarm and hinder perhaps the consideriug and granting others of more importance ; but, as I insisted ou the equity of allowing all subjects in every country to make the most of their natural advantages, they desired I would at least alter the last word from repealed to reeon- sidered, which I complied with. In maintaining the seventh article (which was at first objected to on the principle that all under the care of government should pay towards the support of it) my reasons were that if every distinct part of the liing's dominions supported its own government in time of peace, it was all that could justly be required of it; that all the old or confederated colonies had done so from their beginning ; that their taxes for that pur- pose were very considerable; that new countries had many public expenses which old ones were free from, the works being done to their hands by their ancestors, such as making roads and bridges, erecting churches, court-houses, forts, quays, and other public buildings, found- ing schools and places of education, hospitals and alms-houses, etc.; that the voluntary and the legal subscriptions and taxes for such pur- poses, taken together, amounted to more than was paid by equal estates in Britain. That it would be best for Britain, on two accounts, not to take money from us as contribution to its public expense iu time of peace; first, for that just so much less would be got from us in com- merce, since all we could spare was already gained from us by Britain in that way; and, secondly, that coming into the hands of British min- isters, accustomed to prodigality of public money, it would be squan- dered and dissipated, answering no good general purpose. That if we were to be taxed towards the support of government iu Britain, as Scotland has been since the union, we ought then to be allowed the same privileges in trade as she has been allowed. That if we are called upon to give to the sinking fund or the national debt, Ireland ought be likewise called upon ; and both they and we, if we gave, ought to have some means established of inquiring into the application, and securing MAKCH 22, 1775. 21 a coinpliance with the terms on which we should grant. That British ministers would perhaps not like our meddling with such matters; and that hence might arise new causes of misunderstanding. That upon the whole, therefore, I thought it best on all sides that no aids shall be asked or expected from the Colonies in time of peace; that it would then be their interest to grant bountifully and exert themselves vigor- ously in time of war, the sooner to put an end to it. That specie was not to be had to send to England in supplies, but the Colonies could carry on war with their own paper money, which would pay troops, and for provisions, transports, carriages, clothing, arms, etc. So this seventh article was at length agreed to without further objection. The eighth the gentlemen were confident would never be granted. For the whole world would be of opinion that the king, who is to defend all parts of his dominions, should have of course a right to place his troops where they might best answer that purpose. I supported the article upon principles equally important, in my opinion, to Britain as to the Colonies; for that if the king could bring into one part of his dominions troops raised in any other part of them, without the consent of the leg- islatures of the part to which they were brought, he might bring armies raised in America into England without consent of Parliament, which probably would not like it, as a few years since they had not lilced the introduction of the Hessians and Hanoverians, though justified by the supposition of its being a time of danger. That if there should be at any time real occasion for British troops in America, there was no doubt of obtaining the consent of the assemblies there; and I was so far from being willing to drop this article that I thought I ought to add another requiring all the present troops to be withdrawn, before America could be expected to treat or agree upon any terms of accommodation ; as what they should now do of that kiud might be deemed the efiect of compulsion, the appearance of which ought as much as possible to be avoided, since those reasonable things might be agreed to, where the parties seemed at least to act freely, which would be strongly refused under threats or the semblance of force. That the withdrawing the troops was therefore necessary to make any treaty durably binding on the part of the Americans, since proof of having acted under force would invalidate any agreement. And it could be no wonder, that we should insist on the crown's having no right to bring a standing army among us in time of peace, when we saw now before our eyes a striking instance of the ill use to be made of it, viz, to distress the king's subjects iu different parts of his dominions, one part after the other, into a submission to arbitrary power, which was the avowed de- sign of the army and fleet now placed at Boston. Finding me obstinate, the gentlemen consented to let this stand, but did not seem quite to approve of it. They wished, they said, to have this a paper or plan that they might show as containing the sentiments of considerate, im- 22 DIPLOMATIC COUKESPONDENCE. partial persons, and such as they might as Englishmen support, which they thought could not well be the case with this article. The ninth article was so drawn, in compliance with an idea of Dr. Fothergill, started at our first meeting, viz, that government here would probably not be satisfied with the promise of voluntary grants in time of war from the assemblies, of which the quantity must be un- certain; that, therefore, it would be best to proportion them in some way to the shillings in the pound raised in England; but how such pro- portion could be ascertained he was at a loss to contrive. I was desired to consider it. It had been said, too, that Parliament was become jeal- ous of the right claimed and heretofore used by the crown of raising money in the Colonies without parliamentary consent; and, therefore, since we would not pay parliamentary taxes, future requisitions must be made with consent of Parliament, and not otherwise. I wondered that the crown should be willing to give up that separate right, but had no objection to its limiting itself, if it thought proper; so I drew the article accordingly, and contrived to proportion the aid by the tax of the last year of peace. And since it was thought thnt the method I should have liked best would never be agreed to, viz, a Continental Congress to be called by the crown, for answering requisitions and pro- portioning aids, I chose to leave room for voluntary additions by the separate assemblies, that the crown might have some motive for calling them together, and cultivating thsir good v/ill, and they have some sat- isfaction in showing their loyalty and their zeal in the common cause, and an opportunity of manifesting their disapprobation of a war, if they did not think it a just one. This article therefore met with no objec- tion from them; and I had another reason for liking it, viz, that the view of the proportion to be giveu iu time of war, might make us the more frugal in time of peace. For the tenth article I urged the injustice of seizing that fortress (which had been bnilt at an immense charge by the province, for the defense of their port against national enemies) and turning it into a citadel for awing the town, restraining their trade, blocking up their port, and depriving them of their privileges. That a great deal had been said of their injustice in destroying the tea; but here was a much greater injustice uncompensated, that castle having cost the province £300,000. And that such a use made of a fortress they had built would not only effectually discourage every colony from ever building another, and thereby leave them more exposed to foreign enemies, but was a good reason for their insisting that the crown should never erect any hereafter in their limits without the consent of the legislature. The gentlemen had not much to say against this article, but thought it would hardly be admitted. The eleventh article, it was thought, would be strongly objected to; that it would be urged the old colonists could have nothing to do with the affairs of Canada, whatever we had with those of the Massachusetts : MAKCH 22, 1775. 23 that it ■would be considered as an officious meddling merely to disturb government; and that some even of the Massachusetts acts were thought by administration to be improvements of that government, viz, those altering the appointment of counselors, the choice of jury- men, and the forbidding of town meetings. T replied that we having assisted in the conquest of Canada, at a great expense of blood and treasure, we had some right to be considered in the settlement of it. That the establishing an arbitrary government on the back of our set- tlements might be dangerous to us all ; and that, loving liberty our- selves, we wished it to be extended among mankind, and to have no foundation for future slavery laid in America. That, as to amending the Massachusetts government, though it might be shown that every one of these pretended amendments were real mischiefs, yet that char- ters being compacts between two parties, the king and the people, no alteration could be made in them, even for the better, but by the con- sent of both parties. That the Parliament's claim and exercise of a power to alter our charters, which had always been deemed inviolable but for forfeiture, and to alter laws made in pursuance of these char- ters, which had received the royal approbation, and thenceforth deemed fixed and unchangeable, but by the powers that made them, had rendered all our constitutions uncertain, and set us quite afloat. That as, by claiming a right to tax us ad libitum, they deprived us of all property ; so, by this claim of altering our laws and charters at will, they deprived us of all privilege and right whatever, but what we should hold at their pleasure. That this was a situation we could not be in, and must risk life and everything rather than submit to it. So this article remained. The twelfth article I explained, by acquainting the gentlemen with the former situation of the judges in most colonies, viz, that they were appointed by the crown and paid by the assemblies. That the appoint- ment being during the pleasure of the crown, the salary had been dur- ing the pleasure of the assembly. That when it has been urged against the assemblies, that their making judges dependent on them for their salaries, was aiming at an undue influence over the courts of justice; the assemblies usually replied that making them dependent on the crown for continuance in their places was also retaining an undue influence over those courts; and that one undue influence was a proper balance for the other; but that whenever the crown would consent to acts making the judges during good behaviour, the assem- blies would at the same time grant their salaries to be permanent during their continuance in offtce. This the crown has, however, constantly refused. And this equitable offer is now again here pro- posed; the Colonies not being able to conceive why their judges should not be rendered as independent as those in England. That, on the contrary, the crown now claimed to make the judges in the colonies dependent on its favor for both place and salary, both to be continued 24 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. at its pleasure. This the Colonies must oppose as Inequitable, as put- ting both the weights into one of the scales of justice. If, therefore, the crown does not choose to commission the judges during good be- haviour, with equally permanent salaries, the alternative proposed that the salaries continue to be paid during the pleasure of the assemblies as heretofore. The gentlemen allowed this article to be reasonable. The thirteenth was objected to, as nothing was generally thought more reasonable here, than that the king should pay his own governor, in order to render him independent of the people, who otherwise might aim at influencing him against his duty, by occasionally withholding his salary. To this I answered, that governors sent to the colonies were often men of no estate or principle, who came merely to make fortunes, and had no natural regard for the country they were to gov- ern. That to make them quite independent of the people was to make them careless of their conduct, whether it was beneficial or mischievous to the public, and giving a loose to their rapacious and oppressive dis- positions. That the influence supposed could never extend to operate anything prejudicial to the king's service, or the interest of Britain; since the governor was bound by a set of particular instructions, which he had given surety to observe; and all the laws he assented to were subject to be repealed by the crown, if found improper. That the payment of the salaries by the people was more satisfactory to them, as it was productive of a good understanding and mutual good offices between governor and governed, and therefore the innovation lately made in that respect at Boston and New York had, in my opin- ion, better be laid aside. So this article was suffered to remain. But the fourteenth was thought totally inadmissible. The monopoly of the American commerce could never be given up, and the proposing it would only give offense without answering any good purpose. I was therefore prevailed on to strike it wholly out. The fifteenth was readily agreed to. The sixteenth it was thought would be of little consequence if the duties were given to the colony treasuries. The seventeenth it was thought could hardly be obtained, but might be tried. Thus having gone through the whole, I was desired to make a fair copy for Dr. FothergiU, who now informed us, that, having an oppor- tunity of seeing daily Lord Dartmouth,* of whose good disposition he * William, Earl of Dartmouth, was secretary of state for the colonies from August 1772, to November, 1775, when he heoame keeper of the pri vy seal, retaining this post until April, 1783, when he was made steward of the household, a post he occupied only five months. He was a man of much worth and great liberality, Dartmouth College owing to him a part of its endowment. lu politics he ranked among the personal followers of George III, to whose arbitrary will he bowed. " He has," said Franklin " nd will or judgment of his own, being, with disposition for the best measures, easily prevailed with to join m the worst." {Infra, p. 42. ) He was a correspondent of Joseph Reed, who earnestly pressed on him the danger, in 1774, of oppressive measures towards MARCH 22, 1775. 25 had a high opinion, he would communicate the paper to him, as the sentiments of considerate persons, who wished the welfare of both countries. " Suppose," said Mr. Barclay, " I were to show this paper to Lord Hyde ; would there be anything amiss in so doing ? He is a very knowing man ; and, though not in the ministry, properly speaking, he is a good deal attended to by them. I have some acquaintance with him ; we converse freely sometimes; and perhaps, if he and I were to talk these articles over, and I should communicate to him our conver- sation upon them, some good might arise out of it." Dr. Fothergill had no objection, and I said I could have none. I knew Lord Hyde a little, and had an esteem for him. I had drawn the paper at their request, and it was now theirs to do with it what they pleased. Mr. Barclay then proposed that I should send the fair copy to him, which, after making one for Doctor Fothergill and one for himself, he would return to me. Another question then arose, whether I had any objection to their mentioning that 1 had been consulted. I said, none that related to myself; but it was my opinion, if they wished any attention paid to the propositions, it would be better not to mention me ; the ministry having, as I conceived, a prejudice against me, and everything that came from me. They said on that consideration it might be best not to mention me ; and so it was concluded. For my own part, I kept this whole proceeding a profound secret ; but I soon after discovered, that it had taken air by some means or other. Being much interrupted the day following, I did not copy and send the paper. The next morning T received a note* from Mr. Barclay, pressing to have it before 12 o'clock. I accordingly sent it to him. Three days after, I received the following note from him : D. Barclay presents his respects, and acquaints Dr. Franklin that, being in- formed a pamphlet entitled "A Friendly Address " has been dispersed to the disad- vantage of America (in particular by the dean of Norwich), he desires Doctor F. will America. Richardson said of him that he might, had he not been a Methodist, have sat for Sir Charles Grandisou, and Cowper spoke of him as the peer not too proud to pray. (3 Cunningham's Walpole, 282.) But Dartmouth's very moral worth increased the mischief wrought by his master's policy, as it led a powerful religious element in England to espouse, for a while, the king's policy. He was the only member of the cabinet, according to Hutchinson, who cordially supported North's plan of con- ciliation in 1778. Lord Dartmouth, when Henry Legge, was sent, in 1748, as minister to Berlin. "Nobody," says Horace Walpole, "has better parts; and if art and industry can obtain success, I know no one would use more." In a note is given a quotation from the Duke of Newcastle, who speaks of Legge as having " capacity, integrity, quality, rank, and address." (Walpole to Mann, January 2b, 1748 ; 2 Cunningham's Walpole, 102 ■> He became second. Earl of Dartmouth in 1754. In the American department he was succeeded by Lord George Germaine. His relations to Hutchinson have been already noticed. (Introduction, § 28.) * D Barclay presents his respects to Dr. Franklin, and requests to receive the paper today by 12 o'clock, if he can furnish it with conveniency ; otherwise as soon after as best suits him. Cheapside, Dee. 8. ,26 DIPLOMATIC COERESPOKOENCE. peruse the ioclosed, just come to hand from America ; and, if he approves of it, re. publish it, as D. B. wishes something might be properly spread at Norwich. D B. saw to-day a person, with whom he had been yesterday (before he called on Dr. F.), and had the satisfaction of walking part of the way with him to another noble per- son's house, to meet on the bmineas, and he told him, that he could say, that he saw some light. " Cheapsidb, llWi insiajii." The person so met and accompanied by Mr. Barclay, I understood to be Lord Hyde, going either to Lord Dartmouth's or Lord North's ; I knew not which. In the following week arrived the proceedings of the Congress, which had been long and anxiously expected, both by the friends and adver- saries of America. The petition of Congress to the king was inclosed to me, and accom- panied by the following letter from their president, addressed to the American agents in London : To Paul Wentworth,* Esquire, Dr. Benjamin FranMin, William Bollan, Esquire, Dr. Arthur Lee,\ Thomas Life, Esquire, Edmund BurTce,t Esquire, Charles Garth, Esquire. : Philadelphia, October 26, 1774. Gentlemen : We give yon the strongest proof of our reliance on your zeal and attachment to the happiness of America and the cause of liberty, when we commit the inclosed papers to your care. We desire you will deliver the petition into the hands of his majesty ; and, after it has been presented, we wish it may be made public through the press, together with the list of grievances. Aud as we hope for great assistance from the spirit, * See Introduction, § 208. t See Introduction, JJ 136^; index, title Arthur Lee. I Splendid as was the eloquence with which Burke vindicated American rights, he had very little to do with Americans personally. His position with regard to the Revolution was peculiar. With revolutionists, as such, he had no sympathy. "Con- stitution makers," the framers of new schemes of government, aud radical innovators, he detested. On the other hand, he was an uncompromising vindicator of the doctrine that laws which interfere with the conscience and the pi-oper policy of a country are wrongful. No law is truly such, so he used to sny — i. e., no law is truly beneficial — which is not declaratory ; which, in other words, does not codify a state of things already existing as a right. The Euglish Colonies in America, so he argued, were peopled by Englishmen, accustomed to the liberties Englishmen enjoyed, and entitled as such to govern themselves in all matters not involved in foreign affairs. This position he maintained with an ability which for lustrous power has never been surpassed. As early as 1757 he published, anonymously, "An account of the European settlements in America," in two volumes, in which he showed a full mastery of the political and economical conditions of the Colonies as they then were. He was then twenty-seven years of age, depending mainly on literature for employment and support; and two years later he became the historical editor of Dodsley's Annual Register, in which from year to year he gave expositions of great value of English politics, deVotiug a large space to American affairs. In 1765 he was appointed private secretary to Rockingham, then prime minister, and in January, 1766, he was elected to Parlia- ment, where his genius soon attracted admiration. In the debates on the American stamp act he virtually led the ministerial ranks, and his speeches on America which he then and afterwards delivered have no superiors in any reported speeches ancient or modern. When the Rockingliara ministry went out in July, 1766, ho took his place in the ranks of the opposition, and declined office when tendered to him by Chatham MAECH 22, 1775. 27 virtue and justice of the nation, it is our earnest desire, tliat tlie most effectual care be taken, as early as possible, to furnisli the trading cities and manufacturing towns throughout the United Kingdom Tvith our memorial to the people of Great Britain. We doubt hot but that your good sense and discernment will lead you to avail your- selves of every assistance that may be derived from the advice and friendship of all great and good men who may incline to aid the cause of liberty and mantind. The gratitude of America, expressed in the inclosed vote of thanks, we desire may be conveyed to the deserving objects of it, in the manner that yon think will he most accCi table to them. It is proposed that another Congress he held on the 10th of May next at this place ; but in the mean time we beg the favor of yon, gentlemen, to transmit to the speak- ers of the several assemblies the earliest information of the most authentic accounts you can collect of all such conduct and designs of ministry or Parliament as it may concern America to know. We are, with unfeigned esteem and regard, gentlemen, etc. By order of the Congress. Henry Middlbton, Presiden t. The first impression made by the proceedings of the American Con- gress, on people in general, was greatly in our favor. Administration seemed to be staggered, were impatient to know whether the petition mentioned in the proceedings was come to my hands, and took a rounda- bout method of obtaining that information, by getting a ministerial merchant, a known intimate of the solicitor- general, to write me a let- ter importing that he heard I had received such a petition, that I was to be attended in presenting it by the merchants, and begging to know and Grafton. In 1768 he was again retnroed to Parliament, publishing at this period of his history several political pamplilets. In November, 1772, he accepted the En- glish agency of the province of New York, and from that time until the peace, was untiring in his devotion to the American cause, taking however the distinctive policy in this respect of the Rockingham whigs, already noticed. {Supra, 5 31.) This policy, it will be recollected, consisted of an absolute recognition of the independence of the United States, according to their provincial boundaries, without any provision for commercial union. He resigned, with Fox, on Rockingham's death, and he united ■with Fox in denouncing the preliminary peace articles of 1782, as giving to the United States excessive privileges. Of Burke's subsequent course with regard to the French revolution it is not necessary here to speak. With gorgeous eloquence he denounced the French revolution because it assailed, as he held, all that was good in the past, while with the same eloquence be upheld the American revolution because it was a development of such good. The French revolution, he held, insulted and nprooted every sacred existing institution ; the American revolution was a vindication and strengthening of such institutions. But with revolutionists personally it was not natural for Burke to have much sympathy, however much, when the revolution they were engaged in was a developmeu t of right national forces, he might approve of their work. He took an interest, it is true, in the case of Henry Laurens when the latter was in the Tower, but he does not appear to have had any intimacy with any Ameri- can except Franklin, and of Frauklin he does not seem to have seen much. For those Americans, such as Arthur and William Lee, and Sayre, who were associated with Wilkes, Burke probably had that dislike which he felt so strongly tor Wi kes himself. For to Burke, devout, conscientious, and refined, as well as statesmanlike In the highest s.-use, nothing could have been more repugnant than Wilkes political and social profligacy. 28 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. the time, that he might attend " on so important an occasion, and give his testimony to so good a work." Before these proceedings arrived, it had been given out that no petition from the Congress could be received, as they were an illegal body ; but the secretary of state, after a day's perusal (during which a council was held), told us it was a decent and proper petition, and cheerfully undertook to present it to his majesty, who, he afterwards assured us, was pleased to receive it very graciously, and to promise to lay it, as soon as they met, before his two houses of Parliament ; and we had reason to believe, that, at that time, the peti- tion was intended to l>e made the foundation of some change of meas- ures ; but that purpose, if such there were, did not long continue. About this time I received a letter from Mr. Barclay, then at Nor- wich, dated December 18, expressing his opinion that it might be best to postpone taking any further steps in the affair of procuring a meet- ing and petition of the merchants (on which we had had several consul- tations) till after the holidays, thereby to give the proceedings of Con- gress more time to work upon men's minds; adding, "I likewise consider that our superiors will have some little time for reflection, and perhaps may contemplate on the propriety of the 'hints' in their pos- session. By a few lines I have received from Lord Hyde, he intimates his hearty wish that they may be productive of what may be practica- le and advantageous for the mother country and the Colonies." On the 22d Mr. Barclay was come to town, when I dined with him, and learnt that Lord Hyde thought the propositions too hard. On the 24th I received the following note from a considerable mer- chant in the city, viz : Mr. William Neate presents his most respectful compliments to Dr. Franklin, and as a report prevailed yesterday evening that all the disputes between Great Britain and the American Colonies were, through his application and influence with Lord North, amicably settled, conformable to the wish and desire of the late Congress, W. N. desires the favor of Dr. Franklin to inform him by a line, per the hearer, whether there is any credit to be given to the report. St. Mary Hill, 2ith Decemler, 1774. My answer was to this effect; that I should be very happy to be able to inform him that the report he had heard had some truth in it ; but I could only assure him, that I knew nothing of the matter. Such re- ports, however, were confidently circulated and had some effect in recovering the stocks which had fallen 3 or 4 per cent. On Christmas Day, visiting Mrs. Howe, she told me as soon as I came in, that her brother, Lord Howe, wished to be acquainted with me ; that he was a very good man and she was sure we should like each other. 1 said I had always heard a good character of Lord Howe, and should be proud of the honor of being known to him. " He is but just by," said she; " will you give me leave to send for him ?" " By all means, madam, if you think proper." She rang for a servant, wrote a note, and Lord Howe came in a few minutes. After some extremely polite compliments, as to the general motives MARCH 22, 1775. 29 for his desiring an acquaintance with me, he said he had a particular one at this time, which was the alarming situation of our affairs with America, which no one, he was persuaded, understood better than myself; that it was the opinion of some friends of his that no man could do more towards reconciling our differences than I could if I would undertake it ; that he was sensible I had been very ill treated by the ministry, but he hoped that would not be considered by me in the present case ; that he himself, though not in opposition, had much disapproved of their conduct towards me ; that some of them he was sure were ashamed of it and sorry it had happened ; which he supposed must be sufdcient to abate resentment in a great and generous mind ; that, if he were him- self in administration, he should be ready to make me ample satisfac- tion which, ho was persuaded, would one day or other be done; that he was unconnefcted with the ministry except by some personal friend- ships, wished well however to government, was anxious for the general welfare of the whole empire, and had a particular regard for New Eng- land which had shown a very endearing respect to his family ; that he was merely an independent member of Parliament, desirous of doing what good he could, agreeably to his duty in that station ; that he there- fore had wished for an opportunity of obtaining my sentiments on the means of reconciling our differences, which he saw must be attended with the most mischievous consequences if not speedily accommodated ; that he hoped his zeal for the public welfare would, with me, excuse the impertinence of a mere stranger who could have otherwise no reason to expect or right to request me to oijen my mind to him on these topics ; but he did conceive that if I would indulge him with my ideas of the means proper to bring about a reconciliation, it might be of some use; that perhaps I might not be willing myself to have any direct communi- cation with the ministry on this occasion ; that I might likewise not care to have it known that I had any indirect communication with them, till I could be well assured of their good dispositions; that being himself upon no ill terms with them he thought it not impossible that he might, by conveying my sentiments to them and theirs to me, be a means of bringing on a good understanding, without committing either them or me, if his negotiation should not succeed ; and that I might rely on his keeping perfectly secret everything I should wish to remain so. Mrs. Howe here offering to withdraw, whether of herself or from any sign by him I know not, I begged she might stay as I should have no secret in a business of this nature that I could not freely confide to her prudence ; which was truth ; for I had never conceived a higher opinion of the discretion and excellent understanding of any woman on so short an acquaintance. I added that though I had never before the honor of being in his lordship's company his manner was such as had already engaged my confidence, and would make me perfectly easy and free in communicating myself to him, I begged him, in the first place, to give me credit for a sincere desire 30 DirLOMATlC COKRESPOA'UENCE. of healing the breacU between the two countries ; that I would cheer- fully and heartily do every thiug iu my small power to accomplish it; but that 1 apprehended from the king's speech and from the measures talked of, as well as those already determiuedou, no intention or dispo- sition of the kind existed in the present ministry, and therefore no accommodation could be expected till we saw a chauge. That as to what his lordship inentioned of tha personal injuries doueme, those done my country were so much greater that I did not think the other, at this time, worth mentioning; that, besides, it was a fixed rule with me not to mis my private affairs with those of the public; that I could join with my personal enemy in serving the public, or when it was for its interest, with the public in serving that enemy ; these being my senti- ments, his lordship might be assured that no private considerations of the kind should prevent my being as useful in the present case as my small ability would permit. He appeared satisfied and pleased with these declarations, and gave it me as his sincere oinnion, that some of the ministry were extremely well disposed to any reasonable accommodation, j)reserviug only the dignity of government; and he wished me to draw up in writing some propositions containing the terms on which I conceived a good under- standing might be obtained and established and the mode of proceed- ing to accomplish it ; which propositions as soon as prepared we might meet to consider, either at his house or at mine, or where I pleased ; but as his being seen at my house or me at his, might, bethought, occa- sion some speculation, it was concluded to be best to meet at his sister's, who readily offered her house for the purjjose, and where there was a good pretense with her family and friends for my being often seen, as it was known we played together at chess. I undertook accordingly to draw up something of the kind ; and so for that time we parted agree- ing to meet at the same place again on the Wednesday following. I dined about this time by invitation with Governor Pownall.* There ■ Thomas Pownall was born iu Lincoln in England, iu 1732. Well educated, with considerable literai-y ability, aud with strong family connoctious, lie took passage iu 1753 for America, influenced iu part by enthusiasm for the new world, iu part by political ambition. In 1757 he was appointed governor of Massachusetts Bay. Here, however, he found himself troubled by the difficulty of accommodating himself to the semi-ecclesiastical popular system on the one side, and to the arbitrary expectations of the crown on the other. In 1760 he was transferred to New Jersey and, shortly afterwards was nominated as governor of South Carolina. In 1762, however, aa offer of the comptroller-generalship of governmeut expenditures in Germany brought him back to England. Elected a member of Parliament he distinguished himself by resolute opposition to the administration in all measures .adverse to colonial inter- ests. He contributed also through the press to the defense of those interests, pub- li.shing in 1776 a "Description of the Middle States of America," and in 1781 "A memorial to the sovereigns of Europe on the state of affairs between the old world and the new." His opposition to the administration, however, was that of indiffer- ence ; he did not ally himself with the whig opposition, nor did he keep up, as did some of that opposition, any confidential intercourse with the American revolutionary MAKCH 22, 1775. 31 was no compauy but the foaiily ; and after diuuer we had a tite a-tete. He had been in the opposition ; but was now about making his peace, in order to come into Parliament upon ministerial interest, which I did not then know. He told me, what I had before been told by several of Lord North's friends, that the American measures were not the measures of that minister, nor approved by him ; that, on the contrary, he was well disposed to promote a reconciUation upon any terms honor- able to government 5 that I had been looked upon as the great fomenter of the opposition in America and as a great adversary to any accommo- dation; that he. Governor P. had given a different account of me and had told his lordship that I was certainly much misunderstood. From the governor's further discourse I collected that he wished to be em- ployed as an envoy or commissioner to America, to settle the ditierences, and to have me with him ; but, as I apprehended there was little likeli- hood that either of us would be so employed by government, I did not give much attention to that part of his discourse. I should have mentioned in its place (but one can not recollect every- thing in order) that, declining at first to draw up the propositions desired by Lord Howe, I alleged it being unnecessary, since the Con- gress in their petition to the king, just then received and presented through Lord Dartmouth, had stated their grievances, and pointed out very explicitly what would restore the ancient harmony, and I read a part of the petition to show their good dispositions, which, being very pathetically expressed, seemed to affect both the brother and sister. But still I was desired to give my ideas of the steps to be taken in case some of the propositions in the petition should not be thought admis- sible. And this, as I said before, I undertook to do. I had promised Lord Chatham to communicate to him the first important news I should receive from America. I therefore sent him the proceedings of the Congress as soon as I received them ; but a whole week passed after I received the petition before I could, as I wished to do, wait upon him with it, in order to obtain his sentiments on the whole; for my time was taken up in meetings with the other agents to consult about presenting the petition, in waiting three differ- ent days with them on Lord Dartmouth, in consulting upon and writing letters to the speakers of assemblies, and other business, which did not allow me a day to go to Hayes. At last, on Monday, the 26th, I got out, and was there about 1 o'clock. He received me with an affectionate kind of respect, that from so great a man was extremely engaging, but the opinion he expressed of the Congress was still more so. They had acted, he said, with so much temper, moderation, and wisdom, that he thought it the most honorable leaders. In 1780 he withrlrew from Parliament and lived in retirement until liis death at Bath in 1805. This period of leisure he devoted in part to antiquarian inves- tigations and to study of political economy, on both of which topics he published 32 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. assembly of statesmeu since those of the aacient Greeks and Romans in the most virtuous times. That there were not in their whole pro- ceedings above one or two things he could have wished otherwise; perhaps but one, and that was their assertion that the keeping up a standing army in the Colonies in time of peace, without consent of their legislatures, was against law. He doubted that was not well founded, and that the law alluded to did not extend to the Colonies. The rest he admired and honored. He thought the petition decent, manly, and properly expressed. He inquired much and particularly concerning the state of America, the probability of their perseverance, the difficulties they must meet with iu adhering for any long time to their resolutions, the resources they might have to supply the defi- ciency of commerce; to all which I gave him answers with which he seemed well satisfied. He expressed a great regard and warm affec- tion for that country, with hearty wishes for their prosperity, and that government here might soon come to see its mistakes and rectify them, and intimated that possibly he might, if his health permitted, prepare something for its consideration, when the Parliament should meet after the holidays, on which he should wish to have previously my senti- ments. I mentioned to him the very hazardous state I conceived we were iu, by the continuance of the army in Boston ; that, whatever disposition there might be in the inhabitants to give no just cause of offense to the troops, or in the general to preserve order among them, an unpremedi- tated, unforeseen quarrel might happen between perhaps a druakeu porter and a soldier, that might bring on a riot, tumult, and bloodshed, and in its consequences produce a breach impossible to be healed; that the army could not possibly answer any good purpose there, and might be infinitely mischievous; that no accommodation could properly be proposed and entered into by the Americans, while the bayonet was at their breasts ; that, to have any agreement binding, all force should he withdrawn. His lordship seemed to think these sentiments had some- thing in them that was reasonable. From Hayes I went to Halsted, Mr. Sargent's place, to dine, intend- ing thence a visit to Lord Stanhope, at Ohevening, but hearing that his lordship and the family were in town, I stayed at Halsted all night, and the next morning went to Ohisleharst to call upon Lord Camden, it being in my way to town. I met his lordship and family in two car- riages just without his gate, going on a visit of congratulation to Lord Chatham and his lady, on the late marriage of their daughter to Lord Mahon, son of Lord Stanhope. They were to be back at dinner, so I agreed to go in, stay dinner, and spend the evening there, and not return to town till next morning. We had that afternoon and evening a great deal of conversation on American affairs, concerning which he was very inquisitive, and I gave him the best information in my power. I was charmed with his generous and noble sentiments, and had the 1775. 33 great pleasure of hearing his full approbation of the proceedings of tlie Congress, the petition, etc., of which, at his request, I afterwards sent him a copy. He seemed anxious that the Americans should continue to act with the same temper, coolness, and wisdom, with which they had hitherto proceeded in most of their public assemblies, in which case he did not doubt they would succeed in establishing their rights, and obtain a solid and durable agreement with the mother country, of the necessity and great importance of which agreement, he seemed to have the strongest impressions. I returned to town the next morning in time to meet at the hour appointed by Lord Howe. I apologized for my not being ready with the paper I had promised, by my having been kept longer than I intended in the country. We had, however, a good deal of conversa- tion on the subject, and his lordship told me he could now assure me, of a certainty, that there was a sincere disposition in Lord North and Lord Dartmouth to accommodate the differences with America, and to listen favorably to any proposition that might have a probable ten- dency to answer that salutary purpose. He then asked me what I thought of sending some person or persons over, commissioned to inquire into the grievances of America upon the spot, converse with the leading people, and endeavor with them to agree upon some means of composing our differences. 1 said, that a person of rank and dignity, who had a character of candor, integrity, and wis:i\ injury; and whereas the See introduotion, ^ 202. MARCH 22, 1775. 57 blockade of Boston, iiovr continued nine niontlis^ hatb every week of its continnance done damage to that town, equal to what was suft'ered there hy the India Com- pany ; it follows that such excfecthuj damage is an injury done hy this government, for which reparation ought to be made ; and whereas reparation of injuries ought always (agreeahly to the custom of all nations, savage as well as civilized) to be first required, before eatisfactiou is taken by a return of damage to the aggressors; which was not done by Great Britain in the instance above mentioned ; I the underwritten do there- fore, as their agent, in the behalf of my country and the said town of Boston, pro- test against the continuance of the said blockade ; and I do hereby solemnly demand satisfaction for the accumulated injury done them, beyond the value of the ludia Company's tea destroyed. And whereas the conquest of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the coasts of Labrador and Nova Scotia, and the lisheries possessed by the French there and on the Banks of Newfoundland, so far as they were more extended than at present, was made by the joint forces of Britain and the Colonies, the latter having nearly an equal number of men in that service with the former; it follows, that the Colonies have an equitable and just right to participate in the advantage of those fisheries ; I do, therefore, in the behalf of the colony of the Massachusetts Bay, protest against the act now under consideration in Parliament, for depriving that province, with others, of that fishery (on pretense of their refusing to purchase British commodities), as an act highly unjnst and injurious ; and I give notice, that satisfaction will probably one day be demanded for all the injury that may be done and suffered in the execution of such act; and that the injustice of the proceeding is likely to give such umbrage to all the Colonies, that in no future war, wherein other conquests maybe meditated, either a man or a shilling will be obtained from any of them to aid such conquests, till full satisfaction be made as aforesaid. B. P'ranklin. Given in London, this 16th day of March, 1775. Deak Sir : I return you the memorial, which it is thought might be attended with dangerous consequences to your person, and contribute to exasperate the nation. I heartily wish yon a prosperous voyage, and long health, and am, with the sin- cerest regard, your most faithful and obedient servant. Thomas Walpole." Lincoln's Inn Fields, March 16th, 1775. Mr. Walpole called at my house the next day, and, hearing I was gone to the Honse of Lords, came there to me, and repeated more fully what was in his note ; adding, that it was thought my having no instruc- tions directing me to deliver such a protest, would make it appear still more unjustifiable, and be deemed a national affront. I had no desire to make matters worse, and, being grown cooler, took the advice so kindly given me. The evening before I left London, I received a note from Dr. Fother- gill, with some letters to his friends iu Philadelphia. In that note ho desires me to get those friends " and two or three more together, and inform them, that, whatever specious jiretenses are offered, they are all hollow ; and that to get a larger field on which to fatten a herd of worthless parasites is all that is regarded. Perhaps it may be proper to acquaint them with David Barclay's and our united endeavors, and the effects. They w 11 stun at least, if not convince, the most worthy, (hat nothing very favorable is intended, if more unfavorable articles *See Introduction, i 202. 58 DirLOMATlC CORRESPONDENCE. can not be obtained." The doctor, in the conrse of his daily visits among tlie great, in the practice of his profession, had full opportunity of being acquainted with their sentiments, the conversation everywhere turniug upon the subject of America. rranklin to Priestley.* Philadelphia, July 7, 1775. Dear Friend : The Congress met at a time when all ininds were so exasperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on the couu- try people, that propositions for attempting an accommodation were not much relished ; and it has been with difficulty that we have carried another humble petition to the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity more, of recovering the friendship of the Colonies, which, however, I think she has not sense enough to embrace, and so I conclude she has lost them forever. *8 Spark's Frankliu, 155; 5 Bigelow's Franklin, 534. Joseph Priestley, an eminent Unitarian clergyman and liberal political economist, •was a friend both of Shelburne and of Franklin ; and to him Franklin, on July 7, 1775, and October 3, 1775, wrote letters explanatory of the attitude of the United States to- wards the mother country. Priestley, after having published several theological and scientific works of interest, became librarian and secretary to Shelburne, in which post he continued until 1780. He retired from this office with a pension, and then became pastor of a dissenting congregation at Birmingham, in which place he remained for ten years, publishing several controversial works on theology, and pursuing and pub- lishing his scientific explorations. During the American war he had been compara- tively silent, though sympathizing with Franklin ; but in 1791 he published a reply to Burke's Reflections, in which he took advanced liberal ground. In that year the celebration by some of his friends (though in his absence) of the taking of the Bas- tile, was such a shock to local British patriotism that his house was broken into, his library and valuable manuscripts and scientific instruments, including those used in the discovery of oxygen, totally destroyed, while he and his children were compelled to fly for their lives. It was noticed that, while Burke and his followers had much to say about the destructiou of libraries and insults to clergymen by French mobs, they had nothing to say in the way of disapproval of this destruction of Priestley's library, laboratory, aud books. He was, it is true, compensated by the county and by private gifts; but finding himself frowned on, even by men of science, he sailed for America, and took up his residence with his sou at Northumberland, Peuusylva- nia, where he died in 1804. In some measure the wrongs done him in England were recalled by the erection, after his death, of statues to him in Birmingham and Oxford. Except, however, in informal correspondence with Franklin, he took no active part in the peace conferences which were held from time to time during the Revolution. Nor, after his arrival in America, did he take any active interest in American politics, though the persecutions he had endured in England led him to look with constant distrust on the British policy towards the United States. But it was in the theologi- cal rather than in the political field that his interests were concentrated. Numerous as were his controversial publications, they were mainly in defense of his theological tenets against infidels on the one side, and "orthodox" Christians on the other. Though, in respect to the American war, efficient in the distribution of Franklin's letters, no papers issued from him showing that his great literary and polemical abilities were enlisted in the American cause. JULY 7, 1775. 59 She has begun to burn our seaport towns ; secure, I suppose, that we shall never be able to return the outrage in kind.* She may doubtless destroy them all ; but, if she wishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable means'? She must certainly be distracted, for no trades- man out of Bedlam ever thought of increasing the number of his cus- tomers, by knocking them on the head, or of enabling them to pay their debts, by burning their houses. If she wishes to have us subjects, and that we should submit to her as our compound sovereign, slie is now giving us such miserable specimens of her government that we shall ever detest and avoid it as a complication of robbery, murder, famine, fire, and pestilence. You will have heard, before this reaches you, of the treacherous con- duct of General Gage to the remaining people in Boston, in detaining their goods, after stipulating to let them go out with their effects, on pretense that merchants' goods were not eftects ; the defeat of a great body of his troops by the country people at Lexington ; some other small advantages gained in skirmishes with their troops ; and the action at Bunker's Hill, in which they were twice repulsed, and the third time gained a dear victory. Enough has haj)pened, one would think, to con- vince your ministers that the Americans will fight, and that this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined. We have not yet applied to any foreign power for assistance, nor offered our commerce for their friendship. Perhaps we never may ; yet it is natural to think of it, if we are pressed. We have now an army on the establishment, which still holds yours besieged. My time was never more fully employed. In the morning, at 6, 1 am at the com- mittee of safety, appointed by the assembly, to put the province in a state of defense, which committee holds till near 9, when I am at the Congress, and that sits till after 4 in afternoon. Both these bodies pro- ceed with the greatest unanimity, and their meetings are well attended. It will scarce be credited in Britain that men can be as diligent with us from zeal for the public good, as with you for thousands per annum. Such is the difference between uncorrupted new states and corrupted old ones. Great frugality and great industry are now become fashionable here. Gentlemen, who used to entertain with two or three courses, pride them- selves now in treating with simple beef and pudding. By these means, and the stoppage of our consumptive trade with Britain, we shall be better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our troops. Our savings in the article of trade amount to near five millions sterling per annum. I shall communicate your letter to Mr. Winthrop ; but the camp is at Cambridge, and he has as little leisure for philosophy as myself. Believe me ever, etc. B. Franklin. 'See Introduction, ^ 22. 60 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin to a friend in England (probably Hartley).* Philadelphia, 3 October, 1115. Dear Sir: I wish as ardently as you can do for peace, and should ri'joice exceedingly in co-operating with yon to that end. But every ship from Britain brings some intelligence of new measures that tend more and more to exasperate; and it seems to me, that until you have found by dear experience the reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing fair and reasonable. We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures. If you would recall your forces and stay at home, we should meditate nothing to injure you. A little time so given for cooliug on both sides would have excellent effects. But you will goad and provoke us. You despise us too much ; and you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is no little enemy. 1 am persuaded that the body of the British people are our friends ; but they are changeable, and by your lying gazettes may soon be made our enemies. Our respect for them will proportiouably diminish, and I see clearly we are on the high road to mutual family hatred and detestation. A separation of course will be inevitable. It is a million of pities so fair a plan as we have hitlierto been engaged in, for increasing strength and empire with public felicity, should he destroyed by the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers. It will not be destroyed; God will protect and prosper it, you will only exclude yourselves from any share in it. We hear that more ships and troops are coming out. We know that you may do us a great deal of mischief, and are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can. But, if you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither the people nor the country. The Congress are still sitting, and will wait the result of their last petition. Tours, etc., B. FRANKLlN.t Franklin to Priestley.t Philadelphia, 3 October, 1775. Dear Sir: I am to set out to-morrow for the camp, and, having but just heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to say that I am well and hearty. Tell our dear, good friend Dr. Price,§ who sometimes * 8 Spai-ka' Frankliu, 161 ; 5 Bigelow's Franklin, 540. t Sparks adds in a note: "Tliis letter was iirst printed iu Mr. Vaugliaa's edition, but without the name of thu persoQ to whom it was written, and it has never since been made public. Probably it was David Hartley." As to Hartley, see introduction, ^ 199. t 8 Sparks' Frankliu, IfiO; .'') Bigelow's Frankliu, 539. § Richard Price was bom in Wales, in February, 17"23; was educated for the dis- senting ministry, and in early life occupied several ministerial position.?. He did not, NOVEMBEU 29, 1775. 61 has his doubts ami despoudencies about our firmness, that America is determiued aod unanimous, a very few tories and placemen excepted, who will iirobably soou export themselves. Britain, at the expense of three millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees this campaign, which is twenty thousand pounds a head; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post ou Ploughed Hill. During the same time sixty thousand children have been boru in America. From these data his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all, and con- quer our whole territory. My sincere respects to , and to the club of honest whigs at . Adieu. I am ever, yours, most affectionately, B. Fkanklin.* Secret Journals of Congress.t November 29, 1775. Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed for the sole purpose of corresponding with our friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world, and that they lay their correspondence before Con- gress when directed. Resolved, That this Congress will make provision to defray all such expenses as may arise by carrying on such a correspondence, and for the payment of such agents as they may send on this service. however, confine himself to theological questions. In 1769 he published a tract ou reversionary payments, vehich had an immense circulation, and which contributed largely to the abolition of the evils which he attacked. This was followed, iu 1772, by a paper on the national debt, to which it was said Pitt was indebted for his con- ception of the sinking fund. What, however, brought Price most prominently before the public ou both sides of the Atlantic, was his treatise on "Civil Liberty, and the justice and policy of the War with America." Of this work, which appeared in 1776, 60,000 copies were distributed. Of his election by Congress to take charge of the finances of the United States, notice will be hereafter taken. (See index, title Price.) Ho was one of the school of political economists who attached themselves to Shel- burue, and shared the sometimes capricious patronage of that eminent statesman. Ur. Price died in London iu 1791. (See further as to Price, Franklin to Gates, Aug. 28, 1776, infra.) *Mr. Sparks adds in a note: "On the 30th of September Congress appoiuted Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lynch, and Mr. Harrison as a committee to confer with General Wash- ington concerning the best mode of supporting and regulating the Continental Army. The committee proceeded to the camp at Cambridge, and the conference was held on the I8th of October." (See 3 Washington's Writings (Spark's ed.), 123.) As to Har- rison, see note under date of Nov. 29, 1775. tMSS., Department of State. As to this committee, see Index, title Committee^ Introduction, §§ 10'3, ff. 62 DIPLOMATIC COKKESPONDENCfi. The members clioseu, Mr. Harrisou,* Dr. Erankliu, Mr. Johnsoii,t Mr. Dickiusoi),§ and Mr. Jay. J " Benjamiu Harrison was born in Berkeley, Charles City County, Virginia, in 1740. lu 1764 he was a leading member of the house of burgesses, taking strong ground in opposition to the royal governor and to the stamp act. So great was his influence and high his character that the governor sought to propitiate him by an offer of a seat in the council, vrhich he declined.' Sent by Virginia as a delegate to the first Continental Congress, he signed the Declaration of Independence, and was, during his term of service, chairman of the hoard of war, and a member of the committee of foreign correspondence. Devotedly attached to AVashiugton, with whom his rela- tions were peculiarly intimate, his course, when in Congress, was to sustain Wash- ington against that strong Congressional interest by which he was at the time opposed. This brought Harrison into collision with the " Leesand Adamses," to take the dcsigua- tion already noticed. (Introduction, ^ 11.) It may have been through the dominant influence of Richard H. Lee that Harrison was dropped from Congress at the close of 1777. He was then elected to the Virginia house of burgesses, of which he was speaker until 178d, when be was elected governor, which post he filled until 1785. Iq the Virginia legislature he gave effective support to the proposition to vest in Cod- gress the power of levying imposts. He died in April, 1791. His son, William Henry, and the grandson of the latter, bearing the name of Benjamin Harrison, have been elected Presidents of the United States. Both in John Adams' published journals and letters, and in the Lee papers, Har- rison is singled out for particular censure and ridicule, indolence and luxury and undue conservatism being charged against him, coupled with censnres on Washing- ton for jilacing such confidence on him. Yet it must be remembered that Harrison jilaced, what some of his critics were unable to do, a large estate in the Revolutionary cause; that he was a determined advocate as well as signer of the Declaration of Independence ; that he served gallantly in the field ; and that the fact that Wash- ington, who knew him well, trusted him so implicitly, and employed him in such confidential service, is the strongest proof of the error of those by whom he was assailed. The real ground of hostility was Harrison's consistent maintenance of the position that the war could not be successfully waged by Congressional committees, and that the commander-in-chief should be invested with co-ordinate executive functions. t Thomas Johnson was born in Calvert County, Maryland, in November, 1732. He was an active p.atriot in the Maryland house of delegates from 1762 to 1773; aud in 1775 was a deputy from Maryland in the Continental Congress. He took a particu- larly active position in Maryland affairs, being for some time the leader in that State's Revolutionary politics, though his election to Congress was from time to time renewed. On February 14, 1777, he was elected governor of Maryland. He was a strong sup- porter of the Federal Constitution, and after serving on the Maryland supreme court, was, in November, 1791, appointed by Washington a judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. Resigning in 1793, and declining the post of Secretary of State, tendered him by Washington, the only office he afterwards held was that of commis- sioner, with Stuart aud Carroll, for the laying out of the city of Washington. He died at Rose Hill, Maryland, in October, 1819. t See Introduction, § 155. 5 John Dickinson was born in Maryland in 1732, and, after studying law in Phila- delphia, and afterwards in London, settled in Philadelphia, where, in his own right aud that of his wife, he possessed a considerable estate. In 1764, as a member of the provinci.ll assembly, and in 1765, as a delegate to the first Colonial Congress, he took decided patriot ground ; and he pursued the same course as a member of the first Continental Congress of 1774. From him came a series of state papers of eminent ability, and which, vindicating the positions then assumed by Chatham, drew strong december 12, 1775. 63 December 2, 1775. Resolved, Tliat the comaiittee of correspoudence be directed to use their endeavors to iiud out and engage in the service of the United Colonies skilful engineers, not exceeding four, on the best terms they can; and that the said committee be authorized to assure such able and skilful engineers as will engage in the service that they shall receive such pay and appointments as shall be equal to what they have received in any former service. Franklin et al., committee of secret correspondence, to Arthur Lee.* ThiladelphiA, December 12, 1775. Sir: By this conveyance we have the pleasure of transmitting to you sundry printed ])apers, that such of them as you think proper may De immediately published in England. We have written on the subject of American affairs to Monsieur C. G. F. Dumas,t who resides at The Hague. We recommend to you to correspond with him, and to send through his hands any letters to us which you can not send more directly. He will transmit them via St. Eustatia. [When you write to him direct your letter thus : "A. Mons. C. G. F. Dumas, chez Mad'«- V. Loder, a la Hague, and put it under cover directed to Mr. A. Stuchy, merchant, at Eotterdam.]|: Mr. Story may be trusted with any dispatches you think proper to send us. You will be so kind as to aid and advise him.§ It would be agreeable to Cougress to Imoic the disposition of foreign powers towards us, and w^e hope this object will engage your attention. We need not hint that great circumspection and impenetrable secrecy are necessary. The Congress rely on your zeal and abilities to serve them, and will readily compensate you for whatever trouble and expense a encomiums from that great statesman. At the date of the proceedings in the text he was among the foremost iu the maintenance of American rights as against British oppression. But he could not make up his mind to vote for the Declaration of Inde- pendence, which he thought premature. This, however, did not indicate any failure of interest in independence, as he enlisted as a private in the army, serving as such ■with mnch devotion, until in October, 1777, he was commissioned as brigadier-gen- eral. In 1780 he was president of Delaware ; iu 1782-'84 president of Pennsylvania; and he was afterwards a member of the convention which reported the Federal Con- stitution, which he warmly espoused. From him came, in 1767, the "Farmer's let- ters," which were edited by Franklin, and which had an immense circulation, and exercised a great influence on behalf of the American cause. In 1797 he published a series of papers for tbe purpose of again arousing a friendly feeling toward France. He died in Wilmington, Delaware, in February, 1808. * MSS., Department of State; 1 Arthur Lee's Life, .^3; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 379, with omissions. + C. W. F. Dumas; see lutrodnctioo, } 185; Index, title Dumas. t Passage in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. § See Index, title Story. G4 DIPLOMATIC COKKESPONDENCE. compliance with rbeir desire may occasiou. We remit you for tUe present £200. Whenever you think tlie importance of your dispatches may require it, we desire you to send an expreaj ooat with them from England, for which service your agreement with the owner there shall be fulfilled by us here. We can now only add that we continue firm in our resolutions to defend ourselves, notwithstanding the Mg threats of the ministry. We have just taken one of their ordnance storeships, in which an abund- ance of carcasses and bombs, intended for burning our towns, were found. With great esteem, we are, sir, your most obedient, humble servants, B. Feanklin. John Dickinson. John Jay. Franklin to Dumaa." Philadelphia, December 19, 1775. Dear Sir: I received your several favors of May 18, June 30, and July 8, by Messrs. Vaillant & Pochard, whom, if I could serve upon your recommendation, it would give me great pleasure. Their total want of English is at present an obstruction to their getting any employment among us ; but I hope they will soon obtain some knowl- edge of it. This is a good country for artificers or farmers, but gentle- men of mere science in les belles-lettres can not so easily subsist here, there being little demand for their assistance among an industrious people, who, as yet, have not much leisure for studies of that kind. I am much obliged by the kind present you have made us of your edition of Vattel. It came to ns in good season, when the circumstances of a rising State make it necessary frequently to consult the law of nations. Accordingly, that copy -N^hich I kept (after depositing one in our own public library here, and sending tlie other to the College of Massachusetts Bay, as you directed) has been continually in the hands of the members of our Congress now sitting, who are much pleased with your notes and preface, and have entertained a high and just esteem for their author. Your manuscript "Z be put together on the lakes, in order to enable the army to cross lose waters with less delay; and, if Quebec should have surrendered efore any assistance arrives, it is expected the armament going thither ill be sufficient to retake it very soon. Seven regiments, under Lord ornwallis, convoyed by Sir Peter Parker, lately sailed from Ireland ir Virginia, but by a severe storm the fleet was separated, and several f the transports, with some bomb ketches, are put back much dam- ped ; what is become of the rest we know not. Another part of the linisterial plan is to land an army at Perth Amboy and march from lence to Philadelphia. Wagons aud two thousand draught horses are jrtainly embarking, in order to facilitate the operations of this cam-, aign, and particularly (it is confidently said at St. James's) in what ilates to the proposed expedition from Perth Amboy to Philadelphia, ad, it is also added, that some ships of war are to ascend the river lelaware in order to divide your attention and force during the march f the troops from Amboy. The friends of America took great pains I both houses of Parliament, last week and the week before, to excite iministration to speak out, what terms thej^ would accept from the .mericans, and the ministers and their friends unreservedly avowed I both houses, that they would not treat with them lohils they had arms I their hands, and that they would never allow them any other mode [taxation than as contained in Lord ISTorth's proposition of February, 775. In a word, unconditional submission is the language and inten- on of the court, as they are induced to believe that the force going at will certainly produce it. I send you by this conveyance the treaties ith the Landgrave of Hesse, etc., by which you will find the number f troops that these princes have furnished administration to butcher le king's subjects in America. May God inspire the Congress aud leir constituents with true wisdom and fortitude in the discharge of leir respective duties, and may the savage machinations of their iversaries be defeated ; and that you may be blessed with health and 3irits are the ardent aspirations of, my dear friend, Yours, etc. I have only to add that Col. G. L. goes out in the fleet with General burgoyne to Quebec, and takes with him £12,000 of goods to distribute I presents among the Indians. 6 WH — VOL II 82 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Fiauklin to Dumas. * Philadelphia, March 22d, 1776. Dear Sir : I wrote to yoa lately by Mr. Story ,t and since by auother conveyance. This line will be delivered to yoa by Mr. Deaue, who goes over on business of the Congress, and with whom you may freely converse on the affairs committed to you in behalf of that body. I recommend him warmly to your civilities. Messrs. Yaillant and Pochard continue close at their new business, and are already able to subsist by it ; as they grow more expert, they will be able to make more money. Mr. Deane will inform you of every thing here, and I need not add more than that I am, with esteem and respect, etc. B. Franklin. Arthur Lee to Lieutenaut-Governer Golden.} April 15, 1776. Dear Sir: On the 7th ultimo the snow Dicldnson., Captain Mestou, consigned to Messrs Montaudouine & Frere, at Nantes, was brought into Bristol by her crew, and delivered up, with all her papers. From these the ministry are apprised of all the ships which have beet sent to the different ports of France, and cruisers are dispatched into the Bay of Biscay to watch them. John Sands, mate of the BicTdnson, had made memorandums, long before he left Philadelphia, of every material transaction, which shows a premeditated plan of treachery. The proceedings of the ministry, relative to this proof of the French interposition, have not yet transpired; but France does not seem to be settled or spirited enough to enter into a war should England resent this business. On the 5th of this month a fleet sailed with 2,000 Brunswick troops and General Burgoyue ; § it is therefore understood that they are gone to sue- •.5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 190. tSee index, title Story. {MSS. Department of State; 5 Force's Archives (4tb series), 941, but without acldiess; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 384, with omissions aud verbal changes. 5 John Bnrgoyne was born in England in 1722 of a parentage as to which there is some doubt. Horace Walpole, on October 5, 1777, thus speaks of him : "You ask the history of Bnrgoyne, the Pompous. He is a natural son of Lord Bingley, who put him into the entail of the estate, but when young Lane came of age the entail was cut off. He ran away with the old Lord Derby's daughter, and has been a fortunate gamester. Juuius was thought unjust, as he was never sup- posed to do more than play very well. I have heard him speak in Parliament just as he writes; for all his speeches were written and labored, and yet neither in them nor in his conversation did he ever impress me with an idea of his having parts. He is, however, a very useful commander, for he feeds the Gazette and the public, while the Howes and the war are so dumb." (Horace Walpole to Mason, October 5, 1777, 6 Cunningham's Walpole, 494.) But Walpole's intimation that Bnrgoyne was a natural sonof Lord Bingley is denied APRIL 15, 1776. 83 cor Quebec. Six regiments, about 4,000 effective men, made up with Ger- man recruits, are now ready for sailing orders at Cork. It is probable that they too are destined to Quebec* The first divisions of the Hes- sians are not yet arrived, so that it is not likely the whole of them will sail till the latter end of May. Tliey are, by stipulation, to serve altogether, and therefore will go to Boston or Long Island. It is sup- posed the provincials will possess the strong posts on Elizabeth Eiver, which, if in the enemy's hands, will give them the command of Jersey, Staten Island, etc. If the provincials always have redoubts in the front and flanks of their army, it is the opinion of the ablest in the profession that they will be better than entrenchments or lines, and will foil the regulars by breaking their line, or forcing them to sacrifice a number of men, which they can not afford. People here begin to feel the matter as very serious, since the publi- cations of Dr. Price and Lord Stair have convinced them that new taxes must be imposed for supporting this armament, which it is cer- tain will cost upwards of twelve millions. [This, therefore, is univers- ally believed to be the last effort of administration, and if they do not in a note to 1 Jones' History of Nosv York, 681, and his father is there stated to be Sir John Burgoyne, " the third Baronet of Sutton," whatever this may be. It is further said that "the exigencies of party in the House of Commons induced Lord George Germaine to adopt the policy of conciliating the opposition by appointing Burgoyne, one of their friends," etc. But Germaine was not the man to ai)point an unsuitable general to conciliate an opposition which he took every opportunity to defy; and when Burgoyne returned, and the issue was raised between him and the Howes, it was well understood that the opposition would not support him on such an issue. That Walpole's intimation was erroneous is also shown in Fonblanque's Burgoyne, 6. Burgoyne's licentiousness and luxury when in command have been already noticed. (Introduction, ^ 23.) He succeeded, however, in overcoming the aversion of the Earl of Derby, his father-in-law, who settled £300 a year on him, and left him at his death in 1776 £25,000. Burgoyne's first service was in 1761. He was elected to Parlia- ment in 1761 from Midhurst, and in 1768 he contested Preston at an expense of £10,000; but in consequence of alleged bribery on his part in this contest he was prosecuted, and on conviction was fined £1,000. As a personal friend and supporter of the Duke of Grafton, and as having in some way otfended the author of Junius, he became a favorite object of Junian invective. Burgoyne's first appearance in America in a military capacity was at the battle of Bunker Hill, where, however, he was not in command. He visited England in 1776, and when in London had frequent conferences with Germaine, North, and George III, when the attack on New York from Canada was planned, and he was selected to command the expedition. The character and results of his campaign are noticed above. On Burgoyne's return to England he was very coldly treated by the king, and a court-martial was refused to him on the ground that a prisoner under parol could not be put on trial. (See Walpole to Mason, May 15, 1778; 7 Cunningham's Walpole, 65.) Stnng with wliat he thought hard treatment, he published a narrative of his campaign, laying great blame on Germaine and indirectly censuring Howe. In the House of Commons he went into violent opposition to the miuistry, who tried to exclude him on the ground that being a paroled prisoner he was not eligible to a parliamentary seat. This position, however, was not sustained by Cornwall, and *A3 to these predictions, see introduction, §i 150,151. 84 DIPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE. succeed this campaign it will he utterly impossible for them to find men or money for such another.]* The ships sent out are exceedingly ill- manned, and there is such a disposition to desertion among the German troops that if proper olfers are made to them the ministerial people are much afraid they will desert in great numbers. They have hopes, how- ever, that divisions will take place among the provinces and in the Congress, as they are satisfied that firmness and unanimity will force their own terms. The city of London has addressed the throne for an avowal of the conditions on which peace is to be restored. The answer was, in effect, unconditional submission. Tou may reciion that in July the troops will be arrived, so as to enable General Howe to take the field. Lord Howe, though he has accepted the command, is not yet sailed; he goes in the Eagle, of sixty-four guns. He is a brave man, but has a very confused head, and is therefore very unfit for an extensive command. As there will not be above two line-of-battle ships, if the Congress could procure five liue-of-battle ships from the French and Spaniards, they might destroy or drive the whole British fleet from their coasts. Adieu. was not pressed by the ministry. The whigs, as a body, supported Burgoyne in liis assaults on the ministry, letting him understand, at the same time, that he must not attack the Hooves, who were also under whig intJuence. Burgoyne, finding himself in military disgrace, resigned his appointments ; but when the Rockingham ministry came into power in 1782 he was restored to his rank and made commander-in-chief in Ireland. When the whigs went out of power he resigned again his military com- mission, retaining hie seat in the House of Commons, but chiefly devoting himself to literature, for which, on its dramatic side, he had a great taste. He died in 1792. In 1808 his works were published in two volumes, containing, among other things, a vaudeville, the "Maid of the Oaks," written in 1774, a comic opera, " The Lord of the Manor," produced in 1780, and " The Heiress," which came out in 1786. On August 8, 1777, Walpole thus wrote to Lady Ossory : "Have you read General Burgoyue's rhodomontade, in which he almost promises to cross America in a hop, step, and a jump ? I thought we were cured of hyperholes. He has sent over, too, a copy of his talk with the Indians, which they say is still more supernatural. I own I prefer General Howe's taciturnity, who, al least, if he does notliing, does not break his word. It is supposed the latter is sailed to Boston, and the former has kicked Ticonderoga into one of the lakes. I don't know which; lam uo geographer." (Walpole to Lady Ossory, August 8, 1777; 6 Cunningham's Walpole, 46,^.) On December 5, 1777, he wrote to the same correspondent : "I must own I had not sorted my feelings into different drawers, and there- fore can not one day pull out one, and grieve for burning a town or destroying a beautiful province, and the nest day take out an assortment of compassion for an army that marched under such a savage proclamation as Bnrgoyne's. The accoants that are come, own that the provincials have treated him and his fellow-prisoners with the utmost humanity. On the other hand I must contradict myself and do justice to General Clinton, who spared all he could when he took the two forts. We have been horribly the aggressors ; and I must rejoice that the Americans are to he free, as they bad a right to be, and as I am sure they have shown they deserve to be." (7 Cunningham's Walpole, 13.) * Passage in brackets omitted in kSparks' ed. APRIL 30, 1776. 85 Vergennes to Beaumarchais.* Veksailles, April 26, 1776. I have laid before the king's eyes, sir, the letter you did me tlie honor ;o write to me, Tuesday, the ICth, and not the 12th, of this month. I lave the satisfaction of announcing to you that his majesty much ipproved of the noble and frank manner in which you repelled the attack nade upon you by Lord Eochford on the subject of the American vessel, destined, it is said, for Nantes, and taken to Bristol. You said lothing which his majesty would not have ordered you to say, if he ;ould have foreseen that you would be called upon to give an explana- ion on a point so foreign to the duties with which you are charged. According to Lord Eochford's tone, he would seem to base his argu- neuts on an agreement binding us to make England's interest our own. : am not acquainted with this agreement. It does not exist in the example which England gave us when she thought she could injure us. jet it only be remembered what her conduct was with regard to us luring the troubles of Corsica. I do not cite this example by way of luthorizing us to follow it. A king faithful to his principles of justice loes not seek to take advantage of the situation of the English in order .0 increase their embarrassment ; but he can not take away from his ubjects the protection he owes to their com niercis. * * * It would )e contrary to all reason and propriety to pretend that we ought not ;o sell any article of commerce to any person, because it would be pos- lible it might pass, at second hand, into America. [After divers details, the minister terminates thus:] Eeceive all my compliments, sir. After having assured you of the dng's approbation, mine ought not to appear to you very interesting; lowever, I can not help applauding the wisdom and firmness of your jonduct, and of renewing to you the expression of my esteem. I am, very perfectly, sir, etc. De Veegbnnes. Dumas to Franklin, t Utkecht, April 30th, 1776. Sir: I received on the 6th instant, at The Hague, from Mr. Thomas Story, the dispatches of the 19th December, 1775, of which he was the nearer. I am deeply penetrated by the honor done me and the confidence ■eposed in me by the committee appointed by the general Congress to naintain the correspondence between the American United Provinces *3Ijomeaie'a Beaumarchais and His Times, Edward's translation, 125. As to rela- ions of Vergennes to Beaumarchais, .see Introduction, ^^ 55 ff. For other corre- pondence bearing on text, see Index, title Beaumarchais. t5 Sparks' Dip., Eev. Corr., 191. See Index, title Dumas. 86 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. aud Europe, aud of which you, sir, aie one of the worthy members. ] shall die coutent if the remainder of my life cao be devoted to the serv ice of so glorious and just a cause. I accept, therefore, joyfully the commission you have bestowed, and whatever you may think lit to give me in future, aud I promise a hearty good will aud au untiring zeal. J hope my ability will justify the favorable opinion you entertain of me, This promise on my part is in fact au oath of allegiance, which I spon- taneously take to Congress; receive it as such. When I remarked, in my last letter to you, " that all Europe wishes you the most hai)i)y issue in your defense of your liberty," I meant the unprejudiced, equitable, humaue European public; in a word, the citi- zens of universal society, men in general. You must except from this number the holders of English funds, aud those courts of Europe who have an understauding with England ; these, far from assisting you, will sacrifice you to their interests or their fears. The allies which, under such circumstances, are suitable for you are Franco and Spain; for it is their interest that you should be free and indepeudent of Eng- land, whose enormous maritime power iills them with apprehensions. I have, therefore, opened myself to the Freuch minister, aud a copy and trauslatiou of your requests aud letters of credence to me have been for a fortnight in his hands. In the conversation I had with this min- ister, I observed that the wishes of his uatiou are for you. He said that there was one difiQculty in aft'ordiug aid to the Colonies; if they should be reconciled with England they would assist her against the power which had aided them, and would imitate the dog in the fable. 1 had no reply to make to this, except that in this case I'easouable beings were concerned ; that if they saw the object was not to deprive them of the liberty for which they were contending, but to assure it to them, they would not be so ungrateful as to join against their bene- factors those who wished to destroy that liberty. Finally, he desired to know from me positively what I would ask for the Colonies of his court. I auswered that you wished to be informed (1) If the king of France would, from motives of humanity aud uiaguanimity, interpose his mediation on behalf of au oppressed people, aud effect a reconcilia- tion which should preserve to them all the liberties they formerly enjoyed? (2) In case such a reconciliation could not be etfected, would the nations, subjects of the house of Bourbon, be willing to accede to an alliauce with the Colonies, with tho advantages of an immense com- merce? He was pleased with the former proposition, to offer to his young king the glory of conferring peace on the subjects of others as well as on his owu. The other proposition is uot disagreeable to him, were it not for the dreadtul war which would ensue in Europe. I then delivered to him, together with your letter, a memorial showing how important it was for France not to allow the subjugation of the Colo- nies. The whole was sent to his court about a fortnight since, and if the answer should be delayed it will be of no disadvantage. Mean- APRIL 30, 1776. 87 rhile we have gained this advantage, that an opening is made which nust dispose Franco in your favor, and engage her to tolerate and leoretlv to encourage even any assistance your vessels can derive from ?rance, Spain, and the Indies. I have, therefore, in the extract, copied sxactly what you pointed out to me as the most necessary, as engineers, irms, munitions, etc. I have done all this with the most profound secrecy. The person of vhom I have spoken to you required it of me, and promised it iii return, ;o that no one in this country excepting him and me knows anything )f it. It is more advantageous to you and safer for me that I should lot be known as your agent. Mr. Story,* not daring to take two letters with him to England, one or Arthur Lee, the other for Mrs. Hannah Philippa Lee, left them in lafe keeping with me, and he did well. I learn by two letters which I lave received from Mr. A. Lee, of the 20th and 23d of April, that, on ilr. Story's landing in England, they took from him a letter which I lad sent by him for Mr. Lee; fortunately it was not signed with any rue name, and could give no information to your adversaries. They lave, therefore, committed this additional violence to no purpose. I lave sent those letters to a friend at Eotterdam, according to the equest of Mr. Lee, and that friend informs me, under date of May 3, hat he has forwarded the packet by a captain of a sloop, one of his old riends, who promised him to deliver them himself to the address which put upon them by Mr. Lee's directions. The sudden departure of the essels will prevent me from informing you whether they have been afely delivered. I shall do it by some future opportunity. I joined the packet a cipher for Mr. Lee, like that I sent to you, but grounded n different words, so that we shall be able to communicate with each ther in perfect safety. t I informed him, also, that I had the honor of writing you frequentlj', so that he can send his letters through me, if has no better way. I know an engineer, over thirty years of age, able, experienced, and ery well qualified, not only in his branch, but in the whole art of rar; in a word, a fine officer, but very inadequately rewarded. I shall ot be able to speak with him for several weeks, when I will propose him the service of the Colonies. But as he is a widower, without leans, and has several children, it will probably be necessary, if he ccepts, to make him some advances to enable him to go over. I will ive you an account in due tiule of the conversation I shall have with im. I have indorsed to-day your bill of exchange of £100 sterling to the rder of M. Key, book-seller at Amsterdam. Good reasons prevented le from doing it sooner, and at any other place than Amsterdam. May he conscientious use which I shall niake of this fund entirely satisfy * See Index, title Story. t As to the difficulties of correspondui^cc, see IntroduotioD, $ 105. 88 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. your wishes, aud the confidence with which you have honored me. I am persuaded of the generosity^ of Congress, and I pray Heaven that I may deserve by my services to be the object of it, when God shall have blessed their labors for the welfare and prosperity of the Colonies, either by a firm aud sincere reconciliation or by the success of your righteous aud just arms. lu reality, 1 hope much more than I fear on this point. The Avisdom of Congress, so constantly manifested, the perfect union and harmony which j^revail there, encourage me more and more. By this rare, happy, and admirable union, much more surely thau by all the alliances in the world, you are, and you will finally be, superior to your enemies, however formidable they may ap- pear. Concordia res paiTW crescuni, discordia maximce dtlabuntur ; may this great truth, aud the sul>lime words of Themistocles to Eurybiades, who raised a weapon against him in the council, '■^Strike, hut hear,'" be constantly present to your minds and hearts, as well as to those of your constituents. What power will tlieu be able to withstand yours? Ascribe the freedom of this address to the enthusiasm with which 1 am animated for your union, the uoblest edifice that liberty has ever reared. In it centers all that the political world contains attractive for me. I thank you, sir, for your fatherly kindness to the two French gen- tlemen. They are young, aud ought not therefore to entertain even the idea of being an iustaut a burden to any one, and a useless load to society. I am very glad that the Statement of the points in dispute heticeen Great Britain and the Colonies has been approved, so far as to cause it to be printed for the instruction of your friends, the Canadians. This is the only effect of that paper, for the printer not having sold enough of his journals to be at any other expense than the impression, has ceased to pay the author of those pieces. I have obtained his address for the purpose of engaging him to assist me in refutiug the Jew, Pinto, whose venal pen has been employed in the most insolent manner against the Americans. A certain person, whom you know, regrets having allowed himself to be dazzled by his financial system, so far as to ap- prove it without reserve in a letter or advertisement at the head of the treatise on "Circulation ;" for although there are some good things in it here and there, yet that person has long since been enlightened in regard to many false brilliants which the Jew passed off for genuine. As for the Idea on government and royaltij, I learn with pleasure that it has been agreeable, and that the time will perhaps come when it will receive more attention. This idea renders me more happy and proud than if I had written the Iliad; for I think with Phtedrus, nisi utile est quod faeimus, stulta est gloria. It is a seed which I thought myself bound to sow in your country, the oidy place iu the known world where it could spring up. I consider that idea more and more practicable and true, and of all political systems the most completely proof against all objections. It requires only to be developed. God grant that we may MAY 2, 1776. 89 soon be able to do it iu peace and at leisure. I shall then beg you, sir, with the estimable and learned author of the Pennsylvania Farmer, to correspond with me on this subject, and to prove it, if not to our con- temporaries, at least to posterity. I thank you, sir, for the Journal of Congress from the 10th of May to the 1st of August, 1775, which you have had the kindness to send me; be good enough to complete it by sending what precedes and fol- lows, for we have here nothing authentic relating to your affairs. All that we know of you we get from the gazettes, imperfectly, by scraps, in a vague and uncertain manner, a mixture of truth and falsehood. May 9. — I have just received the following letter without signature: "Tou will perhaps be tempted to come to the fair at The Hague. I shall have the honor to renew the expressions of my sincere esteem. I shall be at your orders every day at noon or sooner, if you will write me from your lodgings to let me know what hour will be most conven- ient for you. We shall be able to moralize some moments upon subjects which we have already discussed. I have but little to say to you, which I shall do with a sincerity and candor which, I trust, you will approve." I shall make this visit Saturday night, so as to return here Sunday night or Monday, not being able to do it otherwise. I shall send this letter to-day to Amsterdam, as they tell me the vessels will else sail without it. I shall, therefore, give you an account of the conversation in another letter, either by the same vessel or by some other. I am sorry to be obliged to leave you in suspense on a subject so interesting. Receive, sir, for all the members of Congress in general, and for your- self, Mr. Dickinson, and Mr. Jay in particular, the sincere assurances of my profound respect. Dumas.* Vergennes to Louis XVI. [Translation.! \ Mat 2, 1776. Sire : I have the honor of submitting to your majesty the paper which is to authorize me to furnish a million ofUvres for the une of the English colonies, if you should deign to ratify it with your signature. I add to this, sire, the draft of the reply which I mean to make to *M. Dumas coQimonly wrote his dispatches iu French, hut sometimes in English. It has not been thought necessary to designate betweeu those translated and those written originally in English. Although he wrote the language with a good deal of accuracy, yet foreign idioms and other defects will occasionally be perceived. In Some instances the editor has taken the liberty to make free corrections of the author's style, and to omit a good deal of irrelevant matter. — Spakks. See introduction, § 185 ; index, title Dumas. t 7 Flassan's Dip. Franf ais, 149 ; House Rep. No. 220, Twentieth Congress, first session, p. 15. As to attitude of France at this time, see Introduction, $5 39,^; index, titles Vergennes, France. 90 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Mr. Beaumarchais. If your majesty should approve of it, I beg that it may be returned to me without delay. It shall not go forth in my hand- writing, nor in that of any of my clerks or secretaries; I will employ that of my sou, which can not be known ; and, although he is only in his fifteenth year, I can answer positively for his discretion. As it is of consequence that this operation should not be detected, or at least imputed to the government, I propose, if your majesty consents, to call hither the SieurMontaudoin. The ostensible motive will be to ask an account of his correspondence with the Americans, and the real one to charge him with the transmission to them of the funds which your majesty is pleased to grant them, directing at the same time all the pre- cautions to he taken as if he advanced thefxmds on his own account. On this head also I take the liberty of requesting the orders of your maj- esty. That being done, I will write to the Marquis Grimaldi, (secretary of foreign affairs in Spain) ; I will inform him in detail of our operation, and pro])ose to him (de la doubler) to do the same. Secret Journal of Congress.* May 10, 1776. Resolved, That the committee of secret correspondence be directed to lay their proceedings before Congress on Monday next, withholding the names of the persons they have employed or with whom they have corresponded. t Dumas to the Committee of Secret Correspondence. t UTREonT, May 14, 1776. Gbntlejvien : I wrote the 9th to the person who wrote me the letter of the 6th, of which I have given you a copy, that if what he had to say to me was pressing, 1 would go and return in two succeeding nights, to be with him Sunday, the 12th, which is between the two ; but if the interview could admit a week's delay I should be able to make the journey more conveniently. He answered the nest day, 10th of May, as follows : I have received, sir, the letter yoii did me the hoaor to write. I obey instantly the order you have given to answer you as to the day when I shall be able to have the pleasure of seeing you. As what I shall have the honor of saying to you is not press- ing, you may put off till Saturday next, eight days hence, that is to say, the 18th of this month, the visit .s'ith which you flatter me. Nay, I take the liberty to antici- pate you in the offer of expenses in all cases where yonr good offices will be useful to me. Flattered, honored as I am with the acquaintance I have made with you, I should be very sorry to be a burden to you and to abuse your kindness. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, at your command. *MSS. Department of State. t The history of congressional management of foreign affairs is given in the Intro- duction, H 103 #. t 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cor., 196. MAY 14, 1776. 91 Do not tbint, gentlemen, that a childish vanity leads me to recite to ^ou this letter, and to take to myself sincerely the compliments which ire addressed to me. May 21. — I am at length returned from my journey, with which I have been much satisfied, because I think you will have reason to be so. After we had conversed some time on the great and very late news of the evacuation of Boston by your enemies, as anew mark of the wisdom of your operations, our friend (whose name I have promised not to re- venl) said the King of England does not forget himself nevertheless, IS you see; and he showed me in a gazette a prohibitory edict, very severe, of the Empress Queen of Hungary against all exportation of arms and munitions from her states for America. I had already seen it md I told him so. But what you do not know, said he, is that the king lias demanded this of the empress by a letter written with his own hand. [ gave him to understand that I hoped his court would not be so partial. You shall know, he replied, for you will comprehend it. As to your arst demand, the mediation of the king cannot take place whilst the Colonies are subjects of the King of England, who besides would not iccept it. As to your second demand, the king is a true knight, his word is sacred. He has given it to the English to live in peace with them. He will hold to it. While France is not at war with the En- glish he will not ally himself against them with the Colonies, and will not furnish aids to the latter. But, on the other hand, for the same reason the Americans have the same protection and liberty as all other English to resort to, France to export thence merchandise, arms, and munitions of war, without, however, forming magazines of them in France, which is not permittbd by^ny nation. Besides, added he, the Colonies have no need that^ither France or Spain should enter into this war. Commerce alone wiUfurnisli to the Americans all that they want to defend themselves. I am of his opinion. I think even that it will be more advantageous to J^u and to France also that she should not be hasty to declare openly for you. Once more, gentlemen, your union, your constant love of liberty, your fortitude in turning from all that looks like luxury and in despising it, your hatred of tyranny and despotism, which are the sad fruits of luxury — in fine, all your republican virtues will render you superior to your enemies and invincible even without allies. These, however, will not be wanting, be assured ; for it can not be thought that with what is passing in your part of the world ours can long remain at peace. The time will come when your friends will show themselves, and when your alliance will not only be accepted but sought. Mean- while you have struck a great and wise blow in driving your enemies from Boston. They publish that they have evacuated the place with profound political motives; the public laughs at this pretense. P. S.— I forgot to mention to you that the person in question offered to reimburse to me the expenses of my journey, and that I answered 92 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. they were already paid ; ou wliicli lie requested me to tell him at least in what he could do me a favor. I answered that he was doing me such in rendering great service to the Americans. Finally, he desired me to correspond from time to time with him. I engaged to do it and shall not fail. Thus it depends only on you, gentlemen, to render this correspondence more and more interesting. On my part I will be vigi- lant to profit by all events that can make any change in Europe. Those wbich happen in America will require, without doubt, that you give me frequently new instructions and orders, provided always with letters of credence, or at least with one that will serve for the time, as you judge proper. I know to whom to address myself to ask for intelligence at the court of France and to have an answer in a few days. ■June 6. — Here yoa have a copy of a letter from London, dated May 21. Tou know well from whom it is.* I have sent to him under the envelope the two letters which jMr, Story had left with me, and I added a cipher, which he has already used with success. " Everything is safe. I shall write you fully next week by our friend Story. One Hortalez t will apply to you on business that concerns our friends. He has your address. Be so good as to assist him."| I expect these gentlemen with impatience and shall do all that depends on me for your service and theirs. I trust you will always answer me speedily and inform me if aiy letters reach you. I will send you once more a general copy of my preceding letters to supply the loss of one or both in case the vessels that carry them are lost or are taken. W.hen I promised the minister with whom I had an interview on your affairs not to name him to you, it is only until you expressly require that I make him known to you ; for in that case you may know him when you will. In about eight days I shall leave Utrecht for a country house within seven leagues of The Hague, where I expect to pass the summer. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. • The person bere referred to is Artbur Lee. — Sparks. See report of committee of secret correspondence, Oct. 1, 1776 ; and as to relations of Arthur Lee and Beauaiar- chais, see Introduction, ^^ 61, 142. t See Introduction, ^ til. t This note refers to Beaumarchais, who proposed to go to Holland when he saw Mr. Lee in London. But he afterwards altered his mind and returned directly to Paris. — Sparks. As to Arthur Lee's engagement with Beaumarchais, see Introduc- tion, vS 142. 93 Secret Journals of Congress.* May 18, 177G. The secret committee laid before Congress a letter from Mr. Laug- lon,t aud the same beiog read — Resolved, That it be referred to the committee of secret correspond- ence, and that the said committee be directed to apply to the marine iommittee for the use of one or more of the continental fleet, aud that ;hey send the same to the French West India Islands, in order to pro- jure, if possible, a number of muskets, not exceeding teu thousand ; md further that the said committee be directed to endeavor to discover ihe designs of the French in assembling so large a fleet, with so great I number of troops, in the West Indies, and whether they mean to act or or against America. :j: * MSS. Dept. of State. t John Langdon was born in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in 1739. Controlling a ai'ge business, he threw all the influence and opportunities it gave him into therevolu- ionary cause. His correspondence, copies of the material parts of which are in the ibrary of Harvard College, shows tbat he was an active agent in the obtaining and listribution of supplies for the army. He took the lead in 1774 in the forcible emoval of the arms aud stores in Fort William and Mary in the harbor of Ports- nouth : and by this bold act he placed himself in conspicuous couflict with the royal mthorities. He was a delegate to the Continental (Congress of 1775, but on being ilected navy agent for New England he resigned his seat. His private estate, which vas large, he used liberally for the revolutionary cause; and through his exertions ri this way Stark's brigade, by which Burgoyne's foraging expedition to Bennington vas repulsed, was equipped for service. He was elected again to Congress, in which le sat for several sessions. In the movements instituted by Samuel Adams for the ubjection of the executive department of the government to the legislative he ippears to have taken no part; but as the war proceeded, and the necessity of ucreased executive independence became more obvious, he attached himself more larticularly to Jeft'eraon and Madison, and with them deprecated the action of the jees in opposing enlistment of regulars in the army and in resisting compliance by Hrginia with the federal calls for taxation. In his large correspondence also there 3 no evidence that he took any part in the movement for the recall of Franklin, and le was strong in the conviction of the necessity of a loyal discharge of the congres- ioual engagements with France. This threw him into close intimacy with Jefferson, v'hom he sn^jported for the presidency, and whose policy ho maintained as a senator rom New Hampshire from 1789 to 1801. On Jefferson's election to the presidency he vas offered the post of Secretary of the Navy, which he declined. When the demo- rats regained political ascendency in New Hampshire in 1805 he was elected gov- rnor, to which post he was re-elected for several terms. In 1812 he was nominated >y the democratic congressional caucus as Vice-President on the ticket with Madison. ?his nomination, however, he declined, and returned to private life, in which he lied in September, 1819. t As to congressional proceedings in this relation, see introduction, §§ 103 J'. As the movements of France at this time, see introduction, ^^ 33^. 94 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Arthur Lee, under the name of Mary Johnston, to Beaumarchais, under the name of Roderique Hortalez & Co.* London, 3Iay 23, 1776. M. HoETALEZ: Be persuaded that M. Le Comte det * * * can uot in any manner embarrass you. I pray you to consider, in your arrangements at the cape, that the want of tobacco ought uot to hinder your sending out your supplies to the Americans, for tobacco is so weighty an article that it will greatly impede the sailing of the ships, and the essential object is to maintain the war.f Franklin to the Commissioners in Canada. 51 New York, May 27, 1776. Dear Friends : We arrived here safe yesterday evening, having left Mrs. Walker with her husband at Albany, from whence we came down by laud. We passed him ou Lake Champlain, but he returning overtook us at Saratoga, where they both took such liberties, in taunt- ing at our conduct in Canada, that it came almost to a quarrel. We continued our care of her, however, and landed her safe in Albany with her three wagon-loads of baggage, brought thither without put- ting her to any expense, and parted civilly, though coldly. I think they both have au excellent talent at making themselves enemies, and I believe, live where they will, they will never be long without them. We met yesterday two officers from Philadelphia, with a letter from the Congress to the commissioners and a sum of hard money. I opened the letter, and sealed it again, directing them to carry it forward to you. I congratulate you ou the great prize carried into Boston. Seventy-five tons of gunpowder are an excellent supply, and the thousand carbines with bayonets another fine article. The German auxiliaries are cer- tainly coming. It is our business to prevent their returning. The Congress have advised the erecting new governments, which has occa- sioned some dissension in Philadelphia, but I hope it will soon be com- posed. I shall be glad to hear of your welfare. As to myself I fiml I grow daily more feeble, and think I could hardly have got along so far but for Mr. Carroll's friendly assistance and tender care of me. Some symptoms of the gout now appear, which makes me think my indisposition has been a smothered fit of that disorder, which my con. stitution wanted strength to form completely. 1 have had several fits of it formerly. "House Doc. No. Ill, apijendix. Fifteenth Cougrese, first session. t Count Lauraguais (?). See Deane to committee, Aug. 18, 1776, infra; introduc- tion, »5i 61, 142. t See answer of June 6, 1776, infra; as to Arthur Lee's position in England in 1776, see introduction, ^ 143; as to Hortalez, see introduction, § 61. ^8 Sparks' Franlflin, 183. JUNE 3, 1776. 95 Grod bless you and prosper your counsels, and bring you safe again to your friends and families. With the greatest esteem and respect, I am, etc., B. Feanklin.* A. Lee to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.! June 3, 1776. Gentlemen: The desire of the court of France to assist may be depended on ; but they are yet timid and the ministry unsettled. Tur- got, lately removed, was the most averse to a rupture with England; his removal is of consequence. The contention for the lead now is be- tween Count de Vergennes and the Duke de Choiseul ;| both are friends to you and for vigorous measures. The disposition there may, for these reasons, be relied on. Spain is more reserved [her minister here an old woman], § but assuredly when France moves Spain will co-ope- rate. The clear revenue from the farm of tobacco is twenty-four mill- ions of livres to France. It has been hinted to me that she is likely to tell Great Britain that if England can not furnish it she will send for it herself. You may judge, therefore, what an important instru- ment that is in your hands. A Scotch banker, Sir Eobert Herries, proposed to the farmers in France to supply them at the home price here, that is with the duty, to which they agreed. He then applied to this government for leave to import it upon paying the duties, which was refused. [The Scots are the contrivers and supporters of all the measures against you. Nor will they ever desist while the English have a penny * Sparks adds in notes : "Dr. Franklin's ill state of health compelled him to leave Canada before the other commissioners, and he returned in company with the Rev. Mr, Carroll. " It was resolved in Congress, 'That it be recommended to the respective assem- blies and conventions of the United Colonies, where no government sufficient for the exigencies of their affairs has been hitherto established, to adopt such form of gov- ernment as shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular and America in general. — Journals, May 10th.' " As to Franklin's personal relations at above date, see introduction, § 112. tMSS. Dept. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 386, with omisssions and verbal changes ; 6 Force's Archives, fourth series, 685. "There are only two fragments of the original of this letter remaining ; but there is in the office a copy of the whole, indorsed as follows : " 'Copy of A. Lee's letter to the committee of secret correspondence, dated June 3d, 1776, and taken from the original in the cover of a dictionary, which was deliv- ered to the secretary of Congress by Robert Morris on the 4th of September, 1778, and to the committee of foreign affairs 7th December following.' " This copy, as well as the indorsement, is written in Mr. Lovell's hand, aLd attested James Lovell." — Sparks. t Introduction, ^ .39/. § Words in brackets omitted in Sparks' edition. 96 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. to be plundered of or a man to be sacrificed. Whatever propositions are made you must consider as coming from the Scots, whose perfidy yon know can never be trusted. Don't let the character of Lord Howe deceive you. They have corrupted their English adherents almost to their own degree. Lord Howe has a weak and confused head. Two hundred thousand pounds in specie has been sent to Oanada, so that the booty there if you succeed must be great.]* In tbe last debate, Lord George Germain, who is undoubtedly min- ister, affirmed that no treaty would be held with you till you had laid down your arms. My opinion is, that independency is essential to your dignity, essential to your present safety, and essential to your future prosperity and peace. Some of the Congress correspond with Mr. Jackson, of the board of trade, and with Mr. Mollesou, a Scotch merchant; the intelligence they give goes directly to the minister. [To prevent this all correspondence ought to be forbid with the Scots, who are to a man treacherous and hostile, and with the refugee Amer- icans, who also commune with the minister. Parson Maddison has been permitted to return to Virginia, and as he wdl probably give intelligence, he should be watched. Jt The young gentleman who will deliver this is of great worthiness, and deserves much of his country for his fidelity and zeal. Six thou- sand of the Hessian troops sailed last month ; the remainder is not yet arrived here, so that it may be September before they reach you. In the mean time it may be Howe's plan to amuse you with a negotiation, which may also furnish an opportunity of feeling some pulses among you as to the efficacy of money and promises. Beware of Joseph Eeed,:j: of Philadelphia. One Brooke Watson, who was permitted to travel last year from New York to Quebec, gave in a plan to the min- istry for attacking Canada, and is with the invaders. § "Passage iu braoltets omitted in Sparlis' eilitiou. t Passage in Ijracliets omitted in Sparks' edition. Arthur Lee's denunciations of the Scotch are a survival of his Williite and Jnnian training. See introduction, § 148. t This suspicion was ill founded, as events proved. No man gave more substan- tial testimonies of his patriotism and ardent zeal iu the cause of his country than Joseph Reed. The suspicion grew out of the circumstance that Mr. Reed had cor- responded with Lord Dartmouth a j'ear or two before respecting the state of the Col- onies. — Sparks. § At the end of this letter is given a minute explanation, now unintelligible, of a cipher. In the copy iu 6 Force's Archives, fourth series, 68C, the following is the last para- graph : This book is better than the last I sent you. It is to decipher what I -write to yon and for you to write by. This is done by putting the page where the word is to be found and the letter of the alphabet corresponding in order with the word. As there are more words in a page than the letters of the alphabet, the letter must be doubled or trebled to answer that, as thus: to express the troops, you write 369, k. k 381 vv ; ing, ed, s, etc., must he added when necessary, and distinguished by making no comma between them and the tignves, thus: for betrayed, put 33ed. The letters I use are these : abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwsyz. which are JUNE 14, 1776. 97 Beaumarcbais (under the name of Roderique Hortalez & Co. ) to A. Lee (under name of Mary Johnston).' Paris, June 6, 1776. M. Johnston : I received your letter of the 23d May. I will perform ray promises in the way I pointed out. I am abdut to send to Cape Fraugois, on the island of San Domingo, a ship loaded with merchandise to the value of twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, besides cannon powder and stores; but this last article will arrive but in small par- cels, on account of the risk. On your part, do not fail to send a ship loaded with good Virginia tobacco, and let your friend send in tlie ship an intelligent, discreet, and faithful person, with powers to receive the money or merchandise and powder and to make the remittances in tobacco, which I can no more do without than your friend can do with- oat what I send to him ; in a word, lee him give his notes to my house for what he shall not be abls to pay in tobacco, and make certain and solid arrangements with my agent at the cape for the future. The captain, on his arrival at the cape, must inquire of the first mag- istrate, who is the merchant intrusted with the affairs of Eoderique Hortalez & Co., and he will introduce him to the correspondent of your humble servant, t A. Lee (under name of Mary Johnston) to Beaumarohais (under name of Rod- erique Hortalez & Co).* London, litli June, 1776. Sir : I have but one moment to thank you in for your letter of the 6th June, w^hich I received safe this moment. I will do my utmost to answer your wishes ; but I advise you, as I advise my friends, to con- sider always that the communication of sentiments is difficult, and for that reason we ought to do all in our power, without insisting on a cer- tain and immediate return. (In ciphers): Consider, above all things, that we are not transacting a mere mercantile business, but that politics is greatly concerned in this affair. (In letters): I have written on your account to our friend Grayman. twenty-six. I cau not use this until I know it is safe. You can write to Mrs. Lee, on Tower Hill, in a woman's hand : if you have both booljs, say the chihlren are well; if the first only, the eldest child is well; if this, the youngest child is well. They will let this pass. •House Doc. No. Ill, appendix. Fifteenth Congress, first session. tSee Lee's letter to Beaumarchais of May 2:3, 1776; see introduction, ^^ 61, 143; iiidex, title Beaumarchais, Arthur Lee. 7 WH — VOL II 98 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Admiral Lord Howe to Franklin," Eagle, June 20, 1776. I can Dot, my 'srortby friend, permit the letters and parcels (which I have sent in the state I received them) to be landed without adding a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities in which our unhappy differences hnve engaged us. Yon will learn the nature of my mission from the official dispatches, which I have recommended to be forwarded by the same conveyance. Eetaining all the earnestness I ever expressed to see our differences accommodated, I shall conceive, if I meet with the disposition in the Colonies 1 was once taught to expect, the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the king's paternal solicitude by promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the Colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the necessity for preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels must keep us still a divided people, I shall from every private as well as public motive most heartily lament that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained, and that 1 am to be longer deprived of an opportunity to assure you ])ersonally of the regard with which I am your sincere and faithful humble servant. Howe. A "declaration" by Lord Howe, offering amnesty, came with this letter. Con- gress ordered the publication of the declaration in the newspapers, so "that the few who still remain suspended by a hope founded either in the justice or moderation of their late king may now at length be convinced that the valor alone of their country is to save its liberties " Dr. Franklin submitted his letter to Congress. After a day'8 deliberation " it was also resolved that Dr. Franklin may, if he thinks proper, return a reply to the letter he received from Lord Ho\ve."t Franklin's answer will be found infra, under date of July 20, 1776 ; see index, title Howe. Beaumarchais (under name of R. Hortalez & Co.) to Arthur Lee (under name of Mary Johnston). t [In ciphers.] Paris, June 26, 1776. I refer you to my former letter of the 6th of June, of which I pray you to follow the disposition. The difficulties which I have met with in my negotiations with the ministry have made me take the resolution of forming a company, which shall send out the supplies of powder and stores to your friend, depending, in the mean time, upon remittances in tobacco, at Cape Francjois, and always under the name of your servant, EoDERiQUE Hortalez & Co.§ ".'-1 Sparks' Franklin, 98. tFor a notice of the Howes, see Franklin's narrative, March 29, 1775, supra. t House Doc. No. Ill, appendix. Fifteenth Congress, first session. § See introduction, § 61 ; index, title Beaumarchais. JDLY 18, 1776. 99 Arthur Lee to Dumas.* London, J^dy 6, 1776. Dear Sir : This will be delivered to you by Mr. Ellis, a friend of Dr. Frankliu, of liberty, and of America. He is a philosopher, very well instructed on the subject of America, and I trust will be both an agree- able and useful acquaintance while he remains near you. I thank you for your favor of the 21st of last month. By the last ad- vices from America General Howe was prepared to sail for Halifax, and, it is imagined, to land atNew York, where he will certainly be strongly opposed. He numbers ten thousand regulars, and it will be fortunate for us if he makes his attempt before he is joined by the Germans, who sailed the 6th of May. t The Americans have taken post upon the river Eichelieu and the lakes, so that Montreal, not being tenable, is evacuated. General Lee is in Virginia with ten thousand men, expecting Lord Cornwallis and General Clinton. General Washington commands at New York, and General Ward in Boston. The strange timidity de la cour Frcmcaise requires great patience and management ; but I think it will at last be brought to act an avowed and decided part. When that happens, Angleterre must submit to whatever terms they please to impose, for she is totally incapable of sustaining a war with France. Adieu, Arthur Lee. Beaumarchais to Deane.t July 18, 1776. I don't know, sir, if you have anybody with you whom you may trust for translating the French letters which treat on important affairs. On my part I shall not be able to treat with security in English till after the return of a person whom I expect at this moment from London, and who will be an interpreter between us. Meanwhile I have the honor to inform you that I had for some time past the desire of helping the brave Americans to shake off the English yoke. I have already tried several means to open secret and sure correspondence between the general Con- gress and a house which I am about to establish on that occ.ision. I shall exert ray endeavors to jjrovide the continent either by way of our West Indies or straight from here if possible, all such articles which the Americans shall be in need of and which they can not any more get from England. I have already mentioned my plan to a gentleman in London who pretends to be much attached to Araeiica [Arthur Lee? ], but our correspondence since I left England having been carried on *5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 202. As to Ellis, see Dumas to committee, Aug. 10, 1776. t As to unreliability of Arthur Lee's campaign new,s, see introduction, 5§ 150, 15],, t House Doc. No. Ill, appendix, Fifleenth Congress, first session, 100 DIPLOMATIC COEEESPONDENCE. ■with difiQculty ami iu ciphers, I have received no answer to my last, in which I tried to iix some terms for that great and important affair. But since you are vested with a cliaracter which permits me to have confldeuce in you, I shall be very glad to begin anew, iu a manner more certain and more regular, a negotiation which was before but touched on. My means are not very considerable, bat they may be much in- creased if we can establish together a treaty of which the conditions shall be honorable and advantageous and the execution of the same shall be exact. I can not grant either to Mr. Dubourg or to anybody else the confi- dence of speaking freely of my i^lan, but when you have compared the nature of the offers which shall be made to you from every quarter, to the disinterested zeal which attaches me to the cause of America, you will perceive what difference there is between treating with common merchants and on the hardest terms, aud the good fortune of meeting with a geuerous friend, who shall think himself happy in proving to- your nation, and to you its secret representative, how truly he is de- voted to them. I am, sir, yours, etc., Oakon de Beatjmaechais.* Secret Journals of Congress, t July 20, 1776. A committee, consisting of Messrs. Dickinson, Franklin, John Adams, Harrison, and Morris, having been appointed to prepare a plan of treat- ies, and this committee having reported, it was — Resolved, That the plan of treaties be printed for the use of the mem- bers under the restrictions and regulations prescribed i'oT i^rintiug the plan of Confederation (viz: That eighty copies aud no more be printed and deposited with the secretary, who shall deliver one copy to each member; that the printer be under oath to deliver all the copies which he shall print, together with the copy sheet, to the secretary, and not to disclose, either directly or indirectly, the contents of the said plan ; That no member furnish any person with his copy or take any steps by which the said plan may be reprinted, aud that the secretary be under the like injunction), and that in the printed copy the names of persons, places, and States be omitted. In this matter the following jwoceedings took place: August 22, 1776. Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consitleration the form or jdan of a treaty. August 29, 1776. Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the plan of foreign treaties ; and after some time the 'Introduction, ^ 61-143; Index title, Beaumarcbais. t MSS. Dept. of State. JULY 20, 1776. 101 president resumed the cbair, and Mr. Nelson * reported that the com- mittee have gone through the same and made sundry amendments therein. Resolved, That the plan of treaties, with the amendments, be referred to the committee who brought in the original plan, in order to draw up instructions pursuant to the amendments made by the committee of the whole. That two members be added to the said committee. The members chosen, Mr. R. H. Leet and Mr. Wilson. August 29, 1776. Resolved, That the committee to whom the plan of treaties, with the amendments, was recommitted, be empowered to prej)are such further instructions as to them shall seem proper, and make report thereof to Congress. September 17, 1776. Congress took into consideration the plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign nations, with the amendments agreed to by the committee of the whole; and thereupon, Resolved,, That the following plan of a treaty be proposed to his most Christian majesty: [Here follows plan of treaty, as given In 2 Wait's Secret Journal, page 7 jf.Jt "Thomas Nelson was born in York County, Virginia, in December 1738, and was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, England. Possessed of a large estate, he took an early and influential part in the revolutionary struggle. He was a member of the Virginia proTiucial conventions of 1774 and 1775, and of the Continental Con- gress of 1775-76. He signed the Declaration of Independence, but shortly afterward entered the military service as commander-in-chief of the Virginia militia, acting in subordination to "Washington. This did not preclude him from taking his seat iu Congress when not in the field. He was not in the delegation of 1778; but in 1779 was again elected to Congress, but was unable continuously to discharge his duties in consequence of ill health. In 1780 he advanced large sums for army purposes, by which his estate was seriously impaired. In 1781 he followed Jefferson as governor, and during the British invasion in that year was invested with dictatorial power. It was largely due to his energy and sacrifices that the Virginia troops were kept in action. At the siege of Yorktowu he was in command of those troops, audit was said that his own conspicuous mansion, with its valuable library, being within the enemy's line, he pointed it out to the artillerymen as a proper object at which to direct the guns. After the war he was compelled by bad health to abandon public life; and he died in 1789. P''or a notice of Nelson, see 10 Mag. Amer. History, 457. tSee index, title E. H. Lee. As to his political position, see introduction, 5 11. As to his family influence, see introduction, i 153. tAs to congressional action on foreign afl:airs, see introduction, ^ 103 J"; index, title Congress. 102 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deaue to Beaumarchais. ' July 20^, 1776. Sir: In compliance witli your request at our interview of yesterday I send you inclosed copies of my commission and an extract from my instructions, wliicb will fully satisfy you of my being authorized to make the purchases 1 have applied to you for. To understand this extract, it is necessary to inform you that I was ordered to make my first application to the ministers, and to procure the supplies wanted of them by way of purchase or loan ; and in case the credit or influ- ence of Congress should not be such under the present circumstances to obtain them from that quarter, I was instructed then to apply else- where. My application to the minister and his answer I have already acquainted you with. With respect to the credit which will be required for the goods and stores which I propose to engage of you, I hope that a long one will not be necessary. Twelve months has been the longest credit my countrymen have ever been accustomed to, and Congress having engaged large quantities of tobacco in Virginia and Maryland, as well as other articles in other parts, which they will ship as fast as vessels can be provided, 1 have no doubt but very considerable remit- tances will be made within six mouths from this time and for the whole ■within a year; this I shall in my letters urge Congress to do. But the events of war are uncertain, and our commerce is exposed to be affected thereby. I hope, however, that at least such remittances will be made you that you will be able to wait for whatever sum may remain due after the credit we shall agree on is expired, having the usual interest allowed you. I send you also an invoice of the clothing and of many articles of the furniture and stores necessary for our army, in which I can not be so particular at present as it will be necessary to be hereafter in case you undertake it; but as the articles for the uniforms can at this time be ascertained as well as ever, I have made out a detail of them ; though my instructions speak of but 100 brass cannon, and of arms and cloth- ing for 25,000 men, yet, considering the importance of the articles to America, I shall (if to be obtained) venture in a larger quantity, the X>robability of some part being taken, with other circumstances, will, I think, fully justify me therein. But it is im[)roper to add on this sub- ject until you resolve whether you will undertake, and on the terms, which I presume you will do. As soon as you shall have obtained a translation of this and the inclosed, I will do myself the honor of wait' ing on you. In the mean time, I am, with the utmost respect and attach- ment. Sir, yours, etc., Silas Deane.! * House Doc. No. Ill appeudix, Fifteeutli Con^iess, first session. Another trans- lation is found in 3 Loni^uie's Beaumarchais, 147. tSee introduction, ^ 61/; index, titles, Deaue, Beaumarchais. July 20, 1776. 103 Franklin to Lord HoTve.* Philadelphia, July 20th, 1776. My Lord; I received safe the letters your lordship so kindly for- warded to me, and beg you to accept my thauks. The ofiBcial dispatches to which you refer me contaiu nothing more than what we had seen in the act of Parliament, viz, offers of pardon upon submission, which I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. Directing pardons to be offered the Colonies, who are the very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness, and insensibility which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to entertain of us ; but it can have no other effect than that of increasing our resentment. It is impossible we shoidd think of sub- mission to a government that has with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defenseless towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre our farmers and our slaves to murder their mas- ters, and is even now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our set- tlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every remaining spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear; but were it ijossible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily injured. You can never confide again in those as fellow subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just cause of lasting enmity. And this must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavor the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing, by every means in your power, our growing strength and prosperity. But your lordship mentions " The king's paternal solicitude for pro- moting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the Colonies." If by peace is here meant S, peace to be entered into between Britain and America, as distinct states, now at war, and his majesty has given your lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may venture to say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose not yet quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Your nation, though, by pun- ishing those American governors who have created and fomented the discord, rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us, might yet recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest part of our growing commerce, with all the advantage of that additional strength to be derived from a friendship with us ; but I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom to believe she will ever take such salutary measures. Her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation, her lust of dominion as an ambitious one, and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one (none of them legit- * 5 Sparks' Franklin, 99 ; 2 Partons' Fraaklin, 137. 104 DIPLOMATIC CORRE.SrOXDENCE. iniate cause of war) will all join to hide from her eyes every view of her true interests, aud continually goad her on in those ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and treasure, that must prove as pernicious to her in the end as the Crusades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe. I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidating by thus pre- dicting the effects of this war ; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions, not to be believed till the eveat shall verify it. Long did I endeavor, with unfeigned aud unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble china vase, the British Empire, for I knew that, being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength or valne that existed in the whole, and that a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wet my cheek when, at your good sister's in London, you once gave me expectations that a recoucilatiou might soon take place. I had the misfortune to find those expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was laboring to prevent. My consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country, and among the rest some share in the regard of Lord Howe. The well-fouuded esteem, and permit me to say affection, which I shall always have for your lordship, makes it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war the great ground of which, as expressed iu your letter, is " the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing into foreign channels." To me it seems that neither the ob- taining or retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood ; that the true and sure meansof extending and securing commerce is the goodness aud cheap- ness of commodities ; and that the profit of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and of holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and un- wise; and I am persuaded that cool dispassionate posterity will con- demn to infamy those who advised it, aud that even success will not save from some degree of dishonor those who voluntarily engaged to conduct it. I know >our great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation ; aud I believe, when you find that impossible on any termn given you to propose, yen will relinquish so odious a command, aud return to a more honorable private station. With the greatest and most sincere respect, I have the honor to be, etc. B. Franklin. According to Mr. Partou tbia letter was delivered to Lord Howe by Colonel Pal- frey, of the American Army, wlio went on board to arrange ii plan for the exchange of naval ofacera. Colonel Palfrey sj w the good-natured admiral read the letter. " I JULY 24, 1776. 105 watched his couuteoance, " he wroce nest day to Mr. Hancock, " and observed him often to exhibit marks of surprise. When he had finished reading it he said his old friend had expressed himself very warmly; that when he had the pleasure of seeing him in England he made him acqiiaioted with hisseutimeuts respecting the dispute between Great Britain and the Colonies, and with his earnest desire that a recoucila- tion might take place equally honorable and advantageous to both. Possessed of these sentiments, and the most ardent desire to be the means of effecting tbis union he had accepted the honor the king had done him in appointing hiiu one of the commissioners; and that unfortunately a loug passage prevented his arriving bere before tbe Declaration of Independence. I told him he had now a fair oppor- tunity to mention to his friend Dr. Franklin in a private letter his design in com- ing out and what his expectations from America were. This he declined, saying that the doctor had grown too warm, and if he expressed his sentiments fully to him he should only give him pain, which he would wish to avoid.* Deane to Beaumarchais.t Paris, July 24, 1776. Sm: I have considered the letter you honored uie with the 32d, aud am of the opinion that your proposals for regulating the prices of goods and stores are just aud equitable. The generous confidence you place in the virtue and justice of my constituents affords me the greatest pleasure, and gives me the most flattering prospect of success iu the undertaking to their, as well as your, satisfaction, and permit me to assure you the United Colonies will take the most effectual measures to make you remittances, and to justify in every respect the sentiments you entertain of them ; but at the same time, as the invoice for clothing only, and without the incident charges, amounts to about two aud three millions of livres,and as the cannons, arms, and stores will raise the sum much higher, I cannot, considering the uncertainty of the arrival of vessels during the war, venture to assure you that remittances will be made for the whole within the time proposed; but in that case, as I wrote you before, I hope that the interest on the balance will be sat- isfactory. With respect to cargoes sent from America either to France or the West Indies, designed as remittances for your advances, I think there can be no objection to their being sent to the address of a house in France, or to your agents where they may arrive. I find that cannons, arms, and other military stores are prohibited and can not be exported but in a private manner ; this circumstance gives me many apprehensions, for, as I can not have those things shipped publicly, I can nothave them purchased openly without giving * For subseiinent letter of Howe to Franklin, see infra, August IG, 1776. For other correspondence bearing on above, see iudex, titles Howe and Franklin. As to relations of the United States and Britain in ]775-'7G, see introduction, J5 20^, 'il ff. As to per- sonal relations of the Howes, see notes to Franklin's narrative of March 22, 1775. t House Doc. No. Ill, appendix, 15th Cong., 1st sess. Another version is in 3 Lo- m^nie's Beaumarchais, 149. See introduction, 55 61^. 106 DIPLOMATIC COkEESPONDENCE. alarms, perhaps fatal to our operations. lu this case various deceptions and impositions may be practiced. You know that the ambassador of England is attentive to everything done by me, and that his spies "watch every motion of mine, and will probably watch the motions of those with whom I am known to be connected. In this situation, and being a stranger in a great measure to your language, I foresee many embarrassments which I know not how to obviate, and such as I fear may greatly i)erplex even yourself, notwithstanding your superior knowledge and address. Two things, you will agree with me, are as essential as even the procuring of the cannon, arms, etc. First, that they are good and well laid in, and that they be embarked without being stopped and detained. The fate of my country depends, in a great measure, on the arrival of these supplies. I can not, therefore, be too anxious on the subject ; nor is there any danger or expense so great but what must be hazarded, if necessary, to effect so capital and im- portant an object. I pray you to consider this subject, and to give me your thoughts upon it. I called on you this morning, with Dr. Bancroft, to have conversed with you on this subject, but found that you was gone to Versailles. Permit me to urge your early attention to this subject, and to assure you that I have the honor to be, with the highest respect. Yours, sir, etc., Silas Deane.* Deane to Dumas. * Paris, Juhj 26, 1776. SiE. : The inclosed letter from Dr, Franklin will hint at my business in this city, where I arrived the 7th instant, and should have sent forward this earlier, had I not had hopes of having the honor of presenting it to you in person. This I now find I can not expect, without delaying it beyond all bounds. I therefore forward it by the common conveyance, and inform you that my address in this city is to Messrs. Germany, Guardot & Co., bankers ; that I shall tarry here till the last of August, when I propose going to Dunkirk, thence to Amsterdam and Hamburg, in which journey 1 hope for the pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time I shall be happy in a correspondence with you on the subject of the dispute between the United Colonies and Great Britain, or any other that shall be agreeable to you ; and I wish to be informed if I shall be in danger of any disagreeable treatment in my journey through Holland in a private capacity, though it should be known that I was in the service of the United Colonies. It has been suggested to me that *As to the Deaue-Beaumarchais correspoudence, see introduction, §5 61, ff; index, titles Deane, Beaiimaicliais. t5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 203; see index, titles Deane, Dumas. AUGUST 7, 1776. 107 ] might meet with some iuteiruptiou or difficulties from the friends of the British ministry, which occasions my maliiug this inquiry. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. P. S.— I read and understand the French language tolerably well, though 1 am unable to write it. Robert Morris, for Secret Committee, to Silas Deaue." Philadelphia, August 1. 1776. Deae Sir : The above is a copy of our last, which went by the Dis- patch^ Captain Parker. The Congress have since taken into consideration the heads of a treaty to be proposed to France, but as they are not yet concluded upon, we can not say more of them by this conveyance. You will see by the newspapers which accompany this that the expedition against South Carolina is foiled by the gallant resistance made there. The enemy, much diminished by sickness, it is thought will attempt nothing further in those parts. The people of North Carolina, who at first had taken up their bridges and broken the roads to prevent the enemy from pene- trating their country, have since, being ready to receive him, repaired ihe roads and bridges, and wish him to attempt making use of them. General Howe is posted now on Staten Island, near Xew York, with the troops he carried to Halifax when he was driven out of Boston. Lord Howe is also arrived there with some regiments and more are expected, as the great push seems intended to bo made in that prov- ince. General Washington's army is in possession of the town, about which many entrenchments are thrown up, so as to give an opportun- ity of disputing the possession with Howe if he should attempt it and of making it cost him something; but it is not so regularly fortified as to stand a siege. We also have a flying camp in the Jerseys to harass the enemy if he should attempt to penetrate through that province to Philadelphia. In the different colonies we have now near eighty thousand men in the pay of the Congress. The Declaration of Independence meets with universal approbation, and the people everywhere seem more ani- mated by it in defense of their country. Most of our frigates are launched in the different provinces, and are fitting for sea with all the expedition in our power. They are fine ships and will be capable of good service. Our small privateers and continental armed vessels have already had great success, as the papers will show you ; and by abstaining from trade ourselves, while we distress that of our enemies, we expect to make their men-of-war weary of their unprofitable and * MSS. Dept. of State. 108 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDEICCE. hopeless cruises, and their merchaDts sick of a contest in which so much is risked aud nothing gained. The formiug a navy is a capital object with us, and the marine committee is ordered to bring in a plan for increasing it very considerably. The armed boats for the defense of our rivers and bays grow more and more in repute. They venture to attack large men-of-war, and are very troublesome to them. The papers will give you several instances of their success. We hope by this time you are at Paris and that Mr. Morris » has joined you, whom we recommend to you warmly, and desire you may mutually co-operate in the public service. With great respect, etc., EoBEET Morris. Dumas to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.! August 10, 1776. Gentlemen: Mr. Arthur Lee, in his letter of the 11th of June, ob- serves that " Mr. Story | goes from hence directly to America. A French gentleman named Hortalez having something to negotiate for the Con- gress, 1 have given him your address." On the eve of my departure from Utrecht, on the 21st of June, I wrote as follows to the person whom vou know : § June 2L Sir : In the bope tbat yon have consented to make me understand that I sball be one day useful to you, I tbink it my duty to advise you that I shall depart to-morrow from this city, to pass the summer at a couutry bou.se half way from here to . I shall receive there in all safety your orders if you send your letters to, etc. I propose also to pass to as .soon as I can, merely to profit by the permission you have given me to render you my services from time to time. Without having any new plan to propose, the v.^ork already marked out has need of your good direc- tions, md I sball be very sorry to fail of the honor of an interview with you, at le.ast once more before your departure, if it is near. To this I received the following answer, dated June 23 : Sir ; I have received the letter you did me the houor to write me the 21st of this month. You flatter me with the hope of seeiug you at , to which you are brought near by the residence you intend to make during the summer at a couutry bouse. This proximity will aiSford you opportunity to make journeys, by which I shall profit with much pleasure. I am sensible of the esteem which is your due, and of the advantage of meriting the friendship of an experienced man like yourself, uniting literature to tha duties of society. I shall listen to you always with an eager desire of profiting by your counsels, and this on all subjects that have engaged your thoughts. I do not yet know the time I shall remain at . Perhaps it will be sufficiently long to enjoy oftener the honor of receiving you. This depends on the orders of my court. Wo are in the least active or most dissipated season. 'Thomas Morris. As to Thomas Morris' relation to bis brother, see introduction, ^ 183 ; and as to Thomas Morris' character, see index, T. Morris. t5 Sp.avks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 198. I See index, title Story. i "Doubtless the French ambassador." — Sparks. AUGUST 10, 1776 109 Business will not flourisb much till the fall of the leaves, or even not get warm till the return of snow. I speak of the Old World, for I wisli not to extend the picture too much. Have you any news of the doctor and his friends ? I shall be obliged to you to follow my instructions in this respect. I will bear willingly the charge of an ex- press, whom you may send to me when you shall judge proper; otherwise write uniformly by the post. Should I be on a journey, I shall have the honor to inform you of my residence and address. I do not know how to express to you sufficiently, sir, the desire I have to serve you and to deserve a place in your thoughts. About fifteen days after I replied to this letter as follows: SiK: The letter with which you honored me, dated 23d of June, has given me the assurance which was needed to cousole me for the disappointments that have detained uie here. Perhaps I shall be at The Hague on Sunday morning. Be assured, sir, that if any thing comes to my knowledge worthy of your attention you shall be informed of it immediately. I have no reason to expect soon to receive news directly. I have written two letters by two different vessels that have sailed from Amsterdam lor St. Eustatia; and I expect when another vessel departs to dispatch a third. Before I have an answer much time will pass, a.nd in this time many events. There is, however, a man charged with some commission on their part, to whom they have given my address at Leyden ; and I have received two letters from that city — the one of the 21st of May, the other of the 11th of June — in which they pray me to render him service. This is all that I know of him, for the man has not yet appeared. The more I am favored Avith your letters, sir, the more I wish to deserve your good opinion.* In the mean time ] ought to be on my guard against too much presumption, and to think how natural it is to give a gracious reception to the servant for the love of the master. I own to you, sir, that in giving an account to the doctor and bis friends of our correspondence I have thought proper to forewarn them thereon. They will be informed of the obliging interest with which you ask news of them. I hope that the time will come when you will be able to permitme to reveal your name. After having thought long and much, it seems to me that in order to answer com- pletely their intention I ought to present myself also to the Hotel d'Espagne, to be known there simply as charged with such a commission, to open to myself thereby ways of serving my constituents on divers occasions which may present themselves at one moment or another, and not incur the blame which may be reflected even on these gentlemen ol having neglected a power so worthy of their efforts. For the rest I shall not do or say any thing in this respect till I have had the honor of seeing you, sir, and I pray you to believe that I shall observe scrupulously the conduct and the discretion that you have had the goodness to prescribe to me. lu coiiseqiience I have again conferred with this gentleman. He went to dine at that same house, said that I had been with him, and that I told him I would go also to the other house the next day at 11 o'clock. I went, in fact, and was received tete a tSte with great cere- mony in the hall of audience. I opened briefly my business and drew out a memoir to read to him. He told me that he could not hear me without the order of his master. I read, notwithstanding, and he did not stop his ears. I prayed him to receive and keep the memoir. He refused, alleging continually that he could do nothing without orders. I drew out then my originals, and showed him my three signatures, which he looked at eagerly. In separating I asked him to keep my name concealed at . He said to me that he would keep it secret everywhere. He asked me, however, if that was my true name. I assured him it was ; he paid me some personal com- 110 DIPLOMATIC COURESPONDENCE. pliments and we parted. I learnt on the next day by another channel that he had, notwithstanding-, given an account to his master of this visit, which suffices me, for I have need, as you know, of only cue of these good houses. I am always very politely received, and as a friend. This is all that I ask. I do not multiply too aiucli my visits, but to render them always desirable I never appear there without having something- interesting to say; and to this end the letters of my worthy correspondent at London are very useful to me. This last has addressed to me lately a person whose conyersatiou, joined to the contents of the letter of which he was bearer, has served me in the composition of a memoir which they approve and I have reason to think they have sent. This person has induced me to write a letter to you, dated the 4th of August, by way of Bordeaux to St. Domingo, under an envelope of Mr. Caton, merchant, at port St. Nicholas, iu that island, of which here is an extract: A gentleman belonging to Jamaica, a particular frioEd of Dr. Franklin, and very ■well known to him, lias charged me to write to him, to assnre him on good authority of the singular esteem that he has for him and his friends ; that they ought to think, and that he praya him to let them Jcvoio it, that the present voice of Parliament is the voice of the English people ; that there exists and gathers strength a great I)ody, -svhich in truth is not the strongest, but -which regards the cau^e of tbe Americans as its own, their safety and liberty as its own, which will prefer to see them independent rather than subjugated, and which will make, at the future meet- ing of Parliament the greatest efforts iu their favor ; that the basis of this party is already forty peers and one hundred and sixty members of the commons. The letter which this geutleman brought me began thus: "This will be delivered to you by Mr. Ellis, a friend of Dr. Franklin, of liberty, and of America. He is a philosopher, very well instructed on the sub- ject of America, and I trust will be both an agreeable and useful acquaintance while he remains near you." * This assuring me, I dis- covered to him that I was the man whom he was seeking, provided with credentials and orders from Congress sufficient to do all the good offices that his friends could wish to render. Thereupon I showed him my credentials; he was satisfied with them, and we exchanged ad- dresses. He promised to write me, and we separated satisfied with each other. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. Arthur Lee to Dumas.t London, August 13, IT^TG. Dear Sir: I answered your last letter immediately. I now inclose yon several pamphlets, which contain such an authentic state of facts and such arguments on the American question as w'ill enable its advo- cates with you to maintain their ground against the pensioner of this * See Arthur Lee to Dumas, July 6, 1776. +5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., S04. 1776. Ill court. I beg particularly that you will send some of them to the gen- tleman who has answered Pinto, the pensioner of this court. The pamphlet entitled the Bights of Great Britain, etc., is full of the grossest falsehoods. A very material one is exposed by the inclosed extracts from the acts of Parliament granting bounties upon American produce, which proves, by their own words, that those bounties were given for their own interests only. Yet that pamphlet has given a long list of the amount of those bounties and charged it to the Colonies. The fact is as Dr. Smith, a Scotchman, and an enemy to American rights, has stated it in his late labored and long-expected book on the Wealth of Nations. "Whatever expense," says he, "Great Britain has hitherto laid out in maintaining this dependency has really been iaid out in order to support their monopoly."* Speaking of the debt in- curred last war, he says: "This whole expense is, in reality, a bounty, which has been given in order to support a monopoly. The pretended purpose of it was to encourage the manufactures and to increase the commerce of Great Britain." The operation of this monopoly against the colony he states thus: "The monopoly of the colony trade, there- fore, like all the other mean and malignant expedients of the mercan tile system, depresses the industry of all other countries, but chiefly that of the Colonies^' When you write to the Congress, it would be well, I think, to mention that, as all the evils have been produced by Scotch counsel and those people prosecute the business with more rancor and enmity, a distinc- tion ought to be made between the treatment of them and other people when made prisoners. We expect every day some decisive news from New York. The last gazette gives us no reason to fear anything but the chance of war, against which no prudence can provide. We have certain intelligence from Canada that it will be the last of August before the boats will be ready upon Lake Chaniplain for the ministerial army, so that there is no possibility of their joining Howe. They are putting eleven sbips-of- the-line in commission here, which is kept very secret, or it would shake the stocks exceedingly. Adieu, Arthue Lee. Lord Howe to Franklin. \ Eagle, off Staten Island, August 16, 1776. I am sorry, my worthy friend, that it is only on the assurances you .give me of my having still preserved a place in your esteem that I can now found a pretension to trouble you with a reply to your favor of the 20th past. 'As to a. Lee's antipathy to the Scotch, see introduction, $148. Adam Smith, so far from being an enemy, was friendly to American rights. t5 Sparks' Franklin, 103. 112 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I can have no difficulty to acknowledge that the powers I am invested with were never calcahited to negotiate a reanion with America under any other description than as subject to the crown of Great Bntaiu. But I do esteem those powers competent not only to confer and nego- tiate with any gentleman of influence in the Colonies upon the terms, but also to eflect a lasting peace and reunion between the two countries, were the temper of the Colonies such as professed in the last petition of the Congress to the Iving. America would have judged in the dis- cussion how far the means were adequate to the end, both for engaging her confidence and proving our integrity. ^STor did 1 think it necessary to say more in my public declaration, not conceiving it could be under- stood to refer to peace on any other conditions but those of mutual io- tereet to both countries, which could alone render it permanent. But as 1 perceive from the tenor of your letter how little I am to reckon upon the advantage of your assistance for restoring that per- manent union which has long been the object of my endeavors, anil which 1 tlattered myself when I left England would be in the compass of my power, I will only add that as the dishonor to which you deem me exposed by my military situation in this country has effected no change in your sentiments of personal regard towards me, so shall no ditference in political points alter my desire of proving how much I am your sincere and obedient humble servant, Howe.* Deane to the Committee of Secret Correspondence. t Paris, August 18, 1776. I wrote you every material occurrence to the time of my leaving Bor- deaux, and sent duplicates by Captains Palmer, Bunker, and Seaver, one of which you will undoubtedly have received before this comes to hand. I left that city ou the last of June and arrived here the Satur- day following, having carefully attended to everj'thing in the manu- facturing or commercial towns in my way ; which, indeed, are neither numerous nor of great consequence. I spent at Angouleme a day in viewing what, as to manufactures alone, deserves attention on the journey — the foundry for cannon, where the greatest part of those used m the kingdom are manufactured. The cannon are cast solid, after which they are put as in a turner's lathe and bored out and the outside smoothed and turned at pleasure. They can bore and complete a twelve-pounder in one day in each lathe, which takes four men only to work. The workmen freely showed me every part of their furnace and foundry. On Monday after my arrival I waited on my bankers, and found that Mr. Bancroft| had arrived the same day with me, Mr. Thomas * See for reference to this ciirrespondeucp, index, titles Howe, Fr.anklin. As to character of the Howes, see Franklin's narrative, under date of March ^, 1775, 1 1 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1011 ; 1 Sparks' Dip, Rev, Corr., 8. } See introduction, J 196. AUGUST 18, 1776. 113 Morris and M. Venzonals about ten days before. I waited on M. Du- bourg* and delivered him Dr. Franklin's letter, which gave the good gentleman the most sincere and real pleasure. Mr. Penet,t on his arrival in Paris, waited on M. Dubourg, showed him a copy of his contract with the committee of Congress, and told him he had letters from Dr. Franklin to him, but had left them on the road or at Eotterdam through fear of a search. He told M. Dubourg, to whom he was a perfect stranger, so many particular circumstances that he could not doubt of his sincerity, and in consequence he embarked in his affairs to a large amount. Five or six weeks have now passed with- out the arrival of the letters said to be left on the road. Arms, powder, etc., to a large sum were in readiness, when my arrival gave him conli- deuoe that I would take the burden off him, as he doubted not that my credentials would be explicit. I saw immediately the arrangement of the whole, and that M. Penet had returned to France (copy of the contract excepted) almost as empty-handed as lie came to Philadel- phia, yet had found means to collect a very considerable quantity of stores, part of which ho had actually shipped. This circumstance gave me hopes ; yet I found that it would now be expected I should become responsible for the articles, which embarrassed me much, since to detain them would be quite disagreeable, and to step out of my own line and involve myself with Messrs. Plairne and Penet's contract would be equally so. M. Penet had somehow got intelligence of my being in France and that I was expected at Paris ; he therefore waited for me, and I saw hiui the next day at my hotel, when he complained of want of remittances, and desired me to pledge my credit for the stores, which I waived in the best manner I could, for I saw the consequences might involve me in many difficulties and frustrate my greater designs. I therefore told him I would certify to the merchants, if necessary, that the Congress would pay for whatever stores they would credit them with ; and in the mean time advised him to proceed strictly agreeable to the letter of the contract,and I was positive that theCongresswouldfulfilltheir partof it. 1 finally satisfied both him and M. Dubourg, and he parted for Nantes to ship the goods the next day. I must do him the justice that is his due: he has been indefatigable in the business ; his heart seems to be entirely in it and I believe him honest ; but his connections, either com- mercial or political, are not of themselves equal to such an undertak- ing ; but the cause he was employed iu had in a great measure, I found, supplied this deficiency, which was to me a favorable appearance. M. Dubourg told me that the ministers would not see me, as they meant to be quite secret in any countenance they gave the United Colo- nies, and that my arrival iu France was already known in London, in consequence of which Lord Stormout arrived express but a few days •See introdaccion, § 74 ; iadex, title Dubourg. t See index, Penet. 8 WH — VOL II 114 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. before aud had applied to the court on the subject. I showed him my commission and told him I was determined to apply ; for every circum- stance, in my opinion, was favorable instead of otherwise. On this he wrote a letter to Count de Vergennes, asking liberty to introduce me the Thursday following, on which day I went to Versailles, and, though the letter had not been delivered to his excellency, yet he gave us im- mediate admission. Fortunately his chief secretary spoke English well, by which means 1 had an opportunity of conversing freely with him on the subject of my commission for two hours, and was attentively aud favorably heard by him aud was asked many questions, which shows that the American disputes had been, aiul still were, a principal object of attention. I pursued nearly the line marked out by my in- structions, stating the importance of the American commerce and thead- vantages Great Britain had received from a monopoly of it. That, all in- tercourse ceasing between the two countries, the Colonies had consid- ered where they might dispose of that produce which they necessarily had so large a s urplus of, and receive for their raw or first materials the various manuiactures they wanted. That they first turned their eyes on France as the best country in Europe for them to be connected with in commerce. That I was purchasing a large quantity of mauufact- ures, for which I expected to paj' the money, and that I should want a quantity of military stores, for which remittances would be made. That I doubted not the Colonies had before this declared independency, and that I should soon receive instructions, in conseqn!?uce, more full and explicit; that iu the mean time they were very anxious to know how such a declaration would be received by the powers in Europe, particularly by France, and whether in such case an ambassabor would be received from them, etc.? To which he replied that the importance of the American commerce was well known, aud that no country could so well supply the Colonies, and iu turu receive their produce, as France ; it was therefore the in- terest of both to have the most free and uninterrupted intercourse, for which reason the court had ordered their ports to be kept opeu and equally free to America as to Britain. That, considering the good un- derstanding between the two courts of Versailles and London, they could not openly encourage the shipping of warlike stores, but no ob- struction of any kind would be given; if there should, as the custom- houses were not fully in their secrets in this matter, such obstructions should be removed on the first application. That I must consider my- self perfectly free to carry on any kind of commerce in the kingdom which any subject of any other state in the world might, as the court bad resolved their ports should be equally free to both parties. That I was under his immediate protection and should I meet with any diffi- culty, either from their police, with the rules of which he supposed me unacquainted, or from any other quarter, 1 had but to apply to him and everything should be settled. That as to independency, it was an 1776. 115 event in the womb of time, and it would be highly improper for him to say anything on that subject until it had actually taken place; mean- time, he informed me that the British ambassador knew of my arrival, and therefore advised me not to associate with Englishmen more than I was from necessity obliged, as he doubted not I should have many spies ou my conduct. I then told him the precautions I had taken, and should persevere in, in coming from Bermuda, and that I did not mean in public to pass for other than a merchant from that island on speculation during the present cessation of commerce in America ; but, at the same time, I told his excellency that I was well assured it was known in London that I was coming long before I arrived in Paris, and I doubted not they con- jectured my errand ; but at the same time I should take every precau- tion in my j)ower, and most sincerely thanked him for his protection and assistance so generously offered, which he might depend I would never abuse. He was pleased with my having come by Bermuda and passing as an inhabitant of that island, and said if questioned he should speak of me in that character. He then asked me many questions with respect to the Colonies ; but what he seemed most to want to be assured of was their ability to subsist without their fisheries and under the in- terruption of their commerce. To this I replied in this manner: That the fisheries were never carried on but by a part of the Colonies, and by them not so much asa means of subsistence as of commerce. That, the fishery failing, those formerly employed in them turned part to agricult- ure and part to the army and navy. Tliat our commerce must for some time be in a great measure suspended, but that the greater part of our importations were far from being necessaries of life, consequently w,e should not suffer under the want of them, whilst it was not wealth or luxuries that we were contending for. That, our commerce ceasing, it would be out of the power of our enemies to support themselves on our plunder, and on the other hand our ships, as privateers, might harass their commerce without a possibility of their retaliating. That I hoped to see a considerable marine force in the Colonies, and that, joined to the impossibility of Britain's guarding so extensive a coast, would pre- serve some of our commerce until it should be thought an object de- serving the protection of other powers. After many questions on this subject he put this, in which I thought he seemed interested— whether, if the Colonies declare an independ- ency, they would not differ among themselves 1 To this I replied that the greatest harmony had as yet subsisted, and that I had no grounds to doubt it in future ; that the common danger which first drove them into measures which must end in such a declaration would subsist, and that alone was sufficient to insure their union. He then desired me to give his secretary my address, and said, though he should be glad to see me often, yet as matters were circum- stanced his house was too public a place, but that I might put the 116 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. same confideuce ia Iiis secretary as ia himself, to whom 1 might apply ibr advice aud direction ; but that whenever anything of importance occurred I need but inform him and he would see me, but on common occasions I must address the secretary, which would be every way more convenient, as he understood the English language well and was a per- son in whom the greatest coufldence could be placed. Having settled the mode of intercourse, I expressed the sense I had of his excellency's politeness and the generous protection he had given me, and on part- ing said if my commission or the mode of introducing the subject were out of the usual course, I must rely on his goodness to make allowances for a new-formed people, in circumstances altogether unprecedented, and for their agent, wholly unacquainted with courts. To which he replied that the people and their cause were very respectable in the eyes of all disinterested persons, aud that the interview had been agreeable. After this I returned to Paris frith M. Dubourg, whose zeal for the American cause led him to draw the most favorable consequences from this beginning. The next day, while from home, I was informed that Count Laureguais* had inquired out my lodgings, immediately after which he asked leave to go for England, which was refused by the court. The same day I was informed that Sir Hans Stanley and Sir Charles Jenkinson, who I knew were at Bordeaux when I left it, were in France for the sole purpose of inquiring what agents were herefrom the Colonies aud what commerce or other negotiation between them and the Colonies was carrying on. This alarmed my friends, and as I had agreed for other lodgings, to which I was next day to remove, M. Dubourg advised me to secrete both my lodgings aud name. I told him that the Count Laureguais' conduct appeared mysterious, yet I could never think of keeping myself secret, for though I should not seek these gentlemen nor throw myself purposely in their way, yet I must think it an ill compliment to Count Vergennes to suppose, after what had passed, that I was not on as good and safe footing in France as they or any other gentleman could be. However, his uneasiness made him write to the count what he had advised, who returned for answer that such a step was both unnecessary and impolitic, as it would only streugtheu suspicions by giving every thing an air of mys- tery, while there was not the least occasion for it. The next day I had a fresh conference with M. Dubourg, who brought me a number of memorials from officers and engineers offering their services in America, some of whom I believe deserve the utmost encour- agement ; but more of this hereafter. While I was casting in my mind how best to improve the present favorable crisis for supplying the Col- onies, Monsieur Beaumarchais made proposals for procuring whatever should be wanted, but in such a manner as was understood by M. * See Lee to Beaumarchais, May 23, 1776 ; and see introduction, ^$61 ff; index, title Laureguais. AUGUST 18, 1776. 117 Dubourg to amount to a monopoly, which indeed was not his only objection, for Monsieur Beaumarchais, tliougb confessedly a man of abibties, had always been a man of pleasure and never of business; but as he was recommended by Count Vergennes, M. Dubourg could not avoid noticing him, but immediately expostulated with the count iu a letter, which brought on embarrassments no way favorable, and I saw that M. Dubourg was so far from sounding the views of his supe- rior in this mauoiuver, that he was, with the best intentions in the world, in danger of counteracting his own wishes, the extent of which were to obtain the supplies of merchants and manufacturers on the credit of the Colonies, iu which the strictest punctuality and most scru- pulous exactness would be necessary, and which, under the present difficulties of remittance I feared would not be lived up to. As I had learned that in the late reform of the French army they had shifted their arms for those of a lighter kind, the heavy ones, most of which were the same as new, to the amount of seventy or eighty thou- sand, lay useless in magazines, with other military stores in some such ])roporlion, I apprehended it no way impossible to come at a supply from hence through the agency of some merchant, without the ministry being concerned in the matter. In such case the merchant would be accountable to the ministry and the Colonies to the merchant, by which means a greater time of payment might be given and more allowance in case of our being disappointed. With this in view, I went to Ver- sailles on Wednesday, the 17th, and waited ou M. Gerard,* first secre- tary of foreign aiiairs, and presented to him the inclosed memorial,! which led to a very particular conversation on the affairs of America, and which I turned finally ou this subject, to which he would not then give me any immediate answer, but promised me one in a day or two. Eeturning to town, I found Messrs. Dubourg and Beaumarchais had a misunderstanding, the latter giving out that he could effect everything we wished for, and the former, from the known circumstances of M. Beaumarchais and his known carelessness in money matters, suspect- ing he could procure nothing, and the more so as he promised so largely. They parted much displeased with each other, and Mons. Beaumarchais went directly to Versailles. On M. Dubourg's coming and informing me what had passed I immediatelj^ wrote to M. Gerard the inclosed letter,t and in return was desired to come with M. Dubourg the next morning to Versailles. We went as desired, and after explaining many things to M. Gerard had a conference with his excellency, from whom I had fresh assur- ances of the utmost freedom and protection in their ports and on their coasts; that, in one word, I might rely ou whatever Mons. Beaumar- chais should engage in the commercial way of supplies, which, indeed, was all I wished for, as I was on the safe side of the question, viz, on the receiving part. I communicated to his excellency that clause of * lutroduotiou, i 83, t Missing. 118 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDBNCK. • my instructions for procnring arms, etc., of which he asked a copy. I then informed him that I considered the present as the most critical juncture of American affairs ; that the campaign would undoubtedly be carried far into the winter; that supplies now shipped might arrive very seasonably in the fall to enable the Colonies to hold out the i^res- eut campaigu. He replied that no delay should be made by any obstruction of any officer, or others, of the customs or police. He then told me that the Oouat Laureguais was perhaps a well-meaning man, but not sufficiently discreet for such purposes as this; that Mr. Lee (meaning Mr. Arthur Lee, of London), had confided, he feared, too much in him, and wished me to caution him on the subject, and that if 1 would write to him he would inclose it in a letter of his by a courier that evening.* I most readily embraced this safe way of correspond- ing, and sent a letter I had before written, with an additiou on this subject, a copy of which is inclosed. I have thus given you the heads of my negotiation to this time, July 20, and will not take up your time in making remarks on it and the prospect before me, which are obvious, but inform you of the plan I mean to pursue in the execution of my commission, and hint some methods by which I think I may be euabled to complete every part of it to your satisfaction and the relief of my country, which is all my wish and the extent of most ambitious hopes. I go on the supposition of an actual, unconditional independency, without which little can be effected publicly ; with* it, almost everything we can wish for. It is by no means probable that Europe will long remain in a state of peace. The disputes between Portugal and Spain are on the point of producing an open rupture; the former relies on England; the latter will look to this kingdom, and has already applied to this court on the subject. Nothing but the division of Poland has taken the king of Prussia's attention off from the injustice doue him b^' Great Britaia at the close of the last war. He has now completed his part of that extra, ordinary work, and, I am well informed, listens with pleasure to the dispute between the United Colonies and Great Britain. He is ambi- tious of becoming a maritime power, aud is already in possession of the capital ports on the Baltic; but without commerce it is impossible to effect the design, aud no commerce can put him so directly in the road as the American. t The consumption of coffee, sugar, aud other West India productions increases fast in the north of Euroi)e, and it must be his interest at least to supply his own dominions. In case of a war in Europe, France, Spain and Prussia might be brought into one interest, and the Emperor of Geruiany is too closely connected with his majesty of France to take part against them, after which. Great Britain haviug her whole force employed in America, there could be nothing on the one hand to prevent Spain and France from reducing Portugal to a submission to the former, nor from Prussia aud France subduing and 'See iudes, title A. Lee. tSeo iutroduction, ^ 90. AUGUST 18, 1776. 119 incorporating into their own domiuious Hanover and the other little mercenary electorates which lie between them, and which for several centuries have been one principal cause of every war that has happened in Europe. With respect to Eussia,* it is as closely allied to Prussia as to Great Britain, and may be expected to be master in the contest. Denmark and Sweden are a balance for each other and opposites. Not to enlarge on this plan at present, I have only to suggest that an appli- cation to the King of Prusia will do no harm, and may be attended with good and great consequences; the Prussian ambassador at this court and at that of London may be sounded on the subject. But my powers and instructions are so limited that I can by no means take such a step; yet when I see Great Britain exerting her whole force, and that of her allies and courting every power in Europe to aid her, I can but wish she may be couuteraoted iu her own system, aud by having employ found for her in Europe, bring her to leave America in peace, and I think myself bound in duty to hint at what to me seems the most probable means. Dr. Bancroft t was full with me in this opinion, Mons. Ghaumont,J a very wealthy person, and intendant for providing clothes, etc., for the French army, has offered me a credit on account of the Colonies to the amount of one million of livres, which I have accepted. I have in treaty another credit, which, joined to this, will purchase the articles directed in my instructions; the credit will be until May next, before which I hope remittances will be made. 1 have purchased of said M. Ohaumont a quantity of saltpeter at tea sous, or five aud one-fourth per cent., in order that Captain Morgan might not return empty. As soon as I have given the orders for dispatching him and settled some other matters here I design for Dunkirk, to ship the Indian goods, which I hope may arrive in season for the winter supply, though I leave you to consider my situation, with only about six or seven thousand pounds to complete a contract of forty, aud the bills for my private expenses being protested, obliged to support myself out of that capital, which I labor to do with all the economy iu my power. Dr. Bancroft is returned to London, and by him I wrote to Monsieur Garnier, and agreed on a mode of correspondence. I think your remittances in armed vessels will be much the best method, and I have ordered Captain Morgan's sloop to be armed ; and should she arrive safe, recommend him as one I am confident will serve the Colonies with great zeal and fidelity ; and I have had some experience of the goodness of his temper and his abilities.' Mr. Seymour, his mate, is also deserving of encour- agement as a good seaman and of undaunted resolution. I am not without hopes of obtaining liberty for the armed vessels of the United Colonies to dispose of their prizes in the ports of this kingdom, and " See introduction, 5 92. t As to Bancroft, 8»e introduction, ^ 196. j; See iatroduction, H 12'T#; index, Chaumont. 120 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, also for ariniug and Jittiag out vessels of war directly from heuce; but I will not venture on this until I see what effect my last memoir may liave, the substance of wliicli is to show the danger to France and Spain if they permit Great Britain to keep so enormous a force in America and to recover the dominion of the Colonies ; also how fully it is in their power to prevent it, and by that means deprive Great Britain of the principal source of her wealth and force, even without hazarding a war of any consequence in point of dauger. This memoir, which takes several sheets, I am unable to send you a copy of, as I have no one to assist me, and must make out several copies for the persons to whom they are to be delivered. I was directed to apply for arras and clothes for twenty-five thousand men, and for one hundred field pieces, with ammunition and stores in projiortion. This I wished to get of the ministry direct, but they evaded it, and I am now in treaty for procuring them, through the agency of Monsieur Chaumont and Monsieur Beauraarchais, on a credit of eight months from the time of their delivery. If I effect this, as I undoubtedly shall, I must rely on the remittances being made this fall and winter without fail, or the credit of the Colonies must suffer. If I can get the arms out of the magazines and the field pieces here I hope for a much longer credit; but if we send to Sweden for the brass cannon, the credit will not be lengthened beyond that. Some new improvements have lately been made in this branch; consequently the cannon now manufactured will be preferable to those of former construction. Some engineers here assert that iron is preferable to brass— that is, wrought iron — out of which the pieces may be made lighter and to a better purpose. Considering the want of these pieces and the plenty of iron in America, the experiment might, I think, be made without delay. I am still in hopes of procnr- ing an admission of the article of tobacco directly from America, but the Farmers General will not offer equivalent to the risk. Without intelligence from April to this time leaves me quite uncer- tain and extremely anxious about the line of conduct now pursuing by Congress, and consequently I cannot, without further intelligence anfl instructions, proceed in my negotiation either with safety or honor, The resolution of Congress of the 15th of May is not considered by the ministry as a declaration of independence, but only a previous step, and until this decisive step is taken I can do little more to any purpose. This taken, I dare pledge myself the United Colonies may obtain all the countenance and assistance they wish for in the most open and public manner and the most unlimited credit with the mer- chants of this kingdom. I must, therefore, urge this measure, if not already taken, and that the declaration be in the most full and explicit terms. Merchants here would speculate deeply in the American trade could they be insured at any premium within bounds. I wish to know if officer are already open, and 1 would suggest that if the Congress AUGUST 18, 1776. 121 would take the insurance under their own direction, it would give it such a proportionably greater credit, that supplies would most certainly be obtained in plenty. I shall be able to secure a private interview with the Spanish ambassador and shall present him my memorial, and am in a train which I think will carry it quite to the fountain head. Thus I have in a minute, possibly a tedious, detail mentioned every- thing material on my mind which has occurred since my arrival, and submit the whole to the wisdom and candor of the honorable Congress, observing that I have gone to the extent of my instructions, and though I have been successful beyond my expectations, yet I have but been laboring principally to set certain great wheels in motion, which still want something more decisive on my part, and I am conHdent of all that is wanting to set them so effectually moving as to roll the burden and calamities of war from our doors back with aggravated ruin on its authors, which, if I can be the means of effecting, the world may bestow the rest of its honors on whom it pleases ; I shall be con- tented, the extent of my most ambitious hopes thus accomplished. I have now to urge a survey with respect to the contents of this letter More that is said in Congress transpires and crosses the Atlantic than you conceive of; more than I can account for without having unchar- itable thoughts of individuals, still without fixing them on any one. I have written a short letter to Mr. Jay on common affairs, and have inclosed one to Monsieur Longneville, which I pray may be forwarded ; the letter is from his friends here, who have heard of his being a pris- oner somewhere in America. M. Dabourg has continued to render me every assistauce in his power; to be particular would swell this letter beyond all bounds. His abilities and connections are of the first style in this kingdom, and his zeal for the cause of the United Colonies is to be described only by saying that at times it is in danger of urging him beyond both ; in short, I am every way deeply indebted to him per- sonally for bringing me acquainted with agreeable persons of rank and character, and on account of ray honored constituents for assisting me to make such a favorable beginning and progress in my business.* I know not how afduent he may be, but as he has really for some time devoted himself to assist in this uegotiation, I am confident something honorable will be thought of for him. I have complimented him by asking of him his portrait to be sent to his and my friends in America in my private capacity, mentioning our mutual friend Dr. Franklin. This I found so agreeable, that I am confident some such distinction would be more acceptable than more lucrative rewards. Dr. B. took pains to collect all the political publi.cations of the last year for me and brought them with him ; he was at considerable expense in his journey ; I sent him from Bordeaux a bill of thirty pounds and paid his expenses in my lodgings here. At parting I desired him to keep an account, and when the money was expended to inform me. This gen- * See index, title Dubourg. 122 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tleman is certainly capable of giving as good, if not the best, intelli- gence of any man in Great Britain, as be is closely connected with the most respectable of the minority in both houses, not particularly ob- noxious to the majority, and for his abilities, they are too well known to Dr. Franklin to need any attempt to do them justice in a letter. I am, with the highest esteem and respect for the honorable Congress and their committee of secret correspondence, etc., Silas Deane. August 1. — Since writing the foregoing I have been at [Versailles], and am of opinion that a war between Portugal and Spain is at the door, and I have had an iuterviw proposed with the ambassador of Portugal, who resides here, on commercial affairs, which I have most readily embraced, and expect to see him again on Wednesday next, after which I will write you further. His proposals are merely commer- cial, as is his station, but something else may be investigated. August 2. — I should have sent this ofif earlier, but delayed on account of hearing something more directly, if I might depend on certain arti- cles for which I was in treaty ; I am now assured I may, and the whole will be ready to ship in all the month of October. My next labor will be to obtain a convoy, which I do not despair of, though it is a delicate question, and I have only sounded at a distance, yet I have no doubt of obtaining one, at least oft' the coast of Europe, and the articles will be shipped as for the West India Islands. I propose arming and well manning the vessels in wliich these articles shall be embarked, and I advise again the sending all remittances to Europe in armed vessels. The probability of meeting with English merchants is well worth the risk. I hope that it will be considered that one hundred field pieces, and arms, clothing, and accoutrements, with military stores for twenty- five thousand men, is a large affair ; and that, although I am promised any credit, yet as they must be paid for, the sooner the better, if to be done without too great a risk. A considerable part of these articles are now on hand, and orders are issued for the others by the contractors this day. I prefer Bordeaux to any other port for shippnig them from, but the remittances must be made to several, on which I will give you my opinion in my next. A number of gentlemen of rank and fortune, who have seen service and have good characters, are desirous of serving the United Colonies, and have applied ; pray let me have orders on this subject. If it be pohtic to interest this kingdom in the present contest, what way so effectual as to get into tlieir debt for supplies, and employ persons of good fam- ily and connections in it in our service '? I have given encouragement, on which some are prepared to embark. One Monsieur C, a celebrated engineer, who was chief in that way in the Turkish army, is returned, and is willing to go to America, but the ministry cannot as yet spare him, as certain regulations are making elsewhere; possibly he may go AUGUST 18, 1776. 123 out some time in the winter; he is a first character in his profession and otherwise. Indeed, this contention has set on foot such a spirit of in- quiry in Europe into the state of America, that I am convinced that at the first close of this war, if, as I trust in God, it will close in our favor, there will be an inundation of inhabitants from this side of the globe. Many persons of capital fortunes have declared to me their resolution of moving to America as soon as the liberties of America shall be estab- lished, and that many of their friends will accompany them. August 15. — I received from a friend at Amsterdam a letter inform- ing me that he would be with me on the 20th, and as the vessel could not be sooner ready to sail I determined not to risk this packet by a private hand or by the public post ; he is now arrived and takes charge of it in person. Were it possible, I would attempt to paint to you the heart-rending anxiety I have suffered in this time through a total want of intelligence. My arrival here, my name, my lodgings, and many other particulars have been reported to the British administration, on which they sent orders to the British ambassador to remonstrate in high terms; and, to enforce their remonstrances, dispatched Wedderburn* from London and Lord Eochford from Holland as a person of great interest and address to counteract me. They have been some time here, and the city swarms with Englishmen, and as money iinrchases everything in this country, I have had, and still have, a most diflflcult task to avoid their machinations. Not a coffeehouse or theater or other place of public diversion but swarms with their emissaries; but knowing the ministry are ray friends, I attend these places as others, but cautiously avoid saying a word on American affairs anywhere except in my own hotel or those of my intimate friends. I have seen many more of the persons in power in this time and had long conversations with them. Their intentions arc good and they ap- pear convinced, but there is wanting a great and daring genius at their head, which the Count Maurepas is very far from being.f He has even imbibed a notion that no assistance is necessary, as the Colonies are too powerful for Great Britain. All eyes are turned on the Due de Ohoiseul. I am convioced the moment he comes into office an active, open, and [friendly part] will be taken. I think he will be minister very soon; meantime I have nothing to complain of the [present min- isters]. Indeed, they will not be altered if he takes the lead. I find M. Beauniarchais, as I before hinted, possesses the entire confidence of the ministry; he is a man of wit and genius and a considerable writer on comic and political subjects. All my supplies are to come through his hands, which at first greatly discouraged my friends, knowing him to be a person of no interest with the merchants ; but had I been as doubtful as they, I could not have stepped aside from the path so cor- dially marked out for me by those I depend on. M. Coudray,:]: the en- *See note to Franklin's narrative to March 22, 1775 ; introtUiction, 5 123. tSee introduction, H 36 #. I See introduction, J 82 ; index Coiidray. 124 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. gineer I before hinted at, obtained liberty last week to go for America, with as many engineers as he should choose, and was not only assured of M. Beaumarchais being able to procure the stores he had stipulated for, but received orders for them and liberty to take two hundred pieces of brass caunon, lest part might be intercepted. M. Coudray has the character of the first engineer in the kingdom, aud his manners and disposition will, I am confident, be highly pleasing to yon, as he is a plain, modest, active, sensible man, perfectly averse to frippery and parade. My friends here rejoice at the acquisition, and considering the character of the mau, and at whose hands I in effect received him, 1 must congratulate you on it. Several young gentlemen of fortune, whose families are nearly connected with the court, are preparing to embark for America, by each of whom I shall without disguise write you the characters they sustain here. I have told them that merit is the sole object with the Congress. The bearer can give you some idea of the situation I am in should this packet failj and should he arrive with it, he may explain some part of it. I am confiilent his attention to the affairs of America here will be considered by the Congress. I have found him in the mercantile way active and intelligent. Mr. Carmichael * is now with me from Maryland, and I find him a person of great merit. Respecting the Colonies, he is recommended as such by [name wanting], from whom he has received a letter, but of no iaimediate importance. He proposes seeing me here this month. M. Dumas has written me two letters from The Hague, but so timid that he has not ventured to sign either, though he speaks in the highest terms of the American cause. The pamphlet called Common Sense has been translated, aud has a greater run, if possible, here than in America. A person of distinction, writing to his noble friend in office, has these words : Je pense comme vous, mon clier comte, que le Common Sense est uue exoellente ouvrage, et que son auteur est uu des \>\ns grande IcSgislateurs des millions d'dcrivaius, que nous connoissions ; il u'est pas douteux, que si les Americains suivont le beau plan, que leur couipatriote leur a tvac6, ils deviendront la nation la plus florissante, et la plus heureuse, qui ait jamais existe. Thus freely do men think and write in a country long since deprived of the essentials of liberty. As I was favored with a sight of the letter and permitted to make this extract, I thought it worth sending you as a key to the sentiments of some of the leading men. I must again re- mind you of my situation here. The bills designed for my use are pro- tested, and expenses rising fast in consequence of the business on my hands, which I may on no account neglect, and a small douceur, thougli I have been sparing in that way, is sometimes of the utmost impor- tance. The quantity of stores to be shipped willamounttoalargesum; the very charge on them will be great, for which I am the only respon- sible person. Five vessels arrived from America with fish, wbich is a * See introduction, ^171, index, Carmichael. AUGUST 18, 1776. 125 prohibited article, and the officers of the customs detained them, on which I was sent to, and informed that if those vessels came from the Oongress to me they should be permitted to unload and sell. Here was a difficulty, indeed, for the captains had not so much as applied to me by letter. However, I assured the [ministers] that there could be no doubt but they were designed for that use, and that tlie letters to me must have miscarried, on which orders were issued for unloading and storing those cargoes until further intelligence should arrive. I mention this case in confidence, and pray that in future some regulation may be made on this subject, and that vessels coming out may be directed to apply to me as their agent or owner at least, and I will procure in the different ports houses of kuowu reputation to transact their business. This is absolutely necessary, for by this means their articles may be admitted. Tobacco may come in this way and every other article, fl amj deeply indebted ostensibly to M. Beaumarchais; he can obtain the liberty for the discharge of their debts. M. Ooudray will see that the articles of ammunition, cannon, etc, are provided in the best manner for the army, and will embark liimself by the 1st of October. I wrote yon from Bermuda on the subject of seizing and fortifying that island. I am well iuformed the British ministry have had it in contemplation, and propose doing it next spring. Mr. Warder, of Phila- delphia, came a few days since from Bordeaux to Paris, and called on me with some young gentlemen from New England. He brought let- ters from my good friends Messrs. [Delaps] in consequence of letters to them from Mr. Alsop. I received him, as I do all my countrymen, with real pleasure. A gentleman present warned him against convers- ing with a particular person in Paris, to which Mr. W. seemed to agree, yet I am told he went directly from my hotel to that person, and in- formed him of every thing he heard mentioned and of every person he saw visiting me. Happily he could inform nothing of any consequence, for my chamber was full of a mixed company, and the conversation was general, and in French and in English ; but this conduct of his, with his want of common complaisance in leaving the city without calling on me to receive any letters I might have for London, which he had promised to convey, has given me some nneasiness ; and I mention the incident only as a caution how and what persons are recommended. The pleasure I feel in seeing one of my own countrymen is such, that I may be in as great danger from them as others, possibly much more. I should be unhappy if any suspicion should operate to the prejudice of this person without cause ; but my friends here, who are kindly atten- tive to every thing that is said or done which respects America, think very strange of his conduct. I rely on your indulgence for the length and incorrectness of this letter. I have had much on my hands, and no one to assist me in copy- ing, etc. Visits from persons to whom I can not be denied, or visiting them, with constant applications made on various subjects, take up my mornings, and I have had only now and then an evening to write in. 126 DIPLOMATIC CORKESPOKDENCE. I have seen the piiuie iigeiit, who proposed something in the way of supplying tlie Colonies with military stores from Prussia. I shall con- fer further on the subject with him and write you. I have drawn up a memorial on the commerce of America and its importance to Europe, and shall present it tomorrow to the different personages concerned. I shall send a copy, if I can get one made, by this conveyance. The debt of the Colonies in carrying on the war is a common topic for ministerial writers; but permit me to assure yon, at the close of this long letter, that the demand for land in America, if its liberties are established, will more than compensate the whole expense. I will in a future letter be more explicit on this important subject, but am well convinced of the certainty of this fact, " that the advance iu the price of lands in America, if the Colonies are victorious, will more than reimburse the expenses of the war." I have nothing material to add. Never were a people more anxious for news than the people of this kingdom are for news from America ; and surely you will put me down as one of the first in the roll of American heroes, when you consider my situation, plunging into very important engagements, which I can by no means avoid, yet without funds to support them. But I will not enlarge on this subject, and only say that I have met with every possible encour- agement from every person I have seen, whether iu or out of ofSce, and I believe no person in the same space of time ever conferred with more of both. My being known to be an American, and supposed to be one of the Congress and iu business for the United Colonies, has intro- duced me beyond what almost any other recommendation could have done, which I mention to convince you of the attention paid hereto the cause of the United Colonies and how very popular it has become in this country. I have repeatedly seen Mr. Hopkins, formerly of Maryland, now ad- vanced to be a brigadier-general in this service. He talks of coming out to America. Should the Due de Choiseul, who is his friend and patron, come into the lead of administration, he might come out to ad- vantage. Insurance from London to Jamaica is 20 percent. If a few of our cruisers should venture on this coast they might do very well, as they would find protection iu the harbors of this kingdom. Coming ostensibly for the purpose only of commerce or otherwise no questions would be asked, and they might wait until an opportunity offered (of which they might be minutely informed), and then strike something to the purpose, I give this hint to individuals rather than to the honor- able Congress as a body. The bearer, Mr. McCreary, has obliged me by copying my memoir, which I send herewith. It has hadagreatrun among the ministers of this and some other courts in a private way. M. Beaumarchais writes by this opportunity; he has shown me his let- ter, and I have agreed iu general to the contents, not understanding any exclusive privilege for his house. Everything he says, writes, or does is in reality the action of the ministry; for that a man should but AUGUST 18, 1776. 127 a few months since confine himself from his creditors, and now, on this occasion, be able to advance half a million, is so extraordinary, that it ceases to be a mystery. M. Coudray was not in the Turkish service, as I was informed ; it was a gentleman who proposes accompanying him ; bnt he is an officer of the first eminence, an adjutant-general in the French service, and his prospects here of rising are exceeding good ; but he is dissatisfied with an idle life. His proposals in general have been that he should be general of the artillery, and subject only to the orders of Congress or their committee of war or of tlieir commander-in- chief of the army where he might be. In the next place, that he should rank as major-general, and have the same wages, etc., coming in as youngest major-general for the present, and rising, of course. Many other particulars are not yet adjusted; but considering the importance of having two hundred pieces of brass cannon, with every necessary article for twenty-five thousand men, provided with an able and experienced general at the head of it, warranted by the minister of this court to be an able and faithful man, with a number of fine and spirited young ofiicers in his train, and all without advancing one shilling, is too tempting an object for me to hesitate about, though I own there is a silence in my instructions. I therefore honestly declare I am at your mercy in this case, and I have no uneasiness of mind on the occasion, for should I be sacrificed, it will be in that cause to which I have devoted my life and everj' [tiling] in it. The terras of M. Coudray* may be thought high ; but consider a person leaving a certain and permanent service, and his native country, to go he hardly knows where, and it must be supposed he will ask at least as good terms as he could have in his own country; but as the terms have not been par- ticularly considered, I must defer anything further on this subject for the present, hourly in hopes of some explicit intelligence from the honorable Congress. You have the good wishes of every one bere. Chevalier de Chastellier desires me this instant to write down his com- pliments to Dr. Franklin; and with pleasure I say the being known to be his friend is one of the best recommendations a man can wish to have in Prance, and will introduce him when titles fail. S. D.t * See introduction, § 82. tNo copy of this letter is iu the Department. It was taken by Mr. Sparks from the appendix to the first volume of Pitkins' History. The words in brackets fill gaps existing iu Sparks' text ; and for these words I am indebted to Mr. Isham, of the New York Historical Society, who tells me they were made by him as conject- ures. In a memorandum of Mr. Sparks, among his papers iu the Harvard library, he speaks of having been able to supply, from a copy furnished him by Mr. Mitchell, of Hartford, ''the blanks in my copy of the work. Except," he continues, " in two instances of names, which wore purposely left blank by the author." Mr. Sparks adds : " The blanks in the printed copy appear to have been caused by the blind- ness of the manuscript." I have not been able to obtain access to this corrected volume. It is not, I am lold, in the Harvard library. 128 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to Dumas.* Paris, August ]8, 1776. Sir: Your favor of the 8th, and one earlier, but without a date, are before me, and I return you my thanks for the attention paid to mine, and more especially for the good opinion you entertain of my country- men and your tenders of service. The business before me is of such a nature that I must be detained some time in this city. If I take a journey to Holland, it will be my choice to make it as a private gentle- man; as such I am in Paris, and that character I shall keep, unless obliged to alter it. Parade and pomp have no charms in the eyes of a patriot, or even a man of common good sense ; but, at the same time, I can never submit to the changing of my name, unless I am convinced that so humiliating a step will promote the service of my country. I can pass unnoticed under that name, as well as any other, whilst I conduct in every other step as a private gentleman. 1 have now but little hopes of being in Holland till October, before which such intelli- gence may arrive from America as may alter my present designs The declaration of independency made by the United Colonies is an- nounced in the English papers, but I have received no dispatches on the event, though I am in daily expectation of them. You ask me two questions in your first letter. To the former I answer at once affirma- tively, that I have a certain prospect of succeeding in my business; but, as to the latter or second query 1 cannot so readily reply, for 1 know not how far the knowledge of me and my concerns may have ex- tended. I am here as a private merchant, and appear as such, what- ever suspicion may circulate. As such I can travel, I trust, in your country, which I most ardently wish to see, and the more so on account of the kind, simple, and engaging invitation you have given me. It really affected me, and brought instantaneously to view those happy and peaceful scenes of domestic felicity to which I am at present a stranger. You have all I can give you, a grateful acknowledgment of yonr kindness, and depend that 1 will in person acknowledge it on my first arrival in Holland. It is the policy of the United Provinces of Holland to be neuter to every attention, t The United Colonies only wish them to keep steady to their only true system of policy in the present case; and give me leave to say that a reflection on their former struggles must show them in what point of light the Americans are to be considered. The United Colonies ask no aid or alliances. Let Britain court every, even the most petty and mercenary, power in Europe, the United Colonies only ask for what nature surely entitles all men to, a free and uninterrupted commerce and exchange of the superfluities of one country for those of another, and the first power in Europe which takes advantage of the present favorable occasion must exceed every other in commerce. *5 Sparks' Dip. Rov. Corr., 205. t See index, title Netherlands, AUGUST 18, 1776. 129 But I am rambling. I pray to know in your next letter what sums are due to Holland from tbe Government of England. Whether the King of Prussia is wholly inattentive to the present proceedings, and on which side his wishes are. Omnia tentanda. i really hope to be at Tbe Hague in October, and promise myself great pleasure in seeing you and your lady, to whom, though otherwise unknown, since you have introduced me, you can not refuse presenting my best respects. I am, with great esteem, etc., Silas Deane. I'R. Hortalez & Co." ( Beaumarchais) to the Committee of Secret Corres- pondence.* [Trauslation. ] Pakis, August 18, 1776. Gentlemen : The respectful esteem that I bear towards that brave people who so well defend their liberty under your conduct has induced me to form a plan concurring in this great work, by establishing an extensive commercial house, solely for the purpose of serving you in Europe, there to supply you with necessaries of every sort, to furnish you expeditiously and certainly witli all articles— clothes, linens, pow- der, ammunition, muskets, cannon, or even gold for the payment of your troops, and in general every thing that can be useful for the honorable war iu which you are engaged. Your deputies, gentlemen, will find in me a sure friend, an asylum iu my house, money in my coffers, and every means of facilitating their operations, whether of a public or secret nature. I will, if possible, remove all obstacles that may oppose your wishes from the politics of Europe. At this very time, and without waiting for any answer from you, I have procured for you about two hundred pieces of brass cannon, four- pounders, which will be sent to you by the nearest way, two hundred thousand pounds of cannon powder, twenty thousand excellent fusils, some brass mortars, bombs, cannon balls, bayonets, platines, clothes, linens, etc., for the clothing of your troops, and lead for musket balls. An ofiQcer of the greatest merit for artillery and genius, accompanied by lieutenants, officers, artillerists, cannoniers, etc., whom we think neces- sary for th« service, will go for Philadelphia even before you have received my first despatches. This gentleman is one of the greatest presents that my attachment can otter you. Your deputy, Mr. Deane, agrees with me in the treatment which he thinks suitable to his office; and I have found the power of this deputy sufficient that I should pre- vail with this officer to depart under the sole engagement of the deputy respecting him, the terms of which I have not the least doubt but Gongi'ess will comply with. The secrecy necessary in some part of the * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 27. As to Beaumarchais, see introduction, 5? 61-66; index, title Beaumarchais. 9 WH — VOL II 130 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. operation which I have uudertakeu for your service requires also, on yoLir part, a formal resolutiou that all the vessels aud their deuaands should be constantly directed to our house alone, in order that there may be no idle chattering or time lost — two things that are the ruin of affairs. Tou will advise me what the vessels contain which you shall send into our ports. I shall choose so much of their loading, in return for what I have sent, as shall be suitable to me when I have not been able beforehand to inform you of the cargoes which I wish. I shall facilitate to you the loading, sale, and disposal of the rest. For instance, five American vessels have just arrived in the port of Bordeaux, laden with salt iish. Though this merchandise, comiug from strangers, is pro- hibited in our ports, yet as soon as yonr deputy had told me that these vessels were sent to him by you to raise money from the sale for aiding him in his purchases in Europe, I took so much care that I secretly ob- tained from the Farmers-General an order for lauding it without any notice being taken of it. I could even, if the case had so happened, have taken on my own account these cargoes of salted fish, tliough it is no way useful to me, and charged myself with its sale aud disposal, to simplifj'tho operation aud lessen the embarrassments of the merchants and of your deputy. I shall have a correspondent in each of our seaport towns, who, on the arrival of your vessels, shall wait on the captains, and offer every service in my power. He will receive their letters, bills of lading, and transmit the whole to me. Even things which you may wish to arrive safely in any country in Europe, after having conferred about them with your deputy, I shall cause to be kept in some secure place. Even the answers shall go with great punctuality through me, and this way will save nuich anxiety and many delays. I request of you, gentlemen, to send me next spring, if it is possible (or you, ten or twelve thousand hogsheads, or more if you can, of tobacco from Virginia of the best quality. You very well understand that my commerce with you is carried on in Europe; tliat it is in the ports of Europe I make and take returns. However well-bottomed my house may be, and however I may have appropriated many millions to your trade alone, yet it would be impos- sible for me to support it if all the dangers of the sea, of exports and imports, were not entirely at your risk. Whenever you choose to ifr ceive my goods in any of our windward or leeward islands you have only to inform me of it, and my correspondents shall be there accord- ing to your orders, and then you shall have no augmentation of price but of freight and insurance. But the risk of being taken by your ene- mies still remains with you, according to the declaration rendered iu- contestable by the measures I shall take by your deputy himself. This deputy should receive, as soon as possible, full power and authority to accept what I shall deliver to him, to receive my accounts, examine them, make payments thereupon, or enter into engagements which yoi AUGUST 18, 1776. 131 shall be bound to ratify as the head of that brave people to whom I am devoted; in short, always to treat about your interests immediately with me. Notwithstanding the open opposition which the King of France, liis ministers, and the agents of administration show, and ought to show, to everything that carries the least appearance of violating foreign treaties and the internal ordinances of the kingdom, I dare promise to you, gentlemen, that my indefatigable zeal shall never be wanting to clear up difficulties, softeu prohibitions, and, in short, facilitate all operations of a commerce which my advantage, much less than yours, has made me undertake with you. What I have just informed you of is only a general sketch, subject to all the augmentations and restric- tions whichevents may point out to us. One thing can never vary or diminish : it is the avowed and ardent desire I have of serving you to the utmost of my power. You will recollect my signature, that one of your friends in London, some time ago, informed you of my favorable disposition towards you and my attachment to your interest. Look upon my house, then, gentlemen, from henceforward as the chief of all useful operations to you in Europe, and my person as one of the most zealous partisans of your cause, the soul of your success, and a man most deeply impressed wich respectful esteem, with which 1 have the honor to be, EODEEIQUB HORTALEZ & CO.* p. S. — I add here, to conclude, that every American vessel, though not immediately armed or loaded by you, will be entitled to my good oflices in this country ; but yours, particularly addressed to my house, will receive a particular preference from me. I ought also to intimate to you, gentlemen, that from the nature of my connection it is to be wished you would use discretion even in the accounts that you give to the general Congress. Everything that passes in your great assemblies is known, I cannot tell how, at the court of Great Britain. Some indis- creet or perfidious citizen sends an exact account of your proceedings to the palace of St. James. In times of great exigency Rome had a dic- tator ; and in a state of danger, the more the executive power is brought to a point, the more certain will be its effect, and there will be less to fear from indiscretion. It is to your wisdom, gentlemen, that I make this remark ; if it seems to you just and well planned, look upon it as a new mark of my ardor for your rising Republic. E. H. & Co. This letter oii its face sliows how much of the dramatic element was thrown by Beaumarchais into his new adventure. The house of Hortalez was a fiction ; Horfcalez himself did not exist ; hut just as tlie non-existent Spanish merchant was put, for sensational purposes, into a sumptuous palace, tlie old Hotel de Holland, as a coun- try house, so, -when Beaumarchais wrote to Congress in Hortalez' name, he put on * See, as to this address, introduction, 5 61. 132 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. all the airs in wbich, if writing a naw S^iauis!! play, Ue would h;ivo clothed a pom- pons Spanish capitalist coming in as one of his dramatis peisonw. If the commit- tee of secret correspondence li.id uot li.i.d some inkling of tlio nature of its transac- tion, the tone of this letter would have made the alleged loan appear to them as the vagaries of a dream. No answer was sent to " R. H. & Co." * Deaue to Beaumarcliais.t Paris, August 19, 177C. Sir: Since the stores aud goods have beeu engaged aud getting ready I have naade inquiry of several mercLants respecting the char- ter of vessels for America generally, without mentioning what their cargoes should consist of, and liave written in the said way to some of my correspondents, and in the whole I hnd I shall uot be able to pro- vide them so early as is necessary at any rate, and I fear not without making their destination and object too public. You will recollect that I mentioned my apprehensions on this subject some days since, aud now propose (if consistent with your other engagements) that you would take the procuring of the vessels necessary on you, at least so far as to be security for the payment of their charter. It gives me pain to put this additional trouble and expense on you, but I know that you think nothing within your power is too great to be undertaken for the service of the United Oolonies of America, whose grateful acknowledgments must equal, though they can never exceed, your generous exertions in their favor at this critical and important period of their affairs. These vessels will return with cargoes on your account, which, with what will probably arrive from other remittances, will enable you to proceed to the greatest extent in executing the great and liberal plan you have proposed. I shall do myself the honor of waiting on you tomorrow morning on this and other affairs. Meantime I am, with the utmost re- spect and attachment, sir, Yours, etc., Silas Deane.| Deane to Vergennes. j Paris, August 22, 1776. Sir: I was this morning informed of the arrival of Mr. Arthur Lee, and that he would be in Paris tomorrow. This was surprising to me, as 1 knew of no particular affair that might call him here, and, coiisid- •See, fully, introduction, ji 55 ff, 61; index, Beaumarchais. t House Doc. No. Ill, appendix, 15th Cong., 1st sess. i See introduction, i -i'^ ff. ; index, title, Beaumarchais. 5 ISparks' Dip. Rev, Corr., :50. This letter uotesthe beginning of the aofiaaintance between Deane aud Arthur Lee. Ou both sides there was jealousy, which on Lees part was to grow into a fierce animosity, which had serious consequences, personal as well as public. See introduction, ^§ 115-162; index, title.s, Deane, A. Lee. AUGUST 28, 1776. 133 ering the extreme jealousy of the British minister at this time, and that Mr. Lee was the agent of the United Colonies in Great Britain and known to be such, I could wisb, unless he had received some par- ticular intelligence from the United Colonies, that he had suspended his visit, as I know not otherwise how he can serve me or my affairs, now (with the most grateful sense I mention it) iu as favorable course as the situation of the times will admit. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. Franklin to Gates.* Philadelphia, August 28, 177G. Dear Sir : The Congress being advised that there was a probability that the Hessians might be induced to quit the British service by offers of land came to two resolves for this purpose, which, being translated into German and printed, are sent to Staten Island to be distributed, if practicable, among those people. Some of them have tobacco marks on the back, so that, tobacco being put up in them in small quantities, as the tobacconists use, and suffered to fall into the hands of these peo- ple, they might divide the i^apers as plunder before their officers could come to the knowledge of the contents and prevent their being read by the men. That was the first resolve. A second has since been made for the officers themselves. I am desired to send some of both sorts to you, that, if you find it practicable, you may convey them among the Germans that shall come against you. *o Bigelow's Franklin, 16. Horatio Gates was born in England in 17'28. According to Horace Walpole, who was Ills godfather, he " was tlie sin of a housekeeper of the second Duke of Leeds, who, marrying a young husband when very old, had this son by him." (i Walpole's Joni'ual of the Reign of George III, 200). When twenty-one years of age Gates served under Braddock at the time of the latter's defeat. After this, " although his advancement had been unusually rapid, he was disappointed ; and having married a lady of high connections, he sold his commission, and endeavored, through the influ- ence of his friends and the family relations of his wife, to obtain a lucrative appoint- ment under the government. Failing iu this, he emigrated to America and settled on an estate which he purchased in Berkeley county, Virginia." (Baxter's Digby's^ Journal, 169 n. ) On the organization of the Conti uental A rmy, in 1775, he was appoi uted adjutant general, with the rank of brigadier. He was i)laced at first under Wash- ington's command at Cambridge, and iu June, 1776, was placed at the head of the- troops which were then retreating from Canada. In this position lie gained the con- fidence of the New England troops, and became a confidential correspondent of Samuel Adams, of Richard H. Lee, and others who were restive under the supposed "Fabianism" of Washington. General Schuyler, who had Washington's confidence, was theu in command of the troops detached to oppose Burgoyne's invasion, but to Schuyler Samuel Adams and other leading New England patriots, were opposed, charging him with extreme caution and with want of personal attractiveness. They succeeded in having Schuyler susperseded by Gates, though the line of campaign which ended iu Burgoyne's surrender had been projected by Schuyler. Gates' sue- 134 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. The Congress continue iirmly united, and we begiu to distress the enemy's trade very much ; many valuable prizes being continually brought in. Arms and ammunition are also continually arriving, the French haviug resolved to permit the exportation to us, as they heartily wish us success; so that in another year we shall be well provided. As you may not have seen Dr. Price's excellent pamphlet, *for writing which the city of Loudon presented him a freedom in a gold box of fifty pounds value, I send you one of them. My last advices from England say that rhe ministry have done their utmost in fitting out this armament, and that if it fails they can notfiud means next year to go on with the war. ^Vhile I am writing comes an account that the armies were engaged on Long Island, the event unkuown, which throws us into anxious suspense. God graut success. I am, etc., B. Feanklin. Dumas to the Committee of Secret Correspondeace.t September 1, 1776. Gentlemen: After having sent to your correspondent at St.Eustatia, whose address you gave me in your letter of the 12th of December, 1775, my third letter, of which you have here annexed a large extract, I com- mence my fourth dispatch. M. Hortalez.t of whom Mr. Arthur Lee spoke in two of his letters, has not yet appeared, nor have 1 received the letter that you say you have written to me between that of the 12th of December, 1775, and that of the 2d of March, 1770. The non-appearance of this gentleman and of the letter here referred to disquiets me somewhat, not only because all cess at Saratoga was not clue either to his strategy or his bravery on the field (see as to battle of Saratoga, infra, uuder date of September 18, 1777), but it brought him great popularity, and he was atouceset up for chief command by those dissatisfied with Washingtou. To their plans he weakly lent himself, and, as elsewhere seen, ho was summoned by Congress to attend its session at Torktown at the time when action adverse to Washington was proposed. (See introduction, ^11.) Gates' want of high tone as well as of distinguished military abilities, however, soon manifested them- selves, and the plan of placing him in chief command was gradually abandoned. In June, 1780, he was made commander of the Southern army, to operate against the British troops then iu South Carolina, but he here displayedgreat want of capability and energy, to which the defeat of Camden was mainly attributable. Ho was reoalled| and Greene took his place, showing supreme ability, and succeeding in baffling Corr- wallis' campaign, contributing largely to the surrender of Yorktown. A committee was appointed by Congress to inquire into Gates' conduct, and though he was ulti- mately acquitted, he never agaiu was placed iu command. Alter a short residence on his place in Virginia, where he emancipated his slaves, he took up his abode in New York, where he died in 1790. * As to Price, see note to letter of Franklin to Priestly, Oct. 3, 1775, supra. t5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 211, under date of Sept. 30. t See introduction, ^^ 56, dl ff. SEPTEMBER 1, 1776. 135 that comes to me from you gentlemen and from your friends is dear and precious to me, but also and above all because I fear that the serv- ice of the general Congress may suffer by it. The bearer of your letter of the 2d of March (Silas Deane) arrived at Paris the 7th of July, whence he sent it to me with one of his Oivn dated the 26th. I have another from him of the 18th of August, in which he remarks to me " that he has a certain prospect of succeeding in his business." He proposes also to visit Holland. I have before told you that the letters I received had contributed much to render my visits, ray letters, and memoirs agreeable in a cer- tain quarter. This will be seen from the following note, which I re- ceived a short time since, dated August 26. After having spoken to me of a service which he had consented to render me iu his country where I had some affairs to settle and which we had agreed upon as a pretext to mark our interviews, the writer thus proceeds : " Madame has takeu the trouble to seud me your letters and I beg you to send me by her all interesting particulars, including the narration of the person whom you exiject (Silas Deane). I pray you to send me all that you have received since your last letter. I receive packets from all quarters — it pertains to ray ofiSce — so I shall receive with gratitude whatever you may have the goodness to send me." I have sent to him open, with aflyiug seal, the letter that I wrote you by St. Domingo. We agreed on this verbally, and he promised me to send it to Bordeaux well recommended. I have cause to think that this letter has been forwarded and pleased certain persons, on whose account I bad expressed, at the close of the letter, that when by legis- lation and a wise constitution you shall have crowned the work of your liberty I shall die content with having seen a great king and a great republic sincerely wish the good of the people. I received some days ago another letter from Mr. Deane, dated at Paris, 14th of Septeuiber. All the letters that I have received from him, as well from you, are precious to me, and this one doubly so, since, besides the kind expressions with which it is filled, my zeal for your cause is recompensed by the testimony that I have well served it. If I continue not to sigu mj' name * it is not from fear, but because I think your service requires that T remain yet some time unknown, at least until Mr. Deane arrives here, for then I shall be known every- where for the most zealous American in all the republic, and it will be my pride. All that can come of it will be the loss of my ])resenfc post ; but in this case I am sure that Congress will indemnify me by a sub- sistence suitable for me and mine, seeing that I shall be able to continue useful to them as much, and even more, than in time jjasfc, because I shall not be encumbered with other duties, and all my faculties will be employed in the service of America. I have been much mortified iu •M. Dumas usually signed his dispatches with a fictitious name.— Sparks. [Some- times simply with "Concordia."] 136 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. not being at liberty, as I have expresised to Mr. Deaue. I should have flown to Paris to assist him at least by the knowledge I have of many European languages. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. Franklin to Lord Howe.* Philadelphia, September 8, 1776. My Lord : I received your favor of the ICth past. I did uot imme- diately auswer it, because 1 found that my corresponding with your lordship was disliked by some members of Congress. I hope now soon to have an opportunity of discussing with you vira voce the matters mentioned in it, as 1 am, with Mr. Adams aud Mr. [E.J Eutledge,t ap- pointed to wait ou your lordship, in consequence of a desire you ex- pressed in some conversation with General Sullivan, and of a resolu- tion of Congress made thereupon, which that gentleman has probably before this time communicated to you. We propose to set out on our journey to-morrow morning, and to be at Amboy on Wednesday about 9 o'clock, where we should be glad to meet a line from your lordship, appointing the time and place of meet- ing. If it would be agreeable to your lordship, we apprehend that, either at the house ou Stateu IslaTid opposite to Amboy, or at the Gov- ernor's house iu Amboy, we might be accommodated with a room for the purpose. With the greatest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, my lord, etc. B. Franklin. * 8 Sparks's Franklin, 187. Mr. Sparks adds in a note : " For Lord Howe's answer to this letter, and other particulars relating to the interview with hiiu, see vol. 5, pp. 97-Uiy." For whole correspondence, see index, titles Franklin, Howe, t Edward Rntledge was born in Charleston, in 1749, and, after studying law in Lon- don, entered on practice in Charleston in 1773. Iu 1774 he was elected to Congresa, and was the youngest ineniher of that body. In 1776 he was placed with Fraukliii and Adams, on the committee to confer with Lord Howe, as is narrated above. He served during the southern campaigns of 1780-'82, both ou the field and iu the legislature, talking iu the latter body strung ground against the tories. Appoiuted a justice of the supreme court of the United States, he preferred, he declared, to I'emain at the bar in practice. In 1798 lie was elected governor of the State, hut died in January, 1800, before bis term closed. John Rutledge was born in Charleston iu 1739. He stndied law in London, and began the practice of bis profession in Charleston in 1761. He was in the New York Congress whicli jirotested iu 1765 against the stamp act, and was so prominent on the liberal side that in 177J be was elected to the first Contiueutal Congress. In that body he was distinguished, it was said, for boldness and for eloquence. In 1776 he was elected president of South Carolina, and in that capacity superintended the success- ful defense of Fort Moultrie. In 1779, under the new constitution, be was elected governor of the State, and, in view of the approaching siege of Charlestan, was in- vested with dictatorial power. In the nest year, however, Charlestou was captured by the British, aud he then joined the army first under Gates aud then under Greene, and remained with it nearly two years. Ho was a member of the convention by which SEPTEMBER 10, 1776 137 William Lee to Dumas.' London, September 10, 1776. Sir: The 27th ultimo and the 7th instant, in the absence of my brother, Arthur Lee, your two letters for him came safe to my hands. My brother is now on the continent, and perhaps may write to you from where he is. The Declaration of Independence on the part of America has totally changed the nature of the contest between that country and Great Britain. It is now on the part of Great Britain a scheme of conquest, which few imagine can succeed. Independence is universally adopted by every individual in the thirteen United States, and it has altered the face of things here. The tories, and particularly the Scotch, hang their heads and keep a profound silence on the subject; the whigs do not say much, but rather seem to thinli the step a wise one on the part of America, and what was an inevitable consequence of the measures taken by the British ministry.! In short, every one wants to form his judgment by the event of the present campaign, as something decisive is expected to happen from the arrangements under General and Lord Howe and General Carleton before the meeting of Parliament, which will be the 24th of October. In the mean time every effort is made to prevent France from taking an open or even private i)art with America, for which purpose Mr. Stanley, Mr. Jenkiuson, one of the lords of the treasury, and confi- dential friend of Lord Bute, and of the solicitor-general, Mr. Wedder- tlie federal constitution was framed, giving to it earnest snpport. To Washington, personally, he was strongly attached and he was ap))ointed by Washington, in Sep- tember, 1789, to the position of associate justice of the federal supreme court, which post he vacated in 1791 to take the chief-justiceship of South Carolina. In July, 1795, he was nominated by Washington to be chief-justice of the United States. He took his seat on the bench in the succeeding term, but when the Senate met serious opposition was made to his confitmatiou. It was said, and with truth, that his attachment to the French alliance had led him to sustain proceedings on Genet's part, when at Washington, which were far from being respectful to Presi- dent Washington. It was said also that he was intemperate, a charge which was grossly exaggerated. Serious and well-founded apprehensions were expressed also liS to his health. He was rejected by the Senate, and soon afterwards the anxiety about his health became confirmed. His mind gave way, and he died, after con- tinued illness, in July, 1800. On the question of confirmation by the Senate the vote was of a party character, the yeas being Bloodworth, N. C, Brown, Ky.,Burr, N.Y. Butler, S. C, Laugdon, N. H., Martin, N. C, Mason, Va., Reed, S. C, Robinson, Vt., and Tazewell, Va. ; the nays, Bingham, Pa., Cabot, Mass., Ellsworth, Conn., Foster, R. I., Frelinghuysen, N. J., King, N. Y., Latimer, Del., Livermore, N. H., Marshall, Ky., Paine, Vt., Ross, Pa., Rutherford, N. J., Strong, Mass., and Trumbull, Conn. That Rutledge was nominated by Washington and was supported by the entire democratic vote of the Senate shows that he was not at that time generally regarded as mentally disqualified forthe post. ••S Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 206. As to William Lee, see introduction, ^^ 175/. t As to English parties, see introdaction, ^i 27 ff. William Lee, as a political supporter of Wilkes, adopted, as did his brother Arthur, the Wilkite mania as to the Scotch. 138 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. burn, have been at Paris some time to aid tlie negotiations of tlie British minister, Lord Stormont.* As far as money will answer tlieir purpose it will not be spared. The French are generally acute enough in observing what is for their interest, but most people here are at a loss to conceive what plan they have in view, as they have not hitherto, as we know of, taken any part with America. The public papers will tell you all the material news we have from America, but in general it is supposed the Americaus will stand greatly in want of arms, ammunition, and artillery to oppose such a force as is sent against them, and it is evident they have not esperienced officers sufBcient to manage such extensive operations as they have in hand. Should you have occasion to write to me, you may address, undercover, as you do to my brother. I am, with esteem, sir, etc., William Lee. Deane to Dumas.t Pauis, September 11, 1776. Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 29th ultimo, of the 2d, 5th, and 7th of this month, and at the same time to make my excuses for not answering them earlier ; which was owing to my hurry of business, iu j)art and part to my hopes of being able to send yon something agreeable from America when I should next write you. Forgive, therefore, this seeming inattention, and accept my warmest thanks for the kind sentiments which you and your good lady enter- tain for me and my country. The cause of the Americans is the cause of mankind in general, and naturally interests the generous and the good in every part of the world. The measures you took before my arrival respecting this court were perfectly right, and you may rely on my secrecy as to your concerns. Our commerce is now on as good a footing in this kingdom and ia Spain as the commerce of any other nation, and I trust will very soon have an important preference. When I said in a former letter we wanted only a friendly intercourse by way of commerce, I had not the vanity to suppose the actual assistance of European powers was not an object deserving attention ; but I must say seriously, that if the Amer- ican commerce can be established with the trading powers of Europe, and if those powers of Europe would protect that commerce, it would be all the assistance necessary ; and the Colonies by land would be more than equal to any thing Great Britain could briiig against them. You are entirely right in saying that the house of Bourbon are the allies we should lirst and principally court. France is at the head of this house, and therefore what is done here is sure to be done by the * See notice in Deaue to committee, Aug. 18, 1776. t5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., a07 ; 2 Force's Archives, ■'Sth series, 283. SEPTEMBER 11, 1776. 139 ■whole. This, therefore, requires my whole attention, and I can only say to yon my prospects are nowise discouraging. As to the King- of Prussia,* I will in my next explain more fully my meaning, and at the same time send to you a state of the United Colonies, of their commerce, of their present contest, with some thoughts or observations on the manner in which Europe must be af- fected, and what part they ought to take in the present important crisis. My name and business have long since been known to the British ambassador here, and to the court of London ; and they have remonstrated, but finding remonstrances to no purpose, they have wisely determined to take no notice of me, as I do not appear as yet in a public character. Let me ask of you if a workman skillful in the founding of brass and iron cannon can be engaged in Holland to go to America "? Also, if I can engage two or three persons of approved skill in lead mines to go to America on good engagement ? Your answer will oblige me, and by the next post I will write you more particularly. The British arms will not, probably, effect anything iu America this season, as they had not begun to act the 8th of August, and that brings winter to the very •door, as I may say, and an indecisive campaign must prove to Great Britain a fatal one. I am, etc., Silas Dbane. Conference of Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge tirith Lord Hovre.t [September 11, 1776.] General Sullivan, having been taken prisoner in the battle of Long Island, was sent on parole by Lord Howe with an oral message to Congress. On September 2, 1776, Congress ^eut for General Sullivan, then in Philadelphia, to appear aud deliver his message. He did ; aud the message given by him was as follows : " Lord Howe could not at ju'esent treat with Congress, as such ; yet he desired to confer with some of its members, whom he would regard as private gentlemen, and meet at any place they might appoint. He and his brother had full powers to ar- range an accommodation on terms advantageous to both countries, the obtaining of which had detained him.iu England two months, so that he did not arrive in America until after the Declaration of Independence. Nevertheless, if Congress were dis- posed to treat, many things which they had not yet even asked might and ought to be granted them, and the authority of Congress itself recognized." The result was that Fraukliu, John Adams, and Edward Eutledge were elected a committee to confer with Lord Howe. In Congress, September 13. The committee appointed to confer with Lord Howe, having returned, made a verbal report. Ordered, That they make a report in writing, as soon as conveniently they can. *See introduction, §§ 90, 91. tMSS. Dept. of State; 5 Sparks' Franklin, 101. For prior correspondence, see Howe to Franklin, June 20, 1776 ; Franklin to Howe, July 20, 1776; Howe to Frank- lin, Aug. 16, 1776; Fraukliu to Howe, Sept. 8, 1776. 140 diplomatic correspondence. September 17. The committee appointed to coufer with Lord Howe, agreeable to the order of Congress, bi'ought in a report in writing, which was read, as follows : " la obedience to tiie order of Congress, we have had a meeting with Lord Howe. It was on Wednesday last, on Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, where his lordship received and entertained us with the utmost politeness. " His lordship opened the conversation by acquainting us that, though he could not treat with us as a committee of Congress, yet as his powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of influ- ence in the Colonies on the means of restoring peace between the two countries, he was glad of this opportunity of conferring with us on that subject, if we thought ourselves at liberty to enter into a conference with him iu that character. " We observed to his lordship that, as our business was to hear, he might consider us in what light he pleased, and communicate to us any proposition he might be authorized to make for the purpose men- tioned ; but that we could consider ourselves in no other character than that in which we were placed by order of Congress. " His lordship then enterel into a discourse of considerable length, which contained no explicit proposition of peace except one, namely, that the Colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the Government of Great Britain. The rest consisted principally of assur- ances that there was an exceeding good disposition in the king and his ministers to make that government easy to us, with intimations that, ia case of our submission, they would cause the offensive acts of Parlia- ment to be revised and the instructions to the governors to be recon- sidered, that so, if any just causes of complaint were found in the acts, or any errors iu government were perceived to have crept into the in- structions, they might be amended or withdrawn. " We gave it as our opinion to his lordship that a return to the dom- ination of Great Britain was not now to be expected. We mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the Colonies to the king and Parlia- ment, which had been treated with contempt and answered only by additional injuries ; the unexampled patience we had shown under their tyrannical government ; and that it was not till the last act of Parlia- ment, which denounced war against us, and put us out of the king's protection, that we declared our independence ; that this declaration had been called for by the people of the Colonies in general ; that every colony had approved of it when -made; and all now considered them- selves as independent States, and were settling or had settled their gov- ernments accordingly ; so that it was not in the power of Congress to agree for them that they should return to their former dependent state; that there was no doubt of their inclination to peace, and their willing- ness to enter into a treaty with Great Britain that might be advan- SEPTEMBER 11, 1776. 141 tageous to both countries ; that, though his lordship had at present no power to treat with them as independent States, he might, if there was the same good disposition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from thence than powers could be obtained by Congress from the sev- eral colonies to consent to a submission. " His lordship then, saying that he was sorry to Hud that do accommo- dation was likely to take place, put an end to the conference. " Upon the whole, it did not appear to your committee that his lord- ship's commission contained any other authority of importance than what is expressed in the act of Parliament, namely: that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the king's peace upon submission; for, as to the power of inquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to us, and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper and representing the result of such conversation to the ministry, who, pro- vided the Colonies would subject themselves, might, after all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former instructions to governors, or propose in Parliament any amendment of the acts com- plained of, we apprehended any expectation from the effect of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America had she still continued in her state of independence." Ordered, That the foregoing report, and also the message from Lord Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, and the resolution of Congress in consequence thereof, be published by the committee who brought in the foregoing report. Of the conference between the commissioners and Lord Howe Mr. Parton (2 Life of Franklin, 145) gives the following narrative, supplied by Mr. George H. Moore, secretary of the New York Historical Society, and derived from the notes of Strachey, Howe's secretary, with mannscript memoranda by Howe : Lord Howe. "Long ago, gentlemen, I entertained the opinion that the differences between the mother conntry and her Colonies might be accommodated to the satis- faction of both. I was known in England to be a well-wisher to America, particu- larly to the province of Massachnsetts Bay, which had endeared itself to me by the very high honor it had bestowed upon my eldest brother. I assure yon, gentlemen, that I esteem that honor to my family above all things in this world. Such is my gratitude and affection to this country on that account, that I feel for America as a brother, and if America should fall, I should feel and lament it like the loss of a brother." Dr. Franklin (with an easy air, a collected countenance, a bow, a smile, and all that naivete whichsometimes appeared in his conversation and often in his writings). t "My lord, we will use our utmost endeavors to save your lordship that mortification." Lord HowK (taking the joke too seriously, but suppressing his feelings). "I suppose you will endeiivor to give us employment in Europe." (Dead silence on the part of the committee and countenances blank. Lord Howe recovers from the digression.) "lUy going out as commissioner from the king was talked of long ago, as Dr. Franklin is .aware. After his departure I heard no more of it for a long time. Then an idea arose of sending over several commissioners, but to this I objected, for my plan was t John Adams. 142 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDENCE. to go aloue, witli ouly a civil comiiilssiou, and proceed stiaiglit to Philadelphia, and meet the Cougress face to face. I objected eveu to my brother's being in the eomoiis- sion, from the delicacy ol' the employment, and from my desire to take upon myself all the reproach tliat might bo the conseqnence. It was thought best, however, that General Howe, being in coniinaiid of the army in America, shonld be joined in the commission, and that I should have the naval command; since in that case the two commissioners would control the movements of both forces. I acquiesced in this arrangement. I hoped to reach America before the army had made a movement to begin the campaign, and had no doubt that if the disposition of Cougress remained the same as expressed iu their last petition to the king I should be able to bring about an accommodation. That petition, I thought, was a basis to confer upon, as it con- tained matter which, with candor and discussion, might be wrought into a perma- nent system. True, the address to the iieople, which accompanied the petition to his majesty had injured the effect of the petition. Nevertheless, to the moment of my arrival in America I flattered myself that, taking the petition as a basis, I should be able to do some good. But since I left England you have yourselves changed your ground by the Declaration of Independency. That act, gentlemen, if it can uot be got over, precludes all treaty making; for, as you are aware, I have not, nor do I ex- pect ever to have, power to consider the Colonies iu the light of independent States. You must be sensible also that I can not confer with Congress. I can not acknow- ledge a body which is uot acknowledged by the king, whose delegate I am; for the same reason I can not confer with you gentlemen as a committee of the Congress. If you are unwilling to laj' aside that distinction it will be improper for me to proceed. That, however, I trnst, you will regard as an unessential form, which may for a moment lie dormant, and give me leave to consider you merely as gentlemen of great ability and influence in the country, who have met here to converse with me and try if we can devise the outline of a plan to stay the calamities of war. I beg you to consider the delicacy of my situation and the reproach I should be liable to if I shonld be understood by any act of mine to have treated with the Congress or acknowledged its authority. I hope you will not by any imputation commit me upon that point. Even in the present meeting I have gone rather beyond my powers." Dr. FiiANKLiN. " You may depend upon our taking care of that, my lord." Lord Howe. " I think the idea of a Congress may easily be thrown out at present, because if matters can be so settled that the king's government would be re-estab- lished the Congress would of course cease to exist. And if you mean really an accom- modation of that kind you must see how unnecessary it is to stand upon a form which you are negotiating to give up." Dr. Franklix. "Your lordship may consider us in any view you think proper. We, on our part, are at liberty to consider ourselves in our real character. But there is really no necessity on this occasion to distinguish between members of Congress and individuals. The conversation may be held as among friends." Mr. Adams. " Your lordship may consider me in what light you please. Indeed, I shall be willing to consider myself for a few moments iu any character which would be agreeable to your lordship, except that of a British subject." Lord Howe (with gravity). " Mr. Adams is a decided character." Mr. EOTLEDGK. "I think, with Dr. Franklin, that the conversation maybe as among friends." Lord Howe. "On my arrival in this country, gentlemen, I thought it expedient to issue a declaration, which one of you has done me the honor to comment upon. I endeavored to conch it in such terms as would be least exceptionable, and I conclude you must have supposed I did not express in it all I had to offer. I thought, how- ever, that I said enough to bring on a discussion which might lead the way to accom- modation. But the Declaration of Independency had since rendered me more cautious of opening myself, for it is absolutely impossible for me to treat, or even confer, upou that ground, or to admit the idea in the smallest degree. If that is given up I flattel SEPTEMBER 11, 1776. 143 myself there is still room for me to effect the kind's purpose. His majesty's most earnest desire is to make his American subjects happy, to cause a reform in whatever affected the freedom of their legislation, and to concur with his Parliament in the redress of any real grievances. My powers are, speaking generally, to restore peace and grant pardons, to attend to complaints and representations, and to confer upon the means of a reunion upon terms honorable and advantageous to the Colonies and to Great Britain. You know, gentlemen, that we expect aid from America; our dis- pute seems only to be concerniug the mode of obtaining." Dr. Fkanklin. "Aid wo ncvir refused npon requisition." Lord Howe. "Your money, let nie assure you, is the smallest consideration. Amer- ica can confer npon Great Britain more solid advantages; it is her commerce, her strength, her men, that we chietly want." Dr. Franicun. "Ay, my lord, we have in America a pretty considerable manu- factory of men."* Lord Howe. "It is desirable to put a stop to these ruinous extremities, as well for the sake of our country as yours. When an American falls England feels it. The question is: Is there no way of treating back of this step of independency, and thus opening the door to a full discussion ? Now, gentlemen, having opened to you the general purport of my commission and the king's disposition to a permanent peace, X must stop to hear what you may choose to observe." Dr. FuANKLiN. "1 suppose your lordship has seen the resolution of the Congress which has sent us hither. It authorizes us to inquire what authority your lordship bears and what propositions you have to offer for the consideration of the Congress. That resolution contains the whole of our commission. Nevertheless, this conversation, if productive of no immediate good eft'ect, may be of service at a future time. I will therefore say that America considered the prohibitory act as the answer to her last petition to the king. Forces have been sent out and towns have been burnt. We can not now expect bappiness under the domination of Great Britain. All former attachments are obliterated. America can not return to the domination of Great Britain, and I imagine that Great Britain means to rest it upon force. The other gentlemen will doubtless deliver their sentiments." Mr. Adams. "'The resolution of the Congress which declared independency was not taken up upon its own authority. Congress had been instructed so to do by all the Colonies. It is not in our power, tliereforc, my lord, to treat otherwise than as independent States; and for my own part I avow my determination never to depart from the idea of independency." Mr. RuTLEDGE. " I am one of the oldest members of the Congress, my lord, having been a member from the beginning. I think it is worth the consideration of Groat Britain whether she would not derive greater advantages from an alliance with ibe Colonies as independent States than she has hitherto done. England may still enjoy a great share of the American commerce, and so procure raw materials for her manu- factures. Besides, the United States can protect the West India Islands more effect- ually and more easily than England can, to say nothing of the Newfoundland fisl;ery ; while the products both of the West Indies and of Newfoundland would coutinue to enrich the merchants of England. I am glad this conversation has occurred, as it will be the occasion of opening to Great Britain the consideration of the advantages she may derive from an alliance with America before anything is settled with other foreign powers. With regard to the people consenting to come again under the Eng- lish Government, it is impossible. I can answer for South Carolina. The royal government there was very oppressive. The officers of the crown claimed 'privilege' and confined people for breaches of ' privilege.' At last we took the government into •Mr. Strachey, misunderstanding this remark, added these words, "alluding, as should seem, to their numerous army.'" Lord Howe, more used to Dr. Franklin's manner, corrected his secretary by penciling on the margin, "No; their increasing population." 144 DIPLOMATIC COR DESPONDENCE. our own hands, and tho people aro uow settled aud happy under that government. They would not, CA-eii if the Congress should desire it, return to the king's govera- nient." Lord IIowE. "If such are your seiitiraeuts, gentlemen, I can only lament that it is not in uiy power to bring about the accouuiiodation I wish. I have not authority, nor do I ever expect to have, to treat with the Colonies as States independent of the erown of Great Britain. I aui sorry, gentlemen, that yon have had the trouble of . coining so far to so little purpose. If tbe Colonies will not give up the system of in dependency, it is impossible for me to enter into any negotiation." Dr. Franklin. " II would take as much time for us to refer to and get answers from our constituents as it would tlie royal commissioners to get fresh instructions from home, which I suppose might be about three months." Lord Howe. '• It is in vain to think of my receiving instructions to treat upon that ground." Dr. Franklin (after a pause). "Well, my lord, as America is to expect nothing but upon unconditional submission" Lord Howe (interrupting him). "No, Dr. Franklin; Great Britain does not re- quire unconditional submission. I think that what I have already said proves the contrary ; and I desire, gentlemen, that you will not go away with such an idea." Dr. Franklin. " As your lordship lias no proposition to make to us, give me leave to ask whether if we should make propositions to Great Britain (not that I know or am authorized to say we shall) you would receive and transmit them?" Lord Howe. " I do not Icnow that I could avoid receiving any papers that should be put into my hands, though I am doubtful of the propriety of transmitting them home. Still, I do not say that I would decline doing so." The conference ended. Lord Howe politely attended the committee to the barge, which bore them in a few moments to the shore of New Jersey. A briefer accouut of this conference is given in John Adams' jonruai, published iu 3 J. Adams' Works, 7-2, ff; J. Adams to S. Adams, Sept. 17, 1776, 9 id., 443, Hutchinson, iu liis Diary, thus summarily disposes of the conference, as above detailed : " Decemher 9tli, 1776. — An account in tlie i^apers, taken from the Philadelphia papers, of the proceedings of the Howes, through Lord Drummond, and afterwards through Sullivan, with the conference held witli the Howes and Franklin, John Adams, and Rutledge, from the Congress, all printed by the Congress, causes great speculation. Lord Townshend called in a perfect rage, and hints that they make what agreement they will, but Parliament must finally approve it. I suppose it to be true that there has been such a conference, but doubt not Lord Howe will deny some part of what the Congress publish." (ti Hutchinson's Diary, 119.) Barrow, in his Life of Earl Howe (p. 94), thus speaks of the conference: "The Congress said they could not send any of their members to confer with the noble lord (Howe) in their private characters; but that, ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonalile terms, they would send a committee of their body to ascertain if Lord Howe had any aud what authority to treat with persons authorized by Con- gress. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Rutledge waited accordingly on Lord Howe iu Stateu Island; but as these gentlemen found that the two commissioners bad no other authority than that conveyed by act of Parliament, namely, that of granting pardons on submissiou, tlie conference soon ended, and tho committee returned to make their report to Congress. No benefits, indeed, could be expected to the mother country from a committee composed of men whose principles were violent iu the extreme, and who were known to entertain a bitter hatred to the mother coun- try. His lordship even condescended to inform them that he was ready to discuss the means of reconciling the differences between Great Britain aud America with any gentlemen of influeuce aud importance, but they declined to act in any other capacity than that with which Congress had invested them." If Lord Howe really made such SEPTEMBER 15, 1776. 145 a statement to the commissioners, this, by itself, would have barred farther confer- ence. In the Sparks' Papers, volume 55, at Harvard College, are a series of papers relat- ing to the attempted negotiations between England and the United States under the commissions of May, 1776, and April, 1778. For American reports of these interviews, etc., see 1 Sparks' Franklin, 414; 5 id., 97 ; 8 id., 187. The British report is in 8 Almon's Remembrancer. See Barrow's Life of Howe, chapter 4. Deane to "Washington.* Paris, 15th Se])femher, 1776. Sir: The bearer, Monsieur de la Brasse, ]ias served as a captain in the armies of France, and has a desire to distinguish himself in the army under your command in defense of the liberties of America, and I doubt not you will receive him with pleasure. A number of gentle- men are about parting to join your standard, but M. de la Brasse will probably be one of the first that arrives. Oflicers passing from one service to another expect advancement, and M. de la Brasse hopes to obtain the rank of a lieutenant-colonel. I have wrote to the honorable Congress on the subject, and am confident he will exert himself to give them and you satisfaction of his abilities and zeal for the service. I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant. Silas Deane. Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, t^eptember 15, 1778 [should be 1776]. G-BNTLEMEN : This wiU be delivered you by Monsieur de la Brasse, a French gentleman, and a captain in the French service, but out of employ since a late general reform of the army. He has the recom- mendation of the officers of the regiment in which lie served, and Mon- sieur Dubourg, who on all occasions has the interest of the Colonies much at heart, tells me he has had the best character of him. For myself. Monsieur de la Brasse has sliown such a desire to serve the United Colonies in going without any certainty of a commission, that I have engaged to be at the expense of his passage, and have full confi- dence he will serve you with fidelity. Every officer leaving this coun- try naturally expects some advancement of rank, and Mr. de la Brasse has proposed that of a lieutenant-colonel, or an equivalent. As the army is now so large, I doubt not you can procure him that or such other as you shall judge his acquirements and capacity deserve. His ardor to serve the cause of America is evidently sincere and unaffected, and I •Frwklin MSS., Dept, of State. 10 wa— YQ^ JI 146 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. am ever ready to forward persons so disposed, and to assure them of a favorable reception hy the honorable Congress. I am, with the greatest esteem, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, Silas Deane. Beaumarohciis to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* September 15, 1770. Gentlemen : In writing this letter I imagine you are informed by my first of my active zeal for your interest. I therefore suppose you will do me the honor to acknowledge me among your friends and faith- ful servants. These titles I adopt with pleasure, because T think my- self worthy of them. In addition to the ofi'ers of what I possess, I shall presume to make another of those reflections which I think may be useful to you. Living in Europe, and being better able than you to unfold the secret springs which give motion to states in this part of the world, and, above all, persuaded that you have only shaken oft the yoke of one of the people that compose it to become a more certain friend to the rest, I will venture to reason with yon u[)on your present situation. Whatever haughty coniidence, gentlemen, your enemies may affect, your Declara- tion of Independence has thrown them into consternation ; flattering themselves no more to regain you by adroitness, they begin to fear that they will not be able to subdue you by force. Their finances shattered, their commerce lessened, their force exhausted, plainly indicate that the present great effort is the last thing they will be able to make against you, and if your courage, gentlemen, is only sufiicieutly fortu- nate to bear the weight of the present campaign, it is almost impossible that they will dare to undertake another. But, while you are fighting in America to free yourselves from their yoke, the events of Europe concur to hasten the moment of your delivePy. The blunder Portugal has lately fallen into, of shutting their ports with still more imprudence than haughtiness, seems to be an act of Heaven in your favor of which you can not too soon avail yourselves. From the resentment which Spain has long borne for Portugal, if I had the honor of presiding in your committee, gentlemen, I would not hesitate to persuade you im- mediately to declare war against Portugal, and without delay to send a fleet to the Brazils. This unexpected and bold measure would be productive of many good effects. The first would be certainly to interest Spain in your success and perhaps engaging her to make a like declara- tion against Portugal. From that moment, united with Spain in resent- ment, you become in some sort her allies; for the enemies of ourene- | mies are more than half our friends. Don't entertain a doubt but that power will then open her American ports to your armed vessels and * House Rep. No. 220, Twentieth Congress, first session, p. 32. See introduction, ii 56 jf; index, title Beaumarcliais. SEPTEMBER 15, 1776. 147 send a private order to receive iu them your privateers and the prizes they may make upon the Portuguese. And if your declaration is for- tunate enough to draw Spain iu openly, as I scarce have a doubt but it will, so great a diversion will soon oblige the English to divide their forces and fly to the assistance of Portugal, unless they choose to lose also this sort of a colony at the same time that you are openly renounc- ing their authority, which is not iirobable. And what immense advan- tage would not this division of their forces give to a collection of yours ; and your force and success will be continually increasing, gentlemen, if Spain declares itself openly. For the assistance of vessels, troops, and money, which Prance cannot refuse to that power when she enters into a war, according to the spirit and letter of the family compact, will render itnecessary for England to supply Portugal with more considerable sup- port. Then all the reproaches of England cannot prevent Prance from opening her ports to you without reserve and permitting you to draw from thence, by way of trade, plentiful supplies of every sort. " What do you require of us?" the minister of Prance would say to the English ambassador. "The king, our master, furnishes assistance to Spain much less from a desire of making war than from faithfully observing his treaties. If he had any other motive than a regard to his engagements, what should hinder him at present from making use of so fine an oppor- tunity to make war upon yourselves? And if he does not make it upon his rivals and almost his enemies, ought he to provoke any of your people to declare it against him ? See what has happened to Portugal ; do you wish that, in Rhutting our ports to the Americans, with whom we have no dispute, we should suggest to them our inclination of attacking our American possessions, or of seducing and detaching from us our colonies by a hope of associating with them* Do you wish they should desolate our island by the multitude of their cruisers, against which even the whole force of England at this time can do nothing! To oblige the English shall we fall into the absurdity of making war against the Americans on the one hand, whilst on the other, in assisting Spain, we shall be forced perhaps to act in concert with the same Americans against the Portuguese?" This, gentlemen, is what our minister would say, and this appears to me unanswerable; and who knows how far things may be carried in Europe from interests so different, so remote, and at the same time so confounded together? Now, all this may, and proba- bly will, be the fruit of your declaring war against Portugal. I have taken this second opportunity to transmit this advice to you. It seemed to strike your deputy, whose good sense immediately perceives what- ever has force or propriety in it. I doubt not but he will write to the same purpose. It is therefore my opinion, gentlemen, that you can not too soon weigh the importance of this idea and come to some resolution thereupon worthy of your bravery. Lay hold of the encouragements which fortune offers and which my respectful attachment for you points out. I have the honor to be, etc., 148 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to Robert Morris.* BoEDEAUX, September 17, 1776. Dear Sir : I shall send you in October clothiug for twenty thousand men, thirty thousand fusils, one hundred tons of powder, two hundred brass cauuoii, tweuty-four brass mortars, with shells, shot, lead, etc., in proportion. I am to advise you that if in future you will give com- missions to seize Portuguese ships you may depend on the friendship and alliance of Spaiu. Let me urge this measure. Much may be got, nothing can be lost by it. Increase, at all events, your navy. I will procure, if commissioned, any quantity of sail cloth and cordage. A general war is undoubtedly at hand in Europe, and consequently America will be safe if you baffle the arts and arms of the two Howes through the summer. Every one here is in your favor. Adieu. I will write you again next week. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee to Dumas.t London, September 23d, 1776. Dear Sir: My absence from town till now prevented my answer- ing your two last favors of September 3. By our latest aud best accounts from America, the die is now cast, and we may every day expect to hear of a decisive action at New York; decisive I meau as to the fate of Geueral Howe and New York, but not of America, which depends very little upon tiie event of New York being taken or saved. There is a public torpor here, which, without being superstitious, oue may regard as a visitation from Heaven. The people in general think the Declaration of Independence as a thing of course, and do not seem to feel themselves at all interested in the vast cousequences which that event must inevitably draw after it. The ministry have by certain manceuvers contrived to keep up the demand for and price of manu- factures; and while trade and manufactures apparently prosper, the peo- ple are so deaf, that wisdom may cry out in the streets and not be heard. But the course of the seasons is not more iixed thau it is certain that these ministerial arts must be temporary in their operation and fatal iu their issue ; because, the more men are flattered the more desperate they are when the calamity comes upon them. Already the West India Islands begin to cry out, as you will have seen in the address from the island of Barbadoes. The great number of captures lately made of West India ships by the Americans have already had very visible effects upon the Royal Exchange. Holland, taking the alarm which the least movement on the part of France would produce, must shake our stocks to the » 1 Sparks' Rev, Dip. Corr., 30. t& Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 809. SEPTEMBER 23, 1776. 149 foundation, and give an equal shock to a deluded prince and a deluded people. Tlie characters yon desire me to touch upon are such as seldom occur in Iho same period. Lord Sandwich has been noted through a long life for every thing in word and deed directly opposite to honesty and virtue.* With moderate abilities and little real ai)plication, he maintains an appearance of both by impositions and professions which, at a time so averse to inquiry as the present, pass for facts. Lord George Germain, t though cradled in England, has all the principles of a Scotchman; subtle, proud, tyrannical and false. In consequence of his patronizing the Scots, they have always been his panegyrists and his advocates, and as they are a people indefatigable in all interested pursuits, they have procured him a character for ability which he very little deserves. Dissimulation and craft in worldly occurrences too often pass for real wisdom ; and in that sense Lord George is a wise man. Such a man could not long pass unnoticed and unpatronized by a court which searches withlyncean eyes for the basest hearts, and is actuated by Scotch principles and Scotch counsels.^: Lord Suttblk is a peer of sullen pride and arbitrary principles. He listed in the public cause with Mr. Wedderburn,§ under the banner of George Grenville; and while his life gave the hope of success in getting preferment, they were the loudest iu opposition ; but immediately upon his death they made their terms, and have been ever since the most devoted tools of the court. Lord Suffolk recommends himself very much to the king by an indefati- gable attention to the little detail business of his department and an obsequiousness that knows no bounds. Lord Rochford is by birth a tory, and is linked with Lord Mansfield; but his fears have made him withdraw himself upon an ample pension, for he is persuaded that France will soon strike a blow which will endanger the heads of those who conduct these measures. I have befen apprised by Hortalez that the business for which I recommended him to you is to be transacted through Prance, which is the reason of your not seeing him.|| I do not conceive you need be under any alarm about intercepted letters, as the ministry have too much upon their thoughts and too many more immediately dangerous and known opponents at homo to suifer them to look abroad for victims. Their success must be certain and decisive before they will venture to attack the friends of America iu Europe and provoke retaliation. I flatter myself with being as much within the eye of their enmity as any man can be; but I think that the enmity of bad men is the most desirable testimony of virtuous merit. Adieu, Arthur Lee. 'See introdnctioa, ^ 21, 23, 27. 5 Asto Wedderbnrn,6eenote toFrauklin's tSee iutrodnctiou, ^ 27. narrative of March 22, 1775. t As to Scotch, see introduction, ^ 148. || See introduction, $ 61. 150 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to Robert Morris.* Paris, September 30, 1776. Sir : Yours of the 5th of June came to hand on the 25th instant. Mr. Delap will inform you of the state of remittances in his hands. Itlessrs. Cliffords & Teysott, and Mr. Hodgson, of Amsterdam, have re- ceived next to nothing; about two hundred pounds by the last ac- counts; from which you will perceive that not one-third of the sum pro- posed has come to hand, and even out of that my private expenses and those for promoting the other parts of my mission must take something let me be ever so prudent and cautious. To solicit arms, clothing, and tents for thirty thousand men, two hundred brass cannon, mortars, and other stores in i)roportion, and to be destitute of one shilling of ready money, exclusive of the fund of forty thousand pounds originally designed for other affairs (which you know by the protests in London was my case), has left me in a critical situation. To let slip such an opportunity for want of ready money would be unpardonable, and yet that was taking out of a fund before deficient. I hope, however, to execute both, though not in the season I could have wished. I have, as you see, had but a few days since the receiving of yours in which I have discoursed with some of the persons to whom I had before proposed such a scheme, and think it will take well ; but, as men of property will be engaged iu it, the remittances should be made very punctual. The insurance, I am sensible, had better be in Europe, but it can not be had at present unless in Dolland, where I am told there are often disputes with the underwriters. On the whole it must be done in America. I can, I believe, engage for one hundred thousand pounds sterling during the winter. I shall write to you further in a few days. You have mentioned to me a loan. I choose to speak of this in a let- ter of business particularly by itself, which I will endeavor to do by a young gentlemen going on Sunday, to which opportunity I also refer what I have further to say on this subject. Pray forward the trifles I am sending to my little deserted family as soon as received. Tobocco is rising very fast, being now seven stivers in Holland. The scheme of the Farmers-General here is very very artful ; they giow anx- ious. The.v held high terms on my first application. I turned off', and they are now applying to me, as are also some people farther northward. God bless and prosper America is the prayer of every one here, to which I say amen and amen. I am, etc., Silas Deane. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 3L 151 Franklin to Dumas.* Philadelphia, October 1st, 1776. SiE : I have just time to acknowledge the receipt of your two packets, with the pamplets iuclosed, the contents of which are very satisfactory. You will hear from me more fully in a little time. With great esteem, I am, sir, etc., B. Feanklin. P. S. — We have a great force brought agaiust us here, but continue firm. Franklin, Morris et al. Memorandum of October 1, 1776 t Mr. Thomas Story, J who had been sent by the committee of secret correspondence, December 13, 1775, to France, Holland, and Eng- land, reported verbally as follows : '' On my leaving London, Arthur Lee, esq., requested me to inform the committee of correspondence that he had several conferences with the French ambassador, who had communicated the same to the French court ; that, in consequence thereof, the Duke de Vergennes had sent a gentleman to Arthur Lee, who informed him that the French court could not think of entering into a war with England, but that they would assist America, by sending from Holland this fall £200,000 sterling worth of arms and ammunition to St. Eustatius, Martinique, or Cape Francois ; that application was to be made to the governors or commandants of those places, by inquiring for Monsieur Hortalez, and that, on persons properly authorized applying, the above articles would be delivered to them." Philadelphia, October 1, 1776. The above intelligence was communicated to the subscribers, being the only two members of the committee of secret correspondence now in this city, and on our considering the nature and importance of it, we agree in opinion that it is our indispensable duty to keep it a secret, even from Congress, for the following reasons : (1) Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New York they would undoubtedly take measures to intercept the supplies, and thereby de- prive us not only of those succors, but others expected by the same route. * 5 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 213. + House Rep. No. 220, Twentieth Congress, first .session, p. 19 ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 387,omitting the last two paragraphs. t See index, title Story. 152 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. (2) As the court of Prauce have takeu measures to negotiate this loau aud succor iu the most cautious and most secret manner, should we divulge it immediately we may not ouly lose the preseut benefit, but also render that court cautious of any further connection with such unguarded people, aud prevent their granting other loans and assistance that we stand iu need of and have directed Mr. Deaue to ask of them, for it appears from all our intelligence they are not dis- posed to enter into an immediate war with Britain, though disposed to support us in our contest with them ; we therefore think it our duty to cultivate their favorable disposition towards us, draw from them all the support we can, and in the end their private aid must assist us to establish peace or inevitably draw them in as parties to the war. (3) We find, by fatal experience, the Congress consists of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be more strongly enjoined than the present embassy to France; notwithstanding which Mr. Morris was this day asked by Mr. Eeese Meredith whether Dr. Franklin and others were really going ambassadors to France, which plainly proves that this committee ought to keep this secret, if secrecy is required. (4) We are of opinion that it is unnecessary to inform Congress of this intelligence at present, because Mr. Morris belongs to all the com- mittees that can properly be employed iu receiving and importing the expected supplies from Martinico, and will influence the necessary measures for that purpose ; indeed, we have already authorized Will, iam Bingham, esq., to apply at Martiuico and St. Eustatia for what comes there, and remit part by the armed sloop Independence, Captain Young, promising to send others for the rest. Mr. Morris will apply to the marine committee to send other armed vessels after her, and also to Cape Frangois (without communicating this advice), in conse- quence of j)rivate intelligence, lately received, that arms, ammunition, and clothing can now be procured at those places. But, should any unexpected misfortune befall the States of America, so as to depress the spirits of Congress, it is our opinion that, on any event of that kind, Mr. Morris (if Dr. Franklin should be absent) should communi- cate this important matter to Congress, otherwise keep it until part of or the whole supplies arrive, unless other events happen to render the communication of it more proper than it appears to be at this time. B. Franklin. Egbert Morris. Communicated to me this 11th October, 177G, and I concur heartily in the measure. EicHARD Henry Lee. Communicated to me this 10th day of October, 1776, and I do also sincerely approve of the measure. Wm. Hooper.* 'As to congressional management of foreign affairs, see introduction, §5 103/. OCTOBEE 1, 1776. 153 Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence. • Paris, October 1, 1776. Gentlemen : Mr. Morris' letters of the 4th and 5th of June Iast,f on politics and business, I received with the duplicates of my commission and instructions on the 2oth ultimo. I stand corrected, aud confine myself to politics. Tour letter found me in a most critical situation. The ministry had become extremely uneasy at your absolute silence; and the bold asser- tions of the British ambassador that you were accommodating mat- ters, aided by the black and villainous artifices of one or two of our own countrymen here, had brought them to apprehend not only a set- tlement between the two countries, but the most serious consequences to their West India islands, should we unite again with Great Britain. For nie, alas ! I had nothing left but to make the most positive asser- tions that no accommodation would or could take place, and to pledge myself in the strongest possible manner that thus would turn out the event ; yet so strong were their apprehensions, that an order issued to suspend furnishing me with stores. Think what I must feel upon such an occasion. Our friend M. Beaumarchais exerted himself, and in a day or two obtained the orders to be countermanded, and everything is again running on favorably. For Heaven's sake, if you mean to have any connection with this kingdom, be more assiduous in getting your letters here. I know not where the blame lies, but it must lie heavy somewhere, when vessels are suffered to sail from Philadelphia and other ports quite down to the middle of August without a single line. This circumstance was urged against my assertions, and was near proving a mortal stab to my whole proceedings. [Dr. Williamson of Pennsylvania, and Colonel Mercer of Virginia, have been in France. The latter I believe is still here. The former has returned with his budget for London. Under pretense of being an American this man is doing the Colonies prodigious mischief, aud the situation of affairs here at this critical moment renders it as dangerous for the ministry to take him up as it is to let him alone. Let his name be known in America, and every one be put on their guard how they correspond with him.]:j: One Mr. Hopkins, of Maryland, in this service, and who is in the rank * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 32, with oniiasione and verbal changes. t These letters are missing. — Sparks. {The passage in brackets is omitted in Sparks' edition. The suspicions expressed of Williamson tvere ill founded. He was born in Pennsylvania in 1735; became, after graduating in the college iu Philadelphia, one of its professors; went abroad in 1764 to study medicine ; was iu London in 1773, when, being called before the privy coun- cil, he resolutely defended the colonial position. In 1777 he settled in Edeuton, N. C, served as a surgeon in the array, was elected to Congress several times, and was a member of the convention that fr.iraed the federal constitution. In the correspond- ence of the department is a letter from him to Congress, dated April 11, 1777, offer- ing his services to the United States as surgeon, and a subsequent letter demanding inquiry as to Deaue's charges. 154 DIPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE. of brigadier-general, appeared desirous of going to America, but on my not paying him the regard lie vainly thought himself eutitled to he formed the dark design of defeating at one stroke my whole prospects as to supplies. At this critical period he pretended to be in my secrets, and rouudly asserted that I had solely in view a reconciliation with Great Britain, immediately after which the stores now furnishing would be used against France. This, coming from a professed enemy of Great Britain, from a native of America, from one who professed himself a zealous friend to the Colonies, you must suppose had weight. However thunderstruck I was, as well as my friend M. Beaumarchais, at this unexpected and last effort of treachery, we exerted ourselves, and truth prevailed. The mischief has recoiled on himself, and, having fallen into disgrace here, he will strive to get to America, where he threatens, I hear, to do much mischief to me. However, he will not probably be permitted to depart, unless he slips off very privately- Should that be the case, or should he write letters, you have now a clue to unravel him and his proceedings. It would be too tedious to recount what I have met with in this way. It has confined me not only to Paris, but to my chambers and pen for some weeks past in drawing up by way of memorial the true state of the Colonies, their true interests, the system of policy they must un- questionably pursue, and that the highest interests of France are in- separably connected therewith. I do not mention a single difficulty with one complaining thought for myself; my all is devoted, and I am happy in being so far successful and that the maciiinations of my enemies, or rather the enemies of my country, have given me finally an opportunity of experiencing the friendship and protection of great and valuable men ; but it is necessary that you should know as much as possible of my situation. The stores are collecting, and I hope will be embarked by the middle of this month ; if later, I shall incline to send them by Martinique, on account of the season. It is consistent with a political letter to urge the remittance of the fourteen thousand hogsheads of tobacco wrote for formerly in part payment of these stores ; if you make it twenty, the public will be the gainers, as the article is rising fast ; in Holland, seven stivers 10 lb. and must be in proportion here. You are desired by no means to forget Ber- muda ; if you should. Great Britain will seize it this winter, or France on the first rupture, having been made sensible of its importance by the officious zeal of that same Mr. H. As your navy is increasing, will you commissiou me to send you duck for twenty or thirty sail? I can procure it for you to the northward on very good terms, and yon have on hand the produce wanted to pay for it with. Have you granted commissions against the Portuguese? All the friends to America in Europe call loudly for such a measure. Would you have universal commerce, commission some person to visit every kingdom on the continent that can hold any commerce with OCTOBER 1, 1776. 155 America. Among them by no means forget Prussia. Gr.iin will be in demand in tbis kingdom and in the south of Europe. Permit me again to urge an increase of the navy. Great Britaiu is calling in her Medi- terranean passes, to expose us to the Algerines. I propose applying to this court on that subject. Dr. Bancroft, of London, merits much of the Colonies. As I shall now have frequent opportunities of writing by ofiacers and others going out, I will not add more than that one Mr. Garmichael has now been with me some time, recommended by Mr. A. Lee, of Loudon. I owe much to him for his assistance in my dispatches and for his friendly and seasonable advice upon all occasions. He is of Maryland, and is here for his health, and proposes going soon to Amer- ica. I expect to hear from Loudon to-morrow by Dr. B., who is on his way here. I am, with my most sincere respect and esteem for the secret commit- tee and most profound regard to the Congress, your most obedient and very humble servant, Silas Deane. P. S. — An agent from Barbadoes is arrived in London to represent their distresses; another from Bermuda, with a declaration to the min- istry of the necessity of their being sujjplied with provisions from the Colonies, and saying that, if not permitted, they must ask the protec- tion of Congress. I have to urge your sending to me either a general power for the purpose, or a number of blank commissions for vessels of war. It is an object of the last importance, for in this time of peace between the nations of Europe I can be acquainted with the time of every vessel's sailing either from England or Portugal, and by dispatching little ves- sels armed from hence, and to appearance property of the subjects of the United States of America, to seize them while unsuspicious on this coast, and to stand directly for America with them, great reprisals may be made; and persons of the first property have already solicited mo on the occasion ; indeed, th(^y have such an opinion of my power that they have offered to engage in such an adventure if I would authorize them with my name; but tbis might as yet be rather dangerous. It is certainly, however, a very practicable and safe plan to arm a ship here as if for the coast of Africa or the West Indies, wait until some ship of value is sailing from England or Portugal, slip out at once and carry tbem on to America. When arrived, the armed vessel increases your navy and the prize supplies the country. [Since writing the foregoing I waited on Mr. Beanmarchais, and while in conversation on our affairs Mr. Hopkins came in. He was surprised at seeing me, and evidently fluttered at the apprehensions that Monsr. Bm. had been informing me of his informations to the ministry; and on my charging him with it and expostulating, he boldly maintained his information to be true, and that his zeal for and fidelity to this kingdom would not permit him to keep it a secret, and had the confi- 156 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, deuce to cbarse me with saying that I meaut a reconciliation, etc. He however previously acknowledged there had been a coldness and indiflereuce between us for more than three weeks, during which he complained that I would not let hiin speak with me alone ; I was, he said, so very reserved towards him. Yet his zeal had prompted him to make this information only two days before this, and immediately on his resenting a reception I gave him at my lodgings. These and many other circumstances convinced me on what grounds and with what real intention it was made, to which I added that I could not condescend to confront Mr. Hopkins as on a level, but if one doubt remained in the miuds of any one of the ministry, my correspondence since in France, wliich I had minutely copied, as well as my most secret conversation to my most confidential friends, might be Examined into, and I would fall if a single sentence ever escaped me tending in the least to what Mr. Hopkins asserted. He then persevered in his assertions and la- bored to make the dispute personal. He finally declared his resolution of going to America, and gave hints what he would do there; to which I replied he was at his liberty, but justice to my country would oblige me to transmit a true narration of his conduct and the bold attempt ho had made to intercept the sending out of supplies, which could be ex- ceeded by nothing but his inconsistency in pretending to offer his serv- ice to a country which he had laboured to injure so materially. We parted, and nothing in his power will be left nnattempted against me jiretendedly, but against the Colonies ultimately; however, I am under no great apprehensions. Such a man when known ceases to be for- midable, but I can by no means avoid cautioning you against him, should he escape into America, as one of those restless and unquiet spirits ever dangerous in civil society, but more so in military operations : inveter- ate as he is, I can manage him in such a government as this better thau you can in America. I say if he escapes, for at present he is closely watched in all his motions, but he may write letters, and under pretense of friendship for America, cause some uneasiness here. Should he perse- vere in his machinations he would soon wind himself up ; indeed, I am apprehensive he will, but am determined never more to put myself, or any affair of mine, in his way. The ministry are satisfied with my con- duct in the affair, and I believe mean to use the present occasion for dismissing him, which as he may be apprehensive of, he will push the harder to get away for America.]* It is of importance, as I have mentioned in my former letters, to have some one deputed and empowered to treat with the King of Prussia. I am acquainted with his agent here, and have already through him received some queries and proposals respecting American commerce, to which I am preparing a reply. I have also an acquaintance with the agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who proposes fixing a com- merce between the United States and Leghorn, but has not as yet given * The passage in brackets is omitted by Sparks. OCTOBER 1, 1776. 157 me his particular thoughts. France and Spain are uaturally our allies ; the Italian States want our flour and some other articles; Prussia, ever pursuing her own interests, needs but be informed of some facts rela- tive to America's increasing commerce to favor us; Holland will pur- sue its system, now fixed, of never quarreling with any one on any occasion whatever. In this view is seen at once the power we ought to apply to and gain a good acquaintance with. Let me again urge you on the subject of tobacco. Receive also from me one hint further. It is this : Should you apportion a certain tract of the western lands, to be divided at the close of this war among the officers and soldiers serving in it and mate a generous allotment, it would, I think, have a good effect in America, as the poorest soldiers would then be fighting literally for a freehold ; and in Europe it would operate beyond any pecuniary offers. I have no time to enlarge on the thought, but may take it up hereafter ; if I do not, it is an obvious one, and, if capable of execution, you can manage it to the best advantage. I have no doubt but I can obtain a loan for the Colonies if empow- ered, and on very favorable terms. I have already sounded on the subject, and will be more explicit hereafter, both as to my proposals, for I can go no further, and the answers I may receive. 8. D. Committee of Secret Correspondence to Deane.* Philadelphia, October 1, 1776. Dear Sir: Mr. Morris has communicated to us the substance of your letters to him down to the 33d June, when you were near setting out for Paris. We hope yonr reception there has been equal to your expectations and our wishes ; indeed, we have no reason to doubt it, considering the countenance we have met with amongst the French islands and their seaports in Europe. It would be very agreeable and useful to hear from you just now, in order to form certain opinions of the designs of the French court respecting us and our contest, especially as we learn by various ways they are fitting out a considerable squad- ron at Brest and Toulon. What a noble stroke they might now strike at New York ! Twenty sail of the line would take the whole fleet there, consisting of between four and five hundred sail of men of- war and transports, store-ships, and prizes. Was that piece of business once eftected by a French fleet, we would engage to give them a very good account of General Howe's army in a short time; but, alas! we fear the court of France will let slip the glorious opportunity, and go to war by halves, as we have done; we say go to war, because we are of opin- ion they must take part in the war sooner or later, and the longer they are about it the worse terms will they come in upon. »MSS. Dept. of State ; 2 Force's Archives (5tb series), 819. 158 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. We doubt not you will obtain from England a regular account of the proceedings of Lord Howe and his brother; and we suppose the gen- eral's military operations will be ushered into the world with an eclat beyond their true merits ; or at least the conduct of our people and their present situation will be misrepresented as ten times worse than the reality. We shall therefore state these things to you as they really are. TLe fleet under Lord Howe, you know, is vastly superior to any- thing we have in the navy way ; consequently wherever ships can move they must command ; therefore it was long foreseen that we could not hold eitlier Long Island or New York ; nevertheless, as our fortifica- tions are chiefly built with axes and spades, the time and trouble in raising them was not misspent, for it must have been owing to those works that they remained several weeks at Staten Island without mak- ing any attempt. The first they did make was on Long Island, where they landed twenty thousand men or upwards. At this time we had our army, consisting of not more than twenty thousand effective men, sta- tioned at King's Bridge, New York, and on Long Island; six or seven thousand was the whole of our force on the latter, and about three thou- sand of them, commanded by General Sullivan and Lord Stirling, turned out of the Hues, took possession of some heights, and intended to annoy the enemj' in their approaches. They, however, outgeneraled us, and got a body of five thousand men between our people and the lines, so that we were surrounded, and of course came off second best; but they purchased this victorj' dear, and many such would be their ruin. Sul- livan, Lord Stirling, and many other officers fell into their hands. These, with privates, amounted to from eight hundred to one thousand men in killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. They lost a greater num- ber in killed and wounded ; but we took but few prisoners, as you may suxjpose. General Howe then laid a trap, in which he fully expected to have caught every man we had on that island; but General Washington saw and frustrated his desigu by an unexpected and well conducted retreat across the sound. This retreat is spoken of on both sides as a master stroke. The enemy immediately marched up a large body of men opposite to Hell Gate. Our people threw up intrenchments on York Island to op- pose their lauding ; but, shame to say it, on the day of trial two brigades behaved infamously, and could not be stopped by the entreaties or threatsof the general, who came up in the midst of their flight. It had been previously determined to abandon New York, and most of our can- non and military stores were removed from thence in time. The enemy took possession of the city and encamped on the Plains of Harlem- Oursideocoupy theHeightsof Harlem, King's Bridge, andMount Wash- ington, where they have made lines as strong as can be. In this situa- tion they had a skirmish between about one thousand to twelve hun- dred men on each side, in which we gained greatly the advantage, beat OCTOBER 1, 1776. 159 them off the field, aud took three field pieces from them, having killed and wouuded a considerable number of their meu. Since then the city of New York has been on fire, and it is said one- fifth or one-sixth of it is reduced to ashes. The enemy charged some stragglers of our people that happened to be in New York with having set the city on fire designedly, and took that occasion, as we are told, to exercise some inhuman cruelties on those poor wretches that were in their power. They will no doubt endeavor to throw the odium of such a measure on us, but in this they will fail, for General Washing- ton, previous to the evacuation of that city, whilst it was in his power to do as he pleased with it, desired to know the sense of Congress re- specting the destructiou of the city, as many officers had given it as their opinion it would be an advisable measure; but Congress resolved that it should bo evacuated and left unhurt, as they had no doubt; of being able to take it back at a future day. This will convince all the world we had no desire to burn towns or destroy cities, but that we left such meritorious works to grace the history of our enemies. Upon the whole our army ucar New York are not sufficiently strong to cope with General Howe in the open field ; they have therefore intrenched themselves aud act on the defensive. They want better arms, better tents, and more clothing than they now have ; nor is it in our power at this time to supply them. Consequently we can not re- cruit or increase that army under these discouragements. Men can not cheerfully enter a service where they have the prospect of facing a powerful enemy and encountering the inclemency of a hard cold win- ter without covering at the same time. These are discouraging circum- stances, but we must encounter them with double diligence, and we still have hopes to procure clothing, partly by importation, partly by capture, and chiefly by purchasing all that cau be found on the conti- nent. If Frauce means to befriend us, or wishes us well, they should send us succors in good muskets, blankets, cloths, coatings, and proper stuff for tents, also iu ammunition ; but not like the Venetians, wait until we are beat, and then send assistance. We are willing to pay for them, and shall be able soon as we can safely export our tobacco and other valuable produce. Our northern army is strong, well intrenched in an advantageous post at Ticonderoga, which can only be taken from them by storm, as it can not be approached in a regular manner on account of the situa- tion. We are also formidable on the lakes, in the galleys, boats, and gondolas, under command of your friend Arnold, and that army is better provided than the other, so that we do not seem to apprehend any danger in that quarter at present. The Southern States are for the present in peace and quietness, except some interruptions from the Indians, who were instigated thereto by Mr. Stewart, the superintendent, aud other agents from our 160 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. eDemies. However, they have not any cause to rejoice in those macb, inations as yet, for the Carolinians and Virginians have attacked and beat them several times, destroyed several of their towns and com fields- and made them repent sorely what they have done. So that we have little to apprehend on account of Indians. The only source of uneasiness amongst us arises from the number of tories we find in every State. They are more numerous than formerly and speak more openly ; but tories are now of various kinds and vari- ous principles. Some are so from real attachment to Britain ; some from interested views; many, very many, from fear of the British force ; some because they are dissatisfied with the general measures of Congress ; more because they disapprove of the men in power and the measures in their respective States. But these different passions, views, and expectations are so combined in their consequences that the parties affected by them either withhold their assistance or oppose our operatious; and if America falls, it will be owing to such divisions more than the force of our enemies. However, there is much to be done before America can be lost, and if France will but join us in time there is no danger but America will soon be established an independent eminre, and France, drawing from her the principal part of those sources of wealth and power that formerly flowed into Great Britain, will immediately become the greatest power in Europe. We have given you as just a picture of our present situation as we can draw in the compass of a letter, in order that you may be well informed ; but yon will only impart such circumstances as you may think prudent. Our frigates are fine vessels, but we meet diflSculty in procuring guns and anchors. Our people are but young in casting the former, and we want coals to make the latter. However, these difflculties we shall surmount, and are bent on building some lineofbattle ships imme- diately. The success in privateering and encouragement given by the merchants will inevitably bring seamen amongst us. This, with the measure tijat will be adopted to encourage the breeding of seamen amongst ourselves, will in a few years make us respectable on the ocean. Surely France can not be so blind to her own interests as to neglect this glorious opportunity of destroying the power and humbling the pride of her natural and our declared enemy. We make no doubt but you have been made acquainted with the ne- gotiations of Monsieur Hortalez, and in consequence thereof we conclude you will be at no loss to obtain the supplies of goods wanted for a par- ticular department, notwithstanding we know that the greatest part of those remittances that were intended you have been intercepted by one means or other. It is unfortunate and much to be regretted that those remittances have had such ill fate, but we hope you have obtained the goods on credit, and you may depend that reojittapces will be continued until all youp engagements are discharged. OCTOBER 1, 1776. 161 Clothing and tents are so much wanted for our armies that we entreat you to apply immediately to the court of Prance for a loan of money sufBcient to dispatch immediately considerable quantities of stuff fit for tents, and of coarse cloths, coatings, stockings, and such other com- fortable necessaries for an army as you can readily judge will be proper. You will get these goods either sent out direct in French ves- sels or to their islands, where we can send for them ; but if you could prevail on the court of France to send out men-of-war with them it would be most acceptable. Whatever engagements you make for pay- ment of the cost of such clothing and necessaries the Congress will order sufficient remittances to fulfill the same; but in our circumstances it requires time to accomplish them. You'll observe the secret com- mittee have given orders to Mr. Thomas Morris* to procure sundry ar- ticles and dispatch them immediately ; and if you succeed in the nego- tiation of a loan from the court for this purpose, you may employ him or >act in conjunction with him to procure and dispatch those articles by them and such others as you shall judge necessary, and the remittances to be made him will serve to refund the loan. Should the court decline this matter, perhaps the Farmers-General may be induced to advance the money or stake their credit for the sake of securing the tobacco the secret committee will remit to Europe. These things we throw out as hints, and shall only further observe that you can not render your in- jured country more essential service at this time than by procuring these supplies immediately. We are told that our vigilant enemies have demanded of the courts of France, Spain, and Portugal to deliver up the American ships in their ports and to forbid their having any future intercourse with them. The court of Portugal has complied so far as to order our ships away on ten days' notice. That Prance and Spain gave evasive answers. This is private uncertain intelligence ; but we think you will do well to intimate to the ministers of those nations that first impressions are last- ing ; that the time has been when they stood much in need of American supplies ; that the time may come again; that, although we are styled rebels by Britain, yet our friendship may hereafter be of the utmost importance to those powers i)articularly that possess American colonies, and that injuries now done us will not be easily effaced. These hints of argument you'll offer as the suggestions of your own mind, and en- deavor to influence them by interest or fear from taking any active part against us. On the contrary, as it is evidently their interest to encourage our commerce, so we hope you'll be able to influence them by one means or other to protect and license it in the utmost extent. We shall not take up more of your time at present, But remain, sir, your humble servants. *As to the unfortunate character of this arrangement, see introduction, 5 183, index, title T. Morris. 11 WH— VOL II 162 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Committee of Secret Correspondence to Deane.* Philadelphia, October 2, 1776. Sir: We have this day received from the honorable the Congress of Delegates of the United States of America the important papers which accompany this letter, being first a treaty of commerce atid alliance between the court of France and these States; second, instructions to their commissioners relative to the said treaty ; and, lastly, a commis- sion, whereby you will find that Dr. Franklin, the Hon. Thomas Jeffer- son, and yourself are appointed commissioners for negotiating the said treaty at the court of France. These papers speak for themselves, and need uo strictures or remarks from us, neither is it our business to make any. You will observe that in case of the absence or disability of any one or two of the commissioners the other has full power to act. We there- fore think it proper to inform you that Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson will take passage with all speed ; but it is necessary that their appoint- ment on this business remain a profound secret, and we do not choose even to trust this j^aper with their route. Suffice it, therefore, that you expect them soon after this reaches your hands, and if you don't see some evident advantage will arise by communicating this commission to the French ministry immediately, we give it as our opinion you had best suspend it until the arrival of one or both these gentlemen, because you will then benefit of each other's advice and abilities, and we appre- hend their arrival will give additional importance to the embassy. Bat should you be of opinion that delay will be in the least degree injuri- ous to our country or its cause, you must by all means use your own discretion in this matter, wherein we are not authorized to instruct or advise; we only offer you our thoughts on the subject. Should you think proper to disclose this commission to the ministers of France, enjoin the strictest secrecy respecting the names, or rather insist that it be not made known to any persons but those whose office and employ- ments entitle them to the communication, that any other are joined with you in it, because if that circumstance reaches England before their arrival it will evidently endanger their persons. The Congress have ordered the secret committee to lodge ten thou- sand pounds sterling in France, subject to the orders of the commis- sioners, for their support, etc., and you may depend that remittances will be made for that purpose with all possible diligence. We can also inform you that you may expect instructions for forming treaties with other nations; consequentl.y, you will cultivate a good understanding with all the foreign ministers. We have committed these important despatches to the care of Mr. William Hodge, jr., t who we hope will iu due time have the pleasure * MSS. Dept. of State ; 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 839. t As to Hodge's services and history, see index, title Hodge. OCTOBER 3, 1776. 163 to deliver them in person. He knows nothing more of their contents than that they are important; and in case of capture, his orders are to sink them in the sea. This young gentleman's character, family, and alertness in the public service all entitle him to your notice. He is also charged with some business from the secret committee, wherein your countenance and assistance may be useful. You will no doubt extend it to him, and also engage Mr. Morris' exertions therein. You will please to advance Mr. Hodge the value of one hundred and fifty pounds sterling for his expenses, and transmit us his receipt for the same. We most fervently pray for a successful negotiation, and are, with the utmost attention and regard, dear sir, your affectionate friends, and obedient humble servants. P. S.— Mr. Hodge has some instructions from the secret committee which he will lay before you, and if the negotiation of Mons. Hortalez respecting arms and ammunition has been conducted with success, it will be needless for Mr. Hodge to make contracts for those articles. You will know how that matter is, and direct Mr. Hodge accordingly, and if you should think it of more consequence to send him immedi- ately back here with despatches than to employ him in the business that committee have proposed, he will obey your orders, and Mr. Morris may do the other. Deane to Dumas.* Paris, October 3d, 1776. Dear Sir: Since my last, in which I mentioned the King of Prus- sia, I have obtained a method of sounding that monarch's sentiments more directly through another channel, which voluntarily offering I have accepted, and therefore waive writing on the subject for the pres- ent anything, save that you may undoubtedly serve tbe United States of America most essentially in this affair in a few weeks from this. The attention to my business here, which is not merely political but partly commercial, the critical situation of affairs at this court, and the anx- ious suspense for the events at ISTew York and Canada, have actually fixed me here; and the having received no intelligence for some time past has well-nigh distracted me. I have, however, favorable prospects and the most confirmed hopes of effecting my views in Europe. I am too much engaged to say more in this, and will be more particular in my next. I am, etc., Silas Deane. . * 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 213. 164 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. Jay to Morris. * FisHKiLLS, October 6, 1776. Dear Sir : Tlie iaclosed is a part of the late invisible parts of Mr. Deane's letters. You will perceive some blanks iu it. Mr. D., it seems, did not vcrite with his usual care and accuracy. There are many blots ill one of the letters, and in one or two instances the lines cross and run iuto one another. Little material is however illegible. I am happy to find our affairs wear so pleasing an aspect iu France. This most certainly will not be the last campaign, and in my opinion Lord Howe's operations can not be so successful and decisive as greatly to lessen the ideas which foreign nations have conceived of our impor- tance. I am rather inclined to think that our declaring independence in the face of so powerful a fleet and army will impress them with an opinion of our streugth and spirit, and when they are informed how little of our country is in the enemy's possession, they will unite iu de- claring us invincible by the arms of Britain. If the works carrying on by the general for obstructing the naviga- tion of Hudson's River at Mount Washington prove effectual. Lord Howe must rest content with the city of New York for this campaign. For altho it is not impossible for him to laud a large body of troops on the shores of the sound, and thereby divide our forces, yet no great matters can by that means be achieved. Our communication with the army by the sound is already cut off by the shijis of war, and any strong I)ost they might take on the shore would not much injure our communi- cation by land. But should they, on the contrary, be able suddenly to penetrate the North Eiver with a few ships of war and a number of transports, they would effectually destroy all communication between the upper country and the army by land and water ; for before the shores would be put in such a state of defense as to prevent their land- ing with success, they might possess themselves of posts and passes by nature so strong as to be long tenable against a much superior force. Should an event of this sort take place, we should be in a disagreea- ble situation. Flour and lumber could not then be carried to the army but by a circuitous route thro abominable roads, and it is a matter of some doubt whether our utmost exertions to supply them would be successful. Had I been vested with absolute power iu this State, I have often said and still think that I would last spring have desolated all Long Island, Staten Island, the city and county of New York, and all that part of the county of Westchester which lies below the mount- ains. I would then have stationed the main body of the army in the mountains on the east, and eight or ten thousand men in the Highlands on the west, side of the river. I would have directed the river at Fort Montgomery, which is nearly at the southern extremity of the mount- ains, to be so shallowed as to afford only depth sufficient for an Albany * Morris papers, MSS. OCTOBER 6, 1776. 165 sloop, and all the southern passes and defiles in the mountains to be strongly fortified. Nor do I think the shallowing the river a romantic scheme. Rocky mountains rise immediately from its shores; the breadth is not very great; tho the depth is. But what can not eight or ten thousand men well worked effect? According to this plan of defense this State would be absolutely impregnable against all the world on the sea side, and would have nothing to fear except from the way of the lakes. Should the enemy gain the river even below the mountains, I think I fore- see that a retreat will become necessary, and I can not forbear wishing that a desire of saving a few acres may not lead us into difficulties. Such is the situation of tiiis State at present, and so various, and I may say successful, have been the arts of Governor Tryon and his adherents to spread the seeds of disaffection among us, that I can not at present ob- tain permission to return to Congress. Our convention continues unan- imous in all its measures, and to do them justice are diligent as well as zealous in the cause. As long as your whimsical constituents shall permit the gentleman to whom I am writing to remain among the number of those honest and able patriots in Congress iu whose hands I think the interest of America very safe, the Congress will possess too great a stock of abili- ties to perceive the absence of my little mite. It gives me pleasure, however, to reflect that your remarks on this subject, however ill founded, would have been dictated only by that friendly partiality which you have shown me, and which in this instance has been per- mitted to impose on yourjudgment. I wish the secret committee would communicate no other intelligence to the Congress at large than what may be necessary to promote the common weal, not gratify the curiosity of individuals. I hint this, because a copy of letter from A. L. to that committee has lately been sent by a member of Congress to a gentle- men ofhis acquaintance who is not a member of Congress. Icameby this intelligence in such a way as to speak with certainty, for I have seen the copy, but at the same time in such a way as not to be able with propriety to mention names. You will be pleased, therefore, to make uo other use of this information than to induce the greater caution in the committee. For as to binding certain members in the House to secrecy by oaths or otherwise would be just as absurd as to swear Lee (no matter which of them) to look or feel like Ned Eutledge. Had Mr. Deaue mentioned to me his having conversed with you rela- tive to the mode of writing I communicated to him I should most cer- tainly have spoken to you on the subject, and will when we meet give you the same information respecting it that I did to him. I am, dear, sir, with respect and esteem, your most obedient servant, John .Tat.* ' See introduction, 5^ 155/. Aa to British atrocities, see introduction, i 22. 166 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to Dumas." Paris, October 6, 1776. Sir: Yours of the 1st instant I received, and observe by the contents that Mr. Lee is returned to London. I have not seen Mr. Ellis, lu answer to your queries: First, a reconciliation between Great Britain and the United States of America is improbable ever to take place; it is absolutely impossible until after the sitting of Parliament. Secondly, Admiral Howe joined his brother early in August, and sent on shore to General Washingtou a letter, which was returned unopened, as no title was given to General Washington ; a second was sent, and met the same fate. The Congress justified the general in his conduct, and ordered him to receive no letters except they were directed to him with his proper title. Lord Howe seat to the governors of several colonies his proclamation, which, by the army and people of New York, was treated with contempt and ridicule. Thus matters continued until the 20th of August, when General Howe had collected his whole force and was preparing to attack New York. On the other side, all the eminences and advantageous posts near the city were secured and fortified, and the Americans strongly intrenched on them, tlie city of New York fortified with batteries next to the water, and all the principal streets with barriers across them, and at the same time the houses filled with combustibles ready to be set on fire should the city bo found tenable. The two men-of-war which had passed up the river above the city were returned terribly damaged by attacking a battery. This, in a word, was the state of affairs in New York on the 20th of August, from which important news may be expected every hour. Thirdly, I know what Dr. Franklin's sentiments were when I left America, and that nothing but a miracle could convert him to wish for an accommodation on other terms than the independence of the Colo- nies. Depend upon it, my good friend, the ministry of Great Britain labor incessantly to propagate stories of an accommodation, for it is well known that they despair of reducing the Colonies by arms this campaign, at the close of which the national debt will amount to nearly £150,000,000 sterling, part of which will remain unfunded, and where are their resources for supporting the next campaign? He that can discover the philosoi)her's stone can answer. To your fourth query you will excuse my answering more than that your conjecture is not far out of the way. My letter will inform j'ou why I must still delay sending what I promised you the 14th ultimo.' In the mean time, sir, you may add to indigo and rice, tobacco, logwood, redwood, sugar, coffee, cotton, and other West India produce, wbich pass through the hands of the North Americans in payment for their supplies to the West India Islands, which can not exist without their * 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 213; 2 Force's Arcliives, 5th series, 916. OCTOBER 8, 1776. 167 produce. Also, iu course of trade, spermaceti oU and salt fish may be supplied to Prussia and Germany as cheap, or cheaper, from the Colo- nies than from Holland and Germany. The United Colonies exported to Europe, chiefly indeed to Great Britain, fish oil, whalebone, sperma- ceti, furs, and peltry of every kind, masts, spars, and timber, pot and pearl ashes, flaxseed, beef, i^ork, butter and cheese, horses and oxen; to the West Indies, chiefly wheat flour, bread, rye, Indian corn, lumber, tobacco, iron, naval stores, beeswax, rice, and indigo, etc., to the amount of more than £4,000,000 sterling' annually, and for some years past, and received the pay in European manufactures; and when I remind you that the inhabitants of that country double their number every twenty years, and inform you that this exportation has increased for the last century in the same ratio, you will be able to form some idea of this commerce, and of how much importance it is to Europe. I hope, by the coming post, to send you some favorable news from America, and I may not add to this without missing the post. I am, with the most sincere esteem, dear sir, your most obedient servant, Silas Deanb. Deane to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, October 8, 1776. Gentlemen : Your Declaration of the Fourth of July last has giveu this court, as well as several others in Europe, reason to expect you would in form announce your independency to them and ask their friendship ; but a three months' silence on that subject appears to them mysterious, and the more so as you declared for foreign alliances. This silence has given me the most inexpressible anxiety; has more than once come near frustrating my whole endeavors, on which subject I refer you to mine of the first instant. Employ must be found for the forces of Great Britain out of the United States of North America. The Caribs in St. Vincent, if set agoing, may be supplied through Martinique with stores. The mountain negroes iu Jamaica may employ a great number of their forces. This is not employing slaves, which, however, the example of our enemy authorizes. Should there arise troubles in these two islands, which a very little money would effect, the consequence would be that Great Britain, which can by no means think of giving them up, would be so far from being able to increase her force on the Con- tinent, that she must withdraw a large part to defend her islands. I find every one here acquainted with Bermuda is in my sentiments, and by the ofQciousuess of the treacherous Hopkins the ministry here have got it by the end. This makes me the more solicitous that the islands should be fortified this winter, if practicable. Tobacco in Holland is at the enormous price of seven stivers, and •1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr,, 36, with verbal changes and omissions, substantially as in 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 037. 168 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. will soon be as dear in France and Germany, and etc. I have promised that you will send out twenty thousand hogsheads this winter, in pay- ment for the articles wanted here. Let me advise you to ship the whole to Bordeaux, after which it may be shipped in French bottoms to any other port; the in-ice will pay the convoy; therefore I would recom- mend the vessels in which it should be shipped to be armed, and that each ship shall sail under convoy of one of your frigates, which may also be ballasted with it. This will be safer than coming in a fleet. Oa their arrival, Messrs. Delap, whose zeal and fidelity in our service are great, will be directed by me, or in my absence by Monsieur B,, or ostensibly by IMessrs. Hortalez & Co., where to apply the money.* Eight or ten of your frigates, thus collected at Bordeaux, with a proper number of riflemen as marines, where they might have leisure to refit and procure supplies, would strike early next season a terrible blow to the British commerce in Europe and obtain noble indemnity. The ap- pearance of American cruisers in those seas has amazed the British merchants, and insurance will now be on the war establishment. This will give the rival nations a great superiority in commerce, of which they can not be insensible ; and as our vessels of war will be protected in the ports of France and Spain, the whole of the British commerce will be exposed, t I hope to have a liberty for the disposal of prizes * See index, title Beaumarchais. t Between May, 1776, and January, 1773, seven hundred and thirty-three British vessels were reported to the House of Lords as having been taken by American priva- teers. For other letters as to American privateers, see Deane to Congress, October 17, 1776 ; Deane to committee, November 27, 1776 ; Commissioners to Congress, January 17, 1777; Commissioners to committee, February 6, 11, 1777, May 26, 1777, Septembers, 1777 ; Carmichael to Bingham, June 23, 1777 ; and see iiulex, title Privateers. " It is true that the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland were insulted by the Amer- ican privateers in a manner which our hardiest enemies had never ventured on in our most arduous contentions ■with foreigners. Thus were the inmost and most do- mestic recesses of our trade rendered insecure ; and a convoy for the protection of the linen ships from Dublin and Newry was now for the first time seen. The Thames also presented the unusual and melancholy spectacle of numbers of foreign ships, par- ticularly French, taking in cargoes of English commodities ibr various parts of Europe, the property of our own merchants, who were thus seduced to seek that pro- tection under the colors of other nations which the British flag used to afford to all the world. "Against this must be set that Plis Majesty's ships took a prodigious number of American vessels, both on their own coasts and in the West Indies. The persever- ance with which the Americans supplied the objects for those captures, by continu- ally building new ships and seeking new adventures, seemed almost incredible. At a time when the whole of a trade carried on under such discouraging circumstances seemed to be extinguished, the gazettes teemed again with the account of new cap- tures; whiob, though for the greater part they were not of much value singly, yet furnished at times some very rich prizes and in the aggregate were of a vast amount. They probably much overbalanced the losses which we sustained from their priva- teers. But it was to a thinking mind melancholy that we had a computation of that kind to make." (London Annual Register, 1778, 36.) By 1780, however, the British blockade of American ports was so far strengthened as greatly to diminish the number of American privateers afloat. OCTOBER 9, 1776. 169 here, but dare not engage for that. The last season the whole coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland has been and still remains unguarded; three or four frigates arriving, as tliey certaiuly might, unexpectedly, would be sufficient to pillage Port Glasgow or other western towns. The very alarm which this would occasion might have the most surpris- ing and important effects, and in this method it might be effected with the utmost certainty if entered upon early next spring; but, should that be laid aside, the having five or six more of your stoutest ships in these ports, where you may every day receive intelligence of what is about to sail from England, would put it in our power to make great reprisals. I wrote for blank commissions or a power to grant commissions to ships of war. Pray forward them, as here are many persons wishing for an opportunity of using them iu this way. [They will take a cargo in an armed vessel for America, and if they meet with anything in their way will take it with them.]* The granting commissions against Por- tugal would insure the friendship of Spain. Grain will bear a great price in this kingdom and the south of Europe ; and I have made ap- plication to the minister of marine to supply masts and spars from America for the French navy. Pray inform me how and on what terms the British navy formerly used to be supplied from New England. I am fully of opinion that a war must break out soon and become general in Europe. I need say no more on the situation I am in for want of further instructions. I live in hopes, but should I be much longer dis- appointed, the affairs I am upon, as well as my credit, must suffer, if not be absolutely ruined. My most respectful compliments to the Congress. I am, gentlemen, your most obedient very humble servant. Silas Deane. Deaue to Dumas.t Paris, October 9th, 1776. Sir: I wrote you by last post. This comes by Mr. Carraichael,| a gentleman of Maryland, in America, who has for some time lived with and assisted me in my business. You can have the fullest confidence in him, and as he knows I place the most absolute in yoa, it would be trifling to swell a letter with news or observations, of both of which he can viva voce satisfy you. He will communicate to you his business in Holland, and I am sure you will assist him to the utmost of your power. He can tell you what an anxious and laborious life I lead here ; and, what adds to ray misfortune, how impossible it is in the present critical situation of affairs for me to quit this post for a single day ; much more. * Omitted in Sparks' edition. t5 Sparlfs' Dip. Rev. Corr., 215; 2 Force's Archivea, 5th series, 951. t See introduction, 5 171. 170 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. It is as yet impossible for me to leave long euough to visit you in Hol- land, which having long promised to myself and anticipated with pleas, ure, the disappointment greatly chagrins me. To have so kind and hospitable, and at the same time so judicious and safe, a friend inviting me to what must at once yield me the purest i)leasure and the most solid advantage, viz, an interview, and not to be able to profit by it at once, is a misfortune I feel most sensibly. Mr. Carmichael can give you the best intelligence of our present affairs in America, and his observations and inferences will be from the best grounds and made with precision and judgment. My most grate- ful and respectful acknowledgments to your lady, whom I yet may have the honor of waiting on in the course of a month. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane, Deane to Dumas.' Paris, October VSth, 1776. Sir : Before the receipt of this you will have seen Mr. Carmichael, to whom I refer you on many subjects. Yours of the 8th I received since his departure, and have only to ask of you to procure the proper testi- monials of this very extraordinary and cruel proceeding at H respecting Mr. Shoemaker, a family of which name I knew in Philadel- phia. These testimonials will be a proper ground to go upon in demand- ing satisf.iction, which I do not think, however, had best be asked until the independence of the Colonies has been formally announced ; and proper powers for this step have been delayed strangely, or perhaps interrupted. Your zeal in this cause reflects honor on your private as well as public sentiments of justice and rectitude, and 1 will transmit to the honorable Congress of the United States in my first letters a copy of your memoir. I am still without intelligence of any kind from Amer- ica, save that on the 20th of August a battle was hourly expected at New York. No prospect of reconciliation. The British forces in Can- ada are not likely to effect anything this season, and consequently all hopes in England rest on the event of a single action at New York, which the public are made to believe will prove decisive. And so it may, if the fate of the day should be for us, and the enemy have uo retreat or resources in America; but by no means decisive if it incline the other way. I trouble j^ou with the inclosed for Mr. Carmichael. I am, with great respect, etc., Silas Deane. *5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 216; 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1020. OCTOBER 15, 1776. 171 Articles for hiring airmed vessels and merchandise, agreed to bet'ween Messrs. de Monthieu and Roderique Hortalez & Co. and Mr. Silas Deane. [Translation.]* We, the subscribers, John Joseph de Monthieu and Eoderique Hor- talez & Co., are agreed with Mr. Silas Deane, agent of tlie United Colo- nies, upon tlie subsequent arrangements : That I, de Monthieu, do engage to furnish, on account of the thirteen United Colonies of North America, a certain number of vessels to carry arms and merchandise to the burden of sixteen hundred tons, or as many vessels as are deemed sufficient to transport to some harbor of North America belonging to tlie thirteen United Colonies alltheammu- nition and appurtenances, agreeable to the estimate signed and left in my possession, and which we suppose would require the above-men- tioned quantity of vessels to carry sixteen hundred tons burden, which are to bo paid for at the rate of two hundred livres the ton, and that I will hold said vessels at the disposal of said Messrs. Hortalez & Co., ready to sail at the ports of Havre, Nantes, and Marseilles, viz., the vessels which are to carry the articles and passengers mentioned in the afore- mentioned list and are to depart from Havre, as well as those that are to go from Nantes, to be ready in the course of November next, and the others in the course of December following, on condition that one-half of the aforementioned freight of two hundred livres per ton, both for the voyage to America and back to France, laden equally on account of the Congress of the thirteen United Colonies and Messrs. Hortalez & Co. aforesaid, who are responsible for them, shall be advanced and paid im- mediately in money, bills of exchange, or other good merchandise or effects, and the other half the said Messrs. Hortalez & Co. do agree to furnish me with in proportion as the vessels are fitting out in the same money or other effects as above ; over and above this, they are to pay me for the passage of each officer not belonging to the ship's ci'ew the sum of five hundred and fifty livres touruois, and for every soldier or servant two hundred and fifty livres, and for every sailor who goes as passenger one hundred and fifty livres. It is expressly covenanted and agreed between us that all risks of the sea, either in said vessels being chased, run on shore, or taken, shall be on account of the Congress of the United Colonies, and shall be paid agreeably to the estimation which may be made of each of these vessels agreeably to the bills of sale of each, which I promise to deliver to Messrs. Hortalez & Co. before the departure of any of the said vessels from any of the ports of France mentioned above. Finally, it is agreed that if the Americans detain these vessels longer than two months in their ports without shipping on board them the returns they are to carry to France, all demurrage, wages, or expenses on them from the day of their arrival to that of their departure, these * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 38; see introduction, ^ od ff. 172 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. two months excepted, sliall be at their charge and paid by them, or by Messrs. Horlalez & Co. in our own name, as answerable for the Congress of the United Colonies. We accept the above conditions as far as they respect us, and promise faithfully to fulfill them, and in consequence we have signed this instrument of writing one to the other at Paris, 15th October, 177C. monthieu. roderiqxje hortalez & co. Silas Dbane, Agent for the United Colonies of North America* Proceedings in Congress, October 16, 1776.t ADDITIONAL INSTRUCTIONS TO BEX.TA:MIX FRANKLIN, SILAS DT5ANB, AND ARTHUR LEE, COMMISSIONERS PROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO TUB KING OF FRANCE. Whilst you are negotiating the affair you are charged with at the court of France, yon will have opportunities of conversing frequently with the ministers and agents of other European princes and states residing there. You shall endeavor, when you find occasion fit and convenient, to obtain from them a recognition of onr independency and sovereignty, and to conclude treaties of peace, amity, and commerce between their princes or states and us; provided, that the same be not inconsistent with the treaty yon shall make with his most Christian majesty, that they do not oblige us to become a party in any war which may happen in consequence thereof, and that the immunities, exemptions, privi- leges, protection, defense, and advantages, or the contrary, thereby stipulated, be equal and reciprocal. If that can not be effected, you shall to the utmost of your power preveut their taking part with Great Britain in the war which his Britannic majesty prosecutes against us, or entering into offensive alliances with that king and protest and pre- sent remonstrances against the same, desiring the interposition, medi- ation, and good offices on our behalf of his most Christian majesty the king of France, and of any other princes or states whose dispositions are not hostile towards us. In case overtures be made to you by the ministers or agents of any European princes or states for commercial treaties between them and us, you may conclude such treaties accordingly. By order of Congress. John Hancock, President. 'As to this agreement, see index, title Beaunuirchais. t MSS. Dept. of State. OCTOBER 17, 1776. 173 Deane to Bingham.* Paris, Oetoher 17, 1776. Dear Sir: Since receiving yours of the 4tli aud 5th of August last I have written you repeatedly, aud have uo doubt of your receipt of my letters, to which I refer you. You are in the neighborhood of St. Vincent's, and 1 learn that the Caribs are not contented with their masters, aud being an artful as well as revengeful people, would un- doubtedly take this opportunity of throwing off a yoke which nothing but a superior force can keep on them. My request is that you would inquire into the state of that island by proper emissaries, aud if the Caribs are disposed to revolt, encourage theoi and promise thorn aid of arms and ammunition. This must tear from Great Britain an island which they value next to Jamaica, and to which, indeed, they have no title but what rests on violence and cruelty. A.t any rate, they will oblige Great Britain to withdraw part of her forces from the continent. If anything can be effected there, inform me instantly, and I will order to your care such a quantity of stores as you shall think necessary. The inclosed letter I desire you to brnak the seal of and make as many copies as there are vessels going northward, by which some one must arrive. A war, I think, may be depended upon, but keep your intelligence of every kind secret, save to those of the honorable secret committee. You will send also a copy of this, by which the committee will see the request I have made to you, and the reason of their receiving sev- eral duplicates in your handwriting. I wish you to forward the inclosed to Mr. Tucker, of Bermuda, and write me by every vessel to Bordeaux or Nantes. I am, with great esteem, etc., Silas Deane. Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence. t Paris, October 17th, 1776. Gentlemen : I once more put pen to paper, not to attempt what is absolutely beyond the power of language to paint, my distressed situ- ation here, totally destitute of intelligence or instructions from you since 1 left America, except Mr. Morris' letters of the 4th and 5th of June last, covering duplicates of my first instructions. Nor will I com- plain for myself, but must plainly inform you that the cause of the *MSS. Dept. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 42. Mr, William Biugham was an American merchant residing iu Martinique. He was an agent for Congress during a large portion of the war, and was the medium of com- munication with France, by way of the French West India Islands.— Sparks. tMSS. Dept. of State; given substantially iu 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1090; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 39, with omissions and verbal changes. 174 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. United Colonies or United States Las for some time suffered at this court for want of positive orders to ine or some other person. It has not suffered here oulj-, but at several other courts, that are not only willing, bat even desirous, of assisting America. Common com- plaisance, saj' they, though they want none of our assistance, requires that they should announce to us inform their being independent States, that we may know how to treat their subjects and their property in our dominions. Every excuse which my barren invention could suggest has been made, and I have presented memoir after memoir on the sit- uation of American affairs and their importance to this kingdom and to some others. My representations, as well verbally as written, hive been favorably received, and all the attention paid them I could have wished, but the sine qua non is wanting — a power to treat from the United Independent States of America. How, say they, is it possible that all your intelligence and instructions should be intercepted, when we daily have advice of American vessels arriving in different ports iu Europe? It is true I have effected what nothing but the real desire this court has of giving aid could have brought about; but, at the same time, it has been a critical and delicate affair, and has required all attention to save appearances, and more than once have I been on the brink of losing all, from suspicions that you were not in earnest in making applications here. I will only add, that a vessel with a com- mission from the Congress has been detained at Bilboa as a pirate, and complaint against it carried to the court of Madrid.* I have been applied to for assistance, and though I am in hopes nothing will be determined against us, yet I confess I tremble to think how important a question is by this step agitated, without any one empowered to appear iu a proper character and defend. Could I jiresent your Decla- ration of Independence, and show my commission subsequently, empow- ering me to appear iu your behalf, all might be concluded at once, and a most important point gained — no less than that of obtaining a free reception and defense or protection of our ships of war in these ports [a determination which must eventually ruin the commerce of Great Britain]. t I have wrote heretofore for twentj' thousand hogsheads of tobacco. I now repeat my desire, and for a large quantity of rice. [Tobacco is eight and one-half sterling iu London, and rice fifty sterling.] t The very profits on a large quantity of these articles will go far towards an annual expense. The stores concerning which I have repeatedly writ- teu to you are now shipping, and will be with you, I trust, in January, as will the officers coming with them. I refer to your serious consider- ation the inclosed hints respecting a naval force in these seas, also the inclosed propositions, which were by accident thrown iu my way. If you shall judge them of any consequence, you will lay them before Congress ; if not, postage will be all the expense extra. I believe they * See infra, Deane to cgmmittee, Nov. 27, 1776. t Omitted in Sparks' edition. OCTOBER 17, 1776. 175 have been seen by other persons, and therefore I held it my duty to send them to you. My most profound respect and highest esteem ever attend the Congress, and particularly the secret committee. I am, gentlemen, etc., Silas Deane. P. S. — Dr. Bancroft* has been so kind as to pay me a second visit, and that most seasonably, as my former assistant, Mr. Carmichael, has gone to Amsterdam, and thence northward, on a particular affair of very great importance. t The vessel referred to is commanded by Cap- tain Ijee, of Newburyport, who, on his passage, took five prizes of value, and sent them back, but brought on two of the captains and some of the men prisoners to Bilboa, where the captains entered their protest, and complained against Captain Lee as a pirate, on which his vessel is detained, and his commission etc., sent up to Madrid. This instantly brings on a question as to the legality of the commissions; if deter- mined legal, a most important ijoint is gained ; if the reverse, the con- sequences will be very bad, and the only ground on which the determi- nation can go against the captain is tiiat the United States of A merica, or their Congress, are not known in Europe as being independent States otherwise than by common fame in newspapers, etc., on which a serious resolution can not be grounded. The best, therefore, that the captain expects will be to get the matter delayed, which is very hard on the brave captain and his honest owners, and will be a bad prece- dent for others to venture into the European seas. I have done every- thing in my power, and am in hopes, from the strong assurances given me, that all will be settled to my satisfaction in this affair, but can not but feel on the occasion as well for the captain as for the public. I have been told repeatedly I was too anxious, and advised ^^rester sans inquietude;^' but I view this as acapital affair in its consequences, and, though I wish, I can not take advice. Warlike preparations are daily making in this kingdom and in Spain ; in the latter, immediately against the Portuguese, but will most proba- bly, in its consequences, involve other powers. I need not urge the im- portance of immediate remittances towards paying for the large quan- tity of stores I have engaged for, and depend this winter will not be suffered to slip away unimproved. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. ' See introcluotiou, § 196. t See introduction, § 171. 176 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to the President of Congress.* Paris, lltJi October, 1776. Sir : The bearer, Monsieur M. Martin de la Balme, Las long served with reputation iu the armies of France as a captain of cavalry, and is now advanced to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel ; he has made military discipline his study, and has wrote on the subject to good acceptation; lie now generously offers his services to the United States of North America, and asks of me, what I most cheerfully grant, a letter to you and bis passage, confident he may be of very great service, if not iu the general army, yet in those colonies which are raising and disciplin- ing cavalry. I have only to add that he is in good esteem here, and is well recommended, to which I am persuaded he will do justice.! I bave the honor to be, etc., Silas Ueane. Proceedings iu Congress, October 22, 1776. t Resolved, That the commissioners going to the court of France he directed to procure from that court, at the expenseof these United States, either by purchase or loan, eight line-of-battle ships of seventy-four and sixty-four guns, well manned and fitted in every respect for service; that as these ships may be useful in proportion to the quickness with which tuey reach North America, the commissioners be directed to expedite this negotiation with all possible diligence. John Hancock, President. Carmichael to Dumas. ^ Amsterdam, October 22d, 1776. Sir: I inclose a letter which I expected to deliver ere this in person. I arrived here last Friday, and had so many inquiries to make to gratify Mr. Deaue's curiosity, that it has not been in my power to at- tend to you so soon as I could wish. For fear that I should not be able to leave this tomorrow, to do myself the honor of waiting upon you, I have sent this letter. When I come to The Hague, I shall put up at the Hotel de Turenne, where you will do me much pleasure to leave your address particularly. The knowledge I have had of you for many months, by Mr. Dcane and others, makes me regret every moment that * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 42. t Martin de la Balme was, ou May 2B, 1777, brevetted as lieutenant-colonel of cav- alry, and on July 18 was made inspector of cavalry, but resigned on October 12. { 1 Arthur Lee's Life, 283. § 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 217. OCTOBER 23, 1776. 177 delays me here, ami denies me tlie pleasure of assuring you iu person Low raacli I am, what every true Ameri(;au is, your very bumble servant, William Carmichael,* Robert Morris, for Secret Committee, to Silas Deaiie.t Philadelphia, October 23(1, 1776. Sib: We have already wrote you two letters of this date by different conveyances; the present we send by the Andreiv Doria, Isaiah Kobi- son, esq., commander, for St. Bustatia, from whence it will be sent to Wm. Bingham, esq., at Martinico, and by him be transmitted to you in a French bottom. You will find inclosed two resolves of Congress, passed yesterday. From one of them you will learn that Thomas Jett'erson, esq., declined going to France, and that Arthur Lee, esq., of London, is elected to serve as a commissioner iu his stead. You will therefore contrive to give him immediate notice to repair to you, and then deliver him that resolve and the inclosed letter. By the other resolve you will see that Congress direct you to procure eight lineofbattle ships, either by hire or purchase. We hope you may meet immediate success in this application, and that you may be able to influence the courts of France and Spain to send a large fleet at their own expense to act in concert with these ships, which should be expedited immediately, with direc- tions to the commander to make the first port he can with safety in these States, preferring this if winds and weather favor him, and he must also have instructions to subject himself totally, after his arrival, to the order of Congress. We are, sir, etc. A copy, with the papers, bv the Lexington. E. M. Morris and Franklin, for Committee of Secret Correspondence, to A. Lee. t Philadelphia, October 23d, 1776. Sir : By this conveyance we transmit to Silas Deaue, esq., a resolve of the honorable the Continental Congress of Delegates from the thirteen United States of America, whereby you are appointed one of their commissioners for negotiating a treaty of alliance, amity, and commerce with the court of France, and also for negotiating treaties * See index, title Carraicbael. tMSS. Dept. of State. {MSS. Dept. of State. 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1199; 1 Spark's Dip. Eev. Corr., 389. 12 WH— VOL II 178 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. with otber nations, agreeable to certain plans and instructions of Con- gress, which we have transmitted by various conveyances to Mr. Deaue, another of the commisiouers.* We flatter ourselves, from the assur- ances of your friends here, that you will cheerfully undertake this important business, and that our country will greatly benefit of those abilities and that attachment you have already manifested in sundry important services, which at a proper period shall be made known to those you would wish.t Egbert Morris. B. Franklin. Robert Morris et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence, to the Commis- sioners in Paris.j: Philadelphia, Octobey 24, 1776. Gentlemen : The Congress having committed to our charge and management their ship-of-war called the lieprisal, commanded by Lam- bert Wickes, esq.,§ carrying sixteen six-pounders and about one hun- dred and twenty men, we have allotted her to carry Dr. Prauklin to France, and directed Captain Wickes to proceed to the Poit of Nantes, where the doctor will land and from thence proceed to Paris; and he will either carry with him or send forward this letter by express, as to him may then appear best. The Reprisal is a fast-sailing ship, and Cap- tain Wickes has already done honor in action to the American flag. We have therefore ordered him to land at Nantes some indigo he has on board, take in refreshments, stores, provisions, or other necessaries he may want, and immediately to proceed on a cruise against our enemies, and we think he will not be long before he meets with a sufficient num- ber of prizes. We have directed him to send them into such of the French ports as are most convenient, addressing them at Dunkirk to Messrs. P. Stival & Son ; at Havre-de-Grace, to Mr. Andrew Limozeu ; at Bordeaux, to Messrs. Samuel and J. il. Delap ; at Nantes, to Messrs Pliarne, Penet & Co. ; and at any other ports in France to such persons as you may appoint to receive them. When he finishes his cruise he will call in at Nantes, Bordeaux, or Brest for your orders and * 111 1 a. Lee's Life, 59, the following passage is introducetl at this i)oint : "We have requested him to give you immediate notice to join him, and on your meeting deliver this letter and lay hefore you all the papers and instructions ; also to deliver yon the resolve whereby you are appointed." + In 1 A. Lee's Life, nt supra, is here the following : " This committee will think it proper to address all their dispatches unto Mr. Deane nutil they have certaiu advice that his colleagues have joined him, but the commuui- cation of them will be the same as if addressed to the whole. "We remain, with much regard and esteem, sir, your most obedient and humble servants." ; MSS. Dept. of State ; 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1211. v\ See index, Wickes OCTOBER 24, 1776 179 advices, which we beg you will have reatly for him, lodged at those places. In consequence of this plan for the lieprisaUs cruise, we desire you to niakeinmiediate application to the court of France to grant the protec- tion of their ports to American men-of-war and their i)rizes. Show them that British men-of-war, under sanction of an act of Parliament, are daily capturing American ships and cargoes ; show them the resolves of Congress for making reprisals on British and West ludia property, and that our continental men-of-war and numerous private ships of war are most successfully emplojed in executing these resolutions of the Congress; show them the justice and equity of this pi'oceeding, and surely they can not, they will not, refuse the protection of their jjorts to American ships of war, privateers, and jnizes. If your application on this bead is crowned with success, try any other which it is their interest to grant ; that is, to obtain leave to make sale of those prizes and their cargoes, or any part thereof that may be suitable for that country. If you succeed in Ihis also, you must appoint some person to act as judge of the admiralty, who should give the bond ]>rescribed for those judges, to determine in all cases agreeable to the rules and legu lations of Congress, and for this purpose we will report to Congress some resolves vesting you with authority to make such appointment, and authorizing such judge to condemn without a jury, as required here. If these resolves are agreed to by Congress, theysliallbe imme- diately transmitted to you. If they are not, that plan must drop, and the prizes must all proceed for America for condemnation. You can in the mean time consult the ministry whether they will permit such courts in France and in the French West India islands. If protection is granted to our cruisers and their prizes, you will im- mediately procure proper orders to be sent to the ofiBcers of all their ports on this subject, and write yourselves to those houses we have named nt the several ports that the prizes are to remain for Captain Wickes's further orders. Also lodge such orders with proper persons at the other ports in France. On the contrary, if the prizes are not to be protected in their ports, then give immediate notice to all these houses, and proper persons at the other ports, to furnish the prizes that Captain Wickes, of the Reprisal, may send into their port, with any necessaries the prize-master may judge they stand in need of, and to order him to make the best of his way with the prize to the first safe port he can make in Jie United States of America. Lodge advice also for Captain Wickes at Bordeaux, Brest, and JSTantes, whether his prizes are to be protected in port or not, and whether or not any sales will be permitted. If they are protected, he can take his own time to collect and bring them home under his own convoy. If any sale is ]iermitted, he can sell all perishable commodities and vessels unfit for so long a voyage as to this coast. If no protection for prizes, they will come away by your orders, and need not stay for his. And if they deny protection to our 180 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. cruisers themselves, be will ouly remain iu port for your advices, and to obtain such supplies as may he iiecessaiy. We have reuommeiuled Captain Wickes to take on board his own ship as many \'alaal)le commodities as he can, if successful, but should he be unsuccessful in cruisinjjr, then Messrs. Pliarne, Peuet & Co. may put some goods on board when he is coming' away. You will readily see the tendency these measures have ; and as their consequences may be very imporlaiit, so we hope your attention to them will be immediate and constiiut whilst necessary. Captain Wickes is a worthy man, and as such we recommend him; and should he have the misfortune to be taken, or meet with auy other misfortune, we hope you will adopt measures for his relief. He will treat prisoners with humanity, and we are convinced his conduct will do honor to his appointment. We have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servants.* Robert Morris et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence, to Dumas.t Philadelpuia, October tiith, 1776. Sir : Our worthy friend Dr. Franklin, being indefatigable in the service of his country, aud few men so qualified to be useful to the com- numity of which he is a member, you will not be surprised that the unanimous voice of the Congress of Delegates from the United States of America has called upon him to visit the court of France in the character of one of their commissioners for negotiating a treaty of alliance, etc., with that nation. He is the bearer of this letter, and ou his arrival will forward it. To him we refer you for information as to the political state of this country ; our design in addressing you at this time being only to continue that correspondence which he has opened and conducted hitherto with you on our behalf We request to hear from j'ou frequently, and if you make use of the cipher, the doctor has conjmunicated the knowledge of it to one of our members. Your letters via St. Eustatia, directed to the committee of secret" correspondence, then i)ut under cover to Mr. Robert Morris, merchant, in Philadelphia, and that letter undercover to Mr. Cornelius Stevenson, or Mr. Henricus Codet, merchants at St. Eustatia, or under cover to Mr. Isaac Go\erneur, merchant, at Curacoa, will certainly come safe; and if you can send with them regular supplies of the English and other newspapers, you will add to the obligation. The ex[)ense of procuring will be reimbursed, together with any other charges, and a reasonable allowance for your time and trouble iu this agency. *Sei! index, title Wickes. Several iuteresting and curious letters from Wickes are in the seventli chapter of Hale's Franklin iu France. 1 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1213 ; .") Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 217. OCTOBER 24, 1776. 181 The members of tliis committee, styled the committee of secret cor- respondeace, are John Jay, esq., Thomas Johustou, esq., Eobert Mor- ris, esq.. Colonel Richard Henry Lee, William Hooper, esq., and the Rev. Dr. John Witherspoon, and as vacancies happen by deaths or absence the Congress fill themnp with new members, which we mention for your information ; and with great respect and esteem, remain, sir, your most obedient servants, Robert Morris. Richard Henry Lee. John Witherspoon. William Hooper. Robert Morris, et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence, to Deane.* Philadelphia, October 24, 1776. Dear Sir : We embrace this opportunity of your worthy colleague, and our mutual good friend Dr. Franklin, to transmit you copies of our letters of the 1st October by the sloop Independence, Captain Young, to Martinico, from whence they would be carried to you by Mr. William Hodge, jr., sent in saidsloopfor that purpose. Tho.se letters contained a commission from the Congress appointing Dr. Franklin, Thomas Jef- ferson, esq., and yourself commissioners on behalf of the United States of America to negotiate a treaty of alliance and amity and peace with the court of France ; a plan of that treaty ; instructions from Congress relative thereto; form of passports for the ships of each nation, etc. We consider these papers as of the utmost consequence, and hope they will arrive safe. Yesterday we wrote you a few lines, inclosing additional instructions from Congress to their commissioners, authorizing them to treat witli other nations; also two resolves of Congress, by one of which you would see that Thomas Jefferson, esq., declined his appointment, and that Arthur Lee, esq., was appointed in his stead, to whom we inclosed a letter, copy whereof goes herewith. By the other, the commissioners are directed to hire or buy eight Ime-of-battle ships for tlie American service. These papers were sent under cover to William Bingham, esq., our resident at Martinico, with orders to forward them immediately. We wrote you another letter yesterday, covering duplicates of all the papers and letters mentioned herein, and sent it by the armed brigantine Lexington, William Hallock, esq., commander, to Mr. Stephen Ceronio, our resident at Cape Praufois, with directions to forward them to Messrs. Samuel and J. Hans Delap, merchants, at Bordeaux, who are requested to send the packet from thence by express to you ; and Dr. Franklin carries with him triplicates of all these public papers. We * MSS. Dept. of State ; -i Force's Archives, .5th series, 1214. 182 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. bave been thus particular iu meiitiouiug them, aucl the conveyances by which thej' were sent, that you may know when the whole are received, and we desire you to be equally pointed in advising us thereof, for we shall be anxious to hear of their getting safe, and shall be very uneasy if we don't hear this in due time, for they ought not on any account to fall into the hands of our enemies. Since Mr. Dickiusou and Mr. Harrison were out of Congress, and Dr. Franklin appointed one of the commissioners at the court of France, the Congress have filled up the vacancies in this connuittee, and the members now are Mr. Jay, Mr. Johnston, Mr. Morris, Colonel Kichard Henry Lee, Mr. William Hooper, aud Dr. John Witherspoon, which we mention for your information. We shall continue to address all our advices and dispatches to you only until informed that the other commissioners have joined you ; but you will communicate the letters to them, as if directed to the whole, aud we depend on you to notify Dr. Lee of his appointment, using the utmost precaution in the method of doing it, or his person may be endangered. We suppose it may be best to have the letter inclosed by the ministers of France to their ambassador in England, with proper cautions respecting the delivery of it. Dr. Franklin being the bearer of this letter, it is totally unnecessary for us to enter into any detail of what is passing liere or to convey any political remarks. He being possessed of every knowledge necessarj* for your information, will com- municate very fully everything you can wish to know. Therefore, wishing you a hapjiy meeting with him aud a successful issue to your labors in the service of your country, we remain, with perfectesteem and regard, dear sir, your atiectionate friends andobedieut humble servants. Deane to Bingham.* 25th OCTOBEE, 1770. Dear Sir : I have received no letter from you since those of the ith and 5th of August last, nor any intelligence from Congress since the 5th June, which not only surprises but distresses me. I now send to the care of Mous. Deant two hundred tons of a necessary article, to be fit your orders for use of the Congress ; the freight is to be paid in Mar- tinique, as customary, and I wish you to ship it for the ports of the Colonies in such a Uiaiiner and in such quantities in a vessel as you shall judge most prudent, advising the Congress of your having received it and the methods you are taking to ship it to them, praying them to remit you the amount of the freight, as you must make friends in Mar- tinique for advancing the same. I wish you could write me oltener, and inform me very particularly * MS.S. Dept. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 43. OCTOBER 25, 1776. 183 what letters you receive from me directed immediately to you, and what letters for other persons. lu this way I shall know which of my letters fail. I am, with great respect, etc., Silas Deane. P. S.— Forward the inclosed under cover, and with the usual direc- tions in case of capture. Daaue to the Committee of Secret Correspondence * Paris, October 25, 177G. Gentlemen : I have purchased two hundred tons of powder, and ordered the same to be shipped to Martinique to the care of Mons. Deaut, to the direction of Mr. Bingham, t for your use. The first cost is eighteen sols per pound, or 10 pence sterling; the charges will be added; the amount 1 have not as yet ascertained, and interest at five per cent, until payment. I must again urge you to hasten your remit- tances. Tobacco, rice, indigo, wheat, and flour are in great demand, and must be so through the year. Tobacco is nine stivers per pound in Holland, rice 50 shillings sterling per hundred weight. Plonr is already from twmity to twenty-three livres per hundred weight and rising. I have engaged a sale for twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco, the amount of which will establish the credit of the Congress with the mercantile interest in Prance and Holland. Let me urge your attention to these articles, though 1 must say your silence ever since the 5th of last June discourages me at times; indeed, it well-nigh distracts me. From whatever cause the silence has hap- pened, it has greatly prejudiced the affairs of the United Colonies of America; and so far as the success of our cause depended on the friend- ship and aid of powers ou this side the globe, it has occasioned the greatest hazard and danger, and thrown me in a state of anxiety and perplexity which no words can express. I have made one excuse after another until my invention is exhausted, and when I find vessels arriv- ing from different ports in America which sailed late in August without a line for me, it gives our friends here apprehensions that the assertions of our enemies, who say you are negotiating and compounding, are true; otherwise, say they, where are your letters and directions? Surely, they add, if the Colonies were in earnest, and unanimous in their independ- ence, even if they wanted no assistance from hence, common civility would cause them to announce in form their being independent States. I will make no other comment on the distressing subject than this. * MSS. Dept. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 44 ; 2 Force's Archives, 5th series, 1234. tSee index, title Bingham. 184 DIPLOMATIC CORltESPONDENCE. Were there no hopes of obtaiuing assistance on application in a public manner I should be easier under your silence, but when the reverse is the case, to lose the present critically favorable moment, and hazard thereby the rain of the greatest cause in which mankind were ever engfaged, distresses my soul, and I would if possible express something of what I have undergone for the last three months until hope itself has almost deserted me. I do not complain for myself but for my country, thus unaccountably suffering Irom I know not what causes. I am, gentlemen, with most respectful compliments to the Con- gress, etc. Silas Deane. Carmichael to Bumas." Amsterdam, October 27, 1776. Dear Sir : You owe to my forgetfulness what ought only to pro- ceed from my respect, yet I will not quarrel with anything that gives me an opportunity of writing to you. I left the Memoir on Commerce in your hands, and it is necessary I should have it as soon as possible. I send you Common Sense, but you must look on my i^resents as Indian ones, for 1, like they, expect much larger in return ; as much as you please, and I am sure you can spare a great deal of what I send you. My present is only the rough material of America; your returns will be elegant and superb manufactures of Europe. The English mail is not arrived. I have a very angry letter from Mr. William Lee on the subject I mentioned to you respecting Dr. B.t I am happy to know that I acted for the public good, and that, without partiality to any person, will, I hope, always be the rule of my conduct. I am, etc., William Carmichael. Carmichael to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.t Amsterdam, November 2, 1776. Gentlemen: Previous to your attention to what follows it will be necessary for you to know that I have lived with Mr. Deane since his first arrival at Paris ; that I took that city in my way from Lon- don to Nantes to find a i)assage to my native country, and with dis- patches which Mr. Arthur Lee intrusted to my care for the honorable * 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., '218. t See introduction, » 19C. t MSS. Dept. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 5, with verbal changes and omissions. NOVEMBER 2, 1776. 185 Gougress. Having a relapse of a disorder which prevented me from traveling T stopped at Paris, and endeavored to find out, by means of Count d'Estaing and other persons of eminence, the sentiments of the French court respecting our affairs, and the moment I knew of Mr. Deane's arrival offered him all the services in my power; and, of con- sequence, we have lived together until the 10th of the present month. At that time the agent of the King of Prussia, who had often, as Mr. Deane has informed you, made proposals of a commercial nature, ex- pressed a desire that some American would go to Berlin ; and this he gave us to understand was at the instance of his sovereign, who wished to have a clear idea of the nature of our commerce, and expressed a curiosity, which he wished to gratify by a minute detail of our affairs.* Mr. Deane, thinking this an opportunity not to be neglected to interest a prince who for several years has been dreaming of making his port of Emden an Amsterdam, proposed it to n:ie.t However unequal to to the task, I have cheerfully undertaken it, happy to find any oppor- tunity of showing with what a fervent zeal I am devoted to the glori- ous cause which at i^resent, by interesting their humanity as well as policy, gives us so much consequence in the eyes of Europe. Here I have endeavored to engage merchants to speculate in a direct commerce to America; to find out the sentiuients of the people in gen- eral respecting us; to know whether, in case of necessity, the United States would be able to negotiate a loan ; whether England would be able to obtain further credit, and, by this barometer of the ability of princes, to discover their present situation. On these heads I have written Mr. Deane; but having an opportunity by tlie way of St. Eustatia, and thinking none should be neglected of giving information, though mine perhaps may not be of importance enough to merit that title, I have taken the liberty of addressing the honorable committee. Arriving but two days after the accounts had reached this city of our misfortune on Long Island, I found many even of the sanguine friends of America dejected and those of England almost in a frenzy of joy- In this disposition it is easy to judge no hopes could be entertained of engaging merchants in a direct trade. I And they have the greatest inclination to serve us, and at the same time themselves, for no people see their interests clearer; but their fears that we shall be subdued, the confident assertions of the friends of England confirming these apprehensions, the prodigious sums they have in the English funds, with this unlucky business at New York, all conspire to prevent direct speculation. As my letters from Paris introduced me to the first houses here, I have had the best opportunity of knowing tlieir sentiments, and I can venture to say that, with many wlio are apparently adverse to us, it is interest combating with principle, for insulted, searched, and plundered * See iutrodiictiou, § 90. t See index, title Enidou ; iutroduction, ^^ 90 ff. 186 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. as tlie Dutch were tlie last war aud are at present, their iudividuals by no means want sensibility to feel, though tlie public want spirit to resent, the injury. The States have, however, iu answer to a fresh remonstrance of General Yorke,* declared that their ports are open to vessels of all nations, and that their trade to and from tiieir own colo- nies shall be unmolested, their subjects complying with the ordinances issued by their high mightinesses. In fact, their prohibition of export- ing warlike stores extends to all British subjects. I hope it will not be long before all Europe will own us in another character. It is very certain that, without a very material and apparent success of the Brit- ish arms iu J.merica, a loan would be very slowly uegotiated for Eng- land here. There is nothing hinders theui now from selling out of the English funds but their not knowing what to do with their money; for tliis country may be called the treasury of Europe, and its stock of specie is more or less according to the necessities of the different princes iu Europe. It being a time of peace, the call has not been very great of late. Having mentioned the credit of England, that of France is next to be considered, and I am very sorry to say that has been very low here of late. The dreadful mismanagement of the finances iu the late king's reign, the character of the late controller-general, jr. d'Oluguy, had reduced it so low that it was impossible to borrow anything eon- sideiable on perjietual funds. By life-rents something might be done; perhaps a nunister of linauce in whose probity the world have a con- fidence may restore their credit. At this moment that is in some measure the case, for the French stocks rise on the appointment of M. Taboreau. That it is possible for France to borrow may be demon- strated ; for at the time M. Turgot was removed he was negotiating a loan here, and was likely to succeed, for sixtj^ millions of guilders. The credit of Spain is extremely good, aud that kingdom may have what money it will and on the best terms. The emperor's credit is also good, uot as emperor, but from his hereditary dominions. Sweden and Denmark both have good credit ; the former the best ; they have money at four per cent. ; and it is not long since the King of Sweden borrowed three millions of guilders at this interest to pay off old debts at five i)er cent. His interest is paid punctually. Prussia has no credit here, but his treasury is full by squeezing the last farthiup; from the people, aud now and theu he draws a little money from this republic by reviving obsolete claims. The credit of the Empress of Russia is very good ; for she has punctually jiaid the interest of twelve millions of guilders which she borrowed in her war with the Turks, and has lately paid off one million and a half of the principal. These are the strongest circumstances she could have in her favor with a mercantile people. I have this state of credit from persons em- ■ Sir Joseph Voike ; see index, title Yorke. NOVEMBER 2, 1776. 187 ployed iu negotiating the several loans, and therefore can depend on the truth of the information. To come next to America, should time and necessity oblige her to look abroad for money. In tlie present state of affairs it is not prob- able that a loan is practicable. But should success so attend our arras, that it should appear evident, that is, should it appear evident we are likely to support our independence, or should either France or Spaiu acknowledge our independence, in either of these cases I believe we might have money, and when it was seen that we were punctual in our first payments of the interest we should have as much as we pleased. The nature of the security, or the fund for the paymeut of interest, I have not been able to imagine. But observiug iu a letter to Mr. Deaue that it was the writer's opinion that the honorable Congress did not wish to circulate too much paper for fear of depreciating its value, I thought that bills issued similar to those iu circulation in the provinces, and lodged iu a public bank iu Europe, might be accepted as a pledge or deposit for money borrowed by the United States. 1 beg pardon for the crudity of the idea, and would not have mentioned it here but that, having hinted at it in general conversation, people thought it might on a future occasion be adopted. You will please to observe that everything- here mentioned came from an individual who, only as such, avowed himself iuterested for his country's fate, and for its benefit sought inforiuation. Notwith- standing the rise of stocks, occasioned by our misfortune on Long Island, the Dutch are selling out, and my strongest representations have not been wanting to contribute a mite to this circumstance. The price of our product is great. Rice sells for twenty-five shillings ster- ling per hundred-weight and tobacco for eightstivers and four perpound. You have been threatened that the Ukraine would sujiply Europe with tobacco. It must be long before that time can arrive. I have seen some of its tobacco here, and the best of it is worse than the worst of our ground leaf. Four hundred thousand pounds have been seut here this year. The Russian ambassa France, where he was a))poiuted governor of the French settlements in Hindcstan, where, however, his imprudence is said to have greatly injured the French cause. In 1793 ho was in charge of the royalist army in the south of France, but was driven from the country, and died in exile in 1800. DECEMBER 1, 1776. 203 service iu the same important department of discipline. As Colonel Conway has been long- in service (though in the prime of life), I am con- fident you would not think it right he should rank under those who have served under him in this kingdom, which will not be the case if he iills the place of an adjutant or brigadier general, for which, I am well assured, he is every way well qualified. 1 have advanced him, as per receipt inclosed, towards his expenses and appointments or wages, and told him lie may rely on your granting him one of the above ranks in the continental forces. Should the honorable Congress have a new body of troops to form in any part of the continent, this gentleman might take the direction of them to very great advantage, and may, I presume, l)e equally so in the station you niay apijoiut him in the main army. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. Deane to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, December 1, 1776. 'Gentlemen : Among the many imi)ortant objects which employ your whole attention I jiresume ways and means for defraying the expenses of the present war has a capital place. You will, therefore, give the following thoughts the weight which they deserve. In the first place, to emit more bills will bo rather dangerous ; for money, or whatever passes for such, when it exceeds the amount of the commerce of a state, must lose its value, and the present circumscribed state of the Amer- ican commerce is perhaps within tlie amount of your emissions already made. Your bills, therefore, must be borrowed of individuals by the public at interest, or those already emitted paid off by taxes and new emissions made; some colonies may now be content with a tax, but it is, most probably, quite out of the power of some, and a measure rather impolitic in a majority of the Colonies or States durante bello. To effect any considerable loan in Europe is perhaps difficult. It has not been tried, and on the probability of succeeding in this I will give my sentiments hereafter. This is obvious, that, let the loan be made when it will, it must have a day fixed for payment and respect to some fund appropriated to that purpose. The relying on future taxes is hold- ing up to the people a succession of distresses and burdens which are not to cease even with the war itself, whereas, could they have a j)rospect of paying the expenses of the war at the close of it, and enjoying the remainder of their fortunes clear of incumbrance, it must greatly en- courage and animate both the public and private (spirit) in pushing it on with vigor. A loan of six or eight millions, or a debt of that amount, will probably enable you to finish the war. This, I am confident, may *MSS. Dept. of State; 3 Force's Archives, 5tli series, 1019; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 58, with verbal cliauges. 204 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. be negotiated on terms wbieh I will propose hereafter, but previously let it be attended to that the present contest has engaged the attention of all Europe — more, it will eventually interest all Europe — in favor of the United States, the Kussians in the north, and Portugal in the south, excepted ; I make no consideration of the little mercenary electorates in ray calculation. The mercantile pars of the other jiowers are con- vinced, where their interest appears so evidently engaged. The politi- cal ijart are sensible of the importance of enlarging their own naval concerns and force and checking that of Great Britain. The good and wise part, the lovers of liberty and human happiness, look forward to the establishment of American freedom and independence as an event which will secure to them and their descendants an asylum from the effects and violence of despotic power, daily gaining ground in every part of Europe. From those and other considerations, on which I need not be minute, emigrations from Europe will be prodigious immedi- ately on the establishment of American independency. The conse- quence of this must be the rise of the lands already settled, and a de- mand for new or uncultivated land ; on this demand I conceive a cer- tain fund may now be fixed. You may smile, and recollect the sale of the bear skin in the fable, but, at the same time, must be sensible that your wants are real, and if others can be induced to relieve them, it is indifferent to you whether they have a consideration in hand or in prospect. I trace the river Ohio from its junctiou to its head, thence north to Lake Erie, on the south and west of that lake to Fort Detroit, which is in the latitude of Boston, thence a west course to the Mississippi, and return to the place of my departure. These three lines, of near one thousand miles each, include an immense territorJ^ in a fine climate, well watered, and by accounts exceediugly fertile; it is not inhabited by any Europeans of consequence, and the tribes of Indians are incon- siderable, and will decrease faster than the lands can possibly be called for cultivation. To this I ask your attention as a resource amply ade- quate, under proper regulations, for defraying the whole expense of the war and the sums necessary to be given the Indians in purchase of the native right. But to give this land -^-alue inhabitants are neces- sary. I therefore propose, in the first jilace, that a grant be made of a tract of land at the mouth of the Ohio, between that and the Missis- sippi, equal to two hundred miles square, to a company formed indis- criminateh' of Europeans and Americans, which company should form a distinct State, confederated with and under the general regulations of the United States General of America. That the Congress of the United states shall, out of such grant, reserve the defraying or dis- charging of the public debts or expenses ; one-fifth part of all the lands, mines, etc., within said tract to be disposed of by the Congress in such manner as good policy and the public exigencies may dictate, the said one-fifth to be sequestered out of every grant or settlement made by DECEMBEK 1, 1776. 205 the company of equal goodness with the rest of such grant or settle- ment. The company, on their part, shall engage to have, in seven years after the passing such grant, thousand families settled on said grant, and civil government regulated and supported on the most free and liberal principles, taking therein the advice of the honorable Con- gress of the United States of North America. They shall also, from and after their having one thousand families, as above mentioned, con- tribute their proportion of the public expenses of the continent or United States, according to the number of their inhabitants, and shall be entitled to a voice in Congress as soon as they are called on thus to contribute. The company shall at all times have the preference of pur- chasing the continental or common interest thus reserved when it shall be offered for sale. The company shall consist, on giving the patent or grant, of at least one hundred persons. These are the outlines of a proposed grant, which, you see, contains more that twenty-five million acres of land, the one-fifth of which, if a settlement is carried on vigorously, will soon be of most prodigious value. At this time a company might be formed in Fra'nce, Germany, etc., who would form a stock of one hundred thousand pounds sterling to defray the expense of this setttlement. By such a step you, in the first place, extend the circle of your connection and influence; yon increase the number of your inhabitants, proportionably lessen the common expense, and have in the reserve a fund for public exigencies. Further, as this company would be in a great degree commercial, the establishing commerce at the junction of these large rivers would im- mediately give a value to all the lands situated on or near them, within the above extensive description, and future grants might admit of larger reserves, amply sufficient for defraying the expenses of the war, and possibly for establishing funds for other important purposes. It may be objected this is not a favorable time for such a measure. I reply it is the most favorable that can happen. You want money, and by holding up thus early to view a certain fund on which to raise it, even the most certain in the world, that of land security, you may ob- tain the loan and engage the moneyed interest of Europe in your favor. I have spoke with many persons of good sense on this subject, which makes me the more sanguine. As to a loan, I will now dismiss this scheme to speak of that, only adding, or rather repeating what I have in a former letter wrote, that a large and generous allowance ought immediately to be made for the officers and soldiers serving in the present war, in which regard should be had to the wounded, the widows or children of those that fall, and to the term or number of campaigns each one serves. This will make the army consist literally of a set of men fighting for free- hold, and it will be a great encouragement to foreigners, with whom five hundred or a thousand acres of land has a great sound. It has been a question with me at times whether, if our commerce 206 DIPLOMATIC COKKESPONDENCE. were open and protected, the Oolouies would be vvise in negotiating a loan. But on considering that, before this war, the importation of the Colonies just about l)alaiiced their exportations, I can not think it pos- sible, with the ujost rigid economy, supposing exports as large as for. nierly, to bjake a lessening of consumption equal to the amount of the expenses of the war ; and that consequently a debt must be contracted by the public somewhere. The question which naturally rises on this is, whether it be most prudent to contract this debt at home or abroad. To me it admits of no doubt that the latter is to be preferred on every account. If you can establish a credit, and pay your interest punctu- ally, the rate of interest will be less by 3 or 3 per cent, in Europe than in America; you will thereby engage foreigners by the surest tie, that of their immediate interest, to support j'our cause, with many other obvious reasons for preferring the latter mode. The next question is, where can you borrow, and what security can you offer? Holland is at present the center of money and credit for teurope, and every nation is more or less indebted to them collectively to such an amount that, could the nations in Europe at once pay the whole of their debts to this republic of mammon, it would as effectually ruin it as the breaking in of the sea through their dikes. Would you know the credit and situation of the affairs of the different kingdoms, consult the books of the Dutch banks. This kingdom (Prance) has been in bad credit from the villaiuy of a late comptroller-general, as it is said, one Abbe Terrai, against whose administration the severest things have been uttered and written. He was succeeded by the much-esteemed Mons. Turgot, and stocks rose, and a coiiimission was given to a banker ^a correspondent of mine in Amsterdam) to negotiate a loan ; but the dismisoion of Mons. Turgot, and the indifferent opinion moneyed men at least had of his successor, Mons. Glugny, prevented the loan and fell the stocks. Mons. Clugny died last week, and is succeeded ostensibly by one Mons. Tabourou; I say ostensibly, for one Mons. IfTecker, a noted Protestant banker, is joined with him as intendant of the treasury'. This raised stocks im- mediately, and I am told they have already risen ten per cent. This is the most politic appointment that could have been made, and it de- serves our notice, that, where a man has it in his power to be of public service, his principles of religion are not a sufficient obstacle to hinder his promotion even in France. This will probably enable this king- dom to borrow money, which, from all appearances, will soon be wanted. Spain, from the punctuality of its payments of interest, and its well- known treasures, is in high credit in Holland. Denmark borrows at four per cent., Sweden at the same ; the Emperor of Germany, from the security of Ins hereditary dominions, and the Empress of Eussiafrom her havinglately paid part of the large sum she borrowed in the Turkish wars, are both of them in good credit. The credit of Great Britain, though it has not fell, yet it is in a ticklish situation with those far-seeing people, DECEMBER 1, 1776. 207 who, on receiving tlie news of the action on Long Island, which raised stocks a trifle in England, began immediately to sell out. Not a power in Europe, the King of Prussia excepted, can go to war without borrowing money of Holland to a greater or less amount, and whilst so many borrowers are in its neighborhood, whose estates, as I may say, are settled and known, it is not to be expected Holland will be fond of lending money to the United States of North America though we should offer higher interest. To ofier a large interest might be tempt- ing, but it would be very ruinous to us, and I conceive it will never be thought prudent to permit higher than five per cent, interest in the States of North America, and this is but one per cent, more than is given in Europe. This view leads me again to reflect, as I constantly do with the ut- most grief, on the unaccountable delay of jn^oper authority announcing the independency of the United States of North America and propos- ing terms of alliance and fi-iendship with France and Spain. This, I am as confident as I can be of anything not already effected, wculd at once remove this and many other difficulties : would put our affairs on the most established and respectable footing, and oblige Great Britain her- self to acknowledge our indei^endeucy and court our friendship, or hazard the chance of ceasing to be a nation. On such x)owers being received and presented, these kingdoms, I have no doubt, would be- come our guaranty for the money Ave want, and tbe produce of our country will be wanted for the interest, and even the principal, as fast as we can transport it hither. But as no such powers and instruc- tions are received, and as it is possible you mean not to send any, I will mention a few thoughts on another plan. You are not in want of money, but the effects of money in the manu- factures of Europe. For these the Colonies or United States must now have a demand for the amount of some millions sterling. These manufactures are to be had principally in France and Holland. As to the latter, they have not at present, and are resolved never to have, any particular connection with, or friendship for, any power further than their commerce is served by it ; but that is not the ruling passion of the former. The desire of humbling their old rival and hereditary enemy and aggrandizing their monarchy are predominant, and never was there a more favorable opportunity than the present ; so favorable is it, that were the funds of this kingdom in a little better situation, and were they confident the United States would abide by their inde- pendency, not a moment's time would be lost in declaring (war), even though you had made no application direct. Whatever part this king- dom takes will be pursued by the court of Madrid. Would this court give credit even to private merchants it would answer the same pur- pose as a loan ; as, for instance, the United Colonies want about three millionsvalueof manufactures annually (it has heretofore been rising of that) from Europe. If this court will give a credit to that amount 208 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, to any body of men in the kingdom, that company may engage to pay the court the same amount in continental bills within a limited time, this company may send to America supplies to that amount as the Con- gress shall order, such goods as are wanted either for the army or navy ; the Congress will instantly deposit their bills for the amount ; the resi- due may be sold at a stated advance for continental bills, the whole of the amount immediately put on interest to this court. This will be the calling in of such an amount of the bills, and of course give the greater currency to the whole. Meantime, this court must become interested to have the commerce free, by which alone remittances can be made. This is but a sudden thought, recommended to you for digesting, if deemed worthy. That something may be effected in this way I can have no doubt, while I have this most unequivocal evidence. 1 am now credited to the amount of all the supplies for thirty thousand men, a train of artillery, amounting to more than two hundred j)ieces of brass cannon, ammunition, etc., which must be of near half a million ster- ling, not ostensibly by the court, but by a private company. At the same time other companies, as well as individuals, after oftering any loan or credit I should ask, always brought in sooner or later the condition of having my bills indorsed by some banker or person of credit, where you are sensible in my situation the affair ended, though in several in- stances I had the most flattering encouragement, and expected most assuredly no security would be required ; but that this particular house should be able and willing to advance this prodigious sum at once and without security is no way surprising, but perfectly consistent with what I have all along asserted. The most eifectual card now played by the British ambassador is asserting that an accommodation will soon take place, and by some means or other conjecturing my want of powers by my not appearing at court, he is bold in this assertion, and I find it the greatest difficulty I have to encounter. But I will not enter on a subject which has well- nigh distracted me, and embarrassed and disheartened, in a greater or less degree, every friend of America. The late conduct of the court of Spain respecting Captain Lee, whose case I mentioned before, is a striking proof of what I have so positively asserted of the good dispo- sition of both these courts. They dismissed the complaint against him, afforded him protection, with assurances of every assistance he might need, declaring publicly that their x)orts were equally free for Americans as for Britons. I have, besides these overt acts, still more convincing proofs that the moment jour application is made every- thing will be set in proper motion. I now dismiss a subject which has given, and still continues to give, me as much anxiety as I can struggle with, and mention another, a little new, but indeed somewhat connected with it : it is the equipping of a number of American shijis of war in the ports of France. Con- sidering the price of duck, cordage, ordnance, and other military stores DECEMBER 1, 1776. 209 in America, they may be built much cheaper here. This is not the sole advantage ; they may carry over stores of every kind in safety as being French bottoms, ostensibly at least ; all the brave and ingeni- ous in the marine department in this kingdom would become advent- urers in person or in purse and influence in such a scheme ; and I speak ou good grounds when I say that in three months after receiving your orders I can have ten ships of at least thirty-six guns each at your service, independently of assistance immediately from govern- ment, so mucli attention is paid to the American cause by all persons of consequence in this kingdom. The honorable Congress must, I conceive, either continue emitting bills or borrow money, and I sub- mit whether it be not better to borrow of foreign states than of individ- uals in the present situation of American affairs ; if of foreigners, I am convinced you may borrow five or six millions of Holland on France becoming your security. This I am confident may be obtained on ap- plication to this Court and Spain, and that on these principles they can by no means be willing to permit the Colonies to return to their former subjection to Great Britain, armed as both countries are. Their possessions in America must lie at the mercy of Great Britain on such an event as a reconciliation with the Colonies. The Colonies being in want of the manufactures of Europe, of this kingdom in jjarticnlar, this sum would, a principal part of it, rest in France, and give a great spring to their manufactures, and give thena the advantage of the first lead in American commerce. These are important objects, and I have no doubt would be considered of consequence sufficient for them to risk such a credit. Eich individuals offer to supply any quantity of goods or stores on such security, and I believe the latter would do consider- able, were they only assured of five per cent, interest ou their debts after they become due. But I submit the whole to the mature consid- eration of the honorable Congress. And am, etc., Silas Deane. Beaumarchais to Congress. [Extract.] * Paris, December 1, 1770. Gentlemen : With regard to me, gentlemen, my sincere attachment to your cause and my respectful esteem for your persons has not suf- fered me to hesitate and to wait till vessels loaded by you should ar- rive in this country with the produce of your Own in exchange for our merchandise, but the faith of the powers of your commissioner (a dupli- • House Eep. No. Ill, appendix, Fifteenth Congress, first seseioD. See introduction, H 56 J. 14 WH — VOL II 210 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. cate of which he lias left iu the hauds of our ministry) have procured from our manufactories all what I have thought might be useful to you in your present situation, and I have begun to send supplies to you by the ship that carries this letter, with a brief account of what it contains for your use, as I expect to send you my invoices in good order, attested and signed by M. Deaue, by another ship, that will carry you a fresh supply of ammunition, and the invoices of which I shall send by a third ship, and so for all the others. But, gentlemen, however warm may be the zeal that animates me, my friends will never be sufficient to double and treble my advances, if on your side, you do not send me on my ships and on your own remit- tances in country produce in proportion as you receive my supplies. What I call my ships, gentlemen, is some French vessels hired for freight, according to abargain agreed to between a merchant and myself, in presence of M. Deane, for want of your own vessels, which we had been long expecting, but did not arrive. Here inclosed you have copy of the agreement. Now, gentlemen, I beg you will send me my remittances either in excellent Virginia tobacco, or in indigo, rice, etc. My advances in this expedition must be soon followed by a second as considerable. It amounts to about one million tournois. Deane to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, December 3, 1776. Gentlesien: My letters from Bordeaux and since, to which I have received no reply, will give you my situation, but lest some of them fail, I will briefly iu this give you the history of my proceedings. Immedi- ately on my arrival I sent forward your bills, a large part of which were protested ; and intelligence arriving of theloss of Canada, ancf that Carleton was even on the frontiers of the Colonies, and at the same time the formidable armament gone and going over, made every one here give up the Colonies as subdued. To have tried for a credit under such circumstances would have been worse than useless ; it would have been mortifying, as a refusal must have been the consequence. Mr. Delap generously offered to advance five or six thousand pounds, but when I considered it was already more than four months since you began to prepare for remitting, and that next to nothing was received, I really found myself embarrassed, and hoping every day for some relief, I suspended engtiging and came up to Paris, having previously sent Mr. Morris's letter to his different correspondents, not one of which appeared inclinable to be concerned in a credit. I sent to procure the goods in Amsterdam, if to be had, * MPS. Pept, of Sttite: I Sparks' Dip, Rev, Corr,, 65, with verbal changes. DECEMBER 3, 1776. 211 but found our credit worse there than in France. A gentleman here offered ine a credit for a million of livres, but it was, when explained, on the following conditions : I must produce direct authority from the Congress, with their promise of interest; all American vessels must be sent to his address ; and until this could be secured him I must pro- vide a credit, or in other words a security, in Europe. Here you are sensible my negotiation ended. I then contracted for the supplies of the army, and crowded into the contract as large a proportion of woolens as I well could, sensible that with them you might do some- thing, and hoping your remittances might still arrive, or some intelli- gence of the situation of your afi'airs; for I thought I judged rightly that, if in six or seven months you were unable to send out one-third the remittances, the returns must be equally difficult. On this ground I have been anxiously waiting to hear something from you. Mean- time I shipped forty tons of saltpeter, two hundred thousand pounds of powder, via Martinique, one hundred barrels via Amsterdam. The late affairs at Long Island, of which we had intelligence in October, and the burning of New York, the report of Carleton's having crossed the lakes, and that you were negotiating has absolutely ruined our credit with the greater part of individuals; and finding so little prospect of completing the Indian goods, I have attended the closer to dispatch the supplies for the army, for which I had obtained a credit ostensibly from a private person, but really from a higher source. Meantime the moneys remitted are in Mr. Delap's hands, except what I have drawn out for my private expenses, for payment of the saltpeter, for the fitting out of Captain Morgan, and for the equipment of certain officers going to America. For the two hundred thousand weight of powder Mr. Delap is my surety ; consequently, should he receive nothing more from you he will have uo considerable balance in his hands. Could I have received but one-half the amount in any season I would have ventured on the goods long before this, but to what purpose would it have been could I have been credited the amount if you were unable to remit. Thesameobstructionmust subsist againsttheir arrival. I am, however, at last promised the goods on credit by the same way as the stores have been procured, and hope to ship them this month; but some of the articles are not manufactured anywhere in Europe except Great Britain, and others must be substituted in the best manner I can. I have wrote to Mr. Delap to send you his account, also to send the particulars to me, which I will transmit as soon as received. The goods may be expected in the month of February; meantime I pray you, not on this accouut only but on others, to exert yourselves in remitting so much as to support the credit of the Continent, for which I am now en- gaged to a very great amount. Tobacco, rice, flour, indigo, peltry, oil, whale fins, flaxseed, spermaceti, masts and spars, etc., are in good de- maud; tobacco at nine to ten sous per pound, and rising, free of duty 212 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. or expense, save a commission ; rice, tliirty livres per bnndred-weight; flour twenty-two to twenty-four livres. I am, most respectfully, etc., Silas Deane. P. S. — When 1 say tobacco is free of duty, I mean if sold to the Farmers-General directly ; on other conditions it is inadmissible at any rate. Deane to John Jay.* Paris, December 3, 1776. Dear Jay : If my letters arrive safe, they will give you some idea of my situation. Withoxit intelligence, without orders, and without remiitances, yet boldly plunging into contracts, engagemeuts, and ne- gotiations, hourly hoping that something will arrive from America. By General Ooudray I send thirty thousand fusils, two hundred pieces of brass cannon, thirty mortars, four thousand tents, and clothing for thirty thousand men, with two hundred tons of gunpowder, lead, balls, etc., etc., by which you may judge we have some friends here. A war in Europe is inevitable. The eyes of all are on you, and the fear of your giving up or accommodating is the greatest obstacle I have to con- tend with. M. Beaumarchais has been my minister in effect, as this court is extremely cautious; and I now advise you to attend carefully to the articles sent you. I could not examine them here. I was prom- ised they should be good, and at the lowest prices, and that from per- sons in such station that had I hesitated it might have ruined my affairs. But as in so large a contract there is room for imposition, my advice is that you send back to me samples of the articles sent you. Cannon, powder, mortars, &c., are articles known ; but (send) clothes, the fusils, etc., by which any imposition may be detected. Large re- mittances are necessary for your credit ; and the enormous price of tobacco, of rice, of flour, and many other articles, gives you an oppor- tunity of making your remittances to very great advantage. Twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco are wanted immediately for this king- dom, and more for other parts of Europe. I have wrote you on several subjects, some of which I will attempt briefly to recapitulate. The destruction of the jSTewfoundland fishery may be effected by two or three of your frigates sent there early in February, and by that means a fatal blow given to Great Britain- -1 mean by destroying the stages, boats, etc., and by bringing away the people left there as prisoners.! Glasgow, in Scotland, may be plundered and burnt with ease, as may Liverpool, by two or three frigates, which *MSS. Dept. of State; 3 Force's Archives (5th series), 1051; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 67, with oinissions and verbal changes. t See Deane to committee Nov. 27, 1776. DECEMBER 3, 1770. 213 may find a shelter and protection iu the ports of France and Spain af- terwards. Blank commissions are wanted here to cruise under your flag against the British commerce. This is a capital stroke, and must bring on a war. Hasten them out, I pray you. France and Spain are friendly ; and you will greatly oblige the latter by seizing the Por- tuguese commerce wherever it is found. I have had overtures from the King of Prussia in the commercial way, and have sent a person of great confidence to his court, with letters of introduction from his agent here, with whom I am on the best terms.* A loan may be obtained, if you make punctual remittances for the sums now advanced, for any sums at five per cent interest, perhaps less. The western lands ought to be held up to view as an encouragement for our soldiers, especially foreigners, and are a good fund to raise money on. You may, if you judge proper, have any number of German and Swiss troops ; they have been ofl'ered me, but you know I have no proposals to treat. A num- ber of frigates may be purchased at Leghorn, the great Duke of Tus- cany being zealously in favor of America, and doing all in his power to encourage its commerce. Troubles are rising in Ireland, and with a little assistance much work may be cut out for Great Britain by send- ing from hence a few priests, a little money, and plenty of arms. Om- Ilia tentanda is my motto ; therefore I hint the playing their own game on them, by spiriting up the Garibs in St. Vincent's and the negroes in Jamaica to revolt. On all these subjects I have written to you ; also on various particu- lars of commerce. Our vessels have more liberty in the ports of France and Spain and Tuscany tban the vessels of any other nation, and that openly. I presented the Declaration of Independence to this court, after it had, indeed, become an old story iu every part of Europe. It * The following passage from Suffolk's iustructions to Harris, January 9, 1778 is omitted in the instructions as given in the Malmesbury Papers, and substan- tiates Deaue's statement. "The King of Prussia, from motives known only within the cabinet of Potsdam (unless, indeed, they have found their place iu the correspondence, which there is not much reason to believe he has actually had in his own handwriting with Messi's. Deane and Franklyu) (sic) takes the most unfriendly part; not content with his late disobliging refusal of passage to the German recruits and baggage through his terri- tories, and hia endeavors to hurt our credit as a commercial people, he is secretly exciting the Bourbon courts to hostile steps against that kingdom, to whose liberal support in the last war he owes his present existence amongst the powers of Europe." (Bancroft MSS.) Whether it was from the niismauagemeut of Arthur Lee, when he took the negoti- ations with Prussia in hand, or from a subsequent change of policy on the part of Frederick, these prospects of alliance were not realized. (Schulenberg to A. Lee, June 29, November 28, 1777.) It may have been that Prussia, like Russia, was looking forward to neutral trade, which would be destroyed if, by entering into a treaty with America, she became in- volved in the contest as a belligerent. There was no treaty with Prussia until 1785. See more fully, supra, ^i 90, 91. 214 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. was well received ; but as you say you have articles of alliance under consideration, any resolution must be deferred until we know what they are. The want of intelligence has more than once well-nigh ruined my affairs. Pray be more attentive to this important subject, or drop at once all thoughts of a foreign connection. [I must mention some trifles. The queen is fond of parade, and I believe wishes a war, and is our friend. She loves riding on horseback. Could you send me a narrowheganaett horse or two ; the present might be money exceedingly well laid out. Rittenhouse's orrery, or Arnold's collection of insects, a phaeton of American make and a pair of bay horses, a few barrels of apples, of walnuts, of butternuts, etc., would be great curiosities here, where everything American is gazed at, and where the American contest engages the attention of all ages, ranks, and sexes.] * Had I ten ships here, I could fill them all with passengers for Amer- ica. I hope the officers sent will be agreeable ; they were recommended by the ministry here, and are at this iustant really in their army, but this must be a secret. Do you want heavy iron canon, sea ofiicers of distinction, or ships 1 Your special orders will enable nie to procure them. For the situation of affairs in England, refer you to Mr. Eogers, aid-de-camp to Monsieur du Coudray. I have presented a number of memoirs, which have been very favorably received, and the last by Lis majesty, but my being wholly destitute of other than accidental and gratuitous assistance will not permit my S'^nding you copies. Indeed, I was obliged to make them so to explain the rise, the nature, and the progress of the dispute. I have been assured by the ministers that I have thrown much light on the subject, and have obviated many diffi- culties, but his majesty is not of the disposition of his great-grandfather, Louis XIV. If he were, England would soon be ruined. Do not forget or omit sending me blank commissions for privateers; under these in- finite damage may be done to the British commerce, aiid as the prizes must be sent to you for condemnation, the eventual profits will remain with you. [Tell Mrs. Trist that her husband and Captain Fowler were well the ICth instant, I had a letter from the latter. Pray be careful who you trust in Europe. One Williamson, a native of Pennsylvania, is here as a spy, yet I believe he corresponds with very good people on your side of the water. The villain returns to London once in about six weeks to discharge his budget. ]t Dr. Bancroft! has been of very great service to me; no man has • The passage in brackets is oiiiittred in Sparks' reprint. See supra, Deane to com- mittee, Nov. 28, 1776. t Passage in brackets omitted by Sparks. The baselessne.ss of the snspicions of Williamson has been already stated. \ See index, title Bancroft. DECEMBER 3, 1776. 215 better intelligeuce in England, in my opinion; but it costs some- thing. The following articles have been shown to me ; they have been seen by both the conrts of France and Spain, and I send them to yon for speculation : " 1st. The thirteen United Colonies, now known by the name of the thirteen United States of North America, shall be acknowledged by France and Spain, and treated with as independent States, and as such shall be guarantied in the possession of all that part of the continent of North America which by the last treaty of peace was ceded and con- firmed to the crown of Great Britain. "2d. The United States shall guaranty and couflnn to the crowns of France and Spain all and singular their possessions and claims in every other part of America, whether north or south of the equator, and of the islands possessed by them in the American seas. "3d. Should France or Spain, either or both of them, possess them- selves of the islands in the West Indies now in posession of the crown of Great Britain (as an indemnity for the injuries sustained in the last war, in consequence of its being commenced on the part of Great Britaiu in violation of the laws of nations), the United Colonies shall assist the said powers in obtaining such satisfaction and guaranty, and coniirm to them the possession of such acquisition. "4th. The fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, of Cape Breton, and parts adjacent, commonly known and called by the name of the cod fishery, shall be equally free to the subjects of France, Spain, and the United States respectively, and they shall mutually engage to pro- tect and defend each other in such commerce. "5th. The more effectually to preserve this alliance, and to obtain the great object, it shall be agreed that every and any British ship or vessel found or met with on the coasts of North America, of South America, or of the islands adjacent and belonging thereto, at within a certain degree or distance to be agreed on, shall be forever hereafter considered as a lawful prize to any of the subjects of Fra;;ce, Spain, or the United Colonies, and treated as such, as well in peace as in war, nor shall France, Spain, or the United Colonies ever hereafter admit British ships into any of their ports in America, North and South, or the islands adjacent. This article never to be altered or dispensed with but only by and with the consent of each of the three contract- ing states. "6th. During the present war between the United States and Great Britain, France and Spain shall send into North America, and support there, a fleet to defend and protect the coasts and the commerce of the United States, in consequence of which, if the possessions of France or Spain should be attacked in America by Great Britain or her allies, the United States will aflbrd them all that aid and assistance in their power. 216 DIPLOMATIC CORRKSPONDENCE. "7tlj. No peace or accommodatiou shall be made witb Great Britain to the infriugeiiieut or violation of any one of these articles."* I am, with the utmost impatience to hear from you, dear sir, yours, et(;., Silas Deane. I'ranklin to Deane. t AuRAY m BrittA'ny, December i, 177G. I have just arrived on board the Reprisal, Captain Wickes, a small vessel of war belougins' to Congress. We are in Quiberon Bay, await- ing a favorable wind to go on to Nantes. We left the cape the 29th of ' To this letter the followiug note i-i iippemled by Sparks: "Flora the maimer in which Mr. Deaue iatrodaces these articles it does not appear in what source they originated. From the following sketch, which was prepared some time before this letter was written to Mr. Jay, it is evident that the project was tirst proposed by Mr. Deane himself: " 'Outline of a treaty between France and Spain and the United States, drawn up by Sihi.s Deane, and presented to the Count Vergennes, in his private capacity, No- vember 2:i, 1776. " ' 1. Independence to be recognized. '• '2. The United States to guaranty and confirm to France and Spain all their pos- sessions in North America and the West India Islands. "'3. Should France or Spain gain possession of any of the West India Islands (as an indemnity for the injuries sustained by them in the last war, in consequence of its lieing commenced on the part of Great Britain in violation of the laws of na- tions), the United States to assist the said powers in gaining satisfaction and in re- taining possession of such acquisitions. "'4. The fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland to be enjoyed equally between the three contracting powers to the exclusion of all other nations. " ' :"). The regulations of commerce to be reciprocal. '• ' (i. Any British vessel found or met with on the coast of North or South America, or the islands adjacent or belonging thereto, n-ithin a certain degree or distance to l)e (Kjrved on, sliall be forever hereafter considered as lawful prize to any of the subjects of France, Spain, or the United States, and treated as such as well in peace as in war; nor shall France, Spain, or the United States ever hereafter admit British ships into any of their ports in America, North or South, or the islands adjacent, nor shall this article ever be altered or dispensed with but only by and with the consent of eacli of the three contracting states. '• ' 7. During the present war, France and Spain to send lieets into the seas of the Uni ted States to defend them from the British ; and should the possessions of France or Spain in America be attacked, the United States to lend such aids as they can for their defense. " ' 8. No peace to be made with Great Britain by either of the contractin- arties to the infringement or violation of any one of these articles.'" to Bijelow's Franklin, 34. •'This letter is translated from a copy in French in the Archives des affaires (jtraugeres at Paris. Four days after this letter was dispatched Mr. Deane addressed the following note to M. de Vergennes : " 'Paris, December 8, 1776. "'Sib: I received last evening a letter from ray friend Dr. Franklin, at Nautes, which place he was to leave last Sunday morning, so that I expect him in Paris this DECEMBER 4, 177G. 217 October, and Lave been but thirty clays from land to laud. I remained on board three days after we dropped anchor, hoping to be able to go up to Nantes in our ship, but, the wind continuing unfavorable, I came here to go on by land to Nantes. Congress in September named you, Mr. Jefferson, and myself, to negotiate a treaty of commerce and friendship with the court of Prance. Mr. Jefferson, then in Virginia, declined. Thereupon Mr. Arthur Lee, at present in London, was named in his place. Our vessel has brought indigo for the account of Congress to the value of about £3,000 sterling, subject to our order to meet our expenses. Congress has appropriated, in addition, £7,000 for the same object, which the committee will trans- mit as soon as possible. I tind myself here as near to Paris as I shall be at Nantes, but I am obliged to go there to provide myself with money for my journey, and to get my baggage, which was left on the ship. I shall endeavor to join you as soon as possible. I propose to retain my incognito until I ascertain whether the court will receive ministers from the United States. I have several letters for you from the committee, which I do not send forward because I know they contain matters of consequence, and I am not certain of their safety in that way. Besides, as I intend to take the post at Nantes, I imagine it will make but three or four (lays' difference. We fell in with two brigantines at sea, one Irish and the other English, which we captured and brought into Nantes. I do not know that the captain can get permission to sell them here, as that would be in contradiction of the treaties between the two crowns. They are worth about £4,000. We have had a tedious passage, and I am weak, but hope that the good air which I breathe on land will soon day or early to-morrow. Meantime I have aad shall carefally attend to the hint given me, and am confident he will do the same. " 'His arrival is the common topic of conversation, and has};;iven hirth to a thousand conjectures and reports, not one of which I have given ground for, having constantly declared that I am ignorant of the motives of his voyage. " 'I have the honor, etc., " 'Silas Deane.' " Deane, writing to the committee of secret correspondence on December 12, after mentioning the receipt of Dr. Franklin's letter announcing his arrival at Nantes, adds: " ' Nothing has for a long time created greater speculation than this event, and our friends here are elated beyond measure, as this confirms them you will not negotiate with England ; and for me, 1 will not attempt to express the pleasure I feel on this occasion, as it removes at ouce difiSonlties under which I have been constantly in danger of sinking.' (1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 101.) "The hint referred to in Deane's letter to Vergeunes, to which he had attended and expected Franklin to attend to, was probably given him by Vergennes at their first interview, when Vergennes told that the British ambassador (Stormont) knew of his (Deane's) arrival, and he therefore advised liini not to associate with English- men more than he was obliged to, as he doubted not Deane would have many spies on his conduct." (6 Bigelovv's Franklin, 3G, n.) 218 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. re establish me, that I may travel with speed to join you in Paris, and there flud you iu good health. P. S. — If you could find some means to notify Mr. Lee of his nomina- tion it would he well to do so. Perhai^s the best way would be through the department of foreign affairs and the French ambassador. The regular post would not be safe. I beg you to procure lodgings for me. Deane to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, December 6, 1776. Gentlemen: Tou have inclosed duplicate of agreement with Mon- sieur du Coudray of my orders for clothing, stores, etc., of my agree- ment with Baron De Kalb and others of his train; also with the Comte de Monau and his, which I hope will be agreeable; also the agreement for freight of the ships, which I was assured by letters from Bordeaux and elsewhere was as low as could be procured. At the same time, if it is above the stated price, in such cases I am promised an abatement. I hope the peculiarity of my situation, and the anxious desire I have of forwarding aid to my country, will be considered if any of the articles are thought high. Men can not be engaged to quit their native coun- try and friends to hazard life and all in a cause which is not their own immediately at the same easy rate as men will do who are fighting liter- ally joro aris etfocis,au([ it is a universal custom in Europe to allow something extra to foreigners ; but my allowances are very much below the rates here for officers in the same station. [I submit one thought to you, whether if you could engage a great general of the highest character in Europe, such for instance as Prince Ferdinand, Marshal Broglio or others of equal rank, to take the lead of ,your armies, whether such a step would not be politic, as it would give a character and credit to your military, and strike perhaps a greater panic in our enemies. I only suggest the thought, and leave you to confer with the Baron de Kalb on the subject at large. ]t I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect for the Con- gress, etc., Silas Deane. *MSS. Dept. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 72, with omissious and verbal changes. tThe omission by Sparks of the important passage in brackets can only be explained on the assumption that it was not politic at the time to disclose the fact it states. It is now, however, well known that the name of Prince Ferdinand was introduced by Deane merely as a feint, and that the whole object of Kalb's mission to the .United States was to obtain the appointment of Count (not "Marshal ") Broglie at the head of the American armies in the place of Washington. That Kalb, when he entered into Washington's ]iresence, and became acquainted with the conditions of the war, abandoned the plan and informed his principals in Europe of its futility, so far from being a reason why Deane's action in this respect should be suppressed, leads to the DECEMBER (!, 177G. 219 List of Officers of Infantry and Light Troops Destined to Serve the United States of North America. Name of officers. Baron de Kalb Viscount (le Mauroy De Senneville The Chevalier duBuyssons. The Chevalier de Fayoles. . . Dnbois Martin De Holtzendorff The Chevali er de I'ailly Amariton De Both De Gerard Philis de Koseval DeMontis Loquet de Granges De Vrigny Candon Major-general ...do Major ...do Lieutenant-colonel . Major Lieutenant-colonel . ...do Major Captain ...do Lieutenant -do Captain company franche. Lieutenant Commence- ment of their pay. Kov. 7, 1776. Nov. 20, 1776. Nov. 7,1776. Do. Nov. 20, 1776. Do, Nov. 26,1776. Dec. 1, 1176. Do. Do. Do. Do, Do. Do, Do. Do. The said ranks and pay at the dates marked in the present list have been settled mutually between us, the undersigned, me, Silas Deane, in my quality of deputy of the most honorable Congress of the United States of North America, and me, John Baron de Kalb, major-general in the service of the States-General. Done double at Paris this 1st of December, 1776. De Kalb. Silas Deane. opposite conclusion, since there is uo more striking tribute to the surpassing merit of Washington than that so accomplished an offlcer and acute an observer as Kalb should, in view of that merit, abandon the scheme of foreign generalship which he had been sent to promote, and of which he had been an enthusiastic advocate. With this passage is to be compared a passage on the same topic in Arthur Lee's letter to " Golden " of Februi.ry 13, 1776, given supra, p. 74, and with the notes as to Broglie, given in the introduction, ^^ "^^ jf- Ferdinand Duke of Brunswick (the Prince Ferdinand above noticed) was born in 1721, and served under Frederick the Great in both Silesian wars. In 17,50 he became general and governor of Magdeburg, and reached high command in the Seven Years' War. Nominated by George III to the command of the allied troops, with marked skill he maintained for more than five years a vigorous defensive position with a comparatively small and heterogeneous body of troops against the French and imper- ial forces. In 1766, after the peace, his relations to Frederick became dulled, and ho withdrew from the army and returned to Brunswick. He was deficient, however, in both political and business sagacity, and in the later years of his life was said to have become much interested in the school of the mystics, or "illuminfe," who then attracted much public attention in Germany. According to Wraxall (1 Hist. Mem., 174), "they reduced his mind to a degree of imbecility which could only excite compassion. It will hardly be believed that before the year 1773 he was so subjug.ated by them as frequently to pass many hours of the night in church-yards, engaged in evoking and attempting to raise apparitions. They prac- 220 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. List of OfiBcers of Infantry and Light Troops Destined to Serve in the Armies of the States General of North America. Name of officers. M. (le la Fayette Maior-.<;i^iieinl Earon de Kalb do Delesaer ! Colouel De Valfort do De Fayols Lieutenant-colonel . De Franral do Dubois Martin i Major De Giraat — do De Vrigny ! Captain De Bedauls ; Capitaine i Captain De la Colombe I Lieutenant Candon I do Commence- ment of their pay. Dec. Nov. 7, 1770. 7, 177C. Dec. D 7, 1770. 0. Nov. Dec. 20, 1776, 1, 177G. Nov. 7, 1776. Dec. 1, 1776. Do. Dec. b 1,1770. n. Nov. 7, 1770. The meiitioued ranks and the pay which the most honorable Congress shall affix to theiu, to coinmeuce at the periods marked in the present list, have been agreed to by us the undersigned, Silas Deaue, in quality of deputy of the American States General, on the one part, the Mar- quis de la Fayette aud the Baron de Kalb on the other part. Signed double at Paris this 7th of December, 1776. De Kalb. The Marquis de la Fayette, Silas Deane. The desire which the Marquis de la Fayette shows of serving auioDg the troops of the United States of Xorth America, and the interest which he takes in the justice of their cause, make him wish to distin- guish himself in this war, and to render himself as useful as he possi- bly can ; but not thinking that he can obtain leave of his family to jiass the seas aud serve iu a foreign country till he can go as a general officer, tieed successfully on his credulity, making him conceive that he heheld spectres or aerial forms. These occupations, which afforded proof of iutelleclual decline, having impelled the great Fredericlc, whose sound understanding despised the 'illumines,' to dismiss Prince Ferdinand from his situation in the Prussian service, he then re- tired to Magdeburg, of the chapter of which secularized archbishopric he was dean." Wraxall's statements, however, in this as iu other matters, are to be taken with much allowance. In the notices given of Ferdinand in the Conversations LesicoD, these extravagances are not reported, and it is said that m his retirement Prince Ferdinand was a zealous Free Mason, a patron of music aud of painting and a bene- factor of the poor. His fondness for French literature and French art aud French politics brought him in his later years in close connection with men eminent in French society, which, with his military eminence, may .suggest the mention of his name as commander-in-chief. He died in 1792. The suggestion from a European stand-i)oint with the popular notions of America then prevailing in Europe was no more strange than was the sending over of Maxi- niilian with leading French generals to Mexico by Louis Napoleon. DECEMBKK S, 1776. 221 I have thought I could uot beLter serrc my country, and tliose who have intrusted me, than by granting to him, in the name of the very honorable Congress, tlie rank of major general, wbich I beg the States to confirm to him, to ratify, and deliver to him the commission to hold and take rank, to count from this day, with the general officers of the same degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great dignities which his family hold at this court, his considerable estates in this realm, his personal merit, his reputation, his disinterestedness, and, above all, his zeal for the liberty of our provinces, are such as have only been able to engage me to promise him the rank of major general in the name of the United States. In witness of which I have signed the present this 7th of December, 177C. Silas Deane, Agent for the United States of America. On the conditions here explained I ofier myself, and promise to depart when and how Mr. Deane shall judge proper, to serve the United States with all possible zeal, without any pension or particular allowance, reserving to myself the liberty of returning to Europe when my family or my king shall recall me. Done at Paris this 7th of December, 1776. The Marquis de la Fayette.* Franklin to John Hancock President of Congress.t Nantes, December 8, 1776. Sir : In thirty days after we left the Capes of Delaware we came to an anchor in Quiberon Bay. I remained on board four days, expecting a change of wind proper to carry the ship into the river Loire ; but the wind seemed fixed in an opposite quarter. I landed" at Auray, and with some difficulty got hither, the road not being well supplied with means of conveyance. Two days before we saw land we met a brigantine from Bordeaux belonging to Cork, and another from Eoche- fort belonging to Hull, both of which were taken. The first had on board staves, tar, turpentine, and claret ; the othei cogniac brandy and flaxseed. There is some difficulty in determining what to do with them, as they are scarce worth sending to America, and the mind of the French court with regard to prizes brought into their ports is not yet known. It is certainly contrary to their treaties with Britain to permit the sale of them, and we have no regular means of trying and condemning them. There are, however, many here who would purchase prizes we having already had several offers from persons who are willing to take upon *See index, La Fayette. tMSS. Dept. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 5; 6 Bigelow's FraukTin, 38. 222 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. themselves all consequences as to the illegality. Captain Wickes, as soon as he can get his refreshment, intends to cruise in the channel. Our friends in France have been a good deal dejected with the gazette accounts of advantages obtained against us by the British troops. I have helped them here to recover their spirits a little, by assuring them that we still face the enemy, and were under no apprehension of their armies being able to complete their junction. I understand that Mr. Lee has lately been in Paris, that Mr. Deane is still there, and that an underhand supply is obtained from the government of two hundred brass field pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other military stores, which are now shipping for America, and will be convoyed by a ship of war. The court of England (Mr. Penet tells me, from whom I have the above intelligence) had the folly to demand Mr, Deane to be delivered up, but were refused. Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself weakened by it, but I now recover strength daily, and in a few days shall be able to undertake the journey to Paris. I have not yet taken any public character, thinking it prudent first to know whether the court is ready and willing to receive ministers publicly from the Congress, that we may neither embarrass her on the one hand, nor subject ourselves to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other. I have dispatched an ex- press to Mr. Deane with the letters that I had for him from the commit- tee and a cojty of our commission, that he may immediately make the proper inquiries and give me information. In the mean time I find it generally supposed here that I am sent to negotiate, and that opinion appears to give great pleasure, if I can judge by the extreme civilities I meet with from numbers of the principal people who have done me the honor to visit me. I have desired Mr. Deane, by some speedy and safe means, to give Mr. Lee notice of his appointment. I find several vessels here laden with military stores for America just ready to sail. On the whole, there is the greatest prospect that we shall be well provided for another cam- paign, and much stronger than we were last. A Spanish fleet has sailed with seven thousand land forces, foot, and some horse; their destination unknown, but supposed against the Portuguese in Brazil. Both France and England are preparing strong fleets, and it is said that all the powers of Europe are preparing for war, apprehending that a general one can not be very far distant. When I arrive at Paris I shall be able to write with more certainty. I beg you to present my duty to Congress, and assure tbem of my most faithful endeavors in their service. With the sincerest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. DECEMBER 8, 1776. 223 Franklin to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Nantes, December 8, 1776. Gentlemen : After a short but rough passage of thirty clays we anchored iu Quiberou Bay, the wind not suiting to enter the Loire. Cap- tain Wickes t did everything in his power to make the voyage comforta- ble to me ; and I was much pleased with what I saw of his conduct as an officer when, on supposed occasions, we made preparation for engage- ment, the good order and readiness with which it was done being far beyond my expectations, and 1 believe equal to anything of the kind in the best ships of the king's fleet. He seems to have also a very good set of officers under him. I hope they will all in good time be promoted. He met and took two prizes (brigantines) one belonging to Cork, laden with staves, pitch, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other to Hull, with a cargo of flaxseed and brandy. The captains have made some proposi- tions of ransom which perhaps may be accepted, as there is yet no means of condemning them here and they are scarce worth sending to America. The ship is yet in Quiberou Bay with her prizes. I came hither from thence, seventy miles, by land. I am made extremely wel- come here, where America has many friends. As soon as I have recov- ered strength enough for the journey, which I hope will be in a very few days, I shall set out for Paris. My letter to the President will inform you of some other particulars. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. P. S. — Becemher 10. I have just learnt that eighty pieces of cannon, all brass, with carriages, braces, and everything fit for immediate serv- ice, were embarked in a frigate from Havre, which is sailed; the rest were to go iu another frigate of thirty-six guns. Deane to Vergenues.t Paeis, December ^^ 1776. Sir : I received last evening a letter from my friend Dr. Franklin, at Xantes, which place he was to leave last Sunday morning, so that I expect him in Paris this day or early to-morrow. Meantime I have and shall carefully attend to the hint given me, and am confident he will do the same. His arrival is the common topic of conversation, and has given birth to a thousand conjectures and reports, not one of which I have given ground for, having constantly declared that I am ignorant of the motives of his voyage or his business. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. *MSS. Dept. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Cojr., 7; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 41, t See index, title Wickes. \ 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corp., 75, 224 DIPLOMATIC C0KRE8P0NDKNCE. Deaue to the Committee of Secret Correspondence." Paris, December 12, 1776. Gentlemen : Just as I had closed my dispatches by the Generals du Coudray and Baron de Kalb I was most agreeably surprised with a letter from Dr. Franklin, at Nantes, where he arrived after thirty days' passage, with two prizes. I hourly expect him here, but knowing of his arrival, I dispatch this with a duplicate to Havre de Grace, to go by the ships sailing thence, and have only time to inform you that I sent an express instantly to Mr. Lee to join us here without delay, for the news of Mr. Franklin's arrival may occasion his friends being forbid coming from London to France. ISTothing has for a long time occasioned greater speculation than this event, and our friends here are elated beyond measure, as this confirms them you will not negotiate with England ; and for me I will not attempt to express the pleasure I feel on this occa- sion, as it removes at once diiBculties under which I have been constantly in danger of sinking. 1 may not add, as I shall miss the post, but am, with the most grateful and respectful compliments to the honorable Congress, etc., Silas Dbane. P. S. — The King of Portugal is dead. The Comte Grimaldi, prime minister of Spain, has resigned, which will tend to accelerate a rupture in Europe, which I think unavoidable. t Deaue to Dumas, t Paris, December 13, 1776. Dear Sir : I am indebted for two letters, and tlie same cause of my neglect, viz., a hurry of business still subsisting, I can not make amends by a long letter in this, but the substance will be agreeable, which is, that Dr. Frauklin is arrived at ITantes and I expect him at Paris to- morrow. He left Philadelphia the last of October and everything was favorable in America. On his passnge the ship he was in made two prizes on this coast. I received a letter from my venerable friend on his landing, who was in high spirits and good health. Here is the hero and philosopher and patriot all united in this celebrated American, who at the age of se\ euty-four risks all dangers for his country. I know your heart rejoices with me on this occasion. I am, with respect, etc., Silas Deane. * MSS. Dept. of State ; 3 Force's Archives, .5th series, 1179 ; 1 Sparks' Dip- Bev. Corr., 75, with verbal changes. t See introduction, ^ SG. t 5 Sparks' Dip. Rot. Corr., 222. DECEMBER 13, 1776. 225 Daane to Dumas.* Without Date, [necemho; 1776.?] Dear Sir: I am still indebted to yon for your favors of the 29tli ultimo and the 15th instant, to which I should earlier have replied but for a slight indisposition and much chagrin at some unfavorable news. However, I am recovering in health, with which my spirits return, and I keep ever in my mind the motto, de republica nil desperandum. I counted the cost when I entered the lists, and balanced private fortune, ease, leisure, the sweets of domestic society, and life itself in vain against the liberties of my country; the latter instantly predominated, and I have nothing to complain of, though much to grieve at, occa- sioned by the miscarriage or delay of my full powers for open and pub- lic application. I sent you a memoir on American commerce, and wish to know your sentiments on that subject. The vessel detained at Bilboa has been dismissed, and the commissary reprimanded for her detention and ordered to lend the captain every assistance he needed. This is a great point gained. I must suspend saying anything on the proposals of officers for entering the service of the American States, as also any- thing further on the other artists I wrote about, until I receive intelli- gence which I hourly have long expected, and wliich I think can not possibly be far off, as I dispatched a vessel early in September express, with an account of my situation and that of affairs here ; besides, a war is evidently at hand here in Europe. Mr. Carmichael t warmly described the kind reception you gave him and your zeal for the interest of the United States and friendship for me, which he might have spared, as every one of your letters demon- strates the sincerity and disinterestedness of your friendship, as well for my country as for myself; and as you value your being the first plenipotentiary of the American States, 1 equally value myself on your friendship and correspondence in the part I liave the honor of acting with you in this important scene, and I am happy to think that to the present or coming actors in or spectators of the foundation and rise of this State in a new world our correspondence will show that our sentiments ever coincided. Be not discouraged, my dear friend, America must come off in the end triumphant, and under new and unprecedented laws, liberty, and commerce be the hap])y asylum for the sons of men in future ages. Whatsoever disappointments I may meet with 1 never will despair of my country, for which I shall count it my glory to suffer all things, if it receive any advantage therefrom, and if not, I shall at least enjoy the pleasure, the inalienable pleasure, resulting from a consciousness of having done all in my power for its happiness and connectedly for the happiness of mankind in general. The temper of the times is in favor of America, and it is now as fresh and striking an object to Europe as when first discovered and called ' .5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., :i20. t See iiulex, title Carmichael. 15 WH— VOL II 226 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. the New "World. It is among my piiucipal mortificatious that I cau not have a few days' at least personal conversation with you ; but the situ- ation of affairs here will not allow of a moment's absence, which Mr. Carmichael, I donbt not, explained to you. With persons in public or private who are friendly, yet equally apprehensive of consequences, willing to aid, yet timid, and at the same time not well acquainted and informed, the task, you are sensible, is as laborious as delicate, and at a time when events bear down arguments, one can not be released a moment from -the closest attention to everything rising, real or imaginary. Your lady's kind preparations for me Mr. Carmichael most affectionately mentioned, and I will, life permitting, the moment I can quit Paris, in person acknowledge, as far as words are capable of expressing, how sensible I am of this more than hospitable kindness, since to provide for and recei\e the stranger on arrival is the duty of hospitality, but here is a work of suxiererogatiou, and though no Eo- mau Catholic myself, yet so catholic as not the less to love and esteem generous actions on all occasions. My most respectful and affectionate regards, with my ardent wishes for your mutual felicity, attend you. I am, etc, Silas Deane. P. S. — Pray for what sum jier annum can a young man be educated at Leyden, adhering to the strictest economy? Harrison et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence, to Franklin, Deane, and Arthur Lee, commissioners at Paris.* Baltimore, December 21, 177C. Gentlemen : After expressing our hopes that this will find you all three safely fixed at Paris, we proceed with pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. Deane's letter of the 1st of October. When we re- flect on the character and views of the court of London, it ceases to be a wonder that the British ambassador, and all other British agents, *MSS. Dept. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., W5, wit.li verbal changes. Commissioners were appointed by Congress for transacting the business of the United States at the court of France ou the 26th of September, 1776. The persons chosen were Benjamin Franklin, Silas Dcaue, aud Thomas Jefferson. On the 22d of October, Arthur Lee was elected iu the place of Mr. Jefifersou, who declined accept- ing the appointment. These three commissioners met in Paris about the middle of December, where they continued to reside, chiefly employed in procuring military supplies and money for tlie Uui ted States, till they signed the treaty of alliance, Feb- ruary 6, 1778. They were presented to the king as representatives of an iudepeudenD State ou the 20th of March. Silas Deane being recalled, John Adams was elected to supply his place November 2-i, 1777. Dr. Franklin was appointed minister pleni- poteutiary to tlie court of Franco September 14, 1778, at which time the commission was dissolved. "For the instructions to the commissioners, and the plan of a treaty which they were directed to lay before the French ministry, see secret journals of Congress, vol. 2, pp. 7, 27, 38."— Sparks. DECEMBER 121, 177t). 227 should employ every means that teuded to preveut European powers, and France more especially, from giving America aid in this war. Pros- pects of accommodation, it is well known, would effectually preveut foreign interference ; and therefore, without one serious design of ac- commodating on any principles but the absolute submission of America, the delusive idea of conciliation has been industriously suggested on both sides of the water, that, under cover of this dividing and aid- withholding prospect, the vast British force sent to America might have the fairest chance of succeeding ; and this policy has, in fact, done con- siderable injury to the United States, as we shall presently show by a just detail of this campaign, for it is not yet ended. You know, gentlemen, that, at the moment a potent land and marine force was preparing to be sent hither, an act was passed for appoint- ing commissioners, who, too many expected, were to give peace to America. As, therefore, the war might be soon concluded, so were our military arrangements accommodated, and the troops taken into service the last spring, consisting of regular corps and bodies of militia, were all engaged for short periods. With these the campaign began in various parts of North America. Dr. Franklin is so well acquainted with the progress of the war in Canada, previous to his departure, that we need only observe, the campaign has ended as favorably for us in that quarter as we could reasonably expect. The enemy, having been able to pierce no farther than Crown Point, after a short stay, and reconnoitering Gen- eral Gates' army at Ticonderoga, thought proper to recross the lake, and leave us in quiet possession of those passes. General Gates, having left a proper force at Ticonderoga and on the communication, retired with the rest of his troops. New York and its neighborhood, not being defensible by an army singly against a strong land and sea force acting in con- junction, was of necessity yielded to the enemy after some contest. General Washington retiring, until the situation of the country above King's Bridge no longer enabled the enemy to receive aid from their ships. General Howe having stopped here and General Carleton at Crown Point efiectually disappointed the great object of joining the two armies. The latter, as we have said, returning to Canada, and the former re- treating from tlie White Plains towards New York, gave us a favorable prospect of seeing a happy end put to this dangerous campaign, how- ever many causes have concurred in producing an unlucky reverse of fortune, such as the nature of the country, the uncommon fineness of the weather even to this day, and. above all, the short enlistments, which gave the soldiery an opportunity of going home, tired as they were with the operations of an active summer. When General Howe retreated from the White Plains he halted his whole army on the North Eiver, between Dobbs' Ferry and King's Bridge, where he remained for some time. Having effected so little of the great business that brought him here, and the season allowing him 228 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. time for it, most nieu were of opinion that the next attempt would be to get possession of Pliiladelphia by a forced march through the Jer- seys, whilst a fleet should be seut up the Delaware to facilitate the enterprise. To guard against such a maneuver, General Washington crossed the North Eiver with all the battalions that had been raised to the westward of it, leaving General Lee, with the eastern troops, to guard the pass of the Highlands on Hudson Eiver. In this situation of things General Howe made a sudden attack upon Fort Washington with the greatest j)art of his army, and carried it with considerable loss. There he made nearly three thousand of our men prisoners. By this event it became unnecessary longer to hold Fort Lee, or Fort Con- stitution as it was formerly called, which is on the west side of the North Eiver, nearly opposite Fort Washington. It had therefore been deter- mined to abandon Fort Lee ; but before the stores could be all removed the enemy came suddenly upon it and the garrison retreated, leaving some of their baggage and stores behind. About this time General Howe became possessed of a letter (by the agency of some wicked person, who contrived to get it from the express) written by General Washington to the board of war, in which he had given an exact account when the time of service of all our battalions would expire, and his apprehensions that the men would not re-enlist without first going home to see their families and friends. Possessed of this in- telligence, the opportunity was carefully watched, and a vigorous im- pression actually made at the very crisis when our army in the Jerseys was reduced to three thousand men by the retiring of numbers and the sickness of others, and before militia could, in this extensive country, be brought up to supply their places. The enemy marched rapidly on through the Jerseys, whilst our feeble army was obliged to retreat from post to post until it crossed the Delaware at Trenton, where about two thousand five hundred militia from the city of Philadelphia joined the general. Since General Howe's arrival on the borders of the Delaware various maneuvers and stratagems have been practiced to effect a passage over the river, but they have hitherto failed. General Washington's small army is placed along the west side of the Delaware to within four- teen miles of Philadelphia, from above Coryell's Ferry, which, with the gondolas, one frigate of thirty-two guns, and other armed vessels in the river above the chevaux-de-frize, cover the passage of it. General Lee (who had crosssed the North Eiver with as many of the eastern troops as could be spared from the defense of the Highlands, either to join General Washington or to act on the enemy's rear, as occasion might point out), was the other day surprised and made iirisoner by a party of seventy light horse, who found him in a house a few miles in the rear of his army, with his domestics only. This loss, though great, will in some degree be repaired for the present by General Gates, who, we understand, has joined the army commanded by General Lee, and who, DECEMBER 21, 1776. 229 weliave reason to think, lias by tliis time effected a junction of his force with that of General Washington. As the militia are marching from various quarters to re-enforce tbe general, if the enemy do not quickly accomplish their wishes of pos- sessing Philadelphia we hope not only to save that city, but to see Gen- eral Howe retreat as fast as he advanced through the Jerseys. Gen- eral Clinton, with a fleet, in which it is said he carried eight thousand men, has gone from New York through the sound, some suppose for Rhode Island, but neither his destination nor its consequences are yet certainly known to us. Thus, gentlemen, we have given you a true detail of the progress and present state of our aflairs, which, although not in so good a posture as they were two months ago, are by no means in so bad a way as the em- issaries of the British court will undoubtedly represent them. If the great land and sea force with which we have been attacked be compared with the feeble state in which the commencement of this war found us with respect to military stores of all kinds, soldiers, clothing, navy, and regular force, and if the infinite art be considered with which Great Britain has endeavored to prevent our getting these necessaries from foreign parts, which has in part prevailed, the wonder will rather be that our enemies have made so little progress than that they have made so much. All views of accommodation with Great Britain but on principles of peace as independent States and in a manner perfectly consistent with the treaties our commissioners may make with foreign states being totally at an end since the declaration of independence and the embassy to the court of France, Congress have directed the raising of ninety-four battalions of infantry, with some cavalry; thirteen frigates, from twenty- four to thirty-six guns, are already launched and fitting, and two ships of the line, with five more frigates, are ordered to be put on the stocks. We hear the levies are going on wellin the different States. Until the new army is collected the militia must curb the enemy's progress. The very considerable force that Great Britain has already in North America, the possibility of recruiting it here within their own quarters by force and fraud together, added to the re-enforcements that may be sent from Euroj)e and the difficulty of finding funds in the present depressed state of American commerce, all conspire to i^rove incoutestably that if France desires to preclude the possibility of North America being ever reunited with Great Britain, now is the favorable moment for estab- lishing the glory, strength, and commercial greatness of the former kingdom by the ruin of her ancient rival. A decided part now taken by the court of Versailles and a vigorous engagement in the war in union with North America would with ease sacrifice the fleet and army of Great Britain, at this time chiefly collected about New York. The in- evitable consequence would be the quick reduction of the British islands in the West Indies, already barred of defense by the removal of their troops to this continent. 230 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. For reasons here assigDed, gentlemen, you will readily discern how all-important it is to thesecnrity of American independence that France shonld enter tbe ^ar as soon as may be; and how necessary it is, if it be possible, to procure from her the line-of-battle ships you were desired in your instructions to obtain for us, the speedy arrival of which here, in the present state of things, might decide the contest at one stroke. We shall pay proper attention to what Mr. Deane writes concerning Dr. Williamson and Mr. Hopkins, and we think that the ill-treatment this country and Mr. Deane have received from these men strongly suggests the necessity of invincible reserve with persons coming to France as Americans and friends to America about whom the most irrefragable proofs have not" removed all doubt.* The British recall of their Mediterreanean passes is an object of great consequence, and may require much intercession with the court of France to prevent the mischiefs that may be derived to American com- merce therefrom ; but this subject has been already touched upon in your instructions on the sixth article of the treaty proposed to be made with France. As all aiiairs relative to the conduct of commerce and remittance pass through another department, we beg leave to refer you to the secret committee, and Mr. Thomas Morris, their agent in Franco, for every information on those subjects. The neighborhood of Phila- delphia having by the enemy's movements become the seat of war, it was judged proper that Congress should adjourn to this town, where the public business may be attended with the undisturbed deliberation that its importance demands. The Congress was accordingly opened here on the 20th instant. As it is more than probable that the conference with Lord Howe on Staten Island may be misrepresented to the injury of these States, we do ourselves the pleasure to inclose you an authenticated account of the whole business, which the possibility of Dr. Franklin's not arriving renders proper. This step was taken to unmask his lordship, and evince to the world that he did not possess powers which, for the pur- pose of delusion and division, had been suggested. Mr. Deane's proposition of a loan is accepted by Congress, and they have desired two millions sterling to be obtained if possible. The necessity of keeping up the credit of our paper currency and the variety of important uses that may be made of this money have induced Con- gress to go so far as 6 per cent. ; but the interest is heavy, and it is hoped that you may be able to do the business on much easier terms. The resolves of Congress on this subject are inclosed and your earliest *Mr. Deane had found Dr. Williamson and Mr. Hopkins in Paris, and, from cir- cumstances wliicli he does not mention, he suspected them to he in the interest of England. Nothing ever occurred, however, to prove that this suspicion was well founded. On the contrary. Dr. Williamson was afterwards a member of Congress, and equally distinguished for his patriotism and ability. — Sparks. As vindicating Dr. Williamson's character, see prior notes DECEMBER 21, 1776. 231 attention to them is desired, that wo may know as soou as possible the event of this application. Another resolve inclosed will show you that Congress approve of armed vessels being- fitted out by you on con- tinental account, provided the court of Prance dislike not the measure, and blank commissions for this purpose will be sent you by the next opportunity. Private ships of war, or privateers, can not be admitted where you are, because the securities necessary in such cases to pre- vent irregular practices can not be given by the owners and com- manders of such privateers. Another resolve of Congress, whioli we have the honor to inclose you, directs the conduct to be pursued with regaixl to Portugal.* We have nothing further to add at present but to request that you will omit no good opportunity of informing us how you succeed in your mission, what events take place in Europe by which these States may be affected, and that you contrive to send to us iu regular succession some of the best London, Prench, and Dutch newspapers, with any valuable political publications that may concern North America. We have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, gentlemen, your most obedient and very humble servants, B. Harrison. E. H. Lee. J. WiTHEESPOON. W. Hooper. P. S.— The American captures of British vessels at sea have not been less numerous or less valuable than before Dr. Franklin left us. The value of these captures has been estimated at two millions. Robert Morris to the Commissioners at Paris.t Philadelphia, Vecember 21, 1776. Gentlemen: I am now the only member of Congress in this city, unless Mr. Walton, of Georgia, and Mr. Olyraer, my colleague, still remain, which I am not sure of. I cannot pretend to give you a regu- lar detail of our manifold misfortunes, because my books and papers are all gone into the country, as is my family. But these unfortunate events commenced with the loss of Fort Washington, by the reduction of which the enemy made about two thousand seven hundred prisoners, and at this critical time they, by treachei'y, bribery, or accident, inter- cepted some dispatches from General Washington to Congress, also * For the resolves alluded to in this letter, and also for general instructions to the commissioners on various important topics, see the secret journals of Congress for foreign affairs for Oct. 22, Dec. 23 and 29, vol. 2, pp. 34, 35, 37.— Spakks. tl Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 171. Of this another version slightly v.iriantis found, addressed to Silas Deane, with a postscript of Jan. 8, 1777, in the Lee papers at Harvard Libr.nry. 232 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. some of the general's private letters, particularly oue to Mr. Eatledge, iu which he had fully laid (ii>eii the unfortunate situation he was then involved in by the short enlistments of our army; for the times of most of them exi)ired on the 1st of December, and the rest on the 1st of January, when the whole army would leave him, as they had under- gone great fatigue during the whole of the campaign, had suffered amazingly by sickness and the approach of winter, added to an appear- ance of much suffering for want of clothes. All these things he stated fully, and the enemy became possessed of a most authentic account of his real situation. They determined to take advantage of it, and before General Washington had time to make any new arrangements at Fort Lee, on the west side of the North River, to which he luid crossed with about eight thousand meu, a large body of troops landed above and another below him, so that he was near being inclosed with a force vastly superior. In this situation he had nothing left for him but to retire directly off the neck of land on which that fort stands, leaving behind him considerable baggage and stores, with most of our large cannon and mortars. He retreated to Hackensack, and was there in hopes of making a staiul until the militia of the country should come to his assistance ; but the vigilance of the enemy did not give him time for this. They pursued, and he retreated all the way through the Jerseys to Trenton, and thence they forced him across the Delaware, where he still remains to oppose their passage across the river. Lord Cornwallis commanded the British forces in the Jerseys until they reached Brunswick, where General Howe joined them with re-en- forcements and determined to make his way to this city without further loss of time. You may be sure the militia of New Jersey and this State were called upon to turn out and defend their country in this hour of distress. Alas, our internal enemies had by various arts and means frightened many, disaffected others, and caused a general lan- guor to prevail over the minds of almost all men not before actually engaged iu the war. Many are also exceedingly disaffected with the constitutions formed for their respective States, so that from one cause or other no Jersey militia turned out to oppose the march of an enemy through the heart of their country ; and it was with the utmost diffi- culty that the associators of this city could be prevailed on to march against them. At length however, it has been effected ; they have been up with the general about two weeks, and the example is likely to produce its effect in the country, as they are now pretty generally on their march towards Trenton. During General Washington's retreat through the Jerseys he wrote for General Lee, who was left in command on the east side of the North Eiver with about ten to eleven thousand men, most of whose enlistments are now expired or near it. He obeyed the summons and brought with him about three thousand men, with whom he followed the enemy's DECEMBER 21, 1771). 233 rear, but was obliged to make slow uiarclies, as his people were in great want of shoes, stocldugs, and other necessaries, which he was obliged to collect from the tories iu the neighborhood of his route. After he had liassed a place called Chatham, near Elizabeth town, he lodged at a farm house. Some treacherous villain gave notice to the euemy, and the general's ill fate, or some other cause I am not acquainted with, delayed hiiii there until near 10 o'clock on Friday morning, his army having marched and their rear about three miles from him, when he was sur prised by about seventy light horse, who made him prisoner and bore him off iu triumph. This is an event much to be lamented. I sincerely pity Lee, and feel for the loss my country sustains. His abilities had frequently been immensely useful; the want of them will be severely felt.* The command of this party devolved ou General Sullivan, who con- tinued his route, fell In with General Gates with five hundred men returning from the lakes, and both joined General Washington yester- day. This junction is what we have long impatiently wished for, but still I fear our force is not equal to the task before them, and unless that task is performed, Philadelphia, nay, I may say Pennsylvania, must fall. The task I mean is to drive the euemy out of New Jersey, for at present they occupy Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Pennytown, Bordenton, Burlington, Morristown, Mount Holly, and Haddonfleld, having their main body about Princeton and strong detachments in all the other places, it is supposed with a design of attacking this city whenever they can cross the Delaware on the ice, for they have only been kept from it by our sending up the gondolas and bringing olf or destroying all the boats along the Jersey shore. Tou will think the enemy are now in a situation for us to attack their scattered parties and cut them off. This we think, too, and are preparing to do it, but it will be a work of extreme difliculty to get at them; they have excellent intelligence of all our motions ; we can hardly come at any certainty about theirs, for Lord Howe and General Howe issued a proclamation on the 30th of November, offering pardon to all who should submit within sixty days and subscribe a declaration that they will not hereafter bear arms against the king's troops nor encour- age others to do it. This has had a wonderful effect, and all Jersey, or far the greater part of it, is supposed to have made their submission and subscribed the declaration required ; those who do so of course become our most inveterate enemies; they have the means of convey- ing intelligence and they avail themselves of it. In this perplexing situation of things the Congress were informed this day week that an advanced party of Hessians and Highlanders had taken possession of Burlington, that they were pushing for Cooper's Ferry, opposite the city, and it was thought had the means of crossing the river. There were no troops to oppose them ; our whole force, both * See, however, as to Lee, introduction, ii 10, 11 ; ami note uriderdate Feb. 11, 177(i. 234 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. by laud and water, was above; it was therefore deemed unsafe for Con- gress to remain here, and absolutely necessary that they should be in a place of i^af'ety where they could deliberate coolly and freely without interruption, aud last Saturdaj' they adjourned to Baltimore, where they are now sitting. This city was for ten days the greatest scene of dis- tress that yon can conceive; everybody but Quakers were removing their families and effects, and now it looks disaial and melancholy. The Quakers and their families pretty generally remain ; the other in- habitants are principally sick soldiers, some few effective ones under General Putnam, who is come here to throw up lines and prepare for the defense of the place if General Washington should be forced to re- treat hither. You may be sure I have my full share of trouble on this occasion, but having got my family and books removed to a place of safety my mind is more at ease, and my time is now given up to the public, although I have many thousand pounds' worth of effects here without any prospect of saving them. We are told the British troops are kept from plunder, but the Hes- sians and other foreigners, looking upon that as a right of war, plunder wherever they go, from both whigs and tories, without distinction, and horrid devastations they have made on Long Island, New York Island, White Plains, and Kew Jersey, being the only places they have yet set foot on. Should they get this flue city they will be satiated, if the ruin of thousands of worthy citizens can satisfy their avarice. This is not the only part of the continent that now feels the weight of their resentment; General Clinton, with from three to six thousand men, has invaded Ehode Island, and, it is said, has taken possession of it; whether he will make any attempt on the main during this severe inclement season I do not know ; but if he does, I hope he may find cause to repent it. I must add to this gloomy picture one circumstance, more distressing than all the rest, because it threatens instant and total ruin to the American cause, unless some radical cure is applied and speedily; I mean the depreciation of continental currency. The enormous pay of our army, the immense expenses at which they are supplied with pro- visions, clothing, and other necessaries, aud, in short, the extravagance that has x>revailed in most departments of the public service, have called forth prodigious emissions of paper money, both continental and colo- nial. Our internal enemies, who, alas, are numerous and rich, have always been undermining its value by various artifices, and now that our distresses are wrought to a pitch by the success and near approach of the enemy, they speak plainer, and many peremptorily refuse to take it at any rate. Those that do receive it do it with fear and trem- bling, and you may judge of its value even amongst those when I tell you that £250 continental money, or $666|, is given for a bill of ex- change of £100 sterling, sixteen dollars for a half Johannes, two paper dollars for one of silver, three dollars for a pair of shoes, twelve dol- DECEMBER 21, 1776. 235 lars for a hat, and so on ; a common laborer asks two dollars a day for his work and idles half his time. All this amounts to real depreciation of the money. The Ti'ar must be carried on at an expense proportioned to this value, which must in- evitably call for immense emissions, and of ^^ourse still further depre- ciations must ensue. This can only be prevented by borrowing in the money now in circulation ; the attempt is made, and I hope will succeed, by loan of lottery. The present troubles interrupt those measures here, and as yet I am not informed how they go on in other States, but something more is necessary ; force must be inevitably em- ployed, and I dread to see that day. We \ave already calamities suf- ficient for any country, and the measure will be full when one part of the American people is obliged to dragoon another at the same time that they are opposing a most powerful external foe. For my part I see but two chances for relief; one is from you. If the court of France open their eyes to their own interest, and think the commerce of jSTorth America will compensate them for the expense and evil of a war with Britain, they may readilj^ create a diversion, and afford us succors that will change the fate of affairs ; but they must do it soon ; our situation is critical, and does not admit of delay. I do not mean by this that instant subnrission must ensue if they do not directly afford us relief; but there is a great difference between the benefits they will derive from a commercial connection with this country, in full health and vigor, and what they can possibly expect after it is ex- hausted by repeated efforts during the precarious process of a tedious war, during which its cities will be destroyed, the country ravaged, the inhabitants reduced in numbers, plundered of their property, and una- ble to reap the luxuriant produce of the finest soil in the world. Neither can they, after a tedious delay in negotiation, expect that vigor- ous assistance from us in prosecuting the war that tliey njay be assured of if they join us in its infancj'. If they join us generously in the day of our distress, without attempting undue advantages because we are so, they will find a grateful people to promote their future glory and interest with unabating zeal ; and from my knowledge of the commerce of this country with Europe, I dare assert that whatever European power possesses the pre-emption of it must of consequence become the richest and most potent in Europe. But should time be lost in tedious negotiations and succors be withheld, America must sue for peace from her oppressors. Our people knew not the hardships and calamities of war when they so boldly dared Britain to arms; every man was then a bold patriot felt himself equal to the contest, and seemed to wish for an opportunity of evincing his prowess; but now, when we are fairly engaged, when death and ruin stare us in the face, and when nothing but the most intrepid courage can rescue us from contempt and disgrace, sorry am I to say it, many of those who were foremost in noise shrink coward-like 236 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. from the danger, and arc begging i^ardoii without striking a blow. This, however, is not general ; but dejection of spirits is an epidemical disease, and unless some fortunate event or other gives a turn to the disorder, in time it may prevail throughout the community. Xo event would give that turn so soon as a declaration of war on the part of France against Great Britain, and I am sure if they lose this golden opportunity they will never have such another. You will doubtless be surprised that we have not made better prog- ress with our navy, because you are unacquainted with the many dif- ficulties and causes of delay that have encountered us. The want of sea coal for our anchorsmiths has been a great bar to our progress ; the disappointment in our first attempts to castcannon has been another ; but, above all, we have been hindered by the constant calling out of our militia in a manner that did not admit of the necessary tradesmen being exempted. You will wonder at this. It would be a long story to unfold the reasons} therefore suflBce that it is so. Dr. Franklin can inform you of manj' jjarticulars respecting the flying camp ; therefore I shall give you the present state of our navy according to the best of my knowledge at this time. The frigate in JSTew Hamsphire is a very fine ship, completed in every particular, except the want of cannon, which was to have been cast in Ehode Island, but the spirit of privateering has prevailed so eminently there, that they have sacrificed every other pursuit to it, both public and private, as I am informed ; and we have ordered the guns cast in Connecticut for that frigate to be sent to Portsmouth. As soon as they arrive the Raleigh will be manned and sail on a cruise. At Boston they have also two fine frigates. The Boston^ of twenty -four guns, I expect is at sea before this time, commanded by Captain McNeil, a very clever officer ; the other is nearly ready, commanded by Captain Manly. In Ehode Island were built the two worst frigates, as I have been in- formed by those who have seen the whole. These two are completely fitted, and were partly manned when we last heard from them, so that I hope they are now at sea. In Connecticut the frigate is said to be a fine ship, but she can not get to sea this winter for want of cordage and other stores. In New York two very fine frigates are blocked up by the enemy, and hauled into Esopus creek for safety. At this place we have four very flue ships ; one of them, the Randoliih, Captain Biddle, of twenty-six twelve pound- ers, will, I hope, go to sea in company with this letter; another, the Delaivare, Captain Alexander, is getting ready, and I hope will get out this winter ; the other two want guns, anchors, and men. At Balti- more is a fine frigate, now only waiting for an anchor and men. Besides these, we have in service the Alfred, Columbus, and Reprised, ships from sixteen to twenty- four guns; the brigautines Cabot, Gam- den, Atidrew Doria, and Lexington, of twelve to sixteen guns; the DECEMBER 21, 1776. 237 sloops Frotnclence, Hornei, Fly, Independence, tiachcm; and schooners Wasp, Mosquito, and Georgia Packet, all in actual service ; and they have had great success in taking valuable prizes, as indeed have num- bers of privateers from all parts of America. We have, besides, two very fine row galleys, built here, of ninety feet keel, bnt they are not yet rigged ; and it has lately been determined by Congress to build some line of battle ships, and at all events to push forward and pay the utmost attention to an American navy. The greatest en- couragement is given to seamen, which ought to be made known throughout Europe. Their pay in our navy is eight dollars per month, with the best chance for prize money that men ever had, and liberty of discharges after every cruise if they choose it. In the merchant service they now get from thirty to forty dollars per month, and this leads me to the state of our commerce. In the eastern States they are so intent on privateering that they mind little else ; however, there is some exportation of produce from thence, and as to imports, they are the best supplied of any part of America, having been surprisingly successful in captures. New York being in the hands of the enemy, we have nothing to say to it, and the produce of New Jersey will be totally consumed by their army and ours. In this State (Pennsylvania) we had last season the worst crop of wheat ever known both as to quautity and quality; this being our staple commodity, and stores prohibit( d, our merchants have been led to purchase much tobacco in Maryland and Virginia, and their ships are employed in the export of this article, with some flour, boards, bees- wax, etc. We have a good many imports, but as fast as goods arrive they are bought up for the army, or for the use of neighboring States, and therefore continue to bear high prices. The value of ships has risen in tlio same enormous proportion with everything else, and ships that were deemed worth £ 1,000 twelve months ago now sell for £3,000 or upwards. Every article belonging to them is also excessively dear and hard to be got, and the insolence and difficulty of seamen is beyond bearing. In Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, aud Georgia they have plenty of valuable produce on hand but no ships to carry it away, and constant cruisers all along the coast make it very dangerous to send ships from one port to another. So that, look which way you will, you find us surrounded with diffi- culties in the land service, in the sea service, aud in our commerce. Agriculture and mechanics have their impediments by the enlisting of soldiers and frequent calls on the militia. In short, nothing but the most arduous exertions and virtuous conduct in the leaders, sec- onded by a spirited behaviour in the army and a patient endurance of hardships by the people in general, can long support the contest; therefore the court of France should strike at once, as they will reap an immediate harvest ; they may sell their manufactures for any price they please to ask ; they will get in payment tobacco, rice, indigo, deer- 238 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. skins, furs, wheat, flour, irou, beeswax, lumber, fish, oil, whalebone, pot and pearl ashes, and various other articles ; and, if they please, here is an ample field to employ their shipping- and raise seamen for their navy. I will not enter into any detail of our conduct in Congress, but you may depend on this, that so long as that respectable body persist in the attempt to execute, as well as to deliberate on their business, it never will be done as it ought; and this has been urged many and many a time by myself and others, but some of them do not like to part with power, or to pay others for doing what thej^ cannot do themselves. I have Mr. Deane's favor of the 30th of September,* to myself, now before me ; the letter, by the same conveyance from Martinico, under cover of Mr. Bingham's, I sent down to the committee at Baltimore, and wrote them my mind on the justice of your complaints for want of intelligence. I had often told it to them before; you know well I was not put in that committee to carry on the correspondence, but to find out the conveyances ; however, I have been obliged to write all the letters that have been written for some time past ; but as Colonel Lee, Mr. Hooper, and the Eev. Dr. Witherspoon are now added to the committee, I shall excuse myself from that task, although I have thought it proper to give you a just state of our affairs at this time, because I do not suppose the committee will be got fairly together in Baltimore yet, and when they do, it is probable they may not be fond of laying things before you so fully as I have done. Some of us are of very sanguine complexions, and are too apt to flatter ourselves that things are not so bad as they appear to be, or that they will soon mend, etc. Now my notion is, that you, gentlemen Commissioners, should be fairly and fully informed of the true state of affairs, that you may make a proper use of that knowledge, keeping secret what ought to be so, and promulgating what should be known. Dr. Franklin will see this letter, for whose safe arrival my best wishes have often gone forth, and I embrace this opportunity of assuring him of the high respect and esteem I entertain for him. I also beg my com- pliments to Mr. Lee, if he is with you ; tell him 1 have the commission, - in which he is nominated, ready to send, but it is gone into the country with my papers, or I would send it by this conveyance. My own affairs necessarily detained me here after the departure of Congress; audit is well I staid, as I am obliged to set many things right that would otherwise be in the greatest confusion. Indeed, I find my presence so very necessary, that 1 shall remain here until the enemy drive me away. I have the honor to be, etc., Egbert Morris. ' See sujjra of that date. DECEMBER 23, 1776. 239 Franklin, Deane, and Arthur Lee to Vergennes.* Paris, December 23, 1776. Sir : We beg leave to acquaint your excellency that we are appointed and fully empowered by the Congress of the CTuited States of America to propose and negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce between France and the United States. The just and generous treatment their trading ships have received by a free admission into the ports of this kingdom, with other considerations of respect, has induced the Congress to make this offer first to Prance. We request an audience of your excellency, wherein we may have an opportunity of presenting our cre- dentials, and we flatter ourselves that the propositions we are author- ized to make are such as will not be found unacceptable. With the greatest regard, we have the honor to be, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servants, B. Fkanklin. Silas Deane. Akthuk Lee. A. Lee to Lord Shelburne.t Paris, Decemier 23, 1776. My Lord : A very few hours after my last letter to your lordship brought me the desire of my country to serve her in a public character. Your lordship, I hope, thinks too well of me to suppose I could hesitate a moment. In fact, almost the same minute saw me bid adieu, perhaps forever, to a country where from choice I had iixed my fortunes, and to a people whom I most respected and could have loved. But the first object of my life is my country ; the first wish of my heart is public liberty. I must see, therefore, the liberties of my country established or perish in her last struggle. In truth, I have long despaired even of a struggle for liberty in England ; I will not insult Scotland with the idea. It is not the subtle Wedderburn, poisoning the fountain of public security, nor the ruthless Thurloe, deliberately butchering the liberties of his country, that make me despair; but yet perhaps the people are only not virtuous, and America may yet, with a sort of filial piety, reanimate her expiring constitution. Our Pater Patrice, v/ith whom and Mr. Deane I am joined in power, is in good health and spirits. If fate will have it that America, as she has reared her temples and her altars to liberty, must furnish her victims too, I know not where she can find a sacrifice more respectable^ Should the event of this measure" be found fatal to England, it is the *6 Bigelow's Frauklin, 42. tMSS. Dept. of State: 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., '390, with omissions. tSee, however, as to A. Lee's change of views in this respect, iudes, A. Lee. 240 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPOISDENCE. perfidy of her ministers, wliicli never otters anything which coukl be trusted, which compels it, and to which the consequences are justly imputable. 1 beg your lordship to remember me as one who can never cease to have the most perfect esteem for you. I have communicated to the Abbf Eaynal all the facts that I could collect in answer to his ques- tions. He will write to you soon. May I beg to be remembered to our friends in the college and to those out of it, who I hope will always do me the honor of remembering me; Colonel Barre, JMr. Dunning, Dr, Priestly, Dr. Price, etc. I have the honor to be, etc Arthur Lee. Harrison et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence, to the Commissioners at Paris.* Baltimore, December 30, 1776. Gentlf.men : You will pleased to receive herewith copies of our letter of the 21st instant, and of its iuclosures, which we recommend to jour attention. Since that letter was written. General Washington having been re-enforced by the troops lately commanded by General Lee and by some corps of militia, crossed the Delaware with twenty-five hundred men and attacked a body of the enemy posted at Trenton with the success that you will see related in the inclosed handbill. We hope this blow will be followed by others that may leave the enemy not so much to boast of as they some days ago expected and we had reason to apprehend. Upon mature deliberation of all circumstances, Congress deem the speedy declaration of France and European assistance so indispensably necessary to secure the independence of these States, that they have authorized you to make such tenders to France and Spain as they hope will prevent any longer delay of an event that is judged so essential to the well-being of North America. Your wisdom, we know, will direct you to make such tenders to France and Spain as thej^ hope will pro- cure the thing desired on terms as much short of the concessions now ottered as possible ; but no advantages of this kind are proposed at the risk of a delay that may prove dangerous to the end in view. It must be very obvious to the court of France that if Great Britain should suc- ceed in her design of subjugating these States, their inhabitants, now well trained to arms, might be compelled to become instruments for making conquest of the French possessions in the West Indies, which would be a sad contrast to that security and commercial benefit that would result to France from the independence of North America. By some accident in removing the papers from Philadelphia to this place the Secretary of Congress has mislaid the additional instructions ' MSS. Dept. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 180, with verbal changes. DECEMBER 30, 1776. 241 formerly given you, by which you were empowered to negotiate with other courts besides Prance. We thinli it necessary to mention this to you, lest the paper should have got into wrong hands and because we wish to have a copy sent us by the first opportunity. We observe that Mr. Deane sent his dispatches for this committee open to Mr. Bingham. Though we have a good opinion of that gentle- man, yet we think him rather too young to be made acquainted with the business passing between you and us, and therefore wish this may not be done in cases of much importance. The next opportunity will bring you the determiuation of OougresiS . concerning the persons that are to be sent to the courts of Vienna, Eussia, Spain, and the Grand Buke of Tuscany. In the mean time it is hoped that, through the medium of the ambassadors from those courts to that of France, you may be so fortunate as to procure their friendly mediation for the purposes proposed by Congress.* Our Andreic Dot-ia, of fourteen guns, has taken a king's sloop of war of twelve guns after a smart engagement. In our last we say the enemy made near three thousand prisoners at Fort Washington, but the number is fixed at two thousand six hundred and thirty-four. The West Indiamen taken by our cruisers amount to two hundred and fifty sail. The scarcitj' of ships here is so great that we shall find much difiQculty in making the extensive remittances to France that we ought in due season ; therefore it will, in our opinion, be an object of great imjior- tance to obtain the consent of the Farmers -General to send to Virginia and Maryland for any quantity of tobacco they may choose, or to the State of North Carolina for any quantity of naval stores which may be wanted for public use, or to supply the demands of private merchants. The terms, both as to quantity and price, you will endeavor to learn and let it be made known to us with all possible expedition, that you may receive an answer thereon. The captain of the armed vessel that carries these dispatches has orders to deliver them himself to you in Paris, and his vessel will expect his return in a different port from the one he arrives at ; he will take your directions about his return and receive your letters; but the anxiety prevailing here to know your success renders it proper that he should return with all possible dispatch. Wishing you health, success, and many happy years, we remain, gen- tlemen, yours, etc., B. Harrison. E. H. Lee. J. Wither SPOON. W. Hooper. * See, as to these diplomatic agencies, iutroduction, ^ 16/. 16 WH— VOL II 242 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Arthur Lee to the Committee of Secret Correspondence." Paris, December 31, 1776. GENTLEMEN: I had the honor of receiving your favor of the Slst October, anuouucing to me ray appointment as one of the commis- sioners from the Congress of the United States of America. I can not express how mucli I am obliged to that most respectable body for giving me an opportunity of showing how much I prefer the service of my country and her present cause to every other pursuit and situation in life. I had the happiness of joining Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane the 'day after the arrival of the former at this place. We have employed every moment in preparing the way for fulfilling the purport of our, mission. It is impossible to say yet in what degree we shall be able to accomplish our instructions and our wishes. The politics of Europe are in a state of trembling hesitation. It is in consequence of this that I find the promises that were made me by the French agent in London, and which I stated to you by Mr. Storey and others, have not been en- tirely fulfilled. The changing of the mode of conveying what was promised was settled with Mr. Deane, whom Mr. Hortalez found here on his return, and with whom all the arrangements were afterwards made. I hope you will have received some of the supplies long before this reaches you. Infinitely short as they are of what was promised in quantity, quality, and time, I trust they will be of very material service in the operations of the next campaign. It is that to which, to use the expression of our arch enemy, we must look, and no exertions in preparing for it can be too great, because the events of it must be very decisive. I have the honor, etc., Arthur Lee.! Harrison et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence to Franklin.t Baltimore, January 1, 1777. Sir : Congress, relying on your wisdom and integrity and well know- ing the importance of the case, have appointed you their commissioner to negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the court of Spain. § The idea of Congress on this subject you will find in the in- structions sent by this opportunity to yourself and the other commis- sioners at the Court of France. Your commission for this special service we have now the honor to inclose you. We are, with great respect and esteem, honorable sir, yours, etc., B. Harrison. R. H. Lee. J. WiTHERSPOON. W. Hooper. * 1 Arthur Lee's Life, 60. 5 See the secret journals of Congress, + See index, title Arthur Lee. vol. 2, pp. 38, 41, 42.— SPARKS. \ 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 8. JANUARY 2, 1777. 243 Harrison and Lee, Committee of Secret Correspondence, to Captain Ham- mond.* Baltimore, January 2, 1777. Sir : Tou are to proceed with all the dispatch in your power, with the schooner Jenifer, under your command, to Nantes, in France. On your arrival there you are to apply to Mr. Thomas Morris, if he should be at that port ; if he should not, your application must be to Messrs. Pliarne, Penet & Co., who will furnish you with necessary cash for your journey to Paris, for which place you must set out immediately, and deliver your dispatches to Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee, and wait their orders; when they discharge you, you are to return with the utmost diligence to America, and put into the most convenient port to the southward of the Delaware ; we think Ohincoteague, or some other on the back of the Eastern Shore, the most likely for avoiding mon-of- war, and would therefore have you attempt getting into one of those ports; when arrived, you must leave the schooner under the command of your mate, and bring the dispatches yourself to Congress, wherever it may be sitting. Tou are, before you set out for Paris, to consult with Mr. Morris, or the above gentlemen, whether your vessel will not be most likely to escape the enemy by sending her to some other port to meet you on your return ; if this should be their opinion, you are to give orders to your mate accordingly ; you are also to deliver your pig-iron to the orders of those gentlemen, and take from them such a quantity of mili- tary stores as will ballast your vessel. The safe delivery of the dis- patches with which you are intrusted, and the obtaining answers to them, are matters of such immense consequence to the continent, that we can not too strongly recommend to you the avoiding all vessels that you may see either outward bound or on your return. You are also to avoid, as much as possible, falling in with headlands and islands, as it is most usual for men-of-war to cruise off such places. The dispatches will be delivered to you in a box, which you must put into a bag with two shots, that, in case of falling iu with an enemy from which you can not escape, you may be prepared to sink them, which, on such an event happening, we earnestly insist on your doing. We wish you a good voyage and safe return, and are your most humble servants, B. HARRISON. E. H. Lee. p. s. When you arrive at Nantes, inquire and get directions from the gentlemen there, to whom you are recommended for cash to carry you to Paris, where Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane, or Mr. Arthur Lee lodge in Paris ; and above all things take care not to let it be known at Nantes from whence you come, your business, or where you are going, except to the above gentlemen. • MSS, Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' JJip. Rev. Corr., 183, 244 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Arthur Lee to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, January 3, 1777. Gentlemen : I bad the hooor of receiviug- your favor, anaounciDg to me my appointment as one of the commissioners from the Congress of the United States of America. I can not express how greatly I am obliged to that most respectable body for giving me an opportunity of showing how much I prefer the service of my country and of her present cause to every other pursuit and situation in life. I had the happiness of joining Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane the day after the arrival of the former at this place. We have employed every moment in preparing the way for fulfilling the purposes of our mission. It is impossible to say yet in what degree we shall be able to accomplish our instructions and our wishes. The ijolitics of this court are in a kind of trembling hesitation. It is in consequence of this that the i)romises which were made to me by the French agent in London, and which I stated to you by Mr. Storey and others, have not been entirely fulfilled. The changing of the mode of conveying what they promised was settled with Mr. Deane, whom Mons. Hortalez, or Beaumarchais, found here upon his return from Loudon, and with whom therefore all the arrangements were afterwards made. + I hope you will have received some of the supplies long before this reaches you; infinitely short as they are of what was promised in quantity, quality, and time, I trust they will be of very material serv- ice in the operations of the next campaign. It is that, to use the words of our arch enemy, to which we must look forward, and no exertions iu preparing for it can be too great, because the events of it must be very decisive. I have the honor of being, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin to Committee of Secret Correspondence.} Parts, January 4, 1777. Gentlemen : I arrived here about two weeks since, where I found Mr. Deane. Mr. Lee has siuce joined us from London. We have had an audience of the minister, Count de Vergennes, and were respect- fully received. We left for his consideration a sketch of the proposed treaty.§ We are to wait upon him to-morrow with a strong memorial, requesting the aids mentioned in our instructions. By his advice we "MSS. Dep. of State: I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 391, with verbal changes. t See infra Lee's statement of Oct. 6, 1777. t MSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 8; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 53, ^ See 2 Secret Jour., 7. JANUARY 5, 1777. 245 have had an interview with the Spanish ambassador, Count d'Aranda, who seems well disposed towards us, and will forward copies of our memorials to his court, which will act, he says, iu perfect concert with this. Their fleets are said to be in fine order, manned, and fit for sea. The cry of this nation is for us, but the court, it is thought, views an ap- proaching war with reluctance. The press continues in England. As soon as we can receive a positive answer from these courts we shall dispatch an express with it. I am, gentlemen, etc., B. Fkanklin. Franklin, Deane and Lee to Vergennes.* Paris, January 5, 1777. Sir: The Congress, the better to defend their coasts, protect their trade, and di'ive off the enemy, have instructed us to apply to France for eight ships of the line, completely manned, the expense of which they will undertake to pay. As other princes of Europe are lending or hiring their troops to Britain against America, it is apprehended that France may, if she thinks fit, afford our independent States the same kind of aid, without giving England any first cause of complaint. But if England should on that account declare war, we conceive that by the united force of France, Spain, and America, she will lose all her posses- sions in the West Indies, ranch the greatest part of that commerce which has rendered her so opulent, and be reduced to that state of weakness and humiliation which she has, by her perfidy, her insolence, and her cruelty, both in the east and the west, so justly merited. We are also instructed to solicit the court of France for an immediate supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large quantity of ammunition and brass field pieces, to be sent under convoy. The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery, and ammunition, and to defray the expense of the convoy. This application has now become the more necessary, as the private purchase made by Mr. Deane of those articles is rendered ineffectual by an order forbid- ding their exportation. We also beg it may be particularly considered, that while the English are masters of the American seas,t and can, without fear of interrup- tion, transport with such ease their army from one part of our extensive *1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 391. t Vergennes' instructions of December 24, 1776, toNoailles, French minister at Lon- don, characterizing the issue by the British Government of commissions to privateers to prey on American vessels, as a desperate measure calculated greatly to injure the commerce of other nations .and to imperil the general tranquillity, is given by Doniol, ii, 83. On January 31, 1777, the bill passed its third reading in the House of Com- mons without a single dissenting voice. Id., 329. 246 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. coast to another, and we cau only meet tbem by land marches, we may possibly, unless some powerful aid is given us or some strong diversion be made in our favor, be so harassed and be put to such immense dis- tress, as that finally our people will find themselves reduced to the necessity of ending the war by an accommodation. The courts of France and Spain may rely with the fullest confidence that whatever stipulations are made by us in case of granting such aid, will be ratified and punctually fulfilled by the Congress, who are deter- mined to found their future character, with regard to justice and fidelity, on a full and perfect performance of all their present engagements. North America now offers to France and Spain her amity and com- merce. She is also ready to guaranty in the firmest manner to those nations all her present possessions in the West Indies, as well as those they shall acquire from the enemy in a war that may be consequential of such assistance as she requests. The interests of the three nations are the same. The opportunity of cementing them and of securing all the advantages of that commerce, which in time will be immense, now presents itself. If neglected, it may never again return; and we can not help suggesting that a considerable delay may be attended with fatal consequences.* B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. R Morris to Franklin, Deane, and Lee 1 Philadelphia, January 14, 1777. Honorable Gentlemen : I have the honor to inclose you herein a copy of two resolves of Congress, passed the 19th and 29th November, by which the secret committee are directed to import two hundred and twenty-six brass cannou and arms and equipage complete for three thousand horse. You will observe they are also directed to confer with the cannon committee as to how many they can provide here of the field pieces; but we pay little regard to that point, well knowing they will not be able to procure jjroper metal for many of them. Therefore I must re- quest, in the name and on behalf of the secret committee, that you will contract immediately for these necessary supplies, and send thetn out to these States by various conveyances as quick as possible. Indeed I hope you may procure some line of battle ships to come out with them, and then there will be little danger of their coming safe. "There is no reply to this letter oa record. It is probalile that a verbal message was communicated in reply to M. Gerard, as may be judged from the letter directed to him which immediately follows. — Spakks. tl A. Lee's Life, 295. JANUARY 14, 1777. 247 I most sincerely hope the court of France may be disposed to favor all our views— that they will accommodate yoa with sufficient loans to pay for these and all other stores we want from Europe; for although we have plenty of valuable produce that would soon provide you with ample funds if we could get it exported safely, yet the difficulties and impediments we meet with will render it impossible to get it away half fast enough. Nothing in our power shall be left undone, and Mr. Mor- ris will be ordered to supply you with money as fast as he receives it from the net proceeds of our consignments. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and regard, honorable gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servant, Robert Morris, Chairman of the Secret Committee of Congress. P. S. — These resolves would have been sent long since, but our ports have been blocked up by the British men-of-war, and the confusion we were put in on the rapid march through the Jerseys and near approach to this city by the enemy has put it totally out of our power to forward any dispatches for some time past. R. M. Franklin, Deane and Lee to Gerard.* Paris, January 14, 1777. We thank M. Gerard for the polite and explicit manner in which he has communicated his majesty's message. We beg to return our most grateful sense of the gracious intentions which his majesty has had the goodness to signify to our States, and to assure his majesty that we shall ever retain the warmest gratitude for the substantial proofs he has given us of his regard, and that we will endeavor in due time to impress our constituents with the same senti- ments. We feel the strength of the reasons his majesty has been pleased to assign for the conduct he means to hold, and the magnanimity of his motives. We bog leave to assure his majesty that we shall at all times and in all things endeavor to conform ourselves to the views he has opened for us, as nothing is further from our intentions than to precipi- tate his majesty into any measures which his royal wisdom and jus- tice may disapprove. And if in anj^ thing we should contravene those purposes, we shall always be happy and ready to amend it according to the advice and direction of government. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 393, under date of Jan. 4. 248 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin, Deane and Lee to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, January 17, 1777. Gentlemen -. We joined each other at this place on the 22d of Decem- ber, aud on the 28th had an audience of his excellency the Count de Ver- gennes, one of his most christian majesty's iirincipal secretaries of state, and minister for foreign affairs. We laid before him our commissioH,\ with the articles of the proposed treaty of commerce. He assured us of the protection of his court, and that due consideration should be given to what ice offered. Soou after we presented a memoir on the present situ- ation of our States, drawn up at the minister's request, together with the articles of general confederation, aud the demands for ships of war, agreeable to our instructions. Oopies of all these papers were given by us to the Count d'Aranda, his catholic majesty's ambassador here, to be communicated to his court. We are promised an answer from this court as soou as they can know the determination of Spain, with which they mean to act in perfect unanimity. In the mean time, we are endeavoring to expedite several vessels laden with artillery, arms, ammunition, and clothing, which we hope will reach you in time for the campaign, though uafortunately one ves- sel, which Mr. Deane had sent so laden, has put back, after having been three weeks at sea. She is, however, now sailed again. The ports of France, Spain, and Florence (that is Leghorn, in the Mediterranean) are open to the American cruisers upon the usual terms of neutrality. We iind it essential to the establishment and maintenance of your commercial credit in Europe that your concerns of that kind should be in the hands of the most respectable men in the different countries. From the observations we have made Mr. Myrtle is not of that descrip- tion, and we are sorry to say that the irregularities of Mr. Thomas Morris render it absolutely necessary that some other person should be immediately appointed in his place. We also think it advisable that you should be so far on your guard with respect to Mons. Penet| as not to deviate from the original contract made with him, as we can not learn that he is known to be a person of substance ; at the same time it is but justice to say that he appears to be active, industrious, and attentive to your interests. He is indeed connected with a very good house in Nantes, M. Gruel, but we know not the terms of that connec- tion, or how far M. Gruel is answerable. It seems to us that those houses which are connected in Great Britain are to be avoided. * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 184, with omissions aud verbal changes. t See 2 Secret Journals of Cong. 32. }Penet and Pliarne, according to a statement in Balch'a Franfais en Am6rique, 69, were French officers, recommended by Governor Cook, of Providence, to Washing- ton. They came directly from Cape Francais, in St. Domingo, and were received in December by Congress, who accepted their offer as to supply of munitions of war. See further as to Penet, A. Lee to committee, Feb. 11, 1777. See index, Penet. JANUARY 17, 1777 249 It would be useful if we had some blaiik commissions for privateers, and we therefore wish some may be sent us by the first opportunity. As vessels are almost daily arriving from America at the ports here, we conceive advices of the proceedings in the campaign might be fre- quently sent to us, so as to enable us to contradict the exaggerated representations made by the English of their successes; which, stand- ing uncontroverted, have a considerable influence upon our credit and upon our cause. Great efforts are now making by the British ministry to procure more troops from Germany. The princes in alliance with France have re- fused to lend any, or to enter into any guaranty of Hanover, which England has been mean enough to ask, being apprehensive for that electorate if she should draw from it more of its troops. Four more regiments, two of them to be light horse, are raising in Hesse, where there has been an insurrection on account of drafting the people; and now great sums of money are distributed for procuring men. They talk of ten thousand men in all to be sent over this spring. These things do not look as if England was very confident of success in the next campaign without more aid. The hearts of the French are universally for us, and the cry is strong for immediate war with Britain. Indeed everything tends that way ; but the court has its reasons for postponing it a little longer. In the mean time preparations for it are making. They have already a fleet of twenty-sis: sail of the line manned and fit for sea. Spain has seven- teen sail in the same state ; and more are fitting with such diligence, that they reckon to have thirty sail in each kingdom by the month of April. This must have an immediate good effect in our favor, as it keeps the English fleet at bay, coops up their seaman, of whom they will scarce find enough to man their next set of transports, and probably keep Lord Howe's fleet more together for fear of a visit, and leave us more sea-room to prey upon their commerce, and a freer coast to bring in our prizes, and also the supplies we shall be able to send you, in con- sequence of our agreement with the Farmers General, which is, that the Congress shall provide, purchasing bona fide at the lowest price possible, twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco, in Virginia and Mary- land, at the public warehouses in tliose States, for the ships which they, the Farmers-General, shall send ; and that those tobaccos shall be brought to France at their risk and in their ships. They understand the price is not likely to exceed three or four French sous in America, but we do not warrant that it shall cost no more, though we hope it will not. Upon these conditions we are to have half the supposed price advanced immediately, and the opportunity of shipping warlike stores on board their ships at your risk and paying reasonable freights ; the rest to be paid as soon as advice is received that the tobacco is shipped. The desire of getting money immediately to command the prepara- 250 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tions for the ensuing campaign, and of interesting so powerful a body as the Farmers-General, who in fact make the most efl&cient part of gov^ernment here and the absolute part in all commercial or moneyed concerns, induced us to concede to these terms, which may possibly, in the estimate of the price of tobacco, be low, but which upon the whole we judged necessary, and we hope will be advantageous. So strong is the inclination of the wealthy here to assist us that since this agreement we are offered a loan of two millions of livres, without interest, and to be repaid when the United States are settled in peace and prosper- ity. No conditions or securities are required, not even an engagement from us. We have accepted this generous and noble benefaction. Five hundred thousand livres, or one quarter, is to be paid into the hands of our banker this day, and five hundred thousand more every three months.* * The followiug memoracda relate to the loan referred to iu the text: January 14, 1777. — Commissiouers returned thanks (to M. Gerard) for the two mil- lions granted by his majesty. March 12, 1777. — Extract of u letter from the Commissioners to the Committee for Foreign Affairs. "We entered accordingly into a treaty with that company (Farmers-General), which meeting with difficulty iu settling the terms, wo were informed that a grant was made us of two millions of livres from the crown, of which ,^)00,000 was ready to be paid us down and an equal sum should be paid the beginning of April, July, and October; that such was the king's generosity he exacted uo conditions or promise of repayment, he only required that we should not speak to anyoueof our having received their aid. "This is the money which in our former letters we mentioned as raised for us by subscription." OCTOBEU 7, 1777..— Extract from Commissioners to Secret Committee. [After mentioning being enjoined by the court of France to keep the aids a dead secret the letter continues thus :] "The apparent necessity of your being informed of the true state of your affairs oblige us to dispense with this injunction. But we entreat that the greatest care may be taken that no part of it shall transpire, uor of the assurances we have received that no repayment will ever be required from us of what has been already given us either in money or military stores." Decembeh, 1777. — Extract of a letter to Count Tergennes from Commissioners. They also pray that their grateful acknowledgments may be presented to the king for the additional aid of three millions which he has been so graciously pleased to promise them, and that his Majesty may be assured whatever engagements they may enter into in behalf of the United States, in pursuance of the full powers they are vested with, will be executed with the most punctual good faith by theCougress, etc. Decemher 18. — Extract of a letter from Commissionei's to the Secret Committee. It is some time since we obtained a promise of an additional aid of three millions of livres, which we shall receive in January 7. Spain, we are told, will give an equal sum, etc. JANUARY 20, 1777. 251 As the ships we were ordered to hire or buy from this court can not be obtained, it being judged absolutely necessary to keep their whole naval force at home ready iu case of a rupture, we think of purchasing some elsewhere, or of building, in order, as far as possible, to answer the views of Congress. Of this we shall write more fully in our next. In the mean time we can not but hint that this seems to us a fair op. portunity of supporting the credit of the paper money you borrow, as you may promise payment in specie of the interests, and may draw upon us for the same with all confidence. We can not, for several weighty reasons, be more explicit at present, but shall hereafter. Pre- sent our dutiful respects to the Congress, and assure them of our most faithful services. We are, gentlemen, etc., Benjamin Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. P. S. — January 22. Our agreement with the Farmers-General is not yet signed, and perhaps some small changes may be made in it; but as these will probably not be very material, we wish measures may be taken immediately for the purchase of the tobacco. We shall send by the next opportunity a copy of the contract. We have received the five hundred thousand livres mentioned above ; it is now at our disposal in the hands of our banker, who has orders to advance us the second payment if we desire it, and he is ready to do it. We are, on tbe strength of this, in treaty for some strong ships. Ten thousand French troops are on their march to Brest. But America should exert herself as if she had no aid to expect but from God and her own valor. [Another campaign will ruin her enemies.] * Franklin to the President of Congress, t Paris, January 20, 1777. Dear Sir: The bearer. Captain Balm, is strongly recommended to me as a very able officer of horse, and capable of being extremely useful to us in forming a body of men for that service. As he has otherwise an excellent character, I take the liberty of recommending him to my friends as a stranger of merit, worthy of their civilities, and to the Congress as an officer, who, if employed, may greatly serve a cause which he has sincerely at heart. With great respect, etc., B. Franklin. ' Passage iu brackets omitted by Sparks. tMSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr.,9; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 55 See Deane to Congress, Oct. 17, 1776, to same eflect, the name being given aa "Balme." 252 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, January 20, 1777. Gentlemen : I have met witli disappointmeuts unexpected as they have been atf'ectiug; after order.s, and counter-orders, and maneuvers the very history of which would fill a volume, the Amphitrite departed with the first parcel of the stores on the 14th ultimo, and I was then in fall confidence that the other vessels would instantly follow, as they lay ready in their different ports, when, to my surprise, counter-orders arrived. While laboring to remove these, the Amphitrite returned into port, preteudedly through want of live stock, etc., by the officers. The captain has protested that he returned in consequence of the positive orders of Monsieur du Coudray, to whom a superior power was given.t I have no time to decide so disputable point as that respecting Mon- sieur du Condray's return, but the consequences have been bad. This I must say, he acted an unwise and injudicious part in returning into the port he did, as he thereby gave a fresh alarm to the ministry and occasioned a second counter-order. Indeed, Monsieur du Ooudray ap- peared to have solely in view his own ease, safety, and emolument, and instead of instantly dispatching the ships with supplies, and thereby preventing a noise, he left the ships, and returned quite to Paris, with- out the least ground, that I cau find, for his conduct; and has laid bis scheme to pass into America in a ship without the artillery, which is inconsistent and absurd, and contrary to our original agreement and constant understanding, as I engaged with this man solely on account of the artillery he was to assist in procuring, expediting, and attending in person. His desertion of this charge, with his other conduct, makes me wish he may not arrive in America at all. I am sensible that ray difficult situation may affect you, and therefore I shall, if possible, pre- vent his going out at all. With respect to the other stores, they are embarked, and I am promised a permit, which is all I may say on the subject, which is left solely to my management by my colleagues. M. du Ooudray, not content with leaving the ship, took with him the papers, which occasioned a still further delay after she was ready; but I will not enlarge on these disagreeable topics, but wishing the stores at hand, I am, with much esteem, etc., Silas Deane. I recommend the captain to the generosity of Congress. * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 70, with verbal changes, t See infra, Fraiikliu aud Deane to coniiiiittee, Feb. 6, 1777. As to Ooudray, see iu- troductiou, ^ Si. JANUARY 26, 1777. 253 Carmichael to Dumas.* Havee, January 21, 1777. Dear Sir: Were I to acknowledge the receipt of all the letters you meution haviug written, it would be necessary to apologize for my silence; this, I fear, would require a detail long enough to need still another apology, which would be making it a labor ad infinitum. I shall therefore only say, that from the heart of Germany I am now on the borders of the Atlantic, and that I have been on the gallop ever since I parted with you at Leydeii. No saint in the calendar ever ran through countries with more zeal to gain inhabitants for heaven than I have to do miracles on earth. But unfortunately it is not an age for miracles. 1 am at present here to botch up a piece of work which was originally well imagined but badly executed. You will no doubt have our Paris news from the prophet who draws down fire from heaven. I shall therefore only give you my comment on the text, which is, that France has done too much and much too little. Too much, since she alarmed England and made that country put itself in a better posture of defense than before, or at least strengthened the hands of her ministers for that purpose ; much too little, because, de- pending even on that little, we looked not out elsewhere in time. 1 am, etc., William Oarmiohael. A. Lee to Dumas.t Paris, January 26, 1777. Dear Sir: My having quitted London some time since to join my colleagues here is the reason you did not hear from me, as you com- plain in your last letter to Mr. Deane. As I am soon to leave this place for one very remote,^ I am afraid this will be the last letter I shall have the honor of writing to you. There are so many and more immediate calls for the attention of the Congress, that we are not surprised at not receiving any intelligence from them. We learn, too, from Havre that dispatches for us have been intercepted at sea, so that we remain totally uninformed by authority relative to the state of things in America. We hope the best, and if the powers of Europe are not so totally blind to their own interest as to refuse maintaining that freedom and enjoyment of our commerce which our Declaration of Independence offers them, their support will save us much distress and blood. The liberties, however, and redemption which we work out through labor and endurance will be more precious. By accounts from London the press for seamen produces little, though »MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Gorr., 228. tMSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 223. t A journey to Spain. — Spakks. 254 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tbeir merchant ships are stopped iu their ports, and insurance from Jamaica, with convoy, is risen to twenty-five percent. During the last war it never amounted to more than seven. Our cruisers, therefore, appear to do their duty. Had we anything of a iieet to assist them, England would soon repent of a war they have so unjustly engaged iu and from which they have not wisdom to re- treat. No nation seems more interested in opening our commerce by abol- ishing the British monopoly than the Dutch. The carrying trade, by which they flourish, must be greatly increased by the change. It would also very infallibly reduce that natural power and superiority at sea which the English exercise with so much insolence, and the sinews of which are derived from America by their usurpation and tyranny ; and yet such is the pusillanimity of the times, the States are crouching to the English, and, in effect, aiding them in confirming that tyranny and those advantages. It is astonishing that the smallest power in Europe should fear Great Britain at a time when she is set at defiance by America alone, yet in its infancy, and laboring under so many disad- vantages. I wish you every happiness, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin to Nicholson.* Paris, January 26, 1777! Sir : You are directed to proceed to Boulogne, and there purchase, on as good terms as possible, a cutter suitable for the purpose of being sent to America. The purchase beiug made, dispatch the vessel to Havre de Grace, to the care of Mons. Limozin, and agree iu the bargain to have her delivered at said port at the risk and expense of the origi- nal owner, at which stipulate to make the payment. Should you miss of one at Boulogne proceed to Calais, and pursue the same directious. If you fail there, pass to Dover or Deal, and employ a person there to make the purchase as for M. Limozin, of Nautes, at whose house the payment shall be made. Your skill in maritime affairs will enable you to judge of the vessel proper for our purpose, in which we wish you to embark yourself for Havre, and on your arrival put the vessel into the care of M. Limozin, to be filled with everything necessary for her to proceed on the designed voyage, at the same time directing M. Limozin to call her and speak of her as his own, after which you will instantly set off for this place, to inform us of your proceedings. Meantime you are, on purchasing, to write first post, not to us, but to M. Le Grand^ Banq., rue Mons. Mart, vis-a-vis, St. Joseph, a Paris, only saying in a few words that you have made a purchase, and shall draw on him soon for ' 6 B gelow's Franklin, 56, JANUARY 29, 1777. 255 the money favor of M. Limozin, or words to that purpose. This letter will be showa us,^ and we sliall regulate our proceedings accordingly. Should you be obliged, ou purchasing, to pay at Dover or Deal, Mons. Le Grand's letter will give a sufflcieut credit for the purpose, and at Calais or Boulogne you will address yourself, on the score of advice and assistance in money matters, to the persons to whom you will have letters directed, but on no other account, and avoid hinting your proceedings or views to any one. But should Captain Hynsen arrive from London and you, let bim go in the vessel you purchase to Havre and there wait our further orders. Should he arrive and no vessel be purchased, in such case procure him a passage to Havre, and direct him to apply to M. Limozin for our directions. In the whole, we have to wish you to make the utmost dispatcb, and to conduct with the utmost secrecy and the economy consistent with hastening as fast as possible the object in view. Franklin to Dumas.* Paeis, January 29, 1777. My dear friend may be assured that the omission of writing to him for so long a time either by Mr. Deane or myself was not in the least owing to any want of respect or change of sentiment towards him, but merely from the extreme hurry we have been engaged in ever since my arrival, which has prevented our writing to many other of our corre- spondents. I now inclose several letters, one of which was written by me when in Philadeli)hia and sent via Martinique; Mr. Deane has but this day received it ; another that I wrote soon after ray arrival, which has been mislaid. I hope you and yours are in good health and good spirits, as we are, not doubting of the success of our affairs, with G-od's blessing. We have nothing to complain of here. I have taken a lodging at Passy, where I shall be in a few days, and hope there to find a little leisure, free from the perpetual interruption I suffer here by the crowds continually coming in, some offering goods, others soliciting offices in our army, etc.t I shall then be able to write you fully. Be of good cheer, and do not believe half what you read in the English gazettes. With great esteem, I am ever, B. Franklin. •MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 225. t See, as to the advautages of Passy as a residence, introduction, ^ 135, 256 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, Harrison and Lee, Committee of Secret Correspondence, to Bingham." Baltimore, February 1, 1777. Sir : As we shall write you shortly again, our atteatiou at preseut will be coufiued to your favor of Pecember 6, 1776, in which you mentioa the couductof Captain Patterson. We have laid your letter before Con- gress, and tbe.\' have appointed a committee to consider of the most proper steps to be taken iu this business, that speedy and condign pun- ishment may be applied to Cai>taiu Patterson, when his crime shall be duly inquired into aud established. The Congress having an utter ab- horrence of all irregular and culpable violation of the law of nations, and of that respect aud friendship which they entertain for the French nation, we wish you would communicate this to their excellencies the governor aud general of Martinique. Congress has referred the matter of remittance for discharge of the obligation which you and Mr. Harrison have entered into to the State of Maryland, from whence you will uo doubt receive remittance as soon a? the British ships of war now iu the Chesapeake Bay will permit. It IS a singular misfortune to us, and very injurious to the commerce of France, that we have not two or three lineof-battle ships, which, with our frigates and armed vessels, would keep open our navigation in de- spite of Great Britain ; but at present one heavy ship affords protection to two or three frigates, that would otherwise be easily removed; and they place themselves so as to shut up the entrance into our principal trading States. Prior to the Declaration of Independence, as it was not certain how soon our quarrel with Great Britain might be at an end, our armies were enlisted for short periods ; and General Howe, having received informa- tion of the time when the troops would have it in their power to go home, seized that opportunity marching through the Jerseys; but his career was stopped at the Delaware, and he has since paid severely for that visit. Since the 24th of December the enemy have lost more than two thou- sand men m killed and iriade prisoners. They have been glad toiecall their troops from Rhode Island to defend JS"ew York from the attack of an army under General Heath ; and their whole force in the Jerseys is now collected on the Brunswick Heights, where they are nearly sur- rounded by General ■Washington's army, and greatly distressed for for- age, fuel, and other necessaries. We inclose you the late newspapers for your perusal, and remain, sir, your most obedient humble servants, B. Harrison. E. H. Lee. 'MSS. Dep. of State; I Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 187, with verbal changes. FEBRUARY 1, 1777. 257 Franklin, Deane and Lee to Vergennes.* Paris, February 1, 1777. Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee, ministers from the Congress of tbe United States, beg leave to represent to his excellency the Count de Vergennes that, besides the general alarming accounts of the success of English against their country, they have just received authentic intel- ligence from England that eight thousand men, chiefly Germans, under the command of General Burgoyne, are to be sent early in the spring to America, and to be employed, with some ships of war, in the invasion of Virginia and Maryland.! That, if not by some means diverted from their design, it will be in their power to destroy a great part of those States, as the houses and estates of the principal inhabitants are situated on the navigable waters, and so separated from each other as to be incapable of being defended from armed vessels conveying troops, the place of whose landing can not be foreseen, and consequently force can not be assembled in all places sufficient to oppose them. That great danger is also to be apprehended from the blacks of those States, who, being excited and armed by the British, may greatly strengthen the invaders, at the same time that the fear of their insur- rection will prevent the white inhabitants from leaving their places of residence and assembling in such numbers for their own defense against tbe English as otherwise they might do. That the greatest part of the tobacco of those States is probably col- lected as usual in the warehouses of the inspectors, which are also situ- ated on navigable waters, and will be liable to be taken and destroyed by the invaders ; that the destruction of these two States probably may make an impression on the people in the rest, who, seeing no pros- pect of assistance from any European power, may be more inclined to listen to terms of accomniodation. That the supplies of arms and ammunition of war, which they have been made to expect from France, having been by various means de- layed and retarded, are not likely to arrive before the commencement of the next campaign, and may perhaps be despaired of, especially if those supplies are to be carried first to the French Islands. That notwithstanding the measures taken to convince the court of Britain that France does not countenance the Americans, that court, ac- cording to our information, believes firmly the contrary; and it is sub- mitted to the consideration of your excellency whether, if the English make a conquest of the American States, they will not take the first opportunity of showing their resentment, by beginning themselves the *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 A. Lee's Life, 67; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 394. tThis dispatch is claimed to have been framed by A. Lee (1 A. Lee's Life, 67), and the information it gives as to Burgoyne's movements was erroneous and misleading. See index, title A. Lee; and see, infra Arthur Lee, Feb. 11, 1777. ] 7 WH VOL II 258 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. war that would otherwise be avoided ; and perhaps beginning it as they did the last, without any isrevious declaration. That, upon the whole, we can not on this occasion omit expressing our apprehensions that, if Britain is now suffered to recover the Colo- nies and annex again their great growing strength and commerce to her own, she will become in a few years the most formidable power by sea and land that Europe has yet seen, and assuredly, from the nat- ural pride and insolence of that people, a power to all the other states the most pernicious and intolerable. We would, therefore, with all deference, submit it to the wisdom of his majesty and his ministers whether, if the independence of the United States of America, with the consequent diminution of British power and the freedom of commerce with them, be an object of impor- tance to all Europe and to Prance in particular, tliis is not the proper time for effectual exertions in their favor, and for commencing that war which can scarcely be much longer avoided, and which will be sanctified by this best of justifications, that a much injured and inno- cent people will thereby be protected and delivered from cruel oppres- sion and secured in the enjoyment of their just rights; than which nothing can contribute more to the glory of his majesty and of this nation. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. Harrison et al., Committee of Secret Correspondence, to the Commissioners at Paris.* Baltimore, February 2, 1777. Gentlemen : You will receive inclosed copies of our letters of the 21st and 30th of December, and of the resolves of Congress accompa- nying them. It concerns us not less than we are sure it will you that you should have heard so seldom from us, but the vigilance of the British cruisers has prevented our most earnest solicitude for this purpose. The manner in which they now conduct their business proves the necessity of the request made by Congress for the loan or sale of a few capital ships. The entrance into the Delaware and Chesapeake being narrow, by placing one forty or flfty-gun ship for the protection of their frigates they stop both our commerce and correspondence. Formerly their frigates protected their tenders, but now that we have frigates their larger ships protect their frigates, and this winter has been so uncommonly favorable, that they have been able to keep the sea, undisturbed by those severe gales of wind so usual off this coast in the winter season ; if we had a few line-of-battle ships to aid our * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., I8S. FEBRUARY 2, 1777. 269 frigates, the commerce of North America, so beneficial to ourselves and so advantageous to France, would be carried on maugre the o])positioD of Great Britain. As we have not received any of those military stores and clothing promised by Mr. Deaue, we have much reason to fear they have fallen into the enemy's hands, and will render a fresh supply quite nec- essary. Except Mr. Deane's favor of September ]7, which is but just now received, and that of October 1, we have been as destitute of Eu- ropean as we fear you have been of true American intelligence. The inclosed papers will furnish you with authentic accounts of our successes against the enemy since the 24th of December. They have paid severely for the visit of parade through the Jerseys, and these events are an abundant proof of British folly in attempting to subdue jSTorth America by force of arms. Although the short enlistments had dispersed our army directly in the face of a hostile force, and thereby iudueed a proud enemy to suppose their work was done, yet they sud- denly found themselves attacked on all sides by a hardy, active militia, who have been constantly beating up their quarters, and captivating and destroying their'troops; so that in the six or seven last weeks they have not lost much fewer thau three thousand men, about two thousand of whom, with many officers, are now our prisoners. Instead of remaining cantoned in the pleasant villages of Jersey, as the in- closed authentic copy of Mr. Howe's order to Colonel Douop (the original of which fell into our hands by the colonel's flight from Bordenton) will show you that general vainly expected would be the case, they are now collected upon the Brunswick Heights, where they suffer every kind of distress from want of forage, fuel, and other neces- saries, whilst General Washington's army of militia so environs them that they never show their faces beyond their lines but they get beaten back with loss and disgrace. Being thus situated, we have reason to hope that this part of their army (and which is the most considerable part) will by the end of winter be reduced very low by deaths, deser- tion, and captivity. General Heath, with a body of eastern troops, is making an impression on New York by Kingsbridge, which we under- stand has obliged the enemy to recall their troops from Ehode Island for the defense of that city. The regular corps that are to compose the new army are making up in the different States as fast as possible ; but arms, artillery, tent cloth, and clothing will be greatly wanted. For these our reliance is on the favor of his most christian majesty. If you are so fortunate as to obtain them, the propriety of sending them in a strong ship of war must be very evident to you, gentlemen, when you know our coasts are so covered with cruisers from twenty to fifty guns, though but few of the latter. We believe they have not more than two ships of forty and two or three of fifty guns in their whole fleet on the North American station; and these are employed— one of them to cover a frigate or two at the capes of each bay, whilst the rest remain at New York, 260 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. We beg leave lo direct your attention to the inclosed propositions of Congress, and wedonbt not you will urge their success with that zeal aud careful assiduity that objects so necessary to the liberty and safety of your country demand. We are exceedingly anxious to hear from you, and remain with par- ticular sentiments of esteem and friendship, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants, B. Harrison. E. H. Lee. W. Hooper. Personal Pledge ot Commissioners.* Paris, February 3, 1777. We, the commissioners plenipotentiary from the Congress of the United States of America, are unanimously of the opinion that if Prance or Spain should conclude a treaty of amity and. commerce with our States, and enter into a war with Great Britain in consequence of that, or of open aid given to our States, it will be very right and proper for us,, or in the absence of the others for any one of us, to stipulate and agree that the United States shall not separately conclude a peace, nor aid Great Britain against France or Spain, nor intermit their best exertions against Great Britain during the continuance of such war; provided always that Prance and Spain do on their part enter into a simihir stipulation with our States. Benjamin Pranklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. * In I Arthur Lee's Life, 69, this paper is given with the following explanation : The author has found among the MSS. of Mr. Lee a paper, with a note attached to it, both signed by the three commissioners, aud containing private resolutions for their own conduct. The note is in the handwriting of Mr. Lee. It contains senti- ments of devotion to their country most honorable to the commissioners and touch- ing to the heart of an American reader. " It is further considered that in the present perils of the liberties of our country it is our duty to hazard everything in their support and defense : " Therefore resolved nnanhnoushj, That if it should be necessary to the attainment of anything in our best judgment essential to the defense and support of the public cause, that we should pledge our persons, or hazard the censure of the Congress, by exceeding our instructions, we will for such purpose most cheerfully resign our per- sonal liberty or life. "Benjamin Pkanklin, "Silas Deane, "Arthur Lee. "Paris, February 5, 1777." FEBRUARY 6, 1777. 261 Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence. " Paris, February 6, 1777. Gentlemen: Tbe bearer, Monsieur Holfczeudorff, is a Prussian offi- cer, who served the last war in Gerinauj', and with reputation. Gen- tlemeu of first character in the army here have recommended him as an excellent officer, both for skill and bravery. I take, therefore, the liberty of recommending him to the service of the United States. He leaves a major's post here in the army of France, hoping by his serv- ices in America to advance himself beyond what be can expect in Europe in a time of peace. I shall as soon as possible send you a particular account of all my proceedings to the time of the arrival of Dr. Franklin, which T have in a great measure done already, though in detached parts in different let- ters, some of which may undoubtedly miscarry. I am, with much respect, etc., Silas Deanb. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Committee cf Secret Correspondence.t Paris, February 6, 1777. Gentlemen : Since our last, a copy of which is inclosed, Mr. Hodge arrived here from Martinique, and has broughtsafely the papers he was charged with. He had a long passage, and was near being starved. We are about to employ him in a service pointed out by you at Dun- kirk or Flushing. He has delivered us three sets of the papers we wanted, but we shall want more, and beg you will not fail to send them by several opportunities. A private company has just been formed here for the importation of tobacco, who have made snch proposals to the Farmers-General as in- duced them to suspend the signing of their agreement with us, though the terms had been settled and the writings drawn. It seems now un- certain whether it will be revived or not. The company have offered to export such goods as we should advise, and we have given them a list of those most wanted. But so changeable are minds here, on occa- sion of news, good or bad, that one can not be sure that even this com- pany will proceed. With a universal good will to our cause and coun- try, apparent iu all companies, there is mixed a universal apprehension that we shall be reduced to submission, which often chills the purposes of serving us. The want of intelligence from America, and the impos- sibility of contradicting by that means the false news spread here, and all over Europe, by the enemy, has a bad effect on the minds of many who would adventure in trade to our ports, as well as on the conduct of the several governments of Europe. It is now more than three "MSS. Dep. of State; ] Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 77. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 190, with verbal changes. 262 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. mouths since oar B. F. left Philadelphia, and we have not received a single letter of later date, Mr. Hodge having left that place before him. We are about purchasing some cutters to be employed as packets. In the first we dispatch we shall write more particularly concerning our proceedings here than by these merchant ships we can venture to do, for the orders given to sink letters are not well executed. One of our vessels was lately carried into Gibraltar, being taken by an English man-of-war, and we hear there were letters for us, which the cajitain, just as he was boarded, threw out of the cabin windows, which, floating on the water, were taken up, and a sloop dispatched with them to Lon- don. We also just now hear from London (through the ministry here) that another of our sliips is carried into Bristol by the crew, who, con- sisting of eight American seamen, with eight English, and four of the Americans being sick, the other four were overpowered by the eight English and carried in as aforesaid. The letters were dispatched to court. From London they write to us that a body of ten thousand men, chiefly Germans, are to go out this spring, nnder the command of General Burgoyue, for the invasion of Virginia and Maryland.* The opinion of this court, founded on their advices from Germany, is that such a number can by no means be obtained ; but you will be ou your guard. The Amplutrite and the Seine from Havre, and the Mer- cury from Nantes, are all now at sea, laden with arms, ammunition, brass field pieces, stores, clothing, canvas, etc., which, if they arrive safely, will put you in a much better condition for the next campaign than you were lor the last. Some excellent engineers and officers of the artillery will also be with you pretty early; also some few for the cavalry. Officers of infantry, of all ranks, have offered themselves without number. It is quite a business to receive the applications and refuse them. Many have gone over at their own expense, contrary to our advice. To some few of those, who were well recommended, we have given letters of iutrodnc- tion. The conduct of our general, in avoiding a decisive action, is much applauded by the military people here, particularly Marshals Maillebois, Broglio, and D'Arcy. JM. Maillebois has taken the pains to write his sentiments of some particulars useful in carrying on our war, which we send inclosed. But that which makes the greatest impression in our favor here is the jtrodigious success of our armed ships and pri- vateers. The damage we have done their West India trade has beeu estimated, in a representation to Lord Sandwich,! by the merchants of "As to error and authorship of this statement, see note to Commissioners to Ver- gennes, Feb. 1, 1777 ; A. Lee to committee, Feb. 11, 1777. t John, Earl of Sandwich, was first lord of the admiralty in December, 1748, and was again appointed to that office in April, 1763. He was secretary of state in 1763 and in 1770. In January, 1771, he was again placed at the head of the admiralty, where FEBRUARY 6, 1777. 263 London, at one million eight hundred thousand pounds sterling, which has raised insurance to twenty-eight -pev cent., being higher than at any- time in the last war with France and Spain. This mode of exerting our force against them should be pushed with vigor. It is that in which we can most sensibly hurt them, and to secure a continuance of it we think one or two of the engineers we send over may be usefully employed in mailing some of our ports impregnable. As we are well informed that a number of cutters are building, to cruise in the West Indies against our small privateers, it may not be amiss, we think, to send your larger vessels thither, and ply in other quarters with the small ones. A fresh misunderstanding between the Turks and Russia is likely to give so much employment to the troops of the latter as that England can hardly expect to obtain any of them. Her malice against us, how- ever, is so high at present, that she would stick at no expense to grat- ify it. The New England colonies are, according to our best informa- tion, destined to destruction, and the rest to slavery under a military government. But the Governor of the world sets bounds to the rage of men as well as to that of the ocean. he remained until the breaking np of the North administration in 1782. Profli- gate in morals to tho last degree, he -was a good business man, and, in matters in which conscience was not concerned, was a ministerial leader in the House of Lords. Towards America his tone was uniformly insolent, contributing not a little to the growing alienation of the Colonies from the mother countrj'. He had taken part in Wilkes' worst orgies ; but nevertheless thought proper to move in prosecuting Wilkes in the House of Lords for an indecent poem. From this he derived the title, more than once noticed in the following papers, of "Jemmy Twitcher," the informant made conspicuous in the Beggar's Opera, then very popular. His charging on Franklin the authorship of Chatham's conciliation bill of 177.5 is noticed above. A full report is given in 18 Pari. Hist., 211. See also 2 Jesse's Geo. Ill, .586. Of Sandwich's coarse and insolent assaults on American courage and character notice has been already taken, introduction 521; and also of his dissoluteness and indifference to duty, ibid., ^28. As first lord of the admiralty, during the greater part of the revolutionary war, he shared with Germain the management of British military affairs while they held office jointly. Of his attack on Wilkes in the House of Lords Horace Walpole thus writes : "On the first day [of the session] Lord Sandwich laid before the house the most blasphemous and indecent poem that ever was composed, called 'An essay on woman, with notes by Dr. Warburton.' I will tell you none of the particulars; they were so exceedingly had that Lord Littleton begged the reading might he stopped. The house was amazed ; nobody ventured even to ask a question ; so it was easily voted everything you please and a breach of privilege into the bargain." (Walpole to the Earl of Hertford, Nov. 17, 1763; 4 Cunningham's Walpole, 126.) "Notwithstanding Lord Sandwich's masked battery the tide runs violently for Wilkes, and I do not find people in general so much inclined to excuse his lordship as I was. One hears nothing but stories of the latter's impiety, and of the concert he was in with Wilkes on that subject." (Same to same, Nov. 18, 1763, id., 128.) " Mr. Wilkes complains that he never read it (the objectionable poem) but to two per- sons, who both approved it highly, Lord Sandwich and Lord de Spencer. The wicked even affirm that very lately at a club with Mr. Wilkes, held at the top of 264 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. Finding that our residence here together is nearly as expensive as if we were separate, and having reason to believe tliat one of us might be use ful at Madrid, and another in Holland and some courts farther northward, we have agreed that Mr. Lee go to Spain, and either Mr. Deaue or myself (Dr. Franklin) to The Hagne. Mr. Lee sets out tomorrow, liaviug obtained passports and a letter from the Spanish ambassador here to the minister there. The journey to Holland will not take place so soon. The particular purposes of these journeys we can not prudently now explain. It is proper we should acquaint you with the behaviour of one Nich- olas Davis, who came to us here, pretending to have served as an ofQcer in India, to be orginally from Boston, and desirous of returning to act in defense of his country, but through the loss of some effects coming to him from Jamaica, and taken by our privateers, unable- to defray the expense of his passage. We furnished him with 30 louis, which was fully sufficient; but at Havre, just before he sailed, he took the liberty of drawing on us for near 40 more, which we the playhouse in Drnry Lane, Lord Sandwich talked so profanely that he drove two harlequins out of company." (Walpole to Mann, Nov. 17, 1763, id., 133.) Sandwich fcas charged with having detained the Toulon squadron at Portsmouth in April, 1778, when it was required to meet the French in the Channel, in order to "divert their majesties" with a naval review. (Walpole to Mann, May 9, 1778,7 Cunningham's Walpole, .59.) " Lord Sandwich has run the gauntlet in the Lords for all the lies he has told all the winter about the iieet." (Walpole to Mason, May 31, 1778, id., 72.) "Last night as Miss Ray was getting into her carriage at Coveut Garden from the play a clergyman shot her through the head and then himself. » * » Lord Sand- wich was at home expecting her to supper at half an hour after 10. On her not re- turning an hour later, he said something must have happened. However, being tired, be went to bed at half an hour after 11, and was scarce in bed before one of his serv- ants came in and said Miss Ray was shot. He stared and could not comprehend what the fellow meant, nay, lay still, which is full as odd a part of the story as any. At 12 came a letter from the surgeon to confirm the account, and then he was ex- tremely afflicted. Now, upon the wliole, madam, is not the story as strange as ever it was? Miss Ray has six children, the eldest son is fifteen, and she was at least three times as much." (Walpole to Lady Ossory, April 9, 1779, 7 Cunningham's Walpole, 190.) "There has been a motion in each house this week for the removal of Lord Sand- wich for misconduct as first lord of admiralty, but both houses think him as white as snow." (Walpole to Mann, April 24, 1779, id., 196.) In the riots of May, 1780, Lord Sandwich was " near massacred." {Id., 385, 408.) Resolutions censuring Sandwich having been introduced into the House of Com- mons, a resolution approving his course was passed on Feb. 8, 1782, by a vote of 205 to 183. " On Wednesday last Mr. Fox renewed the attack on Lord Sandwich, who was saved by a majority of but 19." (Walpole to Mann, Feb. 25, 1782, 8 Cunning- ham's Walpole, 105.) After Sandwich's resignation, on the fall of the North ministry, Walpole thus writes: "Lord Sandwich, though certainly a man of abilities, was grown obstinate, peevish, intractable, and was not born for great actions. He loved subtlety and tricks and indirect paths, qualities repugnant to genius." (Walpole to Mann, May 5, 1782, 8 Cunningham's Walpole, 218.) FEBRUARY 7, 1777. 265 have been obliged to pay. As, in order to obtain that credit, he was guilty of several falsities, we now doubt his ever having been an ofBcer at all. We send his note and draft, and hope yon will take proper care of him. He says his faf,her was a clergyman in Jamaica. He went in the Seine, and took charge of two blankets for Mr. Morris. We hope your Union continues firm and the courage of our country- men unabated. England begins to be very jealous of this court, and we think with some reason. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deanb. Arthur Lee. Franklin and Deane to the President of Congress.* Paris, February 6, 1777. Sir: This will be delivered to you by M. de Coudray, t an ofiflcer of great reputation here for his talents in general, and ijarticularly for skill and abilities in his profession. Some accidental circumstance, we understand, prevented his going in the Amphitrite ; but his zeal for our cause and earnest desire for promoting it have engaged him to over- come all obstacles, and render himself in America by the first possible opportunity. If he arrives there, you will, we are persuaded, find him of great service, not only in the operations of the next campaign, but in forming officers for those that may follow. We, therefore, recommend him warmly to the Congress and to your countenance and protection. Wishing you every kind of felicity we have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, etc. B. Franklin. Silas Dk-anb. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Germain. t Paris, Febmary 7, 1777. Whereas the schooner DicTcenson, with her cargo, which was the prop- erty of the Congress of the United States of America, was by an act of piracy in some of her crew carried into the port of Bristol, in England, and there, as we are informed, was converted to the use of the Govern- ment of Great Britain, and the perpetrators of so base and dishonest an action, the mate, etc., were rewarded instead of being punished for * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 193. t See Deane to committee, Jan. 20, 1777, supra. As to Coudray, see introduction, §82. t 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 65. As to Germain, see index, Germain. 266 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. their wickedness, and whereas another vessel, with her cargo of tobacco, being also the property of the United States or of some inhabitants of the same, was lately carried into the port of Liverpool, in England, by a similar act of treachery in her crew, and a third has in the same man- ner been carried into Halifax. We therefore, being- commissioners plenipotentiary from the Congress of the United States of America, do, in their name and by their author- ity, demand from the court ot Great Britain a restitution of those ves- sels and their cargoes, or the fall value of them, together with the delivery of the pirates into our hands, to be sent where they may be tried and punished as their crimes deserve. We feel it our duty to humanity to warn the court of Great Britain of the consequences of protecting such offenders and of enconragiug such actions as are in violation of all moral obligation, and therefore subver- sive of the firmest foundation of the laws of nations. It is hoped that the Government of Great Britain will not add to the unjust principles of this war such practices as would disgrace the mean- est state in Europe, and which must forever stain the character of the British nation.* We are sensible that nothing can be more abhorrent from the sentiments and feelings of the Congress of the United States than the authorizing so base a kind of war as a retaliation of these practices will produce. We are therefore more earnest in pressing the court of Great Britain to prevent, by the act of justice which is de- manded, the retaliation, to which necessity, in repugnance to principles, will otherwise compel. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Aethur Lee. A. Lee to the Committee of Secret Correspondence. t Nantes, February 11, 1777. Gentlemen : I received the inclosed dispatches at this place on my way to Spain. By the information I have from London, which, I think, may be depended upon, the plan of operations is for Howe and his re- cruited army to act against Few England, while Carleton makes his way over the lakes to keep the middle colonies in awe ; and Burgoyne, with an armament from England often thousand, if it can be procured, invades the South, probably Virginia and Maryland. :j: * The attorney-general in the very year this letter was written instituted crimin.al proceedings against an English clergyman for inviting snbscriptions for the relief of wounded Americans.— Bigelow. tMSS. Dep. of State: 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 395,with verbal changes. f'This intelligence," says Sparks, "which was entirely erroneous, was probably sent into France by design, with a view of creating there a false impression as to the real plans of the British Government." It is probably a part of information received FEBRUARY 11, 1777. 267 The intelligence from England is that ten thousand Germans are actually engaged, while the French minister and the Spanish ambas- sador both assure ns that it is with very great difflcnlty the enemy can procure the recruits necessary to keep up the number Ibrmerly stipu- lated. That the force of their different armaments will fall greatly short of what they intend I believe, but it seems to me almost certain that the three attacks will be made. That their utmost efforts will be made this campaign is infallible, because nothing is more certain than that the present state of Europe forbids every expectation of their being long unemployed nearer home. If, therefore, they do not succeed this year against us there is an end of their prospects of ravage and revenge. Even at this moment they have put everything at hazard : England, Ireland, and Hanover being left almost dpfenseless by their efforts against us. 1 should submit whether it is not fit that it should be made known to the army, that the forces to be sent this year, both from England and Germany, are new raised, and therefore totally undisciplined, because the attack- ing such troops on their first arrival would be taking them in their weakest state, and they ought not to carry with them the terror of dis- ciplined troops, which in fact they are not, and of vs'hich it would en- courage their opponents to be apprized. The French minister told me when I took leave that the King of Great Britain had endeavored in vain to get troops in Germany to sup- ply the i^lace in Hanover of those which he sent to garrison Gibraltar. All these things concur to show that they are pressed on every side to make this last effort against our liberties, which I trust will be met with proportionable exertions on our part, and under the providence of Heaven defeated. The losses which the enemy's West India trade has suffered by capt- ures this year has determined the Government to make provision against it in future by sending a number of armed cutters, which will take the small cruisers which have hitherto been so successful against their West Indiamen. These, too, are to be armed as in time of war. I therefore submit to your consideration the propriety of marking out another line of cruising for the small privateers, and sending such only into the gulf as are of force to drive off' the cutters and make prize of the armed West Indiamen. Whatever orders you have for me will be forwarded from the ports of Spain ; and I must beg a few blank commissions for privateers, as it by Arthur Lee, from Thornton, his secretary, who was under British pay, and who. while disclosing to the British ministry the plans of the Amerciau commissioners, was furnished in return with false statements of British movements to be used as decoys. (See introduction, §^ 150, 151.) The same erroneous predictions are made in a letter by the commissioners to Vergennes, Feb. 1, 1777, given supra, which letter is stated in 1 A. Lee's Life, 67, to have been drawn by Arthur Lee, See also Arthur Lee's letter to the same effect, of Feb. 18, 1777. 268 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. will be one part of my eudeavors to excite the incrcljaiits in Spain to cruise against our eueroies. We liave been so repeatedly warned of bad arras being sent from hence, that I can not help mentioning the necessity of having the musliets proved wherever it can be done before they are paid for. This, too, suggests the propriety of not advancing money for goods, since, though the very capital merchauts in France are men of honor, and will not impose, yet the middle and lower orders of them are often di- rectly the reverse. Bewick & Co., at Cadiz, will not pay the proceeds of the Sally to Mr. Schweigliausser, upon a pretense of not having any order so to do; but it seems their real design is to keep the money in their hands for what they pretend is due to them from Messrs. Willing, Morris & Co. I shall endeavor to have them compelled to do justice in this business, and you will determine how far they are to be trusted for the future. A large cargo of woolens, linen, cordage, and sail cloth will be dispatched from hence in three weeks, which, I hope, will reach their destination iu time. I could have wished that my present destination had been specifically ordered by you, with respect to the court, as that would have imparted a respect and consideration for them which might have greatly facih- tated my object, which, I apprehend, will meet with some obstacle in the umbrage which the want of that attention and the apparent prefer- ence given where it is, jierhaps, less deserved, may possibly occasion. Perhaps that may yetbe remedied by some such power if it should seem proper to you.* The corporation here have lowered the city duty on tobacco, brought from America into this port, in order to encourage a commerce with us, for which I have thought it my duty to return them thanks. Upon examination, I find your commercial connections here greatly- deranged. It appears to have been the first plan of the committee to place Mons. Schweighaussert as a check over Mons. Pennet. The es- tablished character and credit of the former were to control the confi- dence reposed in the latter, who, the committee say, " had not such rec- ommendations as they could wish. " For this purpose the consignments were to be made Mons. Schweighausser, out of which he was to pay Mons. Pennet for such goods as were shipped on your account, after be- ing inspected and approved by the former. This was certainly a wise plan and a necessary precaution. In my humble judgment it still con- tinues to be absolutely necessary; but instead of the consignments having been made to Mr. Schweighausser, they have been chiefly ad- dressed directly to Pennet; in consequence of this, the latter has not submitted the goods sent to the inspection of the former, and Mr. Schweighausser has reason to complain of his being neglected, after an * See letter of commissioners to committee of Feb. 6, 1777, given supra, for the views of tlie commiseiouers. tSee Index, Schtveighauser. FEBRUARY 13, 1777. 269 express promise given him of your consignments, without his being able to conceive in what he has offended. These are facts which I tbinli it my duty to state to you. Mons. Montanduine and Mons. Schweighausser are certainly the first in rank and reputation here. It is of much more consequence that merchants of this description should be your corre- spondents here than it is in England, because they have an influence with Government which those of an inferior order have not. Of this order is Mr. Gruel, and still lower M. Penuet ; but the credit and char- acter of the former are exceedingly well established. The rigor of the season, the badness of the roads, and the slowness of conveyance in Spain, will protract my journey miserably; but you may depend upon my using every diligence to reach my destination in time to make the best advantage of the present critical situation of affairs. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Agreement* of February 13, 1777, between the Commissioners and certain French OiEcers. First. It is agreed that the Congress of the United States of Amer- ica shall grant to the Chevalier du Portail, now lieutenant-colonel in the royal corps of engineers of France, the rank of colonel in their service. Second. The Congress of the United States of America will grant to Mons. de Laumoy, now major in the royal corps of engineers of France, the rank of lieutenant-colonel in their service. Third. The Congress of the United States of America will grant to Mons. de Gouvion, now captain in the royal corps of engineers of France, the rank of major in their service. Fourth. Messrs. Le Chevalier du Portail, de Laumoy, and do Gouvion, shall be at liberty to quit the service of the United States, provided it is not during a campaign, or during aiiy particular service, unless or- dered so to do by the King of France; and the Congress may dismiss them, or any of them, whenever they may judge it proper. Fifth. If all or either of these gentlemen should be made prisoners by the King of Great Britain, the Congress shall use all due means to obtain their liberty. Sixth. These gentlemen shall use alt possible diligence in preparing for their embarkation, in order to reach Philadelphia, or wherever else the Congress of the United States may be, to obey their orders. Seventh. The pay of these gentlemen shall be such as is given to * MSS. Dep. of St.ate ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 194. Foi- comaieuts oq this con- tract, see Lovell to Washington, July 24, 1777, infra. For du Portail, see introduc- tion, J 78; for Coudray, see introduction, ^ 82. 270 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. officers of their rank in the service of the States of America, aud shall commeuce from the date of this agreement. Eighth. These gentlemen shall procure and provide for their own passages, in such ships and in such manner as they shall think proper. The above agreement is entered into aud concluded by us, this 13th day of Februarj", 1777. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Dcj Port AIL.* GOUVION. LAU3I0Y. A. Lee to Committee of Secret Correspoudence.t Nantes, February 14, 1777. Gentlemen : The inclosed book is esteemed a work of genius, aud as such I have thought it proper to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the author in Pans, who is a man of very high character, and so strongly our friend, that I have uo doubt if the want of his second vol- ume, which is not yet pablished, should render any explanation neces- sary, he will give it with pleasure. Since I had the honor of writing yesterday, Mr. Thomas Morris has informed me of the agreement which he has just concluded with the Farmers-General for all the tobacco which shall arrive here on your account, at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in contemplation of this that they refused to sign the treaty with us, after they had pledged their word for it. Our object was to interest Government here, through them, in our commerce, so mucli as to secure their utmost pro- tectiou of it ; to insure the export of our produce, which we appre- hended the scarcity of shipping and sailors would render impractica- ble in our own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammunition, rigging, etc., which we might convey with more certainty under their protection. To com- pass these objects, we were induced to offer them such tempting terms. The price they have now agreed to give is certainly a good one, but I fear it will not retrieve us from our difficulties, as there is no advance stipulated, and the difficulty of exportation seems to increase daily. Our latest intelligence from England informs us that a bill is now l)assiug for granting letters of marque against you, or rather for repeal- ing so much of their former act as confined it to the navy. The press there still continues very violent, but not equally productive; that, to- gether with the great preparations of France and Spain, seems to ren- der the continuance of peace for many mouths impossible. From every- *As to du Portail, see iudex: under his name. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 399, with omissions and verbal changes. FEBRUARY 17, 1777. 271 thing that I can learu, their armaments against you will be very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer them at all ; but it is best to prepare for their plan, as if it would be executed in its fullest extent, for it is impossible to have such reliance upon the politics of Europe as would justify the hazarding much upon their issue. I believe you have not yet been apprised of what it may be material for you to know, which is that the British Government offered to deliver the prisoners taken on Long Island to the East India Company, to be sent to their settlements, if the company would send for them to Gib- raltar. This proposition is upon record in the company's books, a gen- eral court having been held expressly upon it. [Compared with other things it may possibly seem to show their good faith; and it is a suffi- cient evidence of their merciless and tyrannical disposition towards us.]* I have the honor of being, etc., Arthur Lee. G-ardoqui to A. Lee.t Madrid, February 17, 1777. Sir : My person and house, in a commercial way, are well known in the American colonies, not only on account of our long standing corre- spondence of thirty to forty years, but also on that of the true affection with which we have endeavored to serve them. I am lately arrived at Madrid, on some particular affairs which have occasioned my treating with the ministers of state, who have honored me with their especial favors and trust, and of course this has led me into the bottom of the principal affairs of Europe, among which I have talked about your coming from Paris to Spain, undoubtedly with the design of treating on the subject of the Colonies, as I judge they have ah'eady done, and continue doing, at Paris. But I have heard that in such a small x)lace as Madrid it will be absolutely impossible to remain incog., either by your own or any other name, and you would of course be spied by the gentlemen here who have a real interest therein, and consequently you could not treat with the ministers without hurting the Colonies in the highest degree by your owji doings ; and, besides, you would set this court at variance without success. I judge you will improve the oppor- tunity which offers by chance, and I think is an excell(^t one, and have therefore no objections to hint it to you, being fully assured that it will cause no displeasure here. The Marquis of Grimaldi intends to set out soon for Biscay, and I propose to do the same for my house at Bilboa, all which we shall so manage as tp meet one and the other at Victoria, where we shall tarry under some good disguise until our mutual arrival; and as this noble * Passage in brackets omitted by Sparks. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 400, witli verbal changes. 272 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. minister has had to this day the eutire direction of all affairs, and is of course fully acquainted with his majesty's intentions, I believe he is the only person with whom you may treat, either iu said place or some country house that might be picked up for the purpose, and thereby avoid the inconveniences which must inevitably follow by your coming to Madrid. By the aforesaid belief, I have given you a further proof of my attachment to the Colonies, and I must also add, with all truth, that the principal persons here are of the same opinion, although the present state of affairs obliges them to make no show thereof. In short, sir, I hope you will approve of my proposed method being the safest and most natural to carry on the views of both parties. I beg you will give me an answer through the same hands as will deliver the present to you, not doubting that you will tarry at Victoria until we get there, and you will also observe that you will be at full liberty to proceed to Madrid, if you should judge proper, after you have talked over the mat- ter with the said nobleman. I have the honor to subscribe myself, etc., James Gardoqui. P. S. — Having considered upon the properest place for our meeting, we have settled it on that of Burgos instead of Victoria, which pray note accordingly, and I hope to meet j^ou there. [In a letter dated at Burgos, February 28, 1777, Mr. Lee replied to the above as follows: "I have the honor of yours of the 17th, and, agreeable to your request, will wait for you at this place.] A. Lee to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Bordeaux, February 18, 1777. Gentlemen : On my arrival here, on my way to Madrid, I found a letter dated February 2, from a confidential correspondent, which con- tains the following passages: "Ten thousand Germans are already engaged, and ships sent to convey them ; the number of British cau not exceed three thousand, and those very indifferent ; but much is expected from their being sent early. Boston is certainly to be attacked in the spring. Burgoyne will command. Howe will probably attack Philadelphia. The Government expect great advantage from disseu- sions in Philadelphia.! Finding that our commerce here labors under great difficulties from * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Core, 40L tAs to this auDouncement, see introduction, ^150, and A. Lee's letter of Feb. 11, supra. The frequency with which this statement was pressed on Lee by a "con- hdential correspondent" shows how important it was deemed in England that the statement should reach America. As to Thornton's perfidy, see index, Thornton, in- troduction, '5:^07. FEBRUARY 19, 1777. 273 the heavy duties laid ou fish, oil, wax, etc., I have directed an ac- count of it to be transmitted to your commissioners at Paris, together with an estimate of the imports and exports during the last year from the United States, that they may be better enabled to negotiate an alle- viation or removal of the duties which were originally intended to dis- courage the British commerce. I had the honor of stating to yon a year ago that tobacco was the most weighty political engine we could employ with the French court. It is absolutely necessary to the Farmers-General, and the farmers as abso- lutely necessary to the government. Mr. Delap informs me that there are several more cargoes belonging to the Congress in the hands of merchants in Spain, the proceeds of which can not be obtained. I have written to Mr. Morris, at Nantes, begging the favor of him to send me a proper account of them, that I may complain of those merchants at the court of Spain. There is a ship at Nantes, totally deserted by her crew, which has been lying there many months unregarded, at an expense to the Congress of one hun- dred dollars per month. I have advised Mr. Schweighauser to consult with Mr. Morris about selling her, which ought to have been done as soon as her crew quitted her. The ship, too, which was intrusted to Mr. Myrkle, is lying here at a considerable charge, and no appearance of her return. I inclose you Captain Cleveland's account of Mr. Myrkle's conduct, which he wishes may be offered in his justification, I have referred him to Dr. Franklin for advice. I have the honor of being your obedient servant, Arthur Lee. Harrison and Lee, Committee of Secret Correspondence, to the Commis- sioners in Paris.* Baltimore, February 19, 1777. Gentlemen : The events of war have not, since our last, furnished anything decisive. The enemy's army still remains encamped upon the hills near Brunswick, and our troops still continue to beat back their convoys, insomuch that we understand their horses die in numbers, and we have reason to believe that the difficulty of removing their stores, cannon, etc., will be insuperably great until the opening of the Eariton furnishes a passage by water for their return to New York. The Amer- ican army is not numerous at present ; but the new levies are collecting as fast as possible, and we hope to have a sufficient force early in the field. We hear, by the speech of the King of Great Britain to his Parlia- • MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 195, with verbal changes. 18 wK — yoL n 274 DIPLOMATIC COKKESPONDENCE. ment, that much money will be called for, no doubt to prosecute the war with unrelenting vigor. That we shall oppose with all our power will be certain ; but the event must be doubtful, until France takes a decisive part in the war. When that happens, our liberties will be secured, and the glory and greatness of Prance be placed on the most solid ground. What may be the consequence of her delay must be a painful consideration to every friend of liberty and mankind. Thus viewing our situation, we are sure it will occasion your strongest exer- tions to procure an event of such momentous concern to your country. It is in vain for us to have on hand a great abundance of tobacco, rice, indigo, flour, aud other valuable articles of merchandise, if prevented from exporting them by having the whole naval force of Great Britain to contend against. It is not only for the interest of these States, but clearly for the benefit of Europe in general, that we should not be hin- dered from freely transporting our products that abound here and iire much wanted there. Why should the avarice and ambition of Great Britain be gratified to the great injury of other nations? Mr. Deane recommends sending frigates to Prance to convoy oar merchandise ; but it should be considered that we have an extensive coast to defend ; that we are young in the business of fitting out ships of war ; that foundries for cannon are to be erected ; the great difQculty of getting seamen quickly, when privateers abound as they do in the States where sailors are chiefly to be met with ; and, lastly, that our frigates are much restrained by the heavy ships of the enemy, which are placed at the entrance of our bays. In short, the attention of Great Britain must be drawn in part from hence before Prance can benefit largely by our commerce. We sensibly feel the disagreeable situation Mr. Deane must have been in from the receipt of the committee's letter in June and the date of his own letter in October ; but this was occa- sioned by accident, not neglect, since letters were sent to him in all the intervening months, which have either fallen into the enemy's hands or have been destroyed. Prom the time of Dr. Pranklin's sailing until we arrived at this place, the ships of war at the mouth of the Delaware and the interruption given the post, added to the barrenness of events, prevented us from writing when we had no particular commands from Congress for you. Mr. Bingham informs us from Martinique that he learned from a Spanish general there, on his way to South America, that the King of Spain was well disposed to do the United States offtces of friendship, and that a loan of money might be obtained from that court. As the power sent you for borrowing is not confined to place, we mention this intelligence, that you may avail yourselves of his catholic majesty's friendly designs. Perhaps a loan may be obtained there on better terms than elsewhere. We expect it will not be long before Congress will appoint commissioners to the courts formerly mentioned, and in the FEBRUARY 27, 1777. 275 mean time you will serve the cause of your country in the best manner with the ministers from those courts to that of Versailles. Earnestly wishing for great news and quickly from you, we remain, with friendship and esteem, honorable gentlemen, etc., B. Harrison. R. H. Lee. P. S.— Congress adjourns this week back to Philadelphia. A. Lee to the Commissioners in Paris.* ViTORiA, February 26, 1777. Dear Sirs : I am thus far safe on my jourwfey, which by the spur of 6 pistoles more I am to finish two days sooner than was at first agreed. Therefore, if no accident happens, I shall reach my destination the 6th of next month. In the committee's letter of the 23d of October to me it is said : " We are to negotiate with other nations agreeable to certain plans and instructions transmitted to Mr. Deane." I have none with me, nor do I remember to have seen any but those which relate ex- pressly to France, and that plan has already been transmitted where I am going. Nothing is more likely than my being asked what I have to propose, particularly relative to this meridian. This question was put to us on our first visit to .t But the same answer will not serve here. I must entreat you, therefore, to favor me with your ideas upon this particular. What alteration would you think proper in that plan when applied to this country ! It is best to be pre- pared for every favorable moment that may offer. This must plead my pardon for urging as speedy an answer as possible. It would grieve me to be put to the alternative of letting a favorable opportunity passun- embraced, or of hazarding a measure of so much moment to the public upon my weak judgment and very limited information. With my best wishes for your health and success, and begging to be remembered kindly to our friends, I have the honor to be, with tbe greatest esteem, dear sirs, your obedient servant, Arthur Lee. Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence.): i Paris, February 27, 1777. Gentlemen: This will be delivered to you by Captain Goy, who, with his lieutenant and two sergeants, embark with thirty field pieces, ten ton of powder, ball, lead, etc., which I wish safe and in season for ♦ 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 402. tThis blank should probably be filled up with the name of Count d'Arautla, the Spanish ambassador in France. — Sparks. tMSS. Dep. of State; I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 77, with verbal changes. 276 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. service, though delayed beyoud my expectations. Captain Goy has the best of recommendations from officers of distinction here and I am con- fident will be found of great service in the artillery, a part of which he accompanies. Dr. Franklin is at present in the country, in good health, and we shall jointly write you very particularly in a few days; mean- time we are without any intelligence from Congress since he left Phila- delphia in October last. I will not attempt to give you an idea of the difficulties which are the consequence of our being left thus without in- telligence, nor the anxiety it occasions in our minds, but must urge you to take some effectual measures for keeping up a correspondence with us in future, without which many proposals of the utmost im- portance to the United States are extremely embarrassed and in danger of failing. I have the honor to be, with the most jirofound respect, etc., Silas Deane. Beaumarchais to Congress.* [Extract.] Paris, February 28, 1777. Gentlemen: I have the honor to lit out for the service of Congress, by the way of Hispaniola, the ship Amelia, loaded with field and ord- nance pieces, powder and leaden pigs. As the season is too far ad- vanced that the ship might go straightway to your ports, I have charged M. Carabane, my correspondent at Cape Francois, to reverse the whole cargo on Bermudian or even on American ships, if he finds any at her arrival in that port, and to transmit to you as soon as pos- sible. This is the fourth ship I have addressed to you since December last; the other three have steered their course towards your eastern ports. The first is the AmpMtrite of 480 tons. Captain Sautrel, loaded with cannons, muskets, tents, intrenching tools, tin, powder, clothing, etc. Left Havre de Grace on the 14th of December, 1776. The second is the Seine, from the same port. Captain Morin, of 350 tons, loaded with muskets, tents, mortars, powder, tin, cannons, musket balls, etc. The third is the Mercury, of 317 tons. Captain Herand, from Nantz, loaded with one hundred thousands of powder, 12,000 muskets, the re- mainder in cloth, lineu, caps, shoes, stockings, blankets, and other necessary articles for the clothing of the troops. In my letters of August, September, and December last the duplicates of which have been delivered to you by the chief otficer of those that went over to your service in the AmpMtrite, 1 have requested you to * House Doc. No. Ill, Fifteenth Congress, first session. See introduction J 61/. MARCH 4, 1777. 277 order that my Phips uiigbt not expect long for remittances; I a.sk you ill the same letters, my design being to send you uninterrupted supplies and such as may be of the greatest use to you. I hope on your side you will be as quick as possible, load again, and send me back my ves- wels. Washington to Jay.* [Private.] MiDDLEBROOK, March 1, 1777. Dear Sir: I liave been a little surprised that the several important pieces of intelligence lately received from Europe (such parts of it, I mean, as are circulated without reserve in conversation) have not been given to the public in a manner calculated to attract the attention and impress the minds of the people. As they are now propagated, they run through the country in a variety of forms, are confounded in the common mass of general rumors, and lose a real part of their effect. It would certainly be attended with many valuable consequences if they could be given to the people in some more authentic and pointed manner. It would assist the measures taken to restore our currency, promote the recruiting of the army and our other military arrange- ments, and give a certain spring to our afi'airs in general. Congress may have particular reasons for not communicating the in- telligence ofiScially (which would certainly be the best mode If it could be done), but if it can not it were to be wished that as much as is in- tended to be commonly known could be published in as striking a way, and with as great an appearance of authority as may be consistent with propriety, t I have taken the liberty to trouble you with this hint, as sometimes things the most obvious escape attention. If you agree with me in sentiment, you will easily fall upon the most proper mode for answer- ing the purpose. With great esteem, etc., Geo. Washington. Franklin and Deane to Committee of Secret Correspondence.): Paris, March 4, 1777. Gentlemen: We send you herewith the draft of a frigate by a very ingenious officer in this service, which appears to us peculiarly suitable for our purpose, and we are in hopes of being able to ship cordage, sail- * MSS. Dep. of State. t See introduction, 55 103/. tMSS. Dep. of State. 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 197. 278 DIPLOMATIC COEEESPONDENCE. cloth, and anchors, etc., sufficient for five or six such frigates, by the time you can have them built. Deprived of any intelligence from you siuce the 1st of last November, and vs-ithout remittances, leaves us in a situation easier to be conceived than described. The want of intelligence affects the cause of the United States in every department; such accounts of our affairs as arrive in Europe at all, come through the hands of our enemies, and, whether defeated or victorious, we are the last who are acquainted with events which ought first to be announced by us. We are really unable to ac- count for this silence, and, while we are affected with the unhappy con- sequences of it, must entreat the honorable Congress to devise some method for giving us the earliest and most certain intelligence of what passes in America. The ship by which this is sent is loaded with clothing, cordage, and duck ; not having a full cargo of the former, we ordered Mr. Williams, who acts for us at Nantes,* to complete it with the latter, for which we have obtained a short credit. Mr. Williams will write you by this opportunity. He has been of great service to ns at Nantes, and it is but justice to say that his knowledge of business, probity, activity, and zeal for the interests of his country, with the good opinion justly enter- tained of him by gentlemen in business at Nantes, render him very serviceable in onr affairs there, and proper to be employed in commer- cial transactions. [It gives us pain to be obliged to say that the conduct of Mr. Myrkle is entirely the reverse. He left the vessel he came over in at Bor- deaux on expense, in December last ; has sent no orders to her since. He passed through Paris in January for Holland, or rather spent a mouth in the city, on his journey, where, as well as at Bordeaux, his character is marked for losv debauchery, incompatible with the gentle- man or the man of business. Persons of such a character giving them- selves out for iigents of Congress, and producing contracts in support of their pretensions, hurt the commercial reputation of the United States, and can be of no service in any shajje whatever.]! We apprehend that letters to Mons. Schweighauser have not had fair play, and therefore advised you to write to him, charging the captain who carries your letters to deliver them with his own hand, if he ar- rives at Nantes, and if at any other port that he send them under cover to us. We are filling a packet, by which we shall write more partic- ularly in a few days. Mi'. Lee wrote us last week from Bordeaux, on his way to Spain. We present our most respectful compliments to the honorable Con- gress, and are, gentlemen, your most obedientand very humble servants. B. Feanklin. Silas Deanb. * See iotroduction, kS 18(3. t Passage iu brackets omitted by Mr. Sparks. MARCH 5, 1777. 279 Memorial delivered by Arthur Lee to the Marquis de Grimaldi.* Burgos, March 5, 1777. Upon maturely weighing what his excellency the Marquis de Grim- aldi had the goodness to communicate from his majesty, Mr. Lee feels himself obliged (notwithstanding his earnest wish to coincide with his majesty's views, and conciliate his amity to the United States) to beg his attention to the following considerations : (1) Were it the question now whether Mr. Lee, being at Paris, should come to Madrid, he might do it or not without any material conse- quences ; but, it being known that he was deputed upon that business, and upon his way, bis return without going to Madrid will beget an opinion that Spain has renounced the States of America in refusing to receive their deputy ; for the fact of his return being notorious, and the reasons for it necessarily secret, it will make the same impression as if no such reasons existed. This opinion will very materially injure the credit of the States in France and Holland, and it may have a very unfavorable effect in America, for it must be considered that the fact will reach America by a thousand channels, while the reasons for it can pass through one only, and that, too, from the situation of things, in obscure hints. Mr. Lee therefore hopes that his majesty will weigh these reasons be- fore he determines finally upon a measure which may be deemed un- gracious to the Congress and highly detrimental to their interests. (2) Mr. Lee can not conceive on what pretense of reason, right, or law the English ambassador or his court can take exception to his majesty's receiving a deputy from the United States, since the right of a neutral court eo to do is clearly established by the unquestioned prac- tice of all times, and recognized by the best writers on the laws of na- tions. Neither has the English ambassador at Paris, or his court, taken any exception to it there. t (3) That it will be so far from preventing the execution of any gra- cious intentions his majesty may have of assisting the States, that the best and safest channel of conveying that aid is from one from which Mr. Lee's being at Madrid will rather divert than direct the attention of England. Next to an immediate declaration, a supply of money to sup- port the credit of the States and pay for what is necessary, is the most effectual aid. The support of this contest calls upon the Congress for considerable funds. The means of establishing them by the export of their produce are slow and uncertain. This obliges them to have recourse for assistance to the powers that are friendly to their cause; among whom they have the greatest reliance upon his Majesty the King of Spain. This purpose will be answered by his majesty's ordering his ambassador at the Hague to authorize Sir George Grand, of Amster- * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 403. See introductiou, >S5 86#. t This was a mistake. The reception of the American envoys at Paris had been the subject of earnest protests by the British Government. 280 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. ilam, to pay the sum destined to this use to the order of B. Prank- lii), Silas Deaue, or Arthur Lee. Sir George Grand is fixed upon as one who has been already trusted by the court of France in this business, and on whose attachment they can depend. Mr. Lee must beg leave to wait his majesty's pleasure at Burgos or Victoria, not at Bayonne, because he is persuaded, upon reflection, that he should incur the highest displeasure of his constituents if he were to leave Spain without a definitive answer to the object of his mission. A. Lee to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Burgos, March 8, 1777. Gentlemen : A person of high rank having been sent to confer with me here, I am authorized to assure you that supplies for the army will be sent to you by every opportunity from Bilboa. I can say with cer- tainty that a merchant there has orders for that purpose ; he is now here with me to have a list from me, and to contract for blankets which are manufactured in this part of the country. I am also desired to in- form you of ammunition and clothing being deposited at New Orleans and the Havana, with directions to lend them to such American vessels as may call there for that purpose. I am trying to get a sum of money put into our hands immediately that we may the more assuredly answer your bills, should you find it necessary to draw, and may pay for some ships of war in Europe. It will also be my endeavor to procure some able veteran officers from the Irish brigades in this service. From the best authority here I am told that the German agreement is for seven thousand recruits and eight hundred Hessian chasseurs. They are to sail from some German port towards the end of this month.t News is just arrived here of the death of the King of Portugal. Considerable bodies of troops have been for some time marching from Madrid towards the frontiers of that kingdom. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Memorial presented to the Court of Spain by Arthur Lee. t Btjrgos, March 8, 1777. The present state of the dispute between America and Great Britain does not seem to be so fully understood as to render a clear representa- tion of it unnecessary. America has declared herself independent, and has defeated all the * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cor., 405. t As to this, see iiitroflnctiou ^ 22 ; index, title Hessians. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cor., 405, MARCH 8, 1777. 281 efforts of Great Britain to reduce her during two campaigns. In this resistance slie has hitherto stood alone and almost unassisted. Her infant and unprepared state has been compensated by her ardor, her indignation, her enthusiasm. Great Britain, however, is determined to redouble her efforts to make this campaign decisive of the fate of America. In this situation Amer- i(!a offers her commerce and her friendship, which she has withdrawn from Great Britain, to Spain and France. This offer ought to be deemed of double value, because it takes from their rival and foe what it gives to them. It is, therefore, taken for granted that this is an object of the first magnitude, and worthy of the highest attention of both these courts. It is also taken for granted that Spain and France do not wish Great Britain should prevail in the contest, or regain America by con- quest or conciliation. There remains, therefore, but this single ques- tion : Whether it be more politic for the two powers to declare immedi- ately or to wait the event of the next campaign °? To judge of this it will be necessary to consider what will be the prob- able event of the next campaign. As Great Britnin is resolved to put forth her utmost strength, it is probable that the event will be either the total reduction of America or an accommodation founded upon a mutual conviction of each other's strength ; and this accommodation must be hastened by America being left destitute of any material as- sistance from Europe. It is manifest that the neutrality of Spain and France leaves the field open to the operations of the British force, and to the production of oue of those events, either of which must be highly prejudicial to both nations and advantageous to their enemy. If Great Britain should be victorious America will become a powerful instrument in her hands, to be wielded at her will against these countries ; and that it will not remain long unemployed no one will doubt who knows that the court of Great Britain is well informed of the countenancCj at least, given to what they call a most dangerous rebellion, and that the head of that court is of a temper that never forgives or forgets. If an accommodation should produce a reunion the same advantages will be lost and almost all the same consequences are to be feared. The end of the campaign can not, therefore, promise so favorable a moment for the interposition of Spain and France as the present ; and in all human probability it will be then fruitless. In truth, what moment can be wished more favorable than the pres- ent, when Great Britain is so equally matched by what were her colo- nies that the scales hang doubtful 1 Nor can it be questioned that the interposition of Spain or France, and much more of both, would make that of America decidedly preponderate and separate her from Great Britain forever. And what object can be more important than to de- prive her of this great and growing source of her commerce and her wealth, her marine and her dominion ? 282 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. There is nothing of which the court of Great Britain is more per- suaded than tliat the loss of America would be the inevitable conse- quence of a war in Europe; nor is there a man in the nation that is ignorant of it; hence it is that the King finds himself obliged in all his speeches to assure his Parliament of tbe tranquillity of Europe that they may be emboldened to support his war against America. Hence it is that they have labored to prevent a rupture between Spain and Portugal, and have at length renounced the latter. It is, therefore, cer- tain that Great Britain would endure any insult short of an open and outrageous act of hostility rather than engage in a European war dur- ing her contest with America. During the last war America contributed twelve thousand seamen and twenty thousand troops to the assistance of Great Britain. These are now tripled against her. The commerce of America, according to the declaration of Mr. Pitt, who conducted it, carried Great Britain tri- umphantly through it. The full tide of that commerce is now turned against her. From America all the expeditions against the islands of Spain and France were then supplied. Now these supplies are ready to assist in seizing her islands. Deprived of all those aids which ministered to her success and her triumphs during the last war, what could prevent her now from expe- riencing the bitter reverse of her former fortune? What policy can withhold two sovereigns whose prosperity is incompatible with her power to let slip such an opportunity of humbling her as may never return f If Great Britain should again be united to America by conquest or conciliation it would be vain to menace her with war. America has been felt like Hercules in his cradle. Great Britain knit again to such growing strength would reign the irresistible though hated arbiter of Europe. This, then, is the moment in which Spain and Prance may clip her wings and pinion her forever. One of the most respectable bodies in England told their Sovereign some two years since, with a kind of prophetic spirit, that his ministers were precipitating his do- minions into a situation in which their existence would depend upon the forbearance of their enemies. That situation is now certainly occurred. The rest as certainly remains in the arbitration of Spain and France.* Arthur Lee. Ansicer delivered to me by the T)u];e de Grimaldi at VitoriaA You have considered your own situation and not ours. The moment is not yet come for us. The war with Portugal — France being unpre- 'Althongh the above memorial purports to have been presented to the Court of Spain, it would appear that it was put into the hands of the Marquis de Grimaldi while he was at Burgos, and that lie refcurued au answer probably without consult- ing the Court, when he met Mr. Lee shortly afterwards at Vitoria. — Sparks. tMS8. Dcp. ot State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 408. See introduction, H 86/. MARCH 12, 1777. 283 pared, and our treasure from South America uot being arrived — makes it improper for us to declare immediately. These reasons will probably cease within a year, and then will be the moment.* Franklin and Deaue to Committee of Secret Correspondence.* Paris, Marchl2, 1777. Gentlemen : It is now more than four months since Mr. Franklin's departure from Philadelphia, and not a line from thence written since that time has hitherto reached either of your commissioners in Europe. We have had no information of what passes in America but through England, and the advices are, for the most part, such only as the min- istry choose to publish. (3ur total ignorance of the truth or falsehood of facts, when questions are asked of us concerning them, makes us ap- pear small in the eyes of the people here, and is prejudicial to our negotiations. In ours of the Cth of February, of which a copy is inclosed, we ac- quainted you that we were about i)urchasing some cutters to be em- ployed as packet-boats. We have succeeded in getting one from Dover, in which we purpose to send our present dispatches. Mr. Hodge, who went to Dunkirk and Flushing, where he thought another might be easily found, has not yet acquainted us with his success.^ We promised that when we had a conveyance which, by its swiftness, is more likely to carry safely our letters, we would be more explicit in accounts of our proceedings here, which promise we shall now fulfill as follows : In our first conversation with the minister, after the arrival of Mr. Franklin, it was evident that this court, while it treated us privately with all civility, was cautious of giving umbrage to England, and was therefore desirous of avoiding an open reception and acknowledgment of us, or entering into any formal negotiation with us as ministers from Congress. To make us easy, however, we were told that the ports of France were open to our ships as friends ; that our people might freely purchase and export, as merchandise, whatever our States had occasion for, vending at the same time our own commodities ; that in doing this we should experience all the facilities that a Government disposed to favor us could, consistent with treaties, afford to the enemies of a friend. But though it was at that time no secret that two hundred fleld-pieces of brass and thirty thousand fusils, with other munitions of war in great abundance, bad been taken out of the King's magazines for the purpose of exportation to America, the minister, in our pres- ence, affected to know nothing of that operation, and claimed no merit to his court on that account. But he intimated to us that it would be * This answer soems to have been a verbal one. — Spauks. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 198, with verbal changes. t See index, title Hodge. 284 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. well taken if we communicated with no other person about the court concerning our affairs but himself, who would be ready at all convenient times to confer with us. We soon after presented several memorials, representing the state of the colonies, the necessity of some naval aid, and the utility to France that must result from our success in establishing the independence of America, with the freedom of its commerce. In answer, we received a positive refusal of the ships of the line (which we had been instructed to ask), ou this principle, that if a war with England should take place the whole fleet of Prance would be necessary at home for her defense; that if such a war did not take place, yet, while England apprehended a war, it was equally serviceable to our States that the fleet of France should remain entire in her ports, since that must retain an equal force of English at home who might otherwise go to America, and who certainly would follow thither any French squadron. During these conferences every step was taken to gratify England publicly, by attending to the remonstrances of her ambassador, forbidding the departure of the ships which had military stores on board,* recalling officers who had leave of absence and were going to join us, and giving strict orders that our prizes should not be sold in French ports ; yet, that we might not be discouraged, it was intimated to us by persons about the court that those measures were necessary at present, France not being yet quite ready for a war, and that we might be assured of her good will to us and our cause.t Means were proposed of our obtaining a large sum of money for pres- ent use by an advance from the Farmers-General, to be repaid in to- bacco, of which they wanted twenty thousand hogsheads. We entered accordingly into a treaty with that company, which meeting with diffi- culty in settling the terms, we were informed that a grant was made us of two millions of livres from the Crown, of which five hundred thou- sand was ready to be i^aid us down, and an equal sum should be paid at the beginning of April, July, and October ; that such was the King's generosity, he exacted no conditions or promise of repayment; he only required that we should not speak to any one of our having received this aid. We have accordingly observed strictly this injunction, devi ating only iu this information to you, which we think necessary for your satisfaction, but earnestly requesting that you would not suffer it to be made public. This is the money which, in our letter, we men- tioned as raised for us by subscription. One of the ablest sea officers of France, skilled in all the arts relating to the marine, having offered his services to our States, with the per- mission of the minister, we (enabled by the above grant) engaged him to superintend the building of two ships of war, of a particular con- * These were afterwards privately permitted to go, or went without permission. — Note ty the Commissioners. t See introduction, §5 3<5jf. MARCH 12, 1777. 285 struction, which, though not of half the cost, shall be superior in force and utility to ships of sixty four guns. He has built one here for the king, which, we are told, exceeds everything in swift sailing. He has furnished us with drafts, which wesendyou,thatiftheOongress thinks fit, others of the same construction may be set up in America, in which case we have given him expectations of being their commodore. We have seen his large and curious collection of memoirs, containing every the minutest particular relating to the construction and management of a fleet, with a variety of proijosed improvements; and we are persuaded that he will be found a valuable acquisition to our country. April 9. Since writing the above we received dispatches from the Congress by Captain Hammond, others from Mr. Morris by Captain Bell, and some copies by Captain Adams, via Boston, which, on many accounts, were very satisfactory. We directly drew up and presented memorials on the subject of those despatches. We were promised im- mediate consideration and speedy answers; for which we detained Cap- tain Hammond, but we have not yet obtained them. We receive, how- ever, continued assurances of the good will of this court and of Spain. We are given to understand that it is by their operations the raising of German troops for England has been obstructed. We are paid punctu- ally the second five hundred thousand livres; and having convinced the ministry of the great importance of keeping up the credit and fix- ing the value of our currency, which might be done by paying in specie the interest of what we borrow, or in bills upon France for the amount, we are now assured that the above-mentioned quarterly payments shall be continued (after the two millions), for the purpose of paying the interest of the five million dollars you are supposed to have borrowed, which we believe will be punctually complied with ; and the effect must be, restoring to its original value the principal for which such interest is paid, and with that the rest of the emission. We have turned our thoughts earnestly to what is recommended to us by Congress, the borrowing two millions sterling in Europe. We just proposed to borrow it of this court upon interest, but were told by the minister that it was impossible to spare such a sum, as they were now arming, at a great expense, which kept their treasury bare; but there was no objection to our borrowing it of private capitalists here, provided we did not offer so high an interest as^might raise it upon government. We are advised to try Holland ; and wehave caused the pulse to be felt there ; but though Holland at present is a little dis- gusted with England, and our credit is considerable mended in Europe by our late successes, it does not yet appear sufflcient to procure such a loan. Spain, it seems, has, by its punctual payments of interest, ac- quired high credit there; and we are told, that by her publicly borrow- ing, as for herself, and privately allowing us to draw on her banker, we might there obtain what money we pleased. Mr. Leo was gone to Spain before the commissiou and orders came to 286 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. B. P. ior that station. He will give you a particular account of his ne- gotiations. Vv"e Lere only mention tbat he received the same general assurances of the good will of that court tbat we have here of this. Be was informed tbat three thousand barrels of powder and some clothing were lodged for our use at New Orleans ; that some nierchants at Bilboa had orders to ship for us such necessaries as we might want; that orders would be given to allow us admission into the Havana as a favored nation, and tbat we should have a credit on Holland (the sum not then settled), which might be expected at Paris the beginning of this month. The Spanish ambassador here, a grave and wise man,* to whom Mr. Lee communicated the above, tells us that his court piques itself on a religious observance of its word, and that we may rely on a punctual performance of its promises. On these grounds tve arc of opinion, that though we should not be able to borrow the two millions sterling recommended to us, yet if the Con- gress are obliged to borrow the whole twenty millions of dollars they have issued, we hope to find sufficient there, by way of subsidy, to pay the interest in full value, whereby the credit of their currency will be established, and on great and urgent occasions they may venture to make an addition to it, which we conceive will be better than paying the interest of two millions sterling to foreigners. On the whole, we would advise Congress to draw on us for sums equal to the interest of what thej' have borrowed, as that interest becomes due, allowing the lenders, in the drafts, 5 livres, money of Prance, for every dollar of interest. And we think they may venture to promise it for future loans, without, however, mentioning the grounds we here give for making such a prom- ise; for these courts have particular strong reasons for keeping out of the war as long as they can, besides this general one, that on both sides the nation attacking loses the claim which, when attacked, it has for aid from its allies. And we have these advantages in their keeping out of the war, that they are better able to afford us private assistance; that by holding themselves in readiness to invade Britain, they keep more of her force at home ; and that they leave to our armed vessels the whole harvest of prizes made upon her commerce, and of course the whole encouragement to increase our force in privateers, which will breed seamen for our Navy. The desire that military officers here, of all ranks, have of going into the service of the United States is so general and so strong as to be quite amazing. We are hourly fatigued with their applications and offers, which we are obliged to refuse, and with hundreds of letters, which we cannot possibly answer to satisfaction, having had no orders to engage any but engineers, who are accordingly gone. If the Con- gress thinks fit to encourage some of distinguished merit to enter their service, they will please to signify it. t * Aranda. See index, title Aranda. tSee iutrocuction, 5 78. MARCH 12, 1777. 287 Captain Wickes made a cruise this winter, and returned with five prizes, of the produce of which we suppose Mr. Morris will acquaint you; for they are sold, though the bringing them into France has given some trouble and uneasiness to the court, and must not be too frequently practiced. Wo have ordered him to make another cruise before he re- turns to America, and have given him for a consort the armed cutter Captain Nicholson ; they will sail in a few days. Mr. Hodge writes us that he has provided another cutter; we intended to have employed one of them as a packet, but several of yours being now here, and hav- ing lately made a contract for sending one every month, a copj^ of whicb we inclose, we shall make use of this new purchase as a cruiser. We have at length finished a contract with the Farmers- General for four thousand hogsheads of tobacco, a copy of which is inclosed. We shall receive the first advance of two millions livres next month, and wo entreat you to use your best endeavors to enable us to comply with our part of the agreement. We found it a measure of government to fur- nish us by that means with large advances, as well as to obtain the ground of some of their own taxes; and finding the minister anxious to have such a treaty concluded, we complied with the terms, though we apprehend them not to be otherwise very advantageous. We have ex- pectations, howes'er, that in case it appears that the tobacco can not be afforded so cheap, through captures, etc., government will not suffer us to be losers. We have purchased eighty thousand fusils, a number of pistols, etc., of which the inclosed is an account, for two hundred and twenty thou- sand livres. They were king's arms and second-hand, but so many of them are unused and unexceptionally good, that we esteem it a great bargain if only half of them should arrive. We applied for the large brass cannon, to be borrowed out of the king's stores till we could re- place them, but have not yet obtained an answer. You will soon have the arms and accoutrements for the horse except the saddles, if not in- tercepted by the enemy. All Europe is for us. Our Articles of Confederation being by our means translated and published here, have given an appearance of con- sistence and firmness to the American States and Government that be- gins to make them considerable. The separate constitutions of the several States are also translating and publishing here, which afford abundance of speculation to the politicians of Europe, and it is a very general opinion that if we succeed in establishing our liberties, we sliall, as soon as peace is restored, receive an immense addition of numbers and wealth from Europe, by the families who will come over to partici- pate m our privileges, and bring their estates with them. Tyranny is so generally established in the rest of the world, that the prospect of an asylum in America for those who love liberty, gives general joy, and our cause is esteemed the cause of all mankind. Slaves naturally be- come base, as well as wretched. We are fighting for the dignity and 288 DIPLOMATIC CORKESPONDENCE. happiness of human nature. Glorious is it for the Americans to be called by Providence to this post of honor. Cursed and detested will every one be that deserts or betrays it. We are glad to learn the intention of Congress to send ministers to the empires of Prussia and Tuscany. With submission, we think Hol- land, Denmark, Sweden, and Eussia (if the expense is no objection), should not be neglected. It would be of great service if among them we could get a free port or two for the sale of prizes, as well as for com- merce. A commencement of intercourse has been made with Prussia, as you will see by the inclosed copies of letters,* between his minister and us. We suppose, as the Congress has appointed one of us to Spain, they will order another of us to some of the other courts, as we see no utility equal to the charge, and yet some inconveniency, in a joint com- mission here, where one, when freed from commercial cares and action, is sufBcient for the business. As so6n as the court of Spain shall be willing to receive a minister (which, from Mi\ Lee's information, seems not to be at present the case), Mr. Franklin intends to go thither in obedience to the orders he has received. Mr. Lee has expressed his readiness to go to Prussia or Tuscany, before the intention of Congress to send to those courts was known ; and he waits here a while, by the advice of his colleagues, expecting that perhaps the next ship may bring his future destination. For the procuring and sending more certain and speedy intelligence, we have, as before mentioned, entered into a contract here whereby we are to have a packet boat dispatched every month ; the first will sail in about a fortnight. As we are yet without an explicit answer from court on several important points, and we shall have that speedy op- portunity, we do not now enlarge in answer to the several letters re- ceived b3' Hammond, Bell, Adams, and Johnston. We only now assure the Congress that we shall be attentive to execute all the resolutions and orders they have sent us for our government, and we have good hopes of success in most of them. For news, we refer in general to the papers, and to some letters in- closed, which we have received from London. We shall only add, that though the English begiu again to threaten us with twenty thousand Eussians, it is the opinion of the wisest men here, and particularly among the foreign ministers, that they will never be sent. The Ans- pachers, who were, to be embarked iu Holland, mutinied, and refused to proceed, so that the prince was obliged to go with his guards and force them on. A gentleman of Eotterdam writes us that he saw a number of them brought, bound hands and feet, in boats to that place. This does not seem as if much service can be expected from such unwilling soldiers. The British fleet is not yet half manned; the difiioulty in that respect was never before found so great, and is ascribed to several causes, viz, a dislike to the war, the subtraction of See index, title Schiilenburg, A. Lee. ; introduction, ^} 90 ff. MARCH 12, 1777. 289 American sailors, the number our privateers nave taken out of British ships, and the enormous transport service. The French are free from this difhculty, their seamen being all registered, and serving in their turns. Their fleet is nearly readj^ and will be much superior to the English, when joined with that of Spain, which is preparing with all diligence. The tone of the court accordingly rises, and it is said that a few days since, when the British ambassador intimated to the minister that if the Americans were permitted to con- tinue drawing supplies of arms, etc., from this kingdom, the peace could not last much longer, he was firmly answered— iVotts ne dcsirons pas le guerre, mais nous ne la craignonspas. "We neither desire war, uor fearif." When all are ready for it, a small matter may suddenly bring it on ; and it is the universal opinion that the peace can not continue another year. Every nation in Europe wishes to see Britain humbled, having all in their turns been ofiended by her insolence, which in prosperity, she is apt to discover on all occasions. A late instance manifested it towards Holland, when being elate with the news of some success in America, and fancying all that business ended, Sir Josejjh Yorke de- livered a memorial to the States, expressing his master's indignation against them on account of the commerce their subjects carried on with the rebels, and the governor of St. Eustatia's returning the salute of one of the American ships, remarking that " if that commerce was not stopped, and the governor punished," the king knew what appertained to the dignity of his crown, and should take j)roper measures to vin- dicate it. The States were much offended, but answered coolly that they should inquire into the conduct of their governor, and in the meantime would prepare to secure themselves against the vengeance with which Britain seemed to threaten them. Accordingly, they immediately ordered twenty-six men of war to be put upon the stocks. We transmit you some affidavits, * relating to the treatment of our prisoners,^ with a copy of our letter| to Lord Stormont, communicating * Missing. tTlie following illustrates the position of the British Government as to American prisoners : " This gallant American (Ethan Allen) was taken prisoner, iighting with the utmost bravery in Canada under the banners of Montgomery. He was immediately loaded with irons and transported to England in that condition on board of a man-of-war. On some observations being made in the House of Lords by the Duke of Richmond concerning his treatment, the Earl of Suffolk, one of the ministry, made this reply : 'The noble duke says we brought over Ethan Allen in irons to this country, but were afraid to try him, lest he should be acquitted by an English jury, or that we should not be able legally to convict him. I do assure his grace that he is equally mistaken in both his conjectures ; we neither had a doubt but we should be .'ible legally to con- vict him, nor were we afraid that an English jury would have acquitted liim ; nor, further, w us i% out of any tenderness to the man, who, I maintain, had justly forfeited his life to the offended laws of his country. But I will tell his grace the true mo- tives which induced the administration to act as they did. We were aware that the rebels had lately made a considerable number of prisoners, and we accordingly avoided 1 See as to letter to Lord North, infra, December 24, 1777. 19 WH — VOL II 290 DIPLOMATIC COKEESPONDENCE. tliem, and his iusoleut answer. We request you to present our duty to the Congress, and assure them of our most faithful services. With great respect, we have the honor to be, etc., B. Feanklin, Silas Deane. A. Lee to Florida Blanca.* ViTORiA, March 17, 1777. Mr. Lee wishes to state to his excellency the Count de Florida Blauca what he has understood from his excellency the Marquis de Griiualdi, to be the intentions of his majesty relative to the United States of America. That for very powerful reasons his majesty can not at this moment enter into an alliance with them or declare in their favor ; that, never- theless, they maj^ depend upon his majesty's sincere desire to see their rights and liberties established, and of his assistiugthem as far as may be consistent with his own situation ; that for this purpose the house of Gardoqui,t atBilboa, would send them supplies fortheir army and navy from time to time ; that they would find some ammunition and clothing deposited forthem at New Orleans, the communication with which would be much secured and facilitated bytheir taking possession of Pensacola; that their vessels should be received at the Havana upon the same terms with those of France, and that the ambassador at Paris should have di- rections immediately to fnrnish their commissioners with credit in Hol- land. The marquis added, that his majesty would do these things out of the graciousness of his royal disposition, without stipulating any re- turn, and that if upon iuquiry any able veteran otflcers could be spared from his Irish brigade the States should have them. These most gracious intentions Mr. Lee has communicated to the Congress of the United States in terms as guarded as possible, without mentioning names, so that the source of those aids, should the dis- patches fall into the enemy's hands, can only be conjectured from the manner in which tliey are mentioned. And, for further security, the captain has the strictest orders to throw the dispatches into the sea should he be taken. Mr. Lee is sensible that these intentions are measured by the magna- nimity of a great and opulent prince, and becoming the character of so illustrious a monarch as the King of Spain. He is satisfied they will raise the strongestseutiments of gratitude and veneration in the breasts bringing bim to bis trial from considerations of prudence ; from a dread of the conse- quences of retaliation ; not from a doubt of bis legal guilt, or a fear of bis acquittal by an Englisb jury.'" Walsh's Appeal, part 1, sec. 6, 198. As to British barbarity in treatment of prisoners, see introduction, i 22 ; index, title Britain, Prisoners. 'MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks, Dip. Rev. Corr., 408. See introduction, ^ 86/. tSee index, title Gardoqui. MARCH 17, 1777. 291 of those whom they regard. At the same time he trusts that the Span- ish nation will receive no inconsiderable retribution from the freedom of that commerce the monopoly of which contributed so much to strengthen and aggrandize her rival and her foe ; nor can anything give more last- ing satisfaction to the royal mind than the reflection of having employed those means which God has put into his hands in assisting an oppressed people to vindicate those rights and liberties which have been violated by twice six years of incessant injuries and insulted supplications ; those rights which God and nature, together with the convention of their ancestors and the constitution of their country, gave to the peo- ple of the States. Instead of that protection in those rights which was the due return for sovereignty exercised over them, they have seen their defenseless towns wantonly laid in ashes, their unfortified country cruelly desolated, their property wasted, their people slain ; the ruthless savage, whose inhuman war spares neither age nor sex, instigated against them; the hand of the servant armed against his master by public proclamation, and the very food which the sea that washes their coast furnishes forbidden them by a law of unparalleled folly and injus. tice. Proinde quasi injuriam facere id deinum esset imperio uti. Nor was it enough that for these purposes the British force was exhausted against them, but foreign mercenaries were also bribed to complete the butchery of their people and the devastation of their country. And that nothing might be wanting to make the practices equivalent to the prin- ciples of this war, the minds of these mercenaries were poisoned with every prejudice that might harden their hearts and sharpen their swords against a people who not only never injured or offended them, but who have received with open arms and provided habitations for their wan- dering countrymen. These are injuries which the Americans can never forget. These are oppressors whom they can never again endure. The force of intolerable and accumulated outrages has compelled them to appeal to God and to the sword. The King of Spain, in assisting them to maintain that appeal, assists in vindicatiug the violated rights of human nature. No cause can be more illustrious, no motive more magnanimous.* Arthur Lee. * At the bottom of this letter and of the memorial to the court of Spain Mr. Lee signs himself " Commissioner Plenipotentiary from the Congress of the United States of America." But this must have been for the greater formality, as he had not yet received auy ap- " pointment to Spain from Congress, but only went there by advice of the commis- sioners in Paris. — Sparks. 292 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to the Committee of Secret Correspondence." YiTORlA, 31arch 18, 1777. Gentlemen : 1 bad the honor of writiug to you on the 8th from Burgos, since which I have had another conference at this place for greater secrecy and dispatch. In addition to the supplies which I informed you were to be furnished through the house of Gardoqui by every opportunity, and the i)owder and clothing which are at New Orleans, and Avill be advanced to your order, I am assured of having credit from time to time on Holland, and that orders will be given to receive your vessels at the Havana as those of the most favored nation, the French, are received. They have promised to examine whether the^e are any veteran Irish ofiicers fit for your service, and if there are to send them. I have a\oided stipulating any return on your part. As for an immediate declaration in your favor, they say this is not the moment ; and for reasons which, if I might venture to commit them to this paper, I think you would deem satisfactory. The same reasons render an explicit acknowledgment of your indejiendency, and a treaty of alliance with you, inadmissible at present ; but I am desired to assure you of their taking a sincere aud zealous ijart in the establishment of your liberties, which they promote in every way consistent with their own situation. I can not help thinking that the postponing a treaty is happy for us, since our j^reseut situation would raise demands, and perhaps enforce concessions of which we might sorely repent hereafter. I am sensible that iu consequence we sliall be obliged to make greater exertions, and to search deeper for resources within ourselves ; but this must, in the end, be highly beneficial to a young people. It was in this manner the Eoman Republic was so deeply rooted ; and then mayis dandis, quani ac- cipiendis beneficiis, amicitias parahat. The liberties and benefits which are hardly earned will be highly prized and long preserved. In conformity with the above arrangement, I have settled with M. Gardoqui, who is now with me, and from whom I have received every possible assistance, to despatch a vessel, with all possible expedition, laden with salt, sail and tent cloth, cordage, blankets, and such warlike stores as he can immediately procure, and an assortment of such drugs as I think will be necessary for the three prevailing camp diseases. Those who furnish these supplies are very desirous of an expedition being ordered against Pensacola, in order that the possession of that l^lace may render the communication between the southern colonies and Kew Orleans, from which they would wish to succor you, more sure and secret. The captain has my directions to make for Philadel- phia, or any port to the southward, and wait your orders. At Mons. 'MSS. Dep. of Stcite ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 410, with omissions and verbal changes. MARCH 18, 1777. ' 293 Gardoqni's desire, I have given liim a reconimendation to all the Amer- icau captaius who may sail from Bilboa, whether in public or private service, to receive such stores as hti shall seud them for your use. When this is arranged, I am to return to Paris, where the business of the credit upon Holland is to be settled, and of which you shall have notice by the first opportunity. In my former letters from Bordeaux and ZsTantes, I took the liberty of remarking upon the deranged state of your commerce. I find here that you have not sent any vessels to Bilboa, though as being the most convenient, it is most frequented by private vessels. It is a free port, has no custom-house, and therefore business is despatched with more secrecy and expedition. Eice, indigo, tar, pitch, and turpentine, bear a good price there, and fish in Lent. By the provincial laws of Biscay, tobacco is prohibited, but it may be landed at the port of St. Sebastian, some fourteen leagues distant; and it sells well in Spain ; but it must be strong Virginia tobacco for this market. The house of Gardoqui has promised to collect from other places such things as I have in- formed them will be proper for your service. As Mods. Moutandauine and Mons. Schweighauser, at Nantes, and the Messrs. Delaps at Bor- deaux, are the best and most respectable merchants, so the Gardoquis are at Bilboa. Their zeal and activity in our cause were greatly mani- fested in the affair of the privateer ; they are, besides, in the special con- fidence of the court, and one of them has been employed as interpreter in all our business. If touching upon commercial subjects, which are somewhat out of my province, should be of any use, that will be my excuse; if not, I hope the expectation of its being useful will plead my pardon. I mentioned in my last that the Germans intended to be sent the latter end of this month through Holland, were to consist of seven thousand recruits and eight hundred Hessian chasseurs; but, from the best accounts I can get, they will neither be so forward nor so numerous as was intended. To retard them the more, I have proposed to the commissioners at Paris to remonstrate with the States-General against granting them a passage, which is to expedite their embarkation, and I have written to Holland to have the account of the captivity of their countrymen, and the refusal to exchange them and settle a cartel, distributed among the troops, in German, before they embark. [If they are not very beasts indeed, this will rouse a spirit of indignation against their buyers and sellers].* I have sent copies of General Washington's letter, and such an ac- count as I could collect from the newspapers, of the success of your arms all over Europe; since that I find, by the inclosed gazette, that the court of Great Britain have already published their account of it. It is lamentable to observe to what unworthy means of flattering the "Passage iu brackets omitted l)y Sparks. As to British maltreatment of prisou- ers, see introduction, § 22; index, title Prisoners. 294 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. vices of princes the human mind will stoop. The Carletons, the Howes, and the Perceys, call themselves honorable men; yet, because they know nothing pleases [the base mind of]* the King of England more than the grossest abuse of the Americans, they let slip no opportunity of accusing and traducing them. That these charges may not fall into the hands of future historians uncontradicted, I could wish, since it has now become a public accusation by General Howe, that General Wash- ington might write him a letter, stating the injustice of ihe charge, and mentioning the instances, such as the burying Captain Leslie with the honors of war, in which the troops under his command have manifested a disposition directly opposite to that of which he has accused tliera; this would go down to posterity as an authentic vindication. I am as jealous of the honor of our name as desirous of the success of our arms. I mentioned in my former letters tiieir plan of sending out cutters of twelve and fourteen guns, commanded by lieutenants of the navy, to cruise on your coast, chieliy in the Gulf, and that the West India ships were to be armed. t On the other hand, we are assured, by both France and Spain, that such a disposition of their fleets and forces will be made as ought to persuade England that she can not sustain the war against you as she planned. Your wisdom will direct you how far to trust to these assur- ances, or their expected consequences, when our stake is so precious that the most ardent and unremitting exertions can not be too great. Not that I suspect the sincerity of these assuraiices, but the effects they are to produce ; for I know the nature of the King of Eng- land to be [so rancorous and envenomed] J that nothing but personal fear, which the quietism of the people is not likely to produce, will re- strain him from the most desperate attempts to injure and enslave us; besides, the state of Europe is such as to render it morally certain that a war in Europe will relieve you from these extraordinary exertions before a year has passed away. The death of the King of Portugal is too recent for any certain judgment to be formed of its consequences; probably, however, it will produce an accommodation with Spain ; but should it extinguish this spark of a war, it will leave Spain more at liberty to aid us, and awe, if not attack. Great Britain. The situation of the enemy seems to be this : Great Britain and Ireland exhausted, the difficulties of recruiting for the ensuing campaign from Germany great and notorious, though the demand was proportioned to the pros- perous state of their affairs ; from this quarter, therefore, they have little more to hope. To Eussia alone they may apply, if the cloud that is rising from Constantinople should blow over, without which it is im- possible they should have any aid from thence; but, if this should hap- * Passage in brackets omitted liy Sparks. As to British maltreatment of prisouers, see introduction, § 22; index, title Prisoners. t As to the want of authority for these statements, see introduction, i 5 150-1. t Omitted hy Sparks. MARCH 18, 1777. 295 pen, it will be our endeavor, and I hope we sball succeed, in raising the opposition of other European powers to that measure. I mean to propose, on my return to Paris, the sounding both of the Emperor and the King of Prussia on this subject. The one wishes to promote the port of Ostend, the other of Emden, and by these we may perhaps work them up to our wishes. It is upon this view of things that I found my hopes of the next cam- paign being the last struggle of any importance the enemy can make against us. The distress of their finances, and the difficulty of raising the supplies, are great. It is certain that the Dutch, on whom they so much depend, withhold their money as far as they can find Spanish paper to vest it in. The degree of their alarm from Prance and Spain may be seen from their embodying the militia, and their extensive preparations by sea. That this alarm will not be suffered to subside I believe. Their divisions at home are apparent from the suspension of the habeas corpus act, which will probably realize their apprehensions of domestic troubles. I find that, in consequence of my application to the Count d'Aranda in Paris, he had written to his court here concerning the detention of the proceeds of some of your cargees by the merchants of Cadiz. As soon as I can get an accurate statement of that affair from Mi". Thomas Morris, it will be put in a train of certainly obtaining justice. There are some, I am informed, in the same situation at Lisbon, and I think we may feel the pulse of the new Government there by applying to that court for justice. I subjoin an estimate of the current prices of several American arti- cles at Bilboa, and have the honor of being, etc. Aethue Lee. Flour, 16 pistareens per hundred- weight ; rice, from 20 to 22 do. per do.; fish, 22 to 30 do. per quintal; beeswax, from 312 to 215 do.; fine common sugars, from 49 to 54 do. per do.; large brown cocoa, C bitts per lb.; indigo, from 7 to 10 pistareens per lb.; masts, yards, and spars in great demand ; furs the same ; tobacco lower in Spain than lately in France. P. S. As well as I can collect from the foreign papers, they have passed a bill in England to enable the King to commit to any prison such persons as he suspects of favoring America,* and to fix the crime of piracy on all those who are taken at sea with your commission. In some former resolution you declared that retaliatiou should be made on those who were suspected of favoring the measures of the British Gov- ernment in the States, and hitherto the American privateers have per- mitted the subjects of Great Britain to depart in peace. Our enemies are determined to show how unworthy they are of such lenity, as sev- * See index, titles Britaiu, Prisoners. 296 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. eral individuals, besides Captain Ross, have done. They will compel you to make it a war of revenge, not of redress. [Tlie measure of tbeir iniquity is now full, when they have put the liberty of every subject in the power of the most merciless and unprin- cipled tyrant that ever disgraced a throne.]* It would not, I think, be difficult to negotiate a loan of money for the States of Virginia and South Carolina, through the Havana; if you think this would be useful, please to give your directions in it by the first opportunity. The present disposition to oblige us may not last forever. A. L. Franklin to A. Lee.t Passt, March 21, 1777. Dear Sir; We have received your favors from Vitoria and Burgos. The Congress, sitting at Baltimore, dispatched a packet to us the 9th of January, containing an account of the success at Trenton, and sub- sequent events to that date, as far as had come to knowledge. The vessel was obliged to run up a little river in Virginia, to avoid some men-of-war, and was detained there seventeen days, or we should have had these advices sooner. \Ve learn, however, through England, where they have news from Few York to the 4th of February, that, in Lord Corn wallis's retreat to New Brunswick, two regiments of his rear-guard were cut to i^ieces ; that General Washington having got round him to Newark and Elizabeth town, he had retired to Amboy, in his way to New York ; that General Howe had called in the garrisons of Port Lee and Fort Constitution, which were now possessed by our people; that on the York side Forts Washington and Independence were retaken by our troops, and that the British forces at Ehode Island were recalled for the defense of New York. The committee, in their letters, mention the intention of Congress to send ministers to the courts of Vienna, Tuscany, Holland, and Prussia. They also send us a fresh commission, containing your name instead of Mr. Jefferson's, with this additional clause : " and also to enter into, and agree upon a treaty with His Most Christian Majesty, r such per- son or persons as shall be by him authorised for that purpose, for as- sistance in carrying on the present Wc^r between Great Britain and these United States." The same clause is in a particular commission they have sent me to treat with the court of Spain, similar to our common commission for the court of France ;| and I am accordingly directed to go to Spain ; but as I know that choice was made merely on the suppo- sition of my being a little known there to the great personage (Dr. Ga- *Passage in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. tMSS. Dep. of State; 8 Sparks' Franklin, 205; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 415; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 79. .f See 2 Secret Journal of Congress, 42, under the date of January 2, 1777. MARCH 21, 1777. 297 briel)* for whom you have my letter (a circumstance of little impor- tance), and I am really unable, through age, to bear the fatigue and inconvenience of such a journey, I must excuse myself to Congress, and join with Mr. Deane iu requesting you to proceed in the business on the formerfooting till you can receive a particular commission from Congress, which will, no doubt, be sent as soon as the circumstances are known. We known of no plans or instructions transmitted to Mr. Deane but those you have with you. By the packet, indeed, we have some fresh instructions which relate to your mission, viz, that in case France and Spain will enter into the war, the United States will assist the former in the conquest of the British sugar islands, and the latter in the con- quest of Portugal, promising the assistance of six frigates, manned, of not less than twenty-four guns each, and provisions equal to $2,000,000 ; America desiring only for her share what Britain holds on the Conti- nent. But you shall, by the first safe opportunity, have the instructions at length. I believe wo must send a courier. If we can, we are ordered to borrow £2,000,000 on interest. Judge, then, what a piece of service you will do if you can obtain a consider- able su'bsidy, or even a loan without interest. We are also ordered to build six ships of war. It is a pleasure to find the things ordered which we were doing without orders. We are also to acquaint the several courts with the determination of America to maintain, at all events, our independence. You will see by the date of the resolution relating to Portugal, as well as by the above, that the congress was stout in the midst of their difficulties. It would be well to sound the court of Spain on the subject of permitting our armed ships to bring prizes into her ports and there dispose of them. If it can be done openly, in what manner can we be accommodated with the use of their ports, or under what restrictions ! This government has of late been a little nice on that head, and the orders to L'Orient have occasioned Captain Wickes some trouble. We have good advice of our friend at Amsterdam, that in the height of British pride on their summer success, and just before they heard of any check, the ambassador. Sir Joseph Yorke, t had been ordered to send a haughty memorial to the Sti^tes, importing that notwithstanding their promises to restrain their subjects from supplying the rebels, it was notorious that those supplies were openly furnished by Hollanders at St. Bustatia; and that the governor of that island had returned from his fort the salute ofarehel ship of icar u-ith an equal number of guns; 'So iu draught letter, but not in Sparks' rendering. t See index, title Yorke. Sir Joseph Yorke -was the third son of Lord Cliaucellor Hardwicke, and was British ambassador at the The Hague from 1751 to 1782. Ho was subsequently a field mar- shal, and iu 1788 was created Baron Dover. He died in 1792. His course in the Netherlands was so arbitrary as greatly to increase their impatience of British influ- ence. 298 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONUKJNUii.. that bis majesty justly and liigbly resented these proceedings, and de- mauded that the States should, by more severe provisions, restrain that commerce; that they should declare their disapprobation of the insolent behaviour of their governor and punish him by an immediate recall; otherwise his majesty, who knows what appertains to the dignity of his crown, would take proper measures to vindicate it; and lie required an immediate answer. The States coolly returned the memorial with only this answer, that when the respect due to sovereigns was not pre served in a memorial it ought not to be expected iu an answer. But the city of Amsterdam took fire at the insolence of it, aud instructed their deputies iu the States to demand satisfaction hy the British court's disavowal of the memorial and a reprimand of the ambassador. The States immediately demanded a number of men-of-war ordered to be in readiness. Perhaps, since the bad news has come, England may be civil enough to make up this little difference. Mr. Deane is still here. You desire our advice about your stopping at Burgos. We agree in opinion that you should comply with the re- quest. While we are asking aid it is necessary to gratify the desires ami in some sort comply with the humors of those we apply to. Our business now is to carry our point. But I have never yet changed the opinion I gave in Congress, tiiat a virgin state should preserve the vir- gin character, and not go about suitoriug for alliances, but wait with decent dignity for the application of others. I was overruled — perhaps for the best.* With the greatest esteem, I am ever, dear sir, your" most obedient humble servant, B. Feanklin. W. Lee to Dumas, t London, March 21, 1777. SiE: Government here has received within these ten days past sev- eral expresses from General Howe, at New York, iu North America, as late as the 19th of last February, which are, in every respect, very disagreeable indeed. He writes in severe terms against General Heis- ter, whom he calls an old icoman in the field and a stupid and incorrigi- ble blockhead iu the cabinet ; he also says that the Hessians and other Germans are the worst troops under his command, and are not fit to be trusted in any business ;t he has, therefore, desired several particalar English officers to be sent to commaud them ; some of them that he has pointed out have refused to go on such a forlorn hope ; but General Bnr- goyne, much agains this will, is, it seems, obliged to go, and one Colonel * In this letter, in point of doubt, the original draft is followed. t .5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 225. t This is a mistake. General Howe spoke well of the Hessians as a body. See in- troduction, i 22. MARCH 21, 1777. 299 Charles Grey, who was only a lieutenant-colonel upon half pay,* has agreed to go, being appointed to a regiment, with the rank of a major- general, in America. General Howe has, with some difiiculty and considerable loss, got his troops-back to New York that had attempted to make good tlieir situ- ation at Brunswick, in the Jerseys. He has recalled the greater part of those troops that had been sent to Ehode Island. At New York they were in the greatest distress for all kinds of fresh provisions and vege- tables ; at the same time a fever, similar to the plague, prevailed there, that in all probability before the spring will carry oft' to the Elysian shades at least one-half of the troops that remain there, aud prepare an immediate grave for the Germans and all the other troops that are about to be sent to that infected place. At the same time we learn that the American army under General Washington increases in numbers every day, and, being accustomed to the climate, have kept the field in all the severe weather. Notwithstanding this melancholy prospect of affairs, our papers talk of a foreign war, but in my opinion we are in no condition to engage in one, for yon may be assured that we have not in the kingdom sailors enough to man fifteen ships of the line, though you may see thirty or forty ships put in commission, as the i)ublic prints will tell you. Aud as to soldiers, the draft for America has been so great that we have not ten thousand in the whole Island, yet our min- isters have lately attempted to bully the States of Holland by a high- flying memorial relative to the conduct of some of their governors in the West Indies. It might, however, be attended with very serious consequences if the Hollanders were to take their money out of the English funds. William Lee. P. S. — If you please, insert the foregoing in the Dutch, Brussels, Frankfort, and Hamburg papers. 'General Cliarles Grey (the first Earl Grey) began his military service ou The staff of Prince Ferdinand, and was severely "wonnded at Minden. He served in British campaigns in Nevr Jersey and Pennsylvania in 177~-'78 and -svas engaged in the capt- . ure of Martinique and Guadelonpe at the time whenhis son Charles was attacking Pitt's policy in the "war with France. General Grey, at the time when the above letter was written, occupied a position, both in military aud social life, which did not call for this contemptuous way in which he is spoken of by William Lee as above. Perhaps the reference may be explained by the treatment Wilkes received from Sir Henry Grey, of Howick (the elder brother of General Grey), who was not disposed, in Par- liament, to look with mercy on some of Wilkes' movements. 300 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. Agreement between Messrs. Franklin and Deane and the Farmers-General of France for the sale of a quantity of Tobacco.* [Translation.] Maech 24, 1777. Article I. We, tbe undersigned, as well in our own name as by virtue of powers derived from the Congress of tbe United States of North America, promise and oblige ourselves to deliver, in the course of the preseat .year, 1777, live thousand hogsheads, or five millions weight, of York and James Eiver tobacco to the Farmers-Geueral of France, in the ports of France. Article II. The price of the tobacco thus delivered is fixed at eight sols per pound, net tobacco, mark weight, or forty livres tournois per cwt., and delivered into stores of the Farmers- General. Article III. All average, rotten, or spoiled tobacco shall be cut off and deducted from the weight to be paid for, agreeably to the estimate, which shall be impartially made by experienced persons, by which a general average shall be fixed instead thereof. Article IV. There shall be a deduction, moreover, of four'per cent, under the title of allowance for good weight, eight pounds weight per hogshead for samples, and two per cent, discount on the amount of the invoice for prompt payment. Article V. The Farmers-General oblige themselves for the discharge of the amount of five thousand hogsheads, to remit at the disposal of Congress, and to pay into the hands of the banker who shall be appointed by Messrs. Franklin and Deane, or to direct their receiver-general at Paris to accept the bills which shall be drawn upon him by Messrs. Franklin and Deane as far as a million of livres tournois, in the course of the ensuing month, and another million the instant of the arrival of the first ships loaded with tobacco, which shall be delivered to them; the said two millions making the balance an entire payment for the five tlionsand hogsheads, or five million weight of tobacco, mark weight, sold by Congress at the price of eight sols per pound, before agreed upon. Article VI. Should Congress be able to send to Frauce a greater quantity of to- bacco, whatever shall exceed tbe value of the two millions advanced by the Farmers-General shall be remitted to them by Messrs. Franklin and *MSS. Dep. of state; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 206. APRIL, 1777. 301 Deane, at the same price and upon the same terms ; and the Farmers- General oblige themselves to paj- the value thereof in cash or bills on their receiver-general, at three usances as customary. Article VII. And I, the undersigned farmer-general, by virtue of a power vested in me by uiy company, subject and oblige myself in its name, to the full and entire execution of the six foregoing stipulated articles ; and for the execution of the i)resent, the parties have chosen their dwellings, that is to say, for Messrs. Franklin and Deane, the Hamburgh Hotel, University street, Parish of St. Snlpice ; and for the Farmers-General, at the hotel of the King's Farms, Grenclle street, Parish of St. Bus- tache. , Done and concluded in duplicates, at Paris, this 24th of March, 1777. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Paulze, Agieement for Packets between M. Ray de Chaumont on the one part and Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane, on the other,* viz: The said Eay de Chaumont engages to equip, in some port of France, agreed to by the said Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane, in each month, for the space of one year, counting from the month of May next, a packet-boat or vessel suitable for the carrying of dispatches between France and the United States of North America, which vessel or packet- boat shall be capable of carrying 30 tons of goods, without impeding her sailing to the best advantage ; and the said Eay de Chaumont shall be at the whole expense of equipping, victualing, etc., each of the said packet-boats, and shall furnish in each of them a passage for one per- son, sent by the said Franklin and Deane, to take charge of their dis- patches and goods shipped. Each packet-boat or vessel shall attend the orders of the said Franklin and Deane, in pursuing her voyage, for the safest and most certain delivery of the said dispatches and mer- chandise. The said Franklin and Deane shall have liberty to load a quantity of goods on board each packet-boat, to and from America, to the amount of 30 tons, consigned to their orders; and they, the said Franklin and Deane, shall pay to the said Eay de Chaumont the sum of eight thou- sand livres for each voyage of each packet-boat, which sum of eight thousand livres shall be paid the said Eay de Chaumont in three months after the entering on each voyage successively, whether the packet-boat arrive in safety or not. * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 208. This arrangement never took effect. See iadex, titles Packets, Chaumont. 302 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. The packet-boat shall not be delayed after her beiug ready to receive the goods, either in France or America. The said packet-boats, with all their equipments, shall be solely at the risk and expense of the said Eay de Chaumont ; but the goods to be shipped, as aforesaid, with the freight stipulated therefor, as above mentioned, shall be at the risk of the said Franklin and Deane ; and the said Eay de Chaumont shall not, in case either said pocket-boats will carry more than the said 30 tons of goods, load them, or either of them, beyond the said quantity, so as iu any manner to impede their or her sailing to the best advantage. In witness of which, the parties have subscribed three agreements, each of this tenor and date, at Paris, April, 1777. Eay de Chaumont. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Deane to Dumas.* Paris, A2}ril 2, 1777. Sir : Mr. Carmichael, who has regularly corresponded with you, has given you the salutation from time to time for myself. I have really had no leisure for several months to write a single letter but what the instant necessity of the time required, and am much obliged to you for the regular information we have through him from you. Inclosed I send you a bill for one thousand florins, which you will receive and credit the Congress for the same. As you have said nothing at any time on the subject of your disbursements for the Congress the commissioners are ignorant of your situation in that respect and have desired me to send you the inclosed bill and to ask of you to favor them with the general state of your disbursements, and to assure you that they are too sensi- ble of the services you are rendering their country to wish you to re- maiu without au adequate reward. We have no intelligence of any kind from America since the 1st of March last, and you have been in- formed of the situation of our afiairs at that time. I am, etc., Silas Deane. FrankUn to M. Lith.t Parst, near Paris, A:pril 6, 1777. Sir : I have just been honored with a letter from you, dated the 26tli past, in which you express yourself as astonished, and appear to be angry, that you have no answer to a letter you wrote me on the 11th of December, which you are sure was delivered to me. *5 Sparks' Dip. Rey. Coit.,226. tMSS. Dep. of State ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 84. APRIL 6, 1777. 303 lu exculpation of myself, I assure you that I never received any letter from you of that date. And, indeed, being then but four days landed at Nantes, 1 think you could scarce have heard so soon of my being in Europe. But I received one from you of the 8fch of January, which I own I did not answer. It may displease you if I give you the reason, but, as it may be of use to you in your future correspondences, I will hazard that for a gentleman to whom I feel myself obliged, as an American, on account of his good will to our cause. Whoever writes to a stranger should observe three points : 1. That what he proposes be practicable : 2. His propositions should be made in explicit terms, so as to be easily understood ; 3. What he desires should be in itself reasonable. Hereby he will give a favorable impression of bis understanding, and create a desire of further acquaintance. Now it happened that you were negligent in all these points; for, first, you desired to have means procured for you of taking a voyage to America avec surete, which is not possible, as the dangers of the sea subsist always, and at present there is the additional danger of being taken by the English. Then you desire that this may be sans trop grandes dcpenses, which is not intelligible enough to be answered, because, not knowing your ability of bearing expenses, one can not judge what may be troj) grandes. Lastly, you desire letters of address to the Congress and to General Washington, which it is not reasonable to ask of one who knows no more of you than that your name is Lith and that you live at Bayreuth. In your last you also express yourself in vague terms when you de- sire to be informed whether you may expect d^etre regu Wune maniere convenable in our troops. As it is impossible to know what your ideas are of the maniere convenable, how can one answer this? And then you demand, whether I will support you by authority in giving you let- ters of recommendation. I doubt not your being a man of merit, and, knowing it yourself, you may forget that it is not known to everybody; but reflect a moment, sir, and you will be convinced, that if I were to practice giving letters of recommendation to persons of whose character I kuow no more than I do of yours, my recommendations would soon be of no authority at all. I thank you, however, for your kind desire of being serviceable to my countrymen, and I wish in return that I could be of service to you in the scheme you have formed of going to America. But numbers of experienced officers here have offered to go over and join our armj^, and I could give them no encouragement, because I have no orders for that purpose, and I know it extremely difficult to place them when they arrive there. 1 can not but think, therefore, that it is best for you not to make so long, so expensive, and so hazardous a voyage, but to take the advice of your friends, and " stay in FranconiaP I have, etc., _ ^ B. T'EAKKLIN. 304 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Fraiikliu to D'Aranda, Spanish Ambassador to the Court of France." Passt, April 7, 1777. Sir: I left iu your excellency's b amis, to be communicated, if you please, to your court, a duplicate of the commission from Congress ap- pointing me to go to Spain as their minister plenipotentiary. But as I understand that the receiving such a minister is not at present thought convenient, and I am sure the Congress would have nothing done that might incommode in the least a court they so much respect, I shall, therefore, postpone that journey till circumstances may make it more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before his catholic majesty, through the hands of your excellency, the propositions contained iu a resolution of Congress, dated December 30, 177C, viz : "That if his catholic majesty will join with the United States in a war against Great Britain, they will assist in reducing to the possessiou of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola; x>rovided the inhabitants of the United States shall have the free navigation of the Mississippi, and the use of the harbor of Pensacola ; and will (provided it shall bo true that his Portuguese majesty has insultingly expelled the vessels of these States from his ports, or has confiscated any such vessels) de- clare war against the said king, if that measure shall be agreeable to, and supported by, the courts of France and Spain." It is understood that the strictest union subsists between these two courts ; and in case Spain and France should think lit to attempt the conquest of the English sugar islands. Congress have further proposed to furnish provisions to the amount of two millions of dollars, and to join the fleet employed on the occasion with six frigates of not less than twenty-four guns each, manned and fitted for service ; and to render any otlier assistance which may be in their power, as becomes good allies; without desiring for themselves the possession of any of the said islands. These propositions are subject to discussion, and to receive such mod- ification as may be found proper. With great respect, I have the honor to be your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. Franklin. Deane to the President of Congress, t Paris, April 8, 1777. Sir : The bearer. Viscount Mourreu, is the gentleman of whom I formerly wrote, and who has been long detained by a variety of acci- dents which he can relate to you at large. The engagements taken with him were previous to the arrival of my colleagues, who have not, * 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 9 ; 6 Bigelovp's Franklin, 96 ; see introductipn, ^§ 8^J[- tMSS. Dep. of State : 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr.. 78. APRIL 12, 1777. 305 therefore, intermeddled in the afl'air. His character and abilities are high in estimation here, and the ComtedeBroglio has written in nartic- ular to General Washington. He served under the comte, who com- manded the armies of France with reputation in the last war. I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, etc., Silas Deank. Dumas to Committee of Foreign Affairs. * The Hagtjk, April 12, 1777. Gentlemen: Theletter of the date of October 34, 177G, with which you have honored roe, did not arrive till the 4th of February this year. Sensible as I ought to be, gentlemen, of the great honor you do nie in charging me to continue with you the correspondence which Dr. Frank- lin commenced and maintained with me on the affairs of the United States, 1 am only able to repeat what I have written to him and to the honorable committee of foreign affairs, of which he was then a member, that I will ever imi)ose on myself a sacred law to answer your confi- dence and expectation. You will have here annexed a copy of letters which have been written to me by the French ministers at the Hague, the Abbe Desuoyers and the Due de la Vauguyon. You will easily conjecture the contents of those which I wrote to them, and which are too long to recite here; moreover, a copy of the whole was not j) re- served. As to what you add, gentlemen, that my expenses and labors shall be reimbursed and compensated, I have the honor to say to you that I should esteem myself the most happy of men in being able to make without return all the advances and services of which you have need to sustain this memorable war. The Supreme Being, who sees the depth of my heart, is witness to the truth of this sentiment in all its extent. But to my great regret, although without shame, I avow myself as poor in means as rich in good will. The draft remitted to me by Dr. Frank- lin, of one hundred pounds sterling, on London, has been paid. On the other hand, since I received Dr. Franklin's letter aiid the orders of the committee, I have not hesitated to sacrifice to a commission so impor- tant, so honorable, and so agreeable to my principles and taste, not only a small running pension of sixty pounds which a bookseller paid me for a part of my time that was devoted to a work an accountof which 1 com- municated to Dr. Franklin some years since, but also about seventy pounds whichi have already received for part of the work delivered, without which, considering my other actual duties, it would have been impossible for me to have time to attend to the execution of these orders. If I add to this at least fifty pounds that I have spent in postages, traveling charges, and other expenses, I find myself at this time sev- enty pounds, at least, in advance. But I should be very sorry, gentle- * 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 227, 30 WH— yoL II 306 DIPLOMATIC CORKESPONDENCE. men, that what I say here should turn you an instant from the important duties requiring your constant attention. For the same reason I have been unwilling to interrupt with these details the occupations of our gentlemen at Paris. If (which God forbid) America have not the suc- cess which my heart desires, her misfortunes will afdict me infinitely more than my loss. But if, on the contrary, I shall have the satisfaction to see liberty established and her i^rosperity secured, I doubt not she will render me an ample indemnity and reward. I have the honor to be, etc., DUilAS. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Schulenbuig, Minister to the King of Prussia.* Paris, AprillQ, 1777. Sir : We received the letter which you did us the honor to write to us of the loth ultimo, and should earlier have replied particularly thereto but from the daily expectation we had of receiving orders from the Congress of the United States on this important subject. We have their commands to inform his Prussian majesty's ambassador here, that they projiose to send a minister to your respected court with all convenient expedition, properly empowered to treat upon affairs of im- portance, and that we are in the meantime instructed and authorized by Congress to solicit the friendship of your court, to request that it would afford no aid to their enemies, but use its good offices to prevent the landing of troops by other powers to be transported to America for their destruction, and to offer the free commerce of the United States to the subjects of Prussia. We have taken the earliest opportunity of obeying tliese commands. But considering the great importance of establishing a free commerce between the two countries as soon as possible, and confident that every objection may be obviated, and the wished-for intercourse opened and established on the most certain and beneficial grounds to promote the interest of both countries, we propose that one of us shall wait on your excellency as soon as conveniently may be done, to explain personally the situation of America, the nature, extent, and importance of its commerce, and the methods by which it may be carried on with Prussia to mutual advantage. In the proposed interview we are confident the difficulties mentioned by your excellency may be surmounted, and a very considerable part of American commerce be turned to Prussia by measures neither dangerous nor expensive. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. • MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 418. APKIL 26, 1777. 307 Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Ponte de Lima, the Ambassador from Portugal.* Paris, April 26, 1777. Sir : The Congress of the Uuited States of America have seen a paper purporting to be au edict of his Portuguese majesty, dated at the Palace of Ajuda the 4th of July, 1770, iu which the said States are treated with contumely, their ships, however distressed, forbidden to enter any port in his dominions, and his subjects everywhere forbidden to afford them the least shelter or relief. But as this instrument has not been communicated to the Congress with any circumstance of authenticity, and appears only in gazettes which frequently contain fictitious pieces not to be reJied on ; as a long friendship and commerce has subsisted between the Portuguese and the inhabitants of North x\.merica, whereby Portugal has been supplied with the most necessary commodities in ex- change for her superfluities, and not the least injury has ever been committed or even offered by America to that kingdom, the United States can scarcely bring themselves to believe that the said edict is genuine, and that Portugal, which, but little more than a century since, was with respect to its former government in a situation similar to theirs, shoukl be the first to reproach them with it as a crime that ren- dered them unworthy of the common rights of humanity, and should be the only power inEurope that has rejected their commerce and assumed to judge their cause, and condemn them without authority, hearing, or inquiry. We, therefore, being ministers of the Congress of the said Uuited States, have been charged by them to represent to his most faithful majestj"^ their sincere desire to live in peace with all mankind, and particularly with his nation ; that if he has been by their enemies surprised into the issuing of such an edict, he would be pleased in his wisdom to reconsider and revoke it ; and that he would henceforth permit the continuance of the said friendly and commercial intercourse between his people and theirs which has ever been so advantageous to both. This representation we now take the liberty of making to your court through the medium of your excellency ; and whatever might have been its reception if it had been made before the late change, we do not allow ourselves to doubt of its having in due time a favorable answer, being persuaded from the equitable character of the present government that the measure in question can not be approved of, and such unworthy treatment continued towards au inoffensive and friendly people. With great respect, we have the honor to be, your excellency's most obedienb and most humble servants, B. Franklin, Silas Deane, Arthur Lee, Commissioners Plenipotentiary for the United States of North AmericaA * 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 93. t Another draft of this paper is in 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 91. 308 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Gardoqui to Lee. * Madrid, April 28, 1777. Dear Sir: The 24th iustaut I had the pleasure to pay my last com- plimeuts to you, inclosiag twenty secoud bills amouutiug to 81,000 livres, French money, as per duplicates herein, to serve in case of need; and being still without your favors, I have only to forward you a further sum of 100,500 livres, in sixteen bills, as per memorandum at foot hereof, with which I beg your doing the needful as usual, and pass tlie same to my credit, advising me of it in due time, by which you will oblige him who longs for the pleasure of hearing from you, and is with very un- feigned esteem and respect, etc. James Gardoqui. A MINUTE OF THE SIXTEEN INCLOSED BILLS. Livres 6, 000 drawn by P. Joyos & Sous, on Tourtou & Baur. G, 100 do. do. (), l.'iO do. do. 6, 200 do. do. 6, 250 do. do. 6, :i00 do. do. 6, 400 do. do. 0, tiOO do. do. 5, 900 drawn by F. Vre. Gorvea, on Tassin, Fatber & Son. 6, 000 do. do. G, .'iOO do, do. li, 800 do. do. 7, 000 do. do. 7, 500 do. do. 8, 000 do. do. 8, 800 do. do. 106, 500 in sixteen secoud bills, all at 90 days' date, witb which pray procure the tirsfc accepted, acknowledging receipt as soon as possible. Carmichael to Dumas, t Paris, April 28, 1777. Sir : Although nothing new has happened to us here worthy of no- tice, 1 take up my pen merely to assure you that our want of punct- uality is not owing to want of friendship or respect. To entertain you with continued complaints of the inactivity of the European powers is a subject which I wish to banish as much from my thoughts as I do our enemies from our country. We are now acting a play which pleases all the spectators, but none seem inclined to pay the performers. All that we seem likely to obtain from them is applause. When Isay all, I mean anything that will materially help our cause. This campaign will de- cide the fate of the war, though it may not finish it. The want of res- olution in the House of Bourbon to assist us in the hour of distress * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 419. t 5 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 238, APRIL 28, 1777. 309 will be an argument with our people, if successful, to form no binding connections with them. If conquered, they will follow the conduct of the unsupported Scots in the Avar of 1745. In the meautime they, to secure the little assistance which other princes may be induced to give them, must offer a share of that com- merce to others which France might have wholly to itself. England is now offering to relinquish a share of a lucrative commerce to France on condition that the latter shuts its ports against us. But a few weeks ago an English agent assured me that the English administration saw through the designs of the House of Bourbon, saw that they meant to wetiken us both, and by that means command us, and he offered every security America could wish to preserve its liberties as they stood in the year 1763, and a repeal of such acts as bound their trade previous to that, only that they must so far comply with the King's humor as not to give up his sovereignty, which would be of no use to him were the privileges of the Americans extended to the latitude mentioned. To be the instrumentofinduciugmy countrymen to acceptthese terms, the possession of an affluent income was offered to be secured to me in any part of the world I chose, whether successful or not in the attempt. Tou may judge how our conference ended. One reason why I am in- duced to stay in Europe is, that I should be obliged to give, in America, a faithful account of the situation of their affairs in Europe ; as I am sure that the picture would be worth more to England than their subsi- dies to your hero, the Margrave of Hesse. We shall never be the sub- jects of the British Crown, I believe; but unless openly assisted by a power in Europe, we shall bean impoverished people, unable to distress our enemies abroad or to assist our friends. 1 am so confident myself of the interior weakness of England, that I would sacrifice my life on the \ issue, that if France, Spain, and the Emperor, would only agree to 1 acknowledge the independence of the United States, there would not be occasion to strike a blow ; from that moment tlie credit of England / would be no more; inspirited by such a resolution taken in our favor in Europe, we would drive her armies from America, and soon lier fleets from our coasts ; but these generous resolutions subsist not in European politics. I hoped to have soon seen you, but your last letter, and one from Sir George Grand, have altered my resolution on that head. I have been laboring here to put you in such a situation as to enable you to follow the dictates of your own generous hearts in serving us more effectually, but the torpedo has struck us too. Adieu. William Carmichabl. 310 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Jonathan Williams.* Paris, Mayl, 1777. Sm : M. Cornic, of Morlaix, will order to your care a small vessel, de- sigued as a packet for America. You will see by the contract copy in- closed, that we are to load goods to a certain amount, as she is instantly to be dispatched ; we desire you will put the quantity of goods to be sent m her out of the bales on hand. We have ordered that future packets coming from America, or elsewhere, to Nantes for us shall be under your direction, of which you have informed M. Penet and Mr. Morris ; you will, therefore, on the arrival of any vessel from America with dispatches for us, inform the captains, or persons charged with them, of your appointment, receive the letters, and send them to us in the most safe and expeditious manner. \Ye advise you to charge the person bringing dispatches to say not a word of his errand to any one, and we confide in your prudence to conduct the receiving as well as the expedition of the packets with all possible secrecy. We are, sir, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthite, Lee. Franklin to Gushing, t Paris, May 1, 1777. Sir : I thank you for your kind congratulations on ray arrival here, and shall be happy in finding that our negotiations on this side the water are of effectual service to our country. The general news here is, that all Europe is arming and preparing for war, as if it were soon expected. Many of the powers, however, have their reasons for endeavoring to postpone it, at least a few months longer. Our enemies will not be able to send against us all the strength they intended ; they can procure but few Germans, and their recruiting and impressing at home goes on but heavily. They threaten, however, and give out, that Lord Howe is to bombard Boston this summer, ami Bnr- goyne, with the troops from Canada, to destroy Providence and lay waste Connecticut ; while Howe marches against Philadelphia. They will do us, undoubtedly, as much mischief as thej' can ; but the virtue and bravery of our countrymen will, with the blessing of God, prevent part of what they intend, and nobly bear the rest. This campaign is entered upon with a mixture of rage and despair, as their whole scheme ot reducing us depends upon its success ; the wisest of the nation being clear, that if this fails, administration will not be able to support an- other. I Sparks, Dip Rev. Corr., 209. t MSS. Dep. of State. MAY 1, 1777. 311 We just now hear from Port L'Orient that a privateer from Boston, the brig Rising States, Captain Thomson, has sent in a prize there, laden with fruit and wine from Lisbon to London, being the third she has taken. And Mr. Greenwood, a painter, formerly of Boston, who was here a few days since, and returned to London, writes from Dover that he saw landed there eight captains and their mates, out of a Dutch homeward-bonnd ship, which had been put on board her in the chan- nel by an American privateer, who had taken their several ships and burnt two of them. We do not know the privateer's name. With great respect, etc., B. PkankliN. Franklin to John Winthrop.* Paeis, May 1, 1777. Dear Sir : I received your kind letter of February 28, which gave me great pleasure. I forwarded your letter to Dr. Price, who was well lately; but his friends, on his account, were under some apprehensions from the violence of government, in consequence of his late excellent publications in favor of liberty. I wish all the friends of liberty and of man would leave that sink of corruption and leave it to its fate. The people of this country are almost unanimously in our favor. The government has its reasons for postponing a war but is making daily the most diligent preparations wherein Spain goes hand in hand. In the mean time America has the whole harvest of i)rizes made upon the Brit- ish commerce, a kind of monopoly that has its advantages, as by afford- ing greater encouragement to our cruisers, it increases the number ot our seamen and thereby augments our naval power. The conduct of those princes of Germany who have sold the blood of their people has subjected them to the contempt and odium of all Europe. Tlie Prince of Anspach, whose recruits mutinied and refused to march, was obliged to disarm and fetter them, and drive them to the seaside by the help of his guards, himself attending in person. In his return he was publicly hooted by mobs through every town he passed in Holland, with all sorts of reproachful epithets. The King of Prus- sia's liumor of obliging those princes to pay him the same toll per head for the men they drive through his dominions as used to be paid him for their cattle, because they were sold as such, is generally spoken of with approbation, as containing a just reproof of those tyrants. I send you inclosed one of the many satires that have appeared on this occa- sion. f * C Bigelow's Franklin, 97. t This practical joke of Frederick's was fully warranteil by the nature of the traffic in whicli his fellow-aovereigns were embarked. George III, in one of liis letters to Lord North, dated from Kew, August 20, 177.5, said : "As to the proposals transmitted bj Mr. Komer, they all end iu corps of officers, 312 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. With best wisbes of prosperity to yourself aucl to my dear country, where I hope to spend my last years, and lay my bones, I am ever, dear sir, your affectionate friend, B. Franklin. Prankliu to Samuel Cooper.' Paris, May 1, 1777. I thank you for your kind congratulations on my safe arrival here and for yonr good wishes. I am, as you supposed treated with great civility and respect by all orders of people; but it gives me still greater satisfaction to find that our being here is of some use to our country. On that head I can not be more explicit at present. •« I rejoice with you in the happy change of affairs in America last winter. I hope the same train of success will continue through the sum- mer. Our enemies are disappointed in tbe number of additional troops they purpose to send over. What they have been able to muster will not probably recruit their army to the state it was in the beginning of last campaign ; and ours, I hope, will be equally numerous, better armed, and better clothed than they have been heretofore. All Europe is on our side of the question, as far as applause and good wliich can not be done but by act of Parliament ; the only idea these Germans ought to acldopt (sic) is the l)eing contractors for raising recruits and fixing the price they toill deliver them at Hamburg, Rotterdam, and any other port they may propose." This is very much in the style of a cattle-trader. Schiller, in his " Kabale nnd Liebe," Act II, scene 2, glances at the ill-repute in ■which this white slave-trading was held in Germany ; and in a letter from Frederick to Voltaire we have his opinion again : " Je vous remercie du • cat6chisme des Souverains,' production que je n'attendais pas de M. le Landgrave de Hesse. Vons nio faites trop d'honneurde m'attribuer son Education. S'il etait sorti de mon ^cole, il ne se serait point fait catholique et il n'aurait pas vendn ses sujets ans Anglais comme on vend le b^tail pour I'lSgorger,"— " ffiuvres posth. de Fred<5ric," tom. 1., p. 325. The sympathies of Frederick in these days were all with the French and Americans .as against England. The writer of the " Correspondence, secreteet in<5ditesur Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette," etc., says under date of November 3, 1777, vol. 1, p. 108: " lu a letter which tlie King of Prussia has written to one of his literary corre- spondents in Paris, this passage occurs : ' I send you my secret against hydrophobia; it is certain that it has failed in none of the trials I have given it here. It sliould be administered to the British Parliament, which acts like an infuriated fool in the American bnsiness. It is now about to eiubroil itself again with Russia. I liave the abiding hope that yon will don yonr cuirass .against this God dcm ; that yon will aid the Colonies to become free, and retake Canada, which they so wrongfully took from you. It is the wish of my heart, .and it should lie also the dictate of policy.' " The same .authority cites another letter from the same source to D'Alembert, jnst two weeks later, in which the king says: "I like these bravo fellows, and cau not help secretly hoping for their success. It must be admitted that you are very paci6c." In less than three months from this time the alliance between the Colonies and France was signed. — Bioelow. *G Bigelow's Franklin, 9ti. MAY 2, 1777. 313 wishes can carry tliem. Those who live under arbitrary power do never- theless approve of liberty, and wish for it ; they almost despair of re- covering it in Europe ; they read the translations of our separate colony constitutions with rapture, and there are such numbers everywhere who talk of removing to America with their families and fortunes as soon as peace and our independence shall be established, that it is generally believed we shall have a prodigious addition of strength, wealth, and arts, from the emigration of Europe ; and it is thought that to lessen or prevent such emigrations the tyrannies established there must relax and allow more liberty to their people. Hence it is a common observa- tion here that our cause is the cause of all manhind, and that we are light- ing for their liberty in defending our own. It is a glorious task assigned us by Providence, which has, I trust, given us spirit and virtue equal to it, and will at last crown it with success. I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. Peanklin. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.* Philadelphia, 3Iay 2, 1 777. Gentlemen: Tour dispatches, dated February 6 and 8, were safely received by us about the middle of April. We observe your remarks on the timorousness of the French merchants respecting the form- ing of trading companies, which you say is occasioned by the change and fluctuation of news. That the spirit for trade will always be gov- erned by the rise and fall of military strength is a maxim always to be admitted in the first attempts to establish a commerce between any two nations, because success in war is supposed to give security or protec- tion to it ; but this timidity ceases naturally as soon as a trade is opened, for losing or gaining after that equally produces a spirit of adventuring further. Therefore we wish to enter into a trade with them as soon as possible, because, as nothing can abridge or prevent their profits but the enemy's making prizes of their ships, the consequence will be that they will either be encouraged by the gain or aggravated by the loss to come to a serious understanding with the court of Britain. We ad- vise you to be constantly holdiTig up the great advantages which the crown and commerce would receive by their possessing themselves of the West Indies ; and we trust to your wisdom in making all the use possible of the English newspapers, as a channel through which to counteract the folly and falsehood of which yon complain; and rest assured that every material circumstance, either for or against, will be dispatched to you with the utmost expedition. By information from N'ew York it appears that the more discerning part of the English generals begin to give up the thought of conquest, MSS. Dep. of State : 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 209, witli verbal cbauges. 314 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE and of con sequence tlie fear of totally losing the trade of America must accompany the despair of arms ; therefore we conceive that the English newspapers are now calculated to deter the French from beginning to taste the sweets of onr trade. Their falsehoods, rightly understood, are the barometers of their fears; and in proportion as the political atmosphere presses downward, the spirit of faction is obliged to rise. We wish it to be understood that we pay too much respect to the wisdoiu of the French cabinet to sujipose that they can be influenced by such efforts of visible despair, and that we have too much reverence for the honor of the American Congress to prostitute its authority by filling our own newspapers with the same kind of invented tales which characterize the London Gazette. We observe that General Howe, in his letter to the Administration, printed in the London Gazette of December 30, apologizes for not having written to them since his taking possession of Few York, nearly three months. Here is the proper field to speculate on silence, because his business is conquest, ours defense and repulse ; and because, likewise, he has the sea more open to him than we have, had he any- thing to send that would please. Therefore, silence on his part is always to be considered as a species of good news on ours. The Congress highly approve your dividing yourselves to foreign courts, and have sent commissions for that purpose, and likewise com- missions for fitting out privateers in France. The Mercury, from Nantes, is safely arrived in New Hampshire. The Amphitrite and Seine we are yet in hopes of. We shall notice the con- duct of Nicholas Davis. We have presented Marshal Maillebois's sen- timents on the mode of war to Congress, who are greatly pleased there- with, and entertain a high respect for the author. Our last account gave you a state of news down to March, since which nothing material happened. The enemy, wearied and disappointed in their last winter's campaign, still continue in a state of dormancy at New York and Brunswick. The Congress is returned to Philadelphia. General Washington remains at Morristown, and occupies the same posts as when the last disjiatches were sent you. The principal object now is the recruiting service, which has been greatly promoted by some late resolves of Congress. Our troops have been under inoculation for the small-pox with good success, which we hope will be a means of pre- serving them from fevers in summer. However, it will frustrate one cannibal scheme of our enemies, who have constantly fought us with that disease by introducing it among our troops. When we look back to the beginning of last December, and see onr army reduced to between two and tree thousand men, occasioned by the expiration of the time for which they were enlisted, we feel exceedingly happy in contemplating the agreeable condition and prospect our affairs are now in. We have, since that period, reduced the enemy more than our whole army at that time amounted to; and scarce a day passes in which they do not suffer either by skirmishes or desertions. MAY S, 1777. 315 The Congress Lave it in contemplation to remove the garrison from the present fort, in the district of Ticonderoga, to Fort Independence, in the same district, which they judge will command that pass with greater advantage, and is a mnch healthier situation. We mention this, as the enemy will probably give an air of triumph to the evacuation, should it be done. The distance between the two is about a quarter of a mile. As General Howe is preparing a bridge of boats, we think it possible that he might, by a sudden and forced march, reach this city; but tve are clearly of opinion that he would be ruined by the event ; and though we are not nnder much apprehension of such a movement, yet we think it i)roper to give you the case, with our opinion thereon. We are, gentlemen, your obedient, humble servants, Ben.jamin Harrison. Robert Morris. Thomas Hayward. James Lovell. A. Lee to Gardoqui.* Parts, May 8, 1777. Dear Sir : I received yours of the 24th ultimo, with its inclosures, which I have disposed of as the inclosed receipt will show. It is taken for granted that they are for the purposes settled at Vitoria, and to such the produce of them and of the rest will be applied. I beg you will express my warmest sense of this assistance, where you know the expression of it is due. The business in which we have en- gaged in Holland will be much more expensive than the estimate, which is too often the case. Assistance therefore comes very apropos. As I am obliged to make another little journey, I must beg you for the future to correspond with Dr. Franklin, and substitute his name for mine on the paper. He will do everything that is necessary, and correspond with you in my place. You are not likely to be a loser by the change. We have not had any express lately from America, but expect one every moment. Our enemies have had several, and as they choose to be perfectly silent as to their contents, and leave the public to reports and conjectures, it is presumable that, at least, nothing favorable has happened on their side. The Congress is certainly returned to Phila- delphia, which is an unquestionable proof of the security in which our late advantages have placed that city. We have lost within these two months four very valuable rice, indigo, and tobacco ships by treachery and capture. But in return, one week's advices of the captures \s e have made, according'to the estimate in London, exceeds £200,000 sterling in British goods. Indeed, common sense might have forewarned them of this, because they have twenty ships at sea for one of ours, and the number of privateers is always in proportion lo the temptation, that is 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 420. 316 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. to the probability of making prizes. Without the second sight, there- fore, of their Scotch advisers, they might have foreseen tliat their com- merce would suffer infinitely in this foolish aud wicked war. 1 have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Schulenbiirg. * Paris, May 8, 1777, Sir: In consequence of the letter which, in conjunction with my brother commissioners, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane, I had the honor of writing to your excellency, I intended to depart from hence for Berlin before this time. But an accident having happened, which inevitably prevents me from setting out, I am under great anxiety lest your ex- cellency should impute my delay to a want of that perfect respect which I ought to feel for your excellency's court and character. I must, therefore, entreat you, sir, to believe that nothing can be more painful to me than the necessity which delays and will delay me for some days longer, and that I will not intentionally lose one moment in preparing to testify in person with what entire respect and consideration I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Dumas.t Philadelphia, May 8, 1777. Sir: We have received your several favors to the 1st of May| and shall always have a grateful memory of your sentiments and exertions in our cause, but as we have new commissioners settled in France, we think it needless that j'ou should be at the trouble of forwarding to us. from time to time, that collection of papers which we formerly men- tioned to you. We shall inform our friends at Paris of our opinion on- this head and leave it to them to point out the way in which your zeal may be most useful to them and us with the least degree of trouble tc yourself and injury to your domestic interests. The humility of the Count de Welderen's memorial seems to have been followed by some positive orders to onr disadvantage in the West. Indies. We doubt not you will continue to give our commissioners at Paris the fullest information on all such points, from whom we shalL consequently obtain it. We have the honor to be, etc., Benj. Harrison. Egbert Morris. James Lovell. » 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 4'2L t.S Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 230. tTlins in the original, but probably an error in the month, as this letter is dated on the 8th of May.— Sparks. MAY 9, 1777. 317 Morris et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.* Philadelphia, May 9, 1777. Gentlemen : This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John Paul Joues, an active and brave eommaoder in our navy, who has already performed signal services in vessels of little force; and, in re- ward for bis zeal, we have directed him to go on board the Amphitrite, a French ship of twenty guns, that brought in a valuable cargo of stores from Messrs. Hortalez & Co., and with her to repair to France. He takes with him his commission, some officers and men ; so that we hope he will, under that sanction, make some good prizes with the Amphi- trite ; but our design of sending him is (with the approbation of Con- gress) that they may purchase one of those tine frigates that Mr. Deane writes us you can get, audinvest him with the command thereof as soon as possible. We hope you may not delay this business one moment, but purchase, in such port or place in Europe as it can be done with most convenience and dispatch, a fine, fast-sailing frigate, or larger ship. Direct Captain Jones where he must repair to, and he will take with him his officers and men towards manning her. You will assign him some good house, or agent, to supply him with every thing neces- sary to get the ship speedily and well equipped and manned, somebody that will bestir himself vigorously in the business, and never quit until it is accomplished. If you have any plan or service to be performed in Europe by such a ship, that you think will be more for the interest and honor of these States than sending her out directly, Captain Jones is instructed to obey your orders, and, to save repetition, let him lay before you the in- structions we have given him, and furnish you with a copy thereof; you can then judge what will be necessary for you to direct him in ; and whatsoever you do will be approved, as it will undoubtedly tend to pro- mote the public service of this country. You see by this step how much dependence Congress places in your advices, and you must make it a point not to disapiioiut Captain Jones's wishes and our expectations on this occasion. We are, gentlemen, your obedient, humble servants, Egbert Moeris. Richard Henry Lee. William Whipple. Philip Livingston. I Spaike' Dip. Kev. Corr., 212, 318 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Carmichael to Dumas.* Paris, May 9, 1777. Sm : At length we have an opportunity of discovering what we have long imagined, the arts which the English Government has made use of to circulate their various falsehoods through Europe respecting their affairs lu America. Their packet from Hardwick to Helvoetsluys is fallen into our hands, with every letter from the ministry and others, though I make no doubt that they will give out that their most impor- tant letters are saved. Such a report will answer more ends than one. It will set at peace the alarmed consciences, or rather apprehensions, of their correspondents. We have it under Lord Suffolk's secretary's hands, Mr. Eraser and Mr. Eden, that Government had no advices from New York on the last of April, but at this particular period, when the eyes of all the world would be upon them, viz, when opening the budget it was necessary to toss out a tub to the whale, for which reason it was thought necessary to General Washington, and to put Mr. Dickenson at the head of five thousand men in the lower counties of Delaware. A very curious reason is given for promulgating the latter lie, that the less probability there appears to be in it the more readily the world will believe ; for will they imagine that ministers dare circu- late what no one will imagine true? And they appeal to former un- truths of similar absurdity, which had their effect, and when found false were overlooked by the indulgent public. The line of Sir Joseph Torke's conduct is marked and curious, as well as that of their minister at another court ; our plan did'TJOt wholly take effect, or we should have had his dispatches likewise. The miserable Prince of Hesse affords his friends in England some merriment, but he can make use of the old adage, let them laugh who tcin. He has the absurdity to be angry with your Gazetteer of Utrecht and the English news writers, and his minister there is ordered to complain on the subject. The reflections of the English minister. Lord Suffolk, on this complaint are as curious as they are just, and merit well reaching the Prince. If he bribes me with a part of his slave-money, he shall have the letter at length, signed " Suffolk." I always said, and have now proof positive before me, that in the height of English arrogance and success, their Chatham-aping minister, Lord George Germain, meant to hold the same language to France that they unfortunately did to Holland, and were prepared, should this court show the least re- fractoriness, to begin the same game they played in 1756. An open war they have never feared from France, for they were well assured that would not be the case, but the French preparation gave them a good excuse for arming completely, and for drawing money from the people, and the American minister. Lord George Germain, was too shrewd to let slip an opportunity. We paid so much respect to your States that we would not seize Sir Joseph Yorke's messenger in the packet from •5 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 231, MAY 13, 1777. 319 Helvoetsluys, for we could have boarded her with as much ease as the others. 1 have not time to communicate the thousand little particulars which have lately beeu inspected by me, but hope to have a future opportu- nity of doing it. Our captain, being in search of bank bills and bills of exchange, did not pay much attention to personages, for which I am heartily vexed ; however, good nature must make allowances. This matter will occasion a little bustle, perhaps a great deal. 1 had rather be sent home to fight manfully, or to make peace politically, than to be in this miserable shillyshally way here. I have the pleasure to ac- quaint you that Hopkins's squadron, all but two, have got to sea; so that Sir Peter Parker may write information to the ministry, and this will be giving a good account of them, as he promised. Our levies went oa swimmingly, and had the Howes, sent out from here, arrived there when it was intended they should, we should have pushed Howe again to Halifax. I am, etc., William Oarmichael. Franklin to Dumas.* Passy, near Paris, May 12, 1777. iSm: Last night we i-eceived a packet from North America with some advices, of which I send you the substance. I see your letters now and then to Mr. Deane and Mr. Oarmichael, and tliauk you for the kind mention made of me in them. I am so bad a correspondent that I do not desire a letter from you directly. But I am, nevertheless, with great esteem, dear sir, your affectionate friend, B. Franklin. P. S. — I suppose Mr. Deaue has sent you the bill. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.! PARIS, May 13, 1777. Gentlemen : I am happy to inclose you the proofs that our friends are not unmindful of their promises. I have given Dr. Frankbn a power of attorney to indorse any future bills that may arrive, and to dispose of the money. When the flota arrives, which may be in about two months, then wilt be the time to press for the loan you desire. I am now at liberty to pursue my purpose at the court of Berlin, for which I shall set out in a few days; as I shall be obliged to make a *5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 2•.^2. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 421, with omissions and verbal clianses. 320 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCK. tour, tlie direct road lying tbroiigh tiie territories of all the hostile princes, it will of necessity protract my journey. Mr. Sayre, late sheriff of London, is to accompany me as secretary, Mr. Carmichael having refused to go unless the commissioners would give him a commission, which we did not think ourselves authorized to do. This has unavoid- ably delayed me some days. From every information I am able to obtain, our enemies are much pressed to make a tolerable ap])earance this campaign. Something extraordinary must happen to enable the King of Great Britain to [gratify the malignity of his passions by continuing] * the war, should this campaign fail. [His chief resource is the desperation of the Howes and Lord Corn wallis, whose bankrupt honor will admit of no alternative but death or victory.] * Whatever a man impelled by the most inimi- cal disposition can do, may be expected from him. It is certain he has made some concessions in the fishery to this court, in hopes of keeping them quiet; but we need not be much afraid about the effects of them. Our ground here is firm, and though not so ample as our wishes, yet I trust it will be equal to our wants. I beg the favor of having my utmost duty and respect presented to Congress, and have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Dumas to Committee of Foreign Affairs.! Amsterdam, May 16, 1777. Gentlemen : I send you, with some gazettes, an extract of my last dispatch and a piece entitled "Aduice to the Hessians,^^ v/hmh, ha,\'\ag passed about in manuscript through this country, was afterwards printed in a hand-bill, and at length inserted in the periodicals. The day be- fore yesterday, the 14th, the book-seller Eey received from The Hague the following note, which he immediately sent to me at a country house where I am residing, thinking I might know the person interested, which I do not : " Mr. Eey is desired to inform the author of Advice to the Hessians to quit Holland immediately. Orders are dispatched to arrest him." I am not at present at The Hague, but as soon as I shall be able to return thither I will inform myself of this affair. In the mean time I think it is false that they have given such orders, and that this letter was only written to intimidate, as was that written from Cassel to one of our journalists. I am sorry not to be able to devote all my time to your service. I might contract many connections and acquaintances and make some useful journeys, profiting by favorable circumstances and moments both * Passages iu brackets omitted in Sparks' edition, t MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cor., 233. MAY 20, 1777. 321 at The Hague aucl Amsterdam, which I am now obliged to let escape, not being able to go and remain as long as is necessary in these cities, I have the honor to be, etc., OoNCOKDiA* (Dumas). A. Lee to Franklin. Vienna, Mmj 18, 1777.t Deae Sir: The post Is in, and nothing from you. 1 therefore shall proceed to-morrow, and hope to reach my destination in eight days. The chief purpose for giving money, stated in my Memorial,^ was to pay the interest of our loans and support our funds. I added the paying for the ship we were obliged to build in Holland, in lieu of those requested. To these purposes, therefore, they will expect the money will be applied. Yours, etc., AuTHUB Lee, Schulenburg to A. Lee. [Translation. ■)§ Berlin, May 20, 1777. Sib : I have been informed by the letter which you did me the honor of writing to me the 8th instant that in consequence of the one sent me the 19th of last month, on the part of Messrs. Franklin, Deaiie, and yourself, you were on the point of coming here, but for an unforeseen accident that prevented you. My answer of the 11th instant will acquaint you, sir, that I still appre- hend difficulties which may interfere in the present circumstances with the establishment of a direct commerce between His Majesty's subjects and the Colonies of North America, and that I consider our correspond- ence on this subject rather as preliminaries to what may come to pass than as negotiations from which any immediate advantages may be ex- pected. This leads me to believe, sir, that you have no reason to distress your- self on account of this delay to your journey, and that you can not be reproached with want of zeal for the interests of your constituents when you defer for some time an afi'air the success of which can not most probably but be slow, to manage other matters more important and pressing. I have the honor to be, etc., Baron de Schulenburg. •Dumas frequently did not sign his name, bat used the motto, " Concordia res parvae crescunt, discordia maxima delabuntur," or the first word of it. tMSS. Dep. of State: 1 Sparks, Dip. Rev, Corr., 4'>3, under date of May 28, 1777. t Memorial to the coart of Spain, dated Burgos, March 8, 1777. J 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 4-22. 21 WH— VOL II 322 DIPLOMATIC COKKESPONDENCK, Franklin and Deane to Committee of Foreign Affairs." PARIS, May 25, 1777. Gentlemen: Agreeable to what we ineutioued in ours of March 14 and April 9,+ (a third copy of which we send herewith), Mr. Lee tar- ried here some time after his return from Spain. No news arriving (though we received letters from you) of any commissioner being actually appointed for Prussia, and the necessity of a good understand- ing with that court, in order to obtain speedily a port in the northern seas, appearing more and more every day, on various occasions, he concluded, with our approbation, to set out for Berlin, which he did about a week since, and we have reason to hope good effects from that journey. The points principally in view are (besides the acknowledgment of American independency) an open port for German commerce, and the permission of fitting out armed vessels to annoy the enemy's northern trade, and of bringing in and selling our prizes. If these points can be obtained we are assured we might soon have a formidable squadron there, and accumulate seamen to a great amount. The want of such a free port appears in the late instance of Captain Cunningham's arrest at Dunkirk, with the prizes he brought in. For though the fitting out may be covered and concealed by various pretenses, so at least to be winked at by the Government here, because those pretenses afford a good excuse for not preventing it, yet the bringing in of prizes by a vessel so fitted out is so notorious an act, and so contrary to treaties, that if suffered must occasion an immediate war. Cunningham will, however, through favor, be discharged with his vessel, as we are given to understand, but we must put up with the loss of the prizes, which, being reclaimed, will be restored. | This is an occasion of triumph to * MSa. Dep. of State: 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 213. f Missing. t Cuuniagliam was the commander of an American privateer, with which he went into Dunkirk. He there took his arms out of his ship, and said he should load it with merchandise for one of the xiorts in Norway. As this declaration was suspected, security was demanded. Two persons, Hodge and Allen, became responsible for him. Cunningham actually left the port of Dunkirk without arms, but he caused sailors, cannon, and munitions to be sent out to him in the night, while he was in the ship's road, off Dunkirk ; and he shortly after took the English packet-boat Prince of Orange. As soon as tiiis maneuver of Cunningham's came to the knowledge of the French Gov- ernment, they caused Hodge, one of the securities, to be arrested and conducted to the Bastile. The packet-boat was restored to the British Government without the form of a process. After six weeks' confinemeut, Hodge was released. — Spark.s. '' When a bold American adventurer, one Cunningham, had taken and carried into Dunkirk, with a privateer fitted out at that port, the English packet from Holland, and sent the mail to the American minister at Paris, it then seemed necessary in some degree to discountenance so flagrant a violation of good neighborhood, as well as of the standing treaties between the two nations; and even of the particular marine laws and regulations established in France, in regard to her conduct with the people of other countries. Cunningham and his crew were accordingly com- MAY 25, 1777. 323 our euemies which we must suffer them to enjoy for the present, as- sured as we are by the most substantial proofs of the friendship of this court and of Spain, which we are persuaded will soon manifest itself to all the world. The latter has already remitted to us a large sum of money, as you will see by Mr. Lee's letters,* and continues to send cargoes of supplies, of which you have herewith sundry accounts. Many of these transactions are, by some means or other, known in England, which dares not resent them at present, but the opinion of an approaching war gains ground every day. We are preparing the accoutrements you ordered for the horse, but they will take time. Had there been such in the magazines here, we might have possibly borrowed on condition of replacing them. Pistols (four hundred and fifty pair) are already sent ; the whole number will be forwarded as fast as they can be got ready. Colonel Forrester, an experienced ofiicer of horse, has given us a specimen of complete accou- trements, which have been found best ; the saddle is of a singular con- trivance, very cheap, and easily made or repaired, and the buff belts so broad that, crossing on the breast, they are good armor against the point of a sword or a pistol bullet. We propose to have as many sets made with these saddles as will mount a squadron, but shall omit sad- dles for the rest, as they will take up too much room in the vessels, and soon can be made with you. Colonel Forrester is highly recommended to us, and we believe will go over. Clothing for ten thousand men is now in hand, making for us by contract, and other proposed contracts are under consideration for the rest of the eighty thousand men ordered. We hope to have them with you before next winter, or that if all can not be got, the cloth we have sent and are sending will make up the deficiency. The large brass cannon are not to be had here ; we have been treat- ing with a Swedish merchant about them, but find too many difficulties in getting them from that country; so that, finally, understanding you have some founders with you, and that we can have others to go from hence, we conclude to send two artists in that way with the metal to cast the number wanted, omitting only the field pieces of which we suppose you have by this time a number sufficient. Some large iron mitted lor some short time to prison. Yet this appearance of satisfaction was done away by the circuuistances which attended it. For CiiDningham's imprisonment was represented to the Americans as proceeding merely from some informality in his commission, and irregularity in his proceedings, which had brought him to, if not ' within, the verge of piracy, and which were too glaring to be entirely passed over with- out notice. And he was, with his crew, not only speedily released from their mocli: confinement, but he was permitted to purchase, fit out, and arm a much stronger vessel and better sailors than the former, avowedly to infest as before the British commerce." London Annual Register, 1778, 37. — See further as to Couyngham (or Cunningham) commissioners to committee, May 26, 1777. Deane to Morris, Aug. 23, 1777 ; A. Lee to committee, Nov. 15, 1778. *See Arthur Lee's letter of May 13, 1777. 324 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. cannon are offered to us cheap from Holland of which we think to send a quantity, for though too heavy for the army they may be of use for the navy, galleys, gondolas, etc. We cau not omit repeating, as we think it a matter of the greatest importance towards supporting the credit of your paper money, that you may rely on a punctual payment here of Congress bills drawn on us for the discharge of the interest of the sums borrowed; tbat is to say, in the proportion of six Spanish dollars or the value in French money for every hundred borrowed in your paj)er. But as the offer of six per cent, was made before you could know of this advantage to the borrower, perhaps you may, on the knowledge and experience of it, be able to reduce the interest in future loans to four per cent., and find some means by taxes to pay off' the six per cent. Our treaty of commerce is not yet jjroceeded on, the plan of this court apijearing to be not to have any transaction with us that implies an acknowledgment of American independency while their peace contin- ues with England. To make us more easy with this, they tell us we enjoy all the advantages already which we iiropose to obtain by such a treaty, and that we may depend on continuing to receive every indul- gence in our trade that is allowed to the most favored nations. Feeling ourselves assisted in other respects, cordially and essentially, we are the more readily induced to let them take their own time, and to avoid making ourselves troublesome by an unreasonable importunity. The interest of France and Spain, however, in securing our friendship and commerce, seems daily more and more generally understood here, and we have no doubt of finally obtaining the establishment of that com- merce with all the formalities necessary. We submit it to your consideration whether it might not be well to employ some of your frigates in bringing your produce hither, ordering them, after refreshing and refitting, to make a cruise in the northeru seas upon the Baltic and Hamburg trade, send their prizes home, north about, then return to France and take in a loading of stores for America. The Marquis de Lli Fayette, a young nobleman of great family connec- tions here and great wealth is gone to America in a ship of his own, ac- companied by some officers of distinction, in order to serve in our armies. He is exceedingly beloved and everybody's good wishes attend him ; we cau not but hope he may meet with such a reception as will make the country and his expedition agreeable to him. Those who censure it as imprudent in him do nevertheless applaud his spirit, and we are satisfied that the civilities and respect that may be shown him will be serviceable to our affairs here, as pleasing not only to his pow- erful relations and to the court but to the whole French nation. He has left a beautiful young wife [big with child] * and for her sake par- ticularly we hope that his bravery and ardent desire to distinguish him- * Words in brackets oujitted by Sparks. MAY 26, 1777. 325 self will be a little restrained by the General's prudence, so as not to permit his being hazarded much, but on some important occasion. We are, very respectfully, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deane. P. S. — We inclose a copy of Messrs. Gardoqui's last letter.* We have received Mr. Morris's of March 7, 25, and 28, and are much obliged by the intelligence contained. We send a quantity of papers. Franklin and Deane to Committee of Foreign Affairs. t Paris, Maij 26, 1777. Gentlemen : The Navy of the United States, increasing in the num- ber of its ships and force, it is of the utmost importance to direct the cruises of the ships of war, which belong either to the States or indi- viduals, so as to annoy and alarm, the enemy the most effectually, and at the same time to encourage our brave officers and seamen by the value of prizes. The West India trade was so intercepted the last season that, besides endangering the credit of every West India house in England, and absolutely ruining many, greatly helped towards sink- ing the revenues of Great Britain , which it was confidently asserted the other day in the House of Commons, and was not contradicted by the minister, had sunk the last year nearly one million below the usual incomes. This trade can not be attacked the coming season to equal advantage, as it will not be by any degree so large, and will be armed and under convoy. But as the commerce of Great Britain is very exten sive, good policy dictates that we attack it in more than one sea, and on different coasts. The navy of Great Britain is not sufficiently numer- ous to infest the whole coast of North America, and at the same time guard their own, much less protect and convoy their trade in different seas. We have not the least doubt but that two or three of the Continental frigates, sent into the German ocean, with some lesser swift-sailing cruisers, might intercept and seize great part of the Baltic and northern trade, could they be in those seas by the middle of August at farthest ; and the prizes will consist of articles of the utmost consequence to the States. One frigate would be sufficient to destroy the whole of the Greenland whale fishery, or take the Hudson Bay ships returning. In a word, they are unsuspicious and unguarded on that quarter, and the alarm such an expedition would give must raise the insurance in Eng- land at least twenty per cent., since Captain Cunningham's adventure occasioned ten per cent, to be given on the packet boats from Dover to 'Missing. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 217, with verbal changes. 326 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Calais. Captain Cunuingham having been put in prison, and the prizes restored, they are again iiilled into security ;* the whole western coast of England and Scotland, and indeed almost the whole of Ireland, is at this moment uu guarded either by ships of war or troops, except a few sloops or cutters to watch smugglers. We submit to the Congress the following plan: To send three frigates, loaded with tobacco for Nantes or Bordeaux, and that they be manned and commanded in the best possible manner. That on their arrival in either of the above rivers, they make but little appearance of strength, and endeavor to pass for common cruisers ; while they are refitting, which should be in different ports, near each other, intelligence might be had of the position of the British fleet, and the circumstances of the different towns on the sea-coast, and of the merchant ships in them ; in consequence of which a blow might be struck that would alarm and shake Great Britain, and its credit, to the center. The thought may appear bold and extravagant, yet we have seen as extraordinary events within these two years past, as that of carrying the war to our enemy's doors. As it appears extravagant, it will be in consequence unexpected by them, and tiae more easily executed. The burning or plundering of Liverpool or Glasgow would do us more essential service than a million of treasure and much blood spent on the continent. It would raise our reputation to the highest pitch, and lessen in the same degree that of our enemy's. We are confident it is practicable, and with very little danger, but times may alter with the arrival of the frigates, yet in that case their cruise on this coast bids fairer to be profitable than on any other, and they may at least carry back in safety many of the stores wanted, which is a most capital object, should the other he laid aside. Every day's experience confirms to us what is pointed out indeed by nature itself, the necessity of rendering America independent in every sense of the word. The present glorious, though trying contest, will do more to render this independence fixed and certain, if circumstances are seasonably improved, than would otherways have been effected in an age. The manufacturing of anyone necessary article among our- selves is like breaking one link of the chains which have heretofore bonnd the two worlds together, and which our artful enemies had, un- der the mask of friendship, been long winding round and round us, and binding fast. Thus, as founderies for cannon, iron as well as brass, are erecting, if they are at once erected large enough to cast of any size, we may in future be easy on that important article, and independent on the caprice or interest of our pretended friends for a supply; and to for- ward this we shall take the liberty of sending over some of the most skillful founders we can meet with. The jealousy which reigns among the maritime powers of Europe with their narrow, weak, and contemptible system of politics, prevents our being able to procure ships of war, to remedy which you have with ' See Frajiklin and Deane to committee, May 25, 1777, with note. MAY 30, 1777. 327 you timber, iron, and workmen, and we must send you over sail-cloth and cordage as fast as we can. The importance of having a consider- able naval force is too obvious to need our saying more than that we conceive no apparent difficulty or obstruction ought to deter us from pushing it forward to the utmost of our power. We have sent you, by a former conveyance, a plan of a frigate on a new construction, and now send you the duplicate, which we submit to the judgment of those bet- ter skilled than we pretend to be in naval affairs, but imagine that on our coast and, perhaps, any where, ships constructed in some such man- ner may be as formidable as those of seventy-four guns, and it is certain they will cost us less. The vessel building in Amsterdam is on this plan, which we hope will be in season for service this fall or autumn. We are, with the utmost respect, etc., B. Franklin. S. Deane. A. Lee to the Commissioners at Paris.* Vienna, May 27, 1777. Dear Sirs : I reached this (place) three days from Munich, and in expectation of hearing from you to-morrow, shall not proceed till the 29th. Dresden will be my next stage. There is a cold tranquillity here that bodes us no good. It is not possi- ble to quicken this German iudifi'erence. From what I learn we need be under no apprehensions from Russia. I hope yon will not forget to sound the two courts whether they will join mine in declaring ns independent, but I am afraid that will not be obtained, unless they are in our favor. I am, dear sirs, etc., Arthur Lee. Harrison et al. , Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.t Philadelphia, 3Iay 30, 1777. Gentlemen: We have delayed sending this packet, from a daily expectation of hearing from you, as some letters from France make mention of a quick sailing-vessel, by which we were to receive dis- patches. Though it must be agreeable to you to hear frequently from us, yet as our letters, by being taken, might be of worse consequence than being delayed, we are desirous of waiting for the safest oppor- tunity, and when you hear not so often as you wish, remember onr silence means onr safety. Acquainted as we are with the situation and condition of the enemy, we well know that the pompous paragraphs in » MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 423, with verbal changes. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 219, with verbal changes. 328 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. the London papers are not the news which the ministrj' hear from their army; but the news they make for them. The Amphitrite has arrived in Portsmouth, New Hampshire ; and the Seine at Martinique, but she is made aprize of in her passage from thence. We request you to expedite the loan of two millions (which we have already sent you a commission for, and now send you a duplicate of the same); for though we conceive the credit of America to be as well founded at least as any in the world, having neither debt nor taxes on her back when she began the war, yet she represents a man who, with a large capital all in property, is unable to make any new pur- chases till he can either convert some of it into specie, or borrow from hand to mouth, in the mean time. Britain is now fighting iis, and the greatest part of Europe negatively, by endeavoring to stop that trade from us to France, Spain, etc., which she has most effectually lost to herself, and we wish those courts saw their interest in the same clear point of view in which it appears to us. We have little or no donbt of being able to reduce the enemy by land, and we likewise believe that the united powers of France, Spain, and America would be able to expel the British fleet from the western seas, by which the communica- tion for trade would be opened, the number of interests reduced which have hitherto distracted the West Indies, and consequently the peace of all this side of the globe put on a better foundation than it has hitherto been — a mutual advantage, as we conceive, to France, Spaio, and these States. That Britain was formidable last war in the West Indies is true; but when it is considered that her power there arose from her posses- sions here, or that she was formidable chiefly through us, it is impossi- ble to suppose that she can again arrive at the same pitch of power. Here she was assisted by numberless privateers. Here she supplied and partly manned her fleet; recruited, and almost raised, her army for that service; in short, America, last war, represented Britain re- moved to this side the Atlantic. The scene is changed, and America now is that to France and Spain, in point of advantages, which she was the last war to Britain. Therefore, putting the convenience which we might receive out of the question, by their making an attack on the West Indies, we are somewhat surprised that such politic courts as France and Spain should hesitate on a measure so alluring and practi- cable. We do not mention these remarks because we suppose they do not occur to you, but to let you know our thoughts on the matter, and! to give you every advantage, by conveying our minds to you, as well! as our instructions or informations. This packet takes complete sets of our public papers, filed in order, for seventeen weeks past. B. Harrison. E. Morris. T. Hayward. James Lovbll. JUNE 2, 1777. 329 ^ Franklin and Deane to Jay.* DuNKiEK,t June 2, 1777. Dear 8ir : We refer the committee to ours to you of the 26th ul- timo, of wliich we seut duplicates, should either arrive, but apprehen- sive of the contrary, we send you the substance in this. The British commerce in Europe, especially in the north, is unguarded, the Green- land whale fishery and the Hudson Bay ships in particular. Could two or three of our frigates, accompanied by lesser swift sailing cruisers, get into those seas in the months of August or September, a valuable part of the commerce of our enemies might be interrupted. As tobacco, rice, etc., are in great demand in France, and remit- tances wanted, we submit to the Congress the sending out some of their frigates loaded with these articles for Nantes or Bordeaux, and whilst their cargoes were disposed of, they might refresh themselves, and make a cruise against the enemy. The coast of England to the west is unguarded, either by land or sea. The frigates, capable of landing five hundred men, might destroy several of their towns, which would alarm and shake the nation to the center, whilst the ships might fly and take refuge in tlie ports of Prance or Spain; but, suppose the worst, that they are intercepted in their retreat, the inevitable consequences of so bold an attempt will be sufficiently injurious to justify the meas- ure. But this must be done by a coup de main, and there can be no great apprehension of any difficulty in retreating, since, by means of the daily intercourse between the two kingdoms, we might know the exact situations of the British fleet and commerce in the different ports, and never attempt until we had a fixed object in view, and were mas- ters of every circumstance. The ship, building at Amsterdam, will be near as strong as a seventy- four, and Tnay join the squadron in the months of February or March. The East India [fleet] will be returning to St. Helens, and there waiting for a convoy, which is a single man of war. Three frigates on that sta- tion might eft'ect a prodigious affair, and if they first came to Europe, as in the [course] of trade, it would be much less suspected, as they might set out from a harbor here, and not be supposed for any other route but that of going directly for America. We have no more to add, than that four thousand Hanoverians ai-e on their march for Stade to embark for America. We are, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deanb. *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Spiirks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 2-21, with verbal chauges. t This letter is perhaps erroneously dated at Dunkirk. It is thus copied into the letter-books, but should probably be Passy or Paris.— Sparks. 330 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to Schulenburg.* Berlin, June 5, 1777. Sir : lu consequence of the letter which I had the honor, in conjunc- tion with the other deputies of Congress iu Paris, of writing to your ex- cellency on the 19th of April, I arrived here last night. I take the earliest opportunity to inform you of my arrival, and to request your excellency to have the goodness to inform me when I may have the honor of an interview with you on the subject of this letter. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Schulenburg.* Berlin, June 7, 1777. Sir : I have the honor of sending to your excellency lists of the com- modities on both sides, which will be the most suitable for the commerce which is projected. As to the exact price of the different articles, I can not speak. But as European commodities are very dear in America, and our own are cheap, while at the same time they bear a high price in Europe, commerce on this footing can not but be advantageous to Europeans. A musket, for example, which costs here tweuty-two French livres, can be sold in America for at least fifty, With these fifty livres two liundred weight of tobacco can be bought, which in Europe will bring two hundred livres. It seems to me that the mode of carrying on this trade with the greatest security, will be to fit out vessels for the Island of St. Eustatia. Then a skillful captain can set sail directly for America, and having a calculation of his voyage made for the express purpose of showing that he was driven from his course by the violence of the winds, if he should meet any vessel of war on the American coast, he can offer bis excuse, and, under the pretense of being in want of water, enter the nearest port. Thus, in going, the risk will not be great; and in re- turning, it can always be known when the coast is clear, and with a good wind at first, a vessel is soon out of danger. It will be expedient for this trade that the vessels engaged iu it should be the best sailers possible, since much will depend on that. At Emden or at Hamburg it can not be difficult to find captains or sailors who can speak English. At first it will be better to send the vessels to the Continental com- mercial agent, since there is one in each of the princiiial ports .The principal ports are Newburyport, Salem, and Boston, in Massachusetts , New London, in Connecticut; Baltimore, in Maryland; York, Hampton, and Alexandria, in Virginia; Charleston, in South Carolina; and Savannah, in Georgia. These are the principal ports, as you go along * I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 424. JUNE 7, 1777. 331 the coast from north to south. la order to arrive at the ports of Vir- ginia and Maryland, it is necessary to enter Chesapeake Bay, into which all the rivers of the two States empty. I shall write to our agents directing them to give all possible facilities to your commerce in these ports. I have omitted the ports of Rhode Island and Phila- delphia, because they are direct objects of the war, and tiiey may be in the possession of the enemy. It will therefore be better to avoid them, in the present state of afiairs. I hope your excellency will do me the justice to believe that if I had known His Majesty's pleasure before my departure, 1 should have acted in conformity to it. And if my residence here as a traveler should give the least uneasiness to your court, I rely upon your excellency's informing me of it ; since nothing could be more disagreeable to me than to cause the slightest uneasiness where I owe the highest respect. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Deane to Dumas.* Paris, June 7, 1777. Sir : I understand that the British minister's emissaries are very busy in Holland propagating reports of an accommodation between the Con- gress and Great Britain. They are playing the same game here. 1 have long since been convinced that there is no action too atrocious for them to attempt, nor any report too ridiculous and improbable for them to propagate to serve their purposes. The last authentic intelligence from Congress, or from New York, was about the 10th of April, when there was not the least prospect of any accommodation. The sole over- ture that had been made was a hint, I may say, from General Lee, that Lord and General Howe wished to renew a conference with the Con- gress, and to open a treaty, to which the Congress replied they would neither confer nor treat till theirindependence should be acknowledged. You will therefore see at once how very little ground there is for such kind of assertions. I have seen such strange and unexpected events, as well as been witness to such extraordinary conduct, that I am almost beyond being surprised at anything; yet should an accommodation take place between those contending nations whilst the Congress have the least prospect of for- eign succor and support, I confess I shall be greatly surprised. But if the British ministry, as they roundly assert, are assured that no power in Europe will countenauce the United States in their independence, and if they can bring the Congress to believe the sanie, who will be sur- prised if they make terms, and accommodate, rathertliau hazard longer a contest with the most formidable power in Europe and its allies, without prospect on their part of aid or support ! I say, who will be ' 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 233. 332 DIPLOMATIC COREESPOWDENCE, surprised, or ratber, wlio will not be surprised, should tbey still persis in continuing the war unsupported "? However, I, wbo know my couu trymen perfectly, and the principles by which they are actuated, do noi believe they will ever accommodate on terms lower than independence yet in the same situation, and with the same offers made them, I an certain any other people in the world would accommodate. You are not to impute what I say to vanity. I am not raising mj countrymen above every other nation in the world; far from it; bul they are a uew people, and have certain notions that are either new ir the world, or have been so long unpracticed upon and unheard of, excepi in the speculations of philosophers, that it is diflScult, perhaps impossi ble, to compare them with any other nation. Unprejudiced reason, and plain common sense, will enable the few to judge; but tbe many, the ninety-nine of one hundred at least, will determine asusual by the event lam not fond of bold assertions or predictions, but I dare hazard mj credit upon it, that either no accommodation on any terms will take place, or, if it does, a war in Europe will be the immediate consequence ; and I submit it to the consideration of those ministers and politicians wbo are afraid to offend Great Britain now, whilst America alone employs more than her whole natural force, how they will be able to contend with her when at peace and on good terms, perhaps in alliance with, America ? Universal monarchy has at many periods been feared from the House of Bourbon, and England has been exhausted to prevent it; she has engaged allies pretendedly to keep the balance of power in Europe, as it is ridiculously' and unintelligibly termed by European politicians ; but you will permit an American to give bis sentiments ; they may at least divert and make you smile. From the jieriod when tbe feudal system prevailed over all Europe, when every lord was sovereign, to this hour, the number of kingdoms or distinct powers in Europe has been decreasing, and if we look three centuries back, and reckon up the distinct powers then existing and compare them with those of the present, and extend our view forward, tbe whole must, at some not very distant period, be brought into one; for not an age passes, and scarce a single war, without annihilating or swallowing up several of them. But from what quarter is this universal empire in Europe to originate ? I answer negatively ; not from the bouse of Bourbon, thcugli formidable for its connections and alliances in the south; buti will ven- ture to predict that if Great Britain, by forming an accommodation of friendship and alliance with the United States, renders herself, as by that measure she easily can, mistress of that world, by taking tbe affairs of the East Indies into her own bands, she will be in possession of ex- baustless treasure, and in 1780 the charter of the East India Company expires, when both the territory and commerce will be at her disposal. Add to all this her strict and close alliance with Eussia. I say that, laying these circumstances together, it is easy to foresee that Great 333 Britain, America, and Russia united will command not barely Europe, but the whole world united. Eussia, like America, is a new state, and rises with the most aston- ishing rapidity. Its demand for British manufactures and its supplies of raw materials increase nearly as fast as the American ; and when both come to center in Great Britain, the riches, as well as power, of that kingdom will be unparalleled in the annals of Europe, or perhaps of the world. Like a Colossus, with one foot on Eussia and the East and the other on America, it will bestride, as Shakespeare says, your poor Eu- ropean world, and the powers which now strut and look big ivill creep about between its legs to find dishonorable graves. I dare say you smile at my prophecy, but you will observe it is a conditional one, and I am persuaded, like most other prophecies, will neither be believed nor understood until verified by the event, which, at the same time, I am laboring, like my good predecessors of old (who prophesied grievous things), to prevent taking place if possible; for it is my ultimate and early wish that America may forever be as uncon- nected with the politics or interests of Europe as it is by nature situated distant from it, and that the friendly ties arising from a free, friendly, and independent commerce may be the only ties between us. Adieu, Silas Deane. Schulenburg to A. Lee. [TrauslatioB.] * Berlin, June 9, 1777. Sir : I have received the letter which you did me the honor of writing to me yesterday, and I imagine, from its conclusion, that on account of the difference of language, you did not, perhaps, take, in the true sense, some of the expressions which I used in our conversation. I lose no time, therefore, to assure you, sir, as I did in the letter which I addressed to you at Paris, that your residence at Berlin will uot be at all disagreeable to the King, provided you live here as an individual and without assuming a public character. As to the information you gave me with respect to commerce, you will be pleased, sir, to add a memorandum of the places where insur- ance can be effected on vessels destined for America, and the premiums of insurance to be paid. I will then examine your propositions and will soon be able to inform you whether we conceive it possible to make an experiment of the kind with success. I have the honor of being, etc., Baron de Schtilenberg. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev., Corr., 425. 334 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, A. Lee to Schulenburg." Berlin, June 10, 1777. SiE : By the accoauts received a little before I left Paris, the pre- mium ou iusurauce to America at Cadiz was twelve and a half per cent. At Bordeaux it was forty per cent, to and from America. A scheme was then forming for the establishment of very considerable and res- pQusible companies of insurance at Eouen and Nantes. But I am ap- prehensive there will be some difficulty about insuring any but French property. I should therefore conceive your excellency would do best to have it tried at Amsterdam, where one would imagine that forty per cent., which is infinitely beyond the risk, would be an irresistible temptation. If the insurance to America were made here, the Congress might in- sure back. There is, however, an obvious objection to this, arising from their want of funds in Enroi^e to answer the loss. This objection would not now have existed had not our commerce with Europe been so much discouraged by an almost universal concurrence of its powers in prohibiting our being supplied with arms and ammunition, things essentially and immediately necessarj^ to our defense and existence. The European ports being also shut against our vessels of war, it is impracticable to contrive convoys for our trade, and it is thus exposed to the enemy. These and the thousand other delays and difficulties to which the present cautious system of Europe subjects us give every possible opportunity to Great Britain to recover that commerce which her unwise and unjust conduct has obliged us to withdraw from her and offer to the rest of Europe. An open acceptance of that otter would have settled the question at once. I may not presume to doubt the wisdom of that policy which prefers the chance of gleaning our fields after they have been spoiled and laid waste by a mercenary and enraged army to the certainty of reaping the full harvest of an unravaged country. Undoubtedly there are better reasons for it than I can devise. This is, however, most clear, that if the commerce of America were a thing not valuable, or rather noxious to the European powers, they could not give Great Britain a fairer opportunity of cutting it off from them forever, by retrieving the monopoly, or of greatly diminishing its sources by destroying our cities and laying waste our country with mercenary arms. We are left, like Hercules in his cradle, to strangle the serpent that annoys all Europe. I beg your excellency will accept my thanks for the satisfactory explanation you were so good as to give me yesterday of what I confess was not clear to me before. Permit me to suggest that as it is probable your captains will not be able to provide themselves with marine charts of the American coast ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 426. .TUNE 11, 1777. 335 it would be proper to order some of the best of them from London If in any thing your excellency should think 1 can be further useful you will do me the honor to command me. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthue Lee. A, Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Berlin, Ju7ie 11, 1777. Gentlemen: In pursuance of the plan which I had the honor of mentioning in former letters, I arrived here the 4th of this month. Mr. Sayre accompanies me lu the place of Mr. Carmichael, who, after prom- ising, refused to go.t The king being absent in the review of his troops, I have only had some conversation with his minister relative to their beginning a com- merce with you in their own bottoms. This I have reason to think will take effect; but there seems to be a system of great caution here, which will cramp whatever they attempt. I have good reasons for assuring you that Russia will send no troops against us. The consequence of the Prince of Hesse's conduct is be- ginning to be a lesson to the other German princes, so that it is not probable they will draw any more supplies from them. The country of Hesse is depopulating so last, from the apprehension of being forced into this service, that the women are obliged to cultivate the lands. At present, therefore, the foreign resources of Great Britain seem to be exhausted; nor is there any human probability of their re-instating their army, should this campaign materially diminish it, except it be with Catholics from Ireland. I have a plan for rendering that of little effect, which I hope will succeed. Upon your maintaining your ground this campaign, the question of acknowledging your independence will become very serious next winter among the European powers; but, until the events of this summer are decided, their conduct will remain the same, and no open act of inter- ference is likely to take place. Till that time, too, they would not wish to receive commissioners, as it subjects them to the complaints of the English court. A transaction has lately happened in England, which, notwithstand- ing appearances speak otherwise, makes me believe that our enemies expect some further and considerable assistance from Hesse. It is their paying aii old rejected claim to the Landgrave of £41,000. I know the British court too well to believe they would do this from any other mo- tive than the expectation of future favors, and to soften the sense of shame and loss which, already his having sustained, would prevent him ' MSS. Dep, of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 427, with verbal changes. tAs to Sayre, see introduction, J 192; as to Carmichael, ibid., J 171. 336 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDEKCE. from furnisliiug tliem further. But whether the object is merely to quicken him iu supplying the stipulated recruits, or to get some of his old regiments, 1 can not learn. A letter, which 1 have read, from the agent of that prince at the court of Great Britain to his minister, upon the very subject of this claim, grounds it only on the necessities of Eng- land for troops to carry on this war, without mentioning that he had stipulated anything specially on his part m return. You may, how- ever, depend upon my endeavors to get the most speedy and accurate information on this subject, and to raise every obstacle that can come from this and the imperial court. I expect to have finished what I can do here in ten days, when I shall set out on my return to Paris, whence, the conveyance being safer, I shall write you more particularly. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. P. S.— I see by the English papers that a motion by Lord Chatham for an address of the House of Lords to the king, to begin an accommo- dation by a cessation of hostilities and an offer of a full redress of grievances, supported by Lords Shelburne and Camden, was rejected by 100 to 28. This motion was made on the 30th of last month, aud the chief objection on the ministerial part was that it would stop the career of their success that must soon reduce you. Hanison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris* Philadelphia, June 13, 1777. Gentlemen : Though the dispatches prepared some time since are not gone, we think it best to write you again, and give you an exact ac- count of the situation of our army and military affairs to this time. You were formerly made acquainted that, immediately after the important victory at Princeton, on the 3d of January, General Washington took post at Morristown, which appears to have been a well-chosen situation. From thence, sending out detachments of his array, he speedily drove the enemy from Hackensack, Chatham, Springfield, Westfield, and Elizabethtown, all which places we have possessed ever since that time, as well as Millstone and Princeton to the west, and Cranbury to the south ; the enemy being confined to a narrow communication on Eariton Eiver, from Brunswick to Amboy, twelve miles. About ten days ago General Washington moved his headquarters towards the enemy, to a place called Middle Brook, about eight miles from Brunswick. He has now called in most of his outposts, and the enemy has done the same, being chiefly collected about Brunswick, and just upon the eve of some movement, which is generally supposed to be intended against this place. * MSS. Dep. of State ; I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 222, with verbal changes. 337 We are taking every measure to disappoint them, and have good hopes, in dependence on divine Providence, as our army has been augmenting daily for these three months past. It is given out that the enemy intend to come up Delaware Bay with their ships, as well as by laud, through the Jerseys. It is probable that before the vessel sails we shall have something to add on this subject. In the northern department, things are yet entirely quiet. We have a pretty strong body at Ticonderoga. Small parties of the enemy were up the lake lately a considerable way, but are gone again, and there is no appearance of any important motion soon. Whether this is owing to their not being ready, or to a change in their plans, and the army in Canada being ordered round to re-enforce General Howe, as some late reports would make us believe, it is impossible to say with certainty. A third body of our forces is at Peekskill upon Hudson River, to de- fend the passes towards Albany, and be ready to fall down upon New York, in case the greatest part of the enemy's army should be drawn from that place. The convention of that State has issued an act of indemnity, to encourage those who had been seduced to join the enemy to return, which has had a very happy effect. Upon the whole, our af- fairs wear as favorable an aspect as at any time since the beginning of the war. And the unanimity of all ranks, in the different States, in support of our independence, is greater than at any preceding period. The arbitrary conduct, and the barbarity and cruelty of the enemy, for the twenty-six days that they possessed a considerable part of New Jersey, have been of service to our cause. See, upon this subject, the report of a committee of Congress, with the proofs in the newspapers, which you may safely assure any person is a just and true, but very imperfect, sample of their proceedings. Benjamin Harbison. Egbert Morris. Thomas Hayward. James Lovell. Carmichael to Dumas.* PARIS, June 13, 1777. Sir : We are still without any news from America, except what we get by the way of England. The campaign was not opened the end of April, Howe being scarce of provisions and without forage. I have seen a letter from an English ofQcer in the service, dated the 25th of that month, and have been much pleased with the sight of it; a horrid pleasure, which derives its source from the prospect of human misery. The iiux raged much in the army of the Philistines, as the saints of New England style it, owing to their food— salted meat and no vege- tables. I believe a certain brig from a place called Rotterdam has "5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 236. 22 WH— VOL II 338 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. falleu into tho bauds of the choseu people, for one of my countrymen crossed the Atlantic in a small vessel of about 20 tons on purpose to take ber ; at least be informs me that he bad carried into Cherbourg a brig laden with about two hundred hogsheads of Geneva, some pitch, oil, etc., from Rotterdam, which said articles will, before this reaches you, be metamorphosed into louis d'ors of France. I have crossed the Chesapeake in this very ierryboat in which my bold countryman crossed the Atlantic. 1 had been told by a man high in oflBce in England that resistance was a chimera in us, since their armed vessels would swarm so much in our rivers as even to intercept the ferry- boats. His assertions are verified vice versa ; our ferry-boats ruin their commerce. You smile and think me amusing you. Be assured that is uot the case. This very little boat took on her passage another brig of 200 tons from Alicant and sent her into America. She also took four or five vessels in the Channel, chiefly smugglers, and plundered them of their cash, and the captain, being a good-natured fellow, let them go, as he did a transport, which he took in sight of a man-of-war, and was obliged to give her up, bringing oft', however, with him his people. He has promised for the future to burn those he can uot send iu, and I believe will be as good as his word. This is the way the English serve not only ours but the French vessels which they take -on our coast. The captain tells me he was told this last circumstance by several French captains whom he saw prisoners (himself a prisoner) at New York. The eyes of this court will be opened, it is to be hoped, before it is too late, a war being iuevitable, in my opinion, to force an accom- modation. They will unite with us ou our owu terms, and, discerning from the past how little effective assistance we have to hope from France for the future, will make a war with this uatiou one article of the federal Union. Whichever strikes first will probably succeed. Our valuable commerce is more hurt ou the French coast than on our own. We have lost above £60,000 sterling from South Carolina only, all which was coming to be laid out for French manufactures. It is a fact at present that the manufacturers of this country can not execute so fast as they receive orders. The English papers published by the authority of General Howe at New York tell with triumph that one of their cruisers has sunk a twenty- gun French ship at some distance from the Delaware, and every soul perished. We have some fears that this is the Amphitrite. Another ship was taken, French property, a few leagues from the harbor of St. Pierre, which she had just quitted. If they dare to do this in their present critical situation, what will they not dare if successful, or at peace and uuited with us 1 1 wrote you before what I repeat again, that had General Howe got possession of Philadelphia last winter as insolent a memorial as that presented by Sir Joseph Yorke would have been presented by Lord Stormont here, and had uot their demands been instantly complied JUNE 13, 1777. 339 with the immediate destruction of the I'rench commerce would have been the consequence. All the navy, all the army contracts are made for five years in England. Letters of marque were given to contractors and friends of Government; for what? To cruise against our trade? No ; but to be ready at a signal given to enrich themselves by the first captures on the French nation ; for the gleanings of our commerce are no object to a private adventurer, assured as the English ministry are of the pacific intentions of this court. From the quarter I mentioned to you in my last they will try his patience, and they do right, for the only hope they now have of conquering us is to deprive us of the means of resistance and the hopes of foreign aid, which keeps up the spirits of the people. If the Amphitrite is really lost General Washington will open the campaign without any of their military stores, so long prom- ised and so vainly expected, except about twelve thousand muskets. We expect with impatience direct news from America; the moment it arrives I will communicate it to you. The gentlemen are well and beg me to present compliments. I am, dear sir, yours, etc., William Garmighabl. P. S. — You will not mention publicly, for particular reasons, the iiistory of the little privateer. When the captain of our small priva- teer boarded the transport and told him he was his prisoner, he very insolently asked where his ship was, not conceiving that any person would have crossed the ocean in so small a boat. Franklin to Washington.* Paeis, Jtme 13, 1777. SiK : The bearer, M. le Comte Kotkouski, a Polish ofiacer, is recom- mended to me by several persons of worth here as a man of experience in military attairs and of tried bravery. He has lost his family and estate in Poland by fighting there in the cause of liberty, and wishes, by engaging in the same cause, to find a new country and new friends in America. Count Pulaski, who was a general of the confederates in Poland, and who is gone to join you, is esteemed one of the greatest officers in Europe. He can give you the character of this M. Kotkouski, who served under him as lieutenant-colonel. It is with regret that I give letters of introduction to foreign officers, fearing that you may be troubled with more than you can provide for, or employ to their and your own satisfaction. When particular cases seem to have a claim to such letters, I hope you will excuse my taking the liberty. 1 give no expectations to those who apply for them ; I promise nothing ; I acquaint them that their being placed when they * 2 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 10; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 102. 340 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. arrive is ;i great uncertainty, and that the voyage being long, expen- sive, and hazardous, I counsel them not to undertake it. This honest gentleman's zeal is not to be discouraged by such means ; he determines to go and serve as a volunteer if he can not be employed immediately as an officer; but I wish and hope that your excellency may find a bet- ter situation for him, and that he will be a useful of&cer. He has the advantage of understanding English, and will soon speak it intelli- gibly. He also speaks German and some other European languages, and the Latin. With the truest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Franklin to 'Washington.* Paris, June 13, 1777. Sir: The person who will have the honor of delivering this to your excellency, is Monsieur le Baron de Frey, who is well recommended to me as au officer of experience and merit, with a request that I would give him a letter of introduction. I have acquainted him, that you are rather overstocked with officers, and that his obtaining employment in your army is an uncertainty ; but his zeal for the American cause is too great for any discouragements I can lay before him, and he goes over at his own expense, to take his chance, which is a mark of attachment that merits our regard. He will show your excellency the commissions and proofs of his military service hitherto, and I beg leave to recom- mend him to your notice. With the sincerest esteem and respect, B. Franklin. Dumas to Committee of Foreign Affairs.t June, 14, 1777. Gentlejien : I have escaped, as much as 1 am able, from my chains, to make journeys to the Hague, Amsterdam, and Rotterdam, in order to maintain and increase useful acquaintances; and when I obtain any light, I commuuicate it to friends. The great majority, almost the whole of our merchants are for you. The regencies of our cities, and among others, Amsterdam, seem to take part with the court, which is allied with and friendly to England. But all this is precarious, and will change with your fortune. Let us hear of a successful campaign, and your friends will show themselves, your partisans will multiply; they will lose by degrees this panic of terror for a power that is not loved * 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 11 ; (i Bigelow's Franklin, 103. t 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. , 23«. JUNE 15, 1777. 341 by the multitude-. These persons are chiefly large annuitants, whose hearts are in the sources of their incomes. Another important truth which I have learned at Amsterdam is, that no banking-house is willing to take part, to the amount of a shilling, in the loan of five millions sterling which England has raised, because they were not content with the offered premium, and with her solidity, nor sure of selling the stock in detail. Distrust increases here in pro- portion as England sinks. The premium ought to be two and a half per cent., but we know that in England even the bankers are content with their sales in detail at five-eighths per cent. I have made acquaintance and connection with a house to whom I shall address in future all my dispatches for you, and under cover to whom you may in safety address to me j-our letters, viz, Messrs. Laland & Fynge, merchants, Amsterdam. If you will send me regularly, by your vessels going to St. Eustatia and Guragoa, one at least of your best pub- lic papers to the address above pointed out, or in the packets of friends in France, I will make good use of it for your service in our periodical papers. They complain everywhere of knowing nothing of your affairs but what the English wish Europe should know ; and on this subject we have often to wait some months before the truth is unfolded from a heap of impostures, which do not fail sometimes to answer the malice of your enemies in leaving false impressions on miiuls, which I wish to be able to destroy in their birth. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. A. Lee to the Commissioners at Paris.* Berlin, June 15, 1777. Dear Sirs : I had the honor of writing to you from Munich and Vienna, from the last of which I arrived here the 4th of this month. The letters you have received from hence will show you how the wind blows here ; I have tried all in my power to make it change— hitherto in vain. In ten days I shall set out on my return. There can not be a state of more perfect quiescence than prevails in this place : what is merely commercial is planned; but whether it will be adopted remains to be determined. I have the honor of being, etc., Arthur LEE.t * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cor., 429. tAs to the causes of this quiescence, see introduction, ^ 90//., 144. 342 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to 'Washington.* •i' Berlin, June 15, 1777. Dear Sir : It has been with uncommon satisfaction that I have seen you in a situation in which I long ago hoped you would be, if we were forced to dispute the great question which, in my own judgment, I was satisfied would happen, t I never forgot your declaration, when I had last the pleasure of being at your house, in 1768, that you were ready to take your musket upon your shoulder whenever your country called upon you. I heard that declaration with great satisfaction ; I recollect it with the same, and have seen it verified to your immortal honor, and the eminent advantage of the illustrious cause in which we are contending. I have the pleasure of assuring you that your conduct against General Howe has been highly approved by the principal military men here and in France, f That approbation has been increased in those to whom I have had an opportunity of stating the great inferiority of the troops you commanded to those of the enemy in number and in every necessary provision for war. The Prussian army, which amounts to 228,000 horse and foot, are dis- ciplined by force of hourly exercise and caning, to move with a rapidity and order so as certainly to exceed any troops in Europe. When the king reviews an army of 40,000 men, not a man or horse, though tljo former in full march and the latter in full gallop, is discernibly out of the line. The regiments here are in the field every day, where, besides the general exercise, every man is filed off singly, and passes in review before different ofiicers, who beat his limbs into the position they think proper, so that the man appears to be purely a machine in the hand of a workman. The improvements of utility which I have been able to note are these : the ramrod is thicker all the way than ours, and enlarged at each end, as ours are at one ; the advantage of this is, that, to ram down the charge they do not turn the rod, but, raising it to the muzzle, plunge the lower end into the barrel, and then, raising it up, return it straight, without the necessity of turning it as formerly. This saves two very awkward motions for turning the rammer, and a great deal of time. The mouth of the loops that receive the rammer is very large, so that there is much more readiness in hitting them than formerly, which also expedites the important business of charging the musket. To compen- sate the increase of weight, the musket is shortened two inches iu the barrel. When they present, instead of leveling their firelocks, they are taught to slant them down, so that a point-blank shot from them, so depressed, would strike the ground at about ten yards' distance. And this depression is found necessary to counteract the elevation * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 429. tSee, however, introductiou, ^^ 11, 141. t Cf. introduction, § 12. JUNE 18, 1777. 343 which the act of firing gives inevitably to the musket. Aud even when a ball does strike the ground, it generally rises, and may do execution ; but, if directed too high, it is lost irretrievably. These are alterations which seem to me of great utility ; and I wish they may appear so to you. It is my intention, when I have leisure, to write the history of this civil contention. The share you have had in it will form an interesting and important part. It will be in your power to preserve a variety of most material papers and anecdotes for such a work. May I venture to hope that you will think me so far worthy of your confidence, and fit for such a work, as to preserve them for me ? Dubious parts of history can be cleared by such documents only. The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in Germany, and their last resort is to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. They have already experienced their unwillingness to go, every man of a regiment raised there last year having obliged them to ship him o& tied and bound ; and most certainly they will desert more than any other troops whatsoever. They themselves rely upon the present campaign, so that if it should not produce something very decisive in their favor, which God forbid, we may depend upon their efi'erts being in the wane. With the most ardent wishes for your success, safety, and happiness, I am, etc., Arthur Lee. Schulenburg to A. Lee. [Translation.]* Berlin, June 18, 1777. Sir : After having duly examined the propositions which you have been so kind as to address to me, respecting the establishment of a direct commerce between his majesty's states and the English colonies of America, I am of opinion with you, sir, that it is very probable that even with paying the highest premium of insurance, the scarcity and dearness of our merchandise in America, added to abundance and low price of your productions, which can be advantageously sold in Europe, would render this commerce very profitable to the two nations. Nothing remains, therefore, but to make the essay; but a difficulty almost in- surmountable presents itself, which is, that never having gone as far as your country, we want vessels as well as captains, pilots, and sail- ors, who could or would go to such distant seas. Besides, the vessels we have are necessary for the interior commerce between his majesty's different provinces, and for that which we carry on with France, En- gland, and Spain. We can only therefore try aud see if there are any proprietors of vessels in Holland or Hamburg that, in consideration of * 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 4.'51. 344 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. a suitable freight, will load with aud carry our merchandise ; aud in the second place, if insurance can be efl'ected. We will endeavor to obtain information on tliese two points, and if it is possible to succeed by these means, after having removed some other difficulties of less consequence, we may be able to derive some benefit from the information which you have been so kind as to furnish me. I have the honor to be, etc.. Baron de Schulbnburg. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners at Paris.* Philadelphia, June 18, 1777. Gentlemen : In this we send you an account of the most material matters which have happened in the militarj^ department. The enemy, about ten weeks ago, sent a large party aud destroyed some Continental stores at Peekskill, the value not great, and retreated immediately after. They afterwards made an attempt to surprise Major- General Lincoln at Bound Brook, which he vigilantly escaped, with the loss of about sixty men. Mr. Tryon, who is made a major-general, was sent with about twenty-two huudred men to destroy the stores at Danbury, in Connecticut. Ifotice was received time enough to remove the most valuable part, while Generals Arnold and Wooster raised the militia, aud attacked the enemy on their retreat with good success. The New York paper, which may be considered as General Howe's gazette, makes their loss in killed aud wounded one hundred and four. We may give them credit for twice the number. The loss we sustained in stores was chiefly in salt provisions aud rum, and we had the satisfaction of learning thatthe cargoes of the prizes brought in the same week amounted to double the quantity lost. General Wooster, who behaved gallantly, was mortally wounded, and is since dead. Scarce a week has passed without skirmishing, in which we have been very fortunate. General Washington has removed from Morris- town to some advantageous ground near Bound Brook and Middle Brook, within eight miles of Brunswick, and the following is a regular state of the intelligence received here since the 11th instant. June 11. — At a meeting in the State-house yard. General MiffliD, despatched for that purpose from General Washington, informed the in- habitants that, from the late preparations of the enemy, he had reason to believe their design was, by a forced march, to endeavor to possess themselves of Philadelphia; it was then proposed, and unanimously assented to, to turn out agreeably to the militia law. 12. A letter from General Sullivan, at Princeton, received about 9 MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 223, witli verbal changes. JUNE 18, 1777. 345 this evening, informed that the enemy, at Brunswick, had begun to move the preceding night, but was prevented by the heavy rain. 13. The alarm gun in this city fired at 3 this morning, answering the alarm guns up the river. Several letters, by express from Bristol, mention the hearing alarm guns towards Trenton and Princeton, but that no express has arrived there from General Sullivan, at Princeton. 14. An express from General Arnold, at Trenton, informed that the enemy had moved on the 13th, in the night, from Brunswick; that General Sullivan bad likewise moved from Princeton to some part of Rocky Hill, with an intention to harass the march of the enemy, and thereby favor the approach of General Washington on their rear and that of the troops from Philadelphia. 15. An express from General Arnold, dated 4 o'clock, received here at half past 5 this morning, says that he had waited six hours, hoping to hear from General Sullivan, but had not ; that he should immediately set off for Coryel's Ferry; that the reports of the country were that the enemy w^ere marching rapidly towards that place, and that General Sullivan was about two miles ahead of them, on the same road. Coryel's Ferry is the place where our boats were stationed, sufficient to transport three thousand men at a time. Another letter from General Arnold, dated Coryel's Ferry, 14th, 9 o'clock p. m., received here at 9 this morning, says, that General Sul- livan arrived at that place about 4 o'clock, and had with him one thou- sand six hundred Continental troops and about the same number of Jersey militia, making up the number already there about four thou- sand ; that the Jersey militia were turning out very spiritedly, and that he expected to be five thousand strong by the next day, when he should march towards the enemy, who had encamped at Somerset Court House, eight miles from Brunswick; that General Washington con- tinued at his quarters near Middle Brook, eight miles in the rear of the enemy, who were about seven thousand. 16. The above makes up the chain of intelligence to General Arnold's fourth letter, which was received here this morning, and is printed in the papers of the 17th and 18th instant, to which we refer you. From various quarters lately we have reports, but none sufflcient to depend on, that the enemy will receive no re-enforcement from Europe, and likewise that a war with France is inevitable. General Burgoyne is said to be arrived at Quebec with troops. We have seen a memorial, presented to the States- General by Sir Joseph Yorke, and two answers thereto; the one, "that they had no account to render to him of their conduct;" the other, that "there are no gates to The Hague." We are, gentlemen, yours, etc., B. Haeeison. E. MOREIS. T. Haywaed. J. LOVELL. 346 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to Schulenburg.* Berlin, Jmie 20, 1777. Sir : I had the honor of receiving your excellency's letter of the 18th this day. Upon trial, I hope the difficulties will not be found so great as your excellency seems to imagine. When I had the honor of conversing with your excellency, I men- tioned that the admission of our cruisers into his majesty's ports to supply themselves with necessaries, careen, and sell their prizes in a secret manner, would be attended with great advantages. It is the only method of establishing a commerce at present from America hither in the commodities and vessels of the States ; for the privateers take in a light cargo from America, which they bring to the ports where they are permitted. This they exchange for necessary supplies, and then make a cruise, by the profits of which they are enabled to purchase a cargo of such manufactures as are wanted in America, with which they return . If I had his majesty's permission to signify that our cruisers would be received in his ports upon this footing, as they are in the south, I can have no doubt but that this species of commerce would soon take place ; and most assuredly the advantages of it to those ports, and con- sequently to his majesty's kingdom, would be very considerable. With- out such permission onr cruisers will be obliged to send the prizes they make in the northern seas to the south or directly to America, and will have no means of commerce or communication with his majesty's dominions. In about two days I purpose quitting Berlin on my return, before which I hope to hear from your excellency on this important subject. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Carmichael to Bingham.t Paris, June 25 until July 6, 1777. Sir: a letter from a person unknown to you but by name had need of a long introduction to apologize for the address, but not being a man of ceremony myself, and besides having but little time for foruiality, I content myself with saying that, engaged in the same cause with your- self, I have assisted Mr. Deane since his arrival in Europe, and know intimately well our affairs abroad, their situation here, and in such courts where it has been thought necessary to address ourselves for countenance and assistance. I have of course been no stranger to your correspondence, and have been sorry to find so pu nctual a correspondent *1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 432. tMSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 11, with verbal changes and omissions. JUNE 25, 1777. 347 should have any reason to complain of the want of punctuality in others. This is not owing to want of inclination in Mr. Deane, but to the multi- plicity of business which occupies his whole time ; for Mr. Lee is absent, being at Berlin, [Mr. Lee writes me he is on his return from that place, having finished his business successfully],* where I first broke the ice last autumn, t and the age of Dr. Franklin in some measure hinders him from taking so active a part in the drudgery of business as his great zeal and abilities would otherwise enable him to execute. He is the master to whom we children in politics all look up for counsel, and whose name is everywhere a passport to be well received. As I trouble you, therefore, with forwarding some letters to my friends, I wish to pay the postage by any European intelligence in my power to com- municate. I have another motive to incite me, whicli is, that I think your situa- tion of singular consequence to bring on a war so necessary to assure our independence, and which the weak system of this court seems stu- diously to avoid. Either from this weakness, or a jealousy that by a pre- cipitate interference our independence would be too soon and too for- midably established, the court shuns everything in Europe which might appear a glaring violation of their treaties with England. This line of conduct has delayed the stores so long promised, and at last sends to Martinique what ought to have been on the continent in February at furthest. This occasioned the loss of the Seine, which was dispatched half laden, that such necessary articles as tents and fusils might get early to America, the captain having positive orders to proceed thither without touching at the islands ; and I myself protested to the ship's owners that Mr. Deane would have no concern in the risk if on any ac- count but stress of weather the vessel proceeded to the West Indies. As such is their miserable policy, it is our business to force on a war in spite of their inclinations to the contrary, for which purpose I see nothing so likely as fitting out privateers from the ports and islands of France. Here we are too near the sun, and the business is dangerous; with you it may be done more easily, and indeed has already been at- tended with happy effects, as you will see by the inclosed copy of a letter from the chamber of commerce at Liverpool to that of Bristol. The natural antipathy of the nations is such that their passions being once fully excited, they will proceed to such atrocious acts of reprisal and mutual violence as will occasion clamors and altercations, which no soft words can palliate. As I pretend to know something of the counsels of both nations, 1 know there are strong advocates for war in both. The more reasons they have to produce in favor of their system, the sooner it will be adopted. In England, when General Howe's successes in the Jerseys and the prospect of getting possession of Philadelphia made the ministry hope ■" Passage in brackets omitted in Sparks' edition. tMr. Carmichael's letters from Berlin, if he ever wrote any, are missing.— Sparks. 348 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. for a speedy termiuation of their dispute with us, I know war with France was nearly determined on, The insolence' of apparent success dictated that memorial which Sir Joseph Torke presented to their high mightinesses, and which you have undoubtedly seen. Oae of a still more insolent nature was prepared and even sent to Lord Stormont here, and a refusal or even delay of compliance with the requisitions therein made was to have been the harbinger of war and the immediate destruction of the French commerce and islands. Happily for our enemies, the news of our success at Treuton prevented the delivery. In France the nation and some of the ministers wish to act vigor- ously, but are retarded iu all their operations by the imbecility ot age or the more powerful operation of English gold. As the English miu- istry seemed convinced of the pacific, or rather undecided, state of the rulers here, they hasten, by the most vigorous exertions against us, to end the war, and are less reserved in the treatment of the French prisouers abroad. [Well-attested accounts of this treatment would do us service in Europe, and if you should have it in your power to procure them, I will have them inserted in the Dutch, German, and French papers, and hand it to the respective ministers.] * Could they be provoked to unequivocal proofs of violence, [and breach of treaty] * it would be a great point gained. This your situation may bring about by encouraging the arming of vessels manned with Frenchmen, and by lirompting the captains to provoke unjustifiable reprisals on the part of the inhabitants of the English islands. To you, filled with liberal ideas and a high sense of the interest of the French nation to give us powerful support, these hints may appear ex- traordinary ; but from experience I can assure you that public councils, at least in Europe, are directed more by caprice, or the interest of in- dividuals, than a generous concern for the whole. At a distance, we think more of the wisdom of statesmen than they merit. [The same principle that occasioned a sanctum sanctorum in religion, throws an air of mystery on politics.] The nearer we approach both, the less is our reverence. If our enemies are not successful, they mean to close with us on the best terms they can, sensible that if this great effort does not succeed, they have little to hope in future. This is an animating reason for us to persevere iu the glorious contest. In the mean time, it is our business to keep up the spirits of our common people to the utmost ; for which reason what I write you is iu confidence, or for the inspection of the committee only, if it may be thought to merit their notice. The English have completed their loan among themselves. No for- eigners have assisted them, although the terms to the lender are better than any ever yet offered by that nation except once. Foreigners know that they have yet several millions to fund for which they must offer still better terms. The Spaniards have refused the mediation of France " Passages in brackets omitted in Sparks' edition. JUNE 26, 1777. 349 and England in tbeir dispute with Portugal, being determined to pros- ecute the war until Portugal demands peace and makes reparation. They have taken the important Island of St. Catharine's, on the coast of Brazil, without loss, and mean vigorously to prosecute their opera- tions on Brazil. This I have from undoubted authority, one of the fam- ily ministers. A report prevails that the ludians of the east have fallen on their oppressors, and have taken Madras. India stock has, conse- quently, fallen. Both France and Spain continue their armaments as if preparing for some great event. This obliges England to do the same. Of course all their naval and army contracts are for five years, and they employ as many workmen in their dock -yards as they did in the height of the last war. [From these circumstances you may judge, however different their declarations may be in Parliament, they have real appro *hensions in this court and that of Spain. | You will serve us essen tially by pushing the cruisers who visit you into the European seas particularly those of the north, in the months of August, September, and October, directing them to send their prizes into France or Spain It would render our negotiation with Prussia more successful if a to bacco ship could by any means be pushed into Embden, which ship might make her returns in umuufactures necessary for us, and fifteen or twenty per cent, cheaper than we can have them here. Urge it to the honorable the secret committtee. I am, etc., William Carmichael. P. S. — Two vessels with stores are just dispatched from different ports. Forward them, my dear sir, immediately to our dear country. July 6, DUNKBRQUE: Captains Wickes, Johnson, and Nicholson have just destroyed sixteen vessels on the English and Irish coast. I am dis- patching Conyngham from hence in a privateer on the same business. I begin to think war unavoidable. W. 0. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.* Philadelphia, Jime 26, 1777. Gentlemen: Since our last, of the 8th instant, iu which you were informed of the enemy being encamped at Somerset Court House, eight miles from Brunswick, we have the pleasure of acquainting you that, on the 19th, at night, they made a precipitate [retreat] therefrom to the last- mentioned place, and on the 22d decamped again, and wholly evac- uated Brunswick and retreated to Amboy. For particulars, we refer you to General Washington's letters to Congress, printed in the news- papers of the 25th instant. *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Core, 226, with verbal changes. 350 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. We Sire uuable to accouut for those movemeuts of General Howe on any other gronnds than the following, viz: That his march from Bruns- wick to Somerset afforded him an opportunity of trying the disposition of the States of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and finding that the iniliiia of both States were turning vigorously out to support our army, ho might reasonably conclude from thence that his situation in the Jerseys was too dangerous to be continued, and therefore decamped to Amboy, from whence he might, by his bridge of boats, intended for the Delaware, throw himself into a safe retreat on Staten Island. We give you circumstances as they are, with such natural inferences there- from as our situation and knowledge of things enable us to draw. The memorial presented by Sir Joseph Yorketo the States-General, mentioned in ours of June 18, you will find in the newspapers of the 11th instant. The said memorial does not come sufficiently authenti- cated to us to give you any particular instructions respecting your con- duct thereon; but as the progress of friendship depends much on the improvement of accidents and little circumstances, we doubt not you will be attentive to the conduct of the States-General at all times, and let us know whenever it appears to you that a commissioner from Con- gress would be favorably received there. B. Harrison. E. Morris. T. Hatward. J. LOTELL. Schulenburg to A. Lee. [Translation.J*' Berlin, June 26, 1777. Sir: After having testified to you, in my letter of the 18th instant, the inclination we have to establish a direct commerce with the Colonies of North America, provided we can succeed in surmounting the diffi- culties which are in the waj^, it only remains for me to answer you re- specting the free admission of your privateers into our ports, of which you wrote me in your letter of the 20th. I can assure you, sir, that the king is very much disposed to please your constituents; but, on the other hand, his majesty in the present circumstances, as you well know, cannot embroil himself with the court of London. t Moreover, our ports have ever hitherto received only merchant vessels, and no ships of war nor privateers have ever entered there, so that the officers estab- lished in our ports would be embarrassed how to conduce themselves on such an occasion, the usages customarily observed in this respect being totally unknown to them. We must therefore inform ourselves in what manner the courts of * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 433. t See introduction, ^ 90, JUNE 28, 1777. 351 France and Spain act, and of the formalities they observe towards your privateers, and how they grant free admission to the latter, consistent with the connections of friendship which they at the same time sup- port with Great Britain. The result of this information will decide whether and on what conditions the desired permission can be granted, and it will afford me pleasure, sir, to inform you as soon as possible of the measures his majesty shall think proper to adopt. I have the honor to be, etc.. Baron uk Schulenbueg. A. Lee to the Commissioners in Paris." Berlin, June 28, 1777. Dear Sirs: I have not yet received a line from you. It is not easy to divine the reason for so long a silence. There is for sale here, and deliverable in any port in France, fourteen thousand weight of brass cannon, at six guineas the quintal, and six thou- sand to be melted down at live guineas and a half. They arc six, twelve, and twenty-four i>ounders. The expeuse of freight and insur- ance to Nantes or elsewhere will be added to this price. Two days ago, while I was at dinner, my bureau was broken open, and some papers stolen out, which were iu my porte-feuilleA The En- * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 434. t John Quiacy, Adams, iu his letters on SiLesia, (p. 257), speaks tlius of an interview be had in 1800 with Elliott, the British envoy, who was charged with prompting the abstraction of the Lee papers: "After observing that it was now a circumataace that might with full freedom be talked of as a mere historical occurrence, he solemnly declared that the seizure of Mr. Lee's papers was not made by his orders ; that it was entirely the act of an offi- cious servant, who thought to do him a service by it ; that when the papers were brought to him he did look over them indeed, and found among them only two of any consequence ; one thedraft of an unfinished treaty with Spain, aud the other a letter from Frederick the Second, or one of his ministers, promising that if any great power iu Europe would set the example of acknowledging the independence of the United States he would be the first to follow it. I am inclined to believe that this account is true, and I was pleased to see the anxiety with which Mr. E. wished to remove the imputation of having premeditated that act of violence." A manuscript copy of this passage is in volume 77 of the Sparks papers at Harvard Library, and purports to have been given in manuscript by J. Q. Adams to Sparks. But this explanation is at variance with the following statement by Carlyle: "About four months before this time Elliott had done a feat not in the diplomatic line at all, or by his own choice at all, which had considerably astonished the diplo- matic world at Berlin, and was doubtless well in the king's thoughts during this in- troduction of the Dozen. The American war is waging and blundering along, a delectable Lord George Sackville (alias Germaine) managing as war minister, others equally skillful presiding at the parliamentary helm ; all becoming worse aud worse off as the matter proceeds. The revolted Colonies have their Franklin, their Lees, busy in European courts; 'Help us iu our noble struggle, ye European courts; now is your chance on tyrannousEngland ! ' To which France at least does appear to be 352 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. glish ambassador happened to be in the hotel where I lodge when I dis- covered the robbery. Upon being informed that I was gone to the gov- ernor, and that the suspicion fell upon one of his servants, he went away in great confusion, and in half an hour the portefeuiUe, with all the papers, were laid down at the door, and the person ran off undis- covered. The examinations that have been taken charge his servant lending ear. Lee, turned out from Vienna, is at work in Berlin this while past, mak- ing what progress is uncertain to some people. "I know not whether it was l>y my Lord Suffolk's instigation, or what had put the Britannic cabiuet on such an idea — pei'haps the stolen letters of Frederick, which show so exact a knowledge of the current of events in America as well as England ( ' knows every step of it, as if he were there himself, the arch enemy of honest neigh- bors in a time of distress ! ') ; but it does appear they had got it into their sagacious heads that the bad neighbor at Berlin was, in effect, the arch enemy, probably main- spring, of the whole matter, and that it would be in the highest degree interesting to see clearly what Lee and he had on hand. Order thereupon to Elliott: 'Do it, at any price,' and, finally, as mere price will not answer, ' Do it by any method — steal Lee's dispatch box for us ! ' "Perhaps few excellencies living had less appetite for such a job than Elliott; but his orders were peremptory. ' Lee is a rebel, quasi outlaw, and you mutt! ' Elliott thereupon took accurate survey of the matter, and rapidly enough and with perfect skill, though still a novice iu Berlin affairs, managed to do it; privily hired, or made his servant hire, the chief house-breaker or pickpocket iu the city. ' Lee lodges in such and such a hostelry; bring us his red box for a thirty hours ; it shall be well worth your while.' And in brief sjiace the red box arrives accordingly ; a score or two of ready writers waiting for it, who copy all day, all night, at the top of their speed, till they have enough; which done, the Lee red box is left on the stairs of the Lee tavern, box locked again and complete ; only the Friedrich-Lee .secrets com- pletely pumped out of it, and now rushing day and night towards England to illu- minate the supremo council board there. "This astonishing mass of papers is still extant iu England ; — the outside of them I have seen, by no means the inside, had I wished it ; — but am able to say, from other sources, which are open to all the world, that seldom had a supreme council board procured for itself, by improper or proper ways, a discovery of less value ! Discovery that Lee has indeed been urgent at Berlin and, has raised in Friedrich the question, 'Have you got to such a condition that I can with safety and advantage make a treaty of commerce with you?' That his minister, Schulenburg, has, by order, been investigating Lee on that head, and has reported, ' No, your majesty, Lee and peo- ple are not in such a condition; ' that his majesty has replied, ' Well, let him wait till they are,' and that Lee is waiting accordingly. Iu general, that his majesty is not less concerned iu guidance or encouragement of the American war than he is in ditto of the Atlantic tides or of the east wind (though he does keep barometers and meteorological apparatus by him) ; and that we of the councilboardarea— what shall I say ? Not since the case of poor Dr. Cameion, iu 1753, when Friedrich was to have joined the Highlanders with 1.5,000 chosen Prussians for Jacobite purposes — and the Cham of Tartary to have taken part in the Bangorian controversy — was there a more perfect platitude or a deeper depth of ignorance as to adjacent objects on the part of governing men. For shame, my friends ! "This surprising bit of burglary, so far as I can gather from the Prussian books must have been done Wednesday, June '2.5, 1777 ; box (\rith essence pumped out) re- stored to staircase night of Thursday ; police already busy ; Governor Raniin and Justice President Philippi already apprised, and suspicion falling on the English minister, whose servant (' arrest him we can not without a king's warrant, only pro- JUNE 28, 1777. 353 with having repeatedly tokl the servants of the hotel that his master would give two thousand ducats for luy papers. The landlord, who charged his servant with it before him, deposes that he said he would send the servant to answer for himself, but the servant never appeared. Prince Colberg, who was also present, deposes that he immediately quit- ted the room in the greatest confusion. The whole is before the king. curable at Potsdam') vauishes bodily. Friday, 27, Kaniiu and Philippi make report. King answers, ' greatly astonialied,' a ' garsUge sac/i6 (ugly business), which will do the English no honor.' ' Servant fled, say you '!^ Trace it to the bottom; swift!' Ex- cellency Elliot, seeing how matters lay, owned honestly to the official people that it was his servant (servant safe gone, chief pickpocliet not mentioned at all.) Sunday evening, 29, king orders thereupon, ' Let the matter drop.' These official pieces, signed by the king, by Hertzberg, Eamin, and others, we do not give. Here is Fried- rich's own notice of it to his brother Henri : "' Potsdam, 29th June, 1777.—' * * There has just occurred a strange thing at Berlin. Three days ago, in absence of Sieur Lee, envoy of the American Colonies, the envoy of Eugiand went ' ( sent !) 'to the inn where Leo lodges, and carried off his portfolio. It seems he was in fear, however, and threw it down without opening it on the stairs, '( alas no, your majesty, not till after pumping the essence out). 'AH Berlin is talking of it. If one were to act with rigor it would be necessary to forbid this man the court, since he has committed a public theft ; but, not to make a noise, I suppress the thing. Shan't fail, however, to write to England about it and indicate that there was another way of dealing with such a matter, for they are impertinent ' (say ignorant, blind as moles, your majesty ; that is the charitable reading.) "This was not Excellency Elliot's burglary, as readers see. Among all these cKcellen- cies going I know not that there is one with less natural appetite for such a job ; but sometimes what can a necessitous excellency do? Elliot is still remembered in Ber- lin society not for this only, but for emphatic things of a better complexion which he did ; a man more justly estimated there than generally here in our time. Here his chief fame rests on a witty anecdote, evidently apocryphal and manufactured in the London clubs: 'Who is this Hyder-Ali ? ' said the old king to him one day (according to the Loudon clubs). 'Hm,' answered Elliot, with exixuisite prompti- tude, politeness, and solidity of information. 'C'est uu vieux voleur qui commence radoter, (an old robber, now falling into his dotage) ; let his dotard majesty take that!" (6 Carlyle's Fred, the Great, .557). That the papers gave important information to the British Government was asserted by Carinichael in a letter quoted in introduction \S 150. With tbis is to be taken into consideration Frederick's letter to Maltzau, given infra under date of June 30, 1777. From these letters, as well as from the facts stated by Carlyle, there can bo now little doubt that the " theft " was under EUiot'ssupervision. It was a " public ", not a "private," theft, or otherwise it would have been punishable under the municipal law of Prussia. That Frederick should not have shown his sense of the outrage by requiring Elliot's removal, can only be explained on the ground of his feeling at the time that it was not wise for him to quarrel with Great Britain for the sake of Congress, and that he could afford to swallow the indignity done to himself (see introduction, tj 91). Such conduct would not have been condoned by him without strong reason. Ho had recognized the United States as belligerents by refusing to permit troops hostile to them to traverse his territory. As belligerents they were entitled to send envoys to him, and whatever may have been Arthur Lee's personal short-comings, he was as much entitled todiplomaticprivilegesasweretheenvoysfrom sovereigns whose title was acknowl- edged. Had the desk of Mason, the Confederate agent in London in 1862, been pillaged by direction of theUnited States, through their minister, that minister would 23 WH— VOL II 354 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Tbe return of the papers (tLosc wlrlcU he particularly wanted not hav- ing beeu left in the bureau) disapi)ointetl hiui of his object, while the whole odium rests upon him. [He will do better the next time, and his court will no doubt encour- age him. Public ministers have beeu regarded as spies. Mr. Elliott will give them the additional title of robbers.]* I shall leave this on Thursday next, and expect to be at Strasburg iu twelve da,ys from thence, so that a letter will meet me there by return of post. I am, with the greatest esteem, etc., Arthur Lee. at least have been suniuiarily sent back aud an apology required. See comiueut-s, iu- trodiicfcioii, \S\N 00,91. Wrasall, in his posthumous meujoirs, (2ded., vol. o, [). 172) thus writes: " There (at Burliu) I found bini (Sir Gilbert Elliot) in the autumn of the year 1777. While I was iu that capital, the American iusurgeuts, who were then engaged in endeavors to procure the co-operatiou not only of Fiance, but of other European powers, sent an agent named Sayre to the court of Prussia. Elliot haviug received iuforiuation that this mau was iu possession of the treaty recently signed between America and the ministers of Louis XVI, determined to obtain it at all hazards. Availing him- self of Sayre's absence, who had gone by permission for one night to Potsdam, ho caused the bureau to be broken open in which the treaty was deposited. It was iii- stautly copied and transmitted by him to Lord North. The servant who had per- formed the act (which, we must own, was not to be justitied by the ordinary rules of diplomatic usage) Elliot immediately mounted on a fine English hunter, aud iu less than eight hours li« reached the territory of Meckleiiljurg-Strelitz, I have been as> Bured that Lord North received the first authentic proof of the alliauee contracted between France and America not from Lord Stormont, then our ambassador at Paris, but through the copy thus obtained from Sayre's bureau." This statement, ou its face, conflicts with that of Archur Lee in his letter to the commissioners, as above giveu, of Juno 28, 1777, iu which ho says; "Two days ago, while I was at dinuer, my bureau was broken open, and some papers stolen out, which were in luy porte-feiiillc." It is ijossible, however, that the theft may have beeu the night before, aud only discovered by Arthur Lee after his diuner, ou June 26, 1777. The statement that Lord North in this way received the "first authentic proof of the alliance contracted between France aud America" is inaccurate, if the treaties of 177j:<, executed six mouths afterwards, are referred to. But the papers in question give indications, uo doubt, of frieudlj' relatious between the American commis- sioners and the French court. (As to the attitude of Frederick in this matter, see introduction «^ '.10, 91 ; as to Arthur Lee's course, ifci'ii., \'i 144 ; as to Sayre, itirf., ^4 rj-J, 190.) Of Elliot, Paul Jones, iu a draft letter to La Fayette of June 15, 1778 (Congressional Library MSS.,) gives the following characteristic notice: "I must tell you tliat Mr. Elliot (the same who filched Dr. Lee's papers at Berlin) was furious when he found my business at Copenhagen, aud that I was received with great distinction at court and iu all the best societies iu Denmark. Every time I was iuvited to sup with the king Elliot made an apology; he shut himself up for more than a month aud then left town." •Passage in brackets omitted m Sparks' edition. JUNE 29, 1777. 355 A. Lee to the King of Prussia. LTrausLitiou]' Berlin, June ti9, 1777. Sire : Tlie siugular wisdom by which your majesty lias raised your kingdom to so flouiisliiag a state, the wise measures which have car- ried tlie prosperity of your dommioiis to a truly astonishing degree, do not prevent me from being so bold as to say to your majesty that there are yet means of increasing the number and the wealth of your subjects. Nothing is more true than that the wealth of kings depends upon the number of their subjects. Ancient and modern history will show, with- out an exception, that commerce is the mother of population There is no need of citing proofs of this to the most learned king that ever lived. Such is the fact, and the reason is plain. It is, then, reasonable to say that the kiug who is desirous of increasing as much as is jiossible the number of his subjects should establish and encourage commerce iu his dominion. Your majesty's dominions are admirably situated for commerce. Three large rivers, which run through then], must furnish the greatest facilities for it. What then is wanting f Merely an object sufficiently distant to form sailors, and sufficiently extensive to establish and sup- port trade. Such an object is America; and the unexpected events which have made the trade of that country free aflbrd inducements for it. The monopoly of this trade, which, in the opinion of that great and wise man, Mr. Pitt, supported the power of England, no longer ex- ists, and, without a miracle, will never exist again. The nations that shall endeavor to obtain a part of it for themselves by furnishing to a young and grateful people the means of resisting their oppressors will be very successful. But those who wish to await in tranquillity the event of this war ought not to expect to turn trade from the course in which custom and gratitude before that time will have fixed it. The present, therefore, is the proper time for those to begin who wish to enjoy for the future the commerce of America. But there are obstacles to this trade; for, iu the first place, you have no vessels of war to cause your flag to be respected. But, sire, you have the best regiments in the world; and Glreat Britain, destitute as she is of wise counsels, is not, however, so foolish as to incur the risk of compelling your majesty to join your formidable forces to those of her rival. Besides, such is the present weakness of England, so pressed and exhausted is she by the war with America, that she is obliged to blind herself to still harder things which are carried on immediately before her eyes. Secondly. It is not practicable to have at the same time an army so numerous as that of your majesty and a respectable fleet, since the lat- ter would require too many men and destroy the country. This reason- ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 435. 356 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. iug would be sound if populatiou were diininished by commerce. But the coutrary is the fact. lu place of diiuinishiag, it increases it. Thus the most commercial countries are always the most populous. Popula- tion is always proportioned to the means of living. Commerce, by in- creasing tliese means, increases the ])opulation. Instead, therefore, of increasing the consequences of a numerous army, commerce is their most certain remedy. Thirdly. Sailors are wanting for the enterprise. It is the enterprise itself that must form sailors. A handful of experienced sailors are enough to encourage others ; and the matter once put in a good train will go on successfully by itself. If your majesty's ports were open for the entrance of our armed vessels — if they could there deliver their cargo, refit and sell their prizes secretly, then the instructions and the en- couragement which they would give to your sailors, and particularly if some of them were allowed to make a voyage in our vessels, would in a short time form sailors of your own subjects, and would draw a num- ber of them from other countries into your ports by the desire of going on a cruise to America. But it may bo said this would be taking an active part in the affair and deciding for the independence of America. Not more than it is already decided by the fact, nor more than is author- ized by the laws of nations, founded on the just interests and the warns of a state. The fact is that we have the sword in our hand, and that we are making war oiJenly. Are there more convincing proofs of actual independence? We are iu the possession of the country; the articles of commerce are the produce of our labors and belong to us. They are ours by right and in fact, and it belongs to us alone to dispose of thera. Is it necessary, then, that other nations should wait and suffer the most pressing wants while the English are using their utmost exertions to ruin usand to wrest from us our property in order to sellit to them ? Or can they not go there, buy the commodities of which they are in want, and with which the English can no longer furnish them, without violat- ing the character of neutral nations '? It is not ditttcult to say which is most agreeable to reason, and consequently to the rights of nations. iSTeutral nations, in carrying on this trade, decide as to the fact, and not as to the right. This is the distinction which the laws of England make; since theEuglish are allowed to obey the actual or de facto power, al- though it should not be so by right or de jure. Besides, the English acknowledged the Duke of Braganza as King of Portugal, and re- ceived his ambassadors in the year 1041 for this reason, that he had been called to the crown by the unanimous consent of the people. Congress is established on the same foundation. The assemblies of the States choose the members of Congress and empower them annually, and these assemblies are chosen by the whole people. Can there be a consent more unanimous or more maturely given ? Will your majesty allow me here to adduce some authorities on this subject '? JUNE 29, 1777. 357 Charles, Duke of Sudermania, having been crowned King of Sweden at the commencemeut of the seventeenth century, sent James Vandyck into France, and offered to Henry the Great the renewal of the treaties and alliances which had before been made between these two powers. Vandyck showed that the advantages which France would derive from the commerce of Sweden would be so considerable, tliat the king listened to the proposals of his minister, and was desirous to conchide a treaty with him. There was nothing to prevent liim from doing it, except that the action of Charles, who had usurped the crown from Sigismond, liis nephew, after tiie latter had been chosen King of Poland, was tbe more odious, as the pretext of religion was the cause of the revolution. It was also taken intoconsiderationin France that the King of Denmark, who was no friend to Charles, might form an alliance against him witii his brother-in-law, the King of England. But notwithstanding all this, M. de Villeroy, in writing to Jeannin, April 8, 1608, speaks plainly and says : "All these reasons and considerations would not prevent the king from making a treaty with Charles, if he should find it for his in- terest and that of his kingdom to do so." (Wickfort, p. 20.) The ex- ample of Henry the Great is worthy of a prince who has no less claim to this title. Vattel, in examining the same question says: " Foreign ]iowers con- form in this case to the possession, if the advantage of their own affairs incites them to do so. There is no rule more certain, more conformable to the right of the people and to the indejiendence of nations. Since for- eignorshave no right to concern themselves with the domestic aflairs of a people, they are not obliged to examine and to search into their conduct in these same affairs in order to determine the justice or injustice of it ; they can, if they think proper, suppose that the right is annexed to the possession." The advantages which your majesty's dominions would derive from the commerce of America can not but be very great. It would be a new market, and one always increasing with the rapid increase of popu- lation in America, for woolen and linen cloths, porcelain, and all sorts of manufactures in iron. The returns would be in tobacco, indigo, lin- seed, cotton, and peltry. It is true that these advantages will be very much diminished by the ravages of the English and their mercenaries, if we are to contend alone against their whole force, with the immense difticulty of obtaining from Europe arms and ammunition, after a thousand evasions, great risk, and loss of time. It is for your majesty, in conjunction with some other European powers, to put a stop to these ravages by a commercial alliance with the United States. There is no name so highly respected among us as that of your majesty. Hence there is no king the declaration of whose friendship would in- spire our people with so much courage and add so much force to our cause. 358 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I reiy on your mnjesty's goodness to pardon me for entering into this long- detail, and for suggesting tbougbts so unworthy of your attention, and so badly expressed in a language which I have but cursorily learnt.* Bnt I prefer writing incorrectly to communicating to any one what I have the honor of oft'ering to the consideration of your majesty. I have the honor to be, sire, etc., Aethue Lee. Frederick the Great to Count de Maltzan.t Potsdam, June 30, 1777. * * * I have received notliing from you by tlie last regular cou- rier. Bnt I must tell you of an act of singular daring and reclilessuess on the part of Chevalier Elliot, [the British minister to Berlin]. That minister took tlie liberty, through one of his domestics, of abstracting the portfolio of Lee, the American, from his desk in the " Auberge de Corsica," in Berlin ; and the theft having made a noise, he not only brought back the portfolio to the American, but, moreover, came him- self to avow the theft to my minister, witli all the circumstances that accompanied it, making various bad excuses for the part he took in it. It is properly what is called a public theft [''uii vol public"]; and if I had wished to make him feel the resentment which the law of nations authorizes, and which he richly deserved, I would immediately have forbidden him the court. But having himself told his fault, and hav- ing submitted liis person and his sentence to my discretion and my gen- erosity, I did not wish to push things to an extreme, and confined my- self to notifying him through my ministers of the impropriety and law- lessness of his conduct. Such, in fine, is the minister whom the court where you are has chosen to reside at mine, and you can judge very well what would have been the sensation created by a similar performance there, and liow the Chevalier Elliot would have been regarded. It is in the school of Bute that such scholars are formed. [De la main i)ropre du roi :] Oh ! le digne ecolier de Bute! Oh ! I'homme incomparable que votre goddam Elliot! En verite, les Anglais devraient rougir de honted'en- voyer de tels ministres aux cours etrangeres. ' This letter was drawn up and communicated in the Freucb language. — Sparks. tTranslated from (.'irconrt's Bancroft, vol. 3, p. ill. As to this theft, see introduc- tion, ^ 91 ; A. Lee to commissioners, June 28, 1777, with note. JULY 1, 1777. 359 Hancock, President of Congress, to William Lee." Philadelphia, July \, \111. SiK : Heiewith you will receive commissions from the Congress of the United States of North America, authorizing and appointing yon to represent the said Congress as their commissioner at the courts of Vienna and Berlin. You will proceed with all convenient expedition to those courts, visiting that first which, on consultation with the com- missioners at the court of Prance, shall be judged most proper. You will lose no time in announcing in form to those courts the Declaration of Independence made in Congress on the 4th of July, 1770, The reasons of this act of independence are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself that further argument is unnecessary. As it is of the greatest importance to these States that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and linssian trooi)s to North America, you will exert all possible address and vigor to cultivate the friendship and procure the interference of the Emperor and of Prussia. To this end you will propose treaties of friendship and commerce with these powers, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce proposed to the courts of France and Spain by our commissioners, and which were approved in Congress the 17th day of September, 1770, and not interfering with any treaties which may have been proposed to or concluded with the courts above mentioned. For your better instruction herein the com- missioners at the court of Versailles will be desired to furnish you, from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proposed to Congress, to be entei-ed into with France, together with the subsequent alterations that have been proposed on either side. You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten, in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured. There being reasons to suppose that his Prussian Majesty makes commerce an object, you will not fail to place before him in the clearest light the great advantages that may result froui a free trade between the Prussian dominions and North America. You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with decent firm- ness and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States, and the public reception of their commissioner as the repre- sentative of sovereign States. The measures you may take in the premises, and the occurrences of your negotiation, yon will communi- cate to Congress by every opportunity. » MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 591. As to W. Lee's executiou of this mission, seeintrodiictiou, ^ 17fi ; as to tbe mistaken policy ou wLich this and sim- ilar diplomatic appointments were made, see introduction, ii 16/. 360 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. It may not be improper to observe that these instructions, and all others which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as secret as circumstances will admit. John Hancock. Hancock, President of Congress, to Izard.* Philadelphia, July 1, 1777. Sir: Herewith you will receive a commission from the Congress of the United States of North America, authorizing and appointing you to represent the said Congress, as their commissioner, at the court of the Grand Duke of Tu-scany. You will proceed with all convenient ex- pedition to the court of the grand duke, and will lose no time in an- nouncing in form the Declaration of Independence made in Congress the 4th day of July, 1776. The reasons of this act of independence are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself, that further argument is un- necessary. As it is of the greatest importance to these States that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address to pi^evail with the grand duke to use his influence with the Emperor and the courts of Prance and Spain to this end. You will propose a treaty of friendship and commerce with the said grand duke, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce jiroposed to the courts of France and Spain by our commissioners, and which were approved in Congress the 17th day of September, 1776, and not interfering with any treaties which may have been proposed to or concluded with the courts above mentioned. For your better instruction herein, the com- missioners at the court of Versailles will be desired to furnish j^ou from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proijosed by Congress to be entered into with France, together witli the subsequent alterations that have been proposed on either side. You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten in those commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly scvnired. There being reason to suppose that his Royal Highness makes com- merce an object of his attention, you will not fail to place before him in * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 647. Izard never reached Florence, nor did he even receive any official recognition from Tuscany, whose gov- ernment refused him permission even to visit its dominions. (See introduction, § 97".) As to Izard's course iuremaiuiug in Paris two years and drawing his salary, see introduction, i 179. JULY 2, 1777. 361 the clearest light, the great advantages that may result from a free trade between Tuscany and North America. You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with firmness and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States, and the public reception of their commissioner as the representative of a sovereign State. The measures yon may take in the premises, and the occurrences of your negotiation, you will communicate to Congress by every oppor- tunity. It may not be improper to observe that these instructions, and all others which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as secret as circumstances will admit. John Hancock. A. Lee to the King of Prussia.* Berlin, July 1, 1777. Sir: Having been robbed in your city of Berlin in a most extraordi- nary manner, I have thus far relied on the common police. But as it seemed very probable that the individual who committed this robbery can not be prosecuted by the common police, I am obliged to disturb your majesty's quiet, and to request that an audience may be granted to me, in order to make niy complaint, and to say some things there- upon which it is impossible to commit to paper or to confide to any one but your majesty. I am, sire, etc., Arthur Lee. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to tlie Commissioners in Paris, t Philadelphia, Jnhj 2, 1777. Gentlemen: Since our last of the 26th ultimo, which mentions the enemy being retreated to Amboy, we have to inform you that General Washington dismissed the Jersey militia, except about two thousand, and likewise countermanded the re-enforcement of three thousand men from General Putnam's division at Peekskill. We suppose General Howe to be apprised of these circumstances, as he immediately after returned with his whole force from Amboy, and made an attempt to cut off a division of our army under General Stirling, but without suc- cess. For particulars we refer you to General Washington's letters, in the newspapers of the 2d instant. A letter from General Washington, just received, informs that the *1 Spark'.s Dep. Rev. Corr., 439. See A. Lee to commissioners, .June 28, 1777, supra, with note. tMSS. Dep. o£ State; 1 Spark.s' Dip. Rev. Corr., 227, with verbal changes. 362 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. euemy have totally evacuated the Jerseys, ami are retreated to their last year's quarters ou Staten Island. We inclose to you commission and instructions for Ealph Izard and Williaai Lee ; the first, appointeil commissioner to the court of Tuscany, and the latter to the courts of Vienna and Berlin. Their instructions are so intimately connected with your own, that we have thought proper to send them open, to your confidential care, that you may give infor- mation to the gentlemen, and take every due ste]) to forwai'd the exe- cution of the intention of Congress. B. Harrison. K. MoifRis. T. Hay WARD. J. LOVELL. The King of Prussia to Arthur Lee. [Trauslatiou.] * POTSDAJI, Jithj 2, 1777. The king having received Mr. Lee's letter, flated Berlin, 1st July, and his complaint of the robbery that has been committed, is pleased to return him for answer that his majesty has just ordered his minister of state. Baron de Schulenburg, to hear what he has further to offer on the subject ; that for this purpose, Mr. Lee may communicate to the said minister without reserve everything he may wish to inform his majesty of, who assures him through the present letter, that an inviolable secrecy and profound silence shall be observed res|)ecting the overtures he may think proper to make through this channel. Frederic, t Secret Journal of Congress, t July 2, 1777. Resolved. That the committee for foreign affairs be instructed to pre- pare a commission to one or more of tlie commissioners appointed to foreign courts, to empower him or them to represent the Congress at the States-General of the United Netherlands. July 3, 1777. The committee for foreign affairs brought in the form of a comniis sion !o the commissioner to the States-General of the United Nether- lands, which was read; whereupon Resolved, That the commission and instructions to the commissioner to the States-General of the United Netherlands be the same as those ' I Sparlcs' Dip. Rev. Coir., 439. t See. note to A. Lee to coiauaissiouera, June 2.':!, 1777, supra, t MSS. Dep. of State. JULY 6, 1777. 363 given to the commissioners to the courts of Vienna, Berlin, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The committee for foreign affairs brought in the draft of a coin- mission and instructions to the commissioner to be sent to the States- General of the United Netherlands, which were read. Ordered to lie on the table.* A. Lee to the Commissioners in Paris, t Berlin, July 6, 1777. Gentlesien: I informed you in my last of the 28th of my having been robbed of my papers, and having retrieved them in a few hours. Whether they were read I can not ascertain, but I think they would never have returned them had they known their contents. My journal book, which was among them, contains all our transactions in France and Spain. You will therefore .judge whether it be jiroper to guard those courts against any complaints from England. As they have re- turned the evidence of what they will allege, it may well be treated as a forgery.f I have jnst learnt that the envoy has dispatched his secretary to London, but whether to guard against the storm which he exi)ects his indiscretion will excite from hence, or to give the intelligence ho ob- tained, or both, I know not. I have thought it prudent to wait here some days to see whether the ill humor he has excited will furnish a favorable opportunity of obtaining something, but I shall leave this l)lace next week unless something from you should stop me ; hitherto I have not been favored with a single line. I see in the English papers that cruisers are sent to the Baltic, which I aoi afraid are against Wickes. Perhaps you will think it proper to change the name of Bonx's ship, to embarrass their complaints to the States, should they make any. I in- close you the price of several articles we want, and which seem to be cheaper here than in France. Adieu, Arthur Lee. * As to iiiiBsion to the Nellierlaiuls, see iutrotliiction, iji 97. tMSS. Dep. of Slate; 1 Spailcs' Dip. Rev. Con-., 4:?9. {Tbis, if it be ineant to .suggest that the commissioners should take the ground that Arthnr Lee'.s jonrnal was a forgery, the reason being that as the jonrnal was re- turned, the assertion, iliongh iintrne, could be safely made, is an extraordinary re- qucst, and none the less so from the fact that,while the originals were returned, Arthur Leo liad no reason to believe that copies of them were not retained. Siuli copies ■were retained, and were sent to England. As to what papers were in the stolen package, there is a conflict which is examined, supra, in note to A. Lee to commis- sioners, June 28, 1777. 364 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Vergenues to the Commissioners at Paris.* [Translation.] Versailles, July 16, 1777. Gentlemen : You can not forget that, at the first conversation I bad with both of you, I assured you that you shoukl enjoy in France, with respect to your persons, every security and comfort which we showed to foreigners ; and as to your commerce and navigatiou, we would grant every facility compatible with the exact observation of our treaties with England, which the king's principles would induce him religiously to fulfil. In order to i)reveiit every doubt with respect to the vessels that may participate in the favors which we grant in our ports to nations in amity, I must point out to yon the article of the treaty which forbids the power of allowing privateers free access into our ports, unless through pressing necessity, as also with respect to the deposit and sale of their prizes. You promised, gentlemen, to conform thereto. After so particular an explanation, we did not press the departure of the ship Bepriial, which brought Mr. Franklin to France, because we were assured it was destined to return with merchandise. ^Ve had quite lost sight of this vessel, and imagined she was in the latitudes of Amer- ica, when, with great surprise, we understood that she had entered L'Orient, after taking several ])rizes. Orders were iu)mediately given that she should depart in twenty-four hours, and to conduct her prizes to the only admiralties that were authorized to judge of tlieir validity. Captain \Yickes complained of a leak. Being visited by proper ofiflcers, his allegation was found to be legal and admissible, the necessary re- pairs were permitted, and he was enjoined to put to sea again. After such repeated advertisements, the motives of which you have been informed of, we had no reason to expect, gentlemen, that the said Sieur Wickes wouhl prosecute his cruising in the European seas, and we could not be otherwise than greatly surprised that, after having associated with the privateers the Lcriuffton and the Dolphin to infest the English coast, they should all three of them come for refuge into our ports. You are too well informed, gentlemen, and too penetrating, not to see how This conduct affects tlie dignity of the king, my master, at the same time it offends the neutrality, which his majesty professes. I expect, therefore, from your equity, that you will be the first to con- demn a conduct so opposite to the duties of hospitality and decency. The king can not dissemble it, and it is by his express order, gentlemen, that I acquaint you that orders have been sent to the ports in which the said privateers have entered, to sequester and detain them until sufficient security can be obtained that they shall return directly to their country, and not expose themselves by new acts of hostility to the necessity of seeking an asylum in our ports. As to the prizes they may have taken, if they have brought them into " MSS. Dep. of State, ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 2'27, with verbal changes. JULY 17, 1777. 365 our ports, they have orders to go out immediately ; and the same con- duct shall be observed towards any capture of any nation whatever. Such are the obligations of our treaties, conformable to our marine ordi- nances, which the king can not, by any means, evade. It will be highly proper for you to make these intentions known, wherever you may think it most expedient, so that new privateers, from the example of the mis- conduct of those against whom we are obliged to be rigorous, may not expose themselves to the like embarrassments. What I have the honor to inform you, gentlemen, of the king's dis- position, by no means changes the assurances which I have been author- ized to make to you at the time of your arrival, and which I again renew, for the security of your residence, and of all such of your nation whom it may suit to reside among us, as well as with respect to the commerce allowed of; which will meet with every facility on our part that our laws and usages will permit. I have the honor to be, etc., De Veegennes. Franklin and Deane to Vergennes.* Paris, July 17, 1777. Sm: We are very sensible of the protection afforded to us and to our commerce since our residence in this kingdom, agreeable to the goodness of the king's gracious intentions and to the law of nations, and it gives us real and great concern when anj^ vessels of war apper- taining to America, either through ignorance or inattention, do any- thing that may oliend his majesty in the smallest degree. The Cap- tains Wickes, jSTicholson, and Johnson have excused to ns their return- ing to Prance, being chased into the channel and close to your ports by English men-of-war, of the truth of which we have no doubt, the lie- priml particularly having been obliged to throw her guns overboard to facilitate her escape. We had, some days before we were honored by your excellency's let- ter, dispatched by an express the most positive orders to them to de- part directly to America, which they are accordingly preparing to do, as your excellency will see by the letter inclosed, which we have just received by the return of that express. We shall communicate his majesty's orders to our friends residing in j-our ports, and acquaint the Congress with the same, to the end that our armed vessels may be warned of the consequence that must attend an infringement of them. We doubt not but they will be henceforth strictly attended to, and we are willing and ready to give any security your excellency may judge sufficient and reasonable that, after being fitted and provisioned for so long a voyage, those vessels shall proceed directly to Americ;i, with- * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 22d, with verbal changes. 366 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. out makiug any other cruise on the coasts of Eugland. We are thank- ful for the repeated assurances of his majesty's i)rotection continued to us and such of our nation as may reside iu France, and for the facili- ties indulged to our commerce at this critical conjuncture, which will always be remembered in our country with gratitude and affection. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Lovell to Washington.* Philadelphia, July 24, 1777. Sir: So long ago as December 2, 1775, direction was given by Con- gress to the committee of secret correspondence to procure from Europe four good engineers. This was not, however, accomijlished till the 13th of last February, when the bearer, the Chevalier Duportail,t with M. La Eadiere, M. Gouvion, and one other ofBcer, who is left sick iu the West Indies, were engaged by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane to come over to America, I beg your excellency to observe well that these are the only oflicers of any species who have been procured from abroad by express direction of Congress, and this I do because I am about to furnish you with several circumstances peculiarly within niy knowledge relative to a point of equity well worthy your excellency's attention. The corps of engineers is very honorable iu France, and oflicers from it are sought by different European powers. These gentlemen who are come over into our service made an agreement with our commis- sioners to rise one degree from the rank they held at home, upon a supi)osition that the practice of Europe had been regarded here. But when tbcy arrived they found instances very different with respect to officers in all other corps. It was their mishap also to see a major of artillery aflecting to be exalted four ranks, as a chief, in his proper Hue and theirs also. They made a representation of these circumstances and ai)pealed to the equity of Congress. But they had arrived at a time when the infatuation of some here and the wild conduct of one abroad had rendered a spirit of reformation absolutely necessary as to the point of rank. The ingenuous, however, must own that there is singular hardship in the case of these gentlemen. The only officers ever sent for by us, procured by the real political agents of Congress, coming out with the good wishes of the French ministry, being of undoubted rank aud ability in their profession, find themselves in the dilemma of becoming *1 Sparks' letters to Waabington, 408. tAs to Duportail aud other French officers who entered our revolutionary service, see introduction, § 7ri. For contract iu full, see supra, Feb. 13, 1777. As to Condray, see introduction, § 82. See further as to Coudray's claims, committee to commission- ers, Dec. 1, 1777. JULY 24, 1777. 367 the first examples of our new reforniiug spirit, or else of going bonie daring a campaign, which their high sense of honor will not allow. But though the Ches'alier Duportail was uot made a brigadier, yet it appeared too gross to expose him to be directed in his jieculiar line by such as will readily acknowledge his pretensions by regular education and discipline to be greatly superior to their own. His commission pre- vents this, and enables him so to distribute in work the others who came with him as to prevent them who have been within a few mouths as long in service as himself from being interfered with by such as never belonged to the royal corps of engineers iu France, or perhaps but a very short time to any other. Tour excellency can not but wonder at the strange mauuer of word- ing the commission. I shall explain it with the greatest freedom. M. Du Coudray being employed as a good artillery ofticer to examine the arseuals iu Frauce, to see what cannon, etc., could be spared from them, acted with great industry iu that employment aiul much seeming regard to America. In the course of his transactious between the Compte de St. Germain and Mr. Deane he was not blind to perceive that he might take occasion to serve himself. Besides being paid for his trouble and expenses in France, he ijrocured an agreement from Mr. Deaue, which has already beeu shown to your excellency, and has affected you, doubt- less, with the same surprise and indignation which it has excited iu others almost without a single exception. I shall omit any remarks upon that treaty, or a long, too ingeuious memorial i)resented to Congress with it, except such as are strictly cou- uected with the occasion of this letter. M. Du Coudray haviug created himself to the command of artillery and engineers, persuaded Mr. Deane that it would be impossible to get any from the militarij corps of engineers, now called roy(d, because their demands would be so ex- orbitant, and that it would be also unnecessary, because we ought not to build fortified places iu America to serve as secure holds to our enemy when once taken from us, aud that therefore a few bridge and causeway makers would answer all the ends of military eugineers. Such he brought with him, who were quite ready to fall under the command of an artillery direction, when uot the lowest oificer of the royal cor])s of engineers would ha\e submitted to such a novel pretense. It is needless to inquire whether it be true that Mr. Deaue acknowl- edged he had beeu surprised into this uncouth compact. It is sufficient that Dr. Frankliu naade an after one, which Mr. Deaue also signed. Is uot this iu fact tantamount to a disavowal of the first treaty so far as relates to the orders of Congress. For if those orders were fulfilled by the first why was a second treaty made '! The agents show that there had been a deception, or that there had not been any attenji)t to follow the instructions of Congress as to engiueers, iu all the train attending M. Du Coudray. 368 niPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE. Auother remark may not be imperlinent here. As these four eugi- ueers showed their treaty to the Oompte de St. Germain, to whom they have also written from hence, it can not be supposed that he would have Iiermitted a lieutenant-colonel of the royal corps of engineers and two old majors of the same to come over hither to be under the immediate command of a youiii; major of artillery. It is not to be conceived. From whence I conclude that M. J3u Ooudray never let his exorbitant and whimsical treaty be known to that minister of the war department, who must have been shocked at the confusion of corps in the principles of contract. Excuse me, dear general, I will not again wander from the point which 1 said I would explain. M. Du Goudray has given full scope to his species of ingenuity here, as in the neighborhood of Mr. Deane. I have been told that he has said if he could not be employed himself he would bring it about that these others should not. This maybe an ab- solute falsehood. But I will own itcomes the nearestof anything which I can conceive of to explain the delays which have taken place in regard to these engineers, who ought to have been sent to your excellency long ago. They have remained subject to the crucifying expenses of this city because their employment seemed to interfere with M. Du Coudray's l)retensions, though those very pretensions had been rejected. Your excellency would doubtless smile if you should ever hear that even a number of ]}ea.sants disputed three days about the difference between the consequences of a mau's being colonel-ia-chief, or first colonel, or colonel to take rank and command of all heretofore appointed, or col- ouel- commandant of engineers. Would not a brigadier or major-general of engineers alike annul the supremacy of the difi'erently-worded com- missions? Or rather, do not the four different modes give like com- mand"? I shall pass Ixom rank to pay. These gentlemen not only, far from the prophesied exorbitancy in demand of rank, never received one shilling in Prance as gratification, though others who were not sent for received large sums, and claim pay for their embarkation, and even pensions for life. But Dr. Franklin, supijosing it would be less trouble to himself and more agreeable to the engineers to see to their own pas- sages, stipulated their pay from the 13th of February. As no regulations have yet been made in regard to cavalry or engi- neers, these gentlemen have received five months' pay as infantrj', which will not refund the expenses of their voyage. I am really uneasy, when I And manly, honorable intentions do not meet with at least equal emol- uments with artful, suspicious, tricking contractors. If these officers do not walk to camp, it is not because they were furnished by the board of war with horses upon my apj)lication for them ; and yet the nature of their profession demands a provision of the kind. Are they suddenly to reconnoitre a camp, a river, a shoal, or a whole neighboring couutry, through which an army is to march, and to make the speediest return JULY 29, 1777. 369 to the generals, oa foot 1 I trust your excellency, when asking for en- gineers, had ideas of something beyond what the sinister views of an ambitious foreigner have sought to inspire us with here ; which is form- ing a causeway, or cutting a ditch, or planking a bridge. And I shall consequently rest satisfied that you will receive the officers now pre- senting themselves to you, and secure to them such honors and emolu- ments as you shall find them to merit from their education and abili- ties, exbmplified under xjour command. No one has been more back- ward than I in desiring to see foreigners in our service, to the slight of my countrymen. And, except engineers, I could not admit the thought of our wanting any military strangers, other than one or two veteran adjutants or majors, who know our language well, and could serve as instructors at large to our spirited and well-attached young American officers. I wish these engineers could speak English better than they do ; but they can receive orders and give them in English, and will speedily learn to speak. I hope your excellency will not think amiss of the freedom 1 have taken at this time, both as to the matter of my letter and the inter- raptive length of it. I do not write officially, as of the committee on foreign applications. In that capacity I have more than once com- municated to you proceedings of Congress, in a style which might lead you to miscoujecture my individual opinion. I write as a friend to my country, and the reputation of its Congress, its army and agents abroad. I write, as being well acquainted with your excellency, or, in other words, as thinking I know you. In short, I write because I had determined it to be my duty so to write. That path once determined, I never ask myself whether there may be a lion in the way. After the important kindnesses which your excellency has done me, I so far forgive the late injury of your apologizing for a short answer written by one of your hurried family, as not to revenge myself by en- treating you to excuse my rough, uncopied sheets to a violent head- ache. Aliquando dormitat did not appear an unnatural charge against Homer. Nimium vigilat would have appeared so against Scipio or Marlborough, and yet I am led by you to think they might have given provocation for it. With truest vows for your prosperity, I am your excellency's obliged friend and humble servant, James Lotell. A. Lee to Committee on Foreign Affairs.* Paeis, Jiily 29, 1777. Gentlemen: I had the honor of informing the committee of my pro- ceedings at Berlin, in a letter from thence dated 11th of the last month. On my first interview with his excellency the Baron de Schuleubnrg, "~ - AISS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Eev. Dip. Corr., 440. 24 WH— VOL II 370 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENX'E lie iuforiucd lue. Uiat, upon leceiviiig inforiuatiou of my iuteiuliug to come to Berlin, lie had written to signify the King's resolution not to receive ine as a public minister, but that he should be glad to receive any information relative to tlic proposal of carrying on trade with us. I urged the example of civil wars both in England and Holland, during which public ministers were received li'om them by neutral powers, without its being deemed as an infringement of their neutrality, with many other similar instances of great authority. He answered that his majesty had pledged Lis honor to the King of Great Britain not to in- terfere in this disjjute; he therefore wished that I would confine myself entirely to the subject of trade, as he could not hear any further propo- sitions.* As I had not been expressly commissioned by Congress to the court of Berlin, I thought it not prudent to insist upon this point; I there- fore gave him what lights I conld touching the proper articles of com- merce, the best ports in America, and the safest means of conducting the trade. I trusted that I should find an opening for going further, upon better acquaintance and opportunity ; accordingly, I ventured, in a liitle time, to propose the opening of their ports to onr cruisers, and allowing the sale of prizes. I was assured, in answer to this proposition, that they would inquire upon what footing this was done in France and Spain, and inform me whether the same would be admitted in their ports. Wliilst I was at dinner one day some person contrived to get into my chamber, which was locked, and break open my desk, from whence he took all luy papers. I soon discovered the robbery and alarmed the police. The English envoy, who hapjiened to be on a visit in the hotel when the alarm was given, immediately went home, and in a few min- utes the papers were all returned, apparently unopened. The envoy went to the king next day to excuse himself, but was not admitted. It appeared, upon examination, that his servant had frequently offered a large sum to the servants of the house if they would steal n'y papers; but as I never went out of ray room upon the most trifling occasion without locliing them up, they were obliged to have recourse to vio- lence. The resentment of every one at so outrageous an act was soon lost in contempt of the envoy's folly for returning what he had incurred so much odium in acquiring. The minister of state told me they could do nothing more than to insist upon his recall, which he imagined the * The distinctiou between recogaition of independeucy aud recognition of belliger- ency is well settled. In the late civil war, for iuatanoc, the insurgents were recog- nized by foreign powers as belligerents, aud they were practically recognized by the (Jovernment of the United States when it treated prisoners taken from them as pris- oners of war aud uot as traitors. Frederick had, before the date of the above letter, recognized the United States as belligerents. If so, they were entitled to liave agents at Berlin. But it pleased him uot ouly to overlook this distinction, but to treat the American envoys as/c/ie naliira', whose goods it was not larceny to steal. JULY 29, 1777. 371 envoy, consider! ug the unfavorable light in which this action had j)laced him, would do himself.* I thought this a favorable opportunity of pressing for aid from the king, in artillery, arms, and money, of which I was well informed he had a considerable sum in his treasury; but I could obtain nothing but assurances of his desire to serve us if it were in his power. Upon taking leave, the Baron de Schulenburg delivered me a message from his majesty, desiring me to assure my constituents that nothing would give him more pleasure than to hear of their success, and that he wished whatever good news I received might be communicated to him. I did not omit to press his interposition relative to German and Russian aux- iliaries. In answer to this, the minister assured me that we had no reason to apprehend anything, either from one or the other, in future. What I have collected from various sources upon the subject is this: The German princes who have hired their troops, besides having ren- dered themselves exceedingly odious, have suffered greatly, and are still suffering, by the emigrations of their subjects, for fear of being forced into this service, which is excessively unpopular and odious through all Germany. Under these circumstances those princes are neither much inclined, nor at all able, to furnish new supplies; the troops already sent were their utmost exertions, and, in all probability, will be their last. The situation of the Empress of Eussia is not more favorable ; she is under a constant alarm for the internal quiet of her kingdom, in which there are everywhere the seeds of great and dangerous discontent. A considerable force is required to preserve the acquisitions she has made in Poland. The peace with the Porte is an armed truce, which threatens to break out into action every moment. The first and most sacred prin- ciple of the Mahometan religion is the union of all Mussulmans; the dividing the Urimea from them is, for this reason, a mortal wound to their religious principles, and renders the late peace universally odious. Perpetual obstacles are therefore raised to the execution of it; and the Turks are openly preparing to avenge their late defeats. So cir- cumstanced, it is certain the Empress is herself in great need of assist- ance, instead of being in a condition to give it ; t which, were she able, it is concei'i-ed she would never stoop to do as a subsidiary of Great Britain in such a contest, and iu such company as the little German princes. What is further security against their future efforts, is the de- ficiency of funds on the part of our enemies. I found their credit in Germany had been at no time lower that it is now. We have good in- telligence from Holland of its falling there apace. In England men ruminate every day more deeply on the dark and ruinous prospect be- fore them, and most assuredly their credit there is already stretched to its utmost. All this may be well conceived, from the light in which the • See A Lee to commissioners, June 28, 1777. Introduction, ^ 91, 144, 150, 193. tSee introduction, § 92. 372 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. contest bas been always viewed. In England it was regarded as un- icise; ill every part of Europe, as imwific and loijust. Nothing but the most brilliant and iinuiediate success could have prevented the conse- quence of these opinions. That has not happened, and therefore they now begin to experience the bitter effects of their folly and injustice. Every day confirms me more and more in the opinion that our enemies can not continue the war another campaign with any eii'ect, and that the ackuowledgmeut of your independency will be a serious subject of deliberation among the powers of Europe the ensuing winter. Yours, etc., Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Gerard.* Paris, Awjust 1, 1777. Sir: Understanding that his excellency Count de Vergennes was in Paris, I took that opportunity of endeavoring to pay my respects to liim, without the parade of coming to Versailles, which, in the present state of things, may be troublesome. But if his excellency has any desire to know what I transacted at Berlin, I shall receive his com- mands to attend him at Versailles with pleasure. My instructions having been to do nothing there that might be disagreeable to this court, I have endeavored to follow them precisely. I beg, sir, you will accept personally my respects, and I have ^he honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin and Deane's Contract -with M. Holker.t August 6, 1777. We, the undersigned, aclcnowledge that we have authorized M. Holker to treat with Messrs. Sabbatier & Desprez for five thousand coats, waistcoats, and breeches, of which two thousaud five hundred coats are to be blue, and two thousand five hundred brown, with facings, linings, and collars of red, the waistcoats and breeches to be white, agreeably to the present treaty, and to the same clauses and conditions therein stipulated. Done at Paris, the 15th of August, 1777. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. . The present contract done and signed in duplicates to be faithfully executed on both sides, agreeably to its tenor and form. Paris, 6th of August, 1777. monthibu. Silas Dbane, For B. Franklin and self. - 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr.,44:!. tMSS. Dep, of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 232. See index, Holker. AUGUST 7, 1777. 373 Amount of Suxdry Auticles of Mkrchandise Mentioned in tfb above Cox- tracts. 6,000 coats, complete, at 37 livres each 222,000 12,000 pair woolen stockings, at 30 per dozen 30, OOU 100,000 pounds of copper, at 27 per pound 135,000 22,000 pounds sheet copper and nails, at 33 per pound 36,300 20,000 pounds Englisli tin, at 17 tbe hundred-weight 17,000 4, 000, 000 flints, 4 per 100 10,000 456, 300 Sum total, four hundred and lifty-six thousand three hundred livres, errors and omissions excepted. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners at Paris.* riiiLADELPHiA, August 7, 1777. Gentlemen: Inclosed are duplicates of commissions aud instruc- tions for William Lee and Ealph Izard, and triplicates of our letters 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6. Since our last, of July 3, various circumstances have happened in the military department, many of which are so intricate and unfinished as not to enable us to draw any just conclusions from them. Immediately after the unsuccessful attempt made by General Howe, June 26, to cut off a detachment of our army, under Lord Stirling, as mentioned in our last, the whole body of the enemy retreated to Stateu Island, embarked on board their fleet, and on the 23d of July put to sea; on the 27th they appeared off the Capes of Delaware. General Washington, with the army, arrived at Germantowu on the 29th. On the 31st the enemy's fleet stood out to sea. Thej^ made a second ap- pearance at the capes, siuce which we have had no account of them. As this packet goes from the eastward, you will probably be furnished with something further from that quarter. Our worst news is, that we have lost Ticonderoga ; whether by neg- lect or necessity, cowardice or good conduct, will appear hereafter. Congress has ordered General Gates to that department, and has directed Generals Schuyler and St. Clair to appear at headquarters, that an inquiry may be made into their conduct, and the circumstances of this mysterious aft'air. In the papers of July IG, 23, August 5 and 6, you have Generals Schuyler's and St. Clair's letters, aud the resolves of Congress. We have been fortunate enough to take, and so unfortu- nate as to lose again, the Fox frigate. She was taken by the Captains Manly and McNeal, but two heavy English ships being in sight when she struck, she was afterwards retaken by them. Major-General Prescott, who commanded the enemy's forces at Rhode Island, was seized and made prisoner by a small party under Lieuten- ant-Colonel Barton, as you may see by General Washington's letter to Congress, printed July 23. The Congress have presented Colonel Bar- -MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 230, with verbal change. 374 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. toa with a sword, and likewise Lieutenant-Colonel Meigs with another, this oiScer having performed a gallant exploit on Long Island, bringing offnearly a hundred prisoners, and destroyiugalargequantity of forage. "Were it not for the Ticonderoga affair we should have nothing but good news to communicate ; and even that may turn out in the end a lucky circumstance to the general cause, as did the attempt of the en- emy to march through the Jerseys last winter. We have a fine healthy army, anxions for nothing so much as to meet their foes. Surely it must appear very ridiculous in Europe that General Howe should be thus shunning the army he came out to conquer, and wasting his time ■ in cruising upon the coast with his whole fleet at this hot season of the year, when the ministry in England, and perhaps Lord Stormont at Paris, have given out that he has penetrated a hundred miles and more into tlie country. "We are, with great regard, gentlemen, your most humble servants, Benjamin IIarrison. Egbert Morris. James Lovell. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Arthur Lee.* THiLADELPniA, August 8, 1777. Sir : We have to acknowledge yours of March 18, from Vitoria, in Spain, and another of May 13, from Paris. The first falls particularly under the notice of the committee of commerce, to whom it has been referred. Tou could not, at the time of writing it, have been certified of the arrival of some interesting dispatches from Congress to your colleagues ill France, on the 10th of that month, which might have occasioned a' very considerable alteration in the politics of the court of Versailles, which would consequently influence those of the court of Madrid. The intelligence contained in your last is a most pleasing confirma- tion of the hopes which you liad given us of pecuniary aid from Spain. Whatever tends to establish the value of our paper currency is most highly important to us. Congress will immediately go into a consider- ation of the several hints for this i^urpose, given by you and Messrs. Franklin and Deane. Tlie unpleasing events in the northern depart- ment have so far engaged the attention of all public bodies that it has been impossible for Congress to decide upon the subjects mentioned to them by you early enough for us to forward their determinations by the present opportunity. By our several letters dispatched in the armed sloop Independence, from hence, or by duplicates and gazettes sent by Mr. McCreary from Baltimore, you will know by way of Paris the history of our military af- * I Sparks Dip. Rev. Corr., 443. AUGUST 13, 1777. 375 fairs in a regular detail. We are at tliis time altogether uncertain as to Mr. Howe's destination, his fleet not having been seen since the 1st of this month. Indeed we shall leave you, for the most part, to get informa- tion of our operations from the gentlemen at Paris, to whom we shall have the most direct opportunities of conveyance. We wish you success on the embassy you are now engaged in : and we are pleased that you are so agreeably connected witli Mr. Sayre, whose attachment to the cause of liberty and this conntry has been manifested. We are, with much regard', sir, your friends and humble servants, Benjamin Harrison. Robert Morris. James Lovell. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Vergennes.* Versailles, August 12, 1777. Sir : We understand, with great surprise, that one of our country- men, Mr. Hodge, a merchant of Philadelphia, is apprehended at Paris, with all his papers, and carried away by the ofQcers of police.! As Mr. Hodge is a person of character, connected with the best houses in our country, and employed here by a committee of Congress to purchase goods, we can not conceive him capable of any willful offense against the laws of this nation. Our personal regard for him, as well as the duty of our station, obliges us to interest ourselves in his behalf, and to request, as we do most earnestly, that he may be immediately restored to us. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Schulenburg.t Paris, August 13, 1777. Sir: Upon inquiry I find the plan for establishing assurance com- panies at Eouen, Nantes, and Bordeaux is not yet carried into execu- tion, and that it respects French subjects only. At Cadiz they confine themselves to forty thousand livres in one bottom. I am satisfied, sir, upon the maturest reflection and consultation with my brother commissioners, that the opening of your ports to our cruisers is the only way of commencing a commerce with eflect. Some management which this court thinks necessary to use with that * 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Con-., 231. t Seo index, Hodgo. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 444. 376 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. of England has tbrowu a temporary difficulty on the admission of our cruisers and prizes into the ports of France. The great profit made by privateering is an irresistible temptation to seamen, which, together with the greater demand for our navy, will render it impossible for menihant vessels to find hands to navigate them. We have received no direct intelligence from America for two months. The English court conceal what they receive. This, however, is cer- tain, that General Howe, unable to make his way to Philadelphia through the Jerseys, has embarked his troops for some other expedi- tion. As far, thci'ofore, as we can judge, the campaign is not likely to be quite so brilliant as was expected. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Gardoqui.* Paris, August 18, 1777. Sir : My return from Berlin gives me an opportunity of renewing our correspondence. By what I learn from Dr. Franklin our affairs with you have taken a sudden turn, for which I am at a loss to account. If the reason be not a secret of state, that may not be communicated, you will oblige me much by letting me know it. Perhaps it may be founded on some misapprehension, whicli on being made known may be re- moved. I was in great hopes of succeeding in my endeavors to procure the admission of our armed vessels into some northern ports, but the late maneuvers of this court I am apprehensive will prevent it.t We sliould by that means have relieved our southern friends from part of the burden, which has hitherto rested on them alone, and turned both the observation and the complaints of Great Britain into another channel. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Vergennes to Grand. [Translation.]* August 21, 1777. Sir: Your idea has been thought a just one, but as it can not as yet operate effectually it is conceived best to reserve the execution of it until such time as will produce more desirable sensations. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. , 445. tTbis was not only a mistake, since Vergennes was doing all he could to obtain from Prussia and Russia belligerent rights for America, but was impolitic, as Spain could only be forced to aid America by the example of France. Letters sucb as this were well calculated to cause Spain to look with increasing disfavor on America. 377 The news froai Holland that certain persous of disliuction are sent to America is not confirmed from any quarter. The news from Lou- don made no mention of it. There is no doubt but that England is de- sirous of peace. The minister himself wishes it, but 1 do not imagine that it is upon the same conditions as America. Your friends are neither just nor reasonable if they complain of the bounds that it is necessary to set to the enterprises of their privateers. They have been informed of what can be granted to them ; they have been entreated to conform to our obligations. We have exerted a patience which they had no right to expect; but when matters are carried to excess, it is necessary to convince them that we are not insensible of it. We can not allow the privateers of any nation whatever to come in and go out of our ports as they would their own. This is a duty imposed on us by treaties. Neither can we permit the sale of prizes.* In every other respect we have shown the greatest compliance ; we have even gone further than was reasonably to be expected. It has been with the greatest regret that some severity has been shown in a few instances, although the occasions have been many. Moreover, if I am written to on the subject, and in a suitable manner, I will give an answer ; but as to what you say respecting the disposi- tion of your friends, I perceive that sentiments of friendship have not made a deep impression on them. M. de Chaumont has informed us of their intention of selling their privateers here. Should they prefer to go away with them, let them explain themselves. I will willingly en- deavor to obtain immediate permission for them on positive condition that they will not return again. With regard to Hodge, you well know what hje promised. I know not whether such tricks are allowed in America, but in France and Europe it is a very serious fault to tell the King a falsehood, which he did when he affirmed and gave security that the vessel which sailed from Dunkirk was not designed as a priva- teer. De Vergennes. Dumas to Committee of Foreign AfTairs.t August 22, 1777. Gentlemen : In spite of my extreme circumspection, your enemies are not altogether without knowledge of me, and, not able to persecute me openly, are endeavoring secretly to deprive me of my post in this country. I sent an account yesterday to Paris, and to-day to a certain person at The Hague, of what has happened to me. I am sustained in all my losses by the firm resolution to live and die the faithful servant of United America, and by consequence also with the most profound * ,See index, title Prizes. + MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 239. 378 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCK. respect for tbe honorable general Congress and yourselves. God bless your just arms. September 5. — It would be useless for me to give you copies of the last letters that I wrote to Paris. They chiefly concern myself; and J await their answers. I will say only in general here, that, from the moment when I was first honored with your orders and your confidence, I have devoted to you, in every event, my person, services, and fidelity; and this for the love 1 bear to your cause, and on the most perfect con- viction of its justice. I have conducted myself in the execution of yonr orders with all imaginable prudence, circumspection, and patience. At last, however, I am the victim of the suspicions and imi)lacable hatred of your enemies. They have found it an easy task to injure nie indirectly in the sordid, ungrateful, and treacherous heart of a person on whom my fortune depended, and who is devoted to them. I should be ruined, with my family, if I had not firm confidence of receiving in yonr service the annual stipend allotted for thrir subsistence of which I have been deprived.* To this injustice they have added the insult of tempting me by deceitful offers, which I have rejected with disdain, because I could not accept them without exposing your secrets, or at least degrading the character with which yon have honored me in tbe eyes of those who have knowledge of it. My refusal has exasperated them against me ; they will secretly ruin me as far as they are able. But I have said enough of myself. Your enemies have begun to take the Dutch vessels in Europe as well as in America; among others, one for St. Eustatia. They are im- patient at Amsterdam to know how the regency will take this; and they write me that this circumstance will probably be the cause of the detention of vessels bound for the islands two months in this port, I have the honor to be, etc. DUMAS.t Deane to Robert Morris. { Paris, August 23, 1777. Dear Sir: My letter No. 1, of this date, gives you the state of Cap- tain Bell's proceeding, and the circumstances attending it. In this I mean to give you a short view of the conduct of this court with respect to the American ships of war, ])rivate as well as public, which I can not well do without giving you a history of facts. You know that when I left America, naval armaments were but he- ginning by the Congress, anci the inquiry was hardly made, even by * As to Dumas' relations to Congress, see index, title Diinias. t Letters of Diimns of June 24, July 7, Aujiiist 2, August 14, 1777, are omitted as without public importance. Other letters of siiliseqnent dates aio omitted (in tliis respect following Sparks) on tbe same principle. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparlcs' Dip. Rev, Corr., 78, with verbal changes. AUGUST 23, 1777. 379 individuals, whether foreign powers would admit our cruisers and their prizes?* After my arrival, the question was first started by Captain Lee, of Marblehead, at Bilboa, of which I gave you an account in my letters of October and November last. Captain Lee carried no prize into Bilboa with him ; and the question turned simply on the complaint of the English consul, charging him with having committed acts of l)iracy on the high seas, in making prizes of English vessels. The commissary, or governor of the port, detained his vessel, and sent to court for directions, and received orders to set the vessel at liberty; which orders were accompanied with a general declaration, that his catholic majesty was neuter in the dispute between England and America. Though the issue of tliis business was favorable, it was not direct to the point ; we wished to establish the declaration of neutralitj^ general. In my letters of October and November last, some of which must have been received, I repeatedly gave my sentiments in favor of sending cruisers into these seas. The first that arrived was the Reprisal, with two prizes. This caused much speculation ; and at our first audience after, we were told, that by the treaties subsisting between France and England, ships of war belonging to any foreign power at war with either could not be admitted in their ports unless driven by stress of weather, or want of provisions, etc. ; and that in such case they could not be permitted to stay longer than twenty-four hours, or until they had taken on board the provisions necessary to carry thorn to the near- est port of their respective states, etc., as you v ill see in the treaty of commerce of 1713, confirmed by all the subsequent treaties. At the same time we were given to understand, that every fiivor and indul- gence compatible with the treaties would be shown us, and that ways might be found out to dispose of those prizes without giving public offense to England. The hint was taken, the prizes disposed of, and the Reprisal repaired and fitted for another cruise, which she made on the coast of Spain, taking, among other English prizes, the packet- boat from Lisbon, with which Captain Wickes returned to Tort L'Orient. On this the English ambassador complained loudly, and the English merchants were alarmed. Insurance rose in London; and it was gen- erally supposed that there would be a restitution of the prizes and de- tention of Captain Wickes, or a declaration of war.t This court then ordered the prizes, as well as Captain Wickes, to leave the port in twenty-fonr hours. The former were sent out, but sold to French mer- chants, and Captain Wickes, his ship being leaky, was permitted to stay. Soon after this Captain Johnson arrived in the Lexitic/ton; and we, having bought a cutter with a view of sending her out as a pacliet, altered our resolution, and equipped her as a cruiser, and sent her and \he Lexington out under the command of Captain Wickes, as commo- dore, with the design of intercepting the Irish linen ships ; but by con- ' Sec index, title Prizes. tSee index, tiUc Privateers. 380 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. trary winds, aud mistaking- the time of the sailing of those sbii)s, they were unsuccessful as to the main object ; but as they sailed quite round Ireland, and took or destroyed seventeen or eighteen sail of vessels, they most effectually alarmed England, prevented the great fair at Chester, occasioned insurance to rise, and eveu deterred the English merchants from shipping goods in English bottoms at any rate ; so that in a few weeks forty sail of Erench ships were loading in the Thames on freight; an instance never before known. But upon this the English ambassador complained in a higher tone and gave us much difficulty. The prizes, however, were disposed of, though at a prodigious loss ; and Captain Wickes set about repairing and retittiug the Reprmd, which had been obliged to throw over her guns, aud saw some of her beams, to escape a seventy-four gun shin, which chased her and the Lexington on their return from their cruise. But before he was refitted, orders were sent from court to detain liis vessel and the Lexington until further orders. This was owing jjartly to Captain Wickes having repeatedly come into ports of France with prizes, aud refitted his shiji for fresh cruises, it being directly contrary to the treaty, which they pretend to hold sacred, and partly to the trausaction at Dunkirk, aud the consequent threatenings of the British ministry. In this situation Captain Wickes and Captain Johnson re- main at present. Soon after Mr. Hodge's arrival, we bought a lugger at Dover, and sent her to Dunkirk. Mr. Hodge went after her, aud equipped her with great secrecy, designing a blow in the North Sea.* He sent Captain Cunningham in her, and ordered him to intercept the packet between England and Holland, and then to cruise northward toward the Baltic. Cunningham fell in with the packet in a day or two after leaving Dunkirk, and took her. As she had a prodigious number of letters on board, he imagined it was proper he should return to Dun- kirk instead of continuing his course. In his return he also took a brig of some value, and brought both prizes into port. This spread the alarm far and wide, and gave much real ground of complaint, as he had been entirely armed and equipped in Dunkirk, and had returned tbither with his prizes. Tlie ministry, therefore, to appease England, ordered the prizes to be returned, and Cunningham and his crew to be im- prisoned, which gave the English a temporary triumph. But not discouraged thereby, another cutter was bought, and equipped completely in the port of Dunkirk. Cunningham and his crew were set at liberty, and Avith some address and intrigue he got again to sea from the same port, in a swift-sailing cutter, mounting fourteen six- pounders aud twenty-two swivels, with one hundred aud six men. His first adventure greatly raised insurance on the northern trade: even the packet-boats from Dover to Calais were for some time insured, t *As to Wickes, Hodge, aud Ciiuningbam, see iudex under their uataes. t As to Ciinniugbam, see Franliliu and Deane to coiumittee, May 25, 1117, supa, and uote. AUGUST 23, 1777. 381 On his leaving rhe port of Dunkirk the second time, he had orders to proceed directly for America; but he and his crew, full of resentment for the insults they had received from the enemy whilst in prison at Dunkirk and afterwards, attacked the first vessels they met with, and plundered and burnt as they went on. Our last accounts are, that they had taken or destroyed about twenty sail, and had appeared off the town of Lyun, and threatened to burn it unless ransomed ; but the wind proving unfavorable, they could not put their threats into execu- tion. In a word, Cunningham, by his first and second bold expeditions, is become the terror of all the eastern coast of England and Scotland, and is more dreaded than Thurot was in the late war. But though this distresses our enemies, it embarrasses us. We solicited his en- largement ; and Mr. Hodge engaged for his going directly for America. I know not how his engagement was expressed, but to appease the British ministry, and drive off an instant war, Mr. Ilodge has been ar- rested and confined. His friends need not be in distress for him : he will soon be at liberty. He merits much from his country, having been ready at all times to promote and serve its interests. Just before the sailing of Cunningham, Captain Burrall, arrived in a Maryland pilot boat. He made several prizes in his passage, and brought one into Cherbourg with him. Became to Paris for our advice, but on his return suffered himself to be enticed on board an English cutter in the port, where he was instantly seized, and the cutter came to sail and carried him off' prisoner. We complained, and were prom- ised that he should be reclaimed by this court ; it has probably been done, but we have received no answer. The ship General Mifflin, after cruising some time on the coasts of England and Ireland, put into Brest, and there, under continental colors, saluted the admiral, who, after consulting his ofiicers, returned the salute, which causes much speculation, and shows that the officers, as well as the other orders of the kingdom, are much in our interest. But the politics of this court are intricate, and embarrassed with connections and alliances on the continent of Europe, which, with the state of their fleet, and their sailors being abroad in the fishery, etc., puts off bold and decisive meas- ures. Some other prizes have arrived in different ports, particularly two valuable Jamaicamen sent into Nantes, a few days since, by Cap- tains Babson and Hendricks. This is a brief account of the proceedings of our cruisers who have put into the ports of this kingdom. The prizes are sold without con- demnation, and consequently to a great loss, as the whole is conducted secretly and put too much in the power of the agents. Though these cruisers have not been profitable to us, they have been of infinite prejudice to our enemies both in their commerce and reputation. [Nothing can be more humiliating to those once proud lords of the ocean than the insults they receive in their own coasts and from those they so lately despised,] * • Passage in brackets omitted by Sparks. 382 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I will not add to this, tis I sliall write another letter by this convey- ance. 1 beg uiy best compliments to Mrs. Morris, and that you will believe me ever, dear sir, yours, etc., Silas Deane. P. S. — Since writing the above the two Jamaica prizes are, by order of court, arrested, and it remains doubtful whether they will not be restored to the original proprietors. The captain of one of the privateers on his passage took on board a lady, who was prisoner on board an American privateer, bound for Boston. This he did from motives of liuraanity. On his arrival at Painbeuf she wrote to her brother, a mer- chant at Nantes, who came down, and, hoping to get the consignment of the prizes, officiously advised the captain to report them as sliips ladeu at St. Eustatia, which they did, and on their arrival at Nantes consigned the prizes to Messrs. Lee «& Williams, who immediately made a private sale of them. Meantime the owners, being acquainted with the pro- ceedings and knowing that the shi])s and cargoes by being regularly entered were in the hands of the custom house, lodged claims showing that they had been falsely entered and were English property captured by American privateers, and consequently, by treaty, could not be sold in France. This obliged the Government to arrest the prizes or openly violate the treaty. Mr. Williams came up a few days since, and pre- sented a memoir on the subject, but I fear he will receive an unfavor- able answer. Orders are received for Captains Wickes and Johnson to depart the ports of France. I purpose sending duplicates of this letter by each of them. I can not omit any opportunity of doing justice to these gentlemen, their officers and seamen, whose conduct has been such as merits the ai^probation of their countrymen and has given rep- utation to our navy in France. They will not be able to carry out any goods, though we had purchased some with a design of sending by them, I^articularly a quantity of saltpeter. This, with other articles to a con- siderable amount, n ill be sent out in the course of this aud the next month. I have received letters a few days since advising that Captain Cun- ningham was at Ferrol. I know not where he designs next, having nothing directly from him. S. D. Franklin's Remarks on a Loan for the United States.* August, 1777. In borrowing money, a man's credit depends on some, or all, of the following particulars : * Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 12. "Tbispaper was written by Dr. Franklin in the summer of 1777, with the view of convincing Europeans that it was more eligible to lend money to the United States at that time than to England. It was translated and sent to different parts of Europe. In Mr. Arthur Lee's letter to Baron de Schalen- berg, dated September 21, 1777, he mentions having sent a copy of it to that minis- ter." — Spakks. AUGUST, 1777. 383 First. His known conduct respecting former loans, and his punct- uality in discharging them. Secondly. His industry. Thirdly. His frugality. i^'ourthly. The amount and the certainty of his iucome, and the free- dom of his estate from the iucumbrauce of prior debts. Fifthly. His well-founded prospects of greater future ability, by the improvement of his estate in value and by aids from others. Sixthly. His known prudence in mauaging his general affairs, the advantage they will probably receive from the loan which he and desires. Seventhly. His known probity and honest character, manifested by his voluntary discharge of debts which he could not have been legally compelled to pay. The circumstances which give credit to an individual ought to have, and will have, their weight upon the lenders of money to public bodies or nations. If, then, we consider and couipare Britain and America in these several particulars upon the question, '' To which is it safest to to lend money 1 " we shall find : 1 . Kespectiug/ormer locms : That America, who borrowed ten millions during the last war for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men and other charges, had faithfully discharged and paid that debt and all her other debts in 1772 ; whereas Britain during those ten years of peace and profitable commerce had made little or no reduction of her debt; but, on the contrary, from time to time, dimiuished the hopes of her creditors by a wanton diversion and misapplication of the sinking fund destined for discharging it. 2. Kespecting industry : Every man in America is employed ; the greater part in cultivating their own lands ; the rest in handicrafts, navi- gation, and commerce. An idle man there is a rarity : idleness and inutility are disgraceful. In England the number of that character is immense; fashion has spread it far and wide; hence the embarrass- ments of private fortunes, and the daily bankruptcies arising from a universal fondness for appearance and expensive pleasures ; and hence, in some degree, the mismanagement of public business; for habits of business and ability in it are acquired only by practice ; and where universal dissipation and the perpetual pursuit of amusement are the mode, the youth educated in it can rarely afterwards acquire that patient attention and close application to affairs which are so necessary to a statesman charged with the care of national welfare. Hence their fre- quent errors in policy, and hence the weariness at public councils and backwardness in going to them, the constant unwillingness to engage in any measure that requires thought and consideration, and the readi- ness for postponing every new proposition ; which postponing is there- fore the oidy part of business they come to be expert in, an expertness produced necessarily by so much daily practice. Whereas in America 384 DirLOMATlC CORRESPONDENCE. men bred to close employment ia tbeir private affairs attend with ease to those of the public when cugaged in them, and nothing fails through negligence. 3. Respecting /)?(.(;a;t/)/: The manner of living in America is mote siiiqile and less expensive than in England ; plain tables, plain cloth- ing, and plain furniture in houses prevail, with few carriages of pleasure; there an expensive appearance hurts credit, and is avoided; in England it is often assumed to gain credit, and continued to ruin. Eespecting piMic aftairs the difference is still greater. In England the salaries of ofHcers and emoluments of oflBce are enormous. The king has a mill- ion sterling jier annum, and j^et can not maintain his family free of debt; secretaries of state, lords of treasury, admiralty, etc., have vast appointments; an auditor of the exchequer has sixpence in the pound, or a fortieth part of all the i)ublic money expended by the nation ; so that when a war costs forty millions, one million is paid to him; au in- spector of the mint, in the last new coinage, received as his fee £65,000 sterling per annum ; to all which rewards no service these gentlemen can render the public is by any means equivalent. All this is paid by the people, who are oppressed by taxes so occasioned, and thereby rendered less able to contribute to the payment of necessary national debts. In America, salaries, where indispensable, are extremely low; but much of the pnblic business is done gratis. The honor of serving the public ably and faithfully is deemed suiBcient. Public spirit really exists there, and has great effects. In England it is universally deemed a nonentity, and whoever pretends to it is laughed at as a fool, or sus- pected as a knave. The committees of Congress which form the board of war, the board of treasury, the board of foreign affairs, the naval board, that for accounts, etc., all attend the business of their respective functions without any salary or emoluments whatever, though they spend in it much more of their time than any lord of the treasury or admiralty in England can spare from his amusements. A British minister lately computed that the whole expense of the Americans in their civil government, over three millions of people, amounted to but £70,000 sterling, and drew from thence a conclusion that they ought to be taxed until their expense was equal in proportion to that which it costs Great Britain to govern eight millions. He had no idea of a con- trary conclusion, that if three millions may be well governed for £70,- 000, eight millions may be as well governed for three times that sum, and that therefore the expense of his own Government should be di- minished. In that corrupted nation, no man is ashamed of being cou- cerned in lucrative Government jobs, in which the public money is egregiously ;nisapplied and squandered, the Treasury i^illaged, and more numerous and heavy taxes accumulated, to the great oppression of the people. But the prospect of a greater number of such jobs by a war is an inducement with many to cry out for war upon all occasions, and to oppose every proposition of peace. Hence the constant increase AUGi;sT, 1777. 3S5 of the national debt, and the absolute improbability of its ever being discharged. 4. Respecting the amount and certainty of income, and solidity of security : The ichole thirteen States of America are engaged for the payment of every debt contracted by the Congress, and the debt to be contracted by the present war is the only debt they will have to pay, all, or nearly all, the former debts of particular Colonies being already discharged ; whereas England will have to pay not only the enormous debt this war must occasion, but all their vast preceding debt, or the interest of it; and while America is enriching itself by prizes made upon the British commerce more than ever it did by any commerce of its own, under the restraints of a British monoj)oly, and the diminution of its revenues, and of course less able to discharge the present indis- creet increase of its expenses. 5. Respecting prospects of greater future ability : Britain has none such. Her islands are circumscribed by the ocean ; and, excepting a few parks or forests, she has no new land to cultivate, and cannot, therefore, extend her improvements. Her numbers, too, instead of increasing from increased subsistence, are continually diminishing from growing luxury and the increasing difiBculties of maintaining families, which of course discourage early marriages. Thus she will have fewer people to assist in paying her debts, and that diminishing number will be poorer. America, on the contrary, has, besides her lands already cultivated, a vast territory yet to be cultivated, which, being cultivated, continually increases in value with the increase of people; and the people, who double themselves by a nat^iral propagation every twenty-five years, will double yet faster by the accession oi strangers, as long as lands are to be had for new families; so that every twenty years there will be a double number of inhabitants obliged to discharge the public debts; and those inhabitants being more opulent may pay their shares with greater ease. 6. Respecting prudence in general affairs, and the advantages to be expected from the loan desired : The Americans are cultivators of land ; those engaged in fishery and commerce are few compared with the others. They have ever conducted their several governments with wisdom, avoiding wars and vain expensive projects, delighting only in their peaceable occupations, which must, considering the extent of their uncultivated territory, find them employment still for ages. Whereas England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, imprudent, and quarrel- some, is half of the time engaged in war, always at an expense infinitely greater than the advantages to be obtained by it, if successful. Thus they made war against Spain in 1739 for a claim of about £95,000 (scarce a groat for each individual of the nation), and spent forty millions ster- ling in the war, and the lives of fifty thousand men ; and finally made peace without obtaining satisfaction for the sum claimed. Indeed, there is scarce a nation in Europe against which she has not njacje 25 WS— YOiv II 386 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. war ou some frivolous pretext or other, and thereby imprudently accu- mulated a debt that has brought her on the verge of bankruptcy. But the most indiscreet of all her wars is the present against America, with whom she might for ages have preserved her prolitable connection only by a just and equitable conduct. She is now acting like a mad shop- keeper, who, by beating those that pass his doors, attempts to make thera come in and be his customers. America can not submit to such treatment without being first ruined, and, being ruined, her custom will be worth nothing. England, to efl'ect this, is increasing her debt, and irretrievably ruining herself. America, on the other hand, aims only to establish her liberty and that freedom of commerce which will be advantageous to all Europe; and by abolishing that monopoly which she labored under, she will profit infinitely more than enough to repay any debt whicli she may contract to accomplish it. 7. Respecting character in the honest payment of debts : The punctu- ality with which America has discharged her jjublic debts was shown under the first head ; and the general good disposition of the people to such punctuality has been luanifested in their faithful payment of private debts to England since the commencement of this war. There were not wanting some politicians (iu America) who proposed stop'ping that payment until peace should be restored, alleging that in the usual course of commerce and of the credit given there was always a debt existing equal to the trade of eighteen mouths ; that, the trade amount- ing to five millions sterling per annum, the debt must be seven mil- lions and a half; that this sum paid to the British merchants would operate to prevent that distress intended to be brought upon Britain by our stoppage of commerce with her; for the merchants receiving this money, and no orders with it for further supplies, would either lay it out in public funds or in employing manufacturers to accumnlate goods for a future hungry market in America ujion an expected ac- commodation, by which means the funds would be kept up and the manufacturers prevented from murmuring. But against this it icas al- leged t\vdtin]ai\es from ministers should not be revenged on merchautu; that the credit was in consequence of private contracts made in con- fidence of good faith ; that these ought to be held sacred and faithfully complied with ; for that, whatever public utilitj' might be supposed to arise from abroach of private faith, it was unjust, and would in the end be found unwise, honesty being in truth the best policy. On this prin- ciple the proposition was universally rejected; and though the English prosecuted the war vrith unexampled barbarity, burning out defense- less towns in the midst of winter and arming savages against us, the debt was punctually paid, and the merchants of London have testified to the Parliament, and will testify to all the world, that from their expe- rience in dealing with us they had before the war no ai)prehension of our unfairness, and that since the war they have been convinced that their good opinion of us was well founded- England, ou the contrary, an SEPTEMBER 3, 1777. 387 old, corrupt governmeut, extravagant and profligate nation, sees her- self deep in debt, which she is in no condition to pay, and yet is madly and dishonestly running deeper, without any, possibility of discharging her debt but by a public bankruptcy. It appears, therefore, from the general industry, frugality, ability, prudence, and virtue of America that she is a much safer debtor than Britain; to say nothing of the satisfaction generous minds must have in reflecting that by loans to America they are opposing tyranny and aiding the cause of liberty, which is the cause of all mankind. Deaue to Committee on Foreign Affairs. * Paris, Scptemher :i, 1111. Gentlemen: Captain Landais is the bearer of this. He comes in the Heureuse, loaded with stores for America. This cargo has, by a succession of obstacles thrown in the way, been delayed from January last to a most prodigious cost and expense. I hope, however, that it may finally arrive in season to be of essential service. (Japtain Landais, whom I have mentioned in mj^ former letters, will offer his service to the United States. I must repeat here what I have wrote before, that I find him to be a skilliul seaman of long ex[)erience in every part of the world, of good judgment, and of the most unsuspicious honor and probity; I can but consider him as a valuable acquisition to our navy, t My agreement with M. Mouthieu, the owner of this ship, in case she should not be sold in America, is that she be dispatched with a cargo of tobacco as soon as possible, if the article is to be had, if not, with such articles as can be procured, as I have engaged for the freight out and home, and you are sensible of the necessity of having remittances by every opportunity. Whatever this ship may be loaded with, I pray the cargo may come to Messrs. liodrique Hortalez & Co., as they have advanced for the arms and other articles of this cargo over and above their other large advances. Tobacco is the best article at present in the ports of Prance, or indeed in any part of Europe, and must continue so for a very considerable time yet to come, most probably for twelve months. You will please to send me an account of the cargo, whatever it may be, that you ship in this vessel, and duplicates by others. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. * MSS. Dep. of state; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 83, with \erbal changes. t See Index, title Landais, for his subsequent bistorj-. His great eccentricity, ap- proaching to insanity, and his fjuarrelsome temper, made his acquisition a source of much trouble to the American cause. 388 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Journal of Congress." September 8, 1777. Congress took into cousideratiou the report oftbe committee on for- eign applications, wherein tliej' set forth: "That besides a number of offlcers who are come from Europe and the West Indies of their own accord to solicit for rank and employment in the American army, there are others who have i)roceeded upon the encouragement of conventions made and signed at Paris by Silas Deane, esquire, as agent for the United States of North America; that Mr. Deaue had no authority to make such conventions, and that Congress therefore are not bound to ratify or fulfil them." Eesolred, That Congress agree to the said report, t Franklin, Deane and Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs, t Passy, September 8, 1777. Gentlemen : It is long since we had a line from you, the last re- ceived being of the date of —, we suppose from the same causes which have occasioned your hearing so seldom from us, the difficulty of finding safe conveyances, aud sometimes the loss of the dispatches by the way. Mr. Lee informs you, we suppose, of his negotiations in Prussia, and his safe return hither. There appears in that, as well as in every other country in Europe, a disposition to share in our com- merce, and to oblige us as far as may be done without offending Eng- land. We have numbers of letters from eminent houses there, propos- ing to furnish us with a variety of commodities at reasonable rates, to be received by us in Europe and paid for here. We advise them to send their goods in their own ships and i>rotect their own trade to and from our coasts. We inclose you a copy of the memorial § we sent to Portugal, to which we have yet received no answer. That court has been lately much em- ployed in adjusting its differences with Spain, which it is said are now nearly all accommodated, and that they will accede to the family com- pact. This court continues the same conduct that it has held ever since our arrival. It iirofesses to England a resolution to observe all treaties, and proves it by restoring prizes too openly brought into their ports, imprisoning such persons as are found to be concerned in fitting out armed vessels against England from France, warning frequently those from America to depart, and repeating orders against the exportation * MSS. Dep. of State, printed journal. t See, as to French volunteers, introduction, § 78 ; as to French olBoers generally, in- dex, title Officers. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 233, with verbal changes. ^1 Reported by Sjiarks as missing. See, for other correspondence, index title Portugal. SEPTEMBER 8, 1777. 381) of warlike stores. To us it privately professes a real friendship, wishes success to our cause, wiuks at the supplies we obtain here as much as it can without giving open grounds of complaint to England, piivately affords us very essential aids, and goes on preparing for war.* How long these two parts will continue to be acted at the same time, and which will finally predominate, may be a question. As it is the true in- terest of France to prevent our being annexed to Britain, that so the British power may be diminished, and the Frencli commerce augmented, we are inclined to believe the sincerity is towards us, more especially as the united bent of the nation is manifestly iu our favor ; their not hav- ing yet commenced a war is accounted for by various reasons. The treaties subsisting among the powers of Europe, by which they are obliged to aid those attacked more than those attacking, which it is supposed will make some difference, they not being fully prepared, the absence of their seamen io their lishery and West Indies, and the treas- ure expected from New Spain, with the sugars from the islands, have all, it is said, contributed to restrain the national desire of a breach with England, in which her troublesome power may be reduced, the wealth and strength of France increased, and some satisfaction obtained for the injuries received in the unfair commencement of the last war. England, too, is extremely exasperated at the sight of her lost com- merce enjoyed by France, the favor our armed vessels have met with here, and the distress of their remaining trade by our cruisers, even on their own coasts; and yet she seems afraid of beginning a war with this country and Spain together, while she has our war upon her hands. In such a situation, some accident may probably bring on a war sooner than is desired by either party. In the mean time, perhaps, the delay may have this good effect for us, that enjoying the whole harvest of plunder upon the British commerce, which otherwise France and Spam would divide with us, our infant naval power finds such plentiful nour- ishment, as has increased and must increase its growth and strength most marvelously. It gave us great joy to hear of the arrival of the Mercury, Amphi- trite, and other vessels carrying supplies. Another ship, with a similar cargo, which had long been detained at Marseilles, we hope will soon arrive with you. We hope also that you will receive between twenty and thirty thousand suits of clothes before winter, and from time to time quantities of new and good arms, which we are purchasing in dif- ferent parts of Europe. But we must desire you to remember that we are hitherto disappointed in your promises of remittance, either by the difllculties you find in shipping, or by captures, and that though far short of completing your orders, we are in danger of being greatly em- barrassed by debts, in failing in performance of our contracts, and losing our credit, with that of the Congress; for though we have re- ceived three quarterly payments of the two millions of livres formerly * See introduction, H 37 ff., 52 #. 390 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. mentioned to you, and expect tlie last next month, our contracts go beyond, and we must reserve the continuance of that aid for the pur- pose it was promised, to answer your drafts for interest, if that propo- sal of ours has been adopted. Particularly we beg you will attend to the affair of tobacco for the Farmers-General, with whom we have con- tracted to supply five thousand hogsheads of tobacco, for which they have advanced us one milliou of livres, in ready money, and are to pay the rest on delivery, as we formerly advised you. Your vigorous exer- tions in these matters are the more necessary, as during the apparent or supposed uncertainty of our affairs the loan we were directed to ob- tain, of two millions sterling, has hitherto been judged impracticable. But if the present campaign should end favorably for us, perhaps we may be able to accomplish it another year, as some jealousy begins to be entertained of the English funds by the Dutch and other moneyed people of Europe, to the increase of which jealousy we hope a paper * we have drawn up (a copy whereof we inclose) may in some degree contribute when made public. Mr. Deane has written fully to you on the efl'ect our cruisers have had on the coast and commerce of Britain, which makes our saying much on that head unnecessary, t We can not, however, omit this op- portunity of expressing our satisfaction in the conduct of the captains, and of recommending them warmly to Congress. The ostensible letter and answer from and to the minister of foreign affairs, copies of which we inclose,^ will show the conduct which the court has thought and thiuks itself at present obliged to hold with regard to our cruisers and their prizes, of which it seems fit some notice should be given to the several States. As the English goods can not in foreign markets face those of the French or Dutch, loaded as they are with the high insur- ance from which their competitors are exempted, it is certain the trade of Britain must diminish while she is at war with us and the rest of Europe in peace. To evade this mischief, she now begins to make use of Fi'ench bottoms; but as yet we have no treaty with France, or any other power that gives to free ships the privilege of making free goods; we may weaken that project by taking the goods of our enemy wherever we find them, paying the freight. And it is imagined that the captains of the vessels so freighted may, by a little encouragement, be prevailed on to facilitate the necessary discovery. Spain not having yet resolved to receive a minister from the Oou- gress, Mr. Franklin still remains here. She has, however, afforded the aids we formerly mentioned, and supplies of various articles have con- tinued till lately to be sent, consigned to Mr. Gerry, much of which we hear has safely arrived. We shall nse our best endeavors to obtain a continuance and increase of those aids. You will excuse our mentioning to you, that our expenses here are * Missing. t See Deaue to committee, August 23, 1777. t See 1-""^ 'i"'- '!•>*» nf .Tiilvie and 17. SEPTEMBER 9, 1777. 391 necessarily very great, though we live with as much frugality as our public character will permit. Americans who escape from Englisli prisons, destitute of everything, and others who need assistance, are continually calling upon us for it, and our funds are very uncertain, having yet received but about G4,671 livres of what was allotted for our support by Congress.* With the greatest respect, we have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Dbane. ARTHUR Lee. Duboiirg- to Franklin. [Translatioij.jt Paris, September 8, 1777. My Deau Sir : I should be much obliged to you if you would be so good as to give a letter of recommendation to some one of the chiefs of your army, in favor of a young man full of courage, and also of dis- tinguished talents, who is at Bordeaux, ready to ein baric for America, where he proposes to settle himself in Pennsylvania, after having served in quality of volunteer, or otherwise, during the war. His name is Gerard. He carries with him a little adventure, sufBcient for support- ing him some years, and afterwards, if it is there customary, his father will make over to him his iiortion. 1 interest myself particularly iu his favor because he is the brother-in-law of one of our honestest com- missaries. I have the honor to wish you a good day, and to reiterate the assur- ances of my inviolable attachment. DUBOURa. A. Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs, t Paris, /September 9, 1777. G-BNTLEMEN : I have not neard from Berlin relative to their deter- mination about opening their ports to our cruisers. The Abb6 Eaynal, who has just returned from a tour in England, tells me that nothing disgusts the English nation so much with the continuance of the war as the seeing their ports filled with P'rench ships, to carry on their commerce with other nations. Their merchants are obliged to have recourse to this expedient to screen their merchan- dise. I say screen, because they can not expect that, according to the law of nations, it will be a protection when discovered. They have been driven to this necessity by the number and success of your cruisers iu and about the Channel; which has raised insurance so high that * See index, title Prisouers. t2 Sparks Dip, Rev. Corr., 11. } 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev., 446. 392 DIPLOMATIC CORIiESrONDENCE. their manufactures are iu dauger of beiug augiueuted thereby, in their price, too much for the European markets. I thought it woukl be useful to inform you of these facts to show the utility of continuing and encouraging cruisers in these seas, as they may jierhaps be so discouraged with the late measures iu this country, which I trust will not be of long continuance, as to confine their course to the American seas. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthite Lee. Deane to Committee of Foreign Affairs. * Paris, September 10, 1777. Gentlemen; This will be handed you by M. Francy, who is agent for Messrs. Eodrique Hortalez & Co.t You will see by the bills of lading the quantity of stores shipped by that house, and make some judgmeutof their considerable amount. The vessel in which M. Francy sails is loaded with stores, which were long since engaged, but by a succession of obstacles have been until this detained. I still hope they will arrive in safety and in season to be of service. "The ship will be offered you to purchase, if she suits you, and if not, it will be equally agreeable to have her returned on the owners' account. I could not say anything of purchasing a shi2) without knowing more of her than I could know of this ; I have therefore left it to your option to pay the price demanded or the freight; the latter is to be what is at this time customary in vessels of such force, which, not being precisely fixed, is submitted to M. Chaumout, by the advice and consent of my colleagues ; it will probably be about two hundred and fifty livres per ton of goods to America and back to France ; it will not exceed. Messrs. Eodrique Hortalez & Co. have other vessels, which will fol- low this in a short time, which they want to have dispatched with tobacco, agreeably to what they formerly wrote you, and M. Francy ' goes partly on that account; I must therefore pray you to furnish hiin with the means of procuring the quantity he may want for them in season. The cargo of the Therese, sent by the way of St. Domingo, I hope is by this time arrived ; it was so valuable that it was thought most prudent to send it by that route, as it would run no risk in getting there, whence it might in different bottoms be got into the continent without the considerable risk of going direct. As the vessels of Messrs. Hortalez & Co. will arrive at a time when dispatch will be of the utmost 'MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip Rev. Corr., 84. t For a copy of the power given to M. Francy by Carun Beaumarchais, representing in Franco the house of Hortalez & Co., and also for several re,solutions of Congress on the subject, see the journals of the old Congress for April 7, 1778. — Sparks. For other references, see index, title Francy. As to "Hortalez & Co.," see introduction, § 61. SEPTEMBER 23, 1777. 393 consequence, they are desirous to have their cargoes ready on their arrival. By these vessels I will write you particularly on this subject, And in the meau time have the honor to be, with the greatest re- spect, &c., Silas Deanb. Fianklin to Peters.* Passy, September 12, 1777. SiK : The bearer. Monsieur Gerard, is recommended to me by M. Dubourg, a gentleman of distinction here, and a hearty friend to our cause. I inclose his letter, that you may see the favorable manner in which he speaks of M. Gerard. I thereupon take the liberty of recom- mendiugthe young gentleman to your civilities and advice, as he will be quite a stranger there, and to request that you would put him in the way of serving as a volunteer iu our armies. I am, sir, &c., B. Franklin.! A. Lee to Schulenburg, t Paris, September 21, 1777. Sir: I have the honor of inclosing to you some reasons drawn up by Dr. Franklin for our conceiving that loans to us are more eligible on the ])art of the lender than to our enemies. Your excellency's determination relative to the admittance of our armed vessels into your ports has been waited for with great anxiety, for the most favorable season for commencing snch a commerce comes on so fast, that there will be danger of its passing away unemployed should the determination be longer delayed. § I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Deane to Robert Morris. || Paris, September 23, 1777. Dear Sir :1| As many of the commissioners' letters may have failed, I take the liberty of inclosing an extract of a letter written jointly by Dr. Franklin and myself in March last, iu which we sent an extract of * 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 1-2; t> Bigelow's Franklin, 105. tSee supra, Dnbourg to Franklin, Sept. 8, 1777. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 447. 5 As to this correspondence, see index, title Scliulenbiirg. IIMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 85, with omissions. H The earlier part of this letter, and mnch that follows, is devoted to a consideration of charges against Thomas Morris ( brother of Robert Morris ) who had been for some time before in charge of the mercantile interests of the TTnited States at Nantes. As this question has no public significance, these passages are here omitted. 394 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. a letter from Mr. Lee, who liad been at ]S"antes, and was tben at Bor- deaux. This letter was to the committee, and consequently to Con- gress. We wrote one also previously to this to the committee, just before Mr. Lee's going to Nantes. I am informed that it is insinuated tliat interested and private views influenced me to write as I did,* and that the fixing Mr. Williams at Nantes was the object I had in view. I am very sorrj^ you should be so imposed upon; the consequences must ultimately be more preju- dicial to yourself than to any other person. In the mean time, as a man of honor, I assure you I have neither interest nor connection in Mr. Williams' business, nor have I engaged in the smallest private con- cern, except what you have been acquainted with, and which you know was in consequence of your letters in Jutic, 1770. Mr. Williams came to Prance to visit Dr. Franklin; he was in a good way of business in London, where he was entering into business with a capital house in the sugar business, t England was disagreeable to him solely on account of the animosities which prevailed among individuals on account of the public quarrel. The stores which I had engaged, and which were sent out in the Mercury and Therese, were at Nantes, where matters had been so conducted that you must suppose I had no confidence in the managers. On this occasion I applied to Mr. Williams, as a friend, to make a journey to Nantes to examine the goods and see them shipped. He left Paris without intending to tarry longer than to perform this business. But his conduct at Nantes was so much the reverse of what had preceded, that every one who wished well to our affairs desired that he might be continued there. I needed no solicitations; the interest of my country was my sole motive ; I knew he served it faithfully, and I knew him to be generous and disinterested in the service. Yes, sir, disinterested ; and you will acknowledge it when you are informed that what he exacted of us was barely a sufficiency to support him, not amounting to one-fourth of one per cent, of the business. He has, if I am to have the credit of fixing him there, done me great honor ; he has, at the same time, obtained the good opinion and friendship of the capital persons at Nantes. I am thus particular ou this subject, as I am well convinced it has been represented to you very differently. How it has been represented I know not, nor am I likely to be informed but from second hand, from your brother's showing your letter directed to me to Mr. Eoss, and telling some others what were its contents, and that you not only justified Lis conduct, but had obtained for him more ample appointments, with * Allnsioii is here made to certain charges or complaints against Mr. Thomas Morris, brother of Mr. Robert Morris. He had been a merchant in Nantes, and was an agent for transacting in that port the mercantile affairs of the United States.— Sparks. See index, title T. Morris. t See introduction, ^^ ISH, jUF. SEPTEMBER 25, 1777. 395 severe reprimaucls to sue, and even oblique censure on Dr. Franklin, who happens to be Mr. Williams' uncle. It is hard for me, acting as I have done from the most disinterested motives and from those principles of friendship which shall be ever sacred with me, to be thus censured by joa unheard. a * Mr. Eoss does justice to the character you gave of him. I expect to see him in Paris in a few days, when I shall show him what I now write you. I have not the least desire of intermeddling- In the commercial concerns of the Congress in Europe, nor of going out of my own department, whatever it may be, on any occasion; but I have been obliged to take much upon my hands in procuring su])plies of cloth- ing, etc., as have also my colleagues, on account of the unhappy situation of our affairs here as to commerce. I will not add to a letter already long, only that if T have been mistaken in anything, you will reflect that I write in reply to a part of one of yours which I am unable to procure a sight of, and assure you that no private concern affects me more than having drawn on myself your resent- ment by my desire of serving jou.h* Be assured that I retain the highest esteem and respect for you in your public as well as private character, And am your sincere friend, etc., Silas Dbane. A. Lee to Gardoqui.t Paris, t^eptemher 25, 1777. SiE: I have now before me your favors of May 5 and 29, together with the last, of the 4th of this month. By this time I expect you have been apprised, or upon applying to those who gave you the orders you will be informed, that with regard to what has been remitted, both in money and in effects, no return is expected, agreeably to what you know passed at Victoria, and of which I informed both your minister and my constituents in the letters which I had the honor of reading to you at that place. It gives me great sat- isfaction that everything is thus arranged and settled; and I am re- lieved from the embarrassment of appearing to have understood so ill what passed, or so greatly to have misrepresented it. We are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take care that my constituents be duly informed, that for all the aids they receive here- after from your quarter they are to make returns in tobacco, pitch, tar, etc., to your house, agreeably to your letter. I beg to know by your *At a and 6 are given details as to Tliomas Morris, and to the letter are attached exhibits bearing on the same matter, tl Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr. 447. 396 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. next wlicthei' tlie same arrangemeut is to take place for the futr.re ■with regard to the deposits at the Havana and jSTew Orleans, or whether nothing further is to be transmitted through those channels, that, if so, the trouble of sending thither and the disappointment maybe prevented. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissiouers at Paris * YoRio'OWN, October 6, 1711. Gentlemf,n : Since ours to you, by return of the packet from New Hampshire, and duplicate by Mr. McGreary, Irom Maryland, we have not written, nor have we received any of your favors during the last two months, except a letter of old date (April 19), signed by Messrs. Deane and Dr. Lee. Captaiu Hammond being not yet ai'rived, although he sailed in April, it is too probable that he has fallen into the enemy's hands or miscarried at sea. Two reasons have prevented us from writing hitherto, because from our assurances we had cause to expect a montlily packet, and because the progressive state of the war gave ns reason to look for some more decisive event daily than had happened, and which might warrant the expense of sending a particular packet, as the casual conveyance by merchant vessels is almost entirely stopped by the number and vigilance of the enemy's cruisers. We shall now give you an accurate detail of the war in the northern and middle departments, where alone it has raged since our last. You were before apprised of the evacuation of Ticonderoga and of the re- treat of our army from thence towards Albany. General Burgoyue was rapid in pursuit of his successes, and pressed quickly on towards Fort Edward, upon Hudson's Eiver, about twenty miles above Albany. Here his progress was interrupted by the American army, being halted and re-enforced a little below^ him. This circumstance, with the follow- ing events, have continued that interruption, and bid fair to render abortive, at least, the great advantages expected by our enemies from their first successes on the lakes. The better to effect his i)urpose. General Burgoyne had detached General St. Leger, with a body of regular troops, Canadians and In- dians, by the Oneida Lake and Wood Greek, to take Fort Schuyler (formerly Stauwix), and to make an impression along the Mohawk Eiver. This part of the plan has been totally defeated by the bravery of General Herkimer, with the Tryon County militia, and by the gallant defense of Fort Schuyler by Colonel Gansevoort and Lieutenant Colo- nel Willet. The former of these met the enemy in the field, defeated them, and killed a great number of their Indian allies. This defeat •ilSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparka' Dip. Rev. Corr., 230, with verbal changes. 397 being obtained by militia, thoy disiiersed as usual, and left tbe enemy to collect and lay siege to Port Scbuyler, which was defended with great gallantry by the two officers above mentioned, until the approach of General Arnold, with a body of troops, occasioned the enemy to raise the siege of that fortress and retreat with great precipitation, leaving their baggage, ammunition, provisions, and some of their artillery, which fell into our hands. Another body of troops was detached by General Burgoyne, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Baum, to the eastward, for the purpose of collecting horses to mount the troopers, provisions, and teams for the use of the anny. This detachment was met, attacked, and defeated by the brave General Stark and the New Hampshire militia, at a place called Bennington, and now rendered famous by the total overthrow of fifteen hundred regular troops (posted behind works fortified with cannon) by two thousand militia. The two wings of General Burgoyne being thus cut off, his body re- mained inactive until the 19th of last month, when he moved on to attack General Gates, who commands the northern army, and who was well posted at Behmus' Heights. The consequence of this attack you will see related by General Gates himself among the inclosed papers, as well as the account of our successes in the rear of the enemy on the Lakes George and Ohamplain, by Colonel Brown, who had been detached by General Lincoln, who is also in General Burgoyne's rear with a strong body of troops. Surrounded as it is on all sides, with httle prospect of safe retreat, and a strong array in front, growing stronger every day by re-enforcements, we hope ere long to give you information of definitive success over the British army in that quarter. An aid of General Gates, who brought us these last accounts, says, that by the concurring testimony of prisoners, deserters, and some of our own people, who escaped from the enemy, their loss could not be less than one thousand or twelve hundred men, in killed, wounded, and missing; and that General Burgoyne himself was wounded in the shoulder with a rifle ball. In the middle department the war has been less favorable to us, as you will see by what follows. About the middle of August the British fleet appeared in the Chesapeake Bay, and landed General Howe's army at the head of Elk, about forty miles from Philadelphia. General Washington's army, which had crossed the Delaware on the embar- kation of the British troops and the appearance of the fleet off the capes of that river, now proceeded to meet the enemy, and came up with them near Wilmington. After various skirmishes and maneuvers, a general engagement took place at Chad's Ford over the Brandywine,* * Sir W. Howe, aocordiug to the statement of Lord George Germain iu Parliament June 8, 1779, "had full 14,000 at the battle of Brandywine, while Washington had no more than 10,000. ' * He had evidence who conld prove the number of effec- tive fighting men in Washington's army in that battle amounted to no more than 10,000." (20 Pari. Hist., 804.) HuteliinaoD, in a letter under date of February 16, 1776, thus writes to an American 398 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. on the 11th of September last. This battle terminated in our leaving the enemy in possession of the field, with nine pieces of our artillery. Our loss iu killed, wounded, and missing did not exceed six hundred ; that of the enemy, as far as we have been able to get information, was near two thousand. An orderly taken from them since the battle makes it nineteen hundred.* General Washington retreated across the Schuylkill, and having re- freshed his army, recrossed that river iu two days after the former battle, with design to attack tbe enemy, wlio remained close by the field of action until he came up with them agaiu. To be the better prepared for battle, and to be guarded against the consequences of defeat, our army marched without baggage, and left their tents behind. In this situation, and just in the moment of beginning an attack upon the enemy, a heavy, long-continued, and cold rain, with high wind, came on and prevented it. The animnuition in the cartridge-boxes was all ren- dered unfit for use, the arms injured, and the troops a good deal hurt and dispirited. In this state of things it became necessary to retire from before the enemy to a place of safety, iu order to clean the arms, replace the cartridges, and refresh the men. The enemy were also without tents; but they have good blankets, are better clothed, and have tin receptacles for keeping dry their cartridges. General Howe, judging of our situa- tion, put his army in motion, and endeavored to harass and distress us by marches, counter marches, and frequent shows of designing to give battle. After a variety of maneuvers the enemy crossed the Schuyl- kill below our army ; and, marching to Philadelphia, have possessed themselves of that city. General Washington having refreshed his men, and being re-enforced, is moving towards the enemy. This unfor- tunate rain has injured our affairs considerably, by having thrown a number of our men into hospitals, and by the distress and harassment of the army consequent thereupon. However, they are recovering correspoudent his views of tbe. iiuniensity of the expedition, probably not being less- ened by his desire to produce an impression in America: "It is certain that a proiligions armament is preparing, and will be very soon sail- ing in one large body after another until the whole is gone for America. The desti- nation of the several parts I am not able to tell you. As the command will be in the two brothers, one by sea and the other by land, people are less inquisitive than otherwise they would be. I do not think a choice of men could have been made more generally satisfactory to the kiugdom, and under Providence I think we may - found a reasonable hope for a more favorable summer than the last." (2 Hutchinson's Diarj', etc., 40.) In two years, however, he was to denounce the Howes for incapa- city, if not for something worse, and to declare that it -was through them that every project intrusted to them miscarried. * The numbers mentioned are greatly exaggerated. No accurate returns seem to have been made, but the loss was afterwards estimated to have been, on the part of the Americans, three hundred killed, six hundred wounded, and four hundred pris- oners, chiefly of the wounded. The British loss was about one hundred killed and four hundred wounded. (Holmes' Annals, 2d ed., vol. 2, p. 265.) — Spakks. OCTOBER 6, 1777. 399 again, and we hope before loug will give General Howe reason to repent his possession of Philadelphia. The real injury to America from the enemy's possession of that city is not so great as some are apt at first view to imagine, unless the report and misconceptions of this matter in Europe should too much dispirit our friends and inspirit our enemies. But we rely on your careful and just representation of this matter to prevent the ill impressions which it may otherwise make. When this contest first began we foresaw the probability of losing our great towns on the water, and so expressly told our enemies in the address of the First Congress ; but we are blessed with an extensive seacoast, by which we can convey and receive benefits independent of any particu- lar spot. But it is very far from being a clear point to us that the enemy will be able to hold Philadelphia, as we are yet masters of the Dela- aware below, and have hopes of keeping it so as to prevent the British fleet from getting up to the city. Sbould this bo the case, General Howe's visit can not be of long duration. You say that the vessels of the United States will be received at the Havana as tbose of Prance, the most favored nation. We wish to be exactly informed whether North American products may be carried thither, or prizes be taken to and disposed of in tbat port, or any other ports of his catholic majesty in America. You likewise mention a late draught of the Mississij)pi, taken for the Government of Great Britain. Wo are desirous of being iuruisbed with a copy. It is with pleasure we read your assurance of sending the soldiers' clothing and other materials for the army in time to meet the approaching cold sea- son ; they will be greatly wanted. As the small successes the enemy have met with this year will prob- ably support the hopes of a vindictive court, and occasion the straining of every nerve for the accomplishment of its tyrannic views, we doubt not your most strenuous exertions to prevent Great Britain from ob- taining Eussian or German auxiliaries for the next campaign ; and we think, with you, that it is an object of the greatest importance to culti- vate and secure the friendship of his Prussian majesty as well for the preventing this evil as for obtaining his public recognition of our in- dependence and leave of his ports for the purposes of commerce and disposal of prizes. The original pnpers which you mention in a triplicate to have sent never came to hand, so that we can only make conjectures as to the disposition of that monarch. The marine force of the enemy is so con- siderable in these seas, and so overproi)ortionate to our infant navy, that it seems quite necessary and wise to send our sbips to distress the commerce of our enemies in other parts of the world. For this purpose the marine committee have already ordered some vessels to France under your direction as to their future operations, and more we expect will be sent. But our frigates are not capable of carrying much bulky commodity for commercial purposes without unfitting tbem for war; 400 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. besides, there is the consideration of our being obliged to get them away how and when we can, or endanger their being taken, which pre- vents our sending them to those staple colonies wliere the commodities wanted are to be obtained. The reciprocal benefits of commerce can not tiowfrom or to North America until some maritime power in Europe will aid our cause with marine strength. And this circumstance gives us pain lest it should be construed as unwillingness on our part to pay our debts, when the truth is that we have the greatest desire of doing so, have materials in abundance, but not the means of conveying them. This leads us to reflect on the great advantages which must unavoid- ably accrue to all parties, if France or Spain were to afford effectual aid on the sea, by the loan or sale of ships of war, according to the for- mer propositions of Congress; or if the Farmers-General could be pre- vailed upon to receive in America the tobacco or other products of this northern continent which France may want. We are, etc., B. Harrison. E. H. Lee. E. Morris. J. LOVELL. P. S. — Ou the 4th an engagement between the two armies took place near Germantown, the circumstances of which may be known by the inclosed i)apers. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.' YORKTOWN, October 6, 1777. Gentlemen: We shall follow your example in confining this letter entirely to yours of May 26, respecting the loan and the mode of raising it by appropriation of vacant land. It remains doubtful yet whether there is any vacant land not included within the charter limits of some one of the thirteen States, and it is an undetermined question of great magnitude whether such land is to be considered as common stock, or the exclusive property of the State within whose charter bounds it may be found. Until this business has been determined in Congress and approved by the States you will i^eadily discover the difHculty of doing anything in the way of raising money by appropriation of vacant land. We con- sider your proposal on this subject as of very great importance, and we siiall not fail to solicit the attention of Congress thereto whenever the pressing business of the campaign will permit. In the meau time we see no reason that should prevent the young nobleman of Irish extract from coming to America, because the sus- pension of the question concerning vacant lands will not obstruct his *MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Key. Corp., 24L OCTOBER 6, 1777. 401 views of getting ttie quantity he may want, either by original entry of by purchase on the most reasonable terms, upon the frontiers of those States where vacant lands are in abundance to be met with. We are war- ranted to say that such ranli as that nobleman may have when he leaves service in Europe will be granted to him here. Congress clearly dis- cern with you, gentlemen, the all-important concern of supporting the credit of the continental money, and with this view have proposed, as you will see by the inclosed resolves, to pay the interest of twenty millons of dollars by bills drawn on you. This we hope will in time replenish the loan (jffices so effectually as, with the aid of taxation now generally taking place, to prevent the ne- cessity of future emissions. By your letters of the 25th of May we have no doubt but these interest bills will be paid with all due punctuality. About five millions only of the twenty voted are yet borrowed, and the interest on those five will not be drawn for in bills till near a twelve-month. " We are, etc., B. Harrison. B. H. Lee. J. WiTHERSPOON, J.LOVELL. A. Lee to Committee of Foreign Aifairs.* Paris, October 6, 1777. Gentlemen: From Berlin on the 11 th of June, and from this place 29th of July, I had the honor of informing you at large of my proceed- ings in Prussia. Not having received an answer from that court rela- tive to the reception of our privateers and their prizes in Prussian ports, I have written lately to press for one, which I hope will be favor- ble, as I left so friendly a disposition there, that I was desired to com- municate his majesty's warrhest wishes for our success. I mentioned, too, the improbability of our enemy's receiving assistance from Russia for the next campaign, and how much their resources were exhausted in Germany. By Captain Young I received the commands of Congress in their commission for me to the court of Spain. As Dr. Franklin had an- nounced his appointment, with an assurance of his readiness to repair to Madrid as soon as that court thought proper to receive him, it seemed unnecessary to apprise them immediately of the new appointment. During my absence in Germany a letter was received from Monsieur Gardoqui at Bilboa, intimating an expectation of returns from you for what was transmitted to you through their house. But upon applica- tion to his court, I am again authorized to assure you that for the supplies already sent no return was expected, but in future that re- *MSS. Dei), of state; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 448. 26 WH— VOL II 402 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. mittances of Americau produce were expected for supplies through the house of Gardoqui. It is impracticable to bring them to such an explanation as to know with certainty whether they mean this iu earnest or only as a cover should the transaction transpire. I am in- clined to think the latter ; however, I wrote to M. Gardoqui in conse- quence as follows: "We are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take care that my constituents be informed that for all the aids they receive hereafter from your quarter they are to make returns iu tobacco, pitch, tar, etc., to your house. I beg to know by your next whether the same arrangement is to take place for the future with re- gard to the deposits at the Havana and New Orleans, or whether nothing further is to be transmitted through those channels ; that, if so, the trouble of sending thither and the disappointment may be pre- vented. As the winter campaign is approaching fast, in which blankets are of the greatest utility, I wish you to send as many of them as possible." Upon this subject of returns I think it my duty to state to you some facts relative to the demands of this kind from Hortalez. The gentle- man who uses this name * came to me about a year and a half ago in London, as an agent from this court, and wishing to communicate something to Congress. At our first interview he informed me that the court of France wished to send an aid to America of £200,000 sterling in specie, arms, and ammunition, and that all they wanted was to know through which island it was best to make the remittance, and that Congress should be apprised of it. We settled the cape as the place ; and he urged me by no means to omit giving the earliest intelligence of it. with information that it would be remitted in the name of Hortalez. At our next meeting he desired me to request that a small quantity of tobacco, or some other production, might be sent to the cape, to give it the air of a mercantile transaction, repeating over and over again that it was for a cover only and not for payment, as the remittance was gratuitous. t Of all this I informed Dr. Frankhn, *Caron de Beaumarchais. See introduction, ^§, 55, 61, Jf. t Tliis ie evidentl}^ a failure of memory. It ia highly improbable that if such as- surances were actually given by Beaumarchais, Arthur Lee, though frequently writing about the supiilies, should have concealed the fact of their gratuitousness for a year and a half. But no such assurances vrere authorized by France or given by Beaumarchais. On the other hand, it was understood all round that the supplies were to be paid for in produce. This Arthur Lee himself conceded when his mem- ory was fresh, and before it was distorted by his quarrels with Franklin, Deane, and Beaumarchais. (See Lee's letter of Jan. 3, 1777, andletterof the three commissioners of Jan. 5, 1777. Lomenie produces other proof to the same effect, volume 3, page 160, Edwards' translation. See also comments in introduction, i § 61, ff. 142.) Arthur Lee made a statement similar to the above iu a letter to the secret committee of Aug. 16, 1777, quoted from Arthur Lee's private letter book, in Report No. 220, 20th Cong. 1st sess. That Vergeunes assured the commissioners that the supplies were gratui- tous, if that is what the text means, is contradicted by Vergeunes, Franklin, and Deaue, as well as by papers elsewhere noticed. (See introduction, § 5 52, 64, 148.) OCTOBER 6, 1777. 403 chairman of the committee, by sundry opportunities. At the same time I stated to Monsieur Hortalez that if his court would dispatch eight or ten ships of the line to our aid, it would enable us to destroy all the British fleet, and decide the question at one stroke. I repeated this to him in a letter after his return to Paris, to which the answer was that there was not spirit enough in his court for such an exertion, but that he was hastening the promised succors. Upon Mr. Deane's arrival the business went into his hands, and the aids were at length embarked in the Amphitrite, Mercury, and Seine. The minister has repeatedly as- sured us, and that in the most explicit terms, that no return is ex- pected for these subsidies. I have the honor to be, etc., Aethxje Lee. Izard to Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, October 6, 1777. Gentlemen; I had the honor of receiving by the Independence, Cap- tain Young, a commission and instructions from Congress, the objects of which I shall use my utmost endeavors to accomplish. The powers of Europe seem to be waiting for the determination of the court of Versailles respecting the acknowledgment of the independence of America. As soon as she sets the example it will, I believe, be fol- lowed by all those whose interest makes them wish for the diminution of the power of England. In this description may be comprehended every state that can be of any service to us. It is very much the inter, est of most of the powers of Italy that the strength of the British navy , should be lessened; some of their ports, particularly those of Naples and Civita Vecchia, have been frequently insulted, and all of them are liable to be so by a nation not remarkable for its moderation. I think, therefore, that they must be disposed to afford assistance to the States of America, privately, either by subsidy or loan.t Congress will be pleased to honor me with their instructions on this point; and in the mean time I shall endeavor to procure every information on the sub- ject in my power. Should the proposition be approved of, they will furnish me with proper powers. If I should be so fortunate as to suc- ceed in procuring money, I should be glad to know how it should be disposed of, whether in the purchase of such articles as are wanted or remitted in specie. * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 648. t How illusory these expectations were, see introduction, ^^ 97" and 178. So far from Tuscany contributing either countenance or aid to the United States, the grand duke would not snfl'er Izard to enter his territories. As for loans, Izard never ob- tained a dollar from Italian sources, and the whole of his salary, as large as that of Franklin, had to be paid out of the funds contributed in France for carrying on the war. 404 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I hope to be frequently favored with the proceedings of Congress and with the state of affairs in America, which will be of importance to me, and cannot fail of giving weight to the appointment they have honored me with. I have the honor to be, etc., Balph Izard. P. S. — The committee will be pleased to direct their dispatches to me to the care of Dr. Franklin, or whatever commissioner may be resident at the court of France. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Passy, October 7, 1777. Gentlemen : We received duly your dispatches by Mr. McCreery and Captain Young, dated May 2 and 30, June 13, 18, 26, and July 2. The intelligence they contain is very particular and satis- factory. It rejoices us to be informed that unanimity continues to reign among the States, and that you have so good an opinion of your affairs, in which we join with you. We understand that you have also written to us of later dates by Captain Holmis. He is arrived at Port I'Orient, but being chased and nearly taken, he sunk his dispatches. We are also of your sentiments with regard to the interests of France and Spain respecting our independence, which interests we are per- suaded they see as well as we, though particular present circumstances induce them to postpone the measures that are proper to secure those interests. They continue to hold the same conduct described in our last, which went by Wickes and Johnson, a copy whereof we send here- with. Johnson is unfortunately taken. We have lately i)resented an earnest memorial to both courts, stating the difficulties of our situation, and requesting that if they can not immediately make a diversion in our favor they would give a subsidy sufiBcient to enable us to continue the war without them, or aftbrd the States their advice and influence in making a good peace. Our present demand, to enable us to fulfill your orders, is for about eight millions of livres. Couriers, we understand, are dispatched with this memorial to Madrid by both the ambassador of Spain and the min- ister here ; and we are desired to wait with patience the answer, as the two courts must act together. In the mean time they give us fresh assurances of their good will to our cause, and we have just received a fourth sum of five hundred thousand livres ; but we are con- tinually charged to keep the aids that are or may be afforded us a dead secret, even from the Congress, where they suppose England has some intelligence; and they wish she may have no certain proofs to produce *MSS. Dep. of state; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 242, with verbal changes. OCTOBER 7, 1777. 405 against them with the other powers of Europe. The apparent necessity of your being iuformed of the true state of your affairs obliges us to dispense with this injunction; but we entreat that the greatest care may be taken that no part of it shall transpire; nor of the assurances we have received that no repayment will ever be required from us of what has been already given us, either in money or military stores. The great desire here seems to be that England should strike first, and not be able to give her allies a good reason. The total failure of remittances from you for a long time past has em- barrassed us exceedingly ; the contracts we entered into for clothing and arms in expectation of those remittances, and which are now be- ginning to call for payment, distress us much, and we are in imminent danger of bankruptcy, for all your agents are in the same situation, and they all recur to us to save their and your credit. We were obliged to discharge a debt of Myrtle's at Bordeaux, amounting to about five thousand livres, to get that vessel away, and he now duns us at every post for between four and five thousand pounds ster- ling, to disengage him in Holland, where he has purchased arms for you. With the same view of saving your credit Mr. Eoss was fur- nished with twenty thousand pounds sterling to disentangle him. All the captains of your armed vessels come to us for their supplies, and we have not received a farthing of the produce of their prizes, as they are ordered into other hands. Mr. Hodge has had large sums of us. But to give you some idea for the present till a more perfect account can be rendered of the demands upon us that we have paid, we in- close a sketch for your perusal ; and shall only observe that we have refused no application in which your credit appeared to be concerned, except one from the creditors of a Mr. Geronio, said to be your agent in Hispaniola, but of whom we had no knowledge ; and we had reason to hope that you would have been equally ready to support our credit as we have been yours, and from the same motives, the good of the ])ublic, for whom we are all acting, the success of our business depending con- siderably upon it. We are sorry, therefore, to find all the world acquainted here that the commissioners from Congress have not so much of your regard as to obtain the change of a single agent who disgraces us all. We say no more of this at present, contenting ourselves with the consciousness that we recommended that change from tbe purest motives, and that the necessity of it, and our uprightness in proposing it, will soon "fully appear. Messrs. Gardoqui, at Bilboa, have sent several cargoes of naval stores, cordage, sail cloth, anchors, etc., for the public use, consigned to El- brldge Gerry, esq. They complain that they have no acknowledgment from that gentleman of the goods being received, though they know that the vessels arrived. We have excused it to them, on the supposi- tion of his being absent at Congress. We wish such acknowledgment 406 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. may be made, accompanied with some expressions of gratitude toward) those from whom the supjilies came, without mentioning who thej are supposed to be. You mention the arrival of the Amphitrite and Mercury, but say nothing of the cargoes. 31 r. Hodge is discharged from his imprisonment on our solicitation, and his papers restored to him; he was well treated while in the Bas- tile.* The charge against him was, deceiving the Government in fitting out Cunningham from Bunhirk, who was represented as going on some trading voyage; but as soon as he was out began a cruise on the British coast, and took six sail. He is got safe into Ferrol. We have received and delivered the commissions to Mr. William Lee and Mr. Izard. No letters came with them for those gentlemen, with information how they are to be supported on their stations. We sup- pose they write to you, and will acquaint you with their intentions. Some propositions are privately communicated to us, said to be on the part of Prussia, for forming a commercial company at Embden. We shall put them into the hands of Mr. Lee. We do not see a probability of our obtaining a loan of two millions sterling from any of the money holders in Europe till our affairs are, in their opinion, more firmly established. What may he obtained from the two crowns, either as loan or subsidy, we shall probably know on the return of the couriers, and we hope we shall be able to write more satisfactory on those heads by Captain Young, who will by that time be ready to return. With the greatest respect, we have the honor to be, etc., B. "Peanklin. Silas Dbane. Arthur Lee. W. Lee to the President of Congress,! Paris, October 7, 1777. Sir : Tour goodness I trust will excuse me for requesting the favor of you to inform the honorable Congress of the United States of Amer- ica that this moment (on my arrival here from Ifantes, where I have been discharging the public trust reposed in me by the secret commit- tee of Congress) were put into my hands the instructions and appoint- ment of me as commissioner at the courts of Vienna and Berlin, but not having had an opportunity of a conference on the subject with the com- missioners here, it is not in my power at present to enlarge on the busi- ness, more especially as I am told this express is to be immediately dis- patched. J I understand another will be sent in ten or twelve days, by "See index, title Sodge. + MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip., Rev. Corr., 592. t William Lee never reached either of the courts to which he was accredited. (See introduction, ^^ 19, 178; index, title W. Lee.) By both courts reception was peremp- torily refused. OC'TOBER 14, 17*77. 407 which opportunity I shall write fully. I have ouly farther to entreat that you will assure the honorable Congress of my steady attachment to that respectable body and to the rights of America, which I shall invariably and on all occasions endeavor to support and maintain. 1 am, with the truest respect ahd esteem, etc., William Leb. Schulenbuig to A. Lee^ [Translation.*! Berlin, October 8, 1777; Sir : I should not have deferred thus long answering the two letters which you did me the honor to write me the 13th of August and 21st of September last if I could have announced anything favorable to your wishes. But the king, notwithstanding his good inclinations towards your nation, not judging it suitable to grant to your privateers a free commerce with his ports at a time when even Prance, notwith- standing the considerable benefits she begins to derive from the trade with America, has thought proper to pay a deference to the represen- tations of the English ministers, I imagined that you would have in- ferred from my silence, sir, that what I had to say would not corre^ spond with your views, t We must wait for more favorable circum- stances to begin a commercial connection between the two people, which his majesty will receive great pleasure in seeing increase, when- ever it will not engage him in measures contrary to his principles. In the mean time, sir, 1 shall always be very happy in receiving any in- formation from you concerning the situation of your affairs. I am under many obligations to you, sir, for the memorial which you were so kind as to send me. I find it very well written, and it will no doubt make a proper impression in those countries where it is an object of speculation to put out money with foreign nations. I have the honor to be, etc., Baron de SchiilenbtjrcJ. Dumas to Committee on Foreign Affairs, i The Hague, October 14, 1777. Gentlemen : If I do not speak to you in all my letters of the person with whom you know I am connected at The Hague, it is not because this connection does not continue daily, but because it is sufficient to * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr.. 4.51. t See index, titles A. Lee, Sctiulenburg, for reference to A. Lee's Prussian correspond- ence. t5 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 240. 408 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. give an aceonut of our coufereuces to your honorable commission In Europe, and also, considering the time that my i)ackets are on the way, my reports would be as superfluous and useless to you as they would be long and dilflcult to decipher or dangerous to transmit without cipher. The enemy alone would be able to profit by them. Moreover, I doubt not but your commissioners transmit to you the result of all that passes Our States-General are assembled, and they have begun with labors which by no means i^lease your enemies. The first was to make a claim directly, in the name of their high mightinesses, upon the English minister for the Dutch vessel destined for St. Eustatia, and taken in the Channel by an English vessel of-war, under the pretext that the vessel was American built. (The Dutch had purchased her at Halifax.) Our States have sent instructions on this subject to their envoy at London, with orders to have discontinued whatever process has been instituted by the captor before the English judges against this vessel; and an order also to the owners of the vessel and cargo not to plead be- fore the judges, because they have proved here that they had conformed in all things to the laws of tliis country and to its conventions with Great Britain. We are impatient here to learn the answer of England. Their second debate was on a petition, in very strong terms, signed by a hundred of the principal commercial houses of Amsterdam (ex- cept the house of Hope, devoted to England), for the purpose of asking a convoy for their vessels going to the West Indies. I have all this from the best authority ; as also that the party of your enemies in this country, though yet considerable, are visibly losing their influence, and can not fail to succumb, especially if the English continue to seize our vessels, and if they wish to engage this Eepublic to involve itself in a war on their account ; for we desire here to be at jieace with all the world. I have the honor to be, etc. DuMAS. Franklin to Hartley." PASSY, October 14, 1777. Deak Sip. : I received duly your letter of May 2, 1777, including a copy of one you had sent me the year before, which never came to hand, and which it seems has been the case with some I wrote to you from America. Filled though our letters have always been with sentiments of good-will to both countries, and earnest desires of preventing their ruin and promoting their mutual felicity, I have been apprehensive that, if it were known that a correspondence subsisted between us, it might he attended with inconvenience to you. I have, therefore, been backward in writing, not caring to trust the post, and not well knowing who else "2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 18; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 10«. OCTOBER 14, 1777. 409 to trust with my letters. Bat being now assured of a safe conveyance, I venture to write to you, especially as 1 think the subject such a one as you may receive a letter upon without censure.* Happy should I have been if the honest warnings I gave of the fatal separatiou of interests, as well as affections, that must attend the meas- ures commenced while I was in England had been attended to, and the horrid mischief of this abominable war been thereby prevented. I should still be happy in any successful endeavors for restoring peace, consistent with the liberties, the safety, and the honor of America. As to our submitting to the Government of Great Britain, it is vain to think of it. She has given us, by her numberless barbarities (by her malice in bribing slaves to murder their masters and savages to massacre the families of farmers, with her baseness in rewarding the unfaithful- ness of servants and debauching the virtue of honest seamen intrusted with our property), in the prosecution of the war and in the treatment of the prisoners, so deep an impression of her depravity, that we never again can trust her in the management of our affairs and interests. It is now impossible to persuade our people, as I long endeavored, that the war was merely ministerial, and that the nation bore still a good- will to us. The infinite number of addresses printed in your gazettes, all approving theconductofyourgovernmenttowards us and encouraging our destruc- tion by every possiblemeans; thegreatmajority in Parliamentconstantly manifesting the same sentiments, and the popular public rejoicings on occasion of any news of the slaughter of an innocent and virtuous peo- ple, fighting only in defense of their just rights; these, together with the recommendations of the same measures by even your celebrated moralists and divines in their writings and sermons, that are still ap- proved and applauded in your great national assemblies, all join in con- vincing us that you are no longer the magnanimous, enlightened nation we once esteemed you, and that you are unfit and unworthy to govern us, as not being able to govern your own passions. But, as I have said, 1 should be nevertheless happy in seeing peace restored. For though if my friends and the friends of liberty and virtue who still remain in England could be drawn out of it, a contin- uance of this war to the ruin of the rest would give me less concern, I can not, as that removal is impossible, but wish for peace for their sakes, as well as for the sake of humanity and preventing further carnage. This wish of mine, ineffective as it may be, induces me to mention to you that, between nations long exasperated against each other in war, some act of generosity and kindness towards prisoners on one side has softened resentment and abated animosity on the other, so as to bring on an accommodation. You in England, if you wish for peace, have at present the opportunity of trying this means with regard to the pris- oners now in your jails. They complain of very severe treatment. * For corresponflence between Franklin and Hartley, see index, under their names. 410 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. They are far from their friends and families, and winter is coming on, in which they must sufl'er extremely if continued in their present situ- ation ; fed scantily on bad provisions, without warm lodgings, clothes, or tire, and not suffered to invite or receive \'isits from their friends, or even from the humane and charitable of their enemies. I can assure you, from my own certain knowledge, that your people prisoners in America have been treated with great kindness. They have been served with the same rations of wholesome provisions with our own troops ; comfortable lodgings have been provided for them, and they have been allowed large bounds of villages in the healthy air to walk and amuse themselves with on their parole. Where you have thought fit to employ contractors to supply your people, these con- tractors have been protected and aided in their oiierations. Some con- siderable act of kindness towards our people would take off the reproach of inhumanity in that respect from the nation, and leave it where it ought with more certainty to lay— on the conductors of your war iu America. This I hint to you, out of some remaining good-will to a nation 1 once loved sincerely. But as things are, and in my present temper of jnind, not being over fond of receiving obligations, I shall content myself with proposing that your government would allow us to send or employ a commissary to take some care of those unfortunate people. Perhaps on your representations this might speedily be ob- tained in England, though it was refused most inhumanly at New York. If you could have leisure to visit the jails in which they are confined, and should be desirous of knowing the truth relative to the treatment they receive, I wish you would take the trouble of distributing among the most necessitous, according to their wants, five or six hundred pounds, for. which your drafts on me here shall be punctually honored. You could then be able to speak with some certainty to the point in Parliament, and this might be attended with good effects. * If you can not obtain for us permission to send a commissary, possibly you may find a trusty, humane, discreet person at Plymouth, and another at Portsmouth, who would undertake to communicate what relief we may be able to afford those unfortunate men — martyrs to the cause of liberty. Your king will not reward you for taking this trouble, but God will; I shall not mention the gratitude of America; you will have what is better — the applause of your own good conscience. Our cap- tains have set at liberty above two hundred of your people, made prisoners by our armed vessels and brought into France, besides a great number dismissed at sea on your coasts, to whom vessels were given to carry them in. But you have not returned us a man in ex- change. If we had sold your people to the Moors at Bailee, as you have many of ours to the African and East India Companies, could you have complained ? * As to treatment of prisoners, see index, Prisoners; introduction, § 22. OCTOBER 17, 1777. 411 In revising what I have written, I found too much warmth in it, and was about to strike out some parts. Yet I let them go, as they will afford you this one reflection: "If a man, naturally cool and rendered still cooler by old age, is so warmed by our treatment of his country, how much must those people in general be exasperated against us'? And why are we making inveterate enemies by our barbarity, not only of the present inhabitants of a great country, but of their infinitely more numerous posterity, who will in future ages detest the name of EnglisUmaii as much as the children in Holland now do those of Alva and Spaniard." This will certainly happen unless your conduct is speedily changed, and the national resentment falls where it ought to fall heavily — on your ministry, or perhaps rather on the king, whose will they only execute. With the greatest esteem and affection, and best wishes for your prosperity, I have the honor to be, dear sir, etc., B. Feanklin. Franklin to Lovell. Passy, Oetoher 17, 1777. I received your letter (without date) communicating a method of se- cret writing, for which I am obliged to you. I have since received yours of July 4. I was very sensible, before I left America, of the inconven- iences attending the employment of foreign officers, and therefore im- mediately on my arrival here I gave all the discouragement in my power to their going over. But numbers had been previously engaged by Mr. Deane, who could not resist the applications made to him. I was con- cerned in sending the four engineers, and in making the contract with them ; but before they went I had reason to dislike one of them, and to wish the agreement had not been made, for I foresaw the discon- tent that man was capable of producing among his companions, and I fancy that if, instead of America, they had gone to heaven, it would have been the same thing. Xou can have no conception of the arts and interest made use of to recommend and engage us to recommend very indifferent persons. The importunity is boundless. The numbers we refuse incredible. Which if you knew you would applaud us for, and on that account excuse the few we have been prevailed on to in- troduce to you. But, as somebody says, "Poets lose half the praise they would have got Were it bat known what they discreetly blot." I wish we had an absolute order to give no letter of recommendation, or even introduction, for the future, to any foreign officer whatever. As to the instruction passed in Congress, respecting French officers who do * 9 Works of John Adams, 468. 412 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. not understaud Euglisb, we never made it known liere, from the same apprehension that you express. All that understood a little English would have thought themselves entitled to a commission, and the rest would have undertaken to learn it in the passage.* With great esteem, etc., B. Franklin. P. S. — I inclose some papers given me by the Baron Steuben, a Prussian oflicer, who is gone over. Perhaps there may be useful hints in them. Harrison et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.t YoRKTOWN, October 18, 1777. Gentlemen : We have the pleasure of inclosing to you the copy of a letter from General Gates, containing the circumstances of a victory gained over General Burgoyne on the 7th. This event must defeat the main views of General Clinton in proceeding up Hudson Eiver. He has, it is true, got possession of Fort Montgomery, but with much loss, as we hear. Though the enemy should boast much of this acquisition, yet we are persuaded the consequences will be very little profitable to them, as Governor Clinton, of New York, and his brother. General James Clin- ton, are acting vigorously in concert with General Putnam, who com- mands in that quarter. Our army under General Washington is numerous and in high spirits, while General Howe is busied in forming obstructions in the roadsleading to the city of Pliiladelphia, by which he supports the hopes of keeping our troops from routing him out of his stolen quarters. The inclosed letters need no comment from us, being sufficient of themselves to determine your conduct in the points to which they relate. It is with concern we find that British property has lately been covered by conveyance in French bottoms, which practice pursued, and American search disliked by France, it is obvious that the most vulnerable part of Great Britain, her commerce, will be secured against us, and that by the intervention of our professed friends. We desire, therefore, gentlemen, that you will confer with the ministers of France on this subject, and satisfy them of the propriety, and even the necessity, which there is that either this commerce should be prohibited, or that the United States be at liberty to search into and make distinctions between the bottom and the enemy's property conveyed in that bottom. To prevent ill impressions being made by a number of officers who are returning to France, we think it proper to observe that, without totally deranging and risking even the annihilation of the American * As to French officers comiug to the Uuited States, see introductiou, ^ 78; index, title Officers. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 245. OCTOBER :8, 1777. 413 armies, it was not possible to provide for mauy of those gentlemeu iu the manner they wished, and which some of them had stipulated for previous to their leaving Frauce.* We have done all in our power to prevent discontent, but no doubt there will be some whose dissatisfac- tions will produce complaints, and perhaps misrepresentations. You will be guarded on this head, and represent our conduct as founded solely on the necessity of our situation. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Harbison, E. H. Lee, E. Morris, J. LOVELL. The battle of Saratoga is given by Sir E. S. Creasy as one of the great battles re- corded in history. It certainly wjis epoch making, and this for the following reasons : The troops on the American side were in the main militia, hastily levied ; and even those who were called "regulars" were without any long military training, and none of them regarded themselves as soldiers for life. They were badly officered. Schuyler, who liiuew the field, and who had made the dis- position of the campaign, to whom at least the New Yorli troops were attached, had been set aside on account of his apparent irresoluteuess, just as his plans were ready to be put into effective execution, by the giving the command to Gates, who, .as it turned out, had neither the capacity nor the courage for such a command. Arnold, as is shown by his biographer, took an active piirt in the battle of September 19, 1777, but it was rather that of a volunteer, inspiring the troops by his dash, than that of an officer in command. Gates himself was not on the field. Lincoln, it is true, had shown great skill in a preliminary collision at Ticonderoga, but he did not return to the main army until September 22. Except Arnold, there was not during the entire battle, one major-general, acting as such, on the field, and only one brigadier-general. Undoubtedly Washington, by stripping himself of his available troops, showed him- self, in view of the importance of the object, a master of strategy; but on the field the command had to be left to Gates. According to Bancroft (9 History II. S., chap. XXIV) " Gates had no fitness for command and wanted personal courage ; " and it is further said that " on the British side three raajor-generalscame on the field (in the battle of September 19) ; on the American side not one, nor a brigadiertill its close." As to Gates, then, there is no w no question as to the accuracy of this statement both as to his character and as to his conduct in the battle on this eventful day. In a note it is stated by Bancroft that Arnold was not on the field. So witnesses Wilkinson, whom Marshall knew and be- lieved. Letters of Arnold and Gates admit of no other interpretation. "General Arnold not being present in the battle of the 19th of September " (R. R. Livingston to Washington, January 14, 1778). On the other hand, the documents cited by Arnold in his Life of Arnold (1880) are very strong to the effect that Arnold was not only on the field on that day, but led the American attack. Lecky (4 History of England, 62) says: " Mr. Isaac Arnold, the recent biographer of Benedict Arnold, appears to have established beyond dispute that this (the assertion of Arnold's absence) is a mistake, and that on this, as on all other occasions, Benedict Arnold showed himself an excel- lent soldier." To the same effect is Sparks' life of Arnold, 118; who is followed by Lord Mahon (6 History of England, 270). Gordon (History of Civil War in America, vol. 1, p. 298; Dublin, 1779) makes similar statements. Eiedesel's testimony (1 Stone's Memoirs of Riedesel, 150) also is that the Americans "were commanded on this occasion (September 19) by General Arnold." Creasy (Fif- * See introduction, ^ 78 ; index, title Officers. 414 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. teen Decisive Battles, 482,) gives even greater prominence to Arnold, though this may have been from a not unnatural desire not to permit one for whom England paid so much to be unduly depreciated. But Robert R. Livingston's statement, as given in a letter to Washington of January 14, 1778 (2 Sparks' Letters to AVashingtou, 551), is, when we take in the context, even stronger than we might gather from the ex- tract given by Bancroft : "That I may not, however, seem to have been without warrant in my recommendation of him" (the writer's brother, Colonel Livingston, who was on the field on the 19th), " I take the liberty to inclose to your excellency an extract of a letter to him, written under General Arnold's directions, by a gentle- man of his family, he being uuable to hold the pen himself. After a warm recom- mendation of his conduct, both in the camp and the field, and giving him and his regiment a full share of the honor of the battle of the 19th of September (in which General Arnold, not being present, writes only from the rejiort of those who were), he adds : ' On the 7th of October the conduct of your corps fell more immediately under the inspection of General Arnold. He thinks it hut justice to you and them to observe that great part of our success on that day was owing to the gallant part they acted in storming the enemy's works and the alertness and good order they ob- served in the pursuit.'" Yet, to increase the puzzle we have given us by Arnold's biographer (Arnold's Life of Arnold, 182) a letter from Colonel Livingston, in which he speaks of an address of thanks to Arnold, " particularly for his conduct during the late action," that of the 19th. On the other hand, the British array was distinguished by the presence of several eminent and highly able ofQcers, capable not only of skillful military management, but of arousing the enthusiasm of their troops. Phillips was a brilliant and gallant officer, capable, as was afterwards shown, of dashing enterprise, and Riedeael, who was also a major-general, had the full confidence of the German contingent, and was a master of the German tactics of the day. Undoubtedly the Americans had the advantage of numbers. But this was met by the superior discipline as well as the superior arms on the British side. Taking these conditions into consideration, the forces may have been considered, were the matter tested by a European standard, about equal. The British had agreat preponderance of artillery. On the other hand, Morgan's riflemen, in their skill in a wilderness struggle, could not be matched on the British side, though there is no reason why the Canadian sharp-shooters should not have at least come near them iu efi'ectiveness. So far as concerns strategy, the British plan, on its face, had merit which on the American side there was no opportunity to display. To use Lake Champlaiu and Lake George for water transit from Montreal to the Hudson, aud at Albany to meet a detachment from Sir Henry Clinton, and thus to encircle New York east of the Hudson and New England by posts to the west, while the Atlantic shore was blockaded from New York to Canada, was a scheme as bold as it was practicable. It was defeated, however, because Burgoyne's army, skillfully and adequately manned as it had been, was not .strong enough to meet the militiamen, who, badly accoutered and badly officered as they were, stood iu his way. Had the battle been in the open field it might have beeu different. But the Amer- icans were able to choose their ground, and the ground they chose was one in which they could avail themselves of their skill as riflemen, of their strength, and of their desperate courage. Their courage was desperate, because tbey were fighting for their homes and for their women and children. Burgoyne's infamous appeal at Crown Point to his "In- dian forces," at whatever distance from him, to execute the vengeance of the state, followed, as it was, by atrocities thus instigated,* had made every man inthe Amer- * This was in the face of Burgoyne's own statement to Germain that "were the In- dians left to themselves enormities too horrid to think of would ensue ; guilty and innocent, women and infants, would be a common prey." Some of these enormities are specified by Bancroft, vol. 9, chap. 22. EPFKCTs OF bukgoyne's sukeender. 415 ican army believe that defeat would bring ruin and disgrace, together with all the horrors which Indians and foreign mercenaries could inflict. That which gave the Saratoga capitulation the character of " epoch-maliiug " was the fact that it was not liliely that any British army which penetrated to the interior of America would meet with any other fate than that of Burgoyne.* In France, as has been seen, this was at once understood. In the disastrous Seven years' war there had been no instance of a British army, with its entire artillery and camp and provisions, surrendering itself to a French army, no matter how disciplined and no matter how accomplished. Here there was such a surrender to an American army of raw recruits, under a general of whom the French at least knew nothing. The victory could only be ascribed to conditions which could not be reversed. Britain could not, without exhaustion, send to the interior of America armies stronger and better accoutered than that of Burgoyne, nor had they any general who surpassed Burgoyne in skill and dash. America could not be conquered by Britain. This was the dispatch sent from Saratoga in terms much more likely to produce conviction than could have been the most vigorous diplomatic appeal. And the recognition of the independence of the United States and the treaty of alliance ensued. On England the effect was by no means so decisive. The very faults of the English temper, its arrogance, its obstinacy, which had produced the war with its American Colonies, and had aroused toward it in Europe a sullen and angry dislike soon to break out into war, co-operated in making England decline to accept such a defeat as final without strenuous resistance. Two elements co-operated in producing this result. George HI knew no fear, and had little capacity to understand the na- tional and geographical conditions witli which he had to deal when undertaking the subjugation by war, with Indians and German hirelings as his allies, of the English population of America ; and the views of George III were shared by the great body of the "bucolic" society of England which elected members to the House of Com- mons. And George III, and those who agreed with him, were badly advised by the group of Tory refugees in England, who asserted that with a greater display of force and of severity America would be subdued. Hence came from George III the brutal command that the Colonies must not only be compelled to return to their allegiance by civilized warfare, but that they must be distressed — distressed by incendiary assaults on their seacoast villages, and by letting loose Indian marauders and assassins on their inland settlements. Had Britain surrendered all attempts at invasion, and con- fined herself to blockading the American coast, the case might have been different. But of a war of invasion the surrender of Saratoga was the knell.t Yet Burgoyne's surrender was not without its drawbacks to the American cause. " Here is a British army, with all the advantages which high discipline and powerful armaments can give, beaten by our suddenly extemporized militia." So apoke doc- trinaire politicians, who looked down with contempt upon discipline, and military science, and commissary departments, and arsenals for the manufacture and supply of improved weapons, and foreign alliances, by whom deficiencies in these respects could be made up. Yet if it was intended not merely to capture British invading troops when they got into the interior, but to found an independent government of the United States, nothing could be more mistaken than this position. Burgoyne 'According to Jesse (4 Selwyn aud his Contemporaries, 267) Burgoyne "returned to England in May, 1778, was refused admission to the king, and in vain solicited a court-martial. In 1779 he was dismissed the service for refusing to return to America, agreeably with the terms of the convention which he had signed after his surrender. Three years afterwards, however, he was restored to his rank in the army, appointed commander-in-chief in Ireland, and sworn a member of the privy council. He died suddenly at his house in Hertford street, of a fit of the gout, on the 4th of August, 1792. His remains were interred in the cloisters of Westminster Abbey." tAs to political importance of Burgoyne's surrender, see Introduction, § 44. 41fi DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. anil those who followed liiiu might be defeated by troops extemporized in the interior by a conviction that if British and Indian troops were not repelled every home would be desecrated, aided as this conviction was by the advantages of a country known to themselves; but it was only by military science, with the aid of the best arms that that science could devise, that the British conld be driven from such sea- ports as they shonld select as centers of power, and it was only by a foreign alliance that the British navy could be successfully met on the high seas. Another drawback was the perilous prominence given to Gates, a man so ambitious as to seek for supreme military power and so weak as to be nnconscious of his utter incapacity for the exercise of such power. When Gates was subseqnently sent to South Carolina to check the British invasion of that State this incapacity was demon- strated, and it was shown that he was deficient not merely in military skill, but in that personal dash which was necessary to enable hira to lead troops engaged in such warfare as was there requisite. It was not until much later days, when the historian had the opportunity of critically inspecting the records of the Saratoga sur- render, that it appeared how little Gates, either by military skill or by personal valor, had to do with the successes which led to that surrender. Yet at the time he was the hero by whom the most glorious victory of the war had been achieved, and he became the chosen champion of those doctrinaire enthusiasts who, in war, disbelieved in strategy and intrenchments and bases of supplies, and who were confident that the strongest fortifications could be carried by a popular rush, and also, in diplomacy, denouncing that courtesy and tact by which alone international intercourse can be successfully carried on, maintained that foreign aid could only be secured by impetuous demand. Henoo, while in diplomacy, every European court was to be assailed by an envoy insisting on aid, Washington, on the field, was to be subordinated to Gates, if he were not compelled, by the slights put ou him, to resign.* Yet nothing could have been more unjust. Washington's siege of Boston was not only marked by singular military and political wisdom, but as a victory was far more signal than that of Saratoga. For eight months the British army, with full command of all the naval aid that could be brought to it by the greatest naval power in the world, was cooped up in Boston, unable to pierce through the works Washington had constructed, either to reach the interior or to force him to battle, The defense of Sebastopol by Todleben against the allied army and navy has always been pronounced a masterpiece of military skill, though the Russians had almost perfect discipline and had unlimited resources in the way of supplies, and though the besieged ultimately succumbed to the powers who controlled the seas. But here a British army, with the entire British navy behind it, was not only baffled in its attempts to possess itself of the defenses raised by Washington and manned by soldiers not trained to war, but was ulti- mately, in order to save itself, compelled to evacuate the fort. Yet the maintenance of the British position at Sebastopol, and the reduction of the works by which it was encompassed by Todleben, was of comparatively little importance to Great Britain compared with the maintenance of the British position at Boston, and the reduction of the works by which it was encompassed by Washington. Thomas Anbnrey, an officer in Lord Petersham's regiment (twenty-ninth infantry) in the Burgoyne army, published ou his return to England a series of letters entitled " Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, in a series of letters, by an officer," of which a " new edition" (that now consulted) was issued in London in 1791. The letters are marked throughout by naturalness, an evident desire to tell the truth, a vivid interest in matters of natural history, and no little credulity iu matters social and military. Some of his accounts of New England domestic life, of which he was a close observer during the period of his detention after the capitulation, show that this credulity must have been imposed upon by American acquaintances, who little thought that what they said from mischief would find its way into print as truth; *See Introduction, ^11. bukgoyne's campaign. 417 and in this line may be noticed the account of New England marriage rites -which he introduces into his second volume. His accounts, however, of the incidents of Bur- goyne's disasters are on their face so ingenuous, and so consistent with what we know from other quarters, that they claim respect. He insists that Burgoyne at the outset enjoined on the Indians conformity with the laws of war. He admits, however (August 6, 1777), after the McCrea outrage, that the general -'was the more exas- perated, as they (the perpetrators of this and of similar outrages) were Indians of the remoter tribes * * » whom he had been taught to look upon as more warlike. I believe, however," he adds, "he has found equal depravity of principle reigns throughout the whole of them, and the only pre-eminence of the remoter tribes con- sists in their ferocity." Yet, notwithstanding thisdiscovory, Burgoyne strove, as far as he could, to keep the Indians in his ranks, though in this respect he met with but little success. On August 8, 1777, come the following striking remarks: "1 know it will be the general observation in England that we ought, after we had penetrated thus far, to have made our way to Albany by rapid marches, it being no more than fifty miles distant from this place (Fort Edward). In this instance it is to be considered how the troops are to pass two great rivers, the Hudson and the Mohawk, without bat- teaux; to form a bridge or water-raft to convey large bodies at once, even admitting the contrivance of a bridge of rafts to pass the Hudson and trust to chance for the passage of the Mohawk, or in case of a disappointment recourse to be had to the fords at Schenectady, which are fifteen miles from the mouth of the river, and are fordable, except after heavy rains; removing all these impediments, for a rapid march the soldier must of course be exempted from all personal incumbrances, and represented as just marching from a parade in England, for nothing can be more repugnant to the ideas of a rapid march than the load a soldier generally carries during a campaign, consisting of a knapsack, a blanket, a haversack that contains his provision, a canteen for water, a hatchet, and a proportion of the equipage belong- ing to his tent; these articles (and for such a march there can not be less than four days' provision) added to his accouterments, arms, and sixty rounds of ammunition, make an enormous bulk, weighing about sixty pounds. * » » Consistent with the idea of rapidity, it is necessary to carry forward more provision than for bare suste- nance during the march, or how were the men to subsist when they arrived at Albany, where the Americans will certainly make a stand ; but even supposing they should not, they will of course drive oif all the cattle, and destroy the corn and corn-mills. This can only be effected by carts, which could not keep pace with the array, there being only one road from Albany for wheel carriage, and in many places there are deep and wide gullies, where the bridges are broken and must necessarily be repaired. " This road is bounded on one side by the river, and on the other by perpendicular ascents, covered with wood, where the enemy might not only greatly annoy, but where, in one night, they could throw impediments in our way that would take nearly the whole of the next day to remove ; therefore every idea of conveying more provision than the men could carry on their backs must cease, as the time and labor in removing these obstructions and making new roads for the carts to pass, before they could reach the army, would inevitably be the cause of a famine, or the army must retreat. All notion of artillery is totally laid aside, as in the present state of the roads not the smallest ammunition tumbril could be carried with the army." In order to obtain sufficient stores to advance the side expedition to Bennington, which termi- nated disastrously for Burgoyne, the troops of whom it was composed being defeated, many slain, and others taken prisoners, the main army, having by other means ob- tained provisions for thirty days, crossed the Hudson on September 13, and encamped at Saratoga, on the property of General Schuyler. In the skirmishes of the 19th the skillof the American riflemen is noticed, and the barbarity of the Indian auxiliaries, whose object appeared to be to plunder and murder, but to render no efficient aid. The "enemy," he states, had at times " a great superiority of tire," and he claims 27 WH— VOL II 418 DIPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE, great credit to the British army for having suooessfuUy encountered "such a powerful enemy, as, from the account of the prisoiwrs, they had nearly treble our numbers in the field." But he adds, " notwithstanding the glory of the day remains on our side, I am fearful the real advantages resulting from this hard-fought battle will rest on that of the Americans, our army being so much weakened by this engagement as not to be of sufficient strength to venture forth and improve the victory. • * * The courage and obstinacy with which the Americans fought were the astonishment of every one, and we now become fully convinced they are not that contemptible enemy we had hitherto imagined them, incapable of standing a regular engagement, and that they would only fight behind strong and powerful works." On October 6 he writes that " we have gained little more by our victory than honor, the Americans working with incessant labor to strengthen their left ; their right is already unat- tackable." Then comes the following statement of much pertinency to tlie question of the possibility of a British conquest of the interior of America: "The nature of the country is ijeculiarly unfavorable in respect to military operations, it being difti- cult to reconnoiter the enemy, and to obtain any intelligence to be relied on; the roads, the situation of the enemy, the grounds for procuring forage, of which the army is in great want, and all parties are in quest of, are often attended with the utmost danger, and require great bodies to cover them." The Indians, except to plunder, would not fight; the Canadians were "easily dispirited;" and the pro- vincials (loyalists) " withdrew on perceiving the resistance of the Americans would be more formidable than had been expected. The desertion of the Indians, Cana- dians, and provincials, at a time when their services were most required, was exceedingly mortifying, and however it may prove, this instance toill show future commanders what little dependence is to ie placed on such auxiliaries," The "great execution of the American riflemen" gave them, he declares, an advantage which could only^be partially met by the German chasseurs, whose "number was very inferior to the riflemen of the enemy," the British, Canadian, and provincial troops being unavailable for the purpose. Of the battle of October 7 he does not speak until November 10, on his arrival as a prisoner at Cambridge. He positively asserts that the storming attack on the post of Balcarres was led by Gener^il Arnold, who "gallantly assaulted the works, but on the general's being wounded the enemy were repulsed, which was not till after dark." On the 8th of October he states, having taken post upon the heights, "we offered battle, anxious for a conflict in a plain, where we could discern our enemy, as hitherto all our actions had been in the woods, where it is impossible exactly to prescribe to an army or separate body how to govern itself. ' * * In the evening intelligence was brought that the enemy were marching to turn our right ; we could prevent this by no other means than retreat, ing towards Saratoga." On the 11th "the possible means of farther retreat were considered in a council of war, composed of the general oflicers, and the only one that seemed expedient or in the least practicable, was attended with such danger as afforded little hopes of success; but nevertheless the resolve was it should be attempted. This was by a night march to Fort Edward, the troops carrying their provisions on their backs, leaving artillery, baggage, and other incumbrances behind, and to force a passage at the ford either above or below that fort." It was found, however, that this was imprac- ticable. The army was then " worn down by a series of incessant toils and stubborn actions, abandoned in our utmost distress by the Indians, weakened by the desertion, and disappointed as to the efficacy of the Canadians and provincials, by their timid- ity ; the regular troops reduced by the late heavy losses of many of our best men and distinguished officers to only 3,500 efl'ective men, of which number there were not quite 2,000 British:— in this state of weakness, no possibility of retreat, our provis- ions nearly exhausted, and invested by an army four times our number that almost encircled us, who would not attack ns froui knowledge of our situation, and whos^ works could not be assaulted in any part."' buegoyne's surrender. 419 On the 13th of October a " council of war was called, to which all the generals, field officers, and commanding officers of corps were summoned, when it was unani- mously agreed that in the present circumstances we could do no other than treat with the enemy." This narrative is of interest in connection with the question of the capacity of the Revolution to maintain itself without French aid. Of course the Revolu- tion, without that aid might, as a formal system under Congress, have collapsed; and its armies, so far as they were stationed on the sea-coast, have heen driven from the field. But when we take into consideration the factors above specified as causing Bur- goyne's defeat, we find that they were inherent in any warfare waged in the interior. They are : (1) Difficulty in obtaining supplies by the invader. (2) Precariousness of his communications with his government, and with support- ing forces. (3) Superiority of American riflemen in wilderness fights. (4) Elasticity of the American forces, at one time apparently shrinking into insignifi- cance so as to invite attack, at another, when stimulated by danger or insults, swelling into an army superior in numbers, in enthusiasm, in knowledge of the country, and ability to make use of its strategic j)eculiarities. (5) In)placable animosity kindled in the great body of the population by the atroc- ities chargeable to the invader — plunder, rapine, and employment of Indians. (0) Half-heartedness of allies and of local recruits. The German officers were no doubt gallant and loyal to the flag under which they fought. But this, from the nature of things, could not have been the case with the German rank and file. They had no heart in the business, and though on the field in line of battle they stood up to their work, thsy showed no individual alacrity in the service, and they deserted very largely when on the march, as the narrative before us shows. And "loyalist" American aid, whether "Canadian" or " provincial," was, if we can rely on Anber- ey's statement, of little value, while the Indians, in the vehemence of the antagonism which throbbed through the whole country when their employment was announced, injured the British cause far more than they helped it. Such were among the leading causes of Burgoyne's surrender. Any other British military attempt to penetrate the interior would have been obliged to succumb to the same difficulties, even though no French forces were on the field. At the same time it was to French supplies that the American forces at Saratoga owed much of their capacity to take the field. Nor, without the French fleets and troops, which subse- quently arrived, could the war, in the proper sense of the word, have been main- tained. The country, as a whole, could not have been subdued. But the struggle would have been very much protracted, and political conditions brought about far different from those which now exist. Anberey 's work was translated into both French and German, and the French trans- lation, published in 1793, was annotated by Noel. The question of American evasion of the convention of Saratoga is discussed with much fullness in Mr. Charles Deane's pamphlet on General Burgoyne and the conven- tion, (Worcester, 1878), and also in Baxter's British Invasion, etc. (Albany, 1887), 55 #. " Disagreeable as is the necessity, I must here again, m justice to my own army, recur to the vigor and obstinacy with which they were fought by the enemy. A more determined perseverance than they showed in their att ack upon the lines, though they were finally repulsed by the corps under Lord Balcarras, I believe is not in any officer's experience." (Burgoyne in House of Commons, May 20, 1779 ; 20 Pari. Hist., 800.) "If Burgoyne's array is destroyed, little force left in Canada, only seven thousand men in New York, Howe's army not increased by his tedious voyage and three bat- tles with Washington ; if true,— where are we to stamp and conjure up new armies ! 420 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. And what will less armies achieve, which such large ones have not compassed in three campaigns ? We have lost Boston ; have got New York, and perhaps Philadel- phia. If the Americans have fought, they will fight. If they have not, can you make them? Andean you conquer them ivithout htating them? Can you maintain the country when you have conquered it? Will a destroyed country maintain your armyf Andean this country maintain or recruit it, tchen you can already get no recruits hut from Ger- many t" (Walpole to Mann, Nov. 7, 1777; 7 Cunningham's Walpole, 7.) " On Tuesday night (December 4, 1777) came news from Carleton at Quebec, which indeed had come from France earlier announcing the total annihilation (as to America) of Burgoyue's army.* Carleton declares he has no a »(7ieH9^. ^ MSS. Dep. of State; I Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., .^7. II I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 459. DECEMBER 8, nil. 445 sitious of Congress for a treaty of amity and commerce tvith tliis king- dom, to tt'hicbj ^itli sundry other memorials, requesting the aid of ships of war and offering engagements to unite the forces of the said States ■with those of France and Spain in acting against the dominions of Great BtitaiUj and to make no peace biit in conjunction with those courts if Great Britain should declare war against them, to all which they have received no determinate answer; and apprehending that a continuance of this state of uncertainty with regard to those propositions, together with the reports that must soon be spread in America of rigorous treat- ment met with in the ports of these kingdoms may give advantage to our enemy in making ill impressions on the minds of our people, who from the secrecy enjoined on us can not be informed of the friendly and essential aids that have been so generously but privately afforded us, the commissioners conceive that, the present liircumstauces considered, the completing of such a treaty at this time must have the most happy effect in raising the credit of tiie United States abroad and strengthen- ing their resolution at home, as well as discouraging and diminishing their internal enemies and confirming their friends wbo might other- wise waver. And the commissioners are further of opinion that the aid of ships desired might at this juncture be employed with great advantage to America, which, when honored with a conference, they can more particularly explain. They tlierefore request your excellency most earnestly to resume the consideration of those affairs, and appoint them some speedy day of audience thereupon. They pray also that their grateful acknowledgments may be pre- sented to the king for the additional aid of three millions, which he has been graciously pleased to promise them; and that his majesty may be assured, whatever engagements they may enter into in be- half of the United States, in pursuance of the full powers they are vested with, will be executed with the most punctual good faith by the Congress, who, believing their interests to be the same, and that a sure increase of the commerce, wealth, and strength of France and Spain will be one consequence of their success in this contest, wish for nothing so much, after establishing their own liberty, as a firm and everlasting uniou with those nations. B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs." Paris, December 8, 1777. Gentlemen: Since my last to you, I have seen your dispatches of the 6th of October. The answer relative to the Havana will be obtained as soon as possible ; but I think such a connection will in a short time *MSS. Dep. of State: 1 Sparks' Dip. Rov. Corr., 458. 446 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. take place between tbe two coautries as will put that matter out of all doubt. I received yesterday a letter from the Messrs. Gardoqui, at Bilboa, coDtaining the following passage : " Our worthy friend, Elbridge Gerry, thinking that the goods shipped per Captain Hodges to his address were on his account, he wrote us that he would place the amount thereof to our credit; but as we have answered him that this remittance, as well as the rest that followed through the same channel, were on account of Congress, and of conse- quence out of our power, as he will have seen by the sundry letters written to him since, we doubt not that he will of consequence conform thereto; and we assure you that in future all possible means will be used to prevent mistakes of this kind." By a letter from Holland we are assured that the King of Prussia has announced to the States his having refused a passage through his terri- tories to German troops hired by Great Britain.* The West India tleet from Amsterdam, etc., is to be convoyed by six men of war. I can not be more explicit than to assure you that the prospect of our enemies is as gloomy here as witli you, and that I am not mistaken in what I formerly wrote you, that the confirming our independence would be matter of serious consideration among the powers of Europe this winter. I have remitted Mons. Gardoqui money for ten thousand blankets, which he promises to send with all possible expedition. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. postscript to dispatch of december 8, 1777. t Our joint dispatches will inform you of the forwardness in which things are here towards the desired conclusion. In three weeks we shall hear from Spain, and all will I hope be settled. The late intelli- gence from America has staggered and confounded our enemies as much as it has elated and decided our friends. Should they at length resolve to continue in rage and despair what they commenced in wicked- ness and folly, and venture upon a general war, by which they must be overwhelmed, their principal efforts will be pointed against us, unless your being in a respectable state of preparation should deter them. In that case they will probably confine themselves to a piratical coasting war, and preying upon our commerce. I have directed all the naval stores that are collected at Bilboa to be shipped forthwith the moment the court of Spain agrees to furnish the money. To accelerate this, I proposed to my colleagues to remit the money from our funds here, but they did not think it advisable. * See introduction, * 90; tMSS. Dep. of State: 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Oorr., 465, under date of Dec. 19, IW, and with other verbal changes. DECKMBER II, 1777. 447 Should Oougress want any person to serve them in a public character in Europe, I am authorized to say that Edmund Jennings, now in Lon- don, will obey their commands. His abilities, attachment, and respecta- ble character are well known. It has also fallen very particularly within my knowledge that Mr. Thomas Digges, * of Maryland, has exerted him- self with great assiduity and address in gaining intelligence and doing other services iu England. Aethur Lee. A. Lee to D'Aranda.t Paris, December 9, 1777. Sir: I have the honor of inclosing to your excellency a copy of a memorial presented to his excellency Count de Vergennes by the com- missioners of Congress for this court. The knowledge I have of the great veneration entertained by the United States for the King of Spain and affection for the people enables me to assure your excellency that nothing will give them greater joy than the happy conclusion of a firm and lasting treaty of amity and commerce between the two nations. Permit me, therefore, to hope that your excellency will co-operate wilh the favorable disposition of this court iu bringing the treaty for- merly proposed to a speedy conclusion. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration and respect, etc., Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Schulenburg.t Paris, December 11, 1777. Sir: I have the honor of inclosing to your excellency a detail of the operations in the north in addition to what 1 sent on the 4th. Since that time I have been honored with yours of the 28th of November. I have apprised my brother, the commissioner of his majesty's pleas- ure. He desires me to say that whenever the king thinks his coming to Berlin will be of any utility he hopes your excellency will inform him of it. Till that time arrives he would not wish to give trouble or excite suspicions by coming even in a private character.! We have heard reports of his majesty's gracious interposition relative to the march of troops hired against us, which I hope are well founded. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. *As to Digges' bad cbaracter, see introduction, ^ 20() ; index, title Digges. He was, if not a British spy, an embezzler of money placed iu his hands for relief of soldiers. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 461. tThat W. Lee had been refused, in terms singularly cynical, permission to visit Berlin, see Schulenburg to A. Lee, Nov. 28, 1777, supra; introduction, supra, ^ 19, 178. 448 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin to Sir Grey Cooper. Paris, December 11, 1777. Dear Sir: Receiving frequent accounts by Araericau prisotier.s, wh( liave escaped from your jails, of the miserable situation and hard treat iiient of tbeir countrjmen at Portsmouth and Plymouth, we have pre vailed with a gentleman (Major Thornton^ to us much a stranger, bui who appears a man of humauity) to visit the prison.? thete, and giv( from us .some relief to those un fortunate men. I hope that through youi interest he may obtain a permission for that purpose. I would have wished that some voluntary act of compassion on the part of your gov ernment towards those iu your power had appeared in abating the rigors of their confluemeut and relieving their pressing necessities, as such generosity towards enemies has uaturally an effect in softening and abating animosity in their compatriots and disposing to reconcilia- tion. This, if I had any influence with your ministers, I should rec- ommend as prudent, being what would at least secure a continuance of that kind usage j^our people when our prisoners have always experienced with us. Mr. Thornton is charged with a letter to Lord North, which I request you would procure him an opportunity of delivering and en- deavor to obtain an answer. Perhaps it may not be thought proper to give any, but [ am sure it will not be an insolent one like that from Lord Stormont to a similar application. The remembrance of ancient friend- ship encourages me to this request ; if 'tis too much, you can prevent a repetition of it by making no reply. With my affectionate respects to Lady Cooper, and love to my former young friends, I am ever, dear sir, your most obedient servant, B. F.* Franklin, Deaue, and Lee to Lord North.t Passy, December 12, 1777. My Lord : From motives of duty, and an earnest desire of mitigating the calamities of war, we proposed, near a year since, to the King of Great Britain's ambassador here, an exchange of prisoners in Europe. The answer we received must have been made known to your lordship, and the world will judge of its decency. It would have been honorable for that noble lord, and happy for thousands who have since suffered unnecessarilj', if he had considered that moderation is a mark of wis- dom aiul humauity an ornament of the highest station. These are the sentiments at least which have governed the Congress and people of the United States. They have wished that this w^ar, into which they entered with reluctance, might be distinguished by the humanity with which it was conducted, and that compassion might heal the wounds *Se6 index, title Prisoners. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 461. DECEMBEK 12, 1777. 449 that were inflicted. The records of Congress, my lord, are filled with proofs of tender care and attention not only to the wants, but to the comforts and accommodation, of their prisoners. We have wished in vain to find such instances in the acts of the Brit- ish Government; for, unhappily, all we have seen on this subject is the public declaration of the governor and general who was chosen to com- mence this war, that the American otticer and soldier should be treated with equal indignity, and all devoted without distinction to the most ignominious fate, in terms too low for us to repeat. We have never heard of this proceeding having been censured by the government from which he derived his authority. Neither has the invitation to the In- dian savages, at a public treaty, to drink the blood and feast upon the bodies of those whom you called your subjects, been ever disavowed. It is a universal complaint that the practices of those in authority under you have been conformable to the principles of those public acts. Colonel Parker, a gentleman of rank, was tlirown into a common jail, in Boston, covered over with wounds, where he perished un])itied for want of the common comforts which his situation and humanity required. Colonel Ethan Allen was dragged in chains from Canada to England, from England to Ireland, and from Ireland to ("arolina, and from thence to New York, at a time when the officers taken from you in the same expedition were treated not only with lenity^ but with every possible in- dulgence. The barbarous treatment of Mr. Lovell, in Boston, has no. parallel. Of the prisoners made in Fort Washington, two-thirds of them perished by the unexampled cruelty and rigors of their captivity. Even in England, the severities which the American prisoners suffer are, according to the testimony of every one we have seen, of the most grievous kind. Stripes have been inflicted on some to make them commit the deepest of all crimes, that of fighting against the liberties of their country ; and numbers are now groaning in bondage in Africa and India, to which they are compelled by menaces of an immediate and ignominious death, as contrary to every rule of war among civilized nations as to every dictate of humanity. It is with the greatest regret we mention these cruelties. For the honor of humanity we hope they will not be committed again. Your lordship must know that it is in the power of those we have the honor to represent to make ample retaliation upon the numerous prisoners of all ranks in their possession ; and we warn and beseech you not to ren- der it their indispensable duty. Upwards of five hundred British sea- men have been generously treated, set at liberty by our cruisers in those seas, and sent at the j)ublic expense to their country. We trust you will think yourselves bound to dismiss an equal number of seamen taken in the service of the United States. We also desire that a person appointed by us may have permission to furnish the citizens of the United States who are in your prisons with the necessaries they may want from time to time; and that a general 29 wa— VOL II -150 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. cartel may be immediately settled, by which the unfortiiuate ou both sides may be relieved as soou as possible from the miseries ofimprison- meut. We must beg a speedy answer, that we may transmit without delay the determiuation of your court to our constituents. We have the honor to be, with the highest respect, my lord, your lord- ship's obedient servants, B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur Lee. A. Lee to Siielburne.* Paris, December 14, 1777. My Lord : I have the honor of inclosing to you a copy of a letter transmitted at tlie same time to the first lord of the treasurj'. The honor of tlie nation and the rights of humanity are too much interested in the object of it not to receive your lordship's advocation. The inclosed papers contain the i)rinci[)al transactions between the northern armies. The burningof defenseless towns and of every thing byfore him, as General Clinton has done, will ]irobably draw upon him and his government the vengeance which such enormities deserve in spite of all the endeavors of Congress to prevent any hasty retalia- tion. The South Carolina Gazette mentions the arrival of an Americau cajitain, who had been taken by Captain Jarvis, and who mentions with the highest praise the generous and humane treatment he received from that officer. We have had from other prisoners accounts equally to his honor, which 1 am sure will give your lordship iileasure. Cap- tain Jarvis may be assured that such conduct will command from us the praise and esteem which are always due to a generous enemy. The necessity which has made us enemies for a time, and separated us forever from the same government, has not altered the esteem I felt for the good and wise in England. Among those I hope your lordship and your friends will accept an assurance of my respect and friendship. 1 condole most sincerely with the family at Combwood for the misfor- tune at New York. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, your lordship's humble servant and friend, Arthur Lee. ".MSkS. Dep. uf State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 463, with verbal cbangea. DECEMBER 16, 1777. 451 Dumas to Committee of Foreign Affairs.* December 16, 1777. Gentlemen : I congratulate you and the honorable Congress, and all United America, with all my heart. This news (Burgoyne's capt- ure) has made the greatest possible sensation in this country; a deep consternation among those who have all their interest in England ; a marked joy among those who hate your enemies. My correspondent at Amsterdam writes thus: Many thanks for the prompt advice of the affair so glorious for our friends. Let- ters from England received here this morning confirm it entirely. All was in motion to-day in our cafes and on the exchange. The royalists here are entirely depressed, and even fear the like catastrophe for General Howe if he hazard himself further into the country. This news has made an astonishing impression everywhere; all is considered lost to the English. December 19. I have received advice from my correspondents, to whom I had for- warded packets according to your orders, by which they inform me, under date of 26th of September and 18th of October, of having re- ceived and forwarded my packets for you. My correspondent at Am- sterdam who transmitted them to me has pointed me to the following passage : The anti- Americans are not yet recovered from their fright ; they see the Ameri- cans at present with a different eye, and desire strongly that the ministry may be changed, that by mild means we may obtain peace as favorable as iioasible. Another writes from Rotterdam : I received on the 11th the account of the victory of General Gates. It was pulled out of my hands. I pray you, as soon as yon receive advice that Howe has done as well as Burgoyne, to let me have the great pleasure of knowing it first, that I may regale many persons with the news. Yon can not think what a bustle there is yet in all companies and ca/^s about this affair, and how they fall on the English ministers. We have confirmation from Germany of the increasing obstructions which the levying of recruits against America meets with. I this moment learn that the States-General have dispatched mes- sengers of state extraordinary to all the provinces; and it can not be doubted that the contents of their dispatches, which are kept secret, relate only to the catastrophe which the English have suffered in America, and to the consequences which it is presumed it will have, as well on this side of the ocean as on the other. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. ' 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr,, 241, 452 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to the Committee of Foreign Afifairs.* Paris, December 18, 1777. (lENTLEMEN : Siiiceour last, of November 30 — a coi>y of whicb isbere- witb sent you — we received your dispatcbes of October 6, from York- town. They came to us by a packet from Boston, wbicb brougbt tbe great news of Burgoyne's defeat and surrender — news tbat apparently occasioned as mucb general joy in France as if it had been a victory of their own troops over their own enemies — such is tbe universal, warm, and sincere good-will and attachment to us and our cause in this nation. t We took the opportunity of pressing tbe ministry by a short me- morial to tbe conclusion of our proposed treaty, which had so long lain under their consideration and been from time to time postponed. A meeting was had accordingly on Fiiday, the 12th instant, in which some difficulties were mentioned and removed; some explanations asked and given to satisfaction. As the concurrence of Spain is necessary, we were told that a courier should be dispatched the next day to obtain it, wbicb we are since assured was done ; and in three weeks from the time the answer is expected. On signifying to the ministry the importance it might be of at this juncture — when probably Britain would be making some proi:)Ositions of accommodation — that tbe Cougress should be informed explicitly what might be expected from France and Spain, M. Gerard, one of the secretaries, came yesterday to inform us, by order of the king, that after long and full consideration of our affairs and propositions in coun- cil it was decided, and his majesty was determined, to acknowledge our independence, and make a treaty with us of amity and commerce ; that in this treaty no advantage would be taken of our present situation to obtain terms from us which otherwise would not be convenient for us to agree to; his majesty desiring that the trcatj', once made, should be durable, and our amity subsist forever, which could not be expected if each nation did not find its interest in the continuance, as well as in the commencement of it. It was therefore bis intention that the terms of tbe treaty should be such as we u)igbt be willing to agree to if our State bad been long since established and in tbe fullness of strength and power, and such as we shall approve of when that time shall come; that his majestj' was fixed in bis determination not only to acknowledge, but to support our independence by every means in bis power; tbat in doing this he might probably soon be engaged in war, with all the ex- penses, risk, and damage usually attending it, yet be should not expect auy compensation from us on that account, nor i)retend tbat he acted wholly for our sakes ; since, besides bis real goodwill to us and our cause, it was manifestly the interest of France tbat the power of Eiig- ' MSS. Dcp. of State ; 1 Sjjarks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 259, with verbal changes. t See iutroductioii, 5 5 44-47, index, titles France, Franklin, Vergennes. 1777. 453 land should be diminished by our separation from it. He should, moreover, not so much as insist that if he engaged in a war with Eng- land on our account we should not make a, separate peace; he would have us be at full liberty to make a peace for ourselves whenever good and advantageous terms were offered to us. The only condition he should require and rely on would be this : that we, in no peace to bo made with England, should give up our independence and return to the obedience of that government; that as soon as the courier returned from Spain with the concurrence expected the affair would be pro- ceeded in and concluded ; and of this we might give the Congress the strongest assurances in our dispatches, only cautioning them to keep the whole for the present a dead secret, as Spain had three reasons for not immediately declaring: her money fleet not yet come home, her Brazil army and fleet the same, and her peace with Portugal not yet quite completed ; but these obstacles would probably soon be removed. We answered, that in what bad been communicated to us we per- ceived and admired equally the king's magnanimity and his wisdom ; that he would find us faithful and Arm allies, and we wished, with bis majesty, that the amity between the two nations might be eternal. And mentioning that republics were usually steady in their engage- ments — for instance, the Swiss cantons — the secretary remarked that Prance had been as steady with regard to them, two hundred years hav- ing passed since their first alliance for fifty years had commenced, which had been renewed from time to time ; and such had been her uni- form good faith toward them, that, as it appeared in the last renewal, the Protestant cantons were free from their ancient prejudices and sus- picions, and joined readily with the rest in the league, of which we here- with send you a copy.* It is some time since we obtained a promise of an additional aid of three millions of livres, which we shall receive in January. Spain, we are told, will give an equal sum : but finding it inconvenient to remit it here,- she purposes sending it from the Havana, in specie, to the Con- gress. What we receive here will help to get us out of debt. Cur ves- sels, laden with supplies, have by various means been delayed, partic- ularly by fear of falling into the hands of the British cruising ships, who swarm in the bay and channel. At length it is resolved that they shall sail together, as they are all provided for defense ; and we have obtained a king's ship to cOnvoy them out of the channel, and we hope quite to America. Ihey will carry, we think, to the amount of seventy thousand pounds sterling, and sail in a few days. Also, in consideration of the late frequent losses of our dispatches, and the importance of the present, we have applied for, and obtained, a frigate to carry them. These extraordinary favors — of a nature provoking to Great Britain — * This is not in tho department papers 454 DirLOJrATic correspondence. fire, marks of tbe sincerity of this court, and seem to demand th( thanks of tbe Congress. We have accepted five bills drawn on us bj the President in favor of some returned officers, and shall pay then punctually. But as we receive no remittances for our support, and th( cargo in the AmjyMMte is claimed from us by M. Beamnarchais, and w( are not certain that we can keep it, we hope Congress will be sparing in their drafts, except for the interest mentioned in our former letters, ol which we now repeat tbe assurances of payment ; otherwise we maj be much embarrassed and our situation rendered very uncomfortable. It is said tbe French ambassador at London has desired to be re- called, being affronted there, where the late news from America has created a violent ferment. There is also a talk here of Lord Stormont's recall. The stocks in England fall fast ; and on both sides there is every appearance of an approaching war. Being informed by the con- curling reports of many who had escaped that our people, prisoners in England, are treated with great inhumanity, we have written a let- ter of expostulation on that subject to Lord iSTorth, which is sent over by a person express, whom we have instructed to visit the prisons (and, under the directions of INIr. Hartley,) to relieve as much as may be tbe most necessitous. We shall hereafter acquaint you with the result. Tiie expenses we are put to by those who get to us are very consider- able. Tiie supplies now going out from hence, and what we have sent and are sending from Spain, though far short of your orders (which we have executed as far as we are able), will, we hope, with private adventures encouraged by us aud others, put you into pretty good cir- cumstances as to clothing, arms, etc., if they arrive, and we shall con- tinue to send as ability and opportunity may permit. Please to present our duty to the Congress, and believe us, with sincere esteem, etc., B. Feanklin. Silas Dbane. Akthur Lee. ■W. Lee to Thompson.' Paris, December 18, 1777. Sir : Inclosed is a copy of what I did myself tbe honor of writing to you per tbe Independence, Cajjtaiu Young. Be pleased to inform the honorable Congress that since upon application being made to his Prussian Majesty he has prevented tbe Hesse and Hanau recruits, for re-enforcing the British army in America, from passing through his territories on the Ilbine, which has kept those troops still in Germany, which otherwise would, by this time, have been on their voyage to America ; and it is now doubtful wJiether they will ever be permitted * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Coir., 595, with omissions aud verbal changes. DECEMBER 18, 1777. 455 to go. Our friends at court liere are of opinion it will be better for me to visit the court of Vienna first, as it may be of use to strengtlien and unite all the branches of the family compact in the measures they have determined to take here in our favor ; therefore, as soon as the ceremony (which is a pretty essential one) of signing and senlinrj has taken place, I shall set out for Vienna, as it is tliought most advisable to wait till something decisive is absolutely concluded with the court of Versailles, because on that must be grounded my operations at Vienna and Berlin. With respect to the latter, trade must be the principal object, though his friendship will be of use to keep Russia quiet, aud to prevent Great Britain from getting any material aid from that quarter in case of a European war, while she is mad enough to continue the war with America, i^othing material relative to commerce can be effected in the north till late in tlic spring, because their ports are all frozen up during the winter. His Prussian Majesty seems well disposed to our cause, and I trust will give us every encouragement in time that we can wish; but in a country where there is very little foreign commerce, it must I)e raised gradually and by experimental conviction of its benefits.* To me it seems evident that the commerce between America aud the Prussian dominions must be considerable, because the natural produc- tions of the first will come to as good a market in the latter as almost any part of Europe ; [and a great many ot the manufactures and pro- ductions of It the latter are what we have been heretofore obliged to get from England-^ I shall omit no safe opportunity of informing Con gress of my proceedings ; and with due consideration and regard, I am, sir, etc., William Lee. Izard to Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paeis, Decemher 18, 1777. Gentlemen: Since my letter of the 0th of October I have culti- vated an intimacy with the Tuscan minister resident at this court. He is a man of honor, of considerable abilities, and extremely friendly to our country. I proposed to him that I should immediately set out for Italy, and desired his opinion and advice. He dissuaded mo from executing my intentions for the present, assured me of the good dispo- sition of the grand duke towards us, aud promised me to use his utmost endeavors to promote our interest with him. He thought that my * See, as to tho reception of W. Lee ia Berlin, Schulenburj; to A. Lee, Nov. 'J-i, 1777 ; introduction, ^ 19, 178. t Passage in brackets omitted in Sp.arks' ed. tThat this view of the position of Prussia was founded on an entire illusion, see introdnctiou, ^ 90. 5 MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Spark.s' Dip. Rev. Corr., G49. 456 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. presence at tbia time might produce some embarrassment at bis court, which would not long be the case.* He is since gone to Florence, and I am convinced that no services that he can render the States will be withheld. This gentleman is a great favorite, and I am well assured is more in the confidence ot the grand duke than any of his ministers. I flatter myself, therefore, that I have acted according to the wishes of Congress in conforming to his advice. I have repeatedly pressed him on the subject of the German troops, recommended to me by Congress, and he has done everything I could wish him to do. I have the satis- faction to learn that the King of Prussia has refused to let a body of G-ermans, intended for America, pass through his dominions, and it is said that he was induced to take this step at the desire of the emperor. I expect tetters very soon from Florence, which will regulate my con- duct. Everything in my power has been done to execute the trust that has been reposed in me by Congress ; and it will make me extremely happy, whenever an opportunity oii'ers, of rendering any service to my country. The irresolute and indecisive state ot the politics at the court of France, has for some time kept all Europe in suspense. The late suc- cess of our arms against General Burgoj'ne has given a fortunate turn to our affairs in this kingdom, and the conduct of the French ministry has confirmed me in an opinion I have long had, that the establishment of our liberties must depend upon our own exertions. One successful battle will gain us more friends, and do our busiuess more effectually, than all the skill of the ablest negotiators. I repeat my request, tbat I may be furnished from time to time with the proceedings and resolu- tions of Congress, and likewise with the state of affairs in America, which will be highly useful to me. I am, etc., Ealph Izaeij. Schuleuburg to Lee. [Translation. t] Berlin, December 18, 1777. Sir : A few days after the departure of my last, of the 13th instant, in which I requested you to give me authentic intelligence concerning the progress of General Howe, of which the English ambassador had * Izard must have mi.stakcn expressions of friendliness from Niccoli for political predictions. Nothing conld have been more unlikely than that Tuscany, under an ab- solutist prince, and under pecnliardread of England, should receive an American envoy during the war; and, even if she had, her insolvency would have prevented a loau. (See introduction, ^ 97a..) Oneof the saddest iucideuts in our Revolution is thatCoii- grcsa should have been induced to keep at Paris (for he never went further) a min- ister at a first-class salary to a court where bis receptiou was out of the range ot political probability. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 464. DECEMBEK 21, 1777. 457 received an account, I learned by the letter yon did me the honor to write on the 4th of this mouth that these advantages, far from being so considerable as they were thought to be, are more than balanced by the surrender of General Burgoyne, and by the liberty which the troops under Arnold will have of acting where they shall be most wanting, which may very much harass General Howe. I am much pleased, sir, with these favorable events, and as from the situation in which affairs were when your dispatches were sent, other events of consequence are to be expected before the end of the cam- paign, or even during the winter, I hope you will continue to communi- cate, without delay, all the authentic advices you may receive. The ting, who always graciously receives the news you send me, and expresses his satisfaction when it is in your favor, has seen the pas- sage of your brother's letter, aud I can assure you, sir, that his majesty will not be the last power to acknowledge your independency ; but you must feel yourself that it is not natural that he should be the first, and that France, whose commercial and political interests are more immedi- ately connected with yours, should set the example. I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, sir, your very humble servant, Baron de Schulenbueg.* Franklin to Lovell.t Paris, December 21, 1777. Sir: I see in a vote of Congress, shown me by Gajjtain Franval, that Dr. Deane is disowned in some of his agreements with otticers.f I, who am upon the spot and know the infinite difficulty of resisting the pow- erful solicitations of great men, who, if disobliged, might have it in their power to obstruct the supplies he was then obtaining, do not won- der that, being then a stranger to the people and unacquainted with the language, he was at first prevailed on to make some such agree- ments, when all were recommended, as they always are, as officiers expe'- rimentes, braves comme leurs epees, pleins de courafje, des talents, et de zele, pour notre cause, etc., etc.; in short, mere Caesars, each of whom would have been an invaluable acquisition to America. You can have no con- ception how we are still besieged and worried on this head, our time cut to pieces by personal applications, besides those contained in doz- ens of letters by every post, which are so generally refused that scarce one in a hundred obtains from us a simple recommendation to civilities. I hope, therefore, that favorable allowance will be made to my worthy colleague on account of his situation at the time, as he has long since * See Introductiou, 5 90. tMSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 21 ; C Bigelovv's Franklin, 117. t See index, titles Deane, Officers. 458 DlPLOMATia CORRESPONDENCE. corrected that mistake iiud daily approves himself, to my certain knowl- edge, an able, faithful, active, and extremely useful servant of the pub- lic; a testimony I think it my duty to take this occasion of giving to his merit unasked, as, considering my great age, I may probably not live to give it personally in Congress, and I perceive he has enemies. You will see the general news in the papers in particular. I can only say at present that our aifairs go well here, and that I am, with much respect, sir, etc., B. Franklin.* Adams to Laurens, President of Congreiss.t Beaintrbb, December 23, 1777. Sir : Having been absent on a journey I iiad not the honor of receiv- ing your letters until yesterday, when one of the 2Sth of November, in- closing a resolution of Congress of the same day and another of the 3d of December, inclosing a commission for Dr. Franklin, Dr. Lee, and myself to represent the United States at the court of France, were de- livered to me in Boston. As 1 am deeply penetrated with a sense of the high honor which has been done me in this appointment, I can not but wish I were bettor qualified for the important trust; but as Congress are perfectly ac- quainted with all my deticiencies, I conclude it is their determination to make tlie necessarj' allowances, in the humble hope of which I shall submit my own judgment to theirs, and devote all the faculties I have, and all that I can acquire, to their service. You will be pleased to accept of my sincere thanks for the polite man- ner in which you have communicated to me the commands of Congress, and believe me to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, etc., John Adams. Schulenburg to A. Lee. [Translation.}] Berlin, December 23, 1777. Sir : I received the letter which yon did me the honor to write to me the 11th of this month, and I give you many thanks for the detail of operations in the north of America which you were so kind as to add. I will not fail to acquaint Mr. William Lee, as soon as the king shall judge that his arrival at Berlin can be of mutual utility ; and I assure * Seo infra, Franklin to the President of Congress, March 31, 1778. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 2 Sparlvs' Dip. Rev. Corr., 538 ; 7 J. Adams' Works, 7. \ 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 400. DECEMBER 24, 1777. 459 yoii, sir, tliat tbe iuforruatioii wliicli you have had, that his majesty lias refused a passage to the auxiliary troops of Germany destiued for America, is strictly true. I have the honor to be, etc., Baeon de Schulenburg. Franklin, Deane, and Lee to Messrs. Berard Preres." Passy, December 24, 1777. Gentlemen: Mr. de Beaumarchais haviug satisfied us that he had a prior claim upon the cargo of the AmphUrite, according to an agree- ment between him and Mr. Deane, we desire you to deliver the cargo or the produce into his hands, or into those of his agents, at his dispo- sition, with any deduction for the advances you may have made on account of the frigates. We are, B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Arthur LEE.f Adams to Committee of Foreign Affairs. X Brainteeb, December 24, 1777. Gentlemen: Having been absent from this State, I had not the honor of your favor of Decembers until the 22d, when it was deliv- ered to me, with its iuclosures, viz : a letter from the President to the navy board at Boston, and a private letter of December 8, from Mr. Loveli. At the same time I received a packet, directed to Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, commissioners of the United States of America in France, under seal. I also received a packet un- sealed, containing — (1) Copy of a letter dated the 2d of December from the committee of foreign affairs to the commissioners. (2) A duplicate of a commission of the 27th of November, to the commissioners. (3) A duplicate of a resolve of December 3, duplicates of resolves of November 20 and 21, and duplicates of resolves of November 10 and 22. (4) Two letters unsealed, to Silas Deane, Paris. • (5) Two printed handbills, one containing messages, etc., between the Generals Burgoyne and Gates ; the other a copy of a letter, etc., from Mr. Strickland. The packet under seal I shall do myself the *Ri'p. No. 220, Twentieth Congress, first session, vol. .3, p. 44. t Si'o index, Beaiiniarcb.ais. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 538 ; 7 John Adams' Works, 8. 460 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. bonor to forward by the first conveyance, and the otber shall be con- veyed, God willing-, with uiy own hand. I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, etc., John Adams. R. MoiTis to H. Laurens.* December 2G, 1777. [In this letter only such parts are given as relate to Thomas Morris's relations to the American ministers in France.] Mr. Thomas Morris and myself are descended from a father whose virtue and whose memory I have ever revered with the most filial piety. Our mothers were not the same, and this youth was born after our father's decease, without any sufficient provision made for his mainte- nance. The tender regard I bore to the parent I determined when very young to extend to his offspring, and no sooner had I fixed myself in the world than I took charge of this brother. I gave him the best education that could be obtained in Philadel[)hia, and took as much care of his morals as mj^ time and capacity enabled. When he was arrived at a proper age I took him Into my counting-house to instruct him in the profession from which he was to draw his future support. In this situation he remained about three years, during which time he dis- covered on all occasions a good understanding, sound judgment, and clear head, with remarkable facility in dispatching business. His be- havior was then modest and innocent, his heart pure, and he possessed a mind strongly actuated by principles of bonor; at least these were the ox)inions I bad formed and such was the character be bore amongst bis own acquaintance; from hence I formed the most pleasing expecta- tion, and saw but one source from whence any reverse could sprng. This was a fondness be early discovered of being the bead of his com- pany, a disposition more dangerous to youth than an,v otber, and which in fact has been his ruin. This it was that first led him to seek im- IJroper company, who, readily granting him the pre eminence he de- lighted in, soon carried him into the practice of their follies and vices. When I discovered this to be the case, and found that advice had not its proper weight, and thinking frequent exercise of authority might be dangerous, I fell on the expedient of sending him to Spain (in order to break off his connection with worthless companions), and there placed him in an eminent counting-house, where be gained much knowledge and experience, and where be acquired the French and Spanish lan- guages so as to write and speak both with great fluency. At a proper season I recalled him to America, and took him apartner in our house, promising myself assistance and relief from his abilities and expected assiduity, and for some time had great satisfaction in him; but un- * Morris's Materials for History, 78 ; 2 P.arton'a Franklin, 259. DECEMBER 26, 1777. 461 fortunately liis former associates found him out and again led bim astray. At this period the commercial business of America was interrupted by certain resolutions of Congress, and, fearing that idle time and these associates would bring him to ruin, I determined on sending him to Europe well recommended, with money in his pocket, in hopes to open his mind, extend his ideas, and give him a habit of keeping and seeking good company. He traveled through Spain, Italy, and into France with reputation kept by means of introductions. I procured for bim the best company in every place he went to, and I had the pleasure to receive many letters from my friends as well as from himself in the most satisfactory style. These letters, his assurances, and those from some friends on his behalf, regained my confidence, and I judged he had now arrived at the period of proper reflection ; for such usually happens to young people who have been too volatile in the first stages of manhood. At this period it happened that a commercial agent became necessary to have a general superintendency of the public business in Europe. My brother was then in France (as I thought), possessed of my good opinion ; and, reflecting that he was qualified for that agency by his education in two counting-houses, where he had seen and executed much business by his perfect knowledge of the languages and by his being connected with some of the best mercantile houses in Europe aud known to many more, I was i)rompted to offer bis services to the committee, firmly believing be would be extremely useful, and do honor to himself and me. Here I must observe that no part of bis conduct had ever given me the least cause to suspect any want of integrity or breach of honor. Therefore, the only doubts I did or could entertain were, whether he would bestow that attention that he ought to this busi- ness ; and for this I depended on the assurances he had given in bis letters of a faithful execution of any commands I might lay on him. The committee, of which Dr. Franklin was then a member, was pleased to accept the offer, and on the doctor's going to France he promised me to become a friend and adviser to my brother if he found it necessary. Mr. Deane had promised this before his departure, and to make me acquainted with his conduct. I reposed myself in confidence that he could not do any harm (as I should soon hear bow he managed and could act accordingly), and he might do much good. At the same time that I recommended him to the agency, I intrusted him to collect the debts due to our house in Europe, and pay the balances we might owe there ; and since then have continued to employ him in the management of our own business. * * * It happened very unfortunately that, about the time Thomas Morris ; was appointed in America to this agency, he had gone from France to -London, where, totally unable to withstand the tempting scenes of ii pleasure that sinlc of iniquity affords, he gave in to the pursuit with an -eagerness (as I am now informed) that debauched his mind and laid 462 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. the tbuudatioQ for all that has siuce happeuod. He was in Loudon at the time his letters of appointment arrived at Paris. Mr. Deano sent for him. He came and promised a faithful attention to business. He repaired to Nantes, and finding Mr. Peuet had been intrusted with a contract for public business, i^aftof which had been executed, he read- ily fell into the proposals made bj' that house and became a party in it, but on what terms I do not know ; consequently he put the jiublic busi- ness into their bauds (which was not inconsistent with the instructions under which he acted). Whilst things were in this train in France I received a letter from the gentleman in Cadiz with whom my brother had lived, a worthy man, ^\\io had great regard for him and wished to promote his welfare. He gave me reason to suppose his conduct in Loudon had been out of character, and this gave the first alarm to my fears ; in consequence of which I wrote letters on the 3ist of January last to Mr. Deaue, to Mr. Ross, and to Mr. Thomas Morris, informing them of this intelligence, and pressing their immediate care of and attention to the public business, should he neglect it. I requested my friend lioss to visit France on purpose to watch and inform me truly what was his conduct, and insisted to my brother that if he had been guilty of any neglect of duty or miscouduct in discharge of his public trust, that he should resign it into the hands of Mr. Deaue or Mr. Eoss, empowering them regularly to act for him until new arrangements were made. This done, I waited impatiently for the event. * * * By the return of one of our ships came letters from the commissioners, saying, to the best of my remembrance, " that Mr. Thomas Morris must be immcdiateij' displaced from his agency," and another quoting the paragraph of Dr. Lee's letter from Bordeaux. Having no private letter then from Mr. Deaue on this subject, I was astonished at the style of these to Cougress; for, supposing my brother guilty of some inattention, which was the most I did suppose, I could not think it right to blast entirely a young man's reputation, that was just setting out in the world, merely because he was fond of pleasure ; and as the letters he had written respecting the business under his care were full and clear, they were produced to Congress in his justification and to pre- vent any hasty measures. I then related to Congress the substance of what I have now written, but uot so fully ; and many members, as well as myself, were surprised at the affair as it then stood. In consequence of what the commissioners had wrote, I referred myself to Mr. Thomas Morris's private letters more particularly. I found there was no good understauding between Mr. Deaue and hiin (but of Dr. Franklin he wrote respectfully), and he intimated that Mr. Deane was privately his enemy. Not trusting, however, to his letter, I applied to several per- sons that came from Nantes, who assured me that there was nothing amiss in his conduct that they knew or heard of; but more particularly one person, who had transacted business Mith him. This gentleman as- sured me over and over that he lived two months in the house with my DECEMBER 26, 1777. 463 brother; that he saw him assiduous, attentive, aud industrious; that if it had not been for him the business of those ships would not have been done in any reasonable time, and that I might depend my brother would give entire satisfaction ; at least he was fully persuaded of this. He said he knew well there were persons in France that envied his appointment, and would leave nothing undone to have him displaced, and particularly mentioned Mr. Williams, who he heard was nephew to one, and concerned in trade with another of the commissioners, as the person intended to supply his place.* " "Acting upon tliese irapressions, Mr. iVIorria wrote augrilj' to Mr. Deane : 'I thiuk those public letters,' he said, ' were cruel to my brother aud extremely unfriendly to myself. I shall inform him of them, and if ho baa spirit to resent them, I hope he will also have judgment to do it properly.' The letter from which these words are taken he inclosed open to bis brother, asking him to read it before sending it to Mr. Deane. He accompanied it, however, with a few sentences of caution to himself: 'As to what I have said about your resenting their letters, I thiuk you had best not thiuk of anything of that kind, lest your past behavior will notsupport you in doing it; and the best s.atisfaction you can have will be by holding your post under such good conduct as will deter them from attacking yon again.' "Upon receiviug this packet the druukeu wretch resolved to convey the letter to Paris himself, and ' resent ' the conduct of the envoys iu their very presence. Mr. Deane related to Mr. Robert Morris what occurred in consequence of this doughty resolution : ' Mr. Morris, September 27, called on me, and said he had a letter from you, which, though directed to me, respected the commissioners, and therefore ho chose to deliver it in the presence of Dr. Franklin. I thereupon conducted hiiu to thedoctor's apartments, and he delivered the letter to him. It was open, very much worn and dirty, and the cover iu which it was wrapped, without beiug sealed, was superscribed in the handwriting of Mr. T. Morris. After Dr. Franklin had read the letter, Mr. T. Morris told us we had written to Cougiess more than was true respect- ing his conduct, that the Congress were of this opinion, and that he should hereafter despise us and treat us with the greatest contempt, adding other insulting expres- sions, not necessary to be repeated ; to all which my venerable colleague made this reply: 'It gives me pleasure to be respected by men who are themselves respectable, bnt I am indifferent to the sentiments of those of a different character, and I only wish that your future conduct may be such as to entitle you to the approbation of your honorable coustituenis.' On parting Mr. T. Morris told us he had shown the letter to all whom he thought bis friends, and having copied it, he should continue to show it in the same manner. How public it may soon be made by him, or those he comumnicated it to, I know not; but I am apprehensive that many, who are neither friends to him nor to America, have already seen it, aud that this indiscreet exposure of it may give our enemies an opportunity of using it to strengthen their accounts of our internal divisions aud animosities. I must also inform you that Mr. Penet, pretending to have received intelligence from you of what I wrote to Con- gress conoerniug him, has had the assurance to send me open, by Mr. T. Morris, an insulting and menacing letter, which had also been shown iu the same manner." (Deane papers, 121 ; quoted iu 2 Partoii's Franklin, 263.J 464 DIPLOMATIC CORKESPONDENCE. De Kalb to John Adams.* At Yalley Fokge Camp, December 27, 1777. Sir: As you are going to France in a public cbaracter from the United States, will you give me leave to present you a letter of intro- duction for M. le Gomte de Broglie, one for M. Moreau, the first secre- tary to Count do Yergenues, minister of state for foreign affairs, and two for my lady, who will be glad to see you, and to get news from me by your means ? I wish you a good passage, a safe arrival, health and success in all your enterprises, no one being with more regard and esteem, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, Bakon de KALB.t W. Lee to Charles Thomson.t Paris, January 2, 1778. Sir : 1 had the honor of writing to you by the Independence, Captain Young, a copy of which went since. It is with infinite pleasure that I congratulate Congress and America on the favorable change in our affairs in Euroi)e since advice was re- ceived of the noble and spirited exertions of the northern army and mili- tia in making General Burgoyne and his army prisoners. The purport of the last and present dispatches from the commissioners at the court of Yersailles will show how pleasing the prospect before us is in this couu- trj' at the jiresent moment, which I hope will ripen into pleasant fruit. I must beg you to lay before Congress that, though we had received repeated assurances from the King of Prussia of his good wishes for our success, and indeed had experienced his operations in our favor by bis forbidding his officers to jiermit the Hesse and Hanau recruits for the British army in America to pass down the Ehine, yet, since the late ad- vices, his prime minister writes more decidedly than before, for he says: " I can assure you, sir, his majesty will not be the last power to acknowl- edge the independence of the Americans, but you must be sensible it is not natural for him to begin it ; and that at least France, whose po- litical and commercial interests are more immediately connected with yours, should set the example.'' From this I conclude that as soon as France has entered into a treaty with you, the King of Prussia will not hesitate to do the same. This shows that my former opinion was well founded when I observed to you that it was probable most if not all the European powers would foUoH' the example of France and Spain in acknowledging the independence of America. I have so far been able to prevail with the emperor, by ne- * 7 J. Adams' Works, 9. t As to Kalb, see iudex, under his name. t MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 596, with verbal changes, JANUARY 5, 1778. 465 gotiatioiis with his minister, as to get his imperial highness to discoun- tenance the practice of the German princes hiring their troops to Great Britainfor the purposesof the American war. I have been waiting some time for the conclusion of certain afi'airs here, on which I presume the commissioners at this court will write fully. When they are clearly decided, signed, and sealed, I shall then immediately set out for Vienna, where it is thought my lirst visit will be most proper and beneficial, and then I shall proceed to Prussia, where I can venture to assure Congress that American merchant ships will be now freely admitted to commerce. Embdeu is a convenient port where many American articles will come to a tine market, such as tobacco, furs, rice, and indigo of that quality which is most like the St. Domingo kind. The returns in woolens, lin- ens, naval stores, arms, and ammunition M'ill be greatly beneficial to America. I shall, by all safe opportunities, regularly inform Congress of my proceedings, continuing to address my letters to you until I have other directions, having not received any instructions on that head as yet. It will certainly be of great use to keep me regularly advised, and as early as possible, of all the material occurrences in America. I can not omit to mention it as mj^ opinion that, let the events in Europe be what they will, you ought to prepare for another vigorous campaign, in which, if Great Britain is foiled, you may assuredly compute on the war being at an end. I have the pleasure to inform Congress that from the best intelli- gence, I learn that Great Britain has hitherto been very unsuccessful in her attempts to hire fresh German troops for the American war, but tlie diligence of the British ministry is greatly increased in endeavor- ing, by every artifice and allurement, to raise men in England, Scot- land, and among the Roman Catholics m Ireland. I am inclined to think that even there they will find themselves a good deal disap- pointed ; but a few weeks will show their chance of success with more certainty; but at all events, the troops they raise will be raw men, and not able to encounter your veterans, aided by a well-disciplined and spirited militia. The plan of the next campaign is, I believe, as yet to be settled ; the earliest information I can get on that head, which is to be depended on, shall be immediately transmitted to Congress. I am, with all due regard, etc., William Lee. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paeis, January 5, 1778. Gentlemen: My dispatches by Captain Young, and since by Mr. Deane, jr., will have informed you of whatever has happened worthy of your attention in the departments of Spain and Prussia. The latter is now resigned to the care of the commissioner appointed to it, who •MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 46(3, with verbal chauges. 466 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. will iuform Congress (as lie is instructed) of the assurance from Baron de Scbuleuburg, secretary of state to tbe King of Prussia, that bis master will not be the last to acknowledge your independency. This may show you the favoral)Ie disposition of th;it monarch, who I believe waits only for the example of this court. That example, I trust, will not be long delayed. I have received a complaint from St. Sebastian of the imprisoumeut of the sailors who carried in a prize made by an A.mericau privateer, and the seizure of the prize. This passed previous to the news of Bur- goyne's surrender and General Washington's having given battle to the British army. As this news has made a strong sensation in our favor, I am in hopes the representations I have made will not only relieve them, but prevent any violence of this kind in future. It would seem that the court of Spain will not enter into any negotia- tion till we have concluded the business here. But I shall hold myself ready to execute that duty in obedience to the commands of Congress the moment it is permitted. I exjiect every day to hear that the blank- ets and stockings ordered from Bilboa are shipped. I have this moment received the letter, of which I inclose an extract.* It proves the sincerity of those professions I had the honor of receiv- ing from his Prussian Majesty, and as he is in great esteem with the Empress of Eussia, I think we may be satisfied that he will use all his influence to prevent our enemies Irom succeeding in their solicitations with her. There appears no reason to alter my opinion of the malignant obsti- nacy with which our enemies are determined to pursue the war. Their ill success has produced a disinclination in the public to persevere, which gives them some alarm. I have secret and sure information that, in order to overcome this reluctance by the hope of a speedy end to the war, they mean very soon to lay before Parliament a plan of accom- modation. Under the delusion of this hope they expect to pass easily over the inquiry into the state of the nation, and to have its force ecu- tinned another year under thiir direction. Mr. Stevenson, who will have the honor of delivering you this, was a merchant in Bristol, whom I have long known to be zealously attached to the cause of his country. The British court are greatly alarmed about Canada, for the defense of which they are informed eight thousand men, at least, are necessary. I hardly think it will be possible for them to procure anything like that number. The refusal of a passage by the King of Prussia will embar- rass and impede their German supplies as stipulated, and I have good intelligence that it was done with the approbation of the emperor, and that he will use his influence to prevent any future su])plies. 1 beg the favor of having my duty^ and respects recommended to Congress, and have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. From Baiou de Schulenburg JANUARY 8, 1778. 467 Louis XVI to Charles III. [Translation.*] January 8, 1778. Sir, My Brother and Uncle : The sincere desire wliich I feel of maintaining the true harmony and unity of our system of alliance, which must always have an imposing character for our enemies, induces me to state to your majesty my way of thinking on the present state of affairs. England, our common and inveterate enemy, has been en- gaged for three years in a war with her American Colonies. We Lad agreed not to meddle with it, and viewing both sides as English, we made our trade free to the one that fonnd most advantage in a commer- cial intercourse. In this manner America provided herself with arms and ammunition, of which she was destitute. I do not speak of the succors of money and other kinds which we have given her, the whole, ostensibly, on the score of trade. England has taken umbrage at these succors, and has not concealed from us that she would be revenged sooner or later. She has already, indeed, seized several of our merchant vessels, and refused restitution. We have lost no time on our j)art. We have fortified our most exposed colonies and placed our fleets upon a respectable footing, which has contributed to aggravate the ill humor of England. Such was the posture of affairs in November last. The destruction of the army of Burgoyne and the straitened condition of Howe have totally changed the face of things. America is triumphant, and Eng- land cast down; but the latter has still a great unbroken maritime force, and the hope of forming a beneficial alliance with her Colonies, the impossibility of their being subdued by arms being now demon- strated. All the English parties agree on this point. Lord North has himself announced, in full Parliament, a plan of pacification for the first session, and all sides are assiduously employed upon it. Thus it is the same to us whether this minister, or any other, be in power. From different motives they join against us, and do not forget our bad oflices (mauvaise offices). They will fall upon us in as great strength as if the war had not existed. This being understood, and our grievances against England notorious, I have thought, after taking the advice of my council, and particularly that of M. d'Ussuna, and having consulted upon the propositions which the insurgents make, that it was just and necessary to begin to treat with them, to prevent their reunion with the mother country. I lay before your majesty my views of the subject. I have ordered a memoir to be submitted to yon, in which they are presented in more "7Pla8san, Dip. Frangais, 177; Rep. No. 2^0, Twentietli Cong., first sess., vol. 3, p. 45. 468 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. detail. I desire eagerly that tbey should meet your approbation, know- ing the weight of your probity. Your majesty will not doubt the lively and isiucere friendship with which 1 am, etc. La Fayette to John Adams.* Headquarters, January 9, 1778. Sir : As General Knox will have the i^leasure to see you before your going to France, I take the liberty of intrusting him with the inclosed letter for you, which you will find verj' importune,! but I hope j'ou will excuse, on account of my being very desirous to let my friends hear from me by every opportunity. Such a distance, so many enemies are be- tween me and every relation, every acquaintance of mine, that I will not reproach myself with any neglect in my entertaining with them the best correspondence I can. However, to avoid troubling you with too large a parcel of letters, I will send my dispatches by two ways, as one other occasion is offered to me in this very moment. I must beg your ])ardou, sir, for making myself free enough to recommend you to some friends of mine in France ; but as I do not believe you have many acquaintances in that country, I thought it would not be disagreeable to you if I would desire Madame de la Fayette and the Prince de Poix, to whom I write, to introduce you to some of my other friends. Before indulging myself in that liberty, I asked the General Knox's opinion, who told me that he did not find anything amiss in it, although I had not the honor of your particular acquaintance. I told General Knox some particular advices which 1 believed not to be disagreeable to you. I hope you Mi II hear good news from here, and send very good ones from there. Such is the desire of a friend to your country and the noble cause we are fighting for. I wish you a pleasant and safe voyage, and with the highest esteem and greatest affection for a man to whom the hearts of every lover of liberty will be indebted forevei', 1 have the honor to be, sir, Your most obedient servant, The Marquis de la Fayette. ■Witherspoon and Lovell, Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris. X York, January 12, 1778. Gentlemen : Not having received any letters from you since the 26th of May, we were severely chagrined yesterday, upon the arrival of Captain John Folger, who, under the name of dispatches from the * 7 J. Adams' Works, 10. t Various French idioms will be noticed which it has not been thought rtcebsary to correct where the grammar is preserved. ^Adams. t MSS. Dep. of State: 1 . 'ijiarks' Din. Rev. Coir., 262, with verbal changes. JANUARY 12, 1778. 469 commissioners at Paris, delivered only an iiiclosure of clean white paper, with some familiar letters, none of which contained any political intelligence. Yon will see, by the within examination of Folger, that he was by no means a discreet person, lit to have the charge of what you trusted to him ; but we can not yet prove that he was willfully con- nected with the robbers of the packet. The paper referred to by the letter A, in the examination, was a plain cover to plain paper, whicli had been put in the place of an inclosure, probably very interesting, sent with the public ledgers to K. H. Lee. We shall endeavor to And whether the roguery was committed after Folger left France; but we must depend ui)on you to trace the circum- stances from the time of your sealing till that of his embarking. Congress have sent to General Caswell, governor of North Carolina, to explain the part he is said to have taken in the affair, and to exam- ine the ship captain and the two passengers. Should the governor confirm Folger's narrative, so as to make his veracity less problemat- ical than at present, his confinement may be rendered easier to him, hut he must not be quite discharged till we hear from you. There ought to be the greatest caution used with regard to the characters of all those persons who are confidentially employed by you. The con- nection which Folger has had since he left America with persons in England and on the voyage to Falkland's Isles can not be thought favorable to our interest, if his own family and native place are so. We shall only add on this subject, that Folger, upon recollection, asserts that the largest packet delivered to him at Havre de Grace was directed, "Dispatches for Captain Folger," and he laments that he did not himself open it before he sailed. If this circumstance is true, it accounts for Governor Caswell's opening the packet.* We are, with much regard, etc., J. WiTHERSPOON.t J. LOVELL. *"Tho captain liimselfwas suspected of franil, and was strictly examined by a committee of Congress, appointed for tbafc purpose. He, in the most solemn manner, protested his innocence, and declared that lie had delivered the packet in the same state in which he had received it. The governor of North Carolina was requested to examine the persons who came in the ship with Folger; but no satisfactory informa- tion could be obtained from them. With a hope of finding s mie clue which might lead to a discovery of this mysterious affair Congress directed the board of war to confine Captain Folger in a close prison until further orders. In consequence of this order he was kept a close prisoner until May 8, 1778, when, on the report of the committee of Congress declaring that nothing was found against him, he was released, and his expenses paid." (1 Pitkin's Hist. U. S., 414.) In a letter from Adams to Lovell, July 26, 1778, infra, it is said that the theft was by some one who afterwards escaped to England. A. Leo, in a letter given infra, under date of April 14, 1778, throws the blame partly on Carmichael, whom he charges with tampering with A. Lee'n papers. That this was one of A. Lee's monomaniac suspicions wo may infer from what we know of Car- michael, who was a man of high honor, (fntroduction, 4 171.) t John "Witherspoon, a signer of the Declaration of Independence and a member 470 DIPLOMATIC CORRKSPONDENCE. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs." Paris, January 15, 1778. Gentlemen : I have tlie pleasure to inform you that our friends in Spaiu have promised to supply us with three millions of livres in the course of this year, t 1 should be happy that immediate and precise orders were sent from Congress for the appropriation of it, which will prevent it from being expended in a manner, perhaps, less useful than the purposes they may wish to fulfill. My last advices from Bilboa assure me that they are shipping tbe during tbfi Revolution of tbe Continenttil Congress, was born in Haddingtonsbire, Scotland, in Febrnary, 17-2'J. His fatber was a minister of tbe Scotob kiiii; bis motber was a descendant of Jobn Knox. Educated in tbe University of Edinburgb, be was ordained as a minister of tbe kirk in 1744. Several controversial works, defending moderate Calvinistic tbeology and polity, were pnblisbed by bim witbin tbe following fifteen years. In 176() be was elected jiresident of Princeton College, to fill tbe vacancy created by tbe deatb of President Fmley. Tliis post, after first declining, he accepted in 1767, and tbe rapid growth of tlic endowments of tbe col- lege and tbe increase in the number of its students, soon attested the success of bis management. The war, however, produced a great cbange. With bis characteristic resoluteness be took decided revolutionary ground ; but Piincelon, being tbe con- stant site of collisions between tbe contending armies, could i.o longer be kept in prosperous operation. Wbattbe cause of education thus lost, however, wasgainediu ttie political field. Withcrspoon was elected to the Continental Congress, where, with one or two unimportant intermissions, be remained until peace. Here his strong sense, his resolute courage, bis high moral and religions tone, were of im- mense value. He at once saw the necessity of a strong executive, both in the mili- tary and civil side of tbe government, and he uniformly gave his sui>port to whatever measures were calculated to strengthen Washington and to sustain Franklin, and afterwards Livingston and Morris. Of the necessity of a jiunctilious fulfillmeut of our obligations to France be was a firm champion ; and perhaps bis Scotch blood may have added somewhat both to his conscientiousness and bis tenderness in what- ever related to our dealings witb France. On tbe question of separate negotiation of tbe treaty of peace we have from him aspeech, which will be hereafter given, whicb shows his positi, 1794. His inlirieu<;e, however, was destined to be perniauent. His great abilities, pure character, and strong whig principles drew to Princeton College students of intelligence and ambition, who were much molded by his views. James Madison was a striking instance of this. He gradu- ated at Princeton in 1771, but be remained for a^ year longer under the especial tuition of Witberspoon, whose political views he a:lopted, and for whom he felt an enduring attachment. Tbe similarity of their views when in Congress in 1773, as to the great (luestion of loyalty to the French alliance, has been elsewhere noticed. "Dr. Witberspoon enters witb great sjiirit into tbe American cause. He seems as hearty a frieud as any of the natives, an .'iniinnted son of liberty." (John Adams' Diary, Sept. 3, 1774, in 2 .John Adams' Works, 31)3.) Gerard, in one of his dispatches, says of " Wederspun," as he calls him, that "il * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 468. t These funds were not supplied. JANUARY 16, 1778. 471 blankets aud stocliings I ordered. The enemy are raising men in Eng- land and Scotland with great industry ; but their best stock (the 3 per cent, consols) has fallen 7 per cent. I have the honor to be, etc., Aethub Lee. Franklin and Deane to John Paul Jones.* Paeis, January 16, 1778. SiE : As it is not in our power to procure you such a ship as you ex- pected, we advise yon, after equipping the Ranger m the best manner for the cruise you propose, that you proceed with her in the manner you shall judge best for distressing the enemies of the United States, x^unit ilan3 nn liaut degre deux qualitfe qui semblent oppos(5es, une V(Sh(Smence de caraclfere extreme, et la plus graude souplesse d'esprit." He misunderstood, how- ever, " Wederspuu's" political position in 1778. Witherspoon'a early life was not without adventures. Ho was settled, soon after his license to preach, in the parish of Beitli, iu the west of Scotland, aud there mar- ried. Notwithstanding these ties, however, ho was prompted by " curiosity," so his biograpLer tells us(Sprague's Anuals, tit. Witberspoon), to "witness the encounter" at Falkirk, on January 17, 1746, between the royal troops and tbose of the Pretender. He was taken prisoner hy the rebels, and appears to have been treated with so little respect during a "close conlineiiient" of a fortnight, "that his nervous system, pre- viously enfeebled by intense study, received a shock from the confiuemeut occasioned by this curious and perhaps rash adventure, from wliich it did not soon, if ever, fully recover." His literary activity was very great, and was not confined to matters theological. He published in 1753 a very lively work on the "arcana" of Presby- terian church polity, which, by its humor aud invective, not unmixed with personal criticism, made him for a time not very acceptable to the more conservative and for- mal portion of his church. This was followed in 1756 by an essay on justification, taking strong Calvinistic ground ; and in 1757, shocked at Home, a fellow clergy- man, putting on the stage the tragedy of Douglass, he published a "serious inquiry into the nature and effects of the stage," in which he scourged with no light hand stage abu.ses. In 1757 he was translated to Paisley, where, having heard that ceitain young men of fashion in the town had indulged in certain irreligions orgies not unlike those by which Wilkes and Lord Sandwich about this same time dishonored them- selves, he preached and published a sermon exhibiting them hy name to public scorn. They denied, however, the truth of the reports, and "a suit was brought against the doctor for defamation of character, which went against him, the proof (of his de- fense) having been considered by the judges defective; and ho was subjected to a fine or expenses which brought him into pecuniary difficulties which called his friends to come under engagements." He did not suffer, however, in public respect or esti- mation by this misfortune, however much his reputation for prudence may Lave been impaired. In 1764 he was made doctor of divinity by the University of Aber- deen; his theological works, comprising by this time several volumes, were widely read, and admired for their logical power as well as religious zeal; and, after sev- eral calls to other important fields, he accepted, in 1767, the presidency of Princeton College, taking charge iu 1768. The extraordinary success which attended, until Priuceton became the center of the revolutionary war, his services in this position, is described by Dr. Sprague in detail in the biography already referred to. • 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 263. 472 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. by sea or otberwise, consistent witb the laws of war and tbe terms of your commission. If yon take prizes on tbe coast of France or Spain, send tbem into Bilboa or Corogne, unless you should apprehend tbe danger too great, in which case we advise you to send them either into L'Orient or Bordeaux directing the officers who may have them in charge to ajjply at L'Orient to M. Moylan or M. Goulade, and at Bor- deaux to Messrs. Samuel & T. H. Delap, and inform us immediately of their arrival and situatiou. If you send to Spain, or should put into the ports of that kingdom, apply at Bilboa to 3Iessrs. Gardoqui & Sons ; at Corogne to Messrs. Leagouere & Co. If you make an attempt on the coast of Great Britain, we advise you not to return immediately into the jiorts of France, unless forced by stress of weather or the pursuit of the enemy ; and in such case you must make the proper representation to the olBcers of the port, and acquaint us with your situation. We rely on your ability, as well as your zeal to serve the United States, and therefore do not give partic- ular instructions as to your operations. We must caution you against giving any cause of complaint to the subjects of France, or Spain, or of other neutral ])Owers, and recommend it to you to siiow them every mark of respect and real civility which may be in your power. You will communicate to your offlcers and seamen the encourage- ment we have given them, and explain to them that though it was not in our power to be particular as to the rewards they should be entitled to, yet they may safely rely on the justice of the Congress. Before you sail it will be proper to settle with Mr. Williams the account of your disbursements, and send the account up to us. We most sincerely wish you success, and are, with much esteem, sir, your most obedient and very humble servants, B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Baron Schulenburg to A. Lee. [Translation.*] Berlin, January 16, 1778. Sir : In answer to tlie letter which you did me the honor to write me the 28th of December last, I begiu with remarking that before this last I have received two letters from you, viz, of the 4lh and 11th of the same month; but as you say that you have written twice to me since the 4th of December, this expression may leave some doubt whether the letter of the ith is comprehended in these two or not; in the latter case one of your letters must be lost. With respect to myself, sir, since my letter of the 13th of December, the receipt of which you acknowl- edge, I have sent you two answers, dated the 18th and 23d of the same * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 468. JANUARY 17, 1778. 473 month, which, as I hope, have reached you. I address this, as you desire, to the care of Mr. Grand, banker, rue Montmartre; and to be certain in future that none of our letters miscarry, I propose to you, sir, to number yours as I shall do mine, begiiinii)g with the present. Your reflections concerning the present state of American affairs are very just, and we can perceive that General Howe's situation must be very difiScult and emba,rrass!ng. Time must discover how he will extri- cate himself, and whether he will choose and maintain his quarters with more prudence and good fortune than he did last year. As the eveuts of this war become daily more interesting, I must again request, sir, that you will be kind enough to commuuicate to me regularly the advices you may receive. The king interests himself very much in them, and his majesty wishes that your generous efforts may be crowned with success ; and as I have already advised you iu my let- ter of the 18th of December, he will not hesitate to acknowledge your independence whenever Prance, which is more interested in the event of this contest, shall set the example. His majesty would not, more- over, make the least difficulty in receiving your vessels into his ports, were it not that he has not a fleet to resent the affronts which miglit be shown there to your ships j theport of Embden, however fine and secure it is, has not even a fort to defend it. He will uot, therefore, expose himself to the disagreeable consequences. As to the muskets and other arms of our manufacturing, you shall be at liberty, sir, to purchase or to command them ; aud the Bankers Spittgerber, contractors for the manufacture of arms, have received orders to deliver such as you may demand. I inclose you a memoran- dum of their prices, which are the same as the king pays ; and I add that the muskets for tlie infantry can be delivered at a lower price, if you will be content with the solidity of the work, without being so exact as to their similarity as the king requires. I have the honor to be, etc., Bakon de Schulenbueg. Arthur Lee to Captain Jones.* Pakis, January 17, 1778. Though I approve in general of the preceding instructions, yet I can not sign them, because they contain an order to put the sale of prizes into other hands than those of the commercial agents, which I have always thought unjust, and recommend Mr. Goulard, though that gentle- man and his company have forfeited our confidence in the business already intrusted to them. Aethite Lee. (Copy of what Mr. Lee wrote on the ba-ck of Captain Jones' instructions.) ' Franklin MSS., Dep. of State. 474 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Dr. Price to Franklin.* London, January 18, 1779. Dr. Price returns his best thanks to the honorable Benjamin Frank- lin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, esq., for conveying to liiiu the resolu- tion of Congress of the Cth of October last,f by which he is invited to become a member of the United States and to give his assistance in regulating their finances. It is not possible for him to express the sense he has of the honor which this resolution does him, and the satisfaction with which he reflects on the favorable opinion of him which has occa- sioned it. But he knows himself not to be sufficiently qualified for giv- ing such assistance; and he is so connected in this country and also advancing so fast in the evening of life that he can not think of a removal. He requests the favor of the honorablecommissiouers to trans- mit this reply to Congress, with assurances that Dr. Price feels the warm- est gratitude for the notice taken of him, and that he looks to the Ameri- can States as now the hope and likelj' soon to become the refuge of mankind. Witherspoon and Lovell, Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris. } YOEK, January 21, 1778. Gentlemen: We mean in this letter to give you a succinct view of the state of our military aflairs. You must, long before this reaches you, have been made acquainted with the signal success of the American arms in the northern department, particularly the several engagements in that quarter previous to the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army to General Gates. Since that time Ticonderoga and Mount Independence have been evacuated by the enemy, so that the whole of that department is now in our possession. The Indians are perfectly quiet, and we have lately received intelligence that those formerly in the interest of our enemies incline to our side, as also that the inhabit- * MSS. Dep. of State ; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 47. t /h Congress, October 6, 1778. — "Eesoh'ed, That the honorable Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, or any of them, be directed forthwith to ajiply to Dr. Price, and inform him that it is the desire of Congress to consider him a citizen of the United States and to receive his assistance in regulating their tiuances. That if lie shall think it expedient to remove with his family to Ameiica, aud atford such assist- ance, a generous provision shall be made for requiting his services." Sparks. As to Price's enthusiastic interest in the French revolution, see 9 Cunningham's Walpole, 261, 2BJ, 268. For his pamphlet on civil liberty the common council of London presented Dr. Price with the freedom of the city in a gold box. It was translated in several European languages, and in Holland in p.articular its effect in favor of the American cause was great. Note to 6 Cunuiugham's Walpole, 403. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 2G4. JANUARY 22, 1778. 475 a,nts of Canada, where tbe enemy have bui. small force, are iu general much disposed to favor us. General Burgoyne and his troops are now in Boston, and on account of several very exceptionable parts of his conduct Congress have resolved that he shall not be suffered to depart till the convention of Saratoga is ratified by the court of London. A port of the enemy's army is still in possession of Newport, iu Rhode Island. An expedition intended to dispossess them of that i)lace, ou account of some mistakes and neglect of those who were to make the proper preparations for it, was obliged to be laid aside, but we expect it will some time hence be resumed. As to the armies in this State, General Howe is still in Philadelphia, but possesses no part of the country round it. General Washington's army is in huts to the westward of the Schuylkill, refreshing and recruit- ing during the winter; and it is in contemplation to call in a number of militia to attempt to expel Howe before he can be re-enforced in the spring. A part of our army is stationed at Wilmington, and they, with the militia on both sides of the river, have been very successful in tak- ing several of the enemy's vessels since the winter set in. A committee of Congress is just going off to the army to assist iu regulating it for the next campaign and to concert measures for the most early and vig- orous operations. Copies of newspajiers and the proceedings of Congress relating to the convention of Saratoga are sent to you by this conveyance, besides which we hope you will have the advantage of iuformation from Mr. Adams in person. We are, with much regard, etc., J. WiTHBBSPOON. J. LOYELL. Laurens, President of Congress, to Adams.* YORKTOWN, January 22, 1778. Sir: On the 19th instant I had the honor of receiving and present- ing to Congress your favor of the 23d ultimo, the contents of which afforded great satisfaction to the house. It is now the wish of every friend to American independence to learn speedily of your safe arrival at the court of Versailles, where your sagacity, vigilance, integrity, and knowledge of American affairs are extremely wanted for promoting the interests of these infant States. You are so well acquainted with our present representation iu that part of Europe, and with the delays and misfortunes under which we have suffered, as renders it unnecessary to attempt particular intimations. Inclosed you will find an act of the 8th instant for suspending the embarkation of General Burgoyne and his troops. Mr. Lovell has very fully advised you on that subject by the ' J. Adama' Works, 11. 476 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. present opportunity ; permit me to aiUl tbafr I have it exceedingly at heart, from a persuasion of the lectitude and justiflableness of the measures, to be in the van of the British ministry and their emissaries at every court of Europe. Baron Holzendorff presents his best compliments, and requests your care of the inclosed letter, directed to his lady. If I can possibly re- deem time enough for writing to my family and friends in England I will take the liberty by the next messenger to trouble you with a small packet. Hitherto all private considerations have been overruled by a constant attention to business of more imijortance; I mean since the 1st of November. I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, Henry Laurens, President of Congress. "W. Lee to the President of Congress.* Paris, January 23, 1778. Sir: Be so good as to inform Congress tliat I have communicated to them, by several letters addressed to Charles Thomson, esq., their sec- retary, my proceedings hitherto, in consequence of their appointing me their commissioner at the courts of Vienna and Berlin. I am now to add that having lately had a conference with the imperial ambassador at this court, he observed immediately an imperfection in my commis- sion, as it only authorizes me to treat with the Emperor of Germany, and not with his mother, who is the reigning and sovereign prince over all the Austrian dominions, as well in Germany and Flanders as else- where. She is extremely jealous of her power and authority, not permitting her son to interfere in any manner in the goverment of her dominions. Her title is, " The Most Serene and Most Potent Princess Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungarj'^ and Bohemia, Arch Duchess of Austria," etc. The emperor, her son, though heir to her dominions, is at present only commander-in-chief of his mother's army, and as emperor is the head of the German Empire. I therefore beg leave to submit to Congress whether it may not be proper to send another commission, to treat with the Queen of Hungary, etc., since, in fact, there are two courts to negociate with, though they both reside in the same city, viz : with the emperor, so far as relates to the German Empire, sucii as obstructing Great Britain from procuring German troops to send to America; and with his mother, for the purpose of commerce with the Austrian domin- ions, etc. There is every reason to believe that our affairs will be finally settled * MSS. Dep. of 8hitr : 1 Sp:irks' Dip. Kev. Corr., r>98. JANUARY 28, 1778. 477 here, and the compact signed and sealed in a few days ; after which I shall immediately set oft" for Vienna, since from that quarter we have most to apprehend, as there has been always a iiarticular intimacy between that court and the court of London, at least for the present century,- which has not been interrupted but during the last war with France. Notwithstanding the promising appearance of things at present, I can not forbear giving it as my opinion, that every possible exertion should be made to prepare for a vigorous campaign next summer, [which will probably be the last you will have to encounter.*] I am, with sincere esteem, etc., William Lee. Arthur Lee to Ralph Izard.t January 28, 1778. Sir: You may, if you please, mention to the other commissioners that I have asked your opinion of the proposition, of setting all our exports to the French islands against the molasses imported from them in a perpetual exemption from duties. If your arguments should con- vince them, I am still ready to co-operate in iireveutiug the article from taking effect, and think there is yet time. But a day may render it irrecoverable. I am, etc., Arthur Leb.J Izard to B. Franklin.^ Paris, January 28, 1778. Dear Sir : Mr. Lee has asked my opinion on an article which he informs me has been under the consideration of the commissioners, viz., whether an exemption from duty on molasses is an equivalent for a total exemption from duty of all the exports of North America to the French West India Islands ? In answer to this question, I am clearly of opinion that it is not, and if that article should be agreed to by the commissioners, without an absolute necessity, I can not help thinking it would be a sacrifice of the general interests of America to those provinces which import molasses. I shall not be suspected of partiality, or of being actuated by any motives but those of the public good, when it is known that South Carolina, the province in which all my property lies, imports * Passage in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 600. t See, as to this question, introductory chapter, ^ 46 ; and, infra, letters under date of Feb. 1, Feb. 21, May 23, June 1, 4, 5, 8, Oct. 12, 1776. }MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 651. 478 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE a cousiderable quantity of luoiasses for distillation. Sboukl the artiu3 in question be agreed to, the French might lay what dnty they i)lea5,ed upon their European exports, and even upon their sugar, coft'ee, and other productions of their islands, without our having any check upon theui whatever. For if, in consequence of any such duty imposed by them, a duty were to be laid by America on any of her exports to France, the French vessels would have nothing to do but to clear out for the West Indies, and sail directly for Europe, or touch first atone of their islands. This will certainly at least open a door for srauggliug, and may occasion a discontinuance of that friendship and ha.'iuony which ought to subsist between the countries. This article seejis the more extraordinary to me, as I do not think there is the least proba- bility of any duty being ever laid by the French upon molasses, as the distilling it into rum would materially interfere with their brauily, and therefore a duty would endanger a diminution of the consumption of it. I am very sensible that the decision of this business is committed entirely to the commissioners at this court. At the same ti.ne I can not help thinking it mj' duty, not only as a gentleman of considerable property in America, but likewise as one whom Congress ha:s thought proper to honor with a commission similar to your own, (hough at another court, to endeavor to ijrevent the execution of an article that I think injurious to the interests of my country. I x)refertlas applica- tion to you singly as a friend to one addressed to all the commission- ers, and I hope the latter will be unnecessary. It is very paiuful for me to write to you in the language of complaint; but I feel myself hurt, and it is proper that I should tell yuu of it. It does not appear to me to be possible that any incouveuiencc could have arisen if you had mentioned to me the proposition of an exemption of all duties on our exports as a coinpciisation for the exe;rptiouof the duty on molasses alone. When 1 had the ])Ieasure of seeing you last at my house I spoke to you in general about the treaty, and particu- larly about the article of molasses, and expressed my fears that the French ministry would not consent to have such a restraint put upon their power as was contained in the article of the original treaty. I asked you whether you were under any injunctions of secrecy which prevented you from satisfying ine. You replied that certainly secrecy was necessary to be observed ; but that as I was myself a commis- sioner, you thought that you might without any impropriety talk with me on the subject, and inform me that the objection which I appre- hended had been made, and that the article was to be given up. Not a word was mentioned about an e(]uivalent. As you thought at that time that my beiug a commissioner entitled you to speak to mo on the subject, I can not conceive what improi)riety there could possibly have been in your doing it when so material au alteration was under consid- eration. The instructions sent to me l)y Congress came through your hands, JANUARY 29, 1778. 479 and it will be hardly necessary to reDiiud you that though the couclu- siou of the treaty with this court is intrusted to you aud the other gentlemen joined with you in the commission, I am directed by the the same authority under which you act to apply to you for a copy, not only of the original treaty, but likewise of " every subsequent alteration that has been proposed on either side." It appears, therefore, to me that as soon as the alteration was proposed it ought to have been com- municated to me. Had you made sucli communication, I should have thought it my duty to have called your attention to the principles of the treaty, .and should have requested you to consider whether you were not going to act in direct violation of them. My reason for think- ing so is, that I am instructed to " propose to tlie court of Tuscany a treaty on the same commercial principles as are the basis of the treaty which you are directed to propose to the court of France." What this basis aud these principles are is clearly explained to me in the follow- ing instructions: "It must never be forgotten in these commercial treaties that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and i)lainly secured." This matter gives me a great deal of uneasiness, and I am extremely anxious to know if there be yet a possibility of stopping the execution of the article. You will there- fore excuse my requesting that you will favor me with an answer to this letter as soon as possible. I have the honor to be, with great regard, dear sir, your most obedi- ent humble servant, Kalph Izaed. Franklin to Izard.* Passy, January 29, 1778. Dear Sir : I received yours late last evening. Tresen t circumstances, which I will explain to you when I have the honor of seeing you, pre- vent my giving it a full answer now. The reasons you offer had before been all under consideration. But I must submit to remain some days under the opinion you appear to have formed, not only of my poor un- derstanding in the general interests of America, but of my defects iu sincerity, politeness, and attention to your instructions. These offenses, I flatter myself, admit of fair excuses, or rather will be found not to have existed. You mention that yon/eei yourself hurt. Permit me to offer you a maxim, which has through life been of use to me, and may be so to you, in preventing such imaginary hurts. It is, "Always to suppose one's friends may le right till oue finds them wrong, rather than to stip- pose them wrong till one finds them right." You have heard and imagined *MSS. Dep. of State; 8 Sparl--% p. 280. 492 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. From the iuclosed accounts you will also see what has been sent from the house of Grardoqiii, in pursuance of orders from the Spanish court, and what by my order, which I am to pay for out of the fand remitted me from Spain of 170,000 livres. This fund would have been applied in time to have had the blankets, etc., with you for the winter's cam- paign but for the following reason: On my return from Germany, in August, I found that, from various expensive purchases, not only all our funds from our friends here had been exhausted, but we also in- volved in a considerable debt, and not half of your orders fulfilled, nor any funds to answer your draughts. It was, therefore, thought prudent to retain that sum till we were sure of an additional supply from hence. The moment this wa,s secured I sent orders for the shipping of blankets and stockings, which are certainly cheap, and I hope will be of use. Upon this mercantile subject I must beg leave to observe that I have had nothing more to do with the proceedings of that kind here but sign- ing my name to contracts made by my colleagues, or rather by Mr. Deane. You will, I presume, be able to judge, by the manner in which near five millions of livres have been expended, whether it is wise to unite the political and commercial characters. I am given to understand that Spain will wish to have the possession of Pensacola secured to her in tiie treaty. I shall hope to receive the commands of Congress upon that point as soon as possible. Perhaps Congress may think that circumstances are materially changed since the passing the resolve on this subject December 30, 1770, and that the Mississippi is likely to be the only permanent boundary between the two people. [Here follows in the manuscript the letter of January Ki, 1778, from the Prussian secretary of state, given supra p. 472.] I beg the favor of having iny duty recommended to Congress, and have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin to Hartley.* Passy, February ]2, 1778. Dear Sir: A thousand thanks for your so readily engaging in the means of relieving our poor captives, and the pains you have taken and the advances you have made for that purpose. I received your kind letter of the 3d instant, and send you enclosed a bill of £100. I much approve of Mr. Wren's prudent as well as benevolent conduct in the disposition of the money, and wish him to continue doing what shall appear to him and to you to be right, which I am persuaded will appear the same to me and my colleagues. I beg you will present him, when you write, my respectful acknowledgments. ' 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 24; U Bigelow's Franklin, 128. FEBRUARY 12, 1778. 493 Tour " earnest caution and request that nothing may ever persuade America to throw themselves into the arms of France, for that times may mend, and that an American must always be a stranger in France, but that Great Britain inay for ages to come be their home," marks the goodness of your heart, your regard for us, and love of your country. But when your nation is hiring all the cut-throats it can collect, of all countries and colors, to destroy us, it is hard to persuade us not to ask or accept aid from any power that may be prevailed with to grant it; and this only from the hope that though tou now thirst for our blood and pursue us with fire and sword, you may in some future time treat us kindly. This is too much patience to be expected of us; indeed, I think it is not in human nature. The Americans are received and treated here in France with a cor- diality, a respect, and affection they never experienced in England when they most deserved it ; and which is now (after all the pains taken to exasperate the English against them and render them odious as well as contemptible) less to be expected there than ever. And I can not see why we may not, upon an alliance, hope for a continuance of it, at least as much as the Swiss enjoy, with whom France have maintained a faithful friendship for two hundred years past, and whose people appear to live here in as much esteem as the natives. America has been forced and driven into the arms of France. She was a dutiful and virtuous daughter. A cruel mother-in-law turned her out of doors, defamed her, and sought her life. All the world knows her innocence and takes her part, and her friends hope soon to see her honorably married. They can never persuade her return and submission to so barbarous an enemy. In her future prosperity, if she forgets and forgives, it is all that can be reasonably expected of her. I believe she will make as good and useful a wife as she did a daughter, that her husband will love and honor her, and that the family from which she was so wickedly expelled will long regret the loss of her. I know not whether a peace with us is desired in England ; I rather think it is not at present, unless on the old impossible terms of submis- sion and receiving pardon. Whenever you shall be disposed to make peace upon equal and reasonable terms you will find little difficulty if you get first an honest ministry. The present have all along acted so deceitfully and treacherously, as well as inhumanly, towards the Aijjericans, that I imagine that the absolute want of all confidence in them will make a treaty at present between them and the Congress impracticable. The subscription for the prisoners will have excellent effects in favor of England and Englishmen. The Scotch subscriptions for raising troops to destroy us, though amounting to much greater sums, will not do their nation half so much good. If you have an opportunity I wish you would express our respectful acknowledgments and thanks to your committee and contributors, whose beuefactious will make our poor 494 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. people as comfortable as their situation can permit. Adieu, my dear friend. Accept my thaulss for tbe excellent papeis you enclosed to nie. Tour endeavors for ])eacc, though uusuceessful, will always be a comfort to you, and in time when Ibis mad war shall be universally execrated, will be a solid addition to your reputation. I am ever, with the highest esteem, etc., B. Feahklin. P. S. — An old friend of mine, Mr, Button,* a chief of the Moravians, who is often at the queen's palace, and is sometimes spoken to by the king, was over here lately. He pretended to no commission, but urged me much to propose some terms of peace, which I avoidetl. He has written to me since his return pressing the same thing, and expressing with some confidence his opinion that we might have everything short of absolute independence, etc. Enclosed I send my answers open, that you may read them, and, if you please, copy, before you deliver or for- ward them. They will serve to show you more fully my sentiments, though they serve no other purpose.. B. F. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.t Paris, Fehruary 15, 1778. Gentlemen : I have before written to you the reason I had to conceive that M. de Beaumarchais's demands of payment for the supplies fur- nished in the Ampliiirite, Mercury, and Flamniand, are unjust. The following testimonial from Count Lanragais will corroborate what I in- formed you, relative to his having himself proposed the supplies to me as a subsidy from the Court. Mi\ Wilkes knows it more accurately, but his situation prevents him from giving it under his hand. The ministry, as you will see by onr joint letter, have often given us to understand that we are not to pay for them, yet still M. de Beaumarchais, with the perseverance of such adventurers, persists in his demand. He alleges some promise or agreement made with Mr. Deane. I should suppose Mr. Deane would Iiavo apprised yoii of it, if any such exists. But cer- tainly Dr. Franklin and myself are kept so much in the dark about the existence of such agreement as to expose us to much unnecessary plague from this M. de Beaumarchais, who I can not think has anyrigLt to make the demand in question. | A copy of the following declaratiou *Se6 as to Huttou, iDtroductioD, ^ 201, iiud also Frauliliu to Hutton, Feb. 1, 177'-', Marcli 24, 1778. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 475. t Mr. Lee seemed to be somewbat less certain afterwards, having in the mean time conversed repeatedly with M. de Beaumarchais on the snbject. WritiiiR to Mj. Pringle, July 4, 177ii, he says: "I absolutely do not know whether Beau- m.nrchais is right or wrong; and, while it is donhtful, one would not impeach his character." — Sparks. As to the accuracy of Arthur Lee's memory in this matter, see Introduction, ^ 142. FEBRUARY 16, 1778. 495 has been given to Count Maurepas, but I have not heard his sentiments upon it.* I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. TESTIMONIAL OF COUNT LAURAGAIS. I was present in Mr. Arthur Lee's chamber in the Temple, London, some time in the spring of the year 1776, when Oaron de Beaumarchais made offers to Mr. Lee to send supplies of money and stores, through the islands, to the Americans, to the amount of two hundred thousand louis d'or, and he said he was authorized to make those proposals by the French court. Paris, February 8, 1778. Franklin, Deane and Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.t Passy, February 16, 1778. Gentlemen: We have now the pleasure of sending you the treaties of amity and alliance which France completed, after long deliberation, and signed the 6th instant. This is an event which will give our States such an api)earance of stability as must strengthen our credit, encour- age other powers in Europe to ally themselves with us, weaken the hopes of our internal as well as our external enemies, fortify our friends and be in many other respects so advantageous to us that we congratu- late you upon it most heartily. And we flatter ourselves that the Cou- gress will approve of the terms, and dispatch the ratifications as soon as possible. It is understood that Spain is shortly to accede to the same treaties. We have in ours of December 18, mentioned the reasons of her delay, which still subsist, but will probably not subsist much longer. These treaties continue a secret here, and may do so till the commence- ment of the war, which is daily expected. Our little fleet formerly men- tioned, which has been long watched and detained in Nantes river by the English cruisers off Belisle, is now on the point of sailing under the convoy of a French squadron. As the English are pretty strong in the bay, it is probable that their attack and the French defease of our ships may be the prelude of a declaration on both sides. Having received part of the 3,000,000 livres we formerly mentioned to you, we have furnished Mr. W. Lee and Mr. Izard with 2,000 guiueas * See also on this sab.ject, supra, A. Lee to Committee oa Foreign Affairs, October 6, 1777, note; and for some further particulars respecting Count Lauragais, see Deane to A. Lee, June 1, 1778, infra. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Re v. Corr. 266, with verbal changes ; 2 A. Lee's Life, 35. 496 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. each for the expeuses of tlie missions to Germany and Italj-. And as we iiave received intimations from Holland that the appearance of one of us there might at this juncture have good effects, we have resumed the purpose formerly communicated to you, and as soon as our treaty with France is known and the winter over, probably either Mr. Deane or Mr. Franklin will make a journey thither. But as we apprehend it may be known here, by some means or other, should we furnish the expense of these embassies out of the aids re- ceived from this court, which we think not reputable to the Congress, we must again press you to make us the necessary remittances to re- place what we have borrowed from the fund destined for your supplies ; and particularly we pray more earnestly that you would forward as soon as possible the five thousand hogsheads of tobacco for the Farmers General, who will soon be in want of it, and who long since advanced us a million for your use. Our honor is concerned in the fulfillment of this contract. The seizing and delivering up to the English two prizes taken by Captain Babson, on account of their being illegally entered under a false declaration, made a good deal of noise among our people in the 2)orts, and gave unfavorable impressions of the friendship of this court, which possibly may extend to America. We tbiuk it therefore neces- sary to inform you that tliough the confiscation of these i)rizes on tlie above account is said to be agreeable to the laws here, yet the king, after a ooudemuatiou, had the power of disposing of the produce for what purpose, political or otherwise, he might think proper, and ac- cordingly restored it at this juncture, perhaps usefully, to the English claimants. Yet, as it is thought a hard case with respect to the captors, a beginning is made of indemnification, and we hope on the same prin- ciple on which we are to receive soon a part (50,000 livres) we shall be able in time to recover the whole. We have, to avoid disputes at a particular time, delivered up tbe cargo brought by the AmphitrUe (o M. Beaumarohais. We hear he lias sent over a person to demand a great sum of you on account of arms, am- munition, etc. We think it will be best for you to leave the demand to be settled by us here, as there is a mixture in it of public and private concern which you can not so well develop. We send you herewith a great many newspapers. You will see Lord North's only answer to our application about the prisoners ; as also the success of a subscription set on foot in England by our friends for their relief. They are at present pretty comfortably provided for. fiy our late advices from England tbe ministers began to be alarmed for their country, and perhaps for themselves. Some of their emissa- ries have been here to sound us, and endeavor to get from some of us propositions on which to found a treaty, which we evaded generally, as not being empowered to make any; and apprehending withal that even reasonable ones proposed by us might be used improperly i)y the FEBRUARY 16, 177,S. 497 ministry to exasperate, instead of conciliating, the pvide of tlie nation, choosing still to consider us as subjects. Many of the speakers in Par- liament, of both houses, seem to look upon a French war at this junct- ure, when so much of their force is abroad and their public credit so shaken, as immediate ruin. And we are assured by the last post, from good authority, that oven Lortl Mansfield, who in the beginning of this business was so valiant, spoke lately in private to Lord Camden of the absolute necessity of an immediate coalition of parties to prevent the great impending danger to the nation frou) an alliance between the house of Bourbon and the Americans, which he said he had good in- formation was on the point of being concluded. We have the honor of being, with the highest esteem, gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servants, B. Franklin. 81LAS Deane. Arthur Lee. Izard to Henry Laurens, President of Congress.* I'ARIS, Fcbrnarij 16, 1778. Dear Sir : I mentioned in my last letter what good eflects the suc- cesses of the American arms have ijroduced here. Nothing could have happened more seasonably. Our aflairs were in a very unpromising state, and had our military operations failed, our commissioners would not have found themselves more acceptable here than at St. James's. This, however, affords a very satisfactory reflection to every American who loves his country ; which is, that she owes her liberty and happi- ness to her own virtuous exertions. The commissioners will by this opportuniiy send to Congress the treaty of commerce which was signed here a few days ago. This treaty has not been much altered from the one agreed upon by Congress in September, 177(5, and transmitted to the commissioners to be proposed to the court of France. The principal alteration is that respecting mo- lasses. The twelfth article in the orignal treaty .requires that " no duty shall be imposed on the exportation of molasses from any of the islands, of the most christian king in the West Indies to any of the United States." When this proposition was made to the French ministry, it was objected that this would be laying the king under a disagreeable restraint, and would be, in fact, making him not master in his own do- minions; but that the States might be perfectly easy on that point, as it was inconsistent with the policy of France ever to lay a duty on mo- lasses. One of the commissioners still discovered a great inclination to have the article inserted in the treaty, and the ministry, behoving, from this circumstance, that Congress had made a point of it, thought it a * MSS. Dep. of State, ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. (356, with omissious and verba changes. 32 WH — VOL II 498 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. frood opportunity to scctiie an exemptiou from all dnty upon tobacco exported to every part of the French dominions, and proposed it as an equivalent. Tiie commissioners objected to any particular article oeing selected, lest it might be complained of as a partiality, and offered to exempt from duty not oidy tobacco, bul every other x^roduction of the United States that should be exported to the West Indies, provided molasses should be exempted froni duty. This was so advantageous a proposal, that it was immediately accepted by them. While this matter was depending, it appeared to me that a very dis- advantageous bargain was about to be made on our part, and I did everything in my power to prevent it. Mr. Lee, and his brother, who is commissioner for the court of Vienna, agreed with me perfectly in opinion. The execution of the treaty being committed entirely to the commissioners at this court, neither Mr.William Lee nor I had any vote in tlie business. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane continuing determined to have the molasses exempted from duty, the article was agreed to, and now forms part of the treaty.* I understand, however, that if Congress objects to it, there is a verbal promise on the part of France that it shall be expunged. [I look upon you as my friend, and therefore lay my sentiments freely before you, and confess to you that nothing ever surprised me so much in my life as the proceedings of the two eldest commissioners in this business. Had they been in politics as infallible as the Pope intends to be in matters of religion, they could not have acted in a greater degree of confidence ; and upon every occasioji they seem to consider themselves as the only persons interested in the fate of America. This conduct in one of the gentlemen astonishes me, and 1 can account for it no othei' way than by supposing him under the influence of the other, who does not appear to me tlie best qualified of any man I ever saw, for the character which he has the honor of tilling. Upon my arrival here 1 found a great disunion among the commissioners, the two eld- est constantly taking part against the youngest. This made me con- clude that the latter must be to blame, esi)ecially as I never, during the many years that I have had tliei)leasure of his acquautance, heard him accounted the mildest or gentlest man in the world. I immediately en- deavored to accommodate these dift'ereuces, but found it impossibU'. Both parties were too lirmly convinced of the justice of their own com- plaints to take such stei)S as would put it in tliepowerof a mediator to bring about an accommodation ; and as I found that I was laboring in vain, I gave up the point. I can not say that Mr. Lee has been entirely blameless ; but I must do him the justice to say that the conduct of the other gentlemen towards him has been unjustifiable, and such as could "Tnis, as has been >seea, is aw error, Franklin and Deane liaviiig agreed to tlie cLaDge, and the difflonlly being technical on the part of the French minister. (Supra, Franklia to Gerard, Feb. 1, 1778,1 FEBRUARY 16, 1778. 499 not fail of provokinj^f any man not dead to all sense of injury, These proceedings, together with the misconduct of Mr. Morris, the com- mercial agent, have been, I am convinced, extremely injurious to our affairs, and have tended to lower the Congress in the opinion of the French court. Mr. Morris's irregularities however, have carried him to the grave.] * Mr. Lee has received a commission for the court of Madrid ; and the successes of America have once more put the French ministry into good humor, so that our affairs will, I hope, now go well. My gout, which has been very severe, is a great deal better, and as soon as the weather grows a little milder I intend setting out for Italy. [ I shall not be sorry to be separated from the two eldest commis- sioners here, whose proceedings I do not approve of Their situation seems to have intoxicated them; and there is a degree of hauteur and presumption about one of them [Mr. D.] that cau not fail of being offensive to any gentleman who has business to transact with him. I am well aware how fatal it is to have disagreements among those who are engaged in the service of the public, and I have taken great i)aius to avoid them.] * Ships have been dispatched to America without the least notice given to me that 1 might get my letters ready; intelligence received from Congress, whatever the nature of it, has never been communicated to me but by report ; and when the important news of General Burgoyne's surrender was received, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deauc did not think proper to give me any information about it, though I was confined to my bed. It did not seem decent that such an evetit should be com- municated to me from any other quarter. These circumstances you will allow to be not very agreeable. 1 was determined, however, not to quarrel ; it seemed to me better to bear with them, than to risk an ad- dition to those animosities which 1 have already mentioned, and which I am convinced have been very prejudicial to our public affairs. That there might, however, be no excuse for the continuance of such conduct, I wrote a note to Dr. Franklin, appointed au interview, and with studied moderation mentioned such pares of liis conduct as I ( Mr. Roberdeau Aye.. ) Peuu.sylvauia ■' Mr. G. Smith Aye.. >Aye. I Mt. Cliagan Aye.. ) Delaware Mr. McKeaa Aye... Aye. Marvlaud S Mr. Forbes Aye.. ^. *^"'^^''^"'^ I Mr. Henry Aye.. ) ^y**' Virjjinia Mr. F. L. Lee Aye... x. North Carolina Mr. Pen u Aye... Aye. South Caroliua Mr. Laurens Aye... Aye. Georcria ^ ^"^ La^gworthy Aye .. i. ^""■^Sia ( Mr. Wood Aye.. ^■*-^'*- So it was resolved in the affirmative. Franklin to Gushing.* Passy, February 21, 1778. Sir : I received yonr favor by Mr. Austin, with your jnost agreeable congratulations ou the success of the American arms in the northern department (Burgoyne'.s surrender). lu return, give me leave to con- gratulate you on the success of our negotiations here in the completion of the two treaties with his most christian majesty; the one of amity and commerce on the plan of that proposed by Congress, with some good additions; the other of alliance for mutual defense, in which the most christian king agrees to make a common cause with the United States if England attempts to obstruct the commerce of his subjects with them, and guaranteies to the United States their liberty, sover- eignty, and independence, 'absolute and nulimited, with all the posses- sions tliey now have or may have at the conclusion of the war, and the States in return guarantee to him liis possessions in the West Indies. The great principle in both treaties is a perfect equality and reciprocity; no advantage to be demanded by France, or privileges in commerce, wliich the States may not grant to any and every other nation. In -short, the king has treated with us generously and magnanimously; taken no advantage of our present difficulties to exact terms which we would not willingly grant when established in prosperity and power. I may add that he has acted wisely in wishing the friendship contracted * 8 Sparks' Franklin, 239; G Bigelow's Franklin, 131. FEBRUARY 23, 1778. 503 by these treatieis may be durable, wbicli probably might not be if a con- trary conduct had taken place. Several of the American .ships, with stores for the Congress, are now about sailing under the convoy of a French squadron. Euglaiid is in great consternation, and the minister, on the 17th instant, confessing that all his measures had been wrong and that peace was necessary, proposed two bills for quieting America; but they are full of artifice and deceit, and will, I am confident, be treated accordingly by our country. I think you must have much satisfiiction in so valuable a sou, whom I wish safe back to you, and am witU great esteem, etc., B. Franklin. P. S.— The treaties were signed by the plenipotentiaries on both sides February G, but are still for some reason kept secret, thougli soon to be published. It is understood that Spain will soon accede to the same. The treaties are forwarded to Congress by this conveyance. Franklin to A. Lee.* Passy, February 23, 1778. Sir: The enclos'ed, which you sent me, contained a letter from Mr. Hartley, in which he acquaints me that on the 17th Lord North liad made his propositions towards a conciliation with America, and asked leave to bring in two bills, one to renounce all claim of taxation, the other to empower commissioners to treat with any persons or bodies of men in America on a peace; which was unanimously agreed to. He tells me Lord North bad expressed to liim the strongest desire of ac- commodation, and even wished him to come over to Paris and talk with us. I should send you the letter, which marks strongly the consternation they are in; but, M. Gerard having written a note acqnaiuting Mr. Deaue that they had news from England that a treaty was on foot be- tween Washington and Howe, and desiring to know if we had any in- telligence of it, I wrote the enclosed in answer, and sent Mr. Hartley's letter to him, to show that the ministers in England had no such news. Mr. Hartley refers me to Mr. Thornton for the titles of the two bills. I return Mr. Thornton's letters. I am, etc., B. Franklin. ' MSS. Dep. of State; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, VM ; 8 Sparks' Franklin, 240. 504 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin to Gerard." Passy, Febrtiary 24, 1778. Sir: [Jnderstandinof that reports have been spread at Versailles of treaties on foot in America between the Congress and the English coiu- 3nissioners, or here between ns and the English ministry, I send you an American newspaper of December 10,t by which you will see, in the passages marked with a pen, in what manner such reports and those who occasion them are treated there. I send yon also the only corre- spondence I have had which has any relation to the same subject here, that you may judge of the credit due to such reports. 1 have, etc., B. Franklin. Franklin to Gerard, t Fassy, Febrtiary 25, 1778. Sir: I received last night the enclosed letter from a member of Par- liament and the two frivolous bills which the ministry in their present consternation have thought fit to propose, with a view to support their public credit a little longer at home and to amuse and divide, if pos- sible, our people in America. You will see that they have dispatched a frigate with the news, but I hope yours from Bordeaux will arrive first. I wish to have the original letters again when yon have perused them. I have, etc., B. Franklin. Franklin to Hartley.^ Passy, February 26, 1778. Dear Sir : I received yours of the 18th and 20th of this month, with -Lord North's proposed bills. The more I see of the ideas and projects of your ministry, and their little arts and schemes of amusing and dividing ns, the more I admire the prudent, manly, and magnanimous propositions contained in your intended motion for an address to the king. What reliance can we have on an act expressing itself to be only a declaration of the intention of Parliament concerning the exercise of the rigiit of imposing taxes in America, when in the bill itself, as well as in the title, aright is supposed and claimed which never existed; *6 Bigelow's Franklin, 13.'). tTbis document, from the French ministry of foreion affairs, is thns endorsed: "Enclosing Independent Chronicle, Boston, 19 Dec, 1777." (Bigelow.) The letter is referred to by Franklin to A. Lee, Feb. '2:1, 1778, supra. }6 Bi^elow's Franklin, VM'k ^■i Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 20; (i Bigelow's Franklin, 136. FEBRUARY 26, 1778. 505 and a -present intention only is declared uot to use it, which may be changed by another act next session, with a preamble that, this inten- tion being found expedient, it is thought proper to repeal this act, and resume the exercise of the right in its full extent. If any solid permanent benefit was intended by this, why is it confined to the Colonies of North America, and uot extended to the loyal ones in the sugar islands ? But it is now needless to criticise, as all acts that suppose your future gov- ernment of the Colonies can be no longer significant. In the act for appointing commissioners, instead of full powers to agree upon terms of peace and friendship, with a promise of ratifying such treaty as they shall make in pursuance of those powers, it is de- clared that their agreements shall have no force nor effect, nor be carried into execution, till ap[)roved of by Parliament; so that everything of importance will be uncertain. But they are allowed to proclaim a ces- sation of arms, and revoke their proclamation as soon as, in consequence of it, our militia have been allowed to go home; they may suspend the operation of acts prohibiting trade, and take off that suspension when our merchants, in consequence of it, have been induced to send their ships to sea; in short, tbey may do everything that can have a tendency to divide and distract us, but nothing that can afford us security. In- deed, sir, your ministers do not know us. We may not be quite so cun- ning as they, but we have really more sense, as well as more courage, than they have ever been willing to give us credit for; and I am per- suaded these acts will rather obstruct peace than promote it, and that they will not answer in America the mischievous and mahwolent ends for which they were intended. In England they may indeed amuse the public creditors, give hopes and expectations that shall be of some present use, and continue the mismauagers a little longer iu their places. Yoila tout! In return for your repeated advice to us not to conclude any treaty with the house of Bourbon, permit me to give (through you) a little advice to the whigs in Englaud. Let nothing induce them to join with the tories in supporting and continuing this wicked war against the whigs of America, whose assistance they may hereafter want to secure their own liberties, or whose country they may be glad to retire to for the enjoyment of them. If peace, by a treaty with America upon equal terms, were really desired, your commissioners need not go there for it ; supposing, as by the bill they are empowered "to treat with such person or persons as in their wisdom and discretion they shall think meet," they should hap- pen to conceive that the commissioners of the Congress at Paris might be included in that description. I am ever, dear sir, etc., B. Fkanklin. P. S.— Seriously, on further thoughts, I am of opinion, that if wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the Bishop of St. Asaph, 506 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. aud yourself, were to come over here immediately with powers to treat, you might not ouly obtain peace with America, but prevent a war with France. A. Lee to Franklin and Deane.* Chaillot, February 20, 1778. Gentlemen: The return of our dispatches by ]\Ir. Simeon Deaue appears to me to be an eveut from which great public couseqneuces may flow. I therefore feel it the more extraordinary that you should have taken any steps in it without a consultation with me. And this more especially after I have so lately remonstrated against a similar conduct. I was silent upon it to-day when Dr. Franklin mentioned that Mr. Deane was gone upon this business to Versailles without uiy knowledge, not because I did not feel the impropriety of it, bat because I do, and have always wished, to avoid the indecency of a i)ersonal altercation. In my judgment the failure of our dispatches is an eveut which will warrant our desire to be immediately' acknowledged by this court ; aud such acknowledgment will have a powerful effect in preveutiug the success of the overtures from England aud securing the peace aud in- dependency of America. The strong impression of the unfavorable disposition of this court towards us, which former proceedings made on every mind, will reach America by a thousand channels. Our contra- diction o/ it being unfortunately frustrated, will possibly commit our countrymen into measures which a knowledge of tlie true state of things would have prevented. A public acknowledgment of us would reach America by numberless ways, and give them a decided proof of the sincerity and determination of France. Our dispatches are a pri- vate and single channel, aiul may fail or arrive too late. With respect to us, the covert proceedings of France leaves them too much at liberty to renounce us on any unfortunate event, and is a situation iu which I think it neither for our honor nor safety to remaiu. These are senti- ments which I submit to your better judgment, and beg we may have a consultation on the sulyect as soon as possible. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin and Deane to A. Lee.t Passy, February 27, 1778. Sir: The greater the public consequences that may flow from there- turn of our dispatches, the more necessary it seemed the court should be be immediately acquainted with it, that the miscarriage might as soon as ' MSS. Dep. of state ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 476. ] lUd., i7!. FEBRUARY 28, 1778. 507 possible be repaired. It was near iiiue at night when the news arrived, and Mr. Deaue set out immediately. If we could have imagined it necessary to have a consultation with you on so plaiu a case, it would necessarily have occasioned a delay of that important business till the next day. He has been at Versailles, aud obtained an order for another and larger frigate, and an express to be immediately sent off carrying that order, that she may be ready. We think that Mr. Deane deserves your thanks, and that neither of us deserves your censure. We are at present both engaged iu copying the treaties, which will employ us closely till Sunday. After they are gone, we shall be ready to enter into the consultation you propose relating to our being publicly acknowl- edged here. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Silas Deane. Franklin, Dean and Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Passy, February 28, 1778. Gentlemen: Our dispatches of December 18, which would have acquainted you with the state of our affairs here and our expectations of a speedy conclusion of the treaties with this court, are unfortunately returned, the French man-of-war which went on purpose to carry them having met with some disasters at sea, which obliged her to put back after a long struggle of six weeks against contrary winds. We now have obtained another ship to sail with them immediately and with our fresh dispatches, containing the treaties themselves, which were happily concluded and signed the 6th instant, though hitherto, for some political reasons, kept a secret from the public. The English Parliament adjourned in December for six weeks. Dur- ing that time their ministers strained every nerve to raise men for their armies, intending to continue the war with vigor. Subscriptions were set on foot to aid Government in the expense, and they flattered them- selves with being able to enlist ten thousand volunteers ; but whether they found this impracticable, or were discouraged by later accounts from America, or had some intimations of our treaties here, their vaunts and threats are suddenly abated, and on the 17th Lord North made a long discourse, acknowledging the errors of their former conduct in the war with America, and proposing to obtain peace by the means of two bills, of which we enclose copies. We make no remark on these bills. The judgment of the Congress can be at no loss in determining on the conduct necessary to be held with regard to them ; and we are confident that they will not answer the purpose of dividing in order to subjugate, for which they are evi- *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 269. 508 DirLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. clently intended. Onr States have now a solid support for their liberty and indejiendence in tlicir alliance with France, which will be certainly followed by that of Spain and the whole house of Bourbon, and prob- ably by that of Holland and the other powers of Europe, who are inter- ested in the freedom of commerce and in keeping down the power of Britain. Our people are happy in the enjoyment of their new consti- tutions of goveruntent, and will be so in their extended trade and navi- gation, unfettered by English arts and custom-house offlcers. They will now never relish the Egyptian bondage from which they have so happily escaped. A long peace will i^robably be the coiisequence of their separation from England, a~s they have no cause of quarrel with other nations; an immediate war with France and Spain, if they join again England, and a share in all her future wars, her debts, and her crimes. We are, therefore, persuaded that their commissioners will be soon dismissed, if at all received; for the sooner the decided part taken by Congress is known in Europe the more extended and stable will be their credit, and their conventions with other powers more easy to make and more advantageous. Americans are everywhere in France treated with respect and every appearance of affection. We think it would be well to advise our peo- ple in all parts of America to imitate this conduct with regard to tbe French who may happen to be among us. Every means should be used to remove ancient prejudices, and cultivate a friendship that must be so useful to both nations. Some transactions here during the last four or five months, in the rigorous observance of treaties, with regard to the equipments of our armed vessels in the ports and the selling of our prizes, have tio doubt made ill impressions on the minds of our seamen and traders relative to the friendship of this court. We were then obliged to observe a secrecy which prevented our removing those preju- dices, by acquainting our people with the substantial aids Prance was privately affording us; and we must continue in the same situation till it is thought fit to publish the treaties. But we can, with pleasure, now acquaint you that we have obtained full satisfaction, viz, 400,000 livres, for the owners of the prizes confiscated here for a breach of the laws by a false declaration (they being entered as coming from Eusta- tia), and the payment will be made to the owners in America; we mean the prizes taken by Captains Babson and Hendricks, in the Bos- ton and Hancoclc privateers, which prizes, after confiscation, were, from reasons of state, restored to the English This is a fresh proof of the good-will and generosity of this court and tlieir determination to cultivate the friendship of America. The preparations for war continue in the ports with the utmost in- dustry; and troops are marching daily to the sea-coasts, where three camps are to be formed. As France is determined to protect her com- merce with us, a war is deemed inevitable. Mr. William Lee, we suppose, acquaints you with the decease of Mr. FEBJJUAKY 28, 1778. 509 Morris, his colleague iu the commercial ageucy. Ou our application to the ministry, an order was obtained to put Mr. Lee in possession of his papers. If that department has been found useful, and likely to con- tinue so, you will no doubt appoint one or more persons to take care of the business, as Mr. Lee has now another destination. Perhaps the gen- eral commerce, likely to be soon opened between Europe and America, may render such au appointment uunecessary. We would just add, for the consideration of Congress, whether, con- sidering the mention of Bermudas iu one of the articles, it may not be well to take possession, with the consent of the inhabitants of that island, and fortify the same as soon as possible, and also to reduce some, or all, of the English fishing posts in or near Newfoundland. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. SiLAB Deane. Abtiiue Lee. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* '' Paris, February L'S, 177S. Gentlemen: Our joint dispatches of the liSth of December, 1777, informed you that Spain had promised us three millions of livres, to be ■remitted to you in specie, through the Havana. This information we %ad through the French court. We have since been informed, through •the same channel, that it would be paid to our banker here in quarterly 'payments. Of this 1 apprised you in my letter of the ]5th of January, 1778. Finding, however, that no payment was made, 1 ai)plied lately to the Spanish ambassador here for au explanation. From him 1 "learned that, by order of his court, he had informed the court of -rrauce that such a sum should be furnished for your use, but in what imauner he was not instructed, nor had he received any further com- Fmuuication on the subject. He promised to transmit my application 5to his court without delay. i The balancing conduct which these courts have, until very lately, siheld towards us, has involved us inevitably in continual contradictions Kiaad disappointments. It is in this res|)ect fortunate that so jnany of I our dispatches have miscarried, otherwise you would have been equally vexed, embarrassed, an exercise in *HSB. Dei), of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 47-s; 2 A. Lee's Lite, 38. 510 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPOMDENUJi. future their right of taxing ns. It would not be doing justice to these bills to attempt any comment upon them — they speak for themselves, and loudly, too. But the ministers of England give out that they have dispatched half a million of guineas to i)ave the way to a favorable acceptance of their iiropositions. And I know from the best authority here that they have assured Count Maurepas of their being secure of a majority in Congress. By such arts do they endeavor to [cover their nakedness and]* sustain their desperate cause. France has done us substantial benefits; Great Britain substantial injuries. France offers to guaranty our sovereignty, and nniversal freedom of commerce; Great Britain condescends to accept of our submission, and to monop- olize our commerce. France demands of ns to be independent; Great Britain tributary. 1 do not comprehend how there can be a mind so debased, or an understanding so perverted, as to balance between them. The journeys I have made, both north and south, in the public service, have given me an opportunity of knowing the general disposition of Europe upon our question. There never was one in which the harmony of opinion was so universal; from the prince to the peasant there is but one voice, one wish — the liberty of America, and the humiliation of Great Britain. The troubles which the death of the elector of Bavaria was likely to excite in Germany seemed to have subsided, when, of late, the move- ments of the King of Prussia threaten to excite a general war. Great Britain, whose expiring hope sustains itself on every straw, finds com- fort in the expectation tliat this will involve France, and divert her from engaging in our war. But, in my judgment, it is much more likely to operate against her in Russia, than against us in France. I beg the favor of having my duty laid before Congress, and have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. ■W . Lee to the President of Congress. Paris, February 28, 1778. Sir : The unexpected return of Mr. Simeon Deane gives me the op- portunity of enclosing you a copy of my last, which went by an express from Spain, to which be pleased to refer. I should before this have set off for Vienna, but the commissioners at this court have not yet found time to attend where the papers relative to the commercial concerns of Congress are taken from the private papers of the late Mr. Thomas Morris, as Mr. Deane's card of this date (a copy of which is inclosed) will show. As soon as that business is finished, I shall immediately set out to execute your commands in Germany, where, I am sorry to in- "Words in brackets omitted in .Sparlcs' ed. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr, ."jOQ, with omissions and verbal changes. FEBRUARY 28, 1778. 511 form you, that there is now appearances of an approaching rupture be- tween the Emperor and King of Prussia, relative to the possession of the late elector of Bavaria's estates. The elector Palatine, who is the rightful heir, has agreed by treaty, signed the 12th ultimo, between him and the emperor, on the division of the Bavarian estates; but the King of Prussia is not satisfied, because he has not a share. He has, there- fore, commenced a negotiation with Great Britain and the princes in Germany to support his pretensions to some parts of Gerniany, founded ou claims of right that go several generations back. Great Brit- ain, you may be sure, will instigate him to go on, because, if war en- sues, France will probably take part with the emperor, which will ren- der their meditated attack on her more iikely to succeed ; but I still hope peace will be maintained by negotiation in that quarter. The British ministry are now fairly pushed to the wall ; after exert- ing every effort to procure men for the ensuing campaign, both at home and abroad, and finding it impracticable anywhere, so odious are they and their measures, they have recourse to acts of Parliament, which are so presumptuous and treacherous that it is hardly possible to say in which they excel. You will have the two bills by this conveyance, which are too plain to be misunderstood by any one who knows the : framers ; therefore, shall only observe that by the first the right of tax- ing you is explicitly enacted, though suspended for the present, which is going something further than the declaratory act, for by that the right of taxation was only implied. By the second bill, the commis- sioners are vested with full powers to do all possible mischief to you, and no possible good until it is confirmed by Parliament. Under these circumstances I do not well see how any treaty can be commenced, nor perhaps will it be prudent, in the moment of their weakness and dis- tress, to agree to a cessation of hostilities by land, unless your enemies E will remove all their troops to Europe. [The ministerialists give out that their confidence is more on the guineas they send out than on their troops, and indeed one of the commissioners, viz, Hans Stanley, that they talk of sending over, has as much practical knowledge in the art .of corruption and bribery as any man in England, without disparage- ment of the abilities in that way of Mr. Strachey, secretary to the pres- ent commission with you. I conceive that their arts and their arms will be equally successful].* The situation of Spain, her millions being yet on the sea. and the cir- cumstances in Germany before mentioned, I believe induce this court still to continue the injunctions of secrecy relative to the treaties ; but if war is not declared before, 1 do not see how it can be avoided as soon as you publish them, which I suppose will be done as soon as they come to hand ; at least such parts as will announce the fact to the world in such a manner that it cannot be doubted. * Passage in brackets (imitted lu Sparks' ed. 612 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. The number of Freucli troops that are now on the coast in Brittany and Normantly, with the powerful naval preparations both in this coun- try and Spain, would effectually prevent Great Britain from sending any more troops to America this year even if she could get them. I have the honor to be, etc., William Lee. Saturday Morning. Mr. Deane presents his compliments to Mr. Lee : As to-morrow is fixed by the minister for sending off the despatches, it will be impossi- ble for him to attend the examination of Mr. Morris's papers before the setting ofl' of his brother. As Mr. Deane had the honor of mentioning before, it shall be his first business after the despatches are gone. Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Biiigham.* York, March .!, 1778. Sir : The committee of secret corresi)Oudence, wliich almost a year ago was denominated the "committee for foreign aflairs," stands indebted to you for many letters, both of iuterestiug advice and ingenious political speculation. Happening to be the only member of that committee at present in Yorktowu, 1 now take up my pen, not to form apologies for their long past silence, so much as to make a begin- ning of the act of justice due to you. I really fear that the collected ingenuity of the members will be put to it to offer, for a main excuse, anything better thau that they relied upon your getting frequent intelligence of the state of our affairs from the commercial committee- In short, sir, I am so deeply concerned with the geutlemen in tliis ali'air, that 1 know what they ought to do ; and I am so well acquainted with tiieir just manner of thinking, tliat I will venture to confess, iu their name, that their past omission of corresponding with you is, in a considerable measure, unaccountable. It is certainly better to step forward towards a man of candor iu the straight line of honest confes- sion than iu the zigzag track of awkward apology. Your letters, exclusive of their iutrinsic merit, have been more par- ticularly acceptable to Congress from the circumstance of our having been deprived of the satisfaction of receiving intelligence from the hands of our commissioners in Paris since May of last year. Besides those of their dispatches which have been lost at sea, we know one lias been examined and culled by some perfidious villain, who substituted plain sheets of paper for the real letters of our friends. This was probably done in Europe, before the bearer of it, a Oapt. John Folger, embarked with it for America. MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 'J71, with verbal uhauges. MARCH 12, 1778. 513 Your ideas of the policy of the court of Versailles e what defects are found wdl be excused. It is altogether uncertain when it will be convenient for Spain to ac- cede to the alliance; audi am apprehensive that the war, which is likely to break out in Germany, will prevent the King of Prussia from declaring so soon, and so decidedly, as he promised. The court of Spain will, 1 apprehend, make some difficulties about settling the dividing line between their possessions and those of the United States. They wish to have the cession of Pensacola. 1 have written for, and hope to have, the instructions of Congress on this head. If anything should strike you on the subject, the communication of it will infinitely oblige me. The high opinion I have of your abilities and zeal for the l^ublic good will always render your advice a favor to me ; and the acquaintance [ have had the honor of having witb you makes me hope I may ask it without offense. 1 beg to be remembered to your son, and * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 273. t Vergennes, from defereuce to Spain, as well as from a desire to provoke England as little as possible, made the reception as quiet as he could. Arauda, in his des- patch of March 23, tells his government that the American deputies were presented in this capacity to his majesty on the 20th, but witLout the ceremouj' of accredited ambassadors ; they dined with the secretary of state, and their presentation is in the Gazette of to-day. (3 Doniol, 6.) 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr. 479. 5 This letter is directed to Henry Laureus, who had recently been chosen President of Congress.— SPAKK8. MARCH 23, 1778. 517 have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, clear sir, your most obedient servant, Arthur Lee. P. S.— To-morrow we are to be presented to the King of France, and the Englisli ambassador quits this court without taking leave. War must immediately be the consequence, as these movements have beeu determined on from the treaty of amity and commerce which we have concluded with this court having beeu announced in form to that of London. The consequence of this, in relieving our country from the chief weight of the war, can not but follow, and therefore I congratu- late you upon it most sincerely. In my judgment a year or two must reduce Great Britain to any terms the allies may think proper to demand. W. Lee to the President of Congress.* Parts, March 23, 1778. Sir: To the inclosed copy of my last be pleased to refer. I have the pleasing satisfactiou of congratulating you and my country on the independency of the thirteen United States of America being now openly acknowledged by the court of Prance, which must soon put a glorious end to all our troubles. About fourteen days ago the French minister in London formally avowed to the British ministry the treaty which his most christian majesty had made with you, and on the 20th instant your commissioners were, in form, introduced to the king and his ministers at Versailles, as the representatives of sovereign States, and on Sunday last they were introduced to the queen and all the royal family. The British ministry, as usual, have blustered a good deal, but have not yet ventured to declare war, that we know of. If they do, our busi- ness may the sooner and better be finished. I set off tomorrow for Germany, where the prospect of a war between Austria and Prussia seems to thicken, although this court uses all its influence to prevent one, and has explicitly declared to both parties that she will not in any manner aid or assist either side, as she is determined to exert all her force in supporting her new alliance with the States of America. I have already claimed the King of Prussia's promise to acknowledge our independence as soon as France has done so; his answer I shall meet in Germany, and, as far as one can judge at present, there is a greater probability of my being sooner openly received at Berlin than at Vienna; but on this head, and at this critical moment, it is impossible for any man in the world to form a decisive opinion, because the issue will depend on events that are yet in the womb of time; therefore, all that in prudence for me to do is, on the spot, to seize the iirst opening that * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 601, with verbal chauges. 518 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. is made on either side iu our favor; and sball take care to give you the earliest intelligence of every thing material that occurs iu my depart- ment. I have the honor to remain, etc., William Lee. Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris." York, March 24, 1778. Gentlemen: I can not consent to omit this opportunity of addressing a few lines to you, though the state of our military operations affords nothing material. The manners of the continent are too much affected by the deprecia- tion of our currency : scarce an officer, civil or military, but feels some- thing of a desire to be concerned in mercantile speculation, from find- ing that his salary is inadequate to the harpy demands which are made upon him for the necessaries of life, and from observing that but little skill is necessary to constitute one of the merchants of these days. We are almost a continental tribe of Jews; but I hope Heaven has not yet discovered such a settled profligacy in us as to cast us off even for a year. Backward as we may be at this moment iu our preparations, the enemy is not in a condition to expect more success in the coming than iu former campaigns. We have the debates of the British Parliament to December 5, and perceive that the old game is playing, called recon- ciliation. Depend upon it, they are duping themselves only. Yesterday a private letter from Dr. Franklin, dated October 7, was presented, containing the only political intelligence which Folger brought safe with him, viz: "Our affairs, so far as relates to this coun- try, are every day more promising." This, with a letter from Mr. Bar- nabas Deane, who tells us his brother apologized for his brevitj', by saying he was ''sending an important packet to Congress," is all the explanation we have of the nature of your despatches, of which we were robbed. 1 enclose a list, by which you will see the breaks iu your cor- respondence. 1 send a pamphlet, which contains, I hope, the general ideas of America in regard to what Britain may be tempted, foolisbly, to call her successes. We think it strange that the commissioners did not jointly write by M. de Francy, considering the very important designs of his coming over to settle the mode of payment for the past cargoes sent by Rod- erique Hortalez & Co., and to make contracts for the future. It is cer- tain that much eclaircissement is at this late moment wanting. But I dare not eidarge, for fear of losing this sudden good opportunity. I therefore close, with assurances of the most affectionate respect, gen- tlemen, your very humble servant, James Lovell, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs. *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 273. MARCH 26, 1778. 519 Franklin to Hutton. Passy, March 24, 1778. My dear old friend was in the right not " to call in question the sincer- ity of my words, where I say, February the 12th, we can treat if any propo- sitiom are made to vs. " They were true then, and are so still, if Britain has not declared war with France; for in that case we shall, undoubt- edly, think ourselves obliged to continue the war as long as she does. But luethinks you should have takeu us at our word, and have sent im- mediately your propositions in order to prevent such a. war, if you did not choose it. Still I conceive it would be well to do it, if you have not already rashly begun the war. Assure yourself, nobody more sin- cerely wishes iierpetual peace among men than I do; but there is a prior wish, that they would be equitable and just; otherwise such peace is not i)ossible, and, indeed, wicked men have no right to expect it. Adieu ! I am ever yours, most affectionately, B. Franklin. Vergennes to the President of Congress.t [Translation.] Versailles, illarch 2.5, 1778. SiE: Mr. Deane being about to return to America, I embrace the oc- casion with pleasure to give my testimonv to the zeal, activity, and intelligence with which he has conducted the interests of the United States, by which he has merited the esteem of the king, ray master, and for which his majesty has been pleased to give him marks of his satisfaction. Mr. Deane will be able to inform Congress of the dispo- sition of the king toward the United States. The engagements formed with his majesty will doubtless satisfy their wishes; the king, on his part, is not only convinced that they are founded on principles unalter- able, but also that they will contribute to the happiness of both nations. I have the honor to be, etc., De Vergennes. Vergennes to Deane. t [Trail slatiou.] Versailles, March 20, 1778. As I am not, sir, to have the honor of seeing you again before your departure, I pray you to receive here my wishes that your voyage may be short and happy, and that you may find in your own country the * 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 28; i< Bigelow's Fr.aukliii, 14(;. Si-e snpnt, Fraukliu to Hntton, February 1, 1778; and as to Hutfon, see iiitroductiou, ^ 201. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 88. 520 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCK. same sentimeuts wliich you have inspired in France. Ton need not, sir, desire any addition to those which I have devoted to you, and which I shall preserve for you to the end of my life; they will he sure- ties to you of the true interest which 1 shall forever take in your hap- piness, as well as in the prosperity of your country. The king, desirous of s'iviiig you a personal testimony of the satis- faction he has iu your conduct, has charged me to communicate it to the President of the Congress of the United States. This is the object of the letter which j\Ir. Gerard will deliver you for Mr. Hancock. He will also deliver you a box with the king's portrait. You will not, I presume, sir, refuse to carry to your country the image of its most zeal- ous friend. The proof of this is in facts. I have the honor to be, with the most sincere consideration, etc., De Vergennes. A. Lee to Franklin. * Chaillot, March 27, 1778. Dear Sir: In consequence of what you mentioned to me relative to the German courts, I consulted the Spanish ambassador whether it could be determined with any degree of certainty how long it would be before the business I am pledged for with his court would require my presence. His answer was that it was altogether uncertain. In this situation it appeared to me that, under my present engagements, I could not venture to so great a distance. My brother has therefore set out on his original plan that was settled at Versailles. Mr. Grand has not yet returned me the accouut completed. The mo ment I receive it I will wait upon you to settle the business of the loan bills. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin to Izard, t Passt, March 27, 1778. Sir : The bearer says he is a native of Charleston, South Carolina, and he wants a pass to go into Italy. I do not well understand the account he gives of himself. He seems to be lost, and to want advice. I beg leave to refer him to you, who will soon be able to discover whether his account is true. I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 480. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 660. MARCH 28, 1778. 521 The King of France to Congress.' Very Dear and Great Friends and Allies : You will learo, un- doubtedly with gratitude, the measure which the conduct of the King of Great Britain has induced us to take, of sending a fleet to endeavor to destroy the English forces upon the shores of North America. This expedition will convince you of the eagerness and the vigor which we are resolved to bring to the execution of the engagements which we have contracted with you. We are firmly persuaded that your fidelity to the obligations which your plenipotentiaries have contracted in your name will animate more and more the efforts which you are making with so much courage and perseverance. The Count d'Estaing, vice-admiral of France, is charged to concert with you the operations, the conduct of which we have intrusted to him, in order that the combination of measures on each side may render them as advantageous to the common cause as circumstances will per- mit. We entreat you to giv^e full credit to everything which he shall communicate to you on our part, and to place confidence in his zeal and in his talents. Moreover, we pray God that he will have you, very dear and great friends and allies, under his holy protection. Written at Versailles, the twenty eighth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy eight. Louis. The King of France to Congress.t Very Dear and Great Friends and Allies : The treaties which we have signed with you in consequence of the propositions made to us on your part, by your deputies, are a certain guaranty to you of our affection for the United States in general, and for each one of them individually, as well as of the interest which we take, and shall always continue to take, in their happiness and prosperity. In oi'der to con- vince you of this in a more particular manner, we have appointed M. Gerard, secretary of our council of state, to reside near you in quality of our minister plenipotentiary. He is the better acquainted with the sentiments which we entertain towards you, and is the more able to answer for them to you, as he has been intrusted on our part of nego- tiating with your deputies, and as he has signed with them the treaties which cement our union, we request you to give full credit to all that he shall say to you on our part, particularly when he shall assure you of our affection and of our constant friendship for you. * 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 556. t MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 555. 522 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Moreover, we pray God that he will have yon, very dear and great friends and allies, under his holy and worthy protection. Written at Versailles, the 28th of March, 1778. Your good friend and ally, Louis. APPOINTMENT OF CONSUL-GENERAI, OF FKANCE IN THE UNITED STATES. Louis, hij the grace of God King of France and Navarre, to all those to K'hom thesepresents shall come, greeting: Thiukiug it necessary to create the office of out eousul-general at Boston and other porta belonging to the United States of North America, and being desirous to confer a favor on M. Gerard, we have thought that we could not make choice of a better person than he to fulfill the duties of this office by our knowledge of his zeal aud affection for our service and for the interests of our subjects, and of his judgment and ability in naval affairs; for these reasons, and others moving ns thereto, we have nominated and appointed the said M. C4erard, and by thesepresents, signed with our hand, do nominate and appoint him our consul-general at Boston, and other ports belonging to the United States of North America, with power to appoint consuls and vice-cousnls in the places where he shall judge them necessary ; to have and to hold the said office, to exercise, enjoy, and use it so long as it sh.all jdease ns, with the honors, authorities, advantages, prerogatives, privileges, exemptions, rights, bene- fits, profits, revenues, and emoluments which belong to it, such and the same as those which our other consuls-general enjoy. We prohibit all French merchants, and al! persons sailing under the French flag, from disturbing him in the pos.session, duties, and exercise of this consulate. ^Y6 enjoin on allcaptains, masters, and commanders ot ships, barks, and other vessels, armed and sailing under the said flag, as well as on all our other subjects, to acknowledge the said M. Gerard, .and to obey him in this capacity. We pray and request our very dear and great friends and allies, the Con- gress of the United States of North America, their governors and other officers whom it shall concern, to allow the said M. Gerard, and the consuls and vice-consuls whom he sball appoint to the said office, to j)0S8ess it fully and peaceably, without causing, or allowing to be caused to them, any disturbance or hindrance; but on the con- trary to give them all favor and assistance, offering to do the same for all those wlin shall be thus recommended to us on their part. In witness whereof we have caused our privy seal to be affixed to these presents. Given at Versailles, the 2dth day of March, in the year of our Lord 177-;, and of our reign the fifth. Louis. Izaxd to Franklin.* Paris, March 29, 1778. Sir: I have seen the person you referred to nie, and who is desirous of my recommending him 1o you for a passport to go into Italy. He says that he was born in South Carolina; but has been so long out of it that he neither knows anybody there nor does anybody know him. He left London with an intention of going to Italy, and came to Paris 1o see the world before he settled with a merchant, to whom he is engaged ' MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 660. MARCil 29, 1778. 523 as a clerk at a place he liears is called Livorno. As this account did not appear very satisfactory, I desired him to excuse my troubling you with any recommeudation until he put it in my power to do it with propriety. You will give me leave to remind you that I had the honor of ad- dressing you on the 30th of Jaiuiary in reply to yours of the 29th, and requested the favor of you to reconsider the article in the treaty then negotiating respecting the exports of North America, which had given me much uneasiness, and in which I think myself greatly interested. From your letter of the 29th I had reason to hope that, iu a few days you intended to give me an explanation on certain points wherein I thought myself injured, and to show me that I was mistaken. In vain have I expected this sntisfaction. I am very desirons of receiving it, and when the dates referred to are considered, I hope I shall not be thought too importunate in requesting that it may be soon. At the same time you will be so good as to inform me why no answer lias been given to my letter to you and the other commissioners at this court, of the 5th of this month, and whether I am to expect any. I have the honor to be, etc., Ralph Izaed. Pulteney to Franklin.* March 29, 1778. Mr. Williamst returned this morning to Paris and will be glad to see Dr. Franklin, whenever it is convenient for the doctor, at the Hotel Frasiliere, rue Tournon. It is near the hotel where he lodged when the doctor saw him a fortnight ago. He does not proi)ose to go abroad, and therefore the doctor will And him at any hour. He understands that Mr. Alexander is not yet returned from Dijon, which he regrets. Vergennes to Gerard.t March 29, 1778. Memoir to serve as an instruction to me. geraed, secretary OF THE council OF STATE, ABOUT TO GO AS THE REPRESENTA- TIVE OP THE KING TO THE GENERAL CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. The United States of America having given a legal basis to their iTulependence by the act of the 4th of July, 1776, the king judged that his political interest did not oppose itself to the stability which they * 2 Sparks' Dij). Rev. C'orr. 28. Pulteney writes under the awsumed name of Williams. Sparks. t William Pulteney, .i uiember of parliament who was employed by the British min- istry to sound Franklin informally. See Iiitroiluctiou, § 203, and for answer, infra. t Translated from Circourt'a Bancroft, iii, 255. 524 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. might acquire, but that there might even result from this relations advautageous to his realm. In this view his majesty has granted to the United States all the facilities of commerce in his ports compatible with his existing engagements. The defeat of General Burgoyne having precipitated events beyond all expectations, the king felt the necessity of taking at last a decisive resolution in respect to America. That necessity became all the more urgent as England, on her side, began to open her eyes to her faults and her weakness, and was anxiously considering means to reconcile hei'self with her colonies ; while the terms she proposed to them were so manifestly aimed against France that there was not a moment to lose, if we seriously desired to prevent their having effect. The king therefore made a treaty with the deputies of Congress, and concluded with them the 6th of February a treaty of friendship and of commerce, and a conditional treaty of alliance. As Mr. Gerard him- self signed and negotiated those treaties, it would be superiluous to recall here tbe circumstances that preceded and accompanied them. It will suffice to remit the copies to hiui, aud to make known the spirit in which they were designed and the meaus which the king is resolved to employ to fulfill them. The independence of Is'orth America, and her permanent alliance with France have been the principal aim of the king; and it was to secure both of these that his majesty approved the conditional stipnlatious contained iu the treaty of alliance, and that he did not secure for him- self any exclusive advantages in the treaty of commerce. Great Britain, by considering the friendly communication implied iu the signature of the treaty of commerce as a provocation to war or a hostile act, makes absolute aud definitive the stipulations that were still only contingeut.* Their execution is in question to day. The first and most essential of all is -that neither of tbe two parties shall make either peace or truce without the consent of the other. The faithful execution of this clause guaranties the advantages that the parties procure for themselves during the war, and it is essential that Mr. Gerard should impress Congress with that truth, aud forewarn it in that way against the suggestions which the English may make to in- duce a separate ijeace. He will assure Congress at the same time in the most emphatic manner that the king, on his part, will reject all propositions of that nature that may be njade to him by the common enemy, and that he will ouly lay down his arms whcTi the full and abso- lute independence of the thirteen United States shall have been I'ecog- nized by Great Britain. As to the military operations that the two parties will have to take they will depend on circumstances. However, Mr. Gerard can assure Congress that the king will make every effort to prevent England from sending new forces to America, by means of which the Americans can * This appears to be the logical lueauiag of the origiual, which, however, is obscure. MARCH 29, 1778. 525 vanquish all the easier the army of Geueral Howe, since we have reason to flatter ourselves that the fleet commauded by Count d' Estaing will destroy the English squadron which is in the Delaware, or at least will prevent it from provisioning the British ariuy. It is possible that the operations of the Continental Army and the French fleet will have to be in combination ; but as neither that neces- sity nor the means of meeting it can be foreseen now, the requisite arrangements must at the proper time be concerted with the commander of the fleet, to whom will be giv'eu the powers necessary for that pur- pose. There is one point of great consequence to the king, and which will demand all the dexterity of Mr. Gerard — the stipulations to be under- taken in favor of Spain. He knows that that i)ower has taken no part in the two treaties, though she has not opposed them, and that up to the present time she has said nothing of the conditions on which she may accede to them in the future. However, we have reason to think that she would desire to acquire the Floridas, a share in the fisheries of the banks of Newfoundland, and Jamaica. The last object is in the hands of the king, since it is secured contingently by the last treaty of alliance. The second will depend equally on him, at least in a great measure, so there will be nothing left to negotiate with Congress about that. The Floridas enter into the plans of conquest of the Americans. It will therefore be necessary to prepare them for the contingency of a surrender of their claims. The king charges Mr. Gerard with this in a particular manner, and his majesty leaves entirely to his prudence the means to be employed to attain that object. It is only necessary to remind him that he must carefully avoid speak- ing in the name of Spain ; for his catholic majesty has as yet said nothing relative to his intentions and views. Moreover, Mr. Gerard knows the principal motives that make Spain desire the Floridas. He will give such efiicacy to them as is in his power, but if he can not suc- ceed in securing the whole territory, he will strive at least to obtain Pensacola and such parts of the coasts as are considered to be the most suited to the interests of the court of Madrid. The king expects that the court of London will make final efforts to form a party in its interest in Congress and to create divisions among the different |)rovinces. Mr. Gerard will see for himself how important it is to frustrate these measures, and to maintain the Union and the perfect understanding that have reigned until now among the thirteen confederate provinces. The means that he must employ to obtain that object will not be pointed out to Mr. Gerard. They will depend upon local circumstances, on which it will be impossible at present to form any opinion. Mr. Gerard knows that Congress has not yet ratified the two treaties. But it is to be presumed that that formality essential for their validity will have 626 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. been complied with when he iirrives iu America. If, however, such be not the case, his first duty will be to see that Congress takes the measures proper for that purpose, as presumably they will. The envoys of Congress [in Paris] have proposed to the king to enter into an engagement; to favor the conquest by the Americans of Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas, and he has reason to think that Congress has taken this project to heart. But the king has considered that the possession of those three countries, or at least of Canada, by England, will be an element of disquiet and anxiety to the Americans, which will make them feel the more the need they have of the alliance and the friendship of the king, and which it is not his interest to remove. In this view, his majesty thinks that he had better make no engage- ment relating to the conquest in question. If Congress propose it, however, as is probable, Mr. Gerard will answer that the king will always lend himself with eagerness to everything that may suit the United States, and that he will unite willingly in carrying out their plan of conquest, as far as circumstances will permit, but that the un- certainty and the variety of his engagements do not ijerinit him to enter into any formal agreement to that effect. This is his majesty's position in respect to that question, and his intention is that Mr. Gerard should be guided by it in his remarks and suggestions. If, however, Congress should become too pressing and Mr. Gerard should judge that the king could not refuse to co operate in their views without having his good- will and the rectitude of his intentions suspected, he can then acquiesce in their wishes, but give them to understand that the conquest which it is proposed to make is not to be an essential condition of the future peace. Mr. Gerard will himself perceive that the last suggestion should be made with such delicacy as not to offend Congress. It is also probable that Congress will express its desire to obtain subsi- dies from France. But Mr. Gerard will reply that the efforts which the king makes for the American cause require extraordinary outlays, which absorb all his means ; that, moreover, the sending of the fleet to North America, charged to do all possible harm to the English, will operate as a diversion infinitely more advantageous for the Americans than if the king confined himself to giving them money. His majesty is per- suaded that Congress will acquiesce without objection in such weighty reasoning.* Mr. Gerard no doubt appreciates the full importance of the mission which the king confides to his care. His majesty is persuaded that he will give him on this occasion new proofs of his capacity, of his attach- ment to his person, and of his zeal for his service. (Approved by the king March 29, 1778.) *Tlie war, saysCircourt in anote, cost France, according to the generally received opinion, the sum of twelve thousand million francs. MARCH 30, 1778. 527 Franklin to Pulteney.* Passy, March 30, 1778. Sib: Wheu I first had the honor of conversing with you on the sub- ject of peace, I mentioned it as my opinion that every proposition which implied our voluntarily agreeing to return to a dependence on Britain, was now become impossible; that a peace on equal terms undoubtedly might be made ; and that though we had no particular powers to treat of l)eace with England, we had general powers to make treaties of peace, amity, and commerce with any state in Europe, by which I thought we might be authorized to treat with Britain ; who, if sincerely disposed to peace, mightsave time and much bloodshed by treating with us directly. I also gave it as my opinion that, in the treaty to be made, Britain should endeavor by the fairness and generosity of the terms she offered to recover the esteem, confidence, and affection of America, without which the peace could not be so beneficial, as it was not likely to be last- ing ; in this I had the pleasure to find you of my opinion. But I see by the propositions you have communicated to me that the ministers cannot yet divest themselves of the idea that the power of Parliament over us is constitutionally absolute and unlimited, and that the limitations they may be willing now to put to it by treaty are so many favors, or so many benefits, for which we are to make compensa- tion. As our opinions in America are totally ditterent, a treaty on the terms proposed appears to me utterly imj^racticable, either here or there. Here we certainly can not make it, having not the smallest authority to make even the declaration specified in the proposed letter, without which, if I understood yon right, treating with us cannot be commenced. 1 sincerely wish as much for peace as yon do; and I have enough re- maining of good-will for England to wish it for her sake, as well as for our own, and for the sake of humanity. In the present state of things, the proper means of obtaining it, in my opinion, are to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and then enter at once into a treaty with us for a suspension of arms, with the usual provisions relating to distances ; and another for establishing peace, friendship, and commerce, such as France has made. This might prevent a war between you and that kingdom, which, in thepresentcircumstancesandtemperof the two nations, an accident may bring on every day, though contrary to the in- terest and without the previous intention of either. Such a treaty we might probably now make, with the approbation of out' friends; but if you go to war with them on account of their friendship for us, we are bound by ties stronger than can be formed by any treaty to fight against you with them as long as the war against them shall continue. * 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 29; 6 Bigelow's Frauklin, 149 ; 8 Sparks' Fraukliii, 25:i. As to Pulteney'spositiou, see introduction ^203; see also, i»/ra, Franklin to Brancroft, March 30, 1778 ; Franklin to Reed, March 19, 1780. 528 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. May God at last grant that wisdom to your national councils which he seems long to have denied them, and which only sincere, just, and humane intentions can merit or expect. With great personal esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, etc., B. Franklin. Franklin to Izard.' Passy, March 30, 1778. Sir: From the account you give me of the man who pretends to be of Carolina, as well as from my own observation of his behavior, I enter- tain no good opinion of him, and shall not give him the pass he desires. Much and very important business has hitherto prevented my giving you the satisfaction you desired, but you may depend upon my endeav- oring to give it to you as soon as possible. An answer was written to your letter of the 5th of this month, and signed by us all, which I thought had been sent to you till Mr. Lee informed me that, having communicated to you the contents, you told him it would not be satis- factory, and desired it might be reconsidered, and he had accordingly stopi)ed it for that i^urpose. We have not since had an oi)portunity of reconsidering it; and as the end is now answered by the communi- cation of the treaty, perhaps it is not necessary. I condole with you sincerely on the great loss sustained in Charles- ton by the lire in January last, said to have destroyed six hundred houses, valued, with the goods, at a million sterling. I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. I'ranklin to the President of Congress.! Passy, near Paris, March 31, 1778. Sir : My colleague, Mr. Deane, lieing recalled by Congress, and no reasons given that have yet appeared here, it is apprehended to be the effect of some misrepresentations from an enemy or two at Paris and at Nantes. I have no doubt that he will be able clearly to justify himself; but having lived intimately with him now flfteen months, the greatest part of the time in the same house, and been a constant witness of his public conduct, 1 can not omit giving this testimony, though unasked, in his behalf, that I esteem him a faithful, active, and able minister, who, to my knowledge has done in various ways great and important serv- ice to his countri", whose interests I wish may always, by every one in her employ, be as much and as effectually promoted. With my dutiful respects to the Congre-s, I have the honor to be etc., B. Frankijn. * MSS. Dep. of State ; 8 Sparks' Franklin, 250 ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 661 ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 147 t MSS. Dep. State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 89 ; 8 Sparks' Franklin, 255 ; 6 Sigelow's Franklin, 153. MARCH 31, 1778. 529 Franklin to Laurens.* Passy, near Paris, March 31, 1778. Sir: Mons. Gerard, who does me the honor to bo the bearer of this letter, is the same plenipotentiary with whom we completed tlie treaties that have secured to America the friendship and support of this power- ful monarch J^ In the whole conduct of that affair he manifested a can- dor, uprightness, and equity of disposition, as well as an affection for our cause and country, that impressed us with the highest esteem for him; and I congratulate you on his being minister from this court to the Congress, as the king's appointment of a person who is considered as our friend, to fill so important a situation, is an additional mark of his majesty's good- will to us, and presages, in my opinion, an exercise of the good understanding so happily begun between the two countries, which no one cau be more desirous or more capable of promoting. I beg leave, therefore, to recommend him warmly not only to all the civilities and respects that are due to his public character, but to those tender regards and affectionate grateful attentions that friendship claims, and which are so proper to cultivate and strengthen it. I have, etc., B. Franklin. Izard to Franklin. + Paris, Blarch 31, 1778. Sir: I received yesterday the treaty of alliance, and the alterations that have been made in the treaty of commerce proposed by Congress from the hands of your grandson, and likewise a letter from yon, which informs me that much and very important business has hitherto pre- vented your giving me the satisfaction respecting your conduct which I desired, but that I might depend on your endeavoring to give it to me as soon as possible. While you were engaged in settling the treaty I avoided giving you any additional trouble, especially as I am persuaded that the satisfactory exi)lanatiou you have promised will require no un- common exertion of your abilitio?. I conceive you have acted unjusti- fiably; yon think that I am mistaken, and I shall be heartily rejoiced to find myself so. You will excuse my requesting that the explanation I have desired may be given soon. I have the honor to be, etc., EALni Izard. *MSS. Dep. of State; C Bigdow'.s Franldii), 1!52. + MSS, Dep. of State; 1 Sparlis' Dip. Rov. Corr. 661. 34 wii— VOL II 530 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to Franklin and Deane." March 31, 177S. Gentlemen: Tlie reports I bear of Mr. Deane's inteudiug soou to leave Paris oblige mo to repeat the request I long ago and repeatedly made, that we should settle the public accounts relating to the expend- iture of the money intrusted to us for the public. And this is the more absolutely necessary, as what vouchers there are to enable the com- missioners to make out this account are in Mr. Deane's ])ossession. I therefore wish that the earliest day may be ajipointed for the settle- ment of these accounts, which apjiears to me an indispensable part of our duty to the public and to one another. Arthur Lee. Franklin to A. Lee.t Passy, Ajiril 1, 1778. Sir : There is a style in some of your letters, I observe it i)articularly in the last, whereby superior merit is assumed to yourself in i)oiut of care and attention to business, and blame is insinuated on your col- leagues without making yourself accountable, by a direct charge of neg- ligence or unfaithfulness, which has the appearance of being as artful as it is unkind. In the present case I think the insinuation groundless. I do not know that either Mr. Deane or myself ever showed any un- willingness to settle the public accounts. The banker's book always contained the whole. You could at any time as easily have obtained the account from them as either of us and you had abundantly more leisure. If, on examining it, you had wanted explanation of any article, you might have called for it and had it. You never did either. As soon as I obtained the account, I put it into your bands, and desired you to look into it, and I have heard no more of it since till now, just as Mr. Deane was on the point of departing. Mr. Deane, however, left with me before the receipt of your letter both the public papers, and explications of the several articles in the account that came within his knowledge. With these materials, I sup])ose we can settle the account whenever you please. You have only to name the day and place, and 1 will attend to the business with you. I have the honor to be, with great esteem, sir, etc., B. Franklin. Gerard to A. Lee.t [Translation.] Versailles, April 1, 1778. Sir: I called at your house to have the honor of your commands to the country where you know 1 am sent. ]Sfot having the honoi' of find- ing you at home, and my time pressing me, allow me the honor of tak- * 1 Sparkf,' Dip. Rev. Corr. 481. t8 Spailvs' Franklin, 256 ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 154, t 1 Sparks^ Dip. " "'— '°'' APRIL 1, 1778. 531 ing my leave by writing, iuid requesting tlie fuvor of your couimissious for America. You will truly oblige uie, .sir, if you will charge me with letters for some of your couuections or friends, especially those who are members of (Jongress. My acknowledgments shall equal the considerations of regard with which I have the honor of being, etc., Geeard. A. Lee to Gerard." April 1, 1.30 o'clock, 1778. Sir : I had the honor of receiving your favor this moment, which is the first intimation I have received of what you mention. By o'clock I will send you the letters you desire. I did intend to have spoken to you more upon what passed between the Spanish ambassador and my- self, which gave you uneasiness ; but I must repeat, that I only related to him what I heard from Mr. Deane, as coming from you, and what we, in consequence of that information, have written to Congress. Be so good as to accept of my best wishes for the happiness and success of your voyage. I have the honor to be, etc., Artiiitr Lee. Gerard to A. Lee.' [Translation.] Versailles, Ajn-il ], 1778. Sir : I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, as also the packets you send by me. I shall cany theiu with a great deal of pleasure, and am much tlattered with your confidence. I must inform you, sir, that, notwithstanding the public nature of my mission, I do not avow it; and the confidence I place in you in this respect will, I hope, be considered by you as a proof of the regard with which I have the honor to be, etc., Gerard. Izard to Henry Laurens. t Pauls, Ajml 1, 1778. Sir : I am but this moment informed by leport that Mi'. Gerard, who is appointed minister plenipotentiary from this court to Congress, is immediately going to set out for America. It would have been improper * 1 Si).nrk.s' Dip. Rev. Corr. 48:3. t MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. GfrJ. 532 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. that this should have been publicly kuowu, as tho court of England might have endeavored to intercept him. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane were, however, acquainted with it, aud, as usual, concealed it from ]\Ir. Lee and myself.* I shall make no comment on this behavior. If it does not, upon the bare recital of it, strike you as unjustifiable and disresi)ectful to Congress in not acquainting ns whenever they know of proper opportunities to write, nothing that can be said will make you think so. I congratulate yon most heartily on the presentation of the three commissioners at this court as representatives of a sovereign and independent state. This happened on the 20th of March. I should immediately after have left this city for Italy. My inclinations lead me most strongly to do it, but I am sorry to inform you that a little longer delay is become absolutely necessary. I am assured from Florence of the favorable dispositions of the grand duke towards us, and I had no doubt but immediately after the acknowledgment of our independence here the example would have been followed in Tuscany. Most unfortunately the death of the elector of Bavaria has thrown all Germany into convulsions. The claims of the house of Austria to part of that electorate, and the coldness lately shown by France towards the emperor on that account are likely to dispose the latter towards England in the approaching war. I say likely, for nothing is certainly known yet respecting these matters. My letters, however, from Flor- ence give me reason to fear that my reception chere in a public character will depend upon the proceedings of the court of Vienna. I have acted hitherto without paying the least regard to my own inclina- tions, in perfect conformity to what I have thought the wishes of Congress, aud I shall continue to act in the same manner to the best of my judgment. It will make me veiy happy to be assured of the approbation of Congress. Mr. Deane, I understand, accompanies Mr. Gerard, and has received a present from the French ministry, This is a thing of course ; he may, however, make use of it with Congress as a reason Avhy he should return. I sliall avoid entering into particulars respecting this gentle- man, and shall only in general give you mj^ opinion of him, which is that if the whole world had been searched I think it would have been impossible to have found one on every account more unfit for the oflice into which he has by the storm aud convulsions of the times been shaken.! I am under the fullest persuasion that the court of France might long ago have been induced to stand forth in our favor if America had had proper representatives at this court. I must repeat what I have done in some former letters that, whatever good dispositions were shown by Mr. Lee, they were always opposed and overruled by the two eldest commissioners. * Tboy were nol, permitted by tlie French court to make it known. — Sparks. t In reply to tbis letter, see Mr. Deaae'.-i letter to tbe President of Cougress, dated October 13, 177S. — Spakks. APRIL 1, 1778. 533 If Congress are desirous of having a representative in Italy, it may be proper to send a commission for tlje court of Naples. It would be agreeable to me to have such a commission, so that I might be either there or iu Tuscany, as occasion might require. This I only mention to you in case of such a thing being thought of. I wish not to solicit anything for myself, neither do I desire my friends to trouble themselves much about me. Whenever they think of uie without any application on my part I look upon myself as the more obliged to them. I am, dear sir, etc., Ralph Izaed. Gardoqui & Co. to A. Lee." BiLEOA, xipril 1, 1778. You will see by this invoice that, agreeable to what yoa are pleased to communicate to us in your very esteemed favor of the Gth instant, we have reduceil our commission to 3 per cent. But, dear sir, besides our being allowed 5 per cent, by all the American friends we have worked for in the present troublesome times, several of whom have been and actually are eye-witnesses of our troubles, as those blankets must be collected in the country round about Palencia, and the money must be remitted in specie there long beibrehand for the purpose, we are not only obliged to pay the freight thereof and run the risks of it, but also to make good to the persons employed iu their collection their expense and trouble — the whole out of our commission — so that, at present, wo reckon that half of it will be our prolit. We are, etc., James Gakdoqui & Co. Invoice of seventy-five haUs of merchandise stiipped on hoard Hie George, Captain Joh Knight, for Cape Ann, consigned to Jilbridge Gerrg, on account of Arthur Lee. No. 1 to 75. 7.5 bales, coutaiuiug 1,92C fine large Paleucia blauktts, at 27riales 52,002.00 Charges. To 413 vares of wrappers, at 2 riales 820 To packing, lighterage, etc J?50 ^ ^^_^^ ^^ 53,578.00 Commission, 3 per cent b 607. 11 Eiales of V ■'■'' ^^''- -^ Placed to the debit of Arthur Lee. Bilboa, the 28th of March, 1778. Errors excepted. J. Gardoqui & Co. April 1, 1778.— Number of blaulcets sent from Bilboa for Congress since January 1778: 1,580, 615, 550, 1,095, 2,290, 1,920 ; total, 8,008. 1 Sparlis' Dip. Eev. Corr. 481. 534 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A Lee to Fraukliii.* Chaillot, April 2, 1778. Sir: It -was with tlie utmosfc surprise I learut yesterday tliat M. Ge- rard was to set out in the evening for America in a public character, and that Mr. Deano was to accompany liiiu, witliout either you or Mr. Deane having condescended to answer my letter of the preceding day. That a measure of such uiomeut as M. Gerard's mission should have been taken without any communication with the commissioners is hardly credible; that, if it was communicated, yon should do such violence to the authority which constituted tis, together with so great an injury and injustice to me as to co/iceal it from me and actor advise witlion' me, is equallj^ astonishing. If success to the mission and unanimity on the subject were your wish, with what jiropriety could you make it a party business, and not unite all the commissioners in advising and approving a measure in which yon wished their friends and constituents might be unanimous? 1 do not live ten minutes' distance from yon. Within these few days, as usual, I have seen you frequently; particularly on Monday 1 was with you at your house foi some time. I asked you about the sailing of Ihe shi|)S at Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should have an opportinnty of writing. You said you did not know when they sailed. I asked if there were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas having been shown to me for some time. You answered no. I had at a former meeting asked yon whether it was not proper for us to send an express to give intelligence of such consequential events as our be- ing acknowledged here and the treaty avowed. You told me it would be sufticient to write by the ship at ITantes (for it was afterwards you mentioned there were two,) as the news, being public, would find its way fast enough. Upon Mr. Amiel, who came to my house from yours, having men- tioned, on Tuesday, that Mr. Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you and him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public accounts might be settled, for which Mr. Deane had taken possession of all the vouchers, and that the public papers might be de- livered to us before his departure. You made me uo answer. I sent my secretary again yesterday to desire an answer; you sent me a verbal one, that you would settle accounts with me any day after to-morrow. Your reason for not doing it before was, that it was not your business. JSfoiP it seemed your business only, and Mr. Deane has no concern with it. The delivery of the public papers, which are the property of .ill, not of any one of the commissioners (though you and Mr. Deane have constantly taken them to yourselves), was too immaterial for you to answer. During all this time and with these circumstances you have been ' MSS. Dup. of Stiite; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cori'. ;edia, nor sent a sixpence worth of anything to my friends or family in America. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, B. Franklin. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Aflfairs.* Paris, April 5, 1778. Gentlemen : Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain, I received an answer yesterday that endeavors would be used to send you succors through the Flavana, The present critical situation of that court renders them averse to being more particular, or to have appli- cations made to them, but I think they will not long remain under this embarrassment. Dr. Franklin and I are now settling the accounts as well as we can from the papers Mr. Deaue thought proper to leave in Dr. Franklin's bands. How orderly and adequate they are you will judge your- selves from the list which I shall take care to transmit to you. I am obliged to say that this gentleman took to himself the entire manage- ment of the business, in which I could obtain no share without a quarrel ; that my advice and assistance were always rejected, and he never would settle accounts. Whether he has conducted it well j'ou will have the Dieans of determining by what you have received compared with the sums expended, which I shall make it my duty to transmit to you. I can not venture to detail to you the plans of this court relative to the conduct of the war in your quarter. You will probably see the com- mencement of them before this reaches you. I enclose some additional and as I conceive necessary articles, which I shall endeavor to obtain, if Congress approve of them. I also send an accurate list of the actual and intended force of Great Britain. With my utmost duty and respect to Congress, I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. P. S. — Being obliged to send this by post, the articles must be de- ferred, as being too voluminous. Frankliu to A. Lee.t Passy, Ax)ril 6, 1778. Str: Mr. Williams had orders from Mr. Deane and myself to i)ur- chase and make up a large quantity of clothing and ship the same, in pursuance of the orders of Congress. I imagine you were not in France *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 4-7; 2 A. Lee's Life, 41, nuder (late of April 4, 1778. t 8 Sparks' Frankliu, 265; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 162. 542 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. when the mensuro Wtis taken, anil so could not bo consulted. But you certaiulj' have been acquainted with it since your return. I never heard that yon made any objection to it, and you may at any time have fuller information if desired. I think the orders of any two of us in these cases are sufficient, and that, if we have given directions to an agent of ours to draw on our banker in discharge of contracts made properly for the public service, his drafts ought to be honored. The reason of permitting him to draw on our banker instead of ourselves, was, as I understand it, convenient at that time, to mask more elfectually our building and equipping vessels of force. If, in a single instance, he is known or suspected to have abused this confidence placed in him, I am read^' to join with you in putting a stop to his proceedings by ordering his bills to be protested. If not, I think tlie i)ublic service requires that he should complete his orders, which, as far as I have ever heard, he has liitherto executed with great care, fidelity, and ability. As to the want of funds with Mr. Grand, I suppose tliat, before the bills drawn on him liecomo due, which are charged in his account and bring the balance against us, he will be fully sujiplied with what are neces- sary. I send you lierewith sundry letters relating to our affairs for your perusal and advice upon them. I have the honor to be, etc., B. Fkanklin. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, Ainil 8, 1778, Gentlemen : Whether there were any public dispatches for you by the opiiortuuity that carries Mr. Deane, the late coiumissiouer, I do not know, because my colleagues concealed his departure from me. I trust you will think it proper to desire the reason of such conduct, the tend- ency of which is too plain and too pernicious not to require censure, if it can not, as I conceive it can not, be justified by stronger reasons of utility.t Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare war in I'orm against France, but the vessels and sailors of each nation are recipro- cally seized in their ports, and a French frigate has lately made prize of an English iirivatecr. Both are preparing with all possible dispatch, and both waiting for your decisive declaration with an anxiety propor- tioned to their conviction of that declaration deciding the fate of the war. As far as I can venture to judge of courts and ministers, those of this country seem cordially disposed to co-operate with you in driving • MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 488; 2 A. Lee's Life, 42. t The reason was, as previously stated, that Franklin and Deane were not aiilhor- izcd by the French court to make known to any person the sailing of the fleet. Sparks. As to reasons, see uotL'S to A. Lee's letter of April 2, 1778, supra. APRIL 8, 1778. 543 the English eutirely out of America. But from what I coulil observe during the couferencoon the treaty, tliey seem to have some wishes rel- ative to the islamls of the fishery which are uot altogether compatible with the system laid dowu by Congress. The war between the Emperor and the King of Prussia seems inevita- ble. It will be a war of giants, and must engage all Germany. Three hundred thousand men, the best disciplined and the best led that ever made war, are ready to dispute the question on each side. Kussia is sufficiently occupied by her own situation in regard to the Porte. The north IS therefore no longer a subject for your apprehension. The whole house of Bourbon will certainly join in the war against England. Holland, therefore, seems the principal object of negotiation now ; be- cause, if the enemy should be deprived of her amity, they soon must be reduced to a carle blanche. This is the present situation of Europe. - 1 inclose you a memorial,* which I wrote last year, and have now sent to Holland, to promote the disposition we are iiii'ormed they entertain at present in our favor. In the additional articles I sent for your consideration there are some not very materially difi'erent, but as they are expressed in a different manner, I thought it might be of use to submit the choice to you. The enclosed report t is what I received from the court of Spain in answer to an application in behalf of the people who have involved themselves in this unfortunate situation. It is proper to inform you that the department of Spain to which it has pleased Congress to destine me is the most expensive of any, be- cause the court pass different f)arts of the year at four difl'erent places, at which every public minister is obliged to reside, and consequently to have a house, which augments very much his expense. As I wish to avoid all occasion of blame, I mention this circumstance that I may not appear to be extravagant, should my exi)ense increase on going thither. You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty to Congress, and believing me to be, with the greatest respect, etc. Arthur Lee. A. Lee's Memorial for Holland.} When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the United States of America first settled in that country they did it entirely at their own expense. The public of England never granted one shilling to aid in their establishment. Had any such grants existed they must have been upon record. The State of England, therefore, could uot justly claim the benefit of an acquisition which it never made. •This memorial was piicted and circulated in Holland Ijy tbe friends of the Ameri- can cause. — Spakks. t Missing. — Spaeks. tMSS. Dep. of State, 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Ccrr. 490. 544 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Upon tliis]irincii)le the first settlers conceived they had a right to ex- cIkukjc (did sell the produce of their labor to all nations, irithout control. Tills right tliey actually enjoyed iiuqnestioued till the year 1(352; then it was that the English, in violation of every principle of justice, usurped and established a monopoly of the American commerce, which they maintained till the rigor of their domination compelled the Amer- icans to reclaim their ancient unalienable rights by declaring them- selves free and iudependent Slates. In consequence of this, all nations are restored to the jiarticipation of that commerce, from which the mo- uopoliziiig spirit of the English had unjustly excluded tlieni. jSTo nation is more interested in this event than the Dutch, because it was against them that the establishment of the monopoly was chiefly intended. The great object of commercial policy with the States of Holhuul was and is the carrying trade. In consequence of this, wheu the commerce of America was free, the Dutch vessels in the American ports outnumbered those of England. But in the year 1651 a quarrel arose between the States of Holland and the then Eepnblic of England. The English, jealous of their naval power, resolved to destroy their American commerce, which contributed so much to its support. To etfcct this, the council of state projected and passed, on the 1st of De- cember, 165], the navigation ordinance, by which the carriage of Amer- ican produce was prohibited except in English bottoms. The Dutch foresaw the intention and felt the effects of this measure. Their re- sentment of it added fuel to the war that raged from that time to the year 1651 with so much fury. Their success, however, was not sufficient to re-establish what had been thus violently wrested from them. In negotiating the peace that concluded that war, De Witt labored with his usual abilities to obtain an abolition of the act, but all his eflbrts were ineffectual. Cromwell, who Avas not his inferioi' in acuteuess, maintained the usurpation, and under Charles the Second it received the form and sanction of an act of Parliament. Thus, in despite of all their efforts, this valuable branch of commerce was wrested from the Dutch and monopolized by the En- glish. But what ]ieither the uncommon talents of De Witt nor the strug- gles of an obstinate and bloody war could effect the course of human events has produced. The wealth and power arising from this very monopoly so intoxicated Great Britain, as to make her think there were no bounds to the exercise of the control she has usurped. Not content, therefore, with thus restraining the Americans for her own emolument in the mode of acquii lug money, she arrogated to herself the right of taking that which was obtained under those restraints. The natural consequence of thus urging her domination and adding a new usurpation to the former was the abolition of the whole. America has, in form, renounced her connection with Great Britain, and is maintain- ing her rights by arms. 1778. 545 The consequence of her success will bo the re-esfcablisbmeiit of com- merce ui)ou its ancient, free, and general footing. All nations are interested in this success, but none so much as the Dutch. From them, therefore, America, in a most special manner, loolcsfor support. Resent- ment of an ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors, their present i lierest, unite iu calling upon them for a spirited avowal and support of the independence of America. They will not forget the blood that was spilt iu endeavoring to vindicate their right when it was first invaded. They will not forget the insolence and injustice with which Great Britain harassed their trade during the late war, by means of that very naval strength which she derived from her usurped monopoly. They can not but feel at this moment the insult and indignity from the British court, in presuming to forbid them that free participatiou of commerce which America offers. The extraordinary remittances which the people of America have made to the merchants of Great Britain since the commencement of this dispute is a proof of their honor and good faith; so much more safe and advantageous is it to trust money with a young, industrious, thriving people, than with an old nation overwhelmed with debt, abandoned to extravagance, and immersed iu luxury. By maintaining the independence of America a new avenue will be opened for the employment of mouej% where landed property, as yet untouched by mortgage or other incumbrances, will answer for the principal, and the industry of a young and uuinvolved people would insure the regular paymeut of interest. The money-holder would iu that case be relieved from the continual fears and apprehensions which every agitation of the English stocks x^erpetually excites. He might count his profits without anxiety, and plan his moneyed transactions with certainty. These are the substantial objects of advantage which America holds up to the people of Hollaud, and this the moment of embracing them. Franklin and Lee to Dumas.* Passy, A2)ril 10, 1778. Sir : We received your despatch of the 3d iustaut, and approve very much the care and pains you constantly take iu sending us the best in- telligence of foreign affairs. We have now the pleasure of acquainting you that JMr. John Adams, a member of Congress, appointed to succeed Mr. Deane in this commission, is safely arrived here. He came over in the Boston, a frigate of thirty guns, belonging to the United States. In the passage they met and made prize of a large English letter of marque ship of fourteen guns, the Martha, bound to New York, on whose cargo £70,000 sterling were insured in London. It contains * 1 Sparks' Dii^. Rev. Corr. 275. 35 WH— VOL, II 546 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. abnndauce of necessaries for America, whitlier she is despatcbed, and wo hope slie will get well into one of our ports. Mr. Adams acquaints us tliat it had been moved in Congress to send a minister to Holland, but that, although there was the best disposi- tion towards that country and desire to have and maintain a good understanding with their high mightinesses and a free commerce with their subjects, the measure was respectfullj' postponed for the present, till their sentiments on it could be known, from an apprehension that pos- sibly their connections with England might make the receiving an Ameri- can minister as yet inconvenient, and (if Holland should have the same good-will toward us) a little enibarrassing. Perhaps, as our independ- ency begins to Avear the appearance of greater stability since our ack no wl- cdged alliance with France, that difBculty may be lessened. Of this we wish yon to take the most prudent methods privately to inform your- self. It seems clearly to be the interest of Holland to share in the rapidly growing commerce of their young sister republic; and as in the love of liberty and bravery in defense of it she has been our great example, we hope circumstances and constitutions, in many respects so similar, may produce mutual benevolence, and that the unfavorable impressions made on the minds of some in America by the rigor with which supplies of arms and ammunition were refused them in their dis- tress may soon be worn ofl' and obliterated by a friendly interconrse and reciprocal good offices. When Mr. Adams left America, which was about the middle of Feb- ruary, our affairs were daily improving, our troops well supi)lied with arms and provisions and in good order, and the army of General Bur- goyne, being detained for breaches of the capitulation, we had in our hands above ten thousand prisoners of tlio enemy. We are, sir, your most obedient humble servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Dumas.* Faris, April W, ]778. Sir: The within letter to you is so written that you may show it on occasioi7. We send enclosed a proposed draft of a letter to the grand pensionary, but as we ai'o unacquainted with forms, and may not exactly have hit your idea with regard to the matter and expression, we wish you would consult with our friends upon it, and return it with the necessary corrections. B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 274. APRIL 11, 1778. 547 DRAFT OF A PKOPOSED LETTEU FliOIVI THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE GRAND TENSION- ARY OF HOLLAND.* Sir : Wo have the honor of aoquaiating your excellency that the United States of North America, being now an independent power, and .ickiiowledged .a.s snch by this conrt, a treaty of amity and commerce is completed between France and the said United States, of which wo shall speedily send your excellency a copy, to bo commn- nioated, if you think proper, to their high mightinesses, for whom the United States have the greatest respect, and the strongest de,sire that a good understanding may bo cultivated, and a mutually beneCcial commerce established between the people of the two nations, which, as will be seen, there is nothing in the above-mentioned treaty to prevent or impede. We have the honor to be, with great respect, your excellency's, etc. Izard to Henry Laurens, t Paris, April 11, 1778. Dear Sir: I send copies of my letters whenever 1 hear of an oppor- tanity, in hopes of .some of them getting safe to yottr hands. [Many of them are lost at sea and by the chance of war. When these happen they must be patiently submitted to; but when there is reason to apprehend that tricks have been played it is very provoking. Mr. Lee assures me he has discovered that his dispatches to Congress have been opened by Mr. Deane, and likewise a letter of his which was put confidentially into that gentleman's hands. Tlio last-meutioued letter, Mr. Lee says, was nicely cut round the edges of the seal and afterwards closed with fresh wax. This is a shocking i)iecc of business, and al- most incredible. Mr. Lee, however, asserts it with such confidence that I can have no doubt of the fact. The reason of my mentioning this to you is that my letters to Congress have necessarily gone through his hands while he was here. His brother had the charge of all our dis- patches, which went by the Sensible, a French frigate, and as they were a day or two delayed, I should bo glad if you would examine if any such operation as I ha^'e mentioned has been performed ou ray letter to you by {hat opi)ortuuity. The coutents of the cover which was at that time addressed to you were the same as the one which goes by the present conveyance except this letter aud the copy of the 1st of April; and the cover which is put into the hands of Mr. Gerard, the plenipotentiary of thecourt of France to the Congress, who goes in the same shii) with Mr. Deaue, the same likewise, except the letter of April 1. It is very dis- tressing to think of such things, but when one has reason to suspect knavery it is at least prudent to be on our guard. You will be so good as to inform me what letters of mine got to your hands and by what op- portunities, as I have not missed a single opportunity of writing to 3'ou that I have been informed of since I have been in France. Dr. F. and * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr. a7.5 ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 164. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 665, with omissions. 548 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Mr. Deane have as much as possible concealed from me the opportuni- ties of writing to Congress. This was certainly behaving very ill ; but to let Mr. Gerard and Mr. Deane go away without giving me the least intimation of it was a very high insult to Congress. I have been lately made acquainted with the opportunity by which these gentlemen went (not by Dr. F.); the affair was certainly of a very important nature and required the utmost secrecy. I do not complain of the secret of the business being kept from me ; perhaps it was very proper that this should be done; but it appears very clearly to me to be Dr. F.'s duty to inform me whenever a good and safe opportunity offers to write to Con- gress. The object of these gentlemen is to have Mr. Deane come back in a public character — if not to France perliaps to Holland or some other court of Europe — and therefore they are afraid of having reasons given why this should not be the case. I am of opinion that he is ui)on every account an improper person to be employed by Congress. Mr. Lee, I believe, has written fully upon this subject to his brothers in Congress, and I should be glad that you would have some conversation with them about it.]* Mr. Adams arrived in Paris two days ago, and it is no small disap- pointment to me that he has brought me no letters from you. I was at first afraid that my dispatches by the Benjamin, which Mr. Folgcr had the charge of, had been stolen, as well as Mr. Lee's, but am very glad to find by a letter from Mr. Lovell to Dr. Franklin that all my letters got safe. What a very extraordinary piece of villainy this must have been. 1 have the strongest suspicion who the person is that was at the bottom of it, but will not take upon me to meution his name. I most sincerely hope, whoever he is, that he may l)e discovered and brought to light. It is much to be feared that this will prove a difficult matter, as the per- son who could be capable of it must be sensible how dangerous it mnst be for him to be discovered, and therefore, without doubt, the utmost cunning and precaution have been employed to conceal himself. r think myself much obliged to my friends in Congress who have as- signed me the department of Tuscany; I iirefer it to any of the courts except France or England. Tiie former, it is probable, will be filled by one of the present commissioners. Should England, in two or three years, acknowledge the sovereignty and independence of the States, it would be very agreeable to ine if Congress thought me worthj-of being their representative at that court. I flatter myself with the hopes of having your a]>probation; at the same time I must repeat what I have meutioned in a former letter, that 1 would wish to be as little trouble- some to my friends as possible. It is particularly distressing to me, as I am living at the public expense, to be obliged so often to inform you that it still continues imi)ro]ier for me to go to Florence. I have consulted this court on the subject, and they are of opinion that I should wait here until a more fa- Passage in brackets omitted iu Sparks' ed. APRIL 11, 1778. 549 voriible opportunity offers. lu following this advice I thiuk that I am acting according to the wishes of Congress, and you may depend upon it that I shall upon all occasions continue to do so to the bestof my judg- ment. I have not written lately to the committee of foreign affairs. As I have written to you by every opportunity I thought it unnecessary, and I should be obliged to you if you would give that reason to them. I have never had any instructions on this point from Congress, and whenever you receive anything from me which you think necessary to be laid before those gentlemen I should be obliged to you if you would be so good as to communicate it to them. You will be so good as to let me have your opinion on this point, whether it will be necessary for me to write to the committee or if it will be sufticient for me to write to you only. The commissioners at this court have not yet been received into the corps diplomatique, because they have not had proper letters of credence from Congress. When those letters are sent to them you will be so good as to let them be sent to me, and also to Mr. William Lee. The title of commissioner is not at present used, as formerly, in the courts of Europe. I will venture to give you my opinion privately on this subject, which is that 'the representatives from che States of America at the courts of France and Spain should be ambassadors, and at the others ministers i)lenipotentiary. The last title is in general use; the persons possessed of it take rank below envoys, and therefore I would prefer it, because it will probably prevent all disputes. I mention this solely to yourself, and j^ou will either make use of it or not as you thiiik proper. Mr. William Lee has a commission not only to the emperor, but likewise one to the King of Prussia. This is a very unlucky circum- stance, as those two princes are in all probability on the point of going to war with each other. Mr. Lee is gone into Germany without being fully determined which court he should present himself at first. I am inclined to think that it will be that of Berlin. Congress, in the com- mission which was sent out for the court of Vienna, forgot to mention the empress queen. This was a great mistake, as she is during her life the sovereign of all the hereditary dominions of her familj^, and the emperor is only head of the German Empire. I do not know whether Mr. Lee has mentioned this in his letters to Congress, but it is of con- siderable importance, and should be attended to whenever a new com- mission is sent out. I have the honor to be, etc., Ralph Izaed. P. S.— The seal that I shall make use of in all my letters to you will either be ray coat of arms, which is on this, or a rattlesnake, with this motto, " Don't tread on me." 550 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Congress. " April 13, 1778. Resolved, Tbat the commissioners of tbe United States in France be authorized to determine and settle with the house of Eoderique Hortalez and (Jompany the compensation, if any, which should be allowed them on all merchandise and warlike stores shipped by them for the use of the United States previous to the 14th day of April, 1778, over and above the commission allowed them in the sixth article of the proposed contract between the committee of commerce and John Baptiste Lazarus Toriueau de Francy. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Ross, t Passv, April 13, 1778. Sir: The papers you mention are in the disposition of Mr. William Lee, who is gone to Germany. It is therefore not in our power to complj^ with what you desire. N"eithcr are we able to make you any further advances. We wish you would send^ us, with all convenient expedition, copies of the invoices and bills of lading for those goods which were paid for with the money we formerly furnished you. We do not think it withiu our province to make an entire settlement with you. The money in Mr. Schweighauser's hands, which you say is under the direction and order of Mr. E. Morris, ought to be disposed of accord- ing to those orders. The trade being now free from this country, it seems improper to us to give the passport you ask. We are, sir, your most obedient servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. P. S. — Mr. William Lee is nt Frankfort, where a letter from you may possibly find him: but his stay there is very unceitain. A. Lee to Committee of Correspondence. { Paris, April 14, 1778. Gentlemen : I have seen your examination of Captain Folger, who has either not told the truth relative to the contents of what he con- fesses to have opened, or they were opened before he received them. He mentions a letter from Mr. Hancock and Mr. E. H. Lee being iu the same packet and in the common envelope, which is not so, as I have not the honor of being Mr. Hancock's correspondent. The large " MS.S. secret joiinials, Deji. of State; priuted secret journal. 1 1 Sparks Dip. Rev. Corr., '.i76. t2 A. Lee's Life, 44. APRIL 14, 1778. 551 packet, marked " Despatches," was sealed with my seal, aud contaiacd a packet for the cbairman of the secret committee, one for Samuel Adams, esq., one for F. L. Lee, esq., and several for R. H. Lee, esq. They were large and contained a great many letters, public aud private. This transaction obliges me to call to miud and state to you a great many previous circumstances. The first of my dispatches which fell into his hands after his arrival here he is charged by Mr. Oaxmichael with having opeued. It is true he accuses Mr. Oarmichael of haviug done it, aud all I am certaiu of is, that they were opeued and detained. Mr. G. appeals to Mr. Rogers, who, he says, was present, and who is now a major in the army of the States. I have now in my possession a letter, which I sealed myself, delivered to Mr. Deane, aud received from him with the seal apparently untouched ; but upou examiuatiou it was clear it had been opeued, and that with a dexterity not easily described, but of which there remains very convincing proofs. These instances mark a strong desire in Mr. Deane to become ac- quainted with what was under my seal, and I shall proceed to show that this curiosity was likely to be much augmented at the period that Folger's dispatches were examined. Upon my return from Germany I received information that two per- sons, entirely in the confidence of Mr. Deane (Dr. Baukcroft aud Mr. Oarmichael), aud maintained by him with the public money, had been speaking with great enmity against me, and circulating reports that both the other commissioners were eneuiies to me, and that we were at open variance. Such variance did not then exist, but they had laid the foundation of it so effectually during my absence that it could not fail to happen so as apparently to justify their assertions. The report of this variance had been industriously propagated not oulyin Prance but in England. The person who was present at these conversations was clearly of opinion, from the similarity of the manner, that some most atrocious abuse of my brother and me, with no very modest praises of my colleagues and of Mr. Oarmichael, which were inserted in the English newspapers, came from the same persons. A gentleman to whom I had intrusted this iuforination, with the design of conciliat- ing dift'erences, apprised them of it. This gave them great alarm; and I found tliey were exerting themselves to prevent me from getting any further information, and were under great apprehension of the coiise- queuces of what I had already received. This was a little before the dispatches in question were written. Oaptain Hynson was sent to Havre by Mr. Deane; he corresponded with him, and received his orders from him. Everything relating to it was kept a profound secret from nie. The same management was used relative to Oaptain Folger. The orders, the committee have seen, were given aud not signed by mc ; I never before saw or heard of them, though I was at that time in the same house with my colleagues; nor did they communicate to me the 552 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. vessel, tbe place, or the persou who was to carry our dispatclies. Tbis concealmeut of things from lue bas been much practiced since, as I suppose tbe inforuiatiou received from those letters made it appear more necessary. That Mr. Deane, and those connected with him, should think their own safety much concerned in examiuing and detaining my dispatches, ■written at such a juncture, is exceedingly probable. That they would not hesitate about the means, their former proceedings prove. I had also, previous to tbis, a proof of Mr. Garmichael's curiosity to examine my correspondence. My letters from London were addressed under cover to a tailor in P.T,ris. I received one day by the penny post, in a cover addressed by a strange hand, a letter such as used to come through that channel, but which was open. Ui)on inquiring of the tailor, he told me that he had sent the packet to Mr. Carmichael, and that Mr. Garmichael's man had left word with his foreman to send all letters that came to him, including mine, to his master. This I have under the foreman's band. I do not believe that any one in Paris but Mr. Carmichael knew of my letters coming that way, aud he knew it a little before by accident. How far these circumstances justify my suspicion I must submit to Congress. It seems certain that Captain Hynson was bribed by England, and if ho had access given him to take my dispatches, he might have served both his employers by also taking the general dispatches. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Arthur Lee.* Dumas to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, t The Hague, Ain-il 14, 1778. Gentlemen : I have the satisfaction of being able to apprise you that since the declaration of France, made here the 18th of March, affairs have taken in this country a most favorable turn. My last jour- ney to Amsterdam has not been useless. But I can not trust to paper and to the vicissitudes of so long a voyage the detail of my operations. I constantly give information to your honorable commissioners, to whom I write almost every post. I will say only in general that the cabal of your enemies fails in all tbe attempts it has made to engage this republic to put herself in the breach for them. The republic is firmly determined to the most perfect neutrality if there be war ; and I wait only the letters of the honorable commissioners at Paris, whom *As to theft of Folgcr's papers, see supra, committee, etc., to commissioners, Jan. 1'2, 17?8. Garmichael's high character as a man of honor and loyalty leads ns to dis- miss the above charge as a wild aud niifouuded suspicion. See Introduction, § 171. t5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 243. APRIL 16, 1778. 553 I have requested to propose a friendship and commerce direct aud avowed between your States and tlieirs.* We are preparing a third piece upon credit. I will add copies of it to my packet when it is printed. At the moment I am about to seal my packet I learn for certain " that Lord Chatham, on the 7th of April, in the House of Lords, pleaded with so much vvarmth for not giving up the dependence of America, nor giving away the Americans, because he considered them a here- ditament of the Prince of Wales, the Bishop of Osuaburgh, and the whole royal line of Brunswick, that he fainted away, but was soon recovered by the aid of two physicians. He confessed, however, that he did not know what the means were of preserving both." I have the honor, etc., Dumas, t Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.} YoEK, April 16, 1778. Gentlemen: This, with my affectionate wishes for j'our prosperity, may serve to acquaint you that Congress has this day resolved, " That William Bingham, agent for the United States of America, now resi- dent in Martinique, be authorized to draw bills of exchange at double usance on the commissioners of the United States at Paris for any sums not exceeding in the whole one hundred thousand livres touriiois, to enable him to discharge debts by him contracted on account of the said States, for which draft he is to be accountable." Mr. Bingham will forward the American gazettes with this billet of advice, and tell you why we have enabled him to draw upon you when we liave stores of produce in magazines for exportation. He will also inform you of our anxiety to know something of your pi'oceedings and prospects, an un- common fatalitj' having attended j^our dispatches ever since the month of May last. I am, with much esteem, etc., James Lovell, For the Committee. Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Bingham a^ YOKK, April 10, 1778. Sir : Herewith you have a copy of what I did myself the pleasure of writing to you on the 2d of last month ; since which time we liave *0n this subject see letter to M. Dumas, in 6 commissioners' correspondence, :i:58. t For a letter from the committee of foreign affairs to M. Dumns, dated May 14, 1778, see correspondence of the commissioners in France, 281. tMSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rov. C'orr., 278. {MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 277, witli verbal changes. 554 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. received your favors of January 14 and 2G, February 8 and 21. Your draft of £23,554 9,v. 0(/., in favor of the secret (now conimercial) com- mittee, has beeu duly paid. The four first charges in your account current — lilie many other sums on similar occasions here — have been expended to no sort of profit to the Continent; but I hope we have seen the last of such expenses. Youi' situation must have been viry disagreeable, indeed, iu consequence of the failure of remittances from hence. Largo quantities of tobacco have been long stored; but our bays and coasts are so infested by the enemy's ships of war, that it is impossible for us to conduct agreeably to our earnest wishes of main- taining the best credit iu our commercial concerns abroad. It is prob- able that a commercial board — not members of Congress — will bo very soon established ; so that the wliole time of the conductors may be spent iu exertions for the public benefit iu that branch of continental busi- ness. The want of intelligence from our commissioners at Paris makes it improper for us to draw largely on them at i)resent ; therefore you must content yourself with the economical bounds of the power which is given to you by the within resolve of Congress of this day. Be assured, that all possible attempts will be made for your relief by remittances of our produce. 1 find it impossible to convey to you anything of a plan of operations for this campaign. The enemy, having the sea open to them, must have the lead iu military matters; we must oppose or follow them, just as they think fit, eitiier to attempt an advance or to retire. It is hardly probable they will again attack New England without large re-enforce- ments. Our correspondent at The Hague is very regular, but his intelligence is never iu season to form the ground of any of our proceedings. We have packets from him in continuance to the letter Y, December IG, though our commissioners have not been able to convey one safely since May last. It is strange that they can not succeed through you. But, indeed, you appear also to know but little of them. Mr. Deane being wanted here, Mr. John Adams sailed the 17th Feb- ruary, to take his place at the court of Versailles. It is probable you will hear of his arrival before this reaches you. It seems needless to desire you to give us early notice of that and other foreign intelligence. Your usual punctuality needed not the spur of the information whieU I have given you of our present great ignorance of the situatiou and transactions of the gentlemen at Paris. I am, with much regard, your friend and humble servant, James Lovell, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs, APRIL 23, 1778. 555 Frankliu to Bancroft.* Passy, April 16, 1778. Dear Sir: I wish you would assure our friend tliat J)r. Frankliu never gave auj' such expectations to Mr. Pultuey. On the contrary, he told him that the commissioners could not succeed in their mission, whether they went to recover the dependence or to divide. His opinion is confirmed by the enclosed resolves, which perhaps it may not be amiss to publish in England. Please send me the newspaper. Yours, affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.t Hartley to Franklin.t Paris, April 23, 1788. Dear Sir: I will take care of all your commissions. This moment a second packet of iufinite value is received, which I shall cherish as a mark of affection from you. I opened the letter by mistake which came with it, and soon saw it was not for mo. I hope you will excuse it. I choose rather to throw myself ui)on your goodness for the excuse than anything else. I shall not set out till between one and two ; tliere- fore, if you will be so good as to send me,auother copy, I will take care of it and deliver it safely. God bless you, my dear friend. No exertion or endeavor on my part shall be wanting that we may some time or other meet again in peace. Your powers are infinitely more influential than mine. To those pow- ers I trust my last ho])es. I will conclude, blessed are the peace- makers. Your affectionate friend, D. Hartley. P. S.— If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety ; events are uncertain, and men may be capricious. Franklin to Hartley, >$ under letter from Hartley to Franklin, of April 23, 1778. I thank you for your kind caution, but having nearly finished a long life, I set but little value on what remains of it. Like a draper, when one chaffers with him for a remnant, I am ready to say, "As it is only the fag end, I will not differ with you about it ; take it for what you please." Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put to is to make a martyr of him. B. Franklin. * 2 Sparks' Dip. Kov. Corr., 30; G Bigelow's Frankliu, 107. tSee Franklin to Pultney, March 30, 1778; Frankliu to EeeJ, Jlarch 10, 1780. 1 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 30. $ 2 Sparkii' Dip. Rev. Coir., 31 ; G Bigelow's Frankliu, 1G8. 656 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. .Franklin to Vergennes.* Passay, A^rril 24, 1778. Sir : Mr. Hartley, a member of Parliameut, an old acquaintance of mine, arrived bere from London on Sunday last. He is generally in the opposition, especially on American questions, but Las some respect for Lord ISTortli. In conversation lie rxpressed tlie strongest anxiety for peace with America, and appeared extremely desirous to know my sentiments of the terms which might probably be acceptable if ottered: Whether America would not, to obtain peace, grant some superior ad- vantages in trade to Britain, arid enter into an alliance offensive and defensive; whether, if war should be declared against France, we had obliged ourselves by treaty to join with her against England. My answers have been, that the United States were not fond of war, and with the advice of their friends would probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equitable terms; but we had no terms commit- ted to us to propose, and I did not choose to mention any; that Britain, having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might think herself well off, if, on reparation of those injuries, we admitted her to equal advantages with other nations in commerce, but certainly she had no reason to expect superior; that her known fondness for war, and the many instances of her readiness to engage in wars on frivolous occa- sions, were probably sufficient to cause an immediate rejection of every projiosition for an offensive alliance with her; and that if she m;ule war against France on our account, a peace with us at the same time was impossible; for thut, having met with friendship from that generous nation when we were cruelly oppressed by England, we were under ties stronger than treaties could form to make common cause, which we should certainly do to the utmost of our power. Here has also been with me a Mr. Chapman, who says he is a mem- ber of the Parliament of Ireland, on his way home from Nice, where he had been for the recovery of his health. He pretended to call on me only from motives of resiiect for my character, etc. But after a few compliments he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to know what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on having peace and independence r/ratited to us, we should not be willing to submit to the navigation act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The purport of my answer to him was, in short, that peace was of equal value to England as to us, and indei^endence we were already in poses- sion of; that, therefore, England's offer to grant them to us could not be considered as pro])osing any favor or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages in commerce. By his importunity I found his visit was not so occasional as he represented it, and from some expressions I conjectured he might be sent by Lord Shelburne to sound me and collect some information. On the whole, I gather from these couversa- • 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 31 ; G Bigelow's Frankliu, 170 ; 8 Sparks' Franklin, 268. APRIL 24, 1778. 557 tions tbat tlie opposition, as well as tbe ministry, are perplexed with the present situation of affairs, and know not which way to turn them- selves, whether it is best to go backward or forward, or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present dangerous situation. I thought it right to give your excellency an account of these inter- views, and to acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such here- after, as I see but little ])rospect of utility in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations. By advices from London we learn that a fleet for Quebec, with goods valued at live hundred thousand pounds sterling, is to sail about the end of this mouth under convoy only of a single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go Governor Haldimand. Enclosed I send a paper I have just received from London. It is not subscribed by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend of general and great acquaintance, and marks strongly the present dis- tress and despair of considerate peojtle in England. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's, etc., B. Fkanklin. A. Lee to Vergennes.* Ohaillot, April 24, 1778. Sir: Since I had the honor of seeing your excellency, I have learnt that Mr. Hartley, in conversing with French people whose opinions he thinks may have weight, insinuates to them that ergaging in a war in our favor is very impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but ingratitude and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great Britain. To us he says the French have done nothing for you, they can never be trusted, no cordial connection can be formed with them ; therefore you had better return back to your former connections, which may be upon your own terms if you will renounce France. This gentleman and the wise men who sent him have so high an opinion of our understandings that they flatter themselves these insinuations will succeed. I have also been informed that besides their commissioners, the min- istry have dispatched two persons to America to work privately as Mr. Hartley is doing. One of them is an American. I know them, and both the size of their understandings and the degree of their influence. There is nothing to apprehend from either. These are the little projects of little spirits, and will be attended with proportional success. Tiiey show the imbecility and distress of our enemies, and will only change the detestation of America into utter contempt. I have the honor to be, etc., Arihur Lke. •MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr,, 492. Sec. 2 A. Lee's Life, 47. 558 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE Vergennes to A. Lee. [Translatiou.*] Versailles, A2n-il 24, 1778. Sir: lam obliged to you for your attention in communicating Mr, Hartley's insinuations, as well to yourself as to such other iiersons as he may suppose he can influence in this country. 1 doubt that he finds easier access to you than he will surely find with ns; and I can assure you that he will not find us accessible to the prejudices he may wish to inspire us with. I conclude, being obliged to attend the council, requesting you to accept of the assurances of the perfect respect with which I have the honor, etc., De Vergennes. Izard to Franklin. + Paris, April 25, 1778. Sir: It is with the utmost astonishment that 1 find myself so often obliged to remind you of your engagement to me. You have repeatedly given me the strongest assurances that you would justify your conduct to me in writing, but you have not kept your word. Dr. Bancroft and your grandson have both told me that this justification has long ago been begun and you have several times been employed about it. The cautious manner in which you concealed the departure of M. Gerard, the French plenipotentiary, and Mr. Deaue from those who have complaints against you manifests on your part no inclination to discontinue the causes of them. The losses of the public dispatches to Congress, by accident at sea, by the capture of the enemy, and by the villainy or negligence of those to whose care they have been entrusted, ought to have deterred you from concealing so safe an opportunity from those whose duty requires them to write. It might have been very liroper that the port from which they were to sail should have been concealed, as well as the manner of their going; but it appears to me to have been your indispensable duty to inform those gentlemen who have the honor of holding commissions from Congress whenever you know of a safe opportunity of writing to America. It may not be necessary to discuss this point with you, as it will probably be laid before Congress, and they will form a proper judgment both of the fact and your motives. My business with you at present respects your conduct previous to the departure of M. Gerard and Mr. Deane, and I wish that neither your attention nor mine may be drawn from it. Mr. Lloyd has informed me that you told him there would be an opportunity of writing soon to America. I must request that you will no longer attempt to amuse me with promises and excuses, *1 Spark.s' Dip. Rev. Corr., 4915. tMSS. Dep, of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 666. APRIL 26, 1778. 559 but that you will give mo the explanation which you have so often bound yourself to give, that it may belaid, by that opportunity if nec- essary, before the representatives of my country, or that you will let me know in writing that you will not give it me. I am, sir, etc., Kalpu Izard. Vergenues to Franklin. [Traiislatioi].*] Versailles, Api-il '25, 1778. I have made knovm to the king, sir, the substance of the letter which you did mo the honor of writing to me yesterday, and I am directed by liis majesty to express to you the satisfaction he has experienced from the information which you have communicated on your conferences with Mr. Hartley. The grand principle of the English policy has always been to excite divisions, and it is by such means she expects to sustain her empire; but it is not upon you, nor upon your colleagues, that she can practise such arts with success. I entertain the same sentiments of confldeuce In the United States. As to the rest, it is impossible to speak with more dignity, frankness, and firmness than you have done to Mr. Hartley ; he has no reason to be very well satis- fied with his mission. I doubt whether this member of Parliament has any mission for us; but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of the morning. I should not be at all surprised if his purpose be to sow distrust between us by proposing a double negotiation. That I can obviate; but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be, you shall be made acquainted with. I have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration, sir, your most humble and most obedient servent, De Vergennes. Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Bingham.t York, April 26, 1778. Sir : Herewith you have a triplicate and copy of my former letters. I now send you the proceedings of Congress upon an appearance of the draughts of two bills, said to have been read in the British Parliament. Siuce Congress took notice of them, Governor Tryon has sent out from New York copies of them with greater marks of authenticity than those bore which first came to hand. He certifies that he "has his majesty's command to cause them to be printed and dispersed, that the people at large may be acquainted with the contents, and of the favorable disposition of G-reat Britain towards the American Colonies." *2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 33; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 172; 8 Sparks' Franklin, 371. tMSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corr., 280. 560 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I will not attempt to lead your jndgnieut npou these proceedings of our enemies. I will only add an anecdote of their late conduct, nearly allied to that of counterfeiting our Continental currrency. They have published, in all our forms, a forged resolve of Congress,* purporting a consignment of power to General Washington to detain in his army, during the war, all militiamen who have enlisted or been draughted for nine montlis or a year, and to treat as deserters such as attempt to leave him at the expiration of their preseut agreement. Perhaps you will see this properly stigmatized in some of our eastern papers conveyed in the vessel which may carry this assurance of my being, with niuch regard, sir, your friend and humble servant, James Lovell, For the Committee. Franklin to Ross.t Passy, Ajn-il 26, 1778. Sir: Tlie multiplicity of affairs wo have lately been engaged in, together witli Mr. Deane's departure, wlio used to correspond with you, occasioned a deficiency in answering your letters. On looking them over I find some reflections on the commissioners, as having acted an ingenious part relative to the papers left by Mr. Thomas Morris. It appears that you have not becTi well informed, and therefore I would now give you the history of the transaction. Ou the death of Mr. Morris it was represented to the commissioners that, on pretense of some kind of partnership between him and Mr. Penet, that gentleman might [irobably get possession of the papers, whi(!h would be attended with great inconvenience in case of any dis- pute on a settlement of the publi", accounts: and that, therefore, to })revent tliis, it was necessary j\Ir. W. Lee, the surviving colleague, should go down and take them into his custody; but, to enable him to do that, an order from government here should be obtained, directing the public officers in wliose hands they reguhirly were to deliver them to him; and the memorial requesting such an order was brought to Mr. Doane, and one, ready drawn by Mr. A. Lee, to be signed, which we did without hesitation ; I, for juy part, not Iiaving the least doubt that, on receiving them, he would deliver to you those belonging to the affairs of Willing & Morris. When he returned he gave it as the reason of his not doing so that you had quarreled with him, used him rudely, denied his authority to meddle with the public papers, and required the whole to be delivered to you ; ou which he had brought the trunk containing them up to Paris as he received it, sealed by two gentlemen of credit; and he desired that, to prevent reflections or sus- * See uote to Marbois' letter of March I'S, 1782. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 17:5. Endorsed : Letter to Mr. .In. Ross, April 26, '78; not sent, May 19, '78. APRIL 26, 1778. 561 picioiis, it might be opened and the papers divided in our presence. We consented to this, and I went to his house for that purpose, where Mr. Izard attended to verify the seals of the two gentlemen that were on the trunk. But, Mr. Deane being hindered from attending by an accident, the business was postponed, and, as I soon after understood by your letters that Mr. Lee had had the papers under his particular examination several days before that formal sealing, of which I there- fore did not see the use ; and a])prehendiug some danger of being in- volved in your quarrel, I refused, on consideration, to have anything to do with the opening and sorting of the papers. Mr. Lee was about to set out for Germany, and intimated that our not doing this must stop his journey. To remove this obstacle, as Mr. Deane was going to America and Mr. A. Lee might soon go to Spain, I let him know that if he chose to leave the trunk, sealed, in my care, to be delivered in the same state to him or his order, I would consent to take it. He accord- ingly brought it to my house, with a receipt to that purpose ready written for me to sign. I signed it accordingly, and thought that might have been sufficient; but, so cautious is he, that, lest I should deny my handwriting (I suppose this reason because, I can not conceive another), he desired four persons to put their hands to the receipt as witnesses. He has, indeed, excused this since, by siiyiug that he meant only to have it appear that, those gentlemen being present, approved of his delivery of the trunk to me. This might do for two of them, Mr. Deane and his brother, who, being commissioners that with me \}to- cured for him the power of taking possession of them, had, therefore, some right to give their approbation; but the two others, Mr. Izard and Mr. Pringle, had no concern in the affair. Thus you see how the trunk comes to be in my hands, and yet not in my disposition. It is said to contain Mr. Morris's papers. I know nothing of the contents, and can know nothing of them, being obliged to deliver the trunk sealed as I received it; and I refused to take the key. And, apprehending Mr. Lee to be a very artful as well as disputatious mau, I now wish I had not even consented to receive it. You see here the innocent part Mr. Deane and I have had in this affair ; yet Mr. Lee has reflected upon us in one of his letters to me as countenancing you in treating him ill at Nantes, and you affront us as having given him our sanction for inspecting and currying off the papers belonging to the house of VVil- hng & Morris. But nothing is more common than to pass censures without knowing facts. Mr. William Lee, in some conversation, expressed his opinion that a power to receive the papers ought to come from Mr. Morris's legal rep- resentative, otherwise he could not deliver them. I mention this for your information, as I suppose he will deliver them to no other person, for he is much of a lawyer, and would do everything regularly. I am, etc., B. Fbanklin. 36 WH— VOL II 562 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to Committee of Correspondence.* Paris, April 26, 1778. At my return from London, the Sth of January last, I thought it my duty to inform Dr. Franklin as well as Mr. Deane of the injurious re- port ])ropagated against tlie commissioners, viz : That Mr. Hartley told me that Lord Xorth had informed him that he knew of Dr. Bank- croft's being in London, and was informed he had been sent there by the American commissioners to stock -job. The above is the declaration of Mr. Thornton, whom the commission- ers sent with their letter to Lord North touching the prisoners. He in- formed me as above on his return, and tohi me at the same time that he had given the same information to Dr. Franklin. Dr. Bankcroft lived in the same house with Dr. F. and Mr. D. at the ])ublic expense. He set out express for Loudon immediately upon our receiving the news of General Burgoyne's surrender. His departure was kept a secret from me for some time. He has been trusted since by Dr. F. and Mr. D. with the secrets of state communicated to the three commissioners only, with such strict injunctions of secrecy that the commissioners thought they were not at liberty to communicate them to the commission- ers for Vienna and Tuscany, and Mr. Lee would not do it without tbeir concurrence. Dr. Bankcroft still remains in the coniidence of Dr. F., and conveys everything to the Messrs. Wharton in London, who seem to 1 e acting on both sides. The minister here has repeatedly warned the commissioners that they had a traitor about them, and that at the time that Folger's dispatches were robbed a most important memoire from the commissioners to the couits of Versailles and Madrid was conveyed to the English court through the hands of Governor Pownall. Upon speaking of this to Count Vergennes as soon as I was informed of it by Mr. Hartley, his excellency assured me that no one liad been trusted with it but Mr. Girard, and therefore the treachery could not be from one of their people. These are facts which I think it my duty to represent to Congress, that they may take such order in it as to their wisdom shall seem fit. I have the honor to be, with great respect, gentlemen, your obedient servant. Arthur LEE.t Pringle to Izard.t Paris, Ajml 26, 1778. Sir: In compliance with your request I waited on Dr. Franklin, and delivered to him your letter. He had scarcely read it when he said, * 2 A. Lee'B Life, 47. t So fox as the records of the department sbow this dispatch was never received. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 067. APRIL 26, 1778. 563 "Mr. Izaid has written me a very angry letter; please to tell liini tliat he has only made use of general assertions of my having done wrong, which I can not otherwise answer than by denying. If I have given him any causes of oflense, he should let me know what they are." To this I replied, "That you had been kind enough to form so good an opinion of me as to admit me into a share of your confidence ; therefore I could take upon me to say that you were persuaded you had clearly stated, in the several letters he had received from yon, circumstances aftbrding sufficient grounds of oflense." He said " he should be glad to know what those circumstances were." I answered in the first place, "that conceiving it your duty, as a member of the States, having a considerable fortune there, and entrusted with a commission from Con- gress, to communicate, as occasion ottered, all the intelligence you could, you found this communication greatly obstructed by a concealment, on the part of Dr. Franklin, of proper opportunities when it was quite un- necessary, or when the end of secrecy might be answered though you had been entrusted with the knowledge of them." Upon which Dr. Franklin told me, " that you had only complained of this in the present letter ; and as to the particular opportunity you mentioned by Monsieur Girard or Mr. Deaue, he had no!; himself looked upon it as a good or proper one, and had not himself made use of it to write." As another ground of complaint I observed, " that while the com- mercial treaty was on the carpet, you considered one article as highly unreasonable and inexpedient, and therefore expressly objected to it; you had in a letter fully specified the reasons upon which your disap- probation was founded, and had sent this letter to Dr. Franklin in hopes of his removing your scruples and setting you right if you were wrong, or letting your objections and reasons, if they were just, pro- duce some good effect before the conclusion of the treaty; but you had never been favored with any answer on the subject, though you had repeatedly requested it." Dr. Franklin alleged " that he would have given a full and satisfactory answer, but he had been prevented by business and various avocations ; that he was still willing to give one, but could not conceive why you should be so impatient. Suppose he could not give it for a month hence, what great inconvenience would it occasion?" I observed, "that the sooner you had it, you might be the better prepared to guard against any misrepresentation." Dr. Franklin assured me that he had not been, nor would he ever be, guilty of any misrepresentation ; so far from it, that he had not even written anything concerning the matter. 1 told him, perhaps you might choose to laj- it before Congress, and his answer might enable you to do it more fully and satisfactorily. Dr. Franklin said you should have an answer, but you must be patient; for he really was very much engaged by other business, and interrupted by people continually coming in upon liim, though some upon frivolous errands, as was the case with the two Frenchmen just gone away, who came only to ask him to buy cloth. 564 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I suggested as a tbird ground of complaint tliat you had been di- rected by the Oougress to propose to the court of Tuscany a commercial treaty similar to the one concluded with this court, which you there- fore required as necessary for your regulation, in pursuance of the in- structions of Cougress, who directed you should have not on'y the original treaty, but also the alterations which might be proposed ; both were nevertheless withheld from you by Dr. Franklin without the least regard to your applications. Dr. Franklin replied, " Did he go into Tus- cany '? Has not the treaty been sent to him ? " I said, you had good reasons for staying; that the treaty was kept from yon till the other day, when perhaps it was necessary for you to have had it as early as possible, even previous to your departure, to give it the maturer con- sideration, and because there might be explanations you would like to have made here, or observatious might occur to you which you might think it advisable to communicate to Congress, to have their further instructions as soon as you could. I do not recollect that Dr. Franklin made any direct reply to this. He observed, that he was clear he had not given you any just cause of offense or reasonable grounds of complaint, that he was studious to avoid contention ; he acknowledged that he owed you an answer, but though he was iu your debt, he hoped you would be a merciful credi- tor; he would say, as the debtor in the Scrijiture, ''Have patience, and 1 will pay thee all;" that you certainly ought to give him time, as you had urged so much matter as would require a pamphlet in answer. I told him that I was sure it was far from your disposition to court quarrels; that if the reasons he gave iu his answer to you were just and satisfactory, you would undoubtedly allow them their full weight; that satisfaction you were desirous of having, and were anxious to have the affair ended. He said he should endeavor to do it as soon as pos- sible; in the mean time he hoped to have no more such angry letters from you ; his answer he promised should be a cool one, and that peo- l^le who wrote such augry letters should keep them till they sufficiently reflected on the contents before they sent them. The above is nearly, to the liest of my recollection, the substance, if not for the most part the words, of the conversation which passed be- tween Dr. Franklin and myself, upon delivering him your letter today. I have the honor to be, etc., John Julius Pkingle. Sartine to Vergennes.* Versailles, April 26, 1778. Sir: I have received your letter of the 20th instant, accompanied by the translation of the representations addressed to you by the Ameri- can commissioners relative to the fears of the merchants of Bordeaux • Translation iu I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 279. APRIL 29, 1778. 565 and Nantes, who have hitherto transacted business with America, and by the request of the commissioners with regard to the protection of that commerce. For nearly a month tlie French coast along the Bay of Biscay, and a part of that on the ('haunel, have been guarded by twenty frigates and corvettes, distributed in the open sea, as well as along the entrances of harbors and rivers. Those stationed at the lat- ter places take under their protection the French and American ships which sail from those points, and convoy them beyond the capes. If they meet any vessels inward bound, they convoy them to the enti-ance of the harbors. The frigates stationed farther out at sea are employed in chasing away the Guernsey and Jersey privateers, which are a great interrup- tion to commerce. The same orders have been issued in the Colonies, where the frigates there stationed convoy the French and American vessels from^the coasts. The reports made to me assure me that these orders are promptly executed, and that the protection is extended as fully to American as to French vessels. You will agree with me that this kind of protection is, for the present, the only one which it is pos- sible to give to commerce ; and that convoys to America would be im- practicable under present circumstances, and are always insecure, and subject to great inconveniences. To protect the coasts, to assure a free access to the harbors, to remove the privateers, and afford a con- voy beyond the capes, these aids commerce requires, and has a right to expect; and they have long since been provided by the orders of his majesty. The commissioners cannot reasonably complain when, in this respect, the American vessels are on an equal footing with those of his majesty's subjects. I have the honor to be, etc., De Saetine.* Jay to Morris, t Albany, April 29, 1778. Dear Morris : My last to you was written about a week ago. I am now engaged in the most disagreeable i^art of my duty, trying criminals. They multiply exceedingly. Bobberies become frequent; the woods *"Sartine, who had heen the minister of marine from the 24th August, 1774, and a member of the king's council since 1775, showed great capacity in building up the French navy, and but little skill in the use of it. He had neither the prestige nor llie power to reform its innumerable administrative abuses. Accused by Neckar of irregiilarity iu his accounts by an expenditure of an excess of twenty inillious over the extraordinary credit granted the marine by the act of the 14th October, 1780, he had been dismissed from his post. His successor, the Marquis de Castries, had greatly distinguished himself as a military officer at the battle of Clostercamp, but had, as yet, shown no administrative powers." — Stevens' French in Rhode Island, 3 Mag. Amer. Hist., 412. 1 2 Jay's Life, 23 ; 1 Jay's Cor. and Pub. Papers, 179. 566 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. afford tliem slielter and the tories food. Piinishmeuts must of course become certain and mercy dormant, a barsb system, repugnant to my feelings, but nevertheless necessary. In such circumstances lenity would be cruelty, and severity is found on the side of humanity. The influence of Lord North's conciliatory plan is happily counter- balanced by the intelligence from France. There was danger of its creating divisions. A desire of peace is natural to a harassed people, and the mass of mankind prefer present ease to the arduous exertions often necessary to insure permanent tranquillity. What the French treaty may be I know not. If Britain would ac- knowledge our independence, and enter into a liberal alliance with us, I should prefer a connection with her to a league with any power on earth. Whether those objects be attainable experience only can deter- mine. I suspect the commissioners will have instructions to exceed their powers, if necessary. Peace at all events is, in m;f opinion, the wish of the minister. I hope the present favorable aspect of our afi'airs will neither make us arrogant nor careless. Moderation in prosperity marks great minds, and denotes a generous people. Your game is now in a delicate situation, aud the least bad play may ruin it. I view a return to the domination of Britain with horror, and would risk all for independence ; but that point ceded, I would give them advantageous commercial terms. The destruction of Old England would hurt me; I wish it well ; it afforded my ancestors an asylum from persecution. Parties here are still in a ferment. I hope it will be the means of purging off much scum and dross. I can't be x^articular. This letter may never reach you. I expect in a few days to see General Schuyler ; and my importuni- ties shall not be wanting to urge him to join you without delay. The people grow more reconciled to him. The military departments here, I believe, are well managed. The commissary deserves credit. Handsome things are said of the quarter- master, and there is one at the liead of the artillery who appears to me to have much merit. The jiark elaboratory aud stores are in high order. There is the appearance of regularity, care, and attention in all the public works. As to the hospital I can say little, not being as yet well informed. Oonway is pleased with Schuyler, and manages the Vermont troops properly ; but of this say nothing. I fancy he does not well un- derstand the views of his patron. Neither of them ought to know this, The clothier-general, once the Duke of Bolton's butler, is an anti- Washington. An ignorant butcher is issuing commissary. Let me again hint to you the propriety of restraining the staff from trade; be- sides general reasous, there are particular ones. Many good cannon remain yet at Ticonderoga ; strange neglect. Remember Vermont. Why do the marine committee keep Tudor in pay °? I can't hear that he does anything for it. I am, and will be, your friend, John Jay. MAY 2, 1778. 667 Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.* YoEK, Ain-il 30, 1778. Gentlemen: By the gazettes wliicb accompany tliis letter you will see that the enemy are entering upon a plan which must shortly per- plex us much, unless we receive dispatches from you to enlighten us as to your situation and transactions, of which we have had no informa- tion since the latter end of May. As we have heard of the loss of Captain Johnson and Captain Wickes, and know that John Folger was robbed, we can not charge oar present want of letters to negligence in yon; but we think you should not rest satisfied without sending trip- licates of all your dispatches. The commercial committee will trans- mit to you the contract which they have entered into with the agent of the house of Eoderique Hortalez & Co.; the heads of which contract, happening t,o be at hand, are enclosed. We have read a letter written by a friend, dated House of Commons, February 13, in which we are told that you had concluded a treaty with France and Spain, which was on the water towards ns. Imagine how solicitous we are to know the truth of this before we receive any proposals from Britain, in consequence of the scheme in Lord North's speech, and the two draughts of bills now sent to you. The state of our foreign connections is a subject now before Congress; and, dubious as we are about your transactions, some resolutions will probably be formed to bo transmitted to you by a special conveyance shortly, when a general account of our affairs will also be sent. We have little un- easiness about the strength of our enemy. Our currency must be sup- ported in due credit, after which we may bid defiance to Britain and all her German hirelings. We wish every advice and assistance from you for the support of such credit. I am, with great regard, etc., James Lovell, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Morris to LoveU.t Manheim, 3Iay 3, 1778. Dear Sir : Just as I was about to return from Lancaster last night for this place I heard of Mr. Simeon Deane's arrival there from France, and had the pleasure of hearing from him the good news he brings to Congress. He delivered me the five enclosed packets, directed to me as chairman of the committee, and expecting there might be some pri- vate letters for me I opened them, but was disappointed. I have hiirdly read them through, being desirous they should be with you *MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 281. tMSS. Dep. of State. 568 DIPLOMATIC. CORRESPONDENCE. soon as Mr. Deaue, who leaves LaDcaster tliis morning, and I send these by Mr. Charles Miller, by whom I beg you will seud my letters, if anj- there be for me, made up with the public dispatches. You will add greatly to the favor if you will write me a few lines with a sum- mary of the intelligence and the heads (f the treaty. Mr. Miller will wait your leisure for this. Mr. Dea'ne tells me my brother has paid the last forfeit of his follies by his death on the 1st of Februarj^ last. It is the happiest thing that could befall him, but has in some degree renewed my feelings on his account. 1 am, sir, etc., Egbert Morris. Congress.* May 2-4, 1778. Congress resumed the consideration of the state of these United States with respect to foreign nations; whereupon, EesoJred, That a committee of three be appointed to report proper instructions to be transmitted to the commissioners of the United States at foreign courts. The members chosen : Mr. R. FT. Lee, Mr. G. Morris, and Mr, Sherman. During the adjournment Mr. Simeon Deane, brother to Silas Deaue, esq., one of the commissioners at the court of Versailles, arrived ex- press from France with sundrj- important dispatches. Whereupon Congress was convened and the dispatches opened and read; among which are a treaty of commerce and a treaty of alliance concluded between his most Christian majesty the King of France and the United States of America on the 6th day of February, 1778. May 4, 1778. Congress took into consideration the treaties concluded between his most Christian majesty the King of France and the United States of America, which were read, and are as follows: [Here follows full power to M. Gerard and treaties of commerce and alliance.] MAY' 4, p. M. Congress resumed the consideration of the treaty of amity and com- merce, concluded at Paris the 6th day of February, 1778, between the most Christian king and the United States of America; and the same being read, duly weighed, and considered. Resolved unanimously, That the same be, and is hereby, ratified. Congress also took into consideration the treaty of alliance, concluded at Paris on the 6th day of February, 1778, between the most Christian king and the United States of America, and the same being read, duly weighed, and considered, *MSS. secret jouraals, Dep. of State; printed journals. MAY 5, 1778. 569 Resolved unanimously, That the same be, aud is hereby, ratified. Congress also took iuto consideratiou the act separate and secret, concluded at Paris the 6th day of February, 1778, between his most Christian majesty aud the United States of America, and the same being duly weighed, Resolved unanimously, That the same be, and is hereby, ratified. Resolved, That tliis Congress entertain the highest sense of the mag- nanimity and wisdom of his most Christian majjesty so strongly exem- plified in the treaty of amity and commerce and the treaty of alliance entered into on the part of his most Christian majesty with these United States at Paris, on the Gth day of February last. And the commis- missioners, or any of them, representing these States at the court of France, are directed to present the grateful acknowledgments of this Congress to his most Christian majesty for his truly magnanimous con- duct respecting these States in the said generous and disinter- ested treaties, and to assure his majesty on the part of this Congress it is sincerely wished that the friendship so happily commenced between France and these United States may be perpetual. Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare the form of a ratification of the foregoing treaties. The members chosen: Mr. Ji. H. Lee; Mr. Dana, and Mr. Drayton. Congress.* Mat 5, 1778. Resolved, That the commissioners, or any one of them, representing these United States at the court of France, be instructed to inform that court, that although Congress have readily ratified the treaties of amity and commerce aud treaty of alliance and the act separate and secret between his most Christian majesty aud these United States, in order to evince more clearly their sense of the magnanimity and goodness of his most Christian majesty, evidenced in the said treaties, yet from a sincere desire of rendering the friendship and alliance so happily begun permauen t and perpetual, and being apprehensive that dif- ferences may arise from the eleventh and twelfth articles in the treaty of amity and commerce, Congress are desirous that the said eleventh and twelfth articles may be revoked and utterly expunged. The com- missioners, or any one of them, are therefore instructed to use their best endeavors to procure the abolition of the said eleventh and twelfth articles of the said treaty. * MSS. secret jouruals, Dep. of State; printed jouiuals. 570 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. H. Latiiens to Washington.* YoRKTOWN, jMay 5, 1778. Dear Sir: In a public letter, which I had the honor of writing to your excellency the 3d instant by Major Price, I sent a number of handbills calculated for giving satisfactory information to the public, who were anxious to learn the recent intelligence from Prance. One article of this has been questioned, respecting the King of Prussia's promise, the only part of the performance that can be called mine, I believe my authority is good. Izard, under the IGth February, informs me: "The King of Prussia has given the laost explicit and unequivo- cal assurance that he will be the second power in Europe to acknowl- edge the independence of America." It is true our commissioners, in their public advices, are not so express, nor are they, in my opinion, so full and clear in some other respects as they might have been. Human nature pervades every human breast. A residence at Paris will not exempt men from infirmities of the Uiiud, nor is even the mo- menlous concern of guardianship to thirteen United States, an infant world in danger of being crushed by the hand of violence, paramount to those curses upon mankind, pride and covctousness, sources from whence all the evils of this life spring. Our ambassadorial commis- sioners, of which your excellency can not be ignorant, are unhappily divided in sentiments. Jarrings and appeals have followed. Intelli- gence intended for the public loses part ( f that fullness and perspicu- ity which would have appeared in candid and united counsels. I have seen so much of the world as to be guarded against surprise at any- thing. No inconsiderable benefit results from attempts to reconcile, and even sweeten, the most untoward circumstances which happen in one's journey through it. I apprehend it would break in on your ex- cellency's time, otherwise I would have troubled you with Mr. Izard's letter, not merely for information, but for a hope that something might be devisi'd for promoting concurd between our friends yonder, or the public good, by a wise cooperation. But I will not dwell upon this sub- ject. Last night I had the honor of receiving your excellency's favor of the last of April, and am happy in finding a confirmation of my sentiments respecting persons proper for treating with the expected deputation from our adversary. I fear the determination, where only this point can be determined, will be contrary. Be it so; thank God, we have here some men of abilities and integrity. I hope we shall make a judi- cious choice. The act of Congress of the 22d April will blot out pages of the British instructions. The commissioners from that side will per- ceive a necessity for taking a new departure from the Tower of In- dependence, and what happened in France on the Cth of February will oblige them to shape a new course. From the absence of the *2 Sparks' Letters to Washington, 117. MAY 5, 1778. 671 commissioners, I presume they had not sailed from England on the lOtn of March. It may have been found expedient, at St. James, to vest them with more ample powers, if they meant to come, than were originally inteuded, and under new sanctions of Parliament; a work of slow progress. The people would have much to say. That the nation was more than a little agitated, appears from a letter which I take the liberty of enclosing for your excellency's perusal. I have likewise a letter from the mercantile line in London, which proves to me the people in general had very sensibly felt the weight of the war, were ardently desirous of peace, and anxious lest Con- gress should reject the intended propositions. The long, and as I humbly think unnecessary, delay of the army ar- rangement is very afflicting. I know it must give extreme pain to your excellency. It is improper for me t o touch upon the cause, especially when it is so well known that Congress have been engaged in very important business. The plan introduced for that part of it which is intended to establish ahalf-pay for ofQcers during life I have been uniformily averse from, and in a committee of Congress delivered my objections. These appear to me, at this moment, of more weight, because they have not been removed by the reasonings which have been offered against them, and I may, without vanity, think myself not obstinate. I am open to conviction, and always, without murmuring submit to a majority. I view the scheme as altogether unjust and unconstitutional in its nature, and full of dangerous consequences. It is an unhappy dilemmato which we seem to be reduced. Provide for your officers in terms dictated to you, or lose all the valuable soldiers among them ; establish a pension for officers, make them a separate body, to beprovided for by the honest yeomanry, and others of their fellow citizens, many thousands of whom have equal claimsupon every ground of loss of estate, health, etc., or lose your army and your cause. That such provision will be against the grain of the people, has been unwarily testified by its advocates, whom I have heard converse upon the subject. Indeed they have furnished strong ground for opposition against an immediate compliance with the demand. If we caunotmakejusticeoneof the pillars, necessity may be submitted to at present ; but republicans will, at a proper time, with- draw a grant which will appear to have been extorted. Were I in private conversation with an officer on this point, I should not despair of fairly balancing every grievance he might suppose to be peculiar to the army by instances of losses and inconveniences in my own property and person; and I count myself very happy compared with thousands who have as faithfully adhered to our original com- pact. It is said gentlemen did not think the war would have continued so long. Forgive me, sir, a ludicrous remark which I made early in our contest— indeed in England, before the commencement of the con- test. " I know my countrymen are good for the quarter, but I have doubts of their going the course." There is a certain versatility, 572 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. habitual if not almost constitutional, in men boru south of 38 degrees of latitude in these States. Circumstances which hav^e occurred in the progress of this war have given strength to my observation. There are, within that division of America, not only objects inviting, but temptations almost irresistible to change, to say nothing of the general train of education. Hence, it is easy to account for a resigna- tion of a commission, which had been anxiously solicited by scores. The want of something is made an excuse, and even sometimes by worthy characters, who do not suspect themselves. Would to God gentlemen had followed the noble, patriotic example of their commander- in chief, a plan which, reflection will show them in a shade of disgrace, would never have found place in their minds. How sujierior are many of the gentlemen now in my contemplation (for I know many with whom I do not converse) to the acceptance of a half paj' contributed to by widows and orphans of soldiers who had bled and died by their sides, shackled with a condicion of being excluded from the privilege of serv- ing in offices in common with their fellow-citizens; voted in every house of assembly as the drones and incumbrances of society, pointed at by boys and girls — there goes a man who every year robs me of part of my pittance. I think, sir, I do not overstrain. This will be the lan- guage of republicans. How pungent when applied to gentlemen who shall have stepped from the army into a good remaining estate; how much deeper to some who, in idleness and by sjieculation, have amassed estates in the war ! This, sir, is a large field. Virtue and honor might be summoned to answer, but it is time for me to forbear. I am obliged to write in haste, called upon by particular public duties. Besides, I feel a fall assur- ance, notwithstanding the present seeming coutrariety, that my senti- ments, when fuUj^ explained, will not differ essentially from your ex- cellency's. I must not, however, conclude without these declarations, that I am not among those to whom may be applied, "Our God and soldier we adore in time of danger,'' etc. I am most heartily disposed to distinguish the gallant officers and soldiers by the most liberal marks of esteem, desirous of making proper provision for all who stand in need. I would not except even some of the brave, whose expenses have been princely in extravagance, while they complained of insuificiency of pay. I have ever detested, and never practiced, parliamentary jockeyiugs for procrastinating an unpalatable business, which, as a silent auditor and spectator, I have, within some time past, known to be alternately ado2)ted. I most sincerely wish the army had been wisely attended to. The high esteem I from gratitude bear for your excellency, whoso suf- ferings from a contrary conduct I know must have been great, as well as my love of dispatch, makes me wish it; and I lament that in some degree we are likely to be indebted more to the policy and deep projects MAY 5, 1778. 573 of otter men for our deliverance than to our own wisdom and fortitude. 1 am, with the most sincere respect, and the most respectful affection and esteem, dear sir. Your most obliged servant, Heney Laxjeens. A. Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs." Paris, May 9, 1778. Gentlemen : No declaration of war in Germany or England. All things are preparing for it. Count d'Estaiug had not passed Gibraltar the 27th of last mouth, contrary winds having prevented his passing the straits. About thirty sail of the line are assembled at Spithead under Admiral Keppel, but are not yet in a state for action. They are arraying their militia, and the chief object of their attention now seems to be their own defense. As far as I can judge the king and his min- isters are not now sincere in their propositions, even such as they are, of peace and accommodation. I have not yet obtained any light on Folger's afi'airs. The enclosed copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes will show you the train in which I have put the enquiry. But I have reason to apprehend that persons are concerned who will have address enough to frustrate it. The blank paper substituted for the letters taken should be preserved and compared with the paper of all the letters received by the same vessel. Some discovery may be pointed out by that. Mr. Deane and Mr. Carmichael should be examined and their accounts transmitted here to be compared with those of others. Spain and the German powers are yet undecided with regard to us. I do not think our enemies will succeed with Holland. We shall en- deavor to establish a fund for the purposes you desire. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. P. S. — By the banker's accounts it appears that the following sums were paid from December, 1776, to March, 1778, to the private dispo- sition of the commissioners : Livres. To Dr. Franklin 65,956 3 13 To Silas Deane 113,004 12 13 To Arthur Lee 68,846 2 16 In my sum is included the additional expense of my journeys to Spain and Germany. * 2 A. Lee's Life, 48; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 493. 574 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. R. H. Lee aud Lovell, for Committee of Foreign AfTaira, to the Commissioners at Paris.* York, May 14, 1778. Gentlemen : Our affairs have now a universally good appearance. Everjtliiug at Lome and abroad seems verging towards a happy and permanent period. We are preparing for either war or peace. For although we are fully persuaded that our enemies are wearied, beaten, and in despair, yet we shall not presume too much on that persuasion, and the rather, because it is our fixed determination to admit no terms of peace but such as are fully in character with the dignity of inde- pendent States, aud consistent with the spirit and intention of our alli- ances on the Continent of Europe. We believe, and with great reason too, that the honor and fortitude of America have been rendered sus- picious in Europe by the arts, intrigue, and specious misrepresentations of our enemies there. Every proceeding and policy of ours have been tortured to give some possible coloring to their assertions of a doubtful disposition in America, as to her perseverence in maintaining her inde- pendency ; and perhaps the speeches of many of the minority of both houses in the English Parliament, who seem to persist in the proba- bility of a reconciliation, may have contributed towards a continuance of that suspicion. But we, at this particular time, feel ourselves ex- ceedingly happy in a proof, from the accidental arrangement of circum- stances, such as we could neither foresee nor alter, that the disposition of America on that head was fixed and final. For this proof we desire your attention to what follows. The English ministry appear to have been very industrious in getting over to America as soon as possible, their two conciliatory bills, even before they had been once read, the reason of which haste we did not then see ; but the arrival of your dispatches since, with the treaties, has unriddled that affair. General Howe was equally industrious in circulating them bj his emissaries through the country, and likewise sent them, under a flag, to General Washington, who immediately dis- patched them to Congress on the — of April. They were in them- selves truly unworthy of the attention of that public body; but lest the silence of Congress should be misunderstood, or furnish the enemy with new ground for false insinuations, they were referred to a com- mittee, whose judicious and spirited report thereon was unanimously approved in the House on the 22d, then published, and circulated through the several States with all possible expedition. The dispatches in charge of Mr. Simeon Deane did not arrive till the 2d of May, ten days after the said reports were published; and his expedition in bring- ing his papers to Congress prevented any intelligence from arriving before him. Enclosed are the reports referred to, which we recommend to your attention to make as public as possible in Europe, prefacing ' MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 283. MAY 14, 1778. 575 them with such an esplauatory detail of the before-mentioued circum- stances as shall have a tendency to place the politics of America on the firm basis of national honor, integrity, and fortitude. We admire the wisdom and true dignity of the court of France on their part of the construction and ratification of the treaties between us. They have a powerful tendency to dissolve effectually that nar- rowness of miud which mankind have been too unhappily bred up in. Those treaties discover the politician founded on the philosopher, and a harmony of affections made tlie groundwork of mutual interest. France has won us more powerfully than any reserved treaties could possibly bind us, and by one generous and noble act has sown the seeds of an eternal friendship. It is from an anxiety to preserve inviolate this cordial union, so hap- pily begun, that we desire yonr particular attention to the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of amity and commerce. The unreserved confidence of Congress in tlie good disposition of the court of France will sufficiently appear from their having unanimously first ratified those treaties, and then trusted any alteration which may be proper to be made to after mutual negotiations. We are apprehensive that the gen- eral and undefined line of the twelfth article may, in future, be misun- derstood, or rendered inconvenient or impracticable, and so become detrimental to that good friendship which we wish ever to subsist. To prevent this, you will herewith recei\e instruction and authority for giving up, on our part, the whole of the eleventh article, proposing to the court of France the rescinding, on their part, of the whole of the twelfth article, those two being intended as reciprocal balances to each other. It is exceedingly disagreeable to Congress to find there has been mis- conduct in any of the commanders of armed vessels under the American flag. Every authentic information of that kind will be strictly attended to, and every means be taken to punish the offenders and make repara- tion to the suiferers. The chief consolation we find in this unpleasing business is, that the most experienced states have not been able to re- strain the vices and irregularities of individuals altogether. Congress has published a proclamation for the more effectually suppressing and punishing such malpractices. But we are rather inclined to hope that, as the line of connection and friendship is now clearly marked, and the minds of the seamen thereby relieved from that inexplicable mystery respecting their real prizes which before embarrassed them, such irreg- ularities will be less frequent, or totally cease; to which end the mag- nificent generosity of the king of France to the owners of the prizes which, for reasons of state, had been given up, will hai)pily contribute. We are, gentlemen, your very humble servants, E. H. Lee, James Lovell. 576 , DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. R. H, Lee et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Ralph Izard.* York, 2lay 14, 1778. Sir: Your favor of December the IStli came to hand the 2(1 of this mouth, with the dispatches of our comraissiouers at the court of Ver- sailles, from whom we had received uothing regularly for about a whole year. The decisive part which his most Ghristiau majesty has at length taken in onr cause must greatly intiuence other crowned heads in Europe, not immediately allied to Britain, to desire a portion in our friendship and commerce, and must prepare the way for your welcome reception at the court of Tuscany. We are pleased to find that you have formed a connection with one who promises to be so friendly to your commission as your correspondent, the favorite minister of the grand duke, and we think you could not have done better than in fol- lowing his past ad^^ice. The enclosed resolve of Congress, of the 7th instant, will remove any doubts about your support which may have arisen in your mind from au omission on our part, which did not occur to us until we received a hint of it from the gentlemen at Paris, in their letter of February the 16th. Other papers herewith sent will convey to you a general idea of our affairs; and we hope you will be particularly^ industrious to expose those attempts of our euemies, which are calculated to lead Europe to think we are not thoroughly fixed iu our plan of independence. You may observe that we proceeded on the drafts only of two intended bills which had been sent to America by the British ministry. We should not have done this, but from a conviction of insidious intentions founded upon former attempts to hurt our character abroad. We were so well satisfied of the spirit of these States to persevere in a noble cause, that we should have waited for the bills themselves, if we had not been anxiously attentive to the good opinion of Europe and the rest of the world. We were altogether strangers to the happy state of our affairs in France, accident and knavery having suppressed the dispatches of our friends, as our former letters will prove, if any attempt should be made to attribute our late determined conduct to a knowledge of our new alliance. Congress unanimously ratified the treaties on the 4th, and the iieople have showed their satisfaction wherever the knowl- edge of the proceeding has reached. The army, also, which is daily increasing in strength, has expressed its joy, and is now prepared either for honorable peace or a continuation of the just war. We shall endeavor to procure an enlargement of your powers, and shall immediately forward them to you. There can be no danger of any clashing of future treaties with those now made, provided the plain principles of mutual benefit, without any exclusive privileges, are made ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 670. MAY 14, 1778. 577 the basis. We send you tbe tirst voluaie of the journals of Congress ; another will be out in a few days, and shall be forwarded also. We recommend to you the frequent communication of your proceedings, and we wish you every felicity, being, sir, your affectionate humble servants, E. H. Lek, James Lovell, eobebt moeeis. P- S. — You are to have plenipotentiary commissions, with instruc- tions not limiting the terms of the proposed treaties of amity and com- merce. R. H. Lee et al, Committee of Foreign Affairs, to A. Lee. * ToKK, May 14, 1778. Sir : Your several favors of October G, November 27, and December 8 were delivered to us on the 2d instant, the dispatches by Mr. Deane and those by Captain Young arriving on the same day. We had before received your short letter of the 1st of June, but are yet without that of the 29th of July, in which you had informed us " at large of your proceedings in Prussia." Its contents would have proved highly agree- able to us in those months when we were quite uninformed of the pro- ceedings and prospects of your colleagues at Paris. Impressed with a sense of the value of the King of Prussia's " warmest wishes for our success," we give assurances of equal wishes iu Congress for that mon- arch's prosperity. We have little doubt of open testimonies of his majesty's friendship in consequence of the late decision of the King of France. Your information inregard to our connection with the fictitious house of Eoderique Hortalez & Co. is more explicit than any we had before received ; but we further expect that all mystery should be removed. Surely there can not now be occasion for any, if there ever w.ts for half of the past. Our commercial transactions will very speedily be put under the direction of a board, consisting of persons not members of Congress, it being impracticable for the same men to conduct the deliberative and executive business of the Continent now in its great increase. It has been next to impossible to make remittances for many mouths from the staple Colonies, their coasts having been constantly infested by numerous and strong cruisers of the enemy. We hope the alliance of maritime powers with us will remove our embarrassments, and give us opportunity to carry into effect our hearty wishes to maintain the fairest commercial reputation. There will be great impropriety in our making a diff'erent settlement tor the supplies received from Spain from that which we make in re- * 1 Sparks' Dip. Kuv. Corr., 494. 37 Vi^H— VOL II 578 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. gardto those received from Prance. We are greatly obliged to tbe friends who have exerted themselves for our relief, and we wish you to signify our gratitude upon every proper opportunity. But having promised to make remittances to the house of Hortalez & Co. for the prime cost, charges, iuterest, and usual mercantile commission upon whatever is justly due to that house, we must keep the same line with Messrs. Gardoqui. On the one hand, we would not willingly give dis- gust by slighting princely geuei'osity, nor on the other submit to un- necessary obligations. The unanimity with which Congress has ratified the treaties with France, and tbe general glad acceptance of the alliance by the people of these States, must shock Great Britain, who seems to have thought no cruelty from her would destroy our former great partiality in her favor. What plan she will adopt in consequence of her disappoint- ment time only can discover. But we shall aim to be in a posture either to negotiate honorable peace, or continue this just war. We stand in need of the advice and assistance of all our friends in the matter of finance, as the quantity of our paper currency necessarily emitted has produced a depreciation which will be ruinous if not speedily cliecked. We have encouraging accounts of the temper of the Hollanders of late, aud exi)ect that we may iind relief from that quar- ter among others. A few weeks, if not a few days, must produce fruitful subject for another letter, when we shall, in our line of duty, renew our assurances of being, with great regard, sir, your affectionate, humble servants, EiCHARD H. Lee. James Lovell. Robert Morris. R. H. Lse et al., Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Williain Lee.* York, May 14, 1778. Sir: Your favors of November 24, and December 18, reached us only the 2d of this month, with the letters of our other friends at Paris, from whom we had not received a regular packet for eleven months. You will readily conceive how much we have wished to hear from you, and how very agreeable your information would have been at an earlier period. It is evident that you were yourself in a degree of doubt as to the conduct of France, even after the conference of our com- missioners in December; you will, therefore, be naturally led to give us due credit for the resolute manner in which we proceeded upon the two drafts of bills which the British ministry had hurried over to America. Be assured we were unacquainted with the spirit of the French court. Tne decisive part it has taken was really unexpected, judging from the accounts we had collected from travelers. The dates of the * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 601, with verbal changes, 579 ipers herewith sent will enable you to put this matter in a clear point ' view. The turn of affairs in Europe will make it needless for us to attempt le finesse of recruiting in Germany, which you hint at, and which ould have a good effect iu case of necessity. [Arthur] Lee's letters lake it quite probable that your commissiou will prove successful at erlin, and there appears the best agreement between the King of russia and the Emperor. The enclosed resolve of Congress, of the 7th instant, will show their itentions with regard to your support, which was not properly attended ) when your commission was made out.* Other papers herewith sent will give you a general idea of our situ- tion. You may be assured that independence is firmly adopted by le States, and the unanimity of Congress is truly emblematic of all Lmerica. Nova Scotia has long ago expressed its wishes to be adopted y us, and now afresh solicits. Canada will be greatly affected by the ews of our alliance with its former parent State. In short, sir, every- [ling which could be added to our own determination of being free and jdependcnt is insured by this eclaircissement of the court of Ver- lilles. Our army is growing daily, so that if we are to negotiate with Iritain, we shall do it iu a proper posture. There are some reports of er drawing away her troops, that she may with a proper grace enter ito parley. But this must be done without disguise, or no treaty can e held; for surely no one can suppose that we shall now give up a oint which we had made a preliminary before we knew what power- xl friendship was secured to us in Europe. The powers which had been given to our commissioners in France, nd our great anxiety to keep perfect faith in treaties, induced a cau- ion with regard to the powers given in after appointments which is ow become unnecessary. Perfect equality being the basis of our pres- et treaties, without any exclusive privileges to France, there can be no hance of discontent from the conclusion of similar treaties with other owers of Europe; therefore, we shall doubtless soon forward to you lore full powers than were sent with your commission. As you seem 3 think it may be advantageous to have a cipher for correspondence, 'e would propose the same which has been mentioned to Dr. Franklin, May "//(., 1778. * Resolved, That the commissioners appointed for the Courts of Spain, Tuscany, ienna, and Berlin should live in such style and manner at their respective courts 3 they may find suitable and n' cessary to support the dignity of their public char- Bter, keeping an account of their expenses, which shall be reimbursed by the Con- fess of the United States of America; That, besides the actual expenses of the commissioners, a handsome allowance be lade to each of them as a compensation for their services; That the commissioners of the other courts in Europe be empowered to draw ills of exchange from time to time for the amount of their expenses upon the com- lissioners at the court of France. Sparks. 580 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. formerly, by Mr. Lovell, and this is the rather chosen because it may serve between the doctor aud you, or any number of your friends, tak- ing a diii'erent key-word for each. We are, with great regard, etc., E. H. Lee, James Loyell, Egbert Morris. P. S. — Ton are to have a plenipotentiary commission, with instruc- tions not limiting the term of the proposed treaties of amity and com- merce. Morris, R. H. Lee, and Lovell to M. Dumas.* YoRKTOWN, May 14, 1778. Sir: Tour several favors, down to the letter Y, had come to our hand before the 2d instant, on wliich day we received dispatches from our commissioners in France, after an interruption of eleven months. Judge, therefore, sir, how very agreeable your letters must have been to us, though you wrote but briefly, always supposing that we received more full accounts of European politics from our friends at Paris. We observe with great pleasure that the states of Holland are dis- covering a proper spirit iu the conduct of their commerce, by grantiug convoys, in consequence of the insolent behavior of their British neigh- bors. The magnanimous conduct of his most Christian majesty must have great influence upon all around him. We doubt not of your hearty congratulations upon the success of our cause, which you so early and warmly espoused, and which you have aided with such judgment aud resolution by your pen. We shall write particularly to the gentlemen at Paris respecting the injuries you have received from our enemies, and shall instruct them to pay the strictest attention to our engage- ments made to you at the commencement of our correspondence. We must refer you to the prints now sent and to our commissioners for the general state of our affairs, only remarking here, that we were actuated iu our proceedings on the 22d of April entirely by the uniform spirit which we have maintained ever since the 4th of July, 1776, being not then acquainted with the favorable state of our cause iu France, as an uncommon fatality had attended the letters of our friends for nearly a whole year before the arrival of their present important packet. We are, with much esteem, etc., Egbert Morris, EiCHARD H. Lee, James Lovell. * MSS, Dep. of State; I Sparkt' Dip. Rev. Corv., 281, MAY 14, 1778. 581 Morris, R. H. Lee and Lovell, for the Committee of Foreign Affairs, to Bingham.* YoEK, May 14, 1778. Sir: At length, on the 2d instant, we received dispatches from our commissioners at Paris, with treaties of alliance and commerce, con- cluded on the Cth of February, between France and these United States. They were ratified here on the 4th of this month, and the prints here- with sent to you will show the principles upon which they are founded. We are persuaded you will greatly partake of the satisfaction which we feel on this occasion. We do not find by the letters which we have received that Congress may venture to enlarge the power that was given to you by the resolve of April 16. t But it becomes less necessary tbat you should be fur- nished in that way, as commerce will In all human probability be more easily carried on between this continent and your islands now than for some time past. Great hurry of business must be an excuse for our brevity at this time, though it would not warrant an omission of sending you our congratu- lations and the gazettes. We are, with much regard, etc., Egbert Morris, EicHARD Henry Lee, James Lovell. PrankUn, Lee, and Adams to Sartine.t Passt, May 14, 1778. Sir: In the several cruises made by Captains Wiclces, Johnston, Cunningham, and others of our armed vessels on the coast of Great Britain, it is computed that between four hundred and five hundred prisoners have been made, and set at liberty, either on their lauding in France or at sea, because it was understood that we could not keep them confined in France. When Captain Wickes brought in at one time near a hundred, we proposed to Lord Stormont an exchange for as many of ours confined in England, but all treaty on the subject was rudely refused, and our people are still detained there notwithstanding the liberal discharges made of theirs as above mentioned. We hear * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 282. iResolved, That Mr. William Bingham, agent cf the United States of America, now resident in Martinique, be authorized to draw bills of exchange, at double usance, on the commissioners of the United States in Paris, for any sums not exceeding in the whole one hundred thousand livres turnois, to enable him to discharge debts by him contracted on account of the said States ; for which drafts he is to be accountable.— Journals of Congress. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 286. 582 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. that Captain Joues has uow brought iuto Brest near two hundred, whom we should be glad to exchauge for our seamen, who might be of use in expeditions from hence, but as an opinion prevails that prisoners of a nation with which France is not at war and brought into France by another power can not be retained by the captors, but are free as soon as they arrive, we are ajiprehensivethat these prisoners may also be set at liberty, return to England, and serve to man a frigate against us, while our brave seamen, with a number of our friends of this nation whom we are anxious to set free, continue useless and languishing in their gaols.* In a treatise of one of your law writers, entitled Traites des Prises qui sefont snr Mer, printed 1763, we find the above opinion controverted, p. 129, section 30, in the following words: "Hence it seems that it is not true, as some pretend, that from the time a prisoner escapes, or otherwise reaches the shore of a neutral power, be is absolutely free. It is true he can not be retaken without the consent of that power, but such a ijower would violate the laws of neutrality if it should refuse its consent. This is a consequence of the asylum of the ship in which the prisoner or hostage was contained." We know not of what authority' this writer may be, and therefore l^ray a moment of your excellency's attention to this matter, requesting your advice upon it, that, if it be possible, some means may be devised to retain these prisoners till as many of ours can be obtained in ex- change for them. We have the honor to be, etc. B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. R. H. Lee and Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris, t York, May 15, 1778. Gentlemen : Your pressing request for 5,000 hogsheads of tobacco is a matter as embarrassing to Congress as to yourselves. Their anxiety to get it to you is as great as yours to receive it. We have already lost vast quantities in the attempt, and thereby have furnished our enemies gratis with what was designed for the discharging of your contracts, and for promoting the interest and commerce of our friends. We request your particular attention to this information, as it is a matter of as high moment to our allies as well as to ourselves. " The war righted this. Thus ou February 12, 1781, Sir Henry Clinton -wrote to Lord Cathcart : "Military retaliation can not be. They have 12,000 to our 5,000 Drieoners." * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 287. MAY 15, 1778. 583 In the present state of tilings, it is very probable that England will be unwilling to interrupt the trade of France in their own bottoms ; and our desire is, as well for her benefit as ours, that France would open the trade from her own ports, so that the intentional advantages of the treaties may fully operate for both countries. We need not enlarge on this head, as your discernment will furnish you with all the reasons to be alleged in support of what we desire. lu addition to what is mentioned in our letter respecting the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty, we observe that the twelfth is capa- ble of an iuterpretatiou and misuse which were probably not thought of at the time of constructing it: we mean that it opens a door for all, or a great part, of the trade of America to be carried through the French islands to Europe, and puts all future regulations out of our power, either by impost or prohibition, which, though we might never find it to our interest to use, yet, by keeping it in our power, will enable us to preserve equality with, and regulate the imposts of the countries we trade with. The general trade of France is not nnder like restriction, every article on our part being stated against the single article of molasses on theirs ; therefore, Congress think it more liberal and consistent that both articles should be expunged. We have no material military transactions to acquaint you with. The enemy yet remain in Philadelphia, but some late appearances make it probable they will not stay long. Our army is yet at the Valley Forge. The enemy, through the course of the winter, have carried on a low, pitiful, and disgraceful kind of war against individuals, whom they pushed at by sending out little parties, and revengefully burning several of their houses ; yet all this militated against themselves, by raising an unquenchable indignation in the country against them ; and on the whole, we know not which most to wonder at, their folly in making us hate them after their inability for conquest and their desires of peace are confessed, or their scandalous barbarity in executing their resentments. You will see, gentlemen, by the contract which the commercial com- mittee have signed with the agent of M. Beaumarchais, that (Jongress was desirous of keeping a middle course, so as not to appear to slight any determined generosity of the Frencli court, and, at the same time, to show a promptness to discharge honorably the debts which may be iustly charged against these States by any persons. We depend upon you to explain the aftair fully, as you seem to make a distinction be- tween the military stores and the other invoices, while no such distinc- tion appears in the letters of Mr. Deane or M. Beaumarchais. In short, we are rather more undetermined by your late dispatches than we were during your long silence. Congress being at this time deeply engaged in a variety of business, and the foreign committee thin of members, 584 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. you will be pleased to excuse us from being more particular in our answer to your several dispatches, as well as in our information of tbe state of our affairs. We are, gentlemen, etc., K H. Lee. James Lovell. P. S. — You will see what we have written to JI. Dumas, and you will point out what will be our line of honor to him and justice to these States. Vergennes to the Commissioners at Paris." [Translation.] A'ersailles, ]\lay 15, 1778. Gentlemen : I have the honor to send you the copy of a letter writ- ten to M. de Sartine by the French consul at JIadeira.t You will see therein all the circumstances of the conduct of an American privateer, Oapt. Johu ^Varren, towards a French snow or brigantine, Capt. Ro- chel, which he captured very near the land and in sight of the town of Madeira. Such reprehensible proceedings can not remain unpunished, and I make no doubt, gentlemen, that you will take the most efficacious *MS.S. Dep. of State. tEuelliereto Sartine. Madeira, February 15, 1778. [Translatiou.] — I have the houor to inform yon that on the 4th instant a French snow or brigantine, which is supposed to be the PnuJent, Captain Eochel, of about 1.50 tons, coming from London with a load of pipe, staves, and some flour, for tbis island, was met, visited, and taken very near tbe laud and wi'hin sight of this town by an American privateer, which, it is said, belongs to Boston, and is called tLe Lion, Capt. John "Warren, and was sent to Boston under pretense that the cargo belouged to tbe English. The circumstances accompanying this capture not only render the action of this privateer extremely blamable, but mark her rather as a pirate than an armed vessel authorized by any government, agreeable to the deposition of a Portuguese fisherman, whom the said vessel had takeu to conduct her iuto this road. The said privateer boarded this vessel as a prize, taking immediiite possession and illtreating the crew, and after having sent them with violence on board the privateer, and taken and secured all the papers which might prove the property of the vessel and to wljat nation it belouged, he put on board an American crew, with whom it was sent to America, naturally for the purpose of selling the cargo there, and perhaps the vessel, with the ventures of the captain and French crew, and wliatever might belong to the merchants of nations in neutrality with the insurgents in some of our American islands where the said cargo of staves and Jiipe shakers would sell very well, whereas they would be of little consequence if they were sold in the English Colonies of the insurgents, which abound in such merchandise. I take the fir.st opportunity, sir, to inform you of this aifair, persuaded that on reflection of its importance you will vouchsafe to take the necessary measure to cause the restitution of such an irregular capture, that the privateer receive the reward of its crime, and to prevent in future similar outrages so prejudicial to our navigation and commerce, and so opposite to the safety and respect which all nations observe towards our flag in the present circumstances. MAY 16, 1778. 585 steps -with Congress, not only that Capt. John Warren meet with the punishment his conduct deserves, but likewise to jirocure for the French vessel the satisfaction and recompense which are due. I rely in this matter on the necessity which you are sensible is necessary to suppress such excesses, the consequences of which can not be less apparent to Congress than to us. I have the honor to be, etc.. De Vergennes. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Vergennes.* Passy, May 16, 1778. Sir: We had this morning the honor of receiving your excellency's letter of the 13th instant, relative to the Boston frigate. We beg leave to assure your excellency that the frigate called the Boston, now at Bordeaux, is a ship of war belonging to the thirteen United States of North America, built and maintained at their expense by the honor- able Congress. We therefore humbly presume that his majesty's royal determination, on the representation of the Farmers General, will be according to the usage of nations in such cases, and your excellency may be assured that Captain Tuck, r will conform to that determina- tion with the utmost respect. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Feanklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartine.t Passy, May 16, 1778. Sir: Messrs. Basmarine, Eainbeau & Co., having represented to us that they have applied to goveinment for a frigate, to be employed in defense of their commerce to aud from America, and in making re- prisals for the losses they have lately sustained by our enemies, we, the commissioners of the United States of North America, hereby request that such a frigate may be granted; and in that case we are ready to give a commission and letter of marque to such frigate upon Messrs. Basmarine & Co. giving bonds to us for the regular behavior of such frigate, according to the law of nations and the usage of the United States. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr. 288. t Ibid., 289. 586 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Izard to Lee.* Paris, May 18, 1778. Dear Sir: The fifth article of the treaty of alliance has given me a great deal of uneasiness, as it seems to have been intended to exclude the United States of America from possessing themselves of the two Floridas. The article is as follows : " If the United States should think fit to attempt the reduction of the British power remaining iu the north- ern parts of America, or the islands of Bermudas, those countries or islands, in case of success, shall be confederated with or dependent upon the said United States." I had the honor of stating my appre- hensions to you and the other commissioners at Passy on the 3d instant. Dr. Franklin did not think they were well founded, nor that any such construction could possibly be put upon the article. North America, he said, strictly speaking, comprised all jiarts of the continent north of the equator, and the Floridas, being in the latitude of 30 degrees north, would be comprehended within the meaning of the words "northern parts of America." I thought it would be best to put it out of all doubt, by getting that explanation of the words under the hands of the French ministry, especially as they would at least admit of dispute, and might in future jiroduce disagreeable consequences. Dr. Franklin said that Congress had given some instructions respecting the cession of part of Florida to Spain, and objected to making any application on the sub- ject to the French ministry, as it might be taken ill, and added if my apprehensions were ever so just, it was' too late for any remedy iu France, but that the commissioner for the court of Madrid might guard against any bad consequences iu the treaty which he had to conclude with that court. The resolution of Congress of the 30th of December, 1776, to which Dr. Franklin alluded, extends only to the town and harbor of Pensa- cola, and circumstances are much changed in America since that reso- lution was made. It declares "that if his catholic majesty will join with the United States in a war against Great Britain, tbcy will assist in reducing to the possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola." Had Spain complied with the request, had she stood forth our friend in the day of distress, the offer made by Congress might with propriety have been claimed. She did not declare war against Great Britain, and I do not know that she has done anything yet to entitle her to any great share of our gratitude. It appeared to me that if the French ministry understood the words as explained by Dr. Franklin, they could not take it ill that such an explanation should be required of them ; but if they intended to have them understood as I feared they did, this was the proper place to have the doubts cleared up. If the words were meant to exclude the United Statesof America from the acquisition of the Floridas, it must have been intended for the benefit of Spain, and there- fore the less likely was it to obtain any satisfaction from that quarter. "Mas. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Con., 671, with verbal changes. MAY 18, 1778. 587 North America, strictly speaking, according- to Dr. Franlilin, com- prises all parts of the continent north of the eqnator. By the same rule it may be said to extend to the 90th degree of latitude. Considered in this point of view, no parts to the southward of 45 degrees can, with propriety, be called the northern parts of America. But the article seems to have no relation to so extensive a signification, and expresses the intentions of the framers of it very distinctly: "If the United States should think fit to attempt the reduction of," not the northern parts of America, but "the British power remaining in the northern parts of America." This power, without taking notice of an inconsider- able settlement on the Mosquito shore, or of Hudson's Bay, may be said to have extended from the most southern point of Florida to the most northern part of Canada; and I am of opinion that the United States of America will not be satisfied if any attempts are made to circum- scribe their possessions within narrower limits. The eighth article of the original treaty approved of by Congress in September, 177G, and transmitted by them to the commissioners at this court, not only confirms me in this opinion, but throws great light upon the intentions of the French ministry. It is as follows: "The most Christian king shall never invade, nor under any pretense attempt to possess himself of, La brador, New Britain, Nova Scotia, Acadia, Florida, nor any of the countries, cities, or towns on the continent of North America; nor of any of the islands of Newfoundland, Cape Breton- St. Johns, Anticosti, nor any other island lying near to the said continent in the seas, or in any gulf, bay, or river, it being the true intent and meaning of this treaty that the said United States shall have the sole, exclusive, undivided, and perpetual possession of all the countries, cities, and towns on said continent, and of all, islands near to it which now are, or lately were, under the jurisdiction of, or subject to, the king or crown of Great Britain, whenever they shall be united or confeder- ated with the said United States." Tliese words admit of no mistake; no hidden meaning is concealed under them, nor could there be any possibility of contentions respecting the countries therein described had they been inserted in the treaty. With all due deference to Dr. Franklin, I can not help declaring that I am firmly persuaded that the court of France would not have substi- tuted the eighth article in the place of the above if they had not had some designs contrary to the intentions of Congress, so clearly ex- pressed in their ninth article. His most Christian majesty, in the elev- enth article of the treaty of alliance, does not guaranty generally to the United States their possessions, and the additions or conquests that their confederation may obtain during the war from any of the domin- ions now, or heretofore, possessed by Great Britain in North America, but stipulates that the guaranty shall only be conformable to the fifth and sixth articles. The latter of these contains nothing but a renun- ciation, on the part of France, of the islands of the Bermudas, and of 588 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. the whole continent of North America. As France does not pretend to any claim npon the Floridas, this renunciation can, in no respect, aiTect those provinces. Spain, who was at the peace in 1763 obliged to cede them to Great Britain, may be desirons of resuming them, and the fifth article in the treaty of alliance seems to lay the foundation of such a claim. Should that event ever take place it would prove extremely prejudicial to the interests of the United States in general, but particu- larly to those of the South. Spain would, by that means, have a direct communication with the Indians on our frontier, and have it in her power to disturb our settlements whenever she pleased. Lieutenant Governor Moultrie, in his letter from Augustine, of the 4th of October,, 1775, to General Grant, which was intercepted and pub- lished by Congress, among other reasons why General Gage should pro- tect Florida gives the following: "Consider," says he, ''that this is the best and only immediate communication between Great Britain and our red brothers," the Indians. Wbat a horrid use our enemies have made of this communication you are well acquainted with. Florida was never of any advantage to Spain when in her possession, nor is it probable it ever would be were it so again, but it will be of the greatest importance to the States of America, on account of security, which in all negotia- tions has been thought a sufficient reason for a claim, though no right existed, which is not the case in the present instance. In the eleventh article France guaranties to the United States " their possessions and the additions or conquests that their confederation may obtain during the war from any of the dominions now or heretofore possessed by Great Britain in North America, conformable to the fifth and sixth articles." In the sixth article I observe that "the most Christian king renounces forever the possession of the islands of Bermudas, as well as of any part of the continent of Korth America." Is'othing is said about Newfouudland, St. Johns, Cape Breton, and the other islands on our coasts. Were they understood to be included in the renunciation and guaranty! Congress, in their original treaty, did not choose to trust to any future constructions, but mentioned each of these islands par- ticularly by name. Whatever power may be in possession of them will in a great measure command the fishery. This is a matter of great consequence, but, however just my appre- hensions may be on this point also, I fear it is now too late to receive any satisfactory explanation respecting it at this court, and we must again turn our eyes towards you for relief. If the court of Madrid could be prevailed upon to guaranty the Floridas and these islands also to the United States, you would render an essential service to your countrj-. I have upon many occasions experienced that whenever her welfare has stood in need of your exertions you have been ready to afford them, and, therefore, I can not doubt but you will also do it in the business which I have just laid before you. I have the honor to be, etc., Ealph Izaed. MAY 19, 1778. 589 Franklin and Adams to the governor or any counsellor or senator or member of any house of representatives in any of the thirteen United States of America.* Paris, May 18, 1778. Gentlemen: Certain intelligence having been received tiiat eleven British ships of war (one of 90 guns, nine of 74, and one of 64 guns) are in the road of St. Helen's, near Portsmouth, bound for North America, and the United States being in alliance with France, you aie requested as speedily as possible to convey this information to the commander of any French fleet or ships of war in America by sending them this let- ter, and also to publish the contents of it in all the continental news- pupers. We have the honor to be, etc., Benj'n Franklin. John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the President of Congress.* Passy, Mmj 19, 1778. Sir : We have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter received from Monsieur le Count de Vergenues, secretary of state for foreign affairs, with a copy of a letter enclosed for the consideration of Congress, not doubting that Congress will give it all the attention that an affair of such importance demands. We have the honor to be, etc., Benj'n Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Vergennes.* PASSY, May 19, 1778. Sir: We have had the honor of your excellency's letter of the 15th instant, enclosing a copy of a letter from M. de la Ruelliere, consul at Madeira, of 15th of March, 1778. We have enclosed to Congress a copy of your excellency's letter, with a copy of its enclosures, and have recommended to Congress the earliest attention to the subject, and have no doubt that justice will be speedily done. We have the honor to be, etc., Benj'n Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. •MSS. Dep. of State. 590 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to Committee of Correspondence.* Paris, May 20, 1778. Gentlemen : Upon receiving your letters, by our colleague, Mr. J. Adams, I lost no moment to press for supplies, such as you mention as most wanting (blankets, shoes, and stockings) in my particular depart- ment. In consequence I have the pleasure to inform you tbat orders are given and are now executing for furnishing you, as before, which will be done from time to time as opportunities offer. I will direct medicines and such naval stores as they can collect to be added. I shall send you the accounts of their being shipped, from time to time as they are remitted to me, to prevent mistakes or impositions. For want of this accuracy the public seems to me a little too much at the mercy of Mr. John Boss and Mr. Jonathan Williams. The former has had upwards of 400,000 francs and the other more than a million of the public money. They tell us, in general, that they have shipped goods on the public account; but the particulars the former has refused to give, and the latter has hitherto evaded it on various pretenses. By this means, should the vessels arrive safe, they can claim what propor- tion they please as shipped on their own account ; if they are lost, then the whole may be charged to the public. I have seen with infinite concern the public money expended without economy and without account. My colleagues excluded me from know- ing or advising about the manner in which it was expended. They have encouraged our agents to treat me with disrespect, so that my interposition might be useless. A thousand times have I desired that tlie public accounts might from time to time be made up, to which I have as constantly received evasive or aff'rontive answers; so that now Mr. Adams and myself find that, after the expenditure of more than 5,000,000 livres, we are involved in confusion and debt, the principal articles furnished being unpaid for and demands made to the amount of many millions; that is, including the cargoes of the Amphitrite, Seine, and Mammand, for which a demand has been made, and which constitute the principal part of the supplies which have been furnished. Having been thus excluded by my colleagues from the management of the iiublic business, 1 hope I shall not be deemed responsible for the conduct of it. Congress will see that m acting without me they have pursued the letter, not the spirit, of our commission. When the en- closed contract with Mr. Mortieu is compared with the contract I had put it in their power to make, the reason will appear why they concealed it from me and acted without my concurrence. Mr. Williams, at the same time, had the furnishing sixteen thousand suits, which 1 suppose will be upon as advantageous terms. Upon inquiry I find that as good uniforms as can be worn may be contracted for in Prance for thirty-two - 2 A. Lee's Life, 49. MAY 21, 1778. 591 francs, and in Germany for thirty-seven. Those which were oifered us from thence were of coarser cloth. With great respect, etc., Arthur Lee.* John Adams to Samuel Adams.t Passy, May 21, 1778. Dear Sir: I have never yet paid my respects to you since my arrival in Europe, for which seeming neglect of duty the total novelty of the scenes about me and the incessant avocations of business and ceremony and pleasure (for this last I find in Europe makes an essential part of both the other two), must plead my excuse. The situation of the general affairs of Europe is still critical and of dubious tendency. It is still uncertain whether there will be war be- tween theTurks and the Russians, between the Emperor aud the King of Prussia, and indeed between England and France, in the opinion of many people. My own conjecture, however, is that a war will com- mence and that soon. Before this reaches you you will be informed that a strong squadron of thirteen capital ships and several frigates has sailed from Toulon, and that another squadron is ordered to sail from Spithead. Whatever I may have heard of the destination of the first, I am not at liberty to mention it. We have no intelligence that the latter has sailed. Chatham the Great is no more, but there is so much of his wild spirit in his last speech yet left in the nation, that I have no doubt but the administration will put all to the hazard. We are happy to hear by the frigate La Sensible, which has returned to Brest, that the treaty arrived safe at Gasco Bay. We hope to have the earliest intelligence of the ratification of it. The commissioners from England of the 22d of April will meet, as we suppose, with noth- ing but ridicule. The King of Prussia is yet upon the reserve concern- ing America, or rather forgetting his promise, has determined not to acknowledge our independence at present. His reason is obvious, he wants the aid of those very German princes who are most subservient to Great Britain, who have furnished her with troops to carry on the war against us, and therefore he does not choose to offend them by an alliance with us at present. Spain is on the reserve too, but there is not the least doubt entertained here of her intention to support America. In Holland there is more friendship for us than I was aware of before I came here; at least they will take no part against us. Our affairs in this kingdom I find in a state of confusion and dark- * It does not appear from the records of the Department that this dispatch was ever received. t2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 539. 592 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Dess that surprises me. Prodigious sums of mouey have been expended and large sums are yet due, but there are no books of account nor any documents from whence I have been able to learn what the United States have received as an equivalent. There is one subject which lies heavily on my mind, and that is the expense of the coaimissiouers. You have three commissioners at this court, each of whom lives at an expense of at least £3,000 sterling a year; I fear at a greater expense. Few men in the world are capable of living at a less expense than I am, but I find the other gentlemen have expended from three to four thousand a year each, and one of them from five to six; and by all the inquiries I have been able to make I can not find any article of expense which can be retrenched.* The truth is, in my humble opinion, our system is wrong in many particulars : (1) In having three commissioners at this court: one in the character of envoy is enough. At present, each of the three is considered in the *Iu another letter, which. Mr. Adams afterwards wrote to Mr. Samuel Adams, he says the accomit of the commissioners' expenses here given ia " exaggerated," and "put much too high," owing to his having been but a short time in Paris, and not being accurately informed on the subject. See this letter hereafter, dated February 14, 1779, m the jjresent volume. By a letter from Mr. Arthur Lee, dated May 9, 1778, containing a transcript from the banker's book, it appears that from December, 1776, to March, 1778, a period of fifteen mouths, Silas Deane received on his private account .'J'.iO, 926 ; Arthur Lee, $12,749, and Dr. Franklin, |12.214. See Arthur Lee's correspondence where the above sums are stated in livres, and they are here reduced to dollars by the rule praclised at that time of allowing .5 livres and i sols to the dollar. The fractious are omitted in the reduction, It must be observed that the above payments are not a speciticatiou of the amounts actually received for the period in question, because tlie commissioners may have had other expenses for which they afterwards drew on the banker, but these sums may serve as a tolerably correct indication of their expenses, and were probably intended .as such by Mr. Lee. At this time no fixed salary was allowed; but Congress resolved that all expense."* should be paid, and that such an additional com- pensation should be granted as might afterwards be deemed expedient by Congress. On the 1st of June, 177-<, Mr. Lee wrote to Congress; "I am of opinion, with my colleague, Mr. Adams, that it would be better for the public tliat the appointment of your public ministers were fixed, instead of being left at large and their expenses indefinite. From experience, I find the expense of living in that character can not well be less than £3,000 sterling a year, (.|i;!,333,) which I believe is as little as is allowed to any public minister beyond the rank of consul." (A. Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs, June 1, 1778, supra ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 499.) The original mode of paying ministers abroad contiuued, however, till October 4, 1779, when Congress "Jlesolved, That each of the ministers plenipotentiary be allowed at the rate of £2,500 sterling (|11,1U) per annum; and each of their secretaries at the rate of £1,000 sterling (I5i4,444) per annum, in full for their services and expenses respectively. "That the salary of each of the said officers be computed from the time of leaving his place of abode to enter on the duties of his office, aud be continued three months after ihe notice of his recall." (Secret journals, vol. 2, p. 272.) The salaries continued fixed at the .above sums during the remainder of the Revo- lution, and till May 7, 1784, when the salary of the ministers was r^^U'.c^d to $9,000, and that of the secretaries to §3,000 per annum. — Sparks. MAY 23, 1778. 593 cbaracter of a public miuister plenipotentiary, winch lays him under an absolute necessity of living up to this character; whereas one alone would be obliged to incur no greater expense, and would be (piite suf- ficient for all the business of a public minister. (2) In leaving the salaries of these ministers at an uncertainty you will never be able to obtain a satisfactory account of the public moneys while this system continues; it is a temptation to live at too great an expense, and gentlemen will feel an aversion to demanding vigorous account. (3) In blending the business of a public minister with that of a com- mercial agent. The business of various departments is by this means so blended, and the public and private expenses so confounded with each other, that I am sure no satisfaction can ever be given to the pub- lic of the disposition of their interests; and I am very confident that jealousies and suspicions will hereafter arise against the characters of gentlemen who may, perhaps, have acted with perfect integrity and the fairest intentions for the public good. My idea is this: Separate the offices of public ministers from those of commercial agents;* recall, or send to some other court, all the public ministers but one at this court; determine with precision the sum that shall be allowed to the remaining one for his expenses, for his salary, and for his time, risk, trouble, etc.; and when this is done, see that he receives no more than his allowance. The inconveniences arising from the multiplicity of ministers and the complication of business are infinite. Eemember me with the most tender affection to my worthy colleagues, and to all others to whom you know they are due. I am, your friend and servant, John Adams. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.t Paris, May 23, 1778. Gentlemen: In consequence of your dispatches by my colleague, Mr. Adams, I lost no moment to press the renewal of the order for the supplying you with such stores as you want and as that country aftbrds from the court of Spain. I have the satisfaction to inform you that such orders are given, and I am assured will be carried into execution as speedily as possible. * Dr. Franklin expresses this opinion very strongly on several occasions; and after lie was appointed minister plenipotentiary, with the dncies of commercial agent attached to his office, he repeatedly solicited Congress to separate these duties, and to leave him in charge only of those branches of the business which pertained to him in the character of minister. (2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., pp. 66, 79, 86, 95.) t2A. Lee's Life, .51 ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev- f;orr.,496. 38 WH— VOL II 594 DIPLOJIAXIC CORRESPONDENCE. We lueau to :ii)ply for the loan desired to the moneyed mea of Hol- land, and in my particular department I shall endeavor to take the favorable opportunity of the arrival of the flotilla to urge the same in Spain. War is not begun in Germany or Great Britain ; but it seems to be inevitable. I have sent orders to all the ports in France and Spain to communi- cate the account of the sailing of a fleet of thirteen ships from England against America to all the captains who sail for the United States or the French islands. This I conceived would be tlie most certain means of communicating the alarm and i^reventing surprise. The ministry here are also to convey a letter from us by every op- portunity to the same purpose. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur. Lee. A. Lee to Izard.* Chaillot, 2Ia)j 23, 1778. Dear Sir : I have received your favor of the 18th, and remember well the conversation you mention. The fifth article stood originally thus : " Si Iesl5tats-Unis jugent apropos de tenter la conquete delaOan- ada, de la Nouvelle-Iicosse, de Terrenueve St.-Jeau, et des Bermudes, ces conquetes en cas de succes appartiendront aux dits Etats-Unis." Even this did not appear tome adequate to the intentions of Congress ; I therefore proposed that it should be as extensive and explicit as was marked out to us in the eighth article of the i^lan proposed by Con- gress. My colleagues did not agree with me, and I remember perfectly Dr. Franitlin's answer was that Congress had receded from those claims since by the concessions directed to be made to Spain. I sub- mitted mine to the opinion of my colleagues. I have already asked the conimands of Congress relative to conced- ing anything to Spain agreeably to the instruction of the 30th of De- cember, 1770, which you mention, and you may be assured that I will never subscribe the cession of one inch of what Congress has claimed in the eighth article of their plan without their express orders. 1 shall make no observations respecting the degree of gratitude to which Spain may be entitled, but the leaving of articles so loose as to occasion dis- putes, or making cessions which may plant a thorn in the side of any of the United States, is not the manner I should choose of showing it. How the fifth article came changed so much from what it was at first I never could learn. In my own justification I must observe that from the conduct of one of my colleagues and the intrigues of the other I was furnished with a kind of half information, and secretly counteracted, *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 075, with verbal changes. MAY 24, 1778. 595 SO as to render it very difficult for me to be of any utility whatever ia this negotiation. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Adanis to the Commercial Committee.' Passy, May 24, 1778. Gentlemen: I find that the American affairs on this side of the Atlantic are in a state of disorder very much resembling that which is so much to be regretted on the other, and arising, as I suppose, from the same general causes, the novelty of the scenes, the inexperience of the actors, and the rapidity with whicli great events have succeeded each other. Our resources are very inadequate to the demands made irpon us, which are perhaps unnecessarily increased by several irregu- larities of proceeding. We have in some places two or three persons who claim the character of American agents, agent for commercial affairs, and continental agent, for they are called by all these different appellations. In one quarter one gentlemen claims the character from the appointment of Mr. William Lee, another claims it from the appointment of the commissioners at Passy, and a third from the appointment of the commercial committee of Congress. This introduces a triple expense and much confusion and delay. These evils have been accidental, I believe, and unavoidable, but they are evils still and ought to be removed. One person at Bordeaux, another at Nantes, and a third perhaps at Havre de Grace or Dunkirk, would be amply sufficient for all public purposes; and to these persons all orders from Congress, or the com- mercial committee, or the commissioners at Paris ought to be addressed. To the same persons all public ships of war, and all other ships belong- ing to the United States and their prizes, ought to be addressed; and all orders for the supplies •of provisions, clothing, repairs of vessels, etc., as well as all orders for shipping of merchandises or warlike stores for the United States, ought to go through their hands. We have such abuses and irregularities every day occurring as are very alarming. Agents of various sorts are drawing bills upon us, and the commanders of vessels of war are drawing upon us for expenses and supplies which we never ordered, so that our resources will soon fail if a speedy stop is not put to this career. And we find it so diflScult to obtain accounts from agents of the ex- penditure of moneys, and of the goods and merchandises shipped by them, that we can never know the true state of our finances, or when and in what degree we have executed the orders of Congress for send- ing them arms, clothes, medicines, or other things. * 2 Sparka' Dip. Rev. Corr., 542; 7 John Aaama' Works, 14. 596 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Id order to correct soii>o of tbe abases, and to bring our affairs into a little better order, I bave constantly given my voice against paying for things we never ordered, against paying persons who have never been authorized, and against throwing our affairs into a niultiplicity of hands in the same place. But the consequence has been so many refusals of demands and requests, that I expect much discontent will arise from it and many clamors. Whether the appointment by Congress of one or more consuls for this kingdom would remedy those inconveniences I must submit to their wisdom. I have the honor to be, etc., John Adajis. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Williams.* Passt, Maij 25, 1778.' Sir : Your favors of May 11 and 18 are now before us. We shall this day acquaint Captain Jones how far it is in our power to comply with his desires, and in what manner. Tour letter of the 18th informs us of a dispute between Mr. Schweighauser and you concerning the disi^osal of the Rangefs prizes; and you are still of opinion that you have authority to interfere in the disposal of prizes, and that you should be chargeable with neglect of duty if you did not. The necessities of our country demand the utmost frugality, which can never be obtained without the utmost simplicity in the management of her affairs, and as Congress have authorized Mr. W. Lee to superintend the commercial affairs in general, and he has appointed 3Ir. Schweighauser, and as your authority is under the commissioners at Paris only, we think it prudent and necessary for the public service to revoke, and we do hereby revoke, all the powers and authorities heretofore granted to you b3' the commissioners iileuipotentiary of the United States of America, or any of them, at Paris, to the end that hereafter the management of rhe affairs, commercial and maritime, of America may be under one sole direction, that of 3Ir. Schweighauser within his district. As to the merchandise and stores of every kind which you have on hand at present, we leave it to your choice either to ship them to America yourself or to deliver them over to Mr. Schweighauser to be shipped by him. It is not from any prejudice to you, for whom we have a great respect and esteem, but merely from a desire to save the public money and prevent the clashing of claims and interests, and to avoid confusion and delays, that we have taken this step. We have further to repeat our earnest request that yon would lay vour accounts before us as soon as possible, because until we have them we can never know either the state of our finances or how far the *1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 289. MAY 25, 1778. 597 orders of Congress for stores and inercbaiidise to be shipped to America have been fulfilled. We are, sir, etc., B. Franklin. Abthue. Lee. John Adams. Franklin et al Commissioners to John Paul Jones.* Passy, May 25, 1778. SiK: Your favors of May 8 and 16 iroin Brest we duly received. We congratulate you ou your success and safe arrival at Brest, as well as ou the honor you have acquired by your conduct and bravery in taking one of the king's ships. As we have some expectation of obtaining an exchange of i^risoners from England, we would advise you to keep those you have made securely confined, though iu a manner most consistent with humanity, till we have an answer from thence. For if we can get an equal num- ber of our own seamen to man the Drake, she will be an additional strength to you in a future expeditio:i. Whereas sending her with the prisoners to America, will not only weaken you by the hands you must spare to navigate her and to keep the prisoners in subjection, but will also hazard their being retaken. We should have been happy to have been early informed of tlie particulars of your cruise and of the prizes you have made, of which we have no authentic advice to this hour. Your bill of exchange in favor of M. Bussole for 2i,000 livres, which you inform us you mean to distribute among the brave officers and men to whom you owe your late success, has been presented to us by M. Chaumont. We are sorry to inform you that we have been under the disagreeable necessity of refusing payment, and that for several rea- sons; first, because your application should have been made to M. Sch weigh auser, who is the iierson regularly authorized to act as conti- nental agent at Brest, and we are determined that all American concerns within our department shall go through his hands as long as he shall continue in the character of Americau agent, or at least until we shall find it necessary to order otiierwise. Secondly, because the bill is drawn for an expense wliich we have no right or authority to defray. We have no authority to make presents of the public money to officers or men, however gallant and deserving, for the purposes of providing their families with clothing, or for any other purpose, nor to advance them money upon the credit of tlieir share of prizes ; nor have we authority to advance them any part of their pay or bounties; all these things belong to Congress alone, and must be done by the proper boards iu America. Our authority extends no farther than to order •2 Sparks' Dip Rev. Corr., 568. 598 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tlie necessary repairs to be made to your s\i\[), to order ber to be far- uished with necessary victuals, which we are ready to order M. Sehweighauser to do as soon as we shall be iuforuied by you what repairs and victuals are wanted, with an estimate of the amount of the expenses. There is one thing further which we should venture to do for the beneiit of your men. Upon a representation from you of the quantity of slops necessary for thein, we should order M. Sehweighauser to fur- nish your ship with them; not more, however, than oue suit of clothes for each man, that you may take them on board of your ship, and deliver them out to the men as they shall be wanted, charging each man upon the ship's books with what he shall receive, that it may be deducted from his pay. Lieutenant Simpson has stated to us your having xHit him under arrest for disobeying orders. As a court martial must, by order of Con- gress, consist of three captains, three lieutenants, and three captains of marines, and these can not be had here, it is our desire that he may have a passage procured for him by the first opportunity to America, allow- ing him whatever may be necessary for his defense. As the consequences of an arrest in foreign countries are thus extremely- troublesome, they should be well considered before they are made. If you are in jiosses- sion of any resolution of Congress giving the whole of ships of war, when made prizes, to the captors, we should be obliged to you for a copy of it. We should also be obliged to you for a particular account in whose hands the prizes made by you are, and in what forwardness is the sale of them. We have the honor to be, etc., B, Franklin. ARTnuR Lee. John Adams. Franklin to Hartley.* Passy, May 135, 1778. Dear Sir: I am glad to learn by the newspapers that you got safe home, where I hope you found all well. I wish to know whether your ministers have yet come to a resolution to exchange the prisoners they hold in England, according to the ex- pectations formerly given you. We have here above two hundred, who are confined in the I>ral-e, where they must be kept, as we have not the use of prisons on shore, and where they can not be so conveniently ac- commodated as we could wish. But as the liberal discharge we have given to near five hundred prisoners taken on your coast has wrought no disposition to similar returns, we shall keep these and all we take hereafter till your counsels become more reasonable. We have accounts * MSS. Dop. of State; G liigelow's Fraukliu, 178. JUNE 1, 1778. 599 from the mill i)i'isoii, at Plymontli, that our people aie not allowed the use of pen and iuk, nor the sight of a nowspaper, uov the coiiversaLioii of friends. Is it true? Be so good as to meutiou to me whether the two little bills I gave you on Nesbit and Vaughn are accepted and paid and the sums of each, as I have omitted to make a note of them. Permit me to rejieat my thankful acknowledgments for the very humane and kind part you have acted in this affair. If I thought it necessary I avouUI pray God to bless you for it. But I know he Avill do so without my prayers. Adieu, and believe, etc., B, Feanklin. Franklin to John Paul Jones* Passy, May 27, 1778. Dear Sir: I received yours of the 18th, enclosing one for the Countess of Solkiik, which I forwarded this day by way of Holland, as you desire. It is a gallant letter, and must give her ladyship a high and just opinion of your generosity and nobleness of mind. The Jersey privateers do us a great deal of mischief by intercepting our supplies. It has been mentioned to me that your small vessel, commanded by so brave an officer, might render great service by fol- lowing them where greater ships dare not venture their bottoms; or, being accompanied and supported by some frigates Irom Brest, at a proper distance, might draw them out, and then take them. I wish you to consider of this, as it comes from high authority, and that you would immediately let me know what you think of it, and when your ship will be ready. I have written to England about the exchange of your prisoners. I congratulate you most cordially on your late success, and wish for a continuance and increase of the honor you have acquired. It will always be a pleasure to me to contribute what may lie in my power towards your a.lvaucement and that of the brave oflicers and men under your command. I am, etc., B. PliANKLIN. Franklin to John Paul Jones.t PASSY, June 1, 1778. Dear Sir : I have the pleasure of informing you that ifc is proposed to give you the command of the great ship we have built at Amster- dam. By what you wrote to us formerly I have ventured to say in "8 Sparks' Franklin, 273; C Bigelow's Franklin, 17'J. t8 Sparks' Franklin, 274 ; G Bigelow's Franklin, 180. 600 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. your bebalf tliat tbis proposition would lio agreeable to yon. You will immediately let me know yonr resolution ; whicli, that yon may be more clear in taking, 1 must iiilbrm you of some circamstauces, She is at present the property of the king; but, as there is no war yet de- clared, you will have the commission and flag of the United States, and act under their orders and laws. The Prince de Nassau will make the cruise with you. She is to be brought here under cover as a French merchantman, tc be equipped and manned in France. We jope to exchange your prisoners for as many American sailors; but if that fails, you have your present crew, to be made up here with other nations and French. The other commissioners are not acquainted with this proposition as yet, and you see, by the nature of it, that it is necessary to be kept a secret till we have got the vessel here, for fear of d fficulties in Hol- land and interruption. You will therefore direct your answer to me alone, it being desired that at present the affair r.'st between you and mo. Perhaps it may bo best for you to take a trip up here to concert matters, if in general you approve the idea. I was much pleased with reading your journal, which we received yesterday. I am, etc., B. Franklin. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, June 1, 1778. Gentlemen: The hurry in which the last dispatches went away pre- vented me from being so particular about them as I wished. IsTos. 7, 8, and 9 were omitted, being newspapers, and too voluminous for the con- veyance. M. Monthieu's papers were sent to show you the demands that are made upon us and the grounds of them. You will see that they are accounts which Mr. Deane ought to have settled. It is this sort of neglect and a studied confusion that have prevented Mr. Adams and myself, after a tedious examination of the papers left with Dr. Franklin, from getting any satisfaction as to the expenditure of the public money. All that we can find is that millions have been expended and almost everything remains to be paid for. Bargains have been made of the most extravagant kind with this Mr. Monthieu and others. For example, the uniforms that are agreed for at thirty-seven livres might have been had here for thirty-two livres each, and equally good, which being 5 livres in every suit too much, comes to a large sum up on ■^:housands. Of the 100,000 livres advanced to Mr. Hodge there appears no ac- count. I have been told that Cunningham's vessel cost but £.3,000 ster- ling; for what purpose the overplus was given to Mr. Hodge, how the *JISS. Dep. of State; 2 A. Lee's Life, 52; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 496. JQNE 1, 1778. 601 public came to pay for her refitting, aud at length tbe vessel and her prize-money made over to Mr. Eoss and Mr. Hodge, without a farthing being brought to public accouut, it rests with Mr. Deane or Mr. Hodge to explain. I have enclosed you all the receipts found among those papers, the sending of which has beeu ueglected. Of the triplicates and duplicates an original is sent, and copies of those that are single. You will see that iny name is uot to the contracts. In fact, they were concealed from me with the utmost care, as was every other means of my knowing how these affairs were conducted; aud as both my col- leagues concurred iu this concealment, and in refusing my repeated requests to malce up accounts and transmit them to Congress, it was not in my power to kuow with accuracy, much less to prevent, this system of profusion. I was told that Mr. Williams, to whom I knew the public money was largely intrusted, was to furnish his accounts monthly; but they were never shown me; and it now appears that for the expenditure of a jnillion of livres he has given no account as yet; nor can we learn how far what he has shipped is on the public, how far on private account. We are in the same situation with regard to Mr. Ross. The indulgence to Mr. Williams,* aud favoring Mr. Chaumont, a particular friend of Dr. Franklin, is the only reason I can conceive for the latter having countenanced and concurred in all this system. You will see a specimen of the manner of it in the enclosed copy of a letter from Dr. Franklin to his nephew, which the latter sent me as an author- ity for his doing what the commercial agent conceived to be encroach- ing on his province. I have done my utmost to discharge my duty to the public iu preventing the progress of this disorder aud dissipation in the conduct of its affairs. If it should be found that my colleagues have done the same, I shall most cordially forgive them the offense and injury so repeatedly offered me iu the manner of it. I do not wish to accuse them, but excuse myself; and I should have felt as much hap- piness in preventing as I have regret in complaining of this abuse.* The appearance of tilings between this country and Great Britain, and the Emperor and the King of Prussia has been so long hostile, "The iusiuuatiou here that Dr. Fi-ankliu was disposed to favor Mr. Williams, he- cause ho was his uephcw, seems to have heeu made without just grounds. 'J'he con- trary, indeed, would appear from the following extract of a letter written hy Dr. Franklin to Mr. William Lee, March G, 1778, when Mr. Lee proposed to him that the commissioners should appoint Mr. Williams as a commercial agent at Nantes: "Your proposition," says Dr. Franklin, "ahout appointing agents in the ports shall be laid before the commissioners when they meet. In the mean time I can only say that as to my nephew, Mr. Williams, though I have from long knowledge aud experi- ence of him a high opinion of his abilities, activity, and integrity, I will have no hand in his appointment or in approving it, uot being desirous of his being iu any way concerned in that business. "I am obliged to you for your good opinion of my nephew, manifested iu your in- tention of nominating him .as above; and I beg you to accept my thanks, though for particular reasons, which you kuow, I do uot wish him to accept the employment." — Sparks. 602 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. witliout ail open rupture, that it is nob easy to say when either war will begin. The Kiii';- of Prussia has found it so necessary to cultivate the aid of Hanover, Hesse, Brunswick, etc., that he has declined receiving your deputy or following the example of France, as he prom- ised. It lenjains, therefore, to try the empress, who, independent of the present crisis, was much less inclined to our cause. It seems to be the settled system of northern politics that, if a war should happen, the Empress of Russia will assist the King of Prussia, as far as the Porte will permit her. In this country, the appointment of Marechal de Broglie commander of the army on the seacoast, and the Due de Chartres, son of the Due d'Orleans and prince of the blood, going on board the fleet at Brest, announce designs of some dignity and magnitude. I am of opinion, with our colleague Mr. Adams, that it would be better for the public that the appointment of your public ministers were fixed, instead of being left at large, and their expenses indefinite. Prom experience I find the expense of living in that character can not well be less than £3,000 sterling a year, which, I believe too, is as little as is allowed to any jiublic minister above the rank of a consul. If left at liberty, I conceive that most persons will exceed this sum. ISIeither do I perceive any adequate advantage to be expected from • having more than one person at each court. When things take a more settled form there will be little need of that check, which is the chief utility of it at present. The mixing iiowers, too, and vesting them in several persons at the same time, give ground for disputes, which are disgraceful, as well as detrimental to the public. This has been much experienced in the case of the commercial agents and the agent of the commissioners, who have been clashing and contesting till the public business was almost entirely at a stand. For the present, however, we have settled this matter by directing all commercial business to be put into the hands of those appoiuted by the commercial agent till the pleasure of Congress is known. Two more ships have been lately sent to ^Newfoundland, and two to the Mediterranean, ^hich, with thirteen detached under Admiral liyron to reenforce Lord Howe, leave seventeen of the line and eight frigates for Admiral Keppel, and these very ill-manned. I have ex- ceeding good iuformation that their plan of operations for America is as follows : General Howe is to evacuate Philadelphia, sending 5,000 of his troops and two ships of war to Quebec ; the rest of the troops, with the fleet, are to return to Halifax, where the latter, being joined by Admiral Byron, will, it is presumed, maintain a superiority in those seas over the allied fleet. *For an explanation of all the cliaiges contained in this letter, see Silas Deaue's letter to the President of Congress under date of October 1'2, 1778. See couceruing Williams' accounts, A, Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs, June 9, 1778, JUNE 1, 1778, 603 I -wrote you before that the lowest estimate given to the Kuglish ministry for the defense of Canada was 8,000 men, and that their actual force there was about 4,000 ; the 5,000 added will, iu their opinion, be sufficient, with their superiority at sea, for its protection. I can not learn that any but some German recruits are to be seut out this year, and, from the situation of things, they are more likely to recall a great part of their troops than to reenforce them. Our friends in Spain have promissd to remit me 150,000 livres more, which I shall continue to vest in supplies that may be useful to you.* I hope, in consequence of what I formerly wrote, to have the express order of Congress relative to the line they would choose to fix between the territories of the United States and those of the crown of Spaiu. The privileges to be enjoyed by the subjects of the United States, set- tling for the purx^oses of commerce, and the regulation of port duties, remain yet to be settled in both nations. But I foresee that if they are left unregulated, they will be the source of complaints and disagree- ments. The flotilla is not yet in port, which retards the operations in Europe. I could have wished that the great object of having a superior naval force in America had not been left to the uncertain issue on which it was placed by other advice than mine. Had the Brest and Toulon fleets, which were equally ready, been ordered to sail at the same time, that which met immediately with favorable winds to go on, and the other to return, one of them would probably have been upon your coast before this time, that is, before the English fleet could possibly have sailed to reenforce and save Lord Howe; and as having a superior force iu America was the great object, together with that of taking the Howes by surprise, they should have made as sure of this aim as possible. And, indeed, had it been executed with address, the war would have been ended. M. Penet has proposed to me the collecting and carrying over a num- ber of workmen, to establish a foundry of cannon and a manufactory of small arms. It is to be at his expense, under the protection of Con- gress. As this seems to me much more likely to answer your purposes than our sending them, I have ventured to give him my opinion that it will be acceptable to Congress. We have found such a universal dis- position here to deceive us in their recommendations, that it is ten to one if workmen chosen by us in such a circumstance were skillful. The disposition in Holland seems to be favorable to us, but I appre- hend it is not warm enough to produce any decided proof of it till they see Great Britain more enfeebled. M. Dumas published a memoir i sent him on the subject, which he thinks will have some effect. With my humble duty to Congress, I have the honor to be, etc., Aethue Lee. No such Btippliea arrived. 604 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartiue.* Passy, J««e 3, 1778. Sir: ATc bavo tlie honor of euclosiug to your excelleucy au account of duties paid by tbe agent for necessary supplies to the ship of war the Boston in the port of Bordeaux. As these duties are ^ery heavy, and the payment of any duties on mere supplies to ships of war, as on mer- chandise exported, appears to us uncommon, we beg the favor of your excellency to give such orders relative to it in all his majesty's ports as may regulate this for the future. The captain of the ship of war the Banger, belonging to the United States, has, we understand, put his prizes into the hands of the intend- ant or commandant at Brest; and no account has been rendered of them to the public agent or to us. We are also given to understand that, in consequence of this proceeding, very heavy fees are to be paid upon the sale of them. As the trausastion is altogether improper, we must trouble your excellency for au order to the commandant to deliver them, without delay or extraordinary charges, to the public agent, Mr. Schwe.ighauser, at Nantes, or to his order. It would give us satisfaction to annoy our enemies by granting a let- ter of marque, as is desired, for a vessel fitting out at Dunkirk, and, as it is supposed by us, containing a mixed crew of French, Americans, and English. But if this should seem improper to your excellency, we will not do it. We have the honor, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin et al.. Commissioners, to John Paul Jones, t Passy, June 3, 1778. SiE: We have received sundry letters from Lieutenant Simpson, and sundry certificates from officers and others, concerning his behavior in general, and particularly upon that occasion in which he is charged with disobedience of orders. Without giving or forming any decided opinion concerning his gnil t or innocence of the crime laid to his charge, wo may venture to say that the certificates we have received are very favorable to his character, and at least have reason to hope that he did not mean to disobey his orders. Be this, however, as it may, we are constrained to say that his confinement on board of any other ship than the Banger, and much more his confinement in a prison on shore, ap- pears to us to cairy in it a degree of severity which can not be justi- fied by reason or law. AVe therefore desire you would release Mr. • 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 290. t 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr. 570. JUNE 4, 1778. 605 Simpson from his imprisonmeut. and permit bim to go at large upon his parole to go to Kantes, there to take his passage to America by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take his trial by a court martial. We request you to transmit to us as soon as possible an accouut of what is due to Lieutenant SimpsoD, according to the ship's books, for wages. An application has been made to us in behalf of Mr. Andrew Tallen, one of the prisoners lately made by yon, and his case represented with such circumstances as have induced ns to request you to let Mr. Fallen go where he will, after taking his parole in writing that he will not communicate any intelligence which may be prejudicial to the United States; that he will not take arms against them during the war,- and that he will surrender himself prisoner ot war whenever called upon by Congress or their ministers at Paris. We are, sir, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin et al., Commiasiouers to Lieutenant Simpson, of the Ranger.* Passy, June 3, 1778. Sir : We have received several letters from you, and several certifi- cates from ofiflcers and others, respecting your behavior in general, as well as particularly relative to the charge of disobedience of orders for which you have been confined. It would be improper for ns to give any opinion concerning this charge, which is to be determined only by a court martial. But we have requested Captain Jones to set you at liberty upon your parole to go to Nantes, there to take your passage to America by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take your trial by a court martial, t We are, sir, your humble servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. A. Lee to Dumas, t Chaillot, June 4, 1778. Dear Sir: It gave me great pleasure to receive the key to the treasure you sent us before in Dutch, ray unacquaintauce with which having prevented me from knowing how much I was obliged to you for •S Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., TTI. t See on this subject a letter from Paul Jones to the Commissioners, June 16, 1778. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 501. 606 niPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. the improvetiieut made in (lie little essaj' I had tie liouor of sending to you. Felix faustiiinqKe .sit. May it open the eyes of your people to tlieir own interests, before a nniversal bankruptcy in England and a compelled frugality in America have deprived tbem of the golden op- portunity of extricating themselves from bad debtors and connecting themselves \yith good ones. So fair an opportunity of sharing in tlie most valuable commerce on the globe will never again present itself; and, indeed, they are greatly obliged to the noble and disinterested principles of the court of France which prevented this country from attemi)ting to possess itself of the monopoly which Great Britain had forfeited. In truth, they were great and wise principles, and the connection formed upon them will be dura- ble. France and the rest of Europe can never pay too large a tribute of praise to the wisdom of the most Ohristain king and his ministers in this transaction. You are happy in having the esteem and counsel of the Grand Fac- teur, who seems to have equal good sense and good intentions. Our enemies seem embarrassed in their operations. As far as we can learn, their fleet has not yet sailed for America to save the Howes from the fate that hangs over them. We have no intelligence on which we can rely. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Sartiiie to the Commissioners.* JVLarly, le 6 juin 1778. Je suis informe, Messieurs, que le Sieur Bersolle, apres avoir fait des avances assez considerables au capitaine Jones, commandant la fregate des liltats-Unis de FAmerique, le Ranger, s'est fait donuer par ce capi- taine une lettre de change dont vous avez refuse de faire acquitter le montant. Oomme le Sieur Bersolle se tronve par Itl dans I'embarras, et que vous sentirez sans doute qu'il est int^ressant pour la conserva- tion de votre credit qu'il en soit tire promptement, je suis persuad6 que vous ne difif6rerez pas de fiiire payer non seulement la lettre de change dont il s'agit, mais encore ce qui est du par le capitaine Jones a, la caisse de la marine a Brest, tant pour les effets qui lui ont etc dclivres des raagasins du roi, que pour sa subsistance personelle et celle de son equipage. Sur ce qu'il a represente que les gens de son equipage avoient pille du navire, le Chatham, beaucoup d'etfets, dont une partie, consistant en argenterie, avoit eto vendue ii un juif, il a 6t6 pris des informations au moyen desquelles I'argenterie et d'autres ei5f(its ont ete retrouves; mais le tout a etc en depot pour y rester, jusqa'a ce * 7 Joliu Adama' Works, 15. JUNE 8, 1778. 607 que le capitaine soit en efcat de rembourser ce qui a (5te pay6 pour ces effets. Je pense, an surplus, qu'il est a propos que vous soyez iuforraes que ce capitaine, qui s'est brouille avec sou etat major et avec tout son equipage, a fait inettre en prison le Sieur Simpson, son second. Vons jugerez, peut-etre, a propos de vous procurer les eclaircissemens neces saires pour savoir si ce priucipal offlcier s'est mis dans le cas de subir uno pareille punitiou. J'ai I'bonneur d'etre, avec la plus parftiite con- sideration, Messieurs, votre tres bumble et tres obeissant serviteur, De Saetinb. Harrison to R. Morris.' Virginia, June 8, 1778. Dear Sir: Your favor of the 26th ultimo came to hand a few days ago. At the same time I received the enclosed from my friend Deaue, who expected at the time of writing that it would find me in Congress; the contents of it are so interesting to him that it is but justice they should be communicated to some of the members of that body, lest he should suffer more unmerited ill-treatment. The characters he has drawn of the two brothers [Lee] in my opinion are just ones. You, who know them not, can form but an imperfect idea of those on that side of the water by what you have seen on this, they being much more designing, vindictive, and overbearing. Perhaps you maj- think this impossible, but be assured it is a fact, and that they are no more fit for the characters they bear than any man that can be thought on ; however they are fixed, and I suppose America must suffer them for a season longer, as the cabal is at present too powerful to afford us the least prospect of their removal. Dr. Franklin's letter (also enclosed) will in a manner prove that a change ought to take place. When an opportunity offers the welfare of America will loudly call on the virtu- ous in Oongress to make the attempt. You will please to show these letters to my iriend Banister and such others only as you can trust, and then return them by some safe hand to me. I think your conjectures of the enemies' intentions of quitting Phila- delphia are highly probable, as I can see nothing but their ruin if they attempt to stay, that is, without reenforcements, if they should get them it is not so certain, as there seems to be such a languor in the minds of the common people from one end of the continent to the other, that it will be impossible to rouse them to action. I speak with cer- tainty as to this country, and from hearsay as to others. I need not tell you it will give me pleasure to find I have been misinformed. The assembly here have exerted themselves greatly ; they have voteded a full regiment of horse under Nelson, which may be raised if they can be 'Collections of New York Historical Society, 1878, p. 436. 608 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. acconteretl. Tliey have also called on two thousaDd of their coiintiymen to turu out for six months; and have fallen, I think, on a good method to fill up their continental regiments. The bounties and other advantages in cloths and necessaries offered are almost ruinously great, and yet I am led to think that all this will not do, and that very few men will be got. Heaven, you say, has done much. It has so; but if it now stops, the work will, I fear, not be done. I am not used to despond, and yet I can not help gloomy thoughts when I view our prospects. I am placed in a very honorable situation, much against my will, as it was my firm intention to retire from public business, and apply myself wlioUy to my own, however thus honorably called on. I must divide my time between both in such a manner that I hope neither will suffer greatly. You will before this reachef? you have heard that our bay is clear of men-of-war. They are gone, it seems, after the fleet expected from France. I hope they will miss their aim, and that we shall have no more of their company, in which case this country will be in flour- ishing circumstances, for I plainly see the continent must make much the greatest part of its remittances from the southern States. Penn gave me a hint of the evil intended you by a certain great man ; but that when he came away it only appeared by now and then an iu- uendo, and a promise of what he intended to do when you were present. If he ever makes his attack, I am sure it will end in his own confusion, and prove him to be, what I from a very short acquaintaince suspected he was, an empty, envious, conceited • . I am, dear sir, your affectionate and obliged humble servant. P. S. Perhaps the Congress may now want my ship. I think she can be got out in the fall. [Without signature or direction]. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, June 9, 1778. Gentlemen: My last, of the 1st, informed yon of Admiral Byron, with thirteen sail, being ordered against you, of which we sent notice by every way most likely to warn the States of their danger. We have now certain advice that this fleet, having put into Plym- outh, is there stopped, their remaining fleet being found too weak to protect them at home. I enclose you a late account of their force and the disposal of it ; and nothing seems more certain than that the naval and land force now employed against you will be diminished, not aug- men^.ed. However, I have now settled such means of intelligence that you will be apprised if any alteration should happen. * 9 A. Lee'a Life, 57 ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., .oOL See, as to A. Leo's information as to British movements, Introduction, ^§ 150, 151 ; as to Williams, id., ^ 186. JUNE 9, 1778. 609 All our intelligence .inuounces the utmost confusion in Great r.ritnin and Ireland, such as will infallibly find them employment at home, in- dependent of France and Spain. Their councils are so fluctuating, in consequence of the variety of their distress, that advices of them can not be given with certainty ; that is, without being frequently subject to appear jiremature. The British ministry have agreed to an exchange of prisoners with us, by which we shall immediately release upwards of two hundred. War is not commenced in Germany, but is talked of as inevitable. The deputy of Congress for Vienna is at his destination, to feel the dis- position of that court. But I understand that their attention is so en- gaged with the approaching war that other propositions proceed slowly. As the King of Prussia contends against the empress and the house Of Austria in maintenance of the treaty of "Westphalia, which is the great bulwark of German rights, it is therefore necessary that he should league himself with the German princes, among whom the King of Great Britain, as Elector of Hanover, bears so much s^\ ay that he could not hazard the turning his influence against him by entering into an alli- ance with us. To cultivate and encourage the favorable disposition towards us in Holland, we have sent them the treaty concluded here, and we shall follow it by proposals for a loan as soon as Dr. Franklin (to whom the digesting of the plan, and having the i^roposed bills printed, is left) has jirepared the business for execution. Mr. Williams has at length given in his accounts, from which it ap- pears that upwards of forty thousand suits of the soldiers' clothes or- dered and twenty thousand fusils have been sent from Nantes and Bordeaux; and the present exhausted state of finances will not permit us to fulfill them further. The ships of war sent hither are an enormous expense to us, hardly any of them less than 100,000 livres, and things have been hitherto so managed that their prizes produce us little or nothing. This seems to have arisen from the variety of agentsemployed, the confusion of their provinces, and the loose manner in which the l)ublic accounts have been kept. To remedy this, we have to simplify the business of expenditure, by directing the whole to be discharged by the two deputy commercial agents appointed by my brother in the in- terval of his negotiation in Germany. By this we expect to avoid the infinite impositions arising from a connection with a multiplicity of merchants, many of whom, supposing us to know no better, will en- deavor to deceive us. They, as merchants, know how to check the others, and are themselves ultimately' responsible to us. I have the honor to be, etc., Aetuur Lee. 39 WH — VOL II 610 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Frauklin to Paul Jones.* Passy, June 10, 1778. Dear Sir: I received yours of the 1st instant, with the papers en- closed, which I have sliown to tlie other commissioners, but have not yet had their opinion of them. I only linow that they had before, in consideration of the disposition and uneasiness of your people, ex- pressed an inclination to order your ship directly back to America. You will judge from what follows whether it w^ould not be advisable for you to propose their sending her back with her people and under some other command. In consequence of the high opinion the minister of the marine has of your conduct and bravery, it is now settled (observe that this is to be a secret between us, I being ex])ressly enjoined not to communicate it to any other person, not even to the other gentlemen) that you are to have the frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to Government, and will be furnished with as many good French seamen as you shall require; but you are to act under Congress' commission. As you may like to have a number of Americans, and your own are homesick, it is proi)osed to give you as manj^ as you can engage out of two hundred i>risoners which the ministry of Britain have at length agreed to give us in ex- change for those you have in your hands. They propose to make the exchange at Calais, where they are to bring the Americans. Nothing is wanting to this but a list of yours, containing their names and raidc, immediately on the receipt of which an equal number are to bo pre- pared and sent in a ship to that port where yours are to meet tlieiu. Pray send this list by return of the post if possible. If by this means you can get a good new crew, I think it will be best that you are quite free of the old, for a mixture might introduce the infection of that sick- ness you complain of. But this may be left to your discretion. Perhaps we shall join with you the Providence, Captain Whipple, a new continental ship of thirty guns, which, in coming out of the river of Providence, gave the two frigates that were posted to intercept her each of thom so heavy a dose of her eighteen and twelve-pounders that they had not the courage, or were not able, to pursue her. The Boston is supposed to be gone from Bordeaux. It seems to be desired that you should step up to Versailles (where wo will meet you) in order to such a settlement of matters and plans with those who have the direction as can not well be done by letter. I wish it may be convenient to you to do it directly. The project of giving you the command of this ship jileases me the more, as it is a probable opening to the higher preferment you so justly merit. I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. '8 Spiirks' FriinUliii, '-173; 6 Bigelow's Fiaukliu, isl. JUNE 15, 1778. 611 A. Lee to Vergennes.* Chaillot, Jtiiic 14, 1778. Sir : It was with great pleasure I heard the explauatiou which yonr excellency did me the honor to give me yesterday relative to the twelith article of the commercial treaty; that it was meant to comprehend only provisions, and not the whole of our exports to his majesty's islands, and that denrees, the word employed, signifies eatables, not merchan- dise. It relieved the apprehensions I had entertained, that the having set in that article the whole of our produce against one of your produc- tions would seem unequal, would therefore give uneasiness in Congress, and prevent that unanimity in their approbatiou of the treaty which the wise and liberal xjrinciples on which it is planned deserve, and which I most sincerely wished it might receive. Upon referring, however, to the words of the treaty, I find they are denrees et marchandise, so that the words appear, by I know not what accident, to have been different from and to mean more than j-ou in- tended. I lament extremely that nothing of this explanation passed in our conference and correspondence with M. Gerard on this and the preceding article. Yet I am not without hope that Congress will rather trust to the equity of your court for reducing the article to its intended equality than gratify our enemies by an appearance of dissension in ratifying the treaties. Eeciprocity and equality being the principles of the treaties, and duration the object, your excellency will in my judgment have an op- portunity of strengthening the confidence and ties between us by offer- ing to remove words of a latitude not intended, and of an inequality which must be seen and create dissatisfaction. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Vergennea to A. Lee. [Translation. t] Versailles, June 15, 1778. Sir : I received with pleasure the letter you did uie the honor of writing to me yesterday. We shall not be long probably before we re- ceive news from your constituents and their judgment of the act which you signed here in conjunction with your colleagues. Should they demand any eclaircissements, we shall not refuse to make them. You know our principles, and I think we have given proofs of our disinter- estedness. I see with pleasure, sir, that you are satisfied with the proofs of the * 1 Sparks, Dip. Kev. Corr., 50:!. 1 1 Sparks, Dip. Kev. Corp., 504. 612 DIPLO^rATIC correspondence. Priuce do Montbaray's zeal in iirocnriug you the articles you requested from him.* You will always find us disposed to do everything that may coucern the welfare of the United States of America. I have the honor to be, etc., De Veegenwes. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.t Paris, June 15, 1778. Gentlemen : I find I was mistaken in saying in my last, of the 9th, that twenty thousand fusils had been shipped from Nantes and Bordeaux ; upwardsof ten thousand remain unshipped at Nantes. Upon the strength of the promised remittance from our friends in Spain and near one hundred thousand remaining in my hands I have desired the Gardoquis to continue shipping blankets and strong shoes fromBilboa; twenty thousand livres worth of drugs and salt to be shii>ped by Mr. Oathatan, of Marseilles ; a thousand suits of soldiers' clothes from Bordeaux, by Mr. Bonfleld ; and six hundred fusils, of the Prussian make, from Ber- lin, that you may judge, on arming a corps with them, whether they are preferable to others. My brother writes me from Vienna, in a late letter, that Colonel Faucit is using the utmost endeavors to raise German recruits; but from the present state of things I do not imagine he can succeed ; and the north, that is Eussia and Denmark, are not likely to give our ene- mies anj' assistance. As far as I can judge, their efforts against us, except a sort of i)iratical war, are exhausted. The same ministry con- tinues. The house of Bourbon is certainly united against them. They have the same imbecility of council. Their enemies increase in proportion to the diminution of their means. The decay of their com- merce, the distress of their people, rhe rapacity of their public officers, and the load of their debt aud taxes promise soon to bring upon them the most deplorable distress, and prevent them from being any longer a formidable enemy. The flotilla is not yet arrived. The enclosed copies of Captain Jones's letters, and one | from the majority of his crew, make me appre- hend that the Banger will share the fate of the Becenge. We have done all in our power to bring him and his officers into order, but hitherto in vain. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. ' This lelatos to military articles for the State ofVirginia, which Mr. Lee was au- thorized to procure. The correspondence concerning this subject will be found in the first volume of the Life of Arthur Lee. — Sparks. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 504. X Both missing.— Sparks. JUNE 15, 1778. fil3 Franklin, Lee, and Adams, to Sartine.* Passy, Jime 15, 1778. Sir: We beg leave to inform your excellency, in answer to tlie com- plaint of M. Bersolle, that lie had formerly taken the liberty himself to draw on oar banker for advances made to Captain Jones before his last crnise, and was much displeased that his draft was refused pay- ment. We acquainted him then with the reason of this refusal, namely : That he had sent us uo accounts of his disbursements or advances, by which we might judge whether his draft was well founded; and he had never any permission to draw ou our banker. However, afterwards, when we had seen bis accounts, payment was made to him. In tlie present case it is said he has advanced to Captain Jones a thousand louis, immediately on his arrival, for which the captain has drawn ou us in M. BersoUe's favor. But as Captain Jones had not i^reviously satisfied us of the necessity for this advance, nor had our permission for the draft, his bill was also refused payment. And as Captain Jones writes us that, upon the news of our refusal, he was reduced to neces- sity, not knowing where to get victuals for his people, we conclude that the advance was not actually made, as it is impossible he should, in so short a time, have spent so large a sum. And we think it extremely irregular in merchants to draw bills before they send their accounts, and in captains of ships of war to draw for any sums they please with- out previous notice and express permission. And our captains have the less excuse for it, as we have ever been ready to furnish them with all the necessaries they desired, and Captain Jones in particular has had of us near a hundred thousand livres for such purposes, of which twelve thousand was to be distributed among his people to relieve their necessi- ties, the only purpose mentioned to us for which this draft was made and which we thought sufficient. If this liberty assumed of drawing on us without our knowledge or consent is not checked, and we are obliged to pay such drafts, it will be impossible for us to regulate our own contracts and engagements so as to fulfill them with punctuality, and we might in a little time become bankrupts ourselves. If, tlierefore, M. Bersolle has brought himself into any embarrassment, it is not our fault, but his. We are ready to discharge all debts we contract; but we must not permit other people to run us in debt without our leave; and we do not conceive it can hurt our credit if we refuse payment of such debts. Whatever is due for necessaries furnished to Captain Jones by the Caisse de la Marine at Brest, either from the magazine or for the subsistence of his people, we shall also readily and thankfully pay as soon as we have seen and approve of the accounts; but we conceive that, regularly, the communication of accounts should always precede demands of payment. We are much obliged by the care that has been taken to recover the goods pillaged from the Chatham, and we think * 7 J. AdaiuH' Works, IG. 614 DIPLOMATIC COEEESPONDENCE. the charges that have arisen ia that transaction ought to be paid, and we suppose will be paid, out of the produce of the sales of that ship aud her cargo. We understand that Lieutenant Simpson is confined by his captain for breach of orders; he has desired a trial, which can not be had here; aud therefore, at his request, we have directed that he should be sent to America for that ijurpose. We shall be obliged to j'Our excellency for your orders to permit the immediate sale of the Chatham and other j)rizes ; that the part belong- ing to the captors may be paid them, as they are very uneasy at the delay, being distressed for want of their money to purchase clothing, etc., and we wish to have the part belonging to the Congress out of which to defray the charges accruing on the ships. The difficulties our people have heretofore met with in the sale of prizes have occasioned them to be sold often for less than half their value. And these diffi- culties, not being yet quite removed, are so discouraging, that we appre- hend it will be thought advisable to keep our vessels of war in America, and to send no more to cruise on the coast of England. We are not acquainted with the character of Captain Batson, but if your excellency should have occasion for a pilot on the coast of America, and this per- son, on examination, should appear qualified, we shall be glad that lie may be found useful in that quality ; and we are thankful to the con- sul at Nice for his readiness to serve our countrymen. With the greatest respect and esteem, we have the honor to be, your excellency's, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin to Hartley.* Passy, June 16, 1778. Sir : I received yours of the oth instant, acquainting us that the minis- try have at length agreed to an exchange of prisoners. We shall write to Captain Jones for the list required, which will be sent you as soon as received. We understand there are at least two hundred. We desire and expect that the number of ours shall be taken from Tortune and Plymouth in proporiion to the number in each place, and to consist of those who have been longest in confinement — it being not only equitable that they should be first, but this metliod will prevent all suspicions that you pick out the worst and weakest of our people to give in ex- change for your good ones. If you think proper to clear your pris- oners at once and give us all our people, we give you our solemn en- gagement — which we are sure will be punctually executed — to deliver • 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 291. JUNE IG, 1778. 615 to Lord Howe in America, or to bis order, a number of your sailors equal to tbe surplus, as soon as tbe agreement arrives tbere. Tbere is one tbing more wbicb wo desire may be observed. We sball note in our lists tbe names and numbers of those taken in tbe service of the king, distinguishing tliem from those taken in the merchants' serv- ice; that in the exchange to be made you may give adequate numbers of those taken in the service of the States and of our merchants. This will prevent any uneasiness among your navy men and ours if the sea- men of merchantmen are exchanged before them. As it will be very troublesome and expensive, as well as fatiguing to them, to march our people from Brest to Calais, we may endeavor to get leave for your ship to come to the road of Brest to receive them there, or if that can not be, we must desire from your admiralty a passport for the ship that is to convey them from Brest to Calais. If you have any of our people still prisoners on board your ships of war, we request they may be put into the prisons, to take their chance of exchange with the rest. B. Franklin, Franklin, Lee, and Adams to John Paul Jones.* Passy, June 16, 1778. Sir: Upon the receipt of this letter you will forthwith make prepa- rations with all possible dispatch for a voyage to America. Your own prudence will naturally induce you to keep this your destination a secret, lest measures should be taken by the enemy to intercept you. If, in the course of your ]jassage home, opportunities should present of making prizes, or of doing any material annoyance to the enemy, you are to embrace them, and you are at liberty to go out of your way for so desirable a purpose. The fishery at the banks of Newfoundland is an important object, and possibly the enemy's nien-of war may have other business than the protection of it. Transports are constantly passing and repassing from Ehode Island, New York, and Philadelphia to Halifax and from all these places to England. You will naturally search for some of these as prizes. If the French Government should send any dispatches to you, or if you should receive any from us to carry to America, you will take the best care of them, and especially that they may not fall into improper hands. You are not, however, to wait for any dispatches, but to pro- ceed upon your voyage as soon as you can get ready. If there is any room on board your ship where you could stow away a number of chests of arms or of clothing (or the use of the United States, you will inform M. Schweighauser of it, that he may send them to you before your ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Con., 292. 61 G PIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. departure. We do uot mean to cucumher you with a cargo wliicli will obstruct the sailiug of your sbip or will impede her fighting; but if, consistent with her sailiug and fighting, she can take any quantity of arms or clothing, it will be a desirable object for the public. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. John Paul Jones to the Commissioners at Paris.* Passt, June IC, 1778. Gentlemen : At the time when I took Lieutenant Simpson's parole I did not expect to have been so long absent from America ; but as cir- cumstances have BOW rendered the time of my return less certain, I am willing to let the dispute between us drop forever by giving up that parole, which will entitle him to the command of the Ranger. I bear no malice; and if I have done him an injury, this will be making him all the present satisfaction in my power. If, on the contrary, he has injured me, I will trust to himself for an acknowledgment. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of esteem and respect, yonr obliged, etc., John Paul Jones. Johnstone to Morris.t [PriTato.] rniLADELPHiA, Jtine 16, 1778. Deae Sir: I came to this country in a sincere belief that a reconcil- iation between Great Britain and America could be established on terras honorable and beneficial to both. I am persuaded and can jjrove that the last treaty with Prance should be no bar, and the first treaty, if ever you saw it, should be an inducement. Supposing every obstacle to pre- vent us from treating removed, we are then to consider whether the terms proposed are advantageous. I enclose you my sentiments on the subject at large. If they concur with yours, we should join in the work with all the prudence and all the means possible and virtuous, I believe the men who have conducted the affairs of America incapable of being influenced by improper motives. But in all such transactions there is risk, and I think whoever ventures should be secured, at the same time that honour and emolument should naturally follow the fortune of those who have steered the vessel in the storm and brought her safely to port. I think that Washington and the President have a right to * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 291. t MSS. Dep, of State, vol. 13, No. 78. JUNE 17, 1778. 617 every favor that grateful nations can bestow if they could once more unite our interest and spare the miseries and devastation of war. I wish, above all things, to see you, and I hope you will so contrive it. Do not think Great Britain is so low. Eemember she never can be lower than you were at Trenton. It is the same blunderers who produced the war who have conducted it. When the sense of the nation is roused, believe me, she can make struggles that few have conceived, but which I should be sorry to see exerted on such an occasion. Whatever may be our fate, I shall ever retain the strictest private friendship for you and yours; but let me eiitreat you to recall all those endearing ties to your recollection. I am, with affection and esteem, dear sir, yonr obedient servant, Geo. Johnstone * Carmichael to the President of Congress.t YoRKTOWN, June 17, 1778. SiE: Since my arrival here I have been informed of the honor con- ferred upon me by Congress in being appointed secretary to the com- missioners at the court of France, an honor which greatly overpays the feeble efforts of my zeal, and is more than I could expect, consideriug the well-tounded pretensions of others to their notice. I beg leave, through you, sir, to express my grateful sensibility of this proof of their confidence, as well as the ardent desire I have of meriting it in future.^ I have the honor to be, etc., William Carmiohael. *Sir George Johnstone, when a member of Parliament, avowing peculiar sym- pathy with America, was, with Lord Carlisle and William Eden, appointed by Lord North commissioner, in 1778, to arrange terms of "conciliation" with Amer- ica. Congress, however, declined to enter into any negotiation which did not accept independence as a basis. The above letters to Morris from Johnstone being reported to Congress, a resolution was adopted August 11 expressing the highest and most pointed indignation "against such daring and atrocious attempts to corrupt their in- tegrity," and "that it is incompatible with the honor of Cougress to bold any man- ner of intercourse with the said George Johnstone," etc. Johnstone iiublished a vin- dication of himself and retired from the commission. Washington, on August 20, 1778, in a letter to the President of Congress, says: "The conduct of Gov. Johnstone has been certainly reprehensible, to say no worse of it, and so I think the world will determine. * * * When these things are known he must share largely in public contempt, and the more so from the opposite parts he has taken." See C Sparks' Washington's Writings, 32. tMSS. Dep. of State; 5 Spark's Dip. Rev. Corr., 15. tit does not appear that Mr. Carmichael over accepted this appointment. He was chosen a delegate to Congress from Maryland, and joined that body on the 19th of November, 1778.— Sparks. 618 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Izard to Franklin.' Paris, June 17, 1778, SiE : Mr. Pringle, who was tbe bearer of my last letter, ha.s given me an accoQut of liis couversation with you on tbe subject of it. It would have been much more satisfactory to me if, instead of speaking to hiui about the contents of it, you had done me the honor of writing an answer to it. Words which pass in conversation are sometimes forgotten and sometimes misunderstood. Misrepresentations are frequently the conse- quence, which though xiroduced by mistake to a niiud aflecled by ill treatment, of which neither the occasion can be learned nor the progress stopped, maj' pass from effects proceeding from other causes. I enclose you a cop\' of Mr. Pringle's letter. You will be so good as to correct any mistakes that may be found in it. Some there probably are; I do not, for instance, think it likely you could have said that you did not know what I complained of, at the same time that mj complaints appear so numerous that it would require a pamphlet to answer them. It is impossible that both these assertions can be true; and though I can not agree with you in either, I shall not dispute about them, but refer you to the several letters which I have written you since the receipt of your favor of 29th of January. I have requested to be informed of your reasons for withholding from me all communications respecting the treaty of commerce during the negotiation contrary to an express instruction of Congress. You have constantly, in spite of every endeavor on iny part to get your reasons in writing, wrapped yourself up with caution, and notwithstanding the repeated breach of your engagement with me, have not been ashamed to make promises of the same kind and break them again, to amuse me till Mr. Deane had an opportunity of going privately away. I shall not examine your inducements for so carefully avoiding to commit your- self to paper on this subject, but only observe that this determination compels me to mention the reasons given by Dr. Bancroft and your grandson, which would have been more agreeable to me to have had under your own hand. Those gentlemen have informed me that some proposals which Mr. Lee had made to you and Mr. Deane respecting his brother and me made you apprehensive that it was intended to have us admitted into all consultations, and that every question should be carried by a plurality of voices ; that this had determined yeur con- duct with respect to communications to me; but that if you had been never so well inclined to communicate anything relative to the treaty, yon lay under such strong injunctions of secrecy from the French min- istry that it was out of your power to do it. With respect to the first of these reasons, I shall observe, that if Mr. Lee ever made any such proposal it was entirely unknown to me. I have spoke to him on the subject, and he declares that he never said * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Di]>. Rev. Corr., 676, with omissioua and verbal changes. JUNE 17, 1778. 619 anything that could in the least justify such an apprehension. There does not, indeed, seem the least probability that such a proposal could have been made. The unfortunate dispute in which he was engaged with you and Mr. Deane, and the decided majority of which you were possessed, would have made such an attempt on his part too weak for a man of common understanding. [Whatever may be the causes of your enmity to him I know not, but I beheve you will hardly assert that it proceeds from his want of abili- ties. I very well remember, and you ought not to forget, when they were powerfully exerted in your defense in the day of your tribulation. When the indecent and barbarous language of a calumniating Scotch lawyer had surrounded you with a host of enemies, when everything wicked and false was said against you, and your name scarcely ever mentioned in London without the most opprobious epithets being an- nexed to it; — in that day of danger and distress did Mr. Lee stand forth your friend ; he refuted and exposed the arguments of your assailant, who seemed to aim at nothing less than your total destruction ; andperhaps to these circumstances may your present situation be owing, which puts it in your power to make such a return to him as he has ex- perienced from you. To those who are perfectly acquainted as I am with what has just been mentioned, your conduct towards him, your connections with those who wish him ill, and your endeavors to place him in an odious and contemptible point of view will exhibit a very un- pleasing picture of the human heart. He is, however, very capable of defending himself, and if no more accidents happen to his dispatches and no more opportunities of writing to Congress are concealed from him. I doubt not but he will do it with success.*] With regard to the injunctions of secrecy which the French ministry are said to have laid you under, I answer that you had no right to lay yourself under any such injunctions. Before you can avail yourself of that excuse you should show that you had reminded the French plen- ipotentiary of thf re being at that time in Paris two other commission- ers of Congress, to whom your duty required you to communicate not only a copy of the treaty originally proposed by Congress, but also whatever subsequent alterations might be proposed on either side. Had this been done, and he had expressed a desire that those commis- sioners also should be unacquainted with the transaction, rather than the smallest obstruction should be thrown in the way of the negotia- tion I should have been contented to have had it kept from me as long as you thought proper. [i believe it will be no difficult matter to show the probability of this injunction of secrecy being obtained to answer your own priv^ate pur- poses. Very certain it is, that you did not think yourself bound to keep the secret any longer than it suited you, nor from any person when you thought it convenient for you to divulge it. If it was of such • Passage in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. 620 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. importance that the negotiation of the treaty shonld be kept so secret that even those gentlemen whom Congress had thought proper to honor with commissions equal to your own could not with propriety be trusted with it, by wliat authority was it communicated to your grandson and to Dr. Bancroft? It will surely not be alleged that there was a neces- sity of haviug it copied by somebody, and therefore who so proper as those gentlemen. I can not think that there was any absolute neces- sity for their assistance in this case, and they will, I am sure, both ex- cuse me for saying that under such circumstances the commissioners themselves shonld have copied the treaties, especially as one of those gentlemen offered to do it in a letter to you. Some little light will be thrown on this business when it is known that your grandson had some time i)revious to this been making interest for the office of secre- tary to the commission, to which Congress had annexed a salary of a thousand pounds sterling a year, and had actually applied to Mr. Deane for his assistance in obtaining it. One of the commissioners proposed that the copies of the treaties which Avere transmitted to Congress should be examined and attested by themselves. This proposal, I un- derstand, was rejected, as you had determined that your grandson should not only cojjy, but attest them. They were accordingly sent over to Congress in that manner, that Congress might see how worthy he was of confidence, and of course of the office in question. It is with the utmost reluctance that I find myself compelled to mention this young gentleman, whom I believe to be extremely worthy of any con- fidence that has or may be placed in him.] * Having examined these reasons, and I hope at least shown the prob- ability of their being only pretended ones, I shall proceed to state what appears to me the true cause of your conduct ; and as it will be neces- sary to trouble you with a dull narrative, you will I hope excuse it on account of the importance of it. I received a letter in October last from Mr. William Lee, one of the joint commercial agents for conduct- ing the affairs of the Congress in this kingdom, desiring my attendance at your house in Passy, and informing me that he had something of importance to lay before the commissioners. I accordingly attended, and heard an account of some very extraordinary abuses and embar- rassments in the commercial department, owing to the misconduct of Mr. Thomas Morris, late one of the joint commercial agents, and to the claim which certain jiersons made to the management of the afi'airs of the Congress at Nantes. Mr. Lee comi>lained of great obstructions which he had met with from these circumstances; that so far from re- ceiving any assistance from the commissioners, they seemed to have en- couraged the persons who had opposed him in the discharge of his duty, and that he had repeatedly written to the commissioners for their support, without ever having been able to obtain the favor of an an- swer. He expressed his desire of returning to ISTantes and using his ' Pass.age iu brackets omitted in Sparks' Ed. JUNE 17, 1778. 621 ideavors to prevent the repetition of such abases as had been stateJ, id did not doubt but witli the support of the commissioners he should ) able to render this material service to the public. The support which 5 required was a letter from the commissioners, addressed to all such tptains of ships as were in the service of the Congress, informing lem that he was an agent properly authorized by Congress to manage leir commercial concerns in this country, and that it would be proper r them to follow his instructions. This request, which appeared to e extremely reasonable, was to my astonishment rejected both by m and Mr. Deane. This appeared the more extraordinary to me, as you both acknowl- iged that you were perfectly convinced of the truth of what Mr. Lee id stated to you, and said you had laid those abuses before Congress, id complained in the strongest terms against Mr. Thomas Morris, hose misconduct had occasioned some of them; that Congress had iven you a tacit reproof, by taking no notice of the complaints you ad made, and that Mr. Robert Morris, a member of the committee for »reign affairs, had given you a rap over the knuckles for having lade them. I begged you to consider that the silence of Congress, hich you had construed into a reproof, might have been occasioned y the multiplicity of business they had to transact; or they might ave attended to them, and their letter on the subject have miscarried, his you said could not have been the case, as the complaints to Con- ress against Mr. Morris made but part of your letter ; there were sev- ral other matters contained in it which were all answered, and as the jmplaint against Mr. Morris was the only part unnoticed, you consid- red it as a reproof to you for having written to Congress about it. ou had attempted once to correct the abuses which everybody knew ere practising at l>rantes to a very scandalous degree. Mr. Eobert lorris had misrepresented your good intentions, and had insinuated 1 his letter to Mr. Deane of 29th of June that your complaints against is brother were made from interested motives, and that you wished im removed to make room for your nephew. As your conduct had in Qe instance, relative to the abuses at I^antes, been thus misrepre- jiited, you were determined it should in no other, by adhering to your isolution of not meddling with them. Your reasons did not appear at all satisfactory to me, and I took the berty of telling you so, which gave you very great offense. I was ex- •emely sorry for it, but did not at that time, nor have I upon the most lature deliberation since, been able to conceive how it could have been voided, consistent with my duty. I requested you to consider how nreasonable it was to allow your resentment against the committee ir a supposed tacit reproof, and against Mr. Eobert Morris for what ou called a rap over the IcnucJdes, to operate to the prejudice, perhaps ) the destruction, of the commercial concerns of your country. Your aswer was direct and positive : " If these consequences should hap- 622 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. pen, Mr. Eoberfc Morris and the committee must be answerable for them, but you are determined not to meddle with the matter." In this deter- mination Mr. Deane cooperated, and we parted without Mr. Lee's hav- ing been able to obtain any satisfaction on the subjects of his com- plaints, except a promise on your part to countermand an order which you had given relative to the sale of one of the prizes at Nantes. This promise, however, I understand was not fulfilled. I most solemnly protest, that I believe this interview to have been the cause of your excluding me from all communications. An ear poisoned with flattery listens with reluctance to the voice of truth. Conscious, as you must have been, of having at least given your countenance, in more instances than one, to proceedings which were injurious to the interests of your country, that voice could not have been very pleasing to you. Tou had just received very substan- tial proof that no other language but that of truth was to be expected from me, and therefore concluded that I should prove a very trouble- some monitor. This determined you to exclude me from all communi- cations whatever, and even proper opportunities of writing to Congress have been frequently concealed from me. Tou are mistaken in saying that this of Mr. Deaue's and Mr. Gerard's is the only one I ever com- plained of. Without attempting to enumerate them, I shall only desire you to recollect that, in company with your grandson, I complained to yououthis subjectsometime ago, and mentioned particularly the French frigate called the Belle PoM?te, having sailed from Bordeaux the 1st Janu- ary, charged with your dispatches, without mj^ having the least intima- tion given me of it till she was gone. In this instance also you availed yourself of that dangerous state engine, necessity, and of the strict in- junction of secrecy from the French court. I could, if necessary, remind you of many other matters of the same kind. Perhaps it may be said that you were not required bj- Congress to make those communications. This may be considered in the nature of those injuries against which no positive law can be produced, but which are, notwithstanding, known to be injuries by all the world. Had the directions of Congress, however, in these points been as explicit as words could make them, I doubt not but you would have found the means of evading them, as you have in others, if it suited your purpose, and have drawn arguments for your justification from every source. I shall trouble you with my reasons for thinking so. I requested of you at Chaillot to let me know why yon had disregarded the instructions of Congress respecting the treatj\ You expressed your doubts whether Congress intended to have anything communicated to me except the treaty, after it was concluded. I referred you to the words of the in- struction itself, which I had quoted to you in my letter, and asked you if you thought it possible that the gentlemen who had written them could have been so ignorant as not to know the distinction between a proposition and a conclusion. Other doubts arose. If I had been at JUNE 17, 1778. 623 Florence, the department which was assigned me by Congress, it might have been inconvenient to have followed the strict letter of the instrnc- tions, by sending every alteration of the treaty that might have been proposed on either side, on account of the danger of their being inter- cepted. In this I agreed with yon perfectly, and told you that, if I had been at Florence, you would have had an excuse which at that time was of no service to you. I am sorry to be obliged to refer to words spoken in conversation; I have wished to avoid it, but you have put it out of my power. Had you written down what I have just related, which you promised me to do, it might have been of service to you in one instance. You would have recollected having already given it as your opinion that, if I had been at Florence, it would have been improper to have sent me the alterations proposed iu the treaty, and would prob- ably not have mentioned to Mr. Pringle a reason in your justification totally the reverse of this. As you have, however, done it, it will be necessary to remind you that my not having gone to Florence has been entirely owing to reasons given me by the Tuscan minister at this court, which I have informed Congress of. These reasons were also com- municated to you and the other commissioners, and you thought they ought to be complied with. [Hadmy own inclinations alone been consulted, I should not long have remained in this place, to be a witness of such parts of your conduct as I can not think will reflect any honor upon you when they are exam- ined into.] You observed to Mr. Pringle that I had written you an angry letter. When you reflect upon your proceedings towards me, tiiat ought not to surprise yon. Having conceived myself injured by you, I make a com- plaint to you in writing; you deny that it is well founded, and promise me an explanation of your conduct. Eelying upon your word, I sufier myself to be amused from time to time by promises and excuses, till Mr. Deane, who has supported you in all your measures, sails for America. Would it not have been fair and honorable to have given me your reasons iu justification of your conduct before that gentleman's departure, that I might have had an opportunity either of being con- vinced by them or of refuting them, and that his verbal representations in America might not be made without having any thing from me to oppose them ? I am very gravely told that, as a proof of your not having thought it a good opportunity, you had not yourself written by Mr. Deane. Is there a man of commoii sense in the world who will not see that, as Mr. Deane is a party concerned in the contest which has unhappily sub- sisted between us, and of course will be interested in your justification, there was no absolute necessitj^ for your writing, but that the very reverse was the case with me? Having thus blown up a flame about me, you are unreasonable enough to be surprised at my being warmed by it. Does not this resemble the conduct of the tyrant Kouli Khan, 624 DIPLOMATIC COERKSPONLIENCE. who, liaving cut the tendoQS of a man's legs with his sworil, would afterwards have compelled him to dance"? I most be very plain in tell- ing you that I envy not the feelings of that man, bo his reputation ever so highly exalted, who can with coldness either offer or receive an injury. [You have acknowledged yourself in our debt, and in the language of scripture desire me to have patience and you will pay me all. Whether the quotation was made ironically or not I can not tell. I have, how- ever, turned to the eighteenth chapter of St. Matthew, from which it was taken, and do not find that your case is at all applicable to the one re- ferred to. The debtor there is represented (verses 25 and 20) as an object of compassion and penitence. Had he been detected in contriv- ances to put off the day of payment for the purpose of injuring his creditor, the mercy recommended by the divine Author of our religion would not have been extended to him, and he would probably in the first instance have been " delivered to the tormentors" — verse 31. I shall take the liberty of recommending the perusal of the other parts of this chapter to you, and if the instruction which it contains is at- tended to, your quotation, though inapplicable, may not prove entirely useless. It is proper you should now be acquainted with a piece of information that 1 have received from Mr. Lee. I repeat, that it is with reluctance I find myself compelled to have recourse to verbal informa- tion. Tour choosing to make use of insinuations and cautiously avoid- ing to commit yourself to paper has left mo no alternative. Mr. Lee tells me that he applied to you to have the treaties sent me above a mouth after they were signed ; that you said that you had heard a friend of mine had made some insurances respecting a war ; that the knowl- edge of the treaties having been signed might affect those insurances; it might be supposed, however falsely, that I had communicated them to my friend, and therefore yoir thought it best for my sake that I should some time longer be contented to remain without them. I shall beg leave to trouble you with an observation or two on this matter. An injury has been offered through me to the public. In spite of every effort on my i^art to prevent the continuance and increase of it, you have shown a fixed determination to persist and have availed yourself of every artifice to evade giving any written explanation. Verbal in- sinuations have, however, been carefully propagated, which may or may not be denied, and now the mask of friendship is put on. You must be conscious that no such effect as you have insinuated could possibly have been produced. Long before the time of your giving that reason to Mr. Lee it was publich^ known both in Paris and in Loudon that a treaty had been actually signed with the court of France. Mr. Fox, on the 17th of February, in the House of Commons, confidently asserted it, mentioned accurately the time of its being signed, and gave you as the author of tlje intelligence. The following is au extract of his speech, printed in the Courier de I'Europe of the 21st of February : " Jai vu une lettre du Docteur Franklin dans laquelle ce commissaire de l'Am6riqu6 JUJSE 17, 1778. 625 dit express^meut k sou correspoudant a Londres il y a dix jours que les d^put^sdu Coiigiesoutsign6 avec le ministre Fran9ais uu traits de commerce." I acquainted you myself of this accusation which had been made against you in Parliament. You told me that you had been falsely accused by Mr. Fox, and that you had never written any such letter as he pretended to have seen. It is not my purpose to examine whether Mr. Fox's assertions were true or false. All I wish to show is, that the communicating the treaty to me in the mouth of March could not have produced the effect you pretended to be afraid of, as the secret was known in February both in France and in England, and from the accuracy of Mr. Fox's intelligence it must have been received from very good authority. A friend of mine, you say, has been specu- lating in insurances on a war, and therefore /tir my sake you thought it best that I should not desire to see the treaties. This was intended to be thought extremely friendly. I do not know which of my friends you hint at whose speculations have come under your observation, and should be obliged to you if you would inform me. Whoever he may be, I will assert that no secret which might have been intrusted to me should have been divulged to answer any private purposes whatever. How extraordinary it will appear to the public, if it can be proved, that notwithstanding your great kindness and attention to me, specu- lations of various kinds to a very considerable amount have been con- stantly carried on by persons residing under your own roof; that one of the gentlemen engaged in those speculations was himself a commis- sioner; that you were informed of Lord North's having boasted of his lenity in not apprehending a friend of yours who was in London specu- lating in the funds for the benefit of the commissioners ; and that after having been informed of this you yourself communicated the treaty to that gentleman at the very time when you refused to make such com- munications to Mr. William Lee and myself, in defiance of the express iusiructions of Congress. It will appear still more extraordinary, if it can be proved, that a friend of yours was in the month of January made acquainted with the very day that the treaty was to be signed ; that this information was transmitted to London ; and in consequence of it that insurances to a great amount were made, for whose benefit I will not take upon me to say. If these things can be proved, the world will judge by what motive you have been actuated. I have been con- fidently assured that they can be proved, and I beg that you will let me know if my information is true or false, I have but one thing more to trouble you with at present. Since the greatest part of this letter has been written.]* I have been told by a gentleman that the French ministry desired that Mr. Arthur Lee and myself, expressly mentioned by name, might have certain matters concealed from us. I can not take a step in this business without having some insinuation to encounter. iVly informant * Passage in brackets omitted in Sparka' ed. 40 WH — VOL II 626 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. was not so explicit as I wished him to be. He did not acquaint me with the points iutended to be concealed, whether they related to the treaties or to the departure of Mr. Deane. I must beg the favor of you, therefore, to let me know if you were desired by the French min- istry to conceal either or both of those matters from me hy name, or whether, as I believe to be the case, you had no such injunctions at all. There is reason to believe that the insinuation is injurious both to the French ministry and to us. I have never, by any part of my proceed- ings, subjected myself to be refused admittance into their presence. I have never been compelled to have recourse to any person to soothe and deprecate their resentment, excited by transactions which they thought obliged theui to make nse of expressions highly reflectiug oq the honor of my country, at the very time when perhaps the interests, and even the safety, of America might have been affected by that re- sentment. Will you undertake to make the same declaration ? If you do, it shall appear that I do not deal in insinuations ; and if the minis- try were inclined to show any marks of their dissatisfaction, the world will judge who were the persons most likely to experience them. If, after having been made acquainted with the instructions of Con- gress relative to the treaty, the ministry desired to have the proposed alterations concealed from me, and there was any danger of an ob- struction to your negotiation if the directions of Congress were insisted on, I shall endeavor to learn what could have induced them to such conduct. The mischievous tendency of some jjarts of the treaties might have been pointed out, had they been communicated to me before it was too late, and a troublesome and ineffectual application to the court of Spain for relief might have been rendered unnecessary. I am, sir, etc., EALPH IZAED. Lovell to Franklin.* YoRKTOWN, June 20, 1778. Sir : By a most unlucky mistake I did not forward the resolve of the 5th of May with the ratifications of the treaties sent in that mouth in the packets ABC, but I have sentvit in D E via Martinique, and now .forward it via Boston in F G, not allowing myself to wait for the coa- currence of the committee in a joint letter. Our troops were in the city of Philadelphia on the morning of the 18th. The intentions of the enemy in evacuating it can not yet be ex- plained. Our army is in motion and will press them. The gazettes contain everything material. By the arrival of Messrs. ^imeon Deiaue, May 2, Courter, May IS, Stevenson, June 10, Holker and Carmich^iel, June 18, we have the favors of yourself and, other friends in contipu- ance. Commissioners will be particularly nominated to transact affairs *2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 34. JUNE 21, 1778. 627 for us at Lisbon and The Hague, if those courts are well disposed towards us. We are now growing anxious about our worthy friend J, Adams. Tour most humble servant, James Lovell, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs. R. H. Lee, Hayward, and Lovell, for Committee of Foreign Affairs, to the Commissioners at Paris.* York, June 21, 1778. Gentlemen; The British commissioners have arrived, and trans- mitted their powers and propositions to Congress, which have received the answer you will tind "> the Pennsylvania Gazette of the 20th in- stant. On the 18th of tL.^ mouth, General Clinton, with the British army, (now under his command), abandoned Philadelphia, and the city is in possession of our troops. The enemy crossed into Jersey, but whether with design to push for South Amboj^, or to embark below Billings- port, on the Deleware, is yet uncertain. General Washington has put his army in motion, and is following the enemy into Jersey. There has arrived here a M. Holker, from France, who has presented a paper to Congress, declaring that he comes with a verbal message to Congress from the minister of France touching our treaty with Great Britain, and some other particulars which, for want of his paper, we can not at present enumerate. The style of his paper is as if from the representative of the court, but he has no authentic voucher of his mission for the delivery of this verbal message. We desire of you, gentlemen, to give us the most exact information in your power con- cerning the authenticity of M. Holker's mission for this purpose. We are, gentlemen, with esteem and regard, etc., Richard H. Lee. Thomas Hayward, Jr. James Lovell. Franklin to Commanders of Vessels.! Gentlemen: Whereas this religious society, commonly called the Moravian Brethren, have established a mission on the northern part of the Labrador coast for the good purposes of civilizing and converting to Christianity the barbarians who live there, and by that means put- ting an end to their custom of plundering and murdering the people of * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Key. Corr., 293. t MSS. Dep. of State. 628 DIPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE. our fisbing vessels aud others passing iu those seas; and wheieas those missionaries and their families depend for subsistence in that unfertile country on the supplies annually sent them, and oq the friendship of the natives, which is maintained by little presents of iron ware, all fur- nished by charitable subscriptions iu England ; the interruption of which supplies might hazard the loss of those pious missionaries and ruin an enterprise beneficial to humanity : I do therefore hereby certify that the sloop Good Intent, burden about 75 tons, Capt, Francis Mugford, carrying in the present voyage about 5,000 bricks for building chimneys, with provisions and necessaries for the missionaries and their assistants and some ironmongery and tinware for the Indians; the crew consisting of the captain, mate, three men, and a boy, and the passengers, one man and three women ; is the vessel employed in the above service for the present year. And I request, if the said vessel should be met with by any of you, that you would not consider her as a merchantman, proper to be made a prize of, but rather concur benevo- lently in promoting so good a design by permitting her to pass freely, and affording her any assistance which the casualties may have ren- dered necessary, in which I am persuaded your conduct will bo approved not only in your own breasts, but by the Congress, by your owners, and by all mankind. Wishing yon all success and prosperity, I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant, B. Franklin, One of the Plenipotentiary Ministers of the United States at the Court of France. Paeis, June 22, 1778. Franklin to Huttou.' Passy, Jmmc 23, 1778. My dear old friend has here the paper he desired. t We have had a marble monument made at Paris for the brave General Montgomery, which is gone to America. If it should fall into the hands ot any of your cruisers, I expect you will exert yourself to get it restored to us, because I know the generosity of your temper, which likes to do handsome things as well as to make returns. Tou see we are unwilling to rob the hospital ; we hope your people will be found as averse to pillaging the dead. Adieu, etc., B. Franklin. *MSS. Dep. of State; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 184. t Passport for a vessel which was about to be sent to the Moravian missionaries on the coast of Labrador." — Bigelow. JUNE 28, 1778. 629 Izard to Henry Laurens, President of Congress ' Paris, June 28, 1778. Dear Sir: The treaties are expected to arrive soon in France, as Congress received them by the Sensible, a French frigate, in the month of April, In some of my letters I informed you of my sentiments on one or two of the articles in the treaty of commerce, and of the inef- fectual steps which I took in consequence of them. Whether Congress has been made acquainted with these sentiments, or whether they ap- prove of them, I know not, as I have not received a letter from you, from the committee, nor from any member of Congress since my arrival in France. The treaties were not communicated to me till the 30th of March, when they were half the way over to America, and of course too late for any alterations to be made until they had undergone the inspection of Congress. From the dispositions of the principal parties concerned in the nego- tiation, and from the niannor in which my application respecting the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of commerce was received, there is very little reason to think that any objections, however justly founded, would have made any impression [on the interested views of one or the haughtiness and self-suflSciency of the other]. I have, how- ever, done everything in my power, and I shall be very happy if any good effects should be produced by my endeavors. It has been my constant wish to avoid contentions of every kind; it has been particu- larly my desire to avoid them with Dr. Franklin from every considera- tion. His abilities are great and his reputation high. Eemoved as he is at so considerable a distance from the observation of his constituents, if he is not guided by principles of virtue and honor those abilities and that reputation may produce the most mischievous effects. [lu my conscience I declare to you, that I believe him to be under no such internal restraint; and God knows that I speak the real unprejudiced sentiments of my heart. If at any time I have been under the influence of prejudice, it has been in his favor, and nothing but my own observa- tion could have convinced me so thoroughly how undeservedly it is possible for public approbation to be bestowed.] t I send you by this opportunity some papers which I desire may be communicated to my countrymen from South Carolina who are members of Congress; and if it is your opinion that they or any part of them should be laid before Con- gress, you will be so good as to do it. If, on the contrary, you think the situation of affairs will make it improper to trouble Congress with them, you will withhold them. It is my wish, however, that you may ap- prove of their being communicated to Congress. Whatever may be your determination, I shall think I have acted right in submitting *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 683, with omissions and verbal changes, t Passages in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. 630 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. them to you. You will find from them with what caution the treaties were coucealed from me while they were uegotiatiug, aud even after they were signed. When Br. Franklin thought Mr. Deane had been gone long enough to get to America before any observation could be written on the contents of them, they were sent to me. The article respecting molasses in the treaty of commerce may be productive of considerable mischief. I can, however, account for that transaction from natural causes. Two of the gentlemen engaged in it were born in New England. That part of America is possessed of very few articles of export, and the great use which is made there of molasses makes it a very desirable object that it should be perpetually exempted from duty. The articles in the treaty of alliance which I have complained of are infinitely more mischievous, and when I attempt to account for the conduct of the gentlemen who have concluded them, and at the same time set aside' the clear and unequivocal article on the same subject transmitted tO' them by Congress, I am utterly incaiiable of doing it without suspecting^ the most dishonorable practices, which I can not think they have beea guilty of. It appears the more unaccountable, when the instructions which were transmitted by the Congress to the commissioners at the time the original treaty was sent are examined. Congress judged that some alterations might be found necessary, and explained their intention in the following manner: "It is the wish of Congress that the treaty should be concluded, and you are hereby instructed to use every means in your power for concluding it according to ill e plan you have received. If you should find that to be impracticable, you are hereby authorized to relax the demands of the United States, and to enlarge their offers, according to the following directions.'" In these instructions such articles as it was thought would admit of alteration are pointed out. But the eighth article is not among the Jiumber. It seems, indeed, essential to the safety of the States that the countries and islands therein expressly mentioned should be in their possession. There is a most uncommon degree of effrontery in Dr. Franklin's declaring that the lifth article of the treaty of alliance could not i^ossibly admit of such a construction as I apprehended might be put upon it. I have not the least doubt but it was intended to leave an oi)ening for negotiating Florida into the possession of Spain if the successes of the House of Bourbon against England should put it in the power of the former to dictate the terms at the conclusion of a general peace. It is more than i)robable, likewise, that what I have hinted at in my letter to Mr. Lee respecting Newfoundland and the other islaudson our coasts and the fishery, may in future be productive of a great deal of trouble, if proper explanations are not obtained in time.* * Succeeding events proved all those suspicious and speculations to Lave beeu er- roneous. — Sparks. JUNE 28, 1778. 631 If anything was necessary to make the effrontery which 1 have jnst taken notice of complete, it was Dr. Franklin's observation, that if my apprehensions were ever so just, it was now too late for any remedy here. His tricks and chicanery put it out of my power to make any objections before the treaties were signed aiid sent to America, and then he gives that as a reason why no remedy should be attempted against the evil which is pointed out. In my conscience I believe him to be an improper person to be trusted with the management of the affairs of America in this kingdom. If he were sent to the court of Vienna he could not have an opportunity of doing any harm. No affront could be taken at this exchange, as that court is in general looked upon to be the first in Europe, and it is improper for the same person to have a commission both for Vienna and Berlin. [It will be necessarj^ for me to explain that part of my letter to Dr. Franklin to which the extract from Mr. Grand's letter has a reference. There have been from a certain quarter continual speculations in the funds, which would have proved extremely lucrative if France and England could have been unexpectedly precipitated into a war last summer. If this could have been done without exposing the affairs of America to the greatest danger, there would have been good policy in it. But the prospect of private gain seems to have precluded every other consideration, and for that purpose the most desperate measures were adopted, without regard to the most ruinous consequences which might have been produced by them to the public. Upon this founda- tion was built the whole of the Dunkirk business, in which Captain Cunningham had so considerable a part. Previous to that affair the commissioners were assured of the protection of the court of France and of her good disposition towards America. The taking of the Har- wich packet, and after Cunningham and his crew were released out of prison, and Mr. Hodge had given the strongest assurances that they should cruise no more in this part of the world, taking several prizes immediately on the coast of England, had very near proved fatal to us The ministry complained highly of the proceeding; the king was per- sonally exasperated, and very dishonorable reflections were made on America in general. Mr. Hodge was sent to the Bastile ; and when Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane, and Mr. Lee went to Versailles to solicit his enlargement Count Vergennes refused to see them. It must be observed that Mr. Lee had nothing to do with the business at Dunkirk; he was at Berlin when it was contrived and executed, and had not been loug returned to Paris when Mr. Hodge was sent to prison. The commis- sioners were reduced to the necessity of getting Mr. Grand, their banker, to write to the secretary of state about Mr. Hodge, and tiie enclosed paper, ISTo. 6, is an extract from his auswer. Perhai)s Dr. Franklin may say that he had nothing to do with the Dunkirk business. His tricks are in general carried on with so much cunning that it is extremely difficult to fix them on him. If he had nothing to do with it he should 632 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. show who it was that brought such disgrace and danger upon his roun- try. It is certain that the persons who were the most ostensible in it were, and still are, his bosom friends. The French court were so irri- tated that I firmly believe if it had not been for the success of the mili- tary operations in America we should have been all driven out of this kingdom.] * The English newspapers have given us the proceedings of Congress on the 22d of April respecting the conciliatory bills. I am very anxious to know what reception the commissioners have met with and the ex- tent of their powers. It is much to be lamented that they have not been enabled by parliamentary authority to acknowledge the independ- ence. The ministry are fully convinced themselves that nothing else will do, and yet they continue to act under the same dreadful infatua- tion which has already produced so many calamities to their country, and refuse to adopt any measures, however salutary, till it is too late, I most ardently wish for peace, provided it can be obtained upon terms which Congress may think proper to be accepted. Mr. William Lee has been some weeks at Vienna. He writes me that the French ambassador advises him "to wait there with jiatieuce till the prospect of things open a little more than they do at present." I have informed you in several of my letters that my recei^tiou in Tuscany depends entirely upon the proceedings at the court of Vienna. The Emperor and the King of Prussia are each at the head of a powerful army in Silesia, and within a few miles of one another. A negotiation Las been for several weeks constantly carrying on with respect to the succession of Bavaria, and it is astonishing that nothing is yet con- cluded. Each of those princes has two hundred and fifty thousand regu- lar troops, and more are continually raising. The emperor has, besides, the Hungarian nobility and their dependents, who may upon occasion be called upon to serve. They are supposed to form a body of about three hundred thousand men, and may be looked upon as militia. The King of Prussia, although negotiating with the emperor, is not idle in other matters. He is using his utmost endeavors to excite the northern powers to join him against the house of Austria, and if he succeeds iu bringing about an accommodation between the Eussians and the Turks, the Czarina will certainly afford him very powerful as- sistance. Whether either the Emperor or the King of Prussia will be connected with England does not yet appear. Neither of them seems inclined to offend her at present. The troubles in Germany have cer- tainly produced this effect on the King of Prussia, for he made the clearest declaration, before the death of the Elector of Bavaria, that he would be the second power iu Europe to acknowledge the independence of America. I am, dear sir, etc., Ealph Izaed. * Passages in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. JULY 1, 1778. 633 Franklin to 'Weissenstein.' Passy, July 1, 1778. Sir: I received your letter dated at Brussels the ICtli past. My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of compliment to my understanding, if yowv proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion of it. You conjure me in the name of the omniscient and just God before whom I must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to consider if some expedient can not be found to put a stop to the desolation of America and prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious of having taken every step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to widen it, 1 can cheerfully appear before that God, fearing noth- ing from his justice in this particular, though I have much occasion for his mercy in many others. As to my future fame, I am content to rest it on my past and present conduct, without seeking an addition to it in the crooked, dark paths you propose to me, where I should most certainly Jose it. This your solemn address would therefore have been more ])roperly made to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He and they who wickedly began, and madly continue, a war for the desola- tion of America are alone accountable for the consequences. You endeavor to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith ; but the instances of their friendly endeavors to serve a race of weak princes, who, by their own imprudence, defeated every attempt to pro- mote their interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the steady friendship of France to the thirteen united states of Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate two hundred years. You tell me that she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she despises us; but I see clearly that you are endeavoring to cheat us by your conciliatory bills ; that you actually despised our understandings when you flattered your- selves those artifices wonld succeed, and that not only France, but all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and forever would despise us if we were weak enough to accept your insidious jiropositions. Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are not so mag- nificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as you represent them to be. The body of our people are not merchants, but humble husband- men, who delight in the cultivation of their lands, which, for their fer- tility and the variety of our climates, are capable of furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life without external commerce; and we have too much land to have the least temptation to extend our ter- ritory by conquest from peaceable neighbors, as well as too much justice to think of it. Our militia, you find by experience, are sufficient to de- fend our lands from invasion, and the commerce with us will be de- fended by all the nations who find an advantage in it. We therefore •3 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 34; 6 Bigelow'8 Fraukliu, 187,- 8 Sparks' Franklin, 278. 634 DIPLOMATIC COREESPONDENCE. have uot the occasion you imagine of ileets or standing armies, but may leave tliose expensive machines to be maintained for tlie pomp of princes and the wealth of ancient states. We propose, if possible, to live in peace with all mankind; and after you have been convinced to your cost that there is nothing to be got by attacking us. we have reason to hope that no other power will judge it prudent to quarrel with us, lest they divert us from our own quiet industry and turn us into corsairs preying upon theirs. The weight, therefore, of an independent empire, which you seem certain of our inability to bear, will not be so great as you imagine. The expense of our civil government we have always borne, and can easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous and laborious people may be cheaply governed. Determining, as we do, to have no offices of profit, or any sinecures or useless appointments, so common in ancient or corrupted states, we can govern ourselves a year for the sum you pay in a single department, or for what one jobbing contractor, by the favor of a minister, can cheat you out of in a single article. You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into an opinion that England must acknowledge our independency. We, on the other hand, think you flatter yourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a vast boon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain some great advantage by granting or withholding. We have never asked it of you ; we only tell you that you can have no treaty with us but as an independent State; and you may please j'ourselves and your children with the rattle of your right to govern us as long as you have done with that of your king's being King of France, without giving us tlie least concern, if you do not attempt to exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable, as you say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had a right to govern us, and your king has forfeited it by his bloody tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know a little of your mind, that, even if the Parliament should acknowledge our independ- ency, the act would uot be binding to posterity, and that your nation would resume and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it conven- ient from the influence of your passions and your present malice against us. We suspected before that you would not be actually bound by your conciliatory acts longer than till they had served their purpose of inducing us to disband our forces ; but we were not certain that you were knaves by ])rinciple, and that we ought not to have the least con- fidence in your offers, promises, or treaties, though confirmed by Par- liament. I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since, when in Eng- land, that a certain very great personage, then young, studied much a certain book called "Arcana Imperii." I had the curiosity to procure the book and read it. Tnere are sensible and good things in it, but son)e bad ones ; for, if I remember rightly, a particular king is ap- plauded for his politically exciting a rebellion among his subjects at a JULY 1, 1778 635 ) time when tliey liad not strength to support it, that he might, iu sub- duing them, take away their privileges, which were troublesome to him ; and a question is formally stated and discussed, loheiJier a prince icho, to appease a revolt, mcikes promise of indemnity to the revoUers, is obliged to fulfill those promises. Honest and good men would say aye ; but this politician says, as you say, no. And he gives this pretty rea- son, that, though it was right to make the promises, because otherwise the revolt would not be suppressed, yet it would be wrong to keep them, because revolters ought to be punished, to deter from future revolts. If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence can be placed iu you ; it is in vain to treat with you ; and the wars can only end in be- ing reduced to an utter inability of coutinuing them. One main drift of your letter seems to be to impress me with an idea of your own impartiality by just censures of your ministers and meas- ures, and to draw from me propositions of peace, or api)robation of those you have enclosed to me, which you intimate ma.y by your means be conveyed to the king directly, without the interventiou of those minis- 'ters. You would have me give them to, or drop them for, a stranger whom I may find next Monday iu the church of Notre Dame, to be known by a rose in his hat. You yourself, sir, are quite unknown to me; you iiave not trusted me with your true name. Our taking the least step towards a treaty with England through you might, if you are au enemy, be made use of to ruin us with our new and good friends. I may be indiscreet enough in many things, but certainly if I were disposed to make propositions (which I can not do, having none committed to me to make), I should never think of delivering them to the Lord knows who, to be carried the Lord knows where, to serve no oue knows what purposes. Being at this time one of the most remarkable figures in Paris, even my appearance in the church of Notre Dame, where I can not have any conceivable business, and especially being seen to leave or drop any letter to any person there, would be a matter of some speculation, and might, from the suspicions it must naturally give, have very mischievous consequences to our credit here. The very proposing of a correspondence so to be managed, in a man- ner not necessary where fair dealing is intended, gives just reason to suppose you intend the contrary. Besides, as your court has sent com- missioners to treat with the Congress, with all the powers that could be given them by the crown under the act of Parliament, what good purpose can be served by privately obtaining propositions from us 1 Before those commissioners went, we might have treated in virtue of our general powers (with the knowledge, advice, and approbation of our friends) upon any propositions made to us. But under the present circumstances, for us to make propositions while a treaty is supposed to be actually on foot with the Congress, would be extremely improper, 636 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. highly presumxituous with regard to our coustituents, aud answer no good end whatever. I write this letter to you notwithstanding (which I think I can con- vey in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may come to your hands); I write it, because I would let you know our sense of your procedure, which appears as insidious as that of your conciliatory hills. Your true way to obtain peace, if your ministers desire it, is to propose openly to the Congress fair and equal terms, and you may possibly come sooner to such a resolution when you find that personal flatteries, general cajolings, and panegyrics on our inriue and wisdom are not likely to have the effect you seem to expect ; the persuading us to act basely aud foolishly in betraying our country and posterity into the hands of our most bitter enemies, giving up or selling our arms and warlike stores, dismissing our shijjs of war and troops, and putting those enemies in possession of our forts and ports. This proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and gagged ready for hanging, without even a right to complain, and without a friend to be found afterwards among all mankind, you would have us embrace upon the faith of an act of ParliamentI Good God! An act of your Parliament ! This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy we do not know you. But it is not merely this flimsy faith that we are to act upon ; you offer us hojje, the hope of places, pensions, and peerages. These, judging from yourselves, you think are motives irresistible. This offer to corrupt us, sir, is with me your credential, and convinces me that you are not a private volunteer in your applica- tion. It bears the stamp of British court character. It is even the signature of your king. But think for a moment in what light it must be viewed in America. By places, you mean places among us, for you take care by a special article to secure your own to yourselves. We must then pay the salaries in order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you will give ws, i)ensions, probably to be paid, too, out of your ex- pected American revenue, and which none of us can accept without deserving, and perhaps obtaining a sj(.9-pension. Peerages! alas! sir, our long observation of the vast servile majority of your peers, voting constantly for every measure proposed by a minister, however weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for that title. We consider it as a sort of tar and- feather honor, or a mixture of foulness and folly, which every man among us, who should accept it from your king, would be obliged to renounce or exchange for that conferred by the mobs of their own country, or wear it with everlasting infamy. I am. sir, your humble servant, B. Franklin.* * Welssensteiu's letter, to which the above is an answer, is given in full in Sparks' MSS. at Harvard College, vol. 49, pt. 1, p. 86. It is dated Bruxelles, June 16, 1778, and, with the appendices, coutaiuing plans of accommodation and of government, contains 20 pages of folio. The drift of it is to induce a separate treaty of America JULY 1, 1778. 637 A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, July 1, 1778. Gentlemen : I enclose you some extracts, by which you will see that war is not yet declared, though on all bauds it appears to be fast approaching. » The Spanish floatilla is not yet arrived, nor their fleet from South America. Since my last, a French frigate of tweuty-six guns was attacked with England, based on confederation between the two powers. Of Weissenstein's letter Sparks says: "The originals are writteu in a disguised handwriting, with occasional interlineations in a different hand, so that more than one person was ac- quainted -with the contents. Dr. Franklin attached some degree of importance to these papers, because he believed them to have been seen and approved by the British ministry." The envelope is addressed : "To Dr. Benjamin Frankim, etc., etc., etc., secret and confidential. Read this in private and before you look at other papers, but don't be imprudent enough to let any one see it before you have considered it thoroughly." A report of a detective sent by the French Government to investigate " Weissen- stein" will be found in the Lee Papers in the Harvard library, under date of July 7, 1778. (See 8 Sparks' Franklin, 278 ; 3 Life of J. Adams, 178.) Of the letter to which this is a reply Mr. Parton (2 Life of Franklin, 3299) thus speaks : " Oa a morning in .Tune (1778) a packet was thrown into a window at Passy, which proved to be a long letter, addressed to Dr. Franklin, written in the English language, but dated 'Brussels, June 16,' and signed 'Charles de Weissenstem.' The English, moreover, was not the English of a foreigner ; the letter was evidently a home prod- uct, and, as Franklin thought, from the king himself — certainly written with the king's knowledge and consent." What makes this hypothesis probable is the singular similarity of the style and argument of this letter with the subsequent "intercepted" letters of Silas Deane, which, as we now know by George Ill's correspondeuce, were got up at least under the supervision of agents of the court. Mr. Bigelow (H, Works of Franklin, 187) says : "Dr. Franklin received a long letter from a man who signed himself Charles de Weissenstein. The letter was dated Brussels, June Ki. 1778, and written iu English. The writer was evidently a secret agent from England, instructed to procure from Dr. Franklin some kind of propositions for a peace. The name was doubtless assumed ; and although the letter was dated at Brussels, it was probably written iu Paris. " The contents of the letter, considering the source iu which it must have origi- nated, are curious aud remarkable. The writer begins by urging the impossibility that England should ever acknowledge the iudependence of the Colonies, and the certainty that France would deceive and betray them. He, moreover, adds, that, in case Parliament should be induced to acknowledge their independence, the people of England would not approve it and posterity would never submit to it. 'Our title to the empire,' said he, is 'indisputable; it will be asserted, either by ourselves or successors, whenever occasion presents. We may stop awhile in our pursuit to re- cover breath, but shall assuredly resume our career again.' " He then proceeds at much length to state a plan of reconciliation and the out- line of the future government in America. In the plan is the following extraordi- nary article : 'As the conspicuous public part which some American gentlemen have taken may expose them to the personal enmity of some of the chief persons in Great Britain, and as it is unreasonable that their services to their country should deprive them of those advantages which their talents would otherwise have gained them, the • 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 505. 638 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. by ail Bnglisli frigate of twenty -eight off Brest, aud after au obstinate engagement the latter made off, iirid soon after sunk. This has given great spirits to the French marine aud nation, and is more especially fortunate, as the English were the aggressors. Admiral Keppel is be- fore Brest, with twenty-three sail of the line, where I believe he will not remain long unattacked. Permission is given to French subjects to fit. out privateers ; and orders are sent to all the ports to prepare our prizes to be sold. From Loudon the ministry have offered us an ex- change of prisoners, which we are taking the necessary measures to embrace. By some unaccountable neglect, the person to whom Dr. Franklin committed the priuting of the bills resolved on for the loan has not following persons shall have offices or j)eii3io»s for life, at their option, namely: Franklin, Washington, Adams, Hancock, etc. In case His majesty or his successor should ever cveate American peers, then these persons or their descendants shall be among the first created, if they choose it ; Mr. Washington to have immediately a brevet of lieutenant-general, and all the honors and precedence incident thereto, but not to assume or bear any comman d without a special warrant or letter of service for that purpose from the king.' "In the outlines of government it is provided that each Colony shall choose its own form and have legislatures, but that all oSicers must swear allegiance to the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain ; that no American shall enjoy any office of trust or profit in Great Britain without a sj^ecial act of Parliament for that purpose ; in every other respect tbey are to enjoy theprivilegesof natural-born Englishmen. That 'the judges of the courts shall be named by the king, aud hold their offices for life, and shall either bear titles as peers of America or otherwise, as shall be decided by his majesty ; that a congress shall assemble once in seven years or oftener if his majesty thinks fit to summon it, but all its proceedings are to be transmitted to the British Parliament, without whose consent no mouey shall ever be granted by congress or any sejiarate State to the cro'svn ; that the great offices of state shall be named in the compact, and that America shall provide for them ; that the 'whole naval and mili- tary force shall be directed by his majesty; that the British Parliament shall fix the naval and military force, and vote the sums necessary for its maintenance, both by sea and land, and make laws for its regulation ; that a tariff' of duties shall be fixed which shall not be changed without the mutual consent of both the Parliament of Great Britain and the Colony where the change is intended to be made; that British manufacturers shall always have the preference over those of other nations, and that no new taxes shall ever be imposed on them without the previous consent of the Par- liament of Great Britain.' " Such are some of the features of the scheme proposed by this private agent. Dr. Franklin nnderstood it to proceed from high authority and framed his answer ac- cordingly. He sent the agent's letter to the Count de Vergennes, with a copy of his answer. They are now in the Archives dts Jffaires Etrangires in Paris, where the above extract was taken from the original, and where also a copy of Dr. Franklin's answer was obtained by Mr. Sparks. John Adams, in his diary, says the reply was submitted to the Count de Vergennes, but was never sent to Weissenstein. On the day, hour, aud place appointed to meet the messenger for a conference the police re- ported the appearance of a man who walked about the place for a couple of hours, always keeping the place of rendezvous in sight and then disappeared. Adams says they decided that the whole matter was too futile to be worth reporting to Congress. For the same reason, possibly, the answer of Franklin was not sent to Weissenstein. It was fortunate that this fatility was not discovered until after Franklin's letter was written." JULY 6, 1778. 639 furnished them, so that nothing further is yet done in that business. But I hope you will soon have news of its further progress, and that some event will happen to furnish us with a very favorable moment for its execution. I have the honor to be, etc., Aethue Lee. Franklin to Grand. July 3, 1778. Mr. Franklin presents his respects to Mr. Grand, and sends him the original letter of which he has spoken. In another, Mr. Bingham says that the slightest pretext suffices nowadays for the English to seize and condemn goods of French merchants, who can not even transport the products of America from one island to another without running the greatest risks. In effect, many ships have been taken lately into Dom- inique for the sole reason that they were the productions of America. It is to be remarked that before these difficulties the French mer- chants could purchase tobacco, rice, etc., from the Americans of the continent to be taken into France. If I am not mistaken, it is pro- vided in the treaties that the ship of a friend protects the merchan- dise even of an enemy. Much more ought it to guaranty your own merchandise previously purchased from this enemy. Mr. Bingham also says that the court of admiralty at Dominique is constituted on such iniquitous principles that it encourages condemna- tions, the judges receiving a portion of the condemned merchandise, so that one can hardly hope to save the property, the fate of which de- pends upon their judgment. Franklin's Memoranda for M. Rayneval to Communicate to Vergennes.t Passy, Juhj 6, 1778. It seems to have been insinuated, either through mistake or ill-will to the United States, (1) That their merchants have combined to depreciate the bills drawn on France ; (2) That their trade with England is as great as before the war. I have known two instances when bills of exchange on England have fallen more than 15 per cent, lower than the present price of bills on France. The first was in 1739, when an expedition being projected against Carthagena, the Government of England ordered 3,000 men to be * MSS. Dep. of State; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 190. t Franklin's MSS., Dep. of State. 640 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. raised in America, and transports, with provisions, etc., to be furnished, for the amount of which expense bills were ordered to be drawn on the treasury at London. This [adventitious] quantity of bills coming into market, and being more than the common course of the commerce re- quired, occasioned the lowering of their price 42J per cent, below the rate before accustomed. The like happened a few years after, when on a prospect of short crops of corn in Europe, orders were received in America to purchase and send over vast quantities, and to draw bills and sell them in the coun- try in order to raise money for the purchase. This sudden addition to the quantity of bills produced a fall of 46 per cent, in their price. And this must always happen in some proportion, when the quantity of any article in Commerce exceeds the present demaud. And when it is considered that the merchants of America are numer- ous, and dispersed through thirteen different provinces, at great dis- tances from each other, such a combination will appear as improbable as that the farmers in France should combine to raise the price of wheat. With regard to the English commerce, there is none certainly but what is contraband, and there can be no temptation to such contraband, but for particular commodities that are cheaper there than in France. The quantity, therefore, can not be great. Such contraband is found difficult to prevent in all countries. It is carried on at this time be- tween France aud England. But there are many commodities much cheaper in France, such as wiues, silks, oil, modes, etc., which will be of great consumption in America; and when correspondencies are once settled, and the people there become acquainted with the manufactures of France, the demaud for them will increase, those manufactures will, of course, be improved in goodness and cheapness, and the trade con- tinue to augment accordingly. It is diflicult to change suddenly the whole current of connections, correspondencies, and confidences that subsist between merchants, and carry them all into a new channel. But time and a continuance of friendship will make great alterations. Passt, July 6. Note. — The above i)aper was delivered this day to M. de Kayneval, to be by him communicated to Count Vergennes, in order to correct some wrong ideas of that minister. D'Estaing to the President of Congress.* At Sea, July 8, 1778. Si"R : I have the honor of informing your excellency, and by you of giving notice to Congress, of the arrival of the squadron of the king upon the shores of the United States of America. • MSS. Dep. State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 557. JULY 8, 1778, 641 Honored with full powers from the kiug to treat with Congress, I have the houor, sir, of seudiug to your excellency the copy of my cre- dentials relating to this subject, the honor of presenting them myself; my desire to wait upon the respectable representatives of a free nation, my eagerness to reverence in them the noble qualities of wisdom and firmness which distinguish them, virtues which all Europe admires and which France loves, are a happiness which can be delayed only by my desire to render myself worthy of the favors of the United States, while I begin by performing the duties which circumstances and my military functions impose upon uie. 1 hope that they will serve as my excuse, and that your excellency will have the kindness to offer them as such to Congress. 1 have the honor of writing to his excellency General Washington, and shall have that of sending to his headquarters two officers in suc- cession, in order to offer to him to combine my movements with his own. The merited reputation which sn great a soldier has so justly acquired does not allow me to doubt that he is convinced better than any one else of the value of the first moveanents. I hope that the authority vested in him by Congress has allowed him the liberty of taking advan- tage of them, and that we shall be able immediately, and without any delay, to act in concert for the benefit of the common cause, which seemed to me to require that the orders of Congress should remove as speedily as possible the legal difficulties, of which perhaps there are none. Monsieur de Chonin, major of infantry, and relation of M. de Sartine, is charged with delivering this letter to your excellency; he is one of the officers whom I send to General Washington. The readiness with which his excellency M. Gerard, minister plenipo- tentiary of the king, is hastening to take up his residence near Congress, and there to display the character with which his majesty has invested him, will prevent all the delays which my distance might occasion with regard to the military agreements. I have the honor of assuring your excellency that I shall make it my duty and pleasure to execute every- thing that ai. Gerard shall promise. The promises which he will make to you will need no other ratification on my part than those which my physical force demands, and which the nature of the profession makes necessarily to depend upon the military or naval force which is in operation. A minister so happy as to have had the glory of signing the treaty which unites two powers whose interests are so intimately connected will preserve the most important influence npon my further designs. The escort which conducts him, tiiat by which the king sends back to the United States his excellency, Silas Deane, is, undoubtedly, the most brilliant whicli has ever accompanied ambassadors. I dare hope that it will prove useful to the mutual interest of the two nations, 41 WH— vol- H 642 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDENCE. That will be the happiest moment of my life iu which I shall be able to contribute to it in anything. I shall, at the same time, fulfill my duty as an officer charged with the orders of his majesty, and I shall satisfy my principles and my inclination as an individual. I have the honor to be, etc. ESTAING. p. S.— Permit me to recommend to the favor of Congress Messrs. John Nicholson, Ellas Johnson, and Henry Johnson. Mr. Nicholson pre- served the ship Tonnant, which is the second in the squadron, and Mr. Elias Johnson conducted himself with the greatest zeal and the greatest bravery on board the frigate Engageante in the engagement in which she took the privateer Bone, in the Chesapeake Bay. Adams to Lovell.* Passy, July 9, 1778. My Dbae Feiend : I had yesterday the honor of receiving the dis- patches from Congress, which were sent by the Saratoga from Balti- more, arived at Nantes, convoyed in by the Boston, Captain Tucker (who was returning from a short cruise, and who has sent iu four prizes), and those by the Spy, from New London, arrived at Brest, and the in- expressible pleasure of your private letters by the same vessels. You acquaint me that you had written to me eight or nine times, which has given me some anxiety, as these letters are the first I have received from you or from any member of Congress since my arrival in France. The ratification of the treatj' gives universal joy to this court and nation, who seem to be sincerely and deeply rejoiced at this connection between the two countries. There is no declaration of war as yet at Loudon or Versailles, but the ships of the two nations are often fighting at sea, and there is not the smallest doubt but war will be declared, unless Britain should miraculously have wisdom given her to make a treaty with the Congress like that which France has made. Spain has not made a treaty ; but be not deceived nor intimidated ; all is safe in that quarter. The unforeseen dispute in Bavaria has made the Empress Queen and King of Prussia cautious of quarreling with Great Britain, because her connection with a number of the German princes, whose aid each of those potentates is soliciting, makes her friendship, or at least her neu- trality, in the German war of importance to each. But this will do uo hurt to America. You have drawn so many bills of exchange upon us and sent us so many frigates,every one of which costs us a large sum of money, so many merchandises and munitions of war have been sent, whether arrived or ' 2 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 543. JULY 10, 1778. 643 not, and we expect so many more drafts upoa us, that I assure you I am very uneasy concerning our flnauces here. We are laboring to hire money, and have some prospect of success, but I am afraid not for such sums as will be wanted. Let me entreat you to omit no opportunity of writing to me ; send me all the newspapers, journals, etc. ; and believe me your friend and servant. John Adams. Deaiie to the President of Congress. " Delaware Bay, July 10, 1778. Sm: I have now the pleasure of acquainting your excellency of my arrival here yesterday, on board the Languedoc, commanded by his ex- cellency Count d'Estaing, with a fleet of twelve sail of the line and four frigates. We sailed from Toulon the 10th of April last. I pre- sume, therefore, that I have no intelligence from Europe so late as what you must be possessed of already. Piuding that the enemy had escaped, the admiral resolved iastantly to pursue them to New York, and will sail this morning for that port, but he has no pilot. If, there- fore, pilots can be sent to meet him on his arrival, it will be of the ut- most service to the exijedition. I shall embark this afteruoou, in com- pany with his excellency Monsieur Gerard, for Philadelphia, and hope soon to have the honor of paying my respects to your excellency and the honorable Congress in person, and to congratulate you on the late glorious events. T have sent Commodore Nicholson express, who can inform you of our situation. Permit me to recommend him as an active, spirited officer, to whom the admiral has been much obliged by his serv- ices during our passage. I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, your excel- lency's most obedient and very humble servant, Sllas Dbane. P. S. — His excellency the admiral desires that, on the arrival of the pilots at the Hook, where they will find his fleet, they would make a signal with a white flag, either oa board their boat, if they have one, or from the shore, formed in a triangle. Monsieur Chouen, who will wait on you with a letter from the admiral, sets out suddenly, and may want money to bear his expenses on his further journey. Monsieur Gerard desires he may be supplied on his account with any sum to the amount of twenty thousand livres. * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 90, 644 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Resolves of Congress respecting the Count d'Estaing's letter and the recep- tion of M. Grerard. '' In Oongeess, Jtdy 11, 1778. Resolved, That General Washington be informed by tlie President that it is the desire of Congress that he cooperate with the Count d'Estaing, commander of a French squadron now on the coast of North America, and proceeding to New York, in the execution of such offen- sive operations against the enemy as they shall mutually approve. His most Christian majesty the King of France having thought proper to send on the coasts a powerful fleet, in order to cooperate with the forces of these States in the reduction of the British army and navy — Resolved, That General Washington be empowered to call on the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, Ehode Island, New York, New Jersey, or such of them as he shall judge proper, for such aids of their militia as he shall think requisite for car- rying on his operations, in concert with Count d'Estaing, commander of the French fleet; and that it be earnestly recommended to the above mentioned to exert themselves in forwarding the force which may be required of them with the utmost dispatch. Resolved, That the marine committee be directed to onier the com- missioners of the navy to the eastward to fit out as many Continental frigates and armed vessels as possible, with the utmost dispatch, to join the French squadron in their operations against the enemy. Ordered, That the board of war take measures for providing a suitable house for the accommodation of M. Gerard ; and that they give the necessary orders for receiving M. Gerard with proper honor on his arrival. Be.solved, That a committee of five be appointed to wait on M. Ge- rard on his arrival, and conduct him to his lodgings. The members chosen : Mr. Hancock, Mr. Lee, Mr. Drayton, Mr. Eoberdeau, and Mr. Duer. Next morning the committee went to Chester to meet M. Gerard, who received them on board the frigate. In going on board they were saluted with fifteen guns. They then went on shore and waited on him to Philadelphia, and conducted him to General Arnold's headquar- ters, where a dinner was jirovided for him and his suit, and a number of the members of Congress. Before dinner he waited on the President. On Tuesday he delivered to the President sundry papers to be laid before Congress,! desiring to know in what capacity Congress were willing to receive him ; whether as minister plenipotentiary or resident, intimating that in whatever quality he was received, it would be ex- pected that the commissioners from the States at the court of France should be vested with the same. *MSS. Dep. of State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 559. t Letters from the King and notes of M. Gerard, JULY 14, 1778 645 Franklin to Hartley." Passy, July 13, 1778. Dear Sir: Enclosed is the list of our prisoners, which by an accident was long in coming to us. There are supposed to be about fifteen more remaining in the hospital, whose names we have not yet obtained, and about as many who, being recovered of their wounds, have been suffered to go home to England. If you continue in the opinion of making the exchange at Calais, you will send us the papers necessary to secure the vessel that shall transport the men from the ports where they are to that place against capture ; as the marching them thither would be at- tended with great inconveniences, and many of them might desert on the way from an apprehension of being put on board men-of-war on their arrival in England. Sartine to the Commissioners. [Translation. t] Versailles, July 14, 1778, Gentlemen : Notwithstanding the precautions which I have taken to supply the inhabitants of the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon with provisions for their subsistence, who in their present circumstances can receive very small or no succors from the commerce with France, it may happen that the intervention of one or more of the vessels sent to those islands with provisions may reduce the people to great distress, and it will be too late to apply a remedy after the knowledge of the event shall reach us. I have thought that, in case of pressing neces- sity, we might count on supplies from the United States of America, and have indicated the same to the administrators of the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon. It will be highly agreeable to his majesty if you should concur in this opinion, and do what may be in your power to procure such succors, by recommending to the United States, and par- ticularly to the government of Boston, to induce the fitting out of ex- peditions to those isles, for the purpose of taking provisions to the inhabitants and supplying their wants. I have the honor to be, etc., De Sartine. Gerard to the President of Congress. [Translation. t] Philadelphia, July 14, 1778. Sir : His excellency the Count d'Bstaing, vice-admiral of France, commander of the squadron of the King, being desirous to procure for the armed vessels, whether public or private, of the United States, the * MSS. Dep. of state ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 197. t 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 294. 646 DIPLOiNtATIC CORRESPONDENCE. means of availing themselves of the operatious of this SQuadron, in order to take prizes from the common enemy, the undersigned has the honor to inform Congress that all their armed vessels will enjoy tlie most extended protection of the squadron of his Most Christian Majesty, and that the prizes which they may be able to take will belong entirely to them. He leaves it to the wisdom of Congress to fix upon the means of deriving from this arrangement the advantage from which it is sus- ceptible. The American vessels which shall apply to his excellency the vice-admiral will receive the signals which will be necessary ; and the undersigned will successively communicate them to Congress, that information of them may be given to those who shall sail from the ports. He relies on the prudence of Congress in relation to the meas- ures necessary to insure success in this matter. Gerard. Gerard to the President of Congress.* [Translation.] Philadelphia, J^ihj 14, 1778. Sir: The squadron which the king, my master, has sent, in order to act in concert with the United States against the common enemy, hav- ing taken some prisoners during its passage, the keeping of whom on board of the vessels would be embarrassing and even dangerous, the undersigned requests the Congress of the said United States to have the goodness to cause these prisoners, as well as those whom the king's squadron shall be able to take in the course of its operations, to be received, to cause provision to be made for their safekeeping and sub- sistence, in the same manner as that which it makes use of lor its own prisoners, and to hold them at the disposal of the king, and subject to the orders of his excellency the Count d'Estaing, vice-admiral of France and commander of his majesty's squadron. The undersigned will take care to cause all the expenses incurred on this occasion to be reimbursed at certain periods in such manner as the Congress shall be pleased to point out.t Gerard. *MSS. Dep. of State; .'5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 561. t Congress took into consideration tbe memorial respecting prisoners, and thereupon "Eesolved, That all prisoners taken, or which may be taken, by the squadron of his most Christian majesty, nnder the command of the Count d'Estaing, vice admiral of France, be received by the commissary-general of prisoners, and that he provide for their safe custody and subsistence in like m.anner as has been usual for the prisoners of tbese States. That he make monthly returns of all prisoners which shall be by him 80 received to the board of war. That he make monthly returns to the treasury of the accounts of all moneys expended for the purposes aforesaid, and that the prisoners be held at the disposal of his most Christian majesty, and subject to the orders of his excellency Count d'Estaing. "Ordered, That the paper relative to the encouragement given by the Count d'Estaing to American armed veosels, whether public or private, be published."— Sparks. JULY 16, 1778. 647 Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartine.' Passy, July 16, 1778. Sir : We bave the honor of your excellency's letter of the 14th in- stant. We shall embrace the first opportunity of writing to Congress and to the government of the Massachusetts Bay, and enclosing copies of yoar excellency's letter to us, which we are persuaded will have the most powerful influence with them to exert themselves, and to recom- mend to their fellow-citizens to engage in expeditions for the relief of the inhabitants of St. Pierre and Miquelon. There is not the smallest doubt of their ability to supply the wants of their friends at those places, provided the British men of- war should be withdrawn from the Halifax and Newfoundland stations. But if there should remain as many ships of war on those stations as there have been for the last two years, the difficulty will be very great. We have the honor to enclose to your excellency a copy of a letter just received from Mr. Schweighauser, whereby your excellency will see the difficulties that still embarrass our frigates in relation to their prizes. We entreat your excellency's further attention to the subject, that orders may be given for the relief of our officers and men from these embarrassments. We have the honor to request your excellency's attention to another subject, that of the British prisoners made by our frigates, the Provi- dence, the Boston, and the Banger, and all others in future. As it is necessary for these frigates forthwith to proceed to sea, and as we have some hopes of an exchange of prisoners in Europe, we request your excellency that we may have leave to confine them in your prisons, to be maintained there at our expense until exchanged or sent by us to America, and that your excellency would give the necessary directions accordingly. We have the honor to be, with respect, your excellency's, etc., B. Franklin, Arthur Lee, John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the Council of Massachusetts Bay.t Passt, July 16, 1778. May it please your honors, we have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter just received from M. de Sartine, the minister of state for the marine of this kingdom, in answer to which we have had the honor to assure his excellency that we would embrace the first opportunity of communicating it to your honors. We have not the smallest doubts of the good inclinations of the people in America to supply the neces- • 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 295. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 296. 648 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. sities of their frie-Tids in St. Pierre and Miquelon,iior of tbe abilities of those in the Northern States to do it effectually, provided tbe British men of- war are withdrawn from the IJalifax and Newfoundland stations, and perhaps it may be done, notwithstanding the dangers of nieu-of- war. We hope, however, it will be attempted. There is no doubt but a good price may be obtained, at the same time that an acceptable act of friendship and of humanity will be performed. We have the honor to request that this letter and its enclosure may be laid before the general court, and that such measures may be taken as their wisdom shall dictate to the accomplishment of so desirable a purpose. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin, Arthur Lee, John Adams. Pranklm, Lee, and Adams to Vergennes.' Passy, July 17, 1778. Sir: We herewith communicate to your excellency a resolution of Congress, relative to the treaties, which we request may be laid before the king. Thereby liis majesty will perceive the unfeigned sentiments of that body, as well as the whole American people, whose hearts the king has gained by his great benevolence towards them, manifested in these treaties, which has made so deep an impression on their minds that no time will efface it. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin, Arthur Lee, John Adams. A. Lee to d'Aranda.t Mr. Lee presents his respects to his excellency Count d'Aranda, and begs he will have the goodness to forward the packet addressed to Count de Florida Blanca, which he has the honor of enclosing him, and which is on business of the last importance, by the first opportunity to his court. *1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 296. i Ibid. 5U6. JULY 18, 1778. 649 A. Lee to Florida Blanoa. * Takis, July 18, 1778. Sir: I have the honor of transmitting to your excellency the enclosed resolutions of Coiigress, t with my most earnest prayer that tliey may be laid immediately before the king. Nothing but the uncommon exi- gency of the present war, attended with such peculiar circumstances with regard to the United States, would prevail upon them to press so much upon his majesty's goodness. That iiecessity must also plead my pardon for entreating your excellency to let me have as early an answer as possible. As the United States have the highest confidence in the friendship of the king, they i)romise themselves that his goodness will afl'ord this loan as a relief to their most urgent distresses. With regard to the interest for the quantum of that, tliey refer themselves to his majesty's justice. Five ]>er cent, is legal interest with them, but lam authorized to give six if his majesty should desire it. This interest will be most punctually paid; and they will neglect no means of liquidating the principal, if desired, sooner than the stipu- lated time, which will be easily accomplished, when peace or some other employment of the enemy's navy than that of preying upon their trade will permit the export of their produce to European markets. Your excellency will perceive that this loan is appropriated to sink- ing the ijaper money which necessity obliged Congress to issue. An infant and unprepared people, compelled to defend themselves against an old, opulent, powerful, and well-appointed nation, were driven to this resource ot issuing paper. They were to create armies and navies, to fortify towns, erect forts, defend rivers, and establish governments, besides the immense expense of maintaining a war, that pressed them powerfully on all sides. For these purposes they had neither funds *1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Cnrr., r,06. t"lN Congress, December S, 1777. "The great quantity of paper money issued to defray tlie necessary expenses of tbe war having at length become so consider.alde as to endanger its credit, and Congress apprehending that the slow operation of taxes may not he adequate to tlio preven- tion of an evil so pernicious in its consequences, and as experience proves that the method of paying the interest by bills on France does not fill the loan olHce so fast as the urgent calls of war demand, "Resolved, That the commissioners .at the courts of France and Spain lie diiected to exert their utmost endeavors to obtain a loan of two millions sterling on the faith of the United States, for a term not less than ten years, with permission, if practica- ble, to pay the same sooner if it shall be agreeable to these States, giving twelve months' previous notice to the lender of such intention to return the money. That the commissioners be instrncted to consider the money hereby directed to be bor- rowed as a fund to be applied, nnless Congre-ss direct otherwise, solely to the pur- pose of answering such drafts .as Congress shall make for the purpose of lessening the sum of paper money in circulation. "That in order more effectually to answer the good purposes intended by this plan, the commissioners be also instructed to keep as secret as the nature of the thing will admit whatever loan they shall be able to obtain for this purpose on account of the United States."— Sparks. 650 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. established, taxes imposed, specie in their couutry, uor commerce to introduce it. In this exigency paper money was their only resource, and not having been able hitherto for the same reasons to redeem it, the depreciation which necessarily followed threatens the total destruc- tion of their credit, and consequently their only means of maintaining their independence. In this distress their hope is fixed upon his majesty', and I most earnestly beseech yonr excellency so to represent our situation to the king as may move his royal benevolence to furnish the relief, which will raise an everlasting tribute of gratitude in the minds of the peo- ple of the United States. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's most obedient, etc. Arthur Lee. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the President of Congress.* Passy, July 20, 1778. Sir : We have the honor to inform Congress that the spy. Captain Nyles, has arrived at Brest, and brought us a ratification of the treaties with his most Christian majesty, which has given much satisfaction to this court and nation. On the 17th iustant we had the honor of ex- changing ratifications with his excellency the Count de Vergennes. The treaties, ratified, signed by his niajestj', and under the great seal of Prance, are now in our ])ossessiou, where perhaps, considering the danger of enemies at sea, it will be safest to let them remain for the present. Copies of them we sball have the honor to transmit to Con- gress by this opportunity. War is not yet declared between France and England by either nation, but hostilities at sea have been already commenced by both, and as the French fleet from Brest, under the command of the Count d'Orvilliers, and the British fleet, under Admiral Keppel, are both at sea, we are in hourly expectation of a rencontre between them. The Jam^iica fleet, the Windward Island fleet, and a small fleet from the Mediterranean have arrived at London, which has enabled them to obtain, by means of a violent impress, perhajjs a thousand or fifteen hundred seamen, which will man two or three ships more, in the whole making Admiral Keppel's fleet somewhat nearer to an equality with the French. In the mean time the Spanish flotilla has arrived, but the councils of that court are kept in a secrecy so profound that we presume not to say with confidence what are her real intentions. We continue, however, to receive from various quarters encouraging assur- ances, and from the situation of the powers of Europe it seems highly probably that Spain will join France in case of war. * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 297, with verbal changes; 7 John Adams' works, 18. JULY 20, 1778. 651 A war in Germany, between the Emperor and King of Prussia, seems to be inevitable, and it is aifirmed tliatthe latter has marched his army into Bohemia, so that we apprehend that America has atpresent nothing to fear from Germany. We are doing all in our power to obtain a loan of money, and have a prospect of procuring some in Amsterdam, but not in such quantities as will be wanted. We are constrained to re- quest Congress to be as sparing as possible in their drafts upon us. The drafts already made, together with the great expense arising from the frigates which have been sent here, together with the expenses of the commissioners, the maintenance of your ministers for Vienna and Tuscany, and of prisoners who have made their escape, and the amount of clothes and munitions of war already sent to America, are such that we are under great apprehensions that our funds will not be sufiicient to answer the drafts which we daily expect for the interest of loan-offlce certificates, as well as those from Mr. Bingham. We have the honor to enclose copy of a letter from M. de Sartine, the minister of marine, and to request the attention of Congress to the sub- ject' of it. We are told in several letters from the honorable committee for foreign affairs that we shall receive instructions and authority for giving up, on our part, the whole of the eleventh article of the treaty, proposing it as a condition to the court of France that they, on their part, should give up the whole of the twelfth. But, unfortunately, these instructions and autliority were omitted to be sent with the let- ters, and we have not yet received them. At the time of the exchange of the ratifications we mentioned tliis subject to the Count de Ver- fieniies, and gave him an extract of the committee's letter. His answer to us was that the alteration would be readily agreed to, and he ordered his secretary not to register the ratification till it was done. We there- fore request that we may be honored with the instructions and authority of Congress to set aside the two articles as soon as possible, and while the subject is fresh in memory. The letter to M. Dumas* is forwarded, and, in answer to the commit- tee's inquiry, what is proper for Congress to do for that gentleman, we beg leave to say that his extreme activity and diligence in negotiating our affairs, and bis punctuality in his correspondence with Congress, as well as with us, and his usefulness to our cause in several other ways not at present proper to be explained, give him, in our opinion, a good title to two hundred pounds sterling a year, at least. The other things mentioned in the committee's letter to us shall be attended to as soon as possible. We have received also the resolution of Congress of 9th February, and the letter of the committee of the same date, empowering us to appoint one or more suitable persons as ■commercial agents, for conducting the commercial business of the ' Private agent for American affairs in Holland. 652 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. United States in France and other parts of Europe. But as this power was given us before Congress received the treaty, and we have never received it but with tlie ratitication of the treaty, and as by the treaty Congress is empowered to appoint consuls in the ports of France, per- haps it may be expected from us that we should wait for the appoint ment of consuls. At present Mr. John Boufleld, of Bordeaux, and Mr. J. D. Schweighauser, at Nantes, both by the appointment of Mr. Wil- liam Lee, are the only persons authorized as commercial agents. If we should find it expedient to give appointments to any other persons be- fore we hear from Congress, we will send information of it by the first opportunity. If Congress should think proper to appoint consuls, we are humbly of opinion that the choice will fall most justly as well as naturally on Americans, who are, in our opinion, better qualified for this business than any others, and the reputation of such an oflQce, together with a moderate commission on the business they may trans- act and the advantages to be derived fro m trade, will be a sufBcient inducement to undertake it, and a suificient reward for discharging the duties of it. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin, Arthur Lee, John Adams. THE FUNCTIONS OF CONSULS, Are to maintain in tbeir department the privileges of tlieir nation according to treaties. To have inspection and jurisdiction, as well civil as criminal, over all the subjects of their States who happen to be in their department, and particularly over commerce and merchants. This sort of commission is not given but to persons of above thirty years of age. Those appointed should cause their powers to be registered in the nearest court of admiralty, and in the chamber of commerce, if there is one, near the place of thei> residence. On his arrival there, he should publish his powers in the assembly of merchants of his country happening to be there at the time, and put them on the records of the consulate. When there is any question that aifects the general affairs of the commerce of his nation, he ought to convoke all the merchants and masters of vessek of his nation then in the place, who are obliged to attend, under penalty, according to the resolu- tions taken in these assemblies ; the consul issues orders which ought to be executed, and of which he should send copies every three months to the lieutenant-general of the nearest admiralty and chamber of commerce. The jurisdiction of consuls extends to several objects, for he not only supplies the place of a court of admiralty, but also of a common court of justice. In civil matters the judgments are to be executed, provisional security being given for the sum adjudged ; in criminal matters definitively and without appeal, if given with two of the principal merchants of his country assisting, except where corporal punishment appertains to the crime, in which case the process and proofs are to he drawn up by the consul, and sent with the criminal by the first vessel of the nation to be judged by the proper authority in the first port 'hereof where he arrives. JULY 20, 1778. 653 The consul may also oblige any of his nation to depart, if they behave scandalously ; ami captains are obliged to take them, under a penalty. If the consul has any diiference with the merchants of the place, the parties are to appear in the nest court of admiralty, and the cause is to be there adjudged. The consul has a clerk, who keeps an office, in which all the acts of the consulate are registered. He names also the officers who execute his precepts, and takes their oaths. If war happens, the consuls retire. Ceremonial of admitting the French minister to Congress.* In Congress, July 20, 1778. Resolved, That the ceremonial for a minister plenipotentiary or envoy shall be as follows : When a minister plenipotentiary or envoy shall arrive within any of the United States, he shall receive at all places where there are guards, sentries, or the like, such military honors as are paid to a gen- eral officer of the second rank in the armies of the United States. When he shall arrive at a place in which Congress shall be, he shall wait upon the President and deliver his credentials, or a copy thereof. Two members of Congress shall theu be deputed to wait upon him and inform him where and when he shall receive audience of Congress. At the time he is to receive his audience the two members shall again wait upon him in a coach belonging to the States, and the person first named of two shall return with the minister plenipotentiary or envoy iu the coach, giving the minister the right hand, and placing himself on the left, with the other member on the frout seat. When the minister plenipotentiary or envoy is arrived at the door of the Congress hall, he shall be introduced to his chair by the two members, who shall stand at bis left hand. Then the member first named shall present and announce him to the President and the House, whereupon he shall bow to the President and Congress, and thgy to him. He and the President shall then again bow to each other and be seated, after which the House shall sit down. Having spoken, and being answered, the minister and Uw, President shall bow to each other, at which time the House shall Imjw, aud theu he shall be conducted home in the manner in which he was biought to the House. Those who shall wait upon the minister shall inform him that if in any audience he shall choose to speak on matters of business, it will be necessary previously to deliver in writing to the President what he in- tends to say at the audience, and if he shall not incline thereto, it wi/,', from the constitution of Congress, be impracticable for him to receive an immediate answer. The style of address to Congress shall be, "Gentlemen of the Cou gress." • MSS. Dep. of state ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr,, 563. 654 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. All speeches or commiiuications in writing may, if the public minister choose it, be iu the language of their respective countries, and all re- plies or answers shall be iu the laugaage of the United States. After the audience the members of Congress shall be first visited by the minister plenipotentiary or envoy. July 30. Resolved, That Thursday next be assigned for giving audience to the honorable M. Gerard, minister plenipotentiary from his most Christian majesty. August 5. Resolved, That when the minister is introduced to his chair by the two members he shall sit down. His secretary shall then deliver to the President the letters of his sovereign, which shall be read and translated by the secretary of Con- gress. Then the minister shall be announced ; at which time the Pres- dent, the House, and the minister shall rise together. The minister shall then bow to the President and the House, and they to him. The minister and the President shall then bow to each other and be seated ; after which the House shall sit down. The minister shall deliver his speech standing, the President and the House shall sit while the min- ister is delivering his speech. The House shall rise, and the President shall deliver the answer standing. The minister shall stand while the President delivers the answer. Having spoken, and being answered, the minister and the President shall bow to each other, at which time the House shall bow, and then the minister shall be conducted home in the manner in which he was brought to the House. Resolved, That the door of the Congress chamber be open during the audience to be given to the minister plenipotentiary of his most Chris- tian majesty. That the delegates of Pennsylvania be requested to inform the vice- president, the supreme executive council, and the speaker and assem- bly of the said State that the minister plenipotentiary of his most Christian majesty the king of France will receive his audience of Con- gress at 12 o'clock to-morrow, when the doors of the chamber will be opened. That each member of Congress may give two tickets for the admit- tance of other persons to the audience, and that no other persons ex- cept those specified in the foregoing resolution be admitted without such a ticket signed by the members appointed to introduce the min- ister to the Congress. Thursday, August 6. According to order, the Hon. M. Gerard was introduced to an audi- ence by two members of Congress, and being seated, his secretary de- livered to the President a letter from his most Christian majesty,- JULY 20, 1778. 655 directed " To oar very dear and great friends and allies the President and members of the general Congress of the United States," in the words following : [See this letter dated March 28, 1778, supra.] The minister was tlien announced to the House, whereupon he arose and addressed Congress in a speech which, when he had finished, his secretary delivered in writing to the President, and is as follows: [Translatiou.] " Gentlemen : The connections which the king my master has formed with the United States of America are so agreeable to him, that he has been unwilling to delay sending me to reside near you to unite them more closely. His majesty will be gratified to learn that the sentiments which are manifested on this occasion justify the confidence with which the zeal and the character of the deputies of the United States in France, the wisdom and the firmness which have directed your resolutions, together with the courage and the constancy which the people have displayed, have inspired him. You know, goutlemen, that this confidence has laid the foundation of the truly friendly and disinterested plan upon which his majesty has treated with the United States. "It has not rested with him that his engagements could not secure your independence and your tranquillity without the further effusion of blood, and without aggravating the miseries of mankind, of which it is his whole ambition to secure the happiness ; but the hostile dis- positions and resolutions of the common enemy having given a present force, positive, permanent, and indissoluble to engagements wholly eventual, the king my master has thought that the two allies should occupy themselves only with the means of fulfilling them in the man- ner the most useful to the common cause, and of the most effect in ob- taining peace, which is the object of the alliance. It is in conformity with this principle that his majesty has hastened to send you a power- ful assistance. You owe it, gentlemen, to his friendship, to the sincere interest which he takes in the welfare of the United States, and to the desire which he has of concurring effectually in securing your peace and your prosperity on honorable and firm foundations. He hopes, moreover, that the principles adopted by the Governments will contrib- ute to extend the connections which the mutual interest of the respec- tive nations had already begun to form between them. The principal point of my instructions is to make the interests of France and those of the United States keep pace together. I flatter myself that my past conduct in affairs which interest them has already convinced you that I have no more earnest desire than that of executing my instructions in such a manner as to deserve the confidence of Congress, the friend- ship of its members, and the esteem of all the citizens." 656 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. To this speech the President returned the following answer: "Sir: The treaties between his most Christian majesty and the United States of America so fully demonstrate his wisdom and mag- nanimity as to command the reverence of all nations. The virtuous citizeus of America in particular can never iorget his beneficent at- tention to their violated rights, nor cease to acknowledge tlie hand of a gracious Providence in raising for them so powerful and illustrious a friend. It is the hope and the opinion of Congress that the conhdence his majesty reposes in the firmness of these States will receive addi- tional strength from every day's experience. "This assembly are convinced, sir, that had it rested solely with the most Christian king, not only the independence of these States would have been universally acknowledged, but their tranquillity fully estab- lished; we lament that lust of domination which gave birth to the present war and has prolonged and extended the miseries of mankind. We ardently wish to sheathe the sword and spare the further effusion of blood ; but we are determined, by every means in our power, to ful- fill those eventual engagements which have acquired positive and per- manent force from the hostile designs and measures of the common enemy. "Congress have reason to believe that the assistance so wisely and generously seiit will bring Great Britain to a sense of justice and mod- eration, promote the interests of France and America, and secure peace and tranquillity- on the most firm and honorable foundation. Neither can it be doubted that those who administer the powers of government within the several States of this Union will cement that connection with the subjects of France, the beneficent effects of which have already been so sensibly felt. "Sir, from the experience we have had of your exertions to promote the true interests of our country as well as your own, it is with tlie highest satisfaction Congress receive as the first minister from his most Christian majesty a gentleman whose past conduct affords a happy presage that he will merit the confidence of this body, the friendship of its members, and the esteem of the citizens of America." The secretary of Congress delivered to the minister a copy of the foregoing speech, dated "In Congress, August (i, 1778," and signed "Henry Laurens, President." Whereupon the minister withdrew, and was conducted home in the manner in which he wajs brought to the House. Franklin to Lovell." Passy, July 22, 1788. Sir : I received your favor of May 15, and was glad to find that mine of December 35 had come to hand. Mr. Deane's brother writes it was not signed, which was an accidental omission. Mr. Deane is "MSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 39; 6 Biselow's Franklin, VJS. JULY 22, 1778. 657 himself, I hope, with you long before this tiuie, and I doubt not every prejudice against him is removed. It was not alone upoa the proceed- ings of Congress that I formed my opinion that such prejudices existed. I am glad to understand that opinion was groundless, and that he is likely to come hack with honor in the commission to Holland, where matters are already so ripe for his operations that he can not fail (with his abilities) of being useful. You mention former letters of the committee, by which we might have seen the apprehensions of the resentment of foreign officers, etc. Those letters never came to hand. And we, on our part, are amazed to hear that the committee had had no line from us for near a year, during which we had written, I believe, five or six long and particular letters, and had made it a rule to send triplicates of each, and to re- place those that we happened to hear were lost, so that of some there were five copies sent; and as I hear that Captain Young is arrived, who had some of them, I think it probable that one of each, at least, must have come to your hands before this time. Mr. Deane's informa- tion, however, may supply the want of them, whose arrival, as he wont with a strong squadron of men-of-war, is more likely than that of this vessel, or any other single one by which we might send more copies. The affair with M. de Beaumarchais will be best settled by his as- sistance after his return. We find it recommended to us, but we know too little of it to be able to do it well without him. There has been some inaccuracy in sending us the last dispatches of the committee. Two copies of the contract with M. Francy and the invoices came by the same vessel. Captain Niles. And though one of your letters mentions sending enclosed a resolution of Congress rela- tive to two articles of the treaty, that resolution is not come to hand. There are circumstances in the affair of those articles that make them, in my opinion, of no consequence if they stand, while the proposing to abrogate them has an un pleasing appearance, as it looks like a desire of having it in our power to make that commercial kind of war which no honest state can begin, which no good friend or neighbor ever did or will begin, which has always been considered as an act of hostility that provoked, as well as justified, reprisals, and has generallj^ pro- duced such as rendered the first project as unprofitable as it was un- just. Commerce among nations, as well as between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent exchanges and mutual sup- pHes. The taking unfair advantage of a neighbor's necessities, though attended with temporary success, always breeds bad blood. To lay duties on a commodity exported, which our neighbors want, is a knavish attempt to get something for nothing. The statesman who first in- vented it had the genius of a pickpocket, and would have been a pick- pocket if fortune had suitaiMy placed him. The nations who have practiced it have suffered fourfold, as pickpockets ought to suffer. Savoy, by a duty on exported wines, lost the trade of Switzerland, 658 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. which thenceforth raised its own wine ; and (to waive other instances) Britain, by her dnty on exported tea, has lost the trade of her Colo- nies. But as we produce no commodity that is peculiar to our country, and which may not be obtained elsewhere, the discouraging the con- sumption of ours by duties on exportation, and thereby encouraging a rivalship from other nations in the ports we trade to, is absolute folly, which, indeed, is mixed more or less with all knavery. For my own part, if my protest were of any consequence, I should protest against our ever doing it, even by way of reprisal. It is a meanness with which I would not dirty the conscience or character of my country. The objections stated against the last of the two articles had all been made and considered here, and were sent, I imagine, from hence by one who is offended that they were not thought of weight sufBcient to stop the signing of the treaty till the king should, in another council, reconsider those articles; and after agreeing to omit them, order new copies to be drawn, though all was then ready engrossed on parchment as before settled. I did not think the articles of much consequence, but I thought it of consequence that no delay should be given to the signing of the treaty after it was ready. But if I had known that those objections would have been sent to the committee I should have sent the answers they received, which had been satisfactory to all the com- missioners when the treaty was settled, and until the mind of one* of them was altered by the opinion of two other persous.t It is now too late to send those answers. But I wish for the future, if such a case should again happen, that Congress would acquaint their commission- ers with such partial objections, and hear their reasons before they de- termine that they have done wrong. In the meantime this only to you in private; it will be of no use to communicate it, as the resolutions of Congress will probably be received and executed before this letter comes to hand. Speaking of commissioners in the plural puts me in mind of inquir- ing if it can be the intention of Congress to keep three commissioners at this court; we have indeed four with the gentleman intended forTuscany, who continues here, and is very angry that he was not consulted in making the treaty, which he could have mended in several particulars, and perhaps he is angry with some reason, if the instructions to him do, as he says they do, require us to consult him. We shall soon have a fifth for the envoy to Vienna not being received there is, I hear, re- turning hither. The necessary expense of maintaining us all is, I as- sure you, enormously great. I wish that the utility may equal it. I imagine every one of us spends nearly as much as Lord Stormont did. It is true he left behind him the character of a niggard, and when the * Arthur Leo. See bis letter to Izard, January 28, 1778, aud to Frauklin and Deauc, January :iO, 177H, aupra. t Ralph Izard and William Lee. See Mr. Izard's letter to Franklin, January ^8, 1778, supra. JULY 22, 1778. 659 advertisement appeared for the sale of bis household goods, all Paris laughed at an article of it, perhaps very iuuoceutly expressed, " Une grande quantite du linge de table, qui n^a jamais senn." " Gela est trds vraisemblable,^^ say they, '-car il n^a jamais donne a manr/er.^' But as to our number, whatever advantage there might be iu the joiut counsels of three for framing and adjusting the articles of the treaty, there cau bo none in managing the common business of a resident here. On the contrary, all the advantages in negotiation that result from secrecy of sentiment and uniformity in expressing it imd iu common business from dispatch are lost. In a court, too, where every word is watched and weighed, if a number of commissioners do not every one hold the Slime language in giving their opinion on any public transaction, this lessens their weight; and when it may be prudent to put on or avoid certain appearances of concern, for example, or indifference, satisfac- tion, or dislike, where the utmost sincerity and candor should be used, and would gain credit if no semblance of art showed itself in (he inad- vertent discourse perhaps of only one of them, tlie hazard is iu propor- tion to the number. And where every one must be consulted on every particular of common business in answering every letter, etc., and one of them is offended if the smallest thing is done without his consent, the difficulty of being often and long enough together, the dilfereut opinions and the time consumed in debating them, the interiuptions by new applicants iu the time of meeting, etc., occasion so much post- poning and delay, that correspondence languishes, occasions are lost, and the business is always behindhand. I have mentioned the difficulty of being often and long enough to- gether. This is considerable, where they can not all be accommodated ill tlie same house; but to find three people whose tempers are so good and who like so well one another's company and inauii er of living and conversing as to agree well themselves, though being in one house, and whose servants will not by their indiscretion quarrel with one another, and by artful misrepresentations draw their masters in to take their parts, to the disturbance of necessary harmony, these are difficulties still greater and almost insurmountable, and iu consideration of the whole I wish Congress would separate us. The Spanish galleons, which have been impatiently expected, are at length happily arrived. The fleet and army returning from Brazil is still out, but supposed to be on her way homewards. When that and the South Sea ships are arrived it will appear whether Spain's acces- sion to the treaty has been delayed for the reasons given, or whether the reasons were only given to excuse the delay. The English and French fleets of nearly equal force are now both at sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet there will be a battle, for though England through fear affects to undersland it to be still peace, and would excuse the depredations she has made on the commerce of France by pretenses of illicit trade, etc., yet France considers the war 660 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. begun from the time of the king's message to Parliament complaining of the insult France had given by treating with us and demanding aids to resist it, and the answer of both houses offering their lives and fortunes ; and the taking several fi'igates are deemed indisputable hostilities. Accordingly, orders are given to all the fleets and armed ships to return hostilities, and encouragement is offered to privateers, etc. An ambassador from Spain is indeed gone to London, and joy- fully received there in the idea that peace may be made by his media- tion ; but as yet we learn nothing certain of his mission, and doubt his eliecting anything of the kind. War in Germany seems to be inevitable, and this, occasioning great borrowings of money in Holland and elsewhere by the powers cou- cerned, makes it more dififlcult for us to succeed in ours. Wben we engaged to Congress to pay their bills for the interest of the sums they should borrow we did not dream of their drawing on us for other occa- sions. We have already paid of Congress' drafts to returned officers eighty two thousand two hundred and eleven livres, and we know not how much more of that kind we have to pay ; because the couimittee have never let us know the amount of those drafts, or their account of them never reached us, and thej' still continue coming in. And we are now surprised with advice of drafts from Mr. Bingham to the amount of one hundred thousand more. If you reduce us to bankruptcy here by a nonpayment of your drafts, consider the consequences. In my humble ojjinion no drafts should be made on us without first learning from us that we shall be able to answer them. M. de Beaumarchais has been out of town ever since the arrival of your i)ower to settle with him. I hope he will be able to furnish the supplies mentioned in the invoice and contract. The settlement may be much better made with the assistance of Mr. Deane, we being not privy to the transaction. We have agreed to give Monsieur Dumas two hundred louis a year, thinking that he well deserves it. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, etc., B. Feanklin. Franklin and Adams to the President of Congress." Passy, July 23, 1778. SiK; We have just received a message from M. le Comte de Ver- gennes, by his secretary, acfjuaiuting us that information is received from England of the intention of the cabinet there to offer (by addi- tional iftstructions to their commissioners) independence to the United States on condition of their making a separate peace, relying on their • MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev, Corr., 300, with omissions and verbal cliauggs, JULY U5, 1778. 661 majority in both bouses for approbation of the measure. M. de Ver- gennes, upon this intelligeuce, requests that we would write expressly to acquaiut the Congress that though no formal declaration of war has yet been published, the war between France and England is considered as actually existing from the time of the return of the ambassadors, and that if England shoald propose a peace with France the immediate answer to the proposition would be, "Our eventual treaty with the United States is now in full force, and we will make no peace but in concurrence with them." [The safue answer, it is expected, will be given by the Congress should a separate peace be proposed to them ;*] and we have given it as our firm opinion that such an answer will be given by you without the least hesitation or difliculty, though you may not have been informed before, as you now are, that, war being actually begun, the eventual treaty is become fully and completely binding. We are, with great respect, etc. B, Franklin. John ADAivri:^. Izard to Henry Laurens, President of Congress.t Paris, Juhj 25, 1778. Beak Sir : The treaties were received by the ISi)ij on the 9th instant. I am glad to find that the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of commerce appeared to Congress in the same ligLt that they did to me. The committee of foreign affairs, in their letters to the commissioners here of May 14 and 15, made nearly the same observations that I did to Dr. Franklin in my letter to bim on that subject. I have not, however, the satisfaction of knowing whether the part I have acted has been approved of, or even whether any of my letters got to your hands, as I have not been favored with a line from you since your arrival in Congress. I shall not complain, but follow Dr. Frank- lin's maxim in his letter of January 29th, which is, "to suppose our friends right till one finds them wrong, rather than to suppose them wrong until one finds them right."J It is possible that my letters to you and yours to me may have been lost or stolen. The [scandalous] § tricks that were played with Mr. Lee's letters, and the public dis- patches that were sent by Mr. Folger, will justify any suspicion. I shall take it for granted that, if you have written, your letters have miscarried, or, if you have not written, that you were prevented by business of greater importance. It is, Iiowever, very unfortunate, and you can not but be sensible how mortifying it must be to me, who have been engaged in distress and trouble in consequence of my doing 'Passage in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. t MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr , 686, with omissions and verbal changes. t Franklin to Izard, January 29, 1778, supra. } Word in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. 662 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDENCE. my duty to the public, not to liud attention and support from a quarter wbere I had every reason to expect it. I had just written thus far when Mr. Adams sent me your letter of M:iy 19, which was enclosed to him ; and I thank you heartily for the very friendly expressions contained in it. You meation that you in- tended to write me more fully by the same opi)ortunity ; but as that letter is not come to hand, I suppose it was too late for the convey- ance. I am very anxious to see it, and hope to tind by it that my pro- ceedings have met with your approbation. The ratification of the trea- ties by Congress has put the ministry and tlie whole nation into as good spirits as onr countrymen were i)ut by them. Except the parts which I have mentioned to you, they seem to be very fair and equita- ble; and I really believe that if a certain gentleman had thonght less of his infallibility, they might have been made uuexceptiouable. The ministry made no objection to the alteration respecting the molas- ses; and I most sincerely wish that Congress had not, in their hurry, passed over the other articles, which I am convinced will occur to them when perhaps it may not be so easy to get them altered as at present. The war in Germanj' is already begun. The King of Prussia, flud- ing that his negotiations proved fruitless, has invaded Bohemia, and that unhappy country, the constant seat of misery, will, in all proba- bility, experience more calamities than ever. The wisdom of the Con- gress and the valor of our countrymen will, I hope, soon remove the war from our continent ; and 1 pray to God that the blessings of peace may be at no great distance. I can not help expressing to yon my astonishment upon reading the account given of the interview between the commissioners here and M. Gerard on the Ifith of December, printed in the York Town Gazette of -(iay 4. The part I allude to is the following. The French Pleni- potentiary, speaking of the king, says : "He should, moreover, not so much as insist that, if he engaged in the war with England on our ac- count, we should not make a separate peace for ourselves whenever good and advantageous terms were offered to us." This account, I un- dtTstand, was given to Congress by the commissioners, and therefore it must l>e presumed to be true. How, then, can it be reconciled with the eighth article of the treaty of alliance? Suppose England should offer to acknowledge the liberty, sovereignty, and independence of America upon condition that she should make a separate peace? The question is, can we, in honor, do it"? Monsieur Gerard, royal syndic of Stras- bourg, and secretary of his majesty's council of state, informed the commissioners on the IGth of December, by order of the Mng, that the only condition his majesty should require and rely on would be this: "That we, in no peace to be made with England, should give up our independence, and return to the obedience of that government." The eighth article of the treaty of alliance declares directly the contrary, although the second says expressly: "ie but essentiel et direct de la presente alliance defensive, est de maintenir efficacement la liberie^ la sou- JULY 25, 1778, 663 verainete, et VinMpendance des ^tatsTJnisP^ I most ardently wish for peace; at the same time tbe preservation of our national honor must 1)6 attended to. The virtue and wisdom of the representatives of our country in Ooi-igress will be shown if this question should ever be agitated. You will find by my letter to the committee of this day's date, that the situation of affairs has not allowed me yet to go into Italy. My own inclinations, if they alone had been consulted, wouhl have carried me there long ago. Mr. William Lee was right in going to Vienna. That court acts from its own opinion without control, and might possi- bly have been prevailed on to receive him publicly. The event has not proved answerable to our wishes. The conduct of the empress queen has certainly been occasioned by a resentment against the court of Prance for not contributing, contrary to their own interest, to the aggrandizement of the house of Austria. A resentment so ill-founded and unreasonabe may, perhaps, not continue long; in the mean time, however, it is exceedingly provoking to me, as I am living at the public expense, without having it in my power to fulfill the objects of my com- mission. Perhaps, indeed, my having been in Paris may not prove altogether useless ; and I hope the papers I have transmitted to you may not be thought unworthy the attention of Congress. After having had the facts stated to them relative to the situation of affairs in Europe, they will judge what instructions ar.? proper to be sent to me. If they are positive, at all events they shall be followed; if discretion- ary, I shall act to the best of my judgment. You are so good as to assure me in your letter of the 19th of May that you will upon all occasions have at heart my honor and interest, and that you will by every opportunity keep me acquainted with the state of affairs. 1 feel very sensibly these friendly assurances, and promise you that amidst the troubles and vexations in which I have been engaged I derive considerable comfort and satisfaction from them. You say nothing of yonr son. I heartily rejoice at his promotion. He must have informed you that he was' very desirous of going into the Prussian army. I dissuaded him from it, and advised him if he was determined upon becoming a soldier, to take Marshal Saxe and the Cbevalier Poland's Commentaries upon Polybius into his hands and go to America, where an ample field would be open to him. I am happy to find that he has had no cause to repent of having followed my advice. My wife offers you her compliments, and joins me in desiring that they may be presented to him. We have heard nothing very lately from his family in England; by the last accounts, Mrs. Laurens was well, and the child very much improved. I am, dear sir, etc., Kalph Izaed. [P. S.— Dr. Pranklin has not attempted to answer my letter of 17th of June.l * * Words in brackets omitted iu Sparks' ed. G64 DIPLOMATIC CORKKSPONDKXCE. Adams to Lovell. ' Passy, July 20, 1778. Mt Dear Friend : Your favors of May 10 and 2i5, by Captain Barnes, reached me yesterday. Tliese, witli those by Xiles from Con- necticut, and those by the Saratoija from Baltimore, are all that I re- ceived from yon or from anybody at Congress ; which gives me pain, because your other letters must have miscarried, and I hold your let- ters iu so high esteem, that I can uot be willing to lose one. The robbery of Folger's packet, by all that I cau learn, must have been conamitted by a traitor, who made his escape to England. But Dr. Franklin and JMr. Lee, who were acquainted with this transaction, will, I suppose, develop the mystery as far as they are able. One of these gentlemen has some other suspicions, but I believe the fugitive to England was the only thief, t Mr. Deane, whom you mention, is no doubt with you before now, but if the Count d'Estaing has not been able to strike a decisive blow be- fore the arrival of Byron, I should fear that some misfortune has be- fallen him since the junction of Byron and Howe. We are, however, anxious to know the naval maneuvers iu America, as well as those of the armies. Mr. Deane complains of ill treatment, and claims great merit for his services. I shall uot add to the ill treatment, nor depre- ciate the merit, but it will never do for Congress to dread the resent- ment of their servants, I have heard a great deal in this country con- cerning his conduct — great panegyrics and harsh censures. But 1 believe he has neither the extravagant merit that some persons ascribe to him, nor the gross faults to answer for which some others impute or suspect. I believe he was a diligent servant of the public, and ren- dered it useful service. His living was expensive, but whether he made the A'ast profit to himself that some persons suspect, I know not, or whether any profit at all. One thing I know, that my family will feel that I shall uot imitate him in this fticulty, if it really was his ; for which reason I wish Congress would determine what allowance we shall have for our time, that I might know whether my family can live upon it or not. Extravagant claims to merit are always to be suspected. General Gates was the ablest negotiator you ever had in Europe; and next to him, General Washington's attack upon the enemy at Germantowu. I do not know, indeed, whether this last affair had not more influence upon the European mind than that of Saratoga. Although the attempt was unsuccessful, the military gentlemen in Europe considered it as the most decisive proof that America would finally succeed. And you may depend upon it, although your agents in Europe were •2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 544. tSee committee, etc., to commissioners, .January 12, 1778, aiad note thereto; A. Lee to committee, April 14, 1778. JULY 27, 1778. 665 to plead with the tongues of men aad angels, although they had the talents and tbe experience of Mazarin or tlie integrity of d'Asset, your array in America will have more success than they. I foresee tliere will he diversities of sentiment concerning this gen- tleman (Deane), and perhaps warm debates. Perhaps there will be as much as there has been about a general in the northern department. All that I request is, that I niay not be drawn into the dispute. Europe has not charms enough for me to wish to stay here to the ex- clusion of able negotiators, much less at the expense of heat and divi- sions in Congress. How well united you were in the choice of me I never was informed, and how soon attempts may be made to displace me I know not. But one thing I beg of my friends, and one only, that if any attempt of that kind should be made they would give me up, rather than continue my residence at the expense of debates in Con- gress and by the favor of small majorities. If 1 were capable of speculating in English funds, or of conducting private trade, 1 might find opportunities here to make a private profit, and might have inducements from private considerations to continue here; but this will never be my case, and I am very well persuaded that Congress will never grant me so much for my services here as J could earn by my profession in Boston, to which I will return with sub- mission to old ocean, old Boreas, and British men-ofwar the moment I am released from this station. I wish, however, that Congress would determine what allowance they will grant, that honest men may not be made or suspected otherwise. As to the public, 1 am fully persuaded that its interests are not at all concerned in my residence here, as there is a great plenty of persons quite as well qualified. I am, etc., John Adams. Adams to the President of Congress.* Passt, July 27, 177S. SiK : I thank you for your kind congratulations on the favorable ap- pearances in our American concerns, and for so politely particularizing one of the most inconsiderable of them, my safe arrival in France, which was after a very inconvenient passage of forty-five days. Your letter to Wlr. Izard I had the pleasure to send to him immedi- ately in Paris, where he resides, the court of Tuscany being so con- nected with that of Vienna as to discourage hitherto his departure for Italy. He did me the honor of a visit yesterday, when we had much conversation npou American affairs. Your other letter, to your daughter-in-law, I have forwarded by a safe opportunity. You may depend upon my conveying your letters to any ' 2 Sparka' Dip. Rev. Corr., .'■>4tl ; 7 John Adams' Works, ^1. G6G DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. of your friends by the best opportunities and with dispatch. The more of your commauds you send me the more pleasure you will give me. War is not declared, that is, no manifesto has been published, but each nation is daily manufacturing materials for the other's manifesto by open hostilities. In short, sir, the two nations have been at war ever since tlie recall of the ambassadors. The King of France has given or(h'rs to all his .ships to attack the Englisli, and has given vast encouragement to privateers. The King of Great Britain and his council have determined to send instructions to their commissioners in America to offer us independency, provided we will make ])eace with them separate from France. This appears to me to be the last effort to seduce, deceive, and divide. They know that every man of honor in America must receive this proposi- tion with indignation. But they tliiiik they can get the men of no honor to join tiiem by snch a proposal, and they think the men of lionor are not a majority. What has America done to give occasion to that king and council to think so unworthily of her ! The jjroposition, is in other words, this: "America, you have fought me until I despair of beating you; you made an alliance with the first power of Europe, which is a great honor to your country and a great stability to your cause, so great that it has excited my highest resent- ment, and has determined me to go to war with France. Do you break your faith witli that power and forfeit her confidence, as well as that of all the rest of mankind forever, and join me to beat her, or stand by neuter and see me do it, and for all this I will acknowledge your inde- pendency, because I thiuk in that case you can not maintain it, but will be an easy prey to me afterwards, who am determined to break my faith with you as I wish you to do yours with France." My dear countrymen, I hope you will not be allured upon the rocks by the siren song of peace. They are now playing a sure game. They have run all hazards, but now they hazard nothing. I know your application is incessant and your moments precious, and therefore that 1 ask a great favor in requesting your correspond- ence; but the interests of the public, as well as private friendship, in- duce me to do it. 1 am, etc., John Adams. Dumas to Van Berokel, Pensionary of Amsterdam.* July 27, 177S. Sir: Directed by the plenipotentiaries of the Dnited States of Amer- ica in Paris to send you the annexed copy of a treaty of amity and commerce concluded between France and the said United States, with Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 243. JULY 28, 1778. 667 the testimony of the high esteem and consideration they have for you in particular, and for all the honorable members of the regency of Amsterdam in general, I acquit myself of these orders with all the satisfaction and eagerness which my respectful devotion to the interest of this republic dictates. The plenii)otenliaries pray you, sir, to com- municate this treaty in such a manner that copies of it may not be mul- tiplied until they have written me that it may be published and in the hands of all the world. I have carried this morning to Mr. — a like copy with the same request. I add to this a proclamation of Congress that I have received, and the communication of which I think will give you pleasure. It will appear in the gazettes in French and Dutch, and ought to satisfy all the maritime powers, no less than it does honor to the sagacitj' and equity of Congress. I am, with the truest respect, etc., DUMAP. J. Adams to Samuel Adams.* Passy, July 2S, 1778. Mt Dear Sir: The sovereign of Britain and his council have deter- mined to instruct their commissioner.s to offer you independence, pro- vided you will disconnect yourselves from France. The question arises, how came the king and council by authority to offer this? It is certain that they have it not. In the next place, is the treaty of alliance between us and France now binding upon us"? I think there is not room to doubt it; for declara- tions and manifestoes do not make the state of war — they are only pub- lications of the reasons of war. Yet the message of the King of Great Britain to both houses of Parliament, and their answers to that mes- sage, were as full a declaration of war as ever was made, and accord- ingly hostilities have been frequent ever since. This proposal, then, is a modest invitation to a gross act of infidelity and breach of faith. It is an observation that I have often heard you make, that "France is the natural ally of the United States." This observation is, in my opin- ion, both just and important. The reasons are plain. As long as Great Britain shall have Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas, or any of them, so long will Great Britain be the enemy of the United States, let her disguise it as much as she will. It is not much to the honor of human nature, but the fact is certain that neighboring nations are never friends in reality. In the times of the most perfect peace between them their hearts and their passions are hostile, and this will certainly be the case forever between the thirteen United States and the English colonies. France and England, as neighbors and rivals, never have been and never will be friends. The " 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 548. 668 DIPLOMATIC CORRKSPONDENCE. hatred and jealousy between tlie nations are eternal and irradicable. As we therefore, on tlie one hand, have the surest ground to expect the jealousy and hatred of Great Britain, so on the other we have the strongest reasons to dei)end upon the friendship and alliance of France, and no one reason in the world to expe(;t her enmity or her jealousy, as she has given up every pretension to any spot of ground on the conti- nent. Tiie United States, therefore, will be for ages the natural bulwark of France against the hostile designs of England against her, and France is the natural defense of the United States against the rapacious spirit of Great Britain against them. France is a nation so vastly eminent, having been for so many centuries what they call the dominant power of Euro]>e, being incomparably the most powerful at land, that united in a close alliance with our States, and enjoying the benefit of our trade, there is not the smallest reason to doubt but both will be a sufiicient curb upon the naval power of Great Britain. Tills connection, therefore, will forever secure a respect for our States in Spain, Portugal, and Holland, too, who will always choose to be upon friendly terms with powers who have numerous cruisers at sea, and in- deed in all the rest of Europe. I presume, therefore, that sound policy as well as good faith will induce us never to renounce our alliance with France, even although it should continue us for some time in war. The French are as sensible of the benefits of this alliance to them as we are, and they are determined as much as we to cultivate it. In order to continue the war, or at least that we may do any good in the common cause, the oedit of our currency must be supported. But how? Taxes, my dear sir, taxes! Pray let our countrymen consider and be wise; every farthing they pay in taxes is a farthing's worth of wealth and good policy. If it were j)0ssible to hire money in Europe to discharge the bills, it would be a dreadful drain to the country to pay the interest of it. But I fear it will not be. The house of Austria has sent orders to Amsterdam to hire a very great sum, England is borrowing great sums, and France is borrowing largely. Amidst such demands for money, and by powers who offer better terms, I fear we shall not be able to succeed. Pray write me as often as you can, and believe me your friend and servant, John Adams. Deane to the President of Congress.* Philabelphia, Jtdy 28, 1778. Sir : I had the honor of receiving on the 4th of March last, in a letter from Mr. Lovell (a cojiy of which I now enclose t), the orders of Con- gress announcing my recall and directing my immediate return. * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 .Spai-ks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 90. t See letter from Lovell to Deane, Decembers, 1777, Suj)ra, JULY 28, 1778. 669 This was the first and only iutimatiou I ever received of the resolu. tions of Congress on the subject. I immediately complied with it, and left Paris the 1st of April, with hopes of arriving in season to give Con- gress that intelligence which in the order for my return they express their want of. Unfortunately, my passage has been much longer than I expected, and I but now begin to find myself recovering from the fatigues of it ; yet my desire of giving Congress, as early as possible, an account of the state of their affairs in Europe when I left France, as well as the peculiar situation in which my recall has placed me personally, has in- duced me to address them through your excellency to solicit for as early an audience as the important business in which they are engaged will admit of. I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect, etc., Silas Deane. Niccoli to Izard. [Translation.*] Florence, July 28, 1778. Sir : Although M. Favi, who knows my attachment for you, regularly informs me concerning you, yet I was very much pleased with receiving a letter directly from yourself, dated the 11th instant, and to find thereby that the gout had left you at last, and that your little family were well. I beg you to embrace them for me. I have often wished for you all at Florence during my stay here, and to partake with you the delights that are to be enjoyed beneath a fine sky and under the protection of good laws. 1 have tortured myself to find some means to induce you to come here; my conscience and honor have always dictated the counsels I have given you, so contrary to my inclinations, but most conformable to your situation and the circum- stances you are placed in. I wish very much that the order you have received to effect a loan in Italy might furnish you with a plausible reason to make me a visit; but I see so many difficulties in this design that I dare not flatter myself with hopes. You will permit me to men- tion those which present themselves on the part of Tuscany. Tuscany, which has been deprived for upwards of two centuries of an active commerce, is but just emerging out of the languishing and exhausted state into which she was plunged. There has, indeed, been for some years a large quantity of cash in circulation, but although my country- men are convinced of the solvency of the United States, of their hon- esty in keeping their word, and that they consider their independence as established, they will not, however, lend their money, because they can employ it in a much more lucrative manner under their own eyes. To give you an evident proof of it, 1 send you the extract of an edict of '1 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corr., 689, 670 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. his royal higbuess. You will find the iuducements to be infinitely superior to anything the United States can offer. I propose also to send you shortly an abridgment of the immunities, privileges, and liberties granted for fourteen years past by the grand duke to his subjects. You will see in it his system of administration, and you will judge whether, in a state favored as ours is, it can be rea- sonably expected to amass money to put it out to interest. I will more- over give-you a proof of what has happened under his administration, and of which I am an eyewitness. Cultivation of land has increased double, and landed i)roperty, if there is any for sale, is purchased at double the price it sold for before. The grand duke, who has re- imbursed almost the half of the state debts which he found at bis accession, has the consolation to see the manner in which this money has been employed. 1 confine myself, sir, to one single point, to show you the little prob- ability there is of accomplishing your object in Tuscany, leaving it to you to judge whether, in the present circumstances, government would not be blamed should it permit a loan to be opened here for the United States. I know not whether they would permit such a thing for the emperor. This is enough respecting Tuscany. As to the other states of Italy, 1 see none in a condition to comply with your views excepting the Ee- public of Genoa. In this state, being strictly connected with France, you may not meet with the same difQculties on the part of the govern- ment, and as the Genoese have almost all their property in ready money, and are accustomed to lend to everybody, I am persuaded you may find it with them, especially if the ministry of France interposes favorably. limagine thattbey will demand large interest, with security, perhaps, and guarantied by the King of France. You will do well, be- fore you open this negotiation, directly to speak about it to the Count de Vergeunes, and he should speak to the Marquis Spinola, the Genoese envoy. If you have not this recourse, I know not how you can fulfill the commission of Congress, because all Europe being in a convulsed state, moneys beci^mes scarce and dear. You know that the empress queen has opened a loan in her states of Brabant; perhaps, should the troubles not cease, she will open one in Milan. Thus, my friend, you have my opinion. I am sorry that I can not furnish you with some bet ter hints, and more conformable to your wishes and mine. I say noth- ing respecting myself, and I know not yet what the grand duke will do with me. Whenever be shall determine, you shall not be among the last who are informed of it. Communicate always good news of your country to me, and be assured of the perfect and sincere attachment with which I have the honor to be, sir, etc., NiCCOLI, JULY 28, 1778. 671 A. Lee to Committee of Correspondence.* July 28, 1778. Gentlemen: I have taken the advantage of the arrival of the Flota to press the loan of two millions, and will transmit the answer as soon as I receive it. The order for sending supplies is renewed upon the old footing, and I trust you will receive woolens, drugs, and some naval stores through that channel. We are signing the notes for the loan in Holland, which is a work of time, particularly to myself, as I annex a secret mark to each sigoatnie, to detect any forgeries, which will no doubt be attempted by individuals, and perhaps by the government with which we are at war. (I have not signed the general letter, because the message was re- ceived and the answer made while I was signing the nottis, without sending for me, so that I can not bear witness to a declaration whicli I did not hear, and which, had I been present, I should have desired ill writing and signed, knowing from the experience we have had that this sort of conversations with under secretaries are not to be relied on. These and other reasons, which I will not trouble you with, would have made me dissent from the proceedings on that message and have made me withhold my signature from the letter.) No atiswer has been received from the British court to the return we sent of the seamen in our possession. If the intelligence of their resolution to offer a recognition of our independence be true, it is a proof of their being conscious of their incapacity to carry on the war against the United States and France allied. They have been some- what slow in iinding this out, and I am persuaded that before another year is at an end they will discover the necessity of adding to this offer the cession of all their possessions on the continent of America, The war in German j- will occupy all the north of Europe; EJ-ollaud will remain neuter ; Spain and Portugal will join our alliance ; and if there is any certainty in human things, the result must be a carte 6to«c7ie from our imperious and inhuman enemy. They have conducted tberaselves with such unexarai)led baseness and foUy, that their situa- tion will lose the dignity that used to accompany greatness in distress, and they will fall dishonored and unlameuted. The French and English fleets are yet out, but have not engaged, which, as they are nearly equal, and everythiug depends upon the event, they will probably avoid, by the former keeping out and the latter in the English Channel. I enclose a list of the packets and letters sent by Mr, Simeon Deane, a summary of Gardoqui's accounts, a triplicate of the Swiss militia, an account of the Hawl-e^s prize, a duplicate of my letter to you of the 20th, and the latest intelligence from Germany. *2 A. Lee's Life., 07. Original not in Dopartuieufc of Sbiite. lu tlii.s and tlie fol- lowing letter the title of the committee is given by the editor of Lee's Life as above. 672 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. You will have the gooduess to preseut my duty to Cougress, aud be- lieve iiic to be, with the greatest esteem aud respect, geutleuieu, your most obedieut and most humble servant, Arthur Lee. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the President of Congress.* PASSY, Jtily 29, 1778. Sir : Mr. Livingston received a commission from us as lieutenant of the Boston, and made a cruise in her, in which he had the good fortune to take four prizes. He is now obliged to leave the sliip, but we have the pleasure of a letter from Captain Tucker, in which he gives us a handsome character of Mr. Livingston and of his conduct during the cruise. We have also a good opinion of him, and recommend him to the favor of Congress. We are, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lke. John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.t Passy, JuIij 29, 1778. Gentlemen : We have the honor of your letters of May 14 and 15. We congratulate you ou the general good appearance of our affairs, and we are happy in your assurances that it is your fixed determination to admit no terms of peace but such as are consistent with the spirit and intention of our alliance with France, especially as the present politics of the British cabinet aim at seducing you from that alliance by an offer of independence, upon condition that you will renounce it — a measure that will injure the reputation of our States with all the world, and destroy their confidence in our honor, No authenticity from Congress to make an alteration in the treaty by withdrawing the eleventh and twelfth articles has yet reached us. But we gave an extract of your letter to the Count de Vergennes when we exchanged ratifications, who expressed an entire willingness to agree to it. We wish for the powers by the first opportunity, We have not yet seeu M. Beaumarchais, but the important concern with him shall be attended to as soon as may be. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 301. fMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 301 ; 7 John Adams' Works, 2'i. 1778. 673 Sartine to the Commissioners. [Trauslatiou. J * Versailles, July 29, 1778. Gentlemen : I have received tlie letter which you did me the honor to trausinit ou the 16th iustaut. His majesty relies greatly on the suc- cors of provisions which the government of Massachusetts Bay may furnish the islands of St. Pierre and Miqaelon. The difficulties which the iirivateers of the United States have ex- perienced till now in the ports of France, either as to the sale of their prizes or to secure their prisoners must cease, from the change of cir- cumstances. I make no doubt, on the other hand, but that the United States will grant the same facilities to French privateers. To accom- plish this double object, I have drafted a plan of regulations, which I earnestly request you to examine, and to note what you think of it ; or even to point out such other means as may answer the same purpose, so that I may receive his majesty's orders. I have the honor to be, etc., De Saetine. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, t Paris, July 29, 1778. Gentlemen: I enclose you a duplicateof the news of an engagement between the deets of France and England. The particulars received since make the loss on board the French fleet very inconsiderable, and l)aint the behavior of the English to have been inexpert and dastardly. The repulsing them in the first engagement will probably lead to the defeating them in the next, for which purpose the fleet of our allies will go out in a few days. The empress and emperor seem at length sensible of the impro- priety of their conduct, and in consequence a truce for six weeks is agreed on, to give time for negotiation to prevent the effusion of blood. The quadruplicate of the ratification reached us on the 3d in safety, as all the rest have done. The answer of Congress to the commissioners was immediately sent to the ministers, and will, I am persuaded, give great satisfaction. It has been forgotten, 1 believe, to mention, both in our joint and par- ticular letters, that we have attended to the plan proposed by the com- mittee of sending the frigates to cruise in the Bast Indies, and upon considering all things it seemed to us impracticable at present. Better order must be established in our marine, and the ships' companies better sorted, befoi'e it will be safe to attempt enterprises at such a dis- " 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 302. t I Sparks' Dip. Bev, Corr., 508; 2 A. Lee's Life, 69. 43 wn— VOL II 674 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tance, and which require a certain extent of ideas in the captain and entire obedience in the crew. The authority of Congress for omitting the eleventh and twelfth articles of the commercial treaty, which was omitted in the other dis- patches, came safe iu the last, and will be presented immediately to the minister, who has already agreed to have them expunged. I enclose you our letter and Mr. Hodge's answer concei'ning the uioney expended at Dunkirk, together with a particular account of what he has received from the public banker. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Van Berckel to Dumas.' Amsterdam, Julij 31, 1778. Sir: I am much obliged to you for the kindness you have done in sending me the copy of the treaty of amity and commerce concluded between France and the United States of America. And as it was at the request of the plenipotentiaries of the said United States, may I venture to ask you to testify to those gentlemen the gratitude of the regency of Amsterdam in general, and my own iu particular, for this mark of distinction. May we hope that circumstances will jjermit us soon to give evidence of the high esteem we have for the new republic, clearly raised up by the help of Providence, while the spirit of despot- ism is subdued ; and let us desire to make leagues of amity and com- merce between the respective subjects which shall last even to the end of time. What troubles me is that it is not iu our power to make the other members of the government do as we could wish ; in which case the republic would be at once disposed to another course. But I am persuaded that the Americans are too wise not to penetrate the true causes, or to attribute the inaction of until the present time to any want of esteem and affection for the United States. This republic is full of people who think rightly, but there will be found here, as elsewhere, partisans of a certain systear who, by their ignorance or stupidity, or by the wickedness of their hearts ana abomi- nable vices, hinder the people from doing as much as they could wish. I expect to hear important news iu the actual circumstances of Europe, and am impatient to receive some which may have a good effect on the affair in question. 1 shall take care that the above-mentioned treaty does not go into bad hands, and that no copy be made before the time.t Van Berckel. *5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 244. t For oUiBi- partici-ilar.s on tliis subject, see tlie letters of tfie Commissiouers to Du- mas, April 10, 17T8, aud September 27, 1778; Berckel to Dumas, September 23, 1778, AUGUST 4, 1778. 675 Adams to W^arren.* Passy, August 4, 1778. My Dear Sir: Your kind favor of July 1 was brought here yes- terday from Bordeaux, where Captain Ayres has arrived, but was uofc delivered to me till this day. This is the second only received from you. I have inhnite satisfaction in learning from all parts of America the prosperous train of our affairs, and the unanimity and spirit of the people. Every vessel brings us fresh accessions of ardor to the French, and of depression to the English, in the war that has now begun in earnest. The resolutions of Congress upon the conciliatory bills, the address to the people, the ratiflcatiou of the treaty, the answer to the commis- sioners, the President's letter, the message of G. Livingston, and the letter of Mr. Drayton are read here with an avidity that would surprise you. It is uot one of the least misfortunes of Great Britain that she has to contend with so much eloquence; that there are such painters to exhibit her atrocious actions to the world and transmit them to pos- terity. Every publication of this kind seems to excite the ardor of the French nation, and of their fleets and armies, as much as if they were Americans. While American orators are thus employed in perpetuating the remem- brance of the injustice aud cruelty of Great Britain towards us, the French fleet has been giving such a checic to her naval pride as she has not experienced before for many ages. The vessel wliich is to carry this will carry information of a general engagement between d'Orvil- liers and Keppel, which terminated in a disgraceful flight of the English fleet. We hope soon to hear of d'Estaing's success, which would demon- strate to the universe that Britain is no longer mistress of the ocean. But the events of war are always uncertain, and a misfortune may have happened to the French fleet in America. But even if this should be the case, which I do not believe, still Britain is not mistress of the sea, and every day will bring fresh proofs that she is not. The springs of her naval power are dried away. I have hitherto had the happiness to find that my pulse beat in exact unison with those of my countrymen. I have ventured with some free- dom to give my opinion as to what Congress would do with the concili- atory bills, with the commissioners, with the treaty, etc.; aud every packet brings us proceedings of Congress, according in substance, but executed in a manner infinitely exceeding my abilities. Nothing has given me more joy than the universal disdain that is expressed both in public and private letters at the idea of departing from the treaty and violating the public faith. This faith is our American glory, aud it is our bulwark. It is the only foundation ou which our union can rest securely; it is the only supi)ort of our credit both in tinance and "■i Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corr,, 550, 676 DIPLOMATIC COBRESPONDENCE. commerce; it is our sole security for tlie assistance of foreign powers. If the British court with tlieir arts coukl shake it, or the confidence in it, we should be undone forever. They would triumph over us, after all our toil aud danger. They would subjugate us more entirely thau they ever intended. The idea of infidelity can not be treated with too much resentment or too much liorror. The man who can think of it with patience is a traitor at heart, and ought to be execrated as one who adds the deepest hypocrisy to the blackest treason. Is there a sensible hypocrite in America who can start a jealousy that religion may be in danger? From whence can this danger arise? Not froai France; she claims no inch of ground upon your continent. She claims no legislative authority over you, no negative upon your laws, no right of appointing you bishops, nor of sendiug you mission- aries. Besides, the spirit of crusading for religion is not in France. The rage for making proselytes, which has existed iu former centuries, is no more. There is a spirit more liberal liere in this respect than I expected to find. Where has been the danger to the religion of the Protestant cantons of Switzerland from an alliance with Frauce, which has subsisted with entire haruiony for one hundred and fifty years, or thereabouts? But this subject is fitter for ridicule than serious argu- ment, as nothing can be ch^,arer than that, iu this enlightened tolerant age, at this vast distance, without a claim or color of authority, with an expressacknowledgmeutand warranty of sovereignty, this, I had almost said tolerant nation, can never endanger our religion. Tlie longer I live in Europe, and the more I consider our affairs, the more important our alliance with France ajipears to me. It is a rock upon which we may safely build. Narrow and illiberal prejudices pecu- liar to John Bull, with which I might perhaps have been in some de- gree infected M'heu I was John Bull, have now no influence over me. I never was, however, much of John Bull. I was John Yankee, and such I shall live and die. Is Great Britain to be annihilated ? No such thing. A revolution iu her government may possibly take place, but whether in favor of jrlespotism or republicanism is the question. The scarcity of virtue, and even the semblance of it, seems an invincible obstacle to the latter, but the annihilation of a nation never takes place. It de- pends wholly on herself to determine whether she shall sink down into the rank of the middling powers of Europe, or whether she shall main- tain the second place in the scale. If she continues this war the first will be her fate; if she stops short in her mad career and makes peace, she may still be in the second predicament. America will grow with astonishing rapidity, aud Eugland, France, and every other nation in Europe will be the better for her prosperity. Peace, which is her dear delight, will be her wealth and her glory, for I can not see the seed of a war with any part of the world in future, but with Great Britain and such States as may be weak enough, if any such there should be, to become her allies. That such a peace may be speedily concluded, AUGUST 5, 1778, 677 and that yoa and I may return to our farms to enjoy tLe fruits of it, spending our old age iu recounting to oar cliildreu the toils and dan- gers we hare encountered for their benefit, is the wish of your friend, John Adams. Adams to R. H. Lee.* Passy, August 5, 1778. My Dear Sir : Your letter of the 20th of June, by Captain Ayres, from Boston had a quick passage. He sailed on the 4th of July, and your letters were brought to Passy from Bordeaux, where she arrived the 3d of August. I thank you, sir, for the kind expressions of your obliging anxiety for me. The uncertainty in which yon remain so long concerning the fate of the Boston must have been occasioned by the capture of many ves- sels by which the news was sent, together with many bundles of Eng- lish newspapers and pamphlets. The prompt ratification of the treaties, as well as the dignity with which you have received the letters from the British commissioners, has given great satisfaction here. The two articles, the Count de Vergennes agreed, when we presented your in- structions to him on that head, should be given np. The confederation is an important object, and nothing is more wished for in Europe than its completion and the finishing of the separate governments. Tlie eagerness to complete the American code, and the strains of panegyric in wliicli they speak and write of those parts of it which have been published in Europe, are very remarkable, and seem to indicate a general revolution in the sentiments of mankind upon the subject of government. Our currency can not engage our attention too much. And the more we think of it, the inore we shall be convinced that taxation, deep and broad taxation, is the only sure and lasting remedy. Loans in Europe will be very difficult to obtain. The powers at war, or at tlie eve of war, have such vast demands, and offer terms so piuch better than onrs, that nothing but sheer benevolence to our cause can induce any person to lend us. Besides, a large foreign debt would be a greater evil, for what I Ivnow, than a paper currency. Moreover, your large draffs on the commissioners here, from various quarters, are like to consume more money than we can borrow. We shall do, however, all we can. I have hitherto had the good fortune to preserve a good understand- ing with the gentleman you mention,! and sliall endeavor to continue it. I have long known him to be employed very ably and usefully for our country, and his merits and services, his integrity and abilities, will induce me to cultivate his friendship, as far as I can consistently * MSS. Dop. of State ; 2 Spark's Dip. Rev. Corr., 552. t Arthur Lee. 678 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. witli the public service. I wish I could converse with you freely upon this subject, but it would lead me into too long adetail. It has given me much grief, since my arrival here to fiud so little harmony amougmany respectable characters, so many mutual jealousies, and so much dis- trust of one another. As soon as I perceived it, I determined neither to quarrel with any man here because he had quarreled with auotber, or liecause aTiotlier bad quarreled with liim, nor to malce any man my bosom friend because he was the bosom friend of any other; but to attend solely to the public service, and give my voice upon all occasions as I should think tbat justice and ]iolicy required, whether it agreed with the opinion of one man or another. 1 can Jiot be more particular. If I were to take every man's word, I should think there was not one disinterested American here, because it is very certain that there is nobody here that everybody speaks well of. There is no doubt to be made tbat private interest has some influence here upon some minds, and that our mercantile affairs and competitions ha\ e occasioned some altercation. But there is, I think, rather more of mutual reproaches, of interested views and designs, rather more of animosity amoug the Americans here, than I remember to have seen anywhere else. I will have nothing to do with any of these things. I will have nothing (o do with designs and endeavors to run down characters, to paint in odious colors indifferent actions, to excite or propagate suspicions with- out evidence, or to foment or entertain prejudices of any kind, if I can possibly avoid it. I am really ashamed to write to you in this enig- matical manner, which is not natural to me; but I know not how to write clearer at present. I sometimes differ in sentiment from each of my colleagues, and sometimes agree with each; yet I do not trim, or at least I think I do not. It has been and shall be my endeavor to heal and reconcile to the utmost of my power. Yet I fear that some gentle- men arc gone over to America heated with altercation and inflamed with preiudice. Others still remain here, it is to be feared, in the same temper of mind, and jirobably many letters have gone over loaded. These things will probably make you uncomfortable, as they have and will make us. I really wish, however, that you would remove the cause of this, and appoint consuls to do the mercantile business. If you do not, however, I am determined to go on, giving my voice clearly and without equivocation, and at the same time without wrangling or ill will. We expect on Sunday, the 9th, the Euglish accounts of tiie sea fight between d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which happened on the 27th ultimo, in wiiich the former obtained the laurels, wdiatever representation the latter may make of it. There are so many facts, attested by so many respectable witnesses, that there is no room to doubt but that the Britons lost the day; a terrible loss indeed to a nation who have tbe empire of tbe sea to maintain in order almost to preserve their exist- ence. It is not being equal to France at sea; they must support a AUGUST 7, 1778. 679 clear and decided superiority not only to Prance, but to France and Spain in conjunction, not to mention our States, in order to preserve their rank among the powers of Europe. My tenderest respects to all good men. I am, dear sir, aifectionately yours, John Adams. Arthur Lee to Committee of Correspondence.* August 7, 1778. Gentlemen: The enclosed paper, letter A, was communicated secretly by Dr. Bancroft to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, the latter of whom delivered it to me. Though according to the charge of it I was the person immediately injured by the conduct of him they accusir", yet it was me particularly that they took care not to apprise of what he was doing. What I know ot the matter is this, Mr. Thornton, or as I find him called in the papers left by Mr. Deane, Major Thornton, the object of their accusation, was chosen by my colleagues to carry our first letter to Lord North concerning the treatment of prisoners in England. This was the first knowledge I had of hira.f Having observed th,at he exe- cuted his commission with activity and address, and he being recom- mended to me by Dr. Franklin, 1 took him as a secretary, and with the intention of making use of his acquaintance in tlie naval and military lines in England. With this view I soon after sent bim to London, from whence he transmitted and brought me useful intelligence, which I communicated from time to time to the ministry. Being about to send him again, I understood that Dr. Bancroft had whispered about that he was engaged in stockjobbing. Upon touching this matter to Mr. Thornton he told me that he knew Dr. Bancroft and the Wliartons were engaged in stock- jobbing, for the latter had communicated to him all their transactions and mutual correspondence; that one of them had repeatedly solicited him when in Loudon to become an adventurer with them, which he had constantly refused, and that upon his return to Paris he was pestered with letters requesting his correst>ondence, which he would never an- swer. As a proof of this he put into my hands the letter marked D. This, with the previous knowledge I had of his accusers being them- selves stockjobbers, satisfied me that the charge was malicious. I therefore continued him in his employment, and dispatched him to Lon- don, with directions to go to Portsmouth and Plymouth and collect the most accurate statement lie could of the force and condition of the enemy's fleet. This he executed with such secrecy that this Mr. Whar- ton wrote to him in Paris while he was at Plymouth, of which letter Dr, *MSS. Dep. of State; 2 A. Lee's Life, 70, with variatious and omissions, t As to Thornton's treachery, see Introduction, ^ 207. 680 DIPLOMATIC CORRKSPONDKNCE. Priiigle, of South Garoliua, was the bearer. It was directed to be deliv- ered to Dr. Bancroft iu Mr. TLoriitou's absence. When I uuder.stood this transaction, I apprehended that they liad sedueed him into their asso- ciation. I therefore wrote him very strongly on the subject, and desired him to return immediately to Paris. His answer was that he was then sick, but would come as sooa as recovered. Since that I have not heard from him, hut have had information from a very resjjectable merchant in Loudon that Mr. Wharton has communicated to him doubts of Mr. Thornton's lidelity to uie, assuring him that he had given me full in- formation of it and all the particulars of his (conduct ; not a word of ■which was true. It appears, too. by his own letters and Captain Liv- ingston's testimony that there is as little truth iu his declaration of Mr. Thornton being a strauger to him. Though he says he lent him money on my account, yet he never informed me of his having done so. I have not, nor ever have had, the least acquaintance with Mr. Wharton, but have been frequently informed of his holding conversations not very friendly to me. Upon the whole, it appears to me that their plan was to seduce my secretary to the very infidelity of which they accuse him. I can not help thinking that the pieces* which it is said Mr. Thornton communicated to Mr. Wharton were framed for the purpose of this accusation from hints seut from hence, because there is a confusion, a blundering, and a mixture of true and false in them which might well arise from intelligence i)icked up, and could not have happened if my secretary had taken copies of any of my papers for tlie purpose of be- traying them. It is certain that the persons who have made this accusation were trusted with our state secrets after we were credibly informed of their being engaged in stockjobbing, and at a time when that confidence was absolutely refused to the other two commissioners of Congress, Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee. You will see by our banker's account that about the time of their stockjobbing upon the most sacred state secret that ever was committed to us Mr. Deane re- mitted to Mr. Samuel Wharton 19,520 livres. These are the observa- tions which I think it my duty to communicate to you upon these most unworthy transactions, being fully satisfied that while such men are admitted into public coufideuce here neither the business of the State nor the honor of individuals can be secure from their attempts. A. Lee. Deane to Washington.t Philadklphia, August 12, 1778. Dear Sir : I had the pleasure of receiving your polite and friendly letter of the 25th ultimo but three days ago, and Colouel Bannister in- forming me he should set out in a day or two for the Army prevented * " statements " in the ver.siou iu A. Lee's Life, t MSS. Dejj. of State. AUGUST 12, 1778. 681 my instantly wr.tiug to tell you how liappy I am to fiiul that my con- duct has met your approbation, and how much 1 consider myself hon- ored by it. Next to the satisfaction which rises from a consciousness of having- faithfully and successfully served one's country (a satisfac- tion which no one in the world can enjoy to a greater degree than your- self) a generous mind mast ever esteem that which flows from the ap- probation of persons of yonr distinguished character and merit. My design is to rei^uibark for France in a few mouths, but whether in a public character or not is uncertain. I have not as yet learned, except from the information of my friends in private, what were the reasons for my being recalled, and though I have understood by their and by the general conversation of others that it is expected that I return to France in a public character, yet as the affairs I was engaged in for the public, which I was obliged to leave unsettled, oblige me to return, though it should bo in a private character. I have not been solicitous about the resolutions that may be taken on the subject. The reception ot the French minister and other affairs which have engaged the at- tention of Congress since my return has prevented my having a public audience, but 1 expect one in a few days, after which I shall do myself the honor of paying you a visit at headquarters, and am in hopes that his excellency M. Gerard will visit you at the sam.; time. He is very desirous of an opportunity of paying personally his respects to one for whom he as well as his nation, and I may add all the brave and generous in Europe, have the highest esteem. I promise myself the pleasure of communicating many things in a personal conversation which may be agreeable and entertaining to you, but which can not so well be put into a letter; meantime I have taken the liberty of enclosing the copies of a letter from M. de Vergeunes to the President of Con- gress, of one from him to me, and of one from Dr. Franklin to the President. I send them, because I think it will be agreeable to you to find that the sentiments entertained of me by his majesty and the court of France and by our mutual friend have been similar to those which you have honored me with. I most sincerely congratulate you on the favorable prospects before us, happily owing to the persever- ance and bravery of your army in a principal degree, and though I have not had the honor of sharing with you the dangers and the hon- ors of the field, yet no one has or can ever be more sensibly affected and interested by both the one and the other. In hopes that I shall soon have the honor of waiting on you in person, I am, with the most sincere respect, etc. Silas Deane. 682 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee and Adams to Sartine.' Passy, August 13, 1778. Sir: Yonr excellency's letter of the 29th of July, enclosing a plan fo a system of regulations for prizes and prisoners, we had the honor o receiving in due time, and are very sorry it lias remained so long uu answered. In general, we are of opinion that the regulations are very good but we heg leave to lay before your excellency the following observa tions: Upon the second article we observe, that the extensive jurisdictioi of the judges of admiralty in America, which, considering the local an( other circumstances of tiiat country, can not easily be contracted, wil probably render this regulation impracticable in America. In Franci it will, US far as we are able to judge of it, be very practicable, and con sequently beneficial. But we submit to your excellency's consideratioi whether it would not be better in America, after the words "?es (iite juges,^^ to add — "or the register of the court of admiralty, or some othe person authorized by the judge." TLe jurisdiction of the court of ad miralty in America extending for some hundred miles, this regulatioi would be subject to great delays, and other inconveniences, if it wai confined to the judge. The fourth article seems to be subject to th( same inconveniences, and therefore to require the same amendment. Upon the fourteenth article, we beg leave to submit to your excel lency's consideration whether the heavy duties upon British merchan dise and manufactures, if these are to be paid upon prize goods, wil not operate as a great discouragement to the sale of prizes made b^ American cruisers; and whether it would be consistent with his majesty's interest to permit merchandise and manufactures taken ir prizes made by Americans to be stored in his majesty's warehouses, ii you please, until they can be exported to America, and without bein^ subject to duties. We know not the expense that will attend these regulations and pro- ceedings in the courts of this kingdom ; but as the fees of office in America are very moderate, and our people have been accustomed to such only, we submit to your excellency whether it will not be necessary to state and establish the fees here, and make the establishments so far public that Americans may be able to inform themselves. As we are not well instructed in the laws of this kingdom, or in the course of the courts of admiralty here, it is very j)ossible that some inconveniences may arise in the practice upon these regulations whicL we do not at present foresee ; if they should, we shall beg leave to rep- resent them to your excellency, and to request his majesty to make the necessary alterations. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 303; 7 Jolin Adams' Works, 23. AUGUST 15, 1778. 683 We submit these observations to your excellency's superior wisdom, and have the honor to be, with seutiincuts of the most perfect respect, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servants, ARTHUR Lee. John Adams. P. S. — Dr. Franklin concurs with us iu these sentiments, but as he is absent, we are obliged to send the letter without his subscribing. Gardoqui to A. Lee.' Madrid, August 13, 1778. Dear Sir : My last respects went to you under the 23d ultimo ; and referring you to my sequels with regard to your desires of lue in money matters, I must beg leave to inform yon that the proposal you have r.ade for borrowing money through the hands of a nobleman at your place is received, and that you being served therewith would give your friends on this side a real pleasure; but I am sorry to tell you that it is impossible for the present. You will please to observe and consider upon the immense charges occasioned within these two or three years, and that all is done merely on accouut of your present quarrel, as like- wise that such formidable preparations have been and will still be of infinite service to the Americans; besides which, it is well known to yourself, and more so to your worthy constituents, that great succors have been sent forthwith through various channels, and that the same is continued to this day, and will be so in future as much as possible. In short, it is Jiot doubted but you will represent the whole to your constituents, looking upon all in its true light, and observing tliat if aiii'airs should be accommodated to their satisfaction and that of this side the means of succoring you would be facilitated. I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, James Gardoqui. John Paul Jones to the Commissioners at Paris.t Brest, August 15, 1778. Gentlemen: I have now been five days in this place, since my ar- rival from Passy, during which time I have neither seen nor heard from Lieutenant Simpson. But Mr. Hill, who was last winter at Passy, and sailed with me from Nantes, informs me truly, thatit is generally reported iu the Banger^ and of coarse through the French fleet and on shore, that I am turned out of the service, and that you, gentlemen, gave Mr. Simpson my place, with a captain's commission; that my letter of the * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 509. 1 1 Ibid., Rev. Corr. 304. 684 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, lOtli of July to you was involuntary ou my part, and in obedience only to your orders to avert dreadful consequences to myself. These, gen- tlemen, are not idle, ill-grouuded conjectures, but melanclioly facts; therefore, I beseech > on, I conjure you, I demand of you, to afford me redress — redress by a court-martial, to form which we have now a sufli- cieut number of officers in France, with the assistance of Captain Hinmau, exclusive of myself. The Providence and the Boston are ex- pected here very soon from Mantes, and I am certain that they neither can nor will depart again before ray friend Captain Hinman can come down here, and it is bis unquestioned right to succeed me in the com- mand of the Ranger. I have laithfully and personally supported and fought for the digni- fied cause of human nature ever since the American banner first waved on the Delaware and on the ocean. This 1 did when that man did not call himself a republican, but left the continent and served its enemies; and this I did when that man appeared dastardly backward, and did not support me as he ought. I conclude by requesting you to call before you and examine for your own satisfaction Mr. Edward Meyers, who is now at the house of the Swedish ambassador, and who, having been with me as a volunteer, can and will, I am persuaded, represent to you the conduct of the offi- cers and men towards me, both before I left Brest and afterwards in the Irish channel, as well as my conduct towards them. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of due respect and esteem, your very obliged and very humble servant, John Paul Jones. Sartine to the Commissioners at Paris. [Trauslatioii.*] Versailles, August 16, 1778. Gentlemen: I take the earliest opportunity to answer the observa- tions addressed to me in the letter which you did me the honor to write me the 13tb instant on the project of a regulation for the prizes and prisoners of the respective United States. I conceive that I have ful- filled the object by digesting anew the second and fourteenth articles, of which I annex another text, with copies of the different laws that bave been lately published respecting prizes. Moreover, I will at all times receive with pleasure your representations of the inconveniences which may attend, in your opinion, the execution of the regulation, and you may be assured that his majesty will be always disposed to grant the inhabitants of the United States every facility compatible with the interests of his finances and the commerce of his subjects. I have the honor to be, etc., Db Sartine. ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 305. AUGUST 16, 1778. 685 REGULATIONS FOR PRIZES AND PRISONERS.* By the King: His majesty, desivons of making kuown his intentions, as well with respect to the prizes which his subjects may carry into the ports of the United States of America, as also respecting admitting into his own ports tlie prizes made by Amer- ican privateers, and caicnlating on the perfect eqnality which constitutes the basis of his engagements with the said United States, he has ordained and does ordaiu as follows : Article I. French privateers shall be permitted to conduct and cause to he con- ducted the prizes made from his majesty's enemies into the ports of tbe United States of America to repair them, so as to proceed again to sea, or to sell them definitively. Art. II. In the case of simple anchoring, the conductors of prizes shall be bound to make, before the judges of the place, a summary declaration coutaining the circum- stances of the capture and motives of anchoring, and to request the said judges logo ou board the captured prizes and seal up such places as may admit of it, and make out a short description of what can not be contained under the said seals, the state of which shall be verified in France by the otiBcers of the admiralty, on the copy which the officer conducting the prize shall be obliged to report. Art. II (amended). In case of simple anchoring, the captains conducting the prizes shall be bound to make, before the judges of the place, their secretaries, or other persons authorized by them, a summary declaration containing the circumstances of the capture and motives of anchoring, and to request the said judges, their sec- retaries, and other persons authorized by them, to go on board the captured vessels and seal up such places as may admit of it, and make out a short description of what can not be contained nuder such seals, the state of which shall bo verilied in France by the officers of the admiralty, on the copy of which the officer conducting his jirize shall bo bound to report. Art. III. His majesty, nevertheless, permits captains conducting prizes to sell in the ports of the United States cither perishable merchandise or such other as may supply the wants of the vessels during the time of their stay. The said conductors of prizes shall be bound to ask permission from the judges of the place for this pur- pose in the ordinary form, and proceed to the sale by the public officers appointed for that purpose, and to report copies as well of the proceeding as of the verbal process of the sale. Art. IV. The prize-masters, who shall be authorized by the owners or captains of the captnring privateer to sell the said prizes in the ports of the United States, shall be obliged to make before the judges a derailed report, which shall afterwards be verified in the hearing of at least two of their crew, and to request the said judges to go directly on board of the prizes to make out a verbal process, seal up the hatches and cabin, takean inventory of what can not be sealed, and appoint sequestrators ; which judges shall proceed afterwards to interrogate the captain, ofificer.s, and other per- sons of the crew of the captured vessel to the number of two or three, or more if it is judged necessary, and shall translate the useful papers on board, if there are inter- preters, and annex compared copies of the said useful papers to tbe minutes of the proceedings, to have recourse to them in case of necessity, as is prescribed for prizes conducted into the ports of the kingdom by the forty-second article of the declaration of the 24th of June last. Art. V. As soon as the copies of the said proceedings and the original papers and translations shall have been addressed to the secretary-general of the marine at Paris for process in judgment by the council of prizes, the captain, or his agent, may require the provisional sale of the merchandise and effects subject to perishing, and even the definitive sale of the prizes, and all the merchandise of their cargos, whenever they shall evidently appear the enemy's property from the papers on hoard, and the interrogatories of the prisoners, in the manner that shall be ordered * Translation in 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 306. 686 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. by the judges of the places, auil as is prescribed for prizes conducted into the ports of tlie kingdom by the forty-Ufth article of the said declaration of the 24th of June last. Aet. VI. Tbe dischiirije, inventory, sale, and delivery of the said prizes and mer- chandise shall be made agreeable to the formalities practised in the ports of the United .Stales. The captains, conductors of prizes, shall he bonud to report the Iiarticular liquidations or sununary statements of the proceeds of the said prizes and expenses incurred on their account, that the said iiarticnlar liquidations or sum- nmry statements may be deposited l)y the owner, or tlie secretary of the admiralty, at the place of outlit, agreeable to the fifty-seventh article of the declaration of the '24tli of June last, to which secretary the judgmeuts and prize papers shall be scut in order to be registered. Art. VII. All the prisouers that shall bo found on board either of the French pri- vateers that aliall come to anchor in the ports of the United States, or on board the jirizes wliich shall be brongbt there, shall bo inunediately delivered to the governor or magistrate of tbe place, to be secured in the name of tho king, and maintained at his expense, as shall likewise bo done in the French jiorts with respect to the jirisoners made by tho Anunican privateers. TUe captains who carry back their I)rizes to bo sold iu the ports of the kingdom shall, nevertheless, be bound to carry with them two or three principal prisoners, iu order to bo interrogated by the oflicers of the admiralty, who shall make the inquiry. AiiT. VIII. Tho privateers of tbe United States may condnct, or cause to he con- ducted, their prizes into the ports belonging to his Majesty, w]iether for the purpose of anchoring and remaining there until they are in a condition to proceed again to sea, or for tho purpose of selling them definitivelj'. Art. IX. In case of simple anchoring, the prize-masters shall be bound to make, within tweuty-fonr hours after arrival, their declara.tiou before the oflicers of the admiralty, who shall go on board of the vessels, in order to seal up such places as may admit of it, and to make a brief description of what can not be comprehended under the said seals, without allowing anything to be landed from onboard of the said prizes, under the penalties contained in his Majesty's arrets and regulations. AltT. X. His Majesty, nevertheless, permits the said American privateers to sell iu his ports either the perishable nu-rchaudisc, or such other, in order to defray the ex- penses of the vessels during tbe time of their being in port, charging them to request permission from the otBcers of the admiralty, in presence of whom the said sale shall be made. Art. XI. When the subjects of the United States would wish to sell their prizes in the ports of the liiugdoui, the captain who shall have made the prize, or the officer intrusted with bringing it iu, shall be bound to make, before the officers of the admiralty, a detailed report, which .shall be verilied iu the hearing of at least two of their crew; the officers of the admiralty shall go iuimediately on board of the prize, to make out a verbal process, seal the hatches and cabins, make an inventory of what can not be sealed, and appoint keepers ; they shall afterwards proceed to in- terrogate the captains, officers, and other people belonging to the crew of the prize; shall cause the useful jtapers on board to be translated, of which they shall annex comi)aired copies to the minutes of the proceedings; and the original and translated pieces, as also tbe copies of the said proceedings, shall bo sent to the deputies of the United States at Paris. Art. XII. The captains, conductors of prizes, or their agents, may request the officers of the admiralty to proceed to the provisional sale of such merchandise and effects as are subject to perish, and even to the definitive sale of the prizes, and of all their merchandise on board, when they .shall appear to have belonged to the enemy, from the papers on board aud the information of the prisoners, iu the same manner as is prescribed for the prizes taken by French privateers by tbe forty-fifth article of tlje declaration of the 24th of Juuo lust, AUGUST 17, 1778. 687 Art. XIII. The discharge, iuveutovy, sale, and delivery of the said prizes shall be iniide iu preseuce of the officers of the admiralty, whoso fees, either for dischargiu^', iiiveutory, or sale, shall be reduced one-half, agreeable to the terms of the lifty-second article of the declaration of the 2-lth of Juuo last. Tlie said olficers shall not proceed to a particular liquidation of the proceeds of the prizes until they shall be required by the parties coucorued; aud, in every case where the delivery of several co))ies is required, no more shall be paid to the register for the second and third than the price of the stauiped paper aud tlie expense of writing. Art. XIV. It is his Majesty's pleasure that the arrtit of his council, by which, agree- able to the second article of the 24th of June last, it .shall be determined what kind and quality of merchandise, proceeding from prizes, shall be oousunied iu the king- dom, as also what duties they shall be subject to, shall likewise extend to the mer- chandise proceeding from prizes taken by American privateers, who are charged to fulfill the formalities prescribed by the arrets and rogulatious AUT. XIV, amended. It is his Slajesty's pleasure that the arret of ins council, by which, agreeable to the second article of the 2Uh of Juuo last, i'- shall be deteriuiued what kind aud qualitj' of merchandise, proceeding from prizes, .shall bo consumed in the kingdom, as also what duties they shall be subject to, shall liliewise extend to the merchandise proceediug from prizes taken by American privateers, who are charged to fullill the formalities prescribed by the arrets aud regulations, especially with respect to the merchandise which they would export, whether to the ports of the United States, or to all other foreign countries ; and that they shall be permitted for this purpose to keep them during a year iu the magazines of deposit free from all duty. Art. XV. The American privateers may deliver in the ports, to the commissioners of the ports aud arsenals of the m.arine, the prisoners they may have on board. His Majesty will give orders that the said iwisouers shall be oonduoted, guarded, aud maintained in the name and at the expense of the Uuited States. Duma.? to M. Van Berckel.* The Hague, August 17, 1778. Sm: I Lave had the honor of informing you that I intended answer- ing yonr favor of the .Slsfc of July last, wherein yon did me the honor of charging me to send to the plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, in Paris, the testimony of the satisfaction that had been given to the honorable regency of your city, and to yoti in particular, by the transmission of a copy of their treaty of amity and commerce with Prance. Not only has your request been complied with by transmitting to those gentlemen a copy of your letter, but I did more; for having occasion at the sanie time to write to America directly, I have adiled another copy for Congress. That body, therefore, will, without delay, be informed of the benevolent sympathy which the republic in her turn feels for her worthy sister, as also of the happy eftects which this sympathy can not fail to produce, when the obstacle unfortunately attached to the ship shall have lost the power of obstructing her progress. Meantime, con- tinue, sir, by your patriotic efforts' to clear away difdciilties, to provide means, aud to hasten the moment of a connection so desirable on both ' JMSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corr., 245, 688 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. sides, and present and future generations will bless your name and your memory. You will Lave seen by tbe gazettes, and especially by tbat of Leyden, with what unanimity and dignity the United States disdained the propo- sitions, injurious to their good, great, and august allj', as well as their own majesty, made to them by the British commissioners. 1 have in hand and will show you the authentic proofs of this, as well as of the horror which the Americans have of ever returning under the iron scep- tre they have broken. This confounds the falsehoods that have been uttered and kept up with so much complacency in this country. Will they never cease to give credit to such impudent assertions? I can not forbear to transcribe what a friend* has written me. This friend does not know in detail what I have been doing here. He had asked me how I advanced. 1 had told h'no festina lenie. "In general," says he, "I am not disposed to precipitation, especially in important affairs. But I can not help saying tliat there may be some danger of the good people in Holland losing some advantages in com- merce with America by their too great caution. I have reason to be- lieve that the British ministry have already sent orders to their com- missioners to give up the point of independence, provided they can ob- tain some exclusive benefit in America." I wish, however, that we could concert some new movement. There is yet time to think of it before the meeting of the assembly. In all that concerns myself I can only promise my best efforts. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartine.t Passy, August 18, 1778. Sir: We embrace this first opportunity to answer the letter which your excellency did us the honor to address to us the 16th of this month. We have examined, with some attention, the alterations which your excellency has made in the second and fourteenth articles of the pro- jected regulations, and are of opinion that thej' will remove the diffi- culties we apprehended from the first draught. We thank your excellency for the obliging expressions of your readi- ness to receive any representations which wo may hereafter have occasion to make of inconveniences arising in the execution of these regulations, which, however, we hope will not occur. We submit the * William Lee, who was at this time in Fraukfort. t 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 310. AUGUST 19, 1778. 689 whole to you excellency's deliberation and decision, and are, wilii wenli- meiits of the sincerest respect, your excellency's most obedient Liuuible servauts. 13. Feanklin. Akthuh Lee. John Adam,s. John Paul Jones bo Whipple." JJuEST, August 18, 177S. Sir: I request that you will suiuuioa a court martial for tlie trial of Lieut. Tlioiiias Simi)son, with wliose conduct 1 have been and am un- satisfied, and who is now under suspension I'or disobedience of my written orders. I am, sir, with due regard, your most humble servant. John Paul Joneh. Whipple to John Paul Jones, t Bkest, August It), 1778. Sir: I am honored with your letter of this day, requesting tiiat I will summon a court-martial for tlie trial of Lieut. Tiiomas Simpson, witli whose conduct you have been, and are, unsatisfied, and who, you say,'is under suspension for disobedience to your written orders. Hav- ing maturely considered the contents of your letter, and with as nuich accuracy as possible attended to e\'ery particular, 1 return for answer the subjoined reasons, which will at once exi)lain the impossibility of calling a court-martial, and fully acquaint you with my sentiments on that subject. You are sensible that the continental regulatior.s have expressly ordered that a court-martial shall consist of at least three captains, which is impossible, as Captaiu Uinman declines to sit, he expecting a court of inquiry upon his own conduct on his arrival in America; and, hav- ing assigned a reason of so forcible a nature, I tiiiuk he is acting a part at once prudent and becoming. You will permit the remark that, by Lieutenant Simpson's parole, taken by yourself June 10, 1778, Lieuteiuint Simpson engaged, on his parole of honor, to consider himself as nnder suspension till he shall be called upon to meet you face to face before a court-martial, unless you should, in the mean time, release him from his parole, which 1 con- ceive that you have done by your letter of the IGth of July to the honorable commissioners, where you mention that you are willing to 'MSS. Dep. of Sliite; 1 Spark.s' Dip. Rev. Corr., lilO. t 1 Sp.irks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 311. 44 WH— VOL II 690 UU'LOMATIC COUKliSI'OXDKNCE. let the dispute dro]) forever by giving up tiiat i)iirole, wliicli wuul( cutitle Lieuteuant Simpson to the coiuiuaud oii the Ranger ; that this as you bore no malice, would be making him all the present satisfactioi in your power, provided tliat you had injured him; and that you wil trust to himself to make an acknowledgment if, on the contrary, he haf injured you. In my opinion, this is giving np his parole in the uios ample manner, as it does not appear to me that you made, by letter oi otherwise, any compact or agreement witli Lieutenant Simpson that In should make any concessions on his ])art, or anything of that nature neither that he was to be answerable to a court-martial when the su]) posed crime was blotted out for which he was at first resi)ousible. I believe that the lionorable comuiissioners acoejjted it in the sam( light, as, by their letter of the same date, it would seem you gave theu the greatest satisfaction in affording tliem an opportunity to reinstat( Lieutenant Simpson on board the Ranger. Tbe commissioners furthei order him to take the command of the Ranger, as her first lieutenant and to join me and to obey my orders, all which sufQciently evince! that Lieutenant Simpson is no longer considered as iiuder suspension and, consequently, can not be responsible to a court-martial for disobe dience to written orders from you, from which he is amply released hi your voluntary surrender of his ])arole. However, if this explanation attempted to be made iu tbe most candid manner, should not prov( agreeable, I beg leave to refer you to the absolute impossibility of call ing a court-martial, agreeable to the resolves of Congress, and flattei myself that ;\ou will believe me to be, with due respect, sir, yourjnosl obedient and most humble servant, Abraham Whipple. Gaidoqui to A. Lee." Madrid, August 20, 1778. Dear Sir : I confirm my last compliments to you under the 13th instant, wherein I observed how difficult it would be to borrow the two millions sterling here, under the present circumstances, more especially while the enormous charges and fitting out of vessels are carried on merely to protect your colonies, which are besides assisted with effect- ive succors, and will be so iu future as much as i^ossible. Since my letter I have maturely considered upon the nmtter, and it has occurred to me that if your Government means by it to take up all the paper that has been laid out, perhaps the cession of Florida to Spain (in case you could reduce it) might at tlie conclusion of peace produce, if not the whole, at least a great i^art of the funds required. You will no doubt consider that I caunotpenetratethe way of think- ing of our court in this and other entangled matters, but judging like ' 1 Sparks' Diii. Rev. Corr.,509. AUGUST 21, 1778. 691 a merchant, I think a negotiiitiou of this kind might well take phieo, for I imagine it wonkl bo proper for butli tliat the frontier in question shoukl not remain in futnre in the liands of enemies or suspicions pow- ers. There is besides a further negotiation which might be added to the great benefit of your States and this court, and that is your provid- ing this kingdom with good timber for the Spanish navy at commodious prices. I hope, sir, you vTill excuse my liberty in pointing ont these hints, to which I am led by the honest principle of friendship, and by the wished- for view that the interest of both countries may be united upon a sin- cere and lasting footing ; therefore I hope you will weigh the same as you may think more convenient, observing that I suppose you will not propose it to our court before you know how the honorable Congress tuiuk, upon both objects. I am, with unfeigned esteem, etc., James Gaedoqui. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, August 21, 1778. Gentleivien : I wrote you on the i!8th ultimo of my having pressed for the loan directed by Congress. I Lave received an assurance through the ambassador that an answer will be given to my memorial as soon as possible. I enclose you a memorial for the consideration of Congress, as we do not think ourselves authorized to act upon it without express orders. Could one be sure that justice would be done to the public, it might be of advantage to adopt this scheme, for Congress must not trust to the *1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 510. Iq2 A. Leo's Life, 72, tliisletteropeus as follows : "Gentlemen: I had the honor of writing to j'ou ou the 7th instant, enclosing Mr. Williams' accounts, those of Mr. Hodge, and Dr. Bancroft's accusation against my secretary, with some observations upon it by Lieutenant Livingston. " I send you our banker's account from the beginning, with the explanation left by Mr. Deane. Nothing of moment has happened since I wrote you last. " Wo are pretty well informed that the British cabinet has resolved to acknowledge your indepondoncy. It does not seem to nie that they can possibly avoid doing so in a year's time on any conditions that may be prescribed to them. Such certainly is their exhausted state in every respect, that an attempt to carry on a war against the United States and France combined, and supported, as the latter are sure of being, by Spain, is such an act of folly as can not but end speedily in their utter confusion. " Be so good as to inform Mr. Robert Morris that in consequence of his letter to my brother William, he has written to Dr. Franklin and myself, requesting us to deliver to Mr. Eoss all the papers among those of the late Mr. T. Morris which do not con. cern the public agency. This shall be complied with on my part whenever Mr. Ross desires it; the trunk, locked and sealed, having been left with Dr. Franklin, and the keys with me." The remainder is substantially as in the text. 692 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. success of a loau, which, for the following reasons, I apprehend will be found impracticable. The war in Germany supervening on that between us and Great Brit- ain, and the preparations for it by France and Spain, have raised and multiplied the demand for money, so as to give the holders of it their choice and their price. The empress queen has engrossed every shiUiug in The Netherlands. England has drawn large sums from the Hol- landers, who can not easily quit their former market. France is nego- tiating a loan of one hundred million livres, which will exhaust Geneva and Switzerland. 'The money-holders regard the lending their money at such a distance as Jacob did the sending Benjamin into Egypt, and it is time only will make them endure the thought of such a separation. These are the difficulties which the circumstances of things oppose to our scheme of a loan, and render the aid of some other ojieration neces- sary for sinking the superabundant paper. The minister's answer relative to M. Holker was that he had no au- thority from this court ; but on this our joint letter 1 expect will be more full. I have determined to write to you once a month, or oftener, as opportunity offers, and as we do not write so frequently, I am tempted to mention things which should properly come from all the commis- sioners, as they relate to the joint commission. From the necessity of the case we have ventured to administer the oath of allegiance to those who desire passports of us ; but I hope Con- gress will authorize their commissioners to do so where it is necessary. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to John Paul Jones.* Passy, August 22, 1778. SiE: We have received your letter of the 15th, and have written to Captain Whipple to appoint a court-martial for the trial of Lieuteiumt Simpson, provided there is a sufficient number of officers to constitute one. This, however, is not to make any change in his command of the Banger until the trial is over; nor then, unless the judgment of that court is against him. We are, sir, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. * 1 Sparka' Dip. Rev. Corr., 3ia. AUGUST 25, 1778. 693 Izard to the Commissioners at Paris.* Taeis, August 25, 1778. Gentlemen : In a letter which 1 liave lately received from Florence, aud which I have had the honor of lajiiig before you, it is recommended that an endeavor should be made to interest tlie ministry in favor of any loan that may be attempted in Genoa for the United States, as it is probable the Genoese may require the security of the Court of France for the liayment of such sums as they maj^ have it iu their power to lend. The ministry must be convinced of the ability of America, in a few years after the establishment of peace, to discharge any pecuniary engagement she may at 7>resent have occasion to enter into, and the connection which subsists between the two countries will, I hope, in- duce them to afford us every assistance in their ijower. I shall be glad to know whether you think I ought to apply to Count de Vergeiiiies on the subject, or that the application should be made lirst by you; iu either case, I shall be ready to cooperate with you, or act in any man- ner that shall appear most likely to produce the desired effect. Captain Woodford, who has lately arrived in this city from Leghorn, informs me that there are some merchants there inclined to enter into the American trade. He is to command a vessel from that port, and is apprehensive of meeting some of the cruisers belonging to the states of Africa. This danger will probably deter many Ameiicans from enter- ing into the Mediterranean trade, and, if possible, it should be removed. The King of France, in the eighth article of the treaty of commerce, has engaged to employ his good offices and interposition with the Em- peror of Morocco, and with the regencies of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, and every other power on the coast of Barbary, in order to provide as fully as possible for the convenience and safety of the inhabitants of the United States, and their vesssels and ettbcts, against all violence, insult, attacks, or depredations on the part of the said princes and states of Barbary and their subjects. You will be so good as to inform me whether any steps have been taken by the court of France for the security of the inhabitants of the United States in consequence of the above article. I have the honor to be, etc., Eaiph Izaed. Franklin, Lee and Adams to Izard.t Passy, August 25, 1778. Sir: We have the honor of your letter of this date, and shall give the earliest attention to its contents. We apprehend there would be no impropriety at all in your applica- *MSS. Dep. of state; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 691. \Ibi(l., G93. 694 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tion to his excellency the Count de Vergenues concerning the subject of a loan in Genoa, and we wish that you would apply. As we wish, however, to do everything in our power to procure you success, we shall do ourselves the honor to propose the subject to his excellency the first time we see hiui, Avhich will i)robably be to-morrow, when we shall make an application to hiiu also upon the other subject of your letter, the interposition of his majesty with the Emperor of Morocco, and with the regencies of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and every other power on the coast of Barbary. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. August 27. P. S. — Since writing the foregoing, we have spoken of the Genoese loan to Count de Vergennes, who gave us no encouragement to hope that France would engage for lis in that affair. The other matter will be the subject of a proposed written memorial. Adams to Laurens, President of Congress.* Passy, Auffust 27, 1778. Sir: I have the honor to enclose the last gazettes, by which Con- gress will see the dearth of news in Europe at present. We ex])ect au abundance of it at once soon, as we have nothing from America since the 4tli of July. The French fleet went out again from Brest the 17th, but we have not yet heard that the English fleet is out. While the two fleets were in the harbor, the British East India fleet and another small West India fleet got in; a misfortune of no small moment, as the British finances will receive liy means of it a fresh supply of money for the present, and their fleet a considerable reenforcement of seamen. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, etc., John Adams. A. Lee to Gardoqui.t Paris, Atigust 27, 1778. Dear Sir : I received yesterday your favor of the 13th. If I remem- ber rightly what made me delay writing to you relative to the bills was my desire of informing you, at the same time, of their being accepted; * MSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparlis' Dip. Rev. Corr., !5.55. t MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 511. 695 and it was long before I could learu tbat myself, from the maiiiiei' in which they were drawn. I am very sorry it did you any disservice. I am ueither uumiudful of, nor ungrateful for, the support we Lave received from your quarter. The inevitable necessity which compelled an application for more gave me great uneasiness. I was sensible the sum desired was very considerable. But so are our wants. It is our misfortune, not our fault, that we are obliged thus to trouble and dis- tress our friends. I trust they will consider it in that light. There is nothing more precarious and immeasurable than what iutluences public credit. The sum sought would have enabled Congress to call in such a quantity of th« paper emitted as must establish the credit and vahie of the rest in defiance of all the eliorts of our enemies. And I think that if our friends could lend us even as much as would constitute a fund here on winch Congress might draw, so as to call m at once one or two million dollars, it would greatly raise the value of the rest. This would require about eight or ten niilliou livres. When it is seeu that the redemption is begun, hopes and expectations will be raised, and credit grow upon them. But emitting more, without redeeming any, makes people think that no redemption is intended, and consequently produces doubts and discredit. It is long ago that I foresaw, and 1 had the honor of stating it at Burgos, the necessity of providing for the support of our funds, or rather funds themselves, l)y the assistance of our friends in Europe. I will venture to say that one million sterling famished in this manner would have been a more effectual aid than all the preparations that have or can be made, unless they go to actual hostilities. Have these preparations prevented twelve ships of the line from being sent on our coast to augment enormously that naval force which was already suf- ficient to stop our commerce and prevent us from sending our produce to procure funds in Europe? When we argae against facts we deceive ourselves. The fact then is, that these preparations, however formi- dable, have had so little effect, that though our enemies were hardly a match for Franco alone at sea, they ventured, in the face of those prep- arations, to dispatch a powerful fleet against us. Somehow or other they did not believe those preparations were meant against them. Have they been deceived in the event ? Has their temerity been chas- tised as it deserved ? Has the fleet of Spain joined that of France to crush at one blow their divided naval power? I do not mean to ques- tion the goodness of the reasons for this; I mean only to state the fact. I mean to show, too, that it is not extraordinary that we should desire other aid than that which, however well intended, does not effectually operate to the relief intended. It is our necessity, not our choice, that speaks. To make a diversion in our favor was benevolent ; to send us clothing for troops and naval stores was generous and friendly; but if that diversion has not hindered our commerce from being obstructed by i)owerful fleets, if the utter discredit of our money for want of funds 096 DirLO^fATIC CORRESPONDENCE. prevents soldiers, sailors, and otliers from engaging in our service, and exposes our country to tlie cruel depredations and devastations of an enraged enemy, can our fiieuds tliink Iiardly of us if we press tUem for tliat assistance wliicli only can relieve our distress ? There is a passage in your letter wliicb, as I suppose it was not inad- vertently inserted, I will give my o])iniou u[)on fully. It is "that if affairs should he accommodated to your and our satisfaction the jueans of succoring us would ha facilitated." There is nothing we wish more than such an accommodation, consistent with our engagements and our future security. I can assure you that no people are nM)re averse to war than those of the United States, Were peace once established upon wise princii)les, leaving us such neighbors as the Spaniards, whose fair and unencroaching dispositions would prevent any attempts to dis- turb us, I do not see any reason to suppose we should ever be engaged in a foreign war. A war of ambition I am sure we shall never have. No people were ever more sensible of tho value of peace, or more dis- posed to enjoy themselves and let others enjoy in tranquillity the fruits of their labor. We are a young people, and have had fourteen civil governments to settle during the lieat and i)ressure of a violent war, accompanied with every possible circumstance that could augment tho expense anil difQ- culty usually attending a state of warfare. It is in this moment of distress that our real friends will show themselves in enabling us to l^revent those calamities which, though they can not subdue, will yet injure us Infinitely. Our industry, were i)eace and commerce on(!e established, would soou enable us to repay them, and they would be sure of a gratitude more lively ami lasting. Be so good as to assure our friends that I have not omitted, nor shall I omit, tho smallest circumstance of their friendship and generosity which has ])assed through me. I hope for a speedy and favorable answer to transmit to my constituents. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Vergennes.* Passy, AuguHt liS, 1778. Sir: There are several subjects which we find it necessary to lay be- fore your excellency, and to which we liave the honor to jeqiiest, your attention. At a time when the circumstances of the war may demand the atten- tion of government, and without doubt call for so great expense, we are sorry to be obliged to request your excelhncy's advice respect- ing the subject of money ; but the nature of the war in America, the vast extent of country to defend, and this defense having been made * MSS. ],)eii. of StiUo ; 1 Siiarks' Dip. ]iov. Corr. :U:i ; 7 Jolui A'laiijs' Works, 25. AUGUST 28, 1778. 697 ' chiefly by militia engaged for sliort ])eiiods, wbicli often obliged us to pay more ineu tban could be brought into actual service; and, above all, this war having been conducted in the midst of thirteen revolutions of civil government against a nation very powerful, both by sea and land, has occasioned a very great exjjense to a country so young, and to a government so unsettled. Tiiis has made emissions of paper money indispensable in much larger sums than in the ordinary course of business is necessary, or than iiiany other circumstances would have been politic. In order to avoid the necessity of further emissions as much as possible, the Congress have borrowed large sums of this paper money of the possessors upon interest, and have i)romi.s. d the lenders payment of that interest in Euroite, and we therefore exi)ect that ves- sels from America will brings bills of exchange upon us for that inter- est, a large sum of which is now due. It is very true that our country is already under obligations to his Majesty's goodness for considerable sums of money. The necessities of the United States have been such, that the sums heretofore generously furnished are nearly, if not quite, expended ; and, when your excel- lency considers that the American trade has been almost entirely in- terrupted by the British power at sea, they having taken as many of our vessels as to render this trade more advantageous to our enemy than to ourselves ; that our frigates and other vessels, which have ar- rived in this kingdom, have cost us a great sum • that the provision of clothing, and all the necessaries of war for our army, except siu;li as we could make in that country, have been shipped from hence at our ex- pense; that the expense we have been obliged to incur for our unfor- tunate countrymen who have been prisoners in Pjugland, as well as the maintenance of those taken from the enemy, has been very considera- ble, your excellency will not be surprised when you are informed that our resources are exhausted. We, therefore, hope for the coiitinuance of his majesty's generosity, and that the quarterly payment of seven hundred and hfty thousand hvres may be continued; and we assure your excellency that tlie mo- ment we are furnished with any other means of answering this demand we will no longer trespass on his Majesty's goodness. We have further to inform your excellency that we are empowered and instructed by Congress to borrow in Europe a sum of money to tlie amount of two millions sterling which is to be appropriated to the ex- press purpose of redeeming so many of the bills of credit in America as will be sufficient, itis apprehended, to restore theremainderto their origi- nal value. We, therefore, request his Majesty's permission to borrow such part of that sum in his Majesty's Idugdom as we may find opportu- nity. Although we are empowered to offer a larger interest than is usu- ally given by his Majesty, yet, that we may not be any interruption to his Majesty's service, we are willing and desirous of limiting the in terest which we may offer to the same that is given by his Majesty. 698 DIPLOMATIC CORRKSPONDENCE. And in tliis way, although most persons will choose to lend their money to Lis Majesty, yet there may be others desirous of forming connec- tions of trade with the people in America who will be willing to serve them in this way, And perhaps nothing will have a, greater tendency to cement the connection between the two nations, so happily begun, or to insure to the French nation the beuetits of the American trade, than something of this kind. By the eighth article of the treaty of commerce, his Majesty has engaged to employ his good offices and interpositions with the Emperor of Morocco, and with the regencies of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and the other powers on the coast of Barbary, in order to provide as fully as possible for the convenience and safety of the inhabitants of the United States, and their vessels and effects, against all violence, insults, attacks, or depredations on the ])art of the said princes. We have received information that there are already American ves- sels in Italy desirous of returning thence, and that there are merchants in Italy desirous of entering into the American trade, but that an ap- prehension of danger from the corsairs of Barbary is a discouragement. We therefore request your excellency's attention to this case, and such assistance from his Majesty's good offices as was intended by the treaty. There is another thing that has occurred of late on which we have the honor to request your excellency's advice. There are many Americans in England, and in other parts of Euroiie, some of whom are excellent citizens, and who wish for nothing so much as to return to their native country, and to take their share in her fortune, whatever that may be, but are apprehensive of many difficulties in recovering their property. Whether it will be practicable and consistent with his Majesty's in- terest to prescribe any mode by which Americans of the above descrip- tion may be permitted to pass through this kingdom with their apparel, furniture, plate, and other effects, not merchandise for sale here, with- out paying duties, we submit to his wisdom. We likewise request of your excellency a passport for such cartel ship as shall be employed by the English in sending our j)eople, who are their prisoners, to France to be (exchanged. They propose Calais as the port at whi(;li the exchange may be made, but as the iirisouers we have are at Brest, and the expense of removing them to Calais would be considerable, we should be glad that the passport would per- mit the landing of our people as near Brest as may' be, without danger of inconveniency to the state. We have the honor to be, with respect, your excellency's, etc., B. Franklin. Arthxtr Lee. John Adams. AUGUST 31, 1778. 69D A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, August 31, 177S. Gentlemen : It has been liinted to me that there will be two im- portant subjects of uegotiatiou with the Spanish court, upon which T beg to have the orders of Congress. First. Providing the Spanish navy with masts at a stipulated and as reasonable price as possible. Second. The cession of Florida, should it be conquered, to them. For this they would stipulate, whenever peace is concluded, to fur- nish the funds for redeeming all or a great part of the paper. I can not presume to proceed at all on these propositions without express instructions. In the mean time whatever further lights I can obtain shall be communicated immediately. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Declaration of Count de Vergennes, annulling the eleventh and twelfth arti- cles of the commercial treaty ivith France. [Translation. t] The general Congress of the United States of jSforth America having represented to the king that the execution of the eleveutli article of the treaty of amity and commerce, signed the (Jtli of February last, migiit be productive of inconveniences, and having, theiefore, desired the suppression of this article, consenting, in return, that the twelfth arti- cle shall likewise be of no effect, his Majesty, in order to give a new proof of his affection, as also of his desire to consolidate the union and good correspondence established between the two states, has been pleased to consider their representations. His Jlajjesty has conse- quently declared, and does declare by these presents, that he consents to the suppression of the eleventh and twelfth articles aforementioned, and that it is his intention that they be considered as having never been comprehended in the treaty signed the fith of February last. Done at Versailles this 1st day of September, 1778. GuAviEE DB Vergennes. Declaration of the American Comnii.s.sioner.s, annulling the eleventh and twrelfth articles of the same treaty. [Tr.auslation.t] The most Christian king having been pleased to regard the represen- tations made to him by the general Congress of North America relat- ing to the eleventh article of the treaty of commerce, signed the Gth of "MSS. Dcp. of State; 1 Sp.arks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 514. t 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 315. Xliid., 316. 700 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. February, iu the present year, and his Majesty liavirg therefore con- sented that the said article should be suppressed, ou condition that the twelfth article of the same treaty be equally regarded as of none eifect ; the above said general Congress hath declared on their part, and do declare, that they consent to the suppression of the eleventh and twelfth articles of the above-mentioned treaty, and that their intention is that these articles be regarded as having never been comprised in the treaty signed the Cth of February. In faith whereof, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. A. Lee to Gardoqui.* Paris, September 1, 1778. Dear Sir: I received your favor of the 20th ultimo last night, and will trouble you in addition to what I wrote on the 27th. It depends on your side to begin a treaty, of which what you mention must be a part. I have already signified my flowers aud my readiness to do my part, without receiving any answer. J\Iy powers by commission aie full, and the ratifications confirm them sjiecially. Neither my con- stituents nor mj'self will be found unwilling to malce every reasonable return for any aid given us. There are no neighbors we could prefer to you. By the last accounts from Aujerica the British army and fleet, after a bloody battle in the Jerseys, were blocked up in New York by General Washington aud Count d'Bstaiug. It is not improbable they may be forced to surrender before they are released. I have the honor to be, etc., AKTHirri Lee. Izard to Niccoli.! Paris, Septeniber 1, 1778. Dear Sir : Your favor of the 2Sth of July aifords no very flattering prospects to us from Tuscany. My expectations aud hopes from that quarter were high, and I confess that I am disappointed. All Europe appears to me to be interested in the success of our cause, and Italy will certainly receive no inconsiderable share of the benefits resulting from the establishment of the independence of the United States. It is, therefore, not a little to be wondered at that she should refuse to *1 Sparks' Dip. Rov. Corr., .'il'l. t MSS. Dep. of Stato ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., ri93. SEPTEMBER 2, 1778. 701 stir a finger towards the accomplishment of that event. I am well aware that the revenues of the grand duke are not equal to those of the King of France; something, however, is certainly in his power; and we are taught by scripture to set a pro[)er value on a single mite, when it is proportioned to the ability of the douor. The grand duke, you say, has discharged almost half the debt with with which he found the state euoumbered at his accession. This is a proof of the wisdom and good government of his royal highness, and shows how well founded the opinion is which the world has eutertainetl of that excellent prince. It shows also that his state is in a very flour- ishing condition. I have been lately informed that his royal highness intends shortly to discharge another part of his debt to the amount of three millions of French livres. If this payment could be post- poned, and the money lent to the United States, it would be of consider- able service to them. You will excuse me for pressing this subject with earnestness, as I have the greatest desire to execute the business which the Congress have done me the honor of putting into my hands. Captain Woodford has lately arrived here from Leghorn. He in- forms me that some merchants at that port are determined to enter into the American trade, and that he is to command a vessel from thence bound to Virginia, which he thinks will be ready to sail in the course of a few weeks. He is a man of a very good character, and I hope lie will succeed, which will probably induce many others to follow his ex- ample. Ho has charged himself with the delivery of this letter, and I do not doubt but that you will give him any advice or assistance in your power to facilitate the execution of his plan. My wife and family join in offering you their compliments ; and I am, dear sir, etc. Ealph Izard. * Izard to Veigenues. Paris, September 2, 1778. Sir: I am directed by the Congress to endeavor to procure a loan of money in Italy, and have in consequence done everything in my power to obtain proper information on the subject. My correspondent in Tus- cany gives me no hopes of procuring any there, as that country is just beginning to emerge from a state of languor, under which it has suf- fered for two centuries. No other part of Italy seems to afford a more agreeable prospect ex- cept Genoa, and I am told that even there the security of the court of France will probably be expected for any sum which the inhabitants of that republic may have it in their power to lend to the United States. The value of the paper currency of America has sunk, on account of ' MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Spark's Dip. Rev. Corr. 694. 702 DIPLOMATIC CORKESPONDENCE. the great sums wliicli it has been absolutely necessary to issue in the prosecution of the war against Great Britain. If the loan can be ob- tained, the Congress will be enabled to reduce the quantity in circula- tion, and at the same time raise and establish the credit of the remain- der. This will be of such important service to our countrj-, that I am induced to liope your excellency will be so good as to afl'ord us your assistance in it, and speali to the Marquis Spiiiola, the envoy from Genoa, on the subject. I shall be extremely happy to have it in my power to inform the Congress that by your excellency's assistance I have been enabled to execute the trust which they have committed to me. I have the honor to be, etc., Ealpii Izard. Franklin to Hartley.* I'ASsy, Septemljer 3, 1778. Deak Sie: I received duly your favors of July 14 and August 14. I hoped to have answered them sooner by sending passport. Multi- plicity of business has, I suppose, been the only occasion of delay in the ministers to consider of and make out the said passport. I hope now soon to have it, as I do not find there is any objection made to it. in a former letter I proposed to you that the exchange would, in my opinion, be preferable at or near Brest, and I expected some time your answer on that |)oint. But perhaps you have not re- ceivi d my letter; you say nothing of it, I wish, with you, as much for the restoration of peace as we both for- merly did for the continuance of it. But it must now be a peace of a different kind. I was fond to a folly of our British connections, and it was with infinite regret that I saw the necessity you would force us into of breaking it. But the extreme cruelty with which we have been treated has now extinguished every thought of returning to it, and sep- arated us forever. You have thereby lost limbs that will never grow again. We, too, have suffered greatly, but our losses will soon be repaired by our good government, our industry, and the fertility of our country. And now we see the mischievous consequences of such a connection, and the danger of their being repeated if we should be weak enough to enter into it. We see this too plainly ever to listen in the least to any such proposition. We may therefore, with great propriety, take leave of you in those beautiful lines of Dante to the late mistress of his affection. 'MSS. Dep. of State; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 205. SEPTEMBER 7, 1778. 703 Fiaqkliu to John Paul Jones.* Passy, September C. 1778. Dear Captain ; I reoeivcil your fjivors of tho 24tli and 31st of Au- gust. I am told by M. do (J.t that M. de B.J is sorry you did i)ot go with M. d'Orvilliois. lie had sout orders for that purpose, aud your stayiug at L'Orieut occasioued your missiug tUe opportunity. Your let- ter was seut to the Prince de Nassau. 1 am coufideiit something will be done for you, though I do not yet know what. Dr. Baucroft lias beeu iudisposed, aud Iliave not lately seen bim; but I hear he is gettiug better, and suppose he has written. I go out of town early this morning for a few dayt?, but the other commissioners will answer your letter. I am glad you have procured a guard for the prisoners. It is a good piece of service. They have concluded in Eng- land to send us an equal number of ours, and we expect to-morrow to send the passport for their cartel ship which is to bring them. If we are to deliver theirs at Cahiis, I should be for acceptiug thankfully the offer you mention. We have no news from America but what couies through Eugland. Clinton's letter is iu the Loudon Gazette, aud ior style and coloring is 80 like Keppel's, that I can not help thinking neither of them originals, but both the performance of some under secretary, whose business it is to cook the news for the ministers. Upon the whole, we learn that the English army was well worried iu its march,§ aud that their whole fleet ami forces are now blocked up iu New York by Washington and Gates on the laud side and by Count d'Estaiug by sea, and that they will soou be iu want of provisious; I sympathize with you iu what you must suf- fer from your present inactivity ; but have patieuce. I am, etc., B. Pbanklin. Adams to the President of Congress.il Passy, September 7, 1778. SiE: I have the honor to enclose to Congress all the newsi)apers I have by me; enough to show that we have nothing very important here at present. The French and British fleets are again at sea, and we hourly expect iutelligence of a second battle; buc our expectations from America are still more interesting and anxious, having uotiiiug from them since the 3d of July, except what is coutiiiued iu the English gazettes. *6 Bigelow's Frankliu^ 207. t Probably de Chaumont.— Bigelow, t Probably de Sartiue. — Bigelow. § The march across New Jersey to New York after the evacuation of Philadelphia, During this inarch was fought the battle of Monnioiitli. — Bigelow. IIMSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 555. 704 DIPLOMATIC CORRKSPONDENCl';. Events luiVQ probiibly alieady passed iu Aiuerica, altljougU not known in l<3urope, wliieli sliall determine the j^reat qnestion wlietber we sball liave a. long war or a short one. Tlie eyes of all Enrope are lixed on Spain, whose armaments by sea and land are vastly expensive and extremely formidable, but whoso designs are a profonnd impen- etrable seeret ; time, however, will discover them. In the mean time we have the satisfaction to be sure that they are not inimical to America. For this we have the word of a king, signitied by his ministers; a king who they say never breaks liis word, but, on the contrary, has given many striliing proofs of his sacred regard to it. I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, etc., John Adams. Deane to the President of Congress.' PiiiLADELPniA, iSej)tvmber 8, 1778. Siii: I pray your excellency to remind the Congress that 1 still wait to receive their orders, and though I am sensible that they have many and important affairs under their consideration, yet I must entreat them to reflect upon the peculiar situation I have for some time past been placed iu, and inform me if they desire my further attendance. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your excellency's, etc., Silas Deane. A. Lee to Committee of Foreign Affairs.t Paris, Sejjtember 9, 1778. Gentlemen : I enclose you copies of the accounts, bills of lading, etc., of the articles which I before informed you I should direct to be shipped, and which I pay for out of the funds entiusted to me alone. The only error I lind in them is the charge of live per cent, commission, which I shall endeavor to have rectified. It will be easy to compare the uniforms at 32 with those furnished by JVl. Montieu at 37, accord- ing to Mr. Deane's contract, and which Mr. Williams reported to us ought to have been rejected ; a report which was concealed froui me, as well as the contract. The manner in which these accounts are made up is the sauie I de- sired from Mr. Williams, and which he has uvaded with circumstances of insult and deiiauce. Indeed, there has been hitherto such licentious- ness suffered iu the conduct of our affairs, that these gentlemen seem *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., ill. t MSS. Dep. of State. Iu 1 Spark.s' Dip. Rev. Corr., 515, a very imperfect copy of this paper is given. SEPTEMBER !), 1778. 705 to think it botb an affront and injustico to be called upon for a clear and nnoqiiivocal account of the expenditure of the public money. In this case I though it more esi)ecially my duty to be attentive, be- cause the sum was large, no satisfactory account ever given in of the sums advanced to him ; but continual demands for hundreds of thou- sands more; and (though he came to us, literally speaking, penniless), be was loading ships on his own account to America. I do not say that he will not be able to give a clear account of this, but the suspicion necessarily arising from it, with the indistinctness of his accounts, and above all the fifty thousand livres taken to himself, to be repaid, as lie says, by a bill on M. Chaumont eight months hence (which we bave never seen nor otherwise heard of), was sufficient to satisfy me that all was not right, and that I could not be Justiiied, if under these circumstances I concurred in paying him the balance be demanded of the public. For it seems clear to me that if all the millions expended are thus ae- counted for, the burdens aud poverty of the public will increase with the opulence of individuals, and soon become intolerable.- I have before informed you of my having received remittances in bills to the amount of 187,.500 livres. As I knew it would not be necessary to expend this sum sooner than three months, I thought it better to get interest for it for that time than let it lie idle. The enclosed receipt will show you that I have succeeded with the first bill that was due, but I doubt it will not be possible with the rest. It may be proper to inform you that I have dismissed my former secretary, Major Tborntou, because it was verified to me that he iiad received from Mr. Wharton a note of hand X)ayable ou war taking place in such a time. This afforded so strong a suspicion that they, who are now his accusers, had seduced him into their gambling society, and probably for the purpose of betraying my secrets in the Spanish negotiation, that I thought it prudent to supply his place with an- other. I have chosen the Eev. Mr. Hezekiah Ford, of the State of Virginia, and chaplain to the third and fifth regiments of North Carolina troops, in the service of the United States. We bave admin- istered to him an oath of secrecy and fidelity, which, from his character, I have every reason to believe he will religiously observe.* The present moment is as totally barren of news as times of the most perfect tranquillity. I have the honor to be, with the most entire respect and esteem, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, Arthur Lee. » As to Ford's character for loyalty ato lotrodactiou, ^ 150, 45 WH— VOL II 706 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin, Lee, aad Adams to Vergenues.* Passy, September 10, 1778. Sir : By some of the last sliips from America we received from Oou- gress certain powers and iiistriictioiis, wiiicli we thiuk it uecessary to lay bel'ore your excellency, and which we have the honor to do iu this lettei'. On the 13th of April last Congress resolved, "that the commission- ers of the United States iu France be authorized to determine and set- tle witii the house of Koderitjue Hortalez & Co. the compensation, if auy, which should be allowed them on idl merchandise and warlike stores shipped by them for the use of the United States previous to the 14th day of April, 1778, over and above the commission allowed tliem in the sixth articdo of the [proposed contract between the com- mittee of commerce and John Baptiste Lazarus Theveneau de Francy." In the letter of the committee of commerce to ns, in which the fore- going resolution was enclosed, the committee ex[)ress themselves thus: " This will be accompaiued by a contract entered into between John Baptiste Lazarus de Theveneau de Francy, agent of Peter Augustine Carou de Beaumarchais, representative of the house of lloderique llor- talez & Co., and the committee of commerce. You will observe that their accounts are to be fairly settled, and what is justly due paid for, as, on tlie one hand. Congress would be unwilling to evidence a disre- gard tor, and contemptuous refusal of, the spoutaneous friendship of his most Christian majesty, so on the other they are unwilling to put into tiie private pockets of individuals what was graciously designed for the public beuefit. You v.ill be i)leased to have their accounts liqui- dated, and direct in the liquidation thereof that particular care be taken to distinguish the property of the crown of France from the private ])roperty of Ilortalez & Co., and transmit to us the accounts so stated and distinguished. This will also be accompauied by an invoice of articles to be im[)orted from France, and resolves of Congress rela- tive thereto. Y^ou will appoint, if you should judge proi)er, an agent or agents to inspect the quality of such goods as you may apply for to the house of Eoderi(]ue Llortalez & Co.. before they are shipped, to prevent any impositions." On the 10th of May last Congress resolved, "that the invoice of articles to be imported from France, together with the list of medi- (;ines approved by Congress, be signed by the committee of commerce and trausmitted to the commissioners of the United States at Paris, who are authorized and directed to apply to the house of Roderique llortalez & Co. for such of said articles as tiiey shall have previously X)urchased or contracted for ; that copies of the invoices to be delivered ' 1 SxKirks' Dip. licv. Cori-., :US ; 7 Juliu Adauis' Works, 29. SEPTEMBER 10, 1778, 707 to Mons. de Fraucy, ageut for Roderique Hortalez & Co., together with a copy of the foregoiug resolution; aud tliat the articles to be shipped by the house of Eoderique Hortalez & Co.be uot iusured, but that notice be giveu to the commissioners in France that they may endeavor to obtain convoy for the protection thereof." We have the honor to enclose to your excellency a copy of the con- tract made between the committee aud Mons. Fraucy, a copy of Mous. Fraucy's powers, aud a copy of the list of articles to be furnished ac- cording to that contract, that your excelleucy may have before you all the papers relative to this subject. We are under the necessity of applying to your excelleucy upon this occasion and of requesting your advice. With regard to what is passed, we know not who the persons are who constitute the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co., but we have understood, aud Congress has ever under- stood, and so have the people in America in general, that they were under obligations to his Majesty's good will for the greatest part of the merchandise aud warlike stores heretofore furnished under the firm of Eoderique Hortalez & Co. We can not discover that any written con- tract was ever made between Congress, or any ageut of theirs, and the house of Eoderique Hortalez & Co., uor do we know of any living wit- ness, or any other evidence, whose testimony can ascertain to us, who the persons are that constitute the house of Eoderique Hortalez & Co., or what were the terms ui)on which the merchandise and munitions of war Vi^ere supplied, neither as to the ])rice, nor the time, or conditions of payment. As we said before, we apprehend that the United States hold themselves under obligations to his majesty for all those supplies, and we are sure it is their wish aud their determination to discharge the obligation to his majesty as soon as Providence shall put it in their power. In the mean time, we are ready to settle and liquidate the ac- counts according to our instructions at any time aud in any manner which his Majesty and your excellency shall point out to us. As the contract for future sui)plies is to be ratified, or not ratified, by us, as we shall judge expedient, we must request your excellency's ad- vice as a favor upon this head, and whether it would be safe or prudent in us to ratify it, and in Congress to depend upon supplies from this quarter, because if we should depend upon this resource for supplies, aud be disappointed, the consequences would be fatal to our country. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Abthxjr Lee. John Adams. 708 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Fraukliii, Lee, aud Adams to Sartine.* Passy, September 10, 1778, Sir: Oapt. Dauicl M'Ncil, of Boston, in the State of Massachusetts Bay, commander of tlie American privateer wliicli bas been so success- ful against the common enemy in the Nortli seas and Wbite seas, had the fortune to letalce a Pieiich vessel from a Guernsey privateer, after she had been in the enemy's possession three days, which prize he has brought into Port Louis. He represents to us that he has met with some diiliculties in disposing of her and her cargo, which can not be removed until your excellency's sentiments shall be known upon the matter. We have tlie honor to recommend his case to your excellency's con- sideration, and to reipiest that such relief luay be afforded him as may consist with the laws of the state aud the treaties in force between the two nations. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Fraukliu, Lee, aud Adams to Beaumaroliais.t Passy, Septemher 10, 177S. Sir : In a letter we have received from the committee of commerce of the 16th May, we are informed that they had ordered several ves- sels lately to Sontli Carolina ibr rice, and directed the continental agents in that State to consign them to our address. In the letter from Mr. Livingston to us, dated Charleston, South Carolina, 10th June, 1778, he has subjected the cargo of the Therese to our orders. In your letter to us, dated Passy, 8th September, 1778, you demand that the cargo received in your own vessel should be sold, and the money remitted to you, in part for a discharge of what is due to you by the Congress. We are at a loss to know how you claim the Therese as your proper vessel, because M. Monthieu claims her as his, produces a written con- tract for the hire of her, j)art of which we have paid, and the remainder he now demands of ns. However, sir, we beg leave to state to you the powers and instructions we have received from Congress, and to request your attention to them as soon as possible, and to inform you that we are ready to enter upon the discussion of these matters at any time and place you please. "MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., :U8. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 316 ; 7 Jokn Adama' Works," 28. SEPTEMBER 11, 1778. 709 But until the accounts of tho company of Roderique Hortalez & Co. are settled for what is passed, and the contracts proposed either ratified by you and us, or rejected by oae party, we can not think we should be justified iu remitting you the proceeds of the cargo of the Therese. We will, however, give orders to our agents for the sale of the cargo, and that the proceeds of the sale be reserved to be paid to the house of Roderique Hortalez & Co., or their representative, as soon as the accounts shall be settled, or the contract ratified. By a copy of a contract between a committee of Congress and M. Francy, dated the 16th of April last, we perceive that the seven- teenth article, respecting the annual supply of twenty-four millions of livres, shall not be binding upon either of the parties, unless the same shall be ratified by Eoderique Hortalez & Co., and the commissioners of the United States at Paris. We take this opportunity to inform you, sir, that we are ready to confer with Roderique Hortalez & Co., or any person by them aathorized for this purpose, at any time and place that they or you shall appoint. We have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient humble servants, B. Fkankltn. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Congress — Election of Franklin as Minister to France.* September 11, 1778. Resolved unanimously, That it is essential to the interest and honor of the United States that a minister plenipotentiary be without delay appointed to represent these States at the court of France. Resolved unanimously, That tomorrow be assigned for electing a min- ister plentipotentiary at the court of France. September 14, 1778. Congress proceeded to the election of a minister plenipotentiary to the court of France, and ballots being taken, Dr. Benjamin Franklin was elected. Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed to prepare a letter of credence to his most Christian majesty, notifying the appointment of Dr. Franklin minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the court of France. That the said committee also prepare a draught of instructions to the minister plenipotentiary. The members chosen: Mr. (1. Morris, Mr, Chase, Mr. Drayton, Mr. S. Adams, and Mr. R. H. Lee. Ordered, That the letters of credence received through the hands of the minister of France and the Count d'Bstaing be referred to the said committee. *MSS. secret jonnials, Dep. <>f State. From these the secret journals as printed vary iu details and occasional omissions. 710 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. Adams to the President of Congress.* Passy, September 11, 1778. Sir : I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest gazettes. Wo have no other intelligence than is contained in them. Since the 11th of Jnly, the date of Lord Howe's announcing the ar- rival of the Count d'Estaing off Sandy Hook, we have not a syllable from America by way of England. In France we have nothing from America since July 3. This long interval leaves a vast scoije for im- agination to play, and accordingly there is no end to the speculations prompted by the hopes and fears of the nations of Europe. We are weary of conjectures, and mast patiently wait for tune to end them. I have the honor to be, with great respect, etc., John Adams. Deane to the President of Congress.! Philadklphia, September 11, 1778. Sir : I received your note, in which you politely informed mo that yon had laid before Congress the letter which I did myself the honor of writing to your excellency a few days since. I now return you my thanks for tlie attention yon have paid me, and again take the liberty to ask of you to remind Congress that the circumstances under which I left France, and the situation of the affairs in Europe which 1 had been principally concerned in transacting (as I had the honor of mentioning to Congress), render it indispensably necessary on my part that I return as early as possible, and that if my further attendance here is not necessary, I pray to be informed of it, that I may be at liberty to visit my friends and prepare for my voyage; or that, if further intelli- gence is expected from me, I may have an early opportunity of giving it. I flatter myself your excellency and the Congress will not judge my repeated applications improper when the circumstances which attended my leaving Europe and the situation 1 have been in since my arrival in America are recollected and considered. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. . Izard to Laurens, President of Congress.t Paris, September 13, 1778. Dear Sir: My last letter to you was dated the 25th of Jnly, and yours of the 19th of May still continues the only one I have been favored with from you. My letter of the 28th of June was accompanied *MSS. Dep. of SUto ; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., .056. t MSS. Dep. of Stiite ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 91. XlUd., 695. SKn'EMBER 12, 1778. 711 by several papers, which appeared to ino proper that you and every other friend of our country should be acquainted with. Five sets of them were sent to you, and it will be very unlucky if one of them does not get safe to your hands. The molasses business would certainly have proved the source of continual disputes if it had not been altered; but the mischief which might have been expected from tliat is beyond comparison loss than what is pointed out in my letter to Mr. Lee of the 18th of May. My apprehensious on tliis subject were communicated to the commissioners at this court, but I am sorry to say tliat they made no imjiression upon them.* Mr. Lee alone seemed to think it possible I might be right; the other two gentlemen were perfectly satisfied. Dr. Franklin's usual consciousness of infallibility was apparent, and Mr. Adams insinuated that the business of the treaties was put entirely into the hands of the commissioners at this court, and nobody else had any right to give their opinions about them : that he understood that I had objected to the eleventh and twelfth articles or tlie treaty of commerce respecting molasses, but he believed I should lind myself greatly mistaken in that matter; that he did not doubt but those articles would be extremely popular in Congress, and that they would be very angry when they were informed that I had objected to them. 1 answered that I was sensible the conclusion of tlie treaties was committed solelj^ to the gentlemen he mentioned, but that the princijdes in which I had been educated militated against the other part of his opinion; that 1 had thought it my duty to oiipose the proceedings of the King and Parlia- ment of Great Britain when thej^ were injurious to my country; that the same motives had occasioned my op])ositiou to the articles in ques- tion ; that I had submitted my objections to the treaty to the Presi- dent, and hoi)ed he would make them known to Congress ; that if they thought I had acted wrong, I .should, of course, be informed of it by him ; that I should in that case look upon myself to be no longer fit to be employed, when my opinion differed so totally from that of my em- ployers, and should request the favor of the President to i>rocure the leave of Congress for me to return into my own country. I have had the satisfaction, however, of finding that Mr. Adams, as well as his countrymen. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deanc, have been mis- taken in their expectation^ that Congress would be inattentive to the interests of nine States of A nierica to gratify the eaters and distillers of molasses. I am yet to learn whether the arguments made use of in the above-mentioned letter of the 18th of May have had any weight with you and the other gentlemen to whom I desired you to submit them; but I am very sorry to inform you that my apprehensions wei'O too well founded. The letters which Mr. Lee has lately received irom Spain "Tliis is a raistakc, wnoa Fr.-inkliii iind Doaiio imiteil with Lpo in .ippljiiig to Vcr- gcnnca to in.ako. the cbanfie, which, however, could not then be ni.iile, aa the papers were eucrossed. 712 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. leave uot the least room to doubt what tlie expectatioiiH of that court are respecting the Floridas. For my own part, no such additional proof was necessary after having compared the fifth article of the treaty of alli- ance with the eighth article of the original treaty transmitted by Con- gress. The conduct of Spain has been full of ambiguity. She has been arming with all ])ossible diligence; and, at the same time, sent an am- bassador to London, who has liitherto made use of no other language but that of peace and mediation. England, who seems to have lost her common sense at the same time that she ])arted with her humanity, does not ap])ear to suspect that the delays of S])ain may possibly be intended only to make her blow more certain and effectual. Some politicians believe that the delays of Spain have been occasioned by her being averse to the independence of America. Nothing can be more absurd than such an opinion. Spain can have nothing to a])prehend from us alone equal to what she had reason to fear from the united strength of Great Britain and America. Wiien tlie i)resent war is ended I hope the blessings of peace will be long enjoyed. Should Spain be suffered to get possession of the Floridas, perpetual causes of quarrel may be expected ; and therefore I hope the wisdom of Congress will guard against this evil. When my ajjpi'ehensions on this subject were communicated to the commissioners at this court, a proper exphuiation, I believe, might have been obtained from the ministry under theif hands, as the ratification of the treaties was not iirrived ; and it is certain they were very much alarmed about them, and expected they would have undergone a much severer scrutiny than they did. The limits which Congress have pre- scribed in the eighth article of their original treaty are such as I am convinced we ought to have, and I hope that nothing will happen to make it necessarj- that they should be altered. Mr. Lee will, I suppose, inform Congress of the contents of his letters from Spain on this sub- ject. It appears of so much consequence to tbe southern States, that I think they should be consulted separately on the subject of ceding the Floridas to Spain before the question is brought before Congress. In my letter to the committee of foreign affairs of the 2.5th of July, I enclosed them two letters, which I had written to tlie Abbe Niccoli, at Florence, on the subject of money. I now send you his answer, by wliich you will find that there is no very flattering prospect of obtain- ing any there. I send you likewise enclosed several other papers, which will show you that 1 have done everything in my power to fulfill the wishes of Congress. Nothing has been lelt unattempted to promote the success of what I have had constantly at heart. I have had an inter- view with Count de Vergennes, secretary of state for foreign affairs, and endeavored to prevail upon Jiim to otter the security of the court of France tor any money which might be borrowed in Italj^ for the use of the United States. Lie refused affording any assistance in the matter. 713 I then wrote him the enclosed letter of the 2(1 of September, without proinising myself much hopes of success from it. The King of Prussia, during the last war, received a subsidy from Great Britain of between seven and eight hundred thousand pounds sterling. The object to be obtained was certainly much less considerable than what France has already got by the dismemberment of so great a part of the dominions other natural enemy, and yet the States of America, her allies, whose exertions have procured so desirable an event for her, have no subsidy, and even her assistance in effecting a loan is refused. France has cer- tainly great demands for money herself. She might, however, have been more liberal than she has been, and I am of opinion she would have been so, had things been properly conducted by those who ought to have thought less of themselves and more of the public. I have in this, and some of my former letters, given you my opinion on such parts of the treaties as appeared likely to prove injurious to us. The southern States are most affected by the articles which have been already taken notice of. The ninth and tenth articles of the treaty of commerce contain matter which will, if 1 am not much mistaken, prove tlic subject of great uneasiness to the States of New England. The gentleman whose presumption and self-sufficiency I have already com- plained of may in this instance, I believe, be acquitted of having any design. Whatever there may be improper in these articles can be only attributed to the want of information, and to their not being acquainted with the subject. VViien the peace of Paris in 17G3 was concluded I was in London, and heard the subject of the fishery much discussed; the French pre- tended that, by the thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht, they had an exclusive right to tish 07i all that part of the Island of Newfound- land which extends from Cape Bonavista to Point Riche. The English ministry would not admit of any such explanation of the article, and accordingly the French have enjoyed no such exclusive right since. The words "indefinite and exclusive riglit" are not to be found either in the treaties of Utrecht or of Paris, yet they were inserted in the tenth article of our treaty of commerce ; and that it may seeuj as if no innova- tion was intended, that right is claimed as having been (lesir/ned b.y the treaty of Utrecht, and the whole is to be conformable, not to the words, but to the true sense of the treaties of Utrecht and Paris. I do not think that the States of New England would be very well contented if they should find themselves excluded from the right of tishing on any part of the coast of Newfoundland. 1 have endeavored to get all the information I could on this matter, and am confirmed in my oi)inion that it was intended. The discnssion of this business will probably not be entered upon till the conclusion of peace, ami that event I fear is not very near at hand. It is, however, of importance tliat those persons who are likely to be aft'ected by this matter slionlil be a(;qnainted with what I have written to you about it, that tiiey may consider it and be prepared. 714 DIPLOMATIC COURKSI'OXDENCE. Tbe comiuercial business of America iu this Idugdom continues still in confusion. Yon wore fully informed on this point some time ago, and 1 recommended Mr. Lloyd strongly as a proper person to set these matters rights. I believe him to be a very capable merchant, and I have the highest opinion of his integrity and attachment to the cause of America. These a^e qualities at all times to be valued, but in the present situation of our affairs, at the distance the commercial agent, is l)lneed from the seat of inquiry, the difficulty there is of preventing the plun 'er of the public money, and the detecting of it after itis done, are additional motives with me for wishing to see the commercial busi- ness of our country in his hands. He is going to America, and I expect that he will see you at Congress. Dr. Franklin is still endeavoring to place his nephew in that office.* Whether he is a. proper person I shall not take upon me to decide. Mr. Lee thinks he is not, and I suppose will offer his reas<'ns to Congress. I have lamented exceedingly that the situation of affairs has not per- mitted my going into Italy. Perhaps my having been here, and liie observations that I have sent you respecting the treaties, may not jirnve useless. Should my countrynjen think so, it will give me great salisfnc tion. I am, dear sir, etc., Ealph Izard. P. S. — I have communicated my sentiments to Mr. Lee and Mr. Adnnis respecting the fishery, and I hope they will write on the subject to (heir friends. It will, however, I think, be very ])roper for you fo S|>e;ik to the New England delegates about it, that they may have time to consider it and considt their constituents. W, Iiee to the Cotrimittee of Foreign Affairs.t Pat?is, September ]2, 1778. Gentlejmbn: 1 have just arrived here from Germany, and lindiiig the bearer of this about to set off in a few hours, I can not omit saying a word or two, though it will be impossible to be so full as I conld wish. I wrote to the President of Congress from Vienna the 30th of May, ult.,| which was forwarded from hence, to which be pleased to refer; since then have received your first and only letter, dated from Yorktown, the 14th of May last, wherein you acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 24th November and IStli of December; but I am sur- prised at your not receiving also two other letters from me, dated the * For tlie correction of .an error hero ref^pectinji; Dr. Franklin's tlesigus in rei;.ii'il to his nephew, see letter of A. Lee to Committee of Foreign AH'iiirs, June 1, 1778, vole. t MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., (iOS, with omissions and verb.al changes. t Missing. — Sparks. SEPTEMBER 12, 1778. 715 28th February and 23d March last, which were sent by Mr. Simeon Deane, and addressed to the President of Congress. Since my last, of the 30th of May, when the war broke out between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, on consultation with the French ambassador at Vienna, it was agreed to be most advisable for me to retire to Frankfort, and wait there until the several powers in Ger- many and the rest of Europe had taken a decided line in this war, when we might be .able to direct our operations to the most advantage for America, since it was evident that neither the court of Vienna nor that of Berlin could, in their critical situation, take an open part with us for fear of throwing Hanover, with a body of thirty thousand men, into the scale of the adversary, especially, too, as France had declared a ueutralitjf, on the urgent application of the house of Austria, for aid under the treaties subsisting between them and France; to which, however, France replies with truth, that the case does not exist as specified in the treaty, which obliges them to aid the house of Austria. The two mighty powers hav^e been in the field opposed to each other ever since the beginning of July, when the King of Prussia entered Bohemia with his army, but no battle has yet been given, nor anything material passed on either side. There have been perpetual skirmislies between the foraging parties and advanced i>osts, which on the whole seem rather in favor of the Prussians. In the course of the winter or spring we hope things will take such a tarn as to enable me to oper- ate to advantage with one or the other of the parties ; but at present I think you may be assured that such measures have been taken as will effectually prev^ent our enemies from obtaining any farther aid from any part of Europe, if they should [be so mad as toj* continue the war against us another year, which I can hardly expect they will do, for [ am informed, and have reason to believe my information true, that or- ders have been already sent to their commissioners in America to acknowledge our independence if nothing else will answer, in order to commence a treaty and make a peace. After my arrival at Frankfort, finding an opportunity offered to me of negotiating a treaty of commerce with the United States of Holland and West Friesland, I embraced it, and have proceeded so far as to agree on the draught of a treaty with the regular representative of the pensionary and burgomasters of the city of Amsterdam, of which I have not time to send you a copy by this conveyance, but am sure you would approve of it, as it contains all the substantially advantageous articles of the commercial treaty with France and some beneficial and agree- able additions. So far the business has been conducted on both sides with great secrecy, which is absolutely necessary in order to procure final success with the United States here, for though the city of Amsterdam and the States of Holland pay, it is supposed, about five-sixths of the whole * Words in brackets omitted in Sparks' ed. 716 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDENCE. taxes for the support of the govermneiit, which cousequeutly gives them very powerful weight and influence, yet they have no power by their constitution of entering into such a treaty without the concurrence of the other united states, in some of which the Prince of Orange has an overdue influence; and all the world knows his blood connections with the King of England, as well as that he has the same designs against his country that liave been attempted to be carried into execu- tion against us, and which he hopes to succeed in by the aid of his cousin of Euglaud, with whom he is in the strictest intimacy. This renders secrecy of the last importance, until the patriots in Holland have secured success, before the business is agitated in the general assembly of the states, where it must come to have full authority. Here I find myself embarrassed, because I have no power to sign such a treaty, and I know not how to determine as yet about communi- cating it, in the present situation of things, to those who have a power to sign it in your name, because it is well known that some of the most important negotiations and proceedings here relative to your affairs have some time past been very speedily communicated in England, and I have not yet been able to learn that the old channel is stopped. 1 sliall, however, proceed in the manner that shall, on the maturest reflec- tion, appear the best to forward the wishes of Congress and advance the prosperity of our country. In a week or ten days I shall return to my station in Germany, and watcli with careful attention over my charge there, and when anything material occurs you shall be dulj" advised. I have the honor to be, etc., William Lee. Deane to Hancock.* Thiladelphia, Sq)temher 14, 1778. Dear Sir : I have not had the pleasure of a line from you since you left us, which I impute to your having been so much engaged in public business. I hope the articles sent you arrived safe and were found to sat- isfaction, and that we shall soon have the pleasure of seeing you again in Philadelphia by one means or another. The afl'airs which respect me have dragged on so heavily that nothing decisive has been done, though J have been constantly applying, and my patience is really worn out, and I can not and will not longer endure a treatment which carries with it marks of the deepest ingratitude; but if the Congress have not time to hear a man who they have sent for four thousand miles, solely un- derthepretenseof receivingintelligencefrom him, itis time that thegood people of this continent should know the manner in which their repre- sentatives conduct the public business, and how they treat their fellow- citizens, who have rendered tlieir countiy the most important services. * Penu. Mag. of Anier. Hist., to], xi, 205. SEPTKMI'.ER 14, 1778. 717 I freely appeal to every man of honor and feelings, and will be con- tent to be judged from wliat passes in bis own breast, on supposing him- self but for one niomeut exactly in my situation. A majority of Congress are disposed to do me justice, and complain of my being delayed iu the manner I am from day to day and from week to week, but you know that in Congress a few men can put off the decision of any question by oue means or other as long as they please, and you are not a stranger to what a certain triumvirate, who have been from the first members of Congress, are equal. The baseness aud ingratitude of one of them you have sufliciently experienced iu private life to know him cai)able of anything iu public, aud my old colleague, Roger the Jesuit, with their southern associates, have been iudefatigable ever since my arrival. Roger, indeed, is at present on a tour to the army, and thence to New Haven, to stir np the pure minds of the faithful there against the next election of delegates. He is expected back in a few days, when per- haps they will be ready to take the field, after having snggested iu whispers everything that could tend to hurt the nuxn they causelessly attack. I am no way discouraged, but 1 am grieved to find our councils and our public deliberations conducted in the manner they are at ])re.s- eut. The very name of Congress was a great while sacred almost as that of the Divinity in these States. You as well as 1 know how much weakness, to say nothing more, lay concealed from the first behind the sacred vail from the view ot thei)ublic. 1 tremble for the consequences when Americans, who have served their country with the highest repu- tation at home and abro;ul, shall be forced by the injuries aud abuse which they receive, in vindication of themselves, to draw this vail and hold up to the open view of their countrymen certain individuals who have by one circumstance or another greatly influenced the delibera- tions of Congress. Self-defense is the first law of nature. I hope and am sure I shall not be driven to this extremity whilst so many appear resolved to see justice done me. I will not add but that J most impa- tiently expect you heie, and hope that yon will bring Mrs. Hancock with you, to whom I pray you present my most respectful compliments. I am, ever, with the most sincere attachment, dear sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, Silas Deane. Franklin to Hartley.* Passy, September 14, 1778. Dear Sir: I now send you the passport required. I postponed answering your last in hopes of obtaining it sooner, but though it was long since agreed to, much business in the admiralty department here has, I suppose, occasioned its delay. The port of Calais was not approved of, and I think the ports mentioned (Nantes or L'Orient) are MSS. Dep. of State, 6 Bigelow's Fraukliu, yOS. 718 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. better for you as well as for us, not ouly as being nearer Plymouth, but as many of your sailors would probably have found opportunities of deserting- in the long march from Brest to Calais, they being afraid of the press. I understand that upwards of eighty more of your peo- ple have been brought by ours prisoners into France since the list I sent you, but I can not now send you their names. You have not meu- tioned whether the proposition of sending;' us the whole of those in your prisons was agreed to. If it is, you may rely on our sending immedi- ately all that eome to our hands for the future ; or we will give you your option, an order for the balance to be delivered to your fleet in America. By putting a little confidence in one another we may tbus diminish the miseries of war. To make the expense of these exchanges Uiore equal, if another cartel ship should be hereafter necessary, we hereby promise to send to England at our charge; and so it may con- tinue to be done alternately as long as the war continues. Adams to Chaumont. " Passy, September 15, 1778. Sir: As our finances are at present in a situation seriously critical, aud as I hold myself accountable to Congress for every part of my con- duct, even to the suuillest article of my expenses, 1 must beg the favor of you to consider wliat rent we ought to pay you for this house ami turniUire, both for the time past and to come. Every part of your con- duct towards me and towards our Americans in general and in all our affairs, has been i)olite and obliging, as far as 1 have had an oppor- tunity of observing, and 1 have no doubt it will continue so; yet it is not reasonable thiit the United States should be under so great an obli- gation to a pri\'ate gentiensan, or that two of their representatives should occupy lor so long a time so elegant a seat with so much furni- tuie and so hue accommodalu)ns without any compensation; and in order to a\ oid the danger of the disapprobation of our constituents on the one hand for living heie at too great or too uncertain an expense, and on the other the censure of the world lor not making suflicient cnmjiensation to a gentleman who has done so much for our convenience, it seems to me necessary that we should come to an eclaircissemeut upon this head. As you have an account against the commissioners, or against the United States, for several other matters, I should also be obliged to you if you would send it in as soon as possible, as every day renders it more and more necessary for us to look into our affairs with the utmost precision. I am, sir, with much esteem and respect, your most obedient, humble servant, John Adams. * 2 Spaiksi' JJip. Kev. Corr., SSC; 7 John Adama' WorkSj 31, 719 Congress— Deaue's Case.* [September 14, .1778 ; a letter bariug beeu received from Silas Deane, it was discussed lor some time without action.] September 16, 1778. Congress resumed the consideration of the letter of the 11th, from Mr. Deane; whereupon, liesolved, That Mr. Deaue be directed to attend Congress on Friday morning next to answer such questions as the House may pro[)ose to him for the better understanding the state and progress of public affairs during his mission in France. (As to further proceedings, see infra, September IS, 1778.) Saitine to the Commissioners at Paris. [Trauslation.tJ Versailles, September 10, 1778. Gentlejien : 1 have received the letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the subject of the French ship Isabella, which the American privateer General Biifdin recaptured from a Guernsey priva- teer. In the general thesis you may sec the disi)ositiou of the ordinance of the marine of 1C81, which adjudges to captains, captors of recaptured vessels — when they have beeu during twenty-four hours in the enemy's hands — a third for the charges of rescue, when they are retaken before tljc twenty-four hours. The American privateers shall enjoy in P'rance, without difficulty, the benefit of this law, if it has been adoi)ted by the United States, in such a manner as that tlie Frencli privateers may be assured of experiencing the same treatment with respect to the recap- tures they may conduct into the ports of Noilh America. The jEuglish laws, on the contrary, grant a privateer only one-eighth of the value of the vessels retaken within the hrst twenty-ibur hours, a tifth within the second 0, 7-0 DIPLOMATIC COKRESl'ONUKNCK. vak'oi.s; iiiul ill llic, mean tiuic I niii iiersnaik'd tliat you will tbinlc witli iiic tliat tlie American jirivatinn- General JlliJJUn ouglit uot to exact in Fiance otlicr achanta^^cs than what, in a isimilar case, a French jiriva- teer would meet witli in Xorth America. Tills discassioii. moieo\ei', should not take place, perhaps, iu the particular aft'air in question. I am just informed that the French pro- ])iietor claims his \essel as retaken from jiirates, offering to pay a third of its value to the American privateer which delivered it. This is agreeable to th(i tenth article, under the title of prizes, of the ordi- nance of 1081, which appears justly applical)le to this particular case. If it should be found that the (Inernsey privateer falls under the de- scription of those pirates wliose depi'edatious have obliged his majesty to order general reprisals, and that she has not been furnished with new letters of mar(tue — which the court of London did not grant before the month of August — to cruise against French vessels, as appears from the declaration of the captain of the Isabella, this question will be necessarily submitted to the decision of the tribunals ; and I can not do otherwise than see that the most prompt justice be rendered to the American privateer. I request, at any rate, that you will be pleased to give ine your opinon on the principal question, taking for granted the different laws of tlie two nations with respect to reprisals or rescues. I have the honor to be, etc., De Sartine. Franklin, Lee and Adams to Sartine.* Passy, t^ieptumher 17, 1778. Sir : "We have this morning the honor of your excellency's letter of the 10th, relative to the French brigantiiie the Isabella, retaken by the American privateer the General Mifflin from a Guernsey privateer after having been eight hours in his hands. V^e have the honor to agree perfectly with your excellency in your sentiments of the justice and policy of the principle of reciprocity be- tween the two nations, and that this principle requires that French ships of war or privateers should have the same advantage, in case of prizes and recaptures, that the American privateers enjoy in France. We are so unfortunate at present as to have no copy of any of the laws of the United States relative to such cases, and are not able to recollect with precision the regulations iu any of them. But we are informed by Captain M'Xeil, that by the law of Massachusetts Bay, if a vessel is taken within twenty-four hours, one-third goes to the re- captors; after twenty-four hours until seventy-two hours, one half ; after seventy-two hours and before ninety-six hours, three-quarters; and after ninety-six hours, the whole. *MS,S. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. ]\i:v. fjoir., '.iti, with verbal changes ; 7 Joha Adams' Works, ;j4. SEPTEMBER 17, 1778. 721 All that we have power to do in this case is to convey to Congress a copy of your excellency's letter and of our answer, and we have no doubt but Congress will readily recommend to the several States to make laws giving to French privateers either the same advantages that their own privateers have in such cases in their own ports, or the same advantages that the French privateers enjoy in the ports of this kingdom in such cases by the ordinance of the king. And we wish your excellency would signify to us which would probably be most agreeable to his majesty. If the case of this vessel must come before the public tribunal upon the simple question whether she was taken from a pirate or not, that tribunal, we doubt not, will decide with im- partiality, but we can not refrain from expressing to your excellency that we think the original owner will be ill advised if he should put himself to this trouble and expense. We presume not to dispute the wisdom of the ordinance of the king which gives to the recaptor from a pirate only one-third, because we know not the species of pirates which was then in contemplation, nor the motives of that regulation. But your excellency will permit us to observe that this regulation is so different from the general practice and from the spirit of the laws of nations, that there is uo doubt it ought to receive a strict interpretation, and that it is incumbent on the original proprietor to make it very evident that tlie first captor was a pirate. In the case in question, the Guernsey privateer certainly had a com- mission from the King of Great Britain to cruise against American vessels it least. But admitting, for argument's sake, that he had no commission at all, the question arises whether the two nations of France and Eng- land are at war or not. And although there has been no formal decla- ration of war on either side, yet there seems to be little doubt that the two nations have been at actual war at least from the time of the mu- tual recall of ambassadors, if not from the moment of the British King's most warlike speech to his Parliament. Now, if it is admitted that the two nations are at war, we believe it would be without a precedent in the history of jurisprudence to adjudge the subject of any nation to be guilty of piracy for an act of hostility committed at sea against the subject of another nation at war. Such a principle, for what we see, would conclude all the admirals and other ofilcers of both nations guilty of the same offense. It is not the want of a commission, as we humbly conceive, that makes a man guilty of piracy, but committing hostilities against hnman kind, at least against a nation not at war. Commissions are but a species of evidence that nations are at war, but there are many other ways of proving the same thing. Subjects and citizens, it is true, are forbidden by most civilized na- tions to arm vessels for cruising against their enemies without a com- mission from the sovereign, but it is upon penalty of confiscation, or 46 WH— VOL II 722 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. some other, perhaps, milder puuishment, uot on the penalties of piracy. Moreover, perhaps prizes made upou enemies by subjects or citizens without commission from their sovereigns may belong to the sovereigns, not to the captors, by the laws of most nations; but perhaps no nation ever punished as pirates their own subjects or citizens for making a prize from an enemy without a commission! We beg your excellency's pardon for detaining you so long from objects of more importance, and have the honor to be, etc. B. Fkanklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the President of Congress.* Passy, September 17, 1778. Sir : The last letter which we have had the honor to write jointly to Congress was of the 20th of July,t and as we have sent several copies of it by different opportunities, we hope one of them at least will get safe to hand. Since our last tbere has been an important action at sea between two very powerful fleets, in which, in our opinion, the French had a manifest and great advantage. But as all the newspapers in Europe are full of this transaction, and we have taken in our separate capacities every opportunity to transmit these papers to Oongress, we think it needless to be more particular concerning that event in this letter. The French fleet on the 17th of last month again put to sea, and on the 22d Admiral Keppel sailed. By the best intelligence from London the populace are amused, and the public funds are supported by hopes given out by the administration of peace by an acknowledgment of American independency. But as the credulity of that nation has no bounds, we can draw no inference from this general opinion that such is the intention of government. We suppose that rumor to be a con- sequence of the mischievous determination of the cabinet to propose independence on condition of a separate peace. We are here at this moment in a state of the most anxious and critical susi)ense, having heard nothing from Count d'Estaing nor from America since the 11th of July. Congress will be informed by Mr. Arthur Lee respecting the court of Spain. We have taken measures in Amsterdam for borrowing money of the Dutch, but what success we shall have we can not yet say. Wo have ' MSS. J)e\>. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 324, with verbal changes ; 7 John Adams' Works, 37. t It is thus in the origiual, bnt it will hiive been seen that there are three short letters to Congress between July 20 aud September 17. — Spakks. SEPTEMBER 17, 1778. 723 also asked leave of this governmeut to borrow mouey iu this kingdom, but having no answer, we can not say whether we shall get permission or not. We have yesterday applied for a continuation of the quarterly payment of seven hundred and fifty thousand livres; what the answer will be we know not ; if it is iu the negative, the consequence must be very plain to Congress and to us. It is at all times wisest and safest, both for the representative and his constituent, to be candid, and we should think ourselves criminal if we should disguise our just appre- hensions. Congress, then, will be pleased to be informed that all the powers of Europe are now armed or arming themselves by land or sea, or both, as there seems to be a universal apprehension of a general war. Such is the situation of European nations at least, that no one can arm itself without borrowing money. Besides this, the Emperor and King of Prussia are at actual war. All this together has produced this effect, that France, England, the emperor, Spain, Eussia, at least, are bor- rowing money, and there is uot one of them that we can learn but offers better interest than the United States have offered. There can be no motive, then, but simple benevolence to lend to us. Applications have been frequently made to us by Americans who have been some time abroad to administer the oath of allegiance to the United States, and to give them certificates that they have taken such oaths. In three instances we have yielded to their importunity ; in the case of Mr. Moore, of New Jersej^, who has large property in the East Indies which he designs to transfer immediately to America; in the case of Mr. Woodford, of Virginia, a brother of General Woodford, who has been sometime in Italy, and means to return to America with his property ; and yesterday, in the case of Mr. Montgomery, of Phil- adelphia, who is settled at Alicant, iu Spain, but wishes to send vessels and cargoes of his own xjroperty to America. We have given our opinions to these gentlemen frankly that such certificates are in strict- ness legally void, because there is no act of Congress that expressly gives us power to administer oaths. We have also given two or three commissions by means of the blanks with which Congress intrusted us ; one to Mr. Livingston and one to Mr. Amiel, to be lieutenants in the navy, and in these cases we have ventured to administer the oaths of alle- giance. We have also iu one instance administered the oath of secrecy to one of our secretaries, and perhaps it is necessary to administer such an oath, as well as that of allegiance, to all persons whom we may be obhged in the extensive correspondence we maintain to employ. We hope we shall not have the disapprobation of Congress for what in this way has been done, but we wish for explicit powers and instructions upon this bead. There are among the multitude of Americans who are scattered about the various parts of Europe some, we hope many, who nre ex- cellent citizens, who wish to take the oath of allegiance, and to have 724 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPOKDENCE. some mode prescribed by which they may be enabled to send their ves- sels and cargoes to America with safety from their own friends, Amer- ican men-of-war and pri vateers. Will it not be ])racticable for Congress to prescribe some mode of giving registers of ships, some mode of evi- dence to ascertain the property of cargoes, by which it might be made to appear to the cruisers and court of admiralty that the property belonged to Americans abroad ? If Congress should appoint consuls, could not such power be given to them, or would Congress empower their commissioners or any others? Several persons from England have applied to us to go to America. They profess to be friends to lib- erty, to republics, to America; they wish to take their lot with her, to take the oath of allegiance to the States, and to go over with their property. We hope to have instructions upon this head and a mode pointed out for us to proceed in. In observance of our instructions to inquire into M. Holker's author- ity, we waited on his excellency the Count de Vergennes, presented him with an extract of the letter concerning him, and requested to know what authority M. Holker had. His excellency's answer to us was that he was surprised, for that M. Holker had no verbal commission from the ministry; but that M. de Vergennes, being informed that M. Holker was going to America, desired him to write to him, from time to time, the state of things and the temper of the people. We have given orders to M. Bonlield, at Bordeaux, to ship to Amer- ica twenty-eight 24pounders, and twenty-eight IS-pounders, according to our instructions. By his answer to us it will take some little time, perhaps twjj or three months, to get those cannon at a good rate and in good condition. Our distance from Congress obliges us very often to act without ex- press instructions upon points in which we should be very happy to have their orders ; one example of which is, the case of the American prisoners in England. * " The Britisb Government resisted the exchange of prisoners, taken on European waters, on three grounds : (1) This involved a recognition of belligerent rights in the insurgents. (2) American prisoners could he kept out of harm's way in England; not so with British prisoners taken by American vessels, as long as France refused to permit such prisoners to be landed and imprisoned on shore. (3) British seamen being far more numerous than American, exchange would tell more favorably for the latter than the former. Hence, even to the end of the war there was always a large body of Americans im- prisoned in England ; and even when there were from time to time exchanges, the prisoners released were let loose without means of support. Whether in or out of prison, they formed a constant source of anxiety to Franklin ; and a large part of his correspondence consists of letters as to their relief in prison or their susteuance and traveling expenses when discharged. That when in prison in England they were treated with extreme harshness is admitted by English authorities. (Ann. Reg., 177H, p. 78; 1 Hale's Franklin in France, 197; see for further correspondence as to prisoners in England, analytical index, title "Prisoners." SEPTEMBER 17, 1778. 725 Numbers have been taken and confined in goals; others, especially masters of vessels, are set at liberty. We are told there are live hundred yet in England. Many have escaped from their prisons, who make their way to Paris, some by the way of Holland, others by Dunkirk, and others by means of smuggling vessels in other ports in this kingdom. They somehow get money to give gaolers in order to escape, then they take up money in England, in Holland, in Dunkirk, and elsewhere to bear their expenses to Paris, then they apply to us to pay their other ex- penses, and expenses to Nantes, Brest, and other seaport towns. When arrived there, they apply to the American agent for more money; besides this, bills of their drawing are brought to us from Holland and other places ; all this makes a large branch of expense. We have no orders to advance money in these cases, yet we have ventured to ad- vance considerable sums; but the demands that are coming upon us from all quarters are likely to exceed so vastly all our resources, that we must request positive directions whether we are to advance money to any prisoners whatever. If to any, whether to merchants and sea- men of private vessels and to oflicers and crews of priv^ateers, as well as to oflicers and men in the continental service. We have taken un- wearied pains, and have put the United States to very considerable expense, in order to give satisfaction to these peo2)le, but all we have done has not the effect; we are perpetually told of discontented speeches, and we often receive i>eevish letters from these persons, in one place and another, that they are not treated with so much i-espect as they expected, nor furnished with so much money as they wanted. We should not regard these reflections if we had the orders of Congress. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Feanklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Necker to Vergennes. [Translation.*] Paris, September 18, 1778. Sib : I conclude from your note of the 5th instant that the commis- sioners of the North American Congress have informed you that there are many Americans in England, and other parts of Europe, who, de- sirous of returning to their country, have requested permission to transport their effects through France without being subjected to the payment of duties. Such an exemption would be contrary to all rule, and could only be granted by means of passports, which would indemnify the public chest ; you will doubtless see that such is not the case here. This favor, however, can be shown them : The transit regularly ' 1 Sparks' Dijj. Rev. Cnrv., 'J-'S. 726 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. gives occasion for a duty on tlie importation and a second on the ex- portation; only one of these shall be imposed; it shall be paid at the oflice of entry ; the effects shall be estimated at a very moderate rate if they are not new ; they shall then be transported with free permits, and under seal, to secure them from new examinations on the route until they leave the kingdom. I think you will agree that it would not be possible to grant them more favorable terms, I beg you to re- quest the commissioners to make known to us those Americans lor whom this favor is requested, that I may give the necessary orders and prevent all abuses in this respect. I have the honor to be, etc., Neckek. Congress— Deane's Case.* September IS, 1778. The committee to whom were referred the letters from the Hon. Arthur Lee of 6th, 15th, and 31st January, 1778, and the letter of IGth January, 1778, from the Hon. B. Franklin and S. Deane, brought in a report, which was read; whereupon a member in his place informed the House that he had information that W. Carmichael had charged Mr. Deane with misapplication of the public money, etc. Being called upon to reduce this information to writing, he delivered in a paper which was read as follows : E. H. Lee is informetl that Mr. Carraichael did some time in the last spring or "winter, say in Nantes, that he knew Mr. De.an had riiisapi^lied the public money, and tliat Mr. Carmichael did in strong terms reprobate Mr. Deaue's conduct, both in his public and private character ; that Mr. Carmichael said an open rujiture had taken place between Mr. Arthur Lee and the gentlemen at Pa.'-.sy ; that tho.y had come to a resolution to do business without cousnlting Mr. Lee on any occasion, and that he (Mr. Carmichael) knows the excuse will be made to Congress that the French min- istry have de.sircd it, though he does not doubt that desire has arose from Mr. Deane's insinuations ; that Mr. Carmichael condemned Mr. Deane's conduct towards Mr. Lee, and was pointedly severe in reprobating the system and measures that he had pursued in his public character, and which he said he would fully unfold when he came to America. (See infra, Sept. 22, 1778.) Chauraont to Adams.t [Translation.] Passt, September 18, 1778. Sir : I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the 15th instant, making inquiry as to the rent of my house in which you live for the past and the future. When I consecrated my * MSS. Dep. of Slate; printed secret journals of Congress, the latter being imper- fect. (See supra, Sept. Itl, 1778.) t 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 557 ; 7 John Adams' Works, 32. SEPTEMBER 20, 1778. 727 house to Dr. Franklin and his associates who might live with him, I made it fully understood that I should expect no compensation, because I perceived that you had need of all your means to send to the succor of your country, or to relieve the distresses of your countrymen escaping from the chains of their enemies. I pray you, sir, to permit this ar- rangement to remain, which I made when the fate of your country was doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendor, such sacrifices oq my part will be superfluous or unworthy of her; but at present they may be useful, and I am most happy in oii'eriug them to you. There is no occasion (or strangers to be informed of ray proceeding in this respect. It is so much the worse for those who would not do the same if they had the opportunity, and so much the better for me to have immortalized my house by receiving into it Dr. Franklin and his associates. I have the honor to be, sir, with the most i)erfect respect, etc., Le Ray De Chaumont.* Adams to the President of Congress.! Passy, September 20, 1778. SiE : I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, which contain all the news of Europe. The news from America by the way of London, which is contained in the Courrier de I'Europe of the 15th instant, have raised our expectations and increased our anxiety. We are not without apprehensions that the Count d'Estaing may fall in with the combined fleets of Howe and Byron. The English are beginning to elevate their heads a little, and to renew their old insolent language both in coffee-houses and in daily papers. The refugees from America, unable to bear the thought of being ex- cluded forever from that country, and still less that of soliciting for pardon from their injured countrymen, and returning to see established principles which they detest, and forms of government against which they have ever combated, are said to be indefatigable in instilling hopes into the king and ministers, that by persevering another campaign and sending twenty thousand more men to America the people will be worn out and glad to petition for dependence npon them. They flatter themselves and others with hopes that Spain will remain neuter, and that by intriguing in France they can get the French min- istry changed, and then that they shall have little trouble from this quarter. Nothing can be more whimsical, more groundless or ridicu- lous, than all this. Yet it is said to please and amuse the credulous multitude in that devoted island. Those who pretend to know the bosoms of the persons highest in power in that kingdom say that they * See on this subject supra, lutroduetiou, ^ 125 + 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cor., 5.'')8. 728 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. delight themselves with tbe tbougUt that it is not in their power to reduce America once more to their yoke, yet they are able to harass, to distress, and to render miserable those whom they can not subdue. That they have some little compunctiou at the thought that they shall be ranked in history with the Pliilips and Alvas, the Alberts and Gis- lers of this world ; but this, instead of producing repentance and refor- mation, as it ought, engenders nothing but rage, envy, and revenge. This revenge, however, is impotent. Their marine and their finances are in so bad a condition that it is with infinite difllculty tliey can coi)e with France alone even at sea; and it seems to be tlie intention of Providence that they sliall be permitted to go on with their cruelties just long enough to wean the affection of everj- American heart, and make room for connections between us and other nations, who have not the ties of language, of acquaintance, and of custom to bind us. I am, with the most perfect respect, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, John Adams. Adams to Izard.* Passy, September 20, 1778. Dear Sir : You have once or twice mentioned to me in conversa- tion certain expressions in the treaty relative to the fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, which you apprehend may be liable to differ- ent constructions and become the subject of controversy, if not the cause of war ; but as it is very possible I may not have perfectly compre- hended your meaning, I should be much obliged to you if you would state in writing, together with the historical facts, which are fresh in your memory, for the illustration of it. If I understood you, your apprehension arises from the tenth article of the treaty. " The United States, their citizens and inhabitants, shall never dis- turb the subjects of the most Christian King in the enjoyment and ex- ercise of the right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, nor in the indefinite and exclusive right irhich belongs to them on that part of the coast of that island ichich is designed by the treaty of Utrecht, nor in the rights relative to all and each of the isles which belong to his most Christian majesty ; the whole conformable to the true sense of the treaties of Utrecht and Paris. Les Btats-TJnis, leurs citoyens et habitans, ne troubleront jamais les sujets du roi tres chr6tien dans la jouissance et exercice du droit de peche sur les bancs de Terre-Neuve, non plus que dans la jouissance indefiuie et exclusive qui leur appartient sur la partie des cotes de cette isle designee dans le trait^d'Utrecht, ni dans les droits relatifs a toutes ' 7 J. Adams' Works, 42. SEPTEMBER 20, 1778. 729 et chacune des isles qui appartieunenfc a sa majesty tres chr^tienne; le toutconform6meut au veritable sens des trait^s d'Utrecht et de Paris." You mentioned to me the names of two places, from the one of which to the other the French formerly claimed a riglit to fish and to exclude all other nations, and that such a. riglit was claimed in the negotiation of the last peace, aud you was apprehensive that such a claim might in future times be revived. 1 should be very happy to receive your sentiments fully upon this subject, as it is no doubt of importance to us all. I am, with much esteem and affection, your friend and humble serv- ant, John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the American Prisoners in Plymouth or else- Tvhere in Great Britain.* Passy, Septemhcr 20, 1778. Gentlemen: Although we have not written to you directly for some time, you may be assured we have not been unmindful of your interests, your comfort, or your liberty. We have bren engaged a long time in negotiating a cartel of exchange. This work we found attended with many difficulties, but at last have obtained assurances from England that an exchange shall take place. We have also obtained from the government of this kingdom a passport for a vessel to come from England to Nautes or L'Orient with American prisoners, there to take in British prisoners in exchange. We now sincerely hope that you will obtain your liberty. We can not certainly say, however, that all will be immediately exchanged, because we fear we have not au equal number to be sent to England. Those that remain, if any, will be those who have been the latest in captivity, and consequently have suffered the least. While the British Government refused to make any agreement of exchange, the commissioners here never discouraged their countrymen from escaping from the prisons in England ; but, on the contrary, have lent several sums of money (sufficient, with great economy, to bear their expenses to some seai^ort) to such as have made their way hither. But if the British Government should honorably keep their agreement to make a regular exchange, we shall not think it consistent with the honor of the United States to encourage such escapes, or to give any assistance to such as shall escape. Such escapes hereafter would have a tendency to excite the British administration to depart from tlie cartel, to treat the prisoners remaining with more rigor, and to punish those that escape, if retaken, with more severity. On the other hand, we have now obtained permission of this gov- ernment to put all British prisoners— whether taken by continental ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 328 ; 7 John Adams' Works, 40. 730 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCK. frigates or by privateers — into the king's prisons ; and we are deter- mined to treat such prisoners precisely as our countrymen are treated in England ; to give them the same allowance of provisions and accom- modations, and no otlier. We, therefore, request you to inform us with exactness what your allowance is from the government, that we may govern ourselves accordingly. We have the honor to be, with much res])ect and afi'ection, your countrymen and humble servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Sartine to the Commissioners at Paris. [Trauslatioii.*] ^'ERSAiLLES, September 21, 1778. Gentlemen : I have had the honor of receiving your note of the 17th instant. I have no doubt that my observations on the necessity of a perfect reciprocity between the two nations in regard to recaptures at sea appear to you just. I am sorrj' that you have not at hand a copy of the laws of the United States relative to this subject. Many diffi- culties, which the distance of the two countries may render very fre- quent, might thus have been prevented. The laws of Massachusetts Bay, referred to by Captain M'l^eil, are different from those of England, and somewhat resemble the French. The English regulations seem to be more favorable to the interests of commerce (which should never be lost sight of even in war), by allowing half of the vessel, in all cases, to the original owner. But it is particularly important that the differ- ent states should adopt some uniform and permanent sys "3m in regard to this subject, so that there may not be different regulatlt^ns for each state, which the ignc ranee of the commanders of jnivateers will prevent them from applying to different circumstances, thus giving rise to difficulties which might be avoided by uniform legislation. With regard to the recapture of the Isabella by Captain M'Neil, I have merely indicated to you the grounds on which the owners rested their claims in their letter to me. It is not the province of the govern- ment to examine them; that matter comes under the jurisdiction of the courts. If their sentence should be unfavorable to the original owners, you will certaii-y agree that a third, or even a half, of the value of the vessel ought to be deposited in the hands of a public officer appointed for that purjiose until the two nations shaU agree upon some reciprocal regulations concerning vessels recaptured from the common enemy. I have the honor to be, etc., De Sartine. 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 330. SEPTEMBER 21, 1778. 731 Sartine to Vergeiiiies. [Translation.*] Versailles, September 21, 1778. Sir : I have had the honor to receive your note of the 5th instant, informing me of the wish of the commissioners of the United States of North America to engage your good ofaces with the king that the necessary measures may be taken to fulfill his majesty's engagements under the eighth article of the treaty of February G of the present yoar in reference to the Barbary powers.! I have examined the article, and find that the king promised to employ his mediation with the Emperor of Morocco and the other Barbary powers in order to pro- vide as fully as possible for the interest and security of the citizens of the United States and the protection of their vessels and effects against all violence, insult, attacks, or depredations by the said Barbary powers or their subjects. From the nature of this engagement, it appears to me proper to use all means to comply with it, notwithstanding any difficulties which seem to lie in the way. But, before presenting any plan to his majesty, it seems to me necessary to inform him of the actual dispositions of the United States and of the measures they may deem desirable on the part of France. Do the United States wish to conclude treaties with the Barbary powers, or do they wish merely that our influence should be exerted to make their flag respected by those powers'? lu the latter case we should never succeed ; or, if we should obtain liberty of commerce for the United States from some of them, it would be anillusory, temporary, and precarious permission, and would infallibly expose us, without be- ing of the least benefit to the citizens of the United States. The Alge- rines, in particular, would never acknowledge the flag of the United States, unless it were made for their interests to do so. Ton know too well, sir, the character of the Barbary States and their policy to be ignorant of the inefiicacy and dangers of such a measure. It would probably be less difficult to induce them to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and to conclude treaties with this new power. It is necessary to know beforehand what are the instructions of the commissioners, and whether they are authorized to negotiate with the Barbary powers under the mediation of France. If Congress has this intention, then I could receive the orders of the king to give the commissioners the information necessary for entering upon a negotia- tion with the Barbary powers, and we should be able to concert effec- tual measures for succeeding in this object, without exposing our own interests for those of the United States. This negotiation will be long * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 330. A more accurate translation is given in MSS. vol. 10b, p. 145, Letters of .Joint Conimissiooers. tSee Schuyler's American Diplomacy, 194. 732 DIPLOMATIC C.'UKE^rONDENCE. and arduous, but I will neglect nothing to assure its success if the Congress determine to prosecute it and you consider the king pledged to forward it. I shall wait for your reply before making any overtures. I have the honor to be, etc., De Saktine. Congress— Deane's Case. — Dissension of Ministers abroad* September 2ii, 1778. Whereas information hath been given to Congress, from which it is probable that William Carmichael, esq., is possessed of a knowledge of the conduct of Silas Deaue, esq., late commissioner at the court of Ver- sailles, touching the application of the j)ublic moneys of these United States and other matters relating to his public character; Resolved, That the said William Carmichael be directed to attend at the bar of this House this afternoon to be examined in the premises. Whereas certain dissensions detrimental to the public service are said to have existed among the American commissioners in Europe — Resolved, That the said William Carmichael be also examined touch- ing the said dissensions and the conduct of the said commissioners as far as the same may have come to his knowledge. Ordered, That the consideration of the letter of the Hon. Silas iJeane be postponed until the examination of William Carmichael, esq., is taken, and that Mr. Deane be informed thereof. On motion, Resolved, That Mr. Carmichael be examined upon oath ; that the secre- tary take down in writing the questions propounded and the answers given to them. A motion was made that the form of the oath he: "You swear that you will true answers make to all such questions as shall be propounded to you by this House : so help you God." To this an amendment was moved that the form of the oath be : "Ton swear that the evidence you shall give to this House concern- ing the matters now in question shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth: so help you God." Another amendment was moved : "You shall declare what you know of the conduct of the Hon. Silas Deane, esq., late commissioner at the court of Versailles, touching the application of the public moneys of these United States and other mat- ters relating to his public character, and also what you know of certain dissensions detrimental to the public service said to exist among the American commissioners in Europe and of the conduct of the said com- missioners ; you shall tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth : so help yon God." *MSS. Dep. of State; printed secret jouruala of Congress, the latter being imper- fect. (See supra, Sept. 11, 18, 1778.) SEPTEMBEK 22, 1778. 733 On the question to agree to the last amendment, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Chase : New Hampshire Mr. Biirtlett Aye. Aye. ( Mr. S. Artiirns Aye. ) MassachusettfsBay J^ Mr. Gerry Aye. [--Aye. ( Mr. Holtou Aye. ) Ehoile Island Mr. Marchaut No. No. Connecticut Mr. A. Adams No. No. ( Mr. Lewis Aye. ) New York ■> Mr. Duer No. >Aye. ( Mr. G. Morris Aye. ) New Jersey Mr. AVitlierspoou No. No. f Mr. R. Morris No. "| Pennsylvania ' J^r. Koberdeau No. •' 1 Mr. Jas. Sm itli No. ,' L Mr. Clingan No. J f Mr. Chase No. 'i (Mr. Henry No. J r Mr. Harvio No. J Mr. Banister No. 1, ^'"^S'°^^ iMr.E. H. Lee Aye. .'^'^• I i.ii. 0.1,. ii. jjoo .ayo. LMr. Griffin No. J No. > No. >No. No. ) ( Mr. Penn No. North Carolina < Mr. Harnet t ( Mr. Williams ( Mr. Laurens No. ^ South Carolina < Mr. Drayton No. >No. ( Mr. Matthews No. ) ( Mr. Walton No. ) Georgia < Mr. Telfair No. >No. ( Mr. Langwprthy No. ) So it passed in the negative. On the question to agree to the first amendment, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. A. Adams : New Hampshire Mr. Bartlett Aye. Aye. f Mr. S. Adams Aye. "] , ,, „ I Mr. Gerry No. [ Massachusetts Bay ^ jy j._ Lovell Ay e. f " ' • " I, Mr. Holtou No. j Rhode Island Mr. Marchant No. No. Connecticut Mr. A. Adams Aye. Aye. ( Mr. Lewis Aye. ) New York < Mr. Duer No. VNo. ^ Mr. G. Morris No. \ New Jersey - Mr. AVither.spoon Aye. Aye. f Mr. E. Morris No. 1 Mr. Eoberdeau Aye. I Mr. Jas. Smith No. [•--■ Mr. Clingan Aye. I (Mr. Chase No. ") Mr. Plater No. I ^ Mr. Forbes No. p"" Mr. Heuiy No. J {Mr. Harvie No. 1 Mr. Banister No. I »j Mr. E.H.Lee Aye. f^°- Mr. Griffin No. J ( Mr. Peun No. North Carolin.i 4 Mr. Harnett No. ( Mr. Williams No. 734 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 0. ) o. >No. ■<-'■ S ( Mr. Laurens Aye. ) South Carolina .' Mr. Drayton No. >No. ( Mr. Matthews No. > ( Mr. AValton.... No. ) Georgia ^ Mr. Telfair No. >No. ( Mr. Langwortby No. ) So it passed in the negative: On putting the main question, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. G. Morris : New Hampshire Mr. Bartlett No. No. {Mr. S. A New Jersey Mr. Witherspoon No. No. {Mr. R. Morris Aye. "\ Mr. Roberdeau No. I , Mr. Jas. Smith Aye. ^^y"- Mr. Cliugan Aye. J (Mr. Chase Aye. "1 Mr. Plater Aye. L Mr. Forbes Aye. f ^y®" Mr. Henry Aye. J {Mr. Harvie Aye. "] Mr. Banister Ave. I. „ Mr. R.H.Lee No. f^J"' Mr. Griffin Aye.J ( Mr. Penn Aye. ) North Carolina < Mr. Harnett Aye. >Aye. / Mr. Williams Aye. ) ( Mr. Laurens No. ) South Carolina 2 Mr. Drayton No. J>No. ( Mr. Matthews No. ) t Mr. Walton Aye. Georgia . ( Mr. Henry No. )^'S"'- {Mr. Harvie Aye.~| Mr. R.H.Lee Ayo. I , jr c! -1.1 \ ? Ave. Mr. Smith Aye. f ' Mr. Griffin Ay e. J North Carolina 5 m'' w'^lT" H'' I -■ } Mr. Williams No. 5 r. n ri 1- ( Mr. Laurens No. ) south Carolina ; ,^ ,, ,., , ;■ I Mr. Matthews ■. . . Ayo. ^ ( Mr. Walton No. ) Georgia ■? Mr. Telfair Ayo. >No. ( Mr. Lang worthy No. ) So it was resolved in the afSrmative. A. Lee to Adams.t Ohillot, October 6, 1778, Dear Sir : You have often complained that taking care of the public papers, and having the business of the commission done in your rooms was an unequal share of the public burden apportioned to you. Whatever may be my sentiments on that i^oint, yet to remove, as far as I can, with propriety, all cause of discontent, I am willing to appro- liriate a room in my house for the meeting and deliberations of the com- missioners and the custody of the public papers, provided I'egular hours are appointed for those meetings and that business. I will answer for *MSS., Dep. of State; printed secret journals of Congress, the latter being imper- fect. t7 J. Adams' Works, 56. OCTOBER 6, 1778. 757 the regular arrangement aud preservation of the public papers, antl that the business of the public shall always be dispatched before that of individuals. Should this arrangement be agreeable to yon, and Dr. Pranklm con- curs, the executiou of it will meet with no moment's delay from me. I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, etc., Arthue Lee. A. Lee to Gardoqui.* Paris, October G, 1778. Sir : I have not had the pleasnre of any answer from you to mine of the 22d of August, 1 am afraid that the total silence of your friends about taking an open part with us, when all the impediments, which you know were stated, are removed, will make bad impressions on the minds of my countrymen, aud transfer all their gratitude to those who have declared in their favor. And this more especially, as one of the English commissioners, Governor Johnstone, had pledged his honor publicly to prove that Spain disapproved of, aud endeavored to pre- vent, the declaration of France in our favor. If to stop the effusion of human blood, and all the shocking calami- ties attending a war like this, bo worthy of a pious prince; if to pre- vent the chances of war from having any influence in preventing the dis- memberment of the British Empire, and the humiliation of their pride, be an object worthy of a i)olitical priuce; if to drive the English im- mediately from America, and receive a portion of her independent com- merce, be an advantage to the crown aud people of Spain, this is the moment for its monarch to decide aud enforce those events by an im- mediate declaration of our independency and a union of force which must be irresistible. The last certain accounts from America announce preparations for an assault upon Rhode Island on the IGth of August. It was already in- vested both by sea and land, aud the enemy had been obliged to burn several of their vessels, aud among the rest one of twenty six guns. The report is that the island is taken, for a coufirmation of which we wait with much anxiety. The loss of it would deprive the enemy of their port for wintering their navy, and oblige them to abandon New York. I hope to receive good tidings from you soon, and have the honor to be, with great esteem, sir, your most obedient servaut. Arthur Lee. "1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Cuir., 518. 758 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to the President of Congress.* Philadelphia, October 7, 1778. Sir : In cousequence of my letter of the 24th ultimo, I had the honor of receiving the order of Congress of the 2Gtli, directing me to attend on the 29th, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, that day being assigned for my being heard. I was at the same time favored with extracts from Mr. Izard's letters.t On the 29th I was served with an order of Con- gress which postponed my being heard to some future time. On the 3d instant an extract of a letter from the Hon. Arthur Lee, dated Paris, June 1, 1778, Avas given me by order of Congress. I have for some time past waited with the greatest impatience for an opportunity of being heard before that honorable body, confident that my peculiar situation will excuse my impatience. I must, without repeating what I have already had the honor of writing to you, once more urge for as early an audience as the important business before Congress will admit of. I have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. Sartine to the Commissioners at Paris.t [Translation.] Versailles, October 7, 1778. Gentlemen : I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 26th ultimo, in which you support the i^retensions of Mr. Izard, minister of the United States for Tuscany, who claims the effects captured in the English ship the Mle by the Cesar, privateer, from Marseilles. You have made a mistake in citing the sixteenth article of the treaty be- tween his majesty and the United States ; the fourteenth article relates particularly to the subject. It contains, however, only the usual pro- visions of commercial treaties, founded on the law of nations, and I can not see that it applies rigorously to the present case. Mr. Izard is not named in the account of the goods of which he demands the res- toration. There are no papers which prove that those articles, shipped by an Englishman, addressed to Senior Martinelli for the Abbe Niccoli, are not on account of English subjects. If the Government Jiad the decision of the question, without the interference of the court, cer- tainly, gentlemen, your assertion and that of Mr. Izard would be of very great weight. But his majesty has granted to the captors the whole of the property captured ; the board of prizes has adjudged the ship Nile a lawful capture by their decree of the 20th ultimo. * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 95. t See Mr. Izard's letters to tlie Pre.sident of Congress, Feb. IG, and Apr. 1, 1778. t 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 341. OCTOBER 9, 1778. 759 Placed betweeu the prize court, the captors, aiul tbe claimant, tlio goverument can not undertake to decide on tliis subject; it could pursue that course only in case the laws were not applicable to the point in question ; but here the laws are known ; they decide on claims for goods shipped before the commencement of hostilities ; and in hav- ing recourse to the tribunals, Mr. Izard may expect from them ah the justice and favor which the citizens of the United States will always experience in France. I have the honor, etc., De Sartine. Ths Ambasssdor of Naples to the Commissioners at Paris.* [Translatiou.] Paris, October S, 1778. Gentlemen: I am persuaded that you already know that the King of the Two Sicilies, my master, has ordered the ports of all his domin- ions to be kept open to the flag of the United States of America, for which reason, to avoid every possible mistake at this time, when the seas are covered with the privateers of different nations, and likewise with pirates, I request you to inform me of the colors of the flag of the United States of America, and likewise of the form of the clearances, the better to know the legality of the papers which it is custouiary to present in ports to gain free admission. I have the honor to be, etc., The Ambassador op Naples. Franklin and Adams to the Ambassador of Naples, t Passy, Ootoher 9, 1 778. Sir: We are this moment honored with your excellency's letter of the 8th of this month, and we thank your excellency for the informa- tion that his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies has ordered the ports of his dominions to be open to the flag of the United States of America. We should be glad to have a copy of his majesty's edict for that pur- pose, in order to communicate it to Congress, who, we are confident, will be much pleased with this mark of his majesty's benevolence. It is with pleasure that we acquaint your excellency that the flag of the United States of America consists of thirteen stripes, alternately red, white, and blue; a small square in the upper angle, next the flag- staff, is a blue field, with thirteen white stars, denoting a new constel- lation. *1 Sparka' Dip. Eev. Corr., 342. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 342. 760 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDKNCE. Some of the States lja\'e vessels of war distinct from those of tlie United States. For example, the vessels of war of the State of Massa- chusetts Bay have sometimes a pine tree; and those of South Carolina a rattlesnake, in the middle of the thirteen stripes. Merchant ships have often only thirteen stripes, but the flag of the United States, ordained by Congress, is the thirteen stripes and thirteen stars above described. The commissions of ships of war belonging to the United States, as well as those of privateers, are all signed by the President of Congress and countersigned by the seci^etary. Each State may have a different method of clearing vessels outward bound and a different form in the papers given, therefore we are not able to give your excellency certain information respecting all of them. The Massachusetts Bay has only a naval ofQcer iu each port, who subscribes a register, a clearance, and a pass for the castle in Boston harbor. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Feanklin. John Adams. Adams to Lee ' Passy, October 10, 1778. Dear Sir: I have sometimes complained that, having no place ap- pointed for the public pai)ers, or any person to keep them iu order, was au inconvenience and interruption to the public business, I have added that, to have the papers iu my chamber as they are, in disorder, and several persons going to them at 2)leasure, taking out some papers and removing others, was unequal upon me, as making me iu a sort respon- sible for the order which I could not preserve, and for papers them- selves which I could not secure. Besides that, it occasioned contiuual applications to me alone, and necessitated me to spend a great part of my time in writing orders, notes of hand, copies of letters, passports, aud twenty other things, which ought at all times be written by our clerks, at least as long as it is thought necessary to put the public to the expense of keeping so many. I have not asked Dr. Franklin's opinion concerning your proposal of a room in your house for the papers and an liour to meet there, because I know it would be in vain ; for I think it would appear to him, as it does to me, more unequal still. It can not be expected that two should go to one, when it is as easy again for one to go to two ; not to mention Dr. Franklin's age, his rank in the commission, or his character in the world, nor that nine-tenths of the public letters are coustantly brought to this house, and will ever be carried where Dr. Franklin is. I will venture to make a proposition in my turn, in which I am very sincere; it is that you would join families with iis. There is room enough in *7 J. Adams' Works, 50. OCTOBEE 1L>, 1778. 761 this house to aocommodate us all. Yoix shall take the apartments which beloug to me at present, ami I \Yill coiiteut myself with the library room aud the next to it. Appoint a room for business, any that yon please, mine or another, a person to iieep those papers, and certain hours to do business. This arrangement would save a large sum of money to the public, and as it would give us a thousand opportunities of conversing to- gether, which we now have not, and, by having but one place for our countrymen and others who have occasion to visit us to go to, would greatly facilitate the public business; it would remove the reproach we lie under, of which I confess myself very much ashamed, of not being able to agree together, and will render the commission more respecta- ble, if not in itself, yet in the eyes of the English nation, the French nation, aud, above all, the American nation ; and I am sure, if we judge by the letters wo receive, it wants to be made more respectable, at least in the eyes of many ])orsons of the latter. If it is any objection to this that we live here at no rent, I will agree with you in insisting on hav- ing the rent fixed or leave the house. As 1 suppose, the proposal 1 made of appointing Mr. W. T. Frank- lin to take care of the papers occasioned your letter of the 6th instant. I can not conclude this answer to it without repeating that proposal. This appointment can be but temporary, as a secretary will probably arrive from Congress ere long. But in the mean time Mr. Franklin, who keejis papers in good order and writes very well, may be of more service to us than he is at present. We shall then have a right to call upon him to do business, and we sball know ^vhat situation he is in and what reward he is to have. I agree perfectly 'with you that an hour should be fixed for business, and I beg leave to propose 9 o'clock in the morning, to which hour, aud from thence to any other hour in thi! day you please, I will endeavor to be punctual. If you have any objec- tion to this hour you will be so good as to name another. I am, dear sir, with an earnest desire and a settled determination fo cultivate a harmony — nay more, a friendship with both my colleagues, as far as I can consistent with the public service — and with great respect and esteem. Your friend and colleague, John Adams. Deane to the President of Congress. rniLADELPiiiA, October 12, 177S. Sir : I received your letter of the 7th instant, in which you informed me that mine of the same date to you was by Congress ordered to lie on the table until the examination of Mr. Carmichii;! should be finished. "MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Key. Covr., y.'>, with verbal changes. w .li^ . 762 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Though totally unable even to conjecture what relation the examina- tionof that gentleman can possibly have to those abusive and injurious letters wrote by Mr. Izard and Mr. Lee, yet, as I had so often troubled Con- gress during a three months' attendance with my repeated solicitations to be heard, I forbore repeating them until neither my health, iny iuterest, nor my honor will permit me much longer to stay in America. I have, therefore, taken the liberty of enclosing my answers to the letters of those gentlemen. It pains me to be obliged to answer at all; and it grieves me exceedingly to be deprived of the opportunity of doing it in person. I still hope to be indulged before I leave America. I have only further to inform Congress that I shall go into the country to- morrow for a few days ; that, having engaged a passage in a ship, which will sail for France some time next month, I propose to leave Philadel- phia iu a few days after I return from the country in order to embark; and shall esteem myself honored by Congress, if they have anything further in which I may be of service to my country, if they will favor me with their commands. I have the honor to remain, etc., Silas Deaine. Deane to the President of Congress.* Philadelphia, October 12, 1778. Sir: In the extracts from the letters of the honorable Mr. Izard I find charges which respect me, supported by his opinions and by what he declares to have heard from the honorable Arthur Lee, who, by his own account, is my irreconcilable enemy. I find also charges against the honorable Dr. Franklin and myself jointly, supported on the same grounds, with this difference, that almost every complaint against us lies equally against Mr. Lee; and it is worthy of rena ark, that where the charge lies equally against us all, Mr. Izard leaves Mr. Lee wholly out, and fixing it solely on Dr. Franklin and myself, proceeds to rep- resent the doctor as entirely under my influence. My situation has, through the whole, been peculiarly unfortunate, and in nothing more so than in this, that Mr. Izard's letters, wrote as much with the design of impeaching Dr. Franklin's conduct as mine, now operates solely against me. Mr. Izard says in his letter of the 1st of April: '■^That if the icliole world had been searched it would have been impossible to have found a l)erson more unfit than I was for the trust with which Congress had honored me." It does not become me, and possibly not even Mr. Izard himself, to determine on my competency to that trust. I have only to observe that both of us were appointed by the authority of Con- gress, with this only difference, that I had the honor of being per- 'MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 96, with verbal changes. OCTOBER 12, 1778. 763 sonally known to the members who composed tliat body, and I can add with pleasure that I always paid respect to Mr. Izard from the choice they liad made of him, which I doubt not was on good infor- mation. I shall feel no uneasiness on my own account that Mr. Izard's opinions of me remain on the journals of Congress, whilst on the same records there will be found that of his most Christian Maj- esty, of his minister and secretary of state, and of my venerable colleague, revered through Europe as the first of patriots as well as philosophers which this age has produced. I find but two charges which respect me personally. The first is the exercising such a degree of hauteur and presumption as to give oflfeuse to every gentleman with whom I transacted business. I transacted none with Mr. Izard, and therefore must appeal from his opinion to the business I transacted, and the worthy and honorable persons with whom I transacted it, and who, from the first of my acquaintance with them to my leaving the kingdom, honored me with their friendship and their confidence. I desire it may be remembered that when I went abroad, charged with the transaction of political and commercial business for Congress in the year 1776, that I arrived at Paris as late in the season as the month of July, without funds, uncei'tain of remittances, without credit, ignorant of the language and manners of France, and an utter stranger to the persons in power and influence at court j that I had not the patronage of any person of importance, and had no correspondence or connections established in any part of Europe. The news of our misfortunes in Canada arrived in France with me, and that of our subsequent misfor- tunes immediately after, and was, as usual, exaggerated by the British ambassador and his emissaries. In a word, without remittances or even intelligence from Congress, and under all these disagreeable cir- cumstances I had to oppose the artifice, the influence, and the power of Great Britain; yet I have the pleasing reflection that before the first of December following I procured thirty thousand stand of arms, thirtj' thousand suits of clothes, more than two hundred and fifty i^ieces of brass artillery, tents, and other stores to a largo amount, provided the ships to transport them, and shipped a great part of them for America. Many of these supplies fortunately arrived at the commencement of the last year's operations, and enabled my brave countrymen in some parts of America to make a good stand against the enemy, and in the north to acquire immortal renown by the defeat and surrender of General Bur- goyne and his whole army, an event peculiarly fortunate in its conse- quences, as it accelerated the completion of that alliance to which the honorable Congress, with every true friend to the United States, have given their approbation. That during this short period I had estab- lished a very extensive correspondence for the service of my country, not only in France, but in Holland, at the court of Eussia, and else- where in Europe; and that though the grant of money by the court of Versailles was not at this time actually made, I had entered upon the 764 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. iiegotiatiou and laid the foiiudation for obtaiuiug it. These facts, with- out mentiouiiig others of no less importauce, will show what business I transacted; and the character given me by those great personages with whom I was in my public character connected, will evince the degree of reputation in which I stood. It is my misfortune that Mr. Izard was of a different opinion. The secoud charge is, that Mr. Arthur Lee had assured him that his dispatches to Congress, and even one of his private letters had been opened by me. I am surprised Mr. Arthur Lee never lutimated this to me, and that be sbould communicate it to Mr. Izard, to be reported in this manner. I think it, however, sufficient for me to say here what I shall say elsewhere, and on all occasions, that this is a groundless cal- umny, which I should not have expected even from an enemy, at least not from a candid or generous one. Mr. Izard complains that Dr. Franklin and myself concealed from him, or attempted to conceal, the opi)ortunities of writing to Amer- ica, as well as the intelligence received from thence. In reply to this it need only be observed that no packets or letters were sent by the commissioners to America and to Congress without the knowledge or consent of Mr. Arthur Lee, and no intelligence received to which he was not privy. That he was often with Mr. Izard, and therefore it was naturally to be supposed would give him every necessary information ; if Mr. Lee did not acquaint Mr. Izard, he is at least equally culpable with us, and if he did, there is no ground for the complaint. It is true that neither Dr. Franklin nor myself considered ourselves at liberty to commnnicate the treaty or its contents until the consent of the court should be had; we considered ourselves in the same situation as to the appointment of Monsieur Gerard and the sailing of the Toulon fleet. Mr. Izard appears, however, to have been well informed of the former, at least, and that very early, and of the latter on the day of our leaving Paris. Mr. Arthur Lee knew of it some time before, as he wrote many letters by his excellency Monsieur Gerard. In justice, therefore, the complaint ought not to have been made solely against Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane, and jjarticularly agaiust the latter. Mr. Izard represents that there were dissensions and misunderstand- ings between the commissioners at Paris. It is true. He is of opinion tiiat the interests of the jjublic suffered by it, but in this he is mistaken, as the treaty itself and all our other public transactions will demon- strate. Mr. Izard is of opinion that France might have been brought to have taken an active part much earlier. If circumstances not in our power had taken place earlier, they possibly might ; but even in that case they would have done it under great disadvantages, as is evident from the representation I made to Congress when I had the honor of being heard on the 19th of August last. As the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty are complained of, and as this subject immediately interests the public, I have drawn up a concise narration of the whole OCTOBER 12, 1778. 765 of that transaction, ami have couimunicated it to his excellency Mon- sieur Gerard, who agrees to the truth of every part thereof which has como to his laiowledge. Tliis I beg leave to present to Congress, as it will show that Mr. Izard had not the best information, and that neither Dr. Fraiildin nor myself (though " born in Kew England ") procured the insertion of those articles ; it will further show that the court of France never urged it, but, on the contrary, left us perfectly free to have them both inserted or both omitted. It Avillalso appear that Mr. Lee himself wrote and signed the letter, desiring they might be inserted, and that he afterwards had a private conference with Monsieur Gerard on the subject and appeared perfectly satisfied. If any doubts arise on this subject, I shall be happy to refer for satisfaction on that head to Monsieur Gerard, and also for what passed between Mr. Leo and himself on the occasion, as well as for the pretended verbal promise that the article should be expunged if objected to by Congress. I have signed that narration, and shall sign these observations, in wliich I have avoided taking those advantages of Mr. Izard which the passion- ate and partial complexion of his letters has given me, were I dis- posed to make use of them ; because I conceive it to be an abuse, if not an insult, to trouble Congress with anything merely personal, though I have provocation sufficieut to justify me ia the eyes of the world, and am by no means deficient in materials. I recollect perfectly well the interview at Passy with Mr. William Lee, at which Mr. Izard was present, but I do not remember that any such letter as he describes was either desired or refused. I rather think that Mr. Izard misunderstood Dr. Praukliu at the time, or that his memory has deceived him. The facts are these: The late Mr. Thomas Morris had a commission to act as commercial agent ; his commission was entirely distinct from, and independent of, the commissioners ; he at least construed it so himself from the beginning. We were very early informed of his irregularities and admonished him, and advertised Congress of them. As we could get no account of the disposition of the prizes brought into Trance, and the expense of repairing and equipping the vessels of war fell on the commissioners. Dr. Franklin and myself (Mr. A. Lee being then at Berlin) deputed Mr. Williams to take the care of the prizes into his own hands, and ordered the captains to ac- count with him. Ou Mr. WiUiam Lee's arrival at K"autes he joined with Mr. Morris in writing a severe letter to the commissioners on what they had done, in which they complained that the office or department; of commercial agent was broken in upon, and that we had no power over it. Dr. Franklin, at the desire of Mr. A. Lee and myself, prepared an an- swer, in which the reason of our orders was given, and Mr. Morris' conduct urged as our principal motive, but that as he, Mr. William Lee, was there, we would recall our commission from Mr. Williams. Mr. Arthur Lee would not agree to the form of the letter, and after much dispute upon it a second was written, when Mr. Arthur Lee observed i' 766 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. that liis brother was coming to Paris soon to receive Lis commissioafor Vienna and Berlin, and as there were then no prizes in port or expected, tlie matter might rest. This was the reason why Mr. W. Lee's letters were not answered. He came to Paris soon after, and represented the confused state in which affairs were at iNantes, and urged the interpo- sition of the commissioners to put the whole agency into his hands. The situation of Mr. William Lee at that time was precisely this : He had never received any commission, either from Congress ortheir committee, for the commercial agency, whilst Mr. Thomas Morris was, and had been, in the possession of a commission and in the exercise of the agency. Congress had made Mr. William Leetheircommissioner to the courts of Vienna and Berlin, each of which places is at least a thousand miles from the scenes of our commerce, without saying anything about his former appointment, from which it was natural to suppose his former appointment had been considered as superseded by the new. We had received intelligence that the information we had given of Mr. Morris' conduct had been received and read in Congress, and that Congress, not- withstanding, chose to continue him in this situation. We thought it was very extraordinary that we should be applied to to interfere where Congress, knowing the facts, had declined to interfere, and still more so that we should be requested to put (what indeed was not in our l>ower) the commercial agency into the hands of a gentleman who must execute it by deputies, himself at a distance too great either to see or correct the abuses that might be practised. The letter referred to by Mr. Izard was a letter to this purpose, and I remember well (for I avoided bearing any considerable part in the conversation) Dr. Frank- lin's reply, which was to this purpose, that Congress, by disregarding the information we had given, and continuing Mr. Morris, had impliedly censured our conduct. That Mr. Morris had treated ns ill personally for what we had done, and that Mr. William Lee ought to remember that he had himself, jointly with Mr. Morris, complained of our inter- fering, as he thought, in that department; and therefore he did not incline to subject himself to any further censures, or, as he expressed it, " raps over the knuckles," for meddling in the affair. We were, in- deed, as much surprised as Mr. Izard appears to have been on the occasion, but our surprise arose from another cause ; it was to find Mr. William Lee desirous of holding such a plurality of appointments, in their own nature incompatible with each other, and impossible to have been executed by the same person. But as one of the places was sup- posed to be a lucrative one, the subject was too delicate to be touched on by us. Mr. Izard says that Mr. William Leo complained that parties had been excited against him at Nantes ; and that, so far from having been supported by the commissioners in the execution of his duty, these gen- tlemen had as much as possible contributed to perplex him in the dis- OCTOBER 12, 1778. 767 charge of it ; that he had frequently written, etc. His letters have been taken notice of already and the reason mentioned why they were not answered. The rest of this complaint is, as far as I know anything about the matter, totally groundless. It must appear so to every one acquainted with the following particulars: Mr. William Lee never had a commission to the commercial agency though he is now executing it by his agents. Mr. Lee's caution was such that ho never even answered my letters to him in February or March, informing him that Mr. Robert Morris had written to me that he was appoiuted; nor did I learn any- thing from him of his intentions until he arrived at Paris the summer following, where also he acted with the greatest caution, while he waited the return of his brother from Berlin. Before and after his be- ing at Nantes he went so far as even to desire Mr. Williams and others at Paris and Nantes not to let it be known that he had anything to do in American affairs, as he said it would greatly prejudice his inter- est in London ; and so far was he from ever executing, or publicly at- tempting to execute, that agency until after the news of General Bur- goyne's defeat had arrived in France, that he did nothing that ever I beard of which could have prevented his returning to the exercise of his aldermanship in London. Mr. Izard is pleased to say that " to let Mons. Gerard go away with- out giving him the least intimation of it was a very high insult to Con- gress." It was not in our power to permit or prevent Mons. Gerard's going away; and if we did not, circumstanced as we then were, think ourselves authorized to communicate it to Mr. Izard, I can not conceive this to be a high insult to Congress ; certain it is we meant no such thing; we meant to serve, not insult, that honorable body. "The ob- ject," he says, " of these gentlemen is to have Mr. Deane come back in a public character, if not to France, perhaps to Holland, or some other part of Europe, and therefore they are afraid of having reasons given why this should not be the case." And he adds, " I am of opinion that he is upon every account an improper person to be employed by Con- gress." I have already appealed from this gentleman's opinions, so I shall say nothing further about them. His reasons, if he offers any, are to be judged of by Congress. I find, however, he had more apprehen- sions than reasons in this part of his letter. His apprehensions as well as opinions were, in part at least, groundless. He was apprehensive lest my venerable colleague would solicit some appointment for me. I do not learn that he has done it. I never desired or expected that he would. Mr. Izard, 1 presume, knew that I had a very extensive cor- respondence with gentlemen of the mercantile and moneyed interest and character in Europe, but particularly in Holland, where I had long be- fore been preparing the minds of such men in favor of a loan. He knew that there was not merely a correspondence, but a strict personal friend- ship subsisting between certain gentlemen in Amsterdam and at The Hague and myself, and that I had proposed to go there on the subject of 768 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tlie loan as well as for other purposes. I presiuiie also he knew that the French ambassador in Holland, the Dnke do Vansnyson [nio.], who spent last winter in Paiis, honored ine with his acquiantaiu'c ; and, with all the l)o]iteness, as well as zeal, for theinterestof (he United States of Nortt America, which make part of that nobleman's character, urged me to go there, assuring me of every personal service and civilily which should be in his power. My recall pre\eiited the execution of the plan; and Sir. Izard doubtless apprehended that I should solicit for the appoint- ment. His apprehension was groundless. The honorable Congress knows that I have not solicited for any appointment. My life and for- tune, with what abilities I am blessed with, have been from thetirst, and will everbe, devoted to the service of my country, who ai-e most certainly the best judges in what department they can be most usefnl, or if they can be of any use at all; and to their judgment I most cheerfully submit. I have the honor to be, with most respectful attaclunent, etc.* Silas Ubanb. Deane to the President of Congress. t Philadelphia, Ocioher 12, 1778. Sir : I lieg leave to lay before Congress a few observations on the ex- tracts from Mr. Arthur Lee's letter, dated Paris, June 1, 1778, read in Congress the 3d instant, which was ordered to be comninnicated to me. Mr. Lee begins by saying that " M. Monthieu's papers were sent to show you the demands that are made upon us and the grounds of them. You will see that they are accounts which Mr. Deane ought to have settled." Not having seen the accounts or papers said to have been sent, lean only reply generally by informing Congress that I contracted with M. Monthieu (nearly at the time that I contracted with Mons. Eeaumar- chais for the stores) to procure ships to transport them over to America.! The rate, I was told in Paris and elsewhere, was as low as could be then procured in France ; it has risen since that time. The ships were to have been dispatched in a reasonable time to and from America, Mons. Beaumarchais was my surety. The difficulty met with in getting a'way the stores was such that the last of the ships did not sail from Marseilles until in September, 1777. The delay of near twelve mouths of some of them in France, and an uncommon delay of all of them, occasioned by repeated counter orders and fresh obstacles rising in the way of embarking those stores, as well as tlio unexpected detention of those shi[)s in America — as, for instance, of the * As to actiim of Cougress in Deanu's case, kui^ Sept. IW, 22, Oct. 14, D(!C. 7, 22, 31, 1778; Jnuc 10, Aug. 16, 1779. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 103, wilh verbal cliauges. tSee tbe articles of agreement for tliis purpose, dated 15th October, 1776, supra. OCTOBER 12, 1778. 769 Amphitrite, from April until the October following, with the capture of one of them — were circumstances unforeseen and unexpected at tlie time ofmaliing the contract, and entitled 31. Montbieu to an equitable con- sideration over and above the freight stipulated. Before the last ship sailed, therefore, M. Montbieu insisted that some mode for asettlcment should be agreed upon, on which Dr Franklin and myself agreed with him to submit the whole to Mons. Ohaumont. The submission was made and signed. M. Monthieu, on his return from Marseilles (to which place he went immediately to embark and send off the remain- der of the stores) urged M. Ohaumont to undertake it. I did the same. He declined, telling me that he found Mr. Lee of so jealous and unquiet a disposition, and so much disposed to abuse every one that he had any concerns with, that he had well-nigh resolved never to have anything more to do with the commissioners while he was one of them ; but as M. Monthieu had other concerns with the commissioners, he thought it best to settle the whole at once ; and when the whole was ready for set- tlement, if Mr. Lee would thendesii'e him to undertake it, he would do it as well to oblige us as M. Monthieu, for whom he had a regard. This put off the settlement for the time. Mr. Lee proceeds to say, " It is this sort of neglect and studied con- fusion that has prevented Mr. Adams and myself, after a tedious ex- amination of the papers left with Dr Franklin, from getting any satisfaction as to the expenditures of the public money. All we can find is, that millions have been expended, and almost everything re- mains to be paid for." I am not surprised at anything of this kind from Mr. Lee, nor that Mr. John Adams has not joined with him in this letter, though I dare say that gentleman knows his duty, and has done it, as well to the pub- lic as to me. After premising that Mr. Lee had in his hands the ac- counts of all the moneys received and paid out on the public account, I will lay before Oongress the facts which he had before hiui when he wrote this letter, after which Oongress will be able to judge whether Mr. Lee had any grounds for his representing me as a public defaulter for mil- lions. It is certain that Mr. Lee knew that the total amount of moneys received by the commissioners to the time of my leaving Paris amounted to 3,75.J,250 livres; and that the balance due .Mr. Grand the 27lh March was 21)3,738.17, and that the whole expenditures to that day consequently were 4,016,988.17 livres. In the next place, it will appear that by much the greater part of this was actually expended and paid out by and with Mr. Lee's consent and orders at the time; the whole was well known to him, as he had, from time to time, access to Mr. Grand's books, and Mr. Grand delivered him copies thereof up to the 27th of March last, by which he had before him an account of every payment that had been made, and I sent him in writing an explanation of every payment that had been made in his absence, or which had not been made by his written order. 49 WH— VOL II 770 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Tbc accounts of the particular articles iu detail not being here, 1 am unable to explain every charge in Mr. Grand's account. It is sufficient that Mr. Grand's account shows that the nature of nearly the whole of the expenditures was perfectly well known to Mr. Lee when he wrote the above account of millions expended and represented he knew not how. To show this, I have stated ^Ir. Grand's account in a shorter compass than what it was before, and have brought the different pay- ments for particular objects, made to different people, into one view, as will be seen in the annexed statement or explanation of Mr. Grand's account. I have no design, in answering this part of Mr. Lee's letter, to go fur- ther into the accounts than to show demonstratively that nothing can be more groundless and unjust than for him to represent that millions had been profusely expended, and as if he knew not in what manner or to what purpose. The amount of expenditures, until the time of my leaving Paris, was 4,010,988.17 livres, and it appears, as well from the nature of the account as from the knowledge Mr. Lee had of the trans- actions, that he knew generally of the payment of every llvre and to whom it had been made, having the accounts and the explanation of them in his hands up to tlie very day I set out from Paris. The particu- lar application, indeed, of every part could not be known until the several accounts should be given in. Mr. Lee himself signed the orders for much the greater part of the moneys to Mr. Williams and the other principal payments, and was well informed of the business which he (Mr. Williams) was executing. By this stating of the account it will appear that the commissioners, for their private expenses, from December, 1776, to 27th March, 1778, for the support and relief of Americans escaping from prison in England, for the ijayment of Mons. Dumas, agent in Hol- land, the sending of expresses, the purchase of a large quantity of shoes, which were sent to Nantes to be shipped for America, and for several less disbursements, had of Mr. Grand only the sum of 244,285 livres, equal to the sum of £10,261 10s sterling, which is of itself a demonstra- tion that there was no misapplication of the public moneys, since Mr. Lee has written that he could not live under £3,000 sterling per annum himself. Whether or not extravagant prices were given for any of the articles purchased will be aii after consideration. Mr. Arthur Lee says " that almost everything still remains to be paid for." I really know not what he means. Things once paid for are not to be paid for a second time, and the i)ayments stated above are proved by Mr. Grand's accounts to have been bona fide made. " Bargains," he Says, " of the most extravagant kind have been made with this Mons. Monthieu and others; " and then lie proceeds to give an example. As to the bargains I was concerned in with this man, and with every other person, I totally deny the fact, and the example given is but a mere pretense. 1 am so confident of the contrary, that I will most cheer- OCTOBER 12, 1778. 771 fully take every bargain made by mo, or with my consent, in Europe, tbe contract with the Farmers General excepted (which was partly po- litical at the time), on myself, and will be bound to abide the profit or loss, leaving them to be judged of by the ablest merchants in Europe. Mr. Lee informs us of 100,000 livres given to Mr. Hodge, and that the privateer or vessel he bought cost about £3,000, or 72,000 livres, and adds "for what purpose the surplus was given to Mr. Hodge, how the public came to pay for her refitting, and at length the vessel and her prize money made over to Mr. Eoss and Mr. Hodge, without a farthing being brought to public account, rests with Mr. Deane or Mr. Hodge to ex- plain;" and in a few lines further he says, "you will see my name is not to the contracts ;" but he forgets to add that he was at Berlin when they were made. What I have already observed upon in Mr. Lee's let- ter, and what I propose to notice, confirms me in the opinion which Dr. Franklin and some others have for some time had of him, that, from a long indulgence of his jealous and suspicious disposition and habits of mind, he is at last arrived on the very borders of insanity, and that at times he even passes the line ; and it gives me pleasure, though it is but a melancholy one, that I can attribute to the misfortunes of his head what I must otherwise place to a depravity of heart. Mr. Hodge went to Dunkirk by order of the commissioners. They sent him in consequence of orders from thesecret committee. He pur- chased and fitted out two vessels, a fact, though forgotten by Mr. Lee, known to everyone at the time. From what that brave and virtuous young American did and suffered on the occasion it was the common topic of conversation everywhere; it raised insurance in England 10 percent, for a time. Mr. Hodge, to appease the British ambassador, was sent to tlie Bastile, and Ounniugham, making his cruise round England and Ireland, put into Spain without prize money equal to the repairs he wanted. Mr. Hodge was released from his imprisonment, and one of the first things he did was to give Mr. Lee the account of his whole disbursements in writing. Rlr. Hodge had taken a small inter- est in the adventure from the first, and proposed following Cunningham into Spain by land and making a cruise with him. He proposed that Mr. Eoss and he should purchase the vessel; but as a price could not easily be agreed upon, they proposed to take the vessel as she was, and do the best with her against the common enemy, and to account to Con- gress therefor. Mr. Eoss desired that such an agreement should be signed by the commissioners for his security. I know not that it was ever done. I have only to add on this subject, that all the moneys received by Mr. Hodge amounted to 92,7:i9 livres 18.3 in the whole, and that Mr. Hodge rendered us other services besides equipping these two vessels. Speaking of the contracts, he says, " they were in fact concealed from me with the utmost care, as was every other means of my knowing how these affairs were conducted." 772 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I have, ill reply, to relate the following facts, wbicU are easy to be ascertained: Mr. Lee, ou his return from Berlin, was made acquainted with the contracts; Messrs. Holker (now in Boston), Sabbatier, and Desprez repeatedly conferred with Mr. Lee ou the subject in my presence, and when they brought in their accounts Mr. Lee assisted in adjusting them, and signed with us the orders for the payment, as Mr. Grand's account and the orders and accounts themselves will show. It is true, the execution of M. Monthieu's contract was not completed when I left Paris, and therefore his accounts could not be settled. Mr. Williams had the oversight of repairing tlie arms in the magazine at Nantes; he settled his accounts witli his workmen monthly ; he had a frigate fitting out for the commissioners, ten thousand suits of clothes making up, a number of shirts, shoes, etc., together with the charge of all the stores the commissioners were sending to Nantes to be shipped. Monthly accounts were not to be expected in reason from a man in such a situation; it could not bo done if promised, and Mr. Williams is a gentleman of too much probity as well as knowledge in business to promise what he can not perform. It is not enough to say that no man in France enjoj's a better character for strict honor and probity, both at court and in the city, than Mons. Chaumout. Justice must add, there is no man enjoys it perhaps so universally through the kingdom, among the merchants, the farmers or husbandmen, and me- chanics, in all which branches of business he is constantly speculating. This man is the friend of Dr. Franklin ; I have the pleasure of know- ing him to be mine, and what is more, the friend of my country ou all and in the most trying occasions. I do not wonder that Mr. Lee should appear jealous of this gentleman, as well as of everybody else, a select few excepted, and very few indeed are those who escape his jealous suspicions either in Europe or America. It is a melancholy truth, but justice to the public requires my declaring it, that I never knew Mr. Lee, from his first coming to Paris, satisfied with any one person he did business with, whether of a public or private nature, and his dealings, whether for trifles or for things of importance, almost constantly ended in a dispute, sometimes in litigious quarrels. Mr. Lee lived some time in M. Ghaumont's house. M. Ohaumont knew him perfectly well, and was not reserved in speaking his opinion of him. I am sorry to be thus lengthy on so disagreeable a subject, a subject which I cautiously waived entering on in my narration to Congress, not choosing to trouble them with matters which they might deem of a personal nature. I am grieved to have been forced on it at all, and hope never to be obliged to resume it ; and as in commercial trans- actions there are but two sides to an account, and everything goes to the debt or credit, the folio for profit or loss, so I must solicit that Dr. Franklin and the honorable Mr. Adams may be directed to see the set- tlement of all those accounts immediately on my return to Paris; and as there has been a charge made by Mr. Leo of profusion, of extrava- OCTOBER 12, 1778. 773 gant contracts, aud the like, that those gentlemen be authorized to sub- mit the accounts, with every allegation of the kind, to the adjustment and determination of gentlemen of ability and character on the spot, aud that orders may be given, that whatever sum may be found due from the commissioners may by them be instantly paid into the hands of the banker for Congress, and that, in like manner, said banker may be ordered to pay whatever may be the balance to the persou in whose favor the same shall be found. By this means the truth will be dem- onstrated and justice done, which is all I have ever wished for. Uav- ing forgot to mention it in its place, I must be permitted to add here that thetirst vessel purchased and fitted out by Mr. Hodge was, on the return and imprisonment of Ouiiningham, detained by order from court, and a second purchased, in which Cunningham went on his sec- ond cruise. The first was put up for sale at Dunkirk, but not disposed of when I left Paris ; at least I had not heard of it. I have the honor to be, with the most respectful attachment, etc., Silas Dkane. P. S. — T have mentioned money paid Mons. Dumas as part of the aggregate sum of 2i4,285 livres 1.3s. Wd. There will be fouud the sum of 4,351 livres 5s. 3rl, paid by Messrs. Horneca Pitzeau & Co. to Mons. Dumas, and for other expenses. I fear on a review that the brevity 1 aimed at may cause some mistake. It is therefore proper to observe that but apart of this sum was jiaid to Mons. Dumas, a part being for other disbursemeuts, independent of which sum the commissioners made other remittances to Mons. Dumas. Mr. Deane's Observations on Mr. Arthur Lee's Letter of June 1st, 1778.* Mr. Lee, in his letter of the 1st June, on which I have made observa- tions, having insinuated many things to the disadvantage of Dr. Frank- lin's character, as well as to that of Mons. Chaumont and my own ; and Mr. Izard in those letters the extracts from which I was favored with by order of Congress having gone even beyond Mr. Lee, and since in his letter of tlie 28th of June last, speaking of Dr. Pranklin and myself, be says : " There is very little reason to think that any objections, however well founded, would have made any impression on the interested views of one or the haughtiness or self-sufficiency of the other." Afterwards, in the same letter, speaking of Dr. Franklin, he says: "His abilities are great and his reputation high. Removed as he is to so considerable a distance from the observation of his constituents, if he is not guided by principles of virtue and honor those abilities and tliat reputation may produce the most mischievous effects. In my con- ' 1 Spark'a Dip. Rev. Corr, 110. 774 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. science I declare to you that I believe bim under uo sucb internal re- straints, and God knows that I speak the real unprejudiced sentiments of my heart." Gratitude as well as justice to that truly great man, to whose frieud- shi{) and counsel I owe much, oblige me to say on this occasion that I not only believe, but know, that this is, to say no more of it, directly the reverse of the character -which Dr. "Franklin has ever sustained, and which he now most eminently supports. It gives me pleasure to reflect on the honors and respect universally paid him by all orders of people in France, and never did I enjoy greater satisfaction than in being the spectator of the public honors often paid him. A celebrated cause being to be heard before the parliament of Paris, and the house and streets leading to it crowded with 2>eople, on the appearance of Dr. Franklin way was made for him in the most respectful manner, and he passed through the crowd to the seat reserved for him amid the accla- mations of the people; an honor seldom paid to their first jiriuces of the blood. When he attended the operas and plays similar honors were paid him, and I confess I felt a joy and pride which were pure and hon- est, though not disinterested, for I considered it an honor to be known to be an American and his friend. What were the sensations of the writers of these letters on such occasions I leave their letters and conduct to- wards him to speak, and I can not now express the indignation and grief I feel at finding such a character represented as the worst that human depravity is capable of exhibiting, and that such a representation should be made by an American in a public character. In the course of my narrative I mentioned Mr. Williams' accounts as being finallj' settled. I drew my conclusion from his letter to me of the 22d of Julj' last, read in Congress. I find the accounts are not finally closed, though Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams have ordered him the payment. Mr. W-'illiams informs me he has wrote to Congress and sent his accounts ; the accounts themselves will show that I have not, or ever had, any private or personal interest in his transactions ; at the same time, I beg leave to interest myself in what affects this gentle- man, because I think I know him to have been a most faithful and use- ful servant of the public, and every way deserving of the character given him by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams; and as Dr. Franklin, from being his uncle, feels a delicacy in writing so fully about him, I there- fore pray that this gentleman's accounts may be put into a train for being closed. I recollect that Mr. Lee has mentioned Count Lauragais in his corre- spondence with Mons. Beaumarchais, and am informed that this gentle- man has in his letters been referred to. Count Lauragais is a noble- man, who was born to an immense fortune, the chief of which he has long since dissipated in a wild, and I may say in such an eccentric, course of life as hardly has a parallel in France. He has set up, at times, for a philosox)her, a wit, a poet; then as suddenly flew off, and OCTOBER 12, 1778. 775 engaged in building, planting, or politics ; he was one uiontli for engag- ing in trade, the next a country gentleman on bis farm, the third blaz- ing in the heau monde at Paris; and France being insufficient to afford a variety of scenes suffioieut to equal the restlessness of liis genius, he has constantly been shifting them from Paris to London and from London to Paris. In London he set up for a patriot, and engaged seri- ously iu the dispntesandpartiesof theday, and what was vexy diverting, sat down for a few weeks to study the laws of England, in order to con- fute Blackstone. His rank, to which his birth entitles him, gives hiui admittance to court, and the extravagancy of his wit and humor serves to divert and please men in high office, and he consequently, at times, fancies himself in their secrets. This gentleman knew Mr. Lee in Lon- don before I arrived in Prance, and was afterwards often with him at Paris. His character was given me soon after my arrival, and I was put on my guard and warned by the minister, not that he supposed him to have designs unfriendly either to France or America, but on account of his imprudence, and of his being frequently in London, and with those in the opposition in England, of whom the court of France were more jealous and against whom they were equally on their guard as with the British ministry themselves. As this nobleman's name may lie made use of, I can not dispense with touching lightly on the outlines of a character extremely well known in France and England, and to which some gentlemen in America are no strangers. I have mentioned the first and principal contract having been made for clothing with Mr. Holker, now agent for France in America. This gentleman was then one of the inspectors-general of the manufactures of France, and knowing perfectly well the price and quality of cloth in every part of the kingdom, he undertook, at the request of our mutual friend Mons. Chaumont, to put us in the way of being supplied at the cheapest rates, and, by joining himself in the written contract, induced his friends, Messrs. Sabbatier fils and Desprez to engage, which they did. They purchased the cloth at the manufactories at the first cost, procured it to be made up at tlie cheapest rate, and the clothes to be transported to Nantes, charging only the prime cost on everything, and two per cent, commissions for their trouble. Mr. Holker, after having engaged these men, whose house is a capital one in Paris, and who, from their having for some time supplied a great part of the clothes to the armies of France, were well acquainted with business of that kind, took no further part in the affair but that of examining the work and ac- conuts, to see that everything was performed in the best and cheap- est manner. In this I assisted him. I went with him to the workmen, and examined the cloth, the fashion, and the economy practiced in the work, from which I will venture to assert that clothes of equal goodness could not be made cheaper, if so cheap, by any other method in France. Mr. Holker and the other gentleman, as I have already observed, saw Mr. Arthur Lee several times on this subject, until they become so 776 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. disgusted with a niau whofouud fault with everything without stepping' out of his door to examine anything, that they declined having any- thing further to say to him. When their accounts were ready to he settled I examined them, struck the balance, and Mr. Arthur Lee joined with Dr. Franklin and myself in signing drafts on Mr. Grand for the money. The bills were drawn in favor of Messrs. Sabbatier and Des- prez solely, Mr. Holker taking no share in the commission, but gener- ously gave in the time he had spent in the affair, though it had been considerable. This gentleman is now in Philadelphia, and, if necessary, may be ajiplied to resi)ecting what I have said on this subject. His character, as well as that of his worthy father, is well known in France, where they are jointly inspectors of the manufactures of that kingdom, and on every occasion they exerted themselves to serve this country; a testimony duo to them from me when I am called on to mention tliem publicly. The instances they gave me [)ersoually of the most disinter- ested friendship and attachment T shall never forget. I can buti'eturnto Mr. Williams. Thisgeiitleman, after stating all his accounts in the fairest and most explicit order, attended near ten weeks at Passj' for a settlement. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, as has before been related, so far approved of them ns to order his balance, or nearly the whole of it, to be paid him, and gave him a letter certifying him of their full persuasion of his ability and integrity, and that he had done good services. Yet such was the disposition of Mr. Lee towards him, that he could by no means get them passed. Impatient and wearied out with the captious, insulting manner in which he was treated by Mi'. Lee, and which nothing but his official character protected hinr in, Mr. Williams engaged a gentleman from Boston, Mr. Cutler, to copy off' all his accounts and compare, them with the original v^ouchers, and to make a vojage to America to lay them before Congress, This gentleman arrived a few days since, and having made the voyage and journey on this purpose only, I take the liberty to entreat Congress, in behalf of my absent friend and their faithful servant, that those accounts may be examined, that Mr. Cutler may be heard, if necessary, to explain them, and Mr. Williams relieved from the embarrassments of Mr. Lee, whose disposition does not appear to be mended since I left Paris, but, if pos- sible, greatly increased for dispute and for the most vexatious alterca- tion. Could I take any jdeasure on so disagreeable a subject, and one which throws the affairs as well as reputation of these States into confusion and disgrace, it would be to find that the universal testimony of all who kno^^■the situation of our affairs in France confirms what I have, in duty and justice to these States, been obliged to lay before Congress. Mr. Lee's nephew, a son of the honorable Eichard Henry Lee, is in the house of Mons. Schweighauser, at Nantes, as a clerk or as a partner; I am informed the latter. Commercial affairs and the disposition of prizes are put into the care of this house, while a near connection oiM.. OCTOBEE 12, 1778^ 777 Sdiweigliaiiser, at Guernsey or Jersey, is employing Limself in sendijig- out cruisers ou our commerce. I know notLiug of M. Schweigbause- except by reports; those have been in Lis favor as a good merchant. But this circumstance, added to some others whicli Mr. Cutler informs me of, has given cause for the greatest uneasiness and distrust, which, added to the difQculties met with at Paris from Mr. Ardiur Lee, pre- vents anything being done to effect, if really anything at all towards sending out supplies to these States. Silas Deane. Deane to the President of Congress.* Philadelphia, October 12, 1778. In a conference had with Mons. Gerard, in the month of January, last, at Versailles, he observed that the thirteenth article t in the treaty proposed by Congress, which exempted the molasses purchased by the inhabitants of the United States in any of the islands belonging to, and subject to, his most Christian majesty from any duties whatever, was an unequal article, as he termed it, that without some concession of equal importance on tlie part of the United States it could not be agreed to, as it would carry the appearance of inequality, and as if Con- gress were taking the advantage and dictating the terms in their own favor; that therefore it was expected either wholly to omit the article or place an equivalent over against it on our part. On my return to Paris, I laid M. Gerard's proposals before my col- leagues, who agreed generally to the justice and propriety of them, but we found it difQcult to place any article or articles over against that of molasses, which would be of equal consequence, and in which the States of America were at the same time equally interested. After long con- sideration had on the subject Dr. Franklin proposed the article nearly as it now stands; Mr. Lee objected to it, as being too extensive, and more than equivalent for that of niolasses only, to which I answered, that though the concession might appear great, it was in reality nothing more than giving np what we could never make use of but to our own prejudice, for nothing was more evident than the bad policy of layiug duties on our own exports; that molasses, though apparently but au article of small value, was the basis ou which a veiy great part of the American commerce rested; that the manufacture of it into rum was every year increasing, especially in the middle and southern States, where it had been more lately introduced. "MSS. Dep. of Stato; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 114, with verbal changes. t Article XIII. — It is agreed by and between the said parties, tliat no dutie,s whatever shall ever hereafter be imposed on the exportation of molasses from any of tbe islands and dominions of the most Christian King in the West Indies to any of these United States, See on this topic Introduction, 5 46, and prior correspondence under date of .Ian. 28, Feb. 1, May 23, Jane 4, 18, 1778. 778 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDENCE. Dr. Franklin agreed with me, and argued ou much the same ground, but neither of us insisted on the article at tbe time, but that tLe proposition should be made for the consideration of Mons. Gerard, reserving to ourselves the power of agreeing to it or not afterwards. A few evenings after, and nearly as I can remember, about five or six days before the actual signing of the treaty, we met Mons. Gerard at my house in Paris. JJe brought the proposed tr-eaty with him, in wliich he had inserted the eleventh and twelfth articles as they now stand. The treaty was read, considered, and agreed to, article by article, except the eleventh and twelfth, respecting which M. Gerard observed at first that he considered them as they tlienstood reciprocal and equal, butthat he left it entirely with us to retaiu them both, or to reject them both, it being indifferoit with his majesty, but that one could not be retained without the other. On our having agreed to all the other articles, we told him we would confer together on the eleventh and twelfth, and write to him what our determination should be. As soon as he was gone the subject was taken up ; the arguments before used were again considered, and fi nally we unanimously agreed to retain both the articles ; ou which I desired Mr. Lee to write a letter to Mons. Gerard informing him of it, and that I would send it out to Versailles the next morning from Passy, that there might be no more delay in transcribing and execnting the trea- ties. Mr. Lee accordingly wrote, and Dr. Franklin, he, and myself, signed the letter, which I sent the next morning.* A day or two after this Jlr. A. Lee wrote a letter to Dr. Franklin and me, in which he expressed great uneasiness about the eleventh and twelfth articles and a desire to have them left out, on which we advised Mr. Lee to go himself to Versailles ou the subject, which he accordingly did; and we wrote to M. Gerard by him that we were content to have the two articles left out, if agreeable to his majesty. t As we had just before unanimously agreed and written to have them retained, we could not, with any consistency, make a point of their being expunged. Mr. Lee discoursed on the subject with M. Gerard, who satisfied him, as he thought at the time, and as we all then thought, of the impropriety of making any alteration in the treaty after it had been so maturely considered ; had been fully agreed upon by us all ; Lad been approved * The articleH in question are as follows : Article XI. It is agreed and couclnded, tliat there shall never Ije any duty im- posed ou the exportation of molasses that may he taken hy the subjects of any of the United States from the islands of America which helong, or may hereafter appertain, to his most Christian majesty. Article XII. In compensation of the exemption stipulated in the preceding article it is agreed and concluded, that there shall never be any duties imposed on the expor- tation of any kind of merchandise which the subjects of his most Christian Majesty may take from the countries and possessions, present or future, of any of the thirteen United States for the use of the islands which shall furnish molasses. The treaty may be seen entire in the secret journaJs of Congress, vol. 2, p. 59. t See these letters under dates Jan. 30, Feb. 1 and 2, 1778, supra. OCTOBER 32, 1778. 779 of in form by his inaiest.y, and ordered to be transcribed and signed. Neither Mr. William Lee nor Mr. Izard ever spoke one word to me on the subject; and I did not think myself authorized or at liberty to con- sult them or any other person on the subject but my colleagfues. Silas Deane. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartine.* Passy, October 12, 177S. Sir : The letter your excellency did us the honor to write to us the 7th of this month we duly received. In our letter of the 2Cth of last month respecting the goods of Mr. Izard on board the Nile, we cited the sixteenth article of the treaty of commerce in support of Mr. Izard's claim, which your excellency thinks an error, and that it is the fourteenth article which most neai-ly relates to his case. We cited the article as it stood in the original treaty, where it is the sixteenth. Tour excellency cites it as it stands in the treaty now agreed to be amended, leaving out two articles, the eleventh and twelfth. But your excellency and we mean all the same article, which appears to us to api)lyto Mr. Izard's case as clearly, strictly, and fully as it could have been contrived to do if his case had been in contempla- tion at the time when the treaty was made and specially meant to be provided for. The words of the article are, " That such goods as were put on board any ship belonging to an enemy before the war, or after the declaration of the same, without the knowledge of it, shall no ways be liable to confiscatiou, but shall well and truly be restored, without delay, to the proprietor demanding the same. Ignorance of the declara- tion of war not to be pleaded more than two months after the declara- tion." Now, by the bill of lading which we had the honor to enclose to your excellency, it appears that the goods were shipped in the month of April last, at a time when certainly two months had not elapsed from and after the declaration of war. But if other evidence of this fact, viz, the time when these goods were shipped, is necessary, Mr. Izard can cer- tainly obtain it from England, although it would be attended with a good deal of trouble and expense. As to the question whether the goods are Mr. Izard's property or not, Mr. Izard, in a letter to us, dated the 10th of this mouth, assures us that his name is in mauy of the books, and that one of the boxes con- tains a great number of his papers, with his name upon them; that the testimony of his merchant in London, who shipped the things, shall be procured, if necessary, and likewise that of the merchant in Leghorn, and the Abb6 Niccoli, to whom they are addressed. We are only desirous of what is right; and, as we hold ourselves * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 31;!. 780 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. lioiiml to do all iu our powor to assist our fellow citizens in iiiaiiitaiuiug tlieir rigbts, and of omitting- no advantage that tliey are entitled to by the treaty ; and as tlio treaty is so express tiiat goods so circmnstanced shall be restored without delay and upon demand ; and as Mr. Izard apprehends he ought not to be put to the trouble, delay, and expense of a lawsuit on this occasion, we have thought it our duty to write agaiu to your excellency on the subject. We are sensible that his majesty has granted the whole of the prop- erty which shall be taken from tbe enemy, and shall be lawful prize, to the captors; and the encouragement of adventurers in this way is of so much importance to our couutry, af well as to this, that we wish them to enjoy all the profits and advantages of their prizes. But the captors iu this case must be sensible that the goods belouged to a friend, not an enemy, and therefore not included in his majesty's grant. ^Ye beg leave to lay another subject before your excellency. There are, we are informed, on board the Fox and the Lively, as there are in almost every shij) iu Admiral Keppel's and Lord Howe's fleets, numbers of Americau seamen, who abhor the service into which, by one of the most extravagant flights of tyranny and cruelty tliat ever was heard of among men, they have been forced and compelled to fight against their couu- try and their friends. These seamen we should be glad to deliver from the prisons in this kingdom, and from a misery and captivity infinitely more detestable on board of British uienofwar. We therefore beg leave to propose to your excellency that an inquiry be made, and a list taken of the natives of America amoug the crews of the Fox and Lively^ and the men delivered to us. This would be attended with many happy consequences. It would relieve many of our countrymen from present coufiuement and the most dismal prosi)ects, and would furnish our vessels with a number of excellent sailors. It may be jiroper to in- form your excellency that, before this war began, one-third part of tbe seameu belonging to the then whole British Empire belonged to Amer- ica. If wo were able to command the services of all the sailors it would be of great importance to the common cause; it would take away one- third of tbe whole; those employed in the American service would be able to fight another third remaining to Great Britain, and, couse- queutly, would leave to Franco no more than one-third of tbe seamen belonging to the British Empire belbre the war for France to contend with. But, alas, this is not the case. Various causes — too many to be here exidained — have concurred to prevent this. But we are very desirous of alluring back to their country as many as possijle of those we have lost ; and tbe jilan we have now proposed to your excellency appears to be one probable means of doing it. We shall suggest others hereafter, as opportunity occurs. October 15, 1778. Since the foregoing was written, we have received letters from Eobert Harrison, John Lemon, Edward Driver, and John Nicols, prisoners in 781 Deiiaut Castle, reijreseutiug that tbey were takeu by English frigates, iu Americau privateers, forced into the service ou board' the Fox, aud now taken by the French, and praying that we would intercede for their liberty, that they may return, if possible, to their country. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Aethur Lee. John Adams. Lovell to the Commissioners at Paris.* riiiLADELi'iiiA, October 12, 1778. Gentlemen : Congress having foreign aflairs now under considera- tion, I shall not write to you on that subject, more especially as it is quite uncertain how the present papers will be conveyed ; nor shall I pretend to unravel to you the designs of the enemy; they are very in- scrutable; the printers know as much as I do about them ; therefore I send a few of the last prints of Duulap, which, with the Boston papers, must decide you in opinion. Your affectionate friend, etc., James Lovell. Lee to Adams, t Chaillot, October 12, 1778. Dear Sir : I have hoped for leisure to answer your favor as fully as in my own indication it demands. There are matters touched in it which imply a censure upon me, which a recapitulation of facts, I am satisfied, would convince you is unjust. But as I despair of sufficient leisure for some time, I must content myself with replying to what is immediately necessary. A desire to remove as much as I could the cause of your complaint was the motive I stated to you for writing, and I repeat to you it was the only one. I mentioricd my objections to your other plau when you proposed it. If you think them of no weight, let that or any other that will be most agreeable to you and Dr. Franklin be adopted and it will have my most hearty concurrence. With regard to the proposal of coming to live with you, nothing would gi\'C me more pleasure were it practicable. I thank you for the civility of offering me your room, but it would be impossible for me to do so unhandsome a thing as to desire that of any gentleman. The living upon the bounty of a common indi- vidual I always objected to; besides, in the best of my judgment that individual appears to me justly chargeable with the foul play used with »MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Eov. Corr., 346. 1 7 J. Adams' Works, 58. 782 DIPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE. our di.spatclies. Till I see reason to tbink otherwise I should bold my- self iuexcusable — both to my coustituents and myself — if I were to i^nt myself so much iu bis power. Tbe bouse I am in, at all events, I must pay for this half year ; therefore it would not save this expense. To live together was what I proposed, and labored to effect, though in vaiu, when the commissioners first came here. I thought it would be at- tended with every good consequence, and there was nothing I desired more. But under all the circumstances of that proposition now, and the inveterate habits that have taken place, it appears to me to be attended with insuperable objections. I am, however, open to conviction, and shall be most happy in finding any practicable means of effecting the ends you propose. Having to dress, breakfast, dispatch letters, and do the necessary family affairs before I come to you, I find 11 o'clock the soonest I can engage for. I had the same earnest desire you express, prompted as well by my own inclinatiou and interest, as by my wish for the public good, to cul- tivate harmony and friendshii) with both my colleagues, and nothing- gave me more uneasiness than the impossibility that I have hitherto found of effecting it. I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, etc., A. Lee. A. Lee to Vergemies.* Paris, October 12, 1778. SiK : Your excellency has seen in the separate and secret act signed the Cth of February, 1778, that I am charged with full powers to con- clude a treaty with Spain. You are also acquainted with my having been in Spain, and having had conferences with the Marquis de Gri- maldi on the subject. All the objections which were then alleged against an immediate declaration are now removed. The consistency of our cause is unques- tionable. France is ready and has actually declared. Their treasure is safe, and the fleet from Buenos Ayres is iu their harbors, yet we do not see the least movement on their part towards realizing the hopes they gave us; but, on tbe contrary, such ostensible measures as they have taken mast certainly give encouragement to our enemies. That court has not thought proper to take the least notice of the ratification of the separate and secret article which 1 announced to them. While we are therefore bound, they remain at liberty. All this, sir, gives me much uneasiness. I am apprehensive that Congress will not think this mode of acting very satisfactory; and that the encouragement that it must hold out to tbe court of London will prolong this pernicious war, and make it cost us much more blood and treasure than is necsssary to tie tbe hands of our common enemy, and ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 519. OCTOBER 13, 1778. 783 establish effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and iiidcpeiideiice, abso- lute and uuiimited, of the United States. In these very critical cirounistances I must have recourse to the king and to your excellency. Our course is common, and it is my wish to conduct it by your experience, your lights, and your counsel, as to the measure I am to take, whether it be to act or to wait. This would always be my desire j but I now consider it as my duty; for it appears the mutual sentiment of your court and of Congress that the eventual treaty signed at Paris the Cth of February is now become actual, j)ermaaent, and indissoluble. Tlje first article of that treaty says : That if war should breakout between Frauooand Great Britaiu during tUo coutimi- auco of the present war between the United States and Great Britain, his Majesty and the United States wiU make it a coniiijo)i cause, and will aid each other with their mutual good offices, conusels, and forces, according to the ey.igency of things, and as becomes good and faithful allies. It is upon these principles that I think it my duty to endeavor to place upon equal footing the interests ofFrance and those of the United States; and therefore not to commence anything without the concur- rence of your court. Upon the same principles 1 flatter myself with obtaining the aid and assistance of your wisdom and information as to the moment of commencing the measures to be taken and the means to be employed with the court of Spain. I am persuaded, and always was so, that Great Britain can not make head for a year against the united counsels and force of the house of Bourbon and the United States of America. I have the honor to be, etc., Aethue Lee. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartlne." Passy, October 13, 1778. Sir: We had the honor of receiving your excellency's letter of the 7th instant, to wliich we shall take the liberty of answering fully by another opportunity. As you mention that the prize was condemned ou the 20th, Mr. Izard is apprehensive that the goods in question may be sold before the ordinary course of law can prevent it. He therefore desires us to request your excellency to prevent that if possible. And we accordingly beg the favor of your excellency to do so. We hope there is no impropriety in this; and that if there should be, you will impute it to our want of infornoation on the manner of such proceedings here. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Feanklin. Aethue Lee. John Adams. 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., ;!47. 784 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Izard.* Passy, October 13, 1778. Sir : We bave the honor of enclosing to you a copy of M. Do Sartiue's answer to our a[)p]ication in support of yonr demand of your baggage taken on board the yUc. We have, agreeably to your last letter, written again to M. De Sartine, requesting him to stop flie sale of the things till you can make your objections to their being lawful prize. We have the honor to be, .etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin to Grand.! Passy, October 14, 1778. Sir: I have considered the note you put into my hands containing a comj)laint of the conduct of Captain Ooiiyngham in the Revenge x^riva- teer. We have no desire to justifj^ liiin in any irregularities ho may have committed. On the contrary, we are obliged to our friends who give us information of the misconduct of any cruisers, that we may take the occasion of representing the same to our Government, and recommending more ett'ectual provisions for suppressing, punishing, and preventing such practices in future. By the papers I have the honor to send you enclosed, and which I request you would put into the hands of his excellency Count * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., '.Wj. t Mi5S. Dcp. of State; 6 Bigelow's Fraukliii, 214. John Adams, in his diiiry, gives the following account of tlie geutleuian to whom this lettei' is addressed : Mr. Ferdinand Grand was ii Protestant, from Switzerland, who Iiad a honso in Paris. Iliinself, his lady, niece, and sons composed as decent, modest, and regular family as I ever knew in France. It Avas, however, hy M. Chanmont's influence with the Count do Vergcunes and ~Sl. de Sartine that he oh- taincd the repntation and emolument of being the banker to the American ministers. Sir George Grand, his brother, might contribute something towards this favor, be- cause he had kept au inn at Stockholm when the Count de Vergonnes was andjas- sador of France in Sweden, and accomplished the revolution of that kingdom to an absolute monarchy. Thiswasamcro measure of economy in the French court, because before it lias cost Ihem in bribes to the states more money than they could well afford. The meeting of do Vergonnes Avith the heads of the eonspiracyhad been held at Mr. Grand's inn, and ho was rewarded witLi a cross of St. Louis, which gave hiui the title of Sir, as I suppose, having never heard that ho had any English knight- hood, although he liad lived in England, wlnu-e he married his daughter to the major or colonel who was afterwards General Provost. This lady, as I presume, is the same who afterwards married Colonel Burr, of New York, and was the mother of Mrs. Allston, of South Carolina. Sir George was connected in partnership with the house of Horneca, Fizeau & Co. in Amsterdam, a mercantile and Ijanking company, and who had, or were supposed to have, the favor and confidence of the French min- isters of state. — Note by Mr. Bigelow. OCTOBER 14, 1778. 785 cV Aranda, the care of the ('ongress, to avoid giving offense to neutral powers will appear most evident: First, in the commission given to privateers, wherein it appears that sureties are taken of their owners that nothing shall be done by them " inconsistent u-ith the usar/e and cus- tom of nations,''^ and those sureties are obliged to make good all damages. Courts of admiralty are regularly established in every one of the United States forjudging of such matters, to which courts any person injured may apply, and will certainly find re(\.ress. Secondly, in the proclama- tion of Congress, whereby strict orders are given to all officers of armed vessels to pay a sacred regard to the rights of neutral powers and the usage and customs of civilized nations, and a declaration made that if they transgress they shall not be allowed to claim the in-otection of the States, but shall suffer such punishment as by the usage and cus- tom of nations may be inflicted on them. Lastly, in the particular care taken by Congress to secure the property of some subjects of Portugal (a power that has not been very favorable to us), although no reclamation has been made. All these will show that the States give no conntenauce to acts of piracy; and if Captain Couyngham has been guilty of that crime he will certainly be punished for it when duly prosecuted, for not only a regard to justice in general, but a strong disposition to cultivate the friendship of Spain, for whose sovereign they have the greatest respect, will induce the Congress to pay great attention to every complaint, public and private, that shall come from thence. I have, etc., B. Franklin. Congress.*— (Deane's Case.) October U, 1778. A letter of the 13th from Mr. S. Deaue was read, accompanied with his remarks on the extracts from the letters from Mr. Izard, and also his remarks on the extracts from the letters of Mr. A. Lee, with which Mr. Deane was furnished. Ordered, That a copy of the remarks on the extracts of Mr. Izard's letters be made out and transmitted to Mr. Izard, and that Mr. Presi- dent be furnished with a duplicate thereof. Ordered, That a copy of the remarks on the extracts of Mr. Izard's find Mr. Lee's letters be made out and transmitted to Mr. Lee. Ordered, That Monday next be assigned for the further examination of Mr. W. Carmichael, and that Mr, Carmichael be directed to attend on that day. *MSS. Dep. of State ; printed secret jouroiVlB of Congress, tljs latter being imper- fect. (See supra, Sept. 22, 1778.) 50 wHt-YOIj n 786 DIPLOMATIC COUUKSFONDENCE. OCTOBEK 15, 1778. A letter of the 28tb of June last from Mr. Izard, Paris, with sundry papers accouipauying the same, were read. Ordered, To lie ou the table for the perusal of the members.* Congress. — Izard's Charges against Frankliu.t October 15, 1778. Mr. L;iiirens, the President, addressed Congress as follows: "Gentlemen : I informed you yesterday that I had received a letter from Mr. Izard. 1 have since perused it, and find in it traits reflecting highly on Dr. Franklin in his ])ublic character. I have observed in this the' rule which guided me iu the late case of Mr. Izard's letters. I have coinmtinicated the contents of tlie letter and papers accompanying it to nobotly. I have consulted nobody. I act according to my own judg- ment, unbiased and impartial. Mr. Izard's wish that these jiapers may be (iommunicated to Congress appears to me to preclude option on my i^art. I therefore offer the letter and papers. It the House is pleased to re- ceive and have them read, I will deliver them to the secretary for that purpose. I have delayed offering these papers earlier iu hopes of seeiug a full House, and had directed the absent niembers to be summoned. I have not read any of the papers, the letter excepted. Ordered, That the letter from Mr. Izard and the papers accompanying it be received and read. A letter of June 28 last from Mr. Izard at Paris, with sundry papers accompanying it, was then read. Ordered, To lie on the table for the perusal of the members.| Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the Americans taken on board the English frigates. sS Passy, October 15, 1778. Gentlemen : We have received a letter from Eobert Harrison, of the 7th of October, aud another from John Lemon, Edward Driver, and John Nicols, of the 12th, all jirisoners iu Denaut Castle, all pro- fessing to be Americans, who have first been compelled into the service of their enemies, and then taken prisoners by the Freucb. You are not known to us, but your account of yourselves, consider- ing the geueral conduct of the English of late, is not improbable. We can not but feel a concern for all prisoners in such a situation, of whom, * For further jiroceediiigs, see infra, Deceiiiboi' 7, 1778. tM.SS. ]-)ep. of State; iiriuted Secret Joiiruuls of Congress, the latter being imper-. feet. ; As to Izard's denuiieiatious of Franklin, sec title "Izard" iu index. ^ 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev, Corr., ,347, OCTOBER 15, 1778. 787 to the lasting dishonor of the British Government and nation, there are too many on board almost every man-of-war in their service. We have written to his excellency the minister of the marine of this kingdom npou the snbject, and sincerely hope that something may be done for your relief, and that of all other prisoners in your situation. But great care must be taken that neither we, nor more especially the Government of this kingdom, be imposed upon by attempts to set at liberty English, Irish, Scotch, or other sailors, disaffected to the American cause or unprincipled iu it. We therefore desire you to send us a list and a short account of all the sailors, prisoners with you, who were born iu America or have beeu iu her service, and are willing to subscribe the declaration and take the oath of allegiance to the United States of America and to live aud die by her cause. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Aethiib Lee. JOHN Adams, W. Lee to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.* Fkankfort, October 15, 1778. Gentlemen : I have the honor of forwarding to you herewith a third copy of the plan of a treaty of amity aud commerce between the Seven United Provinces of The iSTetherlands and the United States of America, which you will perceive was settled by M. de Keufville, as the repre- sentative of Mr. Van Berckel, counselor pensionary of the city of Am- sterdam, and myself. The burgomasters of Amsterdam had authorized Mr. Van Berckel to treat in this business in their name, aud the pen- sionary regularly authorized M. de Neufville, a capital merchant of Amsterdam, to treat with me. 1 forwarded two copies of this plan from Paris last month, where I went to communicate what had been done to the commissioners there, as I did not think myself authorized to pro- ceed any further alone.t They were fully informed by me of the state of politics in Holland, and that a great deal of management and secrecy in the present stage of the business would be requisite to complete it successfully, because the English party, having the Prince of Orange at its head, is very powerful, and might effectually obstruct the progress, if the negotiations come to their knowledge before the pensionary and burgomasters have made sure of carrying the point iu the assembly of the States-General. The further progress in this business your commissioners at Paris will *MSS Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 606, with verbal changes. t For letters from M. Vau Berckel aocl M. Dumas ou this subject, see Berckel to Dumas, and declaration of Berckel, Sept. 23, 1778; commissioners to Dumas, Oct, 16, and Dumas to qomtqissipners, October 27 and Nov. 4, 1778, supra, 788 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 110 doubt commuuicate to you. However, it appears to me of no iu- cousiderable iiuportauce that I have obtaiued from the pensiouary au engagemeut that the States-General shall not take any measures that may be injurious to the United States of America, provided America shall not take any measures injurious to Holland. This engagement the pensionary is alone capable of complying with, because his single negative is sufficient to ju-event the States-General from entering into any such measures, and conse(iuently the states will be prevented from giving any aid to Great Britain against our good ally France. 1 have so often given yon a fall account of the situation of affairs in thisquarter of the vorld that I have little to add on that subject. Though the King of Prussia was prevented by the critical situation of politics here from complying with the promise he hal made of acknowledging our independence as soon as France had done so, I thought it projier to ■write to his minister to know whether our privateers and armed vessels ■would be permitted to enter and refit in the Prussian ports, to which he rei^lied that his majesty's absence from Berlin and his continual application to the great object in which he is engaged i)revent him from being able at present to make me a favorable reply, but he hopes that circumstances ■will soon enable them to make us more advanta- geous proposals than they have already done. The campaign has ended for this year, and nothing material has passed. There are some politicians who think the winter negotiations ■will produce 'iDcace, and if they do, I think the King of Prussia will not then hesitate to enter into a treaty with ns. As to the court of Vienna, you know my commission only authorized me to treat with the emperor, ■who has been since the beginning of April with his armies in Bohemia; however, while I was at that court our affairs could not be advanced there, because both the Emperor and the King of Prussia stand in the same predicament with respect to Hanover, which has now increased its army to near 30,000 men. The emperor wishes to keep Hanover neuter, and the king is exerting all his political abilities to have the Hanoverian army active on his side. This winter will, it is generally believed, de- cide the part that Hanover will take if the war continues in Germany, in which ease the opposite party will join issue with us; in the mean- time we must have patience, as at present neither side can in prudence enter into any measures with us unless France makes a point of it. With the advice of the French ambassador at Vienua I shall remain here, as being a central place for Germany, until we can see with more precision how to direct our future operations. I understood from his excellency Count de Vergennes, when I saw him at Versailles last month, that he thought our business would by and by go forward at Vienna. As the court of Versailles can at any time influence that of Vienna with respect to us, I presume some plan of that sort is now in agitation, of which I expect due information from his excellency the Baron de Breteuil at Vienna; but I must remind you that, under my OCTOBKR 15, 1778. 789 present commission, I liave no authority to conclude, or even to treat of, anytbino- witli tliat court. This I explained fnlly to you in my letters last winter, wliicli you must Lave received. I am, gentlemen, with the Lighest esteem and regard, etc., William Lee. PLAN IIF A TREATY WITH IIDLLAND. Plan of a Ircat:/ of commerce In hr eiilend iiilo hdiiccii tliclr Tlii/h jilii/liliiicssi'S llie States of the Seceii United Pnirineef: of Holland and llie I'hiiieeii I'niled States of North America (specif i/ing the Statif:). The parties being willing to fix in an eqnitable and permanent manner llio rules Mliicli onght to 1)0 foUo-n'ed relative to tlie correspondence and commerce which tliey desire to establish between their respective conntiies, States, subjects, and people, have jndged that the said end could not bo better attained than by taking for the basis of their agreement the most perfect equality and reciprocity, and by carefnlly avoiding all those burdensome preferences which are usually the sources of debate, embarrassment, and discontent; by leaving, also, each party at liberty to make re- specting commerce and navigation such interior regulations as it shall find most cou- venieut to itself, .and by founding the advantage of commerce solely upon reciprocal utility and the just rules of free intercourse, reserving withal to each party the liberty of admitting .at i(s pleasure other nations to a participation of the same advantages. On these principles the parties .above mentioned have, after mature deliberation, agreed to the following articles : Article I. There shall be firm, inviolable, and univers.al peace and sincere friendship between their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland and the United States of North America and the subjects and people of the said parties, aud between the countries, islands, cities, and towns situated under the jurisdiction of the said United States of Holland .and the sa:ld United States of America and the people and inhabitants thereof of every degree, without exception of persons or places. Article II. The subjects of the said United States of Holland shall pay no other duties or im- posts in the ports, havens, roads, countries, islands, cities, and towns of the said United States of America, or any of them, than the natives and inhabitants thereof shall pay; but shall enjoy all the other rights, liberties, privileges, immunities, and exceptions in trade, navigation, and commerce, in passing from one part thereof to another and in going to and from the same from and to any part of the world, which the said natives or iuhabitant-s enjoy. Article III. The subjects, people, and inhabitants of the said United States of America, or any of them, shall not pay any other duties or imposts in the ports, havens, roads, coun- tries, islands, cities, or towns subject to their said high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland than the natives and inhabitants of those countries, islands, cities, or towns shall pay; but shall enjoy all the other rights, liberties, privileges, immunities, and exceptions in trade, navigation, and commerce, in passing from one part thereof to another and in going to and from the same and to and from any part of the world, which the said natives or inh.abitants enjoy. 790 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Akticlt: IV. The subjects and people of each of the aforesaid confederates, and the inhabitants of countries, islands, cities, or towns belonging to either of the parties, shall have liberty freely and securely, "without license or passport, general or special, by laud or by water, or in any other way, to go into the kingdoms, countries, provinces, lands, islands, cities, villages, towns, walled or unwalled, or fortified ports, dominions, or territories whatsoever of the other confederate, there to enter and return from thence, to abide there or pass through the same, and in the mean time to buy and purchase as they please all things necessary for their subsistence and use, and they shall be treated with all mutual kiudnoss and favor; provided, however, that in all matters they behave and comport themselves conformably to the public laws, statutes, and ordinances of such kingdom, country, province, island, city, or town in which they may be and live, and converse with each other friendly aud i>eaceably, and keep up reciprocal concord by all numner of good understanding. Article V. The subjects and people of each of the parties, ,ind the inhabitants of the countries, islands, cities, or towns subject or belonging to either of them, shall have leave aud license to come with their ships or vessels, as also with the goods and merchandise on board the same (the trade or importation whereof is not prohibited by the laws or ordinances of either country), to the lands, countries, cities, ports, places, and rivers of either side, to enter into the same, to resort thereto, to remain and reside there without any limitation of time: also to hire houses, or to lodge with other people, and to buy all kinds of lawful merchandises and goods where they think fit, from the first workman or seller, or in any other manner, whether in the public market for the sale of things, in mart towns, fairs, or wheresoever those goods or merchandises are manufactured or sold. They may .also lay up and keep in their magazines or warehouses, and from thence expose to sale, merchandises or goods brought from other ports ; neither shall they iu anywise be obliged, unless willingly and of their own accord, to bring their said goods or merchandises to the marts or fairs; on this condition, however, that they shall not sell the same by retail or in shops or anywhere else. But they are not to be loaded with any impositions or taxes on account of the said freedom, or for any other cause whatsoever, except what are to be paid for their ships, vessels, or goods, according to the laws and customs received in each country, agreeable to the stipulations in this treaty. Aud, more- over, they shall have free leave and permission, without any kind of hindrance or molestation, to remove themselves ; also, if they shall happen to be married, their wives aud children, if they have any, and their servants, if they are willing to go with their masters, together with their merchandises, wares, goods, and eifects, either bought or imported, whatsoever and whithersoever they shall think fit, out of the bounds of each country, by land or by sea, on the rivers and fresh waters, not- withstanding any law, privilege, grant. Immunity, or custom in anywise importing the contrary. Article VI. In the business of religion there shall be entire liberty allowed to the subjects of each of the confederals; as also, if they are married, to their wives and children; neither shall they be compelled to go to the churches, or to be present at the religious worship in any other place. On the contrary, they may, without any kind of moles- tation, perform their religious exercises after their own way in churches, chapels, or houses with open doors; moreover, liberty shall bo granted to bury the subjects of either party who die in tlie territories of the other in convenient and decent places, to be appointed for that purpose, as occasion shall require; neither shall the dead bodies of those that are buried be anyways molested. OCTOBER 15, 1778. 791 Article VII. Furthermore, it is agreed and concluded as a general rule that all and singular the subjects of their said high mightinesses, the Seven United Provinces of Holland, and of the said United States of America, in all countries and places subject to their power on either side, as to all duties, impositions, or customs whatsoever concerning goods, merchandises, persons, ships, vessels, freight, seamen, navigation and commerce,' shall use and enjoy the same privileges, liberties, and immunities at least, and have the like favor in all things, as well in the courts of justice as in all such things as re- late either to commerce or to any ol her right whatever, which any foreign n.ation the most favored has, uses, aud enjoys, or may hereafter have, use and enjoy. Article VIII. Theirhighmightinesses, the States of the Seven l-'rovinces of Holland, shall endeavor by all means in their power to protect and defend all vessels, and the effects belong- ing to the subjects, people, or inhabitants of the said United States of America, or any of them, being in their ports, li.avens, or roads, or on the seas near to their coun- tries, islands, cities, or towns, and to recover aud cause to be restored to the right owners, their agents or attorueyg, all such vessels .lud effects which shall bo taken within their jurisdiction, and their ships of war, or any convoys sailing under their authority, shall, upon all occasions, take nuder their protection all vessels belonging to the subjects, people, or inhabitants of the United States of America, or any of them, or holding the same course, or going the same way, and shall defeml such ves- sels as long as they hold the same course, or go the same way, .against all attacks, force, and violence in the same manner as they ought to protect aud defend vessels belonging to the subjects of their said high mightinesses, the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland. Article IX. In like manner, the said United States o£ America, and their ships of war sailing under their anthority, shall protect and defend, conformable to the tenor of the pre- ceding article, all the vessels and effects belonging to the subjects of the said Seven United Provinces of Holland, and use .all their endeavors to recover and cause to be restored to their right owners the said vessels and effects that shall have been taken within the jurisdiction of the said United States of America, or any of them. Article X. Their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, will employ their good offices and interposition with the King or Emperor of Morocco or Fez, the Regency of Algiers, Tunis, or Tripoli, or with .any of them, and .also with every other prince, state, or power on the coast of Barbary, in Africa, and the sub- jects of the said king, emperor, states, and powers, and each of them, in order to provideas fully as possible fortho benefit, conveniency, and safety of the said United States, and each of them, their subjects, people, and inhabitants, and their vessels and effects, against all violence, insult, attacks, or depredations, on the part of the said princes or states of Barbary or their subjects. Article XI. It shall bo lawful and free for merchants aud others, being subjects either of the said Seven United Provinces of Holland, or of the said United States of America, by will, or any other disposition, made either during the time of sickness, or at any other time before or .at the point of death, to devise or give away to such person or persons as to them shall seem good their effeotp, merchandises, money, debts, or goods. 792 DIPLOilATlC CORRESPONDENCE. movalile or iinmovable, wbich tliey have, or ought to Lave, at the time of their de.atli, or at any tiiiio before, witliin the conutries, islands, cities, towns, or dominions belonging to either of the said contracting parties; moreover, whether they die, having made their will, or intestate, their lawful heirs, executors, or administrators, residing in the dominions of either of the contracting parties or coming from any other part, although they be not naturalized, and without having the effect of this concession contested or impeded under pretext of any rights or prerogatives of prov- inces, cities, or private persons, shall freely and qnietly receive and take possession of all the said goods and effects whatsoever, according to the laws of each country respectively ; the wills and rights of entering upon the inheritances of persons dying intestate must be proved according to law in those places where each person may happen to die, as well by the subjects of one as of the other contracting party, any law, statute, edict, custom, ordinance, droll rVaiilxihie, or any other right whatsoever notwithstanding. Article XII. The goods .anil estates of the people iind subjects of the one contracting party that shall die in the countries, islands, lands, cities, or towns of the other shall be jire- eerved for the lawful heirs and successors of the deceased, the right of any third per- son .always reserved, and such goods and effects, together with the papers, writings, and books of accounts of such deceased persons, shall be put into an inventory by the consul orotlier public minister of such party whose subject has so died, and put into the hands of two or three reputable merchants, that shall be named by such consul or public minister, to bo kept for the heirs, executors, iidministr.ators, or creditors of the deceased; nor .shall any judiciary whates^er intermeddle therein nntil applied to according to the forms of law by such heir, executor, administrator, or creditor. Article XIII. It shall be lawful and free for the subjects of each party to employ such advocates, attorneys, notaries, solicitors or factors, as they sh.all think fit; to which end the said advocates and others above mentioned maybe appointed by the ordinary judges if it be needful and the judges be thereunto required. Article XIV. Merchants, master of ships, owners, mariners, men of all kinds, ships and vessels, and all merchandises and goods in general and effects of one of the confederates or of the subjects thereof, shall not on any public or priv.atc account, by virtue of any gener.al or special edict, be seized or detained in any of the countries, lauds, islands, cities, towns, ports, havens, shores, or dominions whatsoever of the other confederiite for public use, for warlike expeditions, or for any other cause, much less for the Ijrivatc use of any one shall they be detained by arrests, compelled by violence or under any color thereof, or in anywise molested or injured. Moreover, it shall he unlawful for the subjects of either party to take anything, or to extort it by force, from the subjects of the other party without the consent of the person to whom it belongs and it be paid for with ready money ; which, however, is not to be un- derstood of that detention and seizure which shall be made by the command and authority of justice and by the ordinary methods, on account of debt or crimes, in respect whereof the proceedings must be by way of law, according to the forms of justice. Article XV. It is further agreed and concluded that it shall be wholly free for all merchants, commanders of ships, and other subjects of their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, in all places subject to the dominion and juris- OCTOBER 15, 1778. 793 diction of the said United States of America, to manage their own business tliem- selves, or to employ wliomsoever tliey please to nianago it for them ; nor sliall they be obliged to make use of any interpreter or broker, nor to pay thera any salary or fees unless they choose to make use of them ; moreover, masters of ships shall not be obliged, in loading or unloading their ships, to make use of those workmen that may be appointed by public aiithority for that purpose ; bnt it shall be entirely free for them to load or unload their ships by themselves, or to make use of sncli persons in loading or unloading the same as they shall think fit, vrithoiit paying any fees or salary to any other whomsoever ; neither shall they be forced to unload any sort of merchandises, either into other ships, or to receive them into their own, or to wait for their being loaded longer than thej' please, and all and every the subjects, people, and inhabitants of the said United States of America shall reciprocally have and enjoy the same privileges and liberties in all places whatsoever subject to the do- minion and jnrisdiction of their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland. Article XVI. A dispute arising between any commander of the ships on either side and his sea- men, in any port of the other party, concerning wages due to the said seamen or other civil causes, the magistrate of the place shall require no more from the person accused than that he give to the accuser a declaration in writing, witnessed by the magistrate, whereby he shall be bound to answer that matter before a competent judge in his own couulry, which being done, it shall not be lawful for the seamen to desert the snip, or to hinder the commander from iiroaecuting his voyage. It more- over shall be lawful for the merchants on both sides, in the places of their abode or elsewhere, to keep books of their accounts and affairs in any language or manner and on any paper they shall think fit, and to have an intercourse of letters in such language or idiom as they shall please, without any search or molestation whatever; but if it shonhl happen to be necessary for them to produce their hooks of accounts for deciding any dispute or controversy, in such case they shall bring into court the entire books or writings, but so as that the judge or any other person may not have liberty to inspect any other articles iu the said hooks than sucli as shall be necessary to verify and authenticate the matter iu question, or such as shall be necessary to give credit to the said books; neither shall it be lawful, under any pretense, to take the said books or writings forcibly out of the hands of the owners, or to retain them, the case of bankruptcy only excepted. Article XVII. The merchant ships of either of the parties which shall be making into a port of the other party, and concerning whose voyage and the species of goods on board her there shall be any jnst grounds of suspicion, shall bo obliged to exhibit, as well upon the high seas as in the ports and havens, not only her passports, but likewise certifi- cates expressly showing that her goods are not of the number of those which have been prohibited as contraband. Article XVIII. If, by exhibiting the above said certificates, mentioning the particulars of the things on board, the other party should discover there are any of those sorts of goods which are prohibited and declared contraband by this treaty, and consigned for a port under the obedience of his enemies, it shall not be lawful to break up the hatches of such ship, or to open any chest, cotfer, pack, cask, or any other vessel or package found therein, or to remove the smallest particle of the goods, whether such ship belongs to the subjects of their high mightinesses tlie States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, or to the subjects or inhabitants of the said United States of America, 794 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. unless the loading lie brought ou shore in presence of the officers of the court of admiralty and an inventory thereof made; hut there shall he uo allowance to sell, exchange, or alienate the same in any manner until after that due aud lawful process shall have been had against snch prohibited goods, and the court of admiralty re- spectively shall, by a sentence pronounced, have confiscated the same ; saving always as well the ship itself, as any other goods found therein, which, by this treaty, are to he esteemed free ; neither may they be detained on pretense of their being, as it were, infected by the prohibited goods, much less shall they be confiscated as lawful prize ; but if not the whole cargo, but only part thereof, shall consist of prohibited or con- traband goods, and the commander of the ship shall be ready aud williug to deliver them to the captor who has discovered them, in such case, the captor having received those goods, shall forthwith discharge (he ship, and not hinder her, by any means, from freely prosecuting the voyage on which she was bound; but, in case the contra- band merchandise can not be all received ou board the vessel of the captor, then the captor may, notwithstanding the offer of delivering him the contraband goods, carry the vessel into the nearest port, agreeable to what is above directed. Article XIX, On the contrary, it is agreed that whatever shall be found to be laden by the sub- jects, people, or inhabitants of either party on any ship belonging to the enemy of the other, or to their subjects, the whole, .although it be not of the sort of prohibited goods, may bo confiscated in the same manner as if it belonged to the enemy himself, except such goods and merchandises as were put ou board the .ships before the decla- rjition of war, or even after snch declaration, if it so be that it was^done without the knowledge of such declaration, so that the goods of the subjects and people of either party, whether they be of the n.ature of such as are prohibited or otherwise, which, as aforesaid, were put on board any ship belonging to an enemy before the war, or after the declaration of the same, without knowledge of it, shall noways be liable to confiscation, but shall well and truly be restored, without delay, to the proprietors demanding the same ; but so as that, if the said merchandises be contraband, it shall not be anyw.ays lawful to carry them afterwards to any ports belonging to the enemy. The two contracting parties, [agree] that the terms of six months beingelapsed after the declaration of war, their respective subjects, people, and inhabitants, from whatever part of the world they come, sh.all not ple.id the ignorance mentioned in this article. Article XX. And that more effectual care may be taken for the security of the subjects and people of either party, th.at they do not suffer any injury by the men of war or priva- teers of the other party, all the conmianders of the ships of war and the armed vessels of the said States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland and of the said United States of America, and all their subjects aud people, shall be forbid doing any injury or damage to the other side; and if they act to the contrary, they shall be punished, and shall moreover be bouuil to m.ake satisfaction for all matter of damage, and the interest thereof, by rejiaratiou, under the pain and obligation of their persons and goods. Article XXI. All ships and merchandises, of what nature soever, which shall be rescued out of the hands of pirates or robbers ou the high seas, shall he brought into some port of one or the other party, and shall be delivered into the custody of the oflicers of that port, in order to be restored entire to the trne jtroprietor as soon as due and sufficient proof shall be made concerning the property thereof. OCTOBER 15, 1778. 795 Article XXIl. It sliall be lawful for tlio ships of war, privatoors, or iirmed vessels of either party, freely to carry whithersoever they please the ships and goods taken from their ene- mies without heing obliged to pay any duty to the officers of the admiralty or auy other judges ; nor shall such prizes be arrested or seized wlieu they come to and enter the ports of either party ; nor shall the searchers or other oflicers of those places search the same or make examination concerning the huvfulness of such prizes- but they may hoist sail at auy time and depart and carry their prizes to the place expressed in their commissions, which the commanders of such ships of war, priva- teers, or armed vessels shall be obliged to show. On the contrary, no shelter nor refuge shall bo given in their ports to such as shall have made prize of the subjects, people, or property of either of the parties ; but if such shall come in, being forced by stress of weather or the danger of the seas, all proper means shall be vigorously used that they go out and retire from thence as soon as possible. Article XXIII. If any ships or vessels belonging to either of the parties, their subjects or people, shall, within the coastsor dominions of the other, stick upon the .sands, or be wrecked, or suffer any other damage, all friendly assistance and relief shall he given to the persons shipwrecked, or such as shall be in danger thereof; and letters of safe con- duct shall likewise be given to them for their free and quiet na.ssage from thence, and the return of every one to their own country. Article XXIV. In case the subjects or people of either party, with their shipping, whether public and of war, or private and of merchants, be forced (hrough stress of weather, pur- suit of pirates or enemie.s, or auy other urgent necessity for seeking .shelter and har- bor, to retreat and enter into any of the rivers, creeks, bays, havens, roads, ports, or shores belonging to the other party, they shall be received and treated with all humanity and kindness, and enjoy all friendly protection and help, and tliey sluill be permitted to refresh and provide themselves, at reasonable, rates, with victii.'ils and all things needful for the sustenance of their per.sons or rejiaratiou of their sliips and conveniency of their voyage; and they shall nownys be detained or hindered from retifrning out of the said ports or roads, but may remove and depart when and whither they please without any let or hindrance. Article XXV. For the better promoting of commerce of both sides, it is agreed that if a war shonld ever happen tobreak ont between the said contracting parties, six months after the proclamation of war shall be .allowed to the merchants, subjects, and people on either side, in countries, cities, and .towns where they may happen to reside, in which time they them.selves may retire, together with all their families, goods, mer- chandises, and effects, and carry them whitlier.soevcr they shall please, aslil;ewise, at the same time, the selling and disposing of their goods, bolh movable and immov- able, shall he allowed them freely and without any di.stiUrbauce; and, in the luean time, their goods, effects, wares, and merchandises, and particulnrly tlieir persons, shall not he detained or troubled by arrest or seizure, but rather, in the mean time, the subjects and people on eacli side shall have and enjoy good and speedy justice, so that during the said space of six months they may bo able to recover their goods and effects, intrusted as well to the pnolic as to private persons; and if any thing bo taken from them, or any injury be done by either party, or the people or subjects on either side, full .satisfaction .shall be made for the same by the party committing such injury or doing such damage. 79G DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Article XXVI. No subjects of their bigli mightinesses tlie States of tlie Seven United Provinces of Holland, sluill apply for or lake any commission or letter. of marqne for arming any ship i)r ships to act as privateers against the said United States of America, or any of them, or against the snbjects, people, or inhahitanis of the said United States, or any of them, from any prince or state "with which the said United States of America shall happen to he at war; and if any person of either nation shall take such commission or letter of marque he shall be punished as a pirate. AliTICLE XXVTI. It shall not be lawful for any foreign jirivateers, not belonging fo the snbjects of their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, nor to the citizens of the said United States of Amerii-a, which have commissions from any other prince or state in enmity wiih either of the contracting parties, (o fit their ships in the ports of either the one or the other of the aforesaid parties, to sell what they have taken, or in any other manner whatsoever to exchange their ships, mer- chandises, or any otherlading ; neithersball they he allowed even to pnrcha.se victuals, except such as shall bo necessary for their going to the next port of that prince or state from which they have commissions. Article XXVIII. It shall be lawful for all and singular the snlijccts of their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, and the citizens, people, and inhab- itants of the said United States of America, to sail with their ships with all manner of liberty and security, no distinction being made who are the proprietors of the mer- chandises laden therein, from any port tolhe placesof those who now are or hereafter shall be at enmity with the sp.id States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland or the said United States of America. 1 1 shall be also lawful for the snbjects and citizens aforesaid to sail with the ships and inerchandi.ses aforementioned, and to trade with the same liberty and secnrity from the places, port.s, and havens of those who are enemies of either party, witliout any ojiposition or disturbance whatsoever, not only directly from the places of th e enemy aforementioned to neutral places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy whether they be under the jurisdiction of one and the same power or under several. And it is hereby stipulated that free ships shall also give a freedom to goods, and that everything shall be deemed to bo free and ex- empt which shall be found on board the ships belonging to the subjects of either of the confederates, although the whole lading, or anypart thereof, should appertaiufo the enemies of either, contraband goods being always excepted. It is also agreed in like manner that the same liberty be extended to persons who are on board a free ship, with this effect, that although they he enemies to both or either party, they are not to be taken out of that free ship unless they are soldiers and in the actual service of the enemies. Artkjle XXIX. Tliis liberty of navigation and commerce shall extend to all kinds of merchandises, excepting those only which are distinguished by the name of contraband or prohib- ited goods; and under this name of contraband or prohibited goods, shall be compre- hended arms, great guns, bombs, with their fn.sees, and other things belonging to them, firelialls, gunpowder, match, cannon ball, pikes, swords, lances, spears, hal- berts, mortars, petards, grenades, saltpetre, muskets, musket ball, helmets, headpieces, breastplates, coats of mail, and the like kinds of arms proper for arming soldiers, ; musket rests, belts, horses, with their furniture, and all other warlike instruments . whatever. These merchandises which follow shall not be reckoned among contra- . band or prohibited goods; that is to say, all sorts of cloth and all other manufactures , OCTOBER 15, 1778. 797 made of wool, flax, horaij, silk, cottou, or any other iiiaterials whatever. All kinds of wearing apparel, together with the species whereof they are used to ho made, gold and silver, as well coined as uncoined, tin, iron, lead, copper, bras.s, as also wheat and barley, and every other kind of corn and pulse, tobacco, and likewise all man- ner of spices, salted and smoked llesh, salted fish, cheese and butter, beer, oils, wines, cider, sugars, syrup, and all sorts of salt, and in general all provisions which serve to the nourishment of mankind and the sustouance of life ; fnrthermore, all kinds of cotton, hemp, flax, tar, pitch, turpentine, ropes, cables, sail, sailcloths, anchors, and any parts of anchors ; also ships' masts, planks, boards, and beams of what trees so- ever, and all other things proper either for building or repairing ships ; and all other goods whatsoever which have not been worked into the form of any instrument or thingprepared for war, by land or by sea, shall noi be reputed contraband, much less such as have been already wrought and made up for any other use, all which shall be wholly reckoned among free goods, as likewise all other mercliandises and things which are not comprehended or particularly mentioned in the foregoing enumeration of contraband goods, so that they may be transported and carried in the freest man- ner by the subjects and citizens of both confederates even to places belonging to an enemy, such towns and places being only excepted as are at that time besieged, blocked up, or invested. Articlio XXX. To the end that all manner of dissension and quarrels may be prevented and avoided on both sides, it is agreed, that in case either of the parties hereto should bo engaged in war, the ships and vessels belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other ally must be furnished with sea letters, or passports, expressing the name, prop- erty, or bulk of the ship or vessel, as also the name, place, or habitation of the master or commander of the said ship or Tes.sel, that it may appear thereby that the ship really and truly belongs to the subjects or citizens of one of the parties, which pass- port shall be made out and granted according to the form annexed to this treaty. They shall likewise be recalled every year, that is, if the ship or vessel happens to return home within the space of a year. It is likewise agreed that such ships or ves- sels being laden are to be provided not only with passports, as above mentioned, but also with certificates containing the several particulars of the cargo, the place from whence the ship sailed and whither she is bound, that so it may be known whether any forbidden or contraband goods be onboard the same; which certificates shall be made out by the officers of the place whence the ship or vessel set sail in the ac- customed form ; and if any one shall think it fit or advisable to express in the said certificates the persons to whom the goods on board belong, he may freely do so. Akticlk XXXI. • The ships or vessels of the subjects or citizens of either of the parties coming upon any coasts belonging to either of the said confederates, but not willing to cuter into port, or, being entered into port, and not willing to unload their cargoes or break bulk, shall not be obliged to give an account of their lading, unless they should be suspected on some manifest tokens of carrying to the enemy of the other ally any prohibited goods called contrabaud, and in case of such manifest suspicion, the said subjects and citizens of either of the parties shall be obliged to exhibit in the ports tUeir passports and certificates in the manner before sriecilied. Article XXXII. If the ships or vessels of the said subjects or people of either of the parties shall be met with sailing along the coasts, or on the high seas, by any ship of war, priva- teer, or armed vessel of the other party, the said ships of war, privateers, or armed vessels, for the avoiding of any disorder, shall remain out of cannon shot, and may Bend theirboats on board the merchant ship which they shall so meet with, and may 798 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. enter lier, to tlio nuiuber of two or three men only, to whom the master or com- niauder of such ship or vessel shall exhibit his i)assport, couccriiing the property of the ship or vessel, made out according to the form annexed to this present treaty, and the ship or vessel, after such passport has been shown, shall bo free and at liberty to pursue her voyage, so as it shall not be lawful to molest or search her in any manner to give her chase, or to force licr to quit her intended course. AiiTicM5 xxxrii. It is also agreed that all goods wlicn ouce put on board the ships or vessels of either party shall not be subject to any further visitation, but all visitation and search shall be made beforehand, and all prohibited goods shall be stopped on the spot, be- fore the same be put on board tlie ships or vessels of the respective parties, their subjects or people ; nor shall the i)crson or goods of the subjects or people of their said high mightinesses of the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland or the said United States of America bo put under any arrest or molested by any other kind of embargo for that cause, but only the subject of that power by which the s.iid goods have been or shall be prohibited, who shall have presumed to sell or alienate such sort of goods, may be duly punished for the oH'ciise according to the laws, cus- toms, or ordinances of his own country. Article XXXIY. The two contracting parties grant to each other mutually the liberty of having each in the ports of the other consuls, vice-consuls, agents, and commissionarie.? of their own appointing, whose functions shall be reguLited by particular agreement, whenever either party chooses to make such appointment. This is a rough plan of ,a treaty of commerce which, in consequence of the appoint- ment and instructions of the honorable Mr. Engelbert Francis Van Berckel, counsellor pensionary of the citj"" of Amsterdam, to me, John de Neufville, citizen of the said city of Amsterdam, I have perused, considered, and settled with AVilliam Lee, esq., commissioner of Congress, as a proper treaty of conmierce to be entered into betweei; their high mightinesses the States of the Seven United Provinces of Holland and the United States of North America. This done at Aix-la-Chapelle the 4th of September, 1778. John de Neufvili.e. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Dumas.* Passy, October IC, 1778. Sib : We have received yours of the 2d instant, with the declaration signed liy M. Van Berckel, and his explanatory letter to you, which gave us much pleasure, as they show the good disposition of that re- spectable body the burgomasters of Amsterdam towards the United States of America, and their willingness, as far as may depend on them, to promote between the republic of the United Low Countries in Eu- rope and the said States " a treaty of perpetual amity, containing re- ciijrocal advantages with resi)ect to commerce between the subjects of the two nations." As that body must be better acquainted than we with the method of doing public business in their country, and appear, to be of the opinion that some previous steps can be taken by them, which may facilitate and expedite so good a work when circumstances. ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corr., 348. OCTOBER 19, 1778. 799 shall permit its coming under the consideration of their liigh mighti- nesses, we rely on their judgment, and hereby request they would take those steps, as explained in M. Van Berokel's letter. And they may be assured that such a treaty as is described would, at this time, meet with no obstacles on the part of the United States of America, who have great esteem and respect for your nation, and that nothing will be wanting on our part to accomplish the end proposed. We would only remark, that the mentioning it in the declaration as a thing necessary to precede the conclusion of such a treaty "^/m^ the American independence should be aolcnowledged by the EmjUsh''^ is not understood by us, who conceive there is no more occasion for such an acknowledgment before a treaty with Holland than there was before our treaty with France. And we apprehend that if that acknowledg- ment were really necessary or icaited for, England might eudeavor to make an advantage of it in the future treaty of pacification to obtain for it some privileges in commerce perhaps exclusive of Holland. We wish, therefore, that idea to be laid aside, aud that uo further mention may be made to us of England in this business. We are, sir, your most obedient humble servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Vergennes to Lee.* [Translation.] Versailles, October 17, 1778. Sir : I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me the 12th instant. I have examined its contents with that attention which is due to the interest I take in everything that respects the pros- perity of the United States, and it is my opinion that you will act pru- dently in suspending the measures you wish to take at the court of Madrid, with the view of ascertaining its principles and resolutions with regard to America. I have the honor to be, etc., De Vergennes. Sartlne to the Commissioners at Paris.t [Translation. ] Marly, October 19, 1778. Gentlemen: I have received the two letters with which you have honored me; on the subject of the claims of Mr. Izard to goods cap- tured in the Wile. I observed to you in my letter of the 17th instant ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corr., 520 Ubid, 3i9. 800 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. that the governuieut could only interfere wheu the laws were iusuffi- cieut; and that its interposition would be misplaced when they were plain and precise. You must feel all the justice of this principle bet- ter than any person whatever, and I do not doubt that cases may occur in which you may yourselves appeal to it. The capture of the Nile and of her cargo has -been declared good. To order a particular restitution, and deprive the captors of property which they have acquired provisionally at least, would be an interfer- ence of the government with the laws, and would introduce a danger- ous precedent in the proceedings established by his majesty relative to prizes. The more firmly you are convinced that the claims of Mr. Izard are conformable to the treaty, the more ready you should be to believe that they will be favorably received, and the expenses of a suit are inconsiderable. It is true that they might have been avoided if Mr. Izard's property had been shown before the first sentence, because then it would only have been necessary to prove the property, which seems to me indisputable ; but in the present state of things I am sorry that it is impossible for him to avoid the necessary forms to which his majesty has subjected his allies as well as his own subjects. I have the honor to be, etc., De Saetinb.* A. Lee to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. t Paris, October 19, 1778. Gentlemen : Our affairs in Holland, both as to the treaty and loan, are in a promising state. The King of Naples and of Sicily has de- clared to us in form, by his ambassador here, that his ports are open to all vessels belonging to the United States. As the success of our cause gains ground daily in the opinion of mankind, I imagine this winter will produce us some more declared friends among the European powers. The enemy appears to have no system about continuing the war or ending it on the terms which Congress has marked out to them. A ht- ' The above w.is thus comiuuuieated to Mr. Izard : Passy, October 22, 1778. .Slu: AVe have just now the houor of a letter from M. do Sartiue, dated the 19th, which we suppose is his excellency's uHiniatuiu concerning your efl'ects taken in the A'lVe, and we therefore take the earliest opportunity to enclose you a copy of it, that you may be able to take your measures in consequence of it, in which we suppose there is no time to be lost. We have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, yours, etc., B. Fkanklin. Arthur Leb. John Adams. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev, Corp., 521. OCTOBER 20, 1778. 801 tie success in privateeriug siuce tUe commencemeut of hostilities has given amomeutary exhilaration to their depressed spirits; and the ex- pectation of a speedy peace, which is artfully circulated by ministerial agents, keeps theiu from entirely sinking. I find by a specimen which did not reach mo until the goods were shipped that I have been most egregiously imposed upon in the fusils sent from Berlin. I mean to complain of it to the King of Prussia's minister, as it was the king's contractor that furnished them by his or- der. The impositions that we daily meet with are in consequence of an opiuion prevailing among individuals that as we are not acknowledged they may do it with impunity. No movements yet on the part of Spain. I have consulted Count de Vergennes on the propriety of my taking any measures to bring that court to a decision. His advice is in these words : " My opinion is that you will act prudently to suspend the advances which you desire to make to that court, with the view of ascertaining its principles and reso- lutions with regard to America." Agreeably to this advice I shall wait the positive orders of (Jougress, unless some change of circumstances should make it evidently prudent and necessary for me to act before they arrive. I beg my humble duty may be recommended to Congress, and have the honor to be, etc. Aethub Lee. Franklin to Hartley.* Passv, October 20, 1778. Dear Sir: I received your favor of the 9th instant, with a coj^y of the letter from the admiralty ottice relative to the proposed exchange of prisoners, in which the precise number of those we have here is desired. I can not at present give it you, they being disposed in dif- ferent parts, and indeed it will always be diflicult to be precise in it, the number continually changing by new i)risoners brought in and some escaping. I think the list I formerly sent you was near two hundred, t since which sixty odd have been brought into France from the North Seas by Captain McNeil and some by others of our cruisers, aud I just now hear that we have one hundred more in Spain, taken by one of our privateers in two New York packets, one going thither, the other returning, eighty-eight of which are officers of your army. I wish your lordships could have seen it well to exchange ujiou account, but though they may not think it safe trusting to us, we shall make no difficulty in trusting to them. And to expedite the exchange aud save the time *MSS. Dep. State; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 216. tN. B. (by Hartley). — In July there were about two liundred aud fiftx-eigbt and some mast men, according to the list then seut, which I transmitted to the admiralty in July last. 51 WH — VOL II 802 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tbat obtaiuiag a correct list would require, we make this proposition: tliat if their lordships will send us over two hundred and fifty of our people we will deliver all we have in France. If the number we have falls short of the two hundred and fifty the cartel ship may take back as many of those she brings as the deficiency amounts to, delivering no more than she receives. If our number exceeds the two hundred and fifty wc will deliver them all nevertheless, their lordships promising to send us immediately a number equal to the suri>lus. We would thus wish to commence, by this first advance, that mutual confidence which it would be for the happiness of mankind that nations should maintain honorably with each other, though engaged in war. I hope this will remove all obstructions to a speedy completion of the business, as the winter approaches and the poor prisoners on both sides may suffer in it extremely. Congress. — Franklin's Commission and Instructions." October 21, 1778. The committee appointed to prepare a letter of credence notifying to his most Christian majesty the appointment of Benjamin Franklin, esq., to be the minister plenii)otentiai'y of these States at the court of France, and also the draught of instructions to the said minister, brought in the draught of a letter which was agreed to. ^^To our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre. "Great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally: The prin- ciples of equality and reciprocity on which you have entered into treaties with us give you an additional security for that good faith with which we shall observe them from motives of honor and of aft'ection to your majesty. The distinguished part you have taken iu the support of the liberties and independence of these States can not but inspire them with the most ardent wishes for the interest and the glory of France. " We have nominated Benjamin Franklin, esq., to reside at your court in quality of our minister plenipotentiary, that he may give j^ou more ])articular assurances of the grateful sentiments which you have excited iu us and in each of the United States. We beseech you to give entire credit to everything which he shall deliver on our part, more especially when he shall assure you of the permanency of our friendship ; and we pray God that he will keep your majesty, our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, in his most holy protection. Done at Philada. the — day of October, 1778, by the Congress of North America, your good friends and allies. Attest, C. T., Secretary. Signed H. L., President. ' MSS. Dep. of State ; iirintect secret journals of Congress, the latter being Imperfect. OCTOBER 21, 1778. 803 Tlie same commissioner also brought iu a draught of instructions, which were taken into consideration. A motion being made to strike out the word " protection " and instead tliereof to insert "further assist- ance," and the j^eas and nays being required by Mr. Gerry, New Hampshire Mr. Bartletfc Aye. r Mr. S. Adams No. ^ Massachusetts J JJ"-'- ^'^'■'^J, Aye. [ „ 1 Mr. Lovell No. { • LMr. Holton Aye. J Rhode Island Mr. Marohaut Aye. Coimeclicut \ M''- Sherinau Aye. ?q \ Mr. Ellsworth No. ) ' New York , j ^J''' P,""". ^"- No ^ Mr Morris No. ( ^ • New Jersey ^ ^r Witherspoou No. l^ ^ ^ Mr. Scudder.. No. ^^^°' Pennsylvania | Mr. Eoberdeau No. ^ j^ ■' J Mr. Clmgaii No. i)'^'' Maryland Mr. Henry Aye. Aye. ( Mr. R. H. Lee No. ) Virginia ^ Mr. M. Smith No. , No. ( Mr. Griliin No. ) ( Mr. Peou No. i North Carolina < Mr. Harnett No. VNo. I Mr. Williams No. ) ( Mr. Laurens No. ) South Carolina ■? Mr. Drayton No. >No. ( Mr. Hutson No. ) ( Mr. Walton No. ) Georgia .' Mr. Telfair Aye. >No. ( Mr. Laugworthy No. ) So it passed in the negative. A motion was then made to expunge the whole clause, to wit, "You are further to assure him that they consider this speedy aid not only as a testimony of his majesty's fidelity to the engagements he hath entered into, but as an earnest of that protection which they hope from his power and magnanimity and as a bond of gratitude to the union founded on mutual interest." And on the question to agree to that clause, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Marchant, New Hampshire Mr. Bartlett ,...., Aye. Aye. {Mr. Adams Aye."l Mr! Lovdi:;:::.':::;::." Aye. f '^• Mr. Holton No. J Rhode Mand Mr. Marchant No. No. „ .■ . ( Mr. Sherman No. } f. Connecticut | Mr. Ellsworth Aye. ^ ''■ „ ir 1 ( Mr. Duer Aye. K^^ New York | Mr. G. Morris Aye. i^^''- „ T < Mr. Witlierspoon Aye.?. New Jersey | Mr. Scudder Aye. S^^"' ■D , • < Mr, Roberdeau Aye.?. Pennsylvania | jj^ Clingnn Aye. l^^"' Maryland... ^ Mr, Henry ,., 804 DIPLOMATIC COKKESPONUENCK. Virginia < Mr ( Mr. K. H. Lee Aye. ) <, Mr. jr. Smith AJe. >Aye. ( Mr. Griliiu Aye. ) i Mr. Pen 11 Aye. > North C!aroliiia. ^ Jlr. Haruett Aye. /-Aye. ( Mr. Williams Aye. ) ( Mr. l^aurens Aye. ) South Carolina .' Mr. Drayton Aye. /Aye. ( Mr. Mathews Aye. ) ( Mr. Walton Aye. ) Georgia. .'Mr. Telfair Aye. >Aye. ( Mr. Langworlby Aye, S So it was resolved in the affirmative.* Congress. — Presentation of Sword to La Fayette, t October 21, 1778. Resolved, That the minister pleiiipoteutiary of tlie United States of America at the court of Versailles be directed to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and preseuted iu the name of the United States to the Marquis de la Fayette. A. Lee to Schuleuberg.t Chaillot, Octoher 21, 1778. Sir : Your excellency had the goodness to write me on the 16th of January last iu the following words: "As to the fusils and other arms of our mauufacture, you will have liberty to purchase them, and the bankers Splittgerber, who have charge of the fabrication of arms, will be instructed to deliver to you whatsoever may be demanded on your part. I subjoin a note of the prices, which are the same as the king pays, and add, that the fusils for the infantry may be had at a little lower price if regard is only had to the solidity of the work, without insisting on that exact uniformity which the king requires." In consequence of this, I ordered eight hundred fusils for infantry, of the best kind, from the Messrs. Splittgerber, and paid them their own price immediately. My intention was to arm a regiment, that the whole army might judge of the superiority of the Prussian model. The fu- sils were sent bj^ Hamburg to Bordeaux, and were shipped from thenoe to America, a case having previously been opened and a fusil taken out and sent to me. By this specimen I find that the fusils, so far irom the sort at present used in his Prussian Majesty's army, are di- rectly the reverse, and of the worst and most ordinary workmanship that can be imagined. I do assure your excellency that they are such * Here follow instructions as given infra, under date October 26, 1776 t MSS. Dep. of State; secret journals of Congress. t 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 522. OCTOBEE 2-1, 1778. 805 as our militia would reject, and appear to me and otliers,\vlio are com- petent judges, to be old rejected muskets. The ramrod is not a quar- ter of an inch in diameter, and the lock holes that receive it narrow and of the same diameter above and below; so that the Prussian man- ner of charging is impracticable with these fusils. Tlie observation I made a thousand times over of the fusils which the troops of Berlin used enables me to assure you that this is a most egregious imposi- tiou in being sent as the same, and I am sure they would not sell in Europe for 6 livres apiece. My merchant at Bordeaux, the commercial agent of Congress, as- sures me that he took the fusil, from which I form my judgment, with his own hand out of one of the cases sent from Messrs. Splittgerber, through the house of Ohapeaurouge at Hamburg, I therefore entreat your excellency to oblige these men to do me jus- tice. I am not so much offended at the imposition, for the money it has defrauded me of, as for the disgrace it will bring on the manufac- tures of Piussia, and the disappointment of the plan I had formed to introduce them into the United States. The mildest reparation which I conceive can be demanded of the Messrs. Splittgerber is that they send immediatelj' to Bordeaux, at their own expense, eight hundred fusils, such as are ordered, that is, of the present Prussian form and the best workmanship. Those that they have sent I will order to be sold in America, and the net amount of what they bring shall be paid to them. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Vergennes to A. Lee.* [Translation.] Versailles, October 24,1778. Sir: I have received, with great sensibility, the news which you have obtained by the way of Spain. It is a very great fatality that the un- lucky gale of wind separated the squadrons just as Count d'Estaiug had joined the English. He then had a superiority, which he must have lost if the Admirals Byron and Parker have joined Lord Howe. We are very impatient to receive some direct accounts from our vice- admiral. We flatter ourselves that the favorable winds will bring some dispatches from him. I request you, in the mean time, sir, to communicate whatever news you may receive through other channels. I have the honor to be, etc., Db Yergennes. 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 5-2;!. 806 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Genet to Adams." A Versailles, ce 24 Octohre 1778. Monsieur : Je viens de tradnire pour Monseigueiir le Comte de Ver- geuDes les divers papiers de la Gazette de New-York que vous tronve- rez dans le fragment ci-joint d'une gazette angiaise du 17 de ce mois. 11 n'est pas douteux que le procbain Courier de I'Europe ne contienne une traduction de ces divers papiers. Toute la France y vemi un des dt'iix cotes de la question, c'est a dire, celui sous lequel les Com- niissaires anglais la presentent, sans voir en meme temps ce que les Americains peuvent y repondre, parceque les gazettes americaines oil scront sans donte les reponses convenables, ue pourront pas arriver en Europe aussitot qu'il conviendroit. Je prends la liberie de vous prier en consequence, non pas d'y repon- dre en votre nom, mais de me fournir des notes d'apres lesquelles je puisse, dans le No. 58 des Affaires d'' Angleterre t qui paroitra incessa- ment, combattre les assertions injurieuses des Commissaires anglais, et centre le Oougres et contre les membres ; notamment sur Particle des boites de cartouches des troupes du General Burgoyne; sur I'etat oil sont actuellement ces troupes a Boston, etc. J'en ferai usage, comme de reflexions et observatious venant d'uu particulier ignore, et an moiiis nos ennemis comniuns u'auront ])oint I'avautage que I'Europe se remplisse de ses inculpations contre le Con- gres et la France, sans que quelqu'un essaye de remettre les esprits sur la bonne voie. Je suis avec respect, monsieur, etc., Gbnet.J P. S. — -Plutot vous iiourrez m'envoyer vos observations, mieux ce sera. *7 J. Adams' Works, 59. +The name of a periodical publication, then issued for the purposes indicated in the letter. tThis gentleman -^as premier commis in the office of interpreters, under the Count deVergennes, or, in English phrase, an under Secretary of State in the oflice of foreign affairs. He spolie the English language with great propriety and facility ; was a man of letters and au excellent writer, a zealous advocate lor America, and very friendly to all Americans. He conducted the Mercure de France, in which he published many little speculations for nic, and indeed himself and his whole family were always very civil and friendly to me. He was the father of M. Genet, the minister plenipoten- tiary from the French Republic to the United States, who has been so much celebrated iuthis country. [Letters to the Boston Patriot, 1809.] OCTOBEK 26, 1778. 807 Laurens, President of Congress, to Franklin, Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court, of France. " October 2G, 1778. We, the Congress of the United States of North America, having thought it proper to appoint you their minister plenipotentiary to the court of his most Christian majesty, you shall in all things, according to the best of your knowledge and abilities, promote the interest and honor of the said States at that court, with a particular attention to the following instructions.! • MSS. Dep. of State ; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Covr., 44. t The instructions to Franklin, prepared at this perioil, were drafted by Gouverneur Morris, who, according to Sparks (1, Life of G. Morris, 188, 191), conferred on the subject with Gerard, then French minister at Philadelphia. At Gerard's suggestion Morris consented to strike out a clause in the instructions in which France was to be asked to unite in a plan for driving the British from the principal ports, so as to enable an American navy to be built up, and to weaken the British hold ou the great arteries of trade. To this it was objected by Gerard that an American navy could not in time of peace be built up under two years, and then in war it would be liable at any time to destruction by the British naval force ; and it was further objected that to dispossess the enemy of all the ports of the States would be impossi- ble, and to drive them from one would only be to transfer their strength to another. The appeal for aid in the conquest of Canada remained in a modified form, though Gerard, in his conversation with Morris, let it be understood that France did not en- courage this particular enterprise, nor feel herself bound by treaty to take any steps to further it. Gerard also let it be understood that France would be obliged to dis- countenance any aggressions by the United States upon Spain. "It seemed to him important" (according to Sparks' summary of a dispatch of Gerard to Vergeunes of October 20, 1778) "for the United States to give some surety to that power by fixing certain limits which should not be passed. In answer to Mr. Morris' question as to the nature and extent of this surety, M. Gerard said that the renunciation of any design upon Pensacola, Mobile, and St. Augustine, and even of the navigation of the Mississippi, would perhaps be necessary to accomplish an object so important to both parties and insure the confidence and friendship of Spain. Mr. Morris replied that many of his coUeagnes thought it was time to pass a law de cocrcendo inqmrio ; that to extend the territory of the United States farther to the south and west would be rather to weaken than confirm the Union, and that the poverty and vigor of the north were the best safeguards of the Republic. He said these same persons consid- ered it for the interest of the Confederation that the navigation of the Mississippi as high up as the mouth of the Ohio should appertain exclusively to his catholic majesty, cause it would be the only means of retaining under dependence to the Republic the mass of population which would spring up between the Ohio and the lakes and in the eastern settlements of Virginia ; that the inhabitants of these immense regions, ■whether English or Americans, having an outlet down the St. Lawrence on the one side and the Mississippi on the other, would be in a condition to domineer over the power of the United States, and even of Spain, and would in the end render them- selves independent. "Mr. Gerard asked if this was the general sense of Congress, for he knew several members who thought the navigation of the Mississippi should belong equally to the English and Americans. Mr. Morris answered that these topics had not been agi- tated in such a manner as to come fo any positive result, but the prevalent feeling was that it would not be expedient to extend dominion to the south, and he believed the persons who wished to take possession of the Floridas had a scheme of ceding 808 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 1. You are immediately to assure liis most Cbristain majesty tbat these States entertain tlie highest sense of his exertions in their favor, particularly by sending the respectable squadron under the Count d'Estaing, which would probably have terminated the war in a speedy and honorable manner if unforeseen and unfortunate circumstances had not intervened. Yon are further to assure him that they consider this speedy aid not only as a testimony of his majesty's fidelity to the engagements he has entered into, but as an earnest of that protection which they hope from his power and magnanimity, and as a bond of gratitude to the union, founded on mutual interest. 2. You shall by the earliest opportunity, and on every necessary occasion, assure the Inng and his ministers that neith^" the Congress nor any of the States they represent have at all swerved from their deter- mination to be independent, made in July, 177C. But as the declara- tion was made in the face of the most powerful fleet and army which could have been expected to operate against them, and without any the slightest assurance of foreign aid, so, although in a defenseless situ- ation, and harassed by the secret machinations and designs of intestine foes, they have, under the exertions of that force during those bloody campaigns, persevered in their determination to be free ; and that they ha^e been inflexible in this determination, notwithstanding the in- terruption of their commerce, the great sufferings they have experi- enced from the want of those things which it procured, and the unex- ampled barbarity of their enemies. 3. You are to give the most pointed and positive assurances that although the Congress are earnestly desirous of peace, as well to arrange their finances and recruit the exhausted state of their country, as to spare the further effusion of blood, yet they will faithfully per- form their engagements, and afford every assistance in their power to prosecute the war for the great purposes of the alliance. 4. You shall endeavor to obtain the king's consent to expunge from the treaty of commerce the eleventh and twelfth articles, as inconsist- ent with that equality and reciprocity which form the best security to perpetuate the whole. 5. You are to exert yourself to procure the consent of the court of France that all American seamen who may be taken on board of Brit- them to Spain for a pecuniary consideration ; and that some of those at least who were bent on securing the navigation of tlie Mississippi were interested in the new establishments in that quarter." — 1 Sparks' Morris, 191. As to the last point there must hare been a misunderstanding on the part of Gerard. Whatever may have been Morris' own conviction of the impolicy of a southwestern extension of the United States, it is not likely that he would have charged those members who dilFeri'd with him with being governed by interest in the new "eetab- liahments" in the southwest. The action of Congress on these iusirnctions is given supra, under date of Oct. 21, 1778. OCTOBKR 20, 1778. 809 isli vessels may, if they choose, be permitted to enter ou board of American vessels ; in return for which you are autborized to stipu- late that all Frenchmen who may be taken on board of British vessels by vessels belonging to the United States shall be delivered up to per- sons appointed for that purpose by his most Christain majesty. 6. You are to suggest to the ministers of his most Cliristian majesty the advantage that would result from entering on board the ships of these States British seamen who may be made prisoners, thereby im- pairing the force of the enemy, and strengthening the hands of his ally. 7. Tou are also to suggest the fatal consequences which would fol- low to the commerce of the common enemy if, by confining the war to the European and Asiatic seas, the coasts of America could be so far freed from the British fleets as to furnish a safe asylum to the frigates and privateers of the allied nations and their prizes. 8. Tou shall constantly inculcate the certainty of ruining the British fisheries on the banks of ^STewfoundland, and consequentlj' the British marine, by reducing Halifax and Quebec; since by that means they would be exposed to alarm and plunder, and deprived of the necessary supplies formerly drawn from America. The plan proi)osed to Congress for compassing these objects is herewith transmitted for your more par- ticular instruction.* 9. You are to lay before the court the deranged state of our finances, together with the causes thereof; and show the necessity of placing them on a more respectable footing, in order to prosecute the war with vigor on the i^art of America. Observations on that subject are here- with transmitted, t and more particularinstructions shall be sent when- ever the necessary steps previous thereto shall have been taken. 10. Tou are, by every means in your power, to promote a perfect harmony, concord, and good understanding, not only between the allied powers, but also between and among their subjects, that the connection so favorably begun may be i^erpetuated. 11. You shall in all things take care not to make any engagements or stipulations on the part of America without the consent of America previously obtained. We pray God to further you with his goodness in the several objects hereby recommended, and that be will have you in his holy keeping. Done at Philadelphia the 26th day of October, 1778. By the Congress : H. Laurens, President. •For copy of tbis plan see secrHjournalu, vol. '2, p. 111. t See secret jouniah, vol. 2, p. 118. 810 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin to Hartley. * Passy, October 26, 1778. My Dear Friend : I received yours, without date, containing an old Scotch song, full of natural sentimeut and beautiful simplicity. I can not make au entire application of it to present circumstances, but taliing it in parts, and changing persons, someof it is extremely apropos. First, Jennie may be supposed old England, and Jamie America. Jennie laments the loss of Jamie, and recollects with pain his love for her, his industry in business to promote her wealth and welfare, and her own ingratitude. Yonng .Jamie lorecl me -weel, And soiigbt me for his bride, But saving .niie crown, He liad iiaitbiug beside, To make the crown a, jionnd, my Jamie ganged to sea, And tbe crown and the pound were all for rao. Her grief for this separation is expressed very pathetically. Tbe sbip was a wreck, Why did na Jennie dee ; 0, why was I spared To cry, Wae is me! There is no doubt that honest Jamie had still so much love for her as to pity her in his heart, though he might, at the same time, be not a little angry with her. Towards the conclusion we must change the persons, and let Jamie be old England, Jennie America. Then honest Jennie, having made a treaty of marriage with G-ray, expresses her firm resolu- tion of fidelity in a manner that does honor to her good sense and her virtue. I may not tbink of Jamie, For tbat would be a sin, But I maun do my best, A gude wife to be ; For auld Robin Gr.ay Is very kind to me. Yon ask my sentiments on a truce for five or seven years, in which no mention should be made of that stumbling block to England, the inde- pendence of America. I must tell you fairly and frankly that there can be no treaty of peace with ns in which France is not included. But 1 think a treaty might be made between the three powers, in which England, expressly leuouQC- ing the dependence of America, seems no more necessary than her re- nouncing the title of King of France, which has always been claimed for her kings. Yet perhaps it would be better for England to act nobly and generously on the occasion, by granting more than she could at present be compelled to grant ; make America easy on the score of ' 8 Sparks' Franklin, 299 ; G BIgelow's Franklin, 217. uUTUliKK 2G, 1778. 811 old claims ; cede all that remains iu North America, and thus conciliate and strengthen a young iiower which she wishes to have a future and serviceable friend. I do not think England would be a loser by such a cession. She may hold her remaining possessions there, but not without a vast expense; and they would be occasions of constant jealousies, frequent quarrels, and renewed wars. The United States, continually growing stronger, will have them at last; and l.iy the generous conduct above hinted at all the intermediate loss of blood and treasure niiglit be spared, and solid lasting peace promoted. This seems to me good counsel, but I know it can not be followed.* The friend you mention must always be welcome to me, with or with- out the cheeses, but I do not see how his coming hither could be of any use at present, unless in the quality of a plenipotentiary, to treat of a sincere peace between all parties. Your commissioners are acting very indiscreetly in America. They first spoke very disrespectfully of our good ally. They have since called iu question the power of Congress to treat with them, and have endeavored to begin a dispute about the detention of Burgoyne's troops, an affair which I conceive not to be within their commission. They are vainly trying by publications to excite the people against the Con- gress. Governor Johnstone has been attempting to bribe the members, and without the least regard to truth has asserted three propositions t which he says ho will undertake to prove. The two first I Icnow to be false, and I believe the third to be so. The Congress have refused to *Mi'. Hartley had written as follows: "I have tolil you before that my heart is always set upon peace. In the present circnmstauces between the two countries I can only think of the proposition. to mediate. You may as easily imagine that the immediate and explicit acknowledgment of independence must be as grating to this country as I can that America will not finally depart from it. The answer of the Congress to the commissioners seems to imply this. What think you of suspending this point for five or seven years by a truce, andthat nothing In the interim shall impeach their inde- pendence? If such a proposition as this would bring the parties together, I think there would not be "wanting a member of Parliament to propose it to the House." t Governor Johnstone was one of the British commissioners for treating with Con- gress. These propositions were contained in a letter written by him to Francis Dana, a member of Congress, and dated at Philadelphia, June 10, 1778. "Tliere are three facts," said he, " which I wish to assure you of. First, that Dr. Franklin, on the 28th of March last, in discussing the several articles we wish to make the basis of our treaty, was perfectly satisfied that they were beneficial to North America, and such as she should accept. Second, that this treaty with France was not the first treaty that France had exacted, and with which Mr. Simeon Deaue had put to sea, but granted and acceded to after the sentiments of the people of Great Britain had fully changed^ after the friends of America had gained their points for reconciliation, and solely with a view to disappoint the good effects of our endeavors. The third fact is, that Spain, unasked, had sent a formal message, disapproving of the conduct of France.'' Subsequent events proved this third fact as unfounded as the two first. Although Spain did not accede to the treaty, yet she joined France the year following in the war against England, and continued it till the general peace. See letter to Joseph Eeed, dated March 19, 1780. — Sparks. «12 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. treat with the commissioners while he coutiimes cue of them, and he has therefore resigned. These gentlemen do not appear well qualified for their business. I think they will never heal the breach, but they may widen it. I am, my very dear friend, yours, most affectionately, B. Franklin. Sartine to the Commissioners at Paris.* [Translation.] jMaely, October 26, 1778. Gentlemen: I have replied only to the first part of your letter of the I2th instant; the second also contains important matter. It would, doubtless, be desirable to restore to their country the American seamen who have been retained by the force of habit, or by compulsion, in the English service, and to gain the double advantage of increasing the strength of the Americans, while we destroy that of the enemy. But the means appear to me as difficult as to yourselves; and in the present state of things we can not flatter ourselves that we shall suc- ceed in the attempt. You request, at the least, that the citizens of the United States, taken since the commencement of hostilities, in the English service, should be surrendered to you. This general demand requires a serious atten- tion, and I shall lay it before his majesty. With respect to the four prisoners whose liberation you more particularly request, it is with great pleasure that I transmit orders toDenant to place them at your disposal. I have the honor to be, etc., Be Sartine. Dumas to the Commissioners at Paris, t [Trauslation.] • Hague, October 27, 1778. Gentlemen : I received your favor of the 16th last Saturday. It is precisely what I should have desired. The Grand Pensionary is highly pleased with it. I went the same day to read it to our friend and gave him a coi>y, attested by my signature. It gave him much pleasure; and he has repeatedly assured me that it would be extremely agreeable to the burgomasters of the city, whom he was eager to inform how you would answer to the measure he had engaged them to adopt, in pro- * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 349. t Ibid., 351. OCTOBEE 27, 1778. 813 curing from them authority to make the (leolaration,* and write me the letter of which you have copies, ami the duplicates of which are lodged in the city house. He urged me to assure you that the mention of England was not introduced with the design of making anything depend on the pleasure of that power, but merely to show the situation of the city, which, for the present, can only wish that the English may be prevented from making any further opposition to our mutual connection. In flue, he is now prepared to act, on his return, at a convenient oppor- tunity. The memorial of the merchants has been presented to their high mightinesses. Herewith I transmit that presented to the prince last Saturday. Our friend remitted it to me the same day, and I have thought it deserving of a translation for your inspection. Ho inquired anxiously for good news from America; and I replied that the situation of America was by uo means critical, and that I was less anxious about it than about this republic. M. de Welderen has sent the reply of Lord Suttblk to the represen- tations of their higii mightinesses. "The court of Loudon," he says, "is willing to restore all the vessels seized, with costs and charges, and to pay for the naval stores, which it shall retain; but its ambassador will submit to their high mightinesses a proposition to alter the treaties on this point, and to consent to declare these articles contraband in future." Fortunately, unanimity is necessary to grant this consent, and Am- sterdam will not allow even the entering upon such a negotiation. Sufiblk adds, as a proof of his king's moderation, " that he has not yet called for the aid which the republic is obliged by treaties to furnish him;" as if the republic had guarantied to England the monopoly of America. This is extraordinary. Three of us here believe that this letter ^yas not written in England, and has only returned hither. The secretary of their iiigh mightinesses is very much piqued on ac- coant of the freedom with which the committee of merchants addressed him, who, by reason of his equivocal answer, accused him of being in the English interest, like the majority of the chief men here. It is said that it is truth only which is offensive. I have finished the translation of the opinion of the city of Amster- dam, inserted in the acts of the republic September 8. I am prepar- ing copies of it for you gentlemen and for Congress. When yours is finished I shall forward it, with the request that you will have two copies of it made by a skillful and exact French copyist, and send them to Congress as duplicates and triplicates of that which I shall transmit to it from this place; for on the one hand I consider this paper impor- tant and useful to the United States, both for the precise and authentic information which it affords relative to the present condition, political, * See Van Berckel's declaration, supra, Sept. 2'3, 1778. 814 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. military, etc., of this republic, and as an example of tbe evils it has drawn upon itself for tbe last century by interfering too niucb with the imaginary balance of power and with the wars of tbe European States, thus imposing upon itself the burden of a standing army, which has swallowed up its navy and subjected it to an imperious rival, etc. ; and on the other hand, this long paper occupies my time, which is valuable to me, and fatigues my hand, which, unfortunately, is not steady. My translation has been approved by our friend. It would be well to have it translated into English also; and if you had a translator who under- stood Dutch, 1 could transmit you the original. I am, gentlemen, etc., Dumas. Lee and Lovell, Committee of Foreign Affairs to Franklin." Philadelphia, October 38, 1778. SiB: As the Marquis de la Fayette will deliver this, we refer you to his conversation, iu addition to the gazettes, for an account of the movements of the enemy. He will doubtless gain some further knowl- edge of them before he leaves Boston than we are yet possessed of. We shall speedily have opportunities of forwarding duijlicates and tripli- cates of what he now carries, and upon any material event we shall dispatch a vessel occasionally. Enclosed with other papers is a resolve of Congress of the 22d, which we have ofdcially sent to all the com- missioners. We must earnestly request that, as we shall have opportunities of frequently conveying to you gazettes and other species of intelligence, you would strive to communicate, in the speediest and best way, to the gentlemen at the other courts what they are alike interested to know, that they may prosecute iu the best manner the service of these States abroad. An exact copy of your credentials is among the papers here- with sent. Wc wish you success iu your new commission, and are, with much regard, etc., E. H. Lee. James Lovell. Lee and Level), Committee of Foreign Affairs to Adams, t Philadelphia, October 28, 1778. Sir : While we ofi&cially communicate to you the enclosed resolve, the foundation of which you can not remain a stranger to, we must en- treat you to be assiduous in sending to those commissioners who have left France and gone to the courts for which they were respectively ap- ' MSS. Dfip. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 46, UMd, 563 j 7 John Adaiiib' Works, (JO, OCTOBER 28, 1778. 815 pointed all the American intelligence, which you have greater oppor- tunity than they of receiving from hence, particularly to Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee. Wo do not often send more than one set of gazettes by one opportunity, and we hear of several vessels which have mis- carried. Congress must and will speedily determine upon the arrangement of their foreign affairs. This is become, so far as regards you, peculiarly necessary upon a new commission being sent to Dr. Franklin. In the mean time we hope you will exercise your whole extensive abilities on the subject of our finances. The doctor will communicate to you our situation in that regard. To the gazettes and to conversation with the Marquis de la Fayette we must refer you for what relates to our enemies, and close with our most cordial wishes for your haijpiuess. Your affectionate friends, K. H. Lee. James Lovell. Lee and Lovell, Committee of Foreign Affairs, to W. Lee." Philadelphia, October 28, 1778, Sir: The enclosed resolve, it is hoped, will be productive of singular advantage, so far as relates to you, who must depend greatly for Amer- ican intelligence on your connections at Paris. Congress have been and are exceedingly loaded with business, and of late hiive met with some singular interruptions in the intended general arrangement of their foreign affairs, so that they have yet only decided in respect to Dr. Franklin, their minister plenipotentiary at the court of France. Our first and most jiressing' business is the appreciation of our cur- rency. This point accomplished, our enemies themselves will acknowl- edge their hopes of conquering us at an end. The British commis- sioners, sent on a foolish and wicked errand to America, are returning home completely disappointed ; and there is reason, from appearances, to think that the land forces of Britain are gradually withdrawing from these States. It is probable that the Marquis de la Fayette, by whom this letter goes, will obtain in Boston further knowledge than we now have of the destination of a fleet lately departed from Ife w York amount- ing to about one hundred and fifty sail. We shall desire Mr. Adams to give you all possible information on the arrival of this packet, and shall soon dispatch other letters from this port. With hearty prayers for your welfare, we are, sir, your affectionate friends, E. H. Lee. James Lovell. *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 6?4, 816 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Lee and Lovell, Committee of Foreign Affairs, to laard.' Philadelphia, October 28, 1778. Sir : It is unnecessary to say anything to you about the particular foundation of the enclosed resolve. AVe hope you will experience good consequences from it in a point very interesting to you while in Tuscany. There, you certainly must depend greatly on our correspondents in France for American intelligence, which will be much more frequently sent from hence to them than to you. We shall enjoin it upon thorn to furnish you, and particularly upon Mr. Adams, while lie remains at Paris. Mr. A. Lee will communicate to you the purport of some i)apers which are sent to him, and iu which you are jointly concerned. It is not possible for us at this time to send you extracts from them. You will be pleased at knowing that the British commissioners are convinced of the folly of their errand to America and are returning home. It is probable tbat the British army will follow them soon, or at least go to the West Indies. Of this, however, the Marquis de la Fayette, the bearer, may gain fuller information before he sails from Boston. Though a pressing load of other business has till this time prevented Congress from taking up the whole consideration of their foreign affairs, yet tbat must be the speedy consequence of their ap- pointment of Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary at the court of France. All the papers of this committee are on their table, and we shall dispatch packets upon any material decision. In the mean time we wish you every success, and are with much regard, sir, your friends antl humble servants, EiCHARD H. Lee. James Lovell. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Van BerckeLt Passy, October 29, 1778. Sir : Upon maturely considering the letter and declaration which we have had the honor of receiving from you, we are of opinion that there are some propositions relative to that business which can only be prop- erly discussed in a personal interview. We therefore wish that you, or a person authorized by you, would meet one of us at Aix-la-Chapelle, or any other place which you may judge more convenient for conduct- ing this business with the most perfect secrecy. Should this proposal meet with your approbation, you will have the goodness to apprise us of the time and place you think proper for the interview. It may be pro[)er that we should inquire for one another. 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 699. Ubid., 353. UUTOBEE 30, 1778. 817 whenever we meet, under fictitious names, the fixing upon whieh we also wish to leave to you. We shall be glad of an answer as soon as is convenient to you; and have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Vergennes.* Passy, October 29, 1778. Sir: We have the honor to inform your excellency that we are ready to execute and exchange the declarations concerning the omission of the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of commerce, and to request your excellency to appoint a day to wait on your excellency for that purpose. We have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Vergennes to the Commissioners at Paris.t [Translation.] Versailles, October 30, 1778. Gentlemen : I have received the reply with which yon honored me, regarding the arrangements to be made with the Barbary powers for the protection of the American flag in the Mediterranean. Before the liJDg can make any efforts to forward your views in this respect I think it proper that you should be provided with full powers from Congress, and that you should be not only authorized to propose the presents which you may be expected to bestow, but also supplied with the nec- essary funds to satisfy these expectations. When all these prelimina- ries shall be complied with, you may rest assured, gentlemen, that the king will hasten to forward, as far as he is able, the wishes and views of Congress. I have the honor to be, etc., Db Vergennes. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 353. i Ihid., 353. Another translation is found in MSS. vol. 105, p. 150, Letters to Joint Commissioners. 52 WH — ¥OL II 818 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Franklin and Adams to Sartine.* Passy, Octoler 30, 1778. Sir: We have been bonored with your letter of the 2Cth of October, and we thank your excellency for the pi'ompt and generous manner in which you have given liberty to four of our countrymen who were among the prisoners at Denaut. Such examples of benevolence can not fail to make a lasting impression on the American mind. Since the receipt of your excellency's letter we have received another from the American prisoners at Brest, bj which it ai^pears that there are ten of them, from four of whom only we had received letters when we wrote before, the other six having written to us, but their letters miscarried. We enclose a copy of this last letter, and Jiave the honor to request a similar indulgence to all the ten. By a letter we received last night from L'Orient we have the pleasure to learn that three vessels bound to the coast of Brazil have been taken by his majesty's frigates, or by French cruisers, and sent into that l^ort. It is very probable that the three masters of these vessels, and every one of their sailors, are Americans. We are happy in this opportunity of communicating to your excel- lency some intelligence which we have been at some pains to collect, and have good reason to believe , exactly true. The English last year carried on a very valuable whale fishery on the coasts of Brazil, off the river Plate, in South America, in the latitude 35° south, from thence to 40°, just on the edge of soundings, off and on, about the longitude 65° from London. They have this year about seventeen vessels in the fishery, which have all sailed in the months of September and October. All the officers and almost all the men belonging to those seventeen ves- sels are Americans, from Nantucket and Cape Cod, in Massachusetts, excepting two or three from Ehode Island, and perhaps one from Long Island. The names of the cnptains are Aaron Sheffield, of Newport; Goldsmith and Eichard Holmes, from Long Island; John Chad wick, Francis ]May, Eeubeu May, John Meader, Jonathan Meader, Elisha Clark, Benjamin Clark, William Eay, Paul Pease, Reuben Fitch, Zebedee CofQn, and another CofBn, all of Nantucket; John Lock, Cape Cod; Delano, Nantucket; Andrew Swain, Nantucket; William Eay, Nan- tucket. Four or five of these ■\essels go to Greenland; the fleet sails to Greenland the last of February or beginning of March. There was published last year in the English newspapers, and the same imposture has been repeated this year, a letter from the lords of the admiralty to Dennis De Berdt, in Coleman street, informing him that a convoy should be appointed to the Brazil fleet. But this, we have certain information was a forgery, calculated merely to deceive American privateers, and that no convoy was appointed, or did go with that fleet, either last year or this. " 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 354; 7 JoLn Adams' Works, 63. OCTOBER 31, 1778. 819 For the captivity of a fishery so entirely defenseless (for not one of the vessels has any arms), a single frigate, or privateer of twenty-four, or even twenty guns, would be quite sufficient. The beginning of De- cember would be the best time to proceed from hence, because they would then iiud the whale vessels nearly loaded. The cargoes of these vessels, consisting of bone and oil, will be very valuable; and at least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be taken ont of the hands of the English and might be gained into the American service to act against the enemy. Most of the officers and men wish well to their country, and would gladly be in its service if they could be de- livered from that they are engaged in. But whenever the English men- of-war or privateers have taken an American vessel, they have given to the whalemen among their crews their choice, either to go on board a man-of-war and fight against their country, or to go into the whale fishery. So many have chosen the latter as to make up most of the crews of seventeen vessels. We thought it proper to communicate this intelligence to your excel- lency, that if you found it compatible with his majesty's service to order a frigate from hence or from the West Indies to take froui the English at once so profitable a branch of commerce and so valuable a nursery of seamen, you may have an opportunity of doing it; if not, no inconvenience will ensue. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. John Adams.* Vergennes to the Commissioners at Paris. t [Translation.] Veesailles, October 31, 1778. Gentlemen : You request that a day be fixed for the interchange of declarations relative to the omission of the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of commerce. If next Monday, JSTovember 2, is convenient to you I should be glad to have the honor to receive you, and I flatter myself you will do me the honor to dine with me on that day. I have the honor to be, etc., De Vergennes. •Mr. Lee did not sign, but objected to tbe acknowledgment of giving np the American subjects captured in the enemy's vessels as being a favor.— Sparks. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 356. 820 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deaue to the President of Congress.* Philadelphia, November 1, 1778. Sir: I think it unnecessary to malie an apolojiy for sending yon the enclosed estimates and reflections made on two of the most important and interesting subjects, and for desiring the same may be communi- cated to Congress. Should that honorable body approve of any or all of them I shall be very happy ; and if they should not, they will excuse me for having given them this trouble when they reflect that the desire of throwing some light on these subjects has been my sole motive. The providing for the redemption of our money and the establishment of a marine are objects which, in my view, far exceed in the magnitude and extent of their importance any that are at present under public con- sideration. They greatly depend on each other ; and, permit me to say, all our future operations in a great degree depend on them. We can not pay the interest of any considerable loan without commerce, which can not be revived effectually without a marine force of our own, which may, I am confident, be formed on the enclosed plan and be ready in a short space of time to act with vigor. Great Britain has long had the empire of the ocean, and in consequence the whole world has been her tributary. Her own bad policy and the i>resent war will deprive her of that empire. At this important crisis it depends on the measures taken by the United States whether they shall succeed Great Britain or not in this extensive dominion. Keason, observation, and experience author- ize me to say there is not in the world any power so capable of it; and as the United States can never aim at foreign conquests, but simply to guard their own coasts and to i)rotect the commerce of their subjects, their superiority at sea can never give just cause of jealousy or oflense to any other nation. I am confadeut that a fleet of forty sail, to consist of twenty such large ships as I have described, and twenty frigates, will be more than equal to this purpose; and such a fleet may be got to sea in the course of the coming year if the materials wanted from Europe can be procured, which, if immediately applied for, I have not the least doubt of. I have the honor to remain, etc., Silas Deane. P. S. — I am still without the honor of any answer to my letter of the 7th ultimo. November 13. After writing the above my apprehension, lest I should be thought any way out of the usual course In communicating my sentiments to Congress, made me omit sending it to you with the enclosed; but the alarming intelligence which I received a day or two since, of the senti- ' MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 117, -with verbal changes. NOVEMBER 1, 1778. 821 ments of my countrymen in diflerent parts on the present situation of the credit of our money, the state of our finances and resources, and of the temper and disposition prevailing in consequence, has made me waive every personal consideration, and communicate this with the en- closed to Congress ; and shall count it one of the happiest occur- rences of my life if anything in my power will help to prevent that total loss of public as well as private credit wliich I am sorry to find begins to be almost universally apprehended ; and I fear appearances at this time are in support of such apprehensions, which, though at bottom they may be ill founded, yet, if once generally prevailing, will produce consequences easily foreseen. I beg leave to refer to Colonel Duer for the substance of the intelligence I refer to, having communicated the letters I have received to him ; for, as they contain many things merely personal, I could not lay them at large before Congress. S. D. PLAN FOK SINKING $53,000,000 OF THE CONTINENTAL CUEEENCT, AND TO ESTAB- LISH A BANK OF «1, 600,000, OR $6,600,666", IN E0KOPE, FOE THE USE OF THE STATES OF AMERICA, AT THE EXPENSE OF $40,000,000 IN SPECIE ONLY, OE OF BILLS UPON EUEOPE EQUIVALENT. First. Let a loan be obtained of twenty-five millions of dollars on account of the United States ; the interest and necessary charges will probably amount to, and will not exceed, six per cent, per annum. Second. Let a fund be established of two millions and a half annually clear of all charges of collecting and remittances, out of which let the interest of the loan be paid, and the surplus unalienably appropriated as a sinking fund to discharge the principal ; the annual interest of twenty-five million dollars at six per cent, will be one million five hun- dred thousand dollars ; the sinking fund, one million. Third. The calculation which follows demonstrates that this fund of two millions and a half of dollars will in sixteen years pay off the princi- pal and interest of the twenty-live millions borrowed, and leave a sur- plus of $673,103 in the hands of the States, which may be supposed equivalent to the charge of managing the money and paying the loan in Europe. Fourth. A fund of two millions and a half for sixteen years amounts to forty millions, but twenty-five millions at six per cent, simple interest will in that time amount to forty-nine millions, supposing the interest annually paid; hence it is evident that a sinking fund of one million operating on such a loan of twenty-five millions will make a saving of nine millions of dollars to the States out of what will otherwise be paid on the same capital on the plan of borrowing practised in our, and indeed in most other loan oflflces ; or, in other words, would reduce the 822 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. interest from six to little more than three and a half per cent., which is demonstrated in the following calculations : Fifth. Twenty-five millions of dollars may be computed in value equal to £5,025,000 sterling. Of this let one million aud a half, or £1,026,000 sterling, be applied to the payment of debts contracted in Europe, con- tracted by the commissioners, for the discharge of which no particular mode has been stipulated and agreed upon, and for the establishing a bank or fund for other uses and benefit of the United States. Sixth. As the sum of £125,000 sterling will be equal to the public debts already contracted in Europe, except those to the Farmers Gen- eral aud the house of Eodrique Hortalez & Co., there will remain, agree- able to the plan, one million and half sterling, or $6,660,6e0|, in the Congress' bank in Europe, and four millions sterling, or $17,777,777|, for the purpose of siuking the sum of flfty-three millions i^roposed. Seventh. The present rate of exchange is from five to six for one ; it must happen that as bills are brought to market to a greater amount they will fall, but if it be considered that the ordinary demand of these States on Europe for goods exceeded four millions sterling annually in times of peace, that the demand at present and for two or three years to come, even if peace should take place immediately, must exceed the former usual demand; that though the canceling and sinking of flfty- three millions of dollars will tend to appreciate the remainder in circu- lation, yet as there will still remain in circulation a greater nominal sum than the commerce of these States call for the appreciation will not be repaid ; and if it be further cousidered that the merchants of the United States are at present destitute of their usual means of remit- tance, having neither ships, specie, nor i)roduce on hand — I say under these considerations it is improbable, if not impossible, consistent with the interest of individuals, that bills drawn on Europe for the sum of four millions sterling should be under three for one on an average. Eighth. Four millions sterling, or $17,777, 777§ at three for one, will amount to $53,333,333 here. Allowing $333,333 for the charge of draw- ing the bills, for other expenses and deficiencies unforeseen, and there will be, agreeable to the proposals in the plan, flfty-three millions of dollars of the continental currency paid off by the sales of those bills. The benefits resulting from this plan, if realized, are numerous, indis- putable, and obvious. As the sum proposed to be drawn for does not exceed the ordinary amount of importation before the war, it can not be presumed that this plan can produce any ill effects on commerce, espe- cially if the Congress should think it wise and prudent to drop the mer. chants themselves and depend on individuals for their supplies. The capital difficulty is to obtain the loan. On this, as well as on the preced- ing plan, I will make a few observations after the following calcula- tions, already referred to. NOVEMBER 1, 1778. 823 FIRST CALCULATION. Year.s. Produce of the sinking fund afc tlio end of every year. Total of tbe debts paid at the end of every year. 1 2 ... . (, $1,000,000 ■( 00, 000 ( 1,060,000 \ 63,000 ( 1,123,000 ) 67, 416 ( 1,191,010 ■) 71,461 ( 1,262,477 i 75, 788 C 1, 338, 265 i 80, 296 < 1,418,561 ) 85, 113 ( 1, 50.1, 674 \ 90, 220 ( 1, 59.% 894 \ 95, §33 ( 1,689,627 ) 101, 372 ( 1, 790, 899 ) 107,454 ( 1,898,353 ) 113,901 ( 2,012,254 $1,000,000 2, 000, 000 3, 103, COO 4, S74, 616 5, 637, 093 6, 975, 358 8, 393, 919 9, 897, 693 11,491,487 13,181,014 14,971,913 10,870,266 18,882,620 21, 015, 509 23,270,477 25, 673, 103 25, 000, 000 073, 103 3 4 5 6 7 - . 8 i( 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 \ 120, 735 5 2, 132, 989 ) 127, 979 ( 2. 260, 908 J 135, 658 2, 390, 626 Prin'l loan .. Surplus Explanation: Tbcfir.st column marks the years; the second the produce or amount of the sinking fund at the end of each year; the third shows how large a part of the capital has heen paid off at the end of each year. The sum iu the second column ia found hy adding to it annually the interest of that iJart of the capital paid oif the preceding year, and the sura in the third hy adding yearly the payments. SECOND CALCULATION. Two millions and a half of dollars annually collected and paid for sixteen years amount to (the whole sum paid) $40, 000,000 But the surplus of .f 673,103 deducted leaves .f 39,326,897, the net sum ap- plied to sink a principal of |2.'j,000,000 and the interest for sixteen years 673,103 39, 326, 697 The annual interest of )|25, 000, 000 at 6 per cent, is $1, 500, 000, which, at simple interest, iu sixteen years is ,|24,000,000 24,000,000 Add the principal 2B, 000, 000 49, 000, 000 Bringdown 39,326,897 Surplus 9,673,103 By these calculations it is clearly demonstrated : First. That a certain net annual revenue of two millions and a-balf of dollars is sufficient for sinking the loan proposed of $35,000,000 in sixteen years and to leave a surplus of $673,103, after discharging both principal and interest. In the second place, that by this plan the public 824 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. will save the sum of $9,673,103 more than if the same sum is borrowed in the usual way of simple interest, or, in other words, the money on this plan will be borrowed at three and one-half per cent, interest nearest, a sum well deserving the attention of the public at this and at every other time, and it is for that purpose the foregoing plan and calculations are submitted. The only difficulties that can possibly occur in the carrying this plan and every part of it into execution are in the establishing such a fund as will be certain for raising the two millions and a-half of dollars an- nually, and in the next place in procuring the loan to be obtained. The first may be obviated with greater ease and certainty than the second. It can not in justice be concealed that the loan can not be obtained with the same ease now as it might have been six or seven mouths past, nor that the longer it is delayed the greater the difQculty will be. It is, however, attainable if applied for in season and in a proper manner. It is but too probable that if delayed many months longer it will not be obtained on any terms whatever. The war now kindling in Europe will probably in the course of another year become general, the conse- quence of which will be that the Emperor of Germany, the Empress of liussia, and some other powers — the two former in particular — who have improved the late peace to regulate their finances and to reduce and pay off their foreign debts, will on this change of affairs become bor- rowers afresh; in a word, there will be in Europe seven or eight or more powers under the necessity of borrowing, and not more than two or three, at the most, in a situation to lend; and when so many de- mands are made for money it will be very difficult to have ours pre- ferred. To obtain it, therefore, requires immediate application, interest, and address, which thoughts, with the above plan, are resi)ectrully submitted to the wisdom of Congress. Silas Deane. PEOPOSALS FOE EQUIPPING SUCH A FLEET AS WILL BE SUFFICIENT TO DEFEND THE COASTS AND COMMEECE OF THE UNITED STATES AGAINST ANY FORCE WHICH GEEAT BEITAIN WILL BE ABLE TO SEND TO AMERICA. It is necessary to premise that the obtaining a loan and setting on foot a naval force are so connected with and dependent on each other, and so many important consequences depend on both, that I have pre- ferred placing one directly after the other, that my ideas on these great subjects may be perceived at one view, rather than the placing them iu any manner separate or disjointed from each other. Without a naval force sufficient to ])rotect in some degree our commerce as it revives it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to pay either the principal or interest of the money we may borrow, and without some i^robably certain pros- l»ect of doing this it would hardly be honest to borrow at all. I have only to add that the following calculations are not founded on light and uncertain estimates, but on the most certain knowledge of the quantity of each of those articles necessary for the iiurpose. The prices are NOVEMBER 1, 1778. 825 fixed at what tliey were last season Iq Swedeu and iu the north of Europe. What I have ventured to say respecting ships of a new con- struction, carrying forty-two to forty-eight cannon, being equal to sixty- four and even seventy-four line-of battle ships, I am convinced of the truth of, not merely from my own observation and reasoning on the sub- ject, but from the opportunities I have had of conversing with some of the most able and experienced constructors and commanders of ships in Europe as well as in America. France, as well as England, has already several ships of such a plan on the stocks, which is a full proof in what light they view this plan of building; but fortunately for these States, their old prejudices, as well as the opposition of commanders of large ships and a great number of men, to the changing them for ships of a less rate and fewer men, as well as of less pomp and appearance, will in a great measure prevent either of those nations from much immedi- ate success in this plan for an improvement or reform. First. A fleet consisting of twenty such ships as mentioned above, joined by twenty frigates from twenty-four to thirty-six guns, will be sufficient to guard this coast against any naval force which Great Britain or any other maritime power can spare to send agaiust us. An Ameri- can fleet opposing a foreign one on this coast will always have many very decisive circumstances in their favor, which are obvious at first view, particularly that of clean ships and healthy men against foul ships and sickly men or fatigued by a long voyage; and that of being able with ships of the proposed construction to enter harbors in case of storm or other accident, which larger ships can not. Second. The twenty large ships and ten or a less number of the frig- ates, may be put on the stocks and built in America, and though the present price of labor is dear, yet were the undertakers to be paid iu sterling bills or in specie the hulls or bodies of the ships may perhaps be had nearly at the same price as before the war; but suppose they cost more, yet if every other article be procured from Europe at the first cost and common charges, the ships complete will not amount to much more than such ships usually cost before the war iu America, probably not so much. Third. Suppose also that eight of the frigates be built in America and twelve purchased in Europe, to transport the materials from thence for the rest. In the first place, let a calculation be made what all these materials, allowing a large proportion, will amount to, and also for the purchase of the twelve frigates, or ships for frigates, which are to trans- port those materials over to America. CALCULATION. Livres. 160,000 aulms of sail cloth 240,000 500,000 cwt. of anchors 125,000 3,200,000 cwt. of cordage 1,280,000 6,000,000 cwt. of cannon 960,000 10,000 fusees, fit for marine service 200,000 onn* ^ 1 400,000 200 tons of powder ' 826 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. N. B. — As iron is scarce anil dear in America, especially in tlie east ami nortliward States, I suppose 300 tons of iron livres.. 160,000 Twelve ships iit for sea, capable of being armed as frigates of twenty-four or thirty-sis guns, will, unarmed, cost 250,000 livres each, nearly 3,000,000 I suppose for shells, shot, cutlasses, spears, haud greuadoes, and a variety of small articles, too many to be enumerated in such a general calcula- tion, the sum of 1,000,000 Total amount 7,365,000 Equal to $1,072,000,* for -which sum twelve of the ships will be purchased, and all the capital materials for the others. Ooe milliou ot livres, or $200,000, is a large allowance for the small articles, aud I know, from offers made me from Sweden, that the ships and other articles referred to may be purchased there at the above rates, if they have not risen since the month of March last. Fourth. Of the proposed loan bytheplan preceding there will remain, after sinking the fifty-three millions and the payment of the present debts, the sum of one million and a half sterling, or $G,666,666|, out of which deduct the above sum of $1,672,000, and there remains the sum of $4,994, 666§, or twenty-five millions of livres, nearest, for other purposes ; a sum sufficient for many great purposes. The commissioners, to the time of my leaving France, had not in the whole ever received four mil- lions of livres to enable theiu to procure all the supplies which they engaged aud sent over. Fifth. These stores, and ships to transport them, may be ijrocnred on the best terms in Sweden. Swedish ships are not so durable as those built in England, or of cedar and live oak, but I am well assured they greatly exceed those built of the common American oak. Sweden is ever so under the influence of Fi-auce that there is no doubt but with proper management these ships and stores may be obtained, and a con- voy for them, which, by sailing in June next and coming north about, might arrive at Boston in season, and with very little or no risk ; but the fear of being too tedious prevents my being more i)articular. Sixth. If it be agreeable to make the purchase of the materials enu- merated, but not of the ships, as ships may be had to freight them over, it will amount to much the same. Seventh. I will only add, that in time of peace, should any of these ships proposed be to be disposed of out of the continental, they will not be too large for many branches of the merchant service. If these proposals should appear just and practicable many less matters con- nected with them will require consideration, and as in the first, so in this plan, everything depends on immediate dispatch. It has been objected that such a number of ships could not be manned; but if it is considered that there are now employed in priva- teering a greater number of men than are sufficient to man this pro "There seems to be a mistake here, if the author's mode of reckoning 5 livres to the dollar be adopted. The sum would then be $1,473,000. — Sparks. NOVEMBER 3, 1778. 827 posed fleet, it is easy to obviate this difficulty by ofleinng such induce- ments as will infallibly lead both officers and men to prefer the public to any private service whatever. The United States have not in view private or partial, but public and extensive objects, the humbling our enemies, the defense of our coasts, and the laying the foundation of a great and flourishing marine. If the whole of the prize money be di- vided among the seamen and officers, or suppose three-fourths actually shared and the remainder appropriated for the building and support of a hospital for sick, wounded, and disabled seamen; such a resolution will be a generous one, and can not fail of answering the end. His most Christian majesty has generously done this for his officers and seamen serving in his marine by his ordinance of April last. Philadelphia, November 13, 1778. P. S. — Apprehensive of being tedious when I wrote the above, I said nothing on the methods for paying the interest for the first two or three years until a certain revenue can be established for the payment of the interest and sinking fund annually as proposed — I say uniil a reve- nue can be established ; for, considering the present depreciated state of our currency and the scarcity of specie, it can not be instantly ex- pected. I take, therefore, the liberty of suggesting two methods, one of which will most certainly answer the purpose. The first is to borrow of France or Spain, the interest money tor the first three years, by which, the interest punctually paid, a credit will become established and future loans may be made if wanted, and our commerce will be so far restored that it will not be difficult to raise specie equal to the payment. But should this method fail, there still remains a certain resource, for even if the plan for equipping a navy be adopted, yet there will still remain in bank, as will be seen by the calculation and estimate, a sum suffi- cient for more than three years' interest. Silas Deane. Franklin to Grand.* Passt, November 3, 1778. We owe our thanks, sir, to the person who has transmitted to us, through you, the complaint we have received against Mr. Oonyngham, and we can assure him anew that penetrated with respect for S. M. 0., nothing pains us more than complaints ou his part against our people. He will have seen, by the papers transmitted by you at the time from us to S. E. M., Count d'Aranda, the measures which Congress have taken to prevent any misconduct on the part of our privateers and seamen, and nothing better proves its solicitude in this regard than the procla- mation it has just issued, of which the enclosed 'So. 2 is a copy, and to * MSS. Dep. of State ; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 221. 828 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. wLicli we join its resolution for the protectiou of tbe property of as allliougli belonging to a power with which we have no sympathy. But if one directs his attention to the atrocious proceedings of English towards all nations without distinction, he will not be surpri; that their pernicious example finds imitators among some individu of a nation which they have so greatly outraged. But this does excuse Conyngham. It is a crime in our eyes to have di8please( power for which Congress is penetrated with respect, and although j tified in seizing, by way of reprisals, the English prize which Cony ham had brought to Teneriffe to be sent to Martinique, we will u( tbe less inform Congress of the grounds for complaint which this pri teer has given to his catholic majesty. This will certainly be a r motive for paying to his flag the homage and respect which it enterta for him. I hope from the wisdom as well as from the justice of S. that he will confide in this expression of our sentiments towards him i in turn will permit us to experience the effects of them. I have, etc., B. Eranklin. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, t Paris, 'November 4, 1776 Gentlemen : I wrote you on April the 14trh ; May the 9th, 20th, e 23d; June the 1st. 9th, 15th, 17th; July 6th, 10th, 20th, 28th, 29 August 21st and 31st; September 9Lh and 30th ; October 5th and 18 none of which have been acknowledged or answered. I usually sc triplicates of my letters and of all the papers enclosed. Whether the British cabinet have yet determined upon relinqui ing the war in America I have not been able to learn. This is certs that they have ordered considerable quantities of clothing and p visions to be made ready for that quarter, which looks as if tl intended their fleet and army should winter with you. From tl situation at present, and that of Europe, it appears improbable tl they can reenforce, or even recruit, their army to any effect. Tk naval force is so exactly balanced in Europe by that of France alo that they can hardly venture to detach any more of their fleet agai you. It seems, therefore, that you have before you the utmost fo that you are likely to contend with. It serves the purposes of the enemy to propagate reports of aid ft Russia, sometimes in ships, sometimes in troops. As far as ther( any certainty in political events, you may be assured they will hi t Translated from ii Freuoli versiou trausmltted hy Count d'Aranda to Florida Bla and now deposited JQ tbe Jfc/(Ji;o General de /I'cino in Simancas.— Noteby Mr. Bigel In thecorrespondeuce between Gi'antbaui (Briti-sb minister at Madrid) and Weymc (secretary of state), the exploits of Conyngbam are constant topics of discussion. tMSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 523. NOVEMBER 4, 1778. 829 neither. The plan they adopt for Parliament, which will meet the 36th, will, I imagine, depend much on the representations of Lord Howe and Governor Johnstone, wl^o are both arrived in England. Should their fleet and army winter in America, it will be a capital object to intercept their provision fleets. For this purpose I shall obtain and transmit to you, from time to time, intelligence of their beiug collected at Cork, from which you may judge what time they may be expected on the coast. The whale fishery, which the enemy have established on the coast of Brazil, and which they carry on by men from Nantucket, is likely to become very valuable; and beiug totally unprotected, it might be de- stroyed at one blow. The instruments for abolishing the eleventh and twelfth articles are exchanged, and that matter entirely settled. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Dutnas to the Commissioners at Paris.* [Translation.] Hague, November 4, 1778. Gentlemen : The gentlemen from Amsterdam have returned with more strict instructions from their constituents. They will be followed, perhaps, by a third memorial, more forcible than the preceding. If the same evasions continue to be practised, Amsterdam will display other resources, which have not yet been communicated to me. The subject of the convoy' will be discussed next week. Sir J. Yorke pre- sented a memorial the day before yesterday more moderate in its tone, but equally insidious in reality, on behalf of his court. 1. It demands the appointmeut of commissioners, with whom he may consult to set- tle the intent of the treaties relative to the articles which it is desired to prohibit. 2. It declares that his court is desirous that the repub- lic would not grant the convoys in question, as it can not consent to allow the above mentioned articles to pass. He will find formidable adversaries in Amsterdam, who are firmly resolved on an absolute negative on these two points. A certain great personage and the grand pensionary are already prepossessed on the subject. The irri- tation against the English gains also in some of the nobility, i The project, with which you are acquainted, is prepared with some changes and additions on the basis already known to you. It is in the hands of the burgomasters, who will examine the whole; after which a copy will be delivered to me, that I may also transmit one to you, to be examined by you in the same manner, and that your observations thereon may be communicated to them through me. ' 1 Sparks' Dip. liev. Corr., 356. 830 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I have been assured on behalf of the burgomasters that it is n their intention to leave our future connections dependent onGre Britain; on the contrary, it is their wish that in course of time' the high mightinesses may adopt a better system of measures than is present possible ; this circumstance they have thought ought not to 1 concealed from you any more than their jiresent situation, their wishe and tlieir expectation tliat you will bo ready to concur in the ste] which it shall be in their power to take towards realizing them. On the whole, gentlemen, I can not give you a more clear idea of tl whole matter than the following : Wecorrespond with a minority, whi( has this advantage over that of England, that if this republic will n declare itself our friend it can not be our enemy, on account of tl unanimity required by the constitution ; this circumstance alone is high importance, and ought to persuade us to assist and confirm thi minority. Every time I see our friend he begs me not to fail to communica to him immediately any good news I may receive from America. E makes too good a use of such information to allow any delay on n part. The two letters for which I am indebted to Mr. A. Lee have been i serted in the Leyden Gazette. The Courier of the Lower Ehine co tains a fine eulogy on Mr. Joseph Reed, member of Congress ; it is d serving of your notice. I wish I could send you the paper, but I hai only one copy, which I am about to forward to Congress. I am, etc., Dumas. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to the President of Congress." Passt, Novejnber 7, 1778. SiE: We have the honor to enclose a copy of the declaration coi cerning the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of commerc which we have received from his excellency the secretary of state f( foreign afiairs, in exchange for a Similar one signed by us, in pursuam of the instructions of Congress. We have also the honor to enclose copies of a correspondence wit his excellency M. de Sartine, the secretary of state for the marine, coi cerning cases of recaptures, that Cougress may, if they judge prope take some resolution on this head. It seems to be equitable that tl same rule should be observed by both nations. We also enclose copies of a correspondence on the subject of neg tiation with the Barbary States. We do not find ourselves authorize * MSS. ])ep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 359, with omissiona aud verb chaDges ; 7 John Adams' Works, 66. NOVEMBER 7, 1778. 831 to treat with those iiowers, as they are not in Europe, and indeed we are not furnished with funds for making them presents. We have had the honor of a copy from the auditor-general, enclos- ing the forui of bills of exchange to be drawn upon us for the interest due upon loan-office certiticates, and acquainting us that this interest will amount to two millions and a half of lirres annually. When it was pro- posed to pay the interest here we had no idea of so much being borrowed. We shall pay the most punctual obedience to these and all other orders of Congress as long as our funds shall last. But we are obliged to inform Congress that, expenses on prisoners being great and being drawn upon by the order of Congress from various quarters and receiv- ing no funds from America, we suffer the utmost anxiety lest we should be obliged to jirotest bills. We have exerted ourselves to the utmost of our power to procure money, but hitherto with little success; and we beg that some supplies may be sent us as soon as possible. We are very sorry that we are not able to send to Congress those supplies of anas, ammunition, and clothing which they have ordered; but it is absolutely impossible, for the want of funds, and M. Beanmarchais has not yet informed us whether he will execute the agreement made for him with you or not. We have the pleasure to inform Congress that Mr. Matthew Ridley, of Maryland, has made a present to the United States of a valuable manuscript upon naval affairs, which he has left with us. We shall take the first opportunity of a frigate to send it to Congress. We enclose to Congress copies of a correspondence between the am- bassador of the King of the Two Sicilies and us, which, as his majesty is the eldest son of the King of Spain, is considered as an event indica- tive of the good will of a greater power, although this is respectable. It is of great importance to penetrate the councils of an enemy, in order to be prepared beforehand against his designs; we shall, there- fore, be happy to advise Congress of the intentions of Great Britain as far as we conjecture. We have every reason to believe that the hostility of the disposition of the British court has no other bounds but those of their power. Their threats, however, of large re enforcements and of Russian auxil- iaries are without foundation. The interest of the King of Prussia and of the Empress Queen (who both choose at present to preserve decent terms with Great Britain) to prevent a close alliance between England and Russia we api)reheud will prevent it. In short, we see no proba- bility of England's forming any alliance against America in all Europe, or, indeed, against France; whereas, on the other side, from the aston- ishing preparations of Spain, the family compact, and other circum- stances, and from the insolent tyranny of the English over the Dutch and their consequent resentment, which has shown itself in formidable remonstrances as well as advances towards a treaty with us, there is 832 DIPLOMATIC COEKESPONDENCE. reason to believe that if Great Britain perseveres in the war, both of these powers will at length be involved in it. [The English the last year carried on a very valuable whale fishery on the coast of Brazil, oft' the Eiver Plate, in 8outh America, in the lati- tude of 350 south and from thence to 40°, just on the edge of soundings, oft' and on, about the longitude 05° from London. They have this year about seventeen vessels in this fishery, which have all sailed in the months of September and October. All the offlcers and almost all the men belonging to these seventeen vessels are all Americans from Nantucket and Cape Cod, in the Massa- chusetts Bay, excepting two or three from Rhode Island and perhaps one from Long Island. The names of the captains are, Aaron Shefiield, of Newport; Goldsmith and Eichard Holmes, from Long Island; John Shadwick, Francis May, Reuben May, John Header, Jonathan Meader,Elias Clark, Benjamin Clark, William Ray, Paul Pease, Buncker Fitch, Reuben Fitch, Zebedda Coffin and another CofBn, all of Nan- tucket; John Lock, Caj^e Cod, Nantucket; Andrew Swaim, Nantucket; William Ray, Nantucket. Four or five of these vessels go to Greenland. The fleet sails to Greenland the last of February or beginning of March. There was published last year in the English newspapers (and the imposture has been repeated this year) a letter from the lords of the admiralty to Mr. Dennis de Berdt, in Coleman street, informing Mr. de Berdt that a convoy should be ai)i)oiuted to the Brazil fleet But this we have certain information was a forgery, calculated merely to deceive American privateers, and that no convoy was appointed or did go with that fleet either last year or this. For the destruction or captivity of a fishery* so entirely defenseless {for not one of the vessels has any arms) a single frigate or privateer of twenty-four or even twenty guns would be quite sufiicieut. The begin- ning of December would be the best time to proceed from hence, because they would then find the whaling vessels nearly laden. The cargoes of thesevessels, consisting ofbone and oil, will be very valuable, and at least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be taken out of *As to these fisheries, Burke's famous speech may be cited : "Look at the manner in which the people of New England have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the trembling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis Straits; whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear they have pierced into the opposite region of polar cold, that they are at the antipo- des, and engaged under the frozen serpent of the sonth. Falkland Island, which seemed too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of natural ambition, is but a stage and resting place in the jirogress of their victorious industry. Nor is tlio equinoctial heat more discouraging to them than the accumulated winter of both the poles. We know that whilst some of them draw the line and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitude and jmrsuc tJieir giyantio yame along thccoait of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries, no climate that is not witness of their torts." NOVEMBER 9, 1778. 833 the hands of the English and might be gained into the American service to act against the enemy. Most of the officers and men wish well to their country, and woidd gladly be in its service if they could be delivered from that they are engaged in. But whenever the English men-of-war or privateers have taken an American vessel tliey have given to the whalemen among the crews their choice either to go on board a man- of-war and fight against their country or to go into the whale fishery. So many have chosen the latter as to make up most of the crews of seventeen vessels. We thought it proper to communicate this intelligence to the Con- gress, that if they find it proper to order a frigate to take from the English at once so profitable a branch of commerce and so valuable a nursery of seamen they may have an opportunity of doing it; if not, no inconvenience will ensue.]* We had the honor to write to Congress on the 20th of July and the 17th of September, of which we have sent duplicates and triplicates, and to which we beg leave to refer. By this opportunity we shall send the newspapers which contain all the public intelligence. p. s. — We enclose a number of notes of hand, forty-seven in number, which have been taken from onr unhappy countrymen who escaped from England, to whom we have lent money, as they had no other way of subsistence. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. A. Lee. J. Adams. Gerard to the President of Congress. t [Translation.] Philadelphia, November 9, 1778. SlE : The minister plenipotentiary of Erauce has the honor to inform the Congress of the United States of North America that he has ob- tained on account of his majesty the cargo of two schooners; the one called the Gentil, George Andre, captain, and the other ihfi Adventurer, commanded by Captain Joseph TafQer ; these two vessels being now in the port of Petersburg, Va., and their cargoes delivered, consisting of from twelve to thirteen hundred barrels of flour and about fifty bar- rels of biscuit. The destination of these provisions requiring that they should depart immediately, the undersigned minister plenipotentiary requests Congress to be pleased to take the measures which it shall judge necessary in order that the departure of these two vessels with 'Passage in brackets omitted in Sparlis' eil. tMSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Pip. Rer. Corr., 566. 63 WH — VOL II 834 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. tbeir cargoes may meet with no obstacle. An express will wait for the orders which it may be necessary to send into Virginia in relation to this object. Gerard. Wherenpon Congress ordered that the President write to the gov- ernor of Virginia, explain to him the nature of this transaction, and the necessity of the vessels' immediate departure, and desire him to give orders accordingly. November 18, 1778. Two letters from the honorable the minister plenipotentiary of France were read, requesting a passage on board of one of the continental frigates for the Chevalier de Rayraondis, captain of the Ccesar, and that a vessel on board of which are a number of invalids may be taken under convoy of the frigate until she be safe at sea. These were re- ferred to the marine committee with directions to comply with the request therein contained. Dumas to the Commissioners at Paris.* [Translation.] Hague, November 10, 1778. Gentlemen : My last, of the 4th, wa.s dispatched the 6th. To- morrow will be an important day, and will have serious consequences if Amsterdam yields. You are already acquainted with the opinion which will be pronounced by the admiralty. The committee appointed to confer with the admiralty on this point have made a report, as fol- lows: 1. The conference desired by Sir J. Yorke concerning the meaning of the treaties relative to naval stores shall be refused. 2. The resti- tution of the vessels seized shall be strongly insisted on. The ad- miralty shall make certain arrangements with the merchants of the country during these difiQculties ; that is, in plain English, shall sus- pend the convoys, in so far as relates to the above-mentioned materials. This addition spoils all the rest. Your friend appeared to me rather embarrassed. He has sent for the most prudential persons on change to ask their advice concerning this addition, which he considers arrant folly. Another person v^ry much displeased with this addition, says that if Amsterdam persists firmly in demanding the strict observance of the treaties and a perfect neu- trality she can counteract this maneuver. Otherwise the servile sub- mission of the nation to the lash of the English will expose it to that of the French also, who will deprive it of the privileges it has heretofore * 1 S^jarks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 361. NOVEMBER 12, 1778. 835 enjoyed in their country, and will seize its vessels, after the example of the English. Tou may therefore expect in my next to hear of a vigorous and suc- cessful opposition on the part of the city or of a dreadful blow to the commerce and navigation of this country. It may then be said, quid- quid delirant Britanni, plecUmtur Belcjae. It will be their own fault. All this will probably be delayed somewhat, for our friend has told me that the provincial assembly will not rise this week. As I can not see him to-day, because he dines out, I have sent him a letter, of which a copy is enclosed. I am, gentlemen, etc., Dumas. Franklin and Adams to Vergennes, * Passy, November 12, 1778. Sir: The alliance between this kingdom and the United States of America is an event of such magnitude in their history, that we con- ceive it would be highly pleasing to our constituents to have the picture of his majesty, their illustrious ally, to be kept iu some public place where the Congress sits. We would carefully avoid everythiug which would be disagreeable, and would therefore submit this proposal to your excellency's consid- eration; and if you should be of opinion that no ofi'euse would be given, we request your excellency's kind oflices to procure us, for the benefit of our constituents, the pictures of tlieir majesties the king and queen that posterity, as well as those of the present generation, who may never have an opportunity of seeing those royal 2iersonages, may be- come acquainted with the nearest resemblance of them which the arts have devised.t Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartine.t Passy, November 12, 1778. Sir: Last, night we had a letter from Nantes, a copy of which we have the honor to enclose to your excellency. The subject of it appears to us of great importance to the United States, as well as to the individuals, Frenchmen and Americans, who are interested in the vessels destined to America; also to a consider- ■* 7 J. Adams' Works, 70. tThis letter may not Lave been sent. It does not appear to have been formally answered. On the 19th of December following a letter was addressed to Congress, signed by the king, notifying that body of the birth of his first child, a daughter. This produced a congratulatory answer from Congress on the l.^'^h of June, 1779, terminating with a similar request for their majesties' portraits, which request was complied with, and the pictures afterwards sent.— 7 J. Adam's Works, 70, note. 1 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 363. 836 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. able number of geutleuien and others Mho are going passengers in this fleet, and ultimately to the common cause. It gives us great pleasure to find so large a number of vessels going out upon this occasion. Their cargoes are much wanted to enable our countrymen to sustain the war. We therefore most cheerfully join with the subscribers to the letter, who have also petitioned your excellency in requesting a large convoy to protect those shii)s quite home to America. Upon this occasion we can not refrain from submitting to j'our ex- cellency our opinion, that the more of the king's ships are sent to America, the more certainly France maintains a superiority of naval power in the American seas, the more likely it will be that she will have the advantage in the conduct of the war, because the French having the ports and the country, the provisions, the materials, and the artificers of America open to them, and the English being obliged to derive all these things from Europe, the former have a vast advantage over the latter in the conduct of the war in that quarter of the world, not to mention that the French ships, being newer and in better condi- tion than the English, are better able to sustain the American seas. Your excellency will excuse our suggesting one reflection, that what- ever vessels of war are sent to America, they should be plentifully fur- nished with marine woolen clothes, especially blankets and gloves, or mittens, without which it is extremely difiicult for the men to do their duty in the cold season upon that coast. We are, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. Sartine to the Commissioners at Paris.* [Translation.] Versailles, November 12, 1778. Gentlemen : M. deFleury t has represented to me that his only son embarked for America in 1778, where he served the United States in ' 1 Sparks' Dii). Rev. Corr., 3G2. t Fleury is represented by Theodore Foster, with whom he lived at Providence, as " sociable, jocose, and very agreeable in' conversation, of a free liberal turn of mind in matters of religion. « » » He served gallantly under Sullivan on Rhode Island, and for the brilliant part he took in the storming of Stony Point received the com- meudatiou of Wayne. Congress voted him thanks and a silver medal. This medal was probably never in his possession. It appears to have been lost, how and when are unknown, in Princeton, N. J., where it was found in 1850. De Fleury accompa- nied Hamilton in a visit to Estaing in 1778, to communicate Washington's views in regard to mutual operations. Washington speaks of him as an 'agreeable and valua- ble officer,' whose services he had received on numerous occasions." — Stone, Oar French Allies, 36. NOVEMBER 13, 1778. 837 the army of General Washington with sufficient distinction to be raised to the rank of lieutenant colonel, but having been made prisoner, and couducted to Fort St. Augustine, he has not yet been able to procure bis exchange, and is in the most deplorable condition. The distinction ubich this young office-? obtained in the service of the United States speaks in his favor ; and I aui persuaded, gentlemen, that you will at- tend to the request of M. de Fleury. I should be obliged to you if you would include him in the first exchange of prisoners. I have the honor to be, etc., De Sabtink. Dumas to the Commissioners at Paris.* [TraDslation.] Hague, November 33, 1778. Gentlemen : The situation of affairs here is becoming extremely critical. The resolution mentioned in my letter of the 10th, to deny convoy for naval stores, has not yet been formally adopted. It has been decided to determine this point next Wednesday by the majority of voices. The members from Amsterdam have protested against this, as contrary to the constituti()u, which requires, in such cases, una- nimity, and have entered their protest in tlie book. They were, how- ever, abandoned by all the other cities. M. Van Berckel sustained the attacks of the whole assembly with firmness; one might say that he had to encounter the whole province, and consequently the whole re- public, except his own city. If the council upholds the regency and the merchants continue to oppose this measure, as in all probability they will, they must succeed in their righteous cause. If the council, contrary to all appearances, should yield, M. Van Berckel declares that be will never return, but will leave room for any one who wishes it to occupy his place. The French ambassador, on his side, declared several days ago, to the principal officers of government, and through them to the pension- aries of the cities, that the king expects that the republic will cause the Dutch flag to be respected, and will protect, efficiently and promptly, her commerce, in conformity with the treaties of 1674, etc., between tliis country and England, on the faith of which reposes the confidence ill bi^i flag ; and if the republic does not answer to such reasonable expectations, and undertakes to modify any part of those treaties to the prejudice of commerce, the king is immovably fixed in his determi- nation to deprive the nation of those advantages which his majesty, out of pure kindness, and without any obligation by treaty, has hitherto permitted it to enjoy in the ports of France. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 363. 838 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. I liave comiminicated this today to the friends of Amsterdam, to 1 made known on cbauge. I shall set out in an hour for a ])lace where my presence is cousidert necessary. In the mean while, I am, etc., Dumas. Sartine to the Commissioners at Paris." [Tr.anslation.] Versailles, November 34, 1778. Gentlemen : I have submitted to the king the reasons which migl determine his majesty to set at liberty citizens of the United Stati prisoners in France. But he has wisely decided that this favor ougl to be granted only to those who have been taken from American vesse and compelled to serve against their country. It will therefore be nece sary for you, gentlemen, to cause a list to be made, certified by you selves, which you will have the goodness to forward to me, that onl the good and faithful subjects of the United States may enjoy the ben fit of his majesty's favor. I have the honor to be, etc., Db Sartine. Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Sartine. t Passy, November 15, 1778. Sir : We have the honor of your excellency's letter of the 6th of th; month, but as the memoir of the French surgeon, which your excelleuc proposed to transmit to us, was by some accident omitted to be enclose in your letter, we are ignorant of his case, and consequently unable t inform your excellency whether it is in our power to afford him any k lief. If your excellency will have the goodness to send us the memo: we will answer your letter without delay. In the mean time we may acquaint your excellency that the Unite States have not adopted any precautions for sending succors to thei subjects imprisoned in England. We have ventured, without orders c permission from the United States, to lend small sums of money t persons who have escaped from irous and dungeons in Great Britaii to bear their expenses to Nantes, L'Orient, and Bordeaux. But w have sent no succor to them while in England, except a small sum ( money, put into the hands of Mr. Hartley, to be disposed of by him fc the relief of such as should most want it. * 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 364. t lUd., :J58. NOVEMBER 15, 1778. 839 We shall consider every Freuchmau takeu by the Euglish on board of American vessels in the same light as if he was an American by birth, and entitled to the same assistance from us as Americans are iu the same situation. We have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* Paris, November 15, 1778. Gentlemen : I am informed that it is determined in the cabinet of London not to recall their commissioners this winter. Governor John- stone has been very graciously received ; Lord Howe not. He con- ducts himself as one that is discontented, and has not been at court. It is given out that Johnstone declares he is possessed of impeachable matter against both the Howes. I before mentioned that the enemy was prepariog to send out pro- visions and clothing for their troops, as if it was intended they should remain in America. It is also certain that they have contracted for twelve thousand tons of shipping for the beginning of next March. They talii of sending over either ten thousand British, or twelve thou- sand Russians for the next campaign, which I am assured and believe they have determined to risk. To sustain this, they afflrni very confidently that a triple alliance, offensive and defensive, is concluded between Russia, Prussia, and Great Britain. This, I believe, is at best anticipation. That such an alhance will be the subject of this winter's negotiation is very probable; perhaps, too, it may succeed, and that Denmark and Sweden may join. But the good efiects of it in favor of our enemy are very problematical. It will inevitably draw forth Spain, which, in our part of the question, is of much more weight than all the rest. And as to the general war, the league that would be necessarily formed against the other between the United States, the Empress, France, and Spain would be the most powerful. I do not count upon Portugal, Naples, Tuscany, and Sar- dinia, whicli yet, iu all human probability, will join our confederacy. The temper of Holland is such that the junction of the United Provinces may well be expected, if England has not the wisdom to recede from her claims; and if she does, the Hollanders, having gained the points in trade which they contend for, will render their neutrality perhaps more favorable to us in matters of supply than an actual confederation. These are the plans th^t must employ the negotiation of all Europe during this winter, which will produce either a general pacification or a • MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 524. 840 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. general war. The latter is what our enemy is endeavoring to effect. In doing this, by the same fated perversion of understanding which has happily prevailed in all their measures, they are laboring to secure what they wish to subvert — the absolute independency of America; for there was never a political event more manifest and sure than that a general war must involve in it the independence nf the United States as an inevitable consequence. The obtaining money in Europe is doubtfid, though not desperate. But this seems very probable, that if the irritation and ill humor in Holland is continued by England's persisting in the interruption of their trade, they will lend us money out of revenge; and if England retracts, the Dutch will send us such plentiful supjilies, and take in return our produce, as iu a great measure to compensate for the want of funds. The dispute seems to be in such a state that there is no me- dium. I am, therefore, in hopes that if the war should continue the distress of it will press with much more severity upon our enemies than on us. I am informed that a Swedish ship, the Henrica Sofia, Captain P. Held, loaded with Spanish property, bound from London to Teneriffe, has been taken by Captain Cunningham in the Bevcnge, which, being considered in Spain as a violence done to them, has given great offense. I liave assured them that, upon its being made to appear in the admi- raltj" court in America that the property is neutral, it will be restored, with such damages as are just. The court of Si)ain is so much. offended at Captain Cunningham's conduct before this, thatthey write me orders have been sent to all their ports to prohibit his entrance. From the beginning to the end of this business of Cunningham, it has been so bad, that Congress only can correct it by punishing those who are con- cerned. It has cost the public more than 100,000 livres, and embroiled us both with the French and Spanish courts.* The State of Virginia having sent for arms and artillery necessary for their defense, and some advances being absolutely necessary to ob- tain the supply, I venture to advance 50,000 livres out of the public funds in my hands. Had not this demand pressed so much, I certainly should not have done this without the permission of Congress. But as it is, and though I expect the reimbursement before the articles I have ordered for the public will call for payment, yet I think it my duty to communicate this transaction, and submit it to the censure of Congress. I expect a complete cargo is by this time shipped in my de- ])artment, consisting of blankets, shoes, tent cloth, sail cloth, and rig- ging for a vessel of five hundred tons. This cargo, with what went be- fore, should contain ten thousand blankets. I have ordered twenty *Thi8, 80 far as concerns France, was a mistake. Xlie displeasnre of tbe French minister with Cnnnina;liam was only put on to save appearances. (See swyra, commis- sioners to committee, May 25, 1777; Deane to Morris, Aug. 23, 1777, with note; and so as to Spain, Deane to committee, etc., Oct. 8, Oct. 17, 1776.) NOVEMBER 19, 1778. 841 thousand more, which, with half of the freight I am obliged to advance for the above cargo, will more than employ all the funds in my hands. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. November 18, 1778. P. S. — Every hour's intelligence confirms the opinion that the enemy will not obtain any Eussian auxiliaries. Deane to the President of Congress.* Philadelphia, November 19, 1778. Sir: I did myself the honor of writing to you on the 7th of October last, and having since received a letter from Mr. Williams, I send it enclosed, to show Congress that the moneys mentioned by Mr. A. Lee in his letter of the 1st of June last to have been received by that gen- tleman, have, in the opinion of two of the commissioners, been well laid out and faithfully accounted for. It gives me great pleasure to fiud that the clothes contracted for by Mons. Monthieu, Messrs. Holker, Sabbatier, Desprez, that gentleman, and others, are, on examination, approved of, and allowed to be the best of the kind, both as to the quality of the cloth and fashion they are made in, of any that have ever been imported. It is, indeed, a fortunate circumstance that out of near forty thousand suits so few have been intercepted. As Mr. A. Lee, in his letters, has insinuated that the contracts for these clothes were made entirely by me, and has charged me with great extrava- gance in them, I beg leave to inform Congress that these suits com- plete, and delivered on board, do not cost, on an average, thirty-six livres, or thirty-one shilliugs and six pence sterling the suit. I labored hard to send over shoes, stockings, and shirts in proportion, and so far as it was eliected, the suit complete, with shoes, stockings, and shirt, does not amount in the whole to forty shillings sterling. These facts being known, I am content to take on myself the merit or demerit of furnishing these Bui)plies. I will make no comment on the dismission of a man of Mr. Williams' known abilities, integrity, and economy, and who did the business of the public for two per cent., to make room for the deputies of Mr. Wil- Hain Lee, who shares five per cent, with them, nor on the still more unac- countable conduct of Mr. A. Lee in ordering bills accepted by Messrs. Franklin and Adams to be protested. It gives me pain to be forced to lay these facts before Congress, but I can not, consistent with the duty I owe my country, nor with the justice due myself, permit them, and others of the like nature, to remain longer concealed from public view and examination. *MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Kev. Corr., 1^7, with omissions and verbal changes. 842 DIPLOMATIC COEEESPONDENCE. My letter of the 7th ultimo covered observations ou Mr. Lee's and Mr. Izard's letter to Congress, to which I am still without the honor of any reply. Nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to learn by what part of uiy public conduct I have merited the neglect with which uiy letters and most respectful solicitations for months past to be heard before Congress have been treated. 1 confess that I once flat- tered myself the services I performed in procuring supi^lies and send- ing them to the United States at the most critical period of their affairs, and in assisting to bring forward and conclude the treaties, together with the honorable testimonials from the court of France whilst I had the honor of residing there, would have merited the approbation of Congress. And 1 now leave it with every person of sensibility aod honor to imagine what must be my disappointment and chagrin to find myself obliged at last to leave America w ithout being informed if ex- ceptions have been taken to any part of my conduct, or what they may be. Thus situated, though I can but feel most sensibly, yet a conscious- ness of the integrity and zeal which have ever guided and animated my conduct, and a sense of the inn)ortaut services I have been so for- tunate as to render my couutry, with the confidence I have that justice will yet be done me, support and will never permit me to forget or desert myself or my country whilst in my power to be useful. I took the liberty, on the 12th instant, in writing to Congress, again to remind them of my being without any answer to my request, and having wrote already repeatedly, I will not trouble that honorable body further on the subject of my being heard, agreeable to what by their resolutions which recalled me, and since 1 hoped for and had reason to expect ; but praying them to accept my sincere thanks for the honor they did me in appointing me their commercial and political agent in Europe, and afterwards one of their commissioners to the court of France, by which I have had an opportunity of rendering my country important services, I have only to repeat my former request, that orders may be given to their minister at the court of France to have my accounts examined and settled immediately on my return thither, referring to my letter of the 7th, ou that head and entreating for a speedy resolution on the subject. I have the honor to remain, with the most profound respect, etc., Silas Deane. p. s. — Since writing the above I am informed that letters have been received from the honorable Mr. Lee, and read in Congress, which men- tion certain proceedings of Mr. Hodge, and that a sura of money had been paid Mr. S. Wharton by my order without the knowledge of tbe commissioners, and which 1 left unexplained and unaccounted for. I will only say here, that any insinuation of this kind is totally ground- less, and makes me feel most sensibly what I suffer by not being per- mitted to be heard before Congress, which I still solicit for. S. D. NOVEMHER 20, 1778. 843 G-erard to the President of Congress.* [Trauslatiou.] Philadelphia, November 20, 1778. Sm: The minister of France thinks it his duty to have the honor of communicating to the President of (Jongress the retiection that, accord- ing to ordinary rnles, treaties are not published until the respecti^-e ratifications have been exchanged, and that so far as he is informed, that of the king has not arrived. If Congress, however, has motives to proceed immediately to this publication, the minister requests it not to be stopped by his reflection; the wisdom of their views deserving all preference over what can only be regarded as a mere formality. Gerard. Dumas to the Commissioners at Paris, t [Translation.] Hague, November 20, 1778. Gentlemen: I returned here last Wednesday morning, and in the afternoon was informed by our friend that the despotic act which 1 an- nounced to you in my last of the 13th of November, was passed in the assembly of the prDvince after a session of three hours; and that the pre- amble, with the addition of which I gave you an account in my letter of the 10th, was adopted by a majority. The city of Amsterdam has, in consequence, entered a protest against this resolution, declaring it null, as having been adopted contrary to the forms required by the constitu- tion of the state, which prescribes unanimity in such cases. The injuri- ous consequences which may result to the city are also exposed. Sir J. Yorke dispatched a messenger with all haste to England with the news of the triumph of his party. His court will not fail to boast of this success in Parliament and in the journals ; it appears to have been desired for this puri^ose. No mention will be made of the protest, which, in reality, converts this success into smoke, which will soon be dissipated; for the members from the great city declare that if the pro- test is not printed with the resolution they will have it primed in the city; so that at least this nation shall not be deceived. It is easy to foresee two important consequences resulting from this measure, one, the blow predicted in my letter of the 10th, the other the close of a famous banking establishment, without which the others can not stand. I might enter more into details; but besides that I have not time, I am afraid to trust them to paper. I will only add that to-morrow morning the members from the great city will depart, and with them all the glory of Belgium. The others are ashamed of their own work, *MSS. Dep. of state; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 567. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 3(15. 844 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. dare not boast of it, and hang down their heads. It has even been attempted to circulate thereport that the famous resolution was adopted unanimously and in conformity with the wishes of the great city. You can not imagine, gentlemen, how eager are your enemies in the present situation of affairs to propagate reports of dissensions and divisions between the Americans and French and among the Americans themselves ; their object is to animate their own party and discourage their opponents. We may despise them and laugh at them, but your best friends are afflicted that we receive n() news from America by the way of France. 1 pray God that we may soon have some and of the most favorable character. I am, gentlemen, etc., Dumas. A. Lee to Committee of Correspondence.* November 25, 1778. Gentlemen : I am informed that a considerable fleet of provision ships are to sail from Cork for New York the end of this or the begin- ning of next month. They will have one frigate for their convoy, as- sisted by two or three armed ships. This news I fear will not reach you in time to have these ships intercepted on the coast, which would be a blow upon the enemy. Nothing new but the meeting of Parlia- ment, which will be on the 2Cth, must open something. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant, Arthur Lee. Frankhn to Hartley, t Passy, November 29, 1778. Dear Sir: I have heard nothing from you lately concerning the exchange of prisoners. Is that att'air dropped ! Winter is coming on apace. I understand that your charitable contribution is near ex- pended and not likely to be renewed. Many of those unfortunate people must suffer greatly. I wish to have a line from you informing me what may be depended on. I am, etc., B. Franklin. * MSS. Dep. of State. tMSS. Dep. of State; 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 222. DECEMBER 2, 1778. 845 Deane to the President of Congress. Philadelphia, November 30, 1778. Sir : I am still so unhappy as to be without the honor of any reply to the several letters I have wrote through you to Congress, praying that honorable body to favor me with an audience, and that they would give the necessary orders to their ministers or commissioners at the court of Versailles to examine, adjust, and settle my accounts immedi- ately on my return to France. I talce liberty now to add to what I have already wrote, that the hopes of being favored with an audience have already occasioned my losing several very agreeable and safe opportunities of returning until the season has become as pressing as the business which calls me back, and obliges nie most earnestly to entreat the attention of Congress to my situation and requests. I have the honor to remain, etc., Silas Deane. G-erard to Congress, t Philadelphia, December 2, 1778. The President communicated to Congress the following unsigned note from the minister of France : " It is thought proper to inform persons who have business in France that all judicial and extra-judicial acts, powers of attorney, etc., which are destined to be sent thither, ought to be invested with the authorisa- tion of the minister plenipotentiary or the consuls of this crown estab- lished in the different States of America. By means of this formality all the acts valid iu America will have the same validity in France in all cases." December 4. The President communicated to Congress another unsigned note from the minister of France relative to a plan he had proposed for discharg- ing the debt due to Eoderique Hortalez & Co., namely, by furnishing the French fleet in America with provisions, for the amount of wliich the court would procure the United States a credit with Hortalez & Co. The note was delivered in English, in the words following: " Leave is begged from the honorable the President of Congress to submit to him some reflections upon a late conversation. The insinua- tion made was founded upon the consideration that the method pro- posed would be more simple, more easy, and more convenient than any other, and that, besides the troubles, the expenses, the dangers of the sea, and of the enemy, the spoiling of the cargoes, etc., would be avoided. * MSS. Dep. of State; I Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., I'iO, with verbal changes. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 568. 846 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. " The manner of executing tliis plan, if adopted, would be very simple, and attended with no inconveniency. The court shall take upon itself to satisfy the furnisher of the articles in question, and Congress shall receive the discharge for ready money in their accounts with the court." Adams to the President of Congress.* Passy, December 3, 1778. SiE: I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest newspapers. As they contain the speech at the opening of Parliament and some of the debates in both Houses upon the addresses in answer to it, they are of very great importance. I learn by some newspapers and private letters that an opinion has been i^revalent in America that the enemy intended to withdraw from the United States; and considering the cruel devastations of the war, and the unfortunate situation of our finances, nothing would give me so much joy as to see reasons to concur in that opinion, and to furnish Congress with intelligence in support of it. But I am sorry to say the reverse is too apparent. We may call it obstinacy or blindness, if we will ; but such is the state of jjarties in England, so deep would be the disgrace, and perhaps so great the per- sonal danger to those vcho have commenced and prosecuted this war, that they can not but persevere in it at every hazard ; and nothing is clearer in my mind than that they never will quit the United States until they are either driven or starved out of them. I hoiie, therefore. Congress will excuse mo for suggesting that there is but one course for us to take, which is to concert every measure and exert every nerve for the total destruction of the British power within the United States. I have the honor to be, etc., John Adams. Dumas to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, t The Hague, December 3, 1778. Gentlemen : The act of despotism which I announced to you in my letter of the 16th | was consummated on the 18th of November. The resolution adopted by the majority had a specious design, to wit, to re- fuse the corjmissaries, which the English ambassador demanded, to agree that the article of naval stores, legalized by the treaty of 1674, should be for the future contraband ; but, in the end, all was spoiled by the refusal of convoy to ships carrying these articles to France. * JISS. Dcp. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 5(54; 7 Jiilin Adams' Works, 70. tMS8. Dcp. of State ; 5 Sparks' Din. Rev. Corr., 246. t Missing. DECEMBER 4, 1778. 847 But Amsterdam has inserted in the acts a formal protest, by which this resolution is declared null, by its having- been adopted in a manner contrary to the constitution, which requires unanimity in this case. The protest indicates, at the same time, the consequences which this affair may have. They may be very serious if they push the city to ex- tremities. The first will be the closing of the public chest, as far as concerns her contribution towards the expenses of the confederation. This city alone pays about one-qnarter of all the expenses of the repub- lic, and if they should push things to extremity she may ask succors of France, who certainly would not suffer her to be oi^pressed. The min- isterial gazettes in England announce this to tlieir nation as a great success. Qui r ult decipi decipiatur. On the other side, France threatens to seize in her turn English property on board of Dutch ships, and to deprive these of the favors they enjoy in her ports, if the republic does not cause her flag to be respected by the English, according to treaties. On the 15th the states of the province will be reassembled. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. Deane to the President of Congress.* Friday, December 4, 1778. Sir : I have now to acknowledge your favors of 10 o'clock last evening, and to thank you for the attention paid to my last letter to you. Pre- vious to receiving the intimation you have given me, "that Congress had resolved to take into consideration their foreign affairs, and that such branches as I had been particularly concerned in would in due course become subjects of deliberation," I had prepared to leave this city, and had made my arrangements accordingly, which it will not be in my power to dispense with for any time. I take the liberty of men- tioning this, as I do not find in the intimation you have given me of the resolution of Congress any time fixed for my attendance, and I take the liberty of repeating what I have before had the honor of writing to you, that my detention is extremely prejudicial to my private affairs, and, so far as I am able to judge, in some degree so to those of the public which I have had the honor to be intrusted with, some of which re- quire my presence at the settlement of them, as well on account of my own reputation as for the interest of the United States.t I have the honor to be, with much repect, etc., Silas Deane. *MSS. Dep. of State, 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 129. t On the 5th of December Mr. Deaue published ;in article in the Pennsylvania Ga- zette, reflecting on the couduct of some of the commissioners in Europe. This pub- lication gave much oftense to Messrs. Arthur Lee and William Lee, aud Mr. Izard, as Will be seen hereafter in their letters to Congress.— Sparks. 848 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. A. Lee to Gardoqui.* Paris, December 4, 1778. Dear Sir : I wrote you on the 10th ultimo and have not been favored with anything from you since. Upon a supposition that I shoukl have funds sufficient in m.y hands, I desired your house to collect twenty or thirty thousand blankets, which liutend to pay for without troubling our friends with you. But I find the clothing, shoes, and stockings, which I was obliged to send from hence, have consumed most part of the money remitted to me, so that I shall be unable to pay for those blan- kets. Yet they are an article most essential to our army, both in winter and summer. I must therefore beg you to beseech our frienils to ex- tend their order to them, and have them shipped as fast as they are collected by your house, on the old plan. In consequence of what passed when we were at Burgos and Vittoria, I wrote that our vessels would be received at the Havana as those of the most favored nation. It is desired to know whether, under this, the produce of the States may be carried thither for sale, and prizes sold there or in any other of his catholic majesty's i)orts in Ami;rica, I shall be much obliged to you to get me an explanation on this head, as we would wish to avoid giving embarassment or offense by extending the liberty further than is meant. The ports being oi)en in this manner would be certainly beneficial to both ; but 1 am no judge how far it would be consistent witli the policy of your commercial regulations. Count d'Estaing's fleet was refitted, and ready to sail from Boston the 3d of November. His officers and sailors have behaved there with the greatest decorum, and rendered themselves exceedingly agreeable to the inhabitants. The fray of which our enemies make so much was entirely accidental, ami owing to some privateersmen wanting to get biscuit for a cruise. Tlie readiness of our enemies to hope from every little incident a dissolution of our foreign connections serves only to show how much they ajiprehend from a continuance of them. There is no certain intelligence of the enemy's fleet or army. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Adams to Gerry, t Passy, December 5, 1778. Dear Sir: It is necessary that you should be minutely informed of the minutest and most secret springs of action here, if it is possible. Yet the danger is so great of our letters being taken and getting into English newspapers, that it is very discouraging to a free correspond- *MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev., Corr. 527. 12 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 565. DECEMBER 5, 1778. 849 ence. I -will however, take all tlie precaution iu my power to have the letters sunk ; but if all these fail, and my letters become public, the world must take them as they find them, and I hope they will do more good upon the whole than harm. This court and nation appear to me to be well convinced of the utility to their interests of the American alliance. But notwithstanding this, they appear to me to have too much difadence of us, too much diffi- dence of the people of America, and too much reserve towards the commissioners here. 1 am not satisfied in the cause of this. Whether they think that the obstacles of language, religion, laws, customs, and manners are obstacles in the way of a perfect friendship which can not be removed, and therefore that they shall lose our connection as soon as Britain comes to her senses; or whether they are embarrassed by the conduct of Spain and are acting in this reserved manner, and with an appearance of irresolution in hopes of her coming in ; or whether they have any prejudices against the personal characters of the commis- sioners, and are loth to be unreserved with them, for fear they shall communicate either indiscreetly or by design anything to the English or to anybody here, who might convey it to England ; or whether all these motives together have a share in it, I know not. Thus much is certain, that ever since I have been here I have never seen any dispo- sition in any minister of state to talk with any of the commissioners, either upon intelligence from Spain or England, upon the designs or negotiations of either, or any other court in Europe, or upon the con- duct of the war by sea or land, or upon their own plans or designs of policy or war. If this reserve was ever thrown off to any one, I should think that putting it on to others had some personal motive. But it is exactly equal and alike to all three. .Each commissioner here, before I came, had his own set of friends, admirers, and dependents, both among the French and Americans. Two households united in some degree against one, very unjustly I fear, and very impolitically. But this set the friends of the two to injuring the third in conversation, and they can not forbear to do it, to this day. This dissension, I suspect, has made the ministry cautious, lest in the course of altercations improper use should be made of free communication. For my own part, however odd you may think it in me to say it, I have no friends, much less dependents, here, and am de- termined to have none, for I am convinced that competitions among these have done the evil. But I am determined, if I am continued here, to have free communication with the ministry upon these subjects, and to search them to the bottom. The ministry are candid men and sen sible, and I am sure that some eclaircissements would do good. However, I am reckoning without my host, for by the bruits which Mr. Deane's letters have scattered I may expect that the first vessel will bring my recall or removal to some other court. But wherever I 54 WH— VOL II 850 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPOWuJiNCE. am, luy heart will ever be anxious for the good of our country, ai warm with friendship for her friends, among whom you will ever reckoned in the foremost rank by your most obedient, John Adams. A. Lee to the Committee of Foreign Affairs." Paris, December 0, 1778. Gentlemen: I had the honor of writing yoii on the 14th of Apri May the 9th, 20th, and 23d ; June the 1st, 9th, 15th, and 17th ; July tl 6th, 16th, 20th, 28th and 29th; August the 21st and 31st; Septemb the 9th and 30th; October the 5th and 19th; November the 4th, 18th, ai 20th, with various enclosures, among which were triplicates of Mr,W liams' accounts and quadruplicates of the state of the Swiss militia. From Lord Suffolk's speech on the address it appears that they ha' adopted a dernier plan for conducting the war against you, which, I a informed, is to burn and destroy everything they approach. Tl example of Colonel Butler is to be pursued on all the frontiers access ble to the Indians, to whom small bodies of regulars are to be joine The fleet and armies are to lay waste the seacoast and its vicinitie Lord Sufltolk is the mouth of the King of Great Britain, and his a< visers Lords Bute and Mansfield, and Mr. Wedderburne. What 1 says may therefore be depended on as their resolution. From the enclosed piece (copies of which have been sent from He land) you will be able to judge of the nature and situation of the di pute in Holland. The friends to themselves and us are for augmentii their marine ; the i)urc]iased advocates of England and the dependen of the Stadtholder are for increasing their army. To make them and other neutral nations feel the necessity of suj porting the privileges of their pavilions against the English, this cou: has declared its determination to make prize of all goods belonging I the enemy found in neutral ships as long as the same is permitted 1 be done by the British cruisers with regard to the effects of France i the same situation. This is such a blow to their interests as, it : imagined, must rouse the Dutch to vigorous exertions against Gre£ Britain in support of their privileges as common carriers. The court of Spain has published their intention of admitting th sale of prizes made by the French and the entrance of all America vessels upon the footing of all other neutral nations. The Empress of Eussia has determined to take part with the Kin of Prussia in the German war, which the house of Austria seems n solved to support against their united forces. As Hanover and th other German princes are pledged to assist Prussia, our enemy ca * MSS. Dep. of State ; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 528, with omissions and verbs ehauKBS. DECEMBER 6, 1778. 851 hardly expect any aid from thence. Though it is, therefore, impossible to conceive how they can maintain the war in their very exhausted state and without one eflfectnal ally, yet it is certain that they mean to try another campaign. [They are seeking revenge and will find ruin.]* I send you some charts of the continent of America and of the is- lands, lately published, and reckoned extremely accurate, from which, perhaps, Congress may think proper to have others engraved for the use of the navy. They consist of three volumes folio, with a quarto volume of directions. We are in daily expectation of the final pleasure of Congress on the several important matters relating to our missions. I have the honor to be, etc, Abthiir Lee. J, Adams to the President of Congress.t Passy, December 6, 1778. Sir : I have had the honor to enclose to Congress the speech at the opening of the British Parliament by several opportunities, but as it opens the intention of the enemy and warns us to be prepared for all the evils which are in their power to inflict and not in our power to prevent, I enclose it again in another form. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, John Adams. Gerard to the President of Congress.t [Translation.] Philadelphia, December 6, 1778. Sir : The minister plenipotentiary of France, considering that it is of great importance for the interests of France and the United States of America to prevent, or to delay as much as possible, the repairs and consequently the activity of the enemy's ships, and that one of the most efficacious means would be to intercept the masts which they are obliged to bring from Halifax, is firmly persuaded that this subject has not escaped the consideration of Congress; but believing that it is for the interest of the king, his master, that his majesty should contribute to the measures which may effect this object, his intention is to ofi'er a reward to the owners of privateers who shall take or destroy vessels loaded with masts proper for ships of the line or for frigates. This en- couragement seemed necessary, in order to turn the efforts of privateers * Passage in brackets ommitted in Sparks' ed. + MSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 560. X MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 569. 852 DIPLOMATIC COERESPONDENCE. in this direction, cousideiiiig tlie low price of tbis commodity in pro- portion to other cargoes, but the said minister did not wish to execute this plan without communicaiiug it to Congress and before knowing its opinion on this subject. Gekaed. J. Adams to Roger Sherman.* Passy, December 6, 1778. Dear Sir: From the long series of arduous services in which we have acted together, I have had experience enough of your accurate judgment in cases of difficulty to wish very often that I could have the benefit of it here. To me, it appears that there will be no more cordial friendship, nor for many years to come any long peace, between Great Britain and America, and therefore the French alliance is and will be an important barrier to us, and ought to be cultivated with perfect faith and much tenderness. But still it is a delicate and dan- gerous connection. There is danger to the simplicity of our manners and to the principles of our constitution, and there may be danger that too much will be demanded of us. There is danger that the people and their representatives may have too much timidity in their conduct to- wards this power, and that your ministers here may have too much diffidence of themselves and too much complaisance for the court. There is danger that French councils and emissaries and correspond- ents may have too much influence in our deliberations. I hope that this court will not interfere, by attaching themselves to X>ersons, parties, or measures in America. It would be ill policy, but no court is always directed by sound policy, and we can not be too much upon our guard. Some Americans will naturally endeavor to avail themselves of the aid of the French influence to raise their repu- tation, to extend their influence, to strengthen their parties, and, in short, to promote the purposes of private ambition and interests. But these things must be guarded against. I wish for a letter from you as often as you can, and that you would believe me, your friend, John Adams. Congress— Deane's Case — Izard's Charges.! December 7, 1778. The President informed Congress that on Saturday last he received two letters from the honorable R. Izard ; that, like the former, these letters contained matters of public and private nature, but as the * 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 567. tMSS. Dep. of State; printed secret journals of Congress. For prior proceedings see supra, Oct. 14, 15, 1778. DECEMBER 7, 1778. 853 House have determined not to receive extracts of letters, lie submitted them entire, being persuaded that it is Mr. Izard's desire that all pub- lic matters should be communicated to them. Ordered, That the letters be received. The letters were accordingly received and read, viz., one of July 25, and the other of September 12, 1778. Stx o'clock p. m. Resolved, That Silas Deane, esq., report to Congress, in writing, as soon as may be, his agency for their affairs in Europe, together with any intelligence respecting their foreign affairs which he may judge proper. That Mr. Deane be informed that if he hath anything to communicate to Congress in the interim of immediate importance he shall be heard tomorrow evening at 6 o'clock. Mr. Deane, attending, was called in, and the foregoing resolutions were read to him.* Franklin, Lee, and Adams to Dr. Price, t Passy, December 7, 1778. Sir: By one of the late ships from America we had the pleasure of receiving from Congress an attested copy of their resolution of the 6th of October, conceived in these words : " In Congress, October 6, 1778. "Resolved, That the honorable Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, esquires, or any of them, be directed forthwith to apply to Dr. Price, and inform him that it is the desire of Congress to con- sider him as a citizen of the United States, and to receive his assistance in regulating their finances ; that, if he shall think it expedient to remove with his family to America and afford such assistance, a gener- ous provision shall be made for requiting his services. " Extract from the minutes. "Charles Thomson, Secretary." From a great respect to the character of Dr. Price we have much satisfaction in communicating this resolution. We request your answer as soon as convenient. If it should be in the afhrraative, you may de- pend upon us to discharge the expenses of your journey and voyage ' For further proceediugs see infra, Dec. 22, 1778. 1 7 J. Adams' Works, 71 . 854 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. aud for every assistance iu our power to make your passage agreeable, as well as your reception aud accommodation in our country. We liavo the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servants, B. Franklin. Arthur Lee. John Adams.* Memorial presented by the Due de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France, to the States-General of the United Provinces. t The Hague, December 7, 1778, High and Mighty Lords : The conviction which the king, my master, has had that their high mightinesses, animated with a desire to perpetuate the perfect harmony which subsists between France and the States-General, would conform themselves scrupulously, in existing cir- cumstances, to theprinciples of the mostabsolute neutrality, has induced his majesty to include the United Provinces in the order that he made in the month of July last concerning the commerce aud navigation of neu- trals. Hismajesty has less room todoubfcof theperseverance of their high mightiuesses in these principles, because they have given him repeated assurances, and because they are the basis and most solid guarauty of the repose and prosperity of the republic. His majesty, however, thinks he ought to procure, in this respect, an entire certainty ; and it is with this view that he has directed me to demand of your high mightinesses an explanation, clear and precise, of your final determination, and to declare to you that he will decide according to your answer to maintain or annul, so far as concerns the subjects of your high mightinesses, the orders which he has already given. To make better known to your high mightinesses the views and inten- tions of the king, my master, I have the honor to observe to you that his majesty flatters himself that you will procure to the flag of the United Provinces all the freedom which belongs to it as a consequence of their independence, and to their commerce all the integrity which the law of nations and treaties secure to it. The least derogation from these principles would manifest a partiality, the eftect of which would * In the Life of Arthur Lee a slight mistake is made respecting that gentleman's agency iu this case of Dr. Price. The author confounds the official notification by the commissioners of the action of Congress, the draft of which is iu Mr. Adams' hand- writing, with a private letter accompanying it, written by Mr. Lee, to urge Dr. Price's acceptance of the invitation. The private answer of Dr. Price, giving rea- sons for declining the proposals, is to he found in that woric, whilst the former reply, transmitted to Congress through the hands of Dr. Franklin, is inserted iu Mr. Sparks' edition of the Writings of Franklin; Life of Arthur Lee,hy Richard Henry Lee, vol. 1, pp. 148, 149 ; Works of Franklin, vol. 8, p. 354, note. Note to 7 J. Adams' Works, 71. t MSS. Dep. of State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 248. DtCteMBER 7, 1778. 865 impose ou him the necessity of suspeudiiig, not ouly the advantages that his majesty has insured to your flag by his ordet iu favor of luiii- trals, but also the material and gratuitious favors which the commerce of the United Provinces enjoys in the ports of his kingdom, without any other cousideratien than the good will and affection of his majesty for your high mightinesses. Duo DE LA VAUGUYON. Gerard to the President of Congress.* [Translation.] Philadelphia, December 7, 1778. Sir: I have had the honor of explaining to you the motives of my perplexity with regard to transmitting to my court some ideas respect- ing certain persons strongly suspected of being emissaries of the court of London, as well as concerning the doctriue of the liberty which it is pretended the United States have preservedof treating with this po wet separately from their ally, so long as Great Britain has not declared war upon the king, my master. I have expressed to you how far it is from my character to pay regard to public rumors and to the reports of any individuals in a matter as important as it is delicate, and the desire which I feel that Congress wouldbe pleased to furnish me with the means of placing my court, and by its means all the present and future friends of the United States iu Europe^ on their guard against the impressions which these ideas might produce. They appeared to me particularly dangerous in relation to England, where they would nourish the hope of sowing domestic divisions in the bosom of the United States, and of separating them from their ally by annulling also the treaties con- cluded with him. It seems, in fact, that as long as this double hope shall continue, England will not think seriously of acknowledging your independence on the footing expressed in the treaty of Paris. Your zeal, sir, for your country and for the maintenance of the harmony so happily established is too well known for me not to hope that you will be pleased to lay before Congress this subject, which my solicitude for whatever concerns the maintenance of the reputation of the alliance has caused me to regard as very important. 1 am persuaded, sir, that you will at the same time have the goodness to inform Congress of the proof of iirmness and of attachment to the interests of the United States, to the common cause, and to the alliance which the king, my master, has given in rejecting the overtures which the court of London has made through Spain. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of respect, etc., Gerard. *MSS, Dep. of State ; Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 507. 856 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. To the iiieuiorial respecting masts an answer was returned on the 16tb. And ill answer to the above letter Congress passed a resolntion on the 14th of January, 1779, as follows : " Whereas it has been represented to this House by M. Gerard, min- ister plenipotentiary of France, that it is pretended that the United States have preserved the liberty of treating with Great Britain sepa- rately from their ally, as long as Great Britain shall not have declared war against the king, his master : Therefore, "Resolved, unanimously. That, as neither France nor these United States may of right, so these United States will not conclude either truce or i)eace with the common enemy without the formal consent of their ally first obtained, and that any matters or things which may be insinuated or asserted to the contrary thereof tend to the injury and dishonor of the said States." Lovell to Franklin.* Philadelphia, Decemher 8, 1778. Sir : By Mr. Gumrains, on the 28th of last month, I forwarded sev- eral papers of importance, triplicates of which Mr. Bromfield, the bearer of this, will deliver. But an accident then took place, obliging me to hold back a letter which 1 had written to you. Time was wanting in which to write another, the vessel having fallen down to Reedy Ishind and the express being mounted. My letter was chietiy on the circum- stances of an intended plan of operations, which was enclosed, but de- tained for alterations to be made in Congress. Our only important struggle now is with our currency. We shall be able at least to keep it from growing worse; but we want the aid of skillful financiers and of moneyed men to bring about any considerable appreciation, as you will more clearly perceive by one of the papers to be herewith delivered. I am, sir, etc., James Lovell, lor the Committee of Foreign Affairs. J. Adams to tlie President of Congress. t Passy, December 8, 1778. Sir : I have the honor to enclose to Congress one other copy of tlie speech at the opening of Parliament, together with the debates in con- sequence of it. *M.SS. Dep. of State ; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Con-., 47. tMSS. Dept. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 567, with verbal chaugea. j^ji.i^i:,ivicii,K 14, 1778. 857 The hints iu those debates, especially those given out by Lord Sufiblk. nre confirmed by the general strain of intelligence from London. Let^ ters irom persons who are supposed to know announce the deteruu- nation of the cabinet to be that Clinton and Byron, with their fleet and army, shall ravage the coast and bomboard and pillage the towns • that their army in Canada shall be re-enforced; and that parties of reg- ulars, with such tories and Indians as they can persuade to join them shall ravage, burn, and massacre on the frontiers of Massachusetts Bay' New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Caroliuas. These magnificent menaces we know it is not in their power to exe- cute entirely, yet we may depend they will do as much as they can. They will neither acknowledge our independence, nor withdraw their fleets and armies ; nor shall we get rid of them but by destroying them, or making them prisoners, until the nation is so exhausted and their credit so sunk that the minister can raise no more money. It has been usual to consider this as a ministerial war, but I have ever thought they would some time or other discover it to be a national war. The few men of the nation who think seriously of the business see clearly, in the long train of consequences of American independence, the loss of their West India islands, a great part of their Bast India tnide, the total loss of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, all the American fisheries, a diminution of their naval power, as well as national bankruptcy and a revolution in their government in favor of arbitrary power. And the nation in general has a confused dread upon its spirits of all these things. The inference they draw from all this is to go on with the war and make it more cruel, which is the way, in the opinion of impartial per- sons, to make all their gloomy visions realities ; whereas the only way to prevent them is to make peace now, before a total alteration takes place on both sides. However, all we can do is to be prepared for the worst they can do. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, etc. John Adams. Gerard to the President of Congress.* [Translation.] Philadelphia, December 14, 1778. Sir : The minister plenipotentiary of France has the honor to remind Congress that they were pleased to order in Virginia the purchase of eighteen thousand barrels of flour to complete the quantity of provisions destined for the fleet of his most Christian majesty, but the undersigned being informed of the scarcity of this article, has confined himself to ten or twelve thousand. Information since received from Virginia causing ' 5 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr, 571. 858 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. him to fear that the flour of the current year has a disagreeable taste, and that, consequently, the aforesaid quantity can not be furnished of a quality suitable forbearing the climate of the islands, the undersigned presumes that a part of it may be replaced by rice taken from South Carolina, where he is informed this article abounds. It is from these considerations that the undersigned minister takes the liberty to request Congress to take the measures necessary in order that six thousand barrels of rice may be bought and exported from South Carolina. The said minister being resolved to employ American citizens in these kinds of purchases, as he has promised, proposes to intrust this commission to Mr. Gervais. Gekaed. H. Laurens to Congress.* December 16, 1778. Honorable Gentlemen : If consciousness of having faithfully discharged my duty from the moment Congress were pleased to confer on me the presidency to my last act of resigning the chair enhances the value of the acknowledgments with which after mature delib- eration you have been pleased to honor me, the former must be my true support. Your testimonial will transmit honor to my children. I entreat you, gentlemen, accept my most grateful thanks, and suffer me to repeat that I will persevere in measures for the public good with unabated ardor. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, and under a great sense of obligation, your faithful friend and obedient humble servant, Henry Laurens. A. Lee to Florida Blanca.t Paris, December 17, 177'8, Sir : I have the honor of enclosing to your excellency a true copy of a proclamation and manifesto lately Issued in America by the British commissioners. The plan of desolation and cruelty announced in it has been approved in Parliament by one of His Britannic Majesty's prin- cipal secretaries of state, the Earl of Suffolk ; and a majority in both Houses of Parliament have given their sanction to the manifesto itself by refusing to disclaim it. Upon these grounds it may justly be con- sidered the act of the nation. The intentions of Great Britain, derogatory at once of all the sacred rights of humanity and of the honor of God and of the established laws of civilized nations, are thus declared in the manifesto: "The »MSS. Dep. of State. tl Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 529. This letter was forwarded to Count de Florida Blauca through the agency of Count d'Aranda, Spanish ambassador in France.— Sparks. DECEMBER 17, 1778. 859 policy, as well as the beuovolence of Great Britain, have thus far checked the extremes ofivar when they teuded to distress it people still considered as our fellow subjects aud to desolate a country shortly to become again a source of mutual advantage. But when that country professes the unnatural design not only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging herself and her resources to our enemy, the whole contest is changed, and the question is how far Great Britain may, by every means in her power, destroy or render useless a connection con- trived for her fuin and for the aggrandizement of Prance. Under such circumstances the laws of self-preservation must direct the conduct of Great Britain ; and if the British Colonies are to become an accession to France, will direct her to render that acquisition of as little avail as ])ossible to her enemy." Tbe pretext here alleged for carrying war to all extremities, which the laws of humanity and of nations forbid, and of desolating merely for the purposes of desolation, is that the country is to be monopolized by France. That this is merely a pretext is manifest from the treaty Itself, on which they ground it, in which it is declared that the United States are at liberty to make the same treaty with all nations. Your excellency knows, too, how unjust this imputation is in our most secret transactions. By one of those strange absurdities into which men, blinded by bad passions, are often betrayed, they denounce this desolation against the people.at large, who they in the same breath assert have not ratified the treaty. Thus, if we are to credit their own assertions, the ground of their rage is pretended and the objects of it innocent. It is therefore most clear that the threatened cruelties are not out of policy, but out of revenge. Aud as nothing is more odious than this spirit, nothing more dangerous to all that is deemed dear and sacred among men, than an open avowal of such a principle and an exercise of the barbarities which it suggests, such a conduct ought to arm all nations against a people whose proceedings thus proclaim them to be Iwstis humani generis. It is not that they can add to the cruelties they have already exer- cised ; desolation and massacre have marked their steps wherever they could approach. The sending of those captives, whom they pretend now to be their fellow subjects, into perpetual slavery iu Africa aud India; the crowding of their captives into dungeons, where thousands perish by disease and famine; the compelling of others, by chains aud stripes, to fight against their country aud their relations ; the burning of defenseless towns, and the exciting of the savages, by presents and bribes, to massacre defenseless frontier families, without distinction of age or sex, are extremities of cruelty already practiced, and which they can not exceed. But the recovery of what they called their rights, and the reduction of those who had renounced, as they alleged, a just supremacy, was then avowedly the object of the war. These cruelties were, it was pretended, incidental severities, and necessary to the attain- 860 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. iiiciit of a just object. Bnt now destruction alone is the object. It is not profit to tbemselves, but injuries to otbers. which they are pursu- ing. Desolation lor the pleasure of destroying is their only purpose. They will sacrifice to disaj)poiuted vengeance what their injustice lost and their power can not regain. There can not be a greater violation of those laws which bind civil- ized nations together, which are the general proj)erty, and which dis- tinguish their wars from those of savages and barbarians, than this manifesto. All civilized nations are called upon, as well by their own interests as those of humanity, to vindicate its violated laws. Your excellency will therefore permit me to hope that so daring and danger- ous a procedure will call forth a declaration from the King of Spain, whose pre-eminent character among princes for piety, wisdom, and honor will render him a fit avenger of the common cause of mankind. It is not America only that is wronged by this savage proclamation, but the feelings of humanity, the dictates of religion, the laws of God and-of nations. Your excellency will also give me leave to request that this repre- sentation may be laid before his majesty, and enforced with such argu- ments as your excellency's greater knowledge and the favor you have had tbe goodness to manifest for our just cause may suggest. I have the honor to be, your excellency's very humble servant, Arthur Lee. * Dumas to the Commissioners at Paris. The Hague, December 18, 1778. Gentlemen : I have seen our friend. There are two committees at work ; one for the new remonstrances occasioned by the English, the other on the answer to be made to the memorial of the French embas- sador. December 19 (forenoon). — The admiralty, it was said, would not be in favor of an answer till next week ; but measures were taken to make them pass one this morning, in which weie verba prefer eaque nihil; there was nothing changed in the restriction of convoy as to naval provisions. The ambassador having been notified of it, sent to-day, early in the morning, to the grand pensionary a note so energetic, that it will be diflicult to avoid giving a precise answer, yes or no, which will save or lose to the Seven Provinces the commerce of France. December 19 [evening). — In spite of the note of the ambassador, the English party has prevailed in the provincial assembly, and all except Amsterdam have adopted by a majority the opinion of the admiralty. Thereupon Amsterdam delivered her protest, in which she confirmed her former protest against the resolution of the 18th of November. She declared further that she held herself irresponsible and discharged of * MSS. Dep. of State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 248. DECEMBER 19, 1778. 861 all injurious consequences to the republic which the unsatisfactory answers they had giveu France might have. Our friend has caused nie to read this protest, which is moderate, but energetic. December 22.— I have a copy of the resolution and protest. I know on good authority that the court of Loudon has declared that it is no better satisfied with the resolution adopted ou the 18th of November. Thus those who have wished to be wholly subservient to that court are very badly paid for their complaisance. The above resolution, adopted by the majority of the States of Holland on the 19th of this month, has not yet been presented to the States-General. The assembly of Holland, which was to have separated this week, adjourned to Tuesday next. The deputies of the cities will depart ou Thursday, to seek, it is said, new instructions for another answer, such as the ambassador can re- ceive. Those of Amsterdam remain here, because they have no need of an ad referendum. December 24.— The British court has communicated to the republic its order, which declares liable to seizure nsutral ships carrying to France munitions of war, military and naval. This order is directly contrary to the resolution of the 18th of November, by which the States refuse to permit this article to be put in question, which treaties secure to them. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. The King of Franco to Congress.* [Translation.] Very Dear and Great Friends and Allies : We do not delay informing you of the birth of the princess, to whom the queen, our very dear consort, has just ha])pi]y given birth. Our confidence iti your friendship does not permit us to doubt your interest iu this event, nor your participation in the satisfaction which we derive from tli is first fruit of tlie divine blessing on our marriage. The interest that we take in the prosperity of your Republic is our warraut for the pleasure which we have iu repeating to you the assur- ances of our esteem and of our constant affection. Moreover, we pray God that he may keep you, very dear and great friends aad allies, un- der his holy and worthy protection. Louis. Written at Versailles, December 19, 1778.t • 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., G»0. t Tills letter being read, the Pffesklellt) with a committee consisting of one niem- Wfrom each State, was immediately to wait upon the minister, and iu the name of the United States to congratulate him upon the birth of the princess. A committee was also appointed to prepare the draft of an answer to his Majesty's letter. 862 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. Deane to the President of Congress.' Philadelphia, December 21, 1788. Sir: In obedience to the orders of Congress of the 7th inst., 1 1 have now committed to writing as particular an account of my agency of their affairs in Europe as my situation will permit me, and wait the pleasure of Congress to lay the same before them. And I have only to request that the letters written by the commissioners to Congress, or the com- mittee of foreign affairs, during my agency or since, which refer thereto, ordered to be read in Congress, may be laid on their table when I shall have the honor to be admitted. I request this, from my not having the copies of those letters with me, to which the accounts I am directed to give refer; but recollecting the substance of them, I have judged it unnecessary to trouble Congress for copies of them at present, as it might cause some delay, and I am anxious to complete as soon as possible the information expected from me. I flatter myself that an early day will be fixed, and if I may take the liberty to mention one, I wish it may be to morrow, if consistent with the business of Congress. I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, etc., Silas Deane. Congress — Deane's Case.t December 22, 1778. A letter of the 21st from Mr. S. Deane was read, informing Congress that he has committed to writing as particular an account of his agency of their affairs in Europe as his situation will permit him, and that he waits the pleasure of Congress to lay the same before them. Ordered, That Mr. Deane be informed that Congress will meet this evening at 6 o'clock to receive his information, and that he attend at that time. Six o'clock, p. m. According to order, Mr. Deane, attending, was called in, and proceeded to read his written information ; but not having time to finish. Ordered, That he attend to-morrow at 10 o'clock and proceed in his information. * MSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 130. t Resolved, That Silas Deane report to CoDgress in writing, as soon as may be, his agency of their aftairs in Europe, together with any intelligence respecting their foreign affairs which he may jndge proper. That Mr. Deane be informed that if he has anything to communicate to Con- gress in the interim of immediate importance he shall be heard to-morrow evening at 6 o'clock. • Mr. Deane, attending, was called in, and the foregoing resolutions were read to him. 1 MSS. Dep. of State ; printed secret journals of Congress. For prior proceedings see supra, December 7, 1778. JJiiCEMBER 23, 1778. 863 December 23, 1778. According to order, Mr. Deane attending, was called in, and pro- ceeded in his information ; and having gone through what he had writ- ten, he produced sundry letters and papers which he desired might be read. Upon a letter of April 7, from Dr. Franklin to him being read, Mr. Deane desired leave to say something in explanation of the last clause of the said letter, which respects a negotiatior " who, as the letter mentions, is gone back apparently much chagrined at his little success, and in which Dr. Franklin says he has promised him faithfully that, since his propositions could not be accepted, they should be buried in oblivion; and therefore earnestly desires that Mr. Deane would put that paper immediately in the fire on the receipt of the letter, without taking or suffering to be taken any copy of it or communicating its contents." As he was proceeding to explain this matter, a motion was made that Mr. Deane withdraw. Mr. Deane accordingly withdrew. A motion was then made that Mr. Deane be called in and informed that if he has anything further to report he lay it before Congress in writing. In lieu of which it was moved, as an amendment, that Mr. Deane be permitted to proceed in his verbal explanation referred to, and that it afterwards be reduced to writing, if Congress shall judge it necessary. The amendment being received, a division was called for, and on the question to agree to the first clause, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Ellery, N- Hampshire {^.^^^---X.}^^- (Mr. Adams •A.ye.'l Mr:Kn:::::;:::::::iye:[^y«- Mr. Holton Aye. J „, , T 1 A < Mr. EUery No. ? Di- Ehode Island ^ ^^ Collins Aye. 1 vided. ( Mr. Dyer Aye. ) Connecticut < Mr. Ellsworth Aye. >Aye. ( Mr. Root , -Aye. ) N-York l^^:^i^::;::::::::::i^::!Aye. New Jersey J ^^1 ^rT."": .-.::: il^:! S^^- Pennsylvania Mr. Eoberdeau Aye. Aye. Delaware , Mr. McKean Aye. Aye, t Mr. F. L. Lee Aye. ) Virginia < Mr. M. Smith No. >Aye. ^ Mr. Griffin Aye. S {Mr. Penn Aye.l Mr. Williams Aye. I . Mr. Hill Aye. r-^^"- Mr. Burke Aye. J t Mr. Laurens No. i South Carolina < Mr. Drayton Aye. >Aye. ( Mr. Hutson Aye. ) Georgia Mr. Langworthy Aye. Aye. So it was resolved in the afiflrmative. 864 DIPLOMATIC COKRESPONDENCE. On the question to agree to the second clause, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Ellery, N-HampsMre \^.7^'::-:.:v:.S^.\^y- {Mr. S. Adams Aye. I Mr:Loviir.;::;:;::::;:i^e':[Ay«- Mr. Holton Aye. J Rhode Island ^ m"' ?"ir^ a''^' Uje- ) Mr. Collins Aye. ^ •' ( Mr. Dyer Aye. ) Connecticut / Mr. Ellsworth Aye. > Aye. ( Mr. Root Aye. ) N-Y-'^ SM^:t;::;::;:::::;;:i^:;!^y- N-j--y I^.J^'T:'::::"::::^.^''- Pennsylvania Mr. Roberdeau Aye. Aye. Delaware Mr. McKean Aye. Aye. ( Mr. F. L. Lee Aye, ) Virginia < Mr. M. Smith Aye. >Aye. ^ Mr. Griffin No. S {Mr. Peun Aye."] Mr! mK^ ::;;:: :::;:i^:: Aye. Mr. Burke Ay e. J ( Mr. Laurens Aye. ) South Carolina •? Mr. Drayton Aye. >Aye. ( Mr. Hutson Aye. ) Georgia Mr. Langworthy No, No. So it was resolved in the affirmative.* Rutledge to Jay.t Charleston, December 25, 1778. My Dear Jay : It is a long time since we have had any correspond- ence, but I see no reason why it should be longer, when we have any- thing to say and leisure to say it in. Such is just my situation, for it is Christmas day, and all the world [i. e., my clients) being either at their devotions or their amusements, I have time to tell you, and I fear with some reason (as it comes north about), that a damned infamous cabal is forming against our commander-in-chief, and that whenever they shall find themselves strong enough they will strike an important blow. I give you this hint that you may be on your guard, and I know you will excuse me for doing so when you recollect that there are some men of our acquaintance who are in possession of all the qualities of the devil, his cunning not excepted. Eecollect the indirect attempts that were repeatedly made against the command and reputation of poor Schuyler, and the fatal stab that was at last aimed at both, and * For subsequent proceedings see infra, December 31, 1778. 12 Jay's Life, 25 ; 1 Corr. and Pub. Papers of John Jay, 183. DECEMBER 25, 1778. 865 let US be taught how necessary it is to oppose a cabal in its infancy. Were it iu my power I would stifle it in its birth. Conway, the * * * , and * * * * * * are said to be at the bottom of this, besides an abundance of snakes that are concealed in the grass. If these are not encouraged to come forward they will continue where they are; but if the former are permitted to bask in the sunshine of congressional favor, the latter will soon spread themselves abroad, and an extended field will be immediately occupied by the factious and the ambitious. The fate of America will then be like the fate of most of the republics of antiquity, where the designing have supplanted the virtuous, and the worthy have been sacrificed to the views of the wicked. Indeed, my friend, if the Congress do uot embrace every opportunity to extin- guish that spirit of cabal and unworthy ambition, it will finally be more essentially injurious to the well-being of this continent than the sword of Sir Harry and his whole army. I view the body of which we were for a long time members as possessing in a very eminent degree the powers of good and evil. It depends on those who manage the machine to determine its object. I hear you have returned to Con- gress, and I hope you will have your full share in the management. I I do not know what gentleman we shall send from this State. We have some fine plants, nay, saplings, that will do wondrous well in a few years, but are too tender at present to bear up the weight of this con- tinent. Were it now to be imposed upon them it might check their growth, etc., as they are the production of a southern clime ; it is pos- sible they might be blighted by a northern wind. When you write me let me know how Robert R. Livingston is. Re- member me to him, for I esteem him highly. God bless yon, my dear Jay, and believe me, with great sincerity, Your aftectionate friend, Edward Rutlbdge. Dumas to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.* The Hague, December 25, 1778. Gentlemen : Your friends here do all that they can to bring about future connections between the two republics. The phrase that I have underlined in the declarationt expresses nothing else than the authen- tic information which the city of Amsterdam has of the disposition by which a majority is influenced in the republic. See in it then only the wish of the city that your virtuous perseverance in a union on which alone depends your sovereignty may frustrate this influence. It can do nothing against yon without unanimity ; but without this same * MSS. Dep. of State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 249. t Tliis (loclaration is missing. 55 WH— VOL n 866 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. unanimity all the good will of the city can at the present time do noth- ing more for you, as to the conclusion of a treaty of amity and com- merce, than project it, in order to have it ready when it shall be able to propose it with some appearance of success. A copy of the memorial presented on the 7th of December by the French minister to their high mightinesses was sent to me by himself on the 8th to be com- municated to you. They have sent me from Amsterdam, with the same intent, a copy of the protest of the city against the resolution adopted by the majority for refusing convoy to naval articles. This important paper is very long (20 pages in folio). Expecting that I may be able to send it to you translated and copied, I will transcribe for you, gentlemen, what a good Dutch citizen, to whom 1 lent it, thought of it : " It is scarce pos- sible for me," said he, "to paint the vexation with which I have read the resolve adopted by the majority. A document at once puerile, Jesuitical, and made unintelligible, as I think from design, to conceal the palpable contradictions and absurdities of which it is full. I can compare it to nothing better than to a serpent, which hides its ugly head under the tortuous folds of its horrible body. The protest, on the contrary, is the finest document of its kind that I remember to have seen. As precise as it is luminous, it presents at once, and gathers, so to speak, into a single focus all the reasons for the opposite sentiment in a manner to strike all eyes which are not voluntarily closed to its light. But we live in the midst of a people who do not hesitate to call white black and black white, provided it favors the party of the Bo- reases of England and of our country." The States of Holland assembled yesterday. They have named two committees to deliberate, the one on the answer to be made to the court of France, the other on the new complaints to which the English have just given cause. We shall not know the result till next week. In the circumstances, gentlemen, in which you see things, it will be necessary that I should be provided with a letter of credence from your honorable Congress like, mutatis mutandis, that which I received from it under date from the 9th to the 12th of December, 1775, and of which I made use at the court of France in April, 1776 ; with this diflerence, that the other being unlimited and accommodated to existing circum- stances, that which I now ask for should be limited to this republic, and conformable to the present situation and dignity of the American Confederation, to the end that I may be able to produce it to whomever it shall be proper, and to labor with all requisite credit and weight, in concert with your friends in this country, on the proposal of amity and commerce between the two republics. Such a paper becomes every day more necessary ; and I dare say that it will be necessary to the United States that I should be provided with it as soon as possible so as not to give it publicity, which everywhere, except in France and Spain, seems to have no good effect ; but to continue, as I have done DECEMBER 25, 1778. ggy bltherto, to increase and strengthen your friends here and to hinder your enemies from realizing, at the expense of this republic, the fable of the monkey who drew his chestnuts from the flre with the cat's paw- Male essequam videri ought to be the constant maxim of all those who are called to serve so fine a cause as that of the American Union It IS certainly mine. It Is this that dictates the precise answer which I have yet to give to what you had the goodness to write concerning me in the letter with which you honored me under date of the 14th of May of this year, to wit: "We shall write particularly to the gentlemen at Pans respecting the injuries you have received from our enemies, and shall Instruct them to pay the strictest attention to our engagements made to you at the commencement of our correspondence." These gentlemen, in sending me the letter, wrote me nothing on this business, and I have not drawn on them for more than I had agreed with Mr. Deane, towards the end of the past year, to be necessary for me to live here in a style of mediocrity, and with much economy, namely, two hun- dred louis d'ors this year. I shall continue on this footing, drawing al- ways a hundred louis d'ors every six months till it please your honorable Congress to fix my stipend. In expectation that the situation of afiairs will permit the United States to observe in respect to me or, in case of my death, in respect to my daughter, the wise magnanimity that befits sovereigns, I will serve them with the same zeal as if they gave me doable, and with more inward satisfaction than if any other power should give me tenfold. I can assure you, gentlemen, that from the beginning I have done for the whole American people as I would do for a friend in danger. For the rest, I am well satisfied and grate- ful for the obliging things you have written me on this subject, and I do not ask new assurances. It is sufficient for me that you know my true sentiments, and that you will have the goodness to make them known to the honorable Congress. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas. A. Lee to Schulenberg.* Paris, December 25, 1778. Sir : I had the honor of receiving your excellency's favor of the 1st. I am extremely sorry for having troubled you with a representation which seems to have given offense instead of obtaining redress. Neither the character of a merchant nor that of all the merchants of Europe can weigh against the evidence of one's senses. I do assure your excellency upon my honor that the musket which is the specimen of those sent for the best Prussian arms and which have cost me five livres apiece more than the best arms in France is one of the worst I ever • 1 Sparks' Dip. Eev. Corr., 532. 868 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. beheld. I have seeo most of the troops in Europe, and I never saw such a musket in a soldier's hand. It has this remarkable iu it, that it is neither of the old nor the new model ; but seems to ha\ e been a bar- rel spoiled iu attempting to new model it, and this put into a stock of such wood and of such fashion that nothing can be imagined worse. There is no mark upou it of its having been examined. In short, a mis- take between the new and the old model is out of the question. But your excellency will give me leave to observe that if my demand was not explicit, it is a little surprising that the house of Splittberger, in the correspoudeuce that passed between them and Mr. Grand before the order was executed, did not ask an explanation whether the old or the new model was meant. They knew, though we did not, that there were different kinds of arms of the Prussian make, and therefore that a mistake might happen. As to myself, I had seen the troops at Berlin and the arsenal furnished with arms of the new model. I had con- versed with sundry officers upon the preference due to arms of the Prussian make, and neverfound anyone who by that term didnotunder- stand those of the new model. Not knowing, therefore, that there was any possibility of mistake, I did not conceive 1 could be more explicit. Upon the whole, instead of the best arms in Europe which I promised I sent the worst, if the rest are like the specimen sent me. I hope your excellency will pardon me for having given you the pain of reading one letter on this subject, and I should not have added a second, but that there was a sort of censure thrown upon me, which I most assuredly did not deserve. I should have thought myself cen- surable if I had concealed from your excellency a proceeding on the part of those gentlemen which appeared so flagrant to me. Tou thought I was alone to blame, in which I can not in any degree whatsoever concur. I have the honor of enclosing to your excellency a copy of a mani- festo, which the avowedly savage intentions of our enemies have com- pelled Congress to make. The previous resolution will show your excellency with what reluctance Congress has adopted retaliation. As long as it was possible to impute the barbarities committed to the un- authorized malignity of individuals they entreated forbearance. But when a solemn avowal on the part of his Britannic majesty's commis- sioners of their determination to exercise the extremes of war, and to desolate for the sole purpose of destroying, had deprived them of the apology they had too generously made for the actions of their enemies, their duty to the people, to humanity, to the nations called from Con- gress this resolution of retaliation. This conduct of our enemies will, like all their other follies and per- secutions, knit more firmly our Confederation. The inhuman purpose of massacre and desolation, upon a pretext of our being mortgaged to France, whicli the very treaty to which they allude expressly contra- dicts, has armed every heart and hand against them. It has confirmed DECEMBER 30, 1778. 869 the waveriug, animated the timid, and exasperated the brave. The laws ot nations are the common property of all civilized people. Our lib- erties, which ivere the objects of the war, are secure; we are noiv light- ing the battles of humanity and of nations against the avowed and bitter enemies of both. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's, etc., Aethue Lee. A. Lee to Florida Blanca.* Paris, December 27, 1778. Sir : I have the honor of enclosing to your excellency a manifesto from Congress in answer to that of his Britannic majesty's commis- sioners. You have also enclosed a copy of a former resolution of Con- gress on this subject, from which it will appear how earnestly they have shunned this shocking extremity. As long as it was possible to impute the barbarities committed to the unauthorized intemperance of indi- viduals, Congress exhorted the suffering people to lenity and forbear- ance. But when they became acts of authority, avowed and ordered. Congress must not only stand justified before God and man, but would have been culpable in the eyes of both had they longer withheld the order for retaliation. Permit me to hope that your excellency will represent these things to his majesty, and that they will produce an immediate declaration, which is most likely to arrest the sanguinary progress of our enemy and compel them to rtlinquish the devastation of our country for the defense of their own. I have the honor to be, etc., Arthur Lee. Deane to the President of Congress.! Philadelphia, December 30, 1778. Sir : When I had the honor of waiting on Congress last I was in- formed that I should be favored with an opportunity of finishing my narrative without delay. I now take the liberty of applying to Con- gress, and to inform them that I am ready and wait their orders. I have received letters which I am desirous to communicate personally ^ they relate to parts of my narrative. My solicitude for a final issue of my affairs will, I trust, not appear unreasonable to Congress, when it is considered that a certain Mr. Thomas Paine, styling himself secretary for foreign affairs, and presuming to address the public in his official character has thrown out in a late paper many insinuations injurious ' 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 533. tMSS. Dep. of State; 1 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 131. 870 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. to my public character, and has avowed his intentions of laying before the public a number of interesting facts and materials relative to my conduct as one of the commissioners of these United States at the court of France. I rely on the justice of Congress, and have the honor to be, etc., Silas Deane. Congress* — Deane's Case.' December 31, 1778. A letter of the 30th from Mr. Deane was read, informing that he waits the orders of Congress, and that he has received letters of which he is desirous to communicate personally, which relate to parts of his narration. Whereupon, Ordered., That Mr. Deane be notified to attend immediately. Mr. Deane, attending, was called in, and gave further information in writing; and having finished, Ordered., That he withdraw into the next room. Accordingly he withdrew; whereupon, A motion was made that a day be now assigned for Mr. Deane to attend Congress, that such questions may be asked as the House shall think proper, to elucidate the subject of his narrative. Question put. Passed in the negative. Ordered^ That Mr. Deane be called in and informed that he has leave to withdraw, and that Congress will notify to him their future orders. Mr. Deane, being called in, was informed of the foregoing order and withdrew. Franklin to Dr. Priestley t (probably). [No DATE.] You desire to know my opinion of what will probably be the end of this war, and whether oiar new establishments will not be thereby re- duced again to deserts. I do not, for my part, apprehend much dan- ger of so great an evil to us. I think we shall be able, with a little help, to defend ourselves, our possessions, and our liberties so long that England will be ruined by persisting in the wicked attempt to destroy them. I must, nevertheless, regret that ruin, and wish that her injus- tice and tyranny had not deserved it ; and I sometimes flatter myself that, old as I am, I may possibly live to see my country settled in peace *MSS. Dep. of State; printed secret journals. t6 Bigelow's Franklin, 223, See for prior proceedings supra, December 22, 1778. DECEMBER 31, 1778. 871 and prosperity, when Britain shall make no more a formidable figure among the powers of Europe. Touput me in mind of an apology for my conduct, which had been expected from me in answer to the abuses thrown upon me before the privy council. It was partly written, but the affairs of public impor- tance I have been ever since engaged in prevented my finishing it. The injuries too that my country has suffered have absorbed private re- sentments, and made it appear trifling for an individual to trouble the world with his particular justification, when all his compatriots were stigmatized by the King and Parliament as being in every respect the worst of mankind. I am obliged to you, however, for the friendly part you have always taken in the defense of my character; and it is indeed no small argument in my favor that those who have known me most and longest still love me and trust me with their most important inter- ests, of which my election into the Congress by the unauimous voice of the assembly or parliament of Pennsylvania the day after my arrival from England, and my present mission hither by the Congress itself, are instances incontestable. * • * I thank you for the account you give me of M. Vota's experiments. You judge rightly in supposing that I have not much time at present to consider philosophical matters, but as far as I understand it from your description, it is only another form of the Leyden phial, and explicable by the same principles. I must, however, own myself puzzled by one part of your account, viz, "and thus the electric force once excited may be kept alive years together." which, perhaps, is only a mistake. I have known it indeed to be con- tinued many months in a phial hermetically sealed, and suppose it may be so preserved for ages ; but though one may, by repeatedly touching the knob of a charged bottle with a small insulated plate like the upper one of the electrophore, draw an incredible number of sparks succes sively — that is, one after every touch, and those for a while not appar- ently different in magnitude — yet at length they will become small, and the charge be finally exhausted. But I am in the wrong to give any opinion till I have seen the experiment. I like much your pasteboard machine, and I think it may, in some respects, be preferable to the very large glass ones constructed here. The Due de Chaulnes has one, said, if I remember right, to be five feet in diameter. I saw it tried, but it happened not to be in order. You inquire what is become of my son, the governor of New Jersey. As he adhered to the party of the king, his people took him prisoner and sent him under a guard into Connecticut, where he continues, but is allowed a district of some miles to ride about upon his parole of honor not to quit that country. 1 have with me here his son, a youth about seventeen, whom I brought with me partly to finish his education, having a great affection for him, and partly to have his assistance as a secretary, in which capacity he is very serviceable to me. I have also here with me my worthy nephew Mr. Williams, whom you ask after. 872 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. The ingenious Mr. Canton, our other fellow-traveler, I suppose you know is now no more. As to the present state of our aftairs, which you desire to be informed of, the English have long boasted much in their gazettes of their suc- cesses against us, but our latest advices are that they have been re- pulsed in their intended invasion of Pennsylvania, aud driven baclc through New Jersey to New York with considerable loss in three en- gagements, so that the campaign will probably end pretty much as it began, leaving them only in possession of the islands which their naval strength secures'to them; and we shall in the next campaign be much better provided with arms and ammunition for their entertainment, when our force is to consist of eighty-four battalions. God bless you, my dear friend, and believe me, etc., B. Franklin. Dumas to the Committee of Foreign Affairs. * The Hague, January 1, 1779. Gentlemen: On the 19th of December the grand pensionary of Holland, before going to the assembly of the States of Holland, re- ceived from the Due de la Vauguyon, ambassador of France, a note explanatory of the memorial presented to their high mightinesses the the 7th, as follows: " The king, determined to have perfect certainty of the final resolu- tion of the states, flatters himself that their high mightinesses will ex- plain themselves in a clear and precise manner upon the point of per- fect neutrality, which his majesty is persuaded that they do uot wish to swerve from. He expects that they will preserve to the flag of the United Provinces all the liberty that belongs to them in consequence of their independence, and to their commerce all the integrity that the law of nations secures to it and that treaties confirm to it. But this liberty will become illusory and this integrity violated if their high mightinesses do not maintain it by a suitable protection, and if they consent to deprive their subjects of convoy, without which they cannot enjoy in their full extent the rights which they have acquired and claim. A resolution, of whatever nature it be, whose effect should be to deprive them of a protection so legitimate, whether for all branches of their commerce in general or in particular for articles of naval stores of any kind, would be regarded, under present circumstances, as an act of par- tiality, derogatory to the principles of an absolute neutrality, and would inevitably jiroduce the consequences mentioned in the memoir which has been sent to their high mightinesses. It is especially to this essential object, and with the further intention to observe a neutrality •MSS Dep. of State ; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corp., 253. JANUARY 1, 1779. 873 thus described, that the king asks of their high mightinesses an an- swer clear and precise." The same morning, the States of Holland adopted by a majority the following answer, previously advised on the 16th by the admiralty. "That their high mightinesses have always set, and will set, much value on a good understanding with his majesty, and that they would cultivate willingly his friendship and affection for this state by all means which ensure the independent repose of the republic, and con- tribute to their perfect neutrality in the existing differences between his majesty and the king of Great Britain. That their high mighti- nesses do not fear to declare with openness and candor to his majesty that their design is to adhere scrupulously to the said neutrality, in firm confidence that the two powers will be satisfied, and that they will permit to their high mightinesses the peaceable enjoyment of it. That the commerce and navigation of the republic, being one of its principal means of subsistence, its free exercise their high mightinesses have strongly at heart. Their high mightinesses flatter themselves also that the two powers are inclined and will be persuaded to leave to them the course which the law of nations and treaties guaranty, and that if any discussion takes place on this subject, it will be attributed solely to the moderation and caution of their high mightinesses, in compliance with the suggestions of prudence, if to measures adapted to the protection of their commerce and their free navigation, without distinction as to the property of the cargoes; and to the support of their neutrality they add others, intended to avoid all occasions of misun- derstanding. That their high mightinesses are too firmly convinced of his majesty's justice to doubt that he will be satisfied with this candid exposition of the sentiments of their high mightinesses, or that he will continue to observe in his treatment of neutrals, and consequently of the subjects of their high mightinesses, the rules which his majesty has himself considered to be conformable to the law of nations; and that he will continue in the disposition on which the commerce at present existing between the subjects of both powers, to the mutual advantage of both parties, is founded." The resolution adopting this answer was invalidated, at the same time, by the following protest: "The deputies of the city of Amsterdam, adhering to their protest and note inserted on the 18th of November last against the resolution adopted the same day on the final remonstrance of the merchants of this country on the subject of the seizure of their vessels by the English and the carrying them into English ports, as is therein more fully de- tailed, have declared that they can not agree to the resolution of their noble and grand mightinesses adopted this day on the memorial pre- sented to their high mightinesses by the Due de la Vauguyon, wherein he demands the observance of an exact neutrality during the existence o( the troubles with Englandin general, and the maintenance of the freedom 874 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. of the flag of the republic, as well as of the commerce and navigation of this country to the French ports in particular, unless in the mean time should he given by the said resolution the clear and precise answer demanded by the said memorial, and on which depends in great part the commerce of this country to the ports of France; declaring, also, that they would not be in any manner responsible for the evils that may come upon the commerce and navigation of the republic, as well from the i^resent resolution as from that of the ISth of November last." This has not hindered the States-General from adopting also the answer. On the 30th of December it was carried by the agent of their high mightinesses to the ambassador, who did not accept it, as not being such as the king demanded; on which they have determined to send it to M. de Berkeurode, at Paris, to endeavor to cause it to be accepted by his majesty. On my return here on Tuesday evening I went to see our friend. Nothing has yet been done ; but in spite of all that can be done to- morrow, said he, things will finally go well. He told me also that the credit of Sir Joseph Yorke with a certain great personage was manifest more and more, and that there was no longer room to doubt that the latter had secret engagements with the court of London. I was the next day at the house of the French ambassador. Their high mightinesses had sent him their answer to the memorial, and he had sent it back as not admissible. He has in his pocket the declara- tion of the king, by which the subjects of the state are excluded irom his order in favor of neutrals, and deprived of the privileges which they enjoy in the ports of the kingdom. It will be soon published. This affair will do as much good to the anti-English in these provinces as the taking of Bergen-opzoom did them harm thirty years ago. The time will come when they will be obliged to have recourse to the city of Amsterdam to remove the proscription, which too much complaisance to the court of London is drawing upon these provinces. Late on Wednesday I went to see our friend. He could only give me one moment. The answer of the States-General to the memorial of the French ambassador is the same as that adopted by a majority of the States of Holland, excepting some additions which are not material. The deputies have not even consulted their respective provinces thereon. Another blow given to the constitution. One of the deputies, with whom I had some conversation, gave me as the only excuse: " J* is not the first time we hare done it." 1 have seen a letter from an able hand in one of the provinces, wherein much censure and heavy reproaches are cast on this method of ijroceeding. Friesland can least of all dis- pense with the commerce of France. January 2. There is to-day a grand concert at the Hotel de France. The court is there. The ambassador does the reverse of what is prac- tised at the theatre ; he began with the farce and will finish with the tragedy. They flatter themselves here that he will not press matters, JANUARY 1, 1779. 875 because they have given him to understand that they have convoked the admiralty to deliberate more fully on the convoys. But they do not siiy, what all the world knows, that they have sent the rejected answer to the ambassador of the republic at Paris to endeavor to have it accepted by the king-. Labor lost. Our friend is fortunate in all this. He has the finest part to perform, and he will perform it to his glory. He advances rapidly in the paths of former great men of the republic. On the other side, the firmness of Amsterdam is seconded very seasonably by the memorial. I doubt not, gentlemen, but the result has made you see the impor- tance of what has passed here, and how far my proceedings have been useful in the business to bring it to the point where it now is. I have the honor to be, etc., Dumas.