Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924015958501 Cornell University Library DG 210.S35 1854 History of Rome, from the earliest times 3 1924 015 958 501 HISTOEY OF EOME, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS, A.a 198. DR. LEONHARD SCHMITZ, F.R.S.E., BKCTOH or THE HIGH SCHOOL OF EDINDUROH. HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS ??OS. 329 AND 331 PRARL .STREET, z,'-* (FR*^Ifl.l^■ sqUAKK.) 186 4, PREFACE. It is a fact which can not but be surprising to every one who has at ail loolied into the subject, that, not- withstanding the extraordinary efforts which liave within the last thirty or forty years been made by great naen of ail countries ira investigating the History of Rome — her Constitution, Laws, Religion, Litera- ture, and Social condition — and notwithstanding the importeuit results which have not only changed the aspect of the early History of Rome, but have, at the same time, given a different tone and color to the later history of that extraordinary nation-^the books on Ro- man History which are used in our schools still con- tinbe, to a great extent, to be what they were half a century ago. Old errors and misconceptions, which have long since been exposed and exploded by schol- ars, are daily repeated and impressed upon the mind and memory of the rising generation, and the student is left t& discover these errors at a maturer age, when it is not always an easy matter to get rid of them. But why, in the name of truth, should boys continue to learn that which has been proved again and again to be false and incorrect, and which afterward they ' have to unlearn ? The teacher has so much to do in storing the minds of his pupils with knowledge, and injrainingtheir mental^£owers tojndegendent activi- ty, that it is worse than waste of tinje to teach that which is false or unsound, and which, in the progress of their studies, must prove an obstacle rather than an assistance, , i Wo long as any science, of whatever kind it may be, is yet in its infancy, and so long as do great and posi- tive results have been gained in it, the subject is not a fit one for educational purposes ; only that which is ■well knoW and firmly established can form a solid foundation for a youth to take his stand upon, from which afterward he may extend his studies in whatev- er direction he pleases. What is here said of science in general, holds good, also, of any uncertain or disputed points in any science of which use is made for educa- tional purposes. But if, in any subject which does form part of a liberal education, great and important discoveries have been made, certainly no teacher who is in earnest about the intelleiitual advancement of those mtrusted to his ca^e can with indifTerence, over- look and disregard the new light which has been thrown on that subject. Bui this, ianfortunately, is the case with Roman History : it is taught more or less in all schools, and in the majority of cases without the least regard to the immense progress that has been made in it since the year 1811, when Niebuhr published the first edition of the first volume of his great work. The object which the author of the present undei'- taking has kept in view, was to produce a book which should place the History of Rome before the young student in a maniier worthy of, and consistent with, the progress which has been made in this branch of our historical knowledge. Whether he has been suc- cessful in his attempt, he must leave others to judge. It should, however, be borne in mind that, to condense and to select out of an immense mass of detail that which is really necessary to give a vivid picture, of any period in history, is often far more difficult than lo give a minute narrative of all the particulars, re- fREFACEi corded in the authorities. In conformity with the principle above laid down, he has stated as facts those points which are now acknowledged by all competent judges to be facts, though in older -books they are ei- ther not mentioned at all, or are placed in a wrong light. Among them he may mention the nature of the plebeians, and their relation to the patricians, which render the history of the long-protracted struggle be- tween the two orders so instructive and interesting; the character of the ager publicus and of the agrarian laws ; for these are no longer the opinions of this or that scholar, but facts established as firmly as any oth- ers in history. Those points, on the other hand, which are still matters of uncertainty or dispute, have, when necessary, been stated as such, or passed over alto- gether, in order nqt to confuse the learner. Refer- ences to ancient authorities have been given only where they seemed to be of particular interest, and, on the whole, the author has been sparing of them, partly in order not to increase the bulk of the work, which, even as it is, has grown larger than he anticipated, and partly because he knows from experience that they are of little use to young students, the majority of whom are not in the possession of all the ancient writers, and if they were, would not be able to consult them with advantage. He needs hardly remark, that he has availed him- self of all the more important works on Roman Histo- ry, or portions of it, which" have appeared since the time when Niebuhr gave a fresh life and new im- pulse- to the subject; and wherever the opinions of Niebuhr have been confirmed by subsequent investi- gations, the author has not scrupled to adopt them, and even to use his very words, when they seemed to ri PRKFACE. him to convey, in the most appropriate manner, l^at which he had to state f those words, when he had the happiness of being among the pupils of that distin- guished man, made in many instances so deep an im- pression upon his then youthful mind, that it would be at once difficult and painful to him to express his sen- timents in any other language. But, notwithstanding his veneration for his instructor, he has endeavored to exercise his own judgment, as will be perceived by those who are acquainted with the views of Niebuhr. When the author entered upon his undertaking, he intended to carry the History of Rome down to the year A.D. 476, that is, to the overthrow of the West- ern Empire ; but during the execution he found that, in order to get the whole within reasonable compass, he should have to curtail considerably the history of those periods which are of most importance to young scholars : to make this sacrifice for the purpose of be- ing able to relate the history of a period which offers little to instruct and less to interest a young mind, and nothing calculated to ennoble the feelings, seemed to him to be opposed to the objects for which the book was intended. He has, therefore, carried the History of the Empire no further than to the death of Commo- dus, at which time the moral degradation of the Em- pire reached its highest point ; and he must refer those who wish to prosecute the study onward, to the mas- ter-work of Gibbon, or to the brief but graphic sketch- es in Niebuhr's Lectures on Roman History. In con- clusion, he ventures to express a hope that the present work, though mainly designed for schools and colleges, may be found a not unwelcome gift to the more intel- ligent among general readers. L. Schmitz, Rdiuburgh, Miirch, 18)7. CONTENTS. osoraa nan IxTBODraoTioN.— Oeneral character of th« History of Rome.— Italy and its earliest inhabitants I L Latiom and its earliest inhabitants and traditions. — Aeneas and the Trojans. — ^A.lba Longa. — The Latin confederacy . . 8 IL The foundation of Rome. — Legends of Romulus and Remus. — ^Their historical value. — The tribes, Curiae, and Oentes 16 m. Nnma Pompilius and his religious institutions. — Tullus Hos- tilius. — A.neus Marcius 31 IT. L. Tarquinius Priscus. — Serrius Tullius and his constitution . 45 V. L. Tarquinius Superbus.— Banishment of the king and his fam- iljr.— Retrospective view of the Roman constitution under the kings, and <» the condition of the people .... 86 VI. Establishment of the republic. — Events down to the battle of Lake Regillus. — Death of Tarquinius Superbus SO TIL Insurrection and secession of the plebs. — The tribunes of the plebs.— League with the Latins. — Coriolanus. — League with the Hemicans. — Sp. Cassius. — Wars against Veii, the Vol- scians, and Aequians. — Publilius Tolero, Terentillus Arsa, and the internal struggles between the two estates S3 TIU. The decemvirate and its legislation. — The tribune C. Canuleius. — iMilitary tribunes with consular power. — The censorship. — Sp. Maelius. — Wars against the Etruscans, and the taking of Veii ... 116 IX Taking of Rome by the Gauls, and the subsequent events, down to the legislation of C. Licinius Stolo and L. Seztius 132 X. Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius, with their legislation. — New curule offices, and participation of the plebeians in the high- est magistracies. — Wars with the Hemicans, Etruscans, and Gauls .... 14S XL The first war against the Samnites. — The subjugation of Latium. —The Publilian laws IM Vlll CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXllI. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. The second and third Samnite wars, and Ihe wars against the Gauls, Etruscans, and other Italian nations. — Internal . history of this period .... . K6 Wars with the Gauls, Etruscans, Lucanians, and Bruttians. —The fourth Samnite and the Tarentine wars. — Pyr- , rhus. — Subjugation of all Italy, and the relation of the Italians to Rome . . . . . 188 205 Constitution and administration of the republic. — Military affairs. — Religion. — Arts and literature. — Manners and state of moralitjE S"' VT. >i "J. \' >} ; ■ The first Punic war. — Sicily the first Roman province. — In- ternal history duriiig the period of the first Punic war . 215 Distress of Carthage and its lo.ss of Sardinia. — Wars against the Illyrians, Ligurians, and Gauls. — The Carthaginians>^in' - .Spain. — The Saguntine war , ■,.;,- ■,-,!.i~i-. nni-rvi I. 237 The second Punic Or the Hannibalian war.- , Rqme and Italy after, the wajr . ■ ; . ,,.■ -eohdition of 246 Wars- agaiiist Philip of "Macedonia. — C Flamininus'pro- ,, claim? .the independence of Greece, — Wars agsingtlAijtj.0- . : ' ' chus, the Aet61iahs„Galatians, and the Gai>ls initheiwrth of Italy.— DealH of Hannibal and Scipio . . 272 -Thearts-and litera- Morality and Manners of the Ron>ans.- ture .; . ... 286 Wiars against Perseus of Macedonia and Genthius, king ol i.IUyricuni. — Aemilius Paulus in Greece: and. Epiras.t4~ 'j 1 Rome's conduct-tpward Egypt and Rhodes, andherrela- tion' to other states. — Events down to the breaking out of the third Punic war . . . ... 296 'riie_ third Punic, war, and the destruction of .Carthage. — Final subjugation of .Macedonia and Achaia, and the de_- struction of Corinth . . :. . ' . ' ".' -■■ '■■. The wars in Spain. — Virikthus. — Numantia.— Instiirection . of the slaves in Sicily.— The kingdom of Pergatnus . Internal condition of Rome, and her relation to foreign na- tions . C'"' . . . ". - . Tiberius and CaiuS Sempronius Gracchus, their legislation and destruction . , . Foreign wars during the period of the Gracchi.— The Jugui^ thine war. — C. Marius and L. Cornelius Sulla War against the Cimbri and Teutoni. — Second servile war in Sicily. — Disturbances at Rome by the tribune L. Appii- leius Saturninus. — Acquisition of Cyrene . XXVII The Social or -Marsic war . . . . XXVin.' The first war against Mithrldates.— Civil War between Ma'- riiis and Sulla. — Sulla's dictatorsliit), legislation, arid ab- dication. — Seconil-war against Mithridates 3oa 313 320 328 340 344 352 356 CON'TEi\T3. IX XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. The attempt of Aemilius Lepidus to rescind the nets ni Sulla. — Cn. Pompey the Great. — War of Sertorius in Spain. — Spartacus. — Pompey's consulship. — The pi- rates . 370 The third war against Mithridates. — War against the Thracians . '. . 381 The conspiracy of Catiline. — Pompey after his return from Asia ... .... 386 C. Juhus Caesar, Cn. Poiiipey, and M. Licinius Crassus. — Caesar's consulship. — P. Clodius.— Cicero's exile anc restoration. — Ptolertiy Auletes.- "' -Clodius and Milo and 391 XXXIII. J. Caesar's campaigns in Gaul, — The affairs of Italy.— Unfortunate war of Crassus against the Parthians. — Events which led to the civil war between Pompey and Caesar . . . ... 398 XXXIV. Civil war between Caesar and Pompey.— Battle of Phar- salus and Pompey's flight and death. — The Alexandrine war. — War against Pharnaces and Ceasar's return to Italy ... ... 410 XXXV. State of things at Rome during Caesar's absence. — Pro- ceedings of the Pompeian party.— The African war.— Caesar's regulations and reforms. — The war in Spain against Pompey's sons. — Caesar's conduct as a ruler. — His death .417 XXXVI. State of Rome after the murder of Caesar. — Octavianus and his relation to Antony. — The war of Mutina. — Triumvirate of Octavianus, Antony, and Lepidus, with their proscriptions, — Death of Cicero . . 427 XXX Vn. War against Brutus and Cassius. — War of Perusia.— Treaties of Brundusium and Misenum. — War against Seztus Pompeius '. 436 XXXVin. Antony's war against the Parthians and Armenians.— Wars of Octavianus in Pannonia and Ualmatia. — Strug- gle between Octavianus and Antony. — Battle of Actinm 445 XXXIX. Extent of the Roman empire, its constitution and admin- istration. — The language, literature, and arts during the latter period of the republic— Character and morals ot the people during the same period ... 151 Xli. Establishment of the monarchy under Augustus 464 XLI. Wars of the reign of Augustus. — His family. — His death . 473 XLn. The I^peror Tiberius. — His wars. — Sejanus and his in- fluence. — Tyraimy of Tiberius, and his death . 483 XlillL C. Caligula.— C. Claudius .491 XLTV. Netc— Serv. SolpiciUB Galba.— Salvias Otho.— A. Vitel- llui ... .... .49? X CONTENTS. CHifTSB Tllft XLV. T. Fl»viii« VespasisnUB. — Titus. — T. Flavius DomitianuB . 507 XLVI, M. Coccius Nerva. — M. Ulpius Trajanns. — P. Aelius Ila- drianus ' 513 XLVII. Antoninus Pins.— M. Aurelins. — L. Commodus Antoninus . 523 XLVIII. Concluding remarks.— Condition of the people. — Litera- ture and ttie arts during the first two centuries of the empire 530 ChbovolosiciIi Tablb 939 Inmiix isi HISTORY OF ROME. INTRODUCTION. GENERAL CHARACTER OP THE HISTORY OF ROME. ITALl AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. Every nation owes the position it occupies in tlie history of the world, partly to its innate genius, and partly to the circumstances under the influence of which it grows and develops its character. In the history of Rome both these things combined to make her the mistress of the world ; and often when circumstances had reduced her to the last extremities, her peculiar genius rose with fi'esh vigor and energy, and carried victory before it. From .the moment " of her foundation, Rome had to secure her existence by force of arms ; and, like a young giantess, she crushed, one after another, every one of her neighbors that came in con- tact with her, until towards the end of the fifth century af- ter her birth, she had subdued all the tribes of Italy, and acquired the sovereignty of the whole peninsula. What, in her youth, the giantess had been obliged to do in self-de- fence, and what had been a struggle for her ovwi existence, became in the end her favorite pursuit ; one war ever gave rise to fresh wars ; she hastened from victory to victory, and from conquest to conquest, till about the beginning of tlie Christian era she dictated her laws to nearly the whole of the known world. A most powerfiil system of polity, such as in ancient times was devised only by the genius of the Romans, and as is seen in modern times only in the vast em- pire of Britain, kept together the heterogeneous masses of nations and countries that were brought under one mle : one mighty spirit pervaded the whole system of govern- ment and administration, and gave to the empii-e its life and its power. But what had been built up by die virtues A 2 HISTOKY OF KOME. of the earlier Romans, was lost or destroyed by the vices of their degenerate descendants ; and, after Rome had en- joyed her triumphant existence for nearly a thousand years, the ancient spirit gi-adually died away; the lifeless mass of the empire sank into decay and dissolution, and the whole became the prey of barbarians, who invaded it on all sides, and raised new kingdoms and statjs,upon its ruins. But the spirit of dominion which had been developed At Rome, and was now unable to maintain itself by the power of the sword, could not renounce its former habits, and after the fall of the Roman empire, that spirit of dominion showed itself in a different form : Rome assumed the spiritual and ecclesiastical supremacy, and for a period of more than a thousand years ruled over the whole of the Christian vi^orld as its spiritual sovereign. At the time of the Refoi-mation this power was again broken, and broken by the descend- ants of those same barbarians who, a thousand years be- fore, had brought about the overthrow of the Roman em- pire. Only a shadow and a faint echo still continue to ex- ist, to tell the tale of the former greatness of the eternal city. ' The history of Rome forms the transition from ancient to modern times ; and it is mainly owing to this interme- diate positiqji of Rome between the two that we are in- debted for our knowledge of the ancient world and its his- tory. This is a point whicb we ought not to forget, when at times we hear of the immense ravages and devastations which mark the conquests of the Romans in various coun- tries. Innumerable treasures of Greek art and literature would have been lost and forgotten, were it not for the in- tervention of Rome, where a certain spark of the spirit of antiquity was glimmering, throughout the middle ages, be- neath the overwhelming heaps of its ruins ; until, about the middle of the 15th century, at the time of the revival of letters, it burst forth into a blazing flame which soon spread light and wannth over the whole of civilized Europe. But more important than all this is the fact, that the whole of our modem civilization is only a further development of that of the Romans, and is essentially based upon it ; for the history of all the nations of antiquity ends in that of Rome, and that of all modern nations has grown out of that of Rome. The languages of Italy and its surrounding islands, of Spain, Portugal, France, and to some extent of England also, are to this very day so many proofs of the HISTORY OF ROME. 3 power and influence of the Romans in those countries. These languages are only dialects formed from the Latin, and modified by time and a variety of circumstances ; and whoever wishes to acquire a thorough knowledge of them will find the key in a proper understanding of tlie Latin. The greater number of the towns in the southern and mid- dle paTts of Europe are foundations of the Romans, and owe their origin to their wonderfiil system pf colonization. In this respect, again, there is no modem nation which presents such striking resemblances witli Rome as England, whose spirit and system of colonization is not equalled by any other European nation. The barbarians, who destroy- ed the Roman empire toward the end of the fifth century of our era, were themselves subdued by the spirit of Rome, which still continued to live in her institvitions and her lan- guage ; and tlius it came to pass, that, although Rome's po- litical and military power was broken, yet the spirit of her institutions and language exercised its influence upon the victorious barbaiisms, and so became the groundwoi'k of a new 'European civilization. Proofs of this readily present themselves to an attentive observer, in all the countries of Europe, from its southernmost point to tlie Baltic and the extreme north of Scotland. But it was, above all things, the Roman law, the most genuine and perfect production of the Roman mind, that retained its influence almost un- impaired. No nation of antiquity had shown such wisdom in its legislation, or brought its code of laws to such a state of perfection and internal consistency as the Roman ; nay, there is, perhaps, not one among modem nations that in this respect can be compared with it. - This legacy of the Roman mind, therefore, continued to retain its ascendency down to the latest times, among the nations which conquer- ed Rome. In England the Roman law, it is true, never struck such firm root as in some other countries, especially in Germany, where a shadow of ^he Roman emperors con- tinued to exist down to the beginning of the present cen- tury ; but, even in our English law, the traces of Roman influence are greater and more numerous than people are inclined to think ; and it is not too much to say, that a con- siderable portion of Roman law is still in force among us. In like manner it maybe asserted that the Latin language, properly speaking, was never reduced to the state of a per- fectly dead language, in the sense in which the -ancient He- brew and many others became so. For although, afl:er the 4 HISTORY OF HOME. fall of the western empire, the language of the people, hy a mixture with the languages of the barbarians, was gi-ad- ually transformed into the Itahan, Spanish, and French, yet the Latin language continued to be written in all parts of Europe down to the middle of the last century; and through- out the middle ages all works of a philosophical or scien- tific nature were written in Latin. In the church of Rome, Latin is the ordinary language down to this day. Until the last century, Latin was thus the common language of all scholars, philosophers, and men of science in all Europe. The practice of writing works belonging to the higher spe- cies of hterature in Latin, has, indeed, ceased in our days ; but whether science is really benefited by the innovation or not, is a question which is still open to some doubt. A nation which has exercised such an influence upon the fate of its cotemporaries, and upon posterity, has a claim to the most careful consideration of evei^ thinking man ; and all that can be said of the importance of history in general holds good in a much higher degree in that of Rome. As there is no modern nation whose histoi-y pre- sents so many points of resemblance and comparison with that of Rome as the English, so the history of Rome de- serves the greatest attention of every Englishman, who has nere an opportunity of seeing the history of his own coun- try, as it were, foreshadowed in a min-or. There is a class of persons who look at all historical studies, and more es- pecially at the study of antiquity, with disregard, if not with contempt, and at best treat it only as a matter of curiosity. Such a mode of thinking, however, is only the fruit of ig- norance, which generally depreciates that which lies be- yond its comprehension ; and, surely, no one ought to listen to the advice of persons who talk about things of which they are ignorant. That school of modem philosophy, moreover, which would fain turn our eyes from the past, and persuade us to look only to the present and the future, is of the very shallowest kind : it removes from under our feet the firm ground on which we stand, arid shows as much wisdom as it would if it taught us to believe that men were made for flying instead of walking. He who wishes to comprehend the present, and divine the future, must take his lessons from the past ; for it is there that he finds the roots of the present, and the germs of the future. Italy is a peninsula stretching into the Mediterranean, in a southeastern direction, from the foot of the Alps to the HtSTOaV OF ROME. 5 Straits of Sicily. The lengtli from northwest to southeast is about 750 miles : its breadth, in the central parts, about 150 miles. In the nortli, where its breadth is gi-eatest, it is protected by the Alps against the influence of the north winds. A range of mountains issuing fi-om the western Alps, and running along the coast of Genoa, traverses Italy from north to south, and, forming as it were the spine of the peninsula, sends out its ramifications and rivers to the west and to the east, thus creating the most beautiful valleys and fertile plains. This range of mountains bears the name of the Apennines [Apennimis mons) : in the south it seems to have been originally connected with the mountains of Sicily, from which it was torn asunder by the forrdation of the straits of Sicily. The two halves, into which Italy is divided by the Apennines, are countries of a totally different nature : the part east of the Apennines is a country of secondary or still more frequently of tertiary formation, and of quite the same character as Illyricum on the opposite side of tlie Adriatic ; the western part, on the other hand, is mostly of a volcanic nature, and of the same kind as the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica : so tliat the Apennines rise between two large valleys, the deepest parts of which are filled on the one side by the Adriatic, and on tlie other by the TyiThenian sea. The northern part of Italy, between the Alps, the Apennines, and the Adriatic, forms an exten- sive plain (the plain of Lombai'dy) intersected by the river Po, and its numerous tributaries ; while the whole of Italy, south of this large plain, is a more or less mountainous coun- try, including the richest and most fertile plains and valleys, with hilly districts of the most beautifiil and picturesque character. The whole peninsula enjoys, generally speaking, a clear, bright, and transparent atmosphere, and is endowed by nature with the greatest advantages and facilities both for agriculture and commerce. No wonder, therefore, thaC Italy in ancient times was one of tlie most populous and best-cultivated countries : the number of its towns is said to have amounted at one time to 1197.* The name Italy {Italia) was originally confined to the southernmost part of what was afterward called Bruttium, and was believed to have been derived fi-om the numerous and fine oxen [vituli, haXoi) which that district produced:! • iElian, Var. Hist. ix. 16. t Varro, Ve Re Rust. ii. 5: Greacia enitn antiqua (ut scribit Timaeus) lauros vocabant /raXovf, a quorum multitudine et pulchritudine et foeta 6 HISTORY OF ROME. it was -afterward extended to the country south of the river Laos, in the west, and Metapontum in the east; Tarentum heing beyond the hmits of Italy, and belonging to lapygia.* At a still later period, when the Greek colonies in the south of the peninsula formed an alliance among themselres for the purpose of mutual protection against Dionysius of Syra- cuse on the one hand and the Lucanians and Bruttians on the other, the name ItaHa comprehended the whole country south of a line drawn from Posidonia (Paestum) to Taren- tum.t After the war with Pyrrhus, b.c. 278, when the Romans had become masters of the whole of the southern part of Italy, the name Italia comprised the whole penin- sula south of the river Tiber, and included a portion of Picenum. Lastly, about the time of Polybius, the name was used in its widest extent, embracing the country from the rivers Macra and Rubicon to the straits of Sicily ; so that Etruria and Umbria were regarded as countries in Italy. The extent of country from the foot of the Alps down to the rivers Macra and Rubicon was ca]le4 Cisal- pine Gaul [Gallia Cisalpina), being inhabited by a number of Gallic tribes. There are many other names used by poets as designations of the peninsula : they are derived either from the inhabitants of particular districts, or are connected with and explained by certain Greek legends : names of this kind are Hesperia, Opica, Ausonia, Oenotria, Camesene, Argessa, Satumia. The greater part of Italy was inhabited, in the earliest times, by 'Pelasgians, belonging to the same stock as the original inhabitants of Greece. The Siculians about the lower part of the Tibei-, the Tyrrhenians in Etruria, the Aborigines in the neighborhood of Reate (also called Casci, Prisci, and Sacrani), the Chones and Oenotiians in the west, and the Peucetians in the east of southern Italy, appear to have been branches of the widely-spread race of the Pelas- gians. A second great tribe, which inhabited the north of Italy, were the Uinbrians, who are called the most ancient inhabitants of the country .|Y Their territory seems origin- ally to have been very extensive, and it is not improbable that they may have belonged toHhe same stock as the an- ■vitulorum Italium dixeruut. Comp. Varro in Gellius, xi. 1 ; Festus, s. v. Italia, p. 106, ed. Miiller. Niebulir, however, has shown that Italia is nothing else than the country of the Itali, and that Italia is identical with Vitalia. * Strabo, vi. p. 254 ; Thucyd. vii. 33 ; Comp. Dionysius, i. 12 j and Plin. H. N. xviii. 12. t Dionys. i. 73. X Plin. H. N. iii. 19. HJ3T0RY OF RuMlC. i cieut Siculians ; but, the Umbrians are for us only the name of a great forgotten people. The coutitry m the north^vest of Italy was inhabited by the Ligurians, who, in early times, seem to have occupied a much larger tract of countiy than afterward : their history however is, unfortunately, unkno^fn to us, till the time when we find their nation in a state of decay and dissolution. The country between the Tibtr and the lower sea, and as fai'^ north ais the Raelian Alps, was inhabited by the Etruscavs, or, as they called them- selves, Rasena. They seem to have invaded Italy from the nortli, and to have subdued the Pelasgian Tyrrhenians and occupied tlieir country. The Umbrians also lost a consid- erable portion of their territory by the conquest of the Etruscans : tradition related that the Etruscans conquered three hundred Umbrian towns ;* nay, the Etruscans are even said to have carried their conquests as far as Cam- pania ; and Velleius Paterculust, states that the towns of Nola and Capua were founded by the Etruscans about forty-seven years before the building of Rome. There can be no doubt that the Etruscans were a mighty nation : al- though their history is involved in the greatest; obscurity, it is manifest that they possessed a high degree of civilization; and that arts and sciences flourished among them long be- fore the foundation of Rome, which derived many of its re- ligious and political forms from them. Tlie country about Amiternum, in the Apennines, was inhabited by the Sahines, who formed the stock to which belonged the ^ilarsians, Pelignians, Samnites, and Lucanians. These tribes, which are now usually called by the generic name of Sabellians, produced a complete revolution in central and southern Italy, of which we shall speak hereafter. The A'estinians, Mp,rrucinians, and Frentanians, belonged, in all probabili- ty, to the Sabellians. The Oscans or Opicans inhabited the country to the southwest of the Sabellians, from the Tiber to the river Laos. The Ausonians or Auruncans foiTned a distinct branch of this i^ace ; and the smaller tribes of the Volscians, Sidicines, Saticuli, and Aequi, likewise belonged to it. The Oscan language «as spoken throughout the southwestern part of Italy, and was understood even at Rome, where Oscan plays were performed and understood down to a comparatively late period. The peninsula fonn- ing the southwest of Italy, was inhabited by the Oenotrians; and the districts to the north and east of the Oenotrians were • Plin. /. «. t I. 7. HrsTORY OP ROME. occupied by the Dauniaiis, Cliones, Peucetii, and Sallen- lines or Messapians. We must add the observation, that the whole of southern Italy, from the liver Sila:r;us in the west, and the Frento in the east, was afterward called Miagna Graecia, on account of the numerous Greek colo- nies established in that part of the country, which formed the connecting link between the civihzation, arts, and litera- ture of the Italians and the Greeks of the niother country. CHAPTER I. I.ATIUM AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS AND TRADITIONS AENEAS AND THE TROJANS ^ALBA LONGA THE LATIN CON- FEDERACY. Latium, which Aristotle* describes as a district of Opica, anciently extended from the mouth of the Tiber in the north to Cape Circeii in the south, and was subsequently distinguished as such by the name of LatiuTii vetus or an- tiquum.'^ At a later time the name of Latium was extend- ed as far south as the mouth of the liver Liiis, and inland as far. as the country, of the Marsians and Pelignians; and Latium, in this extent", was distinguished from the ancient Latium by the name of Latium novum or adjectum. According to Aristotle, who calls Latium a district in Opica, its inhabitants would have been the Oscans or Opicans ; but according to the traditions of the Romans themselves, which are collected and minutely discussed in Dionysius, Latium was inhabited, in the earliest times, by Siculi, a Pelasgian tribe, whom tradition traced to some mythical king Latinus. These Siculi were connected with the Itali in the extreme south of Italy. The district north- east of Latium, iii the neighborhood of Reate and Carseoli, was inhabited by the Aborigines, a kindred tribe of the Siculi. These Aborigines were driven from their seats, and urged forward to the river Anio, by the Sahines.| The Siculians of Latium were obliged to give v?ay before the Abori,gines,§ and a portion of them are said to have emi- grated to Sicily, which derived its name from them. The ♦ PoUt. vii. 10. t Plin. H. N. iii.9; Strabo, v. p. 231. J Dion, ii.49. * Some writers call tlie conquerors of the Siculians, Opicans, Umbrians, HISTORY OF KliMl".. D ancient name of the Aborigines \\as Casci, Piisci, or Sacrani ;* atid, in connection with those Siculians who remained behind in Latium, they gi'adually formed the people of tlie Prisci Latini, that is, Prisci et Latini, or simply Latini. The emigration of the Siculians to Sicily was placed by some ancient historians about the year B.C. 1264,t but by Thucydides| at a considerably later period, viz., about nine hundred yeare previous to the first Greek settlements in Sicily, that is, about B.C. 1035. But these chronological statements can not be considered as of any historical value. The Aborigines are described by the poets and histo- rians of later ages as a savage nation, without laws and civihzed manners, and as living on the produce of the chase ; but this description seems to be no more than a sort of philosophical notion, which pei-sons of a civilized age are always apt to form of the earliest periods of their history : we know that the Aborigines were an agricultural people, and lived in villages and towns, of which Varro, in his Origines, has given a list, and some of which continued to be inhabited in the time of Dionysius of Halicaniassus, such as Palatium on the Quintian road. Most of these towns, however, lay in ruins.§ The population of Latium was thus a mixed one : consisting, on the one hand, of Siculians, Aborignes, and Oscans, all of whom belonged to the Pelasgian race; and on the other, of Sabelliaiis (Sa- bines). This fact is not only stated in the ancient tradi- tions, but is manifest from the language spoken in Latium (tlie Latin language, or the language of the Latins), for we can still distinguish tlie two elements : one is of a Pelasgian character, and constitutes the gi'eat affinity between the liatin and Greek languages; the other element, which is uttei'ly foreign to the Greek, is of Sabellian origin. From these elements, so far as they are discernible, we may foiTD some idea of the chai-acter of the two respective na- tions. Most Latin words relating to agiiculture, and a more civilized state of society, ai'e the same in Latin and Greek ; but othera, which are of Sabellian origin, are chiefly words relating to war and the chase. The Abor- igenes are said to have worshiped Janus, as the founder of or Pelasgians : but the fact is, that both Umbrians and Opicans were in aU probability Pelasgians, like the Aborigines. * Saufeius in Servius ad Virg. Am. i. 6 ; comp. Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. note 47. t Sec Hellanicus and Philistus ap. Dionys. i. 22. i VI. 2. () Varro in Dionys. i. 14. 10 HISTORY OF ROME. a better mode of life : Saturn was believed to have taught them husbandry, and accustomed them to live in fixed habitations. Janus, or Dianus, was the god of the sun: Saturn and his v^ife Ops were, in all probability, the god and goddess of the earth ; that is, the personifications of the vivifying and productive powers of the earth.^ Late accounts describe Saturn as a king who, after being ex- pelled from his own dominions, arrived in Italy by sea, and was hospitably received by Janus. The story of Her- cules arriving in Latium, and of his adventure there witli the fire-breathing giant Cacus,* has been looked upon by some writers as suggesting an immigration into Latium from the east; and it is asserted that 'Cacus, who was slain by Hercules, is identical with the Cretan Talus, or even the Phoenician Moloch : but this opinion is more than doubtful ; and if any inference is to be drawn at all fi-om the wanderings of Hercules through Italy, it is that they suggest the spreading of the Pelasgians and their civiliza- tion throughout the western parts of Italy and in Liguria. The same idea is implied in the tradition of Evander, the Arcadian, arriving in Italy ■\\-itli a train of followers ; but this story, although ancient and home-sprung, seems to be based only on an etymological speculation, and to be no more than a fiction. We mentioned above, that the an- cient Pelasgian town of Palatium, which was situated on a hill near the Tiber, about twenty stadia from Reate, was still inhabited in the time of Augustus. The name of this town naturally reminding the Greeks of the Arcadian town of Pallantium, some ancient connection of the two places was devised by the imagination in the, shape of a genealogy, which would be done the more easily, as Pelasgian and Arcadian are convertible terms with the Greek genealo- gists. Evander, accordingly, was said to have come from Arcadia, to have landed in Italy near the Tiber, and intro- duced there a knowledge of the arts and the ways of civilized life. During his reign Hercules arrived in his kingdom, was hospitably received, and obtained Evander's daughter Lau'na (Lavinia) in marriage. By her he became the father of Pallas, and from this Pallas the hill and town of Palatium were made to receive their name. Evander himself seems to be only another form of Latinus, for the legends of the two bear a strong resemblance to each other. But tradition separates diem by two generations, making * Dionys. i. 39 j Liv. i. 7. HISTORY OF ROME. II Picus and Faunus the successors of Evander, before Lati- ims became king of the Aborigines. In his reigii Aeneas is said to have landed in Italy with his Trojans. The tradition of the Trojan colony in Latium is the more important, as it stands in direct connection with the stories about the foundation of Rome. It should not indeed be regarded in any other light than as a fiction ; but it can not be passed over unnoticed, forming as it does the direct road to the earliest part of Roman story. It would be a hope- less undertaking to seek for any direct or circumstantial e\"idence to prove the tradition either to be historical or fabulous ; and in the absence of all evidence, considering also the time of the reputed immigration of the Trojans — the destruction of Troy is commonly dated about 430 years previous to the building of Rome — no one imbued with the spirit of historical criticism can for a moment allow the tra- dition about the Trojan colony to be of any historical weight. If indeed that colony were described as numerous, and as one that could by any possibility have had an influence upon the people among whom it settled, we might expect to discover some trace or other by which to establish its trutli ; but giving the greatest latitude to the tradition, the Trojan immigi'ants were only a smaU band, for whom the fields of a single village would have been sufiicient, and they can not possibly have changed or modified the character and manners of their neighbors. The only questions therefore that we can endeavor to answer here, are, whether the tradition arose in Italy 1 or whether it was introduced there by tlie Greeks 1 and what was its probable origin 1 The story itself runs thus. After long wanderings, Aeneas and his Trojans an-ivcd in Latium, and as signs seemed to point to that country as the end of their sufferings, they took possession of a part of it. When king Latinus received the tidings of the amval of the strangers, and of their at- tempt to settle in his dominions, he marched out with an army to expel them ; but as he had to caiTy on a war against Turnus, king of the Rutuli, he concluded an alliance with the Trojans, and gave them a tract of land. With their assistance, he then conquered the Rutuli. Aeneas married Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, and called his colony, after her, Lavinium. Another war with the Rutuli soon broke out, and as Latinus fell in it, Aeneas henceforth ruled over the Aborigines and Trojans, to both of whom he gave the joint narile of Latins. The Rutuli now strengthened 12 iiisTOitv ov RoMi:. themselves by an alliance with the Etruscan Mezentius. The Latins were victorious in the ensuing struggle, but Aeneas was slain in battle, and as his body could not be found anywhere, he was believed to have ascended into heaven, the people henceforth worshiping him under the name of Jupiter Indiges.'" This is the story of Aeneas and his Trojan colony, as related by Livy and Dionysius : it was also adopted by Virgil, though with poetical license he has extended and embellished it with a variety of incidents. The earliest writers on the Trojan war, and on the subsequent fate of its heroes, do not appear to have known any thing about a Trojan colony in Latium : Cephalon of Gergithes, who probably lived about 350 years after the building of Rome, seems to have been the first to introduce Aeneas into La- tium : but while the common story represents Ascanius as the son and successor of Aeneas, and assumes an interval of many generations between Aeneas and the foundation of Rome, Cephalon called one of the sons of Aeneas, Romus, and stated that this Romus in conjunction with his followei-s, built the city of Rome.t From that time forward the story gained more and more ground among the Greeks ; and at the time when Pyrrhus waged war against Rome, \vliich then for the first time attracted the attention of the eastern world, the belief in its being a Trojan colony appears to have been generally entertained by the Greeks.f Another tradition, which is evidently much older, since it is alluded to even by Hesiod, § represents Latium as having received a colony consisting of the Greeks who, on their return fix)m Troy, were thrown on its coasts ; just as other places in Italy were believed to have been founded by Greeks re- turning from the Trojan war. But this tradition never became popular; and the -one universally adopted by the Jlomans, in later times, was that of which an outline is given above. Now it can scarcely be conceived- tli at a traditional stoi-y like this, so firmly establislied, and so uni- versally believed by a proud nation like the Romans, who looked with contempt upon every thing foreign, should have been imported from abroad. It appears that it was cuiTcnt among the Romans previous to the time when they are known to have been generally acquainted with Greek literature, for allusion is made to it in an occurrence belono- o * Liv. i. 2 ; Dionys. i. 55. t Dionys. i. 49, 72, t Pausanias, i. 12; nionys. i. 67. ^ Theogoii. 1011, &c. lIlr^l'UEV or ROMK. 13 ing to about B.C. 2-10,* anil ;il'tcvward mention of it is made very frequently. The poet Naevius, who lived in the time of the first Punic war, related the story of Aeneas, and his arrival in Italy, at full length. Considering all these circumstances, it appears highly probable that the tradition was not inti'oduced into Italy by the Greeks, but that it was home-sprung. It is in itself without the slightest his- torical truth or importance, as we shall endeavor to show by what we conceive to have been its probable origin. It may be observed in general; that the accounts of the early migration of nations frequently indicate neither more nor less than that there existed a national affinity between the reputed immigi-ants and those among whom they are said to have settled ; and this appeals to have been the case in the present instance. The Trojans belonged to the Pe- lasgians ; so did also tlie Arcadians (from whom Evander was believed to have come to Italy) and the Epirots on the one band, and a great j)art of the inliabitants of Italy, such as the Oenotnans, Aboiigines, and Tyrrhenians, on the odier; and it was probably this national affinity, between nations of the east and of Italy, that gave rise to the stories about the coming of the Trojans into Latium, and of the migration of the Tyrrhenians to the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and the countries about the Hellespont. The wor- ship of the Penates at Lavinlum was believed to be the same as that of the gods of Samothrace ; and such a belief might easily give rise to a legend about the introduction of the Penates from the east into Italy, t The Samothracians themselves were regarded as kinsmen of the Romans, f Now, Samothrace was the center of the ancient Pelasgian religion ; and as Pelasgians met there, for religious purposes, from all parts of the world, it may easily be imagined that there they awakened and strengthened in one another the belief of their kindred through a common ancestor, Aeneas. When the elements of the story had once talvon root, it was, like all other legends of the kind, further developed and propagated by oral tradition and poeti-y ; but it was looked upon in the main as an indubitable historical fact, notwithstanding the most palpable inconsistencies, and al- though it might be opposed to the most firmly established events. Among the discrepancies in the various accounts we shall mention the following. According to the ordinary * Justin, xxviii. 1 ; Suetoii. Claud. 25. * Serv. ad Vin;. Ar:,. iii. 12. t Serv. ad Vir^. Am. ii. 717. 14 HISTORY OF UOMK. calculations, Trpy was taken and destroyed in B.C. 1184, and Aeneas must, consequently, have arrived in Italy a few years later ; but Virgil, probably after the example of Nae- vius and Timaeus, described the arrival of Aeneas in Italy as cotemporaneous with the founding of Carthage by the Phoenician princess Dido or Elissa, about B.C. 814.* But to return to the -story about Aeneas and his descend- ants :- the common tradition is, that he was succeeded in the government by his son Ascanius, or, as the Romans called him, Iulus,t who, thirty years after the foundation of Lavinium, is said to have led its inhabitants away, and to have founded the town of Alba Longa, along the slope -of the Alban Mount. But beside this, there existed at Lavinium another tradition, which inverts the order of things by stating that Lavinium was an Alban colony, founded hj six hundred Alban famihes.f A reconciliation between the two is attempted, in the story that the Penates, who had been carried from Lavinium to Alba, refused^to dwell in the latter place; and that the Alban king,. having at last consented to their being restored to the deserted Lavinium, sent with them 600 families. But the stnry about the foundation -of Alba Longa must stand or fall with the legend of the Trojan colony. Thus much we can see clearly, that Lavinium § was the seat of congress for the Latins : it was the sacred abode of their gods, and stood in the same i-elation to Latium as Panionium stood to the Ionian towns in Asia Minor. From the position which in the legends Alba Longa occupies among the comnjunities of Latium, it seems clear* that it must have existed at an earlier period than that which is implied in the tradition of its being a colony of Lavinium. The successors of Ascanius now reigned at Alba for a period of upward of three centuries ; but the lists of the kings, as given by Livy and Dionysius,|| have evidently been made up in later times for the purpose of filling up the long interval between Aeneas and the founders of Rome : some of the names are not even Itahan, others are • The year of the foundation of Carthape is not the same in all accounts. According to Velleins Paterciilus (i. 6) that city was huilt in B C. 819 ; ac- cording to Justin (xviii. 6)in B.C. 826 ; according to Syncellus jn B.C. 861 ; and according to Appian (Ds Reh. Pun. 1) even fifty years pievions to the fall of Troy. t To him the Roman gens of the' Julii traced its origin t Diotiys. i. 67. ^ The name of Lavinium is evidently the same,jis Latium. II Compare Ovid. Fast. iv. 39-50; MetHm. xivTcOQ; Serv. ad Vire.'Am. viii. 330. HISTORY OF ROME. 15 repetitions out of earlier or later times, aiul spme are formed from geographical names. All the inhabitants of Latiura consisted of two distinct unions or confederacies, which conjointly bore the name of the Latins. We are forced to make this distinction in or- der to understand the contradictory accounts of our author- ities ; for commonly the Latins, or, as they are called, the P/isci Latini, are said to have inhabited thirty townships, which are called colonies of Alba, founded in the reign of Latinus Silvius ; but, in the fiist place, many of the towns which must have belonged to these thirty, such as Lauren- turn, Ardea, and Tibur, wei-e older than Alba; and, sec- ondly, Pliny* clearly distinguishes between the Latin towns, of which he enumerates upwai'd of twenty, and the populi Albenscs, who inhabited Alba Longa, and thirty other to\vnships or villages. Hence we must infer that only these pojmli Albenses were the colonies said to have been founded by Alba, and not the other more important tovnis ; and that the populi Albenses were in th&same or a similar relation to Alba as the Attic demes to Athens : " they formed," as Niebuhr expresses it, "the boroughs of a free commonalty," Uke the thirty plebeian tribes in the con- stitution of king Senius Tullius. This Alban state took part, with the other Latin towns or states, in the common festival celebrated on the Alban Mount, in honor of Jupi- ter Latiaris'. These thirty Latin states were probably de- pendent cantons : they seem to have stood in the same relation to Alba, the head of the confederacy, as they sub- sequently did at Rome. . From these preliminary investigations, it is evident that Latium long before the time assigned to the building of Rome was a flourishing country, and stocked with numer- ous towns and villages. Its inhabitants formed a powerful confederacy, the affairs of which were discussed in assem- blies held near the well of Ferentina in the neighborhood of iMba, and which extended from the Tiber in the north to Terracina in the south. The history of the confederacy previous to the building of Rome is completely lost, for the lists of the kings of Alba, as well as the number of yeai-s assigned to the reign of each, must be rejected as late fabrications. The founders of Rome are called descend- ants of the Alban kings, although the legends nowhere de- scribe Rome as a colony of Alba. • Hist. Nat. iii. 9. 16 IIMTOUV or tlOME. CHAPTER II. THE FOUNDATION OP ROME LEGENDS OP ROMULUS AND RE- MUS, AND THEIR HISTORICAL VALUE THE TRIBES, CURIAE, AND GENTES. The story concerning the foundation of Rome was the subject of ancient lays, and was looked upon by the Ro- mans with implicit faith and almost religious reverence. When the Romans began to reflect upon the probable origin of their community, they naturally fell upon the idea, which is universally met with in the history of G-reek cities, that the founder's name must have had some <;onnection wdth that of the city, and that consequently it must have been Romus or the diminutive Romulus. Now, supposing that there existed a neighboring place of the name of Remuria,* on the Aventine, the idea of a twin brother of Romulus would naturally present itself to the mind of a Roman antiquarian : and a hero Remus, who had been slain by his brother on the Palatine, would be the result of such genealogical speculations. The notion- that Rome was the work of twin brothers was thus in all probability of Roman origin: it is pecubarly adapted to the character of the early Roman constitution, in which nearly all the great offices were divided between two persons. The le- gends about the foundation of the city, however, have come down to us in such confusion, and with such contradictions in the various reports, that it is impossible to say what be- longs to the genuine ancient tradition, and what may be mere poetical embellishments and inventions grafted upon it by later poets. There is no other town in Italy respect- ing the foundation of which there is^ so much doubt and obscurity, as there is in that of Rome : but the origin of the eternal city was to be clothed in impenetrable dark- ness ; its beginning is a s obscure and indefinite as the time of its duration. The various statements about the date of the foundation of Rome may be divided into two classes : the first con- tains those accounts in which the building of the city is * The existence of a place of the name of Romoria, i. e. Eemoria or Remuria, is attested by Dionysiiis, i. 85. HISTORY 01' UOMF. 17 placed in close connection with Aeneas (or his son) ami the Trojans; and the second, those in which Rome is con- nected with Alba Longa, through the ruling family of the Silvii* One isolated statement places the building of Rome even before the Trojan times.f Timaeus without mentioning the name of any one person ^as founder, made the building of Rome cotemporaneous with that of Car- tliage.f The traditions of the first class appear to have been current principally among the Greeks whose inter- est it was to connect the founder of Rome ^wth their ovm mythical genealogies ; those of the second, which seem to have been a combination of national Italian traditions with others imported by the Greeks, and which allow a consider- able interval to have intervened between the- aiTival of Ae- neas in Italy and the foundation of Rome, were adopted by the Romans themselves. The accounts of the latter class vary, in regard to the date of the building of Rome, between the third year of the sixth Olympiad and the fourth year of the tw"elftli Olympiad, tliat is, between B.C. 753 and 729. The former of the eras was adopted by Van'o : as it is supported by most authorities, and has been followed by most modern wiiters on Rorrian history, we shall adopt it in the present work, in order to avoid confusion. We may add the remark, that Cato placed the building of Rome one year later than Varro, that is, in B.C. 752. § But whatever the discrepancies are in regard to the year of the foundation of the city, all are agreed upon the daij of the event ; stating that it was on the 21st of April, that is, the festival of the Palilia, when the coun- try people, having prayed to the gods to protect and in- ci-ease their flocks, and to pardon their involuntary violation of sacred spots, purified themselves by passing through a fire. Thai day was in later times celebrated every year as the birth-day of the city of Rome. It would be idle indeed to attempt to establish the truth of any part of the story connected with the foundation of Rome ; for whatever may have been its original form, suc- cessive story-tellers and poets in the course of time estab- lished one particular form of it, which then became an article of popular belief This beautiful form of the legend, wliich was related in prose by Q,. Fabius Pictor and many * It is said that all the Alban kings, after the time of Latinus Silvius, bore the surname of Silvius ; hence the whole dynasty is called the Silvii. t Antiochus ap. Dionys. i. 73 ; comp. Syncellns, Chron. p. 193. D. t, Dionya. i. 74. ^ Censorin. Dt Die Nal. 17. 18 HISTORY OF ROME. Others after him, was the subject of national songs among the Romans as late as the time of Dionysius of Halicamas- sus. It i-uns as follows : Procas, king of Alba, -who be- longed to the family of the Silvii, had two sons, Numitor and Araulius; and on his death he left his kingdom to Numitor, the elder. But Amulius, disregarding the will of his father, and stimulated by the love of dominion, not only deprived Numitor of his kingdom, but put his son to death, and compelled his daughter, Rhea Silvia,* to become a vestal virgin ; whereby he hoped effectually to secure his usurpation against any attempts on the part of Numitor's family to vindicate their lights. Numitor himself was left in the possession of his father's private estates ; and in the enjoyment of them he lived rich and secure. But the gods interposed, and made the injured maiden the means not only of avenging the wrong that was done to her and her family, but of raising a new power, before which that of Alba and all the Latins was one day to fall prostrate. Once as Rhea Silvia was going to draw water from a well for the service of the goddess Vesta, the sight of a wolf made her fly into a cave. There Mars overpowered the timid maiden, and then consoled her with the promise of illustrious children. But he did not protect her ; and when she was delivered of twins, Amulius, in accordance with the severe law in regard to vestals guilty, of unchastity, ordered her to be put to death. Her twins were to be drowned in the river Anio. The bowl or cradle containing the children was carried into the Tiber, which had at the time overflowed its banks far and wide, even to the foot of the woody hills. As the waters decreased, the cradle remained standinpf on the ground near a wild fig-treet at the foot of the Palatine hill. A she-wolf who came to di'ink at the river, and heard the whimpering of the babes, carried them into her den and suckled them ; and whenever they wanted other food than milk, a woodpecker (which, like the wolf, was an animal sacred to Mars) brought it them, while other birds hovered over them, and protected them from insects. This marvelous spectacle was beheld * They who connect the founders of Rome with Aeneas, call the unfor- tunate princess Ilia, and make her a daughter of Aeneas. t This fig-tree, called Ficiis Runtinalis, was preserved at Rome, and held sacred for many centuries after. Rmna signilies mam?na (Plin. Hist. Nat. xv 18 ; Non. Marcell. s. v. ruma). It is also said that, at one time, the Tiber was called Rumon, that is, the fertilizing river. (Serv. ad Virg. Aen. viii, 63, 90.) Tho name Roma is perhaps connected with ruma. HISTORY OF ROME. 19 by Faustulus, the shepherd of the flocks of Amulius : he took the children, and carried them to his wife Acca Lau- rentia, who became their foster-mother, and brought them up with her own children, in straw huts, on the Palatine.* The two boys, Romulus and Remus, gi-ew the stoutest , among the shepherd-lads, fought bravely against wild beasts and robbers, and maintained their right against every one by their might. The followers or comrades of Romulus were called Quintihi, and. those of Remus, Fabii. Their wantonness engaged them in disputes with thi- shepherds of Nuiuitor, who fed their flocks on Mouri Aventine. Remus was made captive, and dragged to Alba before Numitur, as a robber who had encroached upon his estates. When Numitor heard of the two brothers, he Vr^s involun- tarily reminded of his own grandsons, and in the end recog- nized Remus as one of them. Romulus, in the mean time, had hkevpise been informed of his kindred by Faustulus ; and the two brothers, joined by their faithful comrades, made an attack upon king Amuhus. Amulius was slain in the affray, and Numitor restored to the throne of Alba. Romulus and Remus tlien resolved upon building a town on the spot where they had passed the days of their infancy. Their former comrades joined them in their undertaking ; some say that a number of Albans and Latins, and even some nobles descended from the Trojans, also took part in it. Discord, however, soon arose between the two brothers, who began to dispute as to which of them was to rule over the new cityy and whether it was to be called Roma or Remoria. Othei-s add that the brothei-s were not agreed upon the site of the new town ; Romulus wishing to build it on the Palatine, and Remus on the Aventine, or on a spot which was four miles farther down the river.t As there was no difference of age between them, and neither was wilHng to yield, it was left to the gods to decide the point by auguiy. Romulus accordingly obsen^ed the heav- ens from the Palatine, and Remus from the Aventine ; and he whom the gods favored was to be king, and to give name to the new city. Remus had the first augury, seeing six vultures flying from north to south. When the tidings of it were brought to Romulus, he suddenly saw twelve vulturesj flying past him. Right was on the side of Remus ; * The hut of Romulus was preserved, and, of course, repaired whenever it needed, as a sacred relic, down to the time of the Emperor Nero. t Serv. ad Virg. Am. viii. 46 ; Plut. Romul. 20. t This number of vultures was afterward believed to contain a prophecy 20 II.STCRi- OF ROME. but Romulus and his party insisted upon the double num- ber of birds as a proof of the divine favor, and Remus was obliged to yield.* Romulus now set about making the sacred inclosure called the pomoerium,] according to the custom of the Etruscans : he yoked a bullock and, a heifer to a plough, and drew a furrow round the foot of the Pala- tine so as to include a considerable tract below the hill. Where a gate was to be made, the plough was carried across the space.J On the line of the pomoerium the city was inclosed with a wall and a ditch. In the center of the city a vault was built underground, filled with the firstlings of all natural productions necessary to support human life, and with earth which each of the settlers had brought with him from his own home. This vault was called mundus.% Remus, who still felt the wi'ong that was done to him, leaped in scorn over the low wall, for which insult he was slain by one Celer, or by his own brother Romulus, who exclaimed, " So shall die whoever ventures to leap over my wall." But no sooner was the murder committed, than Romulus was seized with remorse and grief: he rejected all food and every comfort, until the shade of his brother appeared to their foster-father Faustulus, and promised to be reconciled if Romulus would institute a festival for the souls of the dead. Romulus not only fulfilled the desire of his brother's shade by instituting the Lemuiia,|l but, as a permanent mark of honor to him, he set up a second throne by the side of his own, with the scepter, crown, and other badges of royalty .fl^ The first act of the founder of Rome was the murder of his brother, — an ominous sign of the position which Rome was destined to occupy, and of the fate which awaited those who should venture to insult her majesty. When the city was built, it was found that the small number of settlers would be unable to defend themselves against ene- rsspecting the duration of Rome. The number of vultures being taken for the number of saecula or centuries that Rome should exist. The six vul- tures of Remus were interpreted to refer to the six saecula of republican Rome. ^ * According to a statement in Livy this dispute ended in blows, and Remus was killed. t See the Dictionary of Greek and Rom. Antiquit. under Pomoerium. ■ t Hence porta, the name of a gate, was derived from the verb portare, to carry. ^ This mundus was regarded as the entrance to the lower world, and was opened on three different days in the year for the souls of the departed. i estus, s. V. Mundus ; Ovid. Fast. iv. 807 ; Plut. Romul. 11. II Ovid. Faat. v. 461, &c. % Serv. ad Yirg. Aen. i. 276. HISTORY OF UOME. 21 mies that might attack them ; and in order to increase the population, Romulus threw the city open to every stran- ger: freedraen and runaway slaves, as well as exiles and criminals, found a welcome reception at Rome.* But one element was still wanting, for there were no women at Rome, so that the whole population would have died away after a while. Romulus, therefore, tried to conclude treat- ies with the neighboring towns, for the purpose of estab- lishing^he possibility of legitimate marriages between his Romans and the women of other states.! But the offer was treated with dislike and mistrust, and the answers which were brought back were insulting to the Romans. Romulus then resolved upon obtaining by stratagem or force what was denied to his open and honest request. He proclaimed that a festival (the Gonsualia) was going to be celebrated at Rome, and invited the neighboring Latins and Sabines to come and witness the solemnities and games. Numbers of strangers, with their wives and children, flocked to Rome, not suspecting the fate which awaited them. The Romans set aside all regard for the laws of hospitality, and for the religious sanctity of the oc- casion, which should have protected their visitors ; and when all were intently looking upon the games, on a sig- nal being given, the Romans fell upon the strangers, and carried off their women.| The fear and alarm of the maid- ens were soon soothed ; but the parents and relatives, who had dispersed and taken to flight on the outbreak of the conspiracy, prepared to avenge the wrong by main force. The inhabitants of Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antem- nae, who belonged to the Latins, impatient of the slowness of the Sabines and of their king Titus Tatius, resolved to act for themselves, and took up arms first. They marched * It is stated that Romulus opened an asylum for these strangers. The asylum itself was shown in later times as a small inclosure. If that place contained all' the strangers who took refuge at Rome, their number can not surely have been very great ; nor can it, in general, be conceived, that the rabble described by Livy and Dionysius should have been very numerous in those early times. The whole story of the asylum probably arose out of the idea of tlieyto exidandi. See Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 324. t Had Rome been regarded in the legend as a colony of Alba, the new settlers would not have been in want of women, for they would have had the cmrmhium, i. e, the right of contracting legal marriages with Alban and ' Latin women. 4 The number of the Sabine maidens thus carried oif was said to have been thirty, and the thirty curiae were believed to have derived their names from them. Liv. i. 13 ; Plut. Romul. 14. The numbers, 3, 10, 30, ran through all the Roman institutions, and Livy forgetting this peculiarity, thinks that the number of Sabine womsn was in all probability greater. 22 • HISTORY OF EOME. into the Roman territory ; but as they could not agree among themselves, Romulus conquered them one after an- other. Acron, king of Caenina, fell in battle. Romulus, with his victorious band, returned to Rome, offering the first spolia opima to Jupiter Feretrius. At length the _Sa- bines also rose in arms ; and, under their king, T. Tatius, marched against Rome, resolved upon humbling the I'ob- bers either by force or fraud. Unable to resist in the open field, Romulus kept his Romans within the wallj of the city. Tai-peia, the daughter of Tarpeius, the commander of the Roman citadel on the Capitoline, as she descended from the bill to draw water, was dazzled by the splendor of the Sabine armor, and Tatius prevailed upon her, by promising her some of the gold ornaments of the Sabines, to betray her country. When the enemy was led to the gate, which was opened to them by Tarpeia, they rushed through it, but crushed Tarpeia under the weight of the ornaments she had desired, and she expatiated her crime by her death.* Being now in the possession of the Capi- toline, the Sabines next tried to storm the city. The Romans had made a fruitless attempt to recover their citadel, and 'now prepared to meet the Sabines in the valley between the Palatine and Capitoline. They were on the point of being defeated, when Romulus vowed a temple to the flight-staying Jupiter (Jupiter Stator). The fight continued for a long time with varying success, till at length the Sabine women, anx'ious to effect a reconcilia- tion between their husbands and fathers, rushed between the combatants, and brought about a peace.! Its terms were, that henceforth the two nations should be insepara- bly united in one state under the name of Romans and Quirites ;f each, however, was to continue distinct and under its own king, while all temples and religious rites were to be common to both. This was the first step to the increase of Rome's extent and power. The Sabines now built a new town for themselves on the Capitoline and Quirinal; the former hill being its citadel, and tho * The remembrance of Tarpeia's guilt and her death is still preserved at Rome in popular legends. Niebuhr, HUl. of Rome, i. p. 230. + Married women at Rome enjoyed many rights and distinctions which we do not meet with in other states of antiquity, and tradition says that they were conferred upon them by Romulus as a reward for the happy peace and union they bad brought abput between the Romans and Sabines. t Populus Ronianus et Quirites, or Populus Romanus Qidrites which wap afterward corrupted into Populua Romanus Qviritium. HISTORY OF ROME. 23 residence of king T. Tatius ; while, Romulus continued to dwell on the Palatine. When any affair of importance was to bo deliberated, the two kings or their senates met in the plain between the Capitoline and Palatine, which was hence called the com >f htm. This happy union, however, did not last long; for, after a few years, T. Tatius was slain at Lavinium, during a solemn sacrifice, by some Laurentines, to whom his kins- men had offered some wrong, and to whom the Sabine king had refused to afford redress.* No successor of Ta- tius was appointed ; and Romulus, who henceforth was sole king of the Romans and Sabines, made no attempt to avenge the murder of his colleague. But both the Romans and Laurentines were visited by a plague, which did not cease until the guilt of both parties had received the pun- ishment it deserved. During the long period which now ensued, until the death of Romulus, tradition is very meager ; and the events we have on record scarcely suffice to establish the warlike character which fame has at all times ascribed to Romu- lus. We hear only of two wars. The first is that against Fidenae, the inhabitants of ^'hich had begun to feel uneasy about the growing power of Rome, and had ravaged the Roman territory. Romulus, however, put them to flight, and took the town of Fidenae,t which received a colony. The second war is that against the Etruscans of Veil, who were actuated by the same spirit as the Fidenates. They ravaged the Roman territory and returned home with their booty; but Romulus set out and conquered them in an open battle : he drove them back into their city, but ab- stained from besieging them ; and having laid waste their country, he returned to Rome. The humbled enemy sued for peace, which was granted them, on condition of their giving up a part of their territory. A truce was further concluded with them for a period of one hundred years. Romulus is said to have ruled thirty-seven years ; and in the account of his death, the legend again assumes that * The tomb of T. Tatius was aflerwaid shown on the Aventine hill, where, according to some authorities, the Sabines received settlements from Romulus. (Pint. Romul. 23 ; Varro, in Serv. ad Virg. Am. vii. 657.) The latter statement, however, seems to hare arisen from a confusion of the Sa- bines with the plebeians, to whom the Aventine peculiarly belonged. t This war against Fidenae is related in almost precisely the same man- ner as that which occurred about B.C. 457, and is probably nothing but the transfer of an historical event to the mythical ages 24 HISTORY OP UOMEi beautiful and poetical cliafacter in which it relates the cir cumstances of his birth and early life. On the nones of Quintilis, that is, on' the day on which the festival of the Quirinalia was celebrated, when the king was reviewing his people in the plain near lake Capra, the sun withdrew his light ; and while the earth was covered with darkness, Mars descended in a tempest, and bore his son up to heaven. The people fled in dismay, and when light re- turned they sought their king in vain ; but their lamenta- tion was changed into religious reverence, when they were told by Proculus Julius, that the glorified king had ap- peared to him in a vision, and promised to watch over his people as the god Quirinus.* These are the outlines of the traditional story of Romu- lus, such as was held sacred at Rome for many centuries ; it was commemorated in poetry, and repeated by succes- sive historians. That such a legend can not be taken as history, has been felt, at all times, by those who looked at history with critical eyes ; but the question is, whether any information of real historical value can be derived from it, and in what manner it is to be arrived at.. There have been men, in ancient as well as in modern times, who fan- cied they cou?d make history out -of any poetical or legend- ary story, by stripping it of its poetical features, cutting away the supernatural and marvelous, and thus reducing it to a common and intelligible every-day occurrence, as if it had not been the intetition of the authorities thus muti- lated to give a marvelous story .t The results of such dull and perverse proceedings appear in the story of Romulus in various ways, and may be read in the accounts of Dio- nysius and Plutarch, who looked upon such critics as sen- sible men. The she-wolf, who suckled the twins, was thus changed into a woman of the name of Lupa ; and the miraculous disappearance of Romulus was made out to have been nothing but an insurrection of the senators, who, having been dissatisfied with the king's rule, in order to get rid of him, and take the government into their own hands, are said to have assassinated him, and, from fear of the people, to have spread the report of his having been carried up to heaven. This latter interpretation was, * Liv. i. 16; Cicero, de Re Publ. i. 41, ii. 8, 9 ; Ovid. Fa^t. ii. 475, &c. t The scliool of critics here alluded to has not yet quite disappeared ; and it is a matter of the highest importance to the young minds of students to be cautioned against it. insTouY OK iioMF., 25 probably, got uji in aftev-times by the plebeians, who thought -the patricians capable of every crime that might further their selfish interests ; but they forgot that in the ancient legend Romulus is nowhere repi'esented as a ty- T'ant. On the contrary, after the death of T. Tatius, whose rule is really described as tyrannical, the reign of Romulu; is said to have become more legal and milder than it had been before ; lie consulted the senate on all matters, and punished the refractory citizens only with fines of cattle ; in short, there is no trace in the story of his having ever been an object of hatred with the senate. The only manner in which we can derive any historical results from national legends, if they have any historical basis, as they have in almost all cases, is to receive them just as they are handed down to us; not altering or modi- fying them in any way, but looking steadily at what they state as facts, as well as what they teach us by implication. It may, indeed, happen, that not one of the facts stated is of any historical value; but we frequently catch a glimpse of the state of things, in regard to the political, social, and religious life of the times to ^vhich the traditions refer, and this is preeminently the case in ^arly Roman history. It is, indeed, impossible either to assert or to deny whether Romulus and Remus are historical personages or not ; whether Romulus actually did build Rome, or whether he really was the founder of the institutions ascribed to him ; but with regard to the questions as to what Rome was be- fore the dawn of her historical period, how she grew out of her cradle, and what her political and social institutions were, a great deal of information may be gleaned from the traditions. Great assistance may also be derived fi-om the institutions of later times; for their principles remained, on the whole, the same, and the changes they experienced were only the results of a natural progress and develop- ment. Proceeding on this principle we offer the follow- ing observations, which partly complete and partly illus- trate the above-mentioned traditions. It was the general belief of the Romans themselves that Roipe, the name of their city, was not Latin ; and that its Latin name was kept as a sacred secret.* There existed on the Palatine hill, previous to the time of Romulus, a Siculian, Felasgian, or Tyrrhenian town, whoso name was, in all probability, Roraa.l This explains the statement * Mactob Saiyr iii P t Dicnys, i. 29. B 26 HISTORY OF ROME. that Roine was a Tyrrhenian place, as well as the foreign appearance of the name of Roma. All accounts agree in placing the oiigihal town of Rome on the Palatine hill, just as the Aborigines dwelt in a number of villages on the neighboring heights. Its territory was bounded on the Etruscan side by the river Tiber, and on the other sides by the territories of the small towns of the Aborigines; on the side toward the sea, alone, it extended to any distance.* Niebuhr supposes that on what was then called the Ago- nian hill there existed a town, of which the Capitoline might be considered as the citadel. It was inhabited by Sabines, and bore the name of Quiriuni, whence its citi- zens were called Quirites, and the Agonian hill afterward Qtuirinalis. That the Sabines constituted a part of the Roman people, is not only implied in the story about king T. Tatius, but is evident from the fact that most of the Roman religious ceremonies were Sabine, and were said to have been introduced by T. Tatius, or Numa Pompilius.t It is" well attested that the Sabines had pushed their con- quests far down the Tiber, and that the towns of Collatia and Regillum belonged to them, though the surrounding places were in the hands of the Latins.| The story about the rape of the Sabine women seems to indicate, that at one time there existed no right of intermarriage [connu- hium) between the towns on the Palatine and Capitoline ; and that the former, which was p'lobably in a state of de- pendence, raised itself by force of arms to an equality, and even to a preponderance of power. The double character of the Roman people may be traced in a variety of circum- stances, such as the double Janus, the symbol of the double state ;§ the story about the twin brothers, Romulus and Remus ; the double throne of Romulus ; the title of the whole body of Roman citizens, populus RomSnus Quirites, that is, populus Romanus et Q,uirites ; and in the double number of so many Roman magistrates. A third element was introduced into the population of Rome, but it was not placed on an equality with the two others till a much later period. Romulus, the founder of the city, was naturally regarded by posterity as the author of the groundwork of the political constitution of his new state ; just as his successor, Nums * Festus,^ ». j;. PectHscum Palati. t Dionys. ii. 50 ; Liv. i. 33 ; Varro, de ling. Lat. vi. 74. ed. Mailer. t Liv. i. 39, ii. 16; Dionys. vi. 40. ^ Serv. ad Virg. Am. i. 891. HISTORY OF R03IE. 27 Ponipilius, was considered as the founder of most of tlie religious institutions. Romulus is thus said to have divided the whole people into three tribes, the Ramnes, Titles, and Luceres ; each tribe again into ten curiae, and each curia into gentes. The original senate, consisting of one hundred members, is also said to have been increased by one hun- dred others, at the time when the Sabines were united with the Romans under one state. These traditions require some explanation. The two nations, of which the Roman state consisted, are called tribes, the Ramnes and Titles (or Ramnenses and Titienses), the names of which are universally traced by the ancients to their respective kings, Romulus and Titus Tatius. Along with these two, a third tribe, the Luceres, is mentioned as early as the time of Romulus;* but the ancients are not agreed upon the origin of the name. Most writers derive it from Lucumo, an Eti;uscan ally of Romulus, who is said .to have fallen in the war against the Sabines ;t and others from Lucerus, a king of Ardea. According to the former opinion the Luceres would be Etruscans, and according to the latter, Tym-he- nians ; but we believe, with the majority of the ancients, that they were Etruscans, and derived their name from a Lucomo, either Caeles Vibenna, or an earlier one.f The existence of an Etruscan element, in the population of Rome, is also well attested by a number of institutions and religious rites, which are expressly said to have been de- rived from the Etruscans. But whatever we may think on this subject, thus much is certain, that for a considerable time the Luceres were in a state of subjection to the other tribes, from which they emerged only by degrees ; though the gradual extension of the full rights of citizenship is scarcely perceptible in the historians whos^ works we pos- sess, except in their accounts of the gradual increase of the number of senators ; for at the time when the Luceres were incorporated with the Roman state, the number of senators was raised to three hundred, which number after- ward remained unaltered for many centuries. The sena- * Liv: i. 13. t He is, perhaps, no other than the Etruscan, Caeles Vibenna, whose title^ucumo was mistaken for a proper name. Caeles Vibenna Is said to have settled on the Caelian hill, which derived its name fronuhim. t Niebuhr infers from another form of the name of the third triDe, Lucer- ta, said to occur in Festus (s. v. Lucerenses), that they were the inhabitants of a place callfd Lmer or Lucerum on the Caelian hill, and he assumes that they were Latins ; but the form Lucertes does not occur in Feslu!', nor in «ny other passage that we kno'v of ' ^'i (irSTORY OF ROME. tors representing ihe first tribe had, for a time, certain privileges in which those of the second did not participate; and when the Luceres were admitted, their senators, for a long time, were inferior in rank to those of the first two, and were hence called patres mindrum gentium, whereas those of the two other tribes wei'e designated as paires majorum gentium, and gave their votes before the senators of the. Luceres. %. Each of the three tribes was divided, for political pur- poses, into ten curiae; and each curia constituted a body of citizens, united together by certain religious rites and civil duties. Each had a separate name, said to have been derived from one of the Sabine women, who brought about the reconciliation between the Romans and Sabines ; and the affairs, especially the religious ones, of each curia were managed by an officer called curio. The thirty curiones formed a college or body of priests, headed by one of tlieit number, who bore the title oi curio maximus. Each curia contained a number of gcntes. The real natui-e of the ancient gentes, and their relation to the de- cads mentioned by Dionysius,* are among the most difficult points in early Roman history. Dionysius states that each curia was subdivided into ten decads or decurias ; and Niebuhr, identifying these decads with the gentes, believes that the thirty curies, that is, the whole body of Roman citizens, consisted of three hundred gentes. He further regards the gentes as analogous to the clans of other coun- tries; and with reference to the definition given by Cicero,t he maintains that there existed no family affinity between the members of a gens who had only one name in common, and that the gentes were purely political divisions. A gens might, accordingly, contain different families; as the Cornelia gens, e.g., contained the Scipios, and the Sullae. Now it should be observed, in the fli-st place, that the decads mentioned by Dionysius do not oc- cur anywhere else ; and that, whenever the subdivisions of the curiae are spoken of, we liear only of gentes ; whence we must infer that the decads (decuriae), like the decuri- ones, had nothing to do with the political division of the Roman people, but referred only to the organization of the * II. 7. t Topics. Gentiles sunt, qui inter se eodera nomine sunt Non est satis. Qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt. Ne id quidem satis est. Quorum majorum nemo serritutem servivit. Abest etiam nunc. Qui canito non sunt diminuti. Hoc fortatse satis est. HISTORY OF ROME. 20 army. Secondly, Varro* expressly recognizes a family affinity among the members of the same gens. The fact of different families appearing in the same gens, in later times, does not prove that the same was also the case originally, considering the great changes that must have taken place by intefman-iages, so that, in the end, it be- came a matter of impossibility for any particular individual to trace his origin to the eai'liest times, and he was accord- ingly satisfied with the gentile name, which had become the main requisite. Each gens had its sacra privata, which also seems to indicate that it was not a mere political body like the curiae, else it would, like the latter, have had its sacra publica. The supposition that the number of gentes was limited to three hundre'd thus seems to fall to the ground ; it is irreconcilable also with the fact, that when strangers were admitted among the gentes, as the Julii, Servilii, Quintii, Geganii, and others, they retained their gentile names and formed new gentes ; whereas, if they had been incorporated with other gentes, they would have been obliged to give up their own names, and to take those of the gentes into which they were introduced. The three tribes and their subdivisions (the curiae and gentes) contained the whole body of Roman citizens ; and beside them there existed, in the earliest times, no one that could be ti'uly qalled a Roman citizen. They consti- tuted the sovereign people, and were ihe popvlus, populus Romatius, patres or patricii. The plebeians, as a distinct order, did not exist in those times. But along with those real citizens there occur two other classes of persons, viz., slaves, as in all the states of antiquity, and cUentes.j The latter formed a class of people altogether peculiar to some parts of Italy, and occurring especially among the Sabines and Etruscans. There is no perfect analogy in the whole range of ancient history with these Italian clientes. They formed a body of people who had fewer rights than those contained in the curiae and gentes : they stood in a relation of strict dependence on the free citizens ; not indeed as a body on the body of Roman citizens ; but as individuals, one or more being attached to a particular gens or family.f They appear in Roman stoiy from the very earliest times ; but the question as to their origin can only be answered * De lAng. Lot. viii. 2. p. 393 ; comp. Festus, a.v. Gentilis. t The name is prolnbly connected with the word clum {uTiieiv), to hear or obev. X Dionys ii. 46, v. 40, i. 14 ; Liv, ii. 18 80 IIISTORV OF ROME. by a coiijectuve, being beyond the reach of historical investigation. It is, however, probable that they were the original inhabitants of those countries, who being subdued by the new settlers and having lost their landed property, continued to live in a state of submission to their new lords, and retained pieces of land for cultivation, which, however, were the property of the conquerors.* The nature of this clientela is sufficiently indicated by the term fatronus (from pater), the title of the person to whom a client was attached. The relation of the clientela de- scended from father to son, and involved hereditary rights and duties : it was of peculiar sanctity, and analogous to the relation existing between a father and his children ; nay, it is expressly stated that the clients had higher claims on their patron than his own relatives.! The duties of the patron, as well as of the client, are stated by Dionysius •.% the patron had to expound the law to his clients ; to pro- tect their property and interests, just as those of his own children ; to defend them against any unlawful attacks ; to represent them in the /courts of justice ; and in general to afford them every protection both in public and private affairs. - The client, in return, was obliged to support his patron on many occasions : thus, he had to contribute toward the dowry of his patron's daughter, if the patron himself had not sufficient means ;, and if the patron or any of his sons had been made prisoners of wai', the clients had to pay the ransom for him. A like assistance was expected from the client on many other occasions. He belonged, of course, to the gens of his patron, and accordingly bore the same gentile name. Neither of the two was allowed to come forward as accuser of the other, to bear witness against him, or to vote against him. It is further frequently mentioned that the clients accompanied their patrons in war.§ The patron who was guilty of a crime against bis cli- ent was devoted to the infernal gods : he was outlawed, and any one might kill him ; and severe punishments awaited him even in the lower world.|| It was the pride of illustrious Roman families to have- a great number of clients. Com- merce and trade seem to have been the principal means from which the clients derived their means of subsistence. ♦ It may also be that the clients were strangers who did not belong to any of the three tribes, and who settled at Rome under the protection of certain Roman citizens who became their patrons. t Cato, in Gellius, v. 13. % Dionys. ii. lO. (j Dionys. vi. 47, -vii. 19. II Serv. ad Virg. Am. vi. 608 ; Dionys. ii. 10. HISTORY OF EOMli. 31, The uature of the ancient cltentela, however, in the course of time became completely altered ; and at the time when the plebeians had raised themselves to an equality with the patricians, the ancient relation must have ceased altogether: it appears gradually to have passed over into that kind of clientela, which we find at Rome during the latter poriod of the republic, and which is the same as the relation between an advocata or legal adviser and his client, in the modern sense of the term. We defer speaking of the plebeians till the time when they appear in history as a distinct order, and as opposed to the patricians. Our authorities speak of plebeians as early as the time of Romulus ; and Dionysius confounds them with the clients, who may in some respects be re-' garded as the plebeians of those early times, but are by no means identical with the later order of plebeians. We do not, however, mean to deny that there existed, even ia the time of Romulus, the elements of the plebeian order, that is, persons who were neither contained in the three tribes, nor among the clients. The political constitution of Rome under the kings, or the division of the powers of govern- ment between the king, the senate, and the assembly of the curiae, will be discussed hereafter : we shall now pro- ceed with the legendary history of the successor of Romulus. CHAPTER in. NUMA POMPILIUS AND HIS RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS TULLUS IIOSTILIUS. After the disappearance of Romulus, the senate, being desirous of getting the reins of government into its own hands, would not allow a new king to be elected ; and for a whole year every senator enjoyed tho regal power in rotation under the title of interrcr. But in the end the people grew tired of this state of things, being more severely oppressed by these many rulers than they had before been by one; and they became vehement in insist- ing upon the right to elect a sovereign to protect them. 32 UISTOEY &F ROME. The senate yieldej, in order not to lose in the end even more than what was now demanded ; and they permitted that a king should be elected by thft people, subject to the approval of the senate. But the Romans and Sabines ■now began to dispute from which of the two tribes the king should be taken : it was at length agreed that the Romans should choose him out of the Sabines. All con- curred in electing the Sabine, Numa Pompilius, of Cures, who was famed far and wide for his wisdom and piety, having been a disciple of the Greek sage Pythagoras.* When he had consulted the auguries, and assured himself that the gods approved of his election, his first care was turned to the establishment of civil order, based on a proper distribution of landed property. He concluded peace and treaties with the surrounding states, and divided among the people the lands which Romulus had conquered, ' and which yet remained unoccupied. In connection with this distribution of landed property, he instituted the wor- ship of Terminus, the protector of boundaries, who was to watch over the security of property. After having thus bestowed due care upon human affairs, he set about legislating for religion, thinking that his people, who had no longer to fear any foreign enemy, would be best and most effectually ruled over by instilling fear of the gods into their minds. He acted under the guidance and instructions of the Camena Egeria, who was married to him in a mortal form, and with whom he had secret interviews in a sacred grove. As a preliminary step to his religious legislation, he undertook the regula- tion of the year ; and by adding to the Romuliau year of ten months the January of 29, and February of 28 days, he made out a lunar year consisting of twelve months, or 055 days, t He also fixed the days on which public * Most ancient writers, as Polybius, Livy, and Dionysius, seeing the chronological impossibility of this statement, since Pythagoras lived nearly two centuries after the time assigned to Numa, endeavor to show that the mistake arose out of a confusion a( the philosopher Pythagoras with a later person of the same nsme. But it should be remembered that the story about Numa is altogether legendary, and as such sets chronology at com- plete defiance. It may further bo' observed, that the historical existence of Niima himself is more than doubtful ; and that a connection between the king and the Greek philosopher was believed at Rome for many centuries See Plut. Xmna, 8 ; Liv. xl. 20. t In order to make this year harmonize with the solar one of 365 days, lie is said to have inserted every other year an intercalary montli (Metce- ~ donius), alternately of 22 and 23 days. This mode of reckoning remained in use at Rome until Julius Ca?sar"s reform of the. calendar, See Uv. i 19; IIISITOBV or llnMi;. 3J business might be traiisacted, and ibo.-e w liicli wtio to be set apart for religious' purposes. After these things he regulated the whole of the Roman hierarchy, or the different priestly colleges, and all the religious affairs of the state. He instituted the flamines, or pi'iests of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus, to minister in the temples of these great divinities ; the chase vestal virgins ; the twelve Salii of Mars Gradivus, who worshiped the god with songs and dances in armor; the pontiffs, to whose keeping were in- trusted the written instructions about sacred rites, sacri- fices, temples, religious days, and the means of defraying the expenses of all things connected with religion : he further placed under their superintendence all things re- lating to the religious affairs of the state, and gave them power to chastise any violation of the laws of religion. The augurs, also, are said to have been instituted by him : it was their duty to explore by augury the will of the gods, for the purpose of guiding the counsels of men. Numa himself knew the means of compelling Jupiter to make known his will by lightning or the flight of birds. The incantation or charm by which he effected this, he had learned from Faunus and Picus, whom, by the advice of Egeria, he enticed and bound in chains. He also built numerous temples and altars to the gods. Amid these pious works the reign of Numa glided away in quiet happiness, and without any war or other calamity; for even the neighboring people, who had before looked upon Rome as though it were an enemy's camp, were so overawed by these pious proceedings, that they did not venture to undertake any thing against a city so completely devoted to the worship of the gods. The temple of Janus, which was^'Numa's work, was closed during the whole of his reign, for peace extended over Rome and all its neigh- borhood. After a reign of forty-three years* (fi-om B.C. 715 to 673) Numa, the favorite of the gods, died full of years, t The legend of Numa Porapilius, though not without some highly poetical features, does not seem to have been the theme of an ancient epic: he is said, indeed, to have enjoined that, among all the Camenae, the highest honors Censorin. De Die Nat. 20 ; Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 16 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 13; Plut. Numa, 18, &c. * Polybius {ap. Cic. de Re. Pubt. ii. 14) assigned to him a reign of only thirty-nine years, and others make it last forty-one years. t Liv. i. 18-21 ; Dionys. it 58-76 ; Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 13-15. 34 uiSTony of romf,. should be paid to Tacita.* As Romulus had been the son of a god, and in the end became a god himself, so Numa was closely connected with divine beings ; his story is as much a poetical fiction as that of Romulus, if "Ot more so; and the number of years assigned to their reigns arose either from numerical speculations of the priests, who kept the annals of the kingdom, or from mere caprice or chance. Romulus and Numa Pompilius, therefore, stand quite apart from the remaining five kings : the former are gods or demigods ; whereas the historical existence of the latter can not reasonably be doubted, though the detail of the accounts about them, and the duration of their several reigns, can not be regarded as history. The account we have of the election of Numa seems to indicate, that it had teen adopted as a principle by the two nations, of which the Roman people consisted, that the king should be elected alternately from the Ramnes and Titles, and by one tribe out of the other; but that after the death of Romulus, the Ramnes at first refused to adhere to the regulation ; just as Romulus himself, after the death of T. Tatius, would not allow a successor to be appointed. This alternation continued in the case of the two suc- cessors of Numa ; TuUus Hostilius being a Ramnes, and Ancus Marcius a Sabine. All the principal religious institutions of Rome were referred in the Roman legends to Numa as their founder, just as the main features of the political constitution were traced to Roniulus. The religion of the Romans, how- ever, was surely not the work of one man : all that a king whom the legend calls Numa can have done, was to regu- late the elements he found, and to reduce the outward religious forms and observances to a system. The Roman religion was neither exclusively Latin, nor Sabine, nor Etruscan, but contained elements of all three, though the Sabine seems to have been predominant; and Numa did nothing but reduce the heterogeneous mass. The worship of Vesta, for example, had existed at Alba Longa even before the time of Romulus ; and the science of the augurs, which is known to have been derived from the Etruscans, was applied by Romulus, who is even said by Cicero t to have appointed three augurs: in like manner * The Camenae were divinities whose function it was to sing the praise of ancient heroes and liings. (Festus, a. v. Camenae.) t De Re PM. U. 14. IllSTOUY or ROME. 35 it is certain that the curiones, whom Dionysius mentions among the colleges of priests instituted by Niima, must have existed as long as the curiae themselves, whose re- ligious representatives they were ; and the two flamines of Jupiter and Mars are said, in some traditions, to have been appointed by Romulus* That, therefore, is nothing but a pleasing fiction, which referred the establishment of the Roman hierarchy, and the ceremonial law, such as it existed in later times, to one of the semi-divine kings, who was encouraged and assisted in his work by the goddess Egeria; for a well-informed Roman must have been aware that Numa did not establish any worship that was abso- lutely new, but that he only regulated and reduced to a system that which he found existing among his own sub- jects, and among the neighboring people. The institution of the several colleges of priests, with a view to insure the observance of religious duties, and the number of the members of each college, were closely connected with the number of the tribes; and wo perceive from these num- bers that the institutions of Numa had reference only to two tribes, the Ramnes and Titles, the Luceres either not existing at that time, or not being taken into consideration in his religious legislation. Thus there were four augurs, two for each tribe ; two vestals, one for each tribe ; four pontiffs (not including the pontifex maximus), two for each tribe ; and twenty feciales, or judges of international law, that is, one for every curia of the fii'st two tribes. The Roman hierarchy, although it exercised a most powerful influence upon all matters of public interest, yet could never acquire that independent and overwhelming power which was possessed by tlie priesthood among the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and other nations of antiquity ; for the priests did not form a distinct and privileged casto of persons. The private worship was left to the care of every head of a family, and the public sacra were under the immediate care of the curiones or presidents of the curiae: all the Roman magistrates were connected witii certain priestly rights and functions; and the king himself was the high priest of the nation : the pontiffs, augurs, and other priests, again, might at the same time be invested with civil offices : in short, all the ecclesiastical institutions were most closely connected with the civil govenimenl; and the religion of the RomaBS was preeminently a politi- • Plut. jViima, 7. 36 llISTOIiV OF ROME. cal or state religion. The main objects of worsliip among the Romans were the various powers and manifestations of nature : hence their whole religious system must be called a theology, rather than a mythology, such as we find among the Greeks. For a period of 170 years, the Romans are said to have worsjiiped their gods without a,ny images ; and it was not till the time of Tarquinius Priscus, who was initiated in the Samothracian mysteries, that statues of Juno and Minerva were erected.* But after that time the religion and miythology of Greece grad- ually became mixed up with that of the Romans ; for the " latter, like most nations of antiquity, did not look upon the gods of foreign nations with disdain or contempt : they re- spected the gods and religious ceremonies of other coun tries ; and in most cases they recognized in foreign gods and rites only taodifications of those to which they them selves had been accustomed ; and, guided by such feelings they very frequently contrived to make out that foreign gods were the same as their own.f This peculiarity is the source of great confusion in the history of the Roman reli- gion ; for the Romans in later times not unfi-eqaently for- got the meaning and import of their own ancient divinities, having been in the habit of transfening to them' all the at- tributes thkt were given to the Greek gods with whom they were identified. It must at the same time be observed, in honor of the Romans, that licentious and orgiastic myste- ries, such as we taeot with in Greece, were at all times held in abomination ; and that whenever attempts were made to introduce them, they were energetically suppress- ed by the state. The great historian Polybiusj remarks, that the strong religious feeling of the Romans, and the manner in which religion was connected iu some way or other with every thing they undertook, both in public and private life, greatly contributed to keep the whole political fabric together. Tlie intorrcign {interregnuvt) which followed after the death of Numa Pompilius was of short duration ; the senate and interrex chose Tullus Hostilius, who belonged * TaiTO, np. Plut. Nnma, 8 ; Augustiii. de Civ. Dei, iv. 31 ; Macrob. Satwti ill. 4. t This broad principle of toleration may, in manv cases, have been follow- Ed from political motives, as it was foiind an efficient means of keeping a conqliEred nation in good humor, to adopt the worship of its gods ; but in most cases, the feeling which gave rise to such adoptions was a purely re- ligion,s one. j VI. 56. IIISTORV (IF UOMK. 37 to the Ramnes, for their king; and his election was approv- ed of by the curiae. He is described as unlike his prede- cessor, and even as more warlike and ferocious than Rom- ulus. The accounts which have come down to us cf his reign seem to partake more of the character of real history than those of his two predecessors ; although the fight of the Horatii and Curiatii, and the destruction of Alba, are undoubtedly poetical legends, and were the themes of poems of which an echo is still perceptible in the narrative of Livy. The city of Alba wholly disappears from the legends as soon as Rome is built, and for a period of upward of eighty years we hear nothings about her, until at the beginning of the reign of TuUus Hostilius a war is said to have been called forth between Rome and Alba by mutual violence. The inhabitants of the two little kingdoms had ravaged each other's territories, and it so happened that embassies were sent by botli parties at the same time to demand rep- aration. Alba was at the time governed by C. Cluilius. The Roman king who wished for war, and was anxious to have the appearance of justice on his side, detained the Alban ambassadors by feasts and banquets ; whereas the Roman envoys were ordered to demand satisfaction imme- diately on their arrival at Alba. The atonement was re- fused, as Tullus had anticipated, and war was declared against Alba. Both parties made the necessary prepara- tions ; and the Albans began to march into the Roman ter- ritory. They encamped in a place not fai- from Rome, and surrounded themselves with a ditch called the fossa Cluilia, after their king, C. Cluilius, who died in the camp. The Albans then appointed Mettius Fuffetius dictator in his place. Tullus, encouraged by the king's death, and eager to attack the enemy, marched past the Alban camp, and invaded the enemy's temtory. Mettius, following the Ro- mans as quickly as he could, sent a message to 'Tullus re- questing an interview before the battle commenced. The two armies were drawn up over against each other, and when the two chiefs had advanced and met in the space between their amiies, they came to an agi-eement to avert the battle by a combat. There happened to be in each army three brothers of the same age and sti-ength, the rioratii on the side of the Romans, and the Curiatii on that of the Albans-;* and these brothere were chosen to decide * The ancient legends were not agreed upon tliis point, some calling the Romans Horatii, and others the Alban.s. We have followed the statement 38 HISTORY OF ROME. the issue of the war by a combat. A solemn treaty was concluded on these terms, that the nation, whose champions should win the victory, should be regarded as the con- queror, and should rule over the other in peace. The three champions now came forward on both sides ; and the two armies looked on with the most anxious expectation, seeing that their respective sovereignties were at stake. Two of the Horatii were soon slain, but the remaining one was unhurt, while all the three Curiatii were wounded. The surviving Horatius was too prudent to continue the contest against the three Albans at once : he therefore took to flight; and the Albans followed him, each as well as the state of his wounds permitted. When the Roman, on looking back, perceived that they were following him at intervals, he suddenly turned round, and conquered them one after another. This glorious victory of their champion filled the Romans with delight, and the Albans submitted to their fate.* The Albans were ordered by Tullus to remain in arms, as he was likely soon to be obliged to make use of them against another enemy : the Romans then returned home. Horatius marched at the head of the army, caiTying the spoils of the Curiatii in triumph. "When he arrived at the gate, of the city, he met his sister, who had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii; and as she perceived among the spoils a garment which she had made with her own hands for her beloved, she burst out into loud cries and lamenta- tions, and cursed her brother. Horatius, enraged at her conduct on an occasion so glorious for himself and so for- tunate for the state, ran her through with his sword. Tho king at first hesitated what to do with the man who was- at once the mui'derer of his sister and the savior of the state ; but his sense of justice prevailed, and he appointed duu77i- viri perdu^lUonis to try hini. Horatius was sentenced to be hanged ; but he appealed to the people, who acquitted him, moved as they were by the thought of what he had done for his country, and by the entreaties of his father who justified his conduct.t adopted by the later historians, though it has, in all probability, no historical foundation. See Liv. i. 24. * The five tombs, two of the Horatii and three of the Curiatii, were shown in later times on the road between Rome and Alba. Liv. i. 25. t The forms of the proceedings at this trial, as well as the ceremonies observed in the declaration of the war against Alba (Liv. i.26 and 24), were, in all probability, taken by Livy from very ancient documents, the books of the ponliffs and augurs, and are genuine ancient formularies. HISTORY OF ROME. 39 The peace between Rome and Alba, however, did not last long ; for the Albans, who keenly felt the loss they had sustained, and yet despaired of success in an open revolt, excited other towns to war with a view of treacherously assisting to defeat Rome, and thus to recover tlieir inde- pendence. An oppoitunity was soon offered ; for Fidenae, which had been conquered by Romulus, revolted, and with the assistance of the Veientines, expelled the Roman colo- nists. Tullus Hostilius, joined by Mettius Fuffetius and the Albans, set out against the enemy. The armies were drawn up in such a manner that the Romans faced the Veientines, and die Albans the Fidenates. Mettius, who was as cowardly as he was faithless, gradually led away his men fi-om the conflict toward the hills, and there drew them up in battle array, intending to join the party that should be victorious. Tullus, who saw his conduct, and feared lest it should discourage his Romans, declared that Mettius acted by his command. The Fidenates, alarmed by what they heard, and dreading an attack of the Albans upon their flanks, took to flight. Tullus pursued them, and then turned with all his might agEunst the Veientines, who were likewise put to flight : as they had to cross the Tiber, most of them were cut to pieces on its banks, or perished in the waters.* The Albans now descended into the plain, and congratulated Tullus on his victory. He pretended to be unaware of their treacherous design, and invited them to a solemn sacrifice on the next day. At sunrise, the Albans came without their arms : on a given signal the Romans surrounded them ; and Tullus announced to them that their dictator, for the faithlessness he had shown in the hour of danger, should be torn in pieces by horses driven two oppo- site ways, that their city should be razed to the gi'ound, and that the Albans should be earned to Rome. This sentence was forthwith carried into execution ; the Albans being compelled to quit their city, which was completely destroyed, - with the exception of the temples of the gods. -♦" The fall of Alba doubled the power of Rome. Tullus assigned to the homeless Albans settlements on the Caelian hill, a part of which was already occupied by Etruscan settlers. Their number is said to have been equal to that of the Romans. The noble Alban gentes, such as the Julii, ' Livy does not say that Tullus pursued the Veientines any farther, but from a statement of Varro {ap. Fest. s. v. Septimontio, p. 348 ; ed. Mailer), it would appear that the king followed them and beselged their town. 40 lirsTORy OP KOME. Servilii, Qruintii, Geganii, Curiatii, and Cloelii, were added to the Roman gentes, and retained their original names. * The great buUc of the Alban people formed the first ele- ment of the Roman plebs, of which we shall speak presently. The Roman army, both the infantry and cavalry, was in- creased by this augmentation of the Roman population. The fall of Alba itself must be looked upon as an historical fact ; but the whole account of its destruction appears to be no less fabulous than the story about the destruction of Troy. According to the Italian law of nations, the territory of Alba would have belonged to the conquerors, but we find it in the possession of the Latins for a long time afterward ; t whence we must infer that Alba was either taken by the united forces of the Rontians and Latins, and that they divided the territory of the conquered between themselves ; \ or that the Latins alone destroyed Alba without any parti- cipation of the Romans, and that some of the Albans who took refuge at Rome, received settlements there as refugees. After the destruction of Alba, a war broke out with the Sabines, who, next to the Etruscans, were the most power ful nation of Italy. The war arose from offenses commit- ted by the two nations against each other. The Sabines were joined by some Veientines, though the state of Veii took no part in the war. Tullus was the first to invade the ene- my's territory, and a fierce battle was fought, in which the Sabines were worsted. After this war Dionysius§ speaks of one with the Latins, which Livy passes over in silence. Fifteen years after the destruction of Alba, Tullus, it is said, claimed the same su- premacy over the Latin towns which had formerly belonged to Alba. Hereupon the Latins assembled in their usual place, hear the well of Ferentina,'and decreed not to yield to the pretensions of the Romans. The war which now ensued, and lasted fol- five years, consisted chiefly of rava- ges made in the enemy's country. Medullia was the only town that was taken, and a peace was then concluded with the Latins. In this manner the reign of Tullus Hostilius was an un- * Niebuhr thinks that Tullus Hostilius created the tribe of the Luceres out of the Albans, who received settlements on the Caelian. Hut see above, p. 27. f Liv. i. 50, vii. 25. X The existence of an {lUiance between Rome and the batins, in the reign of Tullus Hostilius, is attested by Livy (i. 32) and Varro {ap. Fest. s. v. Septimontio), who states that generals from the Latin towns of Anagnia and Tusculum protected Romp while Tullus was engaged in the siege of Veii 1) III. 34. IIISTOUV Cir ROME. 41 interrupted series of siiccosses, until llie anger of the gods, whose worship had been neglected at Rome, and destroyed at Alba, \¥as manifested by a showei' of stones on the Alban mount, and other prodigies ; and not long after a pestilence also broke out. The king's health and spirits began to sink, and in despondence he gave himself up to restless su- perstition. His example had its effect upon the people, who joined him in his religious observances. As the gods persisted in their silence, and refused sending any sign to reveal tlie means of propitiating their anger, Tullus consult- ed the books of Numa, and finding in them certain myste- rious rites which had been performed by Numa to Jupiter Elicius, he withdrew into solitude, and attempted to com- pel Jupiter to send him a sign. But, owing to some over- sight in the perilous conjuration, or to the wi'ath of the gods, Jupiter killed him by a flash of lightning, which at the same time destoroyed his house and all his familj'. He is said to have reigned 32 years, that is, fi-om B.C. 673 to 64:2. After the death of Tullus Hostilius, the people, assem- bled in their curiae under the presidency of an inteiTex, sanctioned the election of Ancus Marcius, a sonof Numa's daughter, and consequently belonging to the tribe of the Tities, as their king. Mindful of his gi^andfather's exam- ple, he endeavored to restore the religious observances which had been instituted by Numa, but which had fallen into neglect under his successor. He accordingly ordered the chief pontift' (pontife.r >iin,ri7mes) to transcribe the cere- monial law from the books of Numa on whited tables, which were set up in public, that all might become acquainted with the religious law. But with this pious disposition An- cus combined that degree of warlike spirit which was re- quired for Rome, sun'ounded as she was by jealous and en- vious tribes. The Latins, who had concluded a peace with Tullus, began to look for better success against the king, of apparently a most peaceful Character ; they accordingly ^ rose in arms and invaded his dominions. The Romans de- manded reparation, but when this weis haughtily refused, war was declared against them and Ancus, leaving the care of religion to the priests, led his army against the Latins. Their towns do not appear to have acted in perfect concert ; for Ancus took the towns of Politorium, Tellenae, and Fica- na, and carried their inhabitants to Rome, where he as- signed to them the Aventine hill. At length all the Latins assembled in the neighborhood of Medullia, and made des- 4'3 HISTOEY OF ROME. perate efforts against tlie cornmon enemy. For some time the victory seemed doubtful, but at length Ancus gained it in a hard fought battle, and returned 'to Rome 'with im- mense booty. Many thousands of Latins were again car' ried to Rome, where the king assigned to them the districts between the Aventine and Palatine. He further incorpo- rated with the city the hill Janiculum, as a bulwark against Etruria, and built the first wooden bridge (jpcms suhlicius) across the Tiber. On the Roman side of the river he made the ditch of the Quirites as a protection of those parts of the city which were low and exposed.* As with the immense increase of the population crimes also became more fre- quent, he built a fearful prison in the heart of the city, on the side of the hill above the forum.t Ancus, however, not only extended, improved, and secured the city itself, but increased the Roinan territory in various directions ; thus, he took a district fi'om the Veientines, and extended his kingdom as far as the sea-coast. At the mouth of the Tiber he built the town of Ostia, the most ancient Roman colony, and the port of Rome ; and in its neighborhood salt-woi'ks were established, from which the state derived a revenue [vectigal). He reigned for a period of twenty-four years (from B.C. 641 to 617), and v/as not inferior to any of his predecessors, either in the arts of peace or of war. The reigns of Tullus Hostilius and Ancus Marcius are of the greatest importance in Roman history; for the popu- lation of the Latin towns conquered bj^ these kings, and earned to Rome, formed the elements of the plebeian oiv der, to which Rome owes her greatness and power, and to whose struggles for freedom and independencp Roman his- tory owes its peculiar charm and interest. When we read in Livy, that the population of Alba and the other Latin towns conquered by Ancus Marcius were transplanted to Rome, we can not compare such a transplantation with those which we read of in the history of Persia ; for the districts assigned to them at Rome would have been far too small to contain the immense number of new settlers. The Ital- ian law with regard to conquered land was this : the terri- * This ditch wae probably a continuation of the fossa Cluilia, and the same as the modem Marrana. It is mentioned only by Livy, i. 33 ; comp Niebnhr, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 353, &c. t This prison, the most ancient remaining monument of Rome, is formed of a stone quarry in the Capitoline Hill. It served as a prison only for the plebeians, so long as thay had not yet raised themselves to an equality with the patricians. HISTORY OF IIO.MK. 43 toiy of a conquered enemy became the property of the Ro- man state, that is, ager publicus. One portion of it was used for the purpose of establishing colonies, another was given back to the original proprietors, and a third was left unoc- cupied, to be either parceled out among tlje Roman citi- zens, or left as a precarious tenure to those who chose to cultivate it and pay a certain small rent for it to the state. Now if all the Latins and Albans had been transplanted to Rome, most of them would have found it impossible at such a distance to cultivate the farms that were given them by the state. We therefore conceive that the transplantation of these large numbers of Latins means only, that the Ro- mans allowed the conquered people to take up their abode, if they chose to do so, on the Caelian hill, the Aventine, and the valley betwewi the Aventine and Palatine. By far the greater numbet, unquestionably, did not remove to Rome, but remained on their farms. We have seen abbve that the noble Alban gentes were placed on an equiSity with the Roman gentes, and added to them ; but the great mass of the Latins, although, they were incorporated with the Ro- man state, and thus became Romans, yet formed a body quite distinct irom the populus, (the Romans contained in the three tribes and thirty curiae,) and were designated by the name plebs or plebes. Our authorities, Livy and Dio- nysius, who were completely misguided by the rqeaning at- tached to the term pleis in their own days, conceived the plebeians to have been a low populace, which had been separated even by Romulus from the better part of the community. But this, with many other errors which had been established in Roman history, has been triumphantly and forever refuted by Niebuhr, whose great and peculiar merit it is, to have explained the true nature of the plebeian estate, and its relation to the patricians. The first plebei- ans, then, we repeat it, consisted of the conquered Albans and other Latin towns, who, after their reduction, became incorporated with the Roman state. They became Ro- mans, but not Roman citizens in the proper sense of the word. Being excluded fi'om the tribes and curiae, they liad no right of voting in the assembly of the populus, could take no part in the management of public affairs, were not eligible to any magistracy, and had no right of contracting legal marriages [i. e., they had no connubium) with the cit- izens contained in the tribes and curiae. These constituted the sovereigfn people ; while the plebeians were indeed free ■14 HISTOKY OF ROME. and personally independent, but politically inferior to the populus. The Romans contained in the three tribes hence- forth form a class of nobles under the name oipatres, patri- cii, or populus, in contradistinction from the^ plebs. The plebeians, whose lai-ge numbers constituted the principal part of the Roman armies, and who had shed their blood for their new counCry, were in no way inferior to the Ro- mans : they were Latins like the Ramnes, the oldest and noblest tribe of the Romans ; but they had had the misfor- tune to be conquered. All this the plebeians felt; and as oppression and tyranny on the part of the patricians giadu- ally roused the oppressed Jo a contest with their oppressor, which lasted for centuries, they present one of the noblest spectacles in the history of mankind, till in the end their perseverance succeeded in placing them on a footing of perfect equality ■with the patricians. The Avenfine was at all times regarded as the peculiar habitation of the plebeians, and as such it weis not included in the pomoerium. King Ancus Marcius was revered by the plebeians as the founder of their estate, and was be- lieved to have framed their original laws, just as those of the three patrician tribes were regarded as the work of Romulus. He is even said to have distributed the conquered land, which had become public domain, among the people;* and the plebeians of later times seem to have looked upon him'as the first that ever distributed public land among the members of their order. Hence Ancus Maxcius was re- garded by them as the good old king ;t while Virgil, in his partiality for the patricians, chai-ges him with havi"'g courted popular favor.f * Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 18. t Ennius, Annql. iii. p. 107, ed '^olumna. X Virg. Aen. \i. 806, &c. HISTORY OF ROME. 45 CHAPTER IV. L. TARQUINIUS PRISCUS. SERVIUS TULLIUS, AND HIS CONSTITUTION. The period of Roman history which begins with the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, shows us a state of things very difierent from what it was under the preceding kings : the little state, which under Ancus Marcius embraced only a ■vei-y small tract of couiitiy in the immediate neighborhood of Rome, now appears as a powerful monai-chy niling far and wide, and with the means of constructing architecturaJ works which in gi'andeur and durability rival those of the Egyptian Phai-aohs. Now, if the state under Ancus Mai-- cius really was as small and insignificant as it is described by our authorities, a long period of growth and develop- ment must have followed, before it could have become what it appears to have been under Tarquinius Priscus. But of such a period of gi-owth and development there is no trace in the ancient historians : they represent Tarqui- nius as the immediate successor of Ancus Maixius ; and we must therefore either suppose that they passed over that period in silence for want of materials to fill it up ; or we must look for the cause of the inconsistency in the nature of the legendary traditions, by means of which the history of those early ages was handed down to posterity. Poeti- cal legends are not bound to strict historical completeness : they may leave unnoticed a whole series of events in their proper place, merely because those events present nothing that is capable of poetical embelhshment^ and hence, when we afterward behold a state of things which has become completely altered, without being informed by what means it was brought about, we are naturally surprised, until we remember the omission or gap that may exist in the le- gends." Thus it may have been that the reign of Tullus Hostilius, and still more so that of Ancus Marcius, was much richer in great events than it appears from the naira- tives of Livy and Dionysius. This view of the case derives considerable support from the fact, that the ti'aditions con- cerning the latter part of Tullus Hostilius's reign, and the 46 fiisTosY OF noMc. whole of that of Ancus, are extremely meager, and present scarcely any poetical features. We therefore infer, either that the events of that period were not the themes of poem^ or that if they were, their substance as well as their form is lost ; and thus it is, that wlien we enter upon the history of Tarquinius Priscus, which, down to the battle of Lake Regillus, in B.C. 499, is full of poetry, we find ourselves transported, as it were.'into a new world. The lay of Tarquinius Priscus runs as follows : — In the reign of Ancus Marcius, an Etruscan Lucumo,* a wealthy, enterprising, and ambitious man, a son of Demaratus of Corinth, emigrated from the Etruscan town of Tarquinii to Rome, hoping there to acquire honors and distinction ; for being a foreigner, every avenue to honor was closed against him at Tarquinii. Demaratus, the father, was a member of the oligarchic family of the Bacchiadae, at Corinth; but during the sti'uggles with the democratic party headed by Cypselus, being obliged like many others, to quit his coun- try, he had taken up his residence at Tarquinii, in Etruria, where, as a merchant, he had previously formed connec- tions of friendship. He; is said to have been accompanied by celebrated Greek artists.t and to have taught the Etrus- cans alphabetical writing.^ He married an Etruscan woman, who bore him two sons, Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survived his father, and inherited all his large property. Aruns died before his father, leaving behind him a son called Egerius. Lucumo man-ied Tanaquil, who was skilled in the Etruscan art of revealing the future : she was a woman of high rank and great ambition; and seeing that her husband had no chance of acquiring any distinction among her own countrymen, she prevailed upon him to re- move to Rome. When they arrived on the top of the Janiculum, an eagle carried away Lueumo's hat ; and-, having for a while soared high in the air, descended again, and replaced the hat on his head. Tanaquil understood the sign, and rejoiced at it. They took up their abode at Rome, where they were welcomed ; and Lucumo, on being admitted to the rights of citizenship, changed his name into Lucius Tarquinius, to which Livy adds the surname Pris- cus. His wealth, the splendor in which he lived, and his * liucumo is commonly regarded by the ancient historians as a proper name, though it was in reality only a title. t Plin. Hist. Nat. XXXV. 5, 43. t One tradition even represents Demaratwa as king of Tarquinii, Strabo Wii. p. 37S. IirtCi'ORY OF ROME. 47 condescension and aftability, soon acquired for him the favor of the people. His reputation even reached the ears of the king, \\ho drew him to his court, formed an intimate friendship with him, and not only consulted him upon all matters of importance, but in his will appointed him guard- ian of his sous. When Ancus Marcius died, his sons were near tlie age of maturity : Tarquinius, who himself coveted the tin-one, took cai'o that the people shojuld elect a success- or as soon as possible ; and on the day of election he con- trived to keep his wards at a distance, occupied with the chase. Tarquinius himself came forward as a candidate for the crown ; and after having harangued the people, he was unanimously elected their king. Of the changes which Tai-quinius Prisciis made in the constitution, we shall speak presently, and shall first direct our attention to the wars he had to carry on. Dionysius, who evidently follows very late authorities, gives minutely detailed accounts of tliese wai-s ; but they are of little or no historical value, and are frequently at variance with the brief and more dignified account of Livy, both in regard to the order of the wars, and the events of each. According to Livy, it was the Latins that made the fii-st obstinate but unsuccessful attempt to resist the growing power of Rome. Appiolae, one of their towns, was taken by force ; and Tar- quinius, who canied away great booty, celebrated more splendid games tlian any of his predecessoi-s-had ever done. He marked out the space of the Circus Maximus, and in- stituted the Great or Roman games {ludi magni or Romani), which were afterward celebrated every year. He further distributed the places around the forum among those who were inclined to surround it ^\ith porticoes, stalls, or booths ; and he even formed the plan of inclosing the whole city vwth a stone wall. But this scheme was prevented by a war wdth the Sabines, who suddenly crossed the Anio, and invaded his kingdom. After having driven them back to their camp, Tarquinius increased the number of his cavalry, and then began the war afi-esh. By the bravery of his army, no less than by stratagems, he gained a brilliant vic- tory over the Sabines, great numbei-s of whom perished in the Anio. He tEen pursued his' enemies into their own country ; and when diey were beaten a second time, they sued for peace. Collatia and all its tenitory was taken from them ; and Tarquinius, reluming to Rome in triumph, built the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, which he had 48 HISTORY OF ROME. vowed during the battle.* , His victory ia this' war is as cribed to his having doubled the number of his. cavalry, in conformity with which measure, he wished also to double the number of the centuries of equites,t and to name the three new centuries after himself and his friends. Attus Navius, the most famous augur of the time, opposed the i)lan, declaring that no change of the kind could be made ivithout the sanction of the gods. Tarquinius, who appears to have had no great regard for the jsrophetic powers of ftis opponent, and wanted either to test his povvers, or to put him to shame, demanded of the augur to discover whether what he was thinking of at the moment was feasi- ble or not. Attus Navius, after consulting the auguries, answered that the king's thoughts were feasible ; and Tar- quinius held out to him a whetstone and a razor, requesting nim to split the stone with the razor, which the augur did, to the amazement of all who vidtnessed it. This proof of the truth ©f augury, and the power of his opponent, had euch an influence upon the king, that he abandoned his scheme, and henceforth undertook nothing without consult-, ing the will of the gods by augury. He was thus obliged t^content himself by doubling the number of equites con- tained in the three equestrian centuries, which now, accord- ingly, contained 1200 equites. The 600 new equites were called posteriores or secundi, and the 600 old ones priores or primi. - After the war with the Sabines, Tarquinius was involved in another with the Latins, who, as usual, were not agreed among themselves ; and he was thus enabled to conquer their towns one after another. In this manner he subdued all Latium, and destroyed or reduced to submission the towns of Comiculum, Fioulea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameiiola, Medullia, and Nomentum. Peace was then concluded with the Latins. This is all that Livy relates of the military engagements of Tarquinius ; but Dionysius and Cicerof also speak of a war with the Aequians, yho were already a most power- * Some attribute the building of this temple to Tarquinius Superbus, t Romulus is said to have established three centuries of equites, the Ram- nenses, Titienses, and Luceres, each consisting of 100 men. Tullus Hos- tilius doubled the number of equites contained in each centuria, leaving, however, their number (three) unchanged ; so that Tarquinius founa the three equestrian centuries still existing, but eoch consisting of 800 equite^. i • t jOp Re rvil ii 211, HISTORY OF ROME. 49 fttl people, but were subdued b^ Tarquinius.* Dionysius further relates that after the peace with tlie Sabines, the twelve Etruscan cities south of the Apennines united their forces against Rome ; that after a defeat, which they sus- tained at Eretum, they submitted, and recognized Tarqui- nius as their sovereign ; and that they did homage to him by presenting him with the ensigns of ivyalty, which he displayed in his triumph over them. If we put together the results of his wars, Tarquinius, in the evening of his days, must .have been the acknowledged sovereign of the Sabines, Latins, and Etruscans,t This gi-eat extent of tht kingdom of Rome is not mentioned either by Livy or Cice- ro ; but whatever we may think of these conquests, this much is certain, that, under Tarquinius Priscus, the power ^ of Rome was far greater than it had ever been before. \ What has made the name of Tarquinius Priscus still more illustrious than his wars and conquests, ai'e tl^ gi-eat works which he desigaed and executed to increase the greatness and splendor of the city After the conquest of Latium he is said to have continued the building of the stone walls, which had been interrupted by the Sabine war; and he begun to fortify those parts which were not protected by nature-J He drained the lower portions of the city" about the forum, and the othei-^ valleys, which until then had been swamps, by sewers, which led the waters into the Tiber. Some of the works and exploits of this lung are ascribed in the traditions to the second Tarqui- nius ; but all agree in stating that the great sewer (cloaca maxima), which still e> cites the wonder and astonishment of the beholder, is his work.§ As this and similar strac- tures could never have been executed without oppressive taskwork, he provided, in order to cheer his people, that, * Compare Strab. v. p. 231, !Avy, i. 55, ascribes the war against the Aequians to the second Tanjuinius. - tJJionys. iii.^57; Florus, i. 5. t Tarquinius does not appear to have done much more than form the plan of surrounding Rome with a stone wall ; for the execution of the first wall to protect the city is unanimously ascribed by the ancients to his suc- cessor, Serrius Tullius. f This astonishing structure, which, in greatness and solidity, rivals the greatest works of the Etruscans, may still be seen at Some : it is of gigan- tic dimensions. Its innermost vault, a semicircle uf about 18 Roinan palms in width and in heigUt, is covered by two other vaults : all are formed of hewn blocks, fixed together with cement : earthquakes, the pressure of buildings, and the neglect of more thsn 1500 years have not moved a stone out of its place ; and for thousands of years to coma the ?tructur<" may ro- m»m as perfect as it is at this dar. C 50 HISTORY OF ROME, they should be amused with the celebration of splendid games. . On the whole it may be observed, that ,tradition repre- sents Tarquinius as having been just as ambitious, and as ibnd of the display of splendor, after his accession as he had been before: hence the rites of religion, which had been plain and simple, were under him clothed with splen- dor, bloody sacrifices were introduced, and it was in his reign that the Romans first represented their gods in hu- man forms. With regard to his constitutional changes, Livy simply states that he added one hundred to the number of sena- tors ; and that the hundred new ones were called the patres minorium gentium,* to distinguish them from the old sena- tors, who were now called patres majorum gentium.^ Some writers even allude to his having intended to make a change jJi the constitution of the three ancient tribes.J Although the people must have sighed under the yoke of Tarquinius Priscus, yet in after-times they honored and celebrated him as one of the greatest and most glorious sovereigns ; and it became customary to impute the suffer- ings inflicted upon the people to his detested son, Tarqui- nius Superbus. Nay, even his wife, Caia Caecilia (for so she is called in some traditions, instead of Tanaquil), was reverenced as a beneficent enchantress, and a model of ancient domestic virtue. According to tradition, Tarqui- nius had reigned 38 years (from B.C. 616 to 579) when his glorious career was terminated by assassination. The sons of Ancus Marcius had long wished for an opportunity of taking vengeance on the usurper ; and as they had reason to fear lest he should secure the succession to his favorite, Servius Tullius, his son-in-law, they contrived to hire two sturdy shepherds, who, pretending to have a quaiTel be- tween them, gained access to the king that he might decide between them, and gave him a deadly wound. It has been proved by modern critics, that the stoiy of Tarquinius being a son of Demaratus, a cotemporary of Cypselus, is irreconcilable with chronology ; for Tarquinius ought to have been bom about fifty years later than the story implies. The tradition of Demaratus having intro- * Cicero, dt Re Publ. ii. 20, says that he doubled the number of senators. t Dionysius, iii. 67, states that the 100 new senators were chosen from omong the plebeians who had been raised to the rank of patricians ; anrt that they were added to the old s<)nate of 200 members. J Festus, ». V. Navia, p. 169, ed Miiller. HISTORY OP ROME. 51 duced alphabetical writing among the Etruscans is of tho same kind as that of Evander, who is said to have taught the Latins the art of writing; for both only mean to rep- resent the introduction of the alphabet as belonging to a very early period. All traditions about Tarquinius poin. to Etruria as the country from which he came to Rome ; but still they contain in themselves strong reasons for re- jecting the Etruscan origin of the king. The Tarquinii were not, as the stoiy would lead us to believe, a meru family in our sense of the word, but a whole gens,* which was banished together with the last king. There are, fur ther, several traces which may lead us to the behef that this gens was of Latin origin ; for example, the surname Priscus, which also occurs among the Servilii, who wero transplanted to Rome from Alba ; but we must, at all events, suppose that Tarquinius belonged to one of thn gentes of the Luceres. The legend, which called the wife of Tarquinius Caia Caecilia, was unquestionably older than the one which calls her Tanaquil ; and Caecilia seems to be connected with Caeculus, the founder of Praeneste.* But it is impossible to say in what manner the story about the Etruscan origin of the Tarquinii may have ariser, The conquest of Etruria, which Dionysius asciibes to Tar- quinius, is more than doubtful^ although the fact that a*. one time there was a king at Rome who ruled over all Etruria, may not be without some historical foundation ; but whether Rome conquered Etruria, or whether an Etruscan prince fixed his residence at Rome, and froKi thence ruled over Etruria, Latium, and the Sabines, are questions which history does not answer. -^ The plebeians, who had existed in the Roman state ever since the time of TuLus Hostilius, and had been increased in the reign of Ancus Marcius, had been left by those kings without any internal organization of their body, and with- out any exact definition of their relation to the patricians. But Tarquinius seems to have foiined a plan for remedying these evils. The three centuries of equites, which he found existing on his accession, contained 600 men ; and when he made the attempt to double the number of centuries, he undoubtedly contemplated at the same time to add threu new tribes to the ancient Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, and to form them out of the plebeians ; but this plan being * Liv. ii. 2 ; Cic. dt Re Publ. ii. 25, 31 ; Varro, ap. Nonium, s. v. Reditus<. fSer". ad Virg. An. vn. 681. b*2 HISTORY OF BOMK. thwarted by the opposition of the patricians, who availed themselves of the influence of the augur Attus Navius * the king was obUged to content himself with raising the number of the equites contained in the three centuries to 1200, so that each century contained two hundred priores and two hundred posterioi-es or seczmdi.] These 600 new equites were taken from among the plebeians whom the king raised to the rank of patricians. The plebeians thus raised were of course incorporated with the three ancient tribes, without the number of the tribes themselves being altered ; and it was out of the same body of new patricians, called gentes minores, that the king elected the hundi'ed new senators, whence they are called the patres minorum gentium. The increase of the number of senators is inter- preted by Niebuhr to mean that Tarquinius raised the Luceres, who had until then been in a state of submission, to an equality with the two other tribes \ and that, accord- ingly, he elected one hundred of them into the senate. But, in the first place, it ig scarcely credible that the privilege of becoming members of the senate should have been with- held so long from the third tribe ; and in the second it is attested by the express testimony of Dionysius, that the hundred new senators were taken from among the ple- beians who had been raised to the rank of patricians, and consequently could not be" Luceres. .But if, on the one hand,, the three tribes were already represented in the sen- ate; each by one hundred members, it is difficult to see how Tarquinius could have added one hundred others without going beyond the number of three hundred, which henceforth always appears as the regular number.^ This difficulty can only be solved by the supposition, either that so many of the old. patrician families had become extinct, that they could no longer furnish tliree hundred senators ; or that thfe three tribes, up to the time of Tarquinius, had never been represented in the senate by one hundred members each, but only by two hundred for all the three tribes.§ But in whatever manner we may endeavor to ex- * Dionys. iii. 71, &c. ; Festus, «. v. Navia, p. 169, ed. Miiller. t The different statements in Livy, i. 36, and Cicero, dc Re Publ. ii. 20, probably arise from Corrupt readings. X Liv. ii. 1 ; Dionys. v. 13 ; Festiis, a. v. qui patres qui conscripti, p. 254, ed. Miiller. ij They who conceive that, until the time of Tarquinius, the Luceres were not represented in the senate, might with' Livy say that Tarquinius increased the number of senators by 100, while those who conceive that the new patricians were a large body of men equal in number to the old pa HISTORY OF ROME. 53 plain these difficulties and contradictory statements, thus much is firmly established, that for several centuries after the time of Tarquinius Priscus, the regular number of sen- atoi-s was three hundred. The plan of Tarquinius, to put the plebeians in some man- ner on an equality with the patricians, bemg thwarted by the latter, he was obliged to leave them in the same position as he had found them : all that he was able to accomplish was, that he raised the most illustrious among them to tho rank of patricians. The caiTying out of his grand scheme, at least to some extent, was reserved for his successor. The traditions of the early life and death of Servius Tul- lius, the sixth king of Rome, is as marvelous as any thing in Roman history, and in reality nothing more than a poet- ical lay ; but the political changes, which he is said to have inti'oduoed after his accession, are of a genuine historical character, as is proved by their more or less modified con- tinuance through many centuries. The institutions them- selves, therefore, are as certain as they well can be : the only point that remains doubtful, is whether they really originated with the one king, Servius Tullius, to whom the gratitude of the later plebeians ascribed the foundation of every thing which gave them that position in the state which they desired and dese:rved. Ocrisia, the mother of Servius Tullius, is said to have been a handmaid of Tanaquil, the wife of Tarquinius Pris- cus, and to have been one of the captives taken at Ocricu- lum. One day as she was bringing some offering to the household god, she saw the god himself appear in the fire on the hearth. Tanaquil, on being informed of the vision, ordered her to dress herself as a bride, and to shut herself up in the chapel. There she became the mother of Servius Tullius : his father was, according to some, the household , god; and according to others, Vulcan.* That the child tricians, might with Cicero say that Tarquinius doubled the number of sen- ators, just as he doubled the number of equites contained in the three cen- turies. * Ovid. Fasi. vi. 625, &c. ; Dionys. iv. 2. Other traditions stated that his mother was a native of Tarquinii, his father one of the clients of king Tar- quinius, and he himself in his childhood a slave. (Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 21.) A third account, which, however, is only a rationalistic interpretation of the genuine old legend given in the text, and is preferred bjr Livy (i. 39), slates that his father, likewise called Servius Tullius, was an illustrious citizen of Corniculam, who fell in battle, when his native place was taken, leaving bis wife in a state of pregnancy. She was carried to Rome like the other captives, but was not allowed to perform any degrading or menial serviced ; and in the house of Tarquinius Priscus she became the mother of Servius 64 HISTOEY or ROME. was destined one day to occupy a high position was indi- cated even in his infancy; for once, as he was sleeping in his cradle, his head was seen girt with flames. All those who were present were struck with terror at what they witnessed. Some brought water to extinguish the fire ; but Tanaquil forbade it, for she knew that the fire was the spirit of the child's father, and foresaw that he was called Jo great things. She also ordered thechild not to be moved till he woke of his ovm accord ; and when at last he did wake, the flames vanished. The queen henceforth educated him as her ovm child, and great hopes were entertained of him. When he had grown up to manhood, Tarquinius gave him his own daughter in marriage ; and Servius re- mained the favorite- of gods and men. Even in more ad- vanced life, he never ceased to hold communion with the nigher powers : the goddess Fortune, who carried him through all the various stages of life, from the lowest to the highest, loved and visited him; and he built a temple to her, placing in it his ovra statue, which remained uninjured when the temple itself was consumed by fire. Servius Tullius assisted his father-in-law both in council and war ; and none of the young Romans surpassed him in strength and courage. When Tarquinius became old, Ser- vius lightened the yoke which pressed on his subjects ; and - the great popularity which he thus acquired with the peo- ple excited the fears of the sons of Ancus, lest he should be elected to the throne, which they claimed as their lawful inheritance. The result of their fear was the assassination of Tarquinius. Tanaquil, however, kept the king's death secret ; and in order to appease the excited multitude, she announced that his wound was not dangerous, but that for the present he had appointed Servius to govern, in his stead. Servius accordingly performed the functions of king ; and after the lapse of some time, when the death of Tarquinius became known, he was instigated by the queen openly to come forward as king : he was thus the first king Tullius, We can not leave unnoticed a tradition which was derived by the emperor Claudius, from Etruscan sources (see the fragments of the oration of Claudius in Oberlin's Tacitus, vol. iv. p. 806), although it has little his- torical value. Servius Tullius is there called the most faithful companion of Caeles Vibenna, an Etruscan condottiere, with v?hom he shared all his fortunes. With the remnant of his friends' troops he went to Rome, took possession of Mount Caelius, changed his Etruscan name Mast^rna into the Roman Servius Tullius, and was in the end elected king of Rome. All that we can derive from this storjr is that perhaps at one time an Etruscan chieftain established himself as king at Rome. HISTORV OF KOME. 5o that reigned at Rome witliout having been elected by the senate and sanctioned by the curiae. Afterward, however, the curiae, at his own request, invested him with the impe- rium* In order that the sons of his predecessor, Lucius and Aruns Tarquinius, might not turn against him, as those of Anfcus Marciust had done against Tarquinius, he gave them his two daughters in maniage ; but this precaution, far from averting the danger he feared, rendered his fate only more tragic and honible. The reign of Servius TuUius, like that of Numa, is not / celebrated for gi-eat military achievements. Livy speaks of a war with Veii and other Etruscan cities, in which the king was as brave as he was successful, and put to flight a large army ; but t"he historian gives us no details. Diony- sius, on the other hand, mentions victories over the whole Etruscan nation, which is said to have revolted after the death of Tarquinius Priscus, but was again reduced to sub- mission.f The reign of Servius, however, is of the highest importance in the history of the Roman constitution ; for his gi-eat deeds were laws; and as tradition called Numa the author or regulator of religious worship, so Servius was regarded as the founder of all civil rights and institutions. He first of all earned out the plan of Tarquinius, of com- pleting the city of Rome, by incorporating with it the Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline hills, on the last of which he himself took up his residence, and by sun-ounding the whole of the city with a stone wall, called after him the wall of Servius TuUius. We shall defer entering into an examination of the constitutional changes introduced by this king, until we have completed his legeildary history. He is said to have paid the debts of those who were re- duced to poverty out of his private purse ; to have redeemed those who had pledged their labor for the money they had borrowed; and, lasdy, to have assigned to the plebeians allotments of land out of the temtories that had been con- quered in war. The Latins were leagued with the Romans by treaty; and Serv'ius TuUius prevailed upon them, in common with the Romans, to build a temple to Diana on the Aventine, the chief abode of the Latins, who had lately become citizens of Rome. This was a tacit acknowledg- * Cicero, dt Re Puhl. ii. 21 ; Dionys. iv. 12 ; Liv. i. 46. t After the death of Tarquinius, the sons of Ancus are said to have quit. ted Rome, and to have gone to Suessa Pometia into exile. t Liv. i. 42 i Cicero, De Re Pvbl. ii. 21 ; Dionys. iv. 12, 27. 56 HISTOKY OF ROME. ment, on the part of the Latine,. that Rome was the heaiT of their confederacy. The Sabines too seem to have joinec! in this common worship, as we must infer from Uie ' story of the Sabme and his bull. A Sabine yeoman, it is said, had a bull of prodigious size and great beauty boin among his cattle. It was announced by the soothsayers, that whoever should sacrifice the animal to Diana on the Aven- tine, should raise his nation to rule over its confederates. A report of this prophecy i-eached the ears of tht higb-priest of the temple; and when the Sabine appeared with the victim before the altar of the goddess, the priest rebuked him for attempting to offer it up with unclean hands. While the Sabine went down to the Tiber and washed his hands, the Roman priest accomplished the sacrifice, which caused gi-eat joy to the king and all the people. But the beneficent laws and regulations introduced by the good king were received by the patricians with S'uHen- ness and anger ; which feelings were further increased by his forbidding the patricians to fix their habitations on the Esguiline, and by his assigning to them the valley which was called afl;er them the vicus pat-ficms* To take ven- geance on the venej-'able old king, -they conspired with the most heinous rebel. The popularity, which the king enjoyed among the people, more and more deprived L. Tarquinius of the prospect of succeeding to the throne of his father.f L. Tarquinius, himself, was a person of vehement tempera- ment : he was, besides, stimulated at Eome by his ambitious wife, TuUia, the elder of the two daughters of Servius Tul- lius. She, who had at first been manied to his brother Aruns, himself a person of a mild and honest character, Was a woman of a truly fiendish nature ; while her younger sister Tullia, who was married to L. Tarquinius, was ami- able and virtuous like Aruns. The elder Tullia, enraged at the long life of her father, and the apparent indolence of her husband, who showed no ambition, and seemed ready, when the throne became vacant, to resign it to his brother, resolved upon destroying both her father and her husband. She addressed herself to L. Tarquinius, and induced him to kill his brother and her own sister. No sooner were * Fe-stus, s. V. p. 221. t The traditions were not agreed as to whether L. Tarquinius, who afterward received the surname of Superbus, was a son or grandson of Tarquinius Prisons, though most writers called him 'a son. The whole '.ironology of the Tarquinii is in the greatest confusion. iii.^Tciiiv m' lioMi;. 57 tlie crimes peipetratej, than the elder Tullla and L. Tar- quinius man-ied. Servius Tullius saw all these things, but was unable to prevent them. His life at length becoming insupportable to the diabolical couple, Tullia incited L. Tarquinius, by day and by night, to cut sh9rt the life t)f her fa,ther, and place himself upon the throne. The crimes already committed made him, as is usually the case, little concerned about committing another. He began courting the favor of the patricians, especially of the minor gentep, by reminding them of the benefits which his father had conferred upon them. But suddenly something happened which seemed to deprive the criminals of the object of their crime ; for it was reported that Sen'ius Tullius, to complete his legislation, intended to resign the royal dig- nity, and to establish the consular form of government.* The patricians also were alaraied at the pi-ospect of such a change ; for they had reason to fear lest the hateful" law?^ of the king should be confirmed forever, if consuls were to be appointed ; and they therefore unhesitatingly joined in the conspiracy of L. Tarquinius. When the whole plan was ripe, Tarquinius appeared in the senate with all the ensigns of royalty, and heaped all possible obloquy and calumnies upon the aged king.- As the report of the seditious commotion soon reached the king's ears, he liastened to the senate-house, and, standing in the door- way, rebuked Tarquinius as a seditious traitor; but the latter treated the king with insults and contempt ; ■ and as the friends of each party were preparing for violence, he seized the king and' threw him down the steps of the senate-house, and then returned to his associates in the senate. Servius Tullius, who was bleeding profusely, was picked up and led away by some of his faithful servants. But before he reached his dwelling, he was overtaken by the emissaries wHom Tarquinius had sent after Mm, and was murdered in the street. His body was left weltering in its blood. Tullia, at whose instigation this horrid deed had been committed, was too impatient to wait at home for the tidings of the result of her husband's doings on that day. Through the midst of the crowd she drove to the senate- house, and was the first to salute her husband as king ; but he ordered her to get out of the tumult and return home. On her way thither she passed through the street in which the b()dy of her father was lying. The driver, horror-. * Liv, i. 48 ; Dionys. iv. 40 ; Plofarch, De Fort. Rom: p. 323, d. 58 HISTORY OF ROME. Struck, stopped the carnage; but the inhuman Tullia ordered him to drive on over the corpse ; and she and her carriage were covered with the blood of her father.* Tarquin forbade the burial of the king's body, saying, in mockery, " Romulus, too, went without a funeral ;" and this impious mockery is said to have given rise to his sur- name Superbus.t Servius Tullius had reigned for a period of forty-four years (from B.C. 578 to 535). His memory continued to be cherished by the plebeians for centuries, and his birth- day was celebrated on the nones of every month ; for he was known to have been born on the nones of some month — the month itself having become a matter of uncertainty. At the time when the plebians were most cruelly oppressed by the patricians, their veneration for the good king Servius, who had suffered the death of a martyr in their cause, be- came so strong, that the senate found it necessary to enact that markets should never be held on the nones, lest the people, inflamed by oppression, and animated by the re- membrance of better days, should venture to rise and restore the laws of the king.| It can hardly be thought necessary to show, that the account of the tragic death of Servius Tullius is not historical : there must, indeed, have been some historical foundation for it; but the odium at- tached to the detested name of the last king, and the bitter hatred of the plebeians against the patricians, probably combined to make up the fearfully tragic story of the king's death. ' There cannot, however, be any doubt that the truth which lies at the bottom of the story is, that Servius fell a victim to a patrician counter-revolution, by which the greater part of his institutions for establishing the fi'eedom and independence of the commonalty were abolished. The stoi-y of Servius being the offspring of a slave seems to be a mere etymological speculation about the origin of the name of Servius, which was connected with servus and servire ; and we must observe, in general, that the history of Servius Tullius, the most remarkable among the Roman kings whose personal existence is sufficiently established, IS quite as mythical as that of Romulus or Numa. The genuine Roman tradition about his descent leads us to the * In commemoration of this crime the street was in after-times called the vicus sceleratus, i t Compare Ovid. Fatt. vi. 581, &c. ' { MacrobiuB, Sat. i. 13. HISTORY OF ROME. 59 belief that he was a Latin, and probably belonged to a family which had been incoi-porated with the Roman curiae in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus. His Etruscan origin would be irreconcilable witli the whole character of the political institutions ascribed to him. The statement that Sen'ius TuUius completed the build- ing of tlie city, and for the sake of safety surrounded it with a wall embracing seven distinct districts, commonly called hills, is established beyond a doubt : the distiicts he thus inclosed and fortified ai-e to us a proof of his having formed a correct notion of the destiny of the city. But what makes the reign of Servius Tullius more mem- orable than any thing else, and therefore deserves our special attention, is the new constitution which he gave to his kingdom; and more especially the arrangements he made for improving the condition of the plebeians. His great object was to unite, on principles of justice and equity, the two bodies of the patricians and plebeians into one great and powerflil nation. We remarked above that Tarquinius Priscus attempted to remedy the evils arising out of the separation- of the- Romans into two classes of citizens, one of which had to bear its share in all the public burdens and duties, while it was excluded not only from all honors and advantages, but from exercising any influ- ence whatever upon the government. These latter citizens were in feet treated as aliens, and were without any inter- nal -organization of their body ; no laws, in fine, existed to regulate their relation to the niling class or patricians. Tarquinius had raised some of them to an equality with the patricians ; but the gi-eat mass of the plebeians still continued in their undefined and precarious position, until Servius Tullius, with as much wisdom as boldness, set about the task. It is a remarkable circumstance, that we do not hear of any opposition having been made by the patricians against his legislation until the whole was com- pleted. The first thing he did was to give the plebeians an inde- pendent political organization : for this purpose, he divided the city of Rome, with the exception of the Capitol and the Aventine, into four regions or districts, which, accord- ing to the analogy of the three patrician tribes, he called tribus [trilus urbanae) ; and the tenitory of Rome (ager Romanus) into twenty-six other tribes {tribus ntsticae). Those thirty tribes, being distant localities, were naturally 60 ' lusTOiiv OF ko:me. iiibabitetl by patricians, no less than Ly plebeians ; but they were instituted exchisively for the plebeians ; and, politically, the patricians did not come into consideration in this division.* The affairs of each tribe were managed by an officer called trihunis, whose office must, however, be distinguished from that of the later tribunes of the people ; and, each tribe was again divided into a number oi vagi, each of which was headed by an officer called magisier pagi. The tribunes, who were also called cwratores tri- huurn^ Lad to keep the lists of the members of theii- re- spective tribes, and to collect the trihutum. The assemblies of the tribes {comitia tributa) in the constitution of Servius Tullius, had no other power than that of discussing the affairs of the tribes as such ; and any resolutions passed in them were binding only on those contained in the tribes, that is, on the plebeians. It is further stated, that the king assigned allotments of public land to the poorer plebeians, probably to those who belonged to the country tribes, and were not yet possessed of landed property. The twenty- six country tribes contained the wealthier portion of the plebeians, v.ho lived on their faiTns, and earned on agxi- cultural pursuits, the most honorable occupation among the early Romans ; whereas the members of the four city tribes were j)robably engaged in trade and manufactures, and were at all times thought less honorable than the coun- try tribes. The civil relations between - the two estates also occupied the king's attention ; and he regulated them by a number of laws, which he caused to be canied in the assembly of the curiai-. Hitherto birth 'and descent alone had constituted any le- gal distinction between Roman citizens; and there was cordingly no other division .eXcept that into patricians or nobles, and plebeians. But Servius, like Solon, established a timocracy ; that is, he made property the standard to de- termine the rights and duties of every citizen. Ho ■accord- ingly instituted a census, for the puipose of ascertaining the property of every citizen, both patrician and plebeian ; and as property is a fluctuating thing, ho ordained that a » It might seem surprising to find that in tlio year B.C. 495, when one new trilie had already been added, the total number did not amount to more than twenty.one (Liv. ii. 24) ; but Niebuhr hasshown that in the war With Porsenna the Romans must have lost a considerable part, perhaps one« third of their territory, which would naturally have reduced the original number of thirty tribes to twenty. t Varro, Dc Ling. Lat. \\. 9, p. 2C3. HISTORY OP ROME. 61 census should be held every five yeai's, which period was called a lustrum* In this census, the whole people was conceived of as an army {exercitus or tlassis), and as con- sisting of two parts, the infantry and cavalry. The pajt which formed the infantiy [pedites) were divided, accord- ing to the amount of their property, into six classes ; an in- stitution which, with some modifications, continued down to the end of the republic. Tlio class to which a citizen be- longed determined the amount of tribute he had to pay for purposes of war, his position in the army, and the kind of armor with which he had to equip himself For the pur- pose of voting in the great assembly, each class was divided into a. number of centuriae or siiffragia, each of which had one vote ; and one half of the number of the centuriae of each class consisted of the elder persons (seniores), -vihUie the other half contained the younger ones [juniores). The first class contained all persons whose property amounted to at least 100,000 ases (100 attic minae, or about .^320 sterUng) ; the second, those ^who had at lea^t 75,000 ases (75 attic mtmae, or about £2\Q) ; the third, those who pos- sessed at least 50,000 asos (50 attic minae, or about 66160); the fourth, those who had at least 25,000 ases (25 attic minae, or about o£80) ; the fifth, those who, according- to Livy, had 11,000 ases, or, according to Dionysius, 12j-minae (that is, 12,500 ases, or about ,£40). Those whose prop- erty did not amount to the last-mentioned sura foiined the sixth class : being exempt from the tribute, and having to pay only a poll-tax, they were called proletarii or capite censi ; whereas those contained in the five other classea WBre called assidui or locvplctc.!s.\ It is not stated whether the sums here mentioned, as qualifications for each class, refer to a man's annual revenue, or to the whole stock of his property; but all circumstances compel us to believe that the latter was meant. The sums mentioned can noW surprise us by their smallness, if we recollect that the law specifies only the minimum ; and that a peraon might pos sess twice or three times the amount prescribed to the first class, and yet have belonged to it. We must also bear in mind the extraordinary cheapness pf every thing in ancient * This word is connected with uslrare and liistratio, because at the end of each census a lustratio or purification ot"the whole people took place. t The accounts of the minimum of property in each of the five classes are not the same in all writers, but the differences may easily be accounted for. (Gottling, Geschichle der Rom. Slanlsverfasmng, p. 246, &c.) It should also be stated that some writers m-ntion only five classes, the proletarians not being taken into account. 62 uisTOuy OF home. Italy; so that a person possessed of .£320 was really a man of considerable property. In addition to all this, it seems to have been the intention of the king, that the first class should not contain only the very vi'ealthy, but all those whom we should term " rich persons of the middle class." Each class was divided into two equal halves, the seniors and the juniors : the latter Were men from their seventeenth to their forty-fifth year ; and the former, those from the age of forty-five to that of sixty : the seniors were not obliged to march out into the field, but in case of need they might be called to arms to defend the city. After the completion of his sixtieth year, each person was exempt from military service.* We have hitherto made mention of two kinds of assemblies, the one of the curiae {comitia curiata), which of course consisted only of patricians, the other of the thirty local tribes (comitia tribuia) in which plebeians only took part; but along with these Servius TuUius instituted the great national assembly of the centuries (comitia centuriata), which met in the Campus Martius, and in which patricians and plebeians met on a footing of equality ; fof' there the importance of every citizen was determined by no other standard than that of property and age. For the purpose of voting in that assembly, each class was divided into a certain number of centuries, each of which counted as one vote. The first class was divided into eighty centuries or suffragia ; that is, forty centuries of the seniores, and forty of the juniores : the second, third, and fourth classes wei-e divided each into twenty centuries ; ten of the seniores, and ten of the juniores : the fifth class had thirty centuries ; fif teen of the seniores, and fifteen of the juniores. Hence, the total number of the centuries of the five classes was one hundred and seventy, of which the first class alone had eighty, while the four others together had no more than ninety, so that wealth had a decided advantage in these as- sembUes. Beside the one hundred and seventy centuries of the classes, Servius instituted five others, which did not belong to the classes, but voted between them. They wore, two centuries of the fairi (smiths and carpenters) which, according to Livy, voted after the centuries of the first class, and, according to Dionysius, after those of the second class ; two centuries of the comicines and tuhicines * It is commonly stated that the men above sixty were not allowed to vote in the assembly of the people ; but this opinion is in itself absurd, and is contradicted by numerous historical facts. See Becker, Handbxah dor Rom. Aherthumer, ii, p. 216, _ HISTORY OF ROME. 63 (homists and txumpeters), which, accoi-ding to Livy, voted after the fifth, and, according to Dionysius, after the fourth class ; and, lastly, all those persons whose property did not come up to tlie minimum of the fifth class : thus, all who belonged to the sixth class formed only one century, and accordingly had only one vote. The five additional centu- ries were not divided like those of the classes into seniores and juniores, but the century of the sixth class appears to have consisted of three sub-divisions, viz., the accensi vdati, the jproletarii, and capite cend, according to the amount of their property : the accensi velati were those whose prop- erty was between 1500 ases and the minimum of the fifth class, and they were regularly called upon to serve in the ai-my ; the proletarii were those whose property was less than 1500 but above 375 ases, and they were rarely called out to military service, until in the year B.C. 290 the custom was established of enlisting them regularly. The capite censi, who possessed less than 375 ases, were not obliged to serve in the army until the time of Marius.* All that has been said hitherto refers to the Roman citi- zens only in so far as they formed the infantry of the army : in addition to the 175 centuries which we have enumerated above, Servius Tullius ibrmed a certain number of equestrian centuries, which were not subdivided into seniores and jun- iores, but contained only men below the age of forty-six. When he began his i-eforms, he found the three double centuries of equites, as they had been constituted by Tar- quinius Priscus. Sei-vius divided these three double cen- turies into six single ones, each consisting of 200 equites : they were called the sex suffragia, and formed the coi-ps of patrician equites. In addition to these six centuries, Ser- vius created twelve new ones, which he took from among the wealthiest plebeians, and which, like the six patrician ones, undoubtedly contained 200 men each ; so that the total number of the eighteen equestrian centuries was 3600. As to the property qualification required of an eques in those early times, we have no exact testimony: all we are told is, that the equites were taken from among those who had the highest census, which might mean, that all of them be- longed to the first class ; but as, in the later times of the republic, the equestrian census was four times as high as • If we suppose that the first two divisions of this century were subdi- vided, like the centuries of the classes, into seniores and juniores, the whole century would have contained five divisions, which would account for its ■iBiilB ^intana claaiit, and also for Dionysius calling it the sixth class. 04 llsiTOKV (IF KOMi:. that of the citizens of the first class, we may reasonably suppose, that the same or a similar arrangement was made by Servius Tullius. Each eques received from the public treasury a certain sum of money {aes eguestrc) for the pur- pose of purchasing a war-horse {equus fuhlicim), and an additional annual sum for its maintenance. This annnal sum was levied upon orphans - and widows, who were otherwise exempt from the tribute. The sum total of all the centuries in the Servian constitution was thus 193 ; so that ninety-seven formed a majarity of votes in the assem- bly. Now, considering that the equites gave their votes first, and next the seniores and juniores of the first class, it is evident that a great preponderance of power was placed in the hands of the wealthiest Romans ; for if the eighteen equestrian centuries and the eighty centmies of the first class were agreed upon any point under discussion, the question was decided at once, and there was no necessity for putting it to the vote of the other centuries. The fol- lowdng table will show at a glance the census of each class, the order of voting, the number of votes {ienturiae or suff"- ragia) assigned to each, and the slight diflTerencSs which occur in the accounts of the two principal historians, Livy and Dionysius. Talndar View of tke Centuries of the the Servi* LlVY. Kqhites . . , Centuriae 18 T. Class. Census 100,000 ases. Centuiiao seniorum 40 Centuriae juniorum 40 Centnriae fabrain . . 2 II. Class. Census 75,000 ases. Centuriae seniorum . 10 Centuriae juniorum JO HI. Class. Census 50,000 ases. Centuriae seniorum 10 Centuriae juniorum . 10 IV. Class. Census 25,000 ases. Centuriae seniorum 10 Centuriae juniorum . 10 V. Class. Census 11,000 ases. Centuriae seniorum . 15 Centuriae juniorum 15 Centnriao accens., cor- nicinum, tubicinum . 3 Centuria capite censorum 1 Classes and of the JEqviteSf according to. N constitution. Dionysius. EquiTEs . '. Centuriae 18 I. Class. Census 100 minae. Centuriae seniorum 40 Centuriae juniorum . 40 II. Class. Census 75 minae. Centuriae seniorum . 10 Centuriae juniorum 10 Centuriae fabrum . 2 III. Class. Census 50 minae. Centuriae seniorum . 10 Centuriae juniorum 10 IV. Class. Census 25 minae. Centuriae seniorum . la Centuriae juniorum . 10 Centuriae tubic. & comic. 2 V. Class. Census 12J minae. Centuriae seniorum 15 Centuriae juniorum 15 VI. Class. Centuria capite censorum 1 Sum total of the centuriae . . 194 Sum total of the centuriae 193 There seems to be little doubt that the account given by Dionysius is the correct one ; for, according to Livy's cal- HISTORY OP ROME. 65 culaiion, it would have been impossible to obtain an abso- lute majority, since it might so happen that ninety-seven centuries voted for a proposal, and the other ninety-seven against it. The assembly of the people, in which the votes wei'e given according to centuries, comprising, as it did, both patiicians and plebeians, was a true representation of the whole nation, and the only one in which a plebeian felt himself placed on an equality with his patrician neighbor, provided he was possessed of the same amount of property. To these comitia, which, generally speaking, stepped into the place of those of the curiae, although the latt'er still continued to be held, Servius transferred the election of the highest magistrates,* the decision upon peace and wai", and the confirmation of legislative measures proposed by the senate. No mention is made of Servius having estab- lished the connuhium between patricians and plebeians, nor of his having made them eligible either to the higher mag- istracies, and priestly offices, or into the senate. All that Servius aimed at, seems to have been to secure to the ple- beians an influence upon the legislature," the election of magistrates, and other matters of public importance ; and, as the degree of influence was dependent upon property, its exercise was within the reach of every industrious ple- beian. The king showed his political wisdom by not alto- gether upsetting the ancient order of things ; and by plac- ing the plebeians in a position fi-om which they might gi-ad- ually work their way upward, or in one which, at least, rendered further development a matter of possibility. His institutions, therefore, contained the germs and foundation of the future equality between the two estates. The state- ment, that he intended to resign his regal power, and to in- stitute two consuls, one a patrician, the other a plebeian,! as also to invest the tribunes of the people with the exten- sive powers of which we find them possessed in after-times, appears to be unfounded, and to have arisen fi-om the grate- ful disposition of the plebeians toward the king, whom they loved to regard as the founder of all their great institutions. * The officers of the curiae -and those of the thirty local tribes were, of course, appointed respectively by the curiae and tribes. We are hei;e speak- ing only of those magistrates whose office concerned the whole people. f Livy's statement, that the first consuls were elected according to the Commentaries of Servius Tullius, means nothing else than that they were elected in the assembly of the centuries ; and Niebuhr's attempt to show;. that L. Junius Brutus, one of the first consuls, actually was a plebeian, is not very successful. t*S HISTORY or EOMB. CHAPTER V. L. TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS. BANISHMENT OF THE KING AND HIS FAMILY. RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE ROMAN CON- STITUTION UNDER THE KINGS, AND' OP THE CONDITION OP THE PEOPLE. There can be no doubt that the hatred of the kingly form of government, which vi^as so deeply rooted in the hearts of the republican Romans, though it may have arisen from the arbitrary and tyrannical rule of Tarquinius Su- perbus, yet contributed, in its turn, not a little to blacken his character in history, and that no small part of the odium attaching to his name must be set down to the love of ex- aggeration. Tarquinius Superbus was unquestionably a general of great talent; and the splendor and magnificence of Rome were advanced by him more than by any of his predecessors. After the murder of Servius Tullius, L. Tarquinius Su- perbus ascended the throne, without either being elected fay the senate and people, or sanctioned by the curiae. In the revolution to which he owed his elevation, the rio-hts and privileges conferred upon the plebeians by Servius jects. on which, the assembly had to decide were, the election of the king, the passing of laws, and a variety of subjects connected with the internal administration of the affairs of the curiae, gentes, and families.* In the reign of TuUus Hostilius, the assembly is said to have become the high court of appeal in criminal cases ; but this is very doubtful, as the same is stated to have taken place in the first year of the republic. In the constitution of Servius TuUius, most of the rights of the comitia curiata were transferred to the comitia of the centuries, of which we have already spoken ; and the comitia of the curiae re- ceived a compensation, in their right of sanctioning or re- jecting the measures which had been" passed by the cen- turies. •Respecting the condition of the people, and their mode of living in those early times, scarcely any thing is known beyond what may be gleaned from the legendary tradi- tions. The progress of civilization must have been greatly impeded by the constant wars which the Romans had to carry on with their neighbors ; although the stories about King Numa and his regulations would lead us to infer, that there existed in his reign a ceitain degree of well-being and industrial activity, forming a strong contrast with the shepherds, and their mode of life, in the time of Romulus. The earliest Romans had no coinage, and what they had to pay they paid in cattle or masses of brass ; for Servitts TuUius is said to have been the, first king who coined brass, marking it with the figure of some animal.t It was not till the time of Tarquinius that Rome, which until * Dionysiua (ii., 14 ; iv., 20), who, in general, describes the distribution of the powers of government nearly the same as it was in the later times of the republic, is wrong in his definitions. With regard to the comitia, «. g., he mentions that they had also to decide upon peace and war ; but in the kingly period, and for a long time after, no instance occurs of the people having had any thing to do with the conclusion of a peace, whereas it ia well known that war could not be declared without the consent of the peo- ple. See Liv., i., 32; (rellius.'xvi., 4. t Hence the word for money, pectinia, was derived from pecuSr cattle. Bee Plin., Hist. jVa/., xxsiii., 3, 13. UISTOBY OF SOME. 79 then had been a place of not much note, and more like a cluster of separate villages or little townships, acquired the appearance of a gfreat city, and was filled with magnificent architectural works. The principal and most honorable occupation of a Itoman was agriculture ; and rustic festivals sanctified and enlivened the toil of the laborer in the field. Commerce and trade, for purposes of gain, being little es- teemed, were mostly left to the clients, and afterward to those plebeians who had no farms of their own to culti- vate ; but still commerce must have acquired considerable importance, from the time that Ostia became the port of Rome, as we may gather from the treaty which Rome con- cluded with Carthage in the first year of the republic. The fine arts and literature were yet foreign to the Romans ; ' and the great architectural works, which were executed under the last kings, were designed and superintended by !Etruscan artists. The language of the Romans was harsh and inflexible, and little suited to the purposes of literature : the art of writing was unquestionably known, but probably used only for public purposes, such as the census, the keep- ing of the annals or records of the most remarkable events and prodigies of each year, and other similar purposes. The Romans did not possess the artistic genius which forms so prominent a feature in the character of the Greeks : -their character vi^as more severe and warlike ; and prac- tical and domestic life had more charms for them than for the volatile Greeks. The power of a father over his chil- dren was Etlmost unlimited. Their domestic life was of the sim^est kind : it seems to have resembled that of our ancestors during the early part of the middle ages ; for the virtues of the wife of the first .Tarquinius, and of the chaste Lucretia, consisted in their iifjustrious and domestic hab- its : we find these princessesfdescribed as occupied with spinning amid their jnaid-sefvants, while tradition men- tions with disapprobation the luxurious life of the prin- cesses in the court of the last king. 80 HISTORY OF SOME. CHAPTER VI. ESTABLISHMENT OP THE REPUBLIC. EVENTS DOWN TO THE BATTLE OF LAKE REGILLUS. DEATH OF TARaUINIUS SU- PEKBUS. •■ t The revolution which put an end to the kingly govern- ment at Rome, and changed it into a republic, did not pro- duce any material alteration in the state of affairs, or in the condition of the people : all that was done was the res- toration of the constitution of Servius TuUius ; for the two republican magistrates,* who had been appointed after the banishment of the king, received the same power, and the same ensigns of their dignity,, as had before belonged to the king. The only difference was, that one of the magis- trates might be checked by the other; and that their office lasted only one year ; after which they x-etired to a private station, and might be taken to account for their conduct during the period of their office. The king had been the high-priest, as he had to perform certain public sacrifices on behalf of the whole nation ; but this priestly dignity was not transferred to the consuls; and a separate priest (rex sacrificulus or rex sacrorum) was appointed for the puipose of offering those public sacrifices. The two con- suls, moreover, had not the fasces, the ensigns of their pow- er, both at the same time, but alternately every month, be- ginning with the elder of the two magistrates, or the consul major ; so that, in reality, one only was invested with" the imperium at a time. The period which now follows, from the establishment of the commonwealth down to the battle of Lake Regillus, is not more historical than any of the preceding periods ; it is full of poetical tales, and foiins the conclusion of the mythical age of Rome. But we shall relate the ti'aditions as they have been handed down to us, and make our com- ments on them as we proceed. * VV'e shall throughout this work call them by the title of consuls, vX- tliOQgh it is a well-known fact that at first, and down to the year B.C. 449, they bore the title oipraetores, and in Greek writers or^aTrf/oi (Zonaras, vii., 19 ; Liv., iii,, 55). The word consul is probably composed of con and siU^ which contains the same root as the verb saliOj so that consules signifies "those who go together," just as praesul and exsul signify ''one who goes before," and "one who goes out." IlISTOllY OP HOME. 81 Brutus, who had the fasces first, made the people swear not to allow any one ever to rule at Rome with the title of king : his next step was to fill up the vacancies in the sen- ate, which had been greatly reduced by the late king. He increased thenumber of senators to 300, which hencefoith remained unchanged for many centuries. The new sena- tors were taken from the equestrian order, that is, from the wealthiest class of Roman citizens ; and their number prob- ably comprised plebeians as well as patricians. A distinc- tion, however, is said to have been made, inasmuch as the new senators were called conscripti, while the old ones were styled patres ; so that henceforth a person, in address- ing the senate, had to use the title patres conscripti, that is, patres et conscripti. As Tarquinius CoUatinus, the second in the first pair of consuls, belonged to the family of the exiled king, Brutus prevailed upon him to resign his office ; and CoUatinus withdrew to Lanuvium, where he lived in quiet retirement until his death. This simple story contains two points which are inexplicable : first, how was it that Brutus, him- self a nephew of the exiled king,* could propose to Col- latinus to resign his office, without offering himself to set the example 1 and, secondly, is it not revolting to every good feeling, that CoUatinus, the husband of Lucretia, should have been allowed to go into exile ? The common excuse, derived from the jealousy of republics, is quite in- applicable here ; for CoUatinus had done nothing to pro- voke such a jealousy. The story, in its present form, there- fore, is either incomplete and incoirect, orwe must believe that the poet, from whom it is derived, overlooked those points on which history has a right to demand an answer. In the place of CoUatinus, the people elected P. Valerius, who had likewise been one of the four liberators of his country; and, at the same time, the centuries exiled the whole gens of the Tarquinii. There was, however, at Rome a party of young men, especially nobles, who delighted more in the licentious and voluptuous life they had been permitted to lead under the rule of the late tyrant, and in their intercourse with the reckless princes of the royal family, than in that freedom of all ranks, which obliged them to keep within the bounds of decency. While they, therefore, regretted the abolition of the regal power, circumstances seemed to render its re- " Liv.. i., .1(i. D 2 82 msTOEY OF ROME. covery possible; for at that time there arrived at Rome Etruscan embassadors, to demand of the senate the resto- ration of the Tarquins, or, at least, that their property should be given back to them. During their stay at Rome, these embassadors formed a conspiracy, the object of which was to effect the restoration of the exiled king, who had in the mean time repaired from Caere to Tarquinii. The Vitellii, Aquillii, and the two sons of Brutus, (who himself was married to a sister of the Vitellii,) were accomplices in the conspiracy.* The senate having decreed that the property left-behind at Rome should be given up to the exiles ; the embassadors, while making preparations for carrying away the goods, vigorously prosecuted their treacherous scheme. But a slave, who had overheard all that was planned, at a banquet in tlie house of the Vitellii, and knew that the em- bassadoia were in possession of letters from their Roman accomplices, denounced the whole aifair to the consuls. The consuls forthwith ordered the conspirators to be ar- rested, and had them brought to trial. Their guilt was es- tablished beyond a doubt ; and Brutus condemned his own sons to death, by virtue of the power he had over them as their father. The same verdict was pronounced against the others ; but being patricians, they had a right to ap- peal to their peers. The example of Brutus, however, left the curiae no choice, and all the criminals were scourged and beheaded. The promise of the senate, to restore the property to the exiles, was retracted on the discovery of the conduct of the embassadors, and all the king's goods were abandoned to the plunder of the populace. The estates of the Tarquins were distributed among the plebeians, in parcels of seven jugers each, whereby those who received allotments ac- quired a personal interest in assisting to prevent the return of the Tarquins. These estates were consecrated to Mars, and were afterward called the Field of Mars (Campus Mar^ tins). The corn which grew there was just ripe ; but as the people were scrupulous about the propriety of consum- ing it, they took the sheaves, and threw them all into the river, which happened to be very shallow. The sheaves and baskets ran against one another : their course was " We have already noticed the inconsistency of the story which makes Briitos ajuvenis a short time before the revolution, aiid in the very year of the revolution describes him as the father of two sons old enongh to join in a treasonable plot. See p. 73, HISTORY OF SOME. 83 checked; and, aa they accumulated, they formed the isl- and in the Tiber known by the name of inmla Tiberina,* which afterward became sacred to the god Aesculapius. When the news of these occurrences were brought to Tarquinius, for the embassadors had been allowed to de- pait unmolested, he at once resolved on waging war against Rome ; and as he promised the Tarquinians and Veientines that the districts which Rome had taken from them, should be restored to them,, they joined him with large armies. The Roman consuls marched out to meet their enemies : Valerius commanded the infantiy, and Brutus the cavalry. The Etruscan cavalry was in the command of the king's son Aruns, who, on recognizing Brutus, galloped against him with all his might. Brutus, no less gallant, did the same; and the shock with whicb the two rushed against each other was so vehement, that both fell dead from their horses. The infantry then took up the fight, which lasted all day. In the evening, both armies, being equally worn out, withdrew to their camps ; though, neither patty would admit that they were vanquished. But in the night the voice of the god Silvanus was heard saying, that the Etrus- cans had lost one man more than the Romans, and that vie? tory belonged to the latter. This voice filled the Etrus- cans with terror, and they immediately took to flight. On the following morning Valerius, on seeing that the enemy was gone, collected the spoils, and returned to Rome in tri- umph. This battle was fought near the forest of Arsia. Valerius solemnized the burial of Brutus with great splen- dor ; but his loss was felt so deeply by the people, that the Roman matrons mourned for him a whole year as for a father. His statue was placed in the Capitol, amid those of the Roman kings. As P. Valerius did not cause a successor to Brutus to be elected, and as he was at the same time building for himself a stone house' on the top of the Velia, in a lofty and strong position, the people suspected him of aiming a. kingly power. He himself was unaware of any such thing, but when he was told of the rumors that were afloat, he stopped the building; and having convoked the assembly of the curiae, he appeared before them with his fasces lowr ered, a sign that ie respected the majesty of the people, * It scarcely requires to be observed that this story about the origin of the island in the Tiber is a mere fiction. See Gellius, vi., 7 ; Flat., Public., e J Dionys., v., 3 ; Plin., Hut. Nat, xviii., 4. 84 HISTORY OP KOME. and regarded them as the source of his power. This dis- play of deference to them created great delight among the people : they granted him a piece of land in the ascent of the Velia, and conferred upon him the privilege of having the doors of his house opening into the street. In order to prove still more to the people how little he was inclined to revive the kingly dignity, and how seri- ously he thougljt even of restraining the consular power within certain limits, he enacted several laws, which were so agreeable to the people that they honored him with the surname of Puhlicola, that is, the man who honors ihe pop- lihis. One of these laws allowed a citizen, who had been condemned by a magistrate to be fined, scourged, or put to death, to appeal to the assembly of the people. This law of course referred only to the plebeians, who thus obtain- ed the right of appeal to the assembly of the plebeian tribes;* for the patricians had always been in the enjoy- ment of the right of appeal to the curiae. This right of appeal, however, did nt>t extend beyond one mile from the city ; for there the magistrate might avail himself of his im- perium against patricians as well as plebeians.f Another law of Valerius enacted that any one who should be con- victed of aiming at regal power, or should exercise any authority with which he was not invested by the people, should be devoted with all his substance to the gods.;^ When these laws were passed, he convened the assembly of the centuries for the election of a successor to Bmtus. The new consul was Sp. Lucretius, but as he was a man much advanced in years, who died a few days after his election, the people chose in his place M. Horatius Pul- villus. An event soon occurred which created jealousy between the two consuls and their friends. The temple of Jupiter, on the Capitol, had not yet been dedicated : and as each consul was anxious to perform the solemnity, they drew lots ; but fortune favored Horatius. The friends of Valerius tried by all means to throw obstacles in the way, but in vain. At the moment wBfen Horatius was grasping the door-post of the temple, some one suddenly called out to him that his son had died, and that under these circumstances he ought not to perform so solemn an act; but Horatius exclaimed, " It concerns me not," and com- pleted the dedication. The ides of September, on which " Liv., iii., 55 ; x., 9 j Dionya., vs., 39. t Liv., iii., 20 ; Gains, iv., 105. \ Liv., ii,, 8; Dionya., v., 19) Plut., Pvhlic, 11, &c. HISTORY OP ROME. 85 the dedication took place, was the beginning of a new era ; and an account of it was kept by a nail being driven into the wall of the temple every year on the same day. One of the most interesting events of the first year of the republic, and one which is established by better authority than any other of the same time, is the first treaty that Rome concluded with Caithage. Polybius,* the only writer who has noticed the treaty and rescued it from ob- livion, translated it from brazen tables then existing in the Capitol, in the archives of the aediles. The language of the treaty was so obsolete, that in some parts even the more learned among the Romans could only guess at the mean- ing. From this treaty we learn that Rome, at the time when it was concluded, ruled over the whole coast of Lat- ium, from the mouth of the Tiber to Terracina ; that Rome made stipulations in behalf of Ardea, Antium, Aricia, Cir- ceii, and TeiTacina ; that the Romans and their confeder- ates promised not to sail into any of the harbors south of Cape Hermaeum, which formed the eastern boundary of the Gulf of Carthage ; that in Sicily, the Roman mer- chants were to have the same privileges as the Carthagini- ans ; that they were allowed to trade at Carthage, on the coast of Libya west of Carthage, and in Sardinia. This treaty with the great commercial republic of Carthage opens at once a wide field of speculation, inasmuch as we here find Rome in a relation of which her legendary his- tory has not presei-ved a trace. It is worthy of remark, that ^e treaty mentions Brutus and Horatius as the two consuls under whom it was concluded, a circumstance which is irreconcilable with the common traditions, in which Brutus and Horatius were not consuls at the same time, but the latter was the successor of the former. In this manner the first year of the republic passed away, and P. Valerius was elected consul a second time with T. Lucretius. The exiled king, who, with his family, had in the mean time taken refuge with Porsenna, the lord (Lar) or king of Clusium, in Etruria, prevailed upon him to make war against Rome. Porsenna accordingly marched with a formidable army into the temtoiy of the republict The Romans were alanned in the highest degree, for never had so powerful an enemy appeared in the neighborhood * iii., ss. t Dionysiiu makes Octavius Mamilias and the Latiiis join the Etruscans ; but this is a mere fiction, arising from the notion that the son-in-law of Taj* qninius could not have been idle daring the struggle. 86 HISTORY., OF ROME. of the city ; every thing that could be devised was done to please the people (the plebeians) ; and thus to make them hold out firmly against the mighty invader. The Janicu- lum was taken at once by the Etruscans, and the Roman garrison of that fort took refuge within the city, which was now separated from the enemy only by the wooden bridge {pons suhlicius). As the Etruscans advanced to- ward it, the Romans fled, with the exception of Horatius Codes, who had been appointed to guard it, and his com- rades Sp. Larcius and T. Herminius. While the Romans were flying across, Horatius kept off the assailing host, and bade the Romans tear down the bridge, as soon as . they reached the other side. The three heroes stood like rocks against thousands of enemies ; but at length Hora- tius commanded his comrades to return to the city; and he alone resisted the foes, until the shouts of the work- men and the crash of the timber announced to him that all were safe, and that the bridge was torn down. He then prayed to the god of the Tiber, that he would save him and his arms, and dashed into the stream. Amid the show^ers of the enemy's arrows he swam across to the city. His grateful fellow-citizens afterward ei-ected a stat- ue to him in the comitium, and gave him as much land as he could plow round in a day.* The Etruscans now besieged Rome, which began to sufr fer from famine. The citizens testified their gratitude to Horatius, by bringing him all the provisions they could stint themselves of. When the famine was raging very*Tiigh, and there appeared to be no hope of saving Rome, C. Mu- cins, a noble youth, with the sanction of the senate, went across the Tiber with the intention of killing King Porsen- na with a sword which he had concealed under his garment. He understood the Etruscan language, and made his way up to the king's tent ; but mistaking a scribe, who was trans- acting business with the soldiers, for the king, he ran his sword through the scribe. As he attempted to force his way back through the surrounding crowd, the king's at- tendants seized him and brought him before their master. Mucins frankly declared what had been his intention, and told the king tliat there were many more, who were bold and resolute enough to follow his example. The enraged * This is of course a poetical exaggeration, and quite incompatible with the amount of land possessed even by the very wealthiest Komans of later times. HISTORY OF ROME. 87 ivmg forthwith ordered a fire to be kindled, to wrench from Mucius by torture an explanation of the vague threat he had held out ; but Mucius, to show that such things could not intimidate him, thrust his right hand into the flame which was "burning on the altar. The king, amazed at this unequaled courage and defiance, rose from his seat and bade him depart in peace. Mucius then infoi-med him that there were 300 young Romans who had swoni to de- stroy him, and would without fail accomplish what he him- self had not succeeded in. Mucius, who henceforth bore the surname of Scaevola from his having only his left {scaevus) hand, returned to Rome.* He was immediately followed by embassadors from Porsenna, who was anxious to get out of the perilous position in which he found him- self through the revelation of Mucius, and now proposed terms of peace. It was in vain that he demanded the res- toration of Tarquinius : the Romans, however, consented to give back tothe Veientines the seven districts [pagi) which had been taken from them ; and to give hostages for the withdrawal of the Etruscan garrison from the Janiculum. Peace was thus concluded ; and Porsenna with his army withdrew from the Roman territory. After such heroic deeds of the men, the 'Roman women also resolved upon winning laurels for themselves. Cloelia, one of the female hostages whom Porsenna had taken with him, contrived with the other maidens to escape from the Etruscan camp, and swam across the Tiber amid the darts of the pursuers. She brought her friends back in safety to their parents at Rome. The king, on hearing of it, sent envoys to demand the sui-render of the hostages ; and the Romans, faithful to tlieir treaty, sent Cloelia and her com- panions back : Porsenna, acting in a no less chivalrous spirit, treated her with honor and distinction, and allowed her to set free any of the young damsels she pleased. She chose the youngest, as being most in need of protection, be- cause most exposed to danger. Peace was then renewed, and the Romans honored Cloelia with an equestrian statue, which was set up at the top of the sacred road (iria sacra). This is the story about the war with Porsenna, such-a.s it was celebrated in poetry, and corrupted and disfigured by the vanity of the Romans, who could not prevail Upon themselves to own that their city had once been the prey * He was rewarded with apiece of land, on the Etnsceh side of the riv er, which waa ia after times known by the name ofprata Mucia, 88 HISTORY OP ROME. of a foreign conqueror. But that Rome did fall, and fall very low, is implied in several features of the story itself, in spite of all atteippts to disguise it; and Tacitus* clearly and expi'essly acknowledges that Rome was forced to sur- render to Porseiipa. Plinyt informs us, that among the cpnditions of peace which the conqueror dictated to Rome, there was one forbidding the Romans the use of iron ex- cept for agricultural purposes ; and a people- who were obliged to submit to such a condition, must surely have been compelled to deliver up all their arms. Now al- though t&ei'e is, in the tradition of this war, perhaps not a single fact that can stand the test of criticism, there can not be the slightest doubt that Poisenna for a tim-e was lord of Rome, which had yielded up its sovereignty to him. This is also implied in the statement that the Roman senate sent him an ivory throne and the other badges of royalty ;J and we may safely believe that Rome, when she recovered her independence, was obliged to give up to her conqueror a large portion of her territory, for on this supposition- alone is it intelligible, how in the year B.C. 495, the Roman ter- ritory had no more than 21 tribes or regions out of the 30 instituted by Servius Tullius.§ Livy compresses the whole war with Porsenna into the space of one year, whereas oth- ers state that it was cai'ried on for three successive years. The evacuation of the Janiculum did not, in all probability, take place. until Rome had regained her independence. The Romans, in forging their account of the war with Por- senna, seem to have forgotten that it is a more glorious thing to liberate one's self from the yoke of a foreign con- queror, than to make the vain boast of having never been conquered. . I From Rome, either during her reduction or after her restoration, Porsenna sent his son Aruns with a detachment of his troops to lay siege to Aricia, probably with a view of making himself master of all Latium ; but Aruns fell in battle, and a small band only escaped to Rome in a most wretched condition. The Romans received them with great kindness, nursed the wounded, and provided them with all they wanted. Some of these Etruscans afterward returned to their own country, but others remained at Rome, where a place wa,s assigned to them which was subsequently named after them the" Tusats vicus " Histor., iil, 72. t Hist. Nat., xxxiv., 39. t Dionys., v., S.!. J Liv., ii., SL ; comp. above, p. 60. HISTOSY OF ROME. 89 Poi-senna had in the'mean time relumed to Clusium, and again sent envoys to Rome respecting the restoration of Tarquinius, whom the tradition loses sight of throughout the war with Poreenna. But the Romans remaining firm in their determination, Porsenna at length declared, that he would no further interfere on behalf of the exiles ; and in order not to be outdone by the Romans in generosity, he sent back the hostages who were yet in his power, as well as restored to Rome the Veientine districts which had before been taken from her. Porsenna is thus made to dis- play his liberality toward Rome at the cost of his own al- lies. But how little confidence can be placed in these ac- comits is evident from the fact, that more than fifty years later Rome had no possessions on the Etruscan side of the Tiber, writh the exception of the Janiculum and the district of the Vatican. The defeat of the Etruscans at Aricia may be regarded as historical, and it was probably this defeat which afforded Rome an opportunity of shaking off their yoke. The property which Porsenna, on quitting Rome, left behind him, and at the disposal of the Romans, was sold by public auction, which gave rise to the symbolical custom at auctions of selling the goods of King Porsenna. This custom lasted down to the end of the republic. Livy himself found it diificult to explain how such a custom could have arisen, if Porsenna had parted from Rome in friend- ship. Henceforth the Etruscan king disappears from his- tory. The mythical character of the stories about him is further evident from the sepulchral monument which the Etruscans are said to have erected to him, which is as in- conceivable as any thing described in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments.* All that can be said with certainty is, that at one time Rome was subject to an Etruscan con- queror ; but whether this conquest belongs to the time to which tradition assigns it, or to an earlier period, must be left uncertain. After the peace with Porsenna, Tarquinius withdrew to his son-in-law, Mamilius Ootavius, at Tusculum. The Romans, after having recovered their independence, again provided themselves viath arms, and carried on wars with some of the Sabine towns, in which they were victorious. Disputes among the Sabines themselves, as to whether peace should be concluded with the Romans, or the war continued, induced the proud Sabine, Atta Clausus, after- * Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxvi., 19, } 3, Ac. 90 HISTORY OF ROME. ward called Appius Glaudius> to migrate with his family and a host of clients to Rome. The Claudii received the Roman franchise, and were raised to the rank of patricians : they formed the Claudian tribe, lands being assigned to - them beyond the river Anio. The consuls then marched into the country of the Sabines, and a victory which they gained over them did away with all fear of further aggres- sion from that quarter. In the same year, B.C. 503, died Valerius Publicola, the greatest hero of the time: he was honored with a burial at the public expense, and the Roman matrons mourned for him as they had done for Brutus. About the same time a war was carried on vrith the Au runcans, the towns of Cora and Fometia having revolted against Rome and joined the Auruncans. On the first en- counter the Auruncans were put to flight, and the war became concentrated about Pometia, which was besieged ; but the Romans were worsted and returned home. Soon after the Romans made another attempt upon Pometia, with more success, for the town was obliged to surrender, and most of its inhabitants were put to the sword or sold as slaves, and the town itself was razed to the ground.* In B.C. 501, a more serious war broke out with the Latins. It is described in detail by Dionysius, although it is any thing but historical. Livy passes over it very lightly, and only relates the great and decisive battle of Lake Regillus, which he places in B.C. 499, while others, and among them Dionysius, place it four years later. The whole affair, however, is only an heroic lay ; for though the Romans are said to have won a complete victory, yet after several years of inactivity, B.C. 493, they conclude a treaty vsdth Latium, in which the Latins are placed on a footing of equality with the Romans — the very object for which the Latins are said to have fought the battle of Lake Regillus. Thirty Latin townships, it is said, had conspir- ed against Rome, at the instigation of Mamihus Octavius. Under these alarming circumstances, the Romans appoint- ed a dictator to conduct the war against the Latins. His name, according to the earliest wi-iters, was T. Larcitis. The ofiice of dictator, which had existed at Alba and in other Latin towns long before this time, conferred upon the person invested with it a more unlimited power than * The acooant of this war is veiy nearly the same as that against the Volscians (Liv., ii., 32) which is placed ten years later. Perhaps the one is only a repetition of the other. msTOllV Of KOME. 91 had been possessed by the kings, for he had the itnperium within the city, and from his sentence there was no appeal. In this manner the patricians, from among whom alone the dictator could be chosen, were enabled to coerce the plebeians when they refused to take up arms against the Latins.* Whether any thing was undertaken by the dicta- tor against the Latins, is uncertain, but his appointment kept the Sabines in awe, and the plebeians in quiet sub mission. However, in the year after, Fidenae was besieg ed, Crustumeria taken, and Praeneste, which deserted the cause of the Latins, joined the Romans. As the contest between the two nations began to take a serious turn, both engaged to keep peace for a time,t that the various ties among their citizens might be peaceably dissolved. All the women of eacb nation who were married in the other obtained leave to return to their relatives, taking their daughters with them ; accordingly, the Roman' women left their Latin husbands, and all the Latin women, with the exception of two, quitted Rome. When these things were settled, A. Postumius was ap- pointed dictator, and T. Aebutius his master of the horse. The Romans marched out toward the Lake Regillus, in the territory of Tusculum. A report that the exiled king Tar- quinius was in the army of the Latins so much enraged the Romans, that they attacked the enemy at once. The bat- tle which now ensued, according to the description in Livy,{ is, as Niebuhr remarks, " a conflict between heroes like those in the Iliad. All the heroes encounter, hand to hand, and by them the victory is thrown now into one scale, now into another, while the troops fight without any effect." It would be idle here to give an account of the battle ; suffice it to say, that most of the heroes fell, and that the Roman equites at length decided the victory, by ; routing the vanquished enemy. A temple had been vowed ; by the dictator to the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux), and i two gigantic youths on white horses were seen fighting in the Roman ranks: before the pursuit of the Latins was over, * A dictator was appointed only for six months, on the proposal of the senate ; he was always taken from among the consalars, or the men who had been consuls. His original title was magister populi. Another officer who was. always appointed along with him, and stood ander him, bore the title of magister eguitum, or commander of the horse. In the earlier times he was chosen by the senate, bat afterward by the dictator himself. t What here follows is a genuine fragment of the anciest la^, and ii pre- ■erved in Dionysias, vi., 1. t ii-i 19, &c- 92 HISTORY OP ROME. the two divine heroes appeared at Rome, and announced the happy event of the day to the people assembled in the comitium. » This glorious battle concludes the mythical period of Roman history ; and though the subsequent history is still much mixed up vyith fables and lays, we feel that we have reached historical ground. Sextus Tarquinius had fallen in the battle ;* but his father had only been woundedj and escaped to Cuma, where he died in B.C. 496, leaving his property to Aristodemus, the tyrant of Cuma. The tradi- tions of this Latin war lead us to believe that so long as Tarquinius was alive, and Rome 'was threatened by dangers from without, the patricians did all they could to keep the plebeians, who formed the main strength of the Roman armies, in good humor ; and when they did not succeed by such means, the appointment of a dictator weis an effi- cient way of compelling them to obedience. It is expressly stated that in the year of Tarquinius's death the patricians began to trample upon the plebeians. CHAPTER VII. INSURRECTION AND SECESSION OP THE PLEBS. THE TRIB- UNES OP THE FLEBS. LEAGUE WITH THE LATINS. CORI- OLANUS. LEAGUE WITH THE HERNICANS. SP. CASSIUS. WARS AGAINST VEII, THE VOLSCIANS, AND AEQUIANS. PUBLILI0S VOLERO, TERENTILLUS ARSA, AND THE INTERN- AL STRUGGLES BETWEEN THE TWO ESTATES. The plebeians, who, ever since the establishment of the republic, had been obliged to shed their blood in her wars, and were subject to the most rigorous laws at home, had been kept quiet, partly by mildness and moderation in times of danger, partly by the terror of a dictator ; but no sooner had the outward danger disappeared and Tarquini- us died, than the patricians at once threw off the mask,' and indulged in every kind of oppression that aristocratic pride and insatiable avarice could devise. General pov^ erty and debts were frequently the causes of great civil * "According to Dionyaiis, for Livy makes Sextos TorquiBios die at Gabii." Comp. p. 72. IIISTOIIY OF ROME. 93 commotions in the states of antiquity ; and such was the case at Rome also. But the commotions which there oc- curred, far from leading to the dissolution or overthrow of the constitution, as they would probably have done in other states, were only the means of its natural development and improvement. The distress and poverty of the plebeians must have been gradually increasing ever since thpir incorporation with the Roman state ; for, not to mention the hardships and oppression to which they were subjected by the last king, they had been obliged, during the uninterrupted wars, to serve in the armies and to pay the tribute, and thus were unable to attend to their farms and fields, which were neglected, and ravaged by foreign enemies. The consequence was, that the impoverished plebeians were obliged to borrow money of the wealthy patricians at an exorbitant rate of interest. Now a creditor at Rome, as at Athens, previous to the legislation of Solon, might, by law, deprive his insolvent debtor of his freedom and life ;* nay, even the children and grandchildren of an insolvent debtor might be thrown into the private dungeons of the nobles, in which, down to a very late period, they were kept as slaves ;t for the law was, that if a debtor, within a certain period after the- debt had been proved before the magistrate, was unable to satisfy his creditor, he was given over to him as his bondsman ; that is, he became what was called his creditor's addictus. If, on the other hand, a person, in borrowing money of another, disposed of him- self and all that belonged to him, he became a nexus, or nexu vincttis ; that is, he formally sold himself, and all he possessed, by his own act and deed.|: A person who had thus disposed of himself, in the form of a sale, remained in possession of his pledge, that is, of his ovra person, for the time, after the lapse of which he had to redeem himself by repaying the borrowed money. If it was not repaid, the creditor laid claim to the debtor's property. Persons who had no property to pledge must always have contract- ed their loans under the form of a sale, and any one who " It is said that a law prohibiting a debtor irom pledging his person had been promulgated by King Servius Tullins, that it was abolished by the last Tarquinius, and again enacted by Valerias Pnblieola — ^Dionys., v., 3 ; but it seems that by this time it had again been abolished. t Liv., vi., 36 ; nii., 28. X dictator. The charges, which were brought against Sp. Maelius only by vague re- port, were never proved : he fell a victim to party animos- ity, in broad daylight, and in the midst of the forum. His house was pulled down ; and the supplies of com, which are said to have been found in it, were sold by L. Minu- cius at one as per modius. Cicero, and other writers of a later age, hold up Ahala as a model of heroic virtue ; but his cotemporaries judged otherwise : he was accused of murder before the people, and escaped condemnation only by voluntary exile.* Had the plebeians still been what they were some years before, a revolution would inevitably have broken out ; but all that the commonalty now did was to insist upon the election of consular tribunes, instead of consuls, for the year following ; to which the patricians agreed the more readily, as they were able to insure the election of patricians only. The plebeians, notwithstand- ing, steadily proceeded toward the goal they h?id in view, • Valor. Maxim., v., 3, 2. HISTORY OP KOME. 12*? and in the period which now followed they acquired sev- eral minor advantages, one after another. The Aequiaus and Volscians had been defeated a sec- ond time since the decemvirate in B.C. 446 ; and now, after the internal commotions we have just mentioned, the second war against Veil broke out. It was occasioned, like the first, by the revolt of Fidenae, in B.C. 438. This town had been subdued by the Romans in early times, and had received Roman colonists to keep it is submission. Freqtient but useless attempts had been made from time to time by the Fidenatans to get rid of the Roman settlers; at length, being strengthened by an alliance with Veil and the Faliscans, they revolted, and expelled the colonists. Three Roman embassadors were sent to Fidenae, but they were put to death by the command of Lar Tolumnius of Veil. The Fidenates immediately made war upon the Romans, and advanced as far as the Colline Gate ; but the dictator, A. Servilius Priscus, in B.C. 435, reconquered Fidenae. The leaders of the revolt were put to the sword, and new'colonists were sent to Fidenae, w^ho, however, after the defeat of the Romans before Veii, in B.C. 426, were all massacred. Diodorus,* with great probability, assigns the murder of the Roman embassadors to this year ; for had it taken place as early as B.C. 438, the Romans would surely not have treated the place as leniently as they are s?,id to have done. Veil had concluded a truce after the reconquest of Fi- denae, but the fresh outrage committed in the latter place, in B.C. 426, was the cause of war being declared against Veii. The command was intrusted to the dictator Mam. Aemilius, whose master of the horse slew Lar Tolumnius with his own hand, and dedicated his spoils in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. Fidenae was probably retaken in the same year and destroyed : its surviving inhabitants were sold as slaves ; and the place itself became a deserted vil- lage. The victory of Mam. Aemilius over Veii could not yet be followed up to a decisive issue ; for the Romans were, at the moment, glad to conclude a truce in order to be able to direct their forces against the Aequians, -with whom and the Volscians war had again broken out in B.C. 431. It was conducted by the dictator A. Postumius Tubertus, of whom a fearful story is related. According to some ac- • xii., 80. • 128 HISTORY OP HOME. counts, he ordered his own son to be put to death, because he had ventured, contrary to the command of his father, to quit his post, and fight a glorious battle. As the Romans defeated their enemies in two great battles, near Lanu- vium and Tusculum, it is not improbable that they may have compelled them to recognize the sovereignty of Rome. For some years these Auruncan tribes kept the peace, un- til, in B.C; 423, the Volscians again rose, and were soon after joined by the Aequians. The consul, C. Sempronius Atratinus, conducted the war so languidly and carelesslyj that his army was very nearly annihilated : at length, in B.C. 418, the enemy was defeated on Mount Algidus by the dictator A. Servilius Priscus. Lavici was taken, and received a Roman colony. In B.C. 407, an unsuccessful war was caiTied on against the Volscians ; but Anxur was taken.* In the same year the truce with Veii came to its close ; and as it was more necessary than ever that the soldiers should be willing to fight the battle of the republic, the senate, without any demand on the part of the plebs or its tribunes, issued a decree, that henceforth the soldiers should receive pay from the public treasury ;t for hither- to they had been obliged to provide themselves with all that was necessaiy at their own expense. Never had an offer been so joyfully accepted by the people, notwith- standing the suspicions of the tribunes, who in vain caution- ed them against the deceitful present. But the measure was one commanded by necessity, to put an end to the re- peated refusals of the plebeians to enlist in the armies ; for writhout a willing army it was impossible for Rome to es- tablish her permanent supremacy over her neighbors, or to make conquests at a distance. War was now declared against Veii, that powerful and wealthy city which had al- ways been to Rome a cause of fear. A Roman army be- gan to lay siege to it in B.C. 405. At first the besieging army always returned home during the winter ; but when the war had already lasted for several years without' any result, the Romans resolved to build huts for the winter [hibernacula), which should enable them to continue the * The confusion in Livy^fl accounti of these wars is very great ; legend* ary features are mixed up with history, and events are firequentiy mis- planed. See Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, ii., p. 458, &c. t The daily, pay of a common soldier, according to Polybtos, vi., 39, con- i^sted of three ases, that of a centurion of sis, and that of a horseman of nine ases. HISTORY OF ROME. 129 siege uninteiTuptedly both winter and summer. The war was nevertheless protracted for nine yeai's, until in the tenth, B.C. 396, Veil was taken by the dictator M. Furius CamillUs, the greatest general of his age. Veii, throughout this war, received very little support from the other Etruscan towns ; the cause of which may have been either their jealousy, or their fear of the G-auls, who had already crossed the Alps and taken the Etruscan town of Melpum on the north of the Po. Camillas, on being raised to the dictatorship, collected all the forces that he could muster, and first led them against the allies of the Veientines : he defeated the Capenatans and Paliscans in the neighborhood of Nepete, and then besieged Veii more closely than ever. So far the account of the war sounds credible enough ; but the history of the fall of Veii, in the tenth year, is nothing but a beautiful poetical lay in which Veii acts the same pqrt as Troy does in the legends of the Trojan war. This lay is connected with several others (we may call them the lays of Camillus) : they extend from the first appearance of Camillus before Veii to his last victory over the Gauls. Their substance is preserved most completely in Plutarch's life of Camillus. The fall of Veii, so the story runs, had been announced by various prodigies, the most remarkable among which was the lising of the water of the Alban lake without any visible cause, and that to such a height, that it deluged all the neighboring country. An embassy was sent to Delphi, to consult the oracle about this extraordinary spectacle. In the mean time an Etruscan soothsayer had been ensnared by a Roman cen- turion, and carried to Rome, where he confessed that the Veientine books of fate announced that Veii could not be taken so long as the Alban lake overflowed the country, and that Rome should perish if its waters reached the sea. Soon after this the embassadors returned from Delphi, and their answer was to the same effect. Hereupon the Ro- mans began making a tunnel to prevent the overflow of the water, and to conduct it through the fields in ditches. The work was carried on with great vigor ; and when its com- pletion was near at hand, the Veientines were infoi-med of it. Embassadoi-s now came from Veii, imploring the Ro- mans to forbecir, but in vain ; and on leaving the senate- house they declared, that the same oracles which predict- ed the fall of Veii also foretold, that, soon after, Rome herself should be taken by the Gauls. A portion of the F2 130 HISTORY OP Rome/ Roman army, engaged in the siege of Veii, was in the mean time actively employed in digging a subterraneous , passage, which led to the citadel of Veii, and was to issue in the temple of Juno.* As the day approached on which Veii was to fall, the senate decreed that the booty taken should be distributed among all those Romans who wished to partate of it and would proceed to the camp. Hosts of people, old and young, now flocked from Rome to the de- voted city. When the water of the Alban lake was led into the fields, and when all the preparations for an assault were made, Camillus, having promised rich rewards to the gods, and leading some cohorts himself, entered the sub- terraneous passage ; at the same time an assault was made upon the city. The King of Veii happened to be offering a sacrifice in the temple of Juno; -and the priest declared, that whoever should bring the goddess her share of the victim should conquer. These words were heard by Ro- mans under ground ; and, on the instant, they burst forth and offered the sacrifice: this being done, they rushed through the city to open the gates to their comrades. Thus Veii fell into the hands of the Romans. The amount of spoil surpassed even the expectation of the conquerors. The whole was given up to the army, except the captives, who were sold on account of the republic. The statue of Juno is said to have followed the conquerors to Rome of her own accord, and a temple was erected to her on the Aventine. Elated by his victory, Camillus cel- ebrated a most splendid triumph ; but his unexampled and pompous display excited the anger of the gods, and the time was not far distant when he had to atone for it by exile, and Rome by her destruction by the Gauls. He had vowed the tenth of the spoil to the Delphic god, which was sent in the shape of a golden bowl eight talents in weight. After the fall of Veii, the Capenatans obtained a peace ; but the war against the Faliscans being still continued, Camillus compelled them to quit a strong position which they had occupied in order to protect their country, and drove them back into their city of Falerii. A school- master is said to have led the sons of the most distin- " The story about this passage is wholly Incredible. It may have arisen ont of the account of the tunnel of the Alban lake, which the legend con- nects with the taking of Veii, and of which remnants are to be seen at this day, although it is doubtful whether its constraction actually belongs to the time which the legend assigns to it, HISTOKY OK ROME. 131 guished citizens of Falerii into the Roman camp, to deliver them up to the enemy; but Camillus was noble-minded enough to s^nd them back, and to order the trafeor to be flogged. A peace was then concluded with the Faliscans, oh condition of their giving to the Roman soldiers their pay for a whole year. It was probably the reduction of Falerii that led to a war with another Ett-uscan town, Vulsinii, which was decided in B.C. 391, in a great battle, after which a peace was concluded for twenty years. When Veii and its territory had fallen into the hands of the Romans, tfae patricians, as usual, endeavored to keep the newly-conqaered lauds for themselves ; but the trib- unes demanded that the land, together with the buildings en it, should be distributed among all the Roman citizens indiscriminately. The senate, and even some of the trib- unes, opposed the plan ; but at length, in B.C. 393, the senate, apparently of its ovm accord, ordained the disti-i- bution of the Veientine territory, in lots of seven jugera, among all the plebeians.* Some lands taken from the Aequians had been distributed the year before, and the patricians Jiad heped thereby to satisfy the wishes of the ^ebeians, tJiatliey might keep the lands of Veii for them- selves ; but tbey had miscalculated, and, in the end, they feund it more prudent to give up what they could not re- tain, than to allow it to be wrenched from them. Camillus, the conqueror of Veii, had never, since his triumph, enjoyed any favor with the people : his triumph had displayed his unmeasured pride ; and as he had not mentioned the vow he had made in the war, to dedicate the tenth of the spoil to the Delphic god, many persons, when at length he made it known, had already spent what they bad acquired, and had therefore to stint themselves of what they wanted to make good his vow. He vyas, moreover, foremost among those patricians who opposed the proposition that the pjebeians should have a share in the distribution of the Veientine territory. The. conse- quence of all this was, that, in B.C. 391, the tribute, L. Apuleius, charged him with having secreted some costly articles ffoxa, the spoils taken at Veii. The accusation appears to have been well founded; and, in order to escape condemnation, he went ipto exile to Ardea, pray- "ing.'as he w^nt out of the gates, that Rome nught 8<^D have bitter cause to regret him, * Liv., v., 30; compare Diod., xJv., 10*, 132 HI8T0RY OF ROME. CHAPTER IX. TAKING OF ROMB BY THE GAULS, AND THE SUBSEQUENT EVENTS, DOWN TO THE LEGISLATION OP C. LICINIUS STOLO AND L. SEXTIUS. The time was now approaching when the prophecy of the Etruscan soothsayer was to be ftilfiUed. There can be little doubt that Rome owed her victories over the Etruscan towns to the immigrartion of the Gauls or Celts, who at the time were pressing hard upon the Etruscans, and had already made themselves masters of the country to the north of the river Po. Tradition represents the Gauls as having been tempted, by the wine and fruit growing on the southern side erf" the Alps, to cross those mountains ; and that tm Etruscan, Aruns of Clasium, had invited them, with a view of taking vengeance on a young Lucumo who had dishonored his wife, and against whose outrage he could not get any redress. This stoiy is ob- viously a mere fable : the cause of the Gallic migi'ation to the south must have lain much deeper : it was either na- tional distress which compelled them to seek food, and a new home, in a foreign land ; or they were pushed for- ward by other nations.* Their huge ijodies, wild figures, and long and shaggy bail-, gave a ghasthness to then- appearance ; their undaunted courage, and love of de- struction, spread fear and terror all-around; and the Ed-uscan armies had already been frequently beaten by them. One branch of the Gauls, the Senones, under their chief, Brennus, probably assisted by other tiibes, marched toward Clusium, in B.C. 391. The Clusiries, though they had no claims to the friendship of the Romans, and knew them only as a powerful nation which had recently con- quered Veii, sent envoys to call upon them for aid. The senate did not comply with their request, but sent the three sons of M. Fabius Ambustus as embassadoi-s to the Gauls, to demand of them in the name of the Roman peo- ple to withdraw, or else to prepare for war with Rome also ; fpr Rome felt herself invincible, and imagined that * A tradition, related in Livy, states that the Gauls had crossed the jjLlps as early as the time of Tarqninius Priscns. HISTORT OF ROME. 133 the tprror of her. name alone would be sufficient to send the barbarians back to their homes. The Gauls answered, that their own countiy was too small to maintain them; and that they would do no harm to Clusium, if its inhabi- tants would share their territory with them. As this was refiised, a battle ensued between the Gauls and Clusines ; and the Roman embassadors, contrary to the law of na- tions, fought foremost in the ranks of the latter. One of the Fabii slew a Gallic chief, and was recognized by the Gauls as he was collecting the spoils. Hereupon the Gauls at once stopped the fight, and, indignant at the unlawfol conduct of the Eoman embassadors, would have forthwith marched against Rome, had not the more mod- erate among them prevailed upon the rest to send envoys to Rome to demand the surrender of the Fabii. The Roman senate saw the jiistice of the demand, but was too proud to yield to it. The matter was referred to the assembly of the people, who not only did not punish the ofienderB, but appointed them consular tribunes for the next year. When the envoys brought back their report, the Gauls with an army of 70,000 men straightway set out for Rome. Blinded by reliance on their own strength, the Romans made no great preparations to meet the necessity of the case. With a badly-organized army the consular tribunes marched out, and, to their surprise, met the enemy at the distance of eleven miles fi'om the city, on the banks of the little stream AHia, which flows from the Crustumine hills toward the Tiber. The Romans, on seeing the immense host of barbarians, cast away their arms and took to ffight. On the banks of the Tiber they were overtaken, and per- ished either by the sword or in the river; a few only escaped to Rome and Veii. This unfortunate day on the AlHa {dies Mliensis) which was only the forerunner of a far greater calamity, was never forgotten : it was the eighteenth of July, B.C. 390.* On the evening of the same day.t the Gauls appeared before the Colline gate, in the field of Mars; but they were soon scattered over the country, abandoning them- selves to plunder, drunkenness, and all the atrocities of an unruly horde of barbarians ; and thus the attack upon • See however Liv. vi. 1 ; Gellins, v. 17 ; Macrob. Satvm. i. 16. t Polyhius (ii. 18) and Plutarch {Camil 19) state that the Gauls did not arrive at Rome till three days after the battle on the AUia. 134 HISTORY OF ROM£. Itome itself was delayed for some time, during which the Capitol was gajrispned with the men best able to bear amis, and was siipplied with provisions. As it was im- pressible to defend the city, most of the citizens, who could escape, took refuge in the neighboring towns. The ob- jects of religious worship were partly buried, partly car- ried to Caere ; and the city was left to the barbarians. Eighty priests, and aged patricians of hi^ rank, sat down in the forum on their cumle chairs, in thejr festal robes, and, devoting themselves to the infernal gods awaited death. As the Gauls saw that the walls were deserted, they burst into the city : they found it all desolate and death-like, and marched toward the forum. There they saw the venerable aged men, whose aspect terrified the savages; for they doubted whether' wbat they beheld v;'ere real mortals, or the gods assembled to defend the city. One of the barljarians went up to the priest, M. Papirius, and stroked his beard, to satisfy his min^ as to whether he actually were a human being. The priest indignantly struck him on the head with his ivoi-y scepter, and this was a signal for the Gauls to massacre all the eighty. The plundering and conflagration lasted for several days, until the whole city was reduced to a heap of ruins, with the exception of a few houses on the Pala- tine, which' the Gallic chiefs used as their own habitations. The Capitol alone continued to hold out, being pierse- veiingly defended by a band of about one thousand meti. Several attempts were made to take it by stonn, but the desperate energy of the Romans repulsed the assailants. The Gauls then resolved to wait till the provisions of the garrison should be exhausted, and thus to compel the be- sieged to surrender by hunger. The latter derived their drinking water from a well in the Tarpeian rock, which remains to this day a memori^il of the siege of the Capitol by the Gauls. The ferocious de^vastations of tlie barbari- ans, however, became their own punishment; for they themselves began to suffer from famine and contagioiis diseases. They were obliged to spread over Latiana, tav the purpose of collecting provisions ; and a band of liem appear to have gone as far south as Apulia ^ some even entered the_ service of' Dionysius of Syraciase.* C'amiSuB, who lived in exile at Ar^ea, collected tW Ardeatans and fugitive Roraaws, and with them reputeed the plundering * 0iod. xiv, 117 ; Justin, w. S.. HISTORY OF ROME. 135 Gauls. The Elruscans at this time took advantage of the miserable condition of Rome, and began to plunder the Veientine territory ; but M. Caedicius led the Romans assembled at Veii into the field, routed the enemy, and recovered the captives and plunder. The tidings of these successful enterprises were conveyed to Rome by a deuring youth named Pontius Cominius, who swam across the Tiber, and cUmbed up the Capitol. Soon after, the Gauls discovered the way by which he had got to the top of the Capitol ; and in the dead of the night they attempted to imitate his example. One barbarian, unobserved by the sentinels and dogs, had akeady reached the top, when the alarm was given by the cries of the geese which wei-e kept in the Capitol in honor of Juno. M. Manhus, whose house stood on the Capitol,* was awakened by the noise : he rushed out of his house and thrust down the Gaul, who, in his fall, involved that of the othei-s who were clambering after him. Manlius was rewarded by the garrison with gifis suitable to the state of famine from which they were suffering so severely : they then resolved to offer to the besiegers a sum of money if they would withdraw. As Brennus saw his own ranks greatly reduced by disti-ess and diseases, he agreed to accept one thousand pounds- weight of gold, and to quit Rome and its territoiy. But the gods, it seems, could not allow Rome to fall so low as to purchase her freedom with gold. The Romans assembled at Veii having, in the meantime, recalled Camil- lus from exile, appointed him dictator. He forthwith pixj- ceeded with his army to Veii, where he found twenty thousand Romans. Being thus reinforced, he marched toward Rome, where he arrived just at the moment when the gold was weighed out to the Gallic king. Camillas i-eached the forum before the gold was delivered up, and canceled the treaty, which had been concluded without his consent. While Brennus was remonstrating with him on diis breach of faith, the Roman legions arrived, and a battle ensued, in which tlie barbarians were driven out of the city. A second battle on the road to Gabii, whither the Romans pursued the enemy, completed the deUvery of Rome ; for all the Gauls fell — ^not a single man escaping to carry away the tidings of the defeat. Brennus himself was taken prisoner and put to death, and Camillus re- turned to Rome in triumph. The time during which the • Hence he is called Capitolinus, and not from his defense of the Capitol. 136 IlISTcinY OF noME. barbarians are said to have been in possession of the city, is variously stated at six, seven, or eight months. ' This is the story of the sacking of Rome by the Gauls, and of her final delivery. It is impossible to say how much of it is true, and what may be the additions and embellishments added to it by poetical tradition, and by the family pride of the Camilli and Manlii. The true ac- count of Rome's delivery is probably contained in the plain statement of Polybius,* that, the Gauls gave up Rome as an act of grace, because, in their absence, the Venetians had invaded the country of the Gauls, and that they re- turned home with their booty without any harm or loss. Diodorus does not say a word of the appointment of Camillus to the dictatorship, much less of his having lib- erated Rome by arms. The differences in the accounts of the departure of the Gauls, the contradictions and im- possibilities, are such as may easily be pardoned in poetry, but are insupportable in an account claiming to be history. The greatest discrepancies also prevail in regard to the year in which Rome was taken by the Gauls : some say, in round numbers, it was three hundred and sixty or three hundred and sixty-five years after the building of the city, that is, B.C. 394, or 398, while others place the event in B.C. 390, or 388. After the departure of the Gauls, Rome and the sur- rounding country must have been a real wilderness : many of the small to^vns in her vicinity must have been swept away. Thousands of persons must have fallen by the sword ; and many of those who escaped the sword must have been carried away as slaves by the barbarians. When the fugitive Romans returned to the city, they found only a heap of rubbish : even the walls which king Servius built had been pulled down. While things were in this state, several of the neighboring towns were ready to seize the opportunity of casting off the yoke of Rome. AH this, when they were called upon to rebuild the" city, filled th'e people with dismay : they vehemently desired to quit the place altogether, and to remove to Veil, which was un- destroyed, and contained much better dwelling-houses than Rome had ever possessed, and in the neighborhood of which a number of plebeians were already settled. But a nobler spirit prevailed : the better part of the Romans felt that it would be a cowardly and pusillanimous act to * ii. 18 and 22, HISl'ORY OP ROME. 137 abandon their ancient home, with which the dearest as- sociations and recollections were connected, where the ancient gods and protectors of the Romans dwelled, and where all the power had been acquired which Rome pos- sessed over the neighboring countiies and tribes. The selfishness of the patricians, whose possessions lay on the left bank of the Tiber, may likewise have exercised its in- fluence in the decision of the course to be adopted ; but, however this may be, a lucky omen is said to have silenced all doubts : for as, after an energetic speech of Camillus, the senate was engaged in discussing the matter, a centu- rion, v7ho with his men passed by the senate-house, was hesird to say, " Let us plant the banner here, for here it is best to stay." Upon these words, the senators rushed out of the house, and declared that they accepted the omen. The people who crowded around them agreed vsrith them, and it was resolved to rebuild the city. As speed was necessary, the state gave bricks* gratis, and allowed the citizens to take stones fi'om any quarries they pleased, on condition that the rebuilding of their houses should be completed in one yeai\ Every body was allowed to build how and where he pleased ; and in the huiTy, the people forgot the directions of the ancient streets, fi-om whence it happened that the great sewers, which had before run undet- the public roadsr afterward ran across the sti-eets and under private houses. It may easily be conceived that the beauty and comfort of the new houses were matters of secondary consideration. The irregularity in the streets of Rome, once produced, could not be remedied afterward ; and the streets, down to the great fire in the reign of Nero, remained narrow and crooked. Many Romans, who had taken to flight during the Gallic invasion, wanted to re- main where they had found a new home, in order to escape the necessity of building a house in the destroyed city ; but the senate commanded them to return before a certain day, under pain of the severest penalties. Rome was thus rebuilt within the space of one year. All who had afibrded her succors during the time of mis- fortune were rewarded vrith honors. The inhabitants of • It is by no means improbable that these bricks were bricks were taken from houses at Veii, and that in B.C. 388 the walls of Rome were rebuilt with stones from the walls of Veii, for after this time Veii no longer ap- pears as a splendid city, but only as an insignilicant place. By reducing that town to this state, the Romans cut off at once all future schemes of settling there. 138 UISTOBY OF ROME. Caere and Missilia received the Roman franchise ; and the Roman matrons, the privilege of having orations in their praise spoken at their funerals. During this period of re- covery, Camillus was the soul of the republic, and her bravest commander in the wars which broke out on every side; for, with the exception of the faithful Sabines, all the neighboring towns and tribes endeavored to recover their independence. The Latins and Hemicans renounced the yoke of their alliance with Rome, though some of the Latin towns preferred to remain faithful. The Volscians, joined by some of the Latin towns, were the first to come forward as open enemies of fallen Rome, and the Etrus- cans soon followed their example. Camillus was ap- pointed dictator a third time, and enlisted all the Romans capable of bearing arms, both old and young: he formed them into three armies, with one of which he set out against the Volscians, 'whom he defeated and routed v^dth great slaughter. From the Volscians he proceeded against the Aequians, who were besieging Bolae ; they too were de- feated, and their camp taken. The Roman army which was stationed near Veil, and intended to operate against the Etruscans, was not strong enough to relieve Sutrium ; but the speedy arrival of the dictator saved the place ; anil the Etruscans, who already looked upon themselves as conquerors, were cut to pieces. He then marched' to Ne- pete, which was already surrendered to the Etruscans; but their garrison was unable to ihaintain itself in the town, and was driven out of it. The place was taken by storm, and they by whose ' advice it had been surrendered to the enemy were put to death. Both Sutrium and Nepete re- ceived Roman colonists, as a protection against fiorther at- tacks of the Eti-uscans. Camillus as he returned to Rome celebrated a triple triumph. In B.C; 388, some Etruscan towns belonging to Tar- quinii were taken ; and two years later, the Antiatans, being reinforced by a number of volunteers from Latin towns, fought an obstinate battle against Camillus near Satricum, VRhich then belonged to the Volscians, and was reduced by force : Antium, however, held out until B.C. 385, when the dictator, A. Cornelius Cossus, gained a complete victory over the Volscians in the Pomptine district. A colony of 2000 citizens was now sent to Satricum. Out of this war arose another agaiqst Velitrae, which had thrown off the Roman yoke ; and as the Romajis en- HISTOKY OF ROME. 139 gaged against Velitrae found that it was supported by the Fraenestines, who had before ravaged the tenitory of some La.tin towns which had remained faithful to Rome, war was also declared in B.C. 382 against Praenestc. The Prae- nestiaes in their turn, assisted by VeUtrae, conquered, Satji cum, and treated the Roman colonists with great cruelty. Hereupon CamiUus, though he was suffering from ill health, accepted a place among the consular tribunes (B.C. 381), and marched out with an army against the allied enemies. One part of the Roman forces was put to flight; but Ca- millus checked the fiigitives, and led them against the enemy, who was compelled to retreat. Whether he gained a real victory and took the enemy's camp,* is very uncertain ; at any rate the Praenestines were not much weakened, for in the very next year they ravaged the Roman tenitory, and advanced as fiir as the Colline gate. T. Quinctius Cin- cinnatus was then appointed dictator, and immediately raised an army, before which the enemy retreated until they reached the AlUa, where they offered battle. The Romans, however, gained the day, and put them to flight. Quinc- tius pursued them, and in nine days he took nine towns, eight of which belonged to Praeneste : on the tenth day, Praeneste iteelf fell into the hands of the Romans. On tlie twentieth day afl:er his appointment to the dictatorship, Qtiinctius celebrated his triumph.t The war against An- tium was brought to a close in B.C. 376 : Satricum was recovered; and the Antiatans were cut to pieces at Tus-. culum. After this, Rome was for- a time prevented from fiirther foreign enterprises by the disputes occasioned by fhe Li- cinian rogations. The period from the decemvirate, down to the destruction of Roma by the Gauls, had been one of increasing prosperity for the plebeians : many families had received assignments of land in the Veientine territory and elsewhere ; the booty taken in the wars, if carefully hus- banded, must have yielded considerable advantages to many; and the pay which the soldiers received took a heavy burden Scora them. During the whole of that period of about half a century, we hear no complaints of any harsh application of the law of debt. But the invasion of the Gauls, accompanied as it was with the destruction of Rome, * Liv. vi. 24. t Ad inscription on a golden wreath, which Quinctius dedicated in the Capitoline temple, recoiding his brilliant victory, was the oldest among the inscriptions at Rome of which the precise age was known. See Liv. vi 29. 140 IIISTTJRY of ROME. and the devastation of the country all aronud, put an end to the thriving prosperity of the Romans. The losses sustain- ed through the barbarians, the rebuilding of the city, the purchase of nevf cattle and agricultural implements, and in addition to all this, the necessity of a high rate of taxation, led to a general state of debt among those whose means were not above mediocrity. In order to raise the reduced popula- tion, the inhabitants of four neighboring districts received the full Roman fi-anchise, and were formed into four new tribes, so that henceforth the number of tribes was 25.* The wealthy Romans, chiefly patricians, again began to act the revolting pari of usurers, and again endeavored to deprive the plebeians of the rights which had been secured to them by solemn treaties. Many a poor plebeian now again elced out his wretched existence in the dungeon of his cruel creditor, and hundreds of others had nothing but the prospect of a similar fate before them. M. Manlius, the deliverer of the Capitol, whose ambition was wounded by the neglect of his fellow-patricians, and by the repeated appointments of Camillus to the highest dignities, opened for himself a new road to distinction. He took pity upon the poor and helpless debtors ; and one day, as he saw one of his old and brave fellow-soldiers canied away in fetters by a usurer, Manlius generously piaid the debt on the spot, and restored the man to his family. The people who saw the man, and heard his sad tale, felt that "his case was only one out of a hundred similar ones, and were roused to indignation at the hard-heartedness of the rich. Manlius at the same time declared in public, that so long as he possessed a single pound of brass, he would not allow a Roman citizen to be carried into slavery for debt ; and he kept his word faithfully ; for upwards of 400 citizens were rescued by him from imprisonment, by lending them money without interest. He thus gained the honorable appellation of the " father of the people ;" and plebeians of all classes were frequently observed to visit Jiis house on the Capitoline. The irritation, which his popularity pro- duced, was increased by a charge which he made against the patricians ; for he said that they had embezzled some of the gold levied to cover the ransom of the city from the Gauls, and he demanded that the sum should be refunded for the purpose of a general liquidation of debts. In B.C. 385, A. Cornelius Cossus, who was raised to the dictatorship ' * Liv, vi. 5. HISTORY OP ROME. 141 to conduct the war against the Volscians, ordered Manlius to be thrown into prison, for attempting to create sedition among the people, and for slandering the patricians. Many of the plebeians put on mourning, as for their most faithful friend and patron ; they thronged around his prison ; and some even muttered threats that they would release him by force. The senate then restored him to liberty, either because they began to be alarmed, or because no evidence could be brought against him. When he was again among his fiiends, their language naturally became fiercer and more menacing than before ; and though it may have been an unfounded charge that he aimed at kingly power, yet Manlius had now become an extremely dangerous citizen. Two tribunes, probably with no other object than to induce him to quit Rome, impeached him before the centuries, charging him vnth high treason. His own friends forsook him ; but when he reminded the people of the battles he bad fought, and of what the republic owed to him, they felt that they could not condemn himi As this, however, was not the way to remove the danger and restore peace, the same charge was then brought against him before' the curiae. The patrician court condemned him to death. Whether he had acted as an open rebel before, or whether the sen- tence of condemnation drove him into rebellion, is uncertain, but he was now at war with the republic, and with an armed band he was in possession of the Capitol. A traitor, who pretended to communicate to him some secret infor- mation, led him to a lonely spot on the edge of the Tarpeian rock, and pushed him dovni, in B.C. 384.* An ordinance was forthwith passed, that in friture no patrician should be allowed to reside on the Capitoline ; the house of Manlius was razed to the ground ; and the gens of the Manlii resolved that none of its members should ever again bear the prae- nomen Marcus. But the people mourned over him ; and a pestilence and femine, which followed soon after, were regarded as a punishment sent by the gods to avenge the deliverer of their temples In order to appease the people, the senate, in B.C. 383, resolved to assign to the plebeians the Pomptine district, which the tribunes had demanded four years before ; but » This is evidently the true account. Ifiioa Cass. Fngm. iixi eA Hei- marus ; Zpnar. vii. 24.) Livy's story, which is incorrect and contradictory, seems to have been made up to excuse the Romans, who were ashamed of this dastardly piece of treachery committed against the greatest man of the »ge. 142 HISTORY OF ROME. with the exception of a few, all the new settlers were soon after cut to pieces by the enemies of Rome : the distress among the poor also incrfeased from day to day. The num- ber of free citizens was now rapidly diminishing, and Rome would have become a miserable oligai'chy, had not her de- cline been arrested by two bold tribunes, who dhanged the the fate of their country, and with it that of the "world. CHAPTER X. LICINIUS STOLO AND L. SEXTIUS, WITH THEIR LEGISLATION NEW CURULE OFFICES, AND PARTICIPATION OF THE PLEBE- IANS IN THE HIGHEST MAGISTRACIES WARS WITH THE HER- NICANS, ETRUSCANS, AND GAULS. A GENERAL State of debt and poverty, such as existed at Rome.after its capture by the Gauls, usually leads to revo- lutions, in vrhich the state and its constitution perish; but at Rome things turned out differently : the moderation and perseverance of the men who undertook to remedy the evil, as well as of those who were suffering under it, not only prevented such a calamity, but enabled the two reformers, C. Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius, to lay the foundation of Rome's regeneration and real greatness. They were elect- ed tribunes for the year B.C. 376, and set about their task with a view to improve the physical condition of the plebe- ians, and to give them that political influence which might in future secure them against the arbitrary and domineer- ing spirit of the patricians, and thus prevent their falling back into die miserable condition in which patrician avarice and love of dominion had placed them. There always has been and always will be a class of piBtsOns wlio, being themselves incapable of a generous aji3 disinterested action, are ever ready to trace the measures of great men to some vulgar or base motive ; and the love of scandal is never at a loss to invent such motives. This h^ been the ease with the I'egiBlatibn of C. Licinius ; but here, unfortunately, the slanderous tale of the circumstance that urged him on to his legislation has become firmly toot- ed in history. C. Licinius was married to Fabia, the young- er daughter of the patrician M. Fabiua Ambustus ; her HISTORY dF ROME. 143 elder sister was married to Ser. Sulpicius, who was consu- lar tribune in the same year in which Licinius was tribune of the plebs. The younger Fabia, it is said, was one day on a visit at her sister's, and was fiighteiied by the noise of the lictors who accompanied Siilpicius as he returned home from the forum. The elder jFabia, accustomed to such things, laughed at her sister's fear, and remarked, that such occurrences would not be startling to her, if she were not married to a plebeian. Stimulated by vanity, the younger Fabia now entreated her father and husband not to rest until her husband too should enjoy the same honors as Sul- picius. And this wretched piece of female vanity is said to have driven Licinius to his legislation.* But the absurdity of the tale is too obvious to deserve the least confidence ; for the younger Fabia was assuredly acquainted v^ith such scenes, as her own father had been consular tribune in B.C. 381, and her husband, though a plebeian, was not excluded from that office : but what is more than all is, that the things which Fabia coveted are not by any means those which Licinius aimed at in his legislation ; for his object was to abolish the consular tribuneship, and to throw the consul- ship open to the plebeians. C. Licinius found a faithftil and sympathizing friend in his colleague, L. Sextius. Hitherto the tribunes had endeavored to protect their order by stopping the levies of troops, and by other means which meir office suggested; but they had seldom been able to gain any great and permanent advantages, or effect- ually and thoroughly to remove the causes of the distress of the plebeians : Licinius and Sextius saw the evil, and resolved to apply a radical cure. They proposfed three laws : first, that the amount of interest which debtors had paid up to that time should be deducted from the princi- pal, and that the remainder should be paid oif by three yearly installments ; secondly, that no one should be allowed to possess more than five hundi-ed jugera of the public land, or keep upon it more than one hundred large andfive hundred small catlie, and that any one acting contrary to this law should be compelled to pay a heavy Jne ; thirdly, that henceforth consuls should be elected instead of consu- lar tribunes, and that one of the consuls should always be a plebeian. The first of these laws was in reality a violadoa of justice, but one which in extreme cases has frequently been resorted to, not only in ancient but also in modem • Liv. vi. 34 ; Zonar. vii. 24. 144 HISTORY OF ROME. times. The second was an agrarian law, that is, a law which concerned the public land, without in the least interfering with private property j* and it was intended by it that the land above five hundred jugera which a person possessed, should be taken from him and distributed among the popr plebeians. The third law had become necessary, because it was evident that the plebeians could never reckon upon being represented in the highest magistracies, unless the patricians were compelled to yield by a positive , law ; for although the plebeians were eUgible to the consular trib* uneship, yet the patricians in most cases had contrived to exclude them ; and where this could not be done, the sen- ate had frequently ordained the appointment of consuls, in- stead of consular tribunes, whereby the plebeians were ef- fectually excluded and silenced. The alarm which these bills created among the patricians may easily be imagined : the only means tbey knew of averting the danger was one they had often tried before : they gained over all the eight other tribunes, who were induced to oppose the rogations of their two colleagues, and prevent the bills being put to the vote in the assembly of the tribes. Licinius and Sextius, however, made use also of their right of intercession, and preventing the elec- tion of consular tribunes for ,the year following, allowed the tiibes only to elect their aediles and tribunes. In this manner the struggle was carried on for five years, from B.C. 37^ to 371, while Licinius and Sextius were reelected to the tribuneship year after year.t Rome was in a state of perfect anarchy, and it was a great piece of good fortune that no foreign foe took the field against Rome during that period. In B.C. 371 the tribunes at length allowed the election of cpnsular tribunes, because the Velitemians were laying waste the Roman territory, and had attacked Tus- tulura, which called upon Rome for aid. The levy of an aitny, however, was a matter of some difficulty ; but Tus- culum was deUvered, and Velilrae itself besieged by the Romans, though with little success. Licinius and Sextius still continued to be reelected year after year ; and the opposition oT their colleagues gradually ceased, so that in • Some German scholars deny this : they believe that the law was not an agraiiaii, but a sumptuary law, and that it was intended to set a limit to privato property ; but this opinion has been most conjpletely refuted by O. Long in the Classical Museum, vol. ii. p. 307, &c., and vol. iu. p. 78, ice. " t Liv. vi. 35 ; Lydus, de Magistrat. i. 36. Others, howiavfer, state that the anarchy laBfed only four yean, Eutrop. ii. 1 ; Vopiscus, Tacit, i. HISTORY OF ROMf^. 146 B.C. 369 only five of them set tbemselves against the roga- tions. As Licinius now found that his" cause was gaining ground, he brought forward a fourth biU, that instead of the two men, wlio had hitherto been intrusted with the keeping of the Sibylline books, ten should be appointed ; and that half of them should be plebeians. This measure was probably devised to meet the objections which the patricians were in the habit of making against plebeians being raised to the consulship, viz., that the plebeians had not the same auguries as the patricians, and had no knowl- edge to interpret the will of the gods. The new law of Licinius was intended to pit)cure that very knowledge for the plebeians, which had liefore enabled the patricians to prevent or stop the proceBdings of the popular assemblies. The five tribunes who still opposed the rogations insisted on deferring all discussions upon them, until the soldiers engaged in the siege of Velitrae should have returned home. When the army returned, the tribunes, who were then all animated by the same spirit, resolved to bring the passing of the bills to a decision. The patricians had recourse to the last extremity: they appointed M. Fmius Camillus, the aged conqueror of the Gauls, tb the dictatorship, B.C. 368. When the Uibes were already engaged in voting, Camillus ordered them to quit the forum, and even threatened to use force ; but the tribunes opposed him with quiet determina- tion. , As Csonillus saw that bis threats only exasperated the plebeians, and as the tribunes threatened to get him fined in the sum of 500,00ft ases, if he continued to act as dictator and disturb the proceedings of the plebeians, he abdicated ; and P. ManUus was appointed in liis stead to appease the ferment. In order to show his fair spirit toward the commonalty, he chose the plebeian, C. Licinius Calvus, a relation of the lawgiver, for his master of the borse. In the mean time the people had grown lukewarm in the support of their noble champions, and were not unwilliiig, as it appears, to sacrifice all permanent advan- tages, if they could but obtain momentary relief; but at the close of his ninth tribuneship, C. Licinius consented to be reelected, for the tenth time, only on condition of the people promising him to pass all his rogations. This determination fiightened the patricians in the higltest de- gree : they exerted aU their powers to thwart the tribunes ; and foremost among them was App. Claudius Crassus. Licinius and Sextius, however, were elected tribunes for G 146 HISTOKY OF -ROME, the tenth time ; the bill respecting the keeping of the Sibyl' line books was passed, and the plebeians again allowed consular tribunes to be appointed, for the year B.C. 367. In the mean time a report I'eached Rome that a band of Gauls had returned and invaded the Roman territory. M. Furius Camillus was appointed dictator a iifth time, and defeated the Gauls in the Alban district. Many thousands wei-e slain, and the rest dispersed, and Camillus returned to Rome in triumph. After this, the contest about the Licinian rogations became fiercer than ever : the struggles were immense, but the patricians were compelled to yield ; the bills were passed in due form, and sworn to by both estates. L. Sextius himself was elected -the first plebeian consul, B.C. 366; but as the curiae still refused to sanction the election, the conflagi-ation which had scarcely been extin- guished, burst forth again : temble threats were held out by the plebeians, and thitigs nearly came to a secession.* The mediation of the dictator at length prevailed upon the patricians to yield. The concession, however, was not made vdthout their endeavoring to limit it as much as possible : the principal part of the consular jurisdictipn was taken away from the consuls, and vested in a new magistrate called the praetor, who was to be elected from among the patricians exclusively. In this manner the pa- tricians endeavored to retain for themselves the knowledge of the law, and the right of interpreting it. At the same time two patrician aediles {aediles curules) were appointed! along with the plebeian aediles, with whom they were to share the criminal jurisdiction in annual rotation. The aediles further had the superintendence of the police, the temples, and the great ~ festivals, for the celebration of which they received funds from the public treasury, until about the time of the first Punic war, when it became customary for the aediles to defi-ay the expenses out of their own pui'se. Camillus, who in the end had acted the part of a mediator between the two orders, vowed a temple to Concord, to express his gratitude for the happy issue of the contest. » According to 0^\i..Fasl. i. 643, &c., matters really did come to a seces- sion, and the plebeians took up arms and gathered together. On the whole our accounts of the proceedings in these years are extremely meager. t The account which Livy, -I'l. in fin. gives of the institution of the cu rule aediles, is a mere fable, and apparently an ill-natured invention of the patricians. HISTORy OP ROME. 147 Peace was now restored, and the plebeians had acquired the right of being elected \o the consulship : its power had been greatly curtailed by the institution of the censorship and praetorship, which were resei^ved for the patricians ; but the latter were nevertheless greatly annoyed at having been obliged to jhare the consular dignity widi the ple- beians. At first, they contrived to keep the plebeian con- sul in inactivity ; and on one occasion they openly rejoiced at the misfortune of a plebeian consul in the field. After- ward, repeated and most desperate efforts were made to overthrow the Licinian law respecting the division of the consulship, by means of dictators or interreges ; and from the year B.C. 355, the patricians often succeeded in exclud- ing the plebeians from it. In B.C. 358 the tribune C. Po- eteUus, on the instigation of the patricians, proposed a law de ambitu, that is, a law to prevent persons employing ille- gal means fijr the purpose of being elected to a magistracy, which is expressly stated to have been devised to check the ambition of the plebeians^ Many years had yet to pass before the patrieians saw the necessity of giving up their pretensions, and before a hearty concord and good feeling became established between the two orders. As, however, the right of the plebeians to the highest magistracy was once established, the patricians, with all their intrigues and reckless violence, could not prevent their acquiring one after another those dignities, which as yet the patricians had reserved for themselves. As early as B.C. 356 the , plebeian C Marcius Rutilus was raised to the dictatorship ; in B.C. 351 we find the same person as the first plebeian censor ; and in B.C. 337 Q,. Pubhlius Philo was the first plebeian praetor. Lastly, the Ogulnian 'aw, in B.C. 300, thi-ew the priestly dignities of augur and pontiff open to the plebeians. In this manner the ancient distinction between patricians and plebeians gradually disappeared ; and Rome, internally united and strengthened, prepared herself for her great calling of being the ruler of the world. The carrying into effect the agrarian law of Licinius must have met with the same stubborn unwiUingness on the part of those who possessed more land than the law allow- ed. It ia a sad fact, that in B.C. 357, C. Licinius, the law- giver himself, is recorded to have been the first who was sentenced to pay a fine of 10,000 ases, for occupying 1000 jugera of the pubKc domain ; 500 being in his own name, and 500 in that of his son, whom he had emancipated for 148 HISTORY OP KOME. the sake of appearances. But what he did was unques- tionably not an uncommon thing with others ;* and his case is especially mentioned only because it is the most glaring, the giver of the law being the first to violate it. ' It must have been a matter of veiy great difficulty to carry into effect the law relating to debts, for many a poor debtor undoubtedly was unable to pay off his debt by the three installments prescribed by law. Such persons were obliged to borrow again, in . order to \ie able to comply with the command of the law ; and as at that time money could not be got except at a very high rate of interest, the usurers again began their speculations, whence in a short time the misery of the poor became as great as it had ever been before ; for the severe law of debt still continued in force, and the relief which Licinius had afforded the poor was only momentary. In order to stop the ruinous pro- ceedings of the usurers, the tribunes M. Duilius and L. Maenius, in B.C. 357, carried a aw,, under great opposi- tion from the patricians, which established the uncial rate of interest (Jbenus unciarium), that is, ten per cent, for the civil year of twelve months, and a heavy fine upon any one who should violate the law. In B.C. 352 other measures were adopted for the benefit of poor debtors : five com- missioners [quingueviri memsarii) were appointed for a gen- eral Hquidation of debts ; and the commissioners were to advance money, from the' public treasury, to those who were unable to pay- their debts but could give security to the state. Those who could give no security could not be helped at all, but i-emained in the same miserable condition as before. In B.C. 347 the rate of the uncial interest was reduced one-half,' iseTniunciarium foenus) ; that is, the rate of interest henceforth was 5 per cent., and a tei-m of three years was gi-anted for paying off the principal ; one fourth was to be paid immediately, and the remainder by three equal installments. But all these regulations were of use only to those who had some property, and no remedy could be fouild for those who were quite impoverished.; -It is not impossible that the mysterious insurrection of the Roman army at Capua, in B.C. 342, may have arisen fi-om the irre- mediable distress of a large class of Romans. In B.C. 365, after the building of the temple of Concord was completed, Camillus, then at the age of eighty, died of the plague, which broke out at Rome and raged for * Appisn. Bf//. Cir, i. 9, in fin. HISTORY OF ROME. 140 several yeais. tw oi-der tu appease ihe gods, to whose wrath the calamity was ascribed, the Eonians had recourse to several superstitious rites and ceremonies: lecUstemia, or repgsts :^r the gods, were prepared ; and scenic plays were performed, such as had been customary in Etniria long before, but had never yet been exhibited at Rome. But the disease did not give way ; Imd in addition to it, the Tiber overflowed its banks, and deluged the lower parts of the city. There vras a report, that a pestilence had once been averted in Etruria by a nail being driven into the wall of a temple ; and forthwith L. Manlius was appointed dictator in B.C. 363, to perform this ceremony in the Capi- toline temple. But after, the ceremony was over, the dic- tator, as though he had been appointed for the purpose of a war, began to levy an army, declaring that war must he made against the Hemicans. All the tribunes rose against this arbitrary mode of acting, and Manlius was obliged to lay dovra his office. In the year follovying he was impeached by the tribune, M. Pomponius, before the people, on ac- count of the severity and cruelty vnth which he had at- tempted to carry on the levy. Manlius, in general, was knovrai as a man of a most haughty and domineering dispo- sition,* which he showed not only toward strangers, but to his nearest relatives. When his son, who was at the time in the countiy, heard of the charges brought against his fiither, and learned that one of them referred to the cruelty with which he himself had been treated, he hastened to Rome ; and, with a dagger concealed under his garment, he proceeded early in the morning to the house of the trib- une, and demanded a private interview vnth him. On being admitted, he threatened to murder Pomponius on the spot, unless he promised on his oath to drop the accusation against ManEus. The intimidated and defenseless tribune promised to do as he was bid. The people, instead of being exasperated at the young man's conduct, admired his filial affection so much, that they elected him one of the military tribunes or lieutenants, t In the same year, it is related, an earthquake occurred, which produced a large and deep chasm in the 'middle of the forum. The people endeavored to fill it up vvdth earth, * Hence his surname of Imperiosus. t Up to this time the generals themselves had appointed their lieutenanta or military tribunes, bnt in this year they were for the first time elected in the assembly of the centnries. 150 HISTORY OF ROME. but in vain ; and the soothsayers declared that it could not be filled up, unless Rome threw into it the most precious thing she possessed. A young wan-ior of the name of M. Cur- tius, in full armor, mounted his war-horse, and praying to the infernal gods, leaped into the chasm, declaring that Rome had nothing more precious than warlike virtue. The chasm closed over him ; and in its place a lake arose, which from that occurrence, was believed to have derived its name of the Curtian lake {lacus Curious).* For some time after the passing of the Licinian laws, the Romans abstained from making war upon aaiy of their ■ neighbors, for the purpose of not giving to a plebeian con- sul an opportunity of distinguishing himself. When, in B.C. 366, the war against the Hernicans was decreed, and it fell to the lot of the plebeian consul, L. Genucius, to un- dertake the command"in it, every one was anxiously look- ing forward to see how he might succeed. Unfortunately, he was drawn into a snare by the enemy : his legions were dispersed, and he himself was surrounded and killed. When the tidings of this misfortune were brought to Rome, the patricians, instead of lamenting the public calamity, re- joiced at the failure of the plebeian consul. So much for their patriotism ! In order to prevent a plebeian having again the command in wai', App. Claudius was appointed dictator ; and the same means were resorted to in each of the three subsequent years. App. Claudius, after having raised reinforcements, took the field against the Hernicans, who had in the mean time made all possible efforts to baf- fle the Romans. A battle was fought, in which many fell on both sides ; but the Romans at length succeeded in driv- ing the Hernicans back to their camp ; and on the next day the enemies were routed, leaving their camp and the wounded in the hands of the Romans. But the latter also had lost the fourth part of their army. In the year follow- ing, the Hemican town of Ferentinum was taken ; and as Tibur had shut its gates against the Romans as they passed by, war was declared against it. About the same time, the Gauls made another inroad, and pitched their camp at a short- distance from Rome, on the banks of the Anio. T. Quinctius Pennus was called to the dictatorship, to con- duct the wax against them. This war is celebrated for the poetical story of the single combat of the brave T. Man- Uus with the Gallic giant. While the hostile armies were * For a different legend sec Liv, i. 12, &c. ; Pint. Ram. 18. HISTORY OF ROME. 151 encamped opposite each other, a Gaul of gigantic stature challenged ths bravest of the Romans to fight with him ; and T. Manlius, the same who had intimidated the tribune Pomponius the year before, came forward. He nimbly- avoided the stroke of his adveraaiy's sword, stepped be- hind his shield, and pierced him with his sword through the side and belly. The monster fell, and his body covered a large space of gi-ound. Manlius took the gold chain {tor- ques) of the Gaul,. and put it around his own neck, whence he received the surname of Torquatus. After this glorious victory of young Manlius, the Gauls broke up theii- camp, marched to Tibur, and thence to Campania. Tibur assisted the Gauls or did homage to them, and as war had been de- clared against it, the consul C. Poetelius, in B.C. 360, led an army against the Tiburtines. The Gauls now returned from Campania to assist their friends, and ravaged the ter- ritories of some towns which were allied with Rome. A dictator was again appointed, and a battle vras fought near the ColUne gate. The Gauls were put topflight, and were received by the consul Poetelius, who drove them, together with the Tiburtines, into the town of Tibur, and thus gained a triumph over both. lu the mean time the Herni- cans had been conquered by the other consul, M. Fabius. In B.C. 359 the Tiburtines made an attempt to take Rome by surpiise at night, but as soon as the watchful Romans made dieir appearance outside the gates the enemy took to flight. About this time the Etniscans of Tarquinii commenced ravaging the teiiitory of Rome, and as they refused to make reparation, war was declared against them in B.C. 358 : the consul, C. Fabius, received the command in it, while his colleague, C. Plautius, took the field against the Hemicans. In order to increase the number of her citizens, I Rome added two new tribes to the twenty-five already ex- isting. She was now engaged against two formidable ene- mies ; and a third, the Gauls, were daily expected to re- new their hostilities. Rome, however, was at the same time strengthened by the renewal of the ancient alliance with Latium. The Gauls soon made their appearance in the Praenestine territory and about Pedum. C. Sulpicius was raised to the dictatorship ; and having selected the best men from the consular armies, he led his troops against the Gauls. He being a great general, seeing that the en- emy lost daily in strength and numbers, resolved to wear 152 HISTORY OF ROME. them out, and for that purpose established himself in a for- tified camp. The Roman soldiers, on the other hand, burned with a desire to be led out to battle ;'but when at length he was forced to give way to their clamor, his pru- dence became manifest, for the legions were driven back to their camp, and were saved only by despair and a strata- gem, which made the Gauls flee into the woods, whither they were eagerly pursued by the Romans. C. Sulpiciua was honored with a triumph; and the gold he took as booty was walled up in the Capitoline temple. For several years after, this victory we hear no more of G-allic invasions. The consul C. Plantius had, in the mean time, conquered the Hemicans ; but their final reduction was not brought about till B.C. 306. C. Fabius had been less successful against the Tarquinians, for they not only defeated his army, but slaughtered 307 Roman soldiers, who had been taken prisonerB. The Faliscans assisted the Tarquinians, and refused to restore those Romans who, during their flight, had taken refuge at Falerii. In B.C. 357 the consul Cn. Manlius undertook the command against the Tarquinians and Faliscans, while his colleague led an army against the Privematans, who had ravaged the Ro- man territory, for which he allowed his men to plunder and lay waste their country in return. The Privematans ven- tured upon a battle, but were driven back into their town, which immediately surrendered. Cn. Manlius accom- plished nothing of any consequence : he committed, how- ever, the irregularity of assembling his troops in the camp, near Sutriura, and, treating them as an assenibly of the tribes, made them pass a law, enacting that any 'who man- umitted a slave should pay to the treasury the twentieth part of its value. This law was, without hesitation, sanc- tioned by the curies, because it brought money into the public purse, and also because it was a check upon manu- missions, which must have been frequent at the time. But the tribunes, though they did not object to the law, looked upon it as a dangerous precedent} and foresaw that if it were allowed to passj the consuls would in future be ena- bled to get any measure passed by the soldiers, who were bound to them by their- military oath. They, therefore, proposed and carried a law, forbidding, under penalty of death, the transacting of business with the people in any other but the pi-oper place. M. Fabius Ambustus, the successor of Cn. Manlius, was put to flight on liis firat en- HISTORY OF ROMR. lOii counter with the Etruscans ; for they frightened the Eo- mans by assuming the appearance of furies, carrying torches and snakes in their hands ; but when the Romans discov- ered the delusion, they attacked the enemy mth double vehemence : the Etruscans were put to flight ; and their camp and immense booty fell into the hands of the Romans. This defeat is said to have roused all the Etruscans, who, under the guidance of the Tarquinians apd Fahscans, ad- vanced as far as the salt-works (Salinad), near the mouth of the Tiber. C. INIarcius Rutilus, a plebeian, was now raised to the dictatorship ; and the more obstinately the patricians refused to provide him with the means neces- sary for carrying on the war, the more i-eadily was he sup plied with every thing by the people. As soon as he was able he took the field, and by skillful manoeuvei-s cut to pieces several detachments of the Eti'uscans, whom he found engaged ia laj'ing waste the country. At length he took the enemy's camp and 8000 prisoner : the rest were killed, or had escaped by flight In the following year, the internal feuds about the consulship rendered foreign enter- prises impossible; but in B.C. 354, the Romans took feai'- ful vengeance for the mui-der of their prisoners by the Tarquinians, for out of the immense numbers of Etruscan captives, 358 of the most distinguished were selected and sent to Rome, and all the rest were put to the sword. The people of Rome ordered the 358 to be scourged, and to be beheaded in the forum. In the same year Tibm- was forced to suirender to the Romans. These brilliant achievements of the Roman arms, or, what is more pix)bable, the fear of the Gallic hordes that ranged through Italy, induced the Samnites to seek an alliance ^vith Rome. It was vrillingly granted them by the senate. It was discovered, in the mean time, that the inhabitants of Caere had joined the Tarquinians in their ravges' of the Roman territory, and war was therefore declared against them in B.C. 353. T. Manlius was to conduct the war against them as dictator; but Caere, feeling that it was unable to cope with Rome, sent ambassadore to sue for pardon. The senate referred the matter to the people ; and the latter, it is said, gratefiilly remembering the ser- vices done by Caere during the Gallic calamity, granted peace and pardon to the Caerites, with whom a tmce was concluded for 100 years : but we know from anothe^r 154 HISTORY OF ROME. source,* that Caere pm-chased peace at the hard price of half its territory. The Romans now directed their arms against the Falis- cans ; as, however, the latter did not make their appear- ance in the field, the anny returned to Rome. Immediately after, it was reported that the twelve Etruscan tribes had conspired against Rome, and under the influence of the alarm thus created C. Julius Julus was appointed dictator ; but it soon came out that the report was a fabrication, and that the dictator's object was only to try to get two patri- cians elected to the consulship.. When this end was gained, the two consuls, of B.C. 351, marched out against the Tar- quinians and Faliscans. The Etruscans did not come forward ; and the Romans were satisfied with ravaging their territories. Both parties now grew tii'ed of this state of warfare ; and when the Tarquinians sued for a truce, it was willingly granted by the senate for a period of forty years. In B.C. 350 an immense host of Gauls again appeared in the neighborhood of Rome, and pitched their camp in Latium. As L. Cornelius Scipio, one of the consuls of the year, was ill, his colleague, M. Popillius Laenas, undertook the command against them, and encamped on an eminence opposite the camp of the Gauls. The latter attempted to storm the hill, but were repulsed. Popillius Laenas him- self was wounded, and for a time the issue of the contest was doubtful ; but the consul rallied his troops, and led them on to a fi'esh attafck : he succeeded in scattering the thick hosts, and compelled them to take refiige in the Alban mountains. There they formed a new encampment, leav- ing the other as a prey to the Romans, who did not pursue them any further. The Gauls maintained themselves in the mountains during the ensuing wintei% making predatory excursions into Latium : it was thus reserved for L. Furius Camillus, in his consulship B.C. 349, to bring the war to a close.' He collected all the forces of Rome and her allies, and having put the city itself into a proper state of defense, marched out against the enemy, who seem to have de- scended from the mountains into the Pomptine district. When the hostile armies met, one of the Gauls, according to the custom of his nation, challenged any Roman to single combat, t M. Valerius, a young military tribune, with the * Dion Cass. Fragm. 142. t The account of this single combat, like that of Manlius with the Gallic giant, is no more than a poetical story. HISTORY. OF UOMG. 165 peiinission of the consul, accepted the chalknge ; but when he attacked the barbarian, a raven, which had settled upon the helmet of the Roman, at each onset flew into the face of the Gaul, assailing him with his beak and wings. The barbarian, unable to see, was slain by Valerius, who re- ceived the surname of Corvus (that is, the Raven). When the conqueror was collecting the spoil of his enemy, the Gauls tried to prevent it, and thence a fight arose whiclt ended in a general battle. The Romans were victorious ; and the Gauls, it is said, fled through the counti-y of the Volscians to the Vultumus, and thence into Apulia. The account of their flight is very doubtful ; but it is certain, that from that time the Gauls never again entered Latium, and that Camillus, whatever his victory may have been, was the conqueror of the Gauls, and the deliverer of Rome. For a long time to come the Romans had rest from the Gallic wars, which had been a real school of training for them, and fi'om which they went forth as perfect warriors, prepared to encounter any enemy that might venture to check their progress. About this time the coast of Latium was infested by a Greek fleet, which frequently landed to plunder the coun- try. Who these Greeks were, and whence they came, is a perfect mystery.* It is, however, not improbable that the appearance of these pirates occasioned the renewal of the ancient treaty with Caithage, which took place in B.C. 348.t As Carthage was then misti-ess of the sea, she had it in her power to protect the Romans, who at that time had no ships except for commercial purposes. Satricum had been occupied by a Volscian colony from Antium, but the Latins destroyed the place ; and the An- tiatans in B.C. 346 were reported to have e_xcited the Latins to revolt against Rome. M. Valerius Corvus was ordered to raise an army against the Volscians : the latter, although they were not unprepared for the war, were put to flight on the first encounter, and took refuge at Satricum, which, however, was taken by the Romans by storm : 4000 Volscian soldiers surrendered, and Satricum was set on fire. The booty was given to the soldiers ; and the prisoners * liivy thinks that they came from the Sicilian tyrants ; but at that time they had no fleets, and could not have ventured out on the sea, which was under the dominion of Carthage. t Liv. vii. 27. This appears to be the treaty preserved in Polybius (iii 24), who does not mention the time at which it was concluded ; for the treaty of B.C. 306, is expressly called by Livy (ix. 43), the third. 150 HISTORY- OF ROME. were sold on account of the republic. The alliance with Latium becajtne weaker and weaker, in consequence of the commanding tone which Rome assumed; and several occur- rences in the late wars with the Gauls and Volscians be- trayed the state of feeling among the Latins. In short, it became more and more evident that the alliance between Rome and Latium could not last much longer, and that one of them must be compelled to obey the other. CHAPTER XI. THE FIRST WAR AGAINST THE SAMNITES. THE SUBJUGA- TION OP LATIUM. THE PUBLILIAN LAWS. The wars in which Rome was involved, during the pe- riod we are now entering upon, were far more injportant than any of the earlier ones : their enemies themselves were more powerful, and the wars had to be carried on iu distant countries. The Samnites, with whom Rome now came in contact, were a populous and wealthy nation, in- habiting a large extent of country : Lucania and Campania had been colonized by them; but had by this time become estranged from their njothei'-country. The Samnites, how- ever, were still the most powerful and warlike nation in Italy, and far superior to Rome and her allies, both in the number of their population, and in the extent of territory which they occupied. Their state was a confederation of four cantons, and their union made the nation strong. The history of their wars with Rome, of their unshaken perse- verance, of their sufferings and final destruction, is greatly falsified by the vanity of the Romans, whose anxiety to gloss over any reverse they suffered, often renders it al- most impossible to restore the real history, and exhibit the events in their natural connection. The peace and alliance which the Samnites had con- cluded with Rome lasted little more than ten years, after which period the course of the war which then broke out is related as follows : — The Samnites had made war upon the Sidicinians; and the latter, despairing of their own power, sought the assistance of the Campanians. But the Campanians, the most luxnrions and effeminate among the HISTORY OF ROME. 157 people of Italy, were defeated by the Samnites in the first tjattle, and retreated to Capua. The Samnites, deferring the war against the Sidicinians, followed the Campanians, and pitched their camp on the heights of Tifata, which overlooked Capua. From these hills they ravaged the plains below, and in a battle which at last the Campanians ventured upon, drove them back into their city. The Samnites, satisfied with their booty, now seem to have re- turned ; and the Campanians, who had lost the flower of their youth, applied to Rome for aid. The Romans, it is said, at first scrupled to afford the Campanians any assist- ance, on account of theii- own alliance with the Samnites ; but when the Campanians threw themselves and their countiy into the arms of the Romans, and offered as sub- jects to acknowledge their sovereignty, they then thought it right to support their subjects rather than their allies. This account, which we read in Livy,* is evidently a fab- rication ; for it is obvious, from the subsequent history, that Capua was not in the relation of a subject state to Rome, but merely allied ; and Livy's account was devised only for the purpose of disguising the faithlessness of the Romans toward their Samnite allies. The Samnites, on being informed by Roman embassadors of the new alliance with Capua, and being requested to abstain from hostilities towai-d die latter, declared the conduct of the Romans a breach of peace, and forthwith ordered their army to invade Campania. In B.C. 343; two consular armies took the field against the Samnites : the one, under M. Valerius Corvus, went to Campania ; the other, under his colleague A. Cornelius Cossus, to Samnium. The fonner was a man of the most amiable disposition; he enjoyed the admiration and confi- dence of his soldiers ; he surpassed every one by his skill and strength in athletic exercises; and in the camp he amused himself familiarly vrith the soldiers, vdthout taking offense at their coarse jokes or losing his dignity.t On his arrival in Campania, he pitched his camp on Mount Gau- ms, which was then clad with vines, but is at present bar- ren and naked. The position was unfavorable, but it is not impossible that the consul may have been driven to it. The battle which was there fought is one of the most import- * VU. 30, &c. t See thje beautiful fiulogium on him in Niebuhr's Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. p. 124, &c. 158 HISTORY OF ROME. ant in the history of the world, for it decided the contest between the Romans and Samnites for the sovereignty of Italy. The Romans had adopted such parts of the Sam- nite armor as they thought superior to their own ; but in their unfavorable position tbey had no choice between vic- tory and annihilation, and the issue was decided by their despair and perseverance. They renewed their attacks incessantly, and with their utmost exertions : thousands of Samnites had already fallen, but no decisive impression was yet made upon them, and both armies seemed to be resolved to be conquered by nothing but death. The day was already far advanced, when a desperate attack of the Romans decided the issue of the battle. The Samnites fled in disorder until they reached their camp, which, how- ever, they abandoned in the following night. The Sam- nite soldiers are reported to have said after the battle, that the eyes of the Romans seemed to them to be on fire, and their features to utter madness ; and that their teirible as- pect had <;ompelled them to take to flight. Valerius was saluted by the Campanians as their deliverer; but another contest yet awaited him before the land was freed from the enemy. His colleague, in the mean time, had led his army through the dangerous mountain-passes of the Apennines in the direction of Beneventum. At first no enemy was to be seen ; but suddenly a whole Samnite army appeared on the heights of the mountains, above the Romans, hastening down to attack them. Escape seemed impossible ; but the intrepid P. Decius Mus, with a band of soldiers, quickly occupied a height which the Samnites had to pass, and by the most determinate resistance succeeded in enabling his fellow-soldiers to retrace their steps ; he could not him- self join the consul till the followmg night, when he and his band fought their way through the surrounding Samnites with incredible boldness. Decius and his brave comrades were received in triumph by the consul, and the army which owed its preservation to them. On the next morn- ing the Romans attacked the scattered hosts of the Sam- nites ; and 30,000, who had thrown themselves into theii camp, are said to have been cut to pieces. Hereupon the two Roman armies united in the neighborhood of Suessula, for there the Samnite army which had been defeated at Mount Gaurus had reassembled, and having received nu- merous reinforcements had again commenced ravaging the HISTORY OF ROME. 159 plains of Campania. The Campanians again entreated Valerius to pi-otect them ; and he at once pitched a small camp, containing only the best of his troops, near that of the enemy ; but he acted with great caution. The Sam- nites were anxious to attack him immediately, but their commanders pievented it ; they soon began to be in want of provisions, and, in order to satisfy their hunger, were dispersed over the country in search of food. This was the moment Valerius had been waiting for : he made him- self master of the feebly-defended camp of the Samnites, while a part of his troops prevented the scattered bands of Samnites from uniting. His success was complete : the Samnites fled in consternation, or laid down their arms ; and 40,000 shields and 170 standards are said to have been taken by the Romans.* Both consuls on their return to Rome were honored with a triumph over the Samnites, the most formidable enemy that Rome had yet come in contact with. The fruits of the victories became manifest in the fact, that the Faliscans sought an alliance with Rome, and that even distant Carthage sent embassadors to congi'atulate the Romans, honoring their valor with a golden crown of twenty-five pounds in weight. The Campanians of Suessa also sent envoys to Rome, requesting her to send a garrison to their city to protect it against the incursions of the Samnites, who, notwithstanding their recent defeats, did not abstain fi'om harassing their enemies. In the same year the Latins made war against the Pelignians, who were in alliance with the Samnites. In the year following, B.C. 342, the supreme command of the army of Rome and her allies seems to have been in hands of the Latins, for Rome was paralyzed by an insur- rection of the ai-my at Capua ; but though we do not hear of any military achievement, all the advantages gained in the preceding year remained unimpaired. The revolt of the Roman ganison at Capua seems to be a mysterious occurrence: if we look, however, at the legislative meas- ures which were passed at Rome immediately after, in the same year, we must conclude that the cause of the insur- rection lay in the deplorable condition of a large number * Exaggerations like this frequently occur in the history of membera of the Valerian geus, whence it is not improbable that they may have been the fabrications of the unscrupulous historian, Valerius of Antmm. His faults were well known to Livy, although the latter frequently adopted his state- ments. 160 HISTORY 01' ROME. of poor Romans, who where involved in debt without any hope or prospect of being relieved. The affluence and luxury of wealthy Capua, thus the etoxy runs, awakened in those Roman legions which formed the garrison of Campania the horrible scheme of murdering, or subduing the inhabitants, and then founding a new state. When the consul C. Marcius Rutilus, in B.C. 342, undertook the command of the legions in Campania, the scheme had ripened into a complete conspiracy. The consul did all in his power to prevent any outbreak ; but when the soldiers became aware of his contrivances, they assembled and marched toward Rom'e, and having forced the aged T. Quinctius to become their leader, they continued their march, and pitched their camp about eight miles from the city of Rome. In the mean time, M. Valerius Corvus had been appointed dictator, and was on his way with an army to meet the insurgents. When the armies were arrayed against each other, the insurgents began to be desirous of peace, and to repent of their crime. Valerius offered them peace ; and the rebels, on the advice of their leader, trusted to Valerius, who then returned to Rome, and caused the senate and people to grant a general amnesty to the insurgents. It was further enacted, that no soldier sho'uld be struck off from the muster-roll without his own consent, and that no one who had served as a tribune of the soldiers should afterward be appointed a captain (ordinum ductor). The object of the first law seems to have been to prevent debtors, while serving in the army, from being arrested by their creditors. The story of this iusurrection, as sketched above from Livy, is most singular. The rebels, it is said, intended to make themselves masters of Capua ; yet that town is entirely lost sight of in the sequel of the narrative ; and the rebels, in the end, are satisfied with some paltry con- cessions, as if ashamed of their own designs. But the fact is, that the whole insurrection, in the form in which it has been handed down, has no definite object at all. We know, however, that some very important laws resulted from it; and these laws furnish us with a key to the under- standing of the real objects of the rebels. Aurelius Victor* and Appiant say that a large number of people were weighed down by debts; that the soldiers, being afraid of returning to Rome, and of being seized there by their « Dr Vir. nimtr. 29. -f Samnit. 1 , &r. HISTOBY OF ROME. I6l creditors, tried to take possession of Capua,; and that Valerias appeased the insurgents by a general canceling of debts. It is further said, that the tribune Genucius carried a law which forbade the loan of money on in- terest,* though this law does not appear to have long re- mained in force. Another important law, of the same year, enacted that no one should be allowed to be re- elected to the same magistracy till after an interval of ten years, and that no one should be invested with two curule offices at a time ; for hitherto it had frequently happened, that an influential patrician had obtained the consulship in two or more successive years, and a consul had not unfre- quently held the office of praetor along with the consul- ship. Lastly, it was proposed that it should be lavyful to elect both consuls from among the plebeians ;t but whether this bill was canied or not, is micertain : many years, at any rate, elapsed, before both the consuls were plebeians, for the first instance belongs to the year B.C. 172. From all that has been said, there can be no doubt that the in- surrection arose at Rome itself; that' the poor emigrated, took up arms, and were joined by the soldiers stationed in Campania. When it became evident that force could do nothing, a reconciliation was proposed on the terms con- tained in the above-mentioned laws. The alleged de- sign upon Capua seems to be nothing but a false and malicious charge of the patricians, who, in this case, as in that of the Licinian law, traced the salutaiy regulations of the year B.C. 342 to the basest motives. When tranquillity was restored, the Romans, in B.C. 341, concluded a peace and alliance with the Samnites, on condition of the latter contributing the amount of one year's pay for the Roman soldiers, and fiirnishing them with a supply of corn for three months. The Samnites at the same time were allowed to carry on war against the Sidicinians ; for Rome was on the eve of a great struggle with Latium, whose fidelity had been ^eatly wavering fi-om even the first year of the war with the Samnites. The Roman legions being withdrawn from Campania, that country saw no safety for itself except in an alliance with Latium. The alliance of the latter country with Rome having now reached a point at which it could not continue, a hard contest ensued, as to whether Rome should be a Latin town, or rule as sovereign over the » Liv. vii. 42; Appian, />« Bell. (Mv. i. 54. + Liv. vii. 42 162 UISTOBY OF BOME. whole of Latium. P. Decius and T. Manlius were elected consuls for B.C. 340, and had to conduct the war against the Latins. The Latins wished to avoid hostilities by an amicable arrangement on fair terms : they sent embassa- dors to Rome, declaring that they were willing to concede that the Roman name should prevail instead of the Latin; but, with a view to establish a real union between the two nations, they demanded that half the senate should consist of Latins, and that one of the consuls should always be chosen from among the Latin.s. This demand was no less offensive to the Roman people than to the senate and the nobles, although no one, looking at the matter with impar- tiality, can blame the Latins; for, allied as they now were with the Carapanians, Sidiciiiians, and Volscians, they were scarcely inferior to Rome and her allies, the Hemicans and Samnites. The Romans expressed their indignation at tho presumptuous proposal of the Latins in the strongest terms ; and the consul, T. Manlius, declared, that if Rome yielded, he would come armed into the senate-house, and cut down the first Latin he saw there. As L. Annius, the spokesman of the Latins,"hurried down the steps of the senate-house, he fell from the top to the bottom, and died on the spot ; and the other envoys, so long as they remained within the territory of Rome, were scarcely safe against the violence of the people. War was forthwith declared against the Latins.^ Two consular armies were destined for the war ; and L. Papirius Crassus, as dictator, received the command of the civic legions, and a reserve consisting of the aged in the city. The consuls, with their armies, hastened into Samnium ; and the Latins, instead of attacking Rome, made Campania the scene of the war. The Romans, united, with the Heimicans and Samnites, marched against Capua, and met the army of the Latins encamped near Mount Vesuvius. When the hostile armies were stationed opposite each Other, the Roman generals, probably from fear of treachery, since many of the Latin soldiers were well ticquainted with the Romans, who had formerly fought side by side with them, issued a proclamation for- bidding every one, under penalty of death, from engaging in single combat at the outposts. The son of the consul, Manlius, who commanded a detachment of the cavalry, being sent out to reconnoiter, met a Tusculan officer, who insulted nnd provoked him, Young Manlius, unable to HISTORY OF ROME. 1(53 control his anger, ibught with his enemy, and the arrogant Tusculan fell by his lance*. Manlius, intoxicated with joy at his victory, brought the spoils before his father ; but the latter, without mercy, punished the violation of military discipline, by ordering his son to be put to death. The comrades of young Manlius burned his corpse with the mournful spoils, and lamented his death, while his father's heart remained unmoved ; but as long as he lived, all avoided his presence, and cursed the unfatherly man. In the mean time both consuls are said to have had a vision, in which a superhuman being announced to them that the general of one of the belligerent parties, and the whole army of the other had become forfeited to the infernal gods and mother Earth. Both agreed that the one whose army should first begin to waver should devote himself, and the hostile army, to the gods. When, on the side where Decius commanded, the lines fell back, Decius ful- filled his vow ; he repeated a solemn prayer after the pon- tifiF, and then rushed among the Latins, raging like the spirit of destruction, until he fell pierced by their lances. The Latins then gave way, though still unconquered. The Romans, on the other hand, were emboldened by the patri- otic death of their consul ; and Manlius, after having rein- forced himself by the resei-ve, began the decisive battle in which the Latins were overpowered. Scarcely the fourth part of their army is reported to have escaped ; their camp fell into the hands of the Romans, and the number of pris- oners, chiefly Campanians, was very great. The Campanians surrendered their city, soon after the battle, upon tolerable terms ; and the Latins, being thus deserted by their allies, could not rally till, in their flight, they reached the town of Vescia. Numisius, the Latin commander, imploring his countrymen not to give up the war, succeeded in calling forth a general rise of the nation ; with a disorderly army he offered a second battle in the neighborhood of Mintumae. But the victory of the Ro- mans there was so complete, that the whole Latin confed- eracy broke up, and the towns surrendered one after an- other. The Latin domain land was distributed among the Roman people, but the plebeians seem to have received but stingy portions.* The Campanian equites, 1600 in number, who had remained faithful to Rome, received the Roman franchise without the suffrage; and Capua was * Liv. viii. 12. 164 HISTORY OF ROME. obliged to pay to each of them an annual pension of 460 denarii, a remarkable proof of tHe wealth of that city. The Campanian nobles were thus bought over by the Romans. It is not known what the Samnites gained by these vic- tories ; but it is quite incredible that they should have act- ed the part of mere spectators during the struggles.* The town of Antium, against which the dictator, L. Pa- pirius, had conducted a war on the defensive, still con- tinued to hold out; and this encouraged the Latin towns which had not yet surrendered, as well as others, to make a last and desperate attempt to maintain or recover their independence. An army of Latins and Volscians, assem- bled near Pedum in B.C. 339. The consul, Publilius Philo, beat the insurgents ; but Pedum was not taken. The Latins, however, at length gave up the hope of conquering Rome in great battles, and each town confined itself to de- fending its own walls as well as it could, till B.C. 338 the subjugation of Latium was completed by the consuls, C. Maenius and L, Furius Camillus. The Latins laid down their arras, and Roman garrisons occupied theii- towns. The Roman senate, in order not again to drive the Latins into despair and rebellion, adopted a system of moderation and prudence. The Latin nation was divided ; some were raised to the rank of Roman citizens, and thus became alienated from their former friends ; while the most powerful among the Latin towns were weakened and humbled. Thus Aricia, Lanuvium, Nomentum, and Pedum, received the Roman franchise with the suffrage ; and the two new tribes, which were formed soon after, contained, probably, the most favored districts of Latium. Capua, Cumae, Suessula, Fundi, and Formiae, received the Roman franchise without the suffrage. The Antiatans were de- prived of their ships ; and the beaks of the ships which wei'e destroyed were carried to Rome, where they were walled in as an ornament of the hustings [suggestum), from which the oratoi's addressed the people in the assembly.! Antium became a Roman port-colony. The walls of Ve- litrae were pulled down, its noble families were sent into exile, and its territory was distributed among the Romans. Tibur and Praeneste lost parts of their territories. The Latin diets were forbidden ; and the right of contracting * Although Livy, viii. 10, asserts it. t The beaks of the ships were called roatra, a name which was afterward transferred to the hustings themselves. HISTORY OP ROME. 165 legal marriages, and of holding landed property, was lim- ited for each Latin to his own particular town ; that is, in the language of the Romans, the connubium and commer- cium among the Latin towns were abolished. The two estates of the Roman republic were now fast advancing toward that state of equality which could alone be the basis of Rome's real greatness, and which was op- posed only by that faction among the patricians who lamented over the lost privileges of their order, and were incapable of thinking of any thing but themselves. Q,. Pub- lilius Philo, who was dictator in B.C. 339, proposed and carried three laws, which, if they had been proposed by a tribune, would have created the most violent disturbances. The first of these laws enacted, that the curiae should con- firm the results of legi-slative measures brought before the centuries, previous to the commencement of the voting upon them ; in other words, the veto of the curiae, on any law passed by the centuries, was abolished. The second law is reported to us in the same terms ' as the Valerian law of the year B.C. 449, and the Hortensian of B.C. 287, namely, that the decrees of the plebs (plebiscita) should be binding as laws upon all Roman citii^ens. lis object, un- doubtedly, was to abolish the sanction of the senate and curiae, which had hitherto been required. The third law ordained that one of the censors should always be a pie-- beian. All these laws were passed in due form, though, probably, not without violent opposition ; and as, two years later, the praetorship was likewise thrown open to the plebeians, internal discord was banished from the re- public, and we may date from this time the golden age of Roman virtue and Roman greatness. The senate hence- forth represents the aristocracy as opposed to the people, who consist of patricians and plebeians indiscriminately. The last vestiges of plebeian inferiority were removed in B.C. 326, when a law was carried that no plebeian (for plebeians alone were afiected by the severe law of debt) should become a nexus, that is, pledge his personal liberty for debt,* which was further confirmed by the Ogulnian law in B.C. 300. * Liv.vni23. 166 HISTORY OF KOME. CHAPTER XII. , THE SECOND AND THIRD SAMNITE WARS, AND THE WARS AGAINST THE GAULS, ETRUSCANS, AND OTHER ITALIAN NATIONS. INTERNAL HISTORY OP THIS PERIOD. ~ Notwithstanding her peace and alliance with the Sara- nites, Rorae showed her unfair disposition toward them as early as B.C. 340, for in that year she concluded a treaty with Alexander of Epirus, who had come over to Italy to assist the Tarentines, and had made war against the Sam- nites. In B.C. 336, a Roman embafesy was sent to the G-aulg, and concluded a peace with them,* the object of which again was no other than to be safe on that side, in case of a war with Samnium. Two years later Gales was occupied by i Latin colony of 2500 men, who must be re- garded as a garrison on the frontier against Samnium. Fundi and Privernum revolted against Rome in B.C. 330 ; but both towns were reduced, and a heavy puilishment was inflicted on them ; the surviving inhabitants of Privernum, however, received the Roman franchise, to prevent their joining the Samnites in a war which Rome knew could not be far distant. In B.C. 329, a Roman colony or garrison was sent to Anxur, and in the year following another to Fregellae, which had formerly been a Volscian town, but had been conquered and destroyed by the Samnites, so that its site and territory had become their property. All fhese steps of the Roman senate clearly indicated the existence of a hostile feeling against the Samnites ; but it was more particularly the establishment of the colony at Fregellae which was felt to be the sore point, and the Samnites not only requested the Romans to do away with it, but threat- ened to destroy it. The Samnites had, for a long time, been in alliance with the Gi'eek towns of Palaepolis and Neapolis, which were only a few miles distant from each other, and formed one state.t In B.C. 327, a Roman embassy demanded of the Neapolitans atonement for some acts of violence they had * Polyb. ii. 19 ; comp. Liv. viii. 17, 20. t At a later time the name of Neapolis (Naples) seems to have becvme common for both tovvna. aiSTOBY OF ROME. 167 committed in the Gampanian andFalemian districts, where many Roman plebeians were settled. But, being urged on by Tarentum and Nola not to yield to Rome, but to trust to the Samnites.the Neapolitans dismissed the Roman en- voys, and refused to ma^e any j-eparations at all. A Ro- man army, under the consul L. Cornelius, thereupon marched into Campania, to watch the Samnites and the wavering conduct of Capua, while another ^my, under his colleague, Q. Publilius Philo, appeared before Palaepolis and Neapolis, and blockaded them both. But provisions were brought into the besieged towns from the sea ; and 6000 Samnites and Nolanians had thrown themselves into the towns, and strengthened their garrisons. The two ar- mies remained in their positions during the winter ; but in the spring of B.C. 326, the Romans demanded of the Sam- nites to withdraw from the place and give up Fregellae. When the Samnites refused, the Romans declared war against them, and immediately after strengthened them- selves by concluding a treaty and alliance with the Apuli- ans and Lucanians.* The Samnites made no attempt to relieve Palaeopolis, no succors came from Tarentum, and the Samnite garrison, by their pride, offended those whom they were to protect. Some Palaepolitans, being tired of the war, formed a conspiracy, and opened the gates to the Romans, while the Samnites had previously been induced to quit the town by false pretences. Palaepolis was de- stroyed; but Neapolis, which likewise threw open its gates, concluded a treaty with Rome on favorable terms. The Samnites were indemnified for this loss by the Lu- caiiians renouncing the alliance with Rome, and submitting to the SEminites.t It can not be doubted that the Luca- nians and Tarentines took part in the war of the Samnites against Rome, although it is not expressly mentioned. StraboJ speaks of the Samnites having ravaged the coast of Latium; and assuming this statement to be true, we must suppose that they used Tarentine vessels for the purpose. The consul, D. Junius Brutus, marched vnth his army into Apulia, but met wdth a desperate resistance on the part of the Vestinians, over whom be gained a dearly- ♦ Liv. viii. 25. t What Liyy mentioDS as th&origin of this change of mind of the Luce nians, is a childish story, and nothing but one of the many imitations of the ancient story of Zopvrus. It was invented with a view to disgrace the en- emies of Rome. ■ tV. p. 232. 168 HISTOEV'OF'ftctMB. bought victory. He took ■ possession of some towns by storm. As the other consul, L; Furius Camillus, was ill, the command of the army which was to enter Saranium was undertaken by the dictator L. Papirius Cursor, who chose Q. Fabius, afterward honorably surnamed Maximus, as his master of the horse. Some mistake in the auspices obliging the dictator to return to Rome, Q.. Fabius, who supplied his place during his absence, received strict orders not to enter into any^ngagement with the enemy. But the grow- ing boldness of the latter induced Fabius to fight a battle near Imbrinium. He gained a brilliant victory, and the Samnites are said to have lost 20,000 men on that day. The dictator, on hearing of this, immediately hastened back to the army, and would have employed all the severity of the military law against the offender, had he not been pro- tected by the soldiers, who threatened a revolt, if Fabius should be punished. Fabius escaped to Rome, and it was only by the united entreaties of the senate and people thai Papirius could be prevailed on to pardon him. The dic- tator, who thus yielded against his own will, was looked upon, by all parties, as a tyrant, and regained the good- will of the soldiers only by promising them all the booty they should make. He then gained a great victory, and his army indulged in plunder far and wide. The Samnites now sued for a truce, which was granted for one year, on condition of their clothing the whole of the dictator's army, and giving the soldiers pay for one year. The Samnites are charged by the Roman historians with- having broken this truce ; but the accusation is wholly un- founded.* The Roman army in Apulia was in the great- est danger, as one part of the Apulians had joined the Samnites; who, after the expiration of the truce, seem to have made an incursion into the very heart of Latium, which created a panic at Rome. Some of the Latin towns joined the enemy, and Rome was on the brink of destruction. But the Tiisculan commander abandoned the Samnites, and went over to the Romans, for which act he was forthwith honored with the consulship for B.C. 322.t His example was followed by other Latin towns, and Rome was thus delivered from the most imminent danger. A great battle is said to have been fought by the dictator, A. Cornelius Cossusj ia which the Samnites were defeated, though not withdut the greatest efforts of the Romans. In the mean • Sea Niabuhr, vol iii, p. 196, &c. t Plin. Hist N'ot. viii. 43 BISTORY OF aoME. 169 time Q. Fabius, one of the consuls of B.C. 322, carried on ihe war with the same success in Apulia : he conquered Luceria, and a large number of Samnite and Apulian vil- lages; and theSamnites whohad occupied Fregellae were obliged to retreat. After these reverses the Samnites, being seized with the desire of peuce, resolved to seek it at any cost. The Roman senate demanded that they should recognize the sovereignty of the Roman* people. This they had not anticipated, and unhesitatingly refused to submit on such tenns. The Romans, on the other hand, vowed not to lay down their arms until the Samnites should accept any terms that might be dictated to them. It would seem that these negotiations were carried on ■during a truce of one year. When their results were brought to Samniura, rage and hatred gained the upper hand over all other feelings 5 but the cursing of the enemy was- mingled with broken-heartedness. The Samnites, however, resolved to exei-t every power to maintain their independence, and forthwith laid siege to Luceria; they were on the point of compelling the place to surrender, when, in the spring of B.C. 321, the consuls, T. Veturius •and Sp. Postumius, assembled their troops in the neigh- borhood of Calatia, in Campania, from whence they intend- ed to march through the mountain-passes into Samnium. Apulia was left to itself, as Rome wished to concentrate B.11 her forces against Samnium. The march through the dangerous passes had been arranged as carelessly and thoughtlessly as possible, and when the long column ar- rived in the narrow valley of Caudium \furcalat Caudi- nae),* the Romans pei-ceived that they were surrounded by swarms of enemies. A fearfiil battle ensued, in which the Romans were completely defeated and obliged to capitu- late.t About half the Roman troops were cut to piecfes in the battle, and the survivors, being surrounded, were entirely in the hands of the Samnites. The noble-hearted C. Pontius, the general of the Samnites, proposed to the inclosed Romans — he might have massacred them, or kept them as prisoners, and marched again^ Rome — the fol- lowing terms of peace: — That the ancient equal alliance be- 'iween Rome and Samnium should be restored ; that all places * The modem village of Forchia di Aipaia, not far from Benevento.- t Livy's account (iz. 5) is disfigured, as he endeavors to conceal the great- ness of the loss of the Romans ; but the genuine account is preserved in Appisn, and traces of it occur in many othei writers. H 170 HISTORY OF HOME. which belonged to the Samnites before the war should be given up lo them ; and that the Romans should withdraw the colonies which had been established in them. The terms were accepted, and the consuls swore to the peace in the name of the republic ; 600 eqnites were given to the Sam- nites as hostages, and the Romans obtained a free depart- ure ; but they bad to pass under the yoke, which was, in Italy, the ordinary mode of disgracing a defeated army. When the remnants of the army, full of shame, had re- turned through Campanja to Rome, all business, private as well as public, was suspended, and all the population put on mourning. The soldiers went away in secret to their homes; and the consuls, after iaving appointed a dictator for the purpose of presiding at the assembly, were regard- ed as dishonored men, and not allowed to discharge any of the functions of their ofBce. It was evident that the carelessness of the consuls had been the cause of the disaster ; but as, according to Polyb- ius, Rome was always most formidable after a great mis- fortune, the senate resolved to sacrifice the six hundred hostages, or even more, rather than ratify the peace of Caudium : it was accordingly decreed, that all who had sworn to the peace should be delivered np to the Sam- nites as persons who had deqeived them. This breach of faith toward the Samnites is a disgrace to the Roman name, and wholly unworthy of the people who had conse- crated a temple of Faith on the Capitol. The consuls and their companions in , misfortune were led before C. Pontius, who, as well as the Sampite people, refused to receive them, and the six hundred hostages were either given back or ransomed. Luceria had been taken by the Samnites, either during the affair at Caudium or soon after; but in B.C. 320 and the following year, the consul, L. Papirius Cursor, gained advantages over the Samnites, as is attested by his triumph. He is said to have rex:overed Luceria, where seven thou- sand Samnites capitulated, together with the six hundred hostages who w«r& kept there in cuistody.and where like- wise the standards and arms which had been lost at Can- dium were recovered. But it is more than probable that this account is a mere invention of Roman vanity, to show that the defeat of Caudium did not long remain unavenged. Satricum, which was occupied by a Samnite garrison, was treacberously delivered up into the hands of the Romans, alSTOKY OF ROME. 171 and appears to have been destroyed soon after. The years B.C. 318 and 317 passed away under a truce, dur- ing which, however, the Romans extended their sway in Apulia : the towns of Teanum and Canusium submitted to them and gave hostages. In the two following years the war was conducted by the dictators, L. Aerailius and Q. Fabius Maxinius ; . and the attack which the former made upon Saticula, in the , neighborhood of Capua, was to the Samnites the .signal for recommencing the war. They took the towns of Pistica and Sora, and tried to relieve Saticula ; but they, were defeated by the Romans in a bloody battle, and Saticula surrendered. The Romans now ravaged the enemy's country, and entered Apulia, which henceforth became the scene of the war. The Samnites now determined to make a desperate eSbrt to bring the war to a close. The hostile armies met at Lautulae: the Romans were commanded by the dictator, Q,. Fabius, the consular army being probably still engaged at Luceria. Fabius was defeated, and his army took to flight. This defeat induced a number of towns subject to Rome to revolt ; but the particulars of these occurrences are unknown, as Livy here again passes over a series of reveraes, the overcoming of which would have spread more luster around the Roman name than this petty and vain concealment. We are only told that C. Fabius came to the assistance of the dictator with the civic legions, and that both united gained a great victory.* Whether it was as brilliant as is described, may be left undecided ; since, at any rate, as the battle of Lautulae had not broken ddwn the Romans, the Samnites appear to have lost all hope of ever conquering their enemy in battle ; and this feeling may have greatly contributed toward determining the course of events, for henceforth fortune seems to have withdrawn its favor from the Samnites, whose strength gradually sunk and decayed under the sufferings of the war. From the indefinite accounts we have, it would appear that they were defeated, in B.C. 314, in several engagements. Capua revolted against Rome ; but the in- surrection was soon quelled by an armed force. The Ausonians .also betrayed hostile feelings toward Rome ; but by the treachery of some noble Ausonians, Roman soldiers in disguise were enabled to enter the towns of Minturnae, Vescia, and Ausona, and these opened die Liv. ix. 22, &c. . 172 HISTORY OF HOME. gates to others. The inhabitants were, thus overpowered^ many were massacred, and the survivors were sold as slaves. This frightful example of cruelty showed the subjects of Rome what they had to expect if they- did not remain faithful. In the same year the consuls are said to have gained a great victory near Caiidium, and to .have put the Samnites to flight. The year B.C. 313 is not marked by any battle ; but the Romans made lasting con- quests, which had a decided influence upon the course of events. The citadel of Fregellae, the only part of that town which was not destroyed, was now in the hands of the Samnites ; but it was taken by the Romans : the Vol- scian town of Atina and Calatia, in Campania, were like- wise conquered. Nola, a wealthy and populous city, sur- rendered to the Romans. Apulia was protected by the Romans, and remained faithful; and Campania was secured against the Samnites by the establishment of colonies at Suessa Aurunca, Saticula, and in the Pontian islands. In B.C. 312 the consul, Valerius, gained victories over the Samnites, reconquered Sora, and led in chains to Rome two hundred and twenty-five of its inhabitants, who were ptit to death. The success of the Romans was now so great, that if they had been able to direct their undivided forces against the Samnites, the latter would, in a short time, have been compelled to submit, and to accept any terms which the Rbraans might dictate ; but the Etruscans, who had long been threatening Rome, obliged her, to keep a part of her forces in readiness, to act against them. When, in B.C. 311, the war with Etruria broke out, Rome still continued to act on the offensive against Samnium. As she wished to be no longer defenseless at sea, decemvirs were ap- pointed to restore and equip the small fleet which she then possessed. We shall defer giving an account of the Etruscan war until we corrie to the end of that against the Samnites. The town of Cluvia had been taken by the latter, who put the Roman garrison to the sword ; but it was reconquered by the consul, C. Junius, who then pro- ceeded against Bovianum, a very wealthy town, which likewise fell into the hands of the Romans. This con- quest, however, in the midst of the enemy's country, was not lasting. In the north of Samnium the Romans were surprised by an army of Etruscans, and were nearly de- stroyed ; but the veterans, who had been trained in a long HISTORY OF ROME. 173 war, soon rallied, and made a desperate attack upon the enemy : they gained a complete victoiy, and large herds' of cattle fell into their hands as booty. In Apulia, too, the Roman ai-ms were successful; but that country was again attacked by the Samnites in B.C. 310, while the Romans were engaged against the united forces of Etruria. C. Marcius, the consul, afterward took Allifae, and many other places ; though soon, after, the Samnites gained a great victory over him, and so completely cut him off from Rome, that not even a messenger could" carrj the tidings of his defeat to the city. In these perilous circumstances, L. Papirius Cursor was appointed dictator, and with a reserve army ha.stened to the assistance of the distressed legioiis in Samnium : for a time he merely observed the movements of the enemy; but in the battle which at length ensued, the Samnites were beaten, and obliged to abandon their camp to the victors. The dictator's triumph was magBificent, on account of the splendid arms and shields he had taken from the enemy. In B.C. 308, Q. Fabius Maximus conducted the war against Samnium, and con- quered 'the important town of Nu«eria. He had also to fight against the Marsiaiis and Pelignians, who declared for the Samnites. The Umbrians now also declared war against Rome ; but Fabius speedily reduced them to sub- mission, and was thus enabled to continue his operations against her other enemies. As the Hernicans and the Aequians at this time began to show a hostile feeling toward Rome, the Samnites conceived fresh hopes ; but the reduction of Etruria, with which the Samnites had long wished to form an alliance against the common enemy, was near at hand, and Rome's power was irre- sistible. In B.C. 307, Fabius, as pro-consul, took Allifae, and granted to the Samnites a free departure, but sold their allies as slaves ; and some Hernicans, who were found in the place, were assigned to custody among the Roman allies, as persons guilty of high treason. After Fabius had withdrawn, the Sanmites appeared with fresh strength and a numerous army ; and Calatia and Sora, vsdth their Roman garrisons, fell into their hands. They also conquered Arpinum and Cesennia. In the same year the consul, L. Volumnius, is said to have been victorious in Apulia. ^hen the senate instituted an investigation into the case of the Hornicrins found at Allifae, nearly all the Hernican 174 HISTORY OF ROM£. towns declared war against Rome ; and in B.C. 306 C. Marcius was sent against them, while the other consul, P. Cornelius, took the field against the Samnites. When it was found that P. Cornelius was cut off from all communi- cation with Rome, the alarm was so grpat that all men ca- pable of bearing arms were called up and formed into four new legions. But Cornelius maintained himself in the heart of the enemy's country sg successfully that his col- league was enabled to bring the war against the Hernicans to. a close, and then to join him. C. Marcius had had easy work with the Hernicarls, for they were as quick in their despondence as they had been in declaring war against Rome ; he drove them from their strong, positions, and compelled them to purchase a truce for thirty days. Soon aftei" Cornelius was joined by his colleague, the Samnites were put to flight in all directions, and 30,000 of them are said to have been slain. The news of the sudden despair of the Hernicans had induced the Samnites to order a fresh lev,y to be made throughout the country ; but the re- inforcements did not arrive till after the battle, when it was too late. The Romans then ventured upon another attack, and routed the enemy without much exertion. The Samnites, having now lost all hopes of success, sued for a truce, which was granted them ,on condition of their furnishing the whole Roman army with a supply of corn for three months, and with one year's pay and clothing. They had hoped, to- obtain a tolerable peace, but in vain ; probably because that even now they would not make up their minds to submit to the humiliating demand of Rome to recognize her sovereignty. When hostilities were re- commenced, the Romans ravaged Samnium in a fearful manner, in order to compel the people to seek peace on any terms ; but when a, great part of Samnium was re- duced to a wilderness, the Samnites took revenge by an inroad into Campania, laying waste also the Stellatian and Falernian districts. The consuls of the year B.C. 303 are said to have driven them out of Campania, and afterward to have defeated them in a great battle near Bovianum, which was taken by storm. Sora, Arpinum, and Cesennia, also, were reconquered by the Romans. The Samnites were now completely crushed. A truce was concluded for the purpose of carrying ou negotiations for peace, though the Roman army under P. Sulpicius, in B.C. 304, remain- ed in Samnium. In this peace the Samnites acknowledg- HISTORY OF ROME. 175 ed the majesty of Rome,* and were obliged to give up their supremacy of Lucania, as well as tlieir alliance witli the Marsians, Peliguians, Marrucinians, and Frentaniaiis. Rome now obtained the right to interfere in all the exter- nal relations of her conquered enemy. This peace must have been intolerable to the Samnites ; but they were so much weakened and reduced, that rest and peace were the only means from which they could hope recovery. Rome, too, needed relaxation after a war which had lasted for about twenty years ; and the settlement of her internal disorders required peace. The fate of- the Hernicans, after their subjugation in B.C. 306, was, on the whole, the same as that of the Latin towns after the reduction of Latium. Three Hertiican towns, which had not joined in the revolt, retained their own laws and mutual connubium and commercium. During the Samnite war numbers of Aequians bad served as raercenaiies in the armies of the Samnites; and after the reduction of-the Hernicans, in B.C. 304, the whole natiop of the Aequians openly took up ai°ms for the Sam- nites. Two consular armies marched against them ; but the Aequians dispersed, despairing of the event of a battle, and the contingent of each town returned home to defend its own walls. ♦The Aequian towns, forty-one in number, were now attacked and conquered one after another in fifty days, and most of them were destroyed. This speedy conquest induced the Mai'sians, MaiTucinians, Peliguians, and Frentanians, to conclude a treaty with Rome, The country of the Aequians was made secure by several strong colonies, who afterward drove the. people to hope- less revolts. During those struggles the Aequians are said to have been nearly annihilated ; but this can not have • been the case, since the Tribus Aniensis and Terentina, which were formed in B.C. 299, consisted of Aequians. About the same time Rome concluded a peace with Taren- tum, in which it was stipulated that no Roman ship should sail beyond the Lacinian proraontory.f / The long peace which Etruria observed toward Rome, during the early part of the second Samnite war^ must un- doubtedly be ascribed to its internal weakness, and to its fear of the Grauls. This fortunate circumstance had ena- * Liry, ix. 45, says that the ancient alliance with Samniom was restored ; but this is an absurdity. See Dionys. JExcerpt. da Legal, p. 2331 , ed. Reiaka. t Appian, Samnit, p, 56, ed. Schweigh. ] 70 HISTORY OF ROME-. bled Rome for a time to direct her whole forces against the south and east, and to keep up a bulwark between her- self and the Gauls. But as the Gauls, in the course of time, lost their warlike character in- the mild climate of Italy, and as they were not averse to a peace which secur- ed to them the undisturbed enjoyment of a I'ich and fertile counti-y, the Etruscans, after the defeat of the Romans near Lautulae in B.C. 315, seem to have conceived the plan of recovering their old dominions as far as the banks of the Tiber. They began %e war, however, much too late, although the Samnites had undoubtedly urged them on long before. All the united forces of the Etruscans advanced toward Sutrium in B.C. 311 ; but the army of the consul, Q,. Aemilius, relieved the fortress; and some time after the hostile armies had met a battle was begun. Both parties fought with equal perseverance; the Romans were inferior in numbers, but the battle ended withoat either of the belligerents being in a condition to claim th& victory. In the year following, the consul, Q,. Fabius, commanded the Roman arm-y, and went to relieve Sntrium, which was again besieged by the Etruscans. The latter hastened to attack hira; bat he had taken so favorable a position upon an eminence that, when the enemy had ascended halfway, the Romans hurled themf down, and cut off their retreat to the camp, which, together with its rich booty, became the piey of the Romans, who are said to have slain or taken prisoners many thousand Etruscans. Sutrium was now i-elieved, and Q,. Fabius penetrated far- ther into Etruria. A fresh Etruscan army, yeinf£>rced by Umbrians, assembled in the neighborhood of Perusia, where Fabius again gained a complete victory : the three principal towns, Perusia, Gortoua, and Arretiam, begged for peace, and a truce for thirty years was gianted to them. After this glorious campaign, in which the Etruscans had made the most desperate efforts, and in which they lost an enormous number of men, the great Fabius cele- brated a most brilliant triumph. In B.C. 308 the Etrus- cans do not appear to have sent ai» army into the field, but Tarquinii obtained a ti'uce for forty years;* and af- ter the taking of some other places by the Romans, the other Etruscans also concluded a truce for one year. Soou after this, the Umbrians threatened Rome with a war j * Diodot. XX. 4 1. HISTORY OF ROME. 177 and Q. Fabius, who was stationed in Samnium, was order- ed to lead his troops against them. But they submitted to him without a battle, and with unexampled cowardice. After the expiration of the truce with the Etruscans, we hear nothing of any fresh hostilities between them and Rome, for a period of six years ; the truce, therefore, must have been prolonged or renewed every year. In the interval between the second and third Samnite wars, when Rome was not engaged against'any other ene- mies, a swarm of Gauls, wh4^ad crossed the Alps, were induced by their countrymen who had already settled in Italy to proceed into Etruria ; and the Etruscans prevailed upon them, in B.C. 299, to march into the Roman territory. The Romans were still afraid of meeting the Gauls in the open field; they therefore allowed their territory to be laid waste ; and after a short stay, the Gauls, laden with booty, returned across the Apennines.* The Romans took vengeance for the conduct of the Etruscans in this affair, by ravaging the open country and villages of Etruria. The third Samnite war broke out in B.C. 298. The Samnites had only been waiting for a favorable of oppor- tunity of throwing off the unbearable yoke of Rome ; for the same reason, the Etruscans abstained from war until Rome should be- engaged wnth other enemies. The Sam- nites had supported the Umbrian town of Nequinum in the war of the Umbrians against Rome ; and- as the Ro- man senate, probably from fear of the Gauls, did not take immediate vengeance for this breach of peace, the Sam- nites became imboldened to venture upon further under- takings, and tried to recover the sovereignty of Lucania. That country was accordingly invaded by the Samnites, who at the same time endeavored to gain over other na- tions by treaties; but in vain: the Picentians instead of joining the Samnites, accepted a treaty which was offered to them by the Romans. Aftei- the Samnites had con quered the Lucanians in several battles, the Lucanian no- bles placed themselves under the protection of Rome, and promised to obey her commands. A Roman embassy was then sent to Samnium to demand the evacuation of Lucania. This irritated the Samnites so much that they immediately resolved upon war, and bade the Roman en- voys quit the country. The consul, Cn. Fulvius, led an army to the assistance of the Lucanians ; and in a great * Polyb. ii. 19. H* 178 HtSTOEY OF HOME. battle, near Bovianum, lie gained a victory over the Sam- nites, who were far superior to him in numbers, and con- quered the towns of Bovianum and Aufidena. In the-sarae year in which Cn. Fulvius thus distinguished himself in L ucania, his colleague, L. Cornelius Scipio, fought a hard battle near Volaterae, in which the Etruscan camp and all its stores were taken. The conquerors afterward confined themselves to ravaging the open country, and de- stroying a number of villages and country towns. In B.C. 297 there seems to have b^n a truce with Etruria, and Rome was enabled to direct all her forces against the Samnites. The two consuls, Q. Fabius, the ablest general of the time, and his friend P. Decius Mus, accordingly led their armies into Samnium ; the former into the country of the Pentrians, and the latter toward Maleventum. Q,. Fabius was met by the whole army of the enemy, and a battle ensued, in which neither party gained any de- cisive advantages, until the Samnites, being deceived by the consul's reserve, which they took to be the army of Decius, failed in courage, and were defeated with the loss of upward of 4700 of their men. Decius, who had in the mean time found the revolted Apulians encamped near Maleventum, gained an easy victory over them ; and both consuls now traversed Samnium for five unhappy months, during which the country was ravaged in the most fearful manner. In the year following, the two consuls had their command prolonged ; they remained in the enemy's coun- try making several conquests, and Fabius succeeded in gaining over the ^vhole of Lucania to the interests of Rome. App. Claudius, on the other hand, conducted the war in Etruiia ; for it was well known at Rome that the Samnites had formed the plan of sending an army to that country. .This army now actually marched out, under the command of Gellius Egnatius. The Etruscans further strengthened themselves by forming an alliance with tlie Umbrians, and by engaging Gallic mercenaries in their service. App. Claudius was scarcely able to resist the ever-increasing forces of the enemy, and his situation was highly alarming, until he was joined by his colleague, L. Volumnius. The united Romans now ofiFered battle, which turned out so favorably to Rome, that Volumnius was enabled to return to Samnium, leaving only a small army in Etruria to act on the defensive. In the absence of L. Volumnius, the Samnites had in- HISTORY OP ROMK. 17!) vaded Campania: many of the iiihabiianis of ilie open country were carried away into slavery, and an immense quantity of booty was taken. Volumnius, who hastily re- turned from Etruria, found the Samnites on the Vulturnus, and immediately attacked them. The Romans stormed their camp, and pressed upon them on all sides. The de- feat of the Samnites, who had been taken by surprise, was very severe. The news of this victory, which saved Rome from the fear of a revolt of her subjects, was received with joy and gratitude. At the same time the Gauls were ex- pected, and, under these threatening circumstances Q. Fa- bius and P. Decius were again raised to the consulship for B.C. 295. Various prodigies frightened the Romans, and two days were devoted to prayers and sacrifices to propi- tiate the gods. The preparations which Rome made sur- passed every thing she had done before. Volumnius was still stationed against the Sanmites, while all the other forces were directed against the Etruscans, Gauls, Um- brians, and the Samnites under Gtellius Egnatius. Fabius, on entering Etruria, joined the army of App. Claudius, and restored among the latter a better military discipline, whereby the soldiers themselves were animated with fresh courage and confidence. When .all the Roman troops were ready, they were led to join those who, under L. Scipio, had maintained their position in the face of the enemy. He had been cut off from all communication with Rome; and one, legion, which had been stationed neai Camerinum, had been completely annihilated, without the consuls being aware of it, until the Gauls advanced, exhib- iting the heads of the slain on their lances. Notwith- standing, the consuls succeeded in joining Scipio. AVTiat saved Rome was the want of unity among her enemies, each of whom had his camp apart. At-length a gi-eat and general battle was fought near Sentinum, in Umbria, whither the Romans had advanced vnth great caution. The battle was fought on a hot summer's day, and the Gallic horsemen and war-chariots made great havoc among the wavering legions : the flight became general, and a complete defeat of the Romans seemed unavoidable, when Decius, imitating the example of his father in the battle of Mount Vesuvius, ordered himself and the enemy to be de- voted by the pontiff, M. Livius, to the gods of death. He then rushed among the enemies and fell, and from that moment the fortune of the day turned. Thg Gauls, being 180 HISTORY OF ROME. pi-essed together in one thick mass, were cut down without moving fi-om the spot, and the Samnites fled to their camp. The Romans pursued the fugitives with great vigor and vehemence, and the battle was changed into a revengeful massacre. Gellius Egnatius fell, and the Samnite camp was taken : 25,000 G-auls and Samnites are said to have been slain, and 8000 to have been made prisoners ; but tie Romans, too, had lost 8200 men, and wei-e unable to follow up their victory. Five thousand Samnites effected their retreat through a hostile counti-y, and reached their homes, after the loss of 1000 in the country of the Pelignians. Q. Fabius led back his aimy aci-oss the Apennines into Etruria, where Cn. Fulvius had ravaged the territories of Perusia and Clusium, and beaten the Etruscans who at- tempted to p'Otect those towns. Q,. Fabius now defeated them a second time, near Peinisia, in a bloody battle, and took many prisoners : on his return to Rome he celebi-ated a magnificent triumph over the Graufe, Samnites, Umbrians, and Etruscans. The Samnites, who had not joined in the northern coalition, had, in the mean time, crossedrthe Liris toward Formiae, and invaded the valley of the Vultnrnus ; and when, Volumnius and App. Claudius, after the battle of Sentinum, hastened against them, the' country was in such a state that it scarcely afforded the necessary means of subsistence for the Samnites ; a battle was then fought, in which an enormous number of Samnites are said to have fallen. But that their loss in this battle can not have been very great, is evident from the fact, that in the very next year they were able to send three armies into the field, one of which was destined to enter Etruria. The consuls of the year B.C. 294, L. Postumius and M. Atilius Regulus, marched, according to some accounts, into Saihnium, and fought a battle near Luceria, in which many were slain on both sides ; and afterward one or both of the consular ai-mies marched into Etruria.* Both consuls gained triumphs . over the Samnites and Eti'uscans, and many of the principal Etruscan towns concluded separate truces with Rome for forty years. In the year following, the war against Samnium was conducted with brilliant suc- cess by L. Papirius and Sp. Carvilius. The Samnites npw , combined the terrors of religion with the compulsory power of their government, for the purpose of raising all the forces * Livy mentions two other accbimts of this campaign, but both seem to be Ic.'s pntillpf) 10 rn: lit than thr= one given in our text. IIISI'OKV OF KOMK. 181 that their country contained : they were resolved to make a last and desperate effort against their enemy, and having enlisted all the men capable of bearing anns, and bound them by the most solemn and fearful oaths, they invaded Campania. But the Romans, who marched into the un- protected Samnium, compelled thh Samnites to return.* L. Papirius encamped opposite the Samnites, neai- Aquilo- nia, Sp. Carvilius blockaded Cominium, and both had agreed to make their attack on the same day. When the day came a Samnite detachment was sent off, and the Romans began the battle against the reduced aiiny : it was less obstinate than might have been anticipated ; the Samnites, believing themselves overwhelmed, fled to their camp, v^dthout being able to maintain it, and the scattered troops assembled again at Bovianum. L. Scipio, by a piece of great bold- ness, made himself master of Aquilonia, and Cominium was taken by storm. The towns were given up to the soldiers for plunder, and then set on fire. The greatness of this victory is evident fi'om its results, though the number of men whom the Samnites are said to have lost is quite incredible.t The Samnites indeed con- tinued to fight against the two consuls, but could not unite their forces, and consequently could not gain any decisive advantage. The Faliscans had, in the mean time, broken the peace yviih Rome, in consequence of which Sp. Carvilius was obliged to lead his army into Etruria : his colleague remained in Samnium till the winter, when both returned to Rome in triumph. The booty which was canned to Rome was very great ; and Car^-ilius had the brass of the Samnite armor worked into a statue of Jupiter on the Capitol, which was of so gigantic a size that it was visible from the temple of the Alban mount. No sooner had the Roman armies withdrawn from Sam- nium than the Samnites again invaded Campania ; and Pa- pirius after his triumph was obliged to hasten vnth his army isto the Falemian district. But soon after, his successor, Q,. Fabius Gurges, undertook the command of the army. The Samnites were led by their great and noble general, C. Pontius, who now, an old man, still possessed the same energy and skill as ill the days of his youth. Q. Fabius at- tacked a detachment of the enemy, beUeving it to be their whole army endeavoring to retreat, but he suffered a dis- * Zonaras, viii. 2, whose account seems more credible than that of Livy, X. 38, &c. t Lif. X. 42. 182 HISTOUY OF ROMii. fraceful defeat, and his army would have been annihilated ad the Samnites acted less 'cautiously. This defeat ex- cited at Rome the gi-eatest indignation against Fabius : it was doubly felt, because the city had been suffering under an epidemic disease for the last two years, and a war with ' Etniria was expected every moment to break out. The senate decreed that the tribunes should propose to the peo- ple to deprive Fabius of his power as a general. He >vas accordingly summoned before the people ; but the prayers and entreaties of his aged father, Q. Fabius Maximus, who had so often led the Romans to victory, procured the peo- ple's pardon for him, and the aged Fabius himself entered the army as legate of his son. Soon after this a battle was fought, which decided the contest between Samnium and Rome. The Samnites under C. Pontius fought with de- spair, for they well knew that this effort was the last, and they would have conquered had not the Romans been com- manded by the aged but invincible Fabius. The place of the battle is unknown ; but it is said that the Pentrians, who formed onS of the four Samnite cantons, fought in it alone against the Romans. The latter were on the point of being overpowered, when Q. Fabius came up with the reserve to his son's assistance, and decided the day. Twenty,thou- sand Samnites are said to have been slain, and 4000 to have been made prisoners, among whom was the brave C. Pon- tius. The war was in reality terminated, although the sub- mission of Samnium was yet delayed for nearly two years. . After this victory, the command of Q,. Fabius Gurges was prolonged for the year B.C. 291, in order that he might as pro-consul continue the operations against the Pentrians, while a consular army under L. Postumius, a haughty and overbearing man, was to bring the war with Samnium to a close. Postumius demanded of Fabius to give up his aimy, but the latter led his men back, in order to avoid coming into collision with a person who acted like a tyrant or a madman. In the triumph of Fabius, in B.C. 291, C. Pon- tius was led in cljains, and was afterward beheaded : this execution of a great general, who twenty-seven years be- fore, after the peace of Caudium, had taken the greatest care of the sick and wounded Romans, and had magnan- imously provided the defeated army with all the necessary supplies for their return to Rome, is the foulest and blackest deed ever committed by the Romans, and an eternal dis- grarp lo their name. HISTORY OP ROME. Iti'.l L. Postumius soon reduced Cominium, whicli Fabius had been besieging ; and among other towns he conquered Venusia in Apuha, where a colony of 20,000 men was established : Tarentum was thus completely separated from Samnium and Lucania. The Samnites, after their treat defeat, did not venture upon another battle in the eld, and hence we hear only of conquests and separate towns ; though, according to some authorities,*' the consuls P. Cornelius Rufinus and M'. Curius Dentatus, in B.C. 290, defeated the Samnites in dreadful battles. Hereupon the Samnites axe said to have sued for peace ; and Livy,t as on a former occasion, absurdly states that the ancient alhance with Samnium was renewed; but the peace un- doubtedly determined still more strictly than before the dependence of Samnium. In the same year the Sabines, who had for a long time been neutral in the wars with Rome, revolted, but were coiiquered by Postumius. Immense tracts of land were acquired, for the Roman people, and a very large number of Sabines were made prisoners. The other Sabines re-~ ceived the Caerite franchise. As Rome had now conquered her enemies, and was ruling far and wide over Central Ita- ly, the peace she enjoyed affords us an opportunity of cast- ing a glance at the condition of the people and the internal affairs of Rome. On the whole it may be said, that, owing to the vast mili- tary undertakings in which the Romans were constantly engaged, the internal peace and harmony of the republic were not much disturbed. Now and then the, patricians still endeavored by intrigues to recover the ascendency over the plebs, and party spirit still burst out occasionally ; but it is evident that the power of the patricians was broken, and had, comparatively speaking, btecomc harmless. One of the most eventful years in the internal history of Rome was that of the censorship of App. Claudius the Blind, B.C. 312. He seems to haveliad many enemies in the senate, and in revenge he excluded them from the list of senators, admitting the sons of freedmen in their stead. He further divided all the low people among all the tribes.J But his list of senators was set siside in the year following by the * Eutrop., li. 5. t Epitome, W. % But in B.C. 304, the censor, Q. Fabius Maximus, removed the whole class of low people from the country tribes, and threw them together into the four city tribes. Liv. ii. 46 ; Val. Max. II. 2, 9 ; Aurel. Vict. De Vir Ittiutr. 34. 184 HISTORY OF ROME. tribunes, who were unanimously in favor of the former sen- ate. His colleague, C. Plautius, a man of weak character, who had allowed himself to be overruled by Appius, laid down his office in order to screen his own honor ; and Ap- pius remained sole censor, in defiance of law and custom, according to which he, too, ought to have laid dovsm his office. This conduct of App. Claudius has commonly been censured as insolence, and as an insult offered to the sen- ate, or as a means by which he intended to create a strong party for himself ; but if we remember that the war against the Samnites had been carried on for a series of years, dur- ing which the Romans had sustained some very sevqfe losses, it is not impossible that the object of Appius was in reality not so bad as it inay appear at first sight, and that he intended to increase the number of men required for the armies, since freedmen, as such, were not allowed to serve in the legions. But much as Appius favored the common people, he still hated the plebeians ; for the latter counted among them many wealthy and illustrious families, who thought themselves equal to the patrician nobility ; and a rivalry of this kind was sure to make an obstinate patrician like Appius hate them most cordially. But the naiHe of Appius Claudius is immortalized by the gi'eat and useful works which he designed and completed. In order to fa- cilitate the communication with the subject coimtries in the south, and to enable Rome to maintain her possession of them,, he made the road fi-om Rome to Capua, which was called after him the Appian road {via Appia), and is justly called " the queen of roads."* It was constrilcted of large polygon blocks, so accurately fitted together, that the spa- ces between the stones could scarcely be perceived. Con- siderable portions of it exist to this day in perfect preserva- tion, and justify the high admiration with which the ancients speak of it. Another great work was the aqueduct {aqua Appia), the oldest at Rome, which supplied a want that had long been felt. It conducted the water from wells on the left of the Praenestine road, a distance of about eight miles, to the city. With the exception of a short distance near the Porta Capena, the aqueduct ran under ground, in order that the supply of water might not by cut off "by an enemy in time of war. The censorship of Appius is fur- ther remarkable for a legend which accounts fdr his blind- * Statiue, Silv. ii. 2, 12. At a later time it was continued from Capua to Brundusiiim. mSTilEV OF liOMB. 185 no8s. The Potitian and Pinaiian gentes had hitherto per- formed the sacred rites connected with the worship of Her-' cules : Appius is said to have induced them to instruct public slaves in these ceremonies : in consequence of vi^hich the whole Potitia gens, which then contained twelve fami- lies, became extinct in a very short time, and Appius him- self had to pay for his sin with the loss of his sight. In the censorship of App. Claudius, Cn. Flavius, a scribe, and son of a fieedman, had been raised to the curule aedile- ship, by the influence of that class of people whom Appiu& had distributed among all the tribes. Cn. Flavius, howev- er, had been obliged, previous to his election, to renounce his profession, which at Rome was thought dishonorable to a citizen. Until that time, the pontiffs alone had been in possession of the knowledge of the days on which assem- blies of the people could be held and justice administered; that is, which days were fasti and which nefasti, either en- tirely or in part ; and every one had been obliged to apply to the pontiffs for information upon these rriatters, as often as he was in want of. it. To avoid such unnecessary trou- ble, and at the same time check the arbitrary power of the pontiffs, who often abused it for party purposes, Cn. Fla- rius drew up a calendsu-, in which all dies fasti and nefasti were marked, and this calendar he exhibited in the forum on a tablet covered with gypsum. All the people had reason to be grateful for this gi'eat convenience. Another benefit he conferred upon the people was, that he made a collec- tion of the formulae of legal actions {Jegis nctiones), which hitherto had been handed down by tradition, and of which the patricians had always endeavored to preserve a knowl- edge of themselves exclusively. In this work he undoubt- edly enumerated all the diffisrent actions of every kind. Flavius is said to have made this collection on the advice of 'App. Claudius,* while others went so far as to ascribe the work to Appius himself. These sei-vices which Fla- vius rendered to the people made him exti'emely popu- lai', and the aedileship was the reward he received for it — the gi-eatest triumph which the class to which he belonged could have desired., The nobility evinced the deepest grief at seeing the sons of those who had once been the enemies of the republic raised to such honors. The year of the censoi-ship of Q. Fabius and P. Decius, B.C. 304, when the low people whom Appius had distribu- * Plin. Hist. Nni. xxxiii, 6. lyU HISTORY OP BOMB. ted among all the tribes were thrown into the four city tribes, is considered by some* to form an epoch in the his- tory of the Roman constitution. The comitia of the centu- ries had gradually lost much of their importance, in propor- tion as that of the assemblies of the tribes increased; at length a combination of the centuries and tribes was de- vised to meet the altered exigencies of the time, the centu- ries being engrafted on the tribes ; each of the latter ^voted as two centuries, one of the seniors and the other of the juniors.t But is is by no means certain that this arrange- ment was made in the year B.C. 304 ; on the contrary, there is evidence that it existed as eai'ly as B.C. 3&6, when, in speaking of the election of the consular tribunes, who were chosen by the centuries, LivyJ mentions the praero- gativa, that is, the tribe choseil by lot to give its vote first. The assembly, however, in which the centuries were thus combined with the tribes, was quite distinct from the comi- tia of the tribes, which continued to be held as before. The last great point, which completed the equality of the plebeians with the patricians, was gained by the Ogulnian law. Hitherto the colleges of augurs and pontiffs had con- sisted of four priests each, all of whom were patricians : the tribunes Q,. and Cn. Ogulnius in B.C. 300 carried a law, by which the number of augurs was increased to nine, and that of the pontiffs to eight (the chief pontiff, who is not included in this number, being the ninth), and which or dained that four of the pontiffs and five of the augurs should always be plebeians. This law was of great importance, inasmuch as it abolished the exclusive right of the patricians to interpret the auspices, and their superintendence of all religious and ecclesiastical matters.§ From B.C. 293 to 291, Rome was visited by a famine and an epidemic disease : as the latter did not cease,^the Sibylline books were consulted ; and a command was found in them, to fetch the god Aesculapius from Epidaurus in Peloponnesus to Rome. Ten embiissadors, accordingly, were sent to Epidaurus, and the god, in the form of a gi- gantic serpent, went of his own accord to the Roman ship, and was conveyed to Rome, where he disappeared in the island of the Tiber, on which a temple was erected to him. We have already remarked, that attempts still continued ♦ For example, by Niebuhr, vol. iii. p. 320, &c. t Cic. Philip. II. 3 ; Liv. i. 43. % V. 18. 4 Liv. ix. 6, a HISTOKY OF ROME. 187 to be made occasionally, by haughty and obstinate patri- cians, such as App. Claudius and Sp. Postumius, to upset the Licinian law respecting the division of the consulship ; but infringements of the agi-arian law of Licinius must have been of far more frequent occuiTence, as we may infer from the feet, that the haughty Sp. Postumius employed 2000 men on his possession of the public land. Several in- stances also are recorded, in which the ti-ansgressors were punished with heavy fines. After the reduction of Latium, we hear no more of assignments of land : the establishment of numerous colonies, from which poor citizens derived benefit, if they joined the settlere, answered the same pur- pose. Assignments are again spoken of after the conquest of the country of the Sabines, in B.C. 290, when each citi- zen received a lot of seven jugera; for M'. Curius irefiised to give more to the discontented people, although there Btill remained a great quantity of public land which was not distributed : he himself took a farm, in the Sabine dis- trict, which was not larger than that of any other citizen, and on which he was afterward found roasting his turnips, when the Samnite embassadors came to offer him their gold. The assignments in the Sabine country were made at a time when the people were in urgent want of some im- provement in their domestic affairs, but it came in reality too late. The long-continued wars which Rome had been carrying on had exhausted the very man-ow of the nation, and destroyed its prosperity : many thousands, whose lands had been laid waste, and who had been obhged to ransom their friends from slavery, had fallen into extreme poverty : and many families must have been bereaved of their fathers and supporters, or at least were deprived of their support during the incessant campaigns : the calamities arising from war were completed by scarcity and epidemics. This state of things produced disorders, to relieve which some tribunes even thought it necessary to propose a general canceling of -debts. Matters indeed went so far, that the commonal ty were induced to secede and encamp on the Janiculum, in B.C. 287. At length Q. Hortensius was appointed dic- tator, to put down the insurrection by concihatory means. One of these means was the celebrated Hortpnsian law, which gave to the decrees of the plebs the power of a law binding on the whole nation.* The point in which this law differed from the Publilian, is probably the feet, that Hor- * Plin. Hut. Nal. xvi. 15 ; Gellius, xxv. 27 ; Gains, I. 3. 188 HISTORY OF ROME. tenaius abolished the veto of the senate upon those legisla- tive measures which had been passed by the plebeian as- sembly. The secession of the plebs, vyhich gave rise to this law, is the last that occurs in Roman history. During the period we have just been speaking of, the Romans must have made considerable progress in the fine arts. C. Pabius, sumamed Pictor, made a painting in the terhple of Salus, probably representing one of the battles with the Samnites, wHch is praised for the great correct- ness of its drawing, and for the gracefulness of its coloring. The excellent bronze figure of the Capitoline she- wolf with the two babes, which still exists, is probably "the same as the one mentioiled by Livy,* virhich was dedicated by the aediles Cn. and Q,. Ogulnius. This figure of the she-wolf, and the sarcophagus of Scipio Bai'batus, which belongs to about the same time, give us a high idea of the character of the wojks of art which were produced in Rome at that early time. Rome was then adorned with many splendid buildings and works of art ; and if we except the transito- ry poverty of certain classes, the state was rapidly increas- ing in wealth aind prosperity. Greek religious rites were freely introduced at Rome ; and there can be little doubt that the Romans, though yet without a literature of their own, were well acquainted with that of the Greeks. CHAPTER XIII. WARS WITH THE GAULS," ETRUSCANS, LUCANIANS, AND BRUT- TIANS THE FOURTH SAMNITE AND THE TARENTINE WARS PYKRHUS SUBJUGATION OP ALL ITALY, AND THE RELA- TIONS OP THE ITALIANS TO ROME. After tbe third Samnite war, Rome enjoyed a short interval of peace with her foreign neighbors, though her internal tranquillity was disturbed by the last secession of the plebs in B.C. 287, which led to the laws of Q,. Horten- sius. But a new enemy was rising in the south of Italy, who, although not yet venturing on open war with Rome, * X. 23. Some archaeologists, ascribe this she-wolf to a still earlier date. Zonar. viii. 2 ; comp. Dion. Cass. Fragm. 146, p. 60, edit. Reitnar. ; Ores. III. 22. HISTORY OF ROME. 189 was watching for an opportunity, and contriving to stir up others against Rome, in order liiereby to facilitate his own victory in the end. Things, however, ^turned out differ- ently, and Rome went fordi from the struggle the sover- eign of Italy. In the tenth year after the battle of Sentinum, B.C. 285, the Gauls, incited by the Tarentines and the Volsinians,* entered Etruria, and laid siege to Arretium. The Ro- mans sent out an army to relieve the place; but their legions were defeated, and the praetor, L. Caecilius, was slain. He was succeeded by M'. Curius, who sent em- bassadors to the Gauls, for the purpose of negotiating a ransom for the prisonei's ; but the barbarians, contrary to the laws of nations, put the embassadors to death. This outrage provoked the anger and indignation of the Ro- mans, who forthwith sent a fresh army into the country of the Senones, and this time they were victorious : the Senones were completely defeated ; the Romans took possession of their country, destroyed almost every trace of cultivation, and secured their conquest by the estabUsh- ment of the colony of Sena.t The Senones were Nearly annihilated ; and this fearful catastrophe of the people who had once conquered Rome roused the Boians, another Gallic tribe, to revenge: their whole, nation took up arms, and marched into Etruria, in the direction of Faesulae. They were joined by the few remnants of the Senones, and by the Etniscans, who seized that moment as a favor- able opportunity for recovering their independence. This formidable army marched against Rome. The Romans niet the enemy near Lake Vadimo, and gained a decisive victory, for most of the Etruscans were cut to pieces, and few of the Boians escaped. The latter, however, did not yet despair, and having armed all who were capable of bearing arms, they returned to Etruria.J The scene of the war was now transferred to the neighborhood of Populonia, B.C. 282, and the Romans would have been annihilated, had it not been for the w^atchftilness of the consul, Q.. Aemilius Papus, who fought alone against the * Zonar. vui. 2 ; comp. Dion. Cass. Frag. 146, p. 60, edit. Reimar. ; Oroa. III. 22. t Polyb. il. 19 ;>ppian, Gall. p. 83, ed. Schweigh. ; Livy, Ejnt. xu. says that the Roman embassadors were sent to the Gauls while they were bo- seiging Arretium, and before the outbreak of the war, and that their object was to persuade the Gauls to abstain from hostilities toward the place. t Polyb. ii 20. 190 HISTORY OF ROME. enemy, while his colleague, C. Fabricius, was engaged against the revolted nations of southern Italy. Aemilius gained a victory, after which the Boians sued for peace, which was willingly granted to them b'y the Romans, as their troops were wanted in other quarters. The submission of the Gauls was soon after followed by that of the Etruscans, though the towns of Volsinii and Vulci continued their hostilities for some years longer, and peace was not completely restored in Etruria till B.C. 280, after Pyrrhus had conquered the Romans near Hera- clea. This circumstance induced Rome to grant to the Etruscans a peace on the most reasonable terms. Hence- forth Etruria remained faithful to Rome for nearly two centuries, durifig which its prosperity appears to have greatly increased. Meanwhile, the Lucanians, who were still in a state of independence, had been prevailed upon to njake war against Thurii; and as this town could not hope to be supported by any of the other Greek towns in southern Italy, it applied to Rome for protection. The Romans were not slow in obeying the call, which afforded them an opportunity of extending their dominion. But it was not an easy matter to relieve Thurii ; and in addition to this difficulty, which arose from the situation of the place, dje southern Italians, who again conceived a hope of destroy- ing the power of Rome, formed a league, which is said to have been planned by Tarentum, and in which the Etrus- cans, Umbrians, and Gauls were expected to join. The Romans, on hearing of the negotiations which were car- ried on among these nations, used all possible precautions to prevent their own allies from joining the enemy. But the Samnites, who hoped to recover their independence, entered into the coalition. In B.C. 282, when the Lucanians, in conjunction with the Bruttians, were besieging Thurii, the consul, C. Fabri- cius, undertook, with an inferior army, th6 relief of the place ; but when he was on the point of fighting a pitched battle, his soldiers began to despair at seeing the far supe- rior numbers of the enemy. Their courage, however, was roused by a supernatural occurrence ; for a youth of gi- gantic size was seen carrying a scalingJadder. to the ramparts of the enemy's camp, and mounting it. He was believed to be the god Mars, who; had come to the assist- ance of Ms desponding Romans. This occurrence dia- HISTORY OF ROME. 191 coiiraged the besiegers as much as it rejoiced the RomanB, who were now sure of victory ; and the result of the battle was the relief of Thuiii, which evinced its gratitude to its deliverers by erecting a statue of C. Fabricius.* Statilius, the commander of the enemy's forces, was taken prisoner, together with a great number of his troops, and a still greater nupiber lay on the field of battle. Besides this great victory, Fabricius gained many others over the con- federates and the Samnites ; he took many towns,'and the booty he made was so great that, after a large portion had been distributed among the soldiers, and the tribute which the citizens had paid for that year had been returned to them, there still remained an immense sum of mtmey which he brought into the pubhc treasury. Thurii received a Roman garrison ; but as soon as the Roman army had withdrawn from Lucania, the tovm was cut off from communication with Rome except by sea. In the treaty with Tarentum, it had been stipulated that Rome should not send any armed vessels beyond the Lacinian promontory ; but the necessity of assisting Thurii outweigh- ed every other consideration, and ten ships, under the duumvir, L. Valerius, appeared in that part of the sea. The Romans so little heeded the treaty with Tarentum, that their squadron steered toward its harbor vrithout any apprehension. But the people of Tarentum, who happen ed to be assembled in the dieater, which, as in all Greek towns, overlooked the sea, were so enraged at the sight of the Roman ships, that the multitude rushed to their oven galleys, and attacked the Roman squadron, which, being unprepared for resistance, took to flight. Only five of the Roman ships escaped ; four were suidc, and one was taken ; the captains and marines were murdered, and the rowers carried off as slaves. Hereupon the Tarentines immedi- ately sent a force against Thurii, which, being now entirely deprived of the support of Rome, was obliged to throw its gates open to the enemy. The Roman garrison was dis- missed; but the most distinguished citizens were exiled, and the tovra was plundered.? This happened in the year B.C. 282. The Roman senate, desirous if possible to avoid a war^in southern Italy so long as peace was not restored in Etruria, gent an embassy to Tarentum with as moderate demands ^ Pliny, ffisf^JVof. kxxiv. 15. . " '- tAppiaii, Sarnm'f. p. 67. ed, Schwejgii. l-coarp-. Strob; vj; p.?ei3... 192 - HISTOKY OF ROME. as tho dignity of the republic wrtuld allow. The Tareii" tines were requested to restore the prisoners to freedom, to indemnify Tliurii for the losses it had sustained, and to sur- I'ender the instigators of the crime. When the Koman em- bassadors were introduced into the popular assembly, they were received with shouts of laughter and with .insult, and were at length driven away without receiving any answer. Q,. Postumius, their spokesman, on leaving the assembly, was insulted in the grossest and most indecent manner by a person who soiled his garment. Postumius turned back and showed his garment to the people, and as their laugh- ter continued, he said, " Laugh on as long as you can — you will have time enough to cry." As the populace became infuriated by thig. threat, he added, " And that you may be- come still more enraged, I tell you that this garment vnll be washed in torrents of your blood." Hereupon the em- bassadors returned to Rome, where the conduct of the Ta- rentines excited the greatest indignation; but under the circumstances, it was difficult to decide upon the mode of acting. Long deliberations took place in the senate ; but in B.C. 281 the consul, L. Aemilius Barbula, marched with an army to Tarentum, to repeat the terms of peace, having at the same time orders to prosecute the war with energy if the Tarentines should reject the proposed tei-ms. By this time the Messapians had joined the Tarentines in the league against Rome. When the consul arrived on the frontier of the Tarentine territory, he ofiered peace on the terms which had been proposed by the embassadors ; but it was to no purpose ; and as he did not take immedi- ate vengeance, the Tarentines fancied that he despaired of the event of a battle, and that now the moment had come for'crushing forever the power which threatened to destroy the independence of the Italian nations. The expectation of -a general coalition against Rome, however, w^as not realized, and the Tarentines themselves now could not avoid taking part in this war with an army which they had to hire. They turned their eyes to Pyrrhus, king of Epi- rus, the ablest general of the time ; and an embassy was accordingly sent to him. Pyrrhus was not one of the ordi- nary leaders of mercenaries at that time : his object in ac- cepting the proposal of the Tarentines probably was to found for himself a kingdom in Italy. However, befoi-ahe arrived with his auxiliary force, the Tarentines were thor- oughly beaten, and several of their fortified places fell into HISTOKY OF ROME. 193 the hands of the Romans. Soon sifter, Milo, one of Pyr- rhus's generals, arrived at Tarentum with 3000 Epirots, who occupied the citadel, and afterward, in conjunction with the Tarentines, attacked the Roman army on its re- treat from Lucania; hut though the Romans were in a most dangerous position, nothing of any consequence was achieved by their enemies. When Pyrrhus crossed over to Italy, in B.C. 281,* he was thirty-seven years old. He had received an excellent education, and among the sovereigns of the time he was the only one that was really worthy of the kingly dignity. He possessed the art of winning the affections of all who ap- proached him, and had not only the good luck of finding sincere fiiends, such as Cineas, but the wisdom to retain them and listen to their counsels.. He was greater in bat- tles jian in the management of campaigns ; he had confi- dence in his genius and his art; and his object always was to gain an advantage rather than to follow it up scrupu- lously, or keep it when g-ained. He arrived in Italy with an insufficient aniiy, consisting of 20,000 foot, 3000 horse, 20 elephants, and a number of slingera and bowmen. He expected, however, to be joined by a lai-ga aiiny of the Italian confederates ; and it was fiirther beHeved, that the war with Etruria would divide the forces of Rome, and cause her subject tovras to revolt. The Romans sent eight legions into the field. L. Aemilius Barbula carried on the war against the Samnites as pro-consxil, while P. Laevinus, one of the consuls of the year B.C. 280, marched against, Tarentum and Pyrrhus, and his colleague Tib. Coninca- nius concluded the war in Etrm-ia. What Rome had to dread, even more than the numbers of her enemies, was the great generalship of Pyrrhus, and his Macedonian tactics, which wei-e as yet unknown to the Romans. On his axrival at Tarentum Pyrrhus had assumed dictatorial power, which waB absolutely necessary to compel the luxuxious and idle Tarentines to take an active part in the war : the popular assemblies were suspended, the theaters closed, and all persons capable of bearing arms were trained in military exercises. The Roman consul, P. Laevinus, led his ai-my into Luca- nia, resolving not to wait for an attach, of the king and bis allies. He was at first successful, and prevented the Ln * Polyb. ii 19 ; Liv. EpU. xii. ; Gellius, xvii. 21 ; Pliny (Hisi Nat. viii. 6) plicet the landing of Pyrrhus one ye«i earlier 1,94 HISTORY or BOMB. canians from uniting their forces with those of the king } . nay, he felt strong enough to send the Campanian legion, under Decius Jubellius, to Rhegium, the only Greek town in Italy that espoused the cause of Rome. Pyrrhus, who wished to defer a decisive battle till he was joined by his allies, wrote to the consul, and demanded to be accepted as arbitrator between the Romans and the Tai-entines. Laevinus answered, that the king himself must first make amends for having invaded Italy, and that war must decide between them. The hostile armies met on the banks of the Liris, a small river between Pandosia and Heraclea, and the consul was compelled, by the fear of scarcity among his troops, to force the battle. The Romans fought like lions : seven times did both armies advance and retreat al- ternately ; but the Thessalian cavali-y of Pyrrhus and his elephants, the formidable aspect of which broke the cour- age of the Romans, decided the day ; the Romans took to flight, and no one would, perhaps, have escaped, had not a wounded elephant in his fury turned against his own men, and stopped their pursuit. Pyrrhus took the enemy's camp without resistance : he had gained indeed a most complete victory. On the following day he visited the field of battle, and seeing the bodies of the Romans, all of whom had fallen with their faces toward the enemy, he exclaimed, " With such soldiers the woi'ld would be mine ; and it would belong to the Romans if I were their commander." But the best part of his own anny had fallen ; and to those who congratulated him on his victory he replied, " One more such victory, and I should be obliged to return to Epinis without a single soldier." He proposed to the Roman captives that they should serve in his army ; but all refused : and he ordered the bodies of the dead to be burned and buried like those of his own soldiers. Of the Romans 7000 are said to have fallen, and only 4000 of then* enemies. Pyrrhus gave his allies a part of the spoils, and dedicated another part to Zeus at Tarentum, with the inscription, The men till then unconquer'd, best Olympian father ! Have I in battle conquer'd j and they, too, conqaer'd me.* The immediate consequence of this victory was that the Italians, and Roman subjects, the Apulians, Locrians, and a nttmber of separate towns, openly joined Pyrrhus. Decius Jubellius, the commander of the Campanian legion at Rhe- • OrosiuB, iv. 1. HISTORY OF ROME. 195 gium, charged the inhabitants of the place with intending to desert the cause of Rome ; and Rhegium was Q-ealed, in consequence, like a hostile town taken in war : the men were put to the sword, and the women and children made slaves. Jubellius and his men, from that moment, ceased to regard themselves as Romans, and uniting ^vith the Mam- ertines, who had taken possession of Messana a few years before in the same way, established themselves as an inde- pendent state, and tookaio part in the war against Pyrrhus until it touched their o^vn territory. Pynhus, who dishked long-protracted wars, and was anxious to accomplish as much as possible by persuasion, sent his eloquent friend and minis- ter, Cineas, to Rome with proposals of peace, while he him- self in the mean time collected the forces of his ItaUan allies- Cineas, on his arrival at Rome, offered peace with Pyrrhus and the Tarentines, on condition that Rome should recognize the independence of aH the Greek towns io Italy, and thar the Samnites, Apulians, and Lucaniaus, should receive back all that the Romans had taken from diem. After Cineas had delivered his proposals, and while the Romans were hesita- ting as to what course to pursue, the aged App. Claudius the Blind, in an energetic speech, frustiuted the plans of the cunning Greek, who was obhged to quit the city forth- with. What he had seen at Rome filled him with amaze- ment, for the city, he said, was one temple, and the senate an assembly of kings. New legions were formed to reinforce the army of Lae- vinus : all who were capable of bearing arms voluntarily offered to serve their country, and preparations were made for the defense of the city. Laevimis, who had retreated with the remains of his army to Capua, being there joined by fi«sh reinforcements, thwarted the attempts of ^Pyrrhus who, having also advanced thus far, accompanied by his Italian allies, tried to make himself master of C apua. Some parts of Campania, however, were laid waste by the ene- my, v^hose progress was checked only by petty skirmishes. Taking FregeUae by storm, Pyrrhus thence proceeded to Anagnia and Praeneste, both of which places fell into his hands, together vinth the Acropolis of the latter, fi-om which he could see the city of Rome itself at a distance. His out- posts advanced even fiirther. But here a stop was put to the king's progress, for at that moment peace was con- cluded with the Etruscans, or whom P^hus had reckon- ed; the army of Coruncanius bad returned to Rome ; and 19<3 HISTORY OF ROME. Laevinus had contrived to cut off the communication be- tween the different parts of the hostile army. PyiThus, having lost all hope of compelling Rome to accept the peace he had before proposed in vain, retreated; a step fot which it is difficult to give a satisfactory account, for he might at least have maintained himself in the places which he had taken. In Campania lie found himself opposed by Laevi- nus, who had now a far more numerous army' at bis com- mand than he possessed on the Liris, and , offered battle. But Pyrrhus did not think it advisable to accept it, and pro- ceeded to Tarentum, where he took up his winter quarters. His troops there indulged in the enjoyment of the rich booty they had made,''while the army of Laevinus was led into Samnium, and spent the winter iii a Country where all the means of subsistence had to be wrung from the hands of their enemies. Before a new campaign \Vas opened, the Romans sent three embassadors, C. Fabricius, Q,. Aemilius Papus, and P. •Dolabella, to negotiate with the king for the liberation of his prisoners ; and Pyrrhus, who was desirous to conclude the war in an honorable manner, received them kindly on the frontier of the Tarentine tenitory. The proposal of the Romans to exchange the prisoners, or to accept a ran- som, was rejected ; but the king allowed all the prisoners-, together with the three embassadors, to go to Rome for the purpose of celebrating the festival of the Saturnalia, adding, that if the senate would accept his terms, they might remain at Rome and be free ; but they had to pledge their word to return, if by a certain day the senate should not have agreed to his terms. The prisoners, during their stay at Rome, exerted all their powers to induce their fellow-citi- zens to make peace with Pyrrhus, but in vain : they were obliged to return into captivity ; and the senate declared^ that aiiy one who should be untrue to his word, and attempt to telnain, should be put to death. All, without a single exception, therefore returned to Pyrrhus. The king opened the carhpaigri of the year B.C. 279, by laying siege to several placed in Apulia. The tvvo consuls, P. Sulpicius and P. Decius Mtis, hastened -with, their forces to relieve those places, and rriet the enemy in the neighbor- hood of Asculum. For some tittle the armies feced each othier without any inclination to engag^' in a battle ; but when it commenced the Romans made almost incredible efforts, and fought during the virhole' day. The losses Oii HISTORY OF ROME. , 197 both sides were very great, and Pyirhus bimself was wound- ed ; at length, however, he gained a victory, notwithstand- ing the self-sacrifice of Decius, who is said to have imitated the example of his father and grandfather.* Six thousand Romans lay on the field of battle, and the king lost 3,505 men ; but the victory was useless ; and Pyn-hus, not vent- uring to attack the Roman camp, withdrew to Tarentum : it had now become evident to him that he could place no reliance oniis Italian allies, and he spent the remainder of the year in inactivity. His conduct may to some extent have been the consequence of tlie defensive alliance which was in that year concluded between Rome and Caithage.t A Carthaginian fleet was forthwith sent to Ostia; but the Roxnans, unwilling to ofier Carthage an opportunity of sat- isfying its selfish policy, sent the fleet back with thanks. The Carthaginian admii-al then tried to act as a mediator of peace, with Pyrrhus, but likewise to no puipose ; for the latter, it seems, had already fonned the plan of crossing- over into Sicily. The kingdom of Pyrrhus was, in the mean time, visited by the ravaging hordes of the Gauls, and the Romans severely felt the pressure of the wai* Avith Pyrrhus. When both parties, therefoi'e, wei-e not much in- clined to continue it, an event occurred which afibrded to both a most desirable opportunity for putting an end to their hostilities. In B.C. 278, the consuls, C. Fabricius and Q,. Aemihus Papus, undertook the command in the war. A traitor of- fered to them, at the beginning of the campaign, to poison Pyrrhus ; but the Romans honestly denounced the scoun- drel : Pynhus was so deeply moved by this honorable con- duct, that he sent his fiiend Cineas to lead back all the Ro- man prisoners that were in his possession, pro^'idit^g them with clothing, and honoring them with rich presents : Cineas was further commissioned to try to obtain a peace on tol- erable and decent terms for the king and his Italian allies. The Romans still refused to listen to any proposals of peace, until the king should have quitted Italy ; but a trace ap- pears to have been concluded,^ which enabled Pyn-hus to carry out his plan of crossing over into Sicily. Milo was le& in the command of the ganison at Tarentum ; and the king's son, Alexander, was left behind as governor of Locri. » Cic. Tiisad..i. 37, rfc Finib. ii. 19. t Liv. Epit. xiii. ; Polyb. iii. 25. t Appian, Samjiit. p. 69, e(i. Schweigh. 198 urSTORY OP EOME. Toward the end of the summer, in B.C. 278, two years and four months after his arrival in Italy, Pyrrhus crossed over to Sicily in sixty galleys, which were furnished him by the Syracusans. The Carthaginians were then in posses- sion of Sicily, with the exception of Syracuse, which was suffering, not only from the Carthaginians, but from the ty- rants who, after the death of Agathocles, disputed the sov- ereignty of the city one with another, sword in hand. Pyrrhus's object was to drive the Carthaginians from the island, and to establish himself in it ; and he might have gained his end, had "he not been misled by his Sicilian ad- visers, "and had not the faithlessness of the Sicilian Greeks thwarted his undertakings. After a stay of three years in the island he returned to Italy, laden with immense booty, of which, however, the greater part was lost in a storm, be- fore he reached the coast of Italy. The Roman prisoners whom Pyixhus had sent back be- fore embarking for Sicily were treated by their country- men as infamous, and every one of them had to perform the most arduous duties in the camp, until he should recov- er his honor by bringing the spoils of two enemies. During the absence of Pyrrhus, the Romans reduced to submission and punished their revolted subjects : thus, in B.C. 278, C. Fabricius gained victories over the Lucanians, Bruttians, Tarentines, and Samnites ; and he was honored with a tri- umph. In the year following, the consuls, P. Rufinus and C Junius Bubulcus, carried on the war in Samnium, taking several of the tovims which still held out, and spreading dev- astation wherever they appeared. The Samnites had car- ried their women, children, and property, into inaccessible mountain districts ; and the Romans, who endeavored to gain possession of them, suffered severe losses. Hei-eupon Ru- finus marched into Lucania, and laid siege to Croton, whith- er the portion of the citizens favorable to Rome had invited him. The town was soon after taken by treachery ; and the general, Nicomachus, escaped to Tarentum after hav- ing sustained a severe loss; Locri also Went over to the Romans. In B.C. 276, the consul, Q,. Fabius, triumphed over the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians ; and the dis- tressed Italians implored Pyrrhus to come to their assist- ance. Pyrrhus was glad thus to obtain a pretext for leav- ing Sicily; but in the straits he was met by a Carthaginian fleet, which sunk seventy of his ships, and only twelve es- caped to the coast of Italy between Rhegium and Locri. HISTORY OF ROME. 11)9 After his landing, he suffered another great loss from the Mamertines, who were waiting for him in the narrow mount- ain-passes with a large army. Locri, however, was com- pelled to surrender to him, and was severely chastised. From Locri he went with an army of 20,000 foot and 3000 iiorse to Tarentum ; but these troops were chiefly fickle Greeks, for his brave Epirots had fallen in thfi battles he had fought. The Romans, however, were seized with the same consternation and alann, when they heard of his re- turn, as they had been at the time when he arrived fi'om Epirus. In B.C. 275, two consular armies marched into the field: one was led by M'. Curius Dentatus into Samnium, the other by L. Cornelius Lentulus into Lucania. Pyrrhus, who was strengthened by all the Tarentines capable of bearing arms, advanced against Cuiius Dentatus ; he was also join- ed by a Samnite army, which, however, was weak and desponding. He contrived to keep Lentulus at a distance from his colleague, in order that he might first fight against tb^ latter /tlone. Gurius Dentatus occupied a strong and fortified position near BeneventuiQ,,but was not inclined to venture upon a battle until he should be joined by his col- league. Pyn'hus and his generals, on the other hand, were impatient of delay. During the night, a part of the king's troops tried by a round-about way to rea«h the top of the faill above the Roman camp ; but matters had been badly calculated, and it was already broad daylight when they descended from the heights. Curius resolved to meet the hostile troops, who were in disorder, and fatigued by the night march. His plans were well founded, for soon afl:er the contest had begun, the king's troops fled, and numbers of them were slain. Curius, now imboldened, began the battle against the main force of the enemy in the plain. Pyrrhus was completely defeated : his camp was taken ; two elephants were killed, and four were taken alive, which afl;erward adorned the consurs triumph. Pyn'hus himself reached Tarentum with only a few horsemen : as his allies in Lucania were equally unfortunate, he endeavored to ob- tain succors fi-om the lungs of Macedonia and Syria ; but his expectations were not realized, and he was obliged to abandon Italy. Milo, with the garrison at Tarentum, re- mained behind. A report that the reinforcements which Pyrrhus had solicited were on their way to Italy enabled biin to keep his fleet ready to take his troops back to Epi- 200 HI9T0EY OP ROME. rus. The army which he led back consisted of only 8000 foot and 500 horse ; and the want of money to pay them drove him into new adventures in Greece, until he was kill- ed at Argos in a battle against Antigonus, in B.C. 273. He was one of the greatest "generals of antiquity ; but he ne- glected the welfare of his own kingdom, and huixied from one giddy adventure into another untillie perished. After the departure of Pyrrhus, the Romans for a time abstained fi'om prosecuting the war against his allies ; for they wanted rest, being exhausted by their preceding ex- ertions. Meantime the Tarentines, tired of their Epirot garrison, conspired against Milo ; but as their plan failed, their leaders made their escape and concluded peace with the Romans. In B.C. 272, the Romans at length resolved to put an end to the war in soBthem Italy. The consuls, L. Papirius Cureor and Sp. Carvilius, accomplished this object : the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians did homage to the majesty of Rome ; for the death of Pyrrhus appears to have destroyed all their hopes. The Tarentines now secretly applied to the Carthaginian eommandsffs in Sicily for assistance : and ' while Papirius was encamped before the town, a Carthaginian fleet appeared at the entrance of its hai'bor. Milo, to whom the Carthaginians and Romans were no less hostile than the Tarentines themselves, never- theless prevailed upon the latter to choose him to negotiate a peace with C. Fabricius. But he acted only for himself, and betrayed the Tarentines ; for when all the points were announced to be settled, the people of Tarentum learned with amazement that the Romans were in possession of the citadel, while Milo, under their protection, departed for Epims with his treasures. Tarentum was now obliged to surrender ; but the Rontans ti-eated the town with more mildness than it deserved r they seem to have feared lest the Tarentines should call in the aid of the Carthaginians, who, in their envy and jealousy of Rome, would have been glad of an opportunity of directing their arms against her. Tarentum remained free, but its walls were broken down, and its ships and arms taken away. The triumph after this war, brought to Rome many luxuries, and from this time we must date a great change in the manners and mode of living among the Romans. Livius Andronicus, the earliest Roman dramatist, whose first play was per- formed about thirty years later, was one of the prisonei'S tliat were carried from Tarentum to Rome. The fall of HISTORY OF ROME. 801 Tarentum was soon followed by that of Rhegium, which was still in the hands of the Campanian legion. It was blockaded by the consul, Grenucius, in B.C. 271, who at the same time contrived to separate the Mamertimes fi-om them by a treaty. After a long siege the town was taken by storm: the greater number of the Campanians fell by the sword, and all the deserters that w«re found among them were immediately put to death. The surviving Campa- nians^ 300 in number, were sent to Rome in chains, and there they were .scourged and beheaded. The remaining citizens of Rhegium had their towTi,^ and their property as far as it was possible, restored to them. In ^C. 268, the last Samnite vyar blazed forth from the ashes. The Samnites had been obliged to send hostages to Rome : Lollius, one of them, had escaped to the mount- ains of his- native country, and there gathered round him- self a band of robbers and others, who had no choice be- tween a wretched life and death. Two consulai" aiTnies took the field against the rebels, who had scarcely heard of the approach of the enemy before they gave up their senseless enterprise. The leaders of the insurrection were beheaded, and the other prisoners wei'e sold. In the same year the Picentians revolted against Rome, but were soon conquered, and theii- whole country, with its capital of Asculum, was reduced to submission. In B.C. 266, the Sallentines were likewise subdued, and Brundusium fell into the hands of the Romans. These conquests-, which where secured by a number of colonies, completed the subjugation of Italy. But before peace vyas restored throughout the peninsula, Rome had to make one more effort. The Etruscan town of Volsinii was under the protection of Rome. The slaves and fi-eed- men of that place had raised themselves to an equahty with then- lords, on whom they probably wreaked their vengeance in a very cruel manner. Q,. Fabius Gurges was sent out vidth an anny to the assistance of the aris- tocracy, and conquered the enemy in the field, but lost his life in an unsuccessfiil attempt to stoi-m the town, which was now closely besieged. But it was not taken till the year following : its defenders fell into the hands of the Ro- mans, and were put to death as rebellious slaves, or de- livered up to their former masters. Volsinii was razed to the ground, and the surviving Volsinians were transplanted to another but unfortified place. 209 HISTORY OF ROME. . After struggles which had lasted for nearly five centimes, Romb thus succeeded in making herself mistress of the peninsula of Italy. We might believe that the dominion of Italy, compact and separated as it is from other coun- tries, would have satisfied the Romans ; and that, as a peo- ple, they might perhaps have remained happier and purer within the natural boundaries of the peninsula ; but they were called to greater things — even to determine the fate of the world. The possession of Italy required to be se- cured from without; and the threatening position of Car- thage, which strove to extend its dominion over south- western Europe, and had already manifested a desire to interfere, from Sicily, with the affairs of Italy, could hardly permit the Romans to look on quietly : hence the Roman senate can scarcely be blamed for taking the first favorable opportunity of waging a war vnih Carthage, wh^ich could, after all, be only delayed, not avoided. All the nations of Italy, from the straits in the south to the river Macra in the north, now obeyed the commands of Rome. The country north of Etruria and Umbria was inhabited by Ligurian and Celtic tribes, which were yet free and unsubdued. In what manner the affairs of the conquered people were regulated is not known in every case, but we have good reason to believe, that in general it was done in a prudent and mod- erate manner ; for during the whole of the first Punic war, which immediately followed the subjugation of Italy, we do not hear of any movement of a single Italian tovsTi or nation against Rome ; and previous to the arrival of Han- nibal, the country ^vas more prosperous and flourishing than ever after. Since all Italy now formed, so to speak, one state, the different parts of which enjoyed different rights and privileges, according to the different ways in which they had come to recognize the sovereignty of Rome, we shall here subjoin a brief account of the various rela- tions in which the Italians stood to Rome. From within, Rome secured her possessions and con- quests by the establishment of numerous colonies in the countries of her conquered enemies ; for it was the policy of the Romans, who never rose to the idea of an Italian nationality, but ever retained that of a sovereign city, to endeavor to reduce their subjects to a condition in which they should be prevented, as much as possible, from revolt, and be required to serve their sovereign wherever it was needed. Their freedom and their ten-itory were generally K1ST0HV OF TvOME. 203 taken from them ; and where these were not taken away, they were left to the conquered as the gifis of the Romans; their national feelings were destroyed, in order to render- them the fitter instruments for their rulers. The maxim expressed by Virgil,* " Parcere subjectis cue debellare su^er- bos," was followed by the Rom-ans from the earliest times: with the appearance of fairness and disinterestedness they treated their sulgects ; and those oppressed by others, in a manner which was sure to make them their faithful allies ; while those who ventured to offer resistance, and to main- tain or recover their independence, were visited with al- most inhuman cruelty. The'towns which possessed the Roman franchise were called munidpia, and their citizens municipes. All towns of this kind, however, were divided into three classes ; the first comprised those which had the Roman ii-anchise {civi- tas), but whose citizens had neither the right to vote in the assemblies at Rome, nor to hold any ma^stracy there ; such tOTvns were Fundi, Formiae, Cumae, Acerrae, Lanu- vium and Tusculum. Municipia of the second class were those w^ch wei^e completely incoi-poi-ated mth the Roman state, as was the case with Anagnia, Caere, and Aricia : these had no separate administration of their own internal affairs, whei-eas thos4 of the first class retained their own constitutions and magisti-ates. The third class of municipia were those whose inhabitants might go to Rome and there exercise all the rights of Roman citizens, and yet retain at home their own administr-ation, as was the case with Tibur, Praeneste, Pisa, and many other towns. > The colonies {coloniae) stood to Rome in the relation of children to a parent, and formed a kind of miniature copies of the city of Rome itself. A Roman colony differed fi-om a colony in the modern sense of the word, by the fact that the former was established in a town or citj'' which had been already inhabited before its occvipation by the Romans, and was never founded without a decree of the senate ; whereas a modem colony usually settles in a yet uninhabited district. The colonists, who were sent into such a town as a gamson, usually received the third part of its tenitory as their fiill propeity, the remainder being left to the origi- nal inhabitants of the place, who became the subject people, while the colonists formed the ruling body. The ordinary number of colonists sent to one particular place was 300, ♦ a™, vi. 851. 204 IlISTOKY OF ROME. and each received two jugera of land ; but this regulation was often modified, according to circumstances. We must distinguish between two kinds of colonies, viz., Roman colo- nies {coloniae civiwrn Romanorum) and Latin colonies {colo- niae Latinae). The settlers might be the same in both, but the political rights of the two kinds of colonies were differ- ent. A person going out with a Roman colony reta;ined the same rights which, as a citizen, he would have had' at Rome : it seems also that a person could join a Roman colony only by his free consent, and that he could not be compelled to it. The rights enjoyed by a Latin colony were the same as those possessed by a Latinus, and altogether of an artificial kind^ inasimich as they were rights devised and granted by the Roman senate. A Latin colony might consist of Roman citizens, Latins, Heriiicans, or any other allied nation j but those Roman citizens who joined in it (they could not be compelled to do so) lost their full fran- chise as Romans, which, however, they might easily re- cover. Another class of towns were the prefectmes ( praefeeturae), or towns which were by no means reduced to perfect po- litical dependence : they continued to form distinct j)o]itical communities, to which Rome sent animal prefects {praefecti^ to administer justice to the Romans residing in them. Such a town, however, might be a municipium or a colony ; it was only on acconnt of the prefect that it diflered from other Italian towns ; and its inhabitants might be in the enjoy- ment of the fiill Roman fi-anchise. The Latins in Latium, and the different Latin colonies, are often designated by the expression nomen Latinum : these must be distinguished from the allies or soeii. Both together are mentioned by the name socii nomen Latiiutm, that is, socii et nomen Latinum. By a singular mistake, some writers have changed this into the senseless socii ■nmni- nis Latini, forgetting the ordinary practice of the Romans to omit the copulative et, as in the case oipopulus Romantis Qtcirites. The socii, or allies, wore either Jhederati, that is, people whoso rights were secured by treaties with Rome, and by mutual oaths ; or liheri, that is, pepple to whom, after then- subjugation, the Roman senate had granted their full independence or autonomy, and whose rights, in conse- quence, had no other security than the good-will of the Romans. The inhabitants of places taken by the sword, or of towns which had been compelled to sun-ender at discre- HISTORY OF ROMK. 205 tion, were dedititii : they no longer formed distinct political bodies ; they had no freedom nor commercium ; they were a kind of serfe of the Roman people ; they had lost their own landed property, and were not allowed to acquire any elsewhere, so that they gi-adually decayed and cmmbled away. CHAPTER XIV. CONSTITUTION AND ADMINISTRATION OP THE REPUBLIC MILITARY AFFAIRS RELIGION ARTS AND LITERATURE MANNERS AND STATE OF MORALITY. The constitution of the Roinan republic, which had at first been an oppressive aristocracy, and had gi'adually become a mild and temperate foi-m of democracy, had by this time reached its highest perfection ; and on the whole, it may be said that this state of perfection continued down to the end of the Punic wars, when Polybius,* himself a gi-eat Statesmen, saw its working, and admired it. The manner in which the constitution had been developed, and brought to that point by many commotions, struggles, and secessions of the commonalty, and by the most strenuous exertions of their tribunes, has been related in the preceding part of this history : it only remains here to make a few general observations upon its character and working. The Roman constitution was not a vTiitten document, such as has been drawn up in modem times in several continental states ; but, like the English constitution, it was gradually and .practically developed out of slender elements. Some pajts of it, indeed, were settled by written laws and compacts, between the two ordere ; but others consisted in traditionary forms and customs, which were hallowed by time, and revered by the Romans as sanctioned by the practice of their forefathers (more inajorwn). Hence we can not expect that eveiy thing should have been accu- rately defined; and hence, owing to the loss of so many ancient authors and public documents, we are unable to describe every point with that precision which we could desire. The political power was so widely and wonder- fiilly distributed among die several bodies of which the * Polyb. iv. !l. 200 HISTORY OF ROMB. republic consisted, viz., the senate, the magistrates, and the remaining body of the citizens, that there could be no fear either of anarchy or military despotism ; for each of these three powers was at once a check upon and a support of the others, and it was the interest of each to win and pre- serve the_ good-will of the others ; the great plans of the republic could not be carried out otherwise than by the hannonious cooperation of all parties. The consuls carried into effect the decrees of the senate, convoked the people to the assembly, levied the troops, determined the contin- gents which the allies had to furnish for the armies, and punished the offenses committed by the soldiers during the time of their service. The sums necessary for military purposes were voted by the senate ; and when this was done, the consuls demanded that the quaestors or public treasurers should take the money from the treasury. The senate had the administration of the finances, or of the revenue and expenditure of the state, and controlled- the accounts of the censors and quaestors. The senate, further, was the high court of justice, which tried Eill crimes com- mitted against the state, settled the disputes among the allies, and sent ambassadors to, and received embassadors from, foreign powers. The number of embassadors sent by the senate was usually three, or ten : they formed, as it were, a select coinmittee of the senate, empowered to negotiate with a foreign power ; but such negotiations, befoi'e they became valid, required to be sanctioned or ratified by the senate and people. The political rights of the people have already been stated, in/ the account of their gi-adual growth and devel- opment. The people confen-ed the executive power upon the magistrates, and punished or rewarded them, according to the manner in which they had used the power delegated to them. Declarations of peace and war, and treaties, were not valid until they were sanctioned by the people. A Roman citizen could not be condemned to death except by the people ; but before the tribes had voted on his case, he might, if he appi-ehended his condemnation, withdraw into voluntary exile. This was a wise custom, inasmuch as it enabled the people to retract any rash or unjust verdict ; and there are several instances of persons who thus escaped, and were afterward trimnphantly recalled from their exile. After the equalization of the orders of the patricians and plebeians, the assembly of. the curiae and tribes still con- HISTORY OF ROME. 207 tinued to be held, but only for set purposes, such as the election of certain officers, and to sanction certain measures ; otherwise they were little more than mere forms : the as- sembly of the centuries, in their connection with the tribes, was now the most important assembly. The powers of these three bodies, of which the Roman republic consisted, were very nicely balanced, and their efficiency arose from their cooperatiom A consul, for example, required a decree of the senate befqi'e he could levy an army ; and his treaties with foreign nations wei'e powerless unless they obtained the sanction of the senate and people : after the close of a campaign also he might be taken to account by the people, for he was a responsible officer. The senate, on the other hand, could not carry on the administration of the republic vsdthout the good- will and cooperation of the people, or the tribunes, who were the organs of the people, and could prevent any resolution of the senate by their intercession. The ppople, lastly, were benefited by acting in concord with the senate : as the farming of the tolls, public lands, mines, and the contracts for public buildings, proceeded from the senate, and as the chief magistrates had power over the life and death of the citizens in the field, the people had every inducement to act in concord with the senate and magistrates so long as neither of them overstepped the bounds of theu* authority. While the powers of the republic were thus equally dis- tributed and balanced, Rome was happy and flourishing; but when one power began to predominate and oven-ule the others, the equipoise was lost, and the whole fabric fell into decay. Although a consul united in his person the highest civil and military power, /yet he was not allowed to exercise the latter within the city, or in its temtory, at the distance of one mile all around. Unlimited mUitaiy power was pos- sessed only by a dictator, who was appointed in times of great danger; but those abuses which in forrner times dictators had made of their power are no longer mentioned in the period we are here speaking of. The most import- ant office, and the one in which the vital principle of the republic was most energetically manifested, was that of the tribunes of the people ; for they had the right to interfere in every thing, either stopping proceedings that were going on, or affisrding their protection to the injured and op- pressed. But they had no judicial power. The adminis 208 HISTORY OF 'ROME. tration of justice, which had passed from the hands of tbe consuls into those of the praetors, had been gi-eatly facili- tated, as we have seen, by the jus Flavianum. The judges, appointed by the praetor to decide upon a given case were_ taken from among the senators. The administration of the finances was, as we remarked , above, in the hands of the senate. The public revenue consisted in the tribute of the Roman citizens and the Italian allies, in the rent paid for the use of the domain land, which was let to farm like the tolls, in the port and import duties, in the produce of the mines, salt-works, and of the booty, all or part of which was sold for the benefit of the state. The accounts of the public treasury were kept by the quaestors [quaestores), whose number was in-' creased in B.C. 275 to eight, on account of the increased business arising out of the conquests which Rome had made at the time. The quaestors, like other public func- tionaries, were assisted by clerks {notarii or scribae), who were mostly fi-eedmen, and who formed a distinct class of persons : owing to their position, they had no -claims to any of the higher ofiices, though Cn. Flavins, one of them, suc- ceeded in obtaining the aedileship. The police of Rome was at first in the hands of the plebeian aediles, and afterward, with more extensive pow- ers, in those of the curule aediles, who had at the same time the superintendence of the temples and other public buildings ; but in times of scarcity -a praefect of the corn- market [praefectus annonae) was appointed, who had to take care that a sufiicient supply of food was imported, and that it was sold at a fixed price, so as to prevent the cost from being beyond the means of the poor. No magis- trate had such extensive power over the public and private life of Roman citizens as the censors. Their main business from the first had been to draw up the list of the senators, equites, and the remaining body of citizens, and to ascertain and register the amount of their property. But eis a man's property is in a great measure dependent upon his con- duct, the censors soon also became the superintendents of the moral conduct of the citizens ; and their influence ac- quired an extraordinary extent, for it was in their power to determine a person's status in society. They could punish by their censorial mark of censure {nota censoria) any violation of a citizen's duty toward the state, his fellow-citizens, or his own position, dishonorable occupa- HISTORY OF ROMt. iiOU tions, the squandeiing of property, the violation of thinga devoted to religious purposes, the neglect of agriculture, and a great many other offenses. But however great the influence of the censors might he, they could neither de- prive fi citizen of his franchise nor confer it upon a person not possessing it : all they were empowered to do was, to degi'ade a citizen, that is, to remove him from his tribe into a less honorable one (tribu movere), to make him an aerarian, or enter his name in the tables of the Caeiites. Such a punishment, however, was not permanent, for the censqrs of the next lusti-um might always restore a citizen to his former position, if they thought his conduct entitled him to it. With regard to the constitution of the aimy, its regu- lation, according to the centuries instituted by King Serviua TuUius, continued for a considerable time after the estab- lishment of the commonwealth; but the perpetual wars which followed one another in rapid succession, and which made the Romans acquainted with other nations, led them to introduce variotis changes into their own system. In the earlier times, the wars had frequently lasted only a few days or weeks, during which the loss of human life can not have been very gi'eat, the hostile armies being generally satisfied with ravaging the fields of their enemies, and with carrying away as much booty as they could. But after the siege of Veii, the campaigns had become longer and more serious ; and no sooner- had the Romans gone forth triumphantly, and with fresh vigor, from the wars with the Gauls, than they had to fight against the Sanmites, Latins, Etruscans, Pyrrhus, and the inhabitants of southern Italy, with whom they did not straggle for the possession of a few fields, but for the sovereignty of Italy. Whether the soldiei-s received any pay as early as the time of the kings, is vei-y doubtfiil : all the writers agi'ee in stating that pay for the soldiers was not introduced till the war against Veii, which we must also take to be the beginning of the art of besieging a town. The oz-dinai-y means of taking a place, if it could not he otherwise compelled to surrender, was to undermine its walls ; for the aries or battering-ram, by which the walls were shattered to pieces, was an invention of later times, and as yet unknown to the Ro- mans. At the time of the GaUic war, the ancient aimor of brass was exchanged by Camillus for iron armor, a pel- iilO HISTORY OF KOME. ished iron helmet being a better preservative against the mighty swords of the barbarians. The increased value of brass may likewise have contributed to the introduction of iron for military purposes. C amillus is also said to have sur- rounded the shields of the soldiers vnih iron rims. The original shields of the Romans {clypei) were, like those of the ancient Greeks, of brass ; but after the Veientine war, a different kind of shield {scutum) was introduced, which consisted of a wooden frame covered with the hide of an ox. At the same time, the ancient weapon of the front lines was exchanged for a peculiar kind of spear {jAlum), seven feet long, by which a blow might be warded off, and which might also be used as a weapon to attack the enemy. The Roman sword was short, resembling a large knife ; but many a battle was decided by it. A legion, according to Livy's account, consisted; at the lime of the Latin war, of five divisions or battalions, which are called Tiastati, principes, triarii, rorarii, and accensi. The rorarii were slingers, or a sort oi light-armed infantry, like the later velites, and the accensi were a reserve which followed the legion. The regular pumber of men con- tained in a legion was 4500, in addition to which there always were 300 horsemen belonging to it. Four legions tvere generally levied every year, and the allies had to send a contingent of double the amount. In many cases, however, the Romans were compelled by circumstances to exceed the ordinary number; as in the war against the Volscians in B.C. 405, when Rome alone is said to have sent ten legions into the field. The military laws, respect- ing the subordination of the soldiers and officers to their commander, were extremely severe, cU5 is attested by nu- merous examples ; but when the soldiers rested in their camp, it was not uncommon for their commander to amuse himself with his men by gymnastic exercises and 'games of various kinds. The greatest reward of a general, after a successful campaign, was to be allowed to enter the city in a tiiumphal procession : the other rewards were usually, in themselves, simple and trifling, and were given to com- mon soldiers no less than to their commanders ; but they were always significant, and incited those who were hon- ored with them to great deeds in the service of the republic. A perfect system of tactics was unknown to the Romans till the timo of Pyrrhus, who was not only an able general HISTORY OF ROME. 211 himself, but a writer on tactics, and who made them ac; quainted with the Macedonian system, and the use of ele- phants in war. It is commonly believed that the Romans had no navy till the time of the first Punic war ; but this opinion is contradicted, partly by their treaties with Car- thage, and partly by the appointment of admirals {duumviri navales), who were elected every year from B.C. 443. The ships were probably furnished by the maritime towns subject to Rome. A regular fleet, however, of vessels, with five benches of rowers, was not kept up by the Romans until their war with Carthage. The religion of the Romans, which was so wonderfiilly interwoven with all the affairs of their private and public life, both in war and in peace, had been considerably modified by the introduction of Greek divinities and modes of wor- ship, which were engrafted upon the ancient Italian religion. It was in vain that the aedjles opposed the adoption of foreign rites; for in times of great distress, the people, under the guidance of the Sibylline books, would make recourse to them ; hoping to obtain, through the mediation of foreign gods, that which their own divinities seemed unwilling to grant. It was under such circumstances that the image of Aesculapius was fetched fi-om Epidam'us. The worship of this god brought to Rome a number of Greek physicians, who undertook to cure the sick by incu hatio, that is, by spending the nights in the god's temple, and by other religious' ceremonies. The ancient worship of the -gods of the country, being thus more and more pushed into the back-ground, fell into oblivion, so that in many instances it became a matter of mere antiquarian curiosity, and was as obscure and unintelligible to the Romans themselves as it is to us. The auspices still con- tinued to maintain their ancient dignity and authority, for public undertakings were never entered upon vnthout con- sulting the auspices. Isolated instances of disregard for them, however, occur long before the Punic wars ; and it is evident that as early as that time many persons re- garded them as mere forms, or used them hypocritically, as a means for unjust and selfish purposes. The letter of the religious laws began at Rome, at a very early time, to prevail over their spirit, until, in the days of Cicero, men had lost aU religious feehng, and treated religious matters either vyith perfect indifference or ridicule. Intellectual culture is a delicate plant, which can not 218 HISTOKV OF ROME. well grow and develop its quiet beauties amid the troujjles of destructive wars; hence its progi'ess was slow among the people of Rome. Commerce, at this time, must have been carried on to a very great extent with the Etruscans, and southern Italians, with whom mercantile intercourse was kept up even in war, during those months in which there was a cessation of hostilities ; Roman merchant-ships also visited Sicily, and even Cai-thage, where they were allowed to trade by treaties. But from Sardinia, and from Libya, they were excluded by the jealousy of Car- thage. The main source of wealth among the Romans, and their most honorable occupation, was agricul|ure : the greatest generals and statesmen, after they had hfjld the helm of the republic and gained victories and triumphs, did not scruple to return to- the plough, and live in rural, retirement, disdaining the pomp and splendor which in other times and countries would have been inseparable from their high position. Rustic pursuits produced and nourished the highest virtues that characterise the best of the Romans ; and the gi'eatest praise that a censor could bestow upon a man was, that he was a good husbandman and father. Their mode of living still continued to be extremely simple : their ordinary food consisted of a, kind of porridge made of flour, and fniit of the fields. Bread was made at liome by the women. In the time .of tlie Samnite wars, wine was thought so precious, that even the libations to the gods consisted of mere drops of wine ; and one Mecenius was not censured for having killed his wife, because she had drunk wine without his knowing it. The majority ,of the people dwelled in huts, or small cottages, and slept on beds of straw ; and the streets were not yet paved ; but cleanliness was enjoined by religion in all the states of antiquity. Public buildings, however, began to be distinguished by their grandeur and splendor; and after the second Samnite war, private houses were better built than they had been before ; so that, on the whole, the city must have assumed at that time a stately appesir- ance. Down to the time of Pyrrhus, houses were covered with wooden shingles, for which, after that time, rain-tiles (imbrices) were substituted. But, notwithstanding this general simplicity in their mode of living, symptoms of extravagance,- and the love of luxuries, began to show themselves here and there at an early period. Thus,. P. Cornelius Rufinus, in B.C. 275 HISTORY OF ROME. 213 was ejected by the censors from the senate, because he possessed silvet vessels to the amount of ten pounds ; and a law against bribery had been found necessary as early as B.C. 358. How easily the rustic simplicity of the Ro- mans degenerated into baseness and brutality is evident from the conduct of the Campanian legion at Rhegium ; and from the fact that, in B.C. 332, a number of Roman ladies of i-ank were convicted of having poisoned their hus- bands. The conquest of the wealthy city of Tarentum, and the splendid booty which was there taken, increased the taste for luxuries of eveiy kind, and for the ornaments of life. It is a remarkable fact in Roman history, that an acqua,intance with the luxuries aud refinement of the Greeks seldom benefited the Romans,' as it might have done ; and numerous cases Eire on record which show that the Romans, like barbarians, could not exercise any con- trol over their enjoyment of novel luxuries, and only debased themselves by them through intemperance and a want of moderation. The first silver coins were issued at Rome in B.C. 26'9, probably on account of the extended intercourae with foreign nations. Down to the year B.C. 300, the Romans had allowed their beards, to grow freely; but in that year Greek barbers are said to have come from Sicily, and to have introduced the custom of shaving. In later times, wealthy Romans used to keep slaves for the purpose of shaving their masters ; v^hile the majority of people went to the pubUc shops of the barbers, which vyere great places of resort in the morning, when numbers of idle loungers assembled there and talked over the news of the day. Literary and scientific pursuits were still foreign to the Romans ; for the objects of their education were, on the whole, no other than to train the young men in a manner that would make them good citizens, and render them fit to serve their country in war and peace. The young nobles deceived the instruction which vvaa thought neces- sary for these purposes from Etmscan teachers. The arts, as we have already remarked, were cultivated to a considerable degree, but more by Etruscans and Greeks residing at Rome than by the Romans themselves; for artists were not held in wy high esteem, and the arts never^.flourish where they are not honored. Painting done seems to have formed an exception, as Fabius Blctor, B distinguished painter, received his surname from his art. 214 HISTORY OF ROME. The numerous gold and silver vessels, wliitn were dedi- cated in the temples, show the increasing wealth ofjhe republic. After the subjugation of Latium, we hear of several equestrian statues which were erected at Rome ; and the amount of works of art, which were carried to the sovereign city from the conquered towns of Etruila and southern Italy, may be inferred from the statement that, after the taking of Volsinii, 2000 statues were carried to Home. The first sun-dial was set up at Rome, in B.C. 293, by L. Papirius Cursor. The ignorance or want of skill of the Romans in mu«ic is manifest' from the following anecdote : — The Etruscan flute-players had enjoyed the privilege of taking their meals , in the temple of Jupiter ; and when the senc^te took this privilege from them they emigrated to Tibur. As there was now nobody at Rome that could play the flute at sacrifices, the senate summoned them to return; but they refused. The Tiburtines there- upon were induced to make the Etruscan flute-players drunk; and having succeeded in this, they carried them in their sleep to Rome, where their .ancient privilege was restored to them. It has already been observed that, in B.C. 364, Etruscan dancers and actors {ludiones, histriones) were invited from Etruria to avert a plague, from which Rome was then suffering. Such hired actors never enjoy- ed any estimation at Rome, and were excluded from the civic franchise ; but freebom youths had their own amuse- ments, in reciting comic and frivolous songs accompanied by dramatic gesticulation. The time for the development of literature vvas only just beginning to dawn, and the Romans of that time were more ambitious to accomplish great military feats, and to display bold and manly cour- age, than to spend their time in the refined amusements of the Greeks, who in their sight were a degenerate race. Rome had long been connected with Carthage by treaties; and her relations with foreign powers were in- creased in B.C. 273, when Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, sent an fembassy to Rome, and concluded friend- ship and alliance with the conquerors of Italy. In the year following, the city of Apollonia, on the Ionian gulf, likewise sent an embassy to Rome, but its object is not known. Rome, therefore, was no longer a stranger to the eastern part of the world. HISTORY OF KOME. 215 CHAPTER XV. THlt FIRST PUNIC WAR SICILY THE FIRST ROMAN PROVINCE ^-INTERNAL HISTORY DURING THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR. After the conquest of Italy, it was impossible for the RomEuis to remain peacefizl neighbors of the Carthaginians, who were in the possession of all the fair islands of Sicily, with the exception of the small kingdom of Hiero, and the northeastern district, which was iiiled over by the Mcuner- tines of Messana. The mutual jealousy between the two republics had become too manifest during the wai' of the Romans against Tarentum. An opportunity for giving vent to this feeling occurred soon after the taking of Rhe- gium. The Campanians, who had been masters of that town, had been alUed with the M'amertines, who were like- wise Italialis, and who, after serving as mercenaries in Si- cily, had taken possession of Messana in the same base and cruel manner as that by which the Campanians had made themselves masters of Rhegium. The fall of the latter town deprived the Mamertines of their only friends and "Supporters. In conjunction vrith them the Mamertines had spared neither the possessions of the Carthaginians in Sicily, nor the Greek towus, and had conquered the northeastern comer of the island. King Hiero of Syracuse now longed to punish them for the outrages they had committed for many years : vyith an army, which he had formed of his own subjects, he took from them some towns they had subjugated ; and in the neighborhood of Messana he gained a decisive ^^ctory over them, in which their commander waa taken prisoner. The Mamertines were so much weakened by this defeat, that they were on the point of imploring the mercy of their conqueror, when they were saved by the in- terference of a Carthaginian commander, who was cruising oflFthe coast of Messana ; for the Carthaginians foresaw that a connection between the Mamertines and Hiero might draw thfe Romans into the island, and thus involve them in a struggle with Rome for the possession of Sicily, the com- plete- conquest of which, they fancied, might now be easily accomplished. But the Mamertines were divided among 213 - HISTORY OF ROME. themselves ; for the proffered protectiort of Carthage creat- ed fear and suspicion in the minds of many of them, who would have px-eferred an alliance with some Italian power. As Hiero was ready to make another attack upon them, no time was to be lost ; and while one part of the Mamertines accepted the protection of Carthage, the other applied for as- sistance to Rome. It was now scarcely six years since Rome had inflicted the most severe punishment on her own sub- jects, who had been guilty of the same crime as the Mam- ertiiies ; and she ought to have rejected the offered alliance with the latter with scorn and indignation; but ambition, and the love of dominion, prevailed over every other feeling. The majority of the senators, indeed, obeyed the laws of conscience and honor, and rejected the proposal ; but the consuls, eager for war, brought the matter before the as- sembly of the people, who, in their jealousy of Carthage, and in the hope of a speedy termination of the war, and of rich booty, allowed themselves to be prevailed upon to agree to the alliance with the Mamertines, and to promise them their assistance.* This decree, which was passed in B.C. 264, is a greater disgrace to Rome than even the murder of C. Pontius : it shows that the constitution was already inclining too much to the democratical side, though the republic itself did not suffer any material injury from this state of things fot a long time to come. As in the mean time Hiero had befenpressing har'd upon the Mamertines, the Carthaginian party had admitted a Carthaginian garrison into the acropolis, and Hiero had thtis been obliged to give up all fui-ther undertakings against the place. He was at length prevailed upon by the Car- thaginians to make peace with Messana ; and as the Ro- mans had promised their assistance agaiiist Hiero, they ha;d now lost every pretext that could justify their inter- ference on behalf of the Maiiiertines. For some time the Romans seenl to have been hesitating as to what course th^y should pursue : at length they resolved on war against thS' Carthaginians ; and a legate of the consiil Appius Clau- dius appeared at RhegiUiii with an army, and a number of triremes which had been furnished by the Greek towns of Italy, for the Roman fleet had been completely neglected. The legate, however, was prevented fi-om erossii^ avei into Sicily by a Carthaginian fleet, which was stationed' iii the straits ; he thetefore sailed in a boat to MesBana, td • Polyb. i. 18. HISTORY OF ROME. 211 proclaim to the Mamertines that the Romans would deliver them from the yoke of the Carthaginians. Soon after hia return,, he succeeded, during a fevorahle wind, in reaching the coast of Sicily with his fleet without any difficulty. Hanno, the cdmmander of the Carthaginian garrison at Messana, was treacherously compelled to surrender the citadel to the Romans. Another Caxthaginian general had in the mean time brought an army to Si<^y, and was ap- proaiching Messana wit£ a fleet. He, called upon the Ro- mans, in the name of Carthage, to evacuate Messana and Sicily before a certain day; and as the Romans refused, the Carthaginians, in conjunction with Hiero, began to blockade Messana in separate camps. In the ni^fat the consul, Appius Claudius himself, landed with fresh legions in Sicily, and drew up his army near that of Hiero, who, being beaten before the Carthaginians could send him any assistance, then retreated to Syracuse. The consul next made an attack upon the camp of the Carthaginians,- who had considerably weakened theu- forces by putting to death ' all the Italian mei-ceBaries serving in their army, who, be- ing emigrants from the countries which had recenfly been' subdued by Rome, might have been of great service to the Carthaginians. But the latter feared treachery^ the conse-' • quence was, that they were defeated by the Romans ; whereupon they withdrew among their subject'tbwns of the island, to spend the winter there, while the Roinans followed up their victory over Hiero, and encamped under: the walls of Syracuse. But nothing decisive was accom plished, for they soon retreated to Messana; arid the Syra- cusans, who bad already suffered so inUch from the Car-: ■ thaginians, were not inclined to continue the war against the Romans. In B.C. 263, the ,c»ii6Ti]s; M'. Otacilius and M'. Valerius, landed with Qieir armies in Sicily, without' any obstacle, and Centoripa, Agyrium, and Halkesa sur- rendered to them : sixty-seven towns are said to have sub- mitted ta Rome^* When the consuls approached Syracuse, Hiero complied wfeh the wishra of his people, and offered peace, which the consuls gladly accepted, for their armies were already suffering from want of provisions. The king restored all the Roman prisoners to freedom, paid down a contribution of 200 talents, and became the ally of Rome.t He faithfliUy kept his engagements with Rome ; and vritb- • Diodol-. Edag. ixiii. 5. t Oros. iv. 7 : Polyh. i. 16. speaks of nnlv 100 Ulents. K 219 HISTOKY Of ROME. out taking any active part in the war against Caithage, be supported, the Romans with money, arms, and provisions. The peace with Hiero may be regarded as the real be- ginning of the first Punic war, though most WTlters date it from the passage of Claudius's legate into Sicily, in B.C. 264. At the beginning of the war, Carthage might reasonably hope for a fortunate issue of the contest, for she possessed a considerable navy, large and fertile dominions, a ti-eas- nry well stocked by the tribute of her subjects, whereby she was enabled to engage the service of large numbers of mer- cenaries, and a long experience in maritime undertakings. Rome, on the other hand, had few resources, no navy, and no numerous armies, since, as yet, no great reliance could be placed on her allies ; but the armies she had at her com- mand consisted bf citizens ready to fight for their country to the last ; she had courage, perseverance, and firmness. Her constitution was, at that time, in its full bloom, while that of Carthage was already in its decline. Carthage was unable to raise armies of citizens : she was obliged to form them of foreign mercenaries, who might be formidable in war for a time, when commanded by a great and experi- enced general, but might at the same time be \erj danger- ous to the safbty of the republic, and were ever ready to rebel. So long as the republic was able to pay them well, and to keep the enemy away from Afi:ica, the defeats af- fected her but little, and Carthage was safe; but when the Romans attacked her in her own immediate neighborhood, and when she could place no reliance upon her hired pro- tectors, who looked, for nothing but pay and booty, the fall of the African republic was unavoidable. After the peace with Hiero, the Romans peHetrated into the western parts of Sicily. Segesta received them, and concluded a favorable treaty with them ; and Tnany other towns followed its example. The Carthaginians did not make their appearance in the field ,- and after so brilliant a campaign of the consuls, any one might have thought that the conqdest of Sicily would be a matter of small difficulty, and that peace was not far off: as to the idea of driving the Carthaginians from the island altogether, and of making themselves masters of it, it did not occur to the Romans till after the taking of Agrigentum. This town was de- fended by Hannibal, the son of Gisco, and in B.C. 262 it was besieged by the Ramans for seven months. The Ro- BISTORT OF ROME. 219 mans exerted themselves with the greatest perseverance, and under very unfavorable circumstances, but at length they compelled the town to surrender. The large Cartha- ginian garrison, which had been stationed within the ex- tensive walls of the city, was allowed to escape, and the rest of the population followed them, vidth the exception of the aged and the sick. The Romans then took possession of the place, and indulged in all the horrora which usually accompany such a conquest :* 25,000 persons are said to have been sold into slavery, and the city was plundered and ransacked by the soldiers, who were eager to indem- nify themselves for the hardships they had endured during the long siege. Agrigentum was afterward rebuilt by the Romans, and exists to this day, under the name of Girgenti, attesting its former greatness by its magnificent ruins. After the loss of Agrigentum, Hanno, who had been sent out to its relief, was called back and heavily fined. While the Romans were making progress in the interior of the island, the Carthaginians, who, during the first period of the war had no able generals, had to struggle with their own mercenaries, who were clamorous for pay. A nu- merous band of Gauls were got rid of by a treacherous and cruel stratagem, in order to prevent their going over to the enemy. In the mean time the Carthaginian fleet, which ruled over the sea, ravaged the coasts of Italy, which could not be protected in any part ; and many of the towns on the coast of Sicily were induced by fear again to place themselves under the dominion of Carthage. This turn of the war convinced the Romans that no decisive advantages could be gained without a fleet, and thett victories in Africa alone could bring the war to a closed The senate, there- fore, determined to build a fleet, and attack the enemy on his own element. The woody chain of the Apennines fiir nished the timber, and a Carthaginian quinquereme, which had been thrown on the coast of Brjittium, and had fallen into the hands of the Romans, served as the model aftei which they built their first ships of war. One hundred and thirty shipst were now built, within sixty days after, the trees had been felled. Each quinquereme had 300 rowers and 200 marines. As the Romans had no practiced rowers or sailors, the men were train^ for their work on scafibld- »■ Polyb. i. 17, &c. j Diodor. Eclog. xxiii. &c. ; ZOnar. viii. 10. t According to Polyb. (i. 20) this fleet consisted of 120 ships 100 quinque- remes and 20 triremes 220- HISTOElf OF ROME. ings on land, and afterward, for a short time, in the ships themselves, while they lay at anchor. All this was done in the greatest hurry, as the condition of Sicily did not allow of , any delay. The vessels thus hastily constructed were, of course, not very durable ; they were awkward and un- wieldy in comparison with those of Carthage. But the Romans deserve our admiration on this occasion, not only for the almost incredible rapidity with which they overcame all difficulties and provided themselves with a fleet, but also on account of the boldness. with which they at once ventured upon that dangerous element, the sea. Meantime, a Carthaginian general, Hamilcar, had com- menced acting op the offensive, and blockaded Segesta. The Roman legate, C. CaecUius, had been beaten by him, in an attempt to relieve the town. As the consuls, Cn. Cornelius Scipio and C. Duilius, B.C. 260, were still engaged in superintending the preparations for the fleet, the praetor was, for the time, inti-usted with the command in Sicily. Cn. Cornelius, however with a part of the fleet, sailed to Messana as soon as possible ; but he was credu- lous and stupid enough to allow himsef to be persuaded to go and take possession ofthe Liparian islands : a Carthaginian commander lay in ambush, and on his appearance the Ro- mans were seized with a panic ; they fled to the shore^ the consul was taken pi-isoner, and the whole squadron fell into the hands ofthe enemy. The Carthaginians, who had rid- iculed the maritime undertaking of the Romans, now fan- cied that they could destroy the whole of tlie enemy's fleet before it reached Sicily; but thejr calculation was wrong. After the defeat of his colleague, C. Duilius un- dertook the comrnand; He was well aware that the -ridi- cule of the enemy was not uridesferved ; and he devised a means by which he hoped to make his awkward ships avail- able, by depriving the enemy of the advantage of manoeu- vring, and changinff ^s it were the sea-fight into a land- iight. He provided every Roman ship with a boai-ding- bridge, which held two or three men abi-east : these bridges were thrown tipon the hostile ships by means of a simple mechanism, and took hold of them with grappling-irons.- - Beingiprepared in this manner, C Duilius went boldly; out to meet the enemy, whosfe flieet was ravaging the coast of Mylae. The Carthaginians hastened to battle as to a certain victory,' and neglected even the most necessary f^r^- cautionr.. Thirty of their ships, which were first attacked iiisreRY OF ROME. 221 by tlie boarding-biidges, were taken ; and the others, as soon as they came neap enough, experienced the same fate. The Carthaginians at last became hopeless, and took to flight. Fourteen Carthaginian ships we^e destroyed, 30p0 men killed and 7000 made prisoners, while the Romans do not seem to have lost a single ship. The immediate result of this victory was, that the siege of Segesta yyas raised. C. Duilius was rewarded for his naval victory, the first that Rome had ever gained, not only with a triumph, but with distinctions which lasted during his whole lifetime ; for he was allowed to be accompanied home in the evening fi-om banquets with torch-light and music, and a column (polumna rostrata) adorned with the beaks of the captured ships, was erected, with an inscription recording the details of his victory.* In the follovying campaign, B.C. 259, the Romans no longer thought it necessary to direct their whole force against Sicily, but while the consul, C. Aqnillius, undertook the war in that island with only one consular army, his col- league, L. Cornelius Scipio, sailed out with the fleet, to mE^e an attack upon Sardinia and Corsica. The whole of the former island was subject to Carthage, and of the latter at least the coast. Aleria in Corsica was taken by the Romans, and a Carthaginian fleet, under the com- mand of Hannibal, was destroyed ; whereupon Hannibal was put to death by his own men, with whom he had es- caped to the shore ; but he was honorably buried by the Romans. Scipio now landed in many parts of the island, and carried away a large number of prisoners. In the neighborhood of Olbia, however, a numerous Carthaginian army made its appearance, and induced the consul to re- treat. Carthage suffered much from this piratical expedition of the Romans ; but the turn which the war had taken in Sicily, through the diminution in the Roman, forces, was even more injurious to the Romans ; for the Carthaginian Hamilcar took several towns, and killed about 4000 Ro- mans, and his opei'ations for fortifying what he possessed, as well as for recovering what was lost, were so much to the purpose, that the consul, Aquillius, was compelled to con- * Some fragments of this inscription are still extant; but whetlier.ths marble slabs which contain them, and have come down to our time, arc the original ones, or whether they belong to an accurate restoration made at a later time when the original monument was destroyed, is a matter of dispu^ among the learned. 222 HISTORY OF ROME. fine himself to acting on tlie defensive. At the same time Rome was threatened by a conspiracy within her own walls, for 4000 Samnites, who had been enlisted for the sei-vice of the fleet, were quartered at Rome. There they found many of their own countrymen in slavery, and their sympathies established a bond of union between them : the slaves of other nations also, with all, in fact, who were thirst- ing for vengeance, were readily admitted into the conspir- acy. Three thousand slaves are said to have thus joined them. Their intention was to set fire to the city, and rouse the whole slave population to rebellion. But the plot was communicated to the senate by the commander of the Sam- nites, and the conspiracy was suppressed. The Roman ascendency in Sicily was also restored, in B.C. 258, by the consul, A. Atilius Calatinus. Myttistratum had been be- sieged by the Romans for seven months, and the Cartha- ginian gaiTison had borne it ; but the inhabitants were dy- ing of hunger, and sufiering the most intense misery. The Carthaginians quitted the place, leaving the unfortunate in^ habitants to settle their affairs with the Romans as well as they could. But the latter had no mercy : the town was taken by storm ; nearly all its inhabitants were massacred, and the few survivors had to spend the remainder of their days in slavery. From Myttistratum the Romans marched to Camarina ; but on their way thither through the moun- tains, they fell into a danger similar to that into which the Romans ran, in their first war against the Samnites, and were saved by a similar act of heroism. A tribune of the soldiers, M. Calpurnius Flamma,* with a bravery equal to that of Leonidas at Thermopylae, opposed the whole hostile army in a narrow mountain pass, with a gallant band of 300 comrades, while the Romans gained a fi-ee passage. The tribune himself was afterward found bleeding among the corpses of his companions ; but his life was restored to him. Camarina and Gela were then taken and destroyed, and their inhabitants put to the sword, or sold- as slaves. Enna also surrendered, and the consul appeared before the Carthaginian camp, near Panormus ; but the enemy did not venture to quit it. In the eighth year of the war, B.C. 257, nearly one half * It is singular that the name of this gallant officer is not the same in all accounts, for while Livy (Epit. xvii. and xxi\. 60) calls him M. Calpurnius Flamma, Varro called him Caedioius, and Claudius Quadrigarius mentioned him under the name of Laberius. — See Gellius, iii. 7. illSTOSY OF HOMli, 823 of Sicily was still iu the hands of the Carthaginians, and the Romans had only recovered what they had lost. A Baval victory, which C. Atilius gained off Tyndaris, gave them fresh hbpe of bringing to a close the war, in which they were only wasting their strength. Their exertions were immense, and, in B.C. 256, a fleet of 330 Roman quinqueremes, each manned with 300 marines, sailed out under the consuls, L. Manlius and M. Atilius Regulus, with the intention of crossing over to Africa. The Cartha- ginians met them with 350 quinqueremes, which carried 150,000 men : it was the greatest naval action that the ancient world had yet seen. The two fleets met each other offEcnomus. The Carthaginians were commanded by Hamilcar, who had hitherto been the ablest of their generals, and by Hanno. The battle which ensued was decisive and destructive : more than thirty ships of the Carthaginians were sunk, and sixtj'-four were taken with their crews, while the Romans lost only twenty-four.* As the consuls wei'e repairing their damaged vessels, in order to sail for Africa, Hanno appeared- before them, suing for peace ; but his suit was fruitless. The Roman soldiers left the Sicilian coast with sad forebodings; but Regulus, a presumptuous aijd foolhardy man, suppressed their murmurs by threats of the severest punishment. Hamilcar and Hanno divided the remaining part of their fleet, to cruise, and avail themselves of any opportunities that might occur ; but Hanno afterward altered his plan, and made for Carthage. The Romans landed in Africa, in the neighborhood of the town of Clupea, which, on their approach, was abandoned by its inhabitants, and which the ■ Romans then occupied as their headquarters. From this place they made ravaging excursions over the country, which w^as cultivated like a garden, and covered with splendid villas. The Carthaginians could not venture to meet the enemy in the field, as their main army was still in Sicily. The Romans eanied away, as booty, every thing they thought worth removing ; and a countless mul- titude of prisoners, and herds of captured cattle were driven to Clupea. At the close of the year the consul, L. Manlius, returned to Rome, with a portion of the fleet and 27,000 prisoners ; a measure which can scarcely be ac- counted for, since the senate can not have been so short- • Polyb. i. 26, &c. 224 HISTORY OV SOME. sighted as to think that the army of Regulus alone would be sufficient to accomplish the reduction of Carthage. Whether Regulna was obliged. to remain in Africa, oi whether, as Polybius says,* it was his own wish to remain there, and brin^g the war to a close, in order that his suc- cessors might not reap the glory of subduing Carthage, is a doubtful question, for our authorities contradict oiie another; at any rate, we; may here. add the remark, that Regjilus is one. of the characters who are much overrated in, history. He had. indeed the Roman virtues of his age, but he Was by no means a great general ; and he entertained a p^esunjptuous confidence in his own good fortune, for which he hq-d afterward to atone, to the injury of his coun- try no less than of himself. , Early in 3.C. 255, Regulus opened the new campaign, by laying siegp to the town of Adis. In the mean time, the .Carthaginians; had brought over a part of their Sicilian, army y but neither their commanders nor their soldiers had any courage, nor did they yet understand the nature of a Roman war : they therefore withdrew to the mountains, although, irj the plains their cavalry and elephants might liaye been used with great effect against the Romans. Their attempts to relieve Adis, from their position in the mountains, were raseless ; and their infantry was beaten and dispersed. A fearful number of their men are said to have fallen in the battle, and the Carthaginians retreated within the walls of their city.. Tunis was taken by Regu- lus, and seventy-four other places submitted to him. The Numiidians E(lso threw off the dominion of Carthage, and completed the; devastation of the country. In this eampaign Regulus. is said to have encountered a gigantic serpent on the j;iyer Bagr;adaB,-which measured 120 feet in length, ah^ pltapkpd and, devoured the soldiers. The monster,- it is ?aid, could not be overcome ttntil the. whole Roman army attcicked ,iti.f Carthage was crowded to excess by the numbers of country 2)eople who had taken refuge in the city,i and that mass of people began to suffer from famine and diseases. Under these distressing circumstanees, the Carthaginians sent an embassy to the Roman camp, to ne- gotiate a peace. Regulus might now have concluded the ♦ I. 31. . t This tale, thoijgh it was related by Livy, is a mere fable, aiid was prob- ably derJTed from the poetical dfiscription which Naevius had given of the first Punic war. niPTORY OF ROME. 235 war,, and Rome might have been indemnified for the great losses she had already^ustained ; but Regulus fancied he held the fate of Carthage in his hands, and he wished to decide it, for fear of its being left to his successor to do so. He therefore demanded of Carthage to give up Sicily and Sardinia, to restore all the Roman prisoners without ran som, to give a ransom for those who were in the hands of the Romans, to pay an annual tribute, to recagnize the su- premacy of Rome, to renounce the. right of carrying on any war without the sanction of Rome, to surrender all ships of war with the exception of one, and to support Rome in her military undertakings if she thought fit to ask- for such support. To these insolent and exorbitant demands the Carthaginian envoys made no answer, for Carthage was yet too strong to submit to such humiliating terms ; but it would probably have fallen, nevertheless, had it not been saved, by th,e valor and skill of one man, and that man a foreignei', Xanthippus of Sparta. Xanthippus was engaged in the service of the Cartha- ginian army, though be was probably not a common mer- cenary ; he must have distinguished himself before, and acquired fame in the wars which had been carried on in Greece, or it would be difficult to understand how he could have gained the unlimited confidence of the Carthaginian people, who at this critical moment listened to his ad- vice, and intrusted to him the supreme command of their forces. He pointed out .to them that the ignorance and inability of their generals alone was the cause of their mis- fortunes. He caused all men capable of hearing arms to be enlisted, and mercenaries to be taken into the service of Carthage from all quarters; and when "he had trained the new array outside, the city, it became so obvious that the troops were animated by a better spirit through his influence, that fresh hopes of success arose in the minds of . the. people.* He taught them the use of elephants in war, with which they seem hitherto to have been unacquainted, and had one hundred of them trained for this campaign. With an army of 14,000 foot and 4000 horse he went out to meet Regulus, who comrflanded an army of upward, of , 30,000 foot. The Romans at first despised the bold pre- , sumption of the . Greek ; but the confidence and firmness with which he approached soon began to make them un- easy. A well-organized battle was fought, in which the t Polyb. i.'32. 220 HISTORY OF ROME. elephants and ca^•al^y decided the victory for the Cartha- ginians : the whole Roman army was dispersed or annihi- lated, and Regulus himself was taken prisoner with 500 men : 30,000 are said to iaave been killed in the battle ; 2000 only escaped to Clupea. After this victory, Xanthip- pus had the wisdom to withdraw from the envy and jeal- ousy of the foreign city ; and, honored with rich presents, he returned to his own country. Ser. Fulvius and M. Aemilius, the consuls of the year, now sailed out with the whole of the Roman fleet, consist- ing of at least 300 ships, to Africa, in order to rescue the garrison of Clupea. The latter had defended themselves most gallantly against the utmost efforts of the Cartha- ginians, to clear their country of the remnant of-the hostile army. The Roman fleet was met by that of Carthage near Cape Hermaeum, and the- former won a brilliant victory : 104 Carthaginian ships are said to have been destroyed, and 30 to have been taken with their crews ; about 30,000 men perished, while the joss of the Romans is stated to have been trifling.* After this victory the con- suls sailed to Glupea. Here the Carthaginians are said to have been beaten again, whereby the Romans were en- abled to take on board the gan'ison, which was already suffering from famine. The Romans then quitted Africa, and sailed along the southern coast of Sicily toward Syra- cuse. It was about the beginning of July, and the Roman fleet, which had disregai'ded the caution of experienced pilots, was . overtaken by a storm : one part of the ships were thrown upon the harborless coast, while the others were swallowed up by the waters. The number of vessels thus lost varies in our authorities between 340 and 220.t The whole coast, from Camarina to Pachynus, was cov- ered with wrecks and corpses. Hiero on this occasion acted the part of a true friend to the Romans, for he pro- vided with food and clothing those who had escaped : the remnants of the fleet assembled at Messana. This great disaster of the Romans raised the courage of the Carthaginians. They had in the mean time subdued their faithless subjects in Africa ; and having learned from Xanthippus a system of tactics which the Romans were unable to withstand, they sent strong reinforcements to Sicily, one half of which was still in their possession, and * Polyb. i. 36; Diodor. Excerpt, xxiii. 14; Oros, iv. 9; Eutrop. ii. 22. t Diodor. (. c. ; Oros. iv. 9. lUSTDRY 01' HOME. 227 made new conquests. The Romans in Sicily confined themselves to acting on the defensive in the mountains. As soon as the news of the fearful destruction of the fleet leached Rome, the senate, far from desponding, forthwith decreed ~the building of a new fleet. Two hundred and twenty ships were completed within the short space of three months, and, in B.C. 254, were conducted to Sicily by the consuls, Cn. Cornelius Scipio and A. Atilius Calati- nus, with a large number of troops. Panormus was now blockaded, while the Carthaginian general did not dare to leave his quarters near Lilybaeum, and the place was soon taken. After this important conquest, many of the towns, such as Tyndaris and Soloeis, which had hitherto been faithful to Carthage, surrendered to the Romans ; but the ships which carried the boot^- to Rome fell into the hands of the Carthaginians. As, however, the conquest of Sicily proceeded but slowly, the consuls of B.C.S52, Cn. Servilius Caepio and C. Sempronius Blaesus, were tempted once more to sail with their whole fleet of 260 ships to Africa. The Carthaginians oflTered no resistance, and the Romans laid waste the coast of the Lesser Syrtis ; but they soon discovered the dangers of those gulfs, and it was not with- out the utmost exertions, and a sacrifice of part of their booty, that they escaped from the Syrtes. They steered, toward Panormus, and thence endeavored to cut across to the coast of Italy. But when they arrived in sight of Cape Palinurus, they were surprised by a fearful storm, in which 150 ships were wrecked, and the booty they had brought from Africa was swallowed up by the waves. This second disaster of the Romans at sea broke down their courage on that element : the senate resolved that the fleet should not be restored again, and that only sixty ships should be kept for the projection of the Italian coasts, and of the transports which had to be sent to Sicily. But though the Romans had renounced the sea, they were still able, in the same year, to conquer Lipara and Thermae, on the north coast of Sicily ; and the Cartha- ginians were confined to the western corner of the island. In the year following, the Romans were arrayed against the Carthaginians in the territories of Selinus and Lily- baeum ; but, not being able to overcome their fear of the elephants, and remembering the fate of Regulus, they did not venture upon a decisive battle. , This "backwardness of their enemies induced the Carthaginian general, who had ^yS HISTORY OP ROME. come over with a large army and 130 elephants, to offer battle. The pro-consul, L. Caecilius Metellus, who was' encamped, in B.C. 250, in the neighborhood of Panorraus on the approach of the enemy retreated close up to the walls of that town, where he bad his fortified camp. He managed the battle with great skill, and the Carthaginian; were completely defeated ; many fell on the field of battle ■ and others, who endeavored by swimming to reach the Carthaginian fleet, which was following the movements of the army, perished in the waves. The triumph of Metellu? was adorned with a great number of Carthaginian officers of rank, and 104 elephants, which were afterward killed in the Circus. This was the third great battle that had been fought dur- ing thewar; and though the. struggle yet lasted for many a year, still it was and remained tne last ; for, during the remaiining period, we scarcely hear of any thing else than sieges, tvhich were conducted in a slow and tedious man- ner. Sicily, however, which during the whole of this war was obliged to keep the armies and fleets of both belliger- ent parties, Snd was ravaged by both, was prepared for becon>ing that wilderness, which was cornpleted in the Hannibalian war, from which it has not recovered to this day. After their defeat at Panoroius, the Carthaginians evacuated Selinus, whose inhabitants they carried to their great fortress of Lilybaeum, which, together with Drepa- na, was now the only place of importance they continued to possess in Sicily. Their late defeat, and the progress of the Romans in the island, induced the Carthaginians to .Send an embassy to Rome with proposals of peace, ov at least of an exchange of prisoners. Regulus,who had now been their prisoner for nearly five years, went with the embassadors, under a promise that he ivould return into captivity if he could not prevail upon his countrymen to accede to the wishes of Carthage. He was permitted to be present at the discussion in the senate, and he there r)bjected to the peace no less vehemently than to the ex- change of the prisoners : he preferred his honor and his oath to all the enticements of his friends to remain behind ; and in order to remove all temptations, he pretended that a slow poison had been administered to him, which would soon end his days. He then withdrew from the embraces of his friends, and returned to Carthage, where he is said to have been put to death with the most cruel tortures. IirSTORY OF ROME. ' 229 This story of the embassy of Regulus, which has become moi-e celebrated than any other, through poets and orators, is quite dcToid of historical foundation. Polybius, the most ancient and trustworthy among the writers on those times, knows nothing of it ; and it is, in all probability, a mere fiction, devised partly to honor the unfortunate man, partly to raise a hatred against the Carthaginians, or to justify the cruel treatment which some Carthaginian pris- oners, who were given over to the family of Regulus, ex- perienced at the hands of his friends.* The captivity of Regulus can not be doubted ; but he had deserved his fate by his overbearing conduct, and his hardheartedness, with which he had treated the humbled enemy in the days of his glory. His return to Carthage, even supposing it to be an historical fact, was no more than his duty ; and if he had reason to fear, it was only his own fault. iRome rejected the proposed peace, because she had resolved not to lay down her arms until all Sicily should be subdued. Hence the consuls of B.C. 250, C. Atilius and L. Manlius Vulso, went to Sicily with four legions and a large number of allied troops. Their success at Panor- mus had so much raised the courage of the Romans, that the senate ordered a new fleet of 200 ships to be built without delay. The consuls, with their army, laid siege to Lilybaeum, which was fortified by every means of which the art of fortification was then capable. It was surround- ed by the Romans from sea to sea with a strong line of •fortifications, and the Roman fleet, which cruised before its harbor, guarded the entrance to it : they afterward en- deavored even to block it up by sinking a number of ships, in order to cut oif all communication between the fortress and Carthage. The faithless mercenaries, to whom the defense was intrusted, would have sold the fortress to the enemy, had not an honest Achaean of the name of Alexo informed the Carthaginian commander of the plot, who could only insure the fidelity of the traitors by the promise of greater advantages than they expected from the Ro- njans. The latter in the mean time conducted the siege with considerable success ; but a bold Carthaginian admi- ral, of the name of Hannibal, kept up the communication between Carthage and Lilybaeum by making his way * Zonar. viii. 15; Dioim. Fragm. lib. xxiv.p. 566, ed. Wesseling. coiin> Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol, iii. p. 598, &c,, JLectures on Rom. Hist. vol. i. B. 228. 230 HISTORY OF ROME. through the Roman fleet, and, to the great consternaiinii oi' the Romans, he succeeded in introducing reinforcements into the place,-amid the joyous shouts of the distressed in- habitants. This success imboldened the besieged to make a sally, but it failed, notwithstanding their great exertions. However, what men could not accomplish was soon after achieved by a storm, which blew in the direction of the Roman camp. As the camp was full of combustible ma- terials, the besieged, during the storm, threw fire into it, which caused a conflagration, consuming all the engines, towers, and galleries of the Romans. After this loss the Romans confined themselves to blockading the town, in order to compel it by hunger to suri-ender, for the besieged were suffering from scarcity, in consequence of which epi- demic diseases broke out among them. Their fleet was still stationed near the entrance of the harbor, while that of Carthage was in the harbor of Drepana. The Romans still made very great efforts, and in B.C. 249, the consul, P. Claudius Pu-lcher, led a supplementary army to Sicily. His presumption and foolhardiness cost the republic the lives of thousands, about whom he, a true Claudiaii, was little concerned. On his arrival near the harbor of Drepana, he endeavored early in the morning, and contrary to the auspices which he despised, to enter the harbor and take the enemy by surjjrise ; but the Car- thaginian admiral, Adherbal, had been very watchful, and as the enemy's fleet was entering, he led his ships into 'the sea in a long line on the opposite side of the entrance. Claudius soon discovered that he was thwarted, &nd or- dered his ships to retreat, but it was too late ; and the Car- thaginians, making use of the confusion and hurry, cut off the retreat of the Romans. Ninety-three ships of the lat- ter were destroyed or taken, atid only thirty escaped with the consul.* This victory of the Carthaginians was a very easy one, and their loss was quite insignificant. They now recovered their ascendency in Sicily, while at Rome the most vehement indignation burst forth against the pre- sumptuous consul. The senate ordered him to appoint a dictator, and then to lay down his dignity and give an ac- count of his conduct. Claudius, who scorned the com- mand of the senate, had the insolence to appoint M. Gly- cias, the son of a freodman, to the dictatorship. The Romans could not endure this insult: they deprived the ' Polyb. i. 51 ; Eutiop. ii. 26; comp. Dioilor. Excerpt, ixiv. 1 HISTORY OF ROME. 231 unworthy man of his honor; and in his place, A. Atilius Calatinus was made dictator. Claudius himself was charged with high treason against the people ; but whether he was punished, or escaped on account of a thunder-stonn, which, according to some, broke out during the -assembly, and thus stopped the proceedings, is uncertain. He does not, however, appear to have long survived his disgrace ; and it is probable that he made away with himself. During this period of the war, the Roman generals were below mediocrity, while those of the Carthaginians, even before the appearance of the great Hamilcar on the scene of action, far surpassed their opponents, who now had only the advantage of better soldiers than the mercenaries of the enemy. The Carthaginians followed up their victory at Drepana with great energy. Hannibal took the Roman provision ships from the harbor of Panorraus, and sent them to Lilybaeum ; while Carthalo destroyed the greater part of the remaining Roman fleet, and then made predatory excursions on the coasts of Italy and Sicily. In the same year another great disaster happened to the Romans. The consul, C. Junius, the colleague of Claudius, had arrived, with sixty ships, near Messana, and there joined the remain- der of the Roman fleet. As the army at Lilybaeum was greatly suiFering from want, he assembled, partly at Mes- sana and partly at Syracuse, a large convoy of 800 trans- ports to provide for the wants of the army. A detachment of this convoy was sent out in advance, under the protec- tion of a part of the fleet, while the consul remained be- hind at Syracuse. Carthalo, the Carthaginian admiral, pursuing these, destrqyed a large number of the transports, and seventeen ships of war. He then withdrew into the river Halycus to wait for the other^detachment, which was commanded by the consul himself, who, when the Cartha- ginians came out of the river to meet him, fled toward the coast of Camarina. A storm was threatening, and the Carthaginians got into a safe place, while C. Junius, neg- lecting the approaching danger prepared his own destruc- tion. He lost all his ships of war, with the exception of two, and all his transports were dashed to pieces. The greater part of the crews, however, were saved, and with these he joined the land army, endeavoring to cover his loss with the conc|uest of Eryx, the only one that Rome made in that year. He had, like Claudius, despised the warning of the auspices, and was likewise accused before 232 HISTORY OF ROMK. the people, but he withdrew from condemnation by going into voluntary exile. The successive misfortunes which the Romans had now suffered induced them a second time to renounce all mar- itime warfare, and to confine themselves to a few ships. The Carthaginians being now the sole masters of the sea, Carthalo, in B.C. 248, landed in various parts of the coast of Italy, and avenged the sufferings of Africa by, ravaging the country.* But as all these advantages could not re- store the exhausted resources of Carthage, an attempt was made to borrow a large sum of money of king Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt, who, however, refused to comply with the request of Carthage, for he wished to remain neutral.t In these difficult circumstances, the great Hamilcar, sur- named Barca, that is, Lightning, undertook the supreme command of the Carthaginian forces. He must have been about the age of thirty : he began his operations with an unparalleled boldness, for he was a true military genius, and worthy to be the father of Hannibal. He ' first tamed the rebellious mercenaries by severe discipline, and then sailed out to plunder the coasts of Bruttium and Locri. On his return, in B.C. 247, he landed at Panor- mus, while the consuls, L. Caecilius Metellus, and N. Fa- bius Buteo, were continuing the sieg« of Lilybaeum and Drepana with separate armies. Hamilcar took his posi- tion on mount Hercte (the modern Monte Pelegrino), where he maintained himself as in a fortress for a period of three years, making occasional ravaging excursions upon the coast of Italy as far as Cumae in Campania. "No great battle was fought during those three years, although the hostile armies were often arrayed against each other, and constantly in great activity ; but Hamilcar completely paralyzed the Romans, and never lost an opportunity of injuring them.' His object was to wear Rome out, and gradually to form an army, so well disciplined that Rome ■should not be able to resist it in the field. After the third year he seems to have abandoned his original plan, for he left Hercte and took possession of the town of Evyx. In this town, which was situated on a mountain, and from which the communication with the sea was much more difficult than from Hercte, he was blockaded by the Ro^ mans. The mercenaries who had served und«r him were •* Zonar. vjii. 16 ; Oros. iv. 10. t Appian Sicul. p. 92, ed. -Schweish II13T0RY OF ROME. '23'i filled with so great a degree of admiration of liim, tluit no one ventured to undertake any thing against him. We can not enter here into a detailed account of the petty hut bloody, engagements which took place during this period ; but we shall relate an anecdote which shows the great and amiable character of Hamilcar. In B.C. 243, the consul, C. Fiindanius, fought a battle against him. Hamilcar was defeated through the fault of his oiEcers, and many of his men were slain. He sent to the conqueror to ask for a truce, during which he might bury his dead. Fnndanius haughtily replied, that he ought to be concerned about the living rather than about the dead. A short time afterward another battle was fought, in which many of the Romans fell. When Hamilcar was asked to allow the dead to be buried, he willingly consented to do so, saying that he car- ried on war only against the living.* This answer, which was no doubt the sincere expression of his feelings, must hive put the Roman to the blush. The Romans had by this time become convinced that the war could not be brought to a close without some ex- traordinary exertions, and in B.C. 242 it was decreed for the third time to build a fleet. As, however, the republic did not possess the means required for it, loans were con- tracted with wealthy citizens for building and equipping a fleet of ?00, or, according to others, 300 ships. The money thus advanced was to be repaid if the war should turn out favorably. The .command of this fleet was undertaken by the consul, C. Lutatius Catulus, and the praetor, Q. Vale- rius Ealto,' The Roman ships were now much better than they had been at first : the maritime towns of Italy also w^ere now in a condition to furnish better sailors than they had done before ; and it seems that the Romans had no longer any occasion to make use of boarding-bridges. The Carthaginian fleet, on the other hand, had been neglected from want of means, whence the great exertions which Carthage made at last were not sufficient. Lutatius Catu- lus first made an attack upon Drepana, which was nearly taken; but he received a severe wound, which prevented his continuing his operations. A Carthaginian convoy of provisions and reinforcements was sent to Lilybaeum, Drepana, and Eryx, and this fleet arrived at the Aegatian islands. The Carthaginians wanted to take Hamilcar and the best of his soldiei's on board, before venturing upon an * Diodur. Fmgm. Vatic, p. 60, ed. Dindorf. '~34 MIBTOKY OP K»MB. opeu sea-fight. The Romans, who were cruising along the coast, would have lost every thing if they had allowed the enemy to carry out his plan ; they therefore resolved upon attacking the Carthaginians, who accepted the battle. But, owing to their ships being heavily laden with corn, and to the bad condition of their fleet, which consisted in part of old ships, and had been got up in too great a hurry, the Romans gained an easy but complete victory : 63 Cartha- ginian ships "were taken, 120 were sunk, and the rest dis- persed ; 14,000 men were killed, and 32,000 taken prison- ers. This victory, which decided the issue of the war, was gained on the 10th of March, B.C. 241. Another victoiy was gained soon after at Eryx, which fell into the hands of the Romans. The Carthaginians now, being totally unable to equip a new fleet, sued for peace ; and the negotiations were con- ducted by Hamilcar, who submitted to the humiliating terms only from necessity, as surely not despairing that a, day would come in which he might take vengeance on his now victorious enemy, 'f he conditions on which peace was concluded were as follows : — The Carthaginians were to evacuate Sicily, and all the islands between Sicily and Italy ; to abstain from war with Hiero and his allies ; to re- store all Roman prisoners without ransom ; and to pay 200 Euboean talents' by twenty yearly installments. The last point was altered by the Roman people, before whom the peace was brought to be sanctioned, to the eifect that Carthage should pay 1000 talents more, and that the num- ber of yearly installments should be reduced to ten.* This peace terminated the first Punic war in the twenty- fourth year after its commencement. It had been con- ducted with the most immense exertions by both parties, and the losses which the two states had sustained were prodigious. Rome had lost 700 ships of war, and Car- thage 500 ; from which we may infer the number of men that were killed or led into slaveiy : a much larger number still must have perished in the battles, and by hunger and epidemics. Rome might derive ngw strength from her allies, and she was yet full of that vital principle herself which was ever capable of fresh renovation ; hence she felt her losses and misfortunes less than Carthage, who had already fallen from her ancient greatness, and was obliged to intrust her safety to foreign mercenaries. The domin- • Polyb. i. 62, 63 ; corap. iii. 27 ; Zonar. viij. 17 ; Oros. iv. 11. HISTORY OK ROME. 235 ion which Rome had acquired over Sicily and the Mediter- ranean paved the way for new conquests : and it soon be- came manifest that the national hatred between the two republics, which had only been nourished and increased by the long and bloody war, and the overweening assump- tion of Rome could not allow the peace to last much longer than was necessary for both parties to gather strength for a new struggle. As Sicily was a distinct country by itself, the Romans resolved to give it a constitution different from that adopt- ed in the case of the conquered nations in Italy : they made Sicily a Roman province (provincia*), that is, a country out of Italy \yhich had lost its sovereignty, and was under the administration of a Roman governor, who was sent thither every year with the title of praetor, or pro-consul, and had supreme civil as well as militaiy power {potestas and imperium). The governor was assist- ed in his administration by quaestors, and a train of other officials. The Roman state was in reality the owner of the land contained in a province; or, at least, the provincials were not the owners of the soil according to the Roman law, and they were allowed to continue in the possession of it only on condition of their paying to Rome a certain amount of taxes, namely, the tenth of wine, oil, olives, and other products of the soil. This tax was let in farm by the censors at Rome, either to Romans or wealthy Sicilians. Some portions of a province, however, might remain the property of the provincials, who had then to pay a land- tax, from which all land in Italy was exempt. The pro- vincials generally did not serve in the Roman armies (for they were usually deprived of their arms ): whenever they did serve, it was only as auxiliaries, and never as allies of Rome. It must, however, be observed, that not all the towns of Sicily were reduced to this condition; for the kingdom of Hiero, the towns of Messana, Tauromenium, and Netum, became dvitates foederatae, and retained their territories as independent states. Panormus, Segesta, Centoripa, and * The etymology of the word pr&vincia is very uncertain ; the ancients derived it from pro and vincere in the sense of " to push forward," or " to drive before one ;" Niebuhr connects it with proventus, according to which it would mean " a country paying a tax to the ruling state ;" another more probable origin of the word seems to be to regard it as a contraction of pro- videntia, so that it would be " 3 country intrusted to the care of some one." 236 HISTORY OP ROME. oiJiers, became liberae civitates, that is, they had not to pay any taxes {decimae) to Rome. < A country which had once become a Roman province gradually fell into decay; for a number of wealthy strangers or Roman speculators usually settled in it, and purchased the lands at reduced prices. Hence the number of land- owners in Sicily was fearfully small in the time of Cicero ; and those few, who had accumulated all the land, had it cultivated, by hordes of slaves, while the free inhabitants were reduced to abject poverty. Such a state of things accounts for the direful servile wars which in later times broke out in Sicily. With the exception of the transitory revolt in Samnium, all the Italians had been perfectly quiet during the long period of the first Punic war, a fact which was mainly the consequence of the wise moderation with which Rome treated her Italian subjects; though their weak state, and the fear of the Carthaginians, who surely would not have been very lenient rulers, may likewise have contributed to keep the Italians quiet. During this period we hear little of constitutional changes, because there was little room for any. In B.C. 253, Tib. Coruncanius was the first ple- beian who obtained the office of jjontifex maximus, and he at once proved to be a more distinguished person than any that had held the office before.* After the increase of the number of quaestors, which had taken place shortly before the outbreak of the war, the election of new members of the senate was no longer left to the discretion of the cen sors, for as vacancies occurred they were filled up with those who had been quaestors ; and as the quaestors were elected by the people, the senate may be said at this time to have consisted of wealthy persons nominated by the people ; for none but wealthy persons could hope to obtain any of the higher magistracies, wealth having now acquir- ed the influence which formerly belonged to birth only. Down to the beginning of the first Punic war, the Roman republic had every year paid the sum of 500 minae to defray the expenses of public festivals and games ;t but from that time forward the aediles were obliged to under- take the payment of those expenses: as the aedileship was an introduction to the higher offices, the latter became in- accessible to any except those of the wealthy classes, and • Liv. Epit. xviii.; Cic. de Leg. ii. 21, de Orat. iii. IS, Brut. 14. t Dioiiys. vii. p. 475, ed. Sylbnrg, HISTORY OF ROME. 237 no one who had not treated the people with splendid games in his aedileship could hope to be raised to higher dignities. This' change, therefore, was one of the highest importance, and exercised no small influence upon the future condition of the republic. . In B.C. 243, a second praetor was appointed, probably on account of the neces- sity of keeping a reserve army in Italy, to prevent the en- emy from landing on the coasts, which were no longer pro- tected by a fleet. In B.C. 264, Rome saw the first gladiatorial exhibition ; it was presented by D. Junius Brutus at the exequies of his father. How much those games, which afterward be- came one of the principal amusements of the Romans, con- tributed to debase and brutalize their national taste and character, it vwU require no explanation to conceive. CHAPTER XVI. DISTRESS OP CARTHAGE, AND ITS LOSS OF SARDINIA. WARS AGAINST THE ILLTRIANS, LIGURIANS, AND GAULS. THE CARTHAGINIANS IN SPAIN. THE SAGCNTINE WAR. The peace with Carthage had scEircely been concluded •when the inhabitants of Falterii rose against Rome (B.C. 941) ; but this senseless revolt of a single town against the city that had just acquired the dominion of Sicily, and had humbled the power of Carthage, was put down within six days, and a large number of Faliscans had to pay for their fool-hardiness with their lives, Rome, however, was in a state of great exhaustion ; for though she had not seen the enemy in her own territory, still the expenditure of such immense sums of money, with the loss of no less than 700 ships, was felt very severely. She therefore required time to recover her strength, and it was probably not without satisfaction that she vritnessed the new disasters which be- fell Carthage immediately after the peace. It has already been remarked that the armies of Carthage consisted mainly of mercenaries : when the troops returned to Africa, after the evacuation of Sicily, Carthage was un- able to pay the arrearg due, to thesq clamorous hordes, which consisted- pf persons frgm all parts pf,th$ ancient 238 HtSTORY OF RO.MF, world. The insurgents were stirred up and encouraged by the Italian deserters, who dreaded nothing more than to be delivered np to the Romans. Ofie of these deserters, Spen- dius, a Campanian, made himself particularly conspicuous, and was one of the leaders of the insurgents. This intest- ine war was carried on with the greatest cruelty and bru- tality on both sides, and Carthage was brought to the brink of destruction, for at times its whole dominion was con- fined within its walls.and fortifications, all the surrounding country being in the hands of the rebels. The Carthagin- ian subjects in Africa, and even the Punic towns of Utica and Hippo, likewise revolted, for they were \inable to bear the heavy burdens that were imposed upon them. Utica went so far as to offer to place itself under the protection of Rome ; but the Romans were generous and honorable enough to refuse this protectorate — a conduct forming a strange contrast to the faithlessness with which they acted toward Carthage a short time after. This internal or Af- rican war, which lasted for three years and four months,* was brought to a close by the great Hamilcar Barca, who was aided in suppressing and destroying the rebels, partly by their own acts of barbarous cruelty, and partly by the generous conduct of the Romans, who declined having any dealings with them, atid protected .the provisions which were conveyed^to Carthage. During this war in Africa, the Carthaginian mercenaries in Sardinia likewise revolted, and massacred the Cartha- ginian colonists in the island. The natives of Sardinia, however, rose against the mercenaries, and drove them from the island. These men threw themselves into the arms of the Romans, who eagerly seized the opportunity of making a new conquest, and in B.C. 238 took possession of Sardinia. The natives, perhaps stirred up by the Car- thaginians, opposed the Romans, and continued their hos- tilities for many years, with one short interruption in B.C. 235, during which the temple of Janus at Rome was closed. When, after the close of the African war, the Carthagin- ians attempted to chastise the rebellious mercenaries of Sardinia, they were treated by the Romanp as if they were attempting to commit acts of hostility toward Rome, and, being not yet prepared to renew the struggle with her, were obliged to yield : Carthage lost the islands of Sardinia • Polyb., i., 88 j oomp. Liv., xxi., 2. Diodoras (xxv., 1, Edog., p. 510) •rroneouily itttos Hiat it luted four yeira and foor montha. i;!ir;,TvV nF i;omp:. 339 and Cctt'sica, in both of which islands, however, the natives manfully continued to defend their liberty, p.nd farther was obliged to pay to Rome a contribution of 1200 talents. This perfidious conduct of Rome, who thus took advantage of the unfortunate condition of- a rival republic, was contrary to all law and conscience, and such as to warrant the con- clusion, that the generosity displayed during the African war must have arisen from some selfish mo|ives. Rome's treachery excited the highest indignation at Carthage, and great efibrts were made to recover strength for a new con- test with her. Hamilcar was the soul of the undertaking : he devoted all his energies to the raising of his. country, and successfully endeavored to render it fit one day again t(}*take the field against its unprincipled and treacherous oppressors. In the year in which the Romans took possession of Sar- dinia and Corsica, they had to carry on a war against the Ligurians and Boians, which continued for several years along with that against the natives of Sardinia and Corsica : that against the Ligurians continued for several years lon- ger still. For nearly half a century the Cisalpine Gauls had been quiet, either because they were not disturbed by any fi-esh immigration from the north, or because they rested satisfied in the belief that the Romans had forgotten them. But their tranquillity was disturbed in B.C. 232, by the carry- ing into eflfect the agrarian law of the tribune C. Flamin- ius, in despite of the most vehement opposition of the aris- tocratical party.* His law* enacted, that the lands which had been taken from the Gauls in the last war with them, and had come into the hands of the Romans as a wilder- ness, should be distributed among the Roman citizens ; and a number of Romans accordingly settled in those districts. This circumstance is said to have made the Gauls uneasy, and they commenced negotiations vyith their Transalpine kinsmen, among whom great movements were going on at the time ; but several years yet passed away vdthout any thing being undertaken by the Gauls. The negotiations with the Transalpine Gauls, however, created very great apprehensions atTlome. In B.C. 229, while Rome was still engaged in the war * This law was b. plebiteUum, which acqaired the force of law withont ■ $e7iatii8-c07isulhim. It is the first instance of the kind that occurs in Roman history.— Cic, De Seneet., 4. 240 HISTORY OF ROME. against the Ligurians, she became involved in another with the Illyrians inhabiting the countries which at present form the south of Dalmatia and the narth of Albania, and which were then ,governed by a princess of the name of Teuta. Her husband and predecessor, Agron, had extended his dominion over a part of Epirus, over Corcyra, Epidamnus, Apollonia, and Pharus, and his subjects had become form- idable as pirates in the Adriatic and Ionian seas. After his death his widow, Teuta, had undertaken the govern- ment in the name of her son Pinneus, who was not of age. The Illyrian pirates had plundered, among others, vessels belonging to Italian merchants, and had carried off the men as captives. The Roman senate sent embassadors to Ulyricum to demand reparation. Queen Teuta answer- ed, she would take care that an future no public inj-ury should be done to the Roman people by her subjects ; but that she could not prevent their carrying on piracy, which was a national custom of the Illyrians, and from vi^hich they derived their means of living. The noble and bold answer of one of the embassadors, that it was the custom of Rome to punish in the name of the republic any private vyrong, and to give succor to those who were injured,. and that the bad custom of the Illyrians must be done away with, exasperated the queen so much, that, after the departure of the embassadors, she dispatched assassins, who slew them. As soon as this violation of the law of nations be- came known at Rome, war was declared against the Illyr- ians : the Consuls of B.C. 229 were sent out with an army, and a fleet of 200 ships, and landed on the Illyrian fcoastw The enemy, though attacked in his own country, made but little resistance ; many towns were taken, and -several Illyr- ian ti'ibes were reduced to submission. The G-re'ek towns, which had been under the dominion of the Illyrians, placed themselves under the protection of Rome ; and even De- metrius of Phatus, an Illyrian noble, who had the com- mand of the Illyrian garrison at Corcyra and Pharus, treacherously went over to the Romans. In the year fol- lowing, Teuta sent an embassy to Rome, and doncluded a; peace, in which the Ronians took from her a part of her dominions, imposed a tribute upon her, and compelled her to promise to put an end to' the piracy of her subjects. Tlje Illyrians were further commanded not to keep more than -two unarmed vessels. Demetrius was rewarded by the Romans for his treachery with some ■ districts of latld. HISTORY OF ROME, 241 and the possession of Pharus ; but as he did not think hia services sufficiently acknowledged, he again began, in con- junction with other lUyrians, to carry on piratical practi- ces, and in the course of his expeditions proceeded as far as the Cyclades, whereby he afterward caused the outbreak of a second Illyrian war. In this manner the Romans became the real benefactors of the islands and maritime towns of Greece, which had suffered greatly from the Illyrian pirates. Up to this time the Romans never seem to have entertained the thought of crossing the Adriatic, or extending their dominion over the countries to the east of it ; but different ideas seem now to have possessed their minds. It is surprising to observe how anxious they were to court the friendship of the Greeks, and it would seem that they felt a pride in being noticed by them, for embcissies were sent to Athens and to Corinth. The former city honored the Romans with its friendship, and the right of isopolity, and allowed them to become initiated in the Elusinian mysteries, while Corinth conferred upon them the right of taking part in the Isth- mian games.* The time was now approaching when the Boians, AVho thought themselves injured by the settlement of the Ro- mans in their immediate vicinity, were enablted to take active measures to prevent their further advancing into their territory. They had formed alliances with the Tau- riscans and the Insubrians, in the country about Milan, and were joined by many other Celtic tribes, which are known to us under the name of Gaesatae.t Hosts of these Gaesatae came across the Alps in B.C. 226, and invaded Italy'; and the intelligence of their arrival filled the Ro- mans vnth vei'y great' alarm. The most- extraordinary preparations were made to meet these enemiesi for the fears and apprehensions of Rome were even greater than afterward when Hannibal descended from the Alps. A general levy was made throughout Italy, and' every one was ready to ta;kie up arms, as all looked with horror upon the invasion of these northern barbarians. An army was raised which amounted to 300,000 men, and, according to others, even to 800,000. There was a prophecy current at Rome that the city should be taken by the Gauls and ." BjIjJj.j iii:12i Zonar., viii , 19. f Probably from tbS Celljc gaesum, a spear or javelin, though Polybias («., 92) asserts that it signifies meveeaaries; M rb nmStX arparKm: h 242 HiSTOKY or bomb. Greeks ; and when the books of fate were consulted, the Romans were enjoined to bury alive in the forum boarium two Gauls and two Greeks j* by this sacrifice they hopedf to satisfy Fate, and to avert the impending calamity. The consul L. Aemilius Papus was sent with an army to Arim' inum, his colleague, C. Atilius, being still engaged in Sar- dinia, and a corps of reserve was stationed in Etruria. The Gauls, unconcerned about the army at Ariminum, marched into Etruria, ravaged the country, and advanced as far as Clusium, a distance of only three days' journey from Rome. Here they learned that the Romaik army, which had to protect Etruria, was following their traces. The Gauls immediately turned round to meet the enemy ; but in the night, following they left their cavalry behind, and marched in a different direction. The next morning the Romans, who fancied that the barbarians had taken to flight, pursued the cavalry ; bat the Gallic infantry, which had been lying in ambush, now rushed forward and offered battle. The Romans lost a large number of men, and took refuge on an eminence, where they were besieged by the enemy. The blockade, however, was conducted very carelessly, as the Gauls thought they were sure of their prey. But after L. Aemilius had heard of the enemy's invasion of Etruria, and of their proceedings there, he hastened to the assistance of bis countrymen. He succeed- ed in rescuing the Roman army from its perilous position, and the Gauls withdrew along the sea-coast in order to cany their booty into a safe place. Aemilius followed them, but did not venture to attack them. In the mean time, the other consul, C. Atilius, had landed at Pisa with his army from Sardinia ; and when he learned that the Xrauls were not far off, and that they were pursued by hia colleague, he at once attacked them. A most destructive battle was fought ; the Gauls, being pressed between two armies, lost the greater part of their infantry, and the cav- alry took to flight. About 40,000 Gauls are said to have fallen in the battle, and 10,000 were taken prisoners. The year after this battle, B.C. 224, the two consuls took the field against the Gauls, and compelled the Boians to submit to Rome. In that year the Roman legions for the first time crossed the liver Po, and carried on the war against the Insubrians, who, being supported by the Trans- alpine Gauls, defended themselves very gallantly in theii • Plat, Mareell, 3 ; Oro»., iv., 13. HISTORY OF ROME. 243 unprotected country. But, in B.C. 223, the consul C. Flaminius gained a great victory over them. He fought the battle against the will of the senate, for the consuls of that year, some said, had not been elected in due form ; and while he was arrayed, against the enemy, a letter from the senate arrived in the camp, summoning him and his colleague to come back to Rome ; but Flaminius left the letter unopened until the battle was foflght, and when afterward he read its contents, he still refused to return. The agrarian law, which he had carried in his tribuneship, was a point which the senatorial party had never forgiven him, and he may have had reason to dread their machina- tions and intrigues. When at length he complied with the command of the senate, both he and his colleague were obliged to lay down their office. The war against the Grauls and Insubrians was brought to its close in the year after by the brave consul, M. Claudius Marcellus, who slew Viridomai'us, the leader of the Gauls, with his own hand, in the battle of Clastidium. After this defeat the Gauls sued for peace, which was granted them on condition of their acknowledging the sovereignty of Rome. By this peace the Romans became masters of the whole plain of Lombardy, which they called Gallia" Cisalpina, and afterward Gallia Togata ; and, in order to secure their new acquisitions, they established the colonies of Cremona and Placentia. It is not improbable that Mutina was founded and fortified about the same time. In the year B.C. 219, the faithless conduct of Demetrius of Pharus gave rise to the second lUyrian war. He had ceased to fear the Romans, because he thought them suffi- ciently engaged with the Gauls ; and he not only renewed the piratical practices of the lUyrians as far as the Aegian Sea, but even attempted to make himself master of those tovims which were under the protection of Rome. The Ro- mans, therefore, sent the consul, L. Aemilius Paulus, with an army to Illyricum. He took Pharus without any difficul- ty, and subdued the whole of Illyricum, after which he re- turned to Rome in triumph. Demetrius took refuge at the court of Philip of Macedonia, with whom he spent the remainder of his life, and used his influence to stir him up against the Romans, whereby he prepared the way for future events. While the Romans were thus engaged in wars with the Sardinians, Corsicans, Ligurians, Gauls, and Illyrians, the 244 HISTORY OF HOME. Garthaginians had been making the most strenuous efforts to recover their strength, and to . establish in some other quarter the power they had lost in Sicily and "Sardinia. Hamilcar Barca was the man who conceived and carried into effect the wise plan of raising a Carthaginian empii-e in Spain ; for Spain was a country which, in the course of a little time, might, by wise management, become so united with Carthage, as to enable her to obtain national armies, one of the main things of which she was in want ; and, besides this, it offered advantages which would never have been derived from Sicily or Sardinia. Up to this time the Carthaginians had possessed only a small portion of the Spanish coast, but Hamilcar's plan now wasto subdue the Spaniards, and then, by winning their affection, to change them gradually into a Punic nation. With this object in view he treated them kindly, and put no obstacles in the way of marriages between Carthaginian men and Spanish women. He had come to Spain B.C. 238, immediately after the close of the African war ; and he conducted the administration of the countiy with extraordinary wisdom, opening new resources for Carthage by introducing a reg- ular working of the silver mines in Spain. On his death, in B.C. 229, he left the command to Hasdrubal, his son- in-law. The latter followed the same system as his pred- ecessor, and founded the town of New Carthage (Car- thagena). The Romans were at this time apprehending: the invasion of the Gauls,; and, in order to secure them- selves against any aggression on the part of the CaBthagiii- ians, they concluded, in B.C. 228, a treaty with Hasdru- bal, in which they recognize^- the right of Carthage to rule over or make conquests in all Spain beyond the river Iberus (Ebro), but stipulated that she should, not cross that river.* Hasdrubal had the command in Spain for a period of eight years : he was assassinated in B.G. 221, when- be was succeeded by Hannibail, the son of Hamilcar Barca, who, when a boy of nine years, had swprn eternal enmity to the Romans, and wa« now about twenty-six years old. Hannibal was one of the gi'eatest generals, not only of antiquity, but of all ages ; and no less great as a statesman in times of peace, than at the head of his armies. ThiQ * Polyb:, ii., 13 ; iii., 27. Livy (xii., 2) adds, that, according to this treatj-j Saguntum was to have remained free, and under the proteetlDn of Rcou^i If this had been {he cpe, Haixnifeal'a. subseaient siege, and.jiestnicti(m,iDf Sagontom would indeeid liave been k violation of the' Bea.^, 'BufPolyfias. denies that the freedom of the Sagiuitinec was itipnltitea fijr in the traii^' HISTORY OF ROME. 245 character which Livy' has drawn of him is unfair :' the charge of inhumanity or cruelty is expressly contradicted by Polybius, and of his alleged faithlessness Tiot a siflg'le instance is known. He was a man of cultivated mind, arid during his leisure hours intelligent and learned Greeks were his favorite companions. He also seems, like his father, to have possessed iiTesistible personal attractions, which enabled him to manage and gTiide those that were under him without any difficulty ; and no one ever vent- ured to raise his hand against him, notwithstanding the exorbitant demands he was obliged to make upbn them. Immediately after he had undertaken the administration of Spain, he made war against the Olcades, and afterward upon the Vaccaeans and Carpetanians, by whose subjuga- tion the Carthaginians became masters of Spain as far as the river Iberus, with the exception of the town of Sagun- tum. His next operations were directed against that town, by interfering in its disputes with its neighbors. The Sa- guntines, who were well aware of his object, applied to Rome for assistance ; and while the senate was resolving to send embassadors to Spain for the purpose of looking into the affairs of Saguntum, which was certainly allied -with Rome, Hannibal had commenced the siege of the place, B.C. 219.* The embassadors were now forthwith sent to Spain, to call upon Hannibal to abstain from hostil- ities toward Saguntum, or, if they should be unable to effect this, to cross over info Africa and demand of the Cai'thagin- ian government the suiTender of Hannibal. When the embassadors arrived in Spain, Hannibal continued the seige without listening to them, and they accordingly went to Carthage. But there they met with no better success. The Saguntines in the mean time defended themselves with trujy heroic valor, and it was not till the eighth month after the commencement of the, siege that the town was taken by assault. It was razed to the ground.t Hannibal, with immense booty, withdrew to New Carthage, and made the necessary preparations for his invasion of Italy. Another embassy was sent to Carthage, but it was re- ceived in a manner which might have been foreseen after * Livy (xxi., 6) places the beginning of the siege in B.C. 218, in conse. , yuence of which he is obliged to assign to this year events which must have fccapied at least eighteen mouths. t The Romans afterward rebuilt Sag:uutum ; and ruins of the Hoipafi Sa- goutoza are still visible near the town of Murviedro, which in fact derireB its oame from those ruins [muri veiereti). 246 UISTOKY OF ROME. BO long an irritation, and so ardent a desire to take ven- geance on Rome for her treacherous conduct in reference to Sardinia. The Carthaginians were divided by political parties, and could not come to any resolution ; they were neither willing to admit that they had violated any treaty, nor to surrender Hannibal : one of the embassadors, Q.. Fa- bius, then made a fold of his toga, as if he was carrying some- thing in it, and said, " Here we bring you peace and war; choose whichever you please." The leader of the Cartha- ginian senate replied, "Grive us whichever you think prop- er." Fabius then unfolded his toga and said, " Well, then, I offer you war ;" and the Punic senators answered, " We ac- cept it, and shall carry it on in the same spirit in which we accept it." The Ronxan embassadors hereupon quit- ted Carthage forthwith : on their way home they endeavor- ed to gain over the Spaniards and Gauls, but their propos- als were scorned and rejected. Thus the second Punic war was decreed, to which the Saguntine war forms only a prelude. Down to the time when Hannibal began the siege of Saguntum the Romans had acted the part of mere spectators, but the storm which had been gathering in the distant horizon was now on the point of unloading itself upon the fair plains of Italy. CHAPTER XVII. THE SECOND PUNIC, OR THE HANNIBALIAN WAR. CONDITION OF ROME AND ITALY AFTER THE WAR. The taking of Saguntum was indeed the occasion, but by no means the cause of the second Punic war; for this must be sought in the deep exasperation of the Cartha- ginians against Rome, which had been fostered by Hamil- car, Hannibal, and the patriotic party at Carthage. The aristocratic party was, indeed, willing to sacrifice Hannibal for the purpose of maintaining peace with Rome ; but the popular feeling, and the influence of what Livy calls the Barcine faction, were too strong, and overruled the oppo- sition. Rome, on the other hand, would have been glad if the outbreak of the war could have been delayed for some time, for the Gauls were as yet scarcely reduced to sub- HISTORY OP KOME. 247 mission, and the Illyrian war, which was brought about in B.C. 219 by the conduct of Demetrius of Pharus, could not incline Rome to engage in a fresh contest with Car- thage. But it seems to have been these very circumstances which made Hannibal all the more anKious not to defer carrying into effect his plans. The principal scenes of this war, which Livy'calls the most memorable that was ever carried on, and which last- ed for seventeen years, from B.C. 218 to B.C. 201, were It- aly, Spain, Sicily, and at last Africa. The war itself, in order to-be properly understood, must be divided into five periods — 1. Hannibal's passage through Spain, Gaul, and across the Alps, with the first three years of his success in Italy, from B.C. 218 till B.C. 215. 2. The subsequent events, down to the taking of Capua, when his star began to sink, and the Romans somewhat began to recover their losses, from B.C. 214 to B.C. 211. 3. The period during which Hannibal placed his hopes upon Spain, and upon the re-enforcements he expected from his brother Hasdru- bal, who fell in the battle on the Metaurus, from B.C. 211 to B.C. 207. 4. Hannibal's last years in Italy down to its evacuation, from B.C. 207 to B.C. 202. And, lastly, 5. The conclusion of the war in Africa, down to the peace in B.C. 201. The war in Spain began simultaneously with that in Italy, but was decided in favor of Rome in B.C. 210 b-y the taking of New Carthage, though the war continued down to B.C. 206. The Sicilian war, from B.C. 215 to B.C. 210, forms only an episode to the great and bloody dra- ma. The Macedonian war, which arose out of that against Hannibal, in B.C. 214, was carried on along with that against Hannibal, but an account of it will be given in a separate chapter. After the war had been decreed, Hannibal assembled his troops in the neighborhood of New Carthage. The soldiers were attached to him in the highest degree, for his appearance reminded the veterans of his father Hamilcar. He acted with extraordinary cautaon, for while he enlisted great numbers of Spaniards to accompany him in his expe- dition, he sent others to Africa, where they had to serve as garrisons, and might be kept as a kind of hostages for the fidelity of their countiymen. After intrusting the com- mand in Spain to his brother Hasdrubal, he crossed the Ibe- nis, in the beginning of the sumruer* of the year B.C. 218, " Polyb., v., 8. 248 HISTORY OP KOME. with ail army of 90,000 foot, 12,000 horse, and 37 elephants. The Spanish tribes which were under the protection of Rome offered little resistance, and he crossed the Pyre- nees, not far from the sea, where the monntains slope down toward the coast, a portion of his army being left in Hither- Spain under the command of Hanno. When he approach- ed the passes of the Pyrenees a mutiny broke out among his soldiers, and sevei-al thousands refusing to go any fur- ther, returned home. In order to show that he would not compel the reluctant, Hannibal allowed all those who were unwilling to accompany him to go back. The remaining army, which he now led toward the river Rhone, consisted of 50,000 foot and 9000 horse. He had before sent en- voys to the Gauls, to ask for a free passage through their country; and on their return they brought presents, and the assui-ance that he would not meet with any resistance between the Pyrenees and the Rhone. When the Romans learned that it was Hannibal's inten- tion to cross the Alps, they resolved to send the consul P. Cornelius Scipio with an army and fleet to Gaul, and his colleague Tib. Sempronius Longus with another to Sicily., Had Scipio arrived with his fleet before Hannibal had left Spain, he might perhaps have stopped his progress ; but the Romans, who underrated the importance of their ene- my, were slow and awkwaixl, and their ai-my consisted for the most part of inexperienced recruits. As it was, Han- nibal had made himself master of Spain as far as the Pyr- enees, before the Roman fleet nnder Scipio set sail, and when the latter anived at Massilia he sent his horsemen up the river, and found that Hannibal was already on the eastern bank of the Rhone. Scipio then returned to his ships without making any further attempt to stop the ene- my's progress. The Carthaginians had crossed the river in the neighborhood of Roquemaure at Pont St. Esprit, and not without a powerful opposition of the Gauls,- who dreaded the starving host of invaders, who were obliged to take all they could get in order to maintain themselves. Hannibal avoided coming into contact with the Romans, and marched up the river. Near the point whei-e the Isere empties itself into the Rhone he formed an alliance with the chieftain of the Allobroges, and proceeded through their territory as far as Vienne. From thence he turned toward Chambery, and followed the course of the Isere to its source, until 'he anived at the foot of the Little St. Bernard. HISTORY OF ROME. 249 ' When Hannibal i-eached this point he had ab'eady lost a considerable number of his men, but the remaining part of the army must have been still sufficiently large to require all the provisions which the Alpine tribes, through vyhose tenitory he marched, had laid by for the winter. Hence those tribes resolutely opposed the progress of the Cartha- ginians. In addition to these difficulties, Hannibal had to struggle with the severity of the seasonyi with snow and frost, with want of provisions, and the consequent despond- ency of the soldiers, who, accustomed as they were to a milder climate, now suffered greatly from cold and hunger. In many parts, also, it was necessaay to clear the road from snow before the army could proceed. But notwithstanding all these difficulties, Hannibal crossed the Alps in fifteen days, and through the valley of the Aosta he descended from the Little St. Bernard into the plain of Turin, where no one had expected him.* When Hannibal arrived in the valley of the Aosta, five months after his departure from New Carthage, he had lost nearly all his elephjuits, and his army was reduced to 20,000 foot and 6000 horse, stiU an astonishing number, if we consider the difficulties which he must have had to en- counter. The want of decision and energy with which the Romans acted during the time that Hannibal was advan- cing, can be accounted for only on the supposition that they believed it impossible for him to accomplish his gi- gantic undertaking, and that if he should reach the south- ern side of the Alps, his army would be in a condition thai would require but little effort on the part of the Romans completely to annihilate it. Hence Scipio, who ought to have awaited Hannibal's arrival at the foot of the Alps, had lingered atJMassilia. He sent his brother, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, vnth the greater part of his army to Spain, and then went to Pisa. He did not reach the river Po until Hannibal descended from the Alps, and to the amazement of all had overcome all the immense difficulties which na- ture and circumstances had placed in his way. The Cis- alpine G-auls, who up to this moment had been kept in sub- * We have here followed the route aa made out by General -Melville, as to the correctness of which there caa be no doubt. Livy's description is aniatelUsible in some parts, and in others truly absurd. Melville's account L^ Hannibal's march through Gaul and across the Alps maybe read in J. A. De Lac's HUtoire du Passage des Af-pes par HannUioI, avec une Carte, G^feve et Paris, 181?. Svo. where use is made of the papers of General Melv'iilf. v.-hose account was testert bv De Lm-'s own investiffations. 250 HISTORY OF ROME. mission by the Ronlans, now sent envoys to Hannibal and implored his protection. Scipio, after having crossed the Po, encamped on the river Ticinus (Tesino), in the neighborhood of Pavia. There a battle ensued, in wrhich the Romans were beaten by Hannibal's Spanish and Numidian cavalry. In this en- gagement Scipio himself received a dangerous wound, and his life is said to have been saved by the gallant spirit of his youthful son, Publius, afterward called Scipio the Great, or Africanus. The Romans now at once perceived that they had been laboring under a delusion, and had mis- calculated the strength of their enemy. They called back Tib. Sempronius, who had been engaged in laying waste the coast of Africa. Scipio retreated across the Po, and encamped in the neighborhood of Placentia, waiting , for the arrival of Sempronius, who was sailing with his army toward Arirainum. Hannibal likewise crossed the Po be- low Placentia, and pitched his camp on the eastern bank of the Trebia, with a view of cutting off the retreat of the Romans. In the mean time Sempronius, who had landed at Ariminum, arrived, and re-enforced the army of Scipio, who was still suffering from his wound, and was unable to undertake the command of the army. It was perhaps for this reason that Scipio dissuaded his colleague from vent- uring upon a battle, although Sempronius wished it, and thought it a disgrace to remain idle. Hannibal, though from different motives, was equally anxious to strike a blow, for he was sure of victory, and wanted to get rid of the enemy in these districts, in order that he might be able to take up his winter-quarters, to give his soldiers the rest of which they were so much in want, and to organize the Gauls. Sempronius, on the other hand, who had no expe- rience of the enemy, fancied he should have an easy vic- tory. The two armies encamped on the opposite banks of the river Trebia, which is very broad, but shallow, and divided into a number of small streams : the banks were covered with shrubs, in which a detachment of Hannibal's troops lay in ambush. Hannibal irritated the Romans, and en- ticed them to cross the river : they allowed themselves to be ensnared, atid Sempronius led his men through the cold and icy river. There was at the time a sprinkling of snow, which the wind blew into the faces of the Romans. When, therefore, they arrived on the opposite bank, the lUSTORY OF HOME. 251 soldiei-s were almost frozen. Hannibal, who had contrived to keep his men in excellent condition for fighting, now a«ivanced to meet the enemy. The Romans, although they were already defeated by the severity of theerem«nts and of the season, fought most bravely ; but they were beaten • their left wing escaped to Placentia, whither they were followed by all vrho survived the day ; for the weather be- came so tempestuous, that the Carthaginians did not think it advisable to pursue the enemy. The army at Placentia having thus escaped, the consuls at first tried to deceive the Roman senate about the extent of the loss they had sustained, but the truth became knowTi but too soon ; for even before Hannibal took up his winter- quarters, his army spread over both banks of the Po. The Romans, however, ti'ue to their genius, did not de- spond ; and with confidence in the protection of the im- mortal gods, they exerted all their powera to preserve and secure possessions which it was easy to lose, but difiicult to recover wien once lost. Kew armies accordingly were raised ; and Sardinia and Sicily, Tarentum, and other towns, were strongly garrisoned, in order to keep them in submission. In the spring of B.C. 217, the consul C. Fla- minius went with his army to Ariminum, where he was joined by a portion of the soldiers who had served under Scipio the year before. Flaminius, who may have been rash and inconsiderate, is yet greatly misrepresented in his- tory. He was hated by the aristocratic party, because in his tribuneship he had carried the agrarian law, enacting that the ager Gallicus Picenus should be distributed among the ■people, and because he had subsequently supported another law which affected the pockets of the insatiable aristocrats.* Hannibal, unconcerned about the army at Ariminum, which, in fact, did not arrive there until he had set out on his march.t went from Lucca through the mai-shes on the * The law here alladed to was carried by the tribane Q.. Claadias, in B.C. 218; it enacted, that no senator sboaldbe permitted to have a sea-ship of more than 300 amphorae, which was thought sufficient to carry to Rome the prodace of their distant estates ; for, to enter upon mercantile specula. tioDS, which the nobles at this time appear to have largely engaged in, was thought dishonnrable to a man of senatorial rank. But the opposition of the nobles to the law of Claadias was of the most vehement kind. — Cicero, in Terr., v., 18. t Flaminius is charged with having neglected the celebration of the Fe- riae Latiuae, previous to going to Arimioum; but the charge is hypocritical and ladicrouB, for surely Hannibal would not have waited till the Feriae were over ; and, in fact, 'Flaminius, as it was, arrived too late at Arinunun. Livy (xxii., 3) mentions some other charges which are eqnally absurd. 252 IIISTOBY QF ROME. right bank of the river Amo into Etitiria. On this difficult and dangerous march, which lasted for three days and three nights, Hannibal rode on the only elephant that^was yet surviving. His army had indeed been increased by the Gauls, but he lost a great number of men and horses ; and he himself lost the use of one eye completely while passing through those marshes, which in spring must have given to the country the appearance of a sea. He seems to have chosen that road because, no one expected him there. Af- ter Eis arrival at Faesulae, he proceeded straightway to Rome. C. Flaminius, who bad in the mean time been in- formed of the enenay's movements, broke, up from Arimi- num, and hastened to protect the road to Rome, before Hannibal had made himself master of it. ,But the latter had advanced as far as Clusium, and reached the rocky shores of lake Trasimenus, where Flaminius arrived soon after him. Hannibal had taken up his position on the heights ; and as the Romans pressed forward on the nar- row path between the hills and the lake, Hannibal fell upon them. The day was foggy, and the Romans being unable to see, and being attacked on three sides at once, were in a most frightful position. The excitement during the battle is said to have been so great, that an earthquake, which took place at the time, was not perceived by the combatants.* Fifteen thousand Romans perished on the spot, many of whom were driven into the lake and drowned ; the rest escaped to an Etruscan village. Flaminius him- self was among the slain. Hannibal, whose object it was to create for himself a power in Italy, before he could humble Rome to the dust, distributed the Roman prisoners among his ai-my to be guarded, while he allowed the Ital- ian allies of Rome to return to their homes without ransom. Here, as elsewhere, it was his maxim not to wage war against the Italians, but to make them believe that he was fighting against Rome on their behalf. Immediately after the battle of lake Trasimenus, Hannibal heard that the consul On. Servilius, who was stationed at Ariminum to protect the province of G-aul, had sent a detachment to as- sist G. Flaminius : as soon as this detachment fell in with the Carthaginians, most of the men were cut to pieces, and, the lemainder fell into the hands of Hannibal alive. "When the news of this memorable defeat reached Rome, and the praetor announced to the assembly of the people * Plin., Hist. Nnf.. ii., 86; Liv., xsii., 5. HISTORY OF ROME. 253 that they had suffered a great loss, the consternation was immense ; and in these distressing circumstances it was resolved to appoint a dictator. As the consul Cn. Servilius was absent, the people — a thing which had never been done before — elected Q. Fabius Maximus to the office, and M. Minucius was appointed his magister equitum. Fabius has a great name in history, and in some respects it is well deserved, for he w&s a calm, cautious, and per- severing genei-al, and his recovery of Tai-entum was a great military achievement ; but his personal character does not merit the praise that is commonly bestowed upon him, for his subsequent ojjpositlon to the great Scipio, who was still quite a young man when Fabius had reached the height of his fame, arose from mere personal jealousy and envy : Fabius could not contemplate without grief the rising great- ness of Scipio ; and it is clear that he would rather have seen Hannibal victorious than seen him conquered by Scipio. M. Minucius was a general of the very opposite kind, for he was bold, ambitious, and hasty. A new aiTuy was formed, partly of those who had survived the day on lake Trasimenus, and partly by fresh levies ; and the want of soldiers was so great, that even prisoners were enlisted. After the battle of Trasimenus, Hannibal was expected to march straightway to Rome, but he went toward Spole- tum, from the conquest of which Roman colony he hoped to derive great advantages. But that town held out, and remained faithfiil to Rome ; and as he had a great aversion to protracted sieges, he broke up and marched into Pice- num, which abounded in provisions for his army. There he took up his summer-quarters, which are as necessary in Italy as winter-quarters are in northern countries. The question which must hei-e present itself to every reader is, why did not Hannibal march against Rome, and endeavor to take it at a time when the gi'eatest consternation was prevailing in the city 1 The answer to this question must be sought for in the circumstances of the case. Rome was then a strong fortress and could not be easily taken, and to blockade it would have required a very large army. But what was probably of greater weight; with him, was the condition of his own army : his soldiers were suffering from a cutaneous disease, in consequence of their stay in the un- healthy country of Cisalpine Gaul, and of their subsequent passage through the- marshes of Etruria. The unhealthy atmosphere of the vicinity of Rome, during the summer 254 lllSTOHV OF ROME. months, might have destroyed his whole army. In addition to this, it must be remembered that his hope of success was mainly based upon a coalition of the Italians against Rome; but though from the moment of his arrival in Italy he had treated the Italians with great generosity, still he had not yet been able to rouse or unite them against Rome. These were sufficient reasons to deter a general like Hannibal from the attempt to take Rome by force; and he 'accord- ingly led his army southward, along the coast of the Adii- atic. His march from Picenum to Apulia was a series of calamities for those districts ; for, as the walls of most of the towns had been destroyed by recent earthquakes, Han- nibal meeting with little resistance, obliged the people to furnish his army with the necessary provisions ; and while the soldiers ravaged the country, the dictator Fabius fol- lowed them at a short distance, harassing the enemy, and always pitching his camp on lofty hills, so that Hannibal compared the enemy's army to a cloud hovering on tho mountains.* Hannibal's object was to gain the Via Latina and the town of Casinum, and then to see what effect his position would produce on the Italians. But by some mis- take Hannibal's general led the army to C.asilinum instead of Casinum ; and by this unlucky accident Fabius got ahead of the enemy, and cut off his retreat between Casi- linum and Mount Callicula. V7hen Hannibal discovered the mistake, he saved his army by a stratagem: he fastened bundles of brushwood to the horns of 2000 oxen, and hav- ing set fire to the wood, he drove them toward the Romans. When the animals, in the darkness of night, advanced, the Romans were frightened by the singular spectacle, and quitted their favorable position, which was immediately occupied by Hannibal, who then returned through Sam- nium to the frontiers of Apulia and the Frentanians. Here he was again met by Fabius, who ventured upon petty skirmishes, in which the Romans gained some advantages, which led them to the belief that if an effort were made, it would be an easy matter to chaso the enemy from Italy, and that his being still in the country was owing only to the excessive caution of the dictator. Hence, as some ad- vantages had been gained by Minucius, a law was passed at Rome enacting that the magister equitum should have equal power with the dictator, and the command of one half of the army.f On this occasion Fabius showed a real • Liv., xxii., 30. 1 Liv., xxii., S.'i ; Polyb., iii., 103 ; Plut., Fab., 9. HISTORY OF ROME. 255 gi'eatness of mind, for he not only brooked the insult, pre- feiTing to be feared by a prudent enemy to being praised by a foolish people, but even saved the rash Minucius, who allowed himself to be drawn into an engagement with the Carthaginians, from utter destruction. This act of gener- osity induced Minucius to resign his power, and his delivei- er now terminated the campaign of the year in as favorable a manner as the circumstances would allow. He vyas henceforth distinguished by the honorable surname of the Slack (^Cunciator), and of him Ennius sang : Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.* Soon after these occurrences, Fabius laid down his dicta- torship, and the consuls, who now resumed their command, followed his plan of operation, but without being able to effect any thing decisive. Hannibal spent the winter in Apulia, where he was in rather distressed circumstances, for the produce of the fields had been carried into the fortified towns before his arrival, and he had great difiiculty in providing food for his army. His position was all the more precarious, because up to this time he had not been joined by one of the Italian na- tions. These circumstances, together with the advantages which his enemies had gained in Spain and Italy, raised great hopes in the minds of the Romans ; but a fearful day was yet awaiting them, a day which would have been cer- tain ruin to any other republic. The consuls of the year B.C. 216 wei'e L. Aemilius Paulus, a patrician who cher- ished a profound hatred of the people, and C. Terentius Varro, who is said to have been a butcher's son, and to have risen by his demagogic artifices.t These cousuls, who were expected to put an end to the war with one blow, led into the field an army of 80,000 foot and upward of 6000 horse. With these forces they entered Apulia, and pitched their camp on the banks of the river Aufidus, not far from the little town of Cannae, where they kept their stores. Hannibal had no more elephants, but his cavalry was ex- cellent. Cannae was taken by him under the very eyes of the Romans, who were timid and not inclined to venture upon a decisive battle, though the consul Varro was anx- ious to strike the blow. After a long delay, which it is " Cicero, De Off., i.. 24 ; Sil. ltd., vii., 515, &e. t Liv., xxii., 25. It must be observed that Polybius does not mentiou the low birth of Varro, and the subsequent history of the man can not be wall reconciled \nth Livy's account. 256 HISTORY nF Ro.Mr:. difficult to account for, the fatal battle was fought, on the second of August.* It is said that Hannibal had taken up such a position, that a high wind, which usually rose at noon-tide, blew, the dust into the faces of the Romaus, and that on the day before the battle he had ordered the fields to be ploughed in order to increase the dust. The Ro- mans advanced, against the retreating center of the Grauls, but were outflanked on both sides by the Africans, and, though tired, were obliged to maintain the fight against the latter. The Roman cavalry was unable to cope with the Spaniards, and being surrounded on all sides, the Romans were pressed together and cut to pieces. Forty-five thou- sand dead covered the field of battle, among whom were the consul Aemilius Paulus, eighty senators, and a number '' of pei'sons who had been invested with the highest offices of the republic. The surviving Romans capitulated, and surrendered on condition that Hannibal should commence negotiations with Rome for their ransom. Varro escaped with a few horsemen to Venusia, and another small detach- ment threw itself into Canusium ; but Hannibal, uncon- cerned about the latter, marched toward Capua. The consternation and paralysis which the news of this total defeat of so numerous an army produced at Rome is indescribable ; but the Romans did not sink under it : when Varro returned, the senate went out to meet and thank him for not having despaired of the republic ; and when Han- nibal sent the Roman prisoners home to be ransomed, the senate, stirred up by the vigorous speech of the stern T. Manlius Torquatus, bade them return. The Carthaginian envoys who came with proposals of peace were not admit- ted into the city, and a truly Roman severity was shown toward the unfortunate men who had survived the fearfui day. of Cannae, for they were treated as dishonored per sons, and sent to serve in the distant province of Sicily U wipe off their disgrace. Hereupon the Romans endeav ored to propitiate the gods by sacrifices, and the historiat Fabius Pictor was sent as embassador to Delphi, to learr from the oracle of Apollo what would be the end of al' these misfortunes. It deserves to be mentioned, that among the sacrifices offered up at that time there were two pairs of human beings, a male and a female Gaul, and a male and a female Greek .t Maharbal, the commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, " Gell'ms'^ v.. 17 ; Mncrob., !^a/ii-nt., i , 16. t Liv., xxii,, 57. msTOKY OP ROME. 257 had advised Haimibal, immediately after the battle of Can- nae, to. march against Rome; but Hannibal steadily kept to his original plan of destroying Rome through the Ital- ians, as wliose deliverer he wanted to appear. This drew upon him the reproach, that he knew better how to win a victory than how to make use of it. His plan, however, now seemed to be near its realization, for a number of the Italian cities and towns, immediately after the fatal battle, abandoned the cause of Rome, and joined the Carthagini- ans. This was the case more especially in southern Italy, where the people still remembered their ancient liberty, and felt the weight of the Roman yoke ; but even in mid- dle Italy many towns went over to Hannibal, so that Rome was confined almost to the same extent of country which it had possessed previous to the conquest of Samnium. Hannibal was thus joined by Atella, Colatia, the Hirpini- ans, the Samnites with the exception of the Pentrians, the Bruttians, Lucanians Sun-entum, nearly all the Greek towns on the coasts, and all the Gauls in the north of Italy ; but as he was obliged to maintain his army at the expense of his Italian allies, he was unable permanently to attach them to himself. He had commenced negotiations with Capua, even be- fore the battle of Caimae. This town was, next to Rome, the most important city in Italy ; but wealth and luxuries had rendered its citizens unwarlike and effeminate. They stood to Rome in the favorable relation of isopolites, and the great families of Capua were connected by intermar- riage with those of Rome ; but in spite of all this Capua now turned against Rome, probably in the vain hope of becoming the mistress of Italy, if Rome should perish. This hope was fostered by Hannibal, and when, after the battle of Cannae, he appeared in Campania, every thing was prepared for the revolt. The only circumstance that made Capua hesitate for a moment, was the fact that 300 of the noblest Campanians were engaged in Sicily in the service of Rome, and were regarded as a sort of hostages for the fidelity of Capua. But this scruple was got over ; Capua ungratefully deserted Rome, and concluded a favor- able treaty with Hannibal. It retained its independence, and was allowed to select from among the Roman captives 300 of the noblest, as a compensation for the 300 Campa- nians in Sicily. Capua further committed the outrage of putting to death all the Romans that were staying within 258 HISTORY OP ROME. its walls. In his march through Campania, Hannibal, who had as yet no port town to keep up a communication with Carthage, attempted to make himself master of Cumae, Naples, and Nola ; but he was unsuccessful, and at the last of these places he even sustained a severe loss. He en- tered Capua, and took up his winter-quarters there. He had now reached the highest point of his glory. It is said that his stay in the effeminate city of Capua corrupted his army, and destroyed its discipline. It may be that the lux- urious life at Capua rendered his men disinclined further to endure the hardships which they had hitherto borne cheerfully ; but it must at the same time be taken into con- sideration, that it was impossible for him to recruit his army from Spain, Africa, or Gaul ; that he had lost the Ijest of his men in the battles he had fought ; and that he had no other means of completing his regiments, except by enlist- ing Italian recruits. These circumstances alone are per- haps sufficient to account for the fact, that after the battle of Cannae the Carthaginian army appears in a very differ- ent light from what it had been before. The senate at Carthage, where Hannibal's victories had silenced all op- position, had decreed to send him re-enforcements immedi- ately after the battle of Cannae; but the decree was car- ried into effect with great sluggishness. Some re-enforce- inents, howevei-, must have reached him before he took up .his winter-quarters at Capua.* Rome made the most incredible exertions to restore her armies. The management of the war was intrusted to the dictator M. Junius ; and besides 8000 slaves who were pur- chased by the state on credit of their masters, and formed into two regiments, even gladiators were enlisted to serve in their usual arms. While these efforts were made, Rome was suffering from an extreme scarcity of provisions. It is therefore a very remarkable fact, that Hannibal, support- ed as he now was by many Italians, while Rome was in the greatest distress, from this time forward appears less and less able to cope with the Romans, and that the latter acquired new strength every day. In B.C. 215, Hannibal made two unsuccessful attempts upon the fortified camp of the praetor, M. Claudius Marcellus, at Nola, and sustained considerable losses ; whereas the Romans, in the same year, began to restore their authority in Campania. The Cam- panians behaved as cowards, and allowed themselves to be ' Liv., xxiii., 18. HISTORY OF KOME. 259 shut up like sheep in a fold. A Carthaginian detachment under Hanno, which tried to relieve them, was beaten by Tib. Semproniiis Gracchus in the neighborhood of Bene- ventum ; and Hannibal, seeing himself thwarted, appears for a time to have lost his former energy ; for though he had now received re-enforcements from Carthage, still be al- lowed the Romans to blockade Capua without making an^ attempt to save the place. He lingerec^.in Apulia and Lu- cania, making some petty conquests, and left Capua to its fate. At length, how-ever, he appeared in its neighborhood, and as he found the Romans unwilling to accept a battle, he marched along the Via Latina toward Rome, and crossed the river Liris near Fregellae. As he proceeded further, ' the city of Rome was thrown into a state of the greatest alarm ; but he did not find a favorable reception any where. Q. Fulvius, who was conducting the blockade of Capua, was called back to protect Rome. This was just what Hannibal wished; but the Carthaginian officer who had been left behind to introduce provisions into Capua, or to relieve it if he could, was quite unfit for his post, and did not succeed. Hannibal, in the mean time, had pitched his ~camp in the immediate neighborhood of Rome, near the Colline gate ; but when Fulvius arrived and offered battle, Hannibal declined it, and, satisfying himself with ravaging the country, returned to Campania, and thence to Rhegium. Capua still continued to be blockaded by another Roman army. ♦ Hiero of Syracuse, the faithful ally of Rome, died in B.C. 216, and was succeeded by his grandson Hieronymus, who, thinking that, after the battle of Cannae, Rome would be unable to raise her head again, began to treat the Romans with contempt, and to negotiate with Hannibal. The latter made all possible concessions, on condition of Hieronymus ; renouncing the friendship of Rome; but the tyrannical rule ■ of Hieronymus exasperated his subjects, and, after a reign • of thirteen months, he was murdered. Two Carthaginians, of Syracusan origin, Hippocrates and Epicydes, now usurp- ed the government of Syracuse, and them the Romans im- mediately tried to win over to their interest; but, as the usurpers openly declared themselves against Rome, an army was sent under M. Claudius Marcellus to Sicily, B.C. 214. Marcellus laid siege to Syracuse, and afterward blockaded it ; but it was not taken till B.C. 212, when Mar- cellus made himself master of the place by treachery. The 260 HISTORY OF ROME. siege of Syracuse is remarkable on account of the engines which Archimedes is said to have used in its defense. It is related that he destroyed the works of the Romans by means of burning-glasses, but this seems to be an inven- tion ; and all that can be said with certainty is, that, by his superior skill in mechanics, he constantly thwarted the at- tempts of the battering-rams, and destroyed the military engines of the Romans. After taking the town, Marcellus, indeed, did not allow the soldiers to plunder or destroy it, but he treated its inhabitants with barbarous cruelty : those who were not sold as slaves were driven out into the open fields, where they died of hunger ; and many gave them- selves out as slaves that they might escape starvation.* Another example of similar cruelty was exhibited in B.C. 211, in the reconquest of Capua, though in this case the Romans had had greater provocation than in Sicily. Capua was not indeed destroyed, but the Romans raged against its inhabitants with all imaginable fury. Before the gates were thrown open to the Romans, the most dis- tinguished persons had made away vifith themselves, in order not to fall into the hands of the enemy, and others killed their wives and children. When the gates were opened, the Roman soldiers acted like infuriated demons : all the nobles were put in chains, the mass of the people were driven from their houses, the senators were put to the sword, and no one was allowed to remain in the town except slaves and freedmftn. The whole territory of Ca- pua was made domain land of the Roman republic.t In B.C. 212, Hannibal, after a long siege, gained posses- sion of Tarentum, but it was retaken in B.C. 209, by Q. Fabius Maximus, the place being treacherously delivered up into his hands by the persons whom Hannibal had in- trusted with the command of its garrrison. The subjuga- tion of Sicily had been completed the year before by the consul M. Valerius Laevinus ; and most of the Greek towns of Italy, being intimidated by the example of Syracuse and Capua, now abandoned the cause of Hannibal, whose situa- tion became more and more difficult, and whose power was reduced from day to day. His only hope now was his brother Hasdrubal. At the very beginning of this war, B.C. 218, the Romans had sent Cn. Cornelius Scipio to Spain to conduct the war ' Diodor., Excerpt. Vat., p. 68, ed. Dindorf ; comp. Excerpt. Vo&»., p. 569. t Liv., xxviii., 46. HISTORY OF ROME. 261 against the Carthaginians under Hasdrubal. He had soon after been joined by his brother Publius. The two Scipios remained in Spain for a number of years, ever harassing the Carthaginians, and keeping Hasdrubal engaged ; so that after the battle of Cannae, when he was expected to march into Italy and co-operate with his brother, he was prevented by the Scipios, who gained considerable advan- tages over the Carthaginians, and conquered them near Ibera in B.C. 216, and near Illiberis in B.C. 215. About the same time Syphax, king of the Masasylians, in the west of Numidia, formed a connection with the Scipios, and a Roman fleet sailed to Africa. Syphax attacked Carthage, but was defeated by Masinissa, king of Numidia, who was then allied with Carthage. But, in B.C. 212, the Scipios experienced the inconstancy of fortune, for both were slain within •*\irty days of each other, and their armies were nearly i nihilated. The remains of the army were saved only by she heroic conduct of L. Mai'cius, who, with the most de Jperate efforts, prevented the enemy from reaping all the f raits of his victory. The Romans, by these defeats, lost all their possessions southeast of the Iberus, and Has- drubal now made serious preparations for invading Italy. At Rome the consternation was so great that no one was found willing to undertake the command in Spain, until at length, in B.C. 211, P.ComeliusScipio, the son of P. Scipio, who had been killed in Spain, came forward and offered to go. As he was then only 24 years old, and was still in mourning for his father, many objected to his age, as well as to the ominous circumstances of his being in mourning 5 but, as he was extremely popular, the people gave him the command, with the title of proconsul, and provided him with all that was necessary for his bold undertaking. This young man, wha was to be the conqueror of Hannibal, is, next to him, the greatest hero in this war. He is said to have distinguished himself as early as the battle on the Ti- cinus ; and, throughout his career, he showed a talent as a general which was surpassed by none save Hannibal. He was especially famous for his great piety, and while at Rome he went every morning to the temple of Jupiter, on the Capitol, and prayed ; whether this religious feeling was genuine! or merely assumed no one can say, but it madei . him immensely popular with the superstitious multitude. As a citizen he was proud and haughty, and in matters where his personal feelings .'were concerned he even de- 262 HISTOEY OF ROME. spised the laws of his country, thus setting an evil ex- ample. On his arrival in Spain, in B.C. 211, he found the army which he had to discipline in a state of complete disorgan- ization. The great control-he exercisfed over himself, *he belief in his familiar intercourse with the gods, and the success with which he commenced his operations, soon in- spired his soldiers with such confidence that no enemy seemed invincible. He was soon the avenger of his father: according to some accounts, he had not been in Spain more thaii seven days before he took the strongly-fortified and populous town of New Carthage ;* and C. Laelius, his friend and companion, was dispatched to carry the news of ~ this happy event to Rome. The taking of this important place was an irreparable loss to the Carthaginians, who seem to have taken little trouble to relieve it, perhaps be- cause Hasdrubal's attention was wholly directed toward Italy, after the conquest of which he may have thought that it would be an easy matter to recover what might be lost in Spain. Scipio, after the conquest of New Carthage, traversed the southern part of the country, and took many of the allied towns of the Carthaginians, among which As- tapa deserves to be particularly mentioned. It was be- sieged by Marcius, and as its citizens foresaw that, owing to their stanch fidelity to Carthage, they would be treated in a cruel manner if their town should be taken, they fought with desperate bravery ; after nearly all had fallen, the last fifty survivors, according to an oath they had taken, murdered all the women and children, buraed all the treasures,^ they possessed, and at last made away with them- selves.t In B.C. 209, Hasdi-ubal assembled a large army near Baecula, which was joined by many Iberians undei his brother Mago, and by Numidians under Masinissa The whole hostile forces consisted of 75,000 men and 3(3 elephants, and Scipio hesitated as to whether he should at- tack so formidable a power, for his own forces amounted to scarcely one third of that of the enemy. Want of pro"-- visions at length obliged him to offer battle, and he gained the victory ; but he could not prevent Masinissa going to Gades ; nor did Hasdrubal think it unsafe to set out for Italy in B.C. 208. Hasdrubal had previously formed con- ' It is, however, more than probable that he did not take, that town tiU the year after, i-e., B.C. 210. See Liv., xxvi., 41, &c. ; xxTii., 1 \ Liv., xxviii., S3 ; Appian, Hitpan., 33. lilSTORY OF SOMEi 203 nections with the Gauls, so that, in marohin/, 'vhrough their country and across the Alps, he met with c.o resistance. He reached the southern foot of the Alps iii B.C. 207, hav- ing completed his march, it is said, in two Laonths. Han- nihal was unprepared for the sudden arrival of his brother, though he had been long looking forward to it. Hasdru- bal laid siege to Placentia, but was unsuccessful, and lost a great deal of time. Another unfortunate circumstance was, that the letters he sent to his brother Hannibal fell into the hands of the Romans, who thus became acquainted with his whole plan of operation. The consul Livius Sali- nator afterward encamped against him in the neighborhood of Sena, on the River Metaurus in Umbria, where he w^as soon after joined by his colleague C. Claudius Neio, who had until then been operating against Hannibal. V/hen Hasdrubal became aware of Nero's arrival, he attempted to retreat during the night across the Metaurus, but being deserted by his guides and unable to find a tbrci^he was attacked by the Romans while wandering along the river's bank. In the ensuing battle his whole army was routed and cut to pieces. A Roman cut off the head of Hasdru- bal, and afterward flung it into the camp of Hannibal, who, on seeing it and the captive Carthaginians, at once per- ceived that the fate of Carthage as well as of himself was sealed. The Carthaginian lion henceforth confined him- self to the territory of the Bruttians, who remained faithful to him. He maintained himself on the defensive ; and being convinced that he should not be able to remain much longer in Italy, he erected a monument in the temple of Juno Lacinia (on Mount Lacinium, on the eastern coast of Bruttium), with an inscription giving an account o^ his Italian campaign. It was afterward seen by Polybius, who made use of it for his account of the Hannibalian war.* After the departure of Hasdrubal from Spain, the Car- thaginians^ still had two armies in that province, but it soon became evident that Hasdrubal had been the soul of all their undertakings, and that Hasdrubal, the son of G-isco, and Mago were not able to supply his place. They in- deed continued the war against the Romans, but Scipio succeeded, in a succession of battles, in gradually repelling them, and after their defeat at Baecula they took refuge at G-ades. The Spaniards became aware' that they were giv«n bp by the Carthaginians, "and that they were only • Polyb., iii., 33. 264 HISTORY OF RoMfib made use of by themfor the purpose of extorting money and the means of living. Hence they began to i-efuse obe-'- dience, and endeavored to drive them from the Peninsula. Gades even shut its gates against Mago, and concluded a treaty vi^ith Rome. Hasdrubal sailed to Africa ; and Ma- go, who likewise embarked, led the remainder of his troops to the Balearian islands. From thence he afterward crossed over to Liguria, with a view to establish himself there and attack the Romans in Etruria, which then began to show- symptoms of a rebellious spirit ;* but his hopes were dis- appointed. The Romans were now masters of Spain. Scipio re- mained there upward of three years : he vs^s now engaged in chastising the towns which had been faithless to Rome. During this period an occurrence took place which is par- ticularly remarkable, because it is the first perceptible symptom of a discontent which was gradually rising among the Italian allies "of Rome. They were obliged to furnish a contingent to the Roman armies far surpassing that of the Romans themselves in numbers, and they appear to have begun to feel that they ought to be placed on an equality with the citizens of Rome. An insuirection broke out among the allies who served" in Scipio's army : they chose an Umbrian and a Latin for their leaders, and gave them the title and ensigns of Roman consuls. The affait was of a very serious nature, but the deep cunning of Scip- io deceived them. He proinised them their pay, and in- vited them to come to New Carthage ; and in order to ili- spire them with confidence, he ordered the Roman garri- son to (juit the town before the mutineers entered. But while the latter were assembling in the market-place, the gan'ison returned and compelled the rebels to submit to the vein of Scipio, who put thirty-five of the most guilty to death. The chastisement of some Spanish chiefs was the last act of Scipio in Spain; , But before returning to Rome he crossed over to Africa; B.C. 206, whither he was invited by Syphax, who had some- times been at war with Carthage, and sottietimes her ally, but was now in a sort of neutral position. When Scipio arrived in Africa he concluded a treatyi with him, which was the first step toward the realization of Scipiio's great plan. He had from the first been persuaded that thiB war with Carthage must he brought to a close in Africa itsielf. • Li v., XXX., 19. HISTORY OF ROME. 265 Hi) was still proconsul^ and now went to Rome to offer kimself as a candidate for the consulship, though he had not yet attained the legitimate age. But owing to the ex- traordinary popularity he enjoyed, the people, notwith- standing the jealous opposition of Fahius and his party,* unanimously elected him consul for the y€ar B.C. 205, to- gether with P. Licinius Crassus. But after he was made consul, and Sicily was assigned to him as his province, with the permission to cross over to Afiica if he should think it desirahle for the good of the republic, the same jealous party of Fabius, supported by the senate, refused him the "means, without which he could not carry his plans into ef- fect : the people, on the other hand, not only of Rome, but of -all Italy, flocked to his standard, and formed an army of volunteers -J and the towns of Etruria and Umbria distin- guished themselves above all others by their eiithusiasm for the young hero, A lai-ge fleet, and an army of 7000 volunteers, were tlius soon assembled, and followed Scipio to Sicily. Hannibal was still tarrying in Bruttium, but in diis confinement he resembled a lion suiTounded by hounds, and whoever attacked him paid dearly for it. From Sici- ly, ScijHO made an attack on Locri, which was taken;, but die avarioe of one of his lieutenants, Q. Pleminius, gave rise to a charge against Scipio', that he neglected the dis- cipline of his army, that he lived in luxury at Syracuse, that he assumed Greek manners, and spent his time in read- ing Greek authors. Commissioners were accordingly sent by the senate to examine the state of things in Sicily ; but every thing was found in the best order, and all suspicions were removed. The taking of Locri was the only event of any conse- quence in the yearofScipio's consulship: it seems that he was chiefly engaged in making preparations for crossing over to Africa, which he did in the yeai- following, B.C. 204, his fiiend and legale, C. Laehus, having proceeded (hither before him. Scipio landed in the neighborhood of Utica, with an army of 17,000 foot and several thousand horse.t It is surprising to find Carthage, which a few years later appears in possession of a fleet of 500 ships, not making any attempt either to meet the fleet of Scipio or to prevent his landing. This may be accounted for, either by * LW., xxviii., 40, &c. t The place where he lasded and jpitched his camp was known in after limes by Ihe name of Castra Comdiana. Casar, Bell. Civ., ii., 24 ; Oros. iv.. SS M ?66 pi&TQltY OF EOAfE- the uuwarlike spii'it of the Carthaginians, who did not think of any danger until they saw it before their own eyes, or , by supposing that there must have been disputes or treach- ery in the senate which rendei'ed speedy measures of de- ' fense impracticable, Syphajc, being induced by his love of Sophonisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal, to disregard his alliance with Scipio, had again joined the Carthaginians with his army. Masinissa, king of Numidi^, on the other hand, who had also been in love with Sophonisba, but was deprived of her by SyphaXj secretly promised Scipio his support, for he was at the time in alliance with Carthage. After bis landing in Africa, Scipio weis met by three ar- mies, one under Hasdrubal, which had been hurriedly as- sembled, another under the command of Syphax, and a third under that of Masinissa. Scipio.therefore, was obliged to maintain himself on the defensive ; but Masinissa led the Carthaginians out to an undertaking which he had treach- erously preconcerted with Scipio,* who lay in ambush wait- ing for the enemy, and fell upon them as soon as they ap- peared. Masinissa then went over to the Romans. The greatest confusion prevailed among the Carthaginians, and a great number of them fell by the sword. After this, Sy- phax and Hasdrubal took the field against Scipior Their tents were made of straw and branches, which in the hot climate of Africa soon became as dry as touch- wood. The Homans contrived to set them on fire, and amid the con- flagration which now ensued, the Carthaginians allowecJ themselves to be butchered like sheep. Syphax, as a trup barbarian, now abandoned the cause of his allies, and with- drew to his kingdom, where he was attacked by Masinissa and C Laelius. He was defeated and talsen prisoner, and a great part of his kingdom was given to Masinissa, who now married Sophonisba. But as Scipio demanded her surrender, because he mistrusted her, Masinissa prevented her falling into the hands of the Roman by poisoning her. Scipio had, in the mean time, made an attempt to blockade Utica, but without success. Carthage had by this time arrived at the conviction that, without the return of Hannibal, all her hopes were vain. In B.C. 202, having received the command to quit Italy, he unhesitatingly obeyed the summons of his country, and landed at Adruraetum. He went to meet Scipio on the River Bagradas, and having lost all hope of success, he had * AKiian, De Ret. Pun., 13, &o. HISTORY OF KOME. 267 an interview vfith the great Roman, at which lie recom- merided the peace for which negotiations had already com- menced. The tyyo heroes saw each other for the first time with silent admiration. Hannibal was more than ever con- vinced that peace was the only means of saving Carthage ; and Scipio, too, had not been unwilling to grant it, for he had reason to fear lest a successor should be sent from Rome to reap the fruits of his labors.' The conditions which he had proposed were hard indeed, but yet mild in comparison with those which Carthage was afterward com- pelled to accept. A truce had been concluded, during which embassadors were sent to Rome to obtain the sanction of the senate to the terms of the peace. But when the Car- thaginians found that the forces of Haimibal were still con- siderable, they were vexed at the steps they had taken, and began to insult the Romans in every possible way, being resolved once more to try their fortune. The folly of the Carthaginian people thus broke off all negotiatiojis, for as they had their general Hannibal among them they fancied themselves invincible. He, although he severely censured their childish belief, was obliged to give w^y to their en- thusiasm. The war was now decided by the fatal battle of Zama, in B.C. 202. Hannibal's army consisted of 50,000 men and 80 elephants; that of Scipio of 24,000 men, whom he drew up in columns, leaving large intervals between them for the elephants- to escape, which spaces were then to be filled up by the cavalry, so as to prevent the return of the elephants. The plan succeeded admirably. The Car- thaginians fought like lions, but Scipio's skill and presence of mind decided the victory. The greater part of the Car- thaginian ai'my was cut to pieces, and the remainder dis- persed. Hannibal himself escaped with a few companions to Adrumetum, and thence to Carthage, where the senate, unable to continue the war, had already commenced fresh negotiations for peace. It was fortunate for Carthage that Scipio himself was anxious to bring the war to a close. Hannibal, too, advised his countrymen to submit to neces- sity. But the terms which Scipio now offered wei-e much harder than those which he had proposed at first. Car- thage was to retain its territory in Africa and its own con- stitution, but to deliver up all Roman desertera and cap- tives without ransom, to surrender its whole fleet with the exception often triremes, and all elephants, none of which were henceforth to be trained for purposes of war. Car 268 • HISTORY OF ROME. thage, further, was not allowed to carry on any war with- out the sanction of Rome; it was obliged to indemnify Masinis^a for all the losses he had sustained, and to recog- nize hira as King of Numidia ; it had to pay to Rome 10,000 Euboean talents by instalments in fifty years, that is, 200 annually. It was further commanded to give a large number of hostages, and to provide the Roman artny in Africa with all that was necessary for its maintenance, un- til the peace should be ratified at Rome by the senate and people. Some of the Carthaginian nobles opposed these terms, and Hannibal in just indignation seized one of them and dragged him down from the tribune. This exaspera- ted the whole party, and Hannibal escaped only by de- claring that, owing to his long absence from Carthage, he was unacquainted with the manners and customs of his country. The peace was not ratified at Rome till the year B.C. 201 ; for the consul Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, the suc- cessor of Scipio, hoped to prolong the war, that he himself might have the glory of bringing it to a oJose. Scipio then returned with his army to Sicily, and thence to Rome, where he celebrated a magnificent triumph adorned by Sy- phax, who ended his days at Alba. Italy had sufiered enormously during the sixteen years that Hannibal and his army had been staying in the coun- tiy ; for the bloody battles which had been fought, the rav- aging marches of the hostile troops, and the conquest and destruction of flourishing towns, had laid waste the country far and wide, while tbe levies of troops, both by the Romans and their enemies, had almost depopulated whole districts of Italy. But still the Roman republic, at the close of the war, was far more powerful than she had been at the begin- ning. The Roman dominion in Italy was soon restored, and the people in the southern part of it were chastised for their faithlessness. Several colonies were established in southern Italy ; perhaps, however, as much for the purpose of providing for impoverished Romans, as for that of secur- ing the possession of the country. Scipio's veterans were rewarded with assignments of land in Lucania and Apulia. The Gauls in the north of Italy were likewise reduced to obedience by the praetor L. Furius, in B.C. 200, and were kept in check by re-enforcements sent to the Roman colo- nies in those districts. But the internal distress of Rome, as well as of the other Italian tow;is, must have formed a strong contrast with this outward prosperity : the prices of HiSTORY OF ROME. 269 all provisions and commodities had risen to an enormous height; and if, in addition, we consider the heavy claims that had been made upon the people, the middle classes must have been in a state of complete exhaustion. This state of things produced that wide gulf between the wealthy and the poor, of which we shall see the lamentable results about half a century later. Toward the end of the war, the republic had been under the necessity of raising a public loan, and the money was to be paid back to the creditors by three instalments ;* but the Macedonian war involved Rome in fresh difficulties, and she was obliged to pay her debts in lands. At the close of the Hannibalian war, the Roman domin- ion extended over Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and a great part of Spain ; even Carthage and Numidia existed only in a state of dependence on Rome. The annihilation of the Carthaginian fleet had made thp Romans masters of the sea. They were henceforth obliged to keep a navy for the pui-pose of maintaining the communication with their possessions out of Italy, and to convey troops, ammunition, and provisions to and fro ; but the navy was never looked upon as a thing of firet importance by the Romans : the service in the fleet was at all times considered less honor- able than that in the army; and the commerce which had been earned on by the Carthaginians, in all parts of the Mediten-anean, was not kept up by the Romans. Rome seems, by this time, to have become conscious of her voca- tion to be the mistress of the world ; for her great object henceforth was to conquer foreign countries, and to derive from them all the advantages she could. The simplicity and frugality of the good old times were fast disappearing, and, in their train, the virtues and noble sentiments of for- mer times; for the gold that was carried to Rome from Sicily, Spain, and Carthage exercised a sad influence both upon the public and domestic life of the Romans, and en- gendered in the basernatures amtTng them a desire for war, merely for the sake of plunder and rapine. But, notwithstanding all this, Rome was now at the height of her political power and greatness, and remained there for a long time before the evils the seeds of which had been sown became visible ; for the mighty council of the senate consisted of men trained in the hardships of war, who clung to the principles of the constitution with a tenacity which ' Liv., xxix., 16. 270 HISTQRY OF ROME. kept its spirit alive froin generation to generation, in a man- ner to which our own country, England, affords us the most striking parallel. The highest offices of state, which were now no longer confined to a body of privileged patricians, were accessible to all men who had distinguished them- selves in war, or could show a long line of illustrious an- . cestors. We have already noticed, that an evil principle had been introduced, inasmuch as wealth also had become one of the great recommendations to the high magistracies. In those families whose houses had a right to be adorned with the images of their ancestors,' a warlike spirit was kept jalive, and their members seized upon every opportu- nity of gaining military distinctions. Hence war followed upon war, and conquest upon conquest. The people them- selves, on the other hand, often took up arms with great reluctance ; for these victories and conquests contributed more to increase the luster of the noble families and the senate, than to add to the happiness and prosperity of the thousands who had to shed their blood in the wars. An- other circumstance which compelled Rome to engage in war upon war was her dependence upon her allies in Italy, for whom it was necessary to keep up a succession of wars. Rome, further, like every other military republic, was the natural enemy of those among her neighbors who did not willingly bow to her ; and who was there that could resist the force of arms wielded by such experienced hands, which did not rest until their enemy lay prostrate 1 Who that could resist a system of policy, which, without regard to right and justice, employed every means that could be devised, cunning, fraud, flattery, and violence, for the pur- pose of ensnaring its vietims 1 The Hannibalian war had made the Roman name known far and wide, so that foreign princes became anxious to form connections or alliances with Rorrie. Hostile colli- sions, however,-were sure to follow. And Rome, with all her martial spirit, could, not have become the mistress of the world, had it not been for the nature and condition of the states themselves, which came in contact with Rome, either as friends or as foes. It is a truth well established both by ancient and modern history, that states whose in- stitutions have become obsolete, or are in opposition to the spirit of the age, or have lost their moral vigor and energy, gradually decay in themselves, or are overthrown by such external powers as are in full bloom or development The HISTORY OF ROME. 271 States which had grown out of the vast monarchy of Alex* ander the Gtreat, Macedonia, Syria, and Egfypt, as well aa Oreece itself, were in this predicament, and after once coming in contact with all-absorbing Rome, were unablfi for any length of time to resist the power of her arms. Ptolemaeus Philadelphus had concluded an alliance with Rome as early as B.C. 273.* In B.C. 201, the Ro- man senate was appointed guardian of young Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, in order to put an end to the disturbances and confusion in the kingdom of Egypt, which were fostered and nourished by the vices of its rulei's. Macedonia, which was hostile toward Egypt, had lost the vigor and energy by which it had risen ; and Syria, which wels now governed by Antiochus III., or the Great, was fast hasten- ing toward the fate of all Eaasrn monarchies, so that, not- vrithstanding its alliance with Macedonia, it was unable to resist the policy and the arms of Rome as soon as they began to be directed toward it. The Greek republics were pressed down by the Macedonian kings, who aimed at the supremacy in Greece ; and they were further weak- ened by internal dissensions and convulsions, no less thaiu by the inroads of the Gallic hordes. Most of the Greeks w^ere devoid of republican virtues, though proud of those of their ancestors, and the majority sought comfort and recreation by plunging into the enjoyment of sensual pleasures. The Achaeans, who had gained some insight into die evil consequences of the internal divisions of Greece, had formed a league, by which they hoped to restore order and peace among themselves ; but they were opposed by another league, formed by the Aetolians, who were more distinguished for their warlike and predatoiy spirit than for their love of peace and order. Both leagues , had one object in common, the defense of Greece against the encroachments of Macedonia; but the difference of their nationalities soon produced jealousy and enmity, which enabled the Romans to make use of the Aetolians against the Achaeans, who, in their turn, entered into an alliance with Macedonia. The kingdom of Pergamus, in Asia Minor, was then governed by Attalus I., who was an ally of Rome at the time when Rome and Macedonia were at war with each other. This state of affairs in the East rendered it possible for Rome to call forth wars in those countries whenever it suited her interests. The *'LiT., Epit, 14 ; Eutrop., ii, 15, HISTORY t>P nOME. republic of Rhodes, whose navy, commerce, arts, and in* tellectual culture were in the most flourishing condition, was likewise allied with Rome, and of great service to her in her wars with the Eastern powers. CHAPTER XVIII. WARS AGAINST PHILIP OF MACEDONIA. C. PLAMININUS PRO- CLAIMS THE INDEPENDENCE OP GREECE. WARS AGAINST ANTIOCHUS, THE AETOLIANS, GALATIANS, AND THE GAULS IN THE NORTH OP ITALY. DEATH OF HANNIBAL AND SCIPIO. There can be no doubt that Demetrius of Pharas, who, at the beginning of the Hannibalian war, had taken refuge at the court of Philip of Macedonia, had roused the king's apprehension of the growing power of Rome ; and it was unquestionably this apprehension which led the Macedo- nian to enter into an alliance with the Aetolians, for the Romans, as we have seen, had already gained a Arm foot- ing on the eastern coast of the Adriatie after the subjuga- tion of the lUyrians, In the spring of the year after the battle of Cannae, when Rome's power seemed to be com- pletely broken, Philip concluded a treaty with Hannibal, in which the latter agreed to give up to the king all the possessions of the Romans east of the Adriatic. But as the Macedonian embassadors, with the document of the treaty, were passing through Apulia on their way to Han- nibal at Capua, they fell into the bands of the Romans, who, instead of being discouraged by the additional power thus acquired by their conqueror, displayed a trdly heroic spirit, and sent the praetor M. Valerius Laevinus with a fleet of fifty sail to Tarentum, whence he crossed over tO' Illyricum. The first Macedonian war, which was thus commenced in B.C. 215, lasted till B.C. 205; but it was slovenly conducted by the Romans as well as by Philip, the latter not exerting all the powers he had at his com- mand, and the former being obliged to direct their main force against Carthage. In the beginning of this war, the Romans took Oricum, and ApoUonia also fell into their hands, Philip, who be- HISTORY OF ROME. :. / < sieged it, being put to flight.* After this, the king made Bome progress in Illyricum, and conquered Atintania and the Ardyaeans, but was still unable to afford any assistance to Hannibal in Italy. By his mistrust, cruelty, and arbi- trary proceedings, he also lost the confidence of his allies, who, in consequence, were easily prevailed upon to join the Romans. \Vhen, therefore, in B.C. 211, Capua had been recovered by the Romans, the Aetolians deserted the cause of Philip, and entered into an alliance with Rome, in which it was stipulated, that all the places that might be conquei'ed by their united forces should be treated in such a manner, that the towns and the soil should belong to the Aetolians, and the inhabitants, with all their movable property, to the Romans. It was through the mediation of the Aetolians that the Romans also entered into connec- tions with King Attains I., of Pergamus, and other princes and states. Greece was split into parties, but the conduct of the Aetolians drew so much odium on themselves as well as on the Romans, that Philip again began to be looked upon by the Greeks as their natural protector. He went from IIljTicum to the assistance of the Achaeans, who were hard pressed by the Spartan Machanidas. The Romans in the mean time contrived to foster discord among the Greeks, with the %'iew of availing, themselves of favorable opportunities, as they might occur, for estab- lishing their influence in Greece ; but their attempt to gain a footing in Peloponnesus failed, Philip maintaining himself so successfully against the Aetolians, that, unsup- ported as they were by the Romans, they were obliged to sue for peace. It was gi-anted to them in B.C. 207, on rather humiliating terms. After this, a Roman army of 10,000 men, and a' fleet of 35 sail, landed at DyiThachium ; but the Epirots were tired of the vexatious war, and brought about a peace between the Romans and Philip in B.C. 205. The Romans gave up Atintania, and allowed Philip to establish himself in Epirus. But neither party had- any honest intention in the conclu • sion of this peace. The Romans, in particular, were only waiting for an opportunity of recovering that which they had given up in the peace ; while Philip, on the other hand, notwithstanding the peace, secretly supported the Carthaginians in their war with Rome, both with money and with troops : hence, in the battle of Zama, many MacO' " J.W.. xNu-., in. M 2 274 HISTORY OF uriMi:. donians who seived in the Carthaginian army were taken prisoners by the Romans. Philip, about the same time, formed an alHance with King Antiochus of Syria, the ob- ject of which was to rob Egypt of her possessions on the coasts of Thrace and Asia. This led to a war with the Rhodians and Attains, whose interest it was to protect the possessions of Egypt ; but Philip and Antiochus gained their end. The former conquered the whole of the Thra- cian coast, so that his power and influence now extended from Thrace to the island of Crete. Athens was at that time in a state of decay, and its inhabitants were impover- ished, but it was allied with Rome. Some Acaraanians had impiously presumed to violate the mysteries of Deme- ter at Eleusis, and, being discovered, were put to death by the exasperated multitude. This induced the Acamanians, and Philip their ally, to march against Athens and take vengeance for the outrage. A body of Macedonians rav- aged the territory of Athens, and laid sieg^ to the city. The distressed Athenians implored the protection of Rome, which thus obtained a welcome pretext for renewing the war with Philip. The senate, and the ambitious nobles at Rome, desired nothing so-much as the i-enewal of hostilities ; the people, who were suffering severely from the consequences of the JHannibalian war, rejected the scheme of a fresh military undertaking. The ruling party, however, gained their ob- ject notwithstanding, and the second war against Macedo- nia was decided upon in B.C. 200 ; for an embassy which had been sent to Philip to request him to abstain from hostilities toward Athens had no effect, and the Roman people were made to believe that Philip, if he were not checked, might become a second Hannibal. This war, which lasted till B.C. 197, broke the power of Macedonia, and laid the foundation of the Roman dominion in the East. As it had been determined to attack the enemy in his own country, the consul P. Sulpicius Galba, B.C. 200, led his army across the Adriatic ; and having spent the winter at Apollonia, he opened his campaign in the spring of the year following. Philip, who was at the time, in Asia, has- tened back to Europe, defeated the Athenians, and marched into Thessaly, where he maintained himself against the Athamanians, Dardanians, and Aetolians, who had again joined the Romans and had invaded Thessaly. The Romans gained little or no advantage. Toward the end HISTORY OS ROME. 375 of the year Sulpicius Galba was sueceeded by VilliUs Tap- pulus, but he too was unable to make any progress. In B.C. 198, however, matters began to assume a difFereiit aspect, for T. Quinetius Flamininus, who was then consul, and had received the Macedonian war as his province, hastened at the beginuing of the year into Greece. He was then- scarcely thirty-three years old, but he was a skill- ful and vigorous commander, and a statesman who undei"- stood the art of deceiving all partie^ The Macedonian fortresses on the frontier were strongly fortified, and their main camp was near Antigoneia, a position which to attack vyas most perilous to the enemy. Flamininus saw that every thing was hopeless Iel that district, and was on the point of marching away, when an Epirot chief of the name of Chaix)pus sent him a guide, who led a corps of 4000 Romans round a dangerous mountain-pass into the rear of the Macedonians. As soon as they arrived at the point of their destination, a signal was given, and the Macedonians were at once attacked both in the front and in the rear. Philip, perceiving that his retreat would soon be cut olT, quitted his post, and marched" with his army across the mountains into Thessaly, which was invaded by the Aeto- lians. Flamininus in the mean time penetrated further into Epirus, where all the towns threw their gates open to him. He then proceeded to Phocis, made himself master of jElatea, and look up his winter-quarters. King Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Roman fleet, were in the Aegean Sea. The Achaeans had been in alliance with Philip, and if at this moment he had consented to give up Corinth to them, they would not have abandoned his cause ; but as it was, they now deserted him, and joined the Romans, even before the taking of Elatea, although they hated the Romans no less than the Aetolians, on ac- count of the miseries which Laevinus had inflicted on tlie Greeks in the first war against Macedonia, Flamininus appeared also before the gates of Thebes, and con^pelled the Boeotians to enter into an alliance with Rome. Thus strengthened, the Romans gained possession qf the whole of southern Thessaly, which now became the scene of the war. About the month of June, B.C. 197, the Romans and Macedonians met each pther in the neighborhood of Scq- tussa, a district which, from a line of small hills, had ob- tained the name of Cynoscephglae (Ilogs'-hesads). After some delay and hesitation on both sides, a battle ensued, 276 HISTORY OF ROME. in which the Macedonian phalanx was crushed by the more pliable legions of the Romans. The Aetolian cavalry, however, deciSed the contest :* 8000 Macedonians fell on the field of battle, and 5000 were taken prisoners. Philip, who had now lost all confidence in the success of his mili- tary operations, fled to Larissa, and' thence to Tempe, where he began to negotiate for peace. Flamininus, who feared lest his laurels should" be snatched from him by a successor, and percei-^d the ill-feeling toward the Romans which prevailed among the Aetolians, hastened to conclude a peace on the following terms : Philip was to restore all the Greek towns to independence, and to withdraw his garrisons from them ; he was to deliver up his fleet, with the exception of five ships ; he was not to be allowed to keep more than 500 heavy-armed soldiers ; he was to pay 1000 talents, 500 at ojice, and 500 by ten annual instal- ments ; and, lastly, he was to give hostages, among whom his own son Demetrius. The object of Flamininus, in concluding this peace, was not to destroy Macedonia, but to establish in Greece a state of things in which the powers of the several states should be evenly balanced. The Aetolians, on the other hand, wished that Macedonia should be completely crushed ; and they insisted the more strongly upon the necessity of it, because-they knew that the victoiy over the Macedonians had been mainly owing to themselves. The unfortunate consequences resulting to the Aetolians from this feeling became but too soon manifest. The object of Rome in the war against Philip was now gained, for the Macedonians were driven out of Greece, their power was broken, and they were reduced to a state from which Rome had nothing to fear. Various expectations had been entertained as to the manner in which Rome would make use of her victory in regard to Greece ; but whatever may have been the motives of her policy, Flamininus, at least, seems to have acted from a sincere love and admiration of the Greeks. At, the Isthmian games, in B.C. 196, he proclaimed the freedom and independence of all the Greek cities and islands which had been under the dominion of Macedonia: the multitude, intoxicated with joy, saluted him as the restorer of their freedom ; and their shouts of delight and applause were so loud and so often repeated, that it was evident, that among all the blessings of huipsin life the poo- ** Polvb.. xviii., 5. HISTORY OF ROME. 277 pie valued none higher than their freedom. When the festive games were over, immense crowds gathered round their liberator, ribbons and flowers were showered upon him. on all sides, and the pressure was so great that even his life was in danger. Flamininus and his army remained in Peloponnesus for some years, partly for the purpose of observing the move- ments of the Aetolians and of Antiochus, and partly for the purpose of regulating, in conjunction with ten Roman com- missioners, the afiairs of' Greece. Corinth was restored to the Achaeans, but the Romans kept possession of the for- tresses of Acrocorinthus, Chalcis, and Demetrias, until matters with Antiochus should be settled. Thessaly be- came an independent republic : the Orestians, inhabiting a part of Macedonia, from which they had revolted, receiv- ed a republican constitution. Euboea, Phocis, Ambracia, Phthiotis, and Athens, likewise became republics ; and Elis, Messenia, and Laconia became independent states. Athens further obtained the sovereignty of Delos, Pares, and Scyros. Some symptoms of the evil policy of Rome, however, appeared in the fact, that Eumenes, the son of Attains, was left in the possession of Aegina, and also re- ceived the towns of Oreuni and Eretria : it was a part of the same selfish and dishonest policy which, in B.C. 196, after war had been decreed against Nabis, the cruel tyrant of Sparta, and after Flamininus had compelled him to sur- render Argos, led the Romans to conclude a peace with him, in which he was left in the possession of his dominions, in order that the Achaeans might always have an enemy in their immediate neighborhood. - Greece thus could not en- joy any long and refreshing peace. It can not be denied, for the subsequent histoiy proves it incontestably, that Rome fostered dissensions among the Greeks, in order to have opportunities of acting as arbitrator among them: a Roman party also was gradually formed in many parts of Greece, which was busily engaged to Jurlher the schemes of,Rome, the influence of which soon became visible through- out the countrj'. In addition to this, the Romans knew but too well that there was no reason lor fearing too great a unanimity of the Greeks, or any hearty or permanent co-ope- ration of the difierent states. In the summer of B.C. 194, Flamininus, having completed his regulations in Greece, re- turned to Rome in triumph. Antiochus had formed an alliance with Philip as early as 278 HISTORY or home. B.C. 202, in consequence of which he had made himself master of the possessions of Egypt in Western Asia. He afterward invaded Asia Minor, and at the time when Flam- ininus proclaimed the independence of Greece, it was demanded by the Romans that Antiochus too should "re- store freedom to all the Greek cities in Asia ; but he re- plied that the Romans had no right to interfere in the af- fairs of Asia. After having spent the winter at Ephesus, he advanced in B.C. 196 as far as the Hellespont, and took possession of the Thracian Chersonesus, which he claimed on the ground of its having .been conquei'ed by one of his ancestors. He there fortified the deserted town of Lysi- machia, an act which still more provoked the jealousy of thOjRomans. They declared to him, several times, that ev- ery attempt on his part to make conquests in Europe would be looked upon as an act of hostility toward Rome, While these things were going on in the East, Hannibal had been obliged to quit his country in B.C. 196,* partly in consequence of the intrigues of Rome, and partly through the hostility of the party opposed, to him and his family, which he had exasperated by the abolition of a number of abuses in the administration of his country. He had intro- duced a series of salutary reforms, by which he had hoped to restore Carthage to strength and vigor ; but his plans were thwarted, and he now took refuge in the kingdom of Antiochus, whom he hoped to inspire with courage to car- ry on the war against Rome with vigor and energy, and for that purpose to enter into an alliance with Egypt and Mace- donia. It was fortunate for Rome that Antii chus was not able to appreciate the advice which the great Carthaginian gave him, and was even led to suspect his honesty. These circumstances, and the fact that the Romans were at that time engaged in Spain and against the Boians and Insubi'i- ans^in the north of Italy, delayed the outbreak of the war for some years. In B.C. 193, the Aetolians, dissatisfied in the highest degree with the results of the war of the Ro- mans against Philip, and being disappointed in their hope of the rewards which they thought they had a right to ex- pect,! invited Antiochus to come over into Greece. They thought that with the assistance of a king whose empire extended from the Hellespont to the frontiers of India, no power would be able to resist them. Antiochus himself ' Com. Nep., Hannib., 7. Livy, sxxiii., 45, places the flight of Hannibal one year later. t Polyb, xviij., 28 HISTORY OF ROME. 279 was a haughty and presumptuous man, who by no means deserves the surname of the Great with which history has honored him ; and his empire, though immense in extent, was as weak as that of the Persians had been of old. The Greek colonies in Asia also had become effeminate and un- warlike. In the same year, B.C. 192, in which Antiochus, on the invitation of the Aetolians, crossed over into Europe, and but a, short time before his arrival in Greece, the Romans, under C. Flamininus, in conjunction with the Achaeans, and for their protection, carried on a war against Nabis of Sparta, who was defeated : the distiict of the Eleutberola- coues was detached from Lacedaemon j^ and Nabis was to pay 400 talents by instalments of 50 talents in the course of eight years, and to restore Argos to the Achaeans. The feeling of the Greeks toward the Romans was, in many parts of the country, very hostile, although ;he Roman gar- risons were now withdrawn from the three fortresses of Acrocorinthus, Chalcis, and Demetrias : all Greece was, in fact, divided into two parties, the one being against, and the other in favor of Rome ; nay, there was scarcely one province in Greece in which the people were honestly at- tached to Rome, and all would, perhaps, have openly de- clared against her, had it not been repugnant to their feel- ings to make common cause with the Aetolians. Under such circumstances Antiochus landed at Demetrias, in Thes- saly, with a small army, for he had been too impatient to wait for the arrival of his forces from the interior of Asia. From Demetrias he proceeded to Euboea, where he took possession of the fortified towns. In Boeotia, where the feeling against Rome was strongest, his arrival was hailed with the greatest enthusiasm. But both Antiochus and the Aetolians soon found themselves disappointed in their ex- pectations ; for the Aetolians had hoped that the king would land in Greece with an overwhelming army, and the king liad anticipated to be supported by the Aetolians with great- er forces than they had at their command : the hope, also, of a general rise of the Gi«eks, which the Aetolians had held out to Antiochus, was not realized, although the king penetrated into Thessaly and Acamania. In B.C. 191, the consul M. Acilius Glabrio advanced into Thessaly ; and, having united his forces with those of Philip, he proceeded southward. Antiochus and the Aetolians retreated to Ther- mopylae, The Aetolians occupied the heights ; and no 280 HISTORY OF ROME. sooner were they chased from their position by the legate M. Porcius Cato, than the whole army of Antiochus took to flight. The king made for Chaleis, where he had spent the preceding winter in sensual pleasures. But he, soon quitted that place also, and returned to Asia Minor, where he gave orders for a general levy throughout his vast empire. In consequence of the failure at Thermopylae, the Aeto- lians were obliged to sue for peace, which was willingly granted them by the Romans, because they were anxious to secure themselves in their rear, that they might be able to prosecute the war against Antiochus in Asia without be- ing disturbed by the hostilities of the Aetolians. Philip was accordingly ordered to abstain from hostilities against them, in order that he too might have no pretext for ex- tending his influence or dominion in Greece. He, there- fore, returned to Macedonia ; and not taking any part in the war against. Antiochus, he made some conquests in Athamania and in the country of the Dolopians. Antiochus thought himself perfectly safe in Asia, and it was only on the suggestion of Hannibal that he kept pos- session of the Thracian Chersonesus. A Roman fleet, about half of which was furnished by the Rhodians, was cruising in the mean time in the Aegean. Hannibal was intrusted with the command of a Phoenician fleet, but was unable to join that of Antiochus, which was commanded by Polyxenidas, The Romans, who were further assisted by King Eumenes of Pergamus, gained a victory over the fleet of Antiochus, and destroyed nearly the whole of it. Antiochus, who was thrown into the utmost consternation by this defeat, gave up the Chersonesus, aiid the fortresses of Lysimachia, Sestos, and Abydos, with all the amnmhi- tion and provisions which they contained, and retreated to Sardes, where he spent the winter. The Roman consuls of the year B.C. 190 were L. Cornelius Scipio and C Laelius. The former, a brother of the conqueror of Han- nibal, though having as yet given little proof of any extra- ordinary talent, obtained the command against Antiochus through the influence of his brother, who, in order to make up for the deficiency of Lucius, accompanied him to Asia in the subordinate capacity of legate. The Scipios arrived in Asia with an army of about 20,000 men, while that of Antiochus consisted of 70,000 : no sooner had they landed, than they were met by the embassadors of the king to sue for peace ; but as the haughty Syrian refused to accept the HISTORY OF ROME. 281 terms proposed by Scipio, the matter was left to the decis ion of a battle, which was fought in the neighborhood of Magnesia, at the foot of Mount Sipylus. The inotley host of Antiochus, notwithstanding his elephants and the Mace- donian phalanx, was unable to resist the Roman legions; and the latter gained a decisive victory. They were cpm- manded by L. Scipio alone, either because his brother was ill, or because he would not take part in the contest, and Lucius thus gained for himself the honorable surname of Asiaticus. Antiochus fifed to Syria, and sent embassadors to the Roman consul to* sue for peace, which was granted to him on the following terms, which, however, were not i-atified at Rome till the yeai' B.C. ISS : Antiochus was to give up to Rome all his dominions in Asia Minor west of Mount Taurus ; to abstain from interfering with the affairs of the Roman allies in Europe ; to give up all his ships of war, and keep no more than ten merchant vessels ; to keep no elephants ; to raise no mercenaries in any of the coun- tries allied with Rome ; to pay down 2500 talents at once, and afterward 12,000 mm-e by instalments of 1000 a year; to deliver up Hannibal, Thoas, and other enemies of Rome who had taken refuge in his dominions ; and, lastly, to give his younger son Antiochus as a hostage to the Romans. All conditions were complied with ; but Hannibal escaped, and continued for some years longer to be Rome's formi- dable enemy. AVhen the king had consented to these terms, L. Scipio took his winter-quarters at Magnesia, on the Maeander. The power of the Syrian empire was thus broken for- ever : it was weakened, not only by the loss of the coun- tries which it had been obliged to give up to Rome, but by the relation of dependence into which it entered with Rome ; for just as Carthage had an ever-watchful and ti-eacherous neighbor in Masinissa, so Antiochus was under the vigilant eye of Eumenes of Pergamus and the Rhodians, both of whom were ever ready to iurtber the ambitious ends of Rome. Eumenes was rewarded for the services he had rendered to Rome, with the Thracian Chersonesus, Phrygia, Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, and the towns of Ephe- sus, Tralles, and Telmessus : a few of the Greek cities on the coast of Asia INIinor were honored Avith immunities, and an increase of their territories ; and the Rhodians re- ceived Lycia and Caria as far as the river Maeander.* * liiT., xxxviii., 38, &c. ; Polyb., Excerpt, ie ie^., xsiv. !i82 HISTORY OP ROME, As yet the Romans would rather give away kingdoms than rule over them : they were satisfied with the feeling that they were the conquerors, and that they had fought (for such was their vaunting pretense) for the independence of their allies, and of the Greeks. In B.C. 189, thfe year after the conclusion of the peace, the consul Cn. Manlius , Vulso succeeded Scipio in Asia, while his colleague, M, ii'ulvius, went into Aetolia, for in the western parts of the Limpire peace was pretty well' restored. The Aetolians endeavored to make amends for their conduct ; but it was u vain that they reminded Rome of the services which .hey had done to her ill former times, for it was not till they had sent three different embassies that peace was granted them, at the time when M. Fulvius was besieging Ambracia. The Romans were then prevailed upon by the mediation of the Rhodians, and especially by the eloquence of the Athenian Leon. The terms of the peace were as follows : the Aetolians recognized the majesty of the Ro- man people ; they were to regard the enemies of Rome as their own ; they were not to allow an army of any enemy of the Roman allies to pass through their country ; and they were to pay down at once 200 talents, and 300 more by instalments of 50 every year. While M. Fulvius was thus engaged in Aetolia, his col- league, Manlius Vulso, anxious to do something from which he might derive fame and wealth for himself, made a cam- paign against the Gralatians in Phrygia, where those Grallie - tribes had been settled for nearly a century, a part of which country bore the name of Galatia, or Gallo-G raecia. Dur- ing the period of their settlement in Asia, these Gauls had amassed immense wealth, and had almost become Hellen- ized, though they still remained very warlike. In alliance with Antiochus, they had attacked Eumenes ; and even after the peace of Rome with Antiochus, they continued their hostilities. The war, which Manlius Vulso carried on against them inflicted great sufferings upon the inhab- itants of Asia Minor. After a severe defeat which the Ga- latians sustained near Mouni Olympus, in Mysia, they were chased by their conquerors as far as the river Halys. They then sued for peace, w'iiich they obtained on condi- tion of their abstaining from their predatory excursions, and keeping quiet within their own territory. From this time forward the Galatians liveii in perfect submission to Rome. Ariarathes, king of Cdppadocia, who likewise ■* HISTORY OF ROME. 283 dreaded an attack of the Romans, sent the sum of 200 tal- ents along with his request for peace, tlms purchasing a peace which he could not otherwise have obtained at°so cheap a price. While the Romans had thus been extending their power in the East with gigantic stiides, the peace had been dis- turbed in the north of Italy by the Ligurians, Insubrians, and Boians, who had been stirred up by a Carthaginian of the name of Hamilcar. The war against them began as early as B.C. 200, and lasted for many years; but its his- tory is very obscure. Many a small but bloody battle was fought ; for the Ligurian U-ibes, although poor, defended themselves with sudi determination, that the Romans had no choice, but were obliged either to extirpate them or expel them from their mountains. The Romans gained many a victory, and many a triumph was celebrated ; but it was not till B.C. 181 that the consuls P. Cornelius Ce- thegus and M. Baebius Tamphilus, who maiched against the Ligurians with an ai-my of 50,000 men, compelled diem to submit to Rome, when a portion of them, the Apu- anian Ligurians, with their wives and children, were trans- planted to Samnium. In the course of this war the colo- nies of Placentia and Cremona were entirely destroyed, and the towns which had been inhabited by the Boians ex- perienced a similar fate, so that in after times scarcely their sites were known. The whole people of the Boians seem to have been extirpated, and their country was hence- forth occupied by the colonies of Bononia, Modena, PajTna, Lucca, and others. After the brilliant campaign of P. Sciplo jn Spain, the departure of Mago, and the surrender of Gades in B.C. 205, the dominion of Rome seemed to be finally established in Spain. The Romans kept a standing army there, which usually consisted of two legions, for the puipose of securino' the submission of the Spaniards, attempts to shake off the Roman dominion being repeatedly made from time to time. Indibilis, a chief of the Ilergetes, and one of the most pow- erful men in Spain, who had before been in alliance with the Romans, revolted in B.C. 205, immediately after the departure of Scipio ; but the insurgent was defeated in a pitched battle, and peace was restored for a time. After- ward, when the Romans were engaged against the Ligu- rians and Macedonians, that is, after B.C. 197, the state of affairs in Spain again became unsettled, until order was 284 HISTORY OF HOME. again restored by the consul M. Porcius Cato, in B.C. 195, who won the hearts and, confidence of the Spaniards by the justice with which he acted toward them : what he gained by his humanity and justice he also secured by his deep cunning. Most of the Spanish towns were strongly forti- fied, and Cato is said to have sent circulars to the magis- trates Of a large number of towns, with orders not to open them before a certain day fixed upon by him. Each cir- cular contained the command to raze to the ground the walls of the town to which it had been addressed, and threatened the disobedient with the severest punishments. As there was no time for the towns to communicate with each other, and as each believed itself to be the orily one that had received the command, all obeyed, and when they learned the truth it was too late, for the work of destruc- tion was done.* Henceforth the Spaniards continued to live in peace, until they were provoked by the faithlessness, cruelty, and avarice of their Roman governors. In B.C. 181 a great war again broke out, in which the Spaniards were joined by the Celtiberians ; but though the Romans gained several victories, still the Spaniards were never completely reduced, till in B.C. 179, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the father of the two great tribunes, concluded treaties of peace with several of the Spanish tribes, the terms of which were so honorable and fair, that the people, with the greatest willingness, laid down their arms. With that kindness and humanity which form so striking a feature in the character of the family of the Gracchi, he gave settlements and homes to the poor among the Spaniards, and conferred such sub- stantial benefits upon them, that for many years his name was remembered among them with the highest gratitude. The establishment of a Roman colony at Aquileia, in Istria, provoked the Istrians to a desperate resistance. They dreaded the loss of their independence, and a war with them broke out in B.C. 178 ; however, it did not last much longer than one year, for after three of their towns were destroyed,- and their king had fallen, they submitted to Rome, in B.C. 177. About the same time Sardinia and , Corsica revolted, and showed a desperate determination not to yield ; but the Sardinians were subdued by Tib. Sem- pronius Gracchus, and the immense number of prisoners that were sold as slaves is said to have given rise to tha proverbial expression Sardi renales. * Liv., xxxiv., 17 1 Appian, De Reb. Hisp., 41. HISTORY OP ROME. 285 After the peace with Antiochus, Hannibal had escaped to Prusias, king of Bithynia, a cunning and greedy, but cowardly prince, who was then at wSr with Eumenes, and whom Hannibal endeavored to stir up to energetic meas- ures. The Romans well knew that, so long as Hannibal was alive, it was in vain to hope for peace in the East ; when, therefore, his influence became known at Rome, em- bassadoi-s were sent into Asia, and among them C. Flam- ininus, to demand of Prusias his surrender. The timid king indeed refused to deliver him up, but told the embas- sadors where they might seize him. "When the Romans had surrounded his house, and he saw that escape was im- possible, he took poison, which he had carried about him for some time, for be foresaw what would be his fate. Thus died one of the greatest men of all ages, B.C. 183.* His conqueror, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, died about the same time. He was accused, in B.C. 187, by M. Por- cius Cato, who hated the whole family of the Scipios be- cause they were fond of Greek manners and thq Greek mode of living, of having embezzled part of the money which had been paid by King Antiochus ; and he was call- ed upon before the senate to answer the charge, and state why he had not rendered an account of the money that had been taken in the war against the Syrian king. The day on which he was called upon to do this was the anniversa- ry of the battle of Zama : Scipio summoned the people to the Capitol, to ofier thanks to Jupiter, and said that the day was ill suited for litigation. The multitude joyfully ac- companied him, and his accusers afterward did not renew their attacks. But Scipio soon after left Rome, and died in his villa at Litemum, perhaps in the same year in which Hannibal died.t The people for many generations believed that his spirit had soared up to the abodes of the gods, and that a serpent of supernatural size guai'ded the access to his tomb, which was shaded by a myrtle. His brother Lucius was involved in the same charge which had been brought against Publius. Lucius had been willing to de- fena himself by producing his account-books ; but Publius * The year of his death, however, is uncertain, for some of the ancients placed it one or two years later. See Com. Nep., Hanmb., 13 ; Liv., xxxix., 56. comp. with 51. t Some place Scipio's death in B.C. 185, others in B.C. 187, and others again in B.C. 183. See Liv., xxxix., 52 ; comp. xjotviii., 50, *c. ; Cic, Dt ,6. 286 HISTORY OF ROME. snatched them from his hands, declaring that it was im- proper to annoy a man for a trifling sum who had confer- red such benefits on the state. Notwithstanding' Lucius was condemned, and his property confiscated. He bore his misfortune with truly Roman greatness and resigna- tion. His innocence was afterward established, and pros- perity seemed once more to dawn upon him ; but he did not live to enjoy it long, for he died in BiC. 185. Two of the greatest Romans thus .disappeared from the stage of history about the same time : the influence they had exer- cised upon their age was great for evil as well as for ^ood, although the. former did not show its fruits immediately. It is now time to cast a glance at the state of morality among the Romans, and at their progress in arts and liter- ature. CHAPTER XIX. MORALITY AND MANNERS OF THE ROMANS. THE ARTS AND LITERATURE, It is a general belief, both atnong ancient and modem writers, that, after the victories over Macedonia and An-' tiochus, the love of luxuries, and all the vices that accom- pany avarice and rapacity, broke in upon the Romans with irresistible force. ' The fact that at this time these vices began to manifest themselves in all their hideousriess, is indeed true enough ; but those victories were not the cause of the evil ; they only afforded a favorable opportu- nity for developing that of which the causes lay much deeper. One of the main causes was the general demoral- ization which had been brought about by the almost unin- terrupted, cruel, and destructive wars. The poor had be- come utterly impoverished; a middle class scarcely exist- ed at all, and the wealthy had amassed enormous riches, the spoils of conquered nations. We may form a notion of the treasures conveyed to Rome from the fact, that P. Cornelius Scipio could speak of the sum of 6636,000, which he was charged with having appropriated to himself, as n HISTORY OF ROME. 287 trifle.* The enormous wealth which some of the Romans had acquired suddenly, and without much labor and toil, produced the same effects among them that money gener- ally produces with persons who unexpectedly become rich, without being previously accustomed to the uses of money. The enjoyments, accordingly, which the Romans now sought, and in which they attempted to imitate their Greek neighbors, wei'e of a coarse and vulgar kind ; the ancient simplicity and frugality in their mode of living wei-e aban- doned, and they gave themselves up to disgusting gluttony and debauchery. A slave who was a good cook now fetched a higher price in the market than any other slave.f Splendid buildings began to be erected, and luxuries of every description found their way into Rome, supplanting the rustic simplicity of former times. As early as B.C. 215 the tribune, C.Oppius, had found it necessary to restrain the extravagant luxuries of the Roman women of rank, by an enactment forbidding any woman to have more than half an ounce of gold, to wear any gay-colored dress, to ride either at Rome or in any other town and its immediate vicinity in a carriage drawn by two horses, except on great religious occasions.t Twenty years later, in B.C. 195, the women became very clamorous about this law, and de- manded its repeal : it was in vain that Cato, then consul, in a speech addresied to the people, endeavored to con- vince them of the salutary nature of the law ; its abolition was at once effected by the exertions of the women. A genera] licentiousness and moral depravity, especially among females, became still more manifest about nine years later, when it was discovered that the orgies of Bac- chus had been introduced into Rome from southern Italy, and were celebrated at night with the grossest violations of all decorum and morality. A strict inquiry was made into the matter ; the guilty were punished, and a decree uf the senate, under the severest penalties, forbade the solemnization of these orgies, both at Rome and in all Italy.§ Another example of the morality of these times was exhibited, in B.C. 192, by the consul, L. Quinctius * Liv. xxxviii. 55 ; Gelliua, iy. IS, fii. 19 ; Diodor. Fragm. Vatic, p. 78, ed. Dindorf. t Liv. xxxix. 6. X Liv. xxnv. 1. 5 Liv. Ecxix. 18 ; Valer. Maxim, vi. 3, sec. 7. A brazen table containing the decree of the senate was discovered in 1640 at Bari, in southern Italy, and is at present preserved in the imperial museum of Vienna. 288 HISTORY OF ROMEi Fianiininus, the brother of the conqueror of MacedoniiU While he- was encamped in "Cisalpine G-aul, he had with him a Carthaginian youth, to whom he had become attach- ed in a most unnatural manner, and who often lamented that he had never seen a gladiatorial exhibition. Plamini> nus soon found an opportunity of gratifying the brutal cu- riosity of the youth; for one day, while they were feasting in their tent, there came a noble Boian, who, with his chil- dren, took refuge in the consul's camp. Flamininus asked his contemptible favorite whether he would like to see a Gaul dying, and scarcely had the youth answered in the affirmative, when Flamininus struck the Boian's head with his sword. When the unfortunate man staggered out of his tent to implore the mercy of others, Flamininus ran him through with his sword. No notice was taken of the oc- currence until the year B.C. 184, when Calo, in his censor- ship, most unsparingly attacked Flamininus for his bruta) conduct on this and other occasion.s, and ejected him from the senate. It must not, howevei-, be supposed that such moral depravity was as yet very general ; for the cases which we have noticed are rather symptoms of that which was quietly developing itself, than types of the general character of the age, since even iifty years later Polybius saw so much that was excellent in the charactei' of the Romans that he placed them far above his own country- men. Nevertheless, embezzlement of the public money, extortions in the provinces, and acts of wanton violence, now began to be of common occurrence. Cato was at this time a singular phenomenon : he was a true representative of the good old times. It was then cus- tomary for Romans of rank and education to. derive their manners and literary tastes from the Greeks ; but Cato formed an exception to this -rule, for he despised the Greeks as a corrupt and effeminate race, and it was not till he had far advanced in years that he made himself ac- quainted with their language and literature. He display- ed the greatest activity in all departments of life, both pub- lic and private ; and there is scarcely one in which he was not great. But all his exertions to stop the current of cor- ruption, and to restore the times of which he himself was a living example, were useless, as all isolated attempts under similar circumstances necessarily are. It has been sup- posed that his conduct was in a great measure mere affec- tation, but there is no evidence for such an opinion ^ he HISTORY OF ROME. 289 was an ancient Roman in tbe fullest sense of the word', bent upon seeing the sovereignty of his country established everywhere ; and his somevrhat rough and uncouth man- ners formed a strange contrEist with the foreign customs adopted by his cotemporaries. With regard to I'eligion, superstition of a very gross kind continued to form one of the principal features in the character of the Romans, though it was at one time more prominent than at others. Even human sacrifices were not entirely abolished. The auguries and auspices, a wel- come leading-string for the people in the hands of the high magistrates of the republic, continued to be observed as before, and exercised the greatest influence upon all public affairs ; but the ancient piety and. the reverence for the gods gradually disappeared, and the sacrifices and festivals, which had formerly been celebrated in honor of the gods vyith rustic simplicity, now served moi-e as amusements and shows for tbe multitude, which became the more pompous as the people became more and more accustom- ed to splendor and magnificence. The higher and edu- cated class began to show symptoms of skepticism, and a disbelief in the efficacy of the religious rites; ,and from this time we not unfrequently meet with instances of an open disregard of the ordinances of religion. The Greek wor- ship had gradually become established at Rome as in the rest of Italy, and the ancient gods of the land were forgot- ten, or identified with those recently imported. There is good reason for believing that the Romans, and Italians generally, were acquainted with the arts and liter- ature of the Greeks long before any conquests had been made beyond the Adriatic. This is evident from the virorks of art that have been and are still discovered in Um- bria and Etruria, and from the remains of theaters, such as that of Tusculum, which was probably built long before the second Punic war, and which presupposes the perform- ance of dramas either of Greek or Italian growth. Bui the first symptoms of the da^vn of a Latin literature did not appear until the close of the first Punic war. The first productions were almost servile translations, or imitations of Greek models. A national literature, such as might be considered the spontaneous and peculiar growth of the Roman mind, was never developed at Rome; the elements, indeed, existed, but they were not permitted to grow, by reason of the predominant influence which Greek litera- N 290 HisTour of eome. ture acquired among the Romans. The ancient Roman poetry, of which only a faint echo has reached oui- times, and its old-fashioned Saturnian metre, fell into oblivion from the time that Q,. Ermius (born in B.C. 239) introduced the Greek hexameter into Latium. The hifluence exerted by the example of Enuius was supported by the strong predilection which all the illustrious Romans, as, for exam- ple, the Scipios, had for every thing Greek, and which the patriotic spirit of a Cato, who looked upon this foreign influ- ence as dangerous both to public and private virtue, was unable to check in its rapid increase. A new channel was thus opened for poetry among the Romans, and the ancient one was abandoned and forgotten. The earliest Latin poBt that we meet with is Livius An- dronicus. He is said to have been a native of Tarentum, who was carried to Rome as a slave, bwt was afterward emancipated. He made an abridgment of the Homeric Odyssey in the Saturnian metre, and composed tragedies, which, like the Atellahae or ancient national comedies of the Italians, were performed on scaffoldings in the circus. These dramas, however, were imitations of Greek models, the first of which was produced at Rome in B.C. 240.* Cn. Naevius, who served in the first Punic war, and seems to have been a poet of great talent, wrote comedies and tragedies of a similar kind, as well as, in the ancient metre, a poem on the first Punic war.t He died in B.C. 203, in exile, at Utica, because he had offended some Roman no- bles, especially the family of the Metelli.J Q. Ennius, who was born at Rudiae, near Tarentum, in B.C. 239, wrote tragedies and comedies, and, in hexameter verse, a work called Annales, in which he related the events" of Roman history from the earliest times, but more particu- larly the war against Hannibal, which for this reason occu- pied the greater part of the poem. He was a Roman cit- izen, and lived on terms of intimacy with the most distin- guished men of his time. M. Accius PJautus, born at Sarsiiiae, in Umbra, in B,C. 227, gained the greatest emi- nence as a comic poet and actor : his twenty plays, stilf extant, are free imitations of the Greek comic writers j they abound in wit, his characters are drawn in a masterly manner, and the plot is always managed with the greatest • Cicero, Brut. 18, De StnKt. 14 ; Gellius, xvii. 21. ' t Gellius, ;. c, V, 12. J Cicero, Brut. 16, HISTORY OF ROME. 291 skill and cleverness. Plautushas often been undervalued, but a sound and unbiassed critical examination has shown, and ever will show, that he was one of the few real poet- ical geniuses of whom Rome can boast. M. Pacuvius, a nephew of Ennius, was born at Tarentum, in B.C. 221 : he likewise distinguished himself in dramatic poetry, in which he took Aeschylus and Sophocles for his models. Terentius, who was born in B.C. 195, and whose most active period accordingly belongs to a somewhat later time than that of which we are now speaking, was a worthy suc- cessor of Plautus. He is said to have been a Carthaginian slave, but to have been restored to freedom by his Roman master. It is certain that he became the intimate friend of P. Cornelius Scipio the younger, and of C. Laelius, and that he produced a number of comedies which, though in- ferior to those of Plautus in wit and originality, are refined and tasteful imitations of the works of Menander and oth- er Greek poets. If to these names we add those of other poets whose productions may have been of less merit, but are now lost, such as Caecilius Statins, Afranius, L. Attius, and L. Pomponius, it must be owned that during the pe- riod after the first Punic war, poetry, and more especially the drama, was at Rome thriving most luxuriantly, while in Greece real poetry was dying fast away. But these splendid beginnings did not lead to any great results, for the Romans, generally speaking, remained mere imitators of the Greeks ; and their ordinary pursuits of war led them to admire more the gladiatorial games of the circus, than the sublime conceptions of the di-amatic muse, whence tragedy never acquired any popularity among the Romans. The earliest Latin prose writers were chroniclers or an- nalists, who related the history of their country, fi'om year to year, with little regard to any internal connection among the events, and probably with still less attention to beauty of style in their nan-ations. The first we meet with is Q,. Fabius Pictor, a Roman senator, who distinguished him- self, in B.C. 225, in the war against the Gauls, and was sent as embassador to Delphi in the second Punic war. He is frequently censured by Polybius for his partiality toward his native country. Many of his successors, such as L. Oincius Alimentus, Numerius Fabius Pictor, Albi- nus. On. Aufidius, wrote their annals in the Greek lan- guage, probably with the view of rendering them intelligi- 292 HISTORY OF ROME. ble to the Greeks, and.proving to them that the history of Rome was not unworthy of their attention. The first who raised the art of writing history to something like the dig- nity which it ought to occupy, was the indefatigable M, Cato, who wrote a work entitled " Origines," containing a history of Rome and Italy, in which'he gave an account of the .origin of the various cities of Italy. It carried the his- tory down to the year B.C. 150. This work, with those of the earlier chroniclers, unfortunately is lost; and all that has come down to us of them consists of a few isolated fragments. The cultivation of public oratory is inseparably connect- ed with a free government : it was therefore practiced at Rome from very early times ; but the science of the art did not keep pace with its practical application to the pur- poses of public life, since it was to Greek rhetoricians that the Romans applied for the principles of the art. These Greek rhetoricians were very popular at Rome notwith- standing their being regarded by the government, and by a few men of the old school, as persons who corrupted the virtues of the stern Romans. The same class of for- eigners also gave the Romans a taste for philosophical speculation; and when, in B.C. 155, the Athenians sent an embassy to Rome, consisting of the three philosophersi Carneades, Diogenes, and Critolaus, their influence be- came so great with the young Roman nobles, that Cato carried a decree ordering them forthwith to quit the city. But their removal could not prevent the study of philoso- phy; and the doctrines of the Stoics gradually acquired a considerable influence among the best men of the republic, while those of the Epicureans found zealous advocates among persons of rank and wealth. Legal knowledge and skill form one of the characteris- tics of the Romans, from; the earliest down to the latest limes. Jurisprudence was cultivated by all their states- men, in connection with their ofiices in the state, the duties of which they could not have discharged without an accurate knowledge of legal and constitutional affairs; and every Roman youth of education learned the laws of the twelve tables, the groundwork of the whole Roman law, by. heart. The ni«dioal art seems to have been orig- inally confined to surgery, and the practices of ihe priests of Aesculapius; but in B.C. 219, the Greek physiciat:: HISTORY OP ROME. 293 Archagathus, came to Rome and there established the first medical shop (medicina), with baths and wards, to which the sick resorted for the purchase of their medi- cines.* The shops of the physicians, like those of the barbers, were the common resort for loungers of eveiy description, who there assembled and talked over the news of the day. Astronomy had been studied chiefly for superstitious purposes; but the most remarkable phe- nomena in the heavens seem to have been recorded from early times. The most ancient account of an eclipse of the moon being predicted with accuracy occurs in the year B.C. 168, just before the battle of Pydna. It was foretold by C. Sulpicius Gallus, a man very familiar with Greek learning and literature, who announced it in order that the soldiers might not be frightened by its occur- rence. The love of works of art had by this time greatly in- creased among the Romans ; but Rome, nevertheless, can not boast of having ever produced an artist that could be mentioned along with any of the great masters in Greece, except, perhaps, in the 'department of architect- ure. As Roman painters of some celebrity, we may mention Fabius Pictor, and the poet Pacuvius. The fond- ness for the arts among the Romans was chiefly displayed in their cariying to Rome and to their villas whatever they could collect in tlie conquered countries, which they deprived, not only of their freedom, but also of their orna- ments. When we trace these robberies, in which the most splendid productions of Grecian art were dragged to Rome from Sicily, Greece, and Asia Minor, and then remember the barbarous conduct of some of the Roman conquerors, who, far from having any sense or appreciation of the pre- cious treasures they were amassing, treated them in a manner worthy only of barbarian_s, and mistook a tasteless pomp and gorgeous display for taste and refinement, we may indeed wonder at the overwhelming power of Rome, before which every other human power was obliged to bow; but we can not help lamenting the fate of the nations that had to bear the yoke of such rulers, and we can con- sole ourselves only by the thought, that without Rome's interventidn, still fewer remnants of ancient art would ♦ Plin. Hist. Nat. nil. 6. 29,4 HISTORY OP KOME. have reached our time, and that this was the chosen way of Providence, through which a better state of things was gradually prepared. The Romans never were a commercial nation; but as their population and dominion, and, along with them, their wants and luxuries, also increased, the number of merchants and the extent of their transactions must have increased in proportion. In the earliest times all com merce and trade had been left to the clients, slaves, and foreigners, as such occupations were thought degi-ading to a Roman citizen; but about the time of the second Punic war, and afterward, persons even of the highest rank', more especially the equites, did not scruple to engage in extensive commercial enterprises. The equites were, for the most part, wealthy capitalists ; and these persons carried on usury in the provinces, where their profits were much larger than at Rome, because the rate of interest in the former was not regulated by any law : in like manner they purchased corn in distant countries and carried it to Rome, where they sold it often at a very high price. Even Cato, who was otherwise a zealous upholder of the ancient Ro- man manners, is said to have carried on a lucrative trade in well-trained slaves. But, notwithstanding all this, trade, and more especially all retail trade, continued to be look- ed upon as unworthy of a Roman, and remained, on the whole, in the hands of the lower classes, especially foreign- ers and slaves. Agriculture, which had been the foundation of Rome's greatness, remained for a long time the only honorable oc- cupation of freeborn Romans, but by and by they were taught by their foreign conquests that it was easier to en- rich themselves by the plunder of war than by toil and labor in the field. Hence the ancient pursuits were grad- ually abandoned to slaves, who now cultivated the exten- sive estates of their masters, and rendered it impossible for the small landowners, who had been a most useful and respectable body of men, to compete with them. This change in the mode of life was also one of the principal causes of the decline and corruption of the ancient man- ners, which ever since the time of the first Punic war had become moTe and more depraved. The many laws that were enacted after that war, for the purpose of enforcing a better moral conduct, are a sufficient proof that corrup- HISTOSY OF BOME. 2^5 tion was spreading, even if there were no other evidence. The manners of the people, indeed, became, in some meas- ure, polished and refined by their intercouse with the Greeks but that refinement was a mere outward tinsel, since in spirit th.e Romans became more barbarous, greedy, and cruel, by the succession of prosperous wars. At home the same spirit was fostered by the frequent gladiatorial exhibitions, which, after being introduced in B.C. 264, rapidly increased in popularity, and became an ordinary amusement at the burial of wealthy persons, even of women. Such funeral games were usually com- bined with feasting the people, a distribution of meat or corn being made among them.* The new refinement manifested itself chiefly in the eflFeminacy of private life, in the indulgence in Greek and Asiatic luxuries, in cost- liness of dresses, in the number and quality of slaves, in precious furniture, and the luxuries of the table, all which the Romans indulged in as much as barbarians usually do when once they become acquainted with the manners of civilized life. On the other hand, avarice and prodigality, and cruelty toward 'conquered nations and slaves, increased no less among private persons than in the government; and yet Livy sayst that all this was scarcely the first symptom of the future corruption. • Liv. xli. 28. t zzxix. 6, ii96 HISTORY OP EOME. CHAPTER XX. WARS AGAINST PERSEUS OF MACEDONIA AND GENTHIUS, KING OP ILLYRICUM ^AEMILIUS PAULUS IN GREECE AND EPiRU-! — Rome's CONDUCT toward egypt and Rhodes, AND HER RELATION TO OTHER STATES ETENTS DOWN TO TUF WREAKING OUT OF THE THIRD PUNIC WAR." In the mean time things had been going on in Greece which a^ain brought Rome and Macedonia into hostile collision. As long as the Romans were engaged against Antiochus, and in want of assistance, they treated Philip of Macedonia with apparent liberality, though, in fact, they never trusted him; and he, on the other hand, being well aware of the nature of Roman policy, made great-nexer- tions.to revive and increase the povifer of his kingdom. He was the more active in this respect, as hp did not derive from the Syrian war those advantages which he had ex- pected. In Thessaly and Athamania he, nflaide some con- quests ; and he increased his army beyond what was per- mitted him by the terms of his peace with Rome. The Romans at fii'st connived at these proceedings, but, at the same time, contrived, in secret, to prepare the way for his destruction. The Greek cities in Thrace, of which also Philip had made himself master, and the timid Eumenes of Pergamus, sent embassies to Rome to complain of the king's conduct. Their appearance was very welcome to the Romans, and commissioners were forthwith sent out to inquire into the proceedings of Philip. They treated hirg in a very humiliating manner, and ordered him to evacuate all the places beyond the ancient boundaries of his king- dom.* Philip, exasperated at this command, told the Ro- mans, that as justice could not be obtained from them he should be obliged to seek it by other means. The Roman senate now openly and gladly listened to any charges that were brought against the king, whom they regarded as an obstinate horse that must be compplled by severer means than the bit. But, in order to avert the danger which threatened to burst upon him before he was sufficiently prepared, Philip sent to Rome his younger son, Demetrius, a noble youth of very captivating manners, to effect a * Liv. xxix. 23, &c. ; Polyb. xxiii. 4. HISTORY OP ROME. 297 « peaceable settlement of the disputes. Demetrius gained his end ; but the Romans treacherously availed themselves of his presence to create jealousy, envy, and hostility, be- tween him and his elder brother, Perseus, who was the son of Philip by a concubine. Perseus, a man of an angry and mistrustful disposition, was, by the distinctions and favors shown to his brother, easily roused to bring calum- nious accusations against hira before his-father. The lat- ter was reluctantly prevailed upon to get rid of Demetinus, who was, accordingly, poisoned at Heraclea. Three years aftei-, in B.C. 179, the deceived Philip, weighed down by his grief, died, about sixty yeare old ; and his kingdom, stionger and more powerful than it had been for a long time, passed into the hands of Perseus. The Roman senate recognized him as king, and renew- ed with him the treaty which had been concluded with his father. But Perseus hated the Romans as cordially as his father did. In talent he was much inferior to him ; his besettincr sin was avarice, and it was the love of money that ultimately brought about his ruin. This vice at first did not appear in his character, for he was even liberal and generous, and thereby succeeded in forming connections against the common enemy in Illyricum, Thrace, Syria, Bithynia, Epirus, and Thessaly. He, moreover, negotiated with Carthage, and intended to carry out a plan of his father's, to induce the Bastarnae, a barbarous nation on the banks of the Danube, to invade Italy. Some of these con- nections were cemented by marriages, for Perseus hipiself married a daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, and Prusias of Bithynia married a sister of Perseus. The Greeks also began to look upotfhim as the man who was able to restore the JNIacedoniau empire ; and they were ready to assist him, if he would endeavor to drive the Romans from the countries east of the Adriatic, though, as yet, few ventured openly to declare for him, because their cities were closely watcbed by .Roman emissaries, and, because in many places, such as Rhodes, the Roman party was more power- ful than their adversaries. As Pei-seus was not allowed to keep a. fleet, he made preparations for abandoning his maritime towns, and devoted all his attention to the in- crease of his finances, the strengthening of his land forces, and the filling of his arsenals with ammunition. If, with all his resources, Perseus had known how to keep the friends he had gained, and if ho lind been able to part with 298 HISTORY OF ROME. the money which he had promised as subsidies to his allies, he might have succeeded for a long time in resisting the power of Rome. But this he could not, and his fall was the consequence. Eumenes had, in the mean time, become alarmed by the growing power of Macedonia; and in B.C. 172 he went to Rome to direct the attention of the senate to the cause of his apprehension, while a Rhodian embassy en- deavored to represent Eumenes himself as aiming at the supremacy of all Asia. On his returning from Rome, an attack was made on his life in the neighborhood of Delphi. As he was passing on a naiTow foot-path along a precipice, some hidden persons rolled huge blocks of stone upon him from , above. He was thrown down the precipice, and picked up almost lifeless ; but he recovered, and returned to Asia by way of Coiinth,* Perseus was suspected of having been the instigator of the attempt ; but on being - called upon to deliver uj) certain persons who enjoyed his especial favor, and were believed to be concerned in the affair, he not only asserted his innocence, but refused to surrender his friends. These circumstances accelerated the outbreak of the war with Rome, which Perseus him- self declared in B.C. 171. The Romans were taken by surprise, from not being sufficiently prepared; but still the opportunity of overthrowing Macedonia, and of putting the countries east of the Adriatic on an entirely different footing, was highly welcome to them. The consul, P. Li- cinius Crassus, met Perseus and his army in Thessaly. The king showed great resolution, and refused the absolute submission which the consul demanded ; for he relied upon the Greeks, nearly all of whom supported him, and were full of confidence in his success. Their insolence toward the Romans, in which they indulged on' every occasion, was severely punished, for many of the Greek maritime towns were destroyed, and their inhabitants sold as slaves. Rome's anticipations of this war, however, were not re- alized ; for instead of being able to put an end to it, as they had confidently hoped, by a single campaign, they found it protracted, and Perseus even gained some advan- tages over them ; he might, in fact, have crushed them if he had been more active and circumspect. Eumenes seems to have despaired of the success of the Romans, for he en- tered into negotiations w'ith Macedonia. The Baslarnae • Liv. xlii. 15; Appian, Ds Reb. Maud, p. 521, ed. Schweigh, HISTORY or R'j.m;: 299 nad already set out on their expedition against Italy. Under these circumstances the Romans found it necessary to take more energetic measures, for the people began to be impatient of the protracted war. In B.C. 168, the aged L. Aemilius Paulus was raised to the consulship, and he, along with the praetor Cn. Octavius, set out without otlay for his province of Macedonia. On the 22d of June the decisive battle was fought, near Pydna, which at once put an end to the kpgdom of Macedonia. The contest was decided in a single hour ; the infantry was cut to pieces, and the cavalry dispersed. The defeated king, having lost all confidence, fled to the island of Samothrace, to seek an asylum in its inviolable sanctuary ; but being overtaken by the praetor, Cn. Octa- vius, he surrendered. The unhappy king and his son after- ward adorned the triumph of Aemilius Paulus. Perseus died at Alba, where he was kept as a state prisoner ; and his son is said to have earned his bread by practicing the art of turning. L. Aemilius Paulus made a most cruel use of . his victory. Macedonia was plundered, and ten Roman commissioners wei'e sent into the country to settle its affairs. It was declared free under the protectorate of Rome ; but the terms were so hard, that this mock freedom g^'ound down the people more effectually than slavery. The country was cut up into four districts, and the inhab- itants of one were not allowed to marry into another, or to acquire property there ; the gold and silver mines which had been worked vigorously ever since the time of Philip, were abandoned, and the people were prohibited from felling timber to build ships ; so that the country gradually sunk into a state of poverty and helplessness. Half the tribute which had hitherto been paid to the kings was henceforth paid to Rome. Genthius, of lUyricum, had provoked the Romans even before the outbreak of the war with Perseus, by the piracy which his subjects carried on in the Adriatic ; but his alli- ance with Macedonia decided the outbreak of the third Illyrian war, especially as he had thrown into chains two Roman embassadors whom he had taken prisoners in that part of Illyricum which was subject to Rome. The prae- tor, L. Anicius, undertook the command against him, and within thirty days the war was brought to a close. The country was cut up into three cantons, and governed in a similar manner witli Macedonia. 300 maroRY of eoaie. The cruelty of M.' Aemilius Paulus, who is usually- described as one of the noblest characters in Rdman his- tory, became manifest immediately after his victory over Perseus. From Macedonia he inarched southward to set- tle the affairs of Greece. Everywhere the party which espoused the cause of Rome received military reinforce- ments to crush their opponents. The Achaean league was required to pass a decree, that all who had supported Per- seus should be put to death. The Achaeans reasonably ^lemanded that the Romans should name the offenders ; but this was refused, and the Romans insisted upon their de- mand : at length they condescended to make out a list of upward of 1000 of the most illusti-ious Achaeans, who vvere to quit their country and proceed to Italy, where their cause was to be tried. One of these unfortunate men was Polybius the historian, who, however, by his talent and knowledge gained the friendship of the most distin- guished Romans, and was thus placed in more favorable circumstances than his countrymen. On their an'ival in Italy, they were not tried, as they had hoped, but were distributed among the towns of Btruria, and kept there as hostages for a period of sixteen years ; and when in the seventeenth they were allowed to return to their country, their number had melted down to 300 — a proof of the man- ner in which they had been treated by those who- had promised to deal with them according to the principles of justice and equity. Before L. Aemilius Paulus returned to Italy, he crown- ed all he had done hitherto by punishing Epirus for what Italy had suffered from Pyrrhus more than a century be- fore. Some of the Epirots had, indeed, ventured to take- up arms against the Romans ; but after the defeat of Per- seus they remained perfectly submissive, and did not antici- pate that the Romans would take vengeance upon them. Aemilius Paulus, however, in passing through their couii- Iry, on his return to Italy, took up his quarters among the Molossians, who were commanded, under penalty of death, to deliver up all their gold and silver. When this was done, and the defenseless people now fancied themselves in perfect safety, the soldiers, on asudden, fell upon them. No less than 15,000 Epirots were massacred or sold into slavery, and seventy towns were destroyed. Such was the conduct of a man who is often cited as an example of mild- ness and humanity ! It would have been cruel enough, in UISTORV OF EOME. 301 the course of a destructive war; but perpetrated, as it was, among a peaceful and unsuspecting people, it was a piece unpardonable brtitality.* The conquest of Macedonia, the immense wealth which had been brought to Rome, and the annual tribute which the conquered had to pay, filled not only the public treasui-y, but the pockets of those who were at the head of affairs ; and it is from this time that we must datd the fatal gulf which was forming at Rome between enormous wealth and absolute poverty. The well-stocked treasury hence- forth rendered it unnecessary to levy the poll-tax or tribu- tum on Roman citizens.t The haughty and domineering spirit of Rome now no longer scrupled to display itself on every occasion ; and it became' more and more manifest, that it Wois her plan to subjugate all nations who were yet in the enjoyinent of apparent freedom, or whom she had reason to fear. The first sign of it occurred in the time of the war against Perseus. Antiochus Epiphanes, in the belief that Rome being engaged elsewhere would not be able to defend her allies, had invaded Egypt, which was under the protectoi-ate of Rome. The guardians of young Ptolemy VI. (Philometer) had claimed for their ward Phoenicia and Coelesyria, and Antiochus occupied Pelu- ^um with a strong ganison. But as Ptolemy became reconciled to his brother Physcon,' whom the Alexandrians' had raised to the throne, and who refiised to give up Cy- prus and Pelusium to the Syrian, Antiochus, in B.C. 168, again entered Egypt. The two brothers now applied for and obtained the assistance of Rome ; and a Roman em- bassy, which was forthwith dispatched to Egj'pt, met An- tiochus not far from Alexandria. Popillius Laenas, one of them, required the king to quit Egypt, and as Antiochus gave an evasive answer, the embassadoi- drew a circle round him, demanding a positive reply, and compelled him to leave the country. AVords of a Roman, who spoke as if the world belonged to him, thus accomplished what other- wise could have been effected only by force of arms. The same haughty contempt was shown towai'd all those who had openly or secretly espoused the cause of Pereeus. The first against whom the Romans intended to direct their arms were the Rhodians, who for the last one hundred and forty years had been allied with Rome. When the ♦ Liwxlv. 27-34. t Plin. xiiiii. 17; comp. Liv. xlv, 40; Veil. Pat. i. 9. 302 IIISTOUY Ol' KOMK. Rhodians saw that it was impossible to escape from the vengeance of Rome, they sent embassadors, whom the haughty senate even refused to listen to. Those Rho- dians who had secretly supported Perseus made away with themselves or took to flight. At length, however, the Rhodians were pardoned ; but they had to submit to the hardest conditions : they were deprived of the honor of being Roman allies ; they were required to give up their possessions in Lycia and Caria, to cease levying on vessels that passed through their sea, the toll from which they had derived most of their wealth, and to recognize the supremacy of Rome. Eumenes, of Pergamus, intended himself to go to Rome and pay his homage to the senate ; but he was forbidden to travel, because he was suspected of having been secretly allied with Perseus. Other rulers recog- nized the supremacy of Rome without any difficulty : such as Prusias of Bithynia, who degraded himself even so far as to call himself the fi-eedman of Rome, and to kiss the threiihold of the Roman curia ; Masini.ssa, who governed his kingdom in the name of Rome ; Seleucus Nicator of Syria, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and the two kings of Egypt. In the last of these countries, Philometer and the contemptible Physcon had again become involved in dis- |)utes ; and as Physcon, contrary to all fairness, had ob- tained the favor of Rome, the kingdom was, in B.C. 162, divided between them ; but the division was so arranged by the Roman senate as to keep alive the seeds of dis- cord, whereby the two brothers necessarily weakened each other. In like manner means were devised of break- ing the power of Syria ; for the heir to the throne, Deme- trius, was kept at Rome, where he lived as a hostage ; and Antiochus V. (Eupator) though only nine years old, was declared king in B.C. 164, in order that the senate might be able to act as his guardian, and thus govern the weakened kingdom according to the interests of Rome. After this, Roman embassadors caused the Syrian fleet to be destroyed, and the elephants trained for war to bo mutilated or killed, so that the kingdom of Syria became perfectly harmless. All these princes, moreover, were strictly watched by Roman emissaries, so thstt nothing could be done or attempted without the knowledge of Rome, which had thus thrown its net over them. The senate by these means obtained information about all the HISTORY OF ROME. 803 States which, sooner or later, were to be subjugated by its overwhelming power. There were only two powers, Carthage and the Achaean confederacy, which seemed to be an obstacle in the way of Roman policy ; but their destruction had long been in contemplation, and was secretly prepared. The period between the victorv over Macedonia and the third Punic war (B.C. 149) is very barren, and pre- sents scarcely any event of general interest. All we know is, that the Romans at that time began to attack the Gauls in the Alps, that they gradually made themselves masters of the coast of Liguria as far as Spain, that they subdued the Dalmatians, and made themselves complete masters of Corsica. In Spain the war still continued, and was conducted with great xigor against the Celtiberians. The Romans there acquired one tract of land after another, as there was no national bond among the tribes of Spain. All of them would have willingly recognized the su- premacy of Rome, had she been inclined to make peace on tolerable terms ; but what she wanted was absolute submission, and her conduct was such that no one could trust her. In this manner war broke out afresh each time that a new commander arrived in Spain; and before that countiy had a really great man capable of avenging the wrong it was suffering, two tragic scenes occurred in Africa and Greece : Carthage was destroyed, and Greece lost its freedom. CHAPTER XXI. THE THIRD PUNIC WAR, AND DESTRUCTION OP CARTHAGE FINAL SUBJUGATION OF MACEDONIA A.VD ACHAIA, AND THE DESTRUCTION OF CORINTH. The peace which had been concluded with Carthage in B.C. 201 lasted for a period of upward of fifty yeare, dur- ing which the Carthaginians did not give the Romans a single cause of complaint; but the relation subsisting be- tween the two republics and Masinissa proved to be a fruit- ful source of annoyance to Carthage; and the injustice of the Romans, who were to act^ as mediators, in the end drove the Carthaginians to despair; their last and fatal 304 HISTORY OF ROME. Struggle was tbe result of it. Masinissa, in the neighboring country of Numidia, not only acted as a watchful spy over what was going on at C'ai-thage, but it would seem that he was secretly authorized to harass and annoy his neighbors in any way, without fear of being taken to account by the Romans. In B.C. 182 he took possession of the rich dis- trict of Emporia, about the Lesser Syrtis,- which Syphax had given up to Carthage. The Carthaginians, not being permitted to carry on war without the sanction of Rome, brought complaints against him before the Roman senate. After many deliberations, embassadors were indeed sent to Africa to investigate the matter, but with secret instruc- tions to favor Masinissa, and strictly to watch the move- ments of the Carthaginians, who were finally obliged, in B.C. 174, not only to give up that tract of country, with many flourishing towns, but to pay to Masinissa the sum of 500 talents. Cato, who had been one of the embassa- dors, and whose ambition had not been sufficiently flat- tered by the people of Carthage, looked with envy and , hatred upon the African republic, which was still great and prosperous ; and in his mind the resolution was soon ripened to exert all his powers to bring about the ' destruction of a state, which, though outwardly flourish- ing, was yet in a condition of inward decay, and would perhaps have soon perished of its own disease.*" That republic, in which the democratical party appears to have gained the upper hand, was distracted by internal discord ; and although the number of real patriots must have been very great, yet many citizens seem to have been in the pay of Rome or of Masinissa, and these were zealously engaged in furthering the objects of the enemy. The pa- triots at length carried a decree, by which forty senators were sent into exile as traitors to their country. The ex- iles fled to Masinissa, with whom they found a cordial wel- come, as they had supported his cause. At last, about B.C. 152, the Carthaginians, tired of their forbearance, and of their fruitless solicitation of Rome's mediation, took up arms to defend their own rights against the Numidian ag- gressor. Masinissa was at this time move powerful than the Carthaginians, whose armies still consisted of merce- naries. Though upward of ninety years old, he led his own forces into the field ; and having to fight against an unskillful Carthaginian general, he completely defeated his « Appian. Pun. 69. HISTORY O^ HOME. 305 enemies, and coiupalled them, in a humiliating peace, to receive back their exiles. All this was done in the pres- ence of Roman embassadors, who merely acted the part of idle spectators. But the time had now come for Rome to carry out her long-cherished plan; for her suspicion, that it was Masin- issa's intention to make himself master of Carthage, may not have been without some foundation. 'Cato, in the Ro- man senate, incessantly urged the necessity of destroying the rival republic, which once had sent a Hannibal into Italy ; and he concluded all the speeches he delivered at this time with these words : " Ceterum censeo Carthaginem esse delendam." P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica was wiser than Cato, and opposed his plan, because he justly thought that so long as Rome"ha3 to be on her guard against a rival republic, his fellow-citizens would be under a useful re- straint, and be prevented from abandoning themselves to frivolous and reckless passions and haughty insolence. He was convinced that it would be a misfortune for Rome to be deprived of a neighbor who could inspire her with fear ; and he vyell knew that it was in the struggles with that mighty rival that Rome had acquired her greatness and strength. It might also be that he was influenced by a feeling of humanity for theiunfortunate-Carthaginians ; but however this may have been, Cato's opinion prevailed, be- ing more in accordance with the spirit and policy of Rome. The Roman embassadors, on their return from Africa, give a most glowing account of the prosperity of the Car- thaginians, who hadlong been making preparations for the conflict with Masinissa, which Ihey foresaw was inevitable. The senate took the Carthaginians to account for their con- duct toward Masinissa; and, desponding and broken-heart- ed, they sent envoys to Rome, where they were ambigu- ously requested to make reparation to Rome, but were at the same time assured that nothing should be done against them. . But, notwithstanding this assurance, and under the pre- text that the Carthaginians had broken the peace of their own accord, the consuls M'. Manilius and L. Marcius Cen- sorinus, in B.C. 149, assembled an army of 8000 foot and 4000 horse in Sicily. There other Carthaginian embassa- dors were expected, and when they appeared the consuls declared, that as, Carthage was divided into parties, Rome must have some security : they accordingly demanded that 306 HISTORY OF ROME. 300 members of the most distinguished families should be delivered up as hostages. The demand was complied with ; and when the submission of Carthage was secured in this manner, the consuls led over their forces in a large fleet, and landed at Utica, which, from despair, had even before this thrown itself into the arms of Rome. There, again, Carthaginian embassadors appeared before the con- suls, who now declared themselves to be ready to treat with them on any point that had not been settled before ; but the embassadors were at the same time told, that, as a further security for their keeping peace, Carthage must de- liver up all her arms and military engines. This command, hard as it was, was yet obeyed; and the Oarthaginians now naturally thought that Rome would be perfectly satis- fied. Roman commissioners were sent into the city, who carried away 2000 catapults and 200,000 suits' of armoi But when, after this, the consuls further demanded that the city of Carthage should be razed to the ground, and that its inhabitants should build for themselves another town at a distance of several miles from the sea-coast, the exasperation of the Carthaginians rose to such a pitch, that all the gates of the- city were instantly shut, ^nd all the Romans and Italians that happened to be within the walls were put to death. Despair ga.ve the people courage, and all resolved to fight to the last rather than yield to so treacherous and infamous an enemy: the senators declared that they would perish with Carthage. The people, being seized with an almost frantic mad- ness, contrived in every possible way to supply the means of defense in the place of the arms of which they had been HO treacherously deprived ; and every one, without differ- ence of rank, age, or sex, endeavored to do his best in de- fending and protecting the devoted city. There still were 70,000 inhabitants who made the most desperate efforts, and were worthy of a better fate. The Romans had not anticipated so determined a resistance to their last de- mand ; they had imagined that the city might be taken without any difficulty. But they were mistaken : their consuls were not skillful commanders, and several assaults upon the strong and lofty walls of the city were energeti- cally repulsed. The Carthaginians themselves made sev- eral sallies, and on one occasion the Romans were saved only by the prudence and resolution of P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of Aemilius Paulus, who served in the army as HISTOEV OF ROME. 307 a tribune of the soldiers. Hasdrubal, a CartLaginian gen- eral who lived in exile, and with an ai-my of fellow-exiles conducted the war, independently of Carthage, against Masinissa, was now recalled and intrusted with the com- mand of the Carthaginian forces outside the city, where Phameas commanded the light cavalry. Both of ihem per- fgrmed very brilliant feats against the Romans during their loraging excursions into the interior of tlje country ; but Phameas afterward turned traitor, and went over to the enemy. The consul of the year B.C. 148, L. Calpuniius Piso, and the praetor, L. Mancinus, were no more success- ful than their predecessors ; and this circumstance increas- ed the confidence and enthusiasm of the besieged, who still kept up their communication with the sea. Masinissa, in the mean time, withdrew his forces, as he began to fear the Romans ; 4)ut in the same year he died, leaving his king- dom to his son Micipsa. Scipio, who had been appointed executor of his will, now increased the Roman army by the Numidian cavalry. In this memorable year Cato also died, at the age of eighty-five ; and in Macedonia a pretender arose, under the name of Philip, who claimed the throne, found many followers, and defeated the Roman generals, while, shortly after, the Achaeans also rose in arms against Rome. All these events contributed to increase the hope of the Carthaginians that they might yet be successful; but the Romans also became aware that their want of success was owing only to the laziness and inability of their command- ers. They accordingly raised P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of Aemilius Paulus, to the consulship for the year B.C. 147, though he had not yet attained the legitimate consular age, and they assigned to him Africa as his province. He was afterward, like the conqueror of Hannibal, honored by the surname of Africanus. He is usually praised as one of the greatest Romans, and he fully deserves the praise bestowed upon him as far as his generalship is concerned ; but his greatness is, nevertheless, over-estimated, for it is evident that he was but too well aware of his eminence, and that he made a show'of his great qualities. He was the affectionate friend of Laelius, the pupil and admirer of Polybius; and the patron of Terence and Panaetius ; but he never showed that lofty greatness of soul which we ad- mire in the elder Scipio. As a politician, he was consistent throughout his life, and an unflinching conservative in the 308 HISTORy OP HOME. Strictest sense of the word : he was bent on upholding the state of things such^s it existed in his days, even though he might clearly see that it was based on injustice, and must lead to ruin. After bis arrival in Africa, his first ob- ject was to restore discipline among the troops, and to cut off the supplies which had till then been introduced into Carthage from the sea. He then compelled Hasdrubal to retreat, and made himself master of Megara, a suburb of Carthage : on his attempting to stop up the mouth of the harbor, the Carthaginians set about digging a new entrance, and secretly built a fleet of 500 sail. The appearance of this fleet produced the greatest consternation among the Romans, and had the Carthaginians possessed suflScient resolution to attack the enemy's fleet, they might have de- stroyed it completely. On one occasion, a band of Car- thaginians, who had devoted themselves to deafh, made a sally from the city and set the Roman engines and towers on fire ; but the Romans soon restored what was destroyed, and carried on the siege with fresh vigor until the ap- proaching winter put an end to their operations. Scipio employed this interval in taking the town of Nepheris, from whence Carthage had until then derived many of its provisions. The command of the army was continued to him for the year B.C. 146, and in the spring of that year he renewed his attacks upon the city. The in- habitants had by this time been reduced to a most frightful state of famine, during which Hasdrubal, who had assumed' the supreme power, introduced a sort of reign of terror. At length the Romans succeeded by night in taking pos- session of the harbor Cothon, and in scaling the last of the three walls by which Carthage, which was situated on a peninsula, was protected on the land side. The enemy now was within the city, and the struggle which ensued is one of the most heartrending that a person can think of. From the market-place three streets, lined vvith houses of six stories each, led to the citadel of Bozra or Byrsa, whither Hasdrubal had withdrawn. The contest was carried on in all the streets and houses for six days, and the houses were conquered, one by one, by breaking through ihe walls from room to room and from house to house. The struggle at the same time went on upon the flat roofs df the houses as well as in the streets, and the cries and meanings of the wounded and dying, mixed with the shouts of the coitabatants, rendered the scene one of extreme HISTORY OF ROME. 309 horror. The famine in the city was so great, that the liv- ing satisfied their hunger with the dead bodies of theii- fellow-citizens. With the most unparalleled exertions the Romans at length reached Byrsa, the highest point of which was occupied by a temple of Aesculapius. Scipio then ordered the three streets to be set on fire, and in a short time the whole city was in a blaze. On the seventh day some Carthaginians came from the citadel to Scipio, entreating him to, spare the lives of the' citizens. This request was granted ; but he refused to pardon 900 Roman deserters who had taken refuge in the citadel. Immedi- ately 50,000 men and women^ carrying olive branches in their hands, came forward, and wei-e sold ap slaves by the conqueror. Hasdrubal, with the Roman deserters, then took possession of the temple of Aesculapius, but here his courage failed him : he fl!ed to the conqueror, and implored his mercy ; while the deserters set fire to the temple, and perished in the flames. Hasdrubal'e wife, braver than her husband, and indignant at his cowardly conduct, threw herself with her children into the flames. The destruction of Carthage was now complete : the scenes of terror and despair which Scipio had witnessed are said to have drawn tears into his eyes, and stirred up in his mind gloomy forebodings of the fate which awaited his ovpn native city.* The Roman senate passed a decree, that every building of Carthage should be razed to the . gi-ound : the territory of Utica was increased by the an- nexation of a part of the Carthaginian dominion ; and the republic of Carthage became a Romsm province under the name of Africa, which like other provinces was governed by a Roman pro-consul or praetor. Scipio celebrated a magnificent triumph on his return to Rome. A state had thus perished in which Rome lost what could never be re- stored to her — a noble rival. Instead of the commercial fleets which had hitherto visited all parts of the Mediter- ranean, there were now no ships except transports, which carried to Rome provisions and slaves, or wild beasts to amuse and brutalize the populace, and pirate boats, which increased in proportion with the conquests of Rome. The site of ancient Carthage was cursed ; and afterward, when • He repeated to his friend Poly bins, who was present, the following two lines from the Diad (iy. 164) : — "Eaaerai jjiiaptSr' uv ttot' bXukv'VuoQ Ipv Kai ilpla/ioc KaX Xoof iv/j/ieXta Upid/ioto. 310 HISTORV OF EOME. the noble C. Sempronius GrracChus founded a colony there, he established it, at some distance from the site of the old • city, under the name of Junonia; but the new town soon assumed the name of Carthage, and prospered sq well, that, toward the end of the second century of our era, it became the seat of a Christian bishop. About the middle of the fifth century it became the capital of the kingdom of the V'andals ; and in A.D. 698 it was taken and destroyed by the Arabs. At present the site of ancient Carthage is discernible only by heaps of ruins. The insurrection in Macedonia, to which we referred above, had by this time been quellecj. The inhabitants of that country too soon discovered that the freedom which Rome had given them was worse than slavery ; and it was owing to this feeling that they allowed themselves to be duped by a person of the name of Andriscus, a Thracian by birth, and a runaway gladiator, who, in B.C. 149, came forward in Thrace and gave himself out to be a son of the late king Perseus, calling himself Philip. The discontented people of Macedonia, after a short resistance, submitted to him in the hope that he would deliver them from the yoke of Rome. He entered into connections with Carthage, defeated the praetor, P. Juventius Thalna, who was sent against him, and invaded Thessaly. The whole affair be- came more serious than could have been expected ; but in B.C. 148, Q,. Caecilius Metellus was sent against him as praetor, and after several skirmishes a decisive battle was ' fought in the neighborhood of Pydna, in which the impostor was completely defeated. Andriscus fled to Thrace ; but, being delivered up to the Romans by a Thracian chief, he adorned the triumph of Metellus, who, from his Macedonian victory, obtained the surname of Macedonicus. In B.C. 143, another pretender arose in Macedonia, who likewise declared himself to be a son of Perseus,* but he was de- feated by the quaestor, L. Tremellius. After these insur- rections Macedonia lost its nominal freedom, and was constituted a Roman province. The time had now come when Greece, too, was to be deprived of the last shadow of its freedom. On the advice of Cato and Scipio, the three hundred survivors of the Achaean hostages had been allowed, in B.C. 151, to return to their country. Some of them were old men, but all of * Some call him Alexanderj^and others the second Pseudo-Philip ; sea Uv. Epit. i& ; Eutrop. Iv. 15 ; Zonar. iz, 28 ; Varro, De JRi Rvtt. n. 4. HISTOBY OF ROME. 311 tbem were burning with an implacable hatred of the Ro- mans. Had the Achaeans made common cause with An- driscus, they might have entertained a reasonable hope of being able to resist the enemy ; but that opportunity was neglected, and now they were led to believe by their sense- less leaders, Critolaus and Diaeus, that, single-handed as they were, -they might expel the Romans from their coun- try. The long peace which they enjoyed had been spent in idleness and in the enjoyment of sensual pleasures; so that they were altogether unprepared for the evil days which now broke in upon them; and yet they were fool- hardy enough to venture upon a contest v\ath a power before which none had hitherto been able to stand. The Romans, who had long formed their plans, were waiting only for a favorable opportunity to cany them into effect. This was offered in the struggle between the Achaean con- federacy and Sparta, which wanted to make itself independ- ent of the league. When Sparta was attacked by the Achaeans, it appealed to the Romans, who, being at the time engaged in the subjugation of Carthage, acted with great caution ; but as soon as they perceived that the fall of Carthage was inevitable, they spoke in a different tone, and under the pretext of a desire to prevent further dis- turbances within the confederacy, arising from the diffei'ent elements of which it was composed, they demanded that those places which had not been nnited with the confed- eracy at the close of the war with Perseus should be separ- ated from it. Those places were Sparta, Corinth, Argos, Heraclea near Mount Oeta, and Orchomenos in Arcadia. When this demand was announced to the assembly of the Achaeans at Corinth, the Roman embassadors were at- tacked, insulted, and driven out of the theater. The de- mand was indeed a glaring injustice, but the Achaeans ought to have yielded to a positive necessity. The Romans, who were as yet engaged against Carthage, brooked the insolence, and only demanded reparation fof it. Several embassies passed between Achaia and Rome ; but as the enraged and mad party of Diaeus and Critolaus wished fof war, the Roman embassadors sent by Q. Caecilius Metellus were again insulted, and war was at once declared against Rome and Sparta. Metellus, accordingly, after having reduced Macedonia, entered Greece in B.C. 147. Critolaus had advanced northward as far as Thessaly, probably in the hope of being able to form connections 312 mSTORV OF EOMF. with the PheHdo-Philip j .but the pretender was defeated, before the Achaeans reac;hed Thermopylae. When Crito- laus heard, of the approach'. of Metellus, he retieated into Locris, where he was overtaken by the Romans, and his army was dispersed like chaff. Critolaus himself was never heard of after: he probably perished in the marshes on the sea-coast. All Greece vifas in the greatest consternation. In the mean time a Roman fle'et landed on the Western coast of Peloponnesus, and ravaged the country in a bar- barous manner; and as Metellus advanced southward, the inhabitants of Thebes quitted their city and fled into the mountains. But the Roman general used his victory with great moderation ; for in his heart he pitied the Greeks, and; would willingly have spared them, if their own insolent conduct had permitted him. "When he reached Megara, L. Mummius, who had been elected consul for the year B.C. 146, hastened to undertake the command against the Achaeans. Mummius had no sympathies with the Greeks : he was a man without education, and all he desired was laurels for hircjself, and treasures for Rome. Diaeus was now commander of the Achaeans : having enlisted all the slave population, to the amount of 12,000, capable of bear- ing arms, he assembled his army in the neighborhood of Corinth, fancying that he should be able to defend the isthmus. AU proposals of peace had been treated by him with the utmost contempt and recklessness. But in ijie valley of Leucopetra the Achaeans were so completely defeated, that it was impossible for them to face the enemy again. The army, in its flight by Corinth, alarmed the inhabitants so much, that they also took refuge in the neigh- boring hills. Diaeus himself fled to Megalopolis, where he killed his wife, and burned himself with his whole house. On the third day after the battlr, Mummius entered, Corinth, which was filled with the most splendid works of GreciMi art. The Romans indulged in unrestrained plunder, and then reduced the town to a heap pf ashes. The remaining part of the male population was put to the sword, while the fernales Eind children^ were sold as slaves. Thebes and Chalcis experienced the same fate. All the costly treas- ures ' which had been accumulated at Corinth, and had nof been destroyed by the conquerors, were shipped for Rome; and the rudeness and ignorance of lilummius are strikingly illustrated by his telling the sailors that, if any of the works of art should be lost or .damaged during the HISTORY OF ROME. 313 voyage, they would have to restore them at their own ex- pense. The good days of Greece were now passed forever; and though afterward some of the Roman emperors treated the country with kindness and reverence for its past great • ness, still it never recovered its ancient splendor. Those Greeks who had taken no part in the wai- were restored to nominal freedom, but all national ties between them wei-e destroyed ; the territory of Corinth became Roman domain land^ and all Greece was formed into a Roman province under the name of Achaia, Polybius on thia occasion had to perform the sad duty of acting the part of a mediator between the conqueroi-s and his unfortunate countrymen, for whom be contrived to obtain several favors, and whom be tried to accustom to the new order of things. Mummius was honoi-ed with a triumph and the surname of Achaicus. -The fall of Carthage took place in July, that of Corinth occuired in September, B.C. 146, CHAPTER XXn. THE WARS IN SPAIN VTMATHUS ^NUMANTIA INSURRECTION OF THE SLAVES IN SICILY THE KINGDOM OF FERGAMUS. Rome had found it comparatively easy to conquer two of the wealthiest i-epublics of antiquity ; but that it was not so easy to subdue nations flourishing by agriculture and animated by a strong love of their country and freedom, was a lesson which she learned in the protracted war against the tribes of Spain, who maintained their independ- ence as their most precious good with the greatest energy and resolution against their oppressors. Rome's unjust proceedings became every day more glaring and intolera- ble. In B.C. 179, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, by his kind- liness and feimess, had made the Celtiberians the friends of Rome ; but he had forbidden them to build any more towns in their country. Some j'ears after, when the inhab- itants of Segeda had obliged the citizens of some smaDer Celtiberian towns to relinquish then- homes and settle at Segeda, and when for this reason they wished to enlarge the extent of their own city, the Roman senate, refening to ' O 314 HISTORY OP EOME. their treaty with Gracchus, interfered. The Segedans re- fused to obey : they also declined tp send any reinforcer ments to the Roman armies, and to pay their usual tribute, A fi'esh war accoi'dingly broke out in B.C. 153. The con- suls, M. Fulvius Nobilioi', and in the year following M. Claudius Marcellus, fought against the Celtiberians with varying success. Marcellus was a noble-minded man, and in his heart he respected the people who were strugghng for nothing but their independence. He therefore endeav- ored to obtain a peace for them on fair terms ; but the haughty senate at Rome refused to treat with them except on condition of their absolute submission. Marcellus then contrived to gain their confidence, and instead, of using force, prevailed upon them by persuasion to conclude a peace with Rome on terms which in their circumstances were quite reasonable. But after his departure fi-om Spain, L. Licinius Lucullus, and still more the praetor Ser. Sulpi- cius Galba, after having suffered a severe defeat, called forth by his avarice and cruelty a general insunection in Lusitania; for although after some resistance the Lusita- nians south of the river Tagus voluntaiily submitted and assembled without their arms, Galba ordered them all to be massacred. Among the few who escaped on that fear- ful day was Viriathus, destined one day to become the avenger of the wrong that was done to his country. Cato brought an accusation against Galba for this act of wanton cruelty, and the man would have been condemned to death had he not implored the mercy of the Roman people. Viriathus, a Lusitanian, is said to have been at first a shepherd, then a robber, and in the end he became a gen- eral, who, even according to the judgment of his enemies, showed in the field of battle not only the gi'eatest courage, but the most eminent talent and skill. He rallied around him as many of his countrymen as he could, and with them he waged war against the Romans for a period of eight years.* Being himself accustomed to a free life in the mountains, being robust, hardened, adroit, always cheer- ful, and dreading no danger, he was beloved by his coun- trymen; he knew how to manage them, and to keep alive in them the desire to defend their freedom. It would be " Appian, Hispan. 60, &c. ; Livy, Epit. 52 ; and Florus ii. f.7, state tba' he earned on the war for fourteen years; but as he did not commence hoa tilities till B.C. 14?, and as he was murdered in B.C. 140, these writers in elude the time that he fought among the Lusitanians against Lucullus ano Galba, that is, they begin their cal by which it was made over to them had probably been drawn up by the imbecile king in compliance with the command of the Romans, a fact which is clearly alluded to by ' the ancients themselves.* The wealth which now poured in upon Rome marks more distinctly than even the conquest of Macedonia the beginning of that degenerate condition in which we find the Romans in the history of the last century of the republic,t for now all the luxuries and with them all the vices of the east invaded Italy like an epidemic disease. Soon after the death of Attains, Aristo- nicus, a natural son of Eumenes, the father of Attalus, came forward, re&sing to recognize the will of Attalus, and claiming the kingdom as his law&l inheritance. He found many supporters among the people of Pergamus, and placed himself at the head of a general insun-ection of the Lydiaas and lonians. The war which now ensued lasted longer than any one could have anticipated ; for the consul, P. Licioius Crasais, who was sent against the insurgents in B.C. 131 with a very strong army, was more anxious to enrich himself than to subdue the enemy. After the expi- ration of his consulship he fell into the hands of the enemy and was killed; but his successor, M. Peiperna, succeeded^ in bringing the war to a close. Aristonicus w^as taken pris- oner at StFatonicea, and carried to Rome in triumph, where he was strangled in a prison. Perpema died immediately after his victory, and the conquest of Asia was completed in B.C. 129 by his successor, M'. Aquilius. Mithridates ^'.- king of Pontus, ■who had assisted the Romans in the war against Aristoiiicus, now received Phrygia as a reward, and the remainder of the kingdom of Pergamus became a Ro- man province under the name of Asia. This conquest in the east, independent of the vices and luxuries with which it made the Romans acquainted, also contained the seeds of new wars which they afterward had to wage against the king of Pontus. Within the last 120 years, Rome, by her successive and victorious wars, had established her dominion in nearly all ihe countries on the MediterraneaiT : Sicily, Sardinia, Cor- sica, and the minor islands round the coast of Italy, were acquired in the first two Punic wars ; and the whole terri- tory of Carthage was the prize gained in the third and last , Struggle with her Punic rival. Macedonia and lUyricum, • See Herat. Cam. ii. 18, 5 ; Sallust Fragm. p. 189, ed. Bipont. t Plin. Hlsi. Nat. miji. 11. 320 HI9TORY OP ROME. together with Thessaly and Epirus, and Greece (embracing Peloponnesus and Greece proper) had likewise become Roman provinces. Spain, after the departure of the Car- thaginians,, also fell under the dominion of Rome, althou'gb the brave and patriotic Celtiberians, the Lusitanians, and other tribes boldly continued to maintain their independ- ence against the tyrannical oppression of Rome, and were not entirely reduced even after the destraction of Numan- tia, though the country was constituted a Roman province The most recent acquisition of Rome was the province of Asia. Her dominion in the north of Italy was now more finnly established than ever, as the warlike tribes on the banks of the Po, after many a useless struggle, were obliged to submit ; and th6 Romans even ventured to at- tack the Gauls in the Alps. CHAPTER XXIII. INTERNAL CONDITION OF ROME, AND HER RELATION T» FOREIGN NATIONS. The constitution of the Roman republic, whieh had at- tained its perfect development previous to the outbreak of the second Panic war, had for a time been secured in it» healthful working by the virtue and patri pait of his army to lay siege to the city of Athens, while he with the main body of his troops began to blockade Piraeus, within the walls of which Archelaus retreated on the approach of Sulla. The besieged defended themselves with great skill and resolu- tion, and the Romans could make no impression upon them } but in the spring of the year B.C. 86, Sulla used all means which he bad at his command. Athens was blockaded and all provisions cut off, so that the famine in the city reached a fearful height. Athens was at length taken by assault ; and soon after this, Archelaus, despairing of suc- cess, escaped from Pii-aeus, leaving the place to its own fate. The famished Athenians were pardoned for their ancestor's sake, for Sulla was a great admirer of Greek art and hterature ; but their city was plundered, and many of the most precious treasures were sent to Rome : among them was the library of Apellico, which ^s said to have con- tained the only complete copy of Aristotle's works. After the greater part of- Piraeus had been destroyed by fire, Sulla set out in pursuit of Archelaus, who had in the mean tsne collected the scattered forces of Mithridates in the north of Greece. In the neighborhood of Chaeronea, in Boeotia, Archelaus was completely defeated in B.C. 85: he then fled to Chalcis in Euboea, whither Sulla, who had 360 HISTORY OP ROME. no fleet, was unaWe to follow him. When Mithridates was informed of his reverses in Greece, he sent strong reenforcements, and Archelaus, thus strengthened, returned to Boeotia to wipe off the disgrace of his former defeat. In the neighborhood of Orchoraenos the hostile armies ^gain met, and a second battle was fought, in which Sulla's undaunted personal courage alone decided the victory. To prevent the enemy again escaping to Chalcis, Sulla at- tempted to cut off his retreat ; but Archelaus nevertheless succeeded in crossing the Euripus. Mithridates, who had himself to sustain hard struggles with the Romans in Asia, began to lose confidence, and ordered Archelaus to nego- tiate for peace and to conclude it on any terms he could. Sulla accepted the proposals the more willingly, as during his absence things had taken place at Rome which ren- dered it most desirable for him to bring the war to a close. The negotiations, however, were protracted for a long time, during which Sulla undertook a successful expedition against some barbarians in Thrace who had infested the Roman province of Macedonia ; and peace was not finally concluded and signed by Mithridates till B.C. 84, when Sulla had an interview with the king at Dardanus in Troas. Mithridates surrendered his whole fleet, restored all the Roman prisoners and deserters, withdrew his garrisons from all places in Greece, paid all the expenses of the war, and was confined to his own kingdom of Pontus. Thus Mithridates, after having made.most enormous exertions, was reduced to the position which he had~ occupied before the outbreak of the war. Owing to the internal disturb- ances at Rome, or more probably to the dishonesty of the senate, the peace with Sulla was never formally sanctioned. In B.C. 87, immediately after -entering upon his consul- ship, Cinna had come forward as the head of the Marian party at Rome, and • carried a law that the persons out- lawed by Sulla should be recalled. In order to win the favor of the new citizens, he promised them to carxy into effect the law of Sulpicius, according to which they and the libeitini were to be distributed among the thii-ty-five old tribes. Great numbers of the new citizens accordingly flocked'to Rome to support his measures ; but his colleague, Cn. Octavius, came forward against him, and a fierce struggle arose within the city, in which Cinna was defeated arid driven out of its walls. The senate then issued a procla- mation that Cinna had forfeited his consular dignity. A HISTORY OF ROME, 3B1 Roman army w«is at the time still stationed in the neigh- borhood of Nola to check the Samnites, and thither Cinna now repaired. The soldiers who had only the year before been led by Sulla against Rome, and were then made aware that the iate of the republic rested in reality in theii hands, took up his cause, and requested him to take the consular ensigns and lead them to Rome. Marius and his fellow-exiles, who were recalled, landed in the laean time in Eti'uiia, and began to collect an army, m which every one was enlisted that was ready to fight for Marius, free- men as well as citizens; even slaves were promised their freedom if they would Join his standai'd. Tte aged captain, after his return from exile, had the sympathy of the greater part of the people on his side, and numbers took up arms for him. Foremost among them were Papirius Carbo, vyho joined the army of Cinna, and Q,. Sertorius, who com- manded an army by himself Sertorias was the best and noblest of all the meji engaged in this striiggle : he joined the Marian party only on account of his abhorrence of the ruling faction, for he had no share in the tyrannical senti- ments of his party. The city was defended by Cn. Octavius and Cn, Pompeius, who had been called away from Apulia ; but as they w^ere attacked by three armies at once there was httle hope of their success. Cn. Pompeius, who had lendered hinaself odious to every one, died of an epidemic- disease* which broke out at the time and carried off thou- sands on both sides. Many of the Lathi towns were taken and destroyed by the aimy under Cinaa; and Rome, being surrounded on all sides, began to suffer from famine. The senate at last was obliged to negotiate, and to submit to all the terms that Marius prescribed. Cinna was accordingly reinstated in his consular dignity, and the gates were thrown open on the understanding that no blood should be shed ; but no sooner had the rebels entered the city than famished and unhappy Rome became the scene of tlie most frightful outrages, of plunder, murder, and violence of every kind. All w^ere cut down whom Marius marked as his victims, and no mercy was shown. All of the Sullanian party who were unable to escape were put to death, or made away with themselves in orda: not to fall into the hands of their enemies ; and many also fell by the hands of the inftiriated multitude and slaves, who massacred indiscriminately. Among the illustrious victims in whose blood Marius • Some state that h9 was killed by a flash of lightnmK 862 ^ ' HISTORY Of liVME. ^ quenched his thirst for five' days we may mention th& con- sul Cn. Octavius, the orator M. Antonius, 0. Julius Caesar, and Q,. Lutatius Catulus, one of the most estimable men of his age: the fiamen Dialis, L. Cornelius Merula, who had been made consul in Cinna's place, bled himself to death in •. the vestibule of the Capitoline temple. The butchery was carried to so enomious an extent by a band of liberated slaves whom Maiius kept for the purpose of dispatching his enemies, that even Cinna could bear it no longer, and on the advice of Sertorius ordered all of them to be put to death. After these scenes of terror, Marius caused himself to be made consul for the seventh, and Cinna for the second time. Marius alv/ays believed that he was destined by fate to be invested with the consulship seven times; for when yet a child, an eagle's nest with seven young ones had fallen fitjm a tree into his lap, and some soothsayer had told him that the seven young eagles were a sign that he would be consul seven times. But a few days after he had entered on his seventh consulship he died, on the 13th of January, B.C. 86. He was succeeded by L. Valerius Flaccus, who was forthwith commissioned to undertake the command of the war against Mithridates. The war against the Samnites had been concluded the year before by Q,. Metellus ; for, at the time when Cinna was marching toward Rome, the senate ordered Metellus to conclude peace with them on whatever terms he could. Peace, therefore, was restored on condition that the Samnites should receive the Roman fi-anchise. All Italy now was in the hands of Cinna. L. Valerius Flaccus, after his elevation to the consulship, proceeded to Asia to take the command against Mithridates out of the hands of Sulla ; but as he was unpopular among his own soldiers,' on account of his cruelty and avarice, many of his men deserted to Sulla, and he himself was murdered at Niqomedia by his own legate, C. Elavius Fimbria, who now placed himself at the head of his army and traversed Asia. Fimbria defeated several of the generals of Mithri- dates, and among them the king's own son, and then took possession of Pergamus. " Ilium, which had decla.red in favor of Sulla, was "next taken and destroyed, and he main- tained himself in its neighborhood until the arrival of SiiUa in Asia, who concluded peace with the king of Pontus,in B.C. 84. When his own affairs were settled with Mithri- HISTORY OP ROME. 363 dates, Sulla set out against Fimbria, who was encamped near Thyatira. He surrounded his enemy's camp, and gained over Ms whole army, whereupon Fimbria, in despair, put an end to his own'existence. wlien the field was thus cleared of enemies, Sulla set about regulating the affairs of Asia. The cities in which the Romans had been murdered by the command of Mithridates, he punished most severely : they were compelled to pay dovim at once 20,000 talents, the raising of which threw them completely into the merci- less hands of the insatiable Roman capitalists and usurers, who sucked the very blood out of the country, in which proceedings they were assisted by the Roman soldiers. Asia was so much crushed by this blow, that nearly a whole century elapsed before it recovered from it. But Sulla wanted money, and was little concerned about the means of getting it. It must, however, be owned, that during his war in Greece and Asia, he had shown a gj-eatness of char- acter of which few men were capable in those times, for he quietly discharged his duties toward the republic before he thought of taking vengeance on his personal enemies, who in his absence destroyed his house, killed his friends, and drove his family into exile. His duties toward the re- public now being discharged, he prepared for his return to Italy. His army consisted of n8 more than 30,000 men, vyhile that of his enemies amounted to almost seven times that number, and contained soldiers of such excellence as the Samnites. But Sulla had confidence in himself and his good fortune, and with that he ventured upon his bold undertaking. At the beginning of the year B.C. 83, he returned through Thessaly and Macedonia to Dyrrhachium, and thence to Brundusium and Campania. The consuls of this year were L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Julius Norbanus. Ginna, who was invested the year before with his fourth consulship, had been murdered by his own soldiers at Ari- minum, where he was assembling an army for the purpose of attacking Sulla in Greece ; and Carbo, his' colleague, remained sole consul during the remainder of the year. The leaders of the .Marian party now were Carbo, Norba- nus, and C. Marius the younger, who had all the vices of liis father without any of his redeeming virtues. Had these men known how to act, SuUa could not possibly have suc- ceeded ; but they were not fit to be the leaders of a gi-eat party. Sertorius, the only man of great ability, soon aft^r 364 HISTORY oy EOMB. went to Spain, to commence a fresh war there under his own auspices, and conducted it on his own responsibility. The new citizens had by this time become disgusted with the conduct of their rulers, who, with the titles of republi- can magistrates, acted like tyrants and despots. These cir- cumstances facilitated the progress of Sulla ; all the regi- ments composed of new citizens, whom he promised not to deprive of their newly acquired privileges, went over to him. He found NorbanUs encamped in the neighborhood of Capua, and defeated him. He then turned against Scipio, whose whole army deserted to him, and Scipio himself at last also declared in his favor. While Sulla was thus gain- ing a firm footing in southern Italy, many of his supporters took up arms in other parts of the country, among whom were Metellus Pius, Cn. Pompey in Picenum, and M. Lu- cullus; and his party were victorious every where. At Rome, the Capitoline temple, through the carelessness of the keepers, became a prey to the flames. In B.C. 82, the second year of the war, C. Marius, the younger, was consul with Papirius Carbo, who had the command in the north of Italy against Metellus, Pompey, and LucuUus, while Marius was stationed with his army on the frontier of Latiuni. In the vicinity of Sacriportus, Marius was attacked by Sulla, and beaten, and many of his troops deserted to the conqueror, while Marius himself escaped to Praeneste, a large and strongly fortified town. Sulla followed him and blockaded the place, but soon left the management of the siege to Lucretius Ofella, and went to take possession of Rome, which was- yet in the hands of the Marian party. Under the guidance of the praetor, L. Junius Damasippus, the democrats at Rome had insti- tuted a cruel massacre among those who were favorable to Sulla, or were believed to be so ; and at the time of the battle of Sacriportus, Damasippus killed, in the Curia Hos- tilia, the great jurist and chief pontiff Mucins Scaevola, vrith C. Carbo, the brother of the consul, and many other distin- guished senators. The perpetrators of these horrors now fled, and Sulla entered the city. The consul Carbo,- who had an army in Etruria, in vain endeavored to relieve Praeneste : another attempt was made by the Samnite gen- eral, Pontius Telesinus ; but as he was unable to effect any thing, he turned toward Rome, which he hoped to take"by surprise. Sulla was informed in time of his movements, and a battle was fought on the Ist of November at the very HISTORY OP ROME. 365 walls of Rome, near the Colline gate. The Samnites fought with the courage of despair ; but, after a whole day's stmg- gle, they were defeated so completely, that Pontius Telesi- nus made way with himself. In him Marius lost his last hope : he attempted to escape from Praeneste by a subter- raneous passage, but being discovered he killed himself; and Carbo, being left alone, abandoned his army and fled to Sicily. Sulla now saw Italy cleared of all his enemies, and only a few towns continued to ofier him any resistance. The manner in which Sulla made use of his victory filled Rome and Italy with hon'ors more appalling than any they had yet witnessed. In the battle of the Colline gate 8000 Samnites had been taken prisoners, all of whom were mas- sacred by his command in the circus. After the death of Marius, Praeneste was obliged to surrender at discretion to Lucretius OfeUa, and all persons who were found in the place, with the exception of the Roman citizens, were put to the sword. The Etruscan towns which had supported Carbo surrendered, one after another, and_ most of them were razed to the ground. But the bloodshed at Rome, where Sulla- acted as a perfect tyrant, was still more fright- fiil. He devised a new and unprecedented means of get- ting rid of his enemies : he set on foot a proscription ; that is, he drew up a list of all those whom he -wished to be put to death, and set it up in public. Any one had a right to kill those whose names were in the list, not only with im- punity, but rewards were offered for their heads. Their estates were confiscated and sold ; and in order to secure himself against their sons, Sulla got a law passed by which the descendants of the proscribed were forever to be exclu- ded from all the ofiicgs of the republic. This cruel law re- mained in'force down to the time of C. Julius Caesar. It is said that no less than 1600 equites were among the pro- scribed who lost their lives. A spiiit of revenge and ava- rice drove the inhuman victors from one crime to another, till Q. Catulus found it necessa^-y to ask Sulla whether he meant to spare any human being at all, and to remind him, that if he went o" in the same way, there would be in the end no one left to mle over. Catiline was one of the mon- stei-s who in those days obtained notoiiety for murder and assassination, and thus acquired a taste for the crimes which he afterward committed when he planned the destruction of his own country. Rome had not seen a dictator for the last 120 years, but 366 HfgTORT OF ROME. the inteyrex, L. Vajerius, Placpus, now carried a decree by which all the past acts qf Sulla were sanctioned, and Sulla himself was appointed dictator, %vith unlimited power for an indefinite period, that he might reform the constitution and the law. Invested with such powers he began, in B.C. 81, his. course of legislation, having previously made some al- terations of minor importance. First of all he was anxious to show his gratitude to those to whom he owed the posi- tion he now occupied. Twenty-three legions accordingly had colonies assigned to them in Italy ; that is, these legions were dismissed from service, and each legion was consti- tuted as the body of citizens of a certain town, the whole territory of which vi^as given up to and parceled out among the legionaries ; if the tenitory was not found sufficient, portions of the adjacent distiicts were taken and added to it. The places thus made over to the soldiers as~a r4wj.rd for past services were called, military colonies : they con- sisted, for the greater part, of the estates of the proscribed of those towns which had supported the opponents of Sulla, and of such districts as in former times would have become public domain. It was by means of these military colonies that Sulla placed his power on a solid foundation, to which he could trust under all circumstances.. He next conferred the Roman franchise on a body of 10,000 emancipated slaves, who received firom him the name of the Comelii, and were distributed among the thirty-five old tribes. The vacancies which had occurred in the senate were, notwith- standing his high aristocratic principles, filled up, not with members of the nobility, but with equites, and even with vulgar centurions ; but all were ready tools in the hands of the dictator. His legislation must be divided into two branches, ac- cording as it had reference either to the constitution of the republic or to the criminal law. In respect of the former, Sulla, like many other men both in ancient and modern times, had the weakness to believe that, by restoring old and antiquated foi-ms of the constitution, he could also re- vive its spirit. In this belief he began by curtailing the power of the tribunes : he deprived them of the right of proposing legisla,tive measures in the assemblies,, and of holding any other magistracy after the expiration of their oflice. The judicial and legislative power of the comitia tributa was thus likewise abolished, and they retained nothing but the election of the minor magistrates. In mSTORV OF? ROME. 867 short, the ti-ibunician power was reduced to whSt it had been previous to the Publilian law; that is, the tribunes became a mere protective magistracy, and the work of ages xvas undone. There can be no doubt that the tribunes in the course of time had acquired and usurped a power which was detrimental to the safety of the republic, and it waS'most desirable that they should be confined within certain limits ; but Sulla's reform ^vas framed in an improper spirit, and ran counter to all the feeUngs of the age. The consequence was, that his regulation did not last : it was repealed, in B.C. 70, by Cn. Pompey. A second great change, intro- duced by Sulla, was, the restoring power to the senators to appoint from among their own body the courts in which cases of a public nature were tried. This restoration of a much-coveted right ought to have induced the senators to show that in their hands justice fared better than in those of any other body of men ; but we have express testimony, that, during the nine or ten years in which they formed those courts, justice was more venal, and bribery was car- ried on to a far greater extent than it had ever been befbi'e. The senators in fact acted as if it had been their deliberate intention to undermine their own power, till, in B.C. 70, L. Aurelius Cotta di^nded the courts equally be- tween the senators and equites. Sulla further increased the numbers of praetors to eight, that of the quaestoi-s to twenty, and that of the two colleges of the augur's and ponti^ to fifteen each, restoring to these colleges at the same time the right of filUng up vacancies by cooptatio; that is, he gave to each college the right of filling up any vacancy that might occur. These, and some measures regulating the administration of the provinces, were' the chief reforms by which he endeavored to restore the good old times of Rome ; but his labors were foolish and useless. The oligarchy which he established was raised on the corpses of the democratical party, and was made for an entirely new cIeiss of citizens whom he himself had created, N after having extirpated the old ones, by murder and pro- scription. The new constitution was not rooted in the in- stitutions of the country ; it was not their natural and spontaneous oflfspring ; obsolete forms had been artificially revived — ^it was a mere phantom without a soul. But whatever we may think of his constitutional reforms, his civil and criminal legislation was excellent. He must have possessed a deep insight into human aifaii's, or have 36& HISTORY OF ROME. nad most able advisers; for the criminal law, which had hitherto been greatly neglected, received at his hand a solid foundaticBif upon which all subsecjuent enactments in this department were based. The Cornelii, his emancipated slaves, formed his body- guard, and freedmen in general were his favorites and the most influ'ential persons in his retinne ; so that it was a courageous act of Cicero, who was then only twenty -seven years old, to defend Hoscius of Ameria, and attack Chry- sogonus, one of Sulla's creatm-es ; for persons like Chiyso- gonus might rob and murder with impunity, and no one could be safe against them. Such was the case in Rome, as well as in other parts of Italy. After having made alV the arrangements he thought necessary, Sulla, in B.C. 79, to the surprise of every one, laid do\^•n his dictatorship, an(J retired into the ccHidition of a private person at Puteoli, probably for the purpose of spending the remainder of his blood-stained life in peace and luxury. This step was not by any means a bold one; for in ease of any emergency he- had the senate, and, above all, his military colonies to fall back upon, and his opponents were crushed into the dust. Before retiring, he offei-ed to render an account of his pro- ceedings ; but this was a mere farce ; for vi^o would have- dared to demand it ]■ and how could he have answered for the murder of the SOOO^amnite captives, of forty-siK con- sulars, praetorians, and aediles, of 200 senators, of 160O equites, and 150,000 citizens, and for his having driven numbers of industrious and peaceable country-people into- poverty and wi-etchedness merely to acquire the means Of satisfying his i-eckless and greedy veterans'! He did not long survive his retirement, for he died at Puteoli, in B.C. 78, at the age of «ixty, of a disgusting disease called phthi- riasis, probably the result of his debaucheries. He had latterly been engaged in writing the memoirs of his own life in Greek, and had just finished the twenty-second book when his career was cut off. His body vf as conveyed to- Roijie in a s«>lemn procession, and the whole senate, the equites, and all the colleges of priests, accompanied it to the- Campus Martius, where it was burned. These honors were not paid to him from any feeKng of esteem or affection on the' part of the people, but because they dreaded the armed soldiers who, under the command of Pompey, accompanied the body. Italy had been plunged into the deepest misery; but urSTORY OF ROME. 3G9 after the dispersion of the democratic leadei-s it was not the scene of any fresh war; and during the few years of Sulla's dictatorship it recovered a little from the severe blows which had been inflicted on it. The remnants of the Marian party fled to Sicily, Africa, and Spain, where new- armies were collected and the war was still continued. In B.C. S3, Cn. Pompey was sent to Sicily, where, through hired assassins, he got Carbo murdered, and thus peace was restored in the island. In the year following he went over to Africa, where he defeated and slew the proscribed Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, and king Hiai-bas, who supported Ahenobcirbus. Although Pompey at the time was only an eques, and no more than twenty-four yeai-s old, still on his return to Rome he was honored with a triumph, and Sulla further i-ewarded his services by the surname of the Great. The war with Sertorius, in Spain, was of far greater im- portance ; but we shall reserve our account of it till a somewihat later period. In Asia a- second war vidth Mithridates had broken out. Soon after the departure of Sulla, Mithridates began to feel that he had yielded too i-eadily, and had made gi-eater con- cessions than he ought to have done. As, moreover, the Roman senate had never signed the peace concluded be- tween him and Sulla, and as he had never been able to ob- tain its formal sanction, he reftised to give up to Ariobar- zanes the whole of Cappadocia, as he had promised to do, keeping a part of it for himself. His general, Archelaus, who pei'ceived the change in his master's mind, deserted, in B.C. 83, to the Romans, and prevailed upon L. Murena, who had the command of the Roman foi'ces in Asia, -at once to attack the king, and not to wait till he should commence hostilities. Murena accordingly marched into Cappadocia, and plundered the wealtliy temple of Comana. This ag- gression led to an open war, and a battle ^-sas fought in the vicinity of Sinope in which Murena was defeated. As Mithridates showed himself willing to renew the peace with the Romans, they readily consented, and Mithiidates remained in the possession of a part of Cappadocia: he also engaged hiftiself to a daughter of Ariobarzanes. The peace vnth Rome was concluded and ratified, in B.C. 81, by A. Gabinius, whom Sulla had sent over to Asia for the purpose. ' UTO HISTORY OP ROME. CHAPTER XXIX. TH5 ATTEMPT OP AEMILIUS LEPIDUS TO RESCIND THE ACTS OF SULLA CN. POMPEY THE GREAT WAR OP SERTO- RIUS IN SPAIN ^SPARTACUS POMPEy's CONSULSHIP THE PIRATES. SuLLA, by his tyrannical power, had smothered the fire which threatened the republic with destruction ; but it was not extinguished, and filel for a new conflagration was not wanting. The new order of things which he had created could not long survive its author; for all social relations at Rome and in Italy had been upset, and the old agricul- tural population of those places in which military colonies were established had been either ejected or reduced to beggary: in many instances they had become the tenants of their new lords, who, in their recklessness and licentious- ness, soon squandered their property, and were ready again to lend their arms to any one who might choose to pay them. It would have been very easy to form an army of reduced husbandmen and military desperadoes, who would have been readily joined by the hungry populace of Rome, and the great number of exiled citizens who were only waiting for some one to place himself at their head ; but the person who attempted the counter-revolu- tion had neither the talent nor the character for such an undertaking. In the year of Sulla's death, B^C. 78, the consulship was in the hands of M. Aemilius Lepidus, and Q.. Lutatius Ca- tulus, two men of very opposite characters and inclinations. The formei', though he had once belonged to the party of Sulla, and had enriched himself by it, was now become an implacable enemy of that party, and resolved to undo the work of Sulla: Lutatius Catulus, ou the other hand, was a stanch and faithful supporter of the edifice raised by Sulla. Lepidus made preparations to get the acts of Sulla rescinded, the exiles recalled, and their confiscated estates restored to them; but in order lo prevent any outbreak of hostilities between the tvv'o consuls, the senate made them, promise, on their oath, not to take up arms against each other. For a time this precaution had, the desired effect; HISTORY OF ROME. . 371 but when Lepidus had gone into his province of Cisalpine Gaul, he thought himself no longer bound by his oath, and collected an'army, which was joined by large numbers of Etruscaijs whose homes had been destroyed by Sulla, or who had been driven from their estates by the veterans of the dictator. Lepidus led his troops to the very gates of Rome ; but was i-epulsed by Catulus: he then fled to Sar- dinia, where he died the following year, B.C. 77. M. Junius Brutus attempted to support Lepidus in Gaul, but was defeated by Pompey and put to death ; and the troops of Lepidus, who maintained themselves for a time under Perperna, afterward went with him to Spain, and joined the army of Sertorius. In the mean time Rome itself was thrown into a state of the gi^eatest excitement; for the attempt of Lepidus had stirred up the tribunes, who for a number of years set all their engines at work to recover the power which the reforms of Sulla had taken from them. In B.C. 76, the tribune, Cn. Sicinius, brought forward a rogation, demanding the restora- tion of the tribunician power; and the year following, the consul, C. Aurelius Cotta, carried a law, by which the tribunes were allowed, after the expiration of their office, to be in- vested with other magistracies. In B.C. 74, another attempt •was made to repeal all the laws of Sulla; and in this manner things went on until Cn. Pompey, in his consulship, B.C. 70, carried a law bv which the power of the tribunes was i-e- stored exactly to what it had been before the dictatorship of Sulla.* In the same year the praetor, L. Aurelius Cotta, supported by Pompey, abolished Sulla's law lespecting the foi-mation of the courts of justice ; and it was enacted, that henceforth those courts should be composed of sena- tors, equites, and the tribuni aerarii.t These laws were carried without much opposition, but especially the latter, because the administration of justice had been so grossly violated, that even the friends of Sulla did not venture to oppose the new measure. Pompey, who had all along been a strong supporter of Sulla, thus overthrew, or helped to overthrow, the very pillars of ^he power of the aristoc- '^acy ; but he wished for popularity, and what he did was neither more nor less than what all other men did for the purpose of gaining their selfish ends and rising to honors; • Liv. Epit. 97 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 30 ; Pseudo-Ascon. m Cic. Oiv. pp. 103, U7 j Plut. Pomp. 22. t Ascon. in PUtm. p. 16, in Cornel p. 67 ; Schol. Bob. p. 229. 372 HISTORY OF EOME. for, as we have already observed, men of all parties began their career by courting the favor of the people, whose cause they afterward abandoned as soon as their objects were attained. The fate of Rome for many years past had been, inseparately connected with that of individuals who set themselves up as party leaders, and sacrificed every thing and eveiy body, as occasion offered, to their own love of dominion, their avarice, and ambition. Such henceforth continued to be the case, and instead of a history of Rome we now have, strictly speaking, only the history of individuals : the republic itself, from which all virtues, and all sense of true patriotism, as well as the feeling of reverence for the gods, had disappeared, now became an arena on which the principal men wei'e struggling for pow- er and influence. Pompey, who in the time of Sulla had be«n most won- derfully favored by fortune, was now rising 'with extraor- dinary i-apidity in popular favor. He possessed consider- able talent, and was animated by an insatiable ambition. There ai-e times in which he acted with true generosity and greatness; but at others he was mean and cowardly: in his advocacy of popular rights he was not honest, his own aggrandizement being always uppennost among his motives, and he never was a sincere or trustworthy friend. Along with him were springing np majiy men distinguished as generals and statesmen, some of whom were far supe- rior to him in talent and character, and all of whom were striving to reach the same goal. Among them was L. Licinius Lucullus, a man of excessive wealth, who enjoys the unfortunate reputation of having made his countrymen acquainted with Asiatic luxuries, in which he himself in- dulged very freely. His gardens and buildings were objects of general admii'ation ; even parts of the sea were changed by him into dry land or fish-ponds, whence Pompey, in derision, called him the Roman Xerxes. He was distin- guished as a general; and he seems to have had a humane feeling for the pi'ovincials. Anothej- person, who likewise became provei'bial for his wealth, was M. Licinius Crassus, whose treasures gave him more influence than either his talent or energy. But by far the greatest of all Pompey's cotemporaries was C. Julius Caesar, born in B.C. 100, and educated at Rhodes. He was equally distinguished by his good fortune, his perseverance and energy, and by the wonderful comprehensiveness of his mind ; for he was HISTORY OF ROME. 373 no less great as an orator, a scholar, and an author, than as a statesman and a commander of armies. He was a genius, in the true sense of the word, and a man of an ami- able disposition; ambitious as any of his cotemporaries, but free from envy and jealousy. M. Porcius Cato was a man of a very different kind : he had the strongest possible avei-sion to every kind of tyranny ; his virtues were those of an ancient Roman republican of the best times, and hence he was not fit for the age he lived in : when in the end he saw that it was hopeless to ti-y to save the republic, he perished by his own hand in a manner which has secured to him the admiration of all ages. M. TuUius Cicero was six years older than Caesar : he was bom at Arpinum. The position he occupied at Rome, and the influence he exercised upon political affairs, he owed to his virtues and to his eloquence, in which he surpassed all around hinl. He possessed a great mind, enriched with the most varied acquirements, and was animated by a gen- uine love of his country and its institutions ; but he was not without vanity : he was naturally of a timid and wavering chai-acter, whence he had not always resolution enough openly to declare in favor of the party or men to whom he was attached in his heart. He has often been judged of far more severely than he deserves, merely because all the circumstances amid which he lived ai-e not sufficiently taken into consideration. All these, and a great many more talented and distin- guished men, who grew up amid the storms of the repub- lic, render the age in which they lived one of the most illustrious in the annals of the human race. They were each more or less opposed to one another; but Pompey above all possessed the art of converting to his own use a portion of the glory of each, by his cunning and intrigues, or by his boasting and violence ; and on many occasions he displayed a pitiable degree of vanity and meanness even toward those who were sincerely attached to him. In the year B.C. 82, when Sulla entered Rome and cele- brated his bloody trinmph, the praetor Q. Sertorius had been commissioned by his party to go with his army to Spain, and there to endeavor to maintain their interests. He was joined by the remnants of the Marian party, and was afterward supported with great enthusiasm by the Lusitanians and Celtiberians. He was a native of Nursia, in the counti-y of the Sabines — a district celebrated for the 374 JUST-QRY OF ROME. preservation of its .primitive virtues and simplicity^and being a man of humble origin, he owed his reputation and distinctions to none but himself. He had the good of his country really at heart, and had joined the Marian party merely because he detested the injustice and intriguing machinations of the aristocrats. We have already seen that where justice required it, he did not scruple to attack the proceedings of the leading men of his own party, and it was in this spirit that he saved-Rome from the murderous hands of the freedmen of Marius. In Spain he acted on principles of kindness and humanity, by which he won the affection of the Spaniards, till he was driven to cruelty by their own treachery and fickleness. In order to secure their attachment to him, he afforded them relief wherever he coiild, and attended to their just complaints ; he treated them as much as possible as Romans, while previous gov- ernors had treated them as contemptible provincials. His great object was to blend Spaniards and Romans together as one people, and the plan on whichihe proceeded was well calculated for the purpose, and might have produced the best results, if the Spaniards bad acted with unanimity and fidelity. In his first military undertakings in Spain, Sertorius was unsuccessful ; for an^army which he sent out under Julius Salinator, to act against a Sullanian corps east of the Pyr- enees, which was commanded by C. Annius, was defeated by treachery : hence his own position became so unfavor- able that he was unable to maintain himself in Lusitania, and in B.C. 81 he crossed over into Africa. He remained there for some time, and took part in a war between two claimants to the crown of Mauritania. On that occasion he collected great booty, and gained great reputation as a military commander. He was just on the point of with- drawing from public life to spend the remainder of his days in the Canary Islands, when he was invited by the Lueita- nians to come back and undertake the command of their annies ; for in his absence they had been plundered and persecuted by Romans of the Sullanian party, and his brill- iant exploits in Mauritania had filled the Spaniards with fresh confidence. Sertorius, after some hesitation, accepted the invitation ; and, on his arrival in Spain, both Spaniards and Romans declared, for him wherever he appeared. The Celtiberians also took up arras for him, and numbers of the proscribed Romans flocked to his standard irom all HISTORY OF ROME. 375 parts. His aiTas were successful every where, and the manner in which he conducted the war, is a proof of liis great military skill and prudence, as well as of his undaunted courage. His intention was to establish a new Roman republic in Spain, for which purpose he formed a senate of 300 members, consisting partly of proscribed Romans, and partly- of illustrious Spaniards ; he appointed republican magistrates also, in imitation of those of Rome s and at Osca (Huesca) he established a great school, in which the sons of distinguished Spanish families were educated, being dressed in the Roman fashion, and instructed in the Latin and Greek languages. These boys became at the same time a sort of security to him for the fidelity of the Span- iards. The enthusiasm of the Spaniards was immense ; and, according to a custom of the country, thousands of them crowded around him, vowing to live and die with him. Wherever he went he was accompanied by a white fawn, which was looked upon by the Spaniards with a supersti- tious reverence, and believed to have been sent to him by the gods as a mark of their favor : this circumstance also greatly enhanced their confidence in him. Tlie feeling of attachment and admiration which his personal qualities had called forth was thus heightened by a kind of. religious veneration. In B.C. 79, Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, as pro-consul, undertook the conduct of the war against Sertorius ; but he and all his lieutenants were defeated ; whereupon Metel- lus, not daring to attack his enemy in the open field, tried to wear him out. In B.C. 77, M. Perpema, the legate of Lepidus, joined Sertorius vyith his army, hoping himself to act a prominent part in the war; but his men compelled him to submit to Sertorius. As Metellus was unable to make any impression upon the enemy, Cn. Pompey came with a fresh army to his assistance, but he was beaten in B.C 76, in the battle of Lauro ; after which several en- gagements took place, without any thing decisive being gained by either party, though the Romans were generally worsted. Pompey petitioned the senate to send reenforce- inents ; and when they came, in B.C. 74, he and Metellus laid siege to several fortified towns, but again without any success. In this year, the third war against Mithridates broke out, in consequence of an alliance concluded between Sertorius and the Pontian king, according to which the latter was to attack the Romans in the east, while Serto- 376 I1I3T0KY OF ROME, rius, supported by the fleet of Mithridates and by the pi- rates, contemplated making a descent upon Italy. But disunion among the Spaniards, and the rebellious spirit of some, brought about a change in the state of affairs, by which Rome was saved. The conduct of the Spaniards made Sertorius suspicious, and led him to acts of cruelty, one of which in particular is of such a nature that it can not be excused; he ordered, one day, all the young Span- iards at Osca to be put to death. This act alienated from him a great many Spaniards, and made the Romans in his retinue also become disaffected. Perperna, who had not been able to carry out his ambitious schemes in Spain, now wreaked his vengeance on Sertorius by forming a plot against his life, in B.C. 72. In order to carry his criminal plan into effect, he invited Sertorius to a banquet at Osca,' and while the -guests were at table, he himself and some other conspirators fell upon him and murdered him. Num- bers of faithful Spaniards, who had sworn not to survive , him, killed themselves at the burial of their great command- er. Perperna, who now thought he had gained his object, placed himself at the head of the army of Sertorius ; but in the first encounter with Pompey his whole army was cut to pieces, and he himself fell into the hands of his enemy, and was put to death. In order to save himself, Perperna had delivered up to Pompey a number of letters, in which some distinguished Romans invited Sertorius to come to Italy ; but Pompey, too generous to reward such treachery, threw the letters into the fire without making any use of them. Peace was thus restored in Spain, and the last remnants of the Marian party were now completely annihi- lated. But before the war in Spain was brought to a close, an- other had broken out in Italy, which threatened to become even more formidable, and was certainly far more destruc- tive to the prosperity of Italy; for it was carried on by re- volted gladiators and slaves. Among the slaves scattered all over Italy, there were many thousands who had once lived in luxury, and had enjoyed S better education than their present masters ; many had even distinguished them- selves in the wars against the Romans. Such men must have been filled with rage and indignation at their wretch- ed and revolting condition. The ablest among them were trained by their masters, in certain establishments, called ludi gladiatotn, or gladiator-schools, to amuse the Roman nrSTORY OF ROME. populace, at the public games, with their cruel and bloody contests in the circus. In B.C. 73, about seventy such gladiators, headed by Spartacus, a Thracian, broke forth from a gladiator-school at Capua. Their leader was a very able man, and well fitted for the daring enterprise he ven- tured upon. They first took up their position on mount Aetna, whence they made predatory excursions tot the purpose of providing themselves with ai-ms and ammuni- tion. When they felt sti-ong enough, they gave the signal for a general insurrection of the gladiators an^ slaves, to whom liberty was held out as a i-eward ; and, in a short time, Spartacus had an army of no less than 10,000 slaves, all of whom were provided with arms. Spartacus had two sub-commanders of his forces, Crixus and Oenomaus, both Gauls, who had likewise been slaves, and now took fearful vengeance upon that free population which, had kept them in bondage. The free inhabitants of Italy had been so greatly reduced in numbers in the time of Sulla, that no effectual resistance could be made against the slaves rail parts of southern Italy that were visited by them- were lavaged and laid waste without mercy, and many once- flourishing towns were changed into heaps of ashes. The consuls of the year B.C. 72 were completely unsuccessful, and the slaves gained victory upon vfctory. Spartacus ad- vanced as far north as the foot of the Alps, probably with the view of settling in Gaul, and defeated C. Cassius, who had the command in Cisalpine Gaul ; but his hordes com- pelled him to go back, because they wanted to sack and plunder Rome. At this moment, B.C. 71, the praetor, M. Licinius Crassus, received the command against Spartacus, wrho was marching southward with the intention of rousing the slaves in Sicily. Ciassus overtook Spartacus near Petilia in Lucania. A battle was fought there, in which the slaves, indeed, raged like lions in despair; but when their leader had fallen, they lost all hopes. The victory of Crassus was owing more to the division of the slaves into three armies than to the skill of the Roman general. The bodies or the limbs of the slaifl were impaled along the high roads in southern Italy, to strike terror into their fellow-bondsmen, and only 5000 of the slaves are said to have escaped to the nortli of Italy. There they fell in vvith Pompey, who was just returning from Spain, and who com- pletely cut tbem to pieces. The south of Italy, after this war, was in a most deplorable condition, for the free popu 378 HISTORY -OF home. lation was almost extirpated ; many towns, such, as Nola, Thurii, Grumentura, and many others, were entirely de- stroyed, and the country was cut up into a number of de- serted districts, which, for a long time after, served only as pasture lands.- The south of Italy never recovered from these fearful devastations. At the time when Pompey returned from Spain he-was only thirty-five years old, and had not yet been invested with any curule office. But he enjoyed the highest possi- ble popularity, which was the fruit of his reputation as a general ; for he had distinguished himself in the Social war, and in the war against the Marian party in Sicily and Africa ; he had brought to a close the great war against Sertorius'; and, on his way home, he had completed the victory over the slaves, thus snatching away a portion of the laurels which were in reality due to his rival, Crassus. He now sued for the consulship, which he received for the year B.C. 70 along with Crassus. The jealousy and rivalry existing between these two men made the Romans tremble lest tbey should take up arms against each other ; but, toward the end of their consulship, they were prevailed upon by the senate to make a reconciliation, which was never after disturbed. Pompey, from the time he entered on his consulship, did every thing he could to secure to him- self the favor of the people ; it was with this object in view that he restored the power of the tribunes, and assisted L. Aurelius Cotta in his regulations concerning the courts of justice. By these acts, however, he natm-ally drew upon himself the displeasure of the party to which he belonged.* But party interests were not listened to when they came in conflict with those of aggrandizement. Pompey also caused a census to be instituted, which had been neglected for the last sixteen years ; and he not only caused himself to be enrolled as a simple eques, but paraded himself as such, leading his horse, in the procession, like every other eques. He further delighted the people with magnificent games, which lasted from the 15th till the 29th of August. His colleague, Crassus, by his immense wealth, endeavored to outbid him for public favor, by distributing large quan- tities of corn among the people, and feasting them at ten thousand tables in public. After the expiration of his con- sulship, Pompey did not undertake the administration of any province, but remained for two years at Some, in a * Pseudo-Ascon. in Cic, Divm. in Caecil. p, 147. HISTORY OF, JtOMK. 3'!) private atation, living in princely splendor, and enjoying the fame which he had acquired. An opportunity for further gratifying his ambition was offered to him in the war against the pirates. For some time past all parts of the Mediten-anean had been infested by swarms of pirates, who carried on their robbei'ies with the greater impunity, because Rome had no powerful navy, and because the rulers of Syria and Egypt were kept in inactivity by mutual jealousy. The number of pirates thus increased to an alarming extent, and there vt-as no part of the sea, or its coasts, from Syria to the pillars of Hercules, that was safe against them. Their principal strong-holds were in Cilicia and Isauria; but they were joined also by Syrians, Cyprians, Cretans, Pamphj'lians, and by Greeks from the maritime towns of Asia Minor and Greece. They possessed fortresses and large warehouses, in which they deposited their plunder ; and they ar« said to have had up\5Jcird of a thousand vessels manned with experienced sailors and bold marines. Not only merchant-vessels and transports were attacked by them, but they frequently landed on the coasts of Italy, and in the very neighborhood of Rome, where towns and villas were plundered, and men, cattle, and goods of every description carried off, so that Rome itself was threatened with famine. On one occasion the pirates burned the Roman ships in the port of Ostia, and for some time ranged about in Latium, dividing the booty among themselves with perfect impunity. In the neigh- borhood of Misenum, on the Appian road, they carried off the daughter of M. Antonius, the son of the orator and father of the triumvir." Such a state of things required en- ergetic measures. The Romans began to act against them as early as the year B.C. 78 ; and P. Servilius, who re- ceived the command, continued his operations for several years. He subdued the Isaurians (hence called Servilius Isauricus), and took some of the towns which were in the possession of the pirates. In B.C. 73, the above-mentioned M. Antonius, a m'an notorious for his avarice and cruelty, succeeded Servilius. He earned on the war more espe- cially against Crete, either from a desire to enrich himself there, or because the Cretans had really taken part in the proceedings of the pirates ; but he was unsuccessful, and died the year after. In B.C. 70, the praetor, L. Metellus, was fortunate against tbem, in and about Sicily ; and, two years later, undertook a second war against Crete, which 380 HISTORY OP HOME. after a long and severe struggle, he subdued in B.C. 67, whence he was honored with the surname of Creticus. All these efforts produced little or no effect upon the pirates ; and before Metellus had conducted the Cretan war to a close, the tribune, A. Gabinius, in B.C. 67, brought forward a rogation that Pompey* should be in- vested for three years with the supreme command over all parts and coasts of the Mediterranean, to a distance of 400 stadia from the sea, and with power to take as many officers, legions, ships, and as much money as he might think proper. This extraordinary and unconstitutional measure, which endangered the existence of the republic, was carried, not- withstanding the opposition of such men as Q.. Hortensius and Q,. Lutatius Catulus. The tribunes thus evinced their gratitude for what Pompey had done for them, by investing him with greater power than any Roman had ever possessed befoi'e ; but the brilliant success with which his undertaking was crowned justified the expectations which the people entertained of him, and it does credit to Pompey that he did not abuse his power for the purpose of making himself a tyrant. This period is the most glorious in the vi?hole life of Pompey. His prudence, skill, and quickness of action are deserving of the highest praise. He had a large number of legates commanding under him, and stationed in all parts of the sea. He began his preparations toward the end of the winter, entered upon his operations in the beginning of spring, and about the middle of summer the whole Mediterranean was cleared. During the first forty days of his campaign he swept the pirates before him, from the pillars of Hercules and the coast of Spain, as far as Italy, and drove them from all their recesses. He then made a short stay at Rome, aYid in forty-nine more days, as if he had drawn a net around them, he drove the pirates from Italy and Sicily into the Cilician sea, where he defeated them. Many of the pirates were taken prisoners or killed, the rest surrendered. He demolished their ships, and then landed in Cilicia, where he destroyed their strong-holds. The whole campaign was finished in about three months. The submission of the pirates was owing, in a great meas- ure, to the humane manner in which Pompey treated them; for they had, probably, been driven to their mode of life by poverty and the impossibility of gaining their living in ♦ Pompey was either expressly mentioned in the bill, or at least clearly enough hinted at. Dion. Cass, xxxvi. 6 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 31 ; Plut. Pomp. 2B. HISTORY OF ROME. 381 any other way. Pompey sent them as colonists into inland towns of Asia Minor and Greece, where they had the means of living in a creditable manner and would be properly watched. The Cilician town o{ Soli received from the conqueror the name of Pompeiopolis. While he WEis thus engaged in the south of Asia Minor, the Cietans, who were hard pressed aisd cruelly treated by Metellus, sent a message to Pompey, offering to surrender to him if he would come over, that they might not fall into the hands of Metellus. But Pompey had not time to spare ; and Metellus, in spite of the command of Pompey to withdraw from the island, completed its subjugation, for which he afterward celebrated a triumph. After the conclusion of the war against the pirates, Pompey did not return to Rome, but remained in Asia, probably with a view to ob- tain the command against Mithridates also, for he could rely upon the zeal of his partisans at Rome : he spent his time in Asia in making various regulations in the towns which he had conquered. CHAPTER XXX. THE THIRD WAR AGAINST MITHRIDATES. WAR AGAINST THE THRACIANS. At the period when Pompey gained his glorious victory over the pirates, the republic had for some time been in- volved in a fresh war against Mithridates of Pontus, which arose out of that against Sertorius in Spain, and lasted alto- gether for nearly ten years. In B.C. 74, Sertorius sent two proscribed Romans to Mithridates to form an alliance with him, and stir him up against Rome. The king was to assist Sertorius with his fleet, and in case of their combined efforts succeeding, he was to have the sovereignty of all Asia. In the same year Nicomedes, king of Biliynia, died, and be- queathed his kingdom to the Roman people. Mithridates, encouraged by the offer of Sertorius, not only refused to recognize this bequest, but resolved to wage war against the Romans with all the powers he possessed. Besides his kingdom of Pontus, he ruled over a part of Cappadocia ; and a number of princes, east and north of the Black Sea, 382 HISTORY OF EOME. as far as the- river Dniester, were in alliance with him, or stood to him in the relation of vassals. He himself had enormous treasures, and a well-disciplined army of 156,000 men ; and could rely upon the co-operation of the pirates as well as of Sertorius. He began the war by invading Bithynia, whereupon the Roman senate sent the consul, M. Aurelius Cotta, with an army into Asia. In the neighborhood of Chalcedon the hostile armies met, and the Romans were defeated. Cotta took refuge within the walls of the town, and Mithridates soon after burned the Roman fleet in its harbor. The king then took Heraclea, and began to besiege the wealthy and populous town of Cyzicus, which he intended to make his starting-point for the conquest of all Asia Minor. But the inhabitants of Cyzicus remained faithful to Rome, and, though unassisted, defended themselves bravely and reso- lutely, Tepelling every attack of the enemy. While the siege was going on, L. Licinius Xueullus, the colleague' of Cotta, arrived in Asia with a fresh army ; and Mithridatesj who had been lingering too long before Cyzicus, soon dis- covered that LucullUs had cut him off from all supplies of provisions. After having sustained some severe losses in the engagements with his adversary, the king retreated, and hastened to Nicomedia and thence to Sinope. Lucul- lus pursued his enemy, who almost seems to have lost his senses, for he did not know how to maintain himself any where. At Sinope, however, he again assembled his troops; and in an engagement of his cavalry with the Romans, in the neighborhood of Cabira, he gained some advantages : but all was of no avail, for soon afterward he fled to Coma- na, and thence to his son-in-law Tigranes, king of Armenia. Tigranes for some time refused to give him any support, but in the end consented to do so. Lucullus, in the mean time, entered Pontus, where the towns, though they defended themselves gallantly, were compelled to surrender one after another, because the ar- mies which ought to have protected them were dispersed : 60,000 of the king's subjects are said to have been, killed in this campaign.' After having accomplished the conquest of Pontus, Lucullus spent some time in regulating the af- fairs of the newly-acquired countries^ and in the mean while sent Appius Claudius to Tigranes to persuade him to de- liver up his father-in-law to the Romans : vyhen this was refused, Lucullus at lengthy in B.C. 69, crossed'. the rivers HISTORY OF koMB. 383 Euphrates and Tigris, and besieged Mkhridates and Ti- granes in Tigranocerta. The host of Asiatic soldiers there assembled were dispersed like chafF, and the city, with its immense treasures, fell into the hands of the Romans. Ti- granes, in order not to be recognized, threw away his dia- dem, and took to flight ; and the defeated kings, then en- deavored to gain the support of Phraates, king of the Par- thians. Tigranes, however, made another stand against the Romans at Artaxata, where he was again defeated ; and Lucullus then took possession of Nisibis, a town of Meso- potamia, where he spent the winter of B.C. 68 and 67. While he was staying there, an insurrection broke out among his troops, which had been stirred up by P. Clo- dius, his own brother-in-law, who already showed strong symptoms of the detestable career he afterward pursued. The rebellion broke'out first among the veterans of Vale- rius Flaccus ( Valeriani), who had been serving in Asia for many years, and now demanded to be sent home. Lucul- lus, it is true, succeeded in quelling the mutiny ; but it in- spired his enemies with fresh hopes, while to some extent it paralyzed his own energy. Mithridates succeeded in completely cutting to pieces an army of 7000 men under the command of the legate C Triarius, and again recov- ered a part of his kingdom of Pontus. Lucullus followed him, and his men at first obeyed his commands ; but as he approached the king they again refused obedience, and it was only with the utmost difficulty that he persuaded tfierii to serve to the end of the present campaign. Just at this time, B.C. 67, the consul M'. Aquilius Gla.- brio was appointed to succeed Lucullus in the command against Mithiidates ; for the enemies of Lucullus at Rome, and especially the friends of Ponapey, had set on foot a re- port that Lucullus was protracting the war for the purpose of enriching himself, and his late misfortunes gave his' ene- mies a welcome pretext for recalling him. When Glabrio arrived in Bithynia he remained pei-fectly idle, but he issued a proclamation that the army of Lucullus should be disband- ed, and threatened to punish those that should continue to serve under him. The army of Lucullus accordingly dis- persed ; some of the poorer soldiers alone clung to their commander, who had the mortification of seeing Mithridates again take possession of Pontus and Cappadocia, for Glar brio made no efforts whatever to prevent it. All this was the work of the friends of Pompey, who wanted hini"t5(> 384 HISTORY OF ROME. reap the fi-uits of his predecessor's labors. The equites» perhaps, had some reason to be dissatis^ed with Lucullus, for though he accumulated immense wealth in Asia, still ho seems, on many.occasions, to have protected the provincials against the greedy extortions of the farmers of the public revenue. But on his return to Rome he was, nevertheless, very honorably received, and rewarded with a triumph. He brought witll him immense riches, and afterward lived in the enjoyment of the luxuries with which he had become so familiar in Asia. In B.C. 66, while Pompey'was yet in the south of Asia Minor, and Glabrio, in Bithynia, was allowing Mithridates to act as he pleased, the tribune C. Manilius brought for- ward a bill, that in addition to the seas and countries over which Pompey had the supreme command, he should be invested with unlimited power also in Bithynia, Pontus, and Armenia, for the purpose of conducting the war against Mithridates. This mfeasure was opposed by Q. Catulus, and by the orator Q,. Hortensius ; but the tribunes and the people were resolved to carry their plan, and influential men, like C. Julius Caesar, supported it. Cicero, who was then praetor,recomraended the scheme in a splendid speech, the first he ever addressed to the assembled people ; and the bill was carried. Cicero and Caesar supported Pom- pey on this occasion, because both were anxious to gain the favor of the people by attaching themselves to the man who at that time was their idol ; for both must have seen that the measure was unconstitutional, and replete with danger. The Romans, however, had no reason to regret the step they took ; though if Pompey had been a man like Sulla, things would have turned out very differently. When Pompey undertook the war against Mithridates, his position was far less surrounded by difficulties than that of Lucullus had been, for he received strong re-enforcements, and Mith- ridates was worn out by his many vicissitudes. Pompey set out from Cilicia, and had an interview with Lucullus ifi Galatia ; but the ill feeling between them was too strong to lead to any good, and the meeting ended in bickerings and disputes. Pompey then concluded an alliance with the king of the Parthians ; and one night he fought a battle with Mithridates on the banks of the Euphrates, in which the king was defeated and put to flight. Before pui"suin^ him, Pompey founded the town of Nicopolis. Mithridates fled into Colchis, as Tigranes refused to give him any fiir- HISTORY OP ROME. 385 iher assistance. Pompey, on the invitation of Tigrancs, then entered Armenia, and the king humbly surrendered ' himself to the conqueror, who deprived him of all his pos- sessions with the exception of the kingdom of Armenia,' made him pay 6000 talents, and raised his son, the youn- ger Tigranes, to the throne of Sophene. Pompey spent the ensuing winter on the river Cyrnus (Kur), where the Albanians made an unsuccessful attack upon him. In the spnng he advanced into the country about Mount Caucasus, and fought against the Albanians and Iberians, after which he entered Colchis ; but the diffi- culties he had to contend with among the warlike tribes of those countries induced him to pui-sue Mithridates no fur- ther. He concluded peace with the Albanians and Iberi- ans, and returned through Armenia to Syria, leaving Mith- ridates to his owu fete. The latter, in the mean time, made great efforts, and formed very bold plans for attacking th dreaded so gigantic an undertaking, and were resolved not to enter upon it : headed by the king's own son Phamaces, they broke out into open rebellion at Panticapaeum in the Crimea. The king, well knowing that his life was not safe. took poison, but as thi.s had no effect, he prevailed upon ;i slave to put an end to his life, in B.C. 63. His unnatural son Phamaces sent the corpse to Pompey, who -vms then still liflgering in Asia, and who, having shown it to his sol- diers, ordered it to be buried with royal splendor. Pompey, on his arrival in pyria, immediately deposed King Ajitiochus XIII., who had been raised to the throne by Lucullus, and constituted Syria, with Phoeniciij, a Ro- man province. Jerusalem was at this time distracted byh civil war between the two brothers Hyrcanus and Aristo- bulus : Pompey, after his return from an expedition into Arabia, supported the former, and took the sacred city after a siege of three months, in B.C. 63. He did not interfere with the religious practices of the Jews, but deprived the reigning family pf its kingly titles, and appointed Hyrcanus high-priest: Aristobulus was sent to Rome as a prisoner, and Judaea became tributary to the republic. When this was accomplished^ Pomspey, before returning tg Rome, spent a considerable time in Asia, regulating the affairs of the country Phamacee, the treacherous son of Mithridate*. R 8S6 UlSTGEY VV KO.Mr received the kingdom of Bosporus, vyliich he retained until the arrival of J. Caesar in those districts, in B.C. 47 ; Dei- otarus,tetrarch of Galatia, received Lesser Armenia; many other persons received kingdoms and principalities at -the hands of Pompey ; and Tigranes and Ariobarzanes were allowed to remain kings respectively of Cappadocia and Armenia Proper: Syria and Cilicia became Roman prov- inces. Pompey did not leave Asia till the spring of B.C. 62, when he embarked at Ephesns ; but his progress through Greece was so slow, that he did not arrive in Italy until the end of the same year. At the time when the Roman arms were engaged against Sertorius, and even for some years before, the province of Macedonia was endangered by the invasion of some bar- barous tribes from Thrace, who ravaged the country in a most cruel manner. The war against theiti was undertaken in B.C. 77, by the proconsul Appius Cljiudius, who defeated them in several battles j but he died in the course of hi& campaign, before the war was brought to a close. He was succeeded by C Scribonius Curio, in B.C. 75, who con- quered the Dardanians, and penetrated as far as the river, Danube ; but the war was not brought to an end till B.C. 72, when the consul M. Lucullus, who had undertaken the administration of Macedonia, subdued the whole nation of the Besai, and penetrated across the Danube, along the northern coast of the Black Sea, as far as the river Tanais and the Sea of Azov. The Roman arms were thus victori- ous every where : within a few years Spain was subdued, an insuiTection of the slaves wbs quelled, the pirates were swept from the sea, the kingdom of Mithridates was de- stroyed, and the province of Macedonia was not only se- cured, but the Roman dominion in that quarter tended far beyond it. w.i< r'\- CHAPTER XXXI. THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. POMPEY AFTER HIS RETURN FROM ASIA. With all these glorious achievements abroad, the condi- tion of tlfe people of Rome and Italy was not improved ; the population of Rome sank more and more into an abyss HISTORY OF ROME. 3S7 of moral depravity and profligacy, and the city was, in faC, little better than a den of robbers and vagabonds, in whom all the nobler feelings of human nature were extinct, aua virtue and justice were laughed at and scorned. One of the most striking examples of the violation of every law or justice and humanity was exhibited by the propraetor, '1. Verres, during his administration of Sicily, from B.C. 73 to B.C. 71 : though he plundered the island in the most u;i- scrupulous manner, and, in defiance of all laws, human and divine, carried away the finest works of art fromtemplr,-, as well as from the houses of private persons, he escaped the punishment he so richly deserved; for all the exertio-ss and eloquence of Cicero were of no avail, the judges know- ■ ing too well that the condemnation of Verres would be r condemnation of their own conduct. He found an advocate in Q,. Hortensius, and the nobles and many magistrates d'd their utmost to obtain his acquittal. Verres himself, who had no faith in his own case, withdrew from Rome, but w '.^ afterward permitted to return. Boundless desires and wants strengthened the love of robbery and plunder; ai - gluttony, extravagance', and profligacy of every kind reached a height which to us appears to approach real madness. The optimates set the example, and die populace followed it with an audacity and impudence which could arise only from their knowing that the laws were utterly powerless. The good men, whose number was very small, had every thing to fear, while the bad ones had every thing to hope. Rome was in a state of extreme dissolution, and the repub lie was a mere name. There is, perhaps, no example in the history of man of such consummate wickedness as that of C. Sergius Catilina, who acted more like an incarnate evil demon than a human being. He was descended from a noble family, and had become accustomed to murder and bloodshed in the days of Sulla, to whose party he belonged. It can not be de- nied that he was an extraordinary man, and that he pos- sessed all the qualities which might adorn a great man in such times as those in which he lived, for his courage was unparalleled, and he possessed a gigantic strength both of body and mind. The accounts which we have of his crimes may, indeed, be exaggerated in some points; but in the main they are unquestionably correct, though it is difiicult to see what was the object of the enormous wrongs he plan- ned, unless it were to set himself up as a tyrant on the 388 . HISTORY OF ROME. , ruins of Rome, and on the heaps of the corpses of his fel- low-citizens. In thq course of his dissolute life he had squandered all his property, and he nowsaw no help for himself except in a revolution ; many other nobles, who were in the same or similar circumstances, were also gained over by him, for he is said to have possessed such a fascinating power oV^er those who came in contact with him that no one could resist himL Some of the nobles, such as M. Licinius Crassus, in their feuds against one another, may have supported his schemes, since they looked upon him as a welcome instrument for the attainment of their selfish ends. He was accordingly-joined by prtjfligates of all classes and parties, as well as by the dregs of the populace, who longed for the revival of the proscriptions of the time of Sulla. Catiline began his diabolical machinations in B.C. 66, three years before the consulship of Cicero, whom he hated more than any other man. He had been propraetor of the province of Africa, and on his return he intended offering himself as a candidate for the consulship, but, being ac- cused of extortion in his province, he was obliged to giVe • ^his plan. He is said on this occasion to have been de- fended by Cicero.* In ordei' to take vengeance on thosd who thwarted him, he, in conjunction with some young no- bles, formed a conspiracy for the purpose of murdering the . consuls of B.C. 65, and man^ of the ' senators ; but the scheme was frustrated; by Catiline bimself, who, impatient of delay, gave the~signal before his associates werfe quite pi'epared for the perpetration of the crime. In B.C. 64, Catiline again came forward as a candidate for the coiisul- ship ; and, in conjunction with C. Antonius, he made the' greatest efforts to defeat Cicero, who likewise stood for the consulship. The optimates at first treated Cicero, as an upstart, with great contempt ; biit their fear of Catiline's success at length induced them to support Cicero, who enjoyed great popularity with the people, and now bOre down all opposition. Catiline's: mind now thought of nothing but revenge and murder, and he was determined to caiTy out his former design on a much larger scale ; for the city of Rome was to be reduced to a heap of ashes, and all the leading men of the time were to be' killed in one' general massacre. Some of his noble associates provided!^ * Asoon., ai Cic. Oral.,'m Tog- Ccai^.,v. 85; cgmp. Sfllaist, Q^ Ifl-n Cia., pro Cad,, *■ '''■'' '■'■ "■ ' HISTORY OP ROME. 389 him with money for the purpose of causing at the same time an insurrection in Picenum and Etruria. The plan was already matured for execution, when Fulvia, who had been infoi-med of the plot by her friend Curius, one of the conspirators, reported it to the consul Cicero, who from the first had kept a watcljful eye upon the proceedings of Catiline, and now resolved to take the most energetic measures to suppress the conspiracy. His colleague C. Antonius was suspected, and not without good reason, of being an accomplico of Catiline ; so, in order to keep him in good humor and out of the way of the conspira- tors, he gave up to him the lucrative province of Macedo- nia, of which he was to take charge at the expiration of his consulship. On the 8th of November Cicero addressed so impressive a speech to the senate that Catiline, who was present, quitted Rome the night following. The next day Cicero delivered another speech on the same subject to the people; the senate then declared Catiline a public enemy, and ordered Cicero to provide for the safety of the city, commanding at the same time that an army should be raised. An event occurred, in the mean time, which put Cicero in possession of the most unexceptionable evidence of the con- spiracy aud its accomplices. Some Allobrogian embassa- dora came to Rome, vv'ho brought with them letters from Catiline to his comrades in the city; for on their way through Etruria he had attempted to gain them over to his scheme. The embassadors, however, secretly revealed the whole affair to Cicero. When they left Rome they were again charged with letters to Catiline ; but in the night, between the 2d and 3d of December, as they quitted Rome, they were apprehended, for the sake of appearance, near the Mulvian Ijridge, and all the letters thus fell into the hands of Cicero, who immediately laid the whole matter before the people. The AUobrogians were rewarded for the disclosures they had made, and Cicero ordered those conspirators who were at Rome, and whose crime was established by their correspondence, to be thrown into prison. Among them were the praetor Lentulus, Cethe- gus, Statilius, and Caeparius. On the 5th of December Cicero delivered his fourth Catilinarian speech in the sen- ate, respecting the punishment to be inflicted on those of the' conspirators who had been arrested. He himself pro- posed that, as their crime was proved, they should be put to death ; and Cato supported him in this view. As all the bM HISTORY OF ROME. Bonators, with the exception of J. Caesar, were of the same '^''inion, the conspirators were strangled in prison on that same day. This summary proceeding, though perfectly ■"at and in accordance with the principles of Roman law, atterward became to Cicero the cause of great trouble and n (Fering. The conspiracy, however, was not yet suppressed ; for ^' itiline, who had in vain" attempted to escape into Gaul, assembled an army in Etruria; the war against him was ci lered to be conducted by C. Antonius, but as he was ill, or unwilling to fight against his former associate, his legate, '.'.Petreius, undertook the management of the war. In the beginning of B.C. 62, Catiline was compelled to engage ii. battle near Pistoria, in the north of Etruria. Catiline and his men fought like lions ; all fell sword in hand, and .: ne took to flight ; 3000 conspirators were slain in the engagement, and among them their leader. The conspir- t«.v-y itself was thus crushed; but there were numbers of ro.rsons, both at Rome and in Italy, who, although not act- util accomplices of Catiline, yet, in their hearts, favored I'^m, and had hoped to derive advantages from his revolu- iiori : it was this class of men who caused the subsequent t" ".turbances, and some years later drove Cicero into exile. Cicero truly deserved the gratitude of his country, since '' was owing to his exertions and vigilance alone that the lepublic was saved from a miserable destruction ; and we '' Si not wonder that in after life he spoke of the occur- rences of his consulship with pride and satisfaction. The f nators saluted him as the father of his country, and de- clared hira worthy of a civic ci'own. But the happiness '• 1 thus enjoyed did not last long; for, a few days after he had laid down his consulship, the tribunes, MetuUus Nepos h id Bestia, in conjunction with J. Caesar, who was then praetor, declared that Pompey must return from Asia to ' store the constitution, which had been violated by Cicero having put to death Roman citizens without a formal trial, "his proposal ci'eated great disturbances ; and had not Cato, who was one of the tribunes, opposed his colleagues 't ith all his might and his usual firmness, matters would 8 Iready have come to a sad crisis.* Pompey did not land in Italy till the end of the year J?.C. 62. On his arrival at Brundusium he disbanded his ii-my, in order to impress upon the people the notion that • Plut., Cic., S3, Cat. Afi»., 21, 26; Sneton,, Goes., 16. HISTORY OF EOME. 891 notwithstanding his extraordinary achievements, be still honored republican liberty. In the beginning of B.C. 61, he arrived at Rome, without any armed force," and was re- ceived by the people with the gi-eatest joy and enthusiasm. He celebrated his victories with a more splendid triumph than Rome had ever witnessed. Vast sums of money were deposited in the public treasury ; every soldier who had served in his legions received a present of about 45?., and Pompey devoted a part of his booty to the building of a temple of Minerva, with an inscription recording his vic- tories.* But, notwithstanding his affectation of republican sentiments and his generosity, he was unable to induce the senate to sanction the arrangements which he had made in Asia : Cato, Q,. Metellus Celer, LucuUus, and Cras!>us all opposed his desires.t As Pompey's vanity had not allowed him to anticipate such opposition, his wounded pride led him to abandon the optimates and to join the popular party. This step, which, once taken, could not easily be retraced, involved him in all the unfortunate cir- cumstances in which he ultimately perished. CHAPTER XXXH. i!. JULIUS CAESAR, ON. POMPEY, AND M. LICINiUS CRASSUS. Caesar's consulship. — p. clodius. — ^cicero's exile a.vd RESTORATION. PTOLEMY AULETES. CLODIUS AND MILO. C. Julius Caesar had distinguished himself by bis intre- pidity and prudence even when a young man during the I dictatorship of Sulla, for he defied the dictator's command while every one else trembled, and it was mainl}- owing to his prudence that his name was not put on the proscrip- tion list. Pompey, who had not penetration enough to comprehend so vast a mind as that of Caesar, received his acts of friendship and attachment as a homage done to his own merits, while Caesar only endeavored to raise himself in popular favor by his connection with Pompey. Caesar's unbounded liberality toward the people plunged him into debts and difficulties, but this was the means by which ho • Plin., Hist. Nat., vii., 26; Diodor., Fragm. Vat., p. 140, ed. Dindorf. i Dion Cus., xxxvii., 49 ; Appian, De Bell. Civ., ii., 9. 392 HISTORY OP EOME. gradually succeeded in eclipsing Pompey in popularity. There existed a relationship between the families of Cae- sar and Marius, for Julia, a sister of Caesar's father, had been married to the elder Marius, for whom Caesar always felt a strong attachment. When Julia died, in B.C. 67, Caesar delivered the funeral oration ; and two years later, B.C. 65, he restored one night the statues of Marius and the representations of his victories in the Capitol, all these marks of honor having been destroyed or removed by Sulla. Their restoration filled the senate with alai'm,but delighted the people, who, with the greatest applause and enthusi- asm, hailed the reappearance of. the well-known features of their former leader. From this time Caesar became tht,' avowed head of the remnants of the Marian party, lij B.C. 62 he was invested with the praetorship ; and after the expiration of his office he went into his province of Spain, where he suppressed an insurrection amqpg the Lusitanians, and subdued some districts which had not ye6 recognized the supremacy of Rome. The sums of money which he collected in Spain were so enormous, that he not only had enough to pay his debts, which are said to have amounted to one million sterling, but he had a large sum left to continue his extravagances. About the middle of the year B.C. 60 he returned to Rome, and obtained the consulship for the year following, together with M. Cal- purnius Eibulus, an honest but narrow-minded and obsti- nate man. The provinces which were assigned to the consuls were of a kind from which neither fariie nor profit could be expected. This exasperated Caesar, and aa Pompey likevrise was displeased with the senate, Caesai easily gained him over to bis side, and at th(B same time established a reconciliation between hira and Crassus, whose money had often assisted Caesar in can-ying out bis demagogic schemes. The union of these three men is commonly called the fii-st triumvirate : they now agreed among themselves that no political measures should be taken which might be displeasing to any one of tliem.* Caesar endeavwed to draw Cicero also into the coalition, but Cicero dreaded their ambitious schemes, and was, in fact, more anxious for the safety of the republic than for his own personal influence. ' These three men now were all-powerful : they held the fate of the republic in their hands ; they acted just as they pleased, and each of them • Sueton., Caes^ 19. HISTORY OF ROME. 393 hastened with equal _zeal toward the accomplishment of what he considered the consummation of his desires. Crassus wanted to be at the head of the world for the sole purpose of increasing his wealth ; Pompey hoped to get his arrangements in ^sia sanctioned, and to heighten his glory ; but Caesar saw through their designs, and calcu- lated beforehand what was going to happen, well know- ing that in the end he should rise above both of them. Under such circumstances Caesar entered upon his con- sulship in B.C. 59. He began his proceedings by canying a series of laws, all of which tended to raise him in the people's esteem, while they offended the senate and his colleague Bibulus. In order to render the senate more amenable tg public opinion, he enacted that thenceforward regular records of the transactions in the senate and the assembly should be kept and published.* By a second legulation he secured the good-will of the whole body of equites, by releasing the fanners of the public revenue from one third of the sums they owed to the public treas ury, for, in their eagerness to obtain the contracts, they had offered larger sums than they found it possible to pay. A far more important meaSure, however, was his agrarian law. This \^as a modification of a bill which had been brought forward in B.C. 63, by the tribune Servilius Rullus, but had been defeated by Cicero. The provisions of this law were as follows : A commission of twenty consulars was appointed to distribute the domain land in Campania, and the district called Stellatis, to such poor citizens as had at least three children : the lots thus assigned were not transferable by sale for the next twenty years. As there was not land enough to satisfy all who preferred their claims, it was further enacted that other districts should be purchased out of the booty which Pompey had brought from Asia : a colony also was established at Ca- pua. Not less than 20,000 citizens are said to have re- ceived allotments of laud by this agrarian law. Bibulus, Cicero, and the whole senate opposed the measure, but their exertions were useless. Bibulus altogether withdrew from public life, and shut himself up in his house for the rest of the year. Caesar was thus, in fact, sole consul, and might act as he pleased.t In order to unite himself still * These records, resembling oar newspapers, were calJed acta duunia; Sueton., Caes., 20. t Sueton., Caes., 20; Veil. Pat, ii., 44; Li.'.. EpII.. tO.'J ; Appian, Bell. Civ., ii., 10. "''i HISTORY OF KOMB. '"oVe closely with Pompey, Caesar at length got the sen- aie to panction Pompey's aiTangements in Asia :* he also rwe him his own daughter Julia in marriage, though she was betrothed to another man. With the view of securing ?' e permanence of his regulations, Caesar himself married Oalpurnia, the daughter of L. Calpumius Piso, who was, !i. rough the influence of Caesar, elected consul for the year following, along with A. Gabinius. Having thus insured the favor of Pompey, the people, and the equites, he now found it easy to obtain the prov- )! ce he liked, and also to secure a long continuance of his power. This latter point he accomplished by a violation er undertakings, which would have been of the highest utility. It was unfor- tunate that, in order to reward his veterans, he should have imitated the example of Sulla, and established military col- onies in Gaul, Italy, and Africa, in consequence of which the children of the Sullanian colonists were in many instances driven from their homes ; Corinth and Carthage w.ere like- wise to be newly colonized. But Caesar's main object was to increase and secure the Roman dominion in the East, and to take vengeance for the legions of Crassus which lay buried there, for which purpose he planned an expedition against the Partbians. He further contemplated waging war against the Thracians and Scythians on the Danube. Amid preparations for these comprehensive schemes, he entered on his fifth consulship in B.C. 44, M. Antony being his colleague, and M. Lepidus his master of the horse. Cae- sar had for some time past been maturing a plan for pre- serving the sovereignty in his own family ; and as he had no legitimate children, he fixed upon his great-nephew, M. Octavius (afterward the Emperor Augustus), to be his suc- cessor, whom he accordingly adopted as his son. He was further anxious to add to his own regal power the title of king, as an outward legislation of his power ; and a plan wa3 accordingly foi-med with M. Antony, who was to offer 424 HISTORY OF ROME. him the diadem, during the celebration of the Lupercalia, on the 15th of February. When the day came, Antony's proposal was not received so favorably as had been antici- pated, vyherefore Caesar for the present declined the honor, hoping for another more favorable opportunity, for how strongly he was bent upon, having the regal title became evident soon after. Antony having caused a statue of Cae- sar to be crowned, two tribunes, ordered the crown to be taken away, which gave such offense to the dictator, that he was on the point of having them put to de&th, and it was only with difficulty that -he was prevailed upon to be satisfied with their being sent into exile. Such occurrences as these showed that there were some men at Rome who still cherished a republican feeling, and were prepared to resist any formal abolition of the republic to the last. It is, however, to be regretted that Caesar's scheme was not car- ried into effect : the Roman people would have been saved infinite misery ; the monarchy would have become an he- reditary, and not an elective one ; and it could never have fallen into the hands of an insolent and rapacious soldiery, who in the end went so far as to sell the imperial throne to the highest bidder. In the mean time a conspii'acy had been formed against the life of Caesar from the very beginning of the year B.C. 44. It was headed by C. Cassius Longinus and M. Bru- tus, and upward of sixty persons were privy to it. Brutus was a nephew of Cato, from whom he had imbibed his re- publican sentiments : he had received an excellent educa- tion, and possessed very great talent, which gained for him the esteem and friendship of both Cicero and Caesar. In the battle of Pharsalus, Brutus fought in the ranks of Pom- pey, but immediately after his victory Caesar pardoned him, had since placed the greatest confidence in him, and continued to distinguish him on every occasion. But with Brutus a sincere love of freedom outweighed every other consideration, and he seems to have really believed that by the death of Caesar a service would be done to a good cause, and the republic could even be revived. The oth- er conspirators were mostly actuated by mere personal hatred and animosity ; and republican liberty with them was only a name under the cover of which they hoped to take revenge for wounded pride and disappointment. A striking example of this class among the conspirators was Cassius. He too had belonged to the Pompeian party, and ItlSTOEY OF EOMK. 4'J.') flad been pardoned by Caesar. He had been a candidate for the praetorship for the year B.C. 44, and hoped to ob- tain the city praetoi'ship ; but when Caesar gave that office to Brutus, Cassius became indignant against Brutus as well as Caesar, and resolved to take vengeance : it was Cassius that contrived to gain over Brutus to join the conspirators. Caesar was cautioned in time, and advised to take a body- guard, but he magnanimously declined it, saying that he would rather not live at all than be foi-ever in fear of losing his life. M. Antony was likewise proposed to be assassin- ated, and much misery would have been prevented if he too had been sacrificed, but Brutus thought that the death of Caesar would be sufficient, and Antony was accordingly spared. The republicans, for thus the conspirators styled them- selves, were resolved to take the first opportunity of dis- patching Caesar; and, as it usually happens under such circumstances, they were so bent upon destroying the ob- ject of their antipathy, that they did not consider what was to take its place, so that the execution of their design was immediately followed by the utmost confusion and perplexity. Some of the troops that were to serve in the Parthian war had already been sent to Brundusium, but when the Sibylline books were consulted it was found that the Parthians could be conquered only by a king. A meeting of the senate was therefore announced for the 15th of March, at which a proposal was to be made to appoint Caesar king out of Italy. That day was fixed upon by the conspirators as a most favorable opportunity for carrying out their design. The meeting of the senate took place in the curia of Pompey. Caesar had been advised to be on his guard on the 15th ; and on the very morning of that day his wife, who had been frightened by a dream, entreated him to remain at home. But he disre- garded all warnings, and went to the curia, where the conspirators were waiting for his arrival. On his way thither some one handed him a letter, in which the plot was revealed, but Caesar did not stop to read it. When he arrived initfhe senate, one Tillius Cimber made his way up to him, feigning to approach him as a suppliant, and took hold of his toga. At that moment Casca gave him the fii-st stroke with his sword ; and he was followed by others, who wounded him in the face, the side, the loins, and neck. Caesar, who had sprung from his seat, at first 426 HISTORY OP ROME. defended himself with the utmost determination ; but when Brutus also struck him, he wrapped his toga about himself and sunk down in his blood. His body was covered with twenty-three wounds. At the time of his death Caesar was only in his fifty-sixth year. The senators dispersed in dismay, without listening to the call of Brutus to pronounce judgment upon the deed at once. The conspirators left the body lying in the senate-house, and with the bloody swords in their hands hastened out into the streets to pro- claim the death of the tyrant and the restoration of liberty. The death o'f Caesar was an irreparable loss, not only to the Roman people, but to the whole of the civilized world ; for the republic was utterly lost, and no earthly power could restore it. Caesar's death involved the state in fresh struggles and civil wars for many a year, until in the end it fell again — and this was the best that, under the circum- stances, could have happened to it — under the supremacy of Augustus, who had neither the talent, nor the will, nor the power to carry out all the beneficial plans which his great-uncle had laid out. It has been truly said that the murder of Caesar was the most senseless act the- Romans ever committed. Had it been possible at all to restoro the republic, it would unavoidably have fallen into the hands of a most profligate aristocracy, who would havo sought nothing but their own aggrandizement, who would have demoralized the people still more, and would have e-- tablished their own greatness upon the ruins of their coun- try. It is only necessary to aecollect the latter years of tlie republic, the depravity and corruption of the ruling clas>, the scenes of violence and bloodshed which constantly oc- curred in the streets of Rome, to render it evident to every one that peace and security could not be restored except by the strong hand of a sovereign ; and the Roman world would have been indeed fortunate if it had submitted to the mild and beneficent sway of Caesar. BffiTOBY OF ROMC. 427 CHAPTER XXXVI. STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CAESAR OCTAVIANUS AND HIS RELATION TO ANTONY THE WAR OF MUTINA TRIUMVIRATE OP OCTAVIANUS, ANTONY, AND LEPIDUS, WITH THEIR PROSCRIPTIONS DEATH OF CICERO. The murder of Caesar thi^w the city of Rome into the greatest confusion and constei-nation. The conspirators met with no sympathy either in the senate^ or among the people : the latter had befoi'e expressed themselves strong- ly against , Caesar, especially after the exile of the two tribunes who had taken away the diadem from Caesar's statue ; hut all their grievances were now forgotten, and the awful deed inspired them with hatred of the murderers. When, therefore, the latter, accompanied by a band of , gladiators, passed through the streets, proclaiming that they had killed a king and a tyrant, and calling upon all to' aid them in restoring the republican constitution, they clearly saw that public opinion was against them, and withdrew to the Capitol. ' Cicero was one of the few who at once declared himself in favor of the murderere : most of the senators and Antony went home, to shut themselves up in their houses and make preparations for defending them- selves in case they should be attacked. In the night, from the 15th to the 16th of March, the. conspirators remained in the Capitol, while Antony went to Caesar's house and took possession of all the money and papers of the deceased. The fear and confusion of the widow jjlowed him to act as he pleased ; and he, who had already resolved to take the place and Tollow in the footsteps of Caesar, had thus an immense advantage over the murderers, M"hich was further increased by his appropriating to himself also the contents of the public treasury. The next day Brutus came down from the Capitol, and addressed the people. The con- spirators had hired a number of persons, who, in die name of the people, called out for peace and reconciliation, that is, for impunity to the conspirators. A few responded to the call, but the multitude remained diimb ; and the mui"- derers had now the positive certainty that their cause was not a populaar one. They had reason to fear on every 428 HISTORY OP ROME. hand ; for, in the night, M. Lepidus, who had been sta- tioned with an army near the city, entered the gates, either with a view of avenging the murder of Caesar, and supporting Antony, or of placing himself at the bead of the state. The conspirators began therefore to negotiate with Antony and Lepidus about the i-estoration of peace, and the means of averting the impending danger. Antony sent them an evasive answer, and referred them to the senate. Oh the 17th a meeting of the senate was held in the temple of Tellus, but the murderers did not appear. Antony, with the greatest apparent moderation, had most cunningly con- trived to discover the weak points of the friends of the murderers, and seeing that they themselves were not agreed as to the courae to be pursued, and that an attack from without would defeat them altogether, hg hastened with Lepidus to the forum, where they intimated to the people that no one's life was safe. Many, therefore, im- mediately called upon them to avenge the murder of the dictator; but a far greater number demanded the main- tenance of peace, having been bribed by the murderers, and promised by them that they should receive all that Caesar had bequeathed to them in his will. Antony's plan thus failing, he returned to the senate, where a de- cree was soon after mS,de, that no judicial investigation should be instituted against the murderers ; yet that all the acts and regulations of Caesar should remain in force and be valid, that the wishes and regulations contained in his will should be adhered to, and that his body should be buried at the public e3^)ense. This decree was the result of the exertions of Caesar's friends, who were backed by the veterans and a large portion of the populace. While these things were going on in the senate, Bmtus and Cassius assembled the people on the Capitol, and made the most extravagant promises to w'in the soldiers; but all that they could gain, who claimed to be the libera- tors of their country, was toleration ; fbr there was no one tnat praised their action as an heroic deed. On the even- ing of the 17th the murdereis came down from the Capi- tol : Antony and Lepidus pretended to be perfectly recon- ciled, and even invited Brutus and Cassius to their houses. All disputes seemed at an end, and on the following, day the murderers once more appeared in the senate. Although this regulations of Caesar, according to which M. Brutus was to bave Macedonia and Cassius Syria as his province, HISTORY OF ROME. 429 had been sanctioned, yet the senate now decreed to them Crete and Gyrene as their provinces. But when the body of Caesar was to be buried, and was caxried, as was usual under such circumstances, to die forum, that the fimereil oration might be dehvered over it, Antony, who undertook to perform this last office to the illustrious dead, resolved to exert all his powers to stu- up the people against his murderei's. His speech produced a powerful effect ; and after he had dwelled upon the greatness, vutues, and valor of the deceased, he lifted up the toga, exhibited to the people the blood-stained garment, and pointed to the wounds by which their friend had been murdered. The sight filled the multitude with such a degree of rage and fury, that the body, instead of being carried to the Campus Martius, where it was to have been buried, was burned in the forum itself; and some persons present, who, though perfectly innocent, were suspected of having been associ- ates of the murderers, were literally torn to pieces in the forum. The people then dispersed in all directions, and demoUshed or burned the houses of the conspirators. Brutus and Cassius were obhged to fly fi-om Rome, and all their fiiends Ukevdse made their escape. Decimus Brutus, one of the murdei-ers, went to Cisalpine Gaul, which had been assigned to him by Caesar as his province, and there made the troops take the oath of allegiance to him. When the stonu had been raging long enough, Antony resumed his mask and restored peace, but peace was not the thing which he wanted. Being in possession of Caesar's papers, he conducted himself like a despot, pretending that all he did was in ac- cordance with the desires of Caesai-, as expressed in his written documents. He contrived to secm-e the good will of the veterans, forbade Caesar's murderers to return to the city, and, in conjunction with Lepidus, made a new division of the provinces, different from that which had been made by Caesar himself. He induced the people to give Mace- donia to himself, and Syria to Dolabella, his friend and col- league in the consulship. Soon after this he again made the people sanction a different an-angement, contrary to the will of the senate, according to which he himself obtained Cisalpine Gaul, his brother, C. Antonius, Macedonia, and Dolabella Syria, "With regard to Lepidus, who had re- ceived Transalpine Gaul from Caesar, no alteration waa made. This distribution was the signal for a fresh civil 430 HISTORY OF HOME. war, for Cisalpine Gaul could not be taken possession of without expelling D. Brutus from it by force of arms. la this manner, Antony for some months acted in the most at^ bitraxy and insolent manner, as if be had already been the real sovereign of the Roman world. He was dreaded by all, and no one had a greater aversion to him than Cicero, who had resolved to leave Rome, and accompany his son- in-law, Dolabella, as legate- into his province of Syria, but was prevailed upon by his friends to return to Rome. The day after his return, the first of September, Antony came openly forward with his schemes in the senate, intending to compel every one to declare his opinions unreservedly, and show to what party he belonged. Cicero did not attend on that day, at which Antony was so much enraged that ho threatened to have Ms house demolished. The day follow- ing another meeting of the seriate took place, and Cicero now, with all the force of his eloquence, attacked and' laid open the shameftd proceedings of Antony, who, not expect'- ing such an assault, was not present at the meeting. The speech which Cicero delivered that day is still extant : it forms the first of a series called the Philippics. In the mean time a formidable rival of Antony came to Rome. M. Octavius, whom Caesar bad adopted in his will, and whom he had made heir of three fourths of his private property, was the son of C. Octavius, by Atia, a daughter of Caesar's sister Julia. Some months before his death, Caesar bad sent him to ApoUonia, from whence he intend- ed to take him wdth him on his expedition against the Par- tbians. When M. Octavius received the intelligence of the murder of his' great-uncle, he resolved, contrary to the ad- vice of his more cautious friends, to go to Italy, though he was then scarcely nineteen years old. This step, under the circumstances, was one of extreme boldness, as he could not foresee what would be his filte in the distracted state of the republic. He even declined the assistance of the troops who wei'e stationed in Ill3rricpm, and who offei'ed to accom* pany him and avenge his great-uncle's death. About two months after the murder of Caesar, he arrived at Rome as a private person, accompanied only by a few friends. On his arrival at Brundusium, he was saluted by the troops as Qaesar ; for being the adopted son of the late dictator, his name was now C. Julius Cassar Octavianjis. When h» came to Rome he demanded nothing but the pfoperty wjtichi Mk uneieihiftd 1^ him. Thi» was rather awk«%r^ HISTORY OF ROME. 431 for Antony, who was in possession of die whole of Caesar's property, and had already made use of it in paying his own enormous debts, and in gratifying his dissipated habits. He therefore attempted, by every means, to dissuade and deter Octavianus fi-om accepting the inheritance. Octavi- anus was in a very perplexing situation, for he Gould not possibly join the party of the murderei-s of his uncle ; and Antony, who pretended to be the avenger of Caesar and the champion of his party, was the gieatest obstacle in his way. The extraordinary tact and prudence which Octavi- anus displayed in these circumstances, and the dexterity with which he contrived to deceive and blind the first men of the age, show that he must have possessed uncommon mental powers : he was, however, supported and encour- aged by the advice of his friend, M. vipsanius Agrippa. The enmity between Octavianus and Antony soon rose to such a pitch, that reports were spread of attempts having been made by each of them to destroy the other. Octavi^ anus, while demanding his inheritance, promised the people that every thing should be given to them which his uncle had destined for them in his will. His prudent conduct gained for him the favor of the senate, as well as of the eople ; and Cicero also began to look upon him with con- dence as the only man capable of bringing about a better state of things. AH Antony's efforts after this to keep pos- session of the treasures of Caesar were of no avail, and he was obliged to give up the portion which he had not yet spent. Octavianus had now before him two enemies, D. Bmtus in Cisalpine Gaul, and Antony : the question was, whoin should he attack firet 1 Antony was bringing troops into Italy for the purpose of undertaking the war against D. Brutus, who was in possession of that province, which An- tony had chosen for himself; at the same time Octavianus was increasing and strengthening his own party, and like- wise collecting an army in Campania. Two of the legions that came over from Mafcedonia for Antony, soon after their arrival went over to Octavianus : in order to prevent the others from following their example, Antony hastened with them to the north of Italy. Cicero had become a strong supporter of Octavianus, and in his Philippics continued to attack Antony. In the end he succeeded in inducing the senate to support even D. Brutus ; for in the month of De- cember he proposed, ia his third Philippic, to gfew a* i; 432 HISTORY OF ROME. to Octavianus that he might conduct the war against Anto- ny, who was declared a public enemy. On the .first of January, B.C. 43, Cicero repeated the proposal ; and the senate now confeixed upon Octavianus the title and ensigns of praetor, and sent him, along with A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, the two consuls of the year, both of them friends of the late dictator, to the north of Italy, to relieve D. Bru- tus, who had thrown himself into Mutina (Modena) 'and was besieged by Antony. Several engagements took place with varying success. Pansa took up his position at Bono- nia (Bologna) ; and as he advanced to join his colleague and Octavianus, he was attacked by Antony in the village of Forum Gallomm, in a defile, when, being dangerously wounded, he retreated to his camp, up to which Antony pursued him ; but on the next day, when Antony returned in oi'der not to be cut off from his main anny about Muti- na, he was surprised in the same defile by Hirtius, and suf- fered so severe a defeat, that he was scarcely able to reach his camp. Soon after Hirtius attacked him in his camp, while, at the same time, D. Brutus made a sally fi-om the tovTh. Hirtius had already scaled the fortifications, when be was killed by an unknown hand. Antony was so much reduced in this engagement, which took place toward the end of April, that he took to flight. The consul Pansa having in the mean time died at Bononia, there was a re- port, perhaps not without some foundation, that Octavianus had caused the death of the two consuls ; for it was said that he had poisoned the wound of Pansa-, and that Hirtius had fallen by an assassin whom Octavianus had hired for the purpose. However this may be, he now undertook the command of the anny without waiting for the orders of the senate. But the ai-istocratio party at Rome were deter- mined to prevent him from acquiring any further power, and soon after assigned the command of the consular ar- mies to D. Brutus, with orders to prosecute the war against Antony. Antony had become quite bewildered by his defeat : -he resolved to quit Italy, and fled aci=oss the Alps into the prov- ince of M. Lepidus, who afforded him protection, and whose ai-my saluted him as imperator. As Lepidus had a large force at his command, Antony soon found himself in a con- dition to continue the war with greater vigor than beforie. When the decree of the senate, giving the command of the consular armies to D. Brutus, airived, Octavianus conceal- HISTOEV OF ROM?. 433 ed his exasperation, and submitted to what he must have considered a veiy great indignity, that one of Caesar's mur- derers should be intrusted with the command of two con- sular armies. Afterward, on his return to Rome with his army, he demanded the consulship for the year following. The aristocracy refused to comply with bis request ; but he earned his point by the threats of his veterans, who insisted on the office for their leader. Q. Pedius, one of his relatives, was elected his colleague, and the two entered upon their consulship in the month of August, B.C. 43. Af- ter the legacies of the late dictator had been distiibuted among the people, Q,. Pedius got a law passed by which all the murderers of Caesar were declared outlaws, and Octa- vianus was appointed to carry this law into efi'ect. All the .accomplices of Brutus and Cassius, who, until then felt per- fectly secure, now took to flight ; but they were dogged and hunted like wild beasts, Octavianus marched with an army to the north of Italy ; but he had scarcely entered Etruria when the senate, on the proposal of Pedius, repeal- ed the decree of outlavirry which had been pronounced against Antony and Lepidus, who were at this very moment descending from the Alps into Italy with an army of seven- teen legions. D. Brutus, abandoned and betrayed by his lieutenants, took to flight, and was murdered at Aquileia by the command of Antony. In the neighborhood of Bo- nonia, in a small island of the river Rheuus, a conference was brought about by Lepidus between Octavianus and Antony, and negotiations were at once entered into. Octa- vianus dreaded the influence of his opponents in the city } they even threatened to ally themselves with Bnitus and Cassius, who had by this time collected large armies ; but his fear and cunning suggested to him the means of thwart- ing their designs. Toward the end of November, Octavi- anus, Antony and Lepidus, entered into an alliance known under the name of the triumvirate. They assumed the title of triumviri rei publicae constituendae, and agreed to hold this ofiice for five years. Hereupon they distributed, on their own authority, the provinces among themselves : Oc- tavianus received Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia ; Antony, Gaul; and Lepidus, Spain. Lepidus was at the same time to be invested with the consulship, while Octavianus and Antony were to carry on the war against Brutus and Cas- sius. The favor of the rapacious soldiery was obtainedby the promise that lands should be distributed among them. T 434 HISTOKY OF ROME. The government of the whole of the Roman world was thus usurjped by the triumvirs. Their first care was to rid themselves of their opponents : each, therefore, drew up a list of those whom he wished to be proscribed, and whose property was to be confiscated; each also- entered in his list the names of those persons whom either of the others wished to be proscribed. Aptony thus put down the name of L. Caesar, his own uncle ; Lepidus, that of his own brother, Paulus ; and Octavianus, to please Antony, is said to have entered the name of Cicero, who, up to this time,' had acted toward him as a friend. The proscription in the time of Sulla had been the result of an infuriated party spirit ; for Sulla had been provoked in the highest de- gree, and he sacrificed his enemies without any sciiiple, because he really hated them — plunder being only a second- ary object ; .but with the triumvirs the proscription was dictated by a cold-blooded revenge, and plunder seems, afl:er all, to have been one of the main objects; for many a person who had given no offense to any one was put on die list merely because he was wealthy. When all this was an-anged, the triumvirs returned to Rome, whither dread and hoiTor preceded them. They entered the city without mpeting with any resistance. The consul, Q. Pedius, died in the night previous to their ar- rival.' When all quarters of the city and all the public places were occupied by the soldiers, the triumvirs got a tribune to propose to the people to sanction the arrange- ments they had made ; and rio sooner vvas the sanction obtained, than the lists of the proscribed were distributed among'the commanders of the forces stationed in the city. The most merciless murder and butchery now commenced ill all quarters. A proclamatioii was issued, at the same time, threatening with death any one who shoiild tonceal or protect a proscribed person, and offering freedom as a reward to slaves who should kill their proscribed masters ; nay, the relatives of the murdered were forbidden to shotv grief at the death of those who were dear to them. Sons betrayed their fathei-s, and slaves their rnastei-S"; but, in some - instances, wives, slaves, and fi-eedtheri gave the noblest ptoofs of attachment and fidelity; of a son mag- nanimously protecting bis father, 6r sacrificing himself for fbr him, unfbitunately no instance occun-ed.* The acts pf boWor and inhuman cruelty perpetuated at that timei'^to • VelL t>at. «; 67. ■■'-• HISTORY OF ROME. 435 which revepge, avarice, and malice drove the bi-utal mur- derers, as they traversed the city in all directions, surpass even the horrors committed in France during the revolu- tion in the days of Robespierre, Danton, and Marat. The murderers were, for the most part, centurions and tribunes of the soldiers : they usually cut off the heads of their vic- tims, in order, to be able to prove their deeds and receive the promised rewards. Two thousand equites, and three hundred senators were massacred during these days : those who had an opportunity of escaping fled to Brutus and Cassius, or to Sicily, where they joined Sext. Pompeius, who had already made himself masterof the island. One of the many victims of the triumvirs was Cicero. When the lists of the proscribed were made public he was residing at his villa, near Tusculum. He was at first un- decided what to do, but his brother Quintus prevailed upon him to try to escape. He accordingly went to Astura, where he took a boat and sailed to Caieta, near which place he had a villa, in the bay of Naples. Here, being unwell, he was persuaded to allow himself to be carried in a lectica, through a plantation, to the sea-coast, in the hope of eluding his pursuers, who were known to be close at hand ; but in the plantation he was overtaken by Antony's emissaiies. His slaves were ready to fight for their master, but he forbade it ; and as he put forward his head from the lectica, Popillius Laenas, whom Cicero is said to have once defended in a court of justice, cut off his head and right hand, as Antony had desired. Thus died Cicero, on the 7th of December, B.C. 43, one of the most remarkable met! that ever lived, and one whose misfortune it is in our ovra time to be judged of, by most writers, with undue severity. When Antony received the head and hand of Cicero, he was almost beside himself for joy : he ordered the Tiead to be put up in the I'ostra, where Cicero's voice had so often stirred the multitude, and gave a large sum of money to' his murderers. Antony's wife, Fulvia, had pre- viously ordered the head of her husband's enemy to be brought into her dressing-room, that she might feast her eyes on the dead features, and she is said to have pricked his tongue with needles. Cicero's brother, Quintus, was also inurdered ; but his son Marcus escaped to Grpece. Afterward he was allowed to return to Rome ; and in B;C; 30, Octavianus, perhaps from remorse for the wrong done to hie fkther, raised hitti to the eqnsufship. 436 HISTORY OF ROME. CHAPTER XXXVII. WAR AGAINST BRUTUS AND CASSIUS WAR OF PERUSIA-— TREATIES OP BRUNDUSIUM AND MISENUM WAR AGAINST SEXTUS rOMPEIUS. Immediately after these scenes of hortor, Octavianus resolved to attack Sext.' Porapeius in Sicily, who had it in his power to cut ofi" all supplies of food which were destined for Rome ; but a victory gained by Pompeius over Sal- vidienus Rufus, just as the latter was crossing over to the island, and that in the very sight of Octavianus, put for the present an end to the undertaking : and soon after Octa- vianus and Antony sailed over to Greece, tfe cany on the war against Brutus and Cassius, who had in the mean time established themselves in the east and collected a numerous army. Bi'utus, after quitting Italy, had gone to Athens ; and after a short stay there he proceeded to Macedonia, which had been assigned to him by Caesar as his province, and where Q. Hortensius received him as his lawful suc- cessor. The legions also recognized him as their leader, and their example being followed by the legions stationed in Illyricum, he was in a short time plentifully provided with every thing necessary for carrying on a war. C. An- tonius, the brother of the triumvu-, to whom Macedonia had subsequently been assigned, having arrived on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, and being unable to reach his province, was in the end obliged to surrender to Brutus, who disregarded all decrees of the Roman senate and acted entirely for himself. After the establishment of the trium- virate he made serious preparations for war. Cassius, in the mean -time, fought bravely and successfully against Dolabella in Syria, who was in the end put to death at Laodicea. The two chiefs of the republican party were thus com- pletely masters of all the countries east of the Adriatic. In the beginning of the year B.C. 42, they met at Sardes, in Lydia, where they resolved to unite their forces against their common enemy ; but for the sake of increasing their means they staid in Asia much longer than they ought to have done. Their most advantageous plan would have HISTOR\- OF ROME. 437 been to hasten westward, in order to prevent their enemies landing on the coast of Epirus; but this was neglected, and Macedonia and Illyricum were not protected by any troops at all. Under these circumstances Antony and Oc- tavianus entered Greece, and made themselves masters of the counti-y, before Bi-utus aud Cassius quitted Asia. Just before Brutus crossed the Hellespont to proceed to Mace- donia, he sat one night meditating in his tent, when on a sudden a gigantic figure appeared before him, and seemed to approach him. Brutus asked him who he was, and what he wanted, whereupon the phantom replied : "Brutus, I am thy evil spirit : thou wilt see me again at Philippi." Brutus answered, " I will see thee ;" and the vision disap- peared. Dark forebodings, in his own heart, respfecting ' the ksue of the war, seem to have coloured up before his eyes this singular phantom. The republican army, consisting of 80,000 foot and 20,000 horee, marched through Thrace toward Macedonia. Antony and Octavianus had already penetrated into that province, and had taken up their winter quarters at Am- phipolis. The republicans pitched their camp on high ground in the neighborhood of the town of Philippi. Their fleet, which ought to have been near at hand, was in the western seas. Antony advanced against them with nine- teen legions and 13,000 horse. Brutus and Cassius had a gi-eat advantage in their position, and in the faithful attach- ment of their soldiers, for a gi-eat many illustrious Romans and persons of rank who had been proscribed were serving under them, and were resolved to fight to the last. Brutus was cautious, and wanted to defer coming to a decisive engagement, but his army was impatient, and demanded to be led on to battle. Octavianus was not present, being kept away by illness, or, as some say, by cowardice ; but his army, which was probably commanded by Agrippa, faced that of Biutus. Cassius, whose army was opposed to that of Antony, was completely beaten; 'and, believing that eveiy thing was lost, he sent a messenger to inquire in what condition the aiTny of Bi-utus was. The messenger did not come back. Brutus, who was victorious, in the mean time sent reenforcements to Cassius, who, thinking that they were his enemies following up their ^dctory, now felt more convinced than ever that all was lost, and re- quested one of his servants to take away his life. When -Brutus was informed of this fatal mistake, he was greatly 438 HISTQRY OP ROME. disheartened; but the victory was not yet decided, and matters still stood almost as they were before the battle. Had Brutus known that on the very day of Cassius's defeat, the republican fleet under the command of Statius Murcus and Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus in the Ionian sea had defeated and burned the hostile fleet and destroyed two legions, he would, according to his original plan, have acted on the defensive ; and by ordering his fleet to join him, he might have compelled the triumvirs to retreat. But he knew nothing of this, and was obliged to. yield to his soldiers, who demanded another battle. This was fought about twenty days after the first. The republican arijiy showed the same valor and ardor as before, but they vyere nevertheless defeated and routed. Brutus now lost all hopes, and put an end to the war by making away with i himself. As his servant refused to take away his life, he threw himself upon his own sword. Thus fell the last of the republicans worthy of the name. Many others, whose feelings did not permit them to survive the fall of the re- public, followed his example ; and others fled to Sext. Pom- peius, in Sicily. The remainder of the army, which was commanded by Messala Corvinus, surrendered to the tri- umvirs. Octavianus after this victory showed a cruel and unfeeling disposition in many instances, whereas Antony, whose better nature seems to have gained the upper hand on that occasion, displayed more generosity than could have been anticipated. There can be no doubt vthat this victory was mainly owing to the valor and boldness of Antony, though Octavianus afterward claimed the principal merit for himself After the battles of Philippi, which were fought in the autumn of the year B.C. 42, Octavianus and Antony made a new di%'ision of the provinces, in which Lepidus obtained Africa. Antony now proceeded to his eastern provinces in Asia, while Octavianus returned to Italy, to satisfy his greedy and rapacious veterans, by distributing among them the lands which he had promised to them, and which he could get only by the most arbitrary proceedings and by violence. Every one in Italy was seized with alarm lest Octavianus should repeat the horrors of the preceding year. These apprehensions were secretly fostered and increased by Fulvia the wife of Antony, who contrived to spread abroad various reports about the intentions of Octavianus even before he anived at Rome, for he was detained for a HISTOBY QP BOMEn 439 time by illness at Brundusium. Sbe made use, in these in&igues, of her husband's brother, L. Antonius. Her only motive, apparently, was to compel Antony to i-eturn to Italy, for she was, passionately fond of him, and probably knew or appiehended that he would come under the in- fluence of Cleopatra. The distribution of lands among the veterans in Italy, and the establishment of militai"y colonies over all parts of the country, with the disturbances which followed in dieir train, prevented Octavianus from venturing to undertake any thing against Sext. Pompeius. The coun- try-people, who were expelled from their homes by the rude soldiers, flocked to Rome, and bewailed in private p. 3 well as in public theu- undesei-ved misfortunes. Their distress met with sympathy in the city, but it was in vain that Octavianus was applied to on every hand to prevent the outrages which were committed in all quarters. The impudence and audacity of the veterans inci«ased every day, and Octavianus himself was obliged to. endure their insolence : he did not dare to punish the outrages they committed against their own officers. In addition to all tliis Rome was in gfi-eat distress from scarcity, as the fleet of Sext. Pompeius cut off the supplies of provisions from Sicily. This state of things offered a veiy favorable opportunity ibr Fvilvia, and L. Antonius, who was consul in B.C. 41, to come forward as the protectors, of the sufiering and the op- pressed. They created a commotion, the objects of which were to humble the rival of Antony, and to compel An- tony himself to return to Italy. Other persons, also, who had no such impure motives, but wei'e actuated by a gen- uine feeling of humanity, joined them, or arose independ- ently in other parts of the country. L. Antonius at first established himself at Praeneste, but afterward vs-ent willi Fulvia to Perusia in Etruria, where they were joined by numbers of Antony's veterans, fogitive country-people, and others. Under these difficult circumstances Octavius acted with great skill and prudence. Toward the end of the year B.C. 41, he marched to Penisia, afid blockaded the town with three armies. The place soon began to suffer from a severe famine, and several attempts to break through the besieging armies failed. L. Antonius was at lengtii obliged to capitulate. Octawanus having granted him par- don, Antonius now acted as a traitor to his own party. Ful- via was set free on condition of her quitting Italy. The 440 HISTORY OF ROME. lives of the citizens of Perusia were spared, but all the sen- ators were put to death ; and from 300 to 400 noble Peiii- sians were sent as captives to Rome, where they were butchered like cattle on the 15th of March, B.C. 40, at the altar of J. Caesar. The town of Perusia was plundered,^ and changed into a heap of ashes. Thus ended an under taking which had beeu begtm by two unprincipled person?, vifhose watchward was protection to the oppressed, bur who by their conduct brought greater misery upon a harm- less population than that which they pretended to remedy Pulvia went to Greece; and when Antony, who spent his time in Egypt in sensual pleasures and the luxuries of the Alexandrian court, heard of the aifair, he blamed the authors of it, though probably for no other reason than be- cause the nnddrtaking had failed; Tib. Claudius Nero, the husband of Livia, (afterward the wife of Octavianus) had been induced by a generous and humane feeling to come forward in Campania as the champion of those who were reduced to beggary by the veterans of Octavianus ; but when the triumvir had conquered the party of Fulvia al;, Perusia, Tib. Claudius Nero despaiiing of success fled to Sicily, where he joined Sext. Pompeius, and afterward went to Antony. After the battles of Philippi, Antony went to Asia, where he levied enormous contributions, in order to enable him- self to fiilfill his promises toward his soldiers. Asia suffered most severely, Brutus ha\'ing also shortly before levied laT'ge sums. The mad and senseless extravagance of An- tony became manifest on his anival at Ephesus, which city he entered in the disguise of Bacchus, surrounded by Bac- chantes, Satyrs, Fauns, and the like, and where he in- dulged in the wildest and most senseless debaucheries. On his arrirval in Cilicia,he summoned Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, to appear before hira, because she had in various ways supported Cassias. She obeyed the call without hes- itation, for she well knew that the voluptuous Roman would not be able to i-esist her charms. She sailed up the I'iver Cydnus to Tarsus in a vessel adorned in the most splendid manner, and she hei-self appeared as Venus. Her object was easily gained, and Antony was completely en- snared. After she had remained with him some time in Asia, Antony accompanied her to Alexandria, where he forgot every tiling in dalliance widi her. He abandoned himself entirely to sensual pleasures and debaucheriesi and HISTOKT OF KOME. -ill lost tte few remnants of goodness and virtue lie yet pos- sessed. In B.C. 40, he was roused by the progress of the Parthians, who were guided by the counsels of a faithless Roman, Labienus, formerly one of Caesar-'s generals, and afterward a supporter of Pompey. The news that the Parthians had attacked Syria and the neighboring coun- tries induced Antony to go forth with an army, and under- take the war against them. On his amval in Phoenicia, he received the most pressing letters from his wife, who de- sired him to hasten to her assistance in Italy. Having re- solved to comply with her request, he intrusted his army to the brave P. Veutidius, who fought successfully against Labienus and the Parthians, and recovered Syria. When Antony arrived ii\ Greece, Octavianus had already brought the Perusian war to a close. At Athens, Antony met his wife Fulvia, who soon after died at Sicyon, where- upon he continued his voyage to Italy, intending to land at Brundusium with a large fleet. While sailing across the Ionian sea, he met with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the republican admiral, who was caiTying on piracy, and plun- dering the Itahan coasts, for the purpose of obtaining the necessary provisions for the legions he still had on board. He now joined Antony, and sailed with him to Brundu- sium. When he approached, Octavianus shut the gates of the city upon him, and Antony forthwith called on Sext. Pompeius for assistance. The latter without delay sent ships and cavalry to the coast of Italy, and Octavianus found himself attacked on all sides, for Sardinia also was in the hands of the Pompeian party. As Fulvia, who had been the main cause of the war, was now dead, Octavi- anus was prevailed upon by his friends to endeavor to be- come reconciled to Antony, who had already commenced besieging Brundusium. Maecenas, as the friend of Octavi- anus, with Asinius Polli and L. Cocceius on the part of Antony, brought about the desired reconciliation. To gratify the two hostile armies, a general amnesty was pro- claimed ; and a treaty was concluded, according to which Antony was to have all the provinces east of the Adriatic, as far as the river Euphrates, and Octavianus all the west- era provinces, Africa alone being left to Lepidus. Italy was to belong to the three triumvirs in common. It was further agreed that Sext Pompeius, whom Antony shame- fully betrayed on that occasion, should be regarded as a common enemy, and that the v/ar against the Parthians 442 HISTORY OP ROME. should be continued. This new alliance between Octavi- anus and Antony, called Xhefoedus Brundusinum, was ce- mented by the latter marrying the noble and virtuous Oc- tavia, a sister of Octavianus, and widow of C. Marcellus, whose happiness was thus sacrificed to the political pur- jroses of the rulers. ' After this, Antony remained for a time at Rome. Pom- peius having resumed his piratical proceedings, harassed the coasts of Italy ; and, by cutting off all supplies, created so gi-eat a scarcity at Rome that the- populace compelled the triumvirs to enter into negotiations with him. In the neigh- borhood of Cape Misenum, not far from Puteoli, the tiium- virs met Pompeius, in B.C. 39. He received them in his admu'al's ship, and afterwEird landed and partook of an en- tertainment with them. Menodorus, one of Pompeius's generals, advised his master^to put to death the triumvirs ■svhile they were on board his ship ; but Pompeius was too honest to enter into so treacherous a design. In the peace ^vhich was then concluded, Pompeius obtained the pro-con- sulship of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Achaia. After the conclusion of this peace, Pompeius sailed back to Sicily, and Octavianus and Antony returned to Rome. Wherever these two appeared they were received by the^people with enthusiastic joy, and all saluted them as the deliverers of their country from famine and destruction. Soon after, An- tony went with Octavia to Athens, where for a time he lived as a private person, and spent the ensuing winter in the enjoyment of all Icinds of pleasui-e. In the beginning of B.C. 38, however, he began making preparations for the Parthian war, in vrhich his lieutenants had, in the mean tinie, been very successful. But the peace which had thus been established was not of very long duration. Pompeius had reason to complain of Antony, who did not withdraw his troops firom Pelopon- nesus; and Octavianus, on the other hand, beginning to regret the concessions which had been made to Pompeius, was anxious to obtain a pretext for renewing the war. This was soon found in the circumstance that Pompeius - still allowed some of his vessels to carry on piracy in the Mediterranean. War waVs forthwith declared. Octavianus solicited the assistance of the two other triumvirs ; but neither of them at first supported him : they were prolaably glad to see him involved in a struggle in which he was likely to be defeated. The fleet of Octavianus suffered IllSTORV OF KO.Mn. - 443 greatly from storms and the watchfel activity of Pompelus's admiral, Demochares ; and no advantage was gained, though Menodorus went over to Octavianus and treacherously de- livered up to him Coi'sica and Sardinia. Antony, on being called upon a second time to assist his colleague, sailed in the beginning.of B.C. 37, witii a fleet of 3t>0 ships, to- Ta- rentum ; but on his arrival, Octavianus, who had in the mean time changed his mind, declined the. assistance. Had it not been for the mediation of Octai^a, the conduct of Octavianus would at once have produced a rupture be- tween the two trium^'irs; but she succeeded in inducing them to compromise the matter. They became i^econciled, and Octavianus promised to send 20,000 men as auxiliaries for Antony in the Parthian war, while Antony sent 120 ships to Tarentum. It was further agreed that they should continue in their office of triumvirs for five years longer. Hereupon Antony hastened to Syria, and Octavia remained in Italy with her brother. The treacherous Menodorus now again went back to his former master with seven ships, without its being perceived by Calvisius, the admiral of Octavianus, who was deprived of his command in conse- quence. Octavianus now appointed Agrippa supi-eme com- mander of the fleet, B.C. 36, and Sicily was attacked on all sides. It was agreed that on the 1st of July, Octavianus should sail from Puteoli, Lepidus from Africa, and Anto- nyms fleet from Tarentum ; but on the third a storm arose which compelled the fleets to return, and Lepidusalone succeeded in landing at Lilybaeum. Pompeiiis had all along shown gi-eat carelessness, and he continued in his inactivity even now, amusing himself with ofierlng sacrifices to Neptune, whose son he pretended to be. Menodorus again went over to Octavianus, and in a sea-fight which took place ofi" Mylae against Agiippa, Pompeius lost thirty shipsi and was unable to prevent Octavianus fi-om landing at Tauromenium. But the land aimy of the latter was hard pressed by the enemy. One rainy night, late in the autumn, when Octavianus had lost his road, and was bi- vouacking at night with his men, a thundering noise was heard fi:om the neighboring Aetna, and the rising flarrcs illumined all the country around. This phenomenon spread consternation among all who witnessed it. After many petty skirmishes, Agrippa at length engaged in a decisive battlp, in which he made a very successful use of the Greek board- ing engines. Pompeius was completely defeated, and on ■441 HISTORY OF KOJin. receiving intelligence that his land forces had suiTendered, he fled with seventeen ships fi-om Messana to Asia-. Le- pidus had exerted himself very little in this struggle; but after the departure of Pompeius, he claimed the island of Sicily for himself. Octavianus, exasperated at such pre- sumption, and knovi'ing that Lepidus would not meet with much support anywhere, not even among his own soldiers, boldly entered his camp at once, and without much diffi- culty pei'suaded the soldiers to snn-ender, by promising them great rewards. Lepidus, who had no sti'ength or energy of character, put on the attire of a private person, and went to Octavianus, who sent him to Rome, where he continued in his office of pontifex maximus until his death, which took place in B.C. 12. Octavianus did not pursue Pompeius ; but he vras de- tained in Sicily by the clamor of his soldiers, who de- manded on the spot the rewards which had been promised them. When their desires were satisfied, he returned to Rome, where he celebrated a triumph on the 13th of No- vember, B.C. 36. As the city was now plentifully provided with supplies, his victory was hailed by all parties. The people v.ere delighted at his success, and the senate con- feiTed various distinctions on him, which he declined with affected modesty. Pompeius, on his amval in Asia, was hospitably received by Antony's legate, Fumius ; but he soon lost the confidence of his host, and matters came to a rupture. Antony had at first been uncertain what to do with Pompeius; btit when he heard of the breach between him and Fumius, he sent his general, Titius, with a fleet of 120 ships against him. Pompeius took to flight, but was overtaken by his pursuers, and being abandoned by his troops, he was obliged to sur- render at discretion. He was put to death at Miletus, in B.C. 35, either by the command of Antony or that of one of his generals, who hazarded the deed on his own respon- sibility in order to prevent Pompeius becoming the cause of a rupture between Octa\'iaims and Antony. By the overthrow of Pompeius and the removal of Lepidus, Oc- tavianus had acquired sufficient strength to venture upon a contest with his last rival as soon as he might think proper, and it was not long before a fair opportunity preeented tself HISTORY OF ROME, 445 CHAPTER XXXVIII. Antony's war against the parthians and Armenians WARS OF OCTAVIANUS IN PANNONIA AND DALMATIA STRUGGLE BETWEEN OCTAVIANUS AND ANTONY BATTLE OP ACTIUM. The triumvirate ha3 now become a duumvirate, and while Octavianus had strengthened his power by the ac- cession of the army of Lepidus and his province of Africa, Antony, in B.C. 36, undertook his long-contemplated cam- paign against the Parthians. He had sixteen legions, and was allied with Artavasdes, king of Armenia. He ad- vanced as far as Media, and took several important towns; but his plan of operations 'was ill-devised, for he left several legions behind, and the Parthian king, Phraates, who at- tacked them, not only got possession of all their provisions and ammunition, but completely annihilated the legions themselves. This and various other unfavorable circum- stances compelled Antony to retreat, and it was not with- out the greatest difficulty that he reached Armenia. His^ fate very nearly became the same as that of Crassus, for one fourth of his army was destroyed, and the greater part of his baggage was lost. He returned to Alexandria, where he completely abandoned himself to sensual pleasures with his mistress, Cleopatra, to whom he gave Coele-Syria, Ju- daea, and Cyprus. His conduct henceforth was of the most contemptible kind, and Cleopatra was his evil genius. The losses he had sustained against the Parthians were, however, not forgotten : they filled him with shame ; and as Artavasdes had drawn upon himself the suspicion of treachery, Antony, in B.C. 34, invaded Armenia, and made Artavasdes his prisoner. Having given the conquered country to Cleopatra, Antony, on his return to Alexandria, -celebrated a splendid triumph, to the great annoyance of all those Romans who felt for the honor of their country. This irregular and unconstitutional conduct, the arbitrary manner in which he gave kingdoms to his concubine, and the flagrant way in which he abandoned himself to all the licentiousness of an eastern court, were, in the highest degree, offensive to the Roman'. Until now, the noble 446 HISTORY OF ROME. Octavia, though she had been treated by her husband in the most unworthy manner, had contrived to preserve peace between him and Octavianus ; but things came to a crisis just at the time when he invaded Armenia. Octavia had gone to Greece with reenforcements, money, and clothing for his army ; but he sent her a letter requesting her not to follow him, and soon after openly divorced her. This act, which seems to have been brought about by the cunning contrivances of Octavianus himself, rent asunder the tie which had hitherto kept the triumvirs together. Octavianus had not neglected to direct the attention ofthe Roman people to the conduct, and follies of Antony at Alexandria, and the people of Rome now looked upon Octayianus and his sister as the injured and insulted paj:ty; but when the critical moment came, Octavianus was still prudent enough not to declare war against Antony himself, whom he represented only as the infatuated slave of Cleo- patra, but against the queen of Egypt. His cause had thus a better appearance, as his arms were ostensibly directed against those who had led Antony to act in this insulting and provoking manner. During the time that Antony was engaged in the east, and reveling in the luxuries of his Alexandrian court, Octavianus made some useful attempts to remedy ^the con- Tusion and demoralization of the people of Italy, and he pretended to wait only for the return of his colleague from the east to retire into private life, as after the restoration of peace the, republic did not require his services any longer. This affectation of true republican sentiments gained its end ; for Octavianus was elected pontifex maxi- mus, although Lepidus, who was invested with that office, was yet alive : it was also decreed that he should inhabit a public mansion, that his person should be inviolable, and that in the senate he should sit by the side of the tribunes. In order to appear not to harbor any hostile feelings to- ward Antony, he always spoke of him in a kind and be- nevolent manner, so that if any rupture should occur, no one would ascribe the fault to Octavianus. With a view of obtaining the means of satisfying his troops, who were still clamorous for their rewards, he resolved to wage war against some tribes in the northeast of the Adriatic, of which country the Romans had never yet become complete masters. When Octavianus reached the country of the Japy- des,he met with a strong resistance; but,byperse\^erance,he HisTony oF.R&ME. 447 obliged their capital, Metulum, to surrender, iti B.C. 35. He then advanced into Pannonia, the capital of which, Segesta, after a siege of thirty days, sued for peace. Octavianus left his legate, Fufius Geminus, behind, with a garrison, to keep the conquered nations in submission, rind returned to Kome. Dctavia being about this time "epudiated by Antony, Octavianus neglected nothing that ivas calculated to bring prominently before the people the insult which had been offered to his family. He had formed the plan of invading Britain, but was prevented by che intelligence that the countries he had just subdued ha^ revolted. His generals, indeed, succeeded in restoring peace ; but Octavianus himself proceeded to Dalmatia, where Agrippa had the command. Several towns were taken, and neither life nor property was spared. Octavi- anus penetrated as far as Setovia, where he received a wound in his knee. After his recovery he left the com- mand to Statilius Taurus, and returned to Rome to enter his second consulship, for B.C. 33. Taurus, in the mean time, completed the subjugation of the Dalmatians; and out of the spoils Octavianus ordered a portico to be built, which he called Octavia, in honor to his sister. During the years B.C. 33 and 32, Octavianus remained at Rome, and had -plenty of opportunities of pointing out to the people the unworthy and despicable conduct of Antony, and of convincing them that they had every thing to fear from him, and that all the exertions they might be required to make would be solely for their own good. War was at last declared in the end of B.C. 32, and in the year following, when Octavianus was invested with his third consulship, Rome was in a state of great excitement and alaim, all classes being called upon to make the most extraordinary exertions. In the spring of B.C. 31, the fleet of Octavianus, under the able command of Agrippa, spread over the whole of the Adriatic, while Octavianus himself and his legions landed in Epirus. He had had to struggle with many difficulties in Italy, in making the people submit to the heavy demands he made upon them ; and if Antony had availed himself of these circumstances, and, had attacked his enemy in Italy, the war might ha^e terminated in a very different way. But Antony was slow, and his adversary gained time to overcome his difl5cultie3. Antony assembled his fleet at Ephesus; and, accompanied by the ambitious Cleopatra, sailed from Asia to Samos and ■148 HISTORY OF HOME. Athens; thence he proceeded to Corcyra where all his forces were assembled. His land army encamped near Actium, a promontory of Acarnania;. while Agrippa, at the entrance of the Ambracian gulf, took possession of the town of Toryne, and then made some successful excur- sions upon the G-reek coast. During these operations the summer passed away. Antony's friends advised him to decide the war by a land fight; for though he had twice as many ships as Octavianus, yet they were large and awkward, and not adapted successfully to operate against the light and swift boats of the enemy. But Cleopatra desired Antony to bring the war to a close by an engagement at sea, and her will was obeyed. The memorable battle of Actium, on the 2d of September, B.C. 31, decided the fate of the Roinan world at once and forever. Its issue was at first doubtful ; but when Cleopatra perceived that victory was not certain on her side, she took to flight, and sixty Egyp- tian ships followed her. As soon as Antony became aware of this, he hastened after her in a quick sailing boat, either from despair, or with the intention of bringing her back, for the battle was not yet lost by any means. When he overtook the fugitive he was at first very indignant; but her power over him was so great that' he soon became reconciled. He was received into her ship and fled with her to Alexandria. The Egyptian fleet continued the fight for a few hours longer, but was finally destroyed by Agrippa. Antony's land army, consisting of seventeen legions, resolutely waited for seven days, hoping that the triiamvir would come back ; but when the commander, Canidius, was informed that Antony did not intend to re- turn, and when he had received orders to retreat, he sur- rendered to Octavianus. The danger which had threatened to bring Rome under the dominion of a licentious eastern queen was now re- moved ; the ambition of Octavianus was satisfied, and the generosity which he showed toward the vanquished met with general admiration. In commemoration of this vic- tory he founded, near Actium, the tov?n of Nicopolis. Soon after he slowly proceeded t'hrough Greece and a part of western Asia, and then spent the winter in the island of Samos. His success had increased the confidence of his army ; but his veterans in Italy again began to show symptoms of discontent, and demanded the fulfillment of HISTORY OF ROiWE. 410 the promises which had been made them. He determined to remedy the evil in person, and hastened to Brundusium. On his arri%'al there he was received by a great number of Roman senators and equites, and by crowds of people who had flocked thither from all parts. He availed himself of the general enthusiasm, and persuaded the people to enable him to satisfy the demands of the veterans, to whom he now assigned lands in various parts of the em- pire. Without going to Rome he soon after sailed to Corinth, Rhodes, and Syria, and thence to Egypt. An- tony had endeavored to deceive Cleopatra in regai'd to his own real position ; so that when Octavianus arrived at the mouth of the Nile, the queen, who dreaded a pro- tracted war which might render her enemy implacable, sent letters to him with proposals of peace, hoping to win him over as she had won his great-uncle, Ceasar. But Octavianus refused entering into any negotiations, and de- manded unconditional surrender. In the spring of B.C. 30, he appeared before Pelusium, which admitted the in- vader without resistance. His ai-my, under the command of Aelius Gallus, also took possession of Paraetonium, so that he could attack Alexandria both from the east and the west. The Egyptian fleet surrendered without a blow, and the cavalry also passed over to Octavianus. Antony now withdrew into the city of Alexandria, and finding him- self abandoned by all, and being falsely informed of the death of Cleopatra, resolved to die. He perished misera- bly, by throvdng himself upon his own sword. The queen concealed herself with all her treasures in her palace, still hoping to win the conqueror by her charms ; but when she discoveied that he would spare her life only that she might adorn his triumph, she made away with herself by putting a viper to her breast. Octavianus was now sole master of a colossal empire. As the final victory had been gained on the second of Sextilis, the name of that month was afterward changed into Augustus (August), and festivals were instituted to commemorate the auspicious event, every year, at the be- ginning of August. The race of the Ptolemies had now become extinct, and Egypt received the constitution of a Roman province, which, however, was governed in a peculiar, manner, and enjoyed several privileges, as it was the principal country from which Italy received its sup- plies of corn. The governor bore the title of Praefectus 450 HISTORY OF GOME. Augustalis, and was always a person. of equestrian rank. The first who was intrusted with its administration was the poet Aelius Gallus, who had distinguished himself in the war against Sext. Pompeius, and in the taking of _ the important town of Paraetonium. After having regulated the affairs of this wealthy and populous new province, Octavianus returned to Samos ; and from thence he proceeded, in the spring of B.C. 29, to Rome, where the temple of Janus was closed as a sign that peace was restored throughout the empire. Octavianus celebrated a threefold triumph over Pannonia and Dal- matia, Antony and Egypt, and the people were highly pleased' with the rejoicings that were prepared for them. The veterans also received ample rewards for their ser- vices, and whole legions obtained settlements on the fron- tiers of the empire. Octavianus himself was honored by the senate with various distinctions and privileges, and received the title of imperator for life. The history of the Roman republic was now come to its final close ; its fall was the unavoidable consequence of its internal decay and corruption, which, within the last century, had spread with immense rapidity over all parts of the social and political machinery, and destroyed all the vital principles upon which alone a republic can stand with safety. In the history of Rome the attentive observer can not help being irtipressed with the truth, that the fate of a nation mainly depends upon the moral condition of its people ; and that the descendants have often to pay a heavy pen- alty for the neglect or transgressions of their fathers. The peace which Rome now enjoyed might have been a bless- ing to her fourteen years earlier, and much strife, misery, and bloodshed might have been spared ; but at that time the conviction that the republic was gone had not yet be- come general ; for there still were persons who, in their delusion, thought it possible to i-evive the good old days. Rome indeed required additional and fearful lessons be- fore she could be brought to see that peace and happiness could not exist along with the phantom of a common- wealth from which the soul had departed, and that those blessings could be bestowed only by the strong hand of a single ruler. This feeling was now become quite general; and men like Horace, who had fought in the ranks of Brutus, hailed with joy the happy termination of all civil feuds, and the victories of Octavianus over all his enemies. HISTORY J^F flOME. -1.01 Every honest Roman,,lll(e Qvery lupprejudiced studeut of history, must have come to the conclusion that the victory over Antony} and the establishment of the monarchy under Octavianus, was the greatest boon that Providence could have bestowed upon the Roman world. CHAPTER XXXIX. EXTENT OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, ITS CONSTITUTION AND ADMINISTRATION THE LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND AKTS DURING THE LATTER PERIOD OP THE REPUBLIC— r- CHARACTER AND MORALS OP THE PEOPLE DURING THE SAME PERIOD. Before we proceed to describe the gradual establish- ment of the monarchy underOctavianus,let us cast a glance at the extent of the empire, its constitution and administra- tion, at the state of literature and the arts, as well as the condition of the people during the last century of the re- public. Rome, at this time, was the mistress of a colossal empire, and all the countries over which she exercised her sway, with the exception of Italy, were constituted as dependencies or provinces. She ruled over all th'^ islands of the Mediterranean, over Egypt, Cyrene, Africa (the territory of ancient Carthage), Numidia, Mauritania, Spain, with the exception of the northern districts of that penin- sula, all Gaul as far as the Rhine, Illyricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Moesia, Macedonia, Thrace, all, Greece, and almost the whole of the immense extent of country in Asia between Mount Caucasus, the Caspian Sea, the Parthian empire, the Persian and Arabian Gulfs, and on the west the Mediterranean. In some of these countries the Roman dominion was, indeed, not yet firmly established; but the time was not far distant when they were to lose even the last shadow of independence. But Rome's ambition was not satisfied with this ; for the nations bordering upon her empire, such as the Britons, Germans, Parthians, were not left in peace, and one after another was compelled, in the course of time, to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome. The constitution of the republic had received its first great shock in the noble attempt made by the Gracchi to '1/..! HISTORY OP HOME. remedy the evils which had been brought about by the usurpation of the rich, and by certain unavoidable circum- stances. The senate and the optimates at that time gained the victory, but their blood-stained power was not to be of long duration ; for they acted wjth a perfect contempt of all law and justice, and the citizens felt their oppressive rule no less than the allies and the provinces. Their in- fluence was crushed by ambitious demagogues who started up one after another in the civil wars. Sulla again, after his victory over the popular party, formed the childish plan of restoring the good old times, by undoing the work of time, and by reviving the ancient forms of the constitution ; but his system was a body without a soul, for the senate had long ceased to be that venerable assembly which once filled those who witnessed its meetings, with awe and reverence. Its power, which had been abused in the most flagrant manner, was broken by the influence of the equites, a class of men who continued to rise in importance from the time of the Gracchi. This class not only acquired judicial power, which they abused as grossly as the sena- tors had done before ; but, being wealthy capitalists, and engaged in the farming of the public revenues, they had it in their power to support any ambitious demagogue, and thus to keep the senate in a sort of dependence. The consequ^ce was, that titles and honors were the only dis- tinctions of the senate, while all the substantial power was in the hands of the equites ; and so high did the latter rise in public estimation, that in B.C. 67, the tribune, L. Ros- cius Otho, carried a Ijiw by which the fourteen rows of seats in the theaters, immediately in front of the orchestra, were assigned to the equites exclusively.* But the inso- lence of the equites on the one hand, and the system of bribery by which the other powers in the republic were kept in subjection, was as detrimental to the state as it was disgraceful to themselves. The senate was further degraded by persons of the lowest classes having received from their demagogic leaders seats in it, with the right of voting. Such senators were little better than common hirelings ; the question of the good of the state never entered their minds, and they rejected or adopted measures as they were * Ascon. in Cornel, p. 78, ed. Orelli ; Liv, Epit. 99 ; Veil. Pat. ii 32. Hence sedere in imatuordscim is equivalent to esse equitem. The same privi- lege was granted to tribunes of the soldiers, as they also were reganled as persons of equestrian rank. (Herat. Epod. iv. 15, &c.) HtSTORV OF ROME. 453 bid by their patrons, or only with a view to the greater pecuniary advantages which they themselves might derive From them. The consulship was likevidse degraded by being given to persons who were ready to do whatever the leaders of their party desired. The degradation of this magistracy, however, began more particularly in the time of Caesar.* Where, in former times, all had been active and zealous to promote the public good, every one was now bent upon personal aggrandizement, without any re- gard to the corftmon wealth. The fearful anarchy into which Rome was plunged after the time of Sulla showed itself more particularly in the assemblies of the people ; for there the place of the free- born Roman citizens was occupied by an idle and hungry populace, which had no desire for any thing higher than bread and amusements, and was ever ready to attach itself to those who had the richest rewards to offer. At the elec- tions of magistrates, bribery was carried on in the most open and unscrupulous manner; and the dregs of the city, which fed upon bribery, decided upon the most important affairs of the §tate, such as the election of magistrates, the enactment of laws, and upon peace and war. The comitia oflen were of the most riotous and tumultuous kind, for the hostile factions not unfrequently attacked each other with arms ; and the forum was the scene of civil bloodshed, bands of armed slaves and gladiators occupymg it and deciding, by the dagger or the sword, what ought to have been settled by free and rational discussion. The tribunes, who had been the representatives of the people and the guardians of their rights, ever since the time of -the Gracchi, either themselves came forward as the leaders of factions, or sold themselves as supporters to those who chose to buy them by bribes. The administration of the provinces, and of justice, Kept pace in point of corruption writh the political and moral degeneracy of the people. The general immorality and licentiousness of the age rendered a change in the admin- istration of justice necessary. As early as the year B.C. 149, the tribune, L. Calpurnius Piso, carried a measure by which the Roman people transferred their judicial power, for certain classes of crimes, to commissioners, who were appointed annually, and who, under the presidency of the praetor, tried the accused, and inflicted punishment on the • Snoton. Cow 72, T6. 454 I1I3T0IIY OF no.ME. guilty in ihe name of the RomaTi people.* But, as the praetors, like other magistrates, were guided in their edicts rather by their own interest and a love of money than by a proper sense of justice, the tribune, C. Cornelius, in3-C. 67, carried a law by which the praetors were obliged to pronounce sentence according to the edicts or principles of law which they had once established ;t for, on entering upon his office, every praetor had to announce or lay down such an edictum ; from which time such edicts acquired permanent authority in all legal matters, and were com- mented upon and explained by the most distinguished jurists. Although Roman citizens had not to pay any taxes to the republic, and though the amount of domain land was constantly diminishing by tbe establishment of colonies, and by its distribution among the veterans, still the wealtb of the republic, during the latter period of itfs existence, was immense, for enormous sums flowed from the prov- inces into the public treasury. The province of Asia, in the time of Si^lla, paid annually, about one million sterling, which subsequently was increased even to upward of two millions; and one Spanish mine yielded an annual produce of upward of half a million : from these facts we may form some estimate of the revenue derived from such rich prov- inces as Gaul, Syria, Macedonia, Sicily, Africa, and others. The regular tribute paid by the provinces was let out in fahm by the censors to the highest bidder : the persons who undertook the farming, whether they were individuals or companies [socieiates), first paid or gave security to the treasury for the sums stipulated, arid then sent their agents (^puhlicani) into the provinces to collect the tdxes, under the protection, and, if necessary, with the assistance of the military forces stationed in the provinces. These publicani became proverbial, in the provinces, for their avarice, cru- elty, and oppression ; for their object, as well as that of their employers, was to make as large a profit out of the country as possible ; and they called in, without mercy, the assistance of the soldiery wherever the exhausted pro- vincials could not or would not comply with their exor- bitati^ dema,nds. The wealth of the subject countries in * These are the quaestiones perpetfiae, or standing criminal coiirts'for cer- tain crimes, such as high treason, embezzlement of public money, bribery, and others which were subsequently added by Sulla, Pompey, and Caesar t Ascon. in ComH. p. 58, ed. OrMUi Dion. Cass, xxxvi 23. HISTORY OF ROME. 455 Asia, Africa^ and Europe, were thus systematically collected and carried to Rome, where it enriched the public treas- ury no less than the farmers of the revenue. But, notwith- standing all this, the republic never possessed a regular and rightly organized system of finance, which might have created a pennanent and inexhaustible treasure. The greater part of these revenues was spent upon the main- tenance of the poor, the fleets, the armies, the officials em- ployed in the provinces, the donations which were given to the populace in the shape of com, meat, and public amusements, and the rewards given to the veterans. The wars of the triumvirs in the end so much drained the treasury, that Octavianus, found it necesssary to impose a heavy war-tax to replenish it ; every freedman possessing a certain amount of property being obliged to give up to the state one eighth of it.* ^ During the latter years of the republic, little or no care seems to have been taken about keeping peace and order in the city : the regulations made with a view to preserve public safety and decency were violated every day with- out fear "or scrapie; and crimes of every description were committed in public and in broad daylight, with such au- dacity as if there had been no laws at all to check them. Regular gUai-ds to preserve peace and order in the city during the night never existed until Octavianus instituted the TioctumoTum, vigilum cohortes. The censorship still existed; but after the Social war, when all the Italians acquired the Roman citizenship, it became utterly impos- sible for the censors to control the conduct of the people ; " hence murder, poisoning, forged wills, robbery, perjury, ^ ^. 2— ^ and the like, became crimes of everyday occurrence. The • / superintendence of the public granaries, of the com market, kC-0'C_jt and of the distribution of grain among the p eople , was in j the hanSFof the t^o aediles cereales, who had been insti- ) ^ tuted by J. Caesar, in B.C. 45.t The functions of a city / police, still continued to be performed, though in an ineffi- j cient manner, by the four other, aediles. "In the composition of the Roman armies two considera- ble changes had taken place. C. Marius set the first exatnple of enlistiiig persons of the lowest classes, and eVeri slaves and freedmeii. By this means the wealthier classes were afterward enabled to remain at Rome, and to indole in the pleasures and amusements' of the (aty,,wi41e • Dion. Caes. 1. 10. t lb. iliii. 51. 456 HISTORY OP ROMEr the battles of the republic were fought by the greedy pop» ulace, who had no other object in view than to acquire the means of reveling in luxuries and debaucheries. War- like virtue and patriotism had disappeared more and more ever since the beginning of the civil wars : the soldiers in the rich provinces, in which they were often stationed for a number of years, became demoralized and effeminate, and it required the most extraordinary efforts and tact to keep them in military subordination. Their love of moijey and plunder naturally led them to serve him who most con- nived at their excesses ; and when a mutiny broke out among- them, the commander had generally to yield, unless he was a man of the very greatest skill and ability: he often succeeded in appeasing them by promising them rich rewards after the close of the campaign ; but how great misery those rewards, which usually consisted in the as- signment and distribution of lands, inflicted upon the peace- ful inhabitants of the country in which the soldiers received settlements, or were established as military colonies, has already been remarked.* In short, the soldiers, toward the end of the republic, already showed very strong symp- toms of that imperious and profligate character which they afterward displayed under the emperors, when" they disposed of the imperial throne according to their own dis- cretion and desire. The art of war received great im- provements at the hands of such men as C. Marius, L. Sulla, Cn. PoCnpey, and, above all, J. Caesar. The armies in the time of Caesar no longer consisted of Romans arid allies (socii) : we read only of Romans and auxiliaries, the latter of whom were armed according to the customs of the countries from which they were drawn. The provinces were governed as before by praetors and pro-consuls ; and it was these dependencies, especially when favored by nature, which were most exposed to rob- bery, plunder, and extortion by the Roman governors and their soldiery. It is attested by Cicero, that the arrival of a governor, even in a peaceful province, was little different from the entrance of a victorious army into the country of a vanquished enemy. Even men who were of good repute for their humanity, after they had been in a province for sOme yeara, returned to Rome with almost incredible sums of money. What the governors left undone, was completed by usurers and the farmers of the public revenue ; and * See p. 439, &c. HISTORY OF ROME. 45T Asia, whicli was repeatedly drained to the utmost, would have been utterly ruined, had it not been a countiy en- dowed by nature with almost inexhaustible resources. Verres is a fair specimen of what most governors of prov- inces were during the latter period of the republic. The provincials had, indeed, the right to prosecute their op- pressors j but the judges were either the accomplices of the culprits or had an interest in keeping things as they were : even the most barefaced robbers on a large scale f()und orators and lawyers who were ready to defend them, and judges who had no scruple in acquitting them. Eveiy thing had thus come to a crisis, and no earthly power could have prevented the republic from either breaking to pieces or falling into the hands of a single ruler. Agriculture, once the pride and glory of the Romans, had become completely neglected in Italy; and the im- mense estates {latifundta) possessed by the wealthy Ro- mans were used for the most part as pastures, on which large flocks were kept by gangs of slaves, while ip other parts the late wars had i-educed whole districts to barren wildernesses. The consequence was that Italy, one of the most fertile countries in Europe, which might have sup- ported the most numerous population, was dependent for its supplies of corn upon Sicily, the territory of ancient Carthage, Sardinia, and Egypt. The final blow to Italian agriculture seems to have been given by the establishment of the military colonies, whereby many farms were taken from the industrious peasants and given to reckless sol- diers, who had neither the industi-y nor inclination, nor the knowledge requisite for agricultural pursuits. Rome's de- pendence upon other countries for its supplies of food fre- quently produced great distress in the city, especially at the time when the Mediterranean was infested by the pirates, and afterward when Sext. Porapeius exercised his sway over the sea. That hazard at sea was also detrimental to com- merce in general, though the Romans themselves were never very active as merchants. They received their articles of luxury chiefly from Marseilles, Alexandria in Egypt, and the ports of Syria ; in which ports the Egyptian and Syrian merchants, who fetched their merchandise from India, Persia, and Arabia, disposed of it to the Romans. But Roman merchants also kept vessels of their own, with which they visited foreign markets, where they purchased gold, slaves, corn, and other commodities ; and many of 4,SSi uiiSTor^i of Jvqmje, ihein carried on a considerable, commevce with Gaafy tyhich they visited oither by sea or by the, r.oads leading across the, Alps. The Latin langaag;e was at this time, understood, if not spoken, in all parts of Italy, in the south of G.atil, in a great part of Spain, and in the vfestern islands of the, Mediterra- nean ; in all which coantries Latin was ultimately to be- come the language of the people. In the provinces, easf of the Adriatic, on the other liand, no atternpt vvas ever made to supplant the language, spoken by the provincials. A perfect Romanization, therefore, took place only in the' northern and western parts of the empire — that is, in countries whose civilization, at the time of their conquest, was below that of the Romans. There can not, however, be any doubt that in all the Roman provinces, even where the Latin language was not introduced, peTsoti,s of rank and education acquired a competent knowledge of it. through the influence of the Roman armies, officers, ad- venturers, and other Italians who settled among the pro- vincials. In Italy, again, there were few persons of any. pretensions who were not thoroughly acquainted with the G.re^k language. Rome itself swarmed with learne^i Greeks, who gave instruction in their native tongue, in rhetoric and philosophy ; and those Romans who had suf- ficient means used to send their sons to the high places of learning in Greece, where they cultivated their misds aniJ taste under the guidance of th^ ablest teachers. This in- tellectual connection with Greece excited in, the m,inds of the Romans the greatest zeal and ambition to emulate the Greeks in carrying to perfection their own language : poets, historians, and, above all, the orators, exerted them- selves to elevate the language and literature of their coun- try to a point where they might be worthy rivals of those of Gye^ce, The influence of this intellectual activity was, however, more or less confined to Rome and' the larger towns.; the. language, spoken in the country districts, and, distant parts of Italy (Jingtia rtcstica, or rzisticitas), showed Si niarked difference frorp the language spokpn at Rome. (urhamias), where the. taste of the better classes was-^daily cultivated by the public orators and the society of-tho§fi who had received a liberal and perfect education. The , golden, ag^^ of fLoman; literature extends froMttfes^ defttii,<3f Sulla; tei.that of Angitstus: it. v^as during, tt>at- pgripq., Qf a})c>ut njn^.tyf, yftsrSf thiaj: R^ni^e. produced MK) HISTOKY- OF ROME. 459 greatest minds in e.veryi branch of literaturej in po&ti-y as well as in prose. Boots had been collected by Roman nobles long before, this time, such as Aemilius Paulus who brought many -books > with him from Macedonia; and libraries existed in most o£ the palaces and villas of the great : but the first: public library was established at Rome by Asinius Pollio (born in B.C. 74, died in A.D. 4), who was himself. distinguished as a poet and orator;* and- his example was followed by Caesar and Octavianus.t The d,emand for books produced booksellers, who exposed; their books for sale on stalls, and caused copies to be made of the works they had on sale ; but wealthy authors used to keep slaves for the sole prurpose of making copies of their wt)rks, which they sent to their friends. Such slaves were called literati, or librarii. But whatever were the efforts of the Romans, their literature, from the days of Livius Andronicus, had been and. remained, on the whole, merely an imitation of that of Greece ; ^nd the Greeks, who had been subdued by the arms of Rome, gained and maintained the ascendency over thar conquerors by the spirit of their arts and their litera- ture* The flourishing period, moreover, of Roman litera- ture, was of short duration, as is always the case when a literature is not built upon a tfuly national basis : such ati artificial creation may at first grow luxuriantly in itsnew soil, like a plant in a hothouse, but afterward it becomes either crippled or short-lived. The latter was the case with Roman literature, ,whose fair growth was checked by the vices and follies no less than by the misfortunes of the times which followed the reign of Augustus ; for literature, in all countri^, seems to thrive best in times of great ex- citement,. whether it arises from political or religious 'Com- motions or from great military undertakings. The regular and sublime tragedy, after the Greek model, never becamerpopular among the Romans, who can not boast of one great tragic poeti Men like Roscius arai Aesgpus, in the age of Cicero, might, for a time, fascinate the people, with their wonderful powers as actors in com- edy and tragedy, and wealthy Romans might spends the^ most exorbitant sums upon the erection of theaters, m. opd^;to.win_ popular favor ;J but the national taste was ♦ Plin. B. N. vH. 31. t Sueton. Caes. 44, Aug. 29. % In B. G. 58, M. Aem Uius Siaurus built ainost magnificent wooden tha- Btor, which contained 80,000 Bpectaton cPlin- -H, N. xxrn 24, 17), bvrt it 460 HISTORY OF ROME. against the lofty and sublime spirit of the Greek drama : the dissolute jokes and witticisms of pantomimic represen- tations, and the cruelties of the gladiatorial fights in the circus, had far more charms for tlie population of Rome. The authors of mimes, therefore, were the only dramatic composers that met with any favor, of whom, in the time of J. Caesar, we find two who acquired a great reputation, Decimus Laberius and P. Syrus. P. Lucretius Carus, who died ih B.C. 32, at the age of forty-four, was a truly great poet ; he wrote a great didactic poem, in six books, on the Nature of-Things, which is still extant ; it is only to bo regretted that he employed his muse in the advocacy of the miserable system of the Epicurean philosophy. Lyric poetry was cultivated with great success; and though the poets were, to a great extent, mere imitators of the lyric poets of Greece, yet their productions were in no wise un- worthy of their models. We here need mention only the names of the heroes of lyric poetry whose works have come down to us : C. Valerius Catullus, of Verona (bom in B.C. 85, died about B.C.~45); Horace, of Venusia (bom in B.C. 63, died B.C. 8); Tibullus, and Propertius. In epic, idyllic, and didactic poetry, none surpassed Virgil (born in B.C. 70, at Andes, near Mantua, died in B.C. 19) ; and Ovid, of Sulmo (born in B.C. 43, died, in A.D. 17). Political oratory, which had naturally been cultivated at Rome from early times, but had commenced a period of rapid development in the age of the Gracchi, reached its highest perfection under the influence of such men as Q. Hortensius, Cicero, J. Caesar, Cato, and others ; but its flourishing period terminated abruptly with the fall of the republic ; for public oratory is the child of poetical liberty; and can not exist without it. Even Cicero, in the later years of his life, complained of the decline of the art in which he himself had outshone all his cotemporaries. In the year B.C. 99, L. Plotius had opened the first school for teaching Latin oratory, and had met with great applause; but, two years later, the censors expressed their strong dis- approval of it, for they declared this school of Latin i-het- oricians to be injurious to the young, and contrary to the customs of their forefathers.* Speculative philosophy had never been a favorite pursuit among the Romans, apd it is did not remain standing more than one month. The first stone theater Was that of Cn. Poitipey, which was dedicated in B.C. 55.— See p. 406. ♦ Gplliu?, XV, II, HISTORY OF ROMP.. 461 amusing to see how Cicero, who was the first lo attempt to make his countrymen acquainted with the results of Greek speculation, apologizes for venturing to introduce these abstruse disquisitions among his countrymen ; though his lucubrations were by no means of a transcendental kind, but had in view those more practical en Js which have a direct bearing upon the affairs of the state and human life in general. We may, indeed, admit that Cicero was not a philosopher, in the highest sense of the word ; but he has the undisputed merit of having popularized among the Ro- mans, and in their own language, the results of the practical parts of Greek philosophy. The higher classes^ had adopt- ed a sort of Epicurean system, because it did not oppose their luxurious and licentious mode of life ; while the bet- ter and nobler minds sought and found comfort in the purer and loftier doctrines of the Stoics, which, at the same time, were a kind of compensation for the religious wants of the age, the religion of ancient Rome having become a sub- ject of ridicule with the more enlightened class of Romans. M. Terentius Varro, a cotemporary of Cicero, was a man of most extensive infonnation ; but the greater part of his numerous and valuable works have perished. Histori- cal studies were pursued with great vigor, and the histori- ans of this period rose far above those of former times. We still possess some most excellent historical works which were written at that time ; such as a few of the Lives of Cornelius Nepos,. the History of the Jugurthine War and the Castilinarian Conspiracy by Sallust, the Commentaries of J. Caesar and A. Hirtius, and a considerable portion of the voluminous History of Rome, by Livy. Each of these historians has his peculiar charms and beauties ; each of them looked at history from a different point of view, and wrote accordingly in a different spirit. The woiks of many others, such as Q. Claudius Q,uadrigarius, Valerius of An- tiura, Licinius Macer, T. Poraponius Atticus, Q. Aelius Tubero, Asinius Pollio, Varro, Cato, L. Lucceius, the Mem- oirs of Sulla, and the Commentaries of the philosopher, P. Volumnius, who wrote the history of the war against Brutus, have been lost in the course of time, and are known only through the quotations of others. Although Rome herself never produced any great art- ists, yet there arose in Italy such a love of works of art, especially after the war of Sulla against Mithridates, that it almost amounted to a mania among the wealthy Roman's, 462 tilSTOKY OF HOME. and, in many instances, led to the most disgtacefnl rob- beries ; for the governors of provinces, in the most unscru- pulous manner, appropriated to themselves the ornaments of 'temples and public buildings, nci less than those of pri- vate houses. We need only remember the conduct of Verres in Sicily, who was assuredly not the only man who acted in that rapacious manner, to form an opinion of the extent to which the robbery of works of art was carried. Hut- not only were statues, paintings, vases, and other movable articles of ornament taken and carried to Italy, means were devised even for cutting away mural paintings and removing them ; nor were these works of art used to ndorn only the public pla:ces and buildings of the city ; many more wei-e carried to the private dwellings of the great, and to their villas in the country, which were lavishly stocked with, these plundered treasures. In those villas they were generally kept hidden from public view, for the exclusive enjoyment of the wealthy; and this practice was carried to such an extent, that, on one occasion, Agrippa delivered a sjaeech, in which he proposed publicly to sell all the statues and paintings which we}'e hidden in the vil- las of the great.* This love of works of art also created a considerable traffic of them at Rome ; and picture-dealers and statue-dealers were persons of some consequence among Roman amateurs.f Eminent artists, moreover, went to Rome in grea;t iiumbei's, though not so much wjth a view to get orders for new and original creationsas to make copies of the most renowned works of the earlier Greek masters. But the ennobling influence of literatui'e and the arts produced very little effect upon the moral and social con- dition of the majority of -the Romans ; wealth, and the lov© of luxuries and sensual pleasures, were opponents too powerful to be subdued by such gentle means ; and the course of demoralization could not be checked either by the censorship or by legal enactments. The licentiousness of the populace, the avarice of the great, the general effem- inacy, combined with the most heartless cruelty, reached an almost incredible height. The Roman nobles erected palaces and villas, with which even our royal palaces, in point of grandeur and magnificence, can scarcely bear any eonaparison ; mountains were leveled, lakes were dug, and It pliji XXXV 9 t Cic. ad Fam. vii. 23 ; Horat. Sal. ii. 3, 64. MISTOBY OF ROME. 468 portions of the sea changed into dry land, merely to gt'atify the whims and fancies of the wealthy ; and th© anecdotes of the extravagance of some surpass almost all belief. The fur- niture and ornaraeiits of their dwellings consisted of the finest tnetals, and of the most costly species of wood, yet these materials were themselves of little value in comparison with the labor and skill that were lavished upon the work- manship. At their repasts the most exquisite dishes were brought together from all paitsof the worJd; and, in order not to be restrained iu their extravagant enjoyment of thera, -they had recourse to the disgusting practice of taking emetics both before and after their 'debauclies. The licen- tiousness and immorality among women was almost great- er than among men, and the natural consequence was, that men preferred living in concubinage to entering the state of legal matrimony. Thus the number of free citi- zens constantly decreased, while that of freedmen increas- ed with extraordinaiy rapidity. This state of things, which lasted till about the mgn of Vespasian, became so general, that it was found necessary to make enactments against celibacy, and to confer rights and privileges upon those who were fathers of a certain number of children born in legal wedlock. This corrupt state of domestic life natur- ally exercised its influence upon the education of the young; they were neglected by their parents, and left to the care of Greek slaves [pciedagogi or cusiodes), who taught them the Greek language and Greek manners, their mother tongue being little cared fon The vi^hole of the education of children v/ent in the wrong direction ; for the national feelings of the Romans were thus, in early life, molded into a corrupt foreign form. The better classes, of course, foi-med the exception, causing their children to be instructed in history, poetry, rhetoric, and philo.sophy ; and what could not be acquired at home was afterward sought in the great schools which were established in vari- ous parts of the eastern world. The spirit of ancient Rome had thus completely disap- peared from all the relations of life; the moral strength of the people was broken ; the freedom of their fathers was gone. Rome had become unable to govern herself, and wanted the powerful hand of an absolute ruler: like an exhausted mother, she had lost the power of producing truly great and good men. She was incapable of enjoying political ifreedom, which prospers only when it is suppotted 464 IlI:-TnltV OF RO-ME. by the manly virtues and the moral character of a nation. Thousands must have looked with disgust upon the perpet- ual sftruggles which had of late torn the republic to pieces, and must have felt that a tranquil enjoyment of life, which was with many the highest object of existence, was incom- patible with the continuance of the republic. This class of persons must have bailed with delight the cessation of civil strife, and looked upon the sovereignty of Octavianus as the greatest boon that could have been obtained from Heaven. CHAPTER XL. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MONARCHY UNDER AUeUSTTJS. During the whole period of Roman history which now follows, the fate of the empire is so inseparably connected with that of its individual rulers, that its annals henceforth consist of little more than the biographies of the successive sovereigns. The reign of Octavianus, however, has a pe- culiar interest fi-orn the circumstance that it forms the transition from the republican to the monarchical form of govo'nment, and it is this gradual transition which we have to contemplate before we proceed with the narrative of the external events of his reign. The battle of Actium had put an end to a long series of bloody and destructive civil wars ; and Octavianus, hav- ing no longer to combat any adversary, now found it posr sible to restore the blessings of-peace and order. During his long reign of forty-four years, from B.C. 30 till A.D. 14, republican freedom vv-as gradually forgotten ; the gen- eration which had taken 'part in the late struggles soon ' died away ; and those who retained a recollection of the horrid bloodshed that bad stained the latter years of the republic could not wish to see those times restored: with very few exceptions, all seemed led to tbe conclusion that a mild monarchy is a happier state than a republic in a condition of dissolution and anarchy. In B.C. 29, wheo Octavianus returned to Rome from Samoa, he was over- whelmed by the a3ulatipn and servility of the senate and piebple. Some of his friends advised him to lay down his HISTORY OF ROMK. 4(55 powers and retire to a private Btation ; but he followed the wiser counsel of Maecenas, who persuaded him not to abandon the republic again to the forlorn condition from which it had only just emerged. As it was evident that he was desirous of making the people forget their former misery, as well as their own acts of cruelty, both the senate and the people received with enthusiastic joy the announce- ment that he consented to remain at the head of the re- public. Being anxious, however, to avoid every appear- ance of a wish to obtain legal power, he refused to accept the title of dictator, which was offered him, and was satis- fied with the novel title of Augustus* which was conferred upon him at the beginning of B.C. 27, on the proposal of L. Munatius Plancus. Along with this he accepted foi ten years the title of imperator,\ which conferred upon him the military command of all the Roman armies, and afterward allowed it to be renewed each time for five or ten years, with an affected reluctance, by which he en- deavored to impress upon the senate and people that, he himself was most anxious to preserve the republican con- stitution ; for his great plan was to acquire sovereign power without abolishing any of the republican forms, which ac- cordingly were carefully retained. By this means, he gradually concentrated in his own person all the different powers, which, under the republic, had belonged to the diflferent magistrates. Thus, in B.C. 24, he was invested with the tribunician power for life, whereby his person became forever sacred and inviolable, like that of a trib- une of the people. By virtue of this power he could an- nul any decree of the senate, and interfere in all the acts of other magistrates, while any one might appeal to him from any of the courts of justice ; it lastly gave him the right to convoke the senate, and put to the vote any sub- ject he might think proper. In like manner he obtained the povirer of a censor, and the pro-consular power in all the provinces of the empire. In B.C. 12, when Lepidus * The name Augustus is probably connected with the word augur, and signifies the sacred or venerable, wfience the Greek writers express it by 'ZePaarog. All the subsequent emperors assumed the title of Augustus as a surname, and every empress had the title oi Augusta, though other female relations of an emperor also were sometimes honored with it. The full name of Octavianus now was C. Julius Caesar Octnvianus Augustus. From the time of Hadrian, the presumpt^e successor of an emperor was distin guished by the title Caesar, t The title hnperator (emperor) was used by him as a praenoinen, and af- terward remained so with all th ■ Roman monarchs. 466 HISTORY OF ROME. died, Augustus succeeaed him in the office of pontifex maximuB, and thereby obtained the superintendence of all religious and ecclesiastical matters, which enabled him to exercise an almost unlimited iiifluence over all the priestly colleges. All these powers, united as they were in his person, constituted him the real sovereign of the empire ; but he took great care not to show openly that this Wcis really the case ; and for this reason he did not keep the titles of those. dignities for himself exclusively, but nomin- ally left the consulship and other magistracies to others, so that the republic, with all its forms, apparently continued as before, while in fact the office of consul, and others, were mere names or titles, by which the friends and par- tisans of the emperor were rewarded. The same caution with which Augustus exercised the various powers thus conferred upon him was manifest also in his private life ; for he did not distinguish himself in any way from the rest of the citizens, but lived with the simplicity of a private person ; toward his friends he behaved with the same cor- diality and familiarity as before, and in his leisure hours lie took part in their games and amusements, and even laughed at their railleries. A court, in our sense of the word, did not exist at all ; and the whole apearance of Au- gustus was that of a private citizen. The senate had been disgraced by the introduction of un'vovthy members in the time of Caesar, and still more by the triumvirs ; but as soon as Augustus had obtained the consorial power, he induced many to withdraw, and excluded others, and limited the number of Senators to 600.* The ordinary meetings of the senate had hitherto taken place thrice every month ; but Augustus reduced them to two in every month, with the exception of September and October, during which the senate had vacation. The relation between the emperor and the senate was at first quite undefined, and Augustus attended the meetings only under the republican title oi princeps senatus, by virtue of which he had the light of introducing any subject for dis- cussion. In B.C. 24, he was formally exempted from all laws, a regulation which remained in force under his suc- cessors, while their edicts were as binding as laws or decrees of the senate had been before. During the latter period of his reign, Augustus rarely attended the meetings of the senate, but formed for himself a kind of state council, * Dion. Cass. liv. 13, Iv. 3; Tacit. Ann. iv. 33. HISTORY OF ROME. 467 or committee, consisting of twenty senators, with whom he delibeiatecl upon all subjects which were to be brought; before the senate ; and whatever he proposed appeal's to have been passed forthwith, without any discussion.* The sen- ate had formerly been the supreme court of justice in cases of crimes against the majesty of tlie republic ; as the state had now becotne identified with the person of the emper- or, Augustus left to the senate the decision of all cases in which the majesty of his person was violated, since it would have been odious for him to assume jurisdiction in such instances. Augustus had no ministers in our sense of the word; but in all matters of importance, which he did not wish to be discussed in public, he availed himself of the advice of his friends, the most eminent among whom were M. Vipsanius Agrippa, C. Cilnius Maecenas, M. Valerius Messala, and Asinius Pollio, all men of great ability in some depart- ment or other. Maecenas was a Roman eques, descended from an illustrious Etruscan family : he loved ease and /■omfort, and wms fond of indulging in the refined luxuries of life; but the influence ho exercised on Augustus was verj' beneficial, for he succeeded in restraining the emper- or's natural inclination to cowardice and cruelty ; and at the same time that he was himself a promoter and Supporter of every thing that contributed to embellish and adorn social life, he also inspired Augustus with a similar desire. It may be said in general that Maecenas did more than nny one else to render the age of Augustus brilliant and illustrious, especially by his patronage of literature and the arts, for which his name has become proverbial. We need not here discuss the question whether his support of poetry and the arts was given from pure motives, or whether it was to satisfy his personal vanity ; it is enough fof us tp know that he actually did nurture and cherish such men of genius as Horace. At the time when Maecenas wasintrusted with the administration of the city, he discharged his dutie? with great prudence and discretion. Agrippa was equally indispensable and useful to Augustus: he was a man of very great talent, and had a strong attachment to republican institutions; but finding it useless to struggle against the cun-ent of the tide, he took an active and prominent pait in the establishment of the monarchy, which through him acquired strength, stability, and dignity. It has been said. • Dion. Cass. liv. 13 ; Siieton. Aug. 35. 4oK HISTORY OF ROME. and with jastice, that of all the men who rose to eminence during the civil wars, Agrippa was the only one whose elevation was a real blessing to the state. To him the city of Rome was mainly indebted for its architectural improve- ments and embellishments, which enabled Augustus, who himself erected a vast number of splendid buildings, tp say, toward the end of his reign, that he had changed Rome from a city of huts into one of marble palaces.* The great splendor of the city gave it a general appearance of happi- ness and prosperity, and increased among the people their love and admiration of their ruler. It was undoubtedly not a little owing to the inflvience of such men as these that Augustus was honored by the senate and people with the appellation oi father of his country.] The people were not in any way deprived of the forms of republican freedom : Augustus even restored to the comitia the right of electing those magistrates whose ap- pointment had been transfeiTed to Caesar; but the whole was merely a form, for it was always a matter of course that the people should not elect any one who was not rec- ommended by Augustus ; and he was prudent enough not to interfere, when the people, as was the case sometimes, insisted upon their own will being carried.| The legisla- tive power of the assemblies died away very gradually: several laws are mentioned which were passed in the reign of Augustus in the old republican manner; but in the time of his successor, Tiberius, we hear no more of them. The worship of the gods, which had lately been greatly neglect- ed, was taken especial care of by Augustus ; and in many instances he went far beyond upholding that which still existed, reviving old and forgotten superstitions and forms of worship. Whether this arose from his own superstitious feelings, or whether it was devised to make the people be- lieve that he was endeavoring to restore the good old times, is a matter of uncertainty. But what seems to have en- gaged his attention more than any thing else was the res- toration of peace and safety in the city, where it was not * Agrippa, among many other edifices, built the Pantheon in the Campus Marfius, which still exists in an excellent state of preservation, and bears the inscription M. Vipsanius Agrippa^ consvl tertium, alluding to the year B.C. 27, in which he was consul for the third time, and dedicated ths Pantheon. It was dedicated to the gods connected with the Julian gens, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, J. Caesar, and others, and is now used as a church under the name of Santa Maria Rotonda. t Sueton. Aug. 58. t Veil. Pat. ii. 91. HISTORY OF ROME. 4GU uncommon for assassins to roam about with their daggei-s ill broad daylight,* without any one being bold enough to check them. Augustus extirpated these banditti, by suit- able police regulations, with great resolution and firmness. He' divided the whole extent of the city, including the suburbs, into fourteen regions, each with a separate local magistrate ; and each region was subdivided into vici, the affairs of each of which were managed by an officer called vici magister. This wise arrangement rendered it possible also to introduce an efficient city police, the vigiles or cohortes urbanae, v/ho had to watch over the safety of the city, and to assist in cases of fire, n'ots, and the like. The whole administration of the city, and the superintendence of all its local officers, as well as the vigiles, was given to a new magistrate created by Augustus under the title of praefectiis urhi. Rome, which had before been almost like a den of robbers, now became a safe place, and the people had reason to be grateful to the emperor for it. In like manner he divided the whole of Italy, from the foot of the Alps to the straits of Sicily, into a number of regions, each of which was probably headed by some magistrate, for the purpose of jurisdiction. For his personal safety, Augustus established a body- guard of ten praetorian cohorts, each consisting of 800 or 1000 men, both cavalry and infantry ; the whole of this body of troops was commanded by the -praefectus praetorio, an officer vyho, in the course of tirne became second in im- portance only to the emperor himself.* Each of these soldiers, or praetoriani, received' double the pay of the or- dinary soldiers in a legion. But in order to avoid the ap- pearance of military despotism, Augustus kept only three of these cohorts in the city, while the rest were scattered over the towns of Italy, until Tiberius, pretending that they were necessary for the safety of Rome, drew them all to the city, where they were kept in a fortified camp called castra praetoria. The whole of the military forces, over which Augustus had the supreme command, amounted to about 450,000 ; and the principal parts of his navy were stationed in the ports of Misenum and Ravenna. In order to keep peace in the countries which had been subdued by force, it became necessary to keep standing armies in them, especially in the distant provinces of Spain, on the Rhine, the Danube, and Euphrates ; and the stand- » Sueton. Aug. 32. 43. t Ibid'. Alls. K. 49 ; Tacit. Ann. iv. 5 ; Dion. Cass. lii. 24. 470 HisTonv OP Rome. ing ckbps {castra stativa) in which the troops were station- ed wel-e, in many cases, in the course of time, changed into towns. In B.C. 27, Augustiis made an arrangement with the senate, by which the provinces were divided between him and the senate. Those which were assigned tQ the senate [provinciae senatoriae or populi) were governed by peisons appointed by the senate every year, but without the imperium, since Augustus himself liad the pro-consular irnperium in all the provinces ; they, therefore, had neither the power of levying armies nor of carrying on a war, and were commonly designated pro-consuls, though they -might never have been invested with the consulship. The prov- inces which were given to the emperor {provinciae Cae- sareae) were governed by persons whom Augustus himself chose to appoint; and the term of their office also depend- ed upon his discretion. They bore the title legati Caesaris, or August!, to which pro praetore was sometimes added. In this division of the provinces Augustus toolc care that those which required a military force for their protection were reserved for him, while the more peaceful provinces, in whicli there was no occasion for keeping armies, were left to the senate. This arrangement, on the whole, re- mained-in force down to the time of Constantine, though it would seem that sometimes the emperor made an ex- change of one province for another with the senate. The government of Augustus exercised a most beneficial influ- ence upon the provinces, and henceforth their fate was in- comparably better than it had been under the republic; for the governors now received salaries from the state, and a very Strict superintendence was kept over them. Accor- dingly, some of the provinces, especially those in which no armies were stationed, now entered upon a period of in- creasing prosperity. Egypt, which was one of the great est consequence to Rome, on account of its being one of the principal places from which she drew her supplies nt corn, was governed in a peculiar manner. The emperoi usually appointed a Roman eques, who was invested with almost regal power ; and all other equites, as well as sen- ators, were forbidden to visit Egypt, perhaps to prevent the inhabitants of the country from being excited to revolt, which would have produced very serious consequences both for Rome and Italy. These arrangements regarding the provinces were neces- sarily followed by a change in the administration of the finances, which had hitherto belonged to the senate alone. niStOKY OF HOME. 4l'l The civil wai-s had exhausted tli6 jjublic treasury, and the assignment of the public lands in Italy to the veterans had deprived the state of a considerable portion of its revenues. The division of the provinces was now made on these terras : the income derived from the provinces of the senate went into the public treasury {aerarium), and out of it the sen- ate had to pay the current expenses ; but the revenue de- rived from the Caesarean provinces went into the treasury of the emperor [Jiscus, not to be confounded with the em- peror's private purse), and out of it the armies were paid. All the domain land in the provinces, whether they belong- ed to the senate or the emperor, was regarded as the prop- erty of the emperor, who derived the income from it, and might dispose of it at his pleasure. But, beside these, there were several other sources from which a considerable revenue flowed into the fiscus ; such as the tax levied on legacies and inheritances [vicesima kereditatum), the excise duties on all goods exposed for sale [centesiina rcrum vcna- lium), the tax levied on persons living in celibacy [uTori- um), and others. At a later time the aerarium was com- pletely swallowed up by the fiscus, and the latter then became the only public treasury, so that the whole of {he finances of the empire was under the control of the em- perors. The improveirfent of morality, and the increase of the free population, likewise engaged the attention of Augus- tus, who made great efforts to introduce a better feeling among the people. In B.C. 17, a law was passed to pre- vent adultery, by which heavy penalties were inflicted, not only on the seducer, but also on the conniving party. Another law, intended to introduce a better regulation of marriage {de maritandis ordinilus), was passed the year after; and, in B.C. 9, there followed the celebrated lex Papia Top-paea, a kind of amendment of, and supplement to, the preceding one: it derived its name from Papius Mutilus andPoppaeus Secundus, who were consuls in that year. This law not only regulated and encouraged matri- mony, and endeavored to get rid of concubinage, but even conferred certain privileges on those who were fathers of at least three children [jusHrimn liherorum); though in later times these privileges were sometimes granted as a personal favor to persons who had no right to claim tliem. All these and many more regulations were unquestionably well meant, but they did not produce much improvement; for the evils against which they were directed can only be 472 HISTORY OF ROME. eradicated gradually. Augustus also made very useful pro- visions for preventing famine in the city : he promoted commerce and industry, made public roads, and executed several other public works of great utility. The large sums of rnoney which were thus put into circulation gave a fresh impulse to trade, by which Egypt and the eastern provinces were especially benefited. The reflecting part of the population, even if they saw through many of the selfish schemes of Augustus, must have acknowledged that his administration was productive of great blessings to the nation : the thoughtless populace, on the other hand, were, so much taken up with the amusements, games, and public spectacles provided for them, and were kept in such good humor by the frequent distributions of corn, that they etf- tirely forgot the loss of political freedom, and willingly serv- ed him who fed and amused them so well. But notwithstanding the great caution with which Au- gustus acted, the mildness with vyhich he ruled, and the care with which he kept out of sight every thing that might suggest the idea of despotism, several conspiracies, which were from time to time formed against his life, reminded him that there were still some persons in whom the love of republican government was not yet become extinct. The first attempt was made, in B.C. 30, by M. Lepidus, a son of the ex-triumvir : his plot was farmed before the return of Augustus from Actium; but Maecenas, who had the administi'ation of the city, acted with great calmness and prudence, and, without causing any sensation, quietly arrested Lepidus, and sent him to Augustus, in the east, who put him to death. In B.C. 22, Fannius Caepio, A. Murena, and others, formed a similar conspiracy ; but this, too, was discovered, and those who had taken the lead in it were sentenced to death. Tlie same was the fate of Eg- natius Rufus, a senator, who, by the favor of the people, which he had acquired in his aedileship, at first defied the wishes of Augustus, and then formed a conspiracy against his life, which, like the formei' attempts, was discovered in time. Cn. Cornelius Cinna, a grandson of Pompey, who was guilty of a similar crime, in A.D. 4, was pardoned on the advice of Livia, the wife of Augustus, and even raised to the consulship. These repeated attempts, however, intimidated Augustus so much that, during the latter period of his life, he never went to a meeting of the senate with- out wearing a breast-plate \inder his dress, to protect him against any sudden attack. HISTORY OF ROME. 473 CHAPTER XLI. WAKS OF THE REIGN OP AUGUSTUS HIS FAMILY HIS DEATH. An empire like that of Rome could not remain in the perfect enjoyment of peace, however desirous Augustus might be to preserve it, in order to make the people feel the contrast between his reign and the latter period of the repubhc. Under the influence of this desire he undertook no wars which he did not think absolutely necessary for the safety of the empu-e ; and the object of his campaigns and conquests was only to secure the frontiers, which wei-e then more threatened than ever, and to establish more firmly the Roman dominion in those countries which had been reduced shortly befpre his time. The Dacian tiibes on the left bank of the lower Danube jfrequently crossed the river and annoyed the province of Moesia, especially in winter, when the river was frozen : in order to prevent these inroads, Augustus, in B.C. 27, sent "his legate, M. Crassus, to the Danube. The Romans were ^-ictorious; hut their success produced no lasting eflfect, for the Dacians stiU continued to repeat their incursions ; and Rome was unsuccessful in her attempt to gain a fiim footing north of the Danube. In the same year Augustus himself set out for Gaul, in- tending, it is, said, to go to Britain; but he turned aside, and went into Spain. He directed his course against the Cantabri and ^tures, in the north of the peninsula, it being his object to subdue all Spain, and to make in that part of the world the ocean the boundary of the empire. The war against these warlike tribes lasted for some years, and Augustus did not return -to Rome till B.C. 24, when his enemies submitted and gave hostages. During this campaign Augustus founded several towns in Spain, the most important of which were Augusta Emerita (Merida), and Caesar Augusta (Saragossa). Two years later the Cantabri again revolted, but were finally subdued, in B.C 19, by Agiippa, who destroyed the flower of the nation. About the same time, B.C. 24, Aelius Gallus, the gov- ernor of Egypt, undertook an expedition into Arabia Felix, which, however, turned out a complete failure ; for dis- eases broke- out among his troops ; and, being led by his 4*74 IJISTORY OF BOMS. guides on roundabout ways into the most dangerous parts of the wilderness, he was, in the end, obliged to return without having effected any thing. The manner in which he had allowed himself to be misguided is clear, fi'om the fact that he effected his return in sixty days, while he spent six months in the expedition into Arabia. This un- successful enterprise encouraged Candace, queen of the Ethiopians of Meroe, to invade Egypt, in B.C. 22. She ravaged the country, and conquered the Soman garrisons of several towns; but C. Petronius, who had succeeded Gallus as governor of 'Egypt, defeated her in her own counti-y, after she had sustained a sevei-e loss. Augustus, to whom sTie applied for mercy, did not deprive her of her kingdom : he even relieved her from the tribute which Petronius had demanded of her. Free commerde with the interior of Africa was secured by a victory wliich L, Coi'nelius Balbus, the governor of the pi'ovince of Africa, gained over the Garamantes, for which he was honored, in B.Ci 19, with a triumph. In the mean time an event occurred in tlie east which seems to have filled with joy the heart of every Roman, Soon after Augustus's return flom Spain, Tiridates, king of Parthia, was driven from hisTiingdom by Phraates. The exiled king took refuge at Rome, but Phraates also sent an embassy to demand the suiTender of Tiridates. Augustus refused to comply with this request, but consented to re- store a son of Phraates, who had before fallen into his hands, oil condition of Phraates giving back to the Romans the standards which had been taken by the Parthians in the unfortunate campaigns of Crassus and M. Antony, This demand was complied with in B.C. 20, because Phraates was afraid of encountering the Roman arms, Tiberius being at the time engaged in restoring Tigranes to his kingdom of Ai-menia. Augustus was at this time in Samos, where he spent the winter, as he had done the year before; and when the standards arrived, his vanity was so much gratified that he struck medals to ^commemorate the event, and afterward caused the standards to be hung in the temple of Mars Ultor, which he built at Rome. An- other very flattering circumstance happened while he was staying at Samos : there arrived embassadore from the Scythians, and from an Indian king, Pandion, with pres- ents, to solicit the fiiendship of Augustus, which the In- dians seemed to have endeavored to obtain even before, lUi'r.iRY OS' ROME. 475 while Augustus was yet in Spam* When the emperor left Samos, an Indian gymnosophist accompanied him to Athens, and there burned himself aUve. As Augustus was returning to Rome, he met Virgil, who was on a journey to Asia ; but being taken ill, Virgil returned with the em- peror from Athens to Brundusium, where he died in Oc- tober, B.C. 19. Many parts of the Alps were still inhabited by free and independent tribes, and so long as they were not subdued Italy could not be safe. In B.C. 35, while Augustus was yet engaged in Spain, a war against the Alpine tribes was commenced by an ai'my under Terentius Van-o, who be- gan his operations by a campaign against the Salassi in the Graian Alps. They were subdued ■with great loss, the Roman general halving sold 36,000 men into slavery ; and for the protection of Italy, the town of Augusta Praetoria (Aosta) was founded. It seems that this defeat stirred up all the nations, north of the Alps, on the upper Rhine and the Danube. The commotions in Gaul were suppressed by Agrippa; but M. LoUius, a greedy legate on the Rhine, provoked the Germans inhabiting the eastern bank of the river ; in consequence of which the Sigambri, Usipetes, and Tenecteri, crossed the Rhine, and defeated the Romans in B.C. 16, probably in the neighborhood of the modem town of Xanten. Augustus, who entertained the greatest apprehensions in regard to these commotions, went himself t6 Gaul, and remained there until B;C. 13, for the purpose of regulating the affairs of the couritiy, and of making the necessary preparations ' for securing the western banks of the Rhine. On his return to Rolne, he intrusted the protection of those countries to DruBUs, the Bon of his wife Livia by her fii-st husband. Up to this time Drusus and his brother Tiberius had been ;engaged in a war in Noricum, Raetia, and Vindelicia, and had sub- dued all the Alpine tribes, even those living in the most secluded valleys, so completely, that henceforth we hear of no further attempt on their pait to shake off the Roman yoke.t During that war the Romans founded Augusta V indelicorum (Augsburg) in the south of Germany. When Drusus proceeded to the Rhine, Agiippa continued the operations in Pannonia; for the emperor's plan was to * Oros. vi. ai. t Pliny, Hist. Nai. iii. 24, who quotes an inscription naming all the tribei that were subdued in this war. 4TG insTORY OP Rome. secure all the country between the Alps and the Danube ; and when Agrippa died, in B.C. 12, Tiberius continued" the war in Pannonia, and afterward against the revolted Dalmatians, and ravaged the country of the Scordiscans in a frightful manner. No sooner had Drusus undertaken the command on the lower Rhine than he began to form the plan of subduing Germany, probably more with a view to crush that nation than with the intention of gaining a permanent footing in a country which promised little booty, and was almost im- passable to Roman armies, on account of its immense for- ests and mai'shes. Drusus accordingly allied himself with the Batavi and^ Frisians, and having, by means Of a canal [fossa Drusi), joined the Rhine and Yssel, he sailed Into the aestuary Flevus (Zuidersee), and thus arrived in the Northern or German Ocean. After taking possession of some islands, and die town of Burchana (Borcum), at the mouth of the Ems, he was obliged, by the approach of winter, to return. In the spring of B.C. H, he opened his campaign by crossing the Rhine, and penetrated into the country of the Usipetes, whom he subdued. He then at- tacked the Sigambri, and advanced into the counUy of the Cherusci as far as the river Weser; but there the approach of winter again obliged him to reti-ace his steps. As he was proceeding toward the Rhine he had to fight a severe battle, in which he came into gi-eat danger. However, that he might not be obliged to give up the conquered country altogether, he founded the fortress of Aliso, near the sources of the Lippe, and, leaving behind him a strong garrison, returned to the Rhine. In the year following, the war was continued against the Sigambri and Bructeri, with varying success. The Chatti then also rose against the Ro- mans ; but, in B.C. 9, Diusus mai-ched into their tenitory, and having subdued them, advanced through the country of the Chei'usci, even as far as the river Elbe, the left bank of which was inhabited by the Longobardi (Lombards) ; but he did not cross the river. Want of provisions compel- led him to retreat : on his way back, he fell from his horse, and having injured himself very severely, died thirty days after, not far from the banks of the Rhine. His brother Tibe- rius, on hearing of the accident, hastened to his assistance : he found him still alive, but Drusus expired soon after; and Tiberius then led his brother's array back to Gaul, and ac- companied his coi-pse to Rome. HISTORY OF ROME. 477 Tiberius was now appointed to the command of the forces of Drusus ; and, in B.C. 8, he crossed the Rhine to continue the operations of his brother. But the Germans, with the exception of the Sigambri, sent embassadors to sue for peace. The emperor refused to negotiate with them on any other terms than their absolute submission. Many Ger- mans, with their chiefs, then came to the Roman camp, where they were treacherously aiTested, and disti-ibuted as hostages amonff the towns of central Gaul. The Sigambri now rose in perfect fury against their faithless enemies, but Tiberius gained a decisive victory over them, and trans- planted 40,000 Sigambri and Suevi to the left bank of the Rhine. Notwithstanding these achievements, the Romans were as yet unable to make Germany a tributary prov- ince,* Tiberius now returned to Rome, where he was re- warded for his victories with a triumph, and the title of im- perator, to which, in B.C. 6, the tribunician power for five years was added. In B.C. 6, Tiberius, indignant at the conduct of his wife Julia, and the distinctions conferred upon her sons by Agrippa, vrithdrew to Rhodes ; and the command of the legions on the lower Rhine was undertaken by Domitius Ahenobarbus, the grandfather of the emperor Nero, a bold, but at the same time a very prudent man. He retained the command for several years, and penetrated even be- yond the river Elbe, into the country of the Semnones, to which no Roman had yet advanced. But Augustus for- bade his successors ever again to cross the Elbe, in order not to stir up the tribes that dwelled beyond it. Domitius was succeeded by M. Vinicius. In A.D. 2, Tiberius, after a stay of upward of seven years, returned from Rhodes to Rome r'Hie was adopted by Augustus in A.D. 4, and in the year following again undertook the command of the legions on the Rhine. He began his campaign by the reduction of the Bructeri between the rivers Lippe and Ems, and re- newed his connections with the Cherusci, while his valiant and prudent legate, Sentius Satuminus, attacked the Chatti from the upper Rhine. As Tiberius was advancing as far as the Elbe, a Roman fleet saUed from the mouth of the Rhine through the German Ocean to the mouth of the Elbe ; it then sailed up the river, and joined the aitny of Tiberius. The Romans now defeated the Germans in a hard-fought battle, and the country between the Rhine and the Weser • Veil. Pat. ii. 97 ; Tacit. Ann. ii. 26. 478 HISTORB OP: ROME. was then constituted EbRoman province. Stationary gamps and settlements were accordingly established in -the coun- try, which, in regard to civilization, were beneficial to tbo' barbadians, between whom and the Romans a friendly in- tercourse was now opened. Many of tlieGermans entered; the Roman armies, and some of their chiefs were honored, not only vidth the Roman franchise, but with the rank of equites. As peace was now restored in that part of the country, • Tiberius, in A.D. 6, determined to direct his forces agaifflst' Mai'oboduus, king of the Marcomanni. This, people had originally inhabited the country between the rivers Maine; Rhine, and Danube^ but had gradually extended their do- minion as far as Bohemia. Their king, Maroboduus, ruled- over a great kingdom, having regular political institutions,- with a well-organized army of 70,000 foot and 4000 horses He. had taken up his residence in Bohemia, to be as fari away as possible from the Romans. Tiberius now formed' a plan of attacking him on two sides ; his- legate, Sentius Saturninus, marched through thexountry of Ohattl towaid Bohemia, while Tiberius himself set out with his, legions from Illyricum. When the two armies had approached each other within the distance of only a few days' mai^bes, Tiberius was informed of a revolt of the Pannonians and Dalmatians, which suddenly compelled him to give up the contemplated war against Maroboduus, lest, as- he had rea- son, to fear, the insurgents should invade Italy. He accord- ingly concluded peace with Mai'oboduus,* and hastened to Pannonia, where two persons of the name of Batowere at the head of this formidable insurrection, who had already commenced ravaging Macedonia. In A.D. 7, Tiberius was joined by • an army under Germanicus ; but the- Romans were at first unable to subdue the rebels : in the year fol- lowing, the Pannonians and Dalmatians were obliged, by famine land pestilence, to suefor peace; Soon after, how-- ever^tbe-war broke out afresh: the Romans now made des- perate efforts, and conducted their operations with three ar- mies. The, fall of the fortress of Anderian at length obliged' tha rebels, forsaken by their leaders, to submit to Rome, in- * It seems strange4hat Maroboduus, whO'must have ktiownthat Tfceritra- wes.prefraring, to make war,aga,vnst hiili, should be so,egaiIy-;preTailedL upotjt to make peace, and remain quiet during the wat in Pannonia and DaJina.. tia ; but we must suppose that the terms of peaee granted by Tiberius were »Bry fevorable to Ma,t early youth his education had been conducted with 484 HISTORY OF ROME. j great care, though there was no pi'ospect of his ever be- coming the successor of Augustus, until the death of C. and L. Caesar, the sons of Agrippa and Julia. During tte whole period from the time that he anived at the age of manhood down to the death of Augustus, he showed great activity and talent, whether at the head of an army or in the council, whereby he attracted considerable attention. He had, however, a strong inclination to vice, though by his great power of dissimulation he succeeded in keeping it concealed. This circumstance made him extremely re- seirved and mistrustful to everybody, which disposition increased with his years. The withdrawal of Tiberius to Rhodes so much offended Augustus, that he afterwai'd re- fused him permission to return, and even allowed persons to speak of him with disrespect, without resenting it ; hrit Livia nevertheless prevailed upon her husband to allow hipi to come to Rome, as soon as C. and L. Caesar were dead. During the period which then followed, Tiberius carried on great and important wars in GeiToany, Panno- nia, and Dalamatia. Augustus, in his will, appointed him heir of two thirds of his property ; and though no formal steps had been taken to secure the succession of Tiberius, yet all secret preparations to that effect having been made by Livia, the praetorian cohorts were at once prevailed upon to take their oath of allegiance to him. Even before Tiberius went to Ronie, he gave orders to murder Agrippa Postumus, who was living in exile, and who, being the only surviving son of Agrippa and Julia, might have put forth some claito to succeed his grandfather. There can be little doubt that Livia instigated Tiberius to this mur- der. "When TibeiiuB anived at Rome from Nola, he gave a true specimen of his character ; for he who knew no feat on the field of battle was always in dread of some secret enemy, and was afraid to say or do things at Rome by which he might compromise himself His great object was to take formal possession of the sovereignty ; and yet, being afraid of the senate, he declined accepting the im- perium when it was offered to him : he thus obliged the senate to entreat him to accept for the public good that which formed in reality the highest object of his ambition. The reign of Tiberius, fi-Om A.D. 14 to A.D. 37, if we except the German war, is leas remarkable for military exploits than for the tyraimical mode in which he governed, lUJTOitv (ir iiD-.tr:. 485 4 and for the political changes which he introduced. We shall first give an outline of the wars which were carried on in his reign. In the very year in which he obtained the imperial dig- nity, formidable insurrections broke out among the legions in Pannonia and on the Rhine. In the former country the soldiers had reason to complain, because they had been kept in their camps longer than they- were required by law. Tiberius was obliged to yield to their demand : their service was lightened, and the advantages which they were to have at the expiration of their period of service were secured to them ; but the leaders of the insurgents were put to death. Among the legions on the Rhine, Tiberius was very unpopular ; and as soon as they were informed of the death of Augustus, they called upon their command- er, Grermanicus, to Undertake the government of the empire. G-ermanicus was the adopted son. of Tiberius, and pos- sessed the love and admiration of his troops, but he nobly and generously refused the offer ; and having quieted the soldiers, he led them from Castra Vetera (Xanten) against the Marsians, in Westphalia. In the year foEovying he penetrated into the country of the Chatti, and saved Segestes, the father-in-law of Arminius, who had always been a fiiend of the Romans, and was now besieged by Arminivis. Thusnelda, tlie wife of the latter, was taken prisoner on that occasion, and afterward carried to Rome. Arminius now exerted all his energy to ixjuse his people and the neighbering tribes to a vigorous resistance against their common enemies, grermanicus, dreading to march through this most difficult country, sailed with a fleet fi'om the mouth of the Rhine to that of the Ems, and thence advanced into the interior of the country ; while his legate, A. Caecina, set out from Castra Vetera by land, to join the forces of Grermanicus. When the Romans arrived in the place where Varus and his legions had been defeated, Germanicus buried the remains of his countrymen, which were still covering the ground, and then returned to the coast. During his voyage along the Fiisian coast to the mouth of the Rhine, his fleet suffered severely from storms ; and A. Caecina, who on his return to Castra Vetera was pursued by the Germans, likewise sustained considerable loss. But Germanicus was not discouraged : in A.D. 16 he crossed the Rhine, and advanced as far as the Weser, where, at a place called Idtstavisus, he defeated Arminius, and soon after gained a second and brilliant victory. After ■it^O UISTOKY OF ROME. having erected a trophy on the field of battle, the Romans returned to the Rhine — Germanicus by sea, and the legions by land. This return again was not effected without greg,t loss of ships and men. These victories of Gennanicus and his great popularity among his soldiers excited the fear and suspicions of Tibe- rius, who was at all times unwilling to give to his generals an opportunity of distinguishing themselves at the head of their armies. Tiberius therefore resolved to leave the Germans to their internal quan-els, and recalled Germani- cus, who in A.D. 17 celebrated a triumph over the Che- nisci, Chatti, and Angrivarii, during which solemnity it became evident that Germanicus was the darling, not only of the army, but of the Roman people. Tiberius therefore sent him to the east, where Parthia and Annenia were in commotioil in consequence of the dethronement of Vonones, king of the Parthians, by Artabanus. At the same time Tiberius sent out Cn. Piso, a personal enemy of Germanicus, as governor of Syria, with secret instructions, it was sup- posed, to thwart Germanicus. Plancina, Piso's wife, as- sisted her husband, and annoyed Agrippina, the wife of Germanicus, who accompanied him in all his campaigns, wherever she had an opportunity. Germanicus, though well aware of all this, devoted himself most earnestly to the objects of his mission : he placed the crown of Armenia on the head of Zeno^ made Cappadocia a Roman province, and left Q,. Servaeus behind, in the command of an army in Commagene. Afterward he satisfied his noble curiosity and love of knowledge by a visit to the wondrous country of Egypt: he sailed up the Nile from Canopus to Syene ; but this excursion gave great offense to Tiberius, since no Roman of rank was allowed to visit Egypt without the em- peror's permission. On his return to Syria, Germanicus found every thing neglected, and the enmity between him and Piso openly declared. Soon after, Germanicus was taken ill, and died in the neighborhood of Antioch, A.D. 19, probably of poison which had been administered to him by Piso and his wife. His death was the cause of great grief to every one, except Tiberius, who alone showed ];io symptom of it. Piso was afterward accused of the murder of Germanicus ; but the investigation was stopped by the sudden death of Piso, which was perhaps caused by the command of Tiberius : he may have dreaded the disclosures which might be made ; but the suspicion of Piso's guilt re- mained unshaken. HISTORY OF ROME. 487 fu A.D. 19, Drusus.the only son of Tiberius, by Vipsania, commanded an army on the Danube, which was intended to humble the Marcomannian king, Maroboduus. Catual- da, a young prince of the neighboring tribe of the Goth- ones, probably in concert with the Romans, attacked Ma- roboduus in his capital in Bohemia, and made himself master of it. Maroboduus now took refuge with the Ro- mans, and Tiberius permitted him to spend the remainder of his life at Ravenna in Italy. The Romans left Bohemia in the hands of Catualda, who, however, was soon after expelled from his kingdom, and was ordered by the Romans to take up his abode at Forum Julium (Frejus) in the south of , Gaul. About the same time insurrections broke out in Gaul, in consequence of the heavy taxes which the people had to pay. In the country of the Treviri, the rebels were headed by Julius Florus, and in that of the Aedui by Ju- lius Sacrovir; but the legate, C. Silius, easily subdued the insui'gents in A.D. 21, and took possession of Augustodu- num, which had been the principal seat of the war. The peace of the province of Africa was disturbed by the Nu- midian Tacfaiinas; but it was soon restored by C. Junius Blaesus, a nephew of Sejanus, who, in A.D. 22, gained a victory over Tacfarinas. In A.D. 28 the Frisians, being iniquitously oppressed by the Romans, revolted, and recov- ered their independence, the legate L. Apronius being un- able to subdue them. "With these exceptions the reign of Tiberius was not dis- turbed by foreign enemies, and its history is almost confined to the emperor's proceedings at home. He well knew that, during' the long reign of his predecessor, the people had gradually lost their interest in political matters, and he could therefore, without any risk, venture to transfer the functions which had till then belonged to the assembly of the people, to the senate, which at the same time became the highest criminal court in all offenses committed against the state. The senate, in its abject servility, sanctioned every thing which the emperor wished ; and the readier it was to carry out his caprices and arbitrary measures, the further he went in abusing his power, and the more boldly and openly he began to carry out his tyi-annical designs. Hitherto the crime of high treason {crimen majestatis) had been regarded as a crime against the people or the repub- lic ; but Tiberius declared guilty of it every one who either in acting, yr speaking, or writing, should offend the niajpsty 488, tir-TORY OF EOMJI. of his person. Things "of a similar kind had occurred in the reign of Augustus ; but under Tiberius the whole proceed- ings were reduced to a perfect system, the regulations of which entered into the most minute detail. This measure called forth at once a host of denouncers {delatores), who formed a sort of secret police> against whom no person of virtue or wealth was safe, and who in their turn increased the emperor's timidity, and the suspicion with which he looked upon every one. Many of the best and noblest cit- izens fell victims to these denouncers ; for the senate grad- ually got into the habit of condemning every one that was brought before them, apd of looking to nothing but the em- peror's pleasure. During, the first six years of his reign , things went on pretty evenly, for he felt constrained to as- sume a certain moderation in his conduct : he took great pains with his appearance when he came into public; treated great men with distinction, and kept a strict econ- omy in the finances of the empire ; but after the death of Germanicus, of whom he had been afraid, he gradually be- gan to give the reins to his evil passions. He had n« friend whatever, for he knew no one wliom he could trust ; and the only being for whora he had any regard was his mother, Liviu, of whonj he stood in awe down to her death, in A.D^ . 29, though a real affection between them had ceased to exist many years before. One man, however, 51. Aelius Sejamis, discovered the means of gaining his sovereign's confidence: his character was very like that of his master. He was appointed pre- fect of the praetorian guards, and was a man of gl^at tal- ent and activity ; but his powei-s were employed for evij purposes, and he could be as ser\'ile as he was naturally proud and ambitious. He maintained himself in his influ- ential position from A.D. 20 to AJCV. 31. He alone knew how to convince the emperor that he couldtfoUow his own inclinations with more impunity than he thought for, and he was thus a most confenient adviser of Tiberius. During the period of his influence, he was the instniment of the emperor's despotism in a series of revolting crimes and cni- elties ; nor did Tiberius, who was othjjxwise extremely jeal- ous, ever attempt to durtail liis powers i they were render- ed more formidable to every one by the military force he had at his command. In order to have his soldiery ever ready, at hand, he prevailed upon Tiberius, in A.D. 23, to assemble all the praetorian cohorts in the neighborhood of HIS-TOilY OF ROME. 489 Rome, where they were stationed in the castra praetoria, which formed a kind of citadel of the city. This measure was of the most direful consequences to the future destiny of the empire, as the soldiers gradually learned that in, reality they had all the power in their own hands. A plan was fonmed by Sejanus to get rid of all the relatives of his master, and by this means to secure the succession to him- self. In order to gain his end with pei'fect safety, he pei'- suaded the emperor, who knew of no enjoyment except that of sensual lust, to withdraw, in A.D. 26, from Rome to Capua, thence to Nola, and finally to the island of Ca- preae (Capri), iti the bay of Naples, the access to which was guarded by a military force. There the tyrant, un- seen and undisturbed, abandoned himself to the most dis- gusting sensual pleasures, and sometimes amused himself with inflicting the most cruel tortures upon those whom the senate had condemned. The period at which Tiberius withdrew to Capreae is the beginning of the most fi-ightful portion of his reign ; for Sejanus now mled at Rome as if he had been the monarch of the empire, and forthwith set about caiTying his plan into effect. Drusus Caesar, the only son of Tiberius by his first . wife, Vipsania, was the presumptive heir : in cmming and dissimulation he was not inferior to his fatljer ; but as he had distinguished himself in the war in Germany, Tiberius showed him marks of great favor. In A.D. 23, Sejanus, who had entered into an adulterous intercourse with Livia, the wife of Drusus, got rid of him by poison, in order that he might marry Livia. Tiberius, who was ignorant of the cause of his son's death, bore it with that cool equanimity which in most cases is a proof of the total absence of natu- ral affection and feeling. Sejanus, unconcerned about every thing else, prosecuted his plan with unremitting zeal ; and the persons against whom his deadly weapons were next directed were those of the family of Grenuanicus, Agrippina and her three sons. In A.D. 29, Sejanus caused Agrip- pina and two of her sons, Nero and Drusus, to be exiled : Nero was soon got rid of; while Agrippina and Dnisus, A.D. 33, were killed by starvation. Caius (afterward the emperor Caligula), the youngest of her sons, alone escaped ; and by his cunning flatteries he even induced Tiberius to admit him into Capreae. All the friends of the family of Germanicus were put to death by the command of Sejanus, and many made a-^t'ay v.-ith themselves that they might not 490 HISTORY OF ROMi:. fall into his hands. The death of Livia, the aged mother of Tiberius, in A.D. 29, at length freed Sejanus from every- thing by which he had hitherto been restrained, and he now acted as if he had been the real sovereign. But his in- creasing arrogance at last roused the fear and suspicion of Tiberius ; and when Antonia, the aged mother of German- icus, opened his eyes to the conduct of his favorite, he ad- di-essed a letter to the senate, in which he accused Sejanus of high treason. When the letter was read, all were filled with delight at the fall of the monster. Macro arrested Sejanus, and the senate, ever ready to obey, condemned him to death. When he was executed, the populace dragged his body into the Tiber : all his friends and rela- tives were put to death under the most cruel tortures, and their property was confiscated. Apicataj, the former wife of Sejanus, then revealed his murder of the emperor's son Drusus. Macro, a man who had all the vices of Sejanus, without any of his redeeming qualities, and had distinguished himself in apprehending him and la tating vengeance on his family, was soon after appointed praefectus praetorio. Macro's rule was as tyrannical as that of his predecessor, and no citizen was safe : he exercised the same influence over Tiberius, and was as faithless to him as his predeces- sor had been. The emperor himself became more mistrust- ful,- misanthropic, and cruel than before. Cains Caesar formed now with Marco a connection of the basest kind, the object of it being to get rid of Tiberius, who had lat- terly withdrawn from Capreae to a villa near "Misenum, whieh had once belonged to Lucullus. His debauches and perpetual fears had exhausted him, and thrown him into a state of lethargy, fi'om which nobody thought that he would recover, and Caius was forthwith proclaimed emperor. But Tiberius came to life again ; and, as it was thought that he would take terrible vengeance for the hasty proclamation of a new sovereign. Macro, in order to save himself and Caius, caused his aged master to be suffocated with beds and pillows, in March, A.D. 37, when he had reached tlie age of 78. The news of his death was received at Rome with the greatest joy, and many called out, " Down with his body to the Tiber." In estimating the character of Tiberius, we must dis- tinguish between two periods ; for during his reign he scarcely ever displayed any of the great qualities for which ho had been distinguished during the earlier part of his HISTORY OF ROME. 491 iife. After his accession he became worse and woi-se, and in his old age his conduct was perfectly contemptible and disgusting. CHAPTER XLIII. C. CALIGULA CLAUDIUS. Caius Caesar,* the son of the noble-minded G-errnanicua and Agiippina raised the greatest hopes in the breast of every Roman, for all expected that he would resemble his father in character, as he did in the lineaments of his coun- tenance ; and his accession was hailed by the people with enthusiastic joy. The soldiers proclaimed him, and the senate readily conferred the sovereign power upon him, without heeding the will of Tiberius, who had made his own grandson the co-heir of Caius. Caius was now only twenty-five yeai-s old, and Tiberius, with whom he had in- gratiated himself by his flattery and cunning servility, had conferred upon him the highest distinctions. For some time the enthusiasm of the people appeared to be justified, for his fii'st actions showed great moderation and even gen- erosity : he recalled many persons from exile, refused to listen to the delatores, abolished the tax levied on goods exposed for sale, allowed the admini^ration of justice to take its fair course, and even restored the comitia, of which the people had been deprived by Tiberius. He fiirtlier arnused the people with splendid games, though by his ex- travagant liberality and his donations to the people he ex- hausted the well-stocked treasury which his predecessor had left behind. He performed the duties of an affectionate relative in solemnly burying the remains of his mother and brother, who had died in exile ; but he forgave vdth too much indifference all those who had been instrumental in bringing about their fall. This happy state of things had scarcely lasted eight months, when he was seized vnth an illness, probably the consequence of his irregular mode of living, for he seems to * He is commonly called, Caligula, a nickname which he received as a boy in the camp of his father, and which is derived from caligat, a sort of boots worn by the soldiers. 492 HfSTORY OF ROilSS. have always been, in fact, of a aavage and voluptubus dis>- position, which, hov/ever, he carefiilly concealed. In bod- ily health he recovered ; but his mental powers seem to have been destroyed, and from that- rnoment he was an altered man. His actions henceforth were those of a com- plete madman : he yielded to all the secret and savage pas- sions of hjs soul, without any control being exercised over them either by himself or others. He immediately ordered Tiberius, the grandson of his predecessor, to be put to death, alleging that he had wished him not to recover from his illness ; and his own friends, who had vowed their lives for his recovery, were compelled to carry their vows into effect by making away ■with themselves. He com- manded also his grandmother, Antoiiia, Macro, the prefect of the praetorian guards, and Macro's wife, Ennia Naevia, to put an end to their lives. His thirst for blood increasing with the number of his victims, m;urder with him became a matter of pleasure and amusement. But this was not his only vice : his cruelty was equalled by his voluptuous- ness and obscenity. He had first lived in an incestuous in- tercourse with his sister, Drusilla, and when she died, A.D. 38, he wandered about Italy bewailing her loss like an in- sane pei'son, and paying divine honors to her. Afterward he manied Lollia, a woman of immense wealth, whom he soon abandoned; and in her place he_took Caesonia for liis ■wife, who contrived to retain her influence over him. But his licentiousness and profligacy were so gi'eat that no Ro- man lady was safe against his attacks. He at length went ao far in his madness as to declare himself a god ; and he would often appear in the streets of Rome in the disguise of Bacchus, ApoUo, A'^enus; or Diana, and command the people to worship him. The wealthiest Romans were ap- pointed his piiests, a dignity for which they had to pay large sums of money. He even confen'ed the consulship upon his favorite hoi'se, Incitatus. The sums of money which he sauandered sui'pass almost all belief: one specimen may suffice to show the senseless manner in which he spent it. He ordered a bridge to be constructed between Baiae and Puteoli, a distance of up- ward of three miles, for no other purpose but that he might be able to boast of having walked over the sea as over dry land ; because some astrologer had once declared that there was as little chance of Caligula's succeeding to the throne, as there was of his walking aci'oss the bay. The regular HISTORY OF KOiUr. '193 revenues of the empii-e not being sufficient to afford him the means for his wild schemes, he sold his own estates by public auction, imposed unheard-of taxes, and had recourse to robbery and every kind of extortion ; in short, there were no means, however base and degrading, which he did not employ for the purpose of getting money. When Rome and Italy were exhausted, being obliged to seek other re- sources, he marched, in A.D. 39, with a large army across the Alps into Gaul, under the pretext of a war against the Germans, but in reality with a view to extort money from the Gauls, the wealthiest of whom were put to death that he might obtain possession of their property. When he came to the Rhine, lie ordered some of the Germans who served in his body-guard to cross the river and hide them- selves : he then caused messengers to bring him infonnation that the enemy was there. When this was done, he sud- denly sprung up fi'om his meal, and with a detachment of his guards huiried across the river, cut down some ti-ees, and in the evening returned with the Germans, whom he had found in their hiding place, and whom he treated as prisoners of wai\ In A.D. 40, he set out an expedition into Britain, and marched to the coast. He then sailed out into the sea a short distance, and afterward ordered his soldiers to collect shells on the beach, which he called the spoils of the ocean. After having committed in Gaul the most horrible cruelties, he returned to Rome, where his absurd self-deification must have convinced every one of his madness. Actors, gladiators, and prostitutes were now his favorite companions'. A conspiracy had been formed against this monster as early as A.D. 39, by Lentulus Gaetulicus and M. Lepidus ; but it was discovered, and the two leaders were put to death : at the same time his two sisters, Julia and Agrip- pina, were sent into exile as guilty of adidtery, and as pri\'y to the conspiracy. Another plot was subsequently formed against him by some officers of the praetorian co- horts, a body of troops which, until then, had kept Rome under the most terrific military despotism, and which had always been most liberally treated by Caligula. This new conspiracy was headed by Cassius Chaerea, Coraelius Sabinus, and others ; and four months after the emperor's return from Gaul, on the 24th January, A.D. 41, he was murdered in his own palace while he was attending the rehearsal of some actore who were to perform in the thea- 494 HisTORy OF rom£. ter. His wife Caesonia, and his daughters, were likewise murdered ; and the corpse of the emperor, which was only half burned, was secretly buried by his friends. Some of his murderers seem to have been actuated by a republican spirit, and this awoke among the senators the fantastic idea of restoring the republic. The matter was gi-avely and warmly discussed ; but insurmountable diffi- culties presented themselves, and the senators soon became aware that in reality the praetorian cohorts had all the power in their own hands : the latter on their part insisted upon being governed by a monarch. During the tumult in which Caligula was murdered, Tib. Claudius Drusus Nero, the son of Drusus and Antonia, and the brother of Germanicus, concealed himself in the palace, from fear of being seized upon by the conspirators ; but, being discov- ered there by the praetorians, they dragged him forth from his concealment, proclaimed him emperor, took their oath of allegiance to him, and on the following day he was recognized by the senate and people. Claudius was bom on the 1st of August, B.C. 10, and had now anived at the age of 51. He was of a sickly constitution from his child- hood, and his own mother is said to have called him a •portentv/m liominis. His mind seems to have been really defective, for all his actions showed a remarkable want of tact and judgment ; and in consequence of this natural defect he was ill treated by his whole family, who were in fact ashamed of him. Claudius felt this contempt keenly, and sought comfort and recreation in literary pursuits, in which he displayed great industry and diligence. His cowardice, and the great timidity which overcame him whenever he attempted to do any thing in public, were the results of the ill treatment he had experienced in his early years. It can not, indeed, be denied that during his reign he committed many acts of cruelty ; but they were the consequence of weakness and imbecility rather than of wickedness or malice, and he certainly does not deserve the name of a tyrant. Up to the time of his accession, Claudius had never taken any part in public affairs, though he had several times been invested with the consulship. On his accession he gave a donation of nearly one hundred pounds to eacli soldier of the praetorian cohorts, which was the first example of what afterward became a regular custom on the accession of a new emperor. His first act was the proclamation of an HISTORY OF ROME. 495 amnesty for all who had attempted to restore the republic ; and only a few of the murderers of Caligula were put to death. His next measures show the same kind and amia- ble disposition, and are a proof that if he had been left alone, or had been guided by honest advisers, his govern- . ment woidd have afforded little ground for complaint. But his natural timidity being abused and increEised by those by whom he was surrounded, led him into a series^ of cruel actions, for which he is branded in history as a tyrant. He was very unhappy in his marriages. His first wife, Plautia Urgulanilla, by whom he had two children, Drusus and Claudia, was suspected of having made an attempt upon his life, in consequence of which he was divorced. He then married Aelia Petina, who was likewise dismissed soon after. At the time of his accession he was married to his third wife, the profligate Valeria Messalina. Having been always shut up vaithinthe walls of the palace,he had no friends except his wives and his freedmen ; and being of an affectionate disposi- tion, and feeling the want of unfolding the heart to some one, this gave the persons with whom he lived in daily in- tercourse an unlimited influence over him. Messalina, and the freedmen Narcissus, Pallas, Callistus, and others, thus persuaded him to put to death many of the most distin- guished persons of the time; and the number of their vic- tims was increased, in A.D. 42, on the discovery of a con- spiracy which had been formed by Annius Vinicianus, and Camillus Scribonianus, the governor of Dalmatia. In A.D. 48, Messalina went so far in her profligacy as pub- licly to solemnize her marriage with C Silius, a handsome young Roman eques. This was more than Claudius could brook, and he accordingly ordered her to be put to death. Through the intrigues of his fi-eedmen he was now induced to marry his niece, Ag^ippina, a daughter of G-ermanicus ; a choice worse, if possible, than any of the former ones. Agrippina and Pallas prevailed upon him to set aside his own son Britannicus, by Messalina, and to adopt Nero, Agrippina's son by Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, in order to iusure to Nero the succession to the sovereignty. The philosopher Lucius Annaeus Seneca, who had been exiled, was now recalled to educate Nero, and to prepare him for his high station. In order to secure the praetorian cohorts, Agrippina caused their prefect, who was favorably dis- posed toward the children of Messalina, to be removed, and got Burrus Afranius appointed in his stead. Burrus, 490 HISTQKY OF. ROME. who was initiated in her plans, and was a man of great tal- ent, undertook, with Seneca, the training of young Nero. At length, when Claudius saw through these intrigues and openly expressed his dissatisfaction, Agrippina hastened to secure the succession to her son by the murder of her hus- band. Locusta, a woman well skilled in preparing poisons, was hired by her to prepare a poisoned dish of mushrooms, of which the emperor was very fond; but as it produced only vomiting, the physician Xenophon, under the pretext of attempting to ease the vomiting, put a quill dipped in poison down the throat of Claudius, which caused his death on the 13th of October, A.D. 54. The government of Claudius, in so lar as he was not un- der the influence of his wives and freedmen, was mild and popular, and he made several useful legislative enactments. Besides his literary occupations,he was extremely fond of building ; and several architectural plans, which had teen devised by his predecessors, but abandoned as impractica- ble, were carried out by him. He thus constructed the celebrated Claudian aqueduct [aqua Claudia), foiTaed a new fort with a lighthouse at Ostia, and conducted the waters of lake Fucinus, by means of a tunnel, into the river Liris. With regaz'd to his literary productions, we have great reason to regi'et the loss of these works, though none of them may have had much merit as literary compo- sitions ; but he wTOte in so honest and strliightforward a spirit that he was censured for it by his own relatives. He composed a histoiy of his own time, memoirs of his life, and wrote in the Greek language the histories of Carthage and of Etruria. During his reign several wars were carried on in Brit- ain, Germany, Syria, and Mauritania. The disputes re- specting the succession in Parthia and Armenia after the death of Artabanus, being artificially fed by the Romans, led to the Parthian wars, which broke out in A.D. 50, and were carried on under Claudius and Nero, the Parthians endeavoring, by all means, to make themselves masters of Armenia. In Germany the war was continued from the beginning of Claudius's reign against the Chauci and Mar- sians, who were severally defeated by the Roman legates. After the death of Arminius, quarrels also broke out among the Cheruscans and other tribes, of which the Romans made the most advantaeeous use, and in which the noblest German families perished. .As Italirns, a son of Arminius's HI.STORY OF ROME. 407 brother Flavius, the only person of the kingly family still surviving, lived at Rome, the Cheruscans, in A.D. 47, ap- plied to Claudius for a king, and he generously sent them Italicus, reminding him of his duties toward his own coun- try and people. Italicus gained considerable popularity, but a discontented faction compelled him to take to flight he was restored by the aid of the Longobardi, but still the state of the Cheruscans was violently shaken by these commotions. In the same year Domitius Gorbulo was successful in the northwest of Germany ; he subdued the Frisians, and was on the point of making an invasion into the interior of the country, when Claudius ordered him to withdraw his garrisons from the eastern banks of the Rhine. Corbulo accordingly confined himself to the defense of the left bank, and employed his soldiers in cutting a canal to connect the Meuse and the Rhine in the neighborhood of Dusseldorf. In A.D. 50 the capital of the Ubii, in which Agrippina had been born, was raised by Claudius to the rank of a colony, under the name of Colonia Agrippina (Cologne) ; it remained henceforth the chief town in lower Germany; and Castra Vetera sunk into insignificance. In A.D. 42 the Mauritanians, who had revolted the year before, were subdued by the legate Cn. Hosidius, and their country was constituted a Roman pr-ovince, being divided into two parts, the one called Tingitana and the other Caesariensis, each being governed by a Roman eques. No Roman a>M%^ had entered Britain since the days of Ju- lius Caesar ; but a noble Briton of the name of Bericus, who had been expelled by his countrymen, prevailed upon Claudius to undertake the conquest of the island ; and, ac- cordingly, in A.D. 43, a Roman army, under the command of A. Plautius Silvanus, invaded Britain. Claudius him- self followed soon after ; but not being of a warlike dispo- sition, and having obtained an opportunity of celebrating a tiiumph, he returned. His legate, however, defeated the Britons on the river Thames, and took their town of Ca- malodunum. The war continued for nine years, during which Vespasian (afterward emperor), who commanded one legion, and was accompanied by his son Titus, made such progress, that he is said to have fought thirty battles, taken possession of the Isle of Wight, subdued several' tribes, and occupied twenty towns. Caractacus,achief ofthe tribe ofthe Silures, and the valiant defender of British lib- erty, made the greatest efforts to repel the enemy ; but he 4y8 HISTORY OF ROME. was overcome by the superior skill of the Romans : his wife and daughters fell into the hands of the conquerors, and his brothers surrendered. He then sought the protec- tion of Cartismandua, queen of the Brigantes ; but she be- trayed hira, and delivered him up to the Romans, in A.D. 51. The British chief and his family were carried to Rome, and exhibited there in a sort of triumph ; but Carac- tacus showed so noble and intrepid a conduct, that Clau- dius was induced to pardon him and his friends. The southeastern part of Britain was now constituted a Roman province. In the beginning of his reign Claudius restored Agrippa to his grandfather's kingdom of Judaea and Samaria ; but after Agrippa's death, in A.D. 44, the administration of the country was again intrusted to Roman governors, whose acts of oppression drove the people to repeated insurrections, which at last ended in the destruction of Jerusalem. CHAPTER XLIV. NERO SERV. SULPICIUS GALEA SALVIUS OTHO A. VITELLIUS. After the murder of Claudius, Agrippina for a while kept his death a secret ; but all at once the gates of the palace wei'e thrown open, and her son Nero was presented by Burrus to the praetorian guards as their master. On being carried to the praetorian camp, and promising the soldiers rich donations, Nero was proclaimed emperor. The senate confirmed the decision, and the people quietly submitted. Nero was born at Antiura, on the J.5th De- cember, A.D. 37, and was now only seventeen years old : he was naturally not devoid of talent and taste ; but he had been brought up at a voluptuous court, and in the midst of intrigues, by his mother, §, woman full of malice and am- bition ; he had been trained by Seneca and Burrus, two men anxiotis to obtain the favor of the court and to accu- mulate wealth ; and he found himself, on his accession, surrounded by a servile people, flattered by the senate and a host of friends who were ready to applaud evei'y folly IIISTOKY ol' ROMK. 4y'J and every crime, or at least to excuse any. thing he might choose to do. Under such circumstances, the beginning of his reign was not worse than might have been anticipated ; and if his inclination to debauchery and his vanity had. been checked at a proper time, his reign might have been happier. The first five years of it, in fact, formed so strik- ing a contrast with the remaining period, that in later times, the quinquennium of Nero, was looked upon as one of the most prosperous periods of the empire. During that time Nero I'educed the taxes of the provinces, coun- teracted the love of luxuries, and raised the authority of the senate, while Seneca and Burrus endeavored to sup- press any dangerous outbreak of his passions ; but his am- bitious and domineering mother wished to govern, and in some instances actually did so in her son's name ; and as Burrus and Seneca opposed her designs, it became mani- fest that the struggle must end in the destruction either of Agrippina or her opponents* The jealousy between Agiip- pina and her son, soon broke out into an open quan-el, and she threatened to support the claims of Britannicus, the son of Claudius, and to raise him to the throne. Nero's fears now drove him to commit a crime which at once revealed his real character : he ordered Britannicus, a boy of scarcely fourteen years old, to be poisoned at an entertainment, at which Agrippina herself, and Nero's wife, Octavia, the virtuous daughter of Claudius and Messalina, were present. His associates, his amours with Acte, a freedwoman, his lascivious and dissolute habits, and his excessive fondness for theatrical amusements, henceforth corrupted him more and more. He had never loved his wife Octavia, and his aversion to her increased from the moment he became acquainted with the beautiful but dissolute Poppaea Sabina, the wife of his friend Salvius Otho, who connived at her conduct, and was easily got out of the way by being made governor of Lusitania in Spain, A.D. 58. Nero's passion for this woman was probably the cause of his murdering his mother; for Poppaea Sabina wanted to marry him, and as Agrippina was an insurmountable obstacle to this sclieme, she prevailed upon him to get rid of her. A plan for this purpose was devised by Anicetus, the commander of the fleet at Amisenum. Agrippina, under pretense of a recon- ciliation with Nero, was invited to come to Baiae, and when she arrived she was put on board a boat, which was con- structed in such a manner us to fall to pieces at a certain SOO HISTORY OF ROME. distance from the coast. But Agrippina saved herself by swimming, and went to her villa on the Lucrine lake; where she was assassinated by Nero's command, and with the arpprobatibn of Burrus and Seneca. The base and servile senate even degraded itself by congratulating the matricide on the accomplishment of his feat. Nero was soon after seized with bitter remorse ; but he drov^ned all his better feelings by fresh riots and the most extravagant debauchery, and the flatteries of the senate helped him to forget his crime. One of his favorite occupations was chariot-driving ; but his ambition was to get credit as a musician, an actor, and a poet. After the death of B.urrus, probably by poison, and the withdrawal of Seneca in A.I). 62, Nero began to feel more at liberty : he banished his wife Octavia to the island of Pandataria, where she was soon after murdered, and then married the adulteress Poppaea Sabina. Tigel- linus, a most licentious and unprincipled person, being appointed prefect of the praetorian cohorts, as the succes- sor of Burrus, contrived to gain the full confidence of the despot. In A.D. 64, a dreadful conflagration broke out at Rome, which Tasted for six days, and in which by far the greater part of the city and its monuments became a prey of the flames : it was believed that this destruction was the work of Nero, who wanted to see a vivid representation of the burning of Troy. This belief may have originated in a piece of scandal, without any foundation : the emperor, however, threw all the odium upon the yet obscure sect of the Christians, against whom he instituted a cruel perse- cution. Soon after the conflagration he set about rebuild- ing the city on an improved plan, and with wider and more regular streets. The means for carrying out this under- taking were obtained by oppression, extortion, and robbery. His own palace, called the golden house, was built on a scale of magnitude, and with a splendor which surpass all belief. The idle populace was kept in good-humor by being fed and amused with the spoils of the provinces, which were plundered to such an extent that the empire was brought to the verge of dissolution. In A.D. 65, Nero's tyranny led to the organization of a formidable conspiracy against him, which was headed by L. Calpurnius Piso ; but it was discovered and betrayed by a freedman, Milichus, and the discovery was followed by a number of executions. Piso, the poet Lucan, and many others, were put to death ; and Seneca, who was HISTORY OF ROME. 601 suspected of being an accomplice, had "the favor of being allowed to die by opening his veins. After this followed the death of Poppaea Sabina : she was with child, and in fit of brutal passion Nero kicked her, the consequence of which was fatal. He now wanted to marry Antonia, a daughter of Claudius, but as she declined the honor she was put to death ; and he then married Statilia Messalina, with whom he had before kept up an adulterous inter- course, and whose husband he had killed. Virtue, in whatever form she appeared, vvas an object of the tyrant's fear and hatred, to which many of the noblest and most respected persons fell a sacrifice. In A.D. 66, Tiridates, king of Armenia, came to Rome to receive his crown from the hands of Nero; and the year after this solemnity, Nero went to Greece to take part as a cithara player in the great games at Olympia and on the Isthmus. At the Isthmian games he proclaimed the freedom of Greece; but the country had to pay dearly for this visit of the sovereign ; for tovnis and temples were plundered, and the price of provisions rose to an enormous height. A singer whose voice was louder than that of the emperor was put to death. The aged general Corbulo, one of the few that still deserved the name of a Roman, was summoned in an afiectionate letter to come to Greece: he arrived, but when he vvas informed that Nero had given orders to kill him, he anticipated the tyrant by making away with him- self. It would be disgusting and tedious to go through the long catalogue of Nero's crimes and follies, and we must refer those who wish to become acquainted with all the detail, to Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dion Cassius. In the autumn of A.D. 67, Nero was recalled from Greece by his freedman Helius, whom he had intrusted with the administration of the city in his absence. On his entering Rome in triumph he exhibited no less than 1808 crowns, with which the flattery of the Greeks had honored him. Not many months afl:er his return, in A.D. 68, an insurrection, headed by Julius Vindex, broke out in Gaul, in consequence of the' grievous oppression to which that country had been subjected. Vindex, who soon had a large army at his command, offered the sovereignty to Servius Galba, who was governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, and was very popular with the soldiers. As Galba learned at the same time that Nero had sent orders to put him to, death, he harangued the soldiers against the tyrant, and. 502 HISTORY OF ROMF, was puoclaimed emperor, though he assumed only tho U'tle: of legate of the Roman senate and peoplte. Nero was at Naples when he received the news of the commo- tion in Gaul, but he gave himself little concern about it; when, however, he returned to Rome and was informed of the proclamation of Galba, he was thrown into a violent fir of passion : the senate declared Galba a public enemy. Verginius Rufus, governor of Upper Germany, being un- favorable to Galba's elevation, marched with an army into Gaul, and being supported by a great part of that country, laid siege to Vesontio (Besan^on). Vindex came to its relief, and the two generals had an interview, at which an amicable arrangement seems to have been made ; but by some misunderstanding Vindex was killed, whereupon the soldiers proclaimed Verginius Rufus emperor; but he steadily refused to accept the -dignity. Owing to these circumstances Galba began to lose all hopes, when he^re- ceived from Rome the unexpected news that the praeto- rians recognized him as their ruler. Nero's ruin was ac- celerated by a famine which was raging at Rome, and the exertions which Nero was making to raise the means for attacking his enemies. Nymphidius Sabinus,- who with Tigellinus was the commander of the praetorian cohorts, availed himself of a report that Nero was going to take refiige in Egypt to induce the praetorians to protilsita Galba. Nero was soon deserted by everybody i in the night he fled from Rome to the bouse of Phaon, one of - his freedmen, where he spent a whole day in fear and terror; -and when his pursuers found him, he, with the help of his secretary Epaphroditus, gave himself a mortal wound, of which he expired on the 9th of June A.D. 68, at the age of 31. With him became extinct the house of the Glaudiij which had hitherto claimed a sort of right to the imperial dignity, though the'-hereditary character of the monarchy had never been legally established.' The subsequent rulers and heirs to the throne retained the titles of Augustus and Caesar ; but the praetorian guards henceforth assumed the right of electing their sovereign, and the sanction of the senate became a mere ceremony. The legions in the distant provinces also began to feel that they might exercise the same prerogative, and fre- quently raised men to the throne in opposition to those proclaimed by the praetorian guards. Armenia had fallen into the hands of the Parthians in HISTORT OF ROME. 503 the beginning of Nero's reign, and, in A.D. 54, Doinitius Corbulo had been sent there to conduct the war. This able general compelled the Parthian Vologeses to with- draw from the country ; and Tiridates, the brother of Vologeses, who had been made king of Armenia, was expelled in A.D. 68. Two years later, Corbulo took the towns of Artaxata and Tigranocerta, whereby he became complete master of Armenia, and Nero now conferred the kingly dignity upon Tigi-anes ; whereupon Corbulo with- drew to Syria, leaving behind him some troops to pi'otect the new king. But in A.D. 62, the affairs of Armenia were again troubled : the Parthians invaded the country, with the intention of recovering the throne for Tiridates. Cor- bulo's successor, L. Caesennius Paetus, being unable to maintain his gi'ound, was obliged to evacuate Armenia, and Tiridates again ascended the throne, but under the promise that he himself would go to Rome to obtain the sanction of Nero. This took place in A.D. 66. In the early part of Nero's reign, aflSiirs were tolerably quiet on the Rhenish frontier : various useful works were executed there to prevent the river overflowing its banks, and L. Vetus formed the grand design of uniting, by a canal, the Saone and Moselle, which would at once have opened an unbroken line of water communication be- tween the Mediterranean and the Grerman Ocean; but his plan vras frustrated by the jealousy of Aelius Gracilis. In Britain, the oppressive yoke of the Romans and their rapacity called forth an alarming insurrection in A.D. 61. While the governor, Suetonius Panlinus, was absent on an expedition to the island of Mona, for the purpose of de- stroying that principal seat of the British religipn, the people, under their heroic queen Boadicea, took up arms : one Roman legion was wholly destroyed, and the most important colonies were taken and reduced to ashes. Faulinus speedily returned and defeated the insurgents in a great battle, in which about 80,000 Britons are said to have fallen. Boadicea put an end to her own life ; but the Romans were either unable to bring the war to a close, or Petronius Turpilianus, the successor of Paulinus, pro-' fen'ed a peaceful administration to the labors and toils of war. At the time when Nero was enjoying his triumphs in Greece, the whole nation of the Jews rose in arms against their Roman oppressors, and the pro-iconsul, Gestius Gallus, with his army, was put to flight; whereupon Nero appointed Vespasian, who had already distinguished him- 504 HISTORY OF ROME. self in Britain, to conduct the Jewish war with three legions, and, made Licinius MucianuS governor of the province of Syria, in A.D. 67. The extinction of the race of the Claudii was followed by disputes about the succession and by civil wars, since there was no one who had any legal claim to the throne. Servius Sulpicius Galba, on being informed of his procla- mation and recognition by the senate, came to Rome ac- companied by Salvius Otho, the governor of Lusitania. Galba was descended from an ancient noble family, and had been invested with the highest dignities ; he had been governor of Aquitania, Africa, Upper G-erraaiiy, and latterly of Hispania Tarraconensis, of which he had con- ducted the administration for a period of eight years. He had been a distinguished general and a man of unblem- ished character; but he -was now at the advanced age of 73, and had come under the influence of his unworthy freedmen. The praetorians had been gained over to his interest, by the promise of rich donatives ; but his avarice, which prompted him to give them with a niggardly hand, and his severity in his restoring and maintaining discipline among the soldiers, made him extremely ynpopular. The arbitrary manner, moreover, in which he acted, under the influence of his three favorite freedmen, T. Vinius, Cor- nelius Laco, and Icelus, showed that his reign would not be much better than that of Nero. The legions in Ger- many and Africa having openly declared their dissatisfac- tion with him, he forthwith commanded their generals to be put to death, and appointed A. Vitellius, a noble but vulgar and vicious man, to undertake the command of the legions on the Rhine. There can be no doubt that, by his unpopular measures, Galba had the real intention of restor- ing order and ■ discipline, and of doing good service to the empire ; but he was blind to the real cause of his unpopu- larity: attributing it to his old age, and to his having no heir, he adopted Piso Licinianus, a noble. young Roman, who was. to be his coadjutor and successor. .But by this act he only increased his unpopularity; for when he pre- senled his adopted son to the senate, and to the praeto- rians, he neglected to give the latter the donative customary on such, occasions. Salvius Otho, the effeminate and con- temptible husband of Poppaea Sabina, having hoped to be adopted himself, in his disappointment formed a conspiracy with the praetorians, over whom he exercised almost un- bounded influence. This conspiracy broke out six days HISTORY OP ROME. 505 after the adoption of Licinianus. Galba, not Knowing for some time what to do, at last resolved to meet the rebels ; but as he was crossing the forum he was cut down by some horsemen who had been waiting for him. An attack was also made upon the life of Licinianus; but the faithful and courageous centurion, Sempronius Drusus, warded off the deadly blows, Licinianus then took refuge in the temple of Vesta, from which, however, he was dragged forth and murdered, and many of Galba's friends shared his fate. Galba reigned from June, A.D. 68, to January, A.D. 69. Salvius Otho, who had been proclaimed by the praetori- ans, was now saluted emperor by the servile senate ; and through the blood-stained streets of the city he proceeded to the Capitol to offer up the customary sacrifice. The praetorians, who now had an emperor of their own choice, assumed even the exercise of the supreme power, for they appointed their own commander, and gave the office of praefect of the city to Flavins Sabinus, the brother of Ves- pasian. Otho was at this time scarcely able to prevent them from making a general massacre among the senators, who were suspected of being dissatisfied with their choice. It seems, however, that soon after, he had so far recovered his power, that he was enabled to distribute rewards and punishments as he thought fit; and some of the criminals who had distinguished themselves in the reign of Nero and had escaped punishment, such as Ti'gellinus, were put to death. In the mean time the legions of the Rhine, which were dissatisfied with Galba's rule, proclaimed, on the ad of January, A.D. 69, their own commander, A. Vitellius, em- peror; and it was in vain that Otho endeavored, by nego- tiations, to prevent the outbreak of a civil war. A dread- ful struggle now ensued between Otho and Vitellius. The latter sent his legates, A. Caecina and Fabius Valens, with an army across the Alps, with which they occupied the country between the Alps and the river Po. Otho sent his army, under the command of his brother Titianus, against the enemy : he was victorious in several engagements, but lost the decisive battle near Bedriacum, between Verona and Cremona. Otho was advised by his friends not to de- spair, but to await the arrival of the legions from Moesia ; but it was all in vain, for a few days after the battle, on the 16tfa of April, A.D. 69, he made away with himself at Brixellum, advising his friends to become reconciled to Vitellius. Y 506 llISTaKT Of ROME. Otho's army now surrendered to Vitellius, a man who wag perhaps not of bad disposition, but one of brutal manners and an almost beastly voracity. With his legions, which on their march indulged in the wildest excesses, VitelKus now came to Rome, where he was recogniz-ed by the senate and people. He had spent all his life in base vulgarity, and was devoid of mental energy and resolution, squandering his own property no less than that of others upon the soldiers, who were made to believe that what they received was only their due. He connived at every thing they did, and was wholly unconcerned about the affairs of the empire. His contemptible conduct soon excited general indignation, and the legions of Syria, Judaea, Moesia, and Pannonia, declared against him. Vespasian, who was conducting the war against the revolted Jews with great success, was urged by Mucianus, the governor of Syria, and by Titus, to assume the sovereignty ; and during his stay at Alex- andria he was proclaimed emperor by Ti'berius Alexander, the governor c-f Egypt. He forthwith prepared for war against Vitellius, leaving his son Titus to conduct the siege of Jerusalem. Antonius Primus, the commander of the legions on the Danube, and a stanch supporter of Vespa- sian, without waiting for the new sovereign's commands, marched with his army into Italy. In the neighborhood of Bedriacum he met the army of Vitellius, who himself re- mained at home, unable to make up his mind what course to pursue. Antonius Primus, though his forces were far - inferior in number to those of his enemy, gained a decisive victory, and the town of Cremona was plundered and redu- ced to ashes. He then slowly advanced toward Rome, and all the towns on bis way surrendered : Vitellius was abandoned by all except the praetorians and the populace of Rome. Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian's brother, was com- pelled to take refuge in the Capitol. When the hostile army anived, a frightful massacre took place in the city: the Vitellians stormed the Capitol and murdered Sabinus, and the Gapitoline temple was destroyed by fire. But the praetorian camp being taken by Antonius Primus, Vitel- lius was dragged forth from his palace and murdered in a brutal manner, on the 20th of December, A.D. 69, after a reign of scarcely eight months. All this happened at Rome, in the absence of Vespasian, who still continued his stay at Alexandria : the affairs of Rome were regulated by Mucianus and Vespasian's son Doraitian. HISTORY OF ROME. 507 CHAPTER XLV. T. PLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. T. PLAVIUS DOMITIANliS. Vespasian, who now ascended the throne as the fiist of the Flavian family, was the true restorer of the state ; and, with all his faults, he was the very person that Rome re- quired. He was a man of humble origin, active, industri- ous, and simple in his habits : he was also an able general, and had risen without any one being able to charge him with extortion or rapacity in the provinces where he had been employed, a circumstance which is the more remark- able, as he is said to have been fond of money. He enjoyed the esteem of all the soldiers. He did not arrive at Rome until the end of the summer A.D. 70, when he found the praetorians subdued by the influence of Mucianus. Do- mitian, who in the mean time exercised the impeiial pow- er in his father's name, bad committed several acts of tyr- anny and cruelty in taking vengeance on his personal ene- mies, and had given proofs of what Rome might expect from him should he ever come to the throne. Although Vespasian had been chosen by the armies, he yet, like his predecessors, received the imperium from the senate. He at once set about restoring discipline, excluded unworthy persons from the senate, deprived several equites of their rank, and raised the most illustrious men from the provin- ces, as well as from Italy, to the places which had thus be- come vacant. By this measure Rome virtually ceased to be the exclusive mistress- of the world, inasmuch as distin- guished provincials also obtained a share in the govern- ment. He further watched over the proper administration of justice, suppressed the odious class of denouncers, stopped the trials for high treason against the person of the sover- eign, and, above all, put an end to the profligacy of the higher classes. His economy in the management of the finances often approached to parsimony, but the state at that period required large sums for its maintenance, and for the preservation of its security on the frontiers ; at the same time, however, he was liberal whenever the public good required it. In order to increase the revenues, ho restored several countries to their former condition of prov- 508 HISTORY 01' ROME. inces, which had been declared free by Nero, and also re- stored or increased tolls and taxes. He must have spent enormous sums upon the rebuilding of the Capitoline tem- ple, the construction of the gigantic amphitheater, or Co- losseum, which even in its ruins excites the wonder and admiration of the beholder, and the building of the Temple of Peace and the public library. He was the first who ap- pointed public teachers of rhetoric, with an annual salary of 100 sesterces. In private life he was very condescend- ing, fond of wit and cheerful company,' and his example, together with several enactments which he made against the disgusting habits of the wealthy Romans, produced a great change in their mode of living : what he was defi- cient in wei-e the feelings of a gentleman, and of a person of education: he himself aspired to no intellectual distinc- tion, and had a singular dislike to alL persona who were any thing beyond what may he called practical - men. Hence arose his aversion to philosophers, more especially to the Stoics, who, with their republican sentiments and unreserved expression of opinion, seemed' tofhim Urtttepbet- ter than revolutionists. It was in consequence of this feel- ing that Helvidius Priscus, the sbh-in^law of 'the noble Paetus Thrasea, who from the first had indulged in vehe- ment invectives against the emperor, was put tO: death' in A.D. 74, though contrary to the will of Vespasian : in the same year all Stoic and Cynic philosophers were expelled from Rome. r The first year of Vespasian's reign is remarkable for the capture of Jerusalem, by his son Titus. It was defended by a triple wall, and by a host of 600,000 mew; but owing to the party spirit prevailing in the city, it fell into the hands of the Romans on the 2d of September, A.D. 70 : upward of a million of Jews are said to have perished ; and their city was destroyed. The Jews being forbidden to rebuild it, lost their independence forever : they: were scattered over the whole of the Roman empire, and every one of them had to pay an annual tax of two drachmae. Out of the money thus raised, the Capitoline temple was restored : the arch which was erected at Rome, to com- memorate the victory of Titus over the Jews, still exists, and bears witness to that memorable event.- Before Vespasian's arrival at Rome, a formidable insur rection, headed by Claudius Civilis, broke out in the coun- try of the Batavi between the rivers Meuse and Waal : HISTORY OP ROME. 509 The Batavi were joined by German tribes, and their ex- ample was followed by the Lingones and Treviri, under their leaders' Classicus and Julius Tutor. They even com- pelled a Roman legion in Gaul to declare itself in favor of the independence of Gaul. The period of anarchy at Rome had been well chosen by the insui'gents ; but the accession of Vespasian, and the energetic measures which he took, deprived them of this advantage. Petilius Cerialis was sent against the rebels, and after several engagements, in which he fought bravely, he first subdued the Treviri, and then compelled Civilis, after a two-fold defeat, to sue for peace. The Batavi now submitted to Rome, and hence- forth were obliged to pay their tribute as before. In the year following, A.D. 71, Cerialis obtained the ad- ministration of Britain : he was accompanied there by Cn. Julius Agricola, the son-in-law of the historian Tacitus, who had, as legate, the command of one legion. Disturbances had taken place among the Brigantes, but they were soon subdued. In A.D. 77, Agricola himself obtained the ad- ministration of Britain, which he retained until A.D. 85. During that period he not only conquered all England, but the south of Scotland as far as the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. He carried his victories even into the Highlands of Scotland, though without permanently sub- jecting the country to Rome. His administration of Bi-it- ain was less disturbed by insurrection than that of his pred- ecessors ; for by the prudence, faime.ss, and justice of his nieasures, he not only conciliated the Britons, but rendered the Roman dominion endurable by them. There can be no doubt that the reign of Vespasian was thoroughly beneficial to the Roman world; and though he committed some acts which can scarcely be excused, still his conduct, on the whole, was as good as can be expected from a great man in the time in which he lived. He had been first married ton Flavia Domitilla, by whom he had three children, Titus, Domitian, and Domitilla : she died before the accession of her husband, who from that time lived in a marriage of conscience with Caenis, a woman of low birth, but of good character. Toward the end of his reign a conspiracy was formed against his life by A. Caecina and Eprius Marcellus, but it was discovered, and the principals of it were put to death. Soon after, Vespa- sian was taken ill at his villa near Catiliae, in the country of the Sabines, where he used to spend the summer sea- 510 HISTOlty OF ROME. son, and on the 23d of June, A.D. 79, he died at the age of seventy. Immediately after his accession, Vespasian had Conferred the title of Caesar upon his son Titus, whom he destined tp become his successor. Daring the latter period of his life, the government had been in reality in the hands of Titus ; and the manner in which he had conducted himself created considerable apprehensions, turning the public opinion much against him for the many acts of cruelty which he committed. But after his accession a change took place in his character : its prevailing features, during his short reign, were kindness and benevolence ; and these features, whjch are always most highly prized in a ruler, secured him the attachment of the people to such a degree, that he was called " the love and delight of mankind (mnor et deliciae generis humani)." This attachment was increased in proportion as the people had reason to dread his broth- er Domitian. The reign of Titus, though short, offered him ample opportunity for showing his kindly disposition. In the month of August, A.D. 79, there occurred a fearful eruption of Mount Vesuvius, accompanied by a violent earthquake, during which three towns situated on the Bay of Naples were destroyed, Herculaneum and Stabiae being buried under the ashes which were thrown out by the vol- cano, and Pompeii un^er streams of burning lava. To re- lieve the unfortunate people who had escaped from the catastrophe and lost their homes, Titus is said to have given away almost all his property. Portions of these towns have been disentombed in modern times, and are, to us, the most precious repositories of ancient art and life : they give us a clearer insight into the construction of ancient houses and towns than any other remains of antiquity. In the year following an immense fire broke out at Rome, which raged for three days, and in which the best parts of the city, including the Campus Martins and the Capito- line temple, were destroyed ; and no sooner had this ca- lamity passed away, than a vehement pestilence began to rage, which carried off numbers of people both at Rome and in Italy. In A.D. 81 Titus celebrated the inaugura- tion of the Colosseum, which had been begun by his father, and of the magnificent Thermae which he himself had built, with most splendid games and amusements. After these solemnities he went to the country of the Sabines ; and on the 13th of September, A.D. 81, he died in the same villa HISTORV OF ROME. 511 in which his father liad breathed his last. Common repoit said that his death had been caused by his brother Domi- tian ; and all the people mourned as over the death of a father. As far as foreign countries are concerned, the reign of Titus was perfectly quiet; and, with the excep- tion of the above-mentioned calamities, Rome enjoyed peace and comfta't. Agricola was in the mean time pur- suing his victorious career in Britain, where he penetrated as far as the river Tay, and fortified the frontiers between the Clyde and Forth. Titus was succeeded by his brother Domitian, who was as Tinlike him as possible: he is said to have made several attempts to kill, not only his brother, but even his father. His character had become manifest during the short period between his father's proclamation and his arrival in Italy ; even at that time he lived in a sort of Eastern hirem, in which he gratified his lusts. His father, who knew his dis- position, kept him away from public affairs as much asjjos- sible ; and this example was followed by Titus, who, how- ever, always showed him great confidence and forbearance- During the reign of his two predecessors, Domitian occu- pied himself with poetical and other literary compositions; but his nature was not ennobled by these pursuits. He was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers on the day of his broth- er's death ; and during the first years of his reign things went on pretty well, for he showed a sort of mixture of ' vice and virtue : he kept a strict superintendence over the provinces, and made some useful legal enactments. He forbade, for example, the castration of male children, and restricted the excessive cultivation of the vine, whereby the growth of corn had been neglected. He also took an active part in the administration of justice ; but in his later yeai-s ne turned this very practice into an instrument of tyranny, for, assisted by a host of denouncers, he made justice an instrument of the most brutal cruelty and tyranny that ever disgraced a sovereign's throne. The cause of this change in his conduct, independent of his natural bias for every ihing bad, appears to have been his boundless ambition, ; wounded pride, jealousy of others, and a fear and coward- ice which were awakened and roused by the failure of his undertakings and the busy zeal of denouncers. In order to gain the favor of the soldiers he raised their pay, while the favor of the populace was gamed by games and don^- ions ; but to obtain the means necessary for these things 512 HISTORV OF ROME, he had recourse to confiscations, and wealthy persons were denounced as guilty of high treason for no other purpose than that the emperor hiight become possessed of theii property. In A.D. 84, Domitian undertook an expedition against the Chatti, which seems to have been crowned with some success, since he constructed the frontier wall between the free Germans and those subject to Rome. Upon this he celebrated A triumph, and assumed the name of Germani- cus, which appears on some of his coins. In the same year Agricola, at the foot of the Grampians (Mons Grdmpius), gained a glorious victory over the Caledonians, who were commanded by their chief Galgacns : he also sent out an exploring expedition to examine the yet unknown coasts of Scotland ; but when he was upon the point of subduing the whole country, he was recalled by Domitian, whose jealousy could not bear to see his success. Agricola re- turned to Rome, and spent the remaining eight years of his life in retii-ement, .in order not to attract the tyrant's attention. In A.D. 8G, the warlike nation of the Daeians, under their king Decebalus, crossed over to the southern bank of the Danube, and defeated Ap. Sabinus, the legate of Moe- sia. Domitian himself took the field against the enemy, but he left the real management of the war to his legates^ while he, reposing within a neighboring town in Moesia, ascribed all the victories to himself, and the reverses to his generals. On the whole, the Romans were unsuccessful against their enemy. The Quadi and Marcomanni, who were bound by treaties to support the Romans, having re- fused to do so, Domitian, in A.D. 90, marched against them; but he was defeated by them also, and the consequence was that he was obliged to conclude a humiliating peace with Decebalus. Still, on his return to Rome, he did not blush to celebrate a triumph over the Daeians, and to assume the surname of Dacicus. In the follovving year L. Antonius, the commander of two legions in Upper Germany, rose against Domitian : the insun-eetion might have been fatal had not the storm been averted by a sudden ovei-flow of the Rhine, which prevented the German auxiliaries whom An- tonius expected from joining him, and left the rebel an easy conquest to L. Appius Nprbaniis. •■ ' By the vain attempts which he made to deceive others Domitian could not deceive himself, and his raortificatioij HISTORY OF RW.ME. 513 at being defeated by the Dacians made him still moi-e fero- cious and rapacious than he had been before : he ordered himself to be called Lord and God [Dominus et Deus), and caused himself to be worshiped with divine honors. The senate, in its abject servility, condemned the noblest and worthiest persons to death : thus Arulenus Rusticus was killed because in one of his works he had praised Paetus Thrasea, and Herennius Senecio for having mentioned with approbation the conduct of Helvidius Priscus. All philos- ophers, and among them the noble Epictetus, were expelled from Rome ; and the Christians, whose number was then considerable at Rome, and who counted some persons of high distinction among them, were likewise persecuted and murdered in great numbers. The time was so fearful that no nlan ventured to express his real thoughts, having al- ways to dread some setret denouncer. But the tyrant's own cruelty and excesses brought about his ruin. He had i-esolved to put ta death his wife Domitia, and some of the officers of his court ; but the}' received secret information of his intention, and formed a plot against him. A fi-eed- raan was gained over by the conspirators, who was to gain access to his bedroom, and there to present a letter to him. The plan succeeded, and while Domitian was reading the letter, the freedman plunged a dagger into his belly. A violent scuffle ensued, until the other conspirators entered. The tyrant fell after receiving seven wounds, on the 18th of September, A.D. 96. The senate soon after passed a decree to eflface his name from all public monuments, while the soldiers, who were still attached to him, attempted to proclaim him a god. CHAPTER XL VI. M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS. P. AELIUS HADRIANUS. Hitherto the emperors had always been Romans, or, at least, natives of Italy, but after the time of Domitian we frequently find foreigners, as Spaniards, lllyrians, Panno- nians, and even Oriental?? and Africans clothed with the im- perial purple. After such terrific limes as those of Calig- Y -i 514 HISTORY OF IKJilM. ula, Nero, and Domitian, the Roman world must have yearned for better days, and its longing was not in vain, for there now followed a series of five rulers, whose reigns form the happiest period in the history of the Roman em- pire. M. Cocceius Nerva, a venerable senator of the age of 64, was proclaimed emperor by the people and soldiers imme- diately after the murder of Domitian. He was a native of the town of Narnia in Umbria, and enjoyed the respect of all classes. The praetorian guards acquiesced in his proc- laination, though he was not a man after their taste. Nerva, who, for this reason, was obliged to be very cautious, pun- ished only a few of those who had made themselves notori- ous under his predecessor. He stopped the trials for high treason, recalled many persons from exile, and diminished the oppressive taxes. But the praetorians, under their commander Casperius Aelianus, began to mutiny, and, in defiance of the emperor, they not only put the murderers of Domitian to death, but compelled him publicly to ex- press his approval of their execution. Nerva felt the humiliation keenly, and, in order to strengthen his power, he adopted M. Ulpius Trajan, a man of unblemished char- acter, and a distinguished general, who was then com- manding the legions in Lower Germany. Only three months after this adoption, Nerva himself died of a fever on ihe 27th of January, A.D. 98. The object of his short reign was to combine two most opposite things, political freedom and the sovereign power of the monarch. His care was also directed toward raising the populace from ibe degradation in which they were living, for which pur- pose he purchased and distributed lands among the poor. Trajan was the first Roman emperor who was not a na- tive of Italy, having been born in the Spanish town of Ital- ica, on the Guadalquivir, not far from Seville. Afi;er his adoption he quietly entered upon his new dignity at Cologne, and then set out for Rome. As he entered the city on foot, in A.D. 99, with a small retinue^he was received with enthusiastic applause, for his noble figure, his kindliness, and condescension at once gained him the affection of the people. The very first year of his reign was marked by noble acte ; after taking possession of the sovereign power he punished the principal denouncers, and banished many of them to the barren islands round Italy. The most tur- bulent among the praetorians were likewise taken to ac- hlSTORV OF ROME. 515 count. By these and similar measures he strengthened and secured his power. The same year is also marked by an institution which may be regarded as the first effort toward a public system of education at Rome, inasmuch as he made a foundation upon which free-born, but poor, boys and girls were to be educated. Trajan, in all his actions, appears as one of the noblest and ablest rulers that Rome ever possessed ; although he was not free from weaknesses, still he deserves the name of best more than any of his predecessors ; and, for more than two centuries after, the senate used to hold out to the newly-elected emperors Trajan as a model of goodness. He possessed and prac- ticed all the virtues which adorn a ruler, a general, and a man ; he was great in his designs and persevering in their execution, skillful in the art of war, fair in the administra- tion of justice, simple and unassuming in his manners, af- fable to every citizen, and a faithful friend ; he was equally anxious for the welfare of the provinces as for that of Italy; economical in his private life, but liberal and gener- ous in all matters calculated foi' public use or ornament. A man with such virtues may fairly claim our indulgence for certain weaknesses which are censured in him by Ro- man historians. Rome, Italy, and the provinces were un- der him adorned with magnificentbuildings, bridges, roads, and useful institutions, such as the Ulpian library at Rome {Bihliothcca Ulpia). The senate was allowed to conduct its deliberations with perfect freedom, the people again as- sembled -in their coraitia, and the magistrates were un- shackled in the discharge of their duties. Trajan himself submitted to the laws like every other citizen, but, at the same time, he understood the art of governing a nation bet- ter than any of his predecessors. He was married to Plo- lina, a woman of high character, but he had no children by her. She and his own sister Marcina are among the most estimable women in Roman history ; the great improve- ment which, from that time forward, is perceptible in the conduct of Roman ladies of rank, was undoubtedly the re- sult of their example and of the influence they exercised. Trajan, who, before his accession, had distinguished him- self as a general, now directed his attention principally to war and great architectural works. His first war was that against the Dacians, for he felt deeply the disgrace of pay- ing them the tribute with which Domitian had purchased their peace. Trajan accordingly refused to pay it; and. 516 HISTORY OP ROME. ' at the end of A.t). 100, be roavched with an army of 60,000 men into the country of the Dacians, who were still gov- erned by their warlike prince Decebalus. Trajan took his capital of Zarmizegethusa, and after having defeated the king in several battles, compelled him to sue for peace, which was granted to him in A.D. 102, on condition of hia giving up a part of his territory. The emperor then re- turned to Rome, and obtained from the senate the surname of Dacicus. But, in A.D. 104, the Dacians again rose against the Romans : to facilitate his campaign against them, Trajan caused a stone bridge to be constructed across tlie Danube, in the neighborhood of the modem town of i Arnetz, in Hungary ; and in the following year he marched into Dacia. Decebalus was so hard pressed by the invader and his able legates, Lucius Quietus and Hadrian, that in despair he made away with himself; whereupon Dacia (the modem countries of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Tran- sylvania) was constituted a Roman province, and received several Roman colonies, which secured the dominion and spread the manners and civilization of Rome among the bai'barians. Trajan now celebrated a second triumph over Dacia, and caused a column to be made recording his vic- tory, and representing in relief his exploits in Dacia. This column, about l&O feet high, the celebrated Columna Tra- jana, was erected in A.D. 114, in the forum buih by Tra- jan, and is still one of the most remarkable monuments of Rome. In the year in which Dacia was made a Roman province, Cornelius Palma, the legate of Syria, subdued the whole of Arabia Petraea. There now followed a few yeai-s during which the empire enjoyed a profound peace, until, in A.D. 114, the Parthians again began to threaten the eastern frontier. Chosroes, their king, expelled Exodares, king of Ai-menia, from his dominion, and raised his own brother Parthamasiris to the throne. When the emperor arrived in Armenia, he received the homage of the people, and made Armenia a Roman province. Abgams, king of Osrhoene, submitted to him ; and, after the capture of the town of Nisibis, the whole of Mesopotamia recognized the supremacy of Rome. Trajan spent the following winter at Antioch : dui'ing his stay there, that city and the whole of Syria were shaken by a severe earthquake. In the next spring he crossed the Tigris, subdued Assyria, and thence proceeded to Seleucia and Ctesiphon, the capital HISTORY OF ROME. 517 of the Parthians, who seem to have been prevented by in- ternal feuds from offering a resolute resistance to the in- vader. After the conquest of Parthia, Trajan sailed with a fleet down the Tigris into the ocean (the Persian Gulf), bat an insurrection of the conquered nations obliged him to return. His legates, however, succeeded in repressing the revolt, and destroyed the towns of Nisibis, Edessa, and Seleucia. Trajan raised Parthamaspates to the throne of Parthia. In the spring of A.D. 117, he entered' the south ern part of Arabia, and while he was besieging the town of Hatra he was taken ill : intrusting the conduct of the war to Hadrian, who had accompanied him on his eastern expedition, he hastened to return to Rome ; but on his way thither he died at Selinus, in Cilicia, on the 9th of August, A.D. 117. His remains were afterward carried to Rome in a golden urn, and deposited in his own forum under the column recording his Daeian victories. Trajan seems to have made no provision for determining the succession : there were indeed reports that he had in tended to make Neratius Priscus his successor, or that in his illness he had adopted Hadrian ; but the latter report seems lo have been the work of Plotina, who, by a well- meant forgery, wished to make the world believe that her husband had adopted him. For this reason, she concealed for a few days the death of Traj art, whereby she gained time to communicate with Hadrian, who was then vvitbhis army at Antioch, and to publish the false document of her husband's will "with some appearance of probability. Ha- drian accordingly entered upon the government, on the 11th of August, A.D. 117, at Antioch, where he was proclaimed emperor ; and the Roman senate, to which he addressed a letter, readily recognized him. Hadrian was descended from a-family of Hadria, in Picenum : his father was mar- ried to an aunt of Trajan, who himself was appointed one of his guardians on his father's death. Through Plotina's influence, who was very partial to him, he married Julia SabinA, a grand-daughter of Trajan's sister Marcina, from ■which tirfae he daily rose_ in the emperor's favor. On his accession the Roman empire was in a perilous condition : the Parthians, who had just been conquered by Trajan, revolted, and were successful in several engage- ments ; Moesia was harassed by an invasion of the Sarma- tae and Roxolani, and othei' provinces also were in a state of insurrection. Hadrian now showed bis wisdom by giv- 518 liisroKY OP Kojvit;. ing up the recent conquests in the East, wliich it would have been impossible, or at least extremely difficult, to maintain. He accordingly renounced all the conquests east of the" Euphrates, restored Assyria and Mesopotamia to the Parthians, and recognized Chosroes as their king: Parthamaspates was indemnified by a small neighboring principality, and Armenia restored to the rank of an inde- pendent kingdom. Having thus settled the affairs of the East, Hadrian, in A.D. 118, fetumed to Rome, from whence he shortly after set out with his army for Moesia. Here again his object was not conquest, but merely to secure the Roman possessions ; and he accordingly concluded a peace with the Roxolani, for which he had probably to pay a heavy sum. As he was proceeding against the Sarmatae, he received intelligence of a conspiracy which had been formed by his personal enemies, Nigrinus, Lucius Quietus, Palma, Celsus, and other persons of high rank. After the discovery of the plot, the four leaders were put to death by command of the emperor himself, according to the general opinion, though he was most anxious to deny the fact. The belief that he had ordered their execution roused pub lie feeling against him, and, apprehending an outbreak at Rome, he left the command of the armies in Pannonia and Dacia in the hand of Marcius Turbo, one of his generals, who had just suppressed a rebellion in Mauritania, and re- turned to Italy, where he endeavored to obliterate the prevailing suspicion by liberal donations, games, and glad- iatorial exhibitions. One act, which was sure to win him the favor of the people, was his canceling an enormous sum of money due to the state as taxes, namely, all the arrears of the last fifteen years. He further courted the favor of the senate, and promised never to punish a senator without its sanction : at the same time he found it advisable to remove his former friends from their office of prefects of the praetorians. He divided Italy into four regions, for the purpose of better jurisdiction, a consular being placed at the head of each region ; the offices of the palace, the army, and in the administration of the state, were regulated according to a new system, which, on the whole, remained unchanged until the time of Constantine the Great. The war against the Sarmatae was in the mean time con- tinued by his legate^, and seems to have lasted for several years. In A.D. 119 he began his memorable journey through all the provinces of his empire, many of which he HISTORY OF ROME. 519 traversed on foot. It was undertaken from a desire to promote the happiness of his subjects by personal inspec- tion of the manner in which the administration was carrieu on, and to remedy evils wherever they occurred ; though there can be no doubt that his own curiosity, and a singular restlessness of his mind, also had a share in determining him to enter upon the undertaking. These travels occupied the greater part of his reign. He first visited- Gaul and Ger- many, whence he proceeded, in A.D. 121, to Britain. There he secured the northern part of England against tlie invasions of the Scots, by a wall of 80,000 paces in length, extending from the mouth of the Tyne to the Sol- way. Remains of this wall are known to this day, under the name of the Picts' wall. On his return to Gaul, he adorned the town of Nemausus (Nismes) with splendid buildings, and then went to Spain, where he spent the winter. In A.D. 122, he retui-ned to Rome, but soon after , set out for Achaia and the provinces of the East. At Athens he appears to have remained for three years : it was his favorite place, and he honored it above all other cities in the empire. After a visit to Sicily, he again re- turned to Rome. In A.D. 129, he visited Africa, and thence proceeded to the East : he again made a long stay at Athens, to see the completion of the numerous and mag- nificent buildings which had been commenced during his former visit. During his progress in Asia, he examined with great strictness into the conduct of the governors of the provinces, and did all he could to conciliate the princes of the neighboring kingdoms. From Asia he proceeded through Syria into Egypt, where he restored the tomb of Pompey with great splendor. During his stay in Egypt, his favorite Antinous, a Bithynian youth, for whom he en- tertained an unnatural affection, was drowned in the Nile: his death was to Hadrian the cause of deep and lasting grief. From Egypt he returaed to Rome, where, in A.D. 131, he promulgated a collection of laws under the title Edictum Perpetuum, which had been drawn up by the jurist Salvius Julianus. Not long after the emperor's return to Rome a formi- dable insurrection broke out among the Jews living in Syria. A colony of the name of Aelia Capitolina had been es- tablished on the site of Jerusalem, and pagan worship had been introduced there ; and Hadrian, moreover, had issued an edict forbidding the Jews the rite of circumcision. 520 HISTORY OF ROME. These things were more than the Jews could bear, and, under their leader, Barcochab, they rose in arms with the niost desperate fury. The war lasted for several years, and in it 580,000 JewS are said to have perished. It' was not brought to a close until Julius Severus came over from Britain, and finally succeeded in paralyzing or annihilating the Jews, who were henceforth forbidden to live at Jeru- salem, or in its immediate vicinity. Numbers of them were sold into slavery, and the great scattering of the na- tion dates from this time. After the Jewish war, another threa:tened to break out in the East with the Albanians ; but Hadrian averted the danger by sending rich presents to the Albanians, and to Pharasmanes, king of the Iberians, who had stirred up the Albanians, and whose feelings by this means became so changed that he even paid a visit to Hadrian at Rome. After his return from his travels until his death, Hadrian' spent his time partly at Rome and partly at Tibur, where he built a magnificent villa on so grand a scale that even its ruins occupy the space of a considerable town. The many fatigues and hardships he had undergone had so im- paired his health, that in A.D. 135 he was seized with a dangerous illness, which proved to be dropsy, and this led him to think of a successor. Having himself no children, he adopted L. Ceionius Commodus, under the name of L. Aelius Verus, a noble and handsome youth, but of an effeminate character : the young man, however, did not prove to be of that assistance to the emperor which had been expected ; and being of a weakly disposition, he died on the first day of the year A.D. 138. Hadrian now adopt- ed Arrius Antoninus (afterward the Emperor Antoninus Pius), and presented him to the senators, assembled around his bed, as his successor : at the same time he obliged An- toninus to adopt the son of Aelius Verus, Lg Commodus Verus, and M. Annius Verus (afterward the emperor M. Aurelius), These arrangements, however, did not restore peace to his mind. Some of his most worthy friends, who had opposed the adoption of L. Aelius Verus, were put to death ; and his illness made him daily more suspicious and cruel: many persons of rank wore executed; and many more would have fallen victims, had it not been for the pre- cautions taken by Antoninus. At last, when Hadrian found that his illness was incurable, he requested a slave to run him ihvriiigh with a s\\'oi'(l : this, however, was prevented HISTORY OP fiOME. 521 by Antoninus. Several more attempts were made at sui- cide, but with no success. At length he was removed to Baiae, where he hoped to find at least some relief, but he soon after died, on the 10th of July, A.D. 138, at the age of sixty-three. He was buried in the villa of Cicero, near Puteoli. The senate, indignant at the many acts of cruel- ty which Hadrian had committed during the last three years of his life, wished to annul his enactments, and refused him the customary divine honors ; but Antoninus prevailed upon them to be lenient toward him, on the ground that, dur-ing his illness, he had not been in the full possession of his mind ; and from this act of filial kindness toward his adopt- ed father, Antoninus derived the surname of Pius. The reign of Hadrian formed, on the whole, one of the most peaceful and happy periods of the Roman empire. His policy was not to extend the boundaries of the empire, but to secure the old provinces, aiid promote their welfare by a fair and just administration. But as his presents and kindness to the barbarians might have been insufficient to ward off their attacks, he always kept his armies in most excellent condition. He was the fii'st Roman emperor that seems to have understood his real position as monarch of the Roman empire, which, under him, became more con- solidated than it had ever been before. He formed for himself a council {consistoriwm principis) with a regular or- ganization, which gradually deprived the senate of its ju- risdiction. Its president henceforth was always a jurist, who may, therefore, be looked upon as a minister of just- ice. Jurisprudence made great progress in his reign, and the Edictum perpetuum, which he promulgated, forms an era in the history of Roman law. Hadrian was a patron and practical lover of the arts and literature : he was very ambitious of praise, and was anxious to make as many friends as possible ; but he had the weakness to believe that he excelled them all, and in every thing, which often rendered him troublesome and unbearable. 623 HISTOBY OP BOMB. CHAPTER XL VII. ANTOMINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS. L. COMMODITS ANTONINCS. Antoninus Pius was descended from a family of Nemau- sus, in Gaul, but he himself was born at Lanuvium, on the 19th of September, A.D. 86. His adoption by Hadrian was owing solely to his virtue and merits ; for he had dis- tinguished himself in the administration of Asia by surpass- ing wisdom and mildness, and he had shown the same qualities in the management of one of the four regions of Italy. During the long reign of this prince, from A.D. 138 to A.D. 161, who, of all the emperors, was tlje most virtu- ous, and one of the noblest beings that ever lived, the em- pire enjoyed such peace as had never before fallen to its share : owing to the almost total suspension of wars, crimes, and violence, the history of his reign is nearly a blank. All the thoughts and energies of this wise and amiable ruler were directed toward one object — the happiness of his' people. The denouncers disappeared entirely, and confis- cations are scarcely heard of: his simple habits, his court- esy to every one, the patient attention with which he list- ened to every thing that was brought befoKe him, and his impartiality in the administration of justice, secured to him the love and admiration of the provincials no less than of the Romans. Good governoi'S were allowed to remain in their provinces for many years, and the farmers of the pub- lic revenue were compelled to abandon their extortions. Whenever there happened a calamity in any part of the empire, Antoninus afforded relief to the sufferers with most unsparing liberality : such was the case when Asia and Rhodes were devastated by an earthquake, and in A.D. 153, when Narbonne, Antioch, and Carthage were partial- ly destroyed by conflagrations. In his foreign policy Antoninus strictly adhfered to the principles of his predecessor, for no attempt was made to increase the extent of the empire ; but, at the ,§ame time, all rebellions within and aggressions from without were promptly crushed, either by persuasion or by mere armed demonstrations. Hence the movements of the Germans, Dacians. and Mauritanians, Greeks, and Egyptians, pro- HISTORY OF Eo.yi;. 5'23 duced no effects : the only commotion that was of any con- sequence occurred in Britain, which was repeatedly in- vaded by the Brigantes ; but there the legate Lollius Ur- bicus, in A.D. 141, defeated the enemy, and formed a rampart of turf somewhat beyond the line where Agricola had constructed his wall to stop the inroads of the Caledo- nians. The renown of the wisdom and virtues of Anto- ninus spread throughout the world, and embassies came to him from the most distant parts of the east to seek his alli- ance and friendship : the Parthians abandoned an attempt upon Armenia merely in conseguence of his remonstrances; the Scythians submitted their disputes to his arbitration ; and the barbarians from the Upper Danube received a king from his hands. He devoted equal care to the physical and intellectual improvement of his people : the interests of education and literature were promoted in all parts of the empire by the honors and distinctions conferred upon rhetoricians and philosophers, who were appointed every where without any reference to sect- or school, and received annual sala- ries of 600 sesterces. In A.D. 141, he founded an institu- tion for the education of poor orphan girls, vvhom he styled puellae alimentariae Faustinianae, in honor of his wife Faustina, who had died in that year. In private life Antoninus was equally distinguished : he lived as a private citizen, accessible to all, like a father to his children : he even passed over the irregularities of his wife, which, to a certain extent, must have been known to him, and after her death loaded her memory with honors. The peace of his reign, his own fervent piety and scrupu- lous observance of religious rites, gained for him, among his cotemporaries, the reputation of a second Numa. The first Apology of the Christian religion, addressed to him by Justin the Martyr, procured protection and toleration for the Christians, who then existed in large numbers, both at Rome and in the provinces. After his accession, Antoni- nus never appeared at the head of his armies : he refused also to travel through the provinces, that they might not be burdened with the expense of maintaining his court. He was fond of the pleasures of a country life, and his excur- sions were limited to his villas in Campania. He died on the 7th of March, A.D. 161, in his villa at Lorium, at the age of 75. The long peace of his reign, though beneficial in many 524 HISTORY OP ROJIE. respects, greatly increased the indolence and effeminacy of the Romans. The legions, also, stationed in their campsj and spending their time in idleness, lost their warlike spirit, without which the empire could not be safe for any length of time. By his wife Faustina he had two daughters and two sons: one of the daughters, Faustina, was married, in A.D. 145, to M. Aurelius, and his two sons appear to have died long before their father ; so that, according to the es- tablished order, Antoninus was succeeded by his adopted son, M. Aurelius. M. Aurelius Antoninus, commonly called the Philoso- pher, was born at Rome, in A.D. 121. He had shown, from his childhood, an extreme love of truth and thirst for knowledge : his education had been conducted with the greatest care by the celebrated rhetoricians, Herodes At- ticus and Cornelius Fronto, and by the stoic philosophers, Junius Rusticus and Apollonius. During the reign of An- toninus he had been the constant companion and adviser of that noble-minded mari, and the most perfect harmony existed between them until the death of Antoninus. In March, A.D. 161, he undertook the government of the empire, and at once admitted his adopted brother, Ceionius Commodus, or, as he is commonly "called, L. Verus, who was eight years younger than himself, to a full participa- tion in the sovereign power. This arrangement, a pure act of grace on the part of M. Aurelius, was intended to be of advantage, not only to the monafch himself, but to the whole empire ; for M. Aurelius was of a weakly con- stitution, and took more delight in philosophical and litera- ry pursuits than in war ; while L. Verus was young, active, and skilled in all manly exercises, though he was addicted to debauchery and voluptuous propensities, which he had hitherto carefully concealed. Storms had long been gathering on two parts of the Roman frontier, in the east and in the north. The former broke out first. The Parthian king, Vologeses III., who had been restrained by the remonstrances of Antoninus Pius, now began a series of i-avaging inroads into the Ro- man provinces, and cut to pieces one whole legion at Elegia. L. Verus, after having been betrothed to Lucilla, the daughter of his colleague, accordingly proceeded, in A.D. 162, with an army to Syria. On his arrival at Anti- och, he determined to remain there, and to leave the com- mand of his armies to his generals. While he was plung- HISTORY OP ROME. 525 ing himself into luxuries and voluptupusness, Avidius Cas- sius compelled the Paithians to retreat, invaded Mesopo- tamia, destroyed Seleucia, with the royal palace at Ctesi- phon, and penetrated as far as Babylon ; another general at the same time made himself master of Armenia, and re- stored the legitimate king, Soaeraus, to his throne. Volog- eses was compelled to conclude a humiliating peace, and to give up Mesopotamia to his conquerors. After the conclusion of this war, in A.D. 166, L. Verus, accompa- nied by a host of actors, returned to Rome, and celebrated a triumph, which was soon followed by the outbreak of a feurful pestilence, during which the celebrated physician, Claudius Galenus, who had come to Rome from Perga- mus, practiced his art with great skill. ^ The movements which were going on in the north were Btill more dangerous, for they extended from the sources of the Danube to the lUyrian border. Numbers of barbar- ous tribes, including the Marcomanni, Alani, Jazyges, Quadi, Sarmatae, and many others, were in commotion, and both emperors set out against the foe. The contest which now began was continued, with varying success, during the whole reign ■ of M. Aurelius, whose headquar- ters were generally in Pannonia. The barbarians, aver- awed by the power displayed by the emperors, submitted, and sued for peace, which enabled the emperors, in A.D. 169, to return to Rome ; but when they reached Altinum, in the country of the Veneti, L. Verus was seized vrith apopl&xy and died. The only good that can he said of him is, that he did riot thwart the wise plans of his col- league. Toward the end of the same year, M. Aurelius again set out for Germany, and prosecuted the war against the Marcomanni with great vigor and extraordinary efforts. On one occasion a fierce battle was fought on the frozen Danube ; but the most important victory was that gained by the emperor over the Quadi, in A.D. 174 : the Romans were rescued from a most perilous situation by a sudden storm ; and this signal success of their arms, which was at the time attributed'to the interposition of Heaven, seems to have struck terror into the barbarians, who now sought and obtained peace on condition of their withdrawing from the Danube. The emperor was prevented from following up this victory by the news of an insurrection in Syria, which threatened to become very dangerous. The emper- >r's wife, Faustina, began to be alarmed about her hus- 626 HISTORY OF ROME. band's declining health, and feared lest the government should fall into the hands of another family, since her own son, Commodus, who was born in A.D. 161, was yet too young to succeed. She accordingly desired Avidius Cas- sius, the governor of Syiia, to be prepared for every thing, and offered him her hand and the throne if he would aid her in her schemes. While these negotiations were going ou, a report reached Syria that M. Aurelius had died, and Avidius Cassius forthwith caused himself to be proclaimed emperor. The falseness of the report soon became known ; but Cassius, thinking his offense beyond forgiveness, re- solved to maintain his power, and in a very short time made himself master of all Asia on this side Mount Taurus. While M. Aurelius was making preparations against the usurper, Cassius was assassinated by a centurion of his own army. M. Aurelius, however, set out for the East, to restore peace and tranquillity ; and his conduct after his ar- rival there, as well as before, can not but excite the highest admiration of eveiy friend of humanity : not one man was put to death with the emperor's consent ; few were pun- ished at all ; and the papers of Cassius were burned with- out being read, in order that no further disclosures might be made. During this expedition, Faustina, who accom- panied her husband, died in Cilicia, perkaps by her own act, that she might escape the punishment 'she deserved. Having paid a visit to Egypt and Athens, M. Aurelius returned to Rome, in A.D. 176, after an absence of eight years, and celebrated a triumph. He gave to every citizen a donation of eight gold pieces, made his son Commodus his colleague in the sovereignty, and celebrated the nup- tials between him and Crispina. No sooner were these solemnities over, than a fresh insurrection of the Marco- manni once more called M. Aurelius away from Rome. In the month of August, A.D. 177, he accordingly marched with Commodus from Rome, which he was never to see again. His campaigns were very successful : the Marco- manni, Hermunduri, Q,uadi, and Sarmatae were routed one afier another, and every thing seemed to indicate that they would soon be finally crushed. But the shattered constitution of M. Aurelius now gave way, and he died at Vindobona (Vienna) or Sirmium on the 17th of March, A.D. 180, at the age of fifty-nine, not without a suspicion that his son Commodus had accelerated his death. The most striking features in the character of M. Aure- HISTORY OF ROME. 527 lius were his devotedness to the study of, philosophy, and the affectionate familiarity which he kept up with those who had instructed him in his early life. No monarch was ever more widely or more deeply beloved than he ; and it was thought impious for any man not to have in his house some picture or statue of the emperor. His whole life was an unbroken practical demonstration of the doc- trines of the philosophy which he had embraced. He was severe and conscientious toward himself, and gentle and merciful toward every one else. We still possess his Med- itations, a work which would do honor to any man in any age, and in which he is portrayed with all his amiable, affectionate, and benevolent sentiments. Although he personally had an aversion to war, yet he firmly and man- fully undertook the command of his armies whenever the safety of the empire required it. The veneration which the people entertained for him was so great, that, after hia death, it was believed that he had been some good genius sent from heaven to bless mankind, and that he had now returned to his real home. There is only one thing for which he seems to deserve censure, and that is, he sanc- tioned, in A.D. 177, a cruel persecution of the Christians in Gaul : this conduct is the more surprising, as it was contrary both to his own principles of toleration and to the example set him by bis predecessor. It must be supposed that he was guided by evil advisers, tor many of the phi- losophers of his age entertained the bitterest intolerance iagainst the new religion. His unworthy son, M. Commodus Antoninus, then not yet twenty years old, succeeded his father as a matter of course. His education had been superintended with the utmost care and vigilance, and conducted by the ablest and most distinguished men of the time ; but all their teaching, and the example set him by his father, were lost upon him ; and those who knew him well, discovered, at an early age, that he was addicted to base pleasures and sensuality. It was a weakness in Aurelius that he did not adopt some one of his generals, and make him his successor. Immediately afier the death of his father, Commodus hastened to make peace with the Marcomanni and Quadi, in order to be able to return to Rome, and indulge in the pleasures of the cap- ital without restraint. The love and veneration entertained by every one for his father were transferred to him like an inheritance, and at his first appearance in the city, as em- 628 HISTORY OF ROME. peror, he was greeted with the most enthusiastic acchma- tions. For a while the hopes of men were not disapjjoint- ed : the only thing they might have complained of was his lavish distribution of money among the populace aijd sol- diers. But a change in his conduct was produced in A.D. 182,' by a conspiracy formed against him by his own sister, Lucilla, who seems to have been jealous of the rank and influence of her brother's wife Crispina. Her scheme, which was frustrated by the rashness of the- assassin who aimed the deadly blow, all at once awakened the slumber- ing ferocity of Commodus, and the whole of his remaining life is an uninterrupted series of sanguinary and disgusting excesses. Every pretext was seized for indulging in the most savage cruelty : false accusations, vague suspicions, much wealth, high birth, great learning, or any prominent virtue, were sufficient to point out and doom his victims. Nearly all the friends of his father, and others who had risen to eminence under him, were put to death. The cruel and detested Perennis was made commander of the praetorians, and to him were left all the cares of di© gov- ernment, while the tyrant abandoned himself to the most shameless^nd brutal debaucheries. His wife Crispina' wUs convicted of adulteiy and exiled ; and Marcia, a woman who was well disposed toward the Christians, became his concubine. During the time that he was weltering in ■vice, he displayed a most contemptible vanity and love of popu- lar applause, which he sought to gratify in the most extra- ordinary manner. He often danced, sang, played the char- ioteer and buffoon, disguised himself as a peddler or horse- dealer, and officiated as a priest in the foreign superstitions that were then in vogue at Rome ; but his greatest ambi- tion was to display his skill in the handling of martial weap- ons : he fought as a gladiator in the circus more than 700 times, and slew many thousands of wild beasts and human beings, for which he demanded to be worshiped as a sec- ond Hercules. In A.D. 186 the legions stationed in Britain were roused by the tyrannical severity with which Pei-ennis treated the soldiers, and an embassy of 1500 soldiers was dispatched to Rome to demand his deposition and punishment. Com- modus was obliged to yield, but he gave the command of the praetorians to a Phrygian freedman, Oleander, who was even more cruel and avaricious than his predecessor, but who enjoyed the especial favor of Commodus. Shortly HISTORY OF ROME. 539 after this, while all Italy was suffering from plagHe and famine, the city populace, during the Circensian games in A.D. 189, rose against Oleander, literally tore him to pieces, and-destroyed his whole family. During these scenes Com- modus gratified his lusts in a harem, which is' said to have contained 300 concubines, and butchered the best of the senators as if they had been wild beasts. But, as in all sim- ilar cases, he was working his own downfall. Having de- termined to put to death the consuls who were to enter on their office on the first of January, A.D. 193, he was intend- ing to enter the senate-house with a band of gladiators. His mistress, Marcia, to-whom He communicated his plan, cautioned liim against its danger, and was warmly support- ed by Laetus, the prefect of the praetorians, and by Eclec- tus, an imperial chamberlgin. Gommodus treated their ad- vice with scorn and indignation, and withdrew to his apart- ment, where, as usual, he drew up a list of the persons, who were to be killed the next day. This list was by accident carried by one of his dwarfs to Marcia, who, seeing her own name and those of her two supporters at thg headfof it, at once communicated the discovery :to them.^ No time was-to be lost: it was resolved to poison him that evening; but. as the, poison operated slowly, a celebrated athletic, Narcissus, was hired, who strangled the tyrant in the night of the 31st of December, A.D. 192. When his death, which was at first ■ cautiously attributed to apoplexy, be- came known, it diffused a general joy throughout . Rome, except among the praetorians, upon whom he- had always lavished the most liberal donations.:. The senate cursed the tyrant, and ordered that his body, ffie that of a vile male- factor, should be dragged through the streets with iron hooks and cast into the Tiber ; but Pertinax, who had been proclaimed his successor, was humane enough not to allow it, and the body was interred in the mausoleum: of Hadrian. , ... Gommodus, throughout his reign, had not troubled him- self in the least about the affairs of the empire, but its in- tegrity was nevertheless maintained by the valor of his leg- ates. Disturbances had broken out in Britain, where the Caledonians had invaded the country south of the line of fortification, d9lea.ted the Roman army, and spread devas- tation far and wide; but. they were repelled by Ulpius Marcdlus, who drove them back into their country, elnd brought the war to a close in A.D. 1S4. The Frisians, bar Z 530 HISTORY OF ROM'S. yond the Rhine, were conquered in A.D. 191. There are few characters in history which inspire so unmingled a feel- ing of disgust and detestation as that of Commodus ; for while he possessed all the qualities that can disgrace hu- man nature, his whole history does not present a single trace of a generous action or a kindly feeling. 4 CHAPTER XLVm. CONCLUDING REMARKS.— CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. LIT- ERATURE AND THE ARTS DURING THE FIRST TWO CEN- TURIES OF THE EMPIRE. From this time forward the praetorian guards, whose presumption and arrogance had risen to the highest pitch during the reign of Commodus, exercised a most frightfiiT military despotism, and the legions in the provinces fol- lowed their example. As it frequently happened that the different bodies of froops did not agree among themselves, or acted independently of one another in the proclamation of an emperor, we find examples of two, three, or four em- perors being proclaimed aP once, who had to fight for the sovereignty until only one of them survived. The praeto- rians carried their savage and disgraceful conduct so far that, in A.D. 193, they literally sold the sovereignty to Didius Salvius Julian, for the payment of 30 sesterces to every one of them, which he agreed to give, thus realizing the prophecy of Jugurtha. Great men, such as Diocletian tmd Constantino, endeavored to prevent the downfall of the empire by dividing it into the eastern and the western em- pire ; but it was of rfo avail ; and in A.D. 476, the Germans, under Odoacer, after the dethronement of Romulus Augus- tuluB, established their dominion in Italy. From the reign of Commodus there is nothing but an iiTegular succession of emperors, who, with few exceptions, are distinguished only for tyranny and baseness, or impotence and weakness ; nothing but a perpetual repetition of civil wars and mur- ders which are wearying and disgusting to the mind. Civil Order, military discipline, patriotism, national spirit, and all great and noble feelings disappear from the Roman world; emperors are proclaimed and murdered, both al HISTORY OF ROME. 631 Rome and in the provinces, at the mere caprice of the soldiers. A history presenting such spectacles at every step contains little or nothing to elevate or ennoble the heart and mind of man, and ought certainly not to be chosen as a subject for youthful minds to dwell upon. Those who wish to obtain full and satisfactory information upon the history of the decline and fall of the , Roman empire may find it in the masterly work of Gibbon. It had been the system of Augustus to preserve rather than to enlarge the extent of the empire : his attempts to conquer Arabia and Ethiopia probably arose from a desire to facilitate and increase the commerce of the Romans with the far-distant East; but the climate did not allow them to establish themselves permanently in those countries. His arms were more successful in the north of Spain, where he extended his dominion to the Atlantic Ocean ; and in the country south of the Danube, where the Romans became masters of Vindelicia, Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia, and Moesia. The wars against the Germans were undertaken with a view to protect Gaul rather than to make any conquests be- yond the Rhine, which river, on the whole, remained the frontier between the Germans and Romans. The con- quest of Britain had commenced under Claudius, and was Carried ftirthest by Agricola. In the reign of Trajan the empire acquired its greatest extent; for, on the north of the Danube, he conquered Dacia, and in the east, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria : part alscr of Arabia became subject to Rome ; and the Roman fleet was stationed in the Red Sea, for the purpose of sailing to India. But his successor, Hadrian, gave up all these conquests with the exception of Dacia, and again made the Euphrates the eastern bound- ary. The aggressions in the north and east, however, still continued ; and the Mauritanians, or Moors, began to in- vade Spain as early as the time of M. Aurelius. Themonarchyhad been virtually established by Augustus, though he was more concerned about the substance than the show of power ; but his successors, who were not under the necessity of proceeding with the same caution, were not satisfied with the substance of monarchical power, they also assumed its outward form and appearance. The au- thority of the senate sank in proportion as that of the em- peror, and the despotism of the soldiers, increased ; and after the tinis of. Hadrian, when the sovereign settled thn 632 HISTORY OF ROMB. most important affairs of the state with his privy council, the' republican publicity of all transactions concerning the state ceased. . The tyranny of some of the emperors rose to an incredible pitch, for they were -not bound by any laws; and were always sure of the support of the populace and soldiers, provided they fed, paid, and amused them liberally. This led, in the end, to the dissolution of all civil government, and the;establishment of that unbridled military despotism which finally ruined the empire. The praetoVians were, indeed, the support of the purple-clad despots ; but at the same time they looked upon them as their own creatures, and felt, therefore, no scruples in murdering them, or selling their dignity. The succession to the empire was not regulated by any law ; the idea of an hereditary monarchy did not take root among the Romans until a much later time. The only way in which the ques- tion about the succession was settled was for the: actual em- peror, by adoption, to point out the man by whom he wish- ed toloe succeeded ; and if the latter was approved of by the soldiers, the recognition by the senate, which was a mere formality, followed as a matter of course. The senate itself scarcely ever ventured to raise a person to the im- perial dignity whohad not been previously proclaimed by the soldiers. : _ Jjaws (leges) passed by the people in their assembly en- tirely disappear after the reign of Augustus : the l3,ws men- tioned after that time are ordinances pf the senate [scKatus consulta), formed on the proposal or by the order of the emperor. Added to these were the imperial .ordinances or constitutions {constituiiones principisj'rescripta, decreta, man- data, edicta), which at first were not binding as general laws, but came to be so in the course, of time. The edicts of the praetors lost their former importance, since those magistrates were obliged to submit to the opinions, of the jurists, who gradually became great authorities. ,; Hadrian ordered the principal praetorian edicts to be CQllfSJted into one ,body [Edictum perpetuum), and the Roman. law thus hecan)e,,redijiced to a regular systeip. The emperqr him- selfibrpied the highest court of appeal ; aijd, for the pur- pose of deciding upon cases, of appeal, or finy other extra- ordinary cases that,,might be brought before him, he- was assisted by a special coOnicil, which must, be distiugqislieii from his state council : such fit least was the icase witji Hadrian,^ Offenses against the state or jth« person oftho HISTORY OF ROME. 533 emperor were tried by tli&' senate, which, even in the early period of the empire, had degraded itself into a mere tool in the hand of the ruler. Civil cases continued to be ti'ied at Rome by the praetors and the prefects of the city, assist- ed by a number of judges! Augustus, who was well aware that the safety of the monarchy depended, in a great measure, upon the safety of the capital, had made some excellent police regulations. A prefect of the corn-market {praefectus mmonae) superin- tended the stores and corn trade : public buildings, works of art, streets, acqueducts, and the cleansing of the bed of the river, were likewise placed under special inspectors. The superintendence of the public games was transfeiTed from the aediles to the praetors, and the sums required- for their celebration were furnished from the public treasury. But these and many other useful regulations could not be productive of much permanent good, for the demoraliza- tion went on increasing every day, and many of the em- perors publicly defied every law of decency. Italian agriculture, which had received its death-blow during the latter period of the republic, was completely crushed by the establishment of numerous villas, which, with their parks and pleasure grounds, baths, ponds, and groves, often equaled large towns in extent; and most of the rernaining districts ^ere changed into pasture land. Manufactures and industry could not thrive at Rome from the want of an active and industrious middle class ; the Ro- mans being either enormously wealthy, or living in abject poverty. In the reign of tyrants, the populace were never under the necessity of working, or gaining their living by honest labor; for the means of subsistence, as oil, bread, wine, and meat, were lavishly distributed amOng them by the rulers, either from the public treasury or from their private purse. Sometimes such donations were a remedy for momentary suffering, but they contributed, more than any thing else, to throw the people into that state of in- difference and idleness which brought them to the lowest stage of degradation ; and no emperor seems to have been able to conceive the idea of bettering the condition of the people by compelling them to be active and industrious. Such a populace was just as sCrong a support of despotism as the praetorian guards, and despots could not be expect- ed to improve its condition. All trades and manufactures in the city were generally in the hands of ireedmenand 534 IIISTUIIY OF ROME. foreigners ; but the wealthy Romans had usually such hosts of slaves of every description, that all their wants could be satisfied at home without their being obliged to have re- course to the ordinary tradesmen of the city. The gross brutality and total absence of every feeling of humanity in tl\e population of Rome shows itself most strikingly intheir passionate fondness for the bloody scenes of the circus : the sight of murder, and of men in the agonies of death, was to them a source of pleasure and delight; and their cries foi' bread were often mixed with cries for murderous games. Even Titus was obliged to yield to the clamor of the peo- ple, and to give gladiatorial games for several days, in which thousands of unfortunate gladiators were compelled to destroy one another. In like manner, Trajan, after his Dacian victory, had to amuse the populace with games which lasted 103 days, and which, in the number of gladi- ators and wild beasts that appeared in the circus, surpass- ed every similar exhibition seen at Rome. All imaginable instruments and artifices of sensuality, voluptuousness, and debauchery were carried from the East to Italy; and the city of Rome, which became a place of resort for persons of all nations, was at the same time a pool of corruption for all. It is I'evolting to read of the shameless crimes and profligacies in the days of a Caligula, Nero, and Domitian ; and we should turn away from the history of Rome in dis- gust and despair, were it not that, now and then, a noble being passes across the horizon to show that virtue had not altogether forsaken the empire. The commerce of the Romans had increased in propor- tion as their wants were multiplied. All the countries from the Atlantic Ocean to the Euphrates were open to the Ro- man merchants, whose traffic was facilitated by the numer- ous military roads which had been made in all parts of the empire. Myosliormus, Dioscurias (Sebastopolis), Alexan- dria, Massilia, Gades, Byzantium, Antioch, Palmyra, Se- eucia, and the islands of Naxos, Delos, Cos, and Rhodes, were for a long time the great marts whence the Romans imported their luxuries, slaves, and other commodities. The saying of the Gi'eeks, that the language of men is like their lives, is cpnfirraed also by the history of Rome. The corruption of the Latin language was a necessary conse- quence of the altered form of government, and of the lan- guor and indolence into which the nation sank. The culti- vation of their mother-tongue had begun to be' neglected in HISTORY OP ROMB. 535 the early part of the empire, and Greek became the Ian' guage of all fashionable circles, where the education of children was conducted by Greek tutors and governesses. The vast number of slaves and foreigners who came to Rome .from all parts contributed not a little toward this corruption ; the old and powerful simplicity of the language disappeared, and the desire to speak and write in a strik- ing and piquant manner produced that hollow pomp and tinkling of words which we meet with as early as the time of Nero. In the reign of Augustus, Roman literature had reached its highest perfection, but its decline began even before his death ; for the establishment of the monarchy put an end to all free public oratory, and eloquence was henceforth cultivated only in funeral orations or encomiums, and in the rhetorical schools. With the accession of Tiberius the flourishing period of literature came to its close : the cor- niption of taste began ; and the oppression of the ruler on the one hand, and the moral depravity of the people on the other, crushjed all free development of intellectual life, which the establishment of libraries, and schools, and the appointment of salaried teachers, were unable to restore. But while intellectual activity sank at Rome, it became ex- tended in the provinces, which thus began to participate in the literature of the capital ; for booksellers are mentioned at Lyons, in Gaul, and they undoubtedly existed in all the great towns of the west. A depravation of taste, both in regard to purity of diction and to" the manner of handling a subject, may be seen in the poems of Lucan, Valerius Flaccus, Silius Italicus, and Papinius Statins, whose epics are bombastic and learned, but devoid of the genuine spirit of poetry. The character of the age afforded ample material for bitter satire, and produced a Persius, Juvenal, Petronius, and Martial, whose works, however, in point of taste and refinement, are greatly inferior to the satires of Horace. The iGsopic fable vras successfully cultivated in verse by Phaedrus, in the reign of Tiberius. After the time of Commodus we scarcely meet with a poet deserv- ing of the name. Latin prose likewise degenerated after the reign of Au- gustus : the philosopher Seneca, the instructor of Nero, exercised an injurious influence upon it by the rhetorical and afiected manner of his style, which was counteracted, though in vain, by the great rhetorician Quintilian. In th« 536 HISTORY OF KOM£. time of Hadrian and the, Antonines, there sprang up a sin- gular fondness for old-fashioned and rare words ,and ex- pressions, as we see in the works of Apuleius and Fronto. Historical writing labored under still greater disadvanta- ges ; for at that time men were obliged to be as cautious in what they said of their cotemporaries, and even of men of a by-gone age, as in any modem state where the cen- sorship exercises its despotism. Thus the Emperor Claudi- us was compelled to suppress his history of the civil wars because he had treated the subject in too honest a manner; and. Arulerius Rusticus and Herennius Senecio vv'ere put to death because they praised men whom they thought de- serving of commendation, but whom Domitian hated. Notwithstanding all this, there arose some historians of eminence, both in regard to their style and to the method of treating their subjects. Among these we mvist mentien Velleius Paterculus (a cotemporary and flatterer ofitTibe- rius), Suetonius, and, above all, the great Tacitus, a man who stands pre-eminent and alone in the corrupt age in which he lived. After the time of Commodus, historical composition sank to the very lowest state; and the only historian of any note, during the remaining period of the empire, was Ammianus Marcellinus, about A.D. 360. j- Augustus had given a great impulse to the arts, espetaal- ly \o architecture, by; which he and hfs friends adorned Rome, but his successor entirely neglected it. Nero was fond of the arts, but his bad taste prevented him from doing much good. Vespasian established a picture-gallery in the Temple of Peace ; and many an artist must have found employment in the Archof Titus and the Colosseum. The reign of Hadrian was the last flouiishing period of the arts, though the productions of that age are more distin^ished for finish and neatness than for simplicity and sublimity. The most important monuments executed at that perio3 were the column of Trajan, the Thermae, the Odeum, tlie arches of Trajan at Ancona and Beneventum, the Olym- pieum at Athens, the raagnific^it Villa of Hadrian near Tibur, and the numerous statues of Antinous and the em- pei'ors. While Rome was thus fast sinking in every respect, the Christian religion was quietly rising and spreading itself, apd, by the blessings it was destined to confer upon man- kind, was making more than an, lainple compensatibn for the falling greatness of Rome. The number of Christians IlISTOllY OF ROME. 537 had already become considerable in the western as well aa the eastern parts of the empire ; and all the terrors of per- secution, and all the opposition of pagan philosophy, were unable to stop its slow but steady progress ; for it contained all that was calculated to afford peace and comfort, and to inspire a certain hope of better things, for which oppresseo and suffering humanity was longing. Z2 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B.C. 753 753-716 715-673 A.n. 1 1-37 38-80 C73-642 642-617 80-112 112-136 617-579 136-174 579-535 174-218 535-510 218-243 510 243 509-507 503 501-499 499 244-246 250 252-254 254 495 493 258 260 491 486 262 267 485 268 484-483 483-475 48i2 269-270 270-278 271 481 272 480 479 273 274 477 476 475 473 472-471 276 277 278 280 281-282 Foundation of Rome. Romulus. The senate 200. Nnma. Pompilius. Regulation of the year and of religious ceremonies. Tullus Hostilius. Fall of Alba and origin of the plebs. Aucus Marcius. The foimder of the plebeian order. Extension of the city and of its territory. Ostia founded. Tarquinius Prisous. The senate increased to 300. Great works of public utility undertaken. Ser\'iu3 Tullius. Division of the whole people into 30 tribes. Institution of the comiiia trilmta, the census, and the comitia centuriata. Tarquinius Superbus. The constitution of Servius abrogated. Expulsion of Tarquinius and establishment of the republic. First treaty with Carthage. War with Forsenna. Rome besieged. Death of Valerius Publicola. War with the Latins. Battle of Lake Regillus. Conclusion of the mythical period of Roman history. Insurrection of the plebs. First secession of the plebs: appointment of tribunes of the plebs. Treaty concluded by Sp. Cqssitu with the Latin confederacy. War with the Volsciaus. Coi-ioli taken. League concluded by Sp. Cassius with the Hemicana. First agraiian law proposed. Sp. Cassius beheaded. Q. Fabius defeats the ^qui- ans and Volscians. The Curise assume the right of electing magistrates. War with Veii. Consulship of C. Julius and Q. Fabius, chosen by the centuries. The tribune Icilins endeavors to obtain the execn. tion of the agrarian law of Sp. Cassius. M. Fabius conciliates the plebeians. The consul K. Fabius proposes to distribute lands among the plebeians. Defeat of the Fabii by the Etruscans. Recovery of the Janiculum from the Eti-uscans. Impeachment of C. Servihus by the tribunes. The tribune Genucius assassinated. Publiliua Volero, trib. pi., carries bills to the efibci 540 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 471 282 470 283 468 285 405=-446 288-3( 463* 290 462 291- 461-456 292-2S 458 295 457 296 456 297 454 299 451 302 that the trib. pi. shall be elected by the comitia tributa, and that that assembly may pass plebiscita binding upon all the people. Ap. Claudius, the consul, deserted by his army. Ap. Claudius impeached, and commits suicide. Struggles between the patricians and plebeians. 288-307 Wars with the jEquians and Volscians. Pestilence at Rome. C. Terentillus Arsa, trib. pi., proposes a revision of the laws. 292-297 Struggles between the two orders. The same tribunes re-elected every year. Defeat of L. Minucius, Cincinnatus dictator. Tribunes increased from five to ten. The tribune Icilius compels the senate to take the plebiscitTira into consideration. Embassy sent to Greece. The decemvirs enter on their ofSce. I^aws of the ten tables promulgated. 450-449 303,304 Second appointment of decemvirs. Two additional tables of laws compiled. The patricians and their clients incorporated in the local tribes. 449 304 Defeat of two Roman armies by the Sabines and ^quians. Beti-ayal of Dentatus. 448 305 Death of Virginia. Second secession to Mous Sacer. Valerian laws increasing the power of the ple- beians. Impeachment of the decemvii-s. Defeat of the JSqtriana, Volscians, and Sabines. Defeat of the jEquians at Corbie. The tribune C. Canuleius proposes a bill to establish the connubium between the two orders. His col- leagues propose another, that one of the eousula shall always be a plebeian. Consular tribunes elected. The censorship instituted, and duumviri navales ap- pointed. Famine at Rome. Cincinnatus dictator. 8p. Marlins killed. Revolt of FidensB. War with Veil. Fidense reconquered. War with the .ffiquians and Volscians. War with Veii. 330-335 War with the Volscians and .ffiquians. Unsuccessfiil war with the Volscians. Pay decreed by the senate to the troops. 405-396 348-357 Siege of Veii. The city taken in the latter year by M. Fmius Camillus, dictator. 393 360 Distribution of the Veientine territory among the plebeians. 391 362 War with Vulsinii. "CamUlus goes into exile. The Gauls invade Etraria. 390 363 Battle of the Allia. The Romans debated by the Gauls. Rome taken and plundered. ^ 389 364 Rome rebuilt. The Latins and Hemtcans renounce 447 306 446 307 445 308 1 444 309 •443 310 440 313 439 314 438 315 435 318 431 322 426 327 423-418 330-3; 407 346 389-385 364-31 385 368 383 370 382 371 381 372 380 373 376 377 376-367 377-3i 371 368 382 385 366 387 365 363 362 388 390 391 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 511 their alliance with Rome. The number of ihe tribe3 increased to twenty-five. 364-368 Wars with 'the Etruscans, Volscians, and ^quinns. Wai* with Velitrse. Manlius condemned by the curiae, and treacherously killed. The Fomptine district assigned to the plebeians. War with Praeneste. Camillus, consular tribune. T. Qiiinctius Cincinnatns, dictator, takes Praeneste. Conclusion of the war against Antium. 377-386 Struggles between the two orders: anarchy at Eome. C. Licinius Stole and L. Sextius, trib. pi. every year. Tlieir legislation intended to improve the condition of the plebeians and to increase' their political power. Consular tribunes elected. Wai- with VelitriE. CamiUns and P. Manlius appointed dictators ; Ca- millus appointed again, and defeats the Gauls. L. Sextius first plebeian consul.' First appointment of praetor. Death of Camillus. Plague at Rome. L. Manlius, dictator. Impeachment of Manlius. Earthquake at Rome. Self-devotion of M. Cnrtius. ' 361 392 War with the Hemicaiis: defeat of the plebeian consul, L. Genucius. App. Clatidius, dictator. Inroad of the Gauls. T. Quinctus Pennus, dic- tator. Single combat of T. Manlius. ■ 360 393 Wai- with the Tiburtines and Gauls, who are de- feated. 359 394 The Tiburtines attempt to surprise Rome by night. 358 395 War with Tarqninii. Renews! of the alliance with Latimn. C. Sulpicius defeats the Gauls. C. Poetelius, trib. pi., proposes a law de ambititl ' 357 396 C. Licinius fined for an infraction of his own law. Ten per cent, made the legal rate of interest. Privemum taken. 356 397 Defeat of the Etruscans. C. Marcius Eutilua,i first plebeian dictator, defeats them a second time. Slaughter of Etruscan prisoners. " :. War with Ceere. Appointment ofcommissioners for a general liquida- tion of d*bts. War with the Tarquinians and Faliscans. The Gauls encamp in Latinm. Single combat of M. Valerius Connis. > Defeat^f the (&uls by L. Furius Camillus. Renewal of the treaty with^Carthage. Reduction of the rate of interest tol&re per cent. War with the Volscians. Satricum taken. Comnlencement of the first war with the Sattmites. Defeat of the Sanmites by M. Valerius Corvue. Insurrection of the plebeians at Eome, arid of the ii- anViy nt Canun. Vnlfirius'apjjriitited dWt'glor. 354 399 353 400 352 401 351 402 350 403 349 404 348 405 347 406 346 407 343 410 "■' 7 ' :*:■ 342 411 51!j CHHO.N'OLOGICAL TABLE. Geueral canceling of debts : various laws passed to diminish the power of the patricians. 341 412 Peace and alliance with the Samnites. 340 413 P. Decius and T. Manlius, consuls. The Romans reject the proposals of the Latins, and declare war against them. Self-devotion of Decius, and defeat ^ ol the Latins. Dissolution of the Latin confed- eracy, and distribution of their domain. 339 414 Renewal of war with the Latins. Q. Publilius Philo, dictator, succeeds in passing three bills to abolish the veto of the curias on the measures of the comitia centuriata and tributa, and ordaining that one of the censors shall always be a plebeian. 338 415 Subjugation of Latium concluded. 336 417 Peace with the Gauls. 330 423 Revolt of Fundi and Privemum. 329-328 424, 425 Colonies sent to Auxur and Fregellae. 327 426 War with the Neapolitans. 326 427 Commencement ol the second Samnite war. The Samnites defeated by Q. Fabius Maximus at Im- brininm. A law carried that no plebeian shall become a nexus. 321 432 Surrender of the Roman army at the Caudine forks. 320-319 433-434 L. Papirius Cursor defeats the Samnites. 318-317 435, 436 Truce with the Samnites. 315 438 The dictator Fabius defeated by the Samnites 314 439 Several defeats of the Samnites. Revolt of Capua. 313 440 Many towns taken by the Romans. Colonies founded. 312 441 The consul Valerius defeats the Samnites. App. Claudius, censor; divides all the low^ people among all the tribes ; constructs the Via Appia. Cn. Flavins publishes a calendar of the dies fasti and nefasti. 311 442 WarwithEtruriabreaksout. The Samnites defeated. 310 443 The Samnites defeat the consul C. Marcius. L. Pa- pirius Cursor, dictator, defeats the Samnites. Q. Fabius Maximus defeats the Etruscans. 308 445 Q. Fabius Majumus defeats the Samnites and their allies. Fabius, proconsul, takes AllifEe. War with the Hemicans. The Samnites defeated. Defeat of and truce with the Samnites. Peace concluded with Samnium. The ^Equians de- feated. The censors place all the low people in the four city tribes. 300 453 The Ogulnian law passed, ordaining that four of the pontiffs and five of the augurs shall always be plebeians. 299 454 Two new tribes formed of ^quians. 'The Roman territory invaded by the Gauls. 298 455 Commencement of the third Samnite war. The Samnites defeated at Boviaunm; the Etmscans at VolaterrjB. 397 456 Defeat of the Samnites and Apulians, ' 307 446 306 447 305 443 304 449 CHEONOLOOIOAL TABLE. 113 B.C. 295 I.e. 458 293-291 293 460-462 460 292 461 291 290 462 463 287 278 264 466 285 • 463 282 471 281 280 279 472 473 474 475 277 276 275 476 477 478 273 272 480 481 269 268 266 484 485 487 489 863-241 263 490-512 490 262 260 491 493 259 494 258 257 256 495 496 497^ 355 498 Great defeat of the Sanmites, Etruscans, and Gauls at Sentinum. Self-devotion of the consul P. Decius Mus. Famine -and epidemic at Rome. , Samuites totally defeated. First sun-dial set up at Bome. Defeat of Q. Fabius Gurges by the Samnites. Final defeat of the Samnites. Execution of C. Pontius, the Samnite general. Peace concluded with Samnium. War with the Sabines. Assignments of land in their territory. Last secession of the plebs. QTHortensins, dictator, abolishes the veto of the senate onthe legislative measures of the plebs. The Gauls besiege Arretium and defeat the Romans. Utter defeat of the Gauls and Etruscans. The relief of Thurii. The Tarentines attack a Roman fleet. War with Tarentum and Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus defeats the Romans on the Liris. The Romans defeated by Pyrrhus near Ascnlum. Defensive alliance concluded between Rome and Carthage. Truce with Pyrrhus, who goes to Sicily. The Romans defeat various nations of Italy. War in Samnium. Capture of Croton. Pyrrhus returns to Italy. Total defeat of Pyrrhus near Beneventum. He abandons Italy. Treaty concluded with Ptolemy Philadelphus. Conclusion of the war in Southern Italy. Tarentum taken. The era of a great change in the manners and mode of living among the Romans. First issue of silver coins at Rome. Commencement of the last Samnite war. Brundusium taken. Subjugation of Italy com- pleted. Change in the mode of filling up vacan- cies in the senate. Alliance formed with the Mamertines. The Romans land in Sicily and attack the Carthaginians. First gladiatorial exhibition at Rome. The first Punic war. Peace with Hiero. .ffldiles required to defray the expenses of the pnbHc festivals and games. Agrigentum taken. The first Roman fleet built. Duilius obtains the first naval victory over the Carthaginians. Attack on Sardinia and Corsica. Conspiracy at Rome. Successes of the Romans in Sicily. Naval victory ofi" Tyndaris. Naval victory off Ecnomus. The Eomana land in Africa. Begnlus takes Tunis, but is defeated and taken prii- 254 499 253 500 252 501 250 503 544 CHRON0L66I0AL TABLE. oner. Naval Victeiy off Cape Hermseum. - The Romans quit Africa. The Eoman fleet wrecked The second Ebman fleet built. Panormus taken. Tib. Conincanius first plebeian pontifex maximus. The Roman fleet ■wrecked. Metellus defeats the Carthaginians at Panormus. The Romans reject the proposal • for a peace. Third fleet buUt. Lilybaeum besieged. 249 504 Claudius Pulchei- defeated. The Eoman fleet wrecked. 948 505 The Carthaginians land in Italy. HamUcar Barca appointed their general. 247-244 506-509 Sieges of Lilybasum and Drepana. 243 510 Hamilcar defeated by C. Fundanius. A second praetor appointed. 241 512 Naval victory off the ^gatian islands. Peace con- cluded with Carthage. Sicily the first province. Revolt of Falerii. 240 513 The first tragedy produced at Rome by LiviuB An- dronicus. Ennios the poet bom. Sardinia and Corsica taken. War with the natives and vrith the Gauls. Hamilcar goes to Spain. Agrarian law of the tribune C. Flaminius. War with the Illyrians. Embassies to Athena and Corinth. Death of Hamilcar. Treaty vrith Hasdrubal. PlautuS the comedian born. Italy invaded by the Gauls. Defeat of the Gauls in Etrmia. The Boii submit. The Romans cross the Fo. '■ The Insnbrians defeated by C. Flaminius. The war mth the Gauls confcluded at the battle of Clastidium. Formation of the province of Gallia Cisalpina. Death of Hasdrubal. Pacuvius the poet bom. Second lUyrian war. Siege of Saguntum by Hanni- bal. First medical shop opened at Rome by a Greek. 535-551 The second Pmiic wai-. Hannibal crosses the Alps into Italy. Battles of the Ticinus and the Trebia. War in Spain. 317 536 Battle of Lake Trasimeuus. Q. Fabius Maximns elected, dictator. 216 537 Battle of CanniB. Revolt of Capua and many other cities. The war begins to turn in favor of the Romans. Death of Hiero. Successes of the Romans in Spain. 215 538 Hannibal repulsed at Nola. Capua blockaded by the Eomans. Hannibal encamps near Rome. Commencement of the first Macedonian" war. Sumptuary law of C. Oppius. 814-212 539-541 Siege of Syracuse by Marcellus. 212 541 Hannibal takes Tarentum. The Eomans defeated in Spain. 239 514 238 515 232 521 229 524 228 525 227 526 226 527 225 528 224 529 223 530 222 531 221 532 219 534 218-202 535-5i 218 535 ,OH«OMOS,(i)OICAfc TADLE. 545 B.R. A.U. .811 542 Capua taken by the Romans. Soipio Afrioanus ap- pointed to the command in Spain. Takes New - :Gar(hagie. The .ffitolians desert Philip of Mace- donia and join the Romans. 209 544 Tarentatn retaken- by Fabius. Soipio defeats the Carthaginians near Bsecula. i 908 545 Hasdrubal sets out for Italy. The Carthaginians evacuate Spain. 207 546 Hasdrubal arrives in Italy ; is defeated on the Me- taurus and slain. Insurrection in Scipio's artnj- The iEtoIians make peace vyith Philip. 206 547 Scipio crosses over into Africa ; concludes a treatj vrith Syphax. i 205 548 Scipio chosen consul, though under the legitimate age ; goes to Sicily. Peace concluded between the Romans and Philip. 204 549 Scipio lands in Africa; defeats .the Carthaginians and Syphax. Lex Cincia muneralis. 203 550 Death of On. Naevius, the poet. 202 551 Hannibal quits Italy for Africa. Battle of Zaraa, Peace concluded. Philip forms an alliance with Antiochus the Great. Sextus .ffilius Catus pro- mulgates the legal formulae. 201 552 Feace ratified. Scipio returns to Rome. The Roman dominion extends over Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, : Corsica, and a great part of Spain-; Carthage and Numidia dependent on it. The senate ap"pbint- ed guardian of Ptolemseils Epiphanes, king of Egypt. 200 553 The Gauls in Italy reduced to obedience. Com- mencement of the second Macedonian war, and of that against the Ligurians. Philip defeated at Antigoneia by Flamininus. Battle of OynoscephaltE ; Philip defeated; peacj concluded. Flamininus proclaims the independence of Greece. Antiochus takes possession of the Thracian Cher- sonesus.' Hannibal takes refuge at his court. 195 558 War vrith Nabis. Order restored in Spain by Calo Repeal of the Lex Oppia. Terence borji. Flamininus returns to Rome in triumph. The .£tolians invite Antiochns into Grecj 3. Antiochus enters Europe. War with Nabis. Antiochus and the .ffltolians defeated atThermopyio Peace TVith the JEXoVmns, The Romans defeat th^ fleet of Antiochus. 190 563 Antiochus defeated by L. Scipio at Magnesia. Peac-» concluded with him. 189 564 War with the .ffitolians. Peace concluded. Wa' . with the Galatians in Phi'ygia. 137 566 Scipio is accused by Cato of embezzlement, and re- tij.'es fi'ora Rome. 185 568 Death of Lucius Soipio (Asiaticus). 184 569 Cato, censor, expels L. Qninctius Flamininus from 198 555 197 556 * 196 557 194 55^ 193 SSO 192 .561 191 562 540 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. ihe senate. The senate forbids the erection of a theater in Borne. 183 570 Hannibal dies by taiing poison. Death of Scipio Africanus.* 182 571 Commissioners sent into Macedonia. Maanissa en- croaches on the territory of Carthage. iSl 572, The Lignrians transplanted to Samnium. War breaks out in Spain. Orchian sumptuary law- 150 573 The Villian law relating to magistracies passed. 179 574 Peace restored in Spain by Tib. Sempronius Grac- chus. Death of I'hilip of Macedonia. Perseus recognized as his successor. 178-177 575,576 War with the Istrians. Revolt in Sardinia and Cor- sica. Subjugation of the former. 174 579 The Carthaginians compelled to submit to Masinissa's encroachm«nts. The streets of Borne ordered to be paved. 172 581 Eumsnes goes to Bome to denounce Pe«eus. 171 582 Perseus declares war against Rome. 171-168 582-585 Third Macedonian war. 168 583 .Emilius Faulus defeats Perseus atPydna: end of the kingdom of Macedonia. The affairs of Greece settled and Epirus punished. Third lUyrian war ; conquest of Illyricum. A Eoman embassy compels Antiochus Epiphanes to quit Egypt. 167 586 JEiiaa and Fuiian law passed to check the power of the tribunes. 164 589 The Romans declai'e Antiochus V. king of Sjrria. 162 591 The Romans divide Egypt between Philometor and Physcou. 161 592 Fannian sumptuary law passed. 155 598 The Athenians send an embassy to Rome. 153 600 War in Spain against the Celtiberians and Lusita- nians. » 152 601 The Carthaginians take up arms against Masinissa. A law passed to levy the troops oy lot. 151 602 The Achaean hostages allowed to return to Greece. 149-146 604-607 The thu-d Punic war. 149 604 A pretender to the throne of Macedonia comes for- ward. Lex Calpjtmia depecitniis repetundis. 148 605 Carthage besieged. Death of Masinissa and Cato. Insun-ection m Greece. Battle of Pydna. 148-140 605-613 War with the Lusitanians under Viriatlius. 1 47 606 P. Cornelius Scipio (Africanus Minor) chosen consul to conduct the war in Africa. War declared be- tween Rome and the Achjeaus. Metellus defeats Critolaus. 146 607 Scipio's command continued. Carthage taken and razed to the ground. Mummius defeats the AchiEans, takes Corinth, Thebes, and Calchis, which are plundered and destroyed. * Vide notes * and 'f, r- 3^A, fi^r tho various dates assigned to these aTeot*. CBRONOLOOICAL TABLE. 547 ■ C. X.V- 143 610 Angther pretender in Maqedonia defeated. That countiy formed into a Koman-yrovince. Soipio censor. ] 43-133 610-620 War against Numantia. 140 613 A peace made with Numantia, but afterward denied by Q. Pompeius. Assassiuation of Viriathus. 138 615 ' D. Junius Brutus subdues Lusitania. 137 616 A peace made with Numantia, but declared invalid by the senate. 134 619 Scipio elected consul and sent against Numantia. Insurrection of slaves in Sicily. 133 620 Numantia destroyed ; a Roman province formed in Spain. Death of Attains Philometor, king of Fer- gamus. Tiberius Gracchus elected tribune of the people ; his legislation and murder. 132 621 Defeat of the slaves in Sicily. Scipio returns from Spain. 131 622 Both the censors plebeians. 131-130 622, 623 War in Asia Minor. 129 624 War in Asia Minor concluded. The kingdom of Pergamus formed into a Roman province. Death of Scipio. C. PapiriuB Carbo carries a law re- lating to the mode of voting. 136 627 The tribune M. Junius Pennus carries a law order- ing all aliens to quit Rome. Destruction of Fre- gellas. Flaccus defeats the Salluvii, and lays the foundation of the Roman dominion in Ganl. 126-122 627-631 War with the Allobroges and Arverni. 124 629 Cains Gracchus retiu'ns to Rome from Sardinia. 123 630 C. Gracchus elected tribune of the people. The ' Balearian islands subdued. 122 631 C. Gracchus re-elected. Carries a law giving judi- cial functions to the equites. Endeavors to con- fer the Roman franchise upon the Italians. 121 632 L. Opiipius consul. C. Gracchus fails in his suit for the tribuneehip; his murder. Formation of a Roman province in Gaul. C. Marius, tribune of the people. Death of Micipsa. Dalmatia subdued. Murder of Hiempsal. Death of Adherbal. 642-647 War against Jugurtha. The Romans compelled by Jugurtha to agree to a peace, which the senate refuses to ratify. 109 644 Q. Cae.cilius Metellus undertakes the command against Jugurtha. The consul M. Junius SUanys defeated by the Cimbri. 107 646 C. Marius, consul, assumes the management of the war against Jugttrtha. The Cimbri defeat tlie consul L. Cassius Louginus. 106 647 The war against Jugurtha brought to a clbse by his capture. 105 648 The Cimbri defeat Q. Servilius Cspio and Cn. Man- , liiw Maximus. 119 634 118 635 117 636 112 641 tll-106 642t6' 110 643 98 655 96 657 95 658 5-18 CUBONOLOaiCAL TABLE. fiC. A.U. 104-103 649, 650 Marins's second and third copsalship. 102 651 Marius iii his fourth consulship completely defeats the Teutoni near Aquae Sextise. 102-99 651-654 Servile war in Sicily. 101 652 Fifth consulship of Marius. Marius and Catulus de- feat the Cimbri near Verona. Agrariaa law car- ried by Satuvninua. 100 653 Sixth consulship of Marius, Execution of Satuminus and Glaucia. C. Julius Ceesar born, 12th of July. InsuiTection in Spaiii. War with the Celtiberians. The Romans obtain the kingdom of Cyreuaipa'.' ' Law earned by Licinius Crassus and Mucius Sceb- vola, forbidding the Italians to exercise the privi- leges of Roman citizens. 92 661 Sulla receives an embassy from the king of the Parthians and restores Ariobarzanes to the throne of Cappadocia. 91 662 M. Livius Dmsus legislates respecting- the adminis- tration of justice and the extension of the fran- chise. His assassination. 90-88 663-665 The Social or Marsic war. 90 663 L. Julius Goesar carries a law coufenTng the. fran- chise on aU the Latins. 89 664 The Marsians and Vestinians defeated at Asculum. The franchise granted to all the confederate towns of Italy, and the Latin franchise to the Transpadaiji, 88 665 The Umbrians and Etinscans receive the RbniiD. franchise. The Sanmites alone continue the war. Commencement of the first war with Mithridates. Sulla", consul, marches to Rome and outlaws Marius and his friends. ' 87 666 Cinna and Octavius consuls. Civil war in Italy be- tween the Marian and SuUauian pai'ties. Maijus returns to Rome. Massacre of his opponeiita. Sulla carries on the war against Mithridates in Greece. 86 667 Seventh consulship and death of Marius. Peace with the Samnites, who receive the Romau.fi^n- chise. Athens taken by Sulla. L. ValeriuaFlac. cus murdered by Fimbria in Asia. 85 668 Sulla defeats Archelaus at Chserouea and Orchome nos. Negotiations commenced. 84 669 Interview between Sulla and Mithridates. Peace concluded. Fourth consulship and death of Cinna. 83-81 670-672 Second war with Mithridates. S3 670 Sulla returns to Italy. Civil wai-. 82 671 Sulla enters Rome. First proscription. Sulla ftp- pointed dictator for an indefinite period. Ser- » torius goes to Spain. 81-80 672,673 Legislation of Sulla. Establishment of an oligarchy; colonies founded : the Ronian franchise conferred on 10,000 slaves. . 79 674 Sulla lays down the dictatorship. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 54^ B.C. A.U. 79-72 674-681 War against Seitorins in Spain: concluded in tlie latter year by his assasBination. 78 675 Death of Sulla. Civil war between Lepidus and Catulus. 78-67 675-686 War against the pirates in the Mediternmean 77-72 676-681 War against the Thraoians. 76-74 677-679 Attempts made to repeal various parts of Sulja's legislation. 74-63 679-690 Third Mithridatic war. 74 679 siege of Cyzicus by Mithridates : the town relieved by Lucijlus. 73-71 680-682 Servile wai- in Italy under Spartacus: Verres pro- praetor in Sicily. 72 681 M.LucuUussubduestheBessiandcrossesthe Danube. 70 683 Cn. Pompey and M. Crassus consuls. Sulla's laws respecting the tribunes and the administration of justice repealed. 69 684 Lucullus besieges Mithridates and Tigranes at Ti- granocerta; the city taken. 68 685 Insurrection iu the army of Lucullus. 67 686 Pompey invested for three years with the supreme command in the Mediterranean. Brings the war against the pirates to a close. Crete subdued by L. MetelluB. Lucullus supersededinhis command. 66 687 Pompey appointed to conduct the war^igainst Mith- ridates, whom he defeats on the Euphrates ; c'on- cludes a peace with Tigi'anes. Catiline's first conspiracy. 65 688 Caesar becomestheavowedheadoftheMaiian party. 63 690 Cicero consul: discovers and frustrates Catiliiie's second conspiracy. Death of Mithridates : Pom- pey constitutes Syria with Phoenicia a Roman province: besieges and takes Jerusalem. 62 691 Catiline defeated and slain. Pompey lands in Italy. Csesai- appointed praetor. .._ 61 692 Pompey arrives at Rome. Caesar in Spain. 60 693 Caesar returns to Rome. Formation of the first triumvirate. 59 694 Cssar's first consulship; carries an agrarian law. Receives the provinces of Cisalpine and Transal- pine Gaul and Dlyricum for five years. 58-50 695-703 Cassar's campaigns in Gaul. 58 695 Clodius tribune ; Cicero goes into exile and is ont- « lawed. 57 696 Cicero recalled. Pomjpey invested vrith extraoiw dinary powers. Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, comes to Rome. 55 698 Second consulship of Pompey and Crassus. Csesar's a4ministration of Gaul prolonged for five years. Cssar crosses the Rhine and lauds in^ Britain. Ptolemy Auletes restored by A. Qabinius. Cras- sus goes to Syria. , 54 699 Secona invasion of Britain by Caesar. Crasstis en- ters Mesopotamia. ,.,.. .• 650 CHRONOLOGICJAL TABLE. B.C. A.O. 53 700 Cassar again crosses the Rhine. Death of Crassns, and destraction of his army by the Farthiaus. Death of Clodius. Riots at Rome. 52 701 Iiisun-ection iu Gaul. Cassar besieges Gergovia, and takes Alesia and Vercingetorix. Pompey sole consul for five months. 51 702 Cicero appointed governor of Cilicia. Marcellua proposes measures hostile to Caesai-. 50 703 CsEsar enters Cisalpine Gaul : gives up two legions at the request of the senate. 49 704 Commencement of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. Pompey quits Italy. Csesar goes to Rome. Campaigns in Spain, Africa, &c. Caesar dictator for eleven days. 48 705 Caesar follows Pompey into Greece. Battle of Pharsalus. Assassination of Pompey. Alexan- drine war. CsEsar appointed dictator for a whole year. M. Autony governs in Italy. 47 705 Phaniaces defeated by Caesar, who returns to Rome, restores order there, and is named dictator for another year. Lepidus, master of the horse. 46 707 African war. Defeat of the Pompeiaus at the batfle of Thapsus. Death of Cato, and surrender of Utica. CaBsar reforms the calendar. 45 708 War against the sons of Pompey in Spain. Battle of Munda, and conclusion of the war. Caesar ap- pointed consul for teu years, and dictator and censor for life, ^diles cereales appointed. 44 709 Fifth consulship of Caesar; he adopts his great nephew, M. Octavius; endeavors to obtain the title of king ; is assassinated on the 15th of March. M. Antony and Dolabella consuls. Octavius ar- rives at Rome. Preparations for civil war. An- tony declared by the senate a public enemy. 43 710 Civil wai' in the north of Italy between Antony and the senate. Ootavianus consul. The murderers of Caesar outlawed. Octaviauus, Antony, and Lep- idus form the second trium\'irate. The second proscription. ' Death of Cicero on the 7th of De- cember. Ovid born. 43 711 War in Greece between the republican party., and thetriumvirs. BattleofPhilippi; death of Cassius. Second battle of Philippi, and death of Brutus. Distribution of lands among the veterains in jtaly. 41 712 War of Perusia. Antony in Asia and Egypt. 40 71^ War with the Parthians. Antony returns to Italy. War between him and Octavianus. A new al- liance formed between them at Brundusium. 39 714 Interview between the triumvii-s and Sextus Pom- peius. Antony goes to Athens. 38 715 War between Octavianus and Pompeiusj 37 716 Antony comes to Tarentum with 300 ships. I^je office of the triumvirs continued for ^e years CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 561 ■.o. A.U. 36 717 FompeiuS attacked in Sicily, aud compelled to fleo into Asia. Lepidus ceases to be oue of tlie trium- virs. Antony commences the war against the Parthians, but without success. 35 718 Pompeius put to death at Miletus. Octavianus • wages war against the Japydes aud Pannoniana. Antony repadiates Octavia. 34 719 Antony invades and subdues Armenia. Octavianns proceeds to Dalmatia. 33-32 720, 721 Second and third consulships of Octavianus, who remains at Rome. "War declared against Antony at the end of the latter year. 31 722 Battle of Actium, in which the fleet of Antony and Cleopatra is totally defeated, 2d of September. Octavianus proceeas to the East. 30 723 War in Egypt. Death of Antony and Cleopatra. Egypt made a Roman province. Conspiracy form- ed by M . Le jJidus, who is arrested and put to death. 29 724 Octavianus returns to Rome and celebrates a three- fold ti-iumph. The Temple of Janus closed. End of the Roman republic. 27 726 Octavianus receives the titles of Avgvsius and /m- perator. Division of the provinces between him and the senate. War with the Dacians. 27-24 726-729 Augustus conducts the war in Spain against the Oantabri. 25-13 728-740 War against the Alpine tribes, who are at length completely subdued. 24 729 Augustus formally exempted from all laws. Un- , successful expedition into Arabia Felix. 23 730 Augustus is invested with the tribunician power for life. Death of his nephew Maicellus. 22 731 Conspiracy against Augustus discovered and sup- pressed. Candace invades Egypt. 20 733 War in Africa. The Parthians restore the Roman standards. Embassadors come to Augustus frona the Scythians and India. 19 734 Death of Virgil. 16 737 The Romans defeated by the Germans. 16-13 737-740 Augustus in Gaul. 12 741 Death of Lepidus. Augustus becomes pontifex max- imus. Death of Agnppa. Tiberius marries Julia. W^ars in Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Germany. 12-9 741-744 Campaigns of Drusus in Germany ; his death in the latter year. The Emperor Claudius bom. Lex Fapia Poppsea passed. Tiberius defeats the Germans, and transplants 40,000 of them to the left bank of the Rhine. 6 747 Tiberius receives the tribunician power for fiv» jears, aud retires to Rhodes. 4 or 3 749 or 750 Birth of Christ." 1 752 Cains Caesar made consul and sent to Asia • Vw»« Bot«. p. 10 743 9 744 8 745 A.D. -Il.V. 2 755 4 757 5 758 552 CHftONOLOGICAL TABLE. Julia exiled : Tiberius returns to Rome. ,.!. Tiberius adopted by Augustus. DeathbTCaius CiSar Tiberius assumes' the command on the Rhine. The country between the Rhine and the We.ser form- ed into a province. ;,« 6 759 Preparations for war against the Marcomanni. Re- volt of the Pannonians and Dalmatians. 7-9 760-762 War with them', and their submission in the latter year. 8 761 Death of Maecenas and Horace. 9 762 Destruction of the Roman army under "Varus by the Cherusoi, and loss of the province east of the Rhine. 14 767 Census held. Death of Augustus at Nola, 19th,of August. 14-37 767-790 Reign of Tiberius. 14 767 Insurrections among the legions in Pannonia andpn the Rhine. 14-16 777-769 Campaigns of Ge»manicus in Germauy. 17 77p Germanicus triumphs at Rome, and is sent intone Bast. Death of Ovid. 19 772 Death of Germanicus near Antioch. Campaigns of Drusus in Germany. 20-31 773-784 Sway of Seiauus. 21 7'74 Subjugation of Gallic insurgents. 22 775 War in Numidia. , ^ 23 766 The castra prmtoria formed at Rome. Drusus poisoned by Seianus. 26 779 Tiberius withdraws to the island of Capreae. 28 781 Revolt of the Frisians. 29 782 Tiberiufl's relatives banished. Death of his mother Livia. ,;. 3] 784 Fall and execution of Seiauus. 33 786 Death of Agrippina and Drusus. 37 790 Tiberius murdered by Macro, in March. 37-41 ,790-794 Reign of Caligula. 37 790 Puts to death many of his own relatives and friends. The emperor Nero bom. 38 791 Death of Drusilla. _ V 39 792 Caligula goes into Gaul. A conspiracy against him discovered and suppressed. 40 793 Sets out on an expedition to Britain. 41 794 Caligula murdered, 24th January. 41-54 794-807 Reign of Claudius. Wars with the Germans ' 41 794 The emperor proclaims an amnesty. 42 795 A conspiracy discovered. Mauritania divided into two provinces. 43-51 796-804 War ia Britain. ■ • r '' '43' 796 Claudius iii Britain. - . 44 . 797 Death of Agrippa. Judiea and Samaria placed nn "■ der Roman governors. i 47 800 The Chernsoans apply to Claudius for a king. "Tho Frisians subdued. '■-!',! 48 801 Etfeeiition of Messalina. Claudius marries Agnp nins. whose son. Nero, he adopt*. A.D. A.S. SO 803 51 804 54 807 54-68 807-8S 54-59 807-81 54 807 56 809 58 8U 60 813 61 814 62 815 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 553 War with the Parthians. Colonia Agrippiuafbuttded. Caractasus taken prisoner and sent to Borne. The southeastern part of Britain formed into aproyinco. Claudius poisoned, 13th of October. 807-821 ReignjjfNero. 807-812 Nero governs with prudence and moderation. an-r ' ^gj. ^(h the PartWans in Armenia. Britannicns poisoned. Tiridates driven out of Armenia. Agiippina, Nero's mother, murdered by his order. Complete subjugation of Armenia. InsuiTection in Britain under Boadicea. The emperor's wife, Ootavia, banished, and soon afterward murdered. The Parthians again invade Armenia. 64 817 Conflagration at Home. First persecution of the Christians, 65 818 A conspiracy against Nero discovered and suppress- ed. Lucan, the poet, and Seneca put to death. 66 819 Tiridates, king of Armenia, comes to Rome to re- ceive his crown from the emperor. 87 820 Nero goes to Greece, and enters the contests at the Olympian games. Insurrection of the Jews. 'Ves- pasian appointed to the conunand against them. 68 831 Insurrection in Gaul. Servius Galba proclaimed em- peror. Nero kills himself on the 9th of June. 68-69 821-822 Beign of Galba. A. ViteUius appointed to command on the Rhine. Otho fbrms a conspiracy against Galba, who is murdered in the forum, January, A.D. 69. 69 822 Beign of Otho. The praetorians appoint their own commander. Vitelnus proclaimed emperor by the legions on the Rhine. War between Otho and ViteUius. Otho kills himself on the 16th of April. 69 822 Reign of ViteUius. Vespabian proclaimed emperor at Alexandria. The army of ViteUius defeated at Bsdriacum. Rome taken, and ViteUius kiUed, on the 20th of December. 69-79 822-832 Beign of Vespasian. Order and discipUne restored. The Colosseum built. 70 823 Vespasian arrives at Rome. Jerusalem taken by his son Titus. War in Gaul. 71 824 Disturbances in Britain. A^ricola goe^s thither 74 827 Helvidius Prisca put to death. 77 830 Agricola appointed governor of Britain. 79 832 Conspiracy formed against the emperor, buf dis- covered : he dies, on the 23d of June. 79-81 832-834 Reign of Titus. Peace throughout the empire. 79 832 Eruption of Vesuvius, and destruction of Hercu- laneum, Stabiae, and Pompeii. 80 833 Great fire at Rome, followed by a pestilence. 81 834 Inauguration of the Colosseum. Death of Titos, on the 13th of September. A A 554 CHRONOLpQICAL TABI^B. A.D X.V. 81-96 834-849 Beign of Domitian. 84 837 The emperor conducta a war against the Chatti, and assumes the name of Germanicus. Agricola de- feats the Catedonians vmder <3alga£nB. 85 838 Agricola recalled to Rome. 86 839 Birth of the emperor Antoninus Pjus. 86-90 839-843 War against the Dacians. 90 843 War against the Quad! and Marcomanni : Domjtian defeated by them, concludes a peace with the Dacians. 91 844 Insurrection euid defeat of L. Antonius in Germany. 95 848 Persecution of the Jews and Christians. 96 849 Conspiracyformedbytheemperor'swife and others: Domilian assassinated, 18th of September. 96t98 849-851 Beign of Nerva, who attempts to combine political freedom and the sovereign power of the monarch. 97 850 The emperor adopts M. Ulpius Trajaii. 98 851 Death of Nerva on the 27th of January. 98-117 851-870 Beign of Trajan. 99 852 Trajan arrives at Bome : first idea of a public sys- tem of education. 100-102 853-855 War with the Dacians, who are compelled to sue for peace. 104 857 War with the Dacians. Trajan constructs a stone bridge over the Danube. 105 858 Dacia formed into a Boman province. Arabia * Petraea subdued. 114 867 War with the Farthians. Armenia made a Boman province. The columna Trajana erected at Bome. 115 868 Trajan subdues Assyria £ind Parthia. 116 869 Eevolt of the Assyrians and Parthians. 117 870 Trajan enters Arabia; while returning to Bome, dies in Cilicia on the 9th of August. 117-138 ,870-891 Beign of Hadrian. ' 117 870 Hadrian proclaimed emperor at Antioch. Be- nounces all conquests east of the Euphrates. 118 871 Hadrian returns to Bome; sets out for Moesia! a conspiracy against him discovered : returns to • Italy. War against the Sarmatse. 119 872 The emperor begins a journey through all the prov- inces of the empire, beginning with Gaul and Germany. 121 874 Goes to Britain, Gaul, and Spain. The emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus born. Hadrian returns to Rome : goes to the East. 875-878 The emperor at Athens. Visits Africa and the east: returns to Athens. The Edictum perpettium promulgated. Insurrec- tion of the Jews in Syria. The emperor adopts L. iElius Verus. Death of Verus: Hadrian adopts Antoninus Pius' dies on the 10 th of July. 138-161 891-914 Beign of Antoninus Pins. Nearly unbroken peaci 122 875 122-125 875-8 129 882 131 884 135 838 138 891 SHRONOLOOICAL TABLE. 555 over the whole empire : the Christians tolerated and protected. 141 894 The Brigantes defeated in Britain. 145 898 Marriage of M. Aurelius to the emperor's daughtei Faustina. 153 986 Conflagrations at Narbonne, Antioch, and Carthage 161 914 Death of the emperor on the 7th of March. 161-180 914-933 Reign of M. Aurelius Antoninus. 161 914 Birth of the Emperor Comraodus. L. Verus made the emperor's colleague. 162-166 915-919 War with the Parthians, who are compelled to sue for peace. 167 920 Pestilence at Rome. 167-174 920-927 War with the northern tribes. 169 922 The emperor's return to Rome. Death of Verus. 174 927 Great victory over the Quadi. Insurrection ot Avidius Cassias in Syria. 175 928 Aurelius in the East. 176 929 Returns to Rome: makes his son Commodos his colleague. 177-180 938-933 War with the Marcomanni. 177 938 Persecution of the Christians in GauL 180 933 Death of Aurelius at Vienna on the ITth of March. 180-192 933-945 Reign of Commodus. 182 935 Conspiracy formed against the emperor by his sister. 184 937 The Caledonians defeated- '186 939 The legions in Britain demand the deposition of Ferennis. 189 942 Cleander, his successor, torn in pieces by the pops- lace at Rome. 192 945 AssassinationofCommodusontbeSlstofDecember. 193 946 The reign of Pertinax for three months, when ha was assassinated. The sovereignty aold to Didius Salvius Julianas 476 1229 The overtiiro-w of the Western Empire. INDEX. Aboabos, S16. Aboligines, B-ll. Acamanians, 274, 279. Achaeans, 271, 273, 275, 277, 279, 300, 307, 310-312. Achaia, 311 ; proyince of, 313, 442, 519. Acilius Glabrio, M., 279. Acrocorinthus, 277, 279. Actium, batUe of, 44a Adheibal, 340, 341. Adis,224. AdTDmetnm, 266, 267. Aebutins, T., 91. Aediles, plebeian, 99, 107, 123 ; patrician, 146, 208, 236, 324, 418, 455, 533. Aedui, 400, 404, 405, 4S7. Aegatian islands, battie off, 333, 334. Aelius Catus, Sex., 324 ; Gallus, 449, 450, 473 ; Gracilis, 503. Aemilins, Tib., 110 ; Mam., 125, 137 ; L., 171 J Q., 176 ; Papus Q., 189, 196, 197 ; Barbnla,' L., 192, 193 ; M., 336 ; Papus, L., 243 ; Paulns, L., 355, 356 ; (n.), 299, 300 ; Scanrus, M., 341 ; Lepidas, M., 370, 371 ; Panlus, L. (HI.), 408. Aegnians, 48,69, 96, 101, 103, 104-106, 109- 112, 118, 123, 127, 128, 138, 173, 175. Aescnlapios, 186, 211. Aetna 443 AetoUans, 371-273, 275-277, 278-280, 282. A&anlDB, 411, 413, 417. Afiica, first campaigns of the Romans in, 223-226, 350; Scipio in, 264-268; 2d 8cipio in, 307-326 ; province of, 309, 369, 374, 411, 412, 417-419, 441, 474, 487, 519. Agrarian law, first, 102, 103, 107, 110 ; of Licinius, 143, 144, 147, 330 ; of C. Fla- minins, 239, 251 ; of Tib. Graclms, 33(K 332, 336 ; of Satnminus, 349 ; of J. Cae- sar, 393. Agrieola, Cn. Jnlins, 509, 511, SIS, 531. Agricnltnie, 60, 79, 212, 394, 457, 533. Agrigentnm, 318, 319. Agittm, M. Vipsaniua, 431, 437, 443, 447, 446,46^467,468,473,475,476,48! ; Po» tmnns, 484 ; (grandson ofM.), 498. Agrippina (wife of Germanicns), 486, 489 ; (wife of ClaadiuB), 495-500. Ahala, C. Serrilios, 136. Alba tonga, 14, 37, 40. Alban Lake, 139. Albanians, 3$5, 520. Alesia, 405. Alexander ofEpima, 166. Aleundria. 416, 445, 446, 448, 449, 506. lAIgidns, Mount, 110, HI, 118, 123, 128. Aliso, 476, 479, 480. AlUa, battle of the, 133, 139. Allobrogea, 248, 335, 389, 40a Alpine tribes, 475. Alps, passage of, by Hannibal, 248, 349 ; by Hasdrubal, 363, i03, 330. Ambiorix, 404. Ambrones, 345. Ammianos Marcelllnus, 536> Amulius, 18. Anagnia, 195. Ancus Marcius, 41-44. Andeiion, 476. Andiiscus, 310, 311. Anicetus, 499. Anicins, L., 299. Annius, L., 162 ; C, 374. Antigoneia, battle of, 275. Antioch, 486,"«16, 517, 532, 534. Antiochns the Great, 371, 277-282 ; Epiph- anes,297, 301;Eupator, 302; (xin.), 365' Antium, 110, 138, 139, 155, 161, 498. Antonia, (daughter of Emperor Claadina), 501. Antonius Pius, Emperor, 520-523. Antonlus, M. 362 ; (n.), 379 ; C, 389, 390 ; M. (in.) (triumvir), 409, 414, 417, 418, 433-425,437-449; C. (n.),412,4S9,436; L., 439 ; Primus, 506 ; L. (n.) 513. ApoUoQia, 214, 272, 274, 430. Appian-road and aqueduct, 184. AppiUB Herdonins, 113. v Appins, Sp., 119-123. Appius, Norbanus, L., 513. AppnleiUB Satnminus, L., 349, 350. Appuleius, L., 131 ; (ii.), 536. Apronius, L., 487. Apulia, 255, 259. Apulians, 167-173, 353. Aquae Sextiae, battle near, 347. Aquileia, 284. AquUius, C, 221 ; M'., 319, 348 ; Glabrio M'., 383, 384! Aqultania, 401. Arabia Felix, 473 ; Fetnea, 518, StT. Archagatbos, 293. ArehelauB, 357, 359, 360, 369. Archimedes, 260. Ardea, 70-72. ArgOB, 277, 279. Arlarathes, 282, 302, 356. Aricia, 88. Ariminum, 243, 250-253, 363. Ariobaizanes, 351, 369, 386. Ariovistus, 400; 401. Arlstobolus, 385. bb9 INDEX. Aristouiciis, 319, 356. Army, coustitutton of, 209, 810, 455, 456. Armenia, 384-386, 445, 446, 474, 481, 486, 496, 502, 503, 516, 518, 523, 525. Arminiua, 479, 485v 496, Amo, River, 252. .| 'ij. Arretium, 189. ■' "''' Arsa, C. TerentiUus, 112; bis bill, 114, 115. Arsaces, 351. ArtabanuB, 486, 496. Arts, state ,'o( at Rome, 188, 213, 214, 289, 293, 461, 462, 536. " ' Arulenus Rusticus, 513, 536' Arvemi, 400, 4Q4, 405. . Ascanlus, or litlus, 14. Asculnm, 201, 353, 354. Asia Minor, 278, 280, 281, 319, 351, 35*, 357, 362, 363, 381-383, 440, 457, 519, 522. AsiniuB FolUo, 441, 459, 461, 467. Assyria, 516, 518. Astapa, 262. Astronomy among the Romans, 293. Asturcs, 473. Atbenion, 348. Athena, embassy to, 115; 241; 274, 277 ; embassy from, 292 ; besieged by Sulla, 359, 442, 448, 475, 519, 526. Atilius Regulns, M., 130 ; Calatiniis, A., 222, 223, 227, 231 ; C, 229, 242. Atinius Labeo, C, his lavf,'334. Atius Varus,' M., 412. ' AttaluS,' 271,'273-275 ; Philometor, 318. Atlius 1'iUliiu, 100-102. Attus Navius, 48, 52. Aufidus,'255. Augura, 33, 34, 48, 147, 186, 321, 367. Auimsta Fraetoiia, 475 ; Vindelicorum, m ;• AUgUBtli's,' Emperor C^de OctaTiue), 465- 484; 531, 333,535, S6. AureliUB Scaurus, M„ 345 ; Cotta, L., 367, 371,378; Gotta, C, 371,- Cotta, Mi, 382; Emperor, 520, 524-5&!', 531. Auruncans, 90, 95^ Auaoniana, 171. Avaricum, 40(li Aventine Hill, 19, it-44, 55, 56, 115, 119, 120. Avidius Caesins, 525, 526. .i... , B. Bacchus, orgies of, introduced into Rome, 287:-'--' ; ■'" ■ Baebiua TampUlus, M., 283. Baecula, battle of, 262. Bagrada«,''B66.; • Balearian Islands, 264, 340 Barcocbab, 520.- Bastamae, 297, 298. Batavi, 476, 508, 509. Bato, 478. Bedriacum, battle of, 505, 506. Belgae, 345, 401, 403, 405. BeneTentum, 156 ; battle-o^ 199. Beiloua, 497. BessI, 386. Bestla, 390. Bitinynta, 3fn', 331-084. Boadicea, 503. ' Bocchus, 343, 418. Boeotians, 275, 279, 359. Bohemia, 478, 487. Ijoii, J89, 190, 239, 241, 242, 283. Boionx,i345. BoDOttia, 283, 432, 433. Books and booksellers, 459, 535. Bosjporus, Kingdom of, 386. BbViamuh, battle near, 178. Bozra, or Byrsa, 308, 309. Brennua,132, 135. Bribery, 452, 453. Bridge, tirst at Rome, 43, 86.- Brigantes, 498, 509, 523. Britain, 402,403; 493, 497, 498, 503, 504, 50% 519, 523, 529, 531. Britanmcua, 495, 499. Bnicteri, 476, &7. Brundusium, 201, 410, 411, 413, 416, 42Sw 430, 439, 441, 449, 475. • Brultians, 190, 200, 257. Brutlium, 263, 265. Brutus, L. Juniua, 70-73, 81-63, 85 ; D. J» mua,167; (II.) 237; M. Junius, 371 : D_ 411, 429,433 ; M. Cn.), 424-429, 433, 435^ 438. Burrus Afranius, 495, 49^-500. C. Caccs, 10. CaecUius, L., 189. Caecina, A., 485, SOS, 509. Caedicius, M., 135. Caelian Hill, 27, 39) 40, 43. Caeparius, 389. Caere, 72, 134, 138, 153, 154. Caesar, C. Julius, 350 (ll.), 372, 384, 386, 390,391-431; GaiuB,481; Luciu»,-48l. CaeBenniua PaetUB,-L., 503. Caesonia, 492, 494. Calchis, 277, 279, 280, 312, 359, 360. Cfdedoniana, 512, 529. Calendar, reformation of by Caesar, 42(^ 421. Cales, 166; Caligula, Emperor, 489-493. Calpumius Flamma, C, 222 ; Piso, L.,307jj his law, 324 ; Bestia, L., 341 ; BibuluB, M., 392, 393, 407i 413, 414 ; Piso, L. (II.), 394, 395 ; Piso, L. (nr.), 453 ; Kso, L. (lyj, 500. - CalvisiuB^ 443. Camaiina, 222^ Camerinum, 348. CamiUus, M. ForiuB, 129^-131, 134, l3S, 137- 139, 145, 146, 148 ; L. Furini, 154, ISS, 164, 168. Campania, 354, 355, 363. Campanians. 156-160, 162. 163, 167, ITSi 179,181,195,215,857,856,353, Campanian legion, 194, SOL Campi Raudii, battle of,'34T. Candace, 474. CanidiUB, 448. Pannee, banle of ^ as& Cantabtii 473. ,,'. ■ Cantileius, Ci'iai cqittoi loe, 113, 114, 134, 135, soet see, SW. INDEX. &:(j CaBUaUne oil, 22, 4% 67. > Cappadocia, 331, 336^369^ 331, 383, 386, 486. Capreae, 489, 490. Capua, 157, 159-164, 167, 171, 256-261, 393, 418. Caractacus, 497. 49a Carbo, C, 364. Camutes, 404. Carrhae, 406. Carthage, first treaty with, 85, 155 ; embas- sy from, 159 ; aQiaace with, 197 ; in pos- session of Sidly,198t causes of the first war with, 202, 215-218; its resources compared with those of Rome, 218 ; first war with, 218-234 ; fiunine and pestilence at^ 234 ; peace witli, 234 ; intestine war at 238 ; eauses of the second war with, 238, 239 J embassies to, 245, 246 ; second war wiUi, 21&-268 ;' consequences of it, 268-271, 278, 297 ; causes of the third war with, 303-306 ; third war with, 306- 310, S^ Carthage, New, 244, 345, 247, 262, 264. Carthalo, 231, 232. Cartimandua, 498. Carvillus, Sp, 180, 181, 200. Casca, 425. Casilinum, 254. Casinum, 254. Cassina, Sp., 97, 99, 102, 103 ; Longinus, L, 345, 348 ; C, 37T; Longinus, C, 407, 4SA, 425, 438, 429, 433, 435-137 ; a, 409 ; Cassivelaunus, 403. Catiline, 365, 387-390. Cato, M. Porcius, 280, 284, 285, 287-289, 292, 294, 304, 303, 307, 314 ; (n.), 373, 390, 391, 396, 397, 402i 403, 407, 412, 417, 419, 424. Catnalda,.4S7. Catullus, C. Valerius, 460. Catulns, Q,, Lutatius, 365, 370, 380, 384. CBudine Forks, battle Bt, 169. Celtiberiana, 284, 303, 313,317, 320, 346, 373, 374, 421. Censors, 125, 165, 208, 325, 454, 455. Census, 60, 61. CestiuB Gallus, 503. CethegOB, 389. Cbaeronea, battle o( 359. Chalcedon, 382. Chatti, 476-478, 485, 486, 512. Chauci, 496. Cherusci, 476, 47!', 479, 486, 496, 497. Chosroes, 516, 518. Clnutiana, 500, 513, 533, 527, 536. Chrysogonus, 368. Cicero, U. TulUni, 368, 373, 384, 387-3901 392:^98, 409, 411, 416^ 427, 430-432^ 434, 435,460,461: a, 394, 403, 404,435; M. (110,435. CiUi^ 379, 380, 386, 398, 440. Cimber, TiBius, 435. Cimbri, 344-349. Cincinnatns, L. Quinctiiu, lU, US, 114, 126; T;-Quinctius, 139, 160. Cincins Alimentiu, M„ bia law, 323. Cineat, 198, 195k 197. niiiii% L. ConmUni^ 358, 360-383. Cuma, Cn. Cornelius, 472. Circeii, 101. Circus Maximus, 47. Classes, as arranged by Servius, 60-65. Clastidium, battle of, 243. Claudius, App., 90, 94-96, 104; (n.), 150, (in.), 178-180; (iv.), the Blind, 183-185, 195 ; Regillensis, 108, 109, 114, 117-119, 121, 122 ; Craesus, 145 ; Marcellus, M., 243, 258-260; (ll.). 314; App. (v.), 316, 217; Pulcher, P., 230, 231 ; Nero, C, 263 ; App. (VI.), 330, 332 ; App. (vn.), 382, 386, 394 j Marcellus, M. (iJ.), 408; Marcellus, C, 408 ; Emperor, 494-498, 531, 536 ; Civilis, 508, 509. Cleander, 528, 529. Cleon, 318. Cleopatra, 415, 416, 439, 440, 446-449. Clodius, P., 383, 394-398,' 407. Cloelia, 87. Cloelius, Gracchus, HI, 112. Cloilius, C, 37. Clupea, K3, 226. Clusium, 85, 89, 132, 133, 180, 242, 252, Cocceius, L., 441. ' Codes, Horatius, 86. ^ Coinage, 326. Colchis, 384, 385. Collatia, 71. Collatinus, L. Tarquinius, 70-78, 81. Colonia, Agrippina (Cologne), 497, 514J Colonies founded, 100; conslitutioh of, - 203-204, 268. 338, 354, 366, 381, 393, 423, 439. Colosseum, 508, 510, 536. Cominius, Pontius, 135. Commerce of the Bomans, 212. 269, 294, 457, 458, 531, 534. Commodus, Emperor, 526-530, 535, 536. Consuls, when hrst appointed, 73; their powers, 80; how chosen, 104, 105, 110 j proposal to restrain the powers o^ 112 ; that one of them should always be a pie* beian, 124, 143 ; that proposal carried. 146 ; t2iat both might be so, 161 ; -poweiB o{ 206, 207 ; sole consul, 398, 40^ 466. Corbio, 1152. Corcyra, 448. Corfinium, 353, 411. Corinth, 241, 275, 277, 311^313, 423, 449. Coriolanus, C'Harcius, 100, 101. Corioli, 100. I Cornelia, 329. Cornelius Cbssus, A., 138, 14(L 157, 168 ; L., 167 ; P., 174 ; Scipio, L, ITO, 179, 181 , (n.), 363, 364 ; Lentulus, P., 199 ; Lento- lus, Cn., 268 ; Cethegus, P., 283 ; Rufihiis, P., 183 ; Merula, L., 362 ; Sqipio Naeica, P., 331-333 ; LentoluB, P. (ii.), 396, SaT; DolabeUa, P., 418, 439, 430, 436 ; C, 454 ; Balbus, L, 474; Sabinus, 493; Fainu 516,518. ^^ Comelii, 366, 368. Corsica, 221, 239, 269, 384, 303, 443, 4». Coruncanius, Tib., 193, 195, 236. Cothon, 308. pourt-martia], 109. Crassos, U, Lisinivs, 372i377,37& 388, 39l- 38^ SB7, 408, 407 ;' M., 101 ; (it.), 478. 560 INDEX. Cremona, 343, 283, Crete, 379, 429. Crispina, 526, 528. Critolaua, 311, 312. Croton, 198. CruBtumeria, 91. Cuma, 92. Curio, C, 408, 412. CuTius Dentatua, M'., 183, 187, 189, 199 ; Curias, 389. Curtius, M., 150. Cynoacephalae, battle ot 275. Cyprus, 301, 396, 415, 445. Cyrenaica, 351. Cyrene, 417, 429. Cyzicus, 382. D. Dacia made a province, 516, 518, 531. Dacians, 473, 512, 513, 515, 516. Dalmatia, 303, 447, 476, 478. Danube, 470, 473, 478, 479, 487, 512, 516, 525, 531. Dardanians, 386. Debt^ Roman law of, 93, 94 ; proposals of LiciniuB and others as to, 143, 148, 161, 165. Decebalua, 512, 516. Decemvirs, 116 ; their power and legisla- tion, 116, 117 ; second, 118-120, 122, 123, 172. Decimus Liberius, 460. Decius Mus, P., 158, 178, 179 ; (ll.), 196, 197 Deciue, P., 162, 163, 185 ; JubeUius, 194, 195; a, 339. Deiotarua, 386, 416. Delphi, oracle of, 69, 129, 256. Demaratus, 46, 50'. Demetrias, 277, 279. Jt>emetriu3 of Pharus, 240, 243, 272 ; (son of Phi"?), 296, 297 ; (of Syria), 302. Demochares, 443. Diaeus, 311, 312. Dictator, 90, 91, 96, HI, 112, 253, 366. DidiuB Salvius JulianuB, 530. Didius, T., 317. .Diouysius of Syracuse, 134. Dioscuri, 91. Dolabella, P., 196. Domitia, 513. Domitian, Kmperor, 506, 507, 509-513. Domitius, Cn., 348 ; Ahenobarbus, On., 369 ; (n.), 438, 441; L., 397, 406, 411 ; Calvjnus, Cn., 416 ; Ahenobarbus, 477, 495 ; Cor- bulo, 497, 501, 503. Drepana, battle of, 230, 231 ; siege of, 232, 233. DrusillEi, 492. Drusus, 475, 477, 482 ; (son of Tiberius), 487, 489, 490. Duilius, M., 120, 122,123, 148 ; C, 220, 221. Dyrrbachium, 411, 413, 414. Ebubonsb, 403, 404. Ecetra, 95, 110. Eclectus, 529. Ecnomiu, battle oi; 223. Education at Rome, 463, 515, 593. Egeria, 32. Fgnalius Rufhs, 472. togypt, 271, 274, 278, 301, 302, 396, 415, 41« 440, 449, 470, 473, 474, 486, 519, 526. eiatea, 275. Elbe, 476, 477. Enna, 318. Ennius, Q., 290, 291. Ephesus, 440, 447. EpictetuB, 513. Epiros, 273, 275, 300. Eprlus Marcellus, 509. Equitea, 48, 62, 63, 81, 294, 337, 350, 351, 365,393^435,452. Eryx, 231-234. Esquiline Hill, 55, 56. Etruscans, or Easena, 7, 27, 46, 49, 55, 79, 82, 83, 86-89, 104-106, 135, 138, 153, 154, 172, 173, 176-180, 189, 190, 214, 264, 353, 355, 365, 371, 390. Euboea, 279. ' Eumenea, 277, 280-282, 285, 296, 298, 362. Eunus, 318. Euphrates, 406, 470, 518, 531. Evander, 10, 51. Exodares, 516. Fabian gens, 103-106, 132, 133. Fabius, Q., 104 ; M., 104, 105 ; M. (n.), 151 j Kaeso, 105, 106 ; Ambustus, M., 132, 142, 152 ; C, 152, 171 ; Maximus, a, 168, 169, 171, 173, 176-182 185 ; Gurges, a, 181, 182, 201 ; a C-r:.), 198 ; Maximus, a (n.), 246, 25a-2M, 260, 265; Buteo, N., 232; Pictor, C, 188, 213 ; Pictor, Q., 291 ; Max- imus AemilianuB, Q., 315 ; Maximus Ser- vilianus, Q., 315 : Maximus, Ql (in.), 335 , Valens, 505. Fabricius, C, 190, 191, 196-198, 200. Faliscans, 127, 130, 131, 152-154, 159, 181, 237. Fannian law, 323. Fannius, Caepio, 472. Faustina (wife of Aurelius), 524-526. Ferentina, well of, 15. Fidenae, 23, 39, 91, 127. Fimbria, C. Flavius, 362, 363. Flamininus, T. Quinctius, 275-278 ; L. Qulnctius, 288; C, 279, 285. Flaminius, C, 243, 251, 252. Flavius, On., 185 ; M., 420 ; Sabinna, 505, 506. Fleet, Roman, 219, 220, 226, 227, 231, S33. Florus, Julius, 487. Fonteius, 353. Food of Rome, whence procured, 457. Franchise, Roman, 138, 140, 163, 164, 166, legialation, respecting, 334, 337;. conftv- red by^^arius, 34^, 349 ; demanded for the Italians, 350, 351 ; war reapectang, 353-355 ; conferred, 355 ; Latin &«ii- chise conferred, 35s ; Roman con&rre^ 413. Freedmen, 321, 463. Fregellae, 166, 167, 169, ITS, 19B, 334. Frentanians, 353. IWaians, 476, 487, 497. Fronto, 538. INDEX. 561 Fufiiu Oeminus, 447. Fiilvia.3^; (wife of M. Antony), 433, 438- Fulvius, Cn., 177, 178, 180; Ser., 826 ; a, 239 ; M., 282 ; Noliilior, M., 314 ; Flaccus, M., 333-335, 338. Fundanius, C, 23a fundi, 164, 166. _ Furius, L, 868. Fumius, 444. G. G^unnns, A., 369, 380, 394, 395, 397. Gabii, 68, 69, 73. Gades, 862-264. Gaesatae, 24L Galnlians, 282. Gnlba, Emperor, SOI, 502, 504, 503. Galeiuis, ClaadiHB, 525, Galgacns, 512, GaUaeci, 313. Gallia Cisalpaa, 6, 843, 394, 405, 403-410, 413, 429, 430. GaUia Tranealpina, 335, 345-347, 394, 398- 405, 429, 475, 487, 493, 501, 502, 509, 519. Gomes, ^diatorial, 237, 291, 295, 534. Garamantes, 474. Gauls or Celts, 129, 132-136, 146, 150-152, 154, 155, 166, 176, 177, 179, 180, 189, 190, 197, 239, 241-243, 268. Gaurus, Mount, 157. Gela,222. Gellius Egnalius, 178-180. Gelo, of Syracuse, 99. Genthius, 299. Genucius, 103, 107; (n.), IGl ; L, 130 ; L. (II.), 201. Gergovia, 404. Germaus, 400, 402-404, 475-480, 485-487, 493, 4S^ 497, 523, 330, 531. Germanicus, 478, 480. 482, 485, 486, 489, 490, 494, 495. Gordias, 351. Gothones, 487. Gracchus, Tib. Semp., 316, 329-333 ; Caius, Semp., 310, 329, 334-339. Greece, state of, during the second Funic war, 271 ; Romans in, 273-377, 279, 282 intiochus in, 279, 280 ; Komans in, 297- 301, 311-313; war with Mithridates in, 357-360, 501. Greek pirates, 155. Greet towns of Italy, 257, 200 : of Asia Minor, 279, 281. Greeks, inSuence o^ on the Romans, 889- 295, 357, 458, 439. U. Uahbuk, Emperor, 518-521, 531, 536. Hamilcar, 220, 221, 223 ; Barca, 232-834, 238, 839, 244. Hannibal, ^9, 231; (the great) 244-3H, 263, 266^68, 272^ 278, 280, 881, 285. Hanno, 217, 219, 223: (ii.), 848, 839. flasdnibal, 244 ; (u.), brother of Hannibiil, 847, 280-2ffi ; (iti.), son of Gisco, 263, 264, 266; (IV.). 307-309. Uelius, SOh A Helvelii, 399, 400, 405. Helvidius Friscus, 508, 513. Heraclea, battle of, 194. Herculaneum, 510. Hercules, 10. Herennius Senecio, 513, S36. Heimaeum, Cape, battle oi; iS2€. HeimodoruB, 117. ■Hemicans, 102^ 138,. 150-132, 173, 174. Hiarbas,369. Siempsal, 340, 341, Hiero, 813-218, 226, 259. ffieronymus, 259. Hirtius, A., 399.<432, 461, 550. Horace, 469), 481. Horatii' and Curiatai, legend of the, 37, 38 Horatius Fulvillus, 84 ; C, 106 ; M., 119, 120, 1^ 123. Hortensius, 0, 187 ; (n.), 380, 384, 387, 436. Hosidlus, On., 497. Hostilins, Tullus (king), 36-41 ; Msncinus, C, 316. Hyrcanus, 385. Ibekuhs, 385. Iberos, river, 244, 247. Icilius, 103, 115 ; (n.), 119, 120, 123. Hergetes, 283. mum,362., niiberls, battle o^ 261. niyrians, 240, 241, 243, 299. Dlyricuin, 272, 273, 319, 394, 411, 41% 430- 43^437. Imbrinium, battle o^ 168. Indians, 474, 475, 531. Indibilis, 283. Insnhrians, 841-243, 283. Isauria, 379. Istriana, 284. Italian cities, 857. Italian allies of Rome, 264, 265, 352. Italicus, 496, 497. Itdy, 4.8, 20L 202, 232, 869, 346, 347, 469. 5ia J. jANicntAN Hill, 42, 86, 106, 107. Janus or Dianus, 9, 10 ; temple of, dosed, 450, 480. Japydes, 446. Jemsalem, 385, 406, 498, 506, 308, 519, 520. Jesus Christ; 482. Jews, 503, 506, 308, 519, 580. Juba, 412, 417, 419. Judaea, 445, 498. Jugurtha, 316, 340-344. JuUa(Caesaz'6dau^ter),394,406; (dangb* ter of Augustus), 477, 481 ; (her daugb* ter), 4SI. Julius, C, 104; Julus, C, 154 ; Caesar, L., 354 ; Caesar, C, 362 ; Nftrbanus, C 363, 364| Salinator, 374; Vindex, 501, 502; Severus, 520. Junius, C, 172 ; Bubulcns, C, 198 ; C. (n.), 231 ; M., 258 ; Brutus, D., 315, 317 ; Pen. nus, M., 334 ; Silanus, M., 345 ; Damb sippus, I.„ 364 ; BIrsbus, C, 467 A 2 562 INDEX. Jupiter, Temple of, 47, 67, 84, 149, 152, 508, 510. Juriaprudence of the Romans, 292. JuBtdce, courts of, 371, 397, 453. Juvenal, 535. JuventiuB Tbalna, P., 310. ElH09, elections of, 31, 32, 38, 41, 47 ; abol- ished, 72 ; period during which they ruled, 74 ; powers and revenue of, 75i 7G. Labienus, 405, 441. - Laelius, C, 262, 265, 266, 380; Q., 33&. Laetorius, C, 107, 108. Laetus, 529. Laevinus, P., 193-196. Land of conquered nations, 43, 102; 13lJ^ 163, 187, 235, 349. Larcius, T., 90. Latin language, 3, 4, 9, 79, 458, 534. Latins, 11, 40, 43, 44, 47-49, 90, 91, 99, 111, 138, 353, 354. LatinuB, king of the Aborigines, 11, Latium, 8, 9, IS, 15, 67, 111, 155, 156, 161- 165, 168. Lauro, battle of, 375. Lautulae, battle of, 171. Lavinium, 11, 14. Laws of the Twelve Table's, 117, 118, 121, 122 ; sumptuary, 323 ; constitutional, 324. Law, Valerian, 84 ; Terentillian, 112 ; Li- cinian, 143-148 ; Publilian, 107-109, 165 ; Hortensian, 187 ; Oppian, 287 ; Aelian and Fufian, 321 ; Villian and Orchian, 323 ; Julian, 354 ; Papia Poppae, 471. Legion, 210. Legislation of Licinius, 143-148 ; of Sulla, 366-368 i of Caesar, 420 ; of Augustus, 47L Lentulus, 389 ; Gaetulicus, 493. Lepidus, M. (Triumvir), 412, 418, 419, 423, 428, 429, 432-434, 438, 441, 443, 444, 465 ; M. (II.), 472; M. (ill.), 493. Leucopeti-a, battle of, 312. Library, public, 459, 515. Licinius, Stole, C, 142-148, 187 ; Crassus, P., 265 ; Crassus, P. (ii.), 298 ; Lucullus, L., 314 ; Crassus, P. (iii.), 319 ; Crassus, L., 339, 352 ; Nerva, P., 348; Muoianus, 504, 506, 507. Liguria, 264, 303. Lignrians, 7, 239, 283. Lilybaeum, 227-233, 443. Lingones, 509. Literature of the Romans, 289-292, 458- 461, 535, 536. Livia, Empress, 472, 475, 480^82, 484, 488, 490. Livius Andronicus, 200, 290 ; Salinator, 263; SrusuB, M., 338, 344, 351-353. Livy, 461. Locri, 198, 199, 265. Locusta, 496. LplliuB, 201 ; M., 475 ; Urbioua, .'523. tongobnrdi, 476, 497. Lucan, 500, 535. Lucanians, 167, 177, 178, 190; 193, 198, 20ft 353. Lucca, 283. Luceres, the third ttlbe, 35, 40, 52; Luceria, 169-171. LucUla, 528. Lucretia, 70, 71. Lucretius, 71, 72, 85 ; OfeUa, 364, 365 ; Ca- rus. P., 460. Luoullua, L., 348 ; M., 364, 386 ; Liciniua, L., 372, 382-384, 391. Lucumo, 46. LuBitania, 314, 315, 320. Lusitanians, 373, 374, 392, 499. Lusius Quietus, 516, 518. Lutatius Catulus,C.,233: CatuluB, Qi,346, 347, 362. Lutia, 317. Luxury of the Romans, 469, 463, 533, 534. Lysiraachia, 278, 280. M. Macedonia, 271, 278, 280, 298-300, 30Y, 310, 319, 344, 357, 360) 386, 389, 395, 428, 429, 436, 437, 478. Macedonian war, firsts ^72, 273 ; second, 274-276 ; third, 296-300. Macro, 490, 492. Maecenas, 441, 465, 467, 472, 481. Maelius, Sp., 126. Maenius, M., 148 ; C, 16*. Magnesia, battle of, 281. Mago, 262-264. - Mamertines, 195, 199, 201, 215-217. Mamilius, Octavius, 89, 90. Mancinus, L., 307. Manilius, M'., 305. Manlius,M., 135, 140,141; P., 145; L.,149, Torquatus, T., 150, 15L 153, 162; On., 152 ; L., 223 ; Vulso, L., 229 ; Torqua- tus, T. (n.), 256 ; Vulso, Cn., 282 ; Max- iinus, M., 345; C, 384. Marcellus, M., 480, 481. Marcia, 528, 529. MarciuB, RatUuB, C, 147, 153, 160; C, 173, 174 ; L., 261, 262 ; OensorinUB, L., 305 ; Philippus, L., 352; Turbo, 518. Marcomanni, 478, 512, 525-527. Marius, C. 342-344, 346-350, 354, 355, 357, 358, 361, 362, 392; (the younger), 363- 365. Maroboduus, 478, 479, 487. Marriage, law of, 121, 124, 165, 471. Marsians, 173, 175, 353-355, 485, 49& Marsic war, 3,52-355. Martha, 343. Martial, 535. Masinissa, 261, 262, 266, 268, 302-307. Massilia, 248, 249, 411, 412. Mauritania, 374, 497, 518, 531. Medical art of the Romans, 292, 293. Megalopolis, 312. Megara (suburb of Carthage), 308. MemmiUB, C, 341, 349. Menapii, 401. Menenius Agrippa, 97; T., 106. Menodorus, 442, 443. Mesopotamia, 406. .516, 518, 585. INDEX. 503 Messala Conrinus, 438. Measalina VBleria, 495 ; Statdlla* 501, Messapiana, 193. Metaums, battle of the, 263. Metellus, L. Caeciliiu, 228, 232 ; Q. Cae- cilius, 310-312, 316 ; Q, Caecilius (n.), 340, 342, 343, 349 ; L., 340 ; Kua, a, 362, 364, 373 i Nepos, 390; Oder, Q., 3Sl ; Caecilius, Q, (in.), 396 ; Scipio, Q., 407, 40D, 417, 419 ; L. Cretious, 379-381 ; L.. 411. Metdus PuffeUus, 37, 39. Metulum, 447. Mezentius, 12. Micipsa, 307, 340. Militazy system of the Romans, 327. MUo, 193, 199, 200, 397, 398. Minucius, L., Ill, 112, 126 ; M., 253-255 i M. (n.), 344: Mintumae, battle of, 163, 171, 358. Miseniun, 469. Mithridates, 319, 355-360, 362, 363, 369, 376, 381-385. Modena, 283. Moesia, 473, 512, 517, 5ia Molossians, 300. Morals of the Romans, 462, 463, 471, 472. Morini, 401. Mucins, Scaevola, 86, 87 ; Scaevola, P 330 a, 350, 352; Scaevola (n.), 364. Mummiua, L., 312, 313. Munatiua Flancua, L., 465. Munda, battle of, 421. Murena, L., 369 ; A., 472. Mutina, 243, 432. Myttiatratum, 222. N. Nabk, 277, 279. Naevius; Cn., 290. Narbo Merdus, 335. Navy, Roman, 211, 269, 327, 469. Neapolis, 166, 167. , Nephcris, 308. Keratins Friscus, 517. Nero, Tib. Claudius, 440, 480. Nero, Emperor, 495, 496, 498-503, 536. Nerva, Emperor, 514. Nerrii, 401. Nicopolis, 448. Nicomedes, 357, 381. Nicomedia, 382. Nisibis, 383, 516, 517. Nola, 167, 172i 258, 3S8, 361, 378, 482. Nonius, A., 349. Noricum, 344, 346. Numa Pompillus, 32-36. Numantia, 315-317. Numidia, 269, 304, 419^ Numisiua, 163. ^ Numitor, 18. Nymphidiua Sabinus, 502. OCBtsiA, 53. Octavia, 442, 443, 446, 447, 460 ; (il.), 499, 500. Ootnviu", Cn.. 299. M., 331, 332: Cn. (ll.), M. (or Octavianus), 423, 430- 451, 464, 465, (vide Augustus). Odoacer, 530. Ogulnius, Cn., 186. Opimius, L., 335, 338, 339, 341. Ops, 10. Oratory of the Romans, 292 460. Orchomenos, battle of, 360. ^ Orestes, L., 335 Orestians, 277. Orgetorix, 399. Orodes, 407. Osca, 375, 376. Oscans or Opicans, 7. Ostia,42, 379, 423,496. Otacilius, M., 217. Otho, Emperor, 499, 504-500. Ovid, 460. P. Picnvnjs, M., 291. 293. Paetus Thrasea, 508, 513. Palaepolis, 166, 167. Palatine HiU, 19, 20, 25, 26 Palatium, 10. Pallas, 495. Pandataria, 481, 500. Pandion, 474. Pannonia, 475, 476, 478, 485. 518, 523. Panormus, 227 ; batfle of, 228. Pansa, C. Vibiits, 432. Pantheon, 468. Papinius Statius, 533. Papirius, M., 134 ; Crassus, L., 162, 164 , Cursor, L., 168, 170, 173, 180, 181, 20O; Carbo, C. 334, 339, 355 ; Carbo, Cn., 345, 361, 363-365, 369. Papius Mutilus, C, 354 Paraetonium, 449, 450. Parma, 283. Farthamasiria, 516. Parthamaspates, 517, 518. Parthians, 351, 383, 384, 398, 406, 407, 423, 425, 441, 443, 474, 486, 496, 502, 503, 516- 518, 523-525. Patrician order, 123, 124, 131, 140, 146, 147, IBI, 163, 183, 186, 322. Pedius, Q., 433, 434. Pedum, 164. Pelasgians, 6, 13. Pelignians, 159, 173. 175, 353, 355. Pelusium, 301, 449. , Pentrians, 182. Ferennis, 528. Fergamus, 271, 318, 319, 362. Perpema, M., 319, 371, 375, 376. Perseus, 297-299._ PersiuB, 335. Fertinax, 529. Ferusia, 439, 440. Fetilius, Cerialis, 509. Petreius, M., 390, 41], 412, 417, 419. Petronius, C, 474 ; TurpUianus, 503 ; Ax^ biter, 535. Fhaedrus, 535. Piameas, 307. Fharasinanes, 520. Phamaces, 385, 416. PharBiilii", battle of, 414, 415, 664 INUKX. PhUip of Macedonia, 243, 272-276, 380, 296, 297 ; (a pretended son of), 307, 310. Philippi, batfles of, 437. Philosophy among the Romans, 461. Phoenicia, 301, 385. Phraates, 383, 445, 474, 481. Phrygia, 319. Physcon, 301, 302. Picentians, 177, 201.. Picenum, 253, 254, 354. Piraeus, 359, Pirates, war against, 379-381. Piso, Cn., 486 ; Licianus, 504, SOS. Placentia, 243, pO, 251, 263, 283. Plancius, 395. Plautius, C, 151, 152, 184 ; SUvanus, M., 355 1 Silvanus, A., 497. Plautus, M. Accius. 290, 291. Plays, when first performed at Rome, 149, Plebeian order, 31,42-44, 51, 58-66, 81, 84, 92-100, 103-105, 108, 109, 112-115, 120, 121, 139-147, 165, 186-188, 206, 322. Pleminius, Q., 265. .- Plotina, 515, 517. Plotius, L., 460. Po, River, 242, 249-251. PoeteUus, C, 147, 151. Polybins, 288, 291, 300, 307, 313, 321. Pompeii, 510. ~ Pompeiiis, Q., 316, 331; Strabo, Cn., 354, 355 ; Rufus, Q., 359 ; Magnus, Cn., 359, 361, 364, 367-369, 371-386, 390-398,406- 415 ; Sextus, 415, 419, 421, 435, 436, 438 -444 1 Cn. (the younger), 419, 421. PomponiuB, M., 149. Pomptine Marshes, 423. Pontiffs, 33, 147, 185, 186, 367, 466. Pontius, C, 169, 170, 181, 182 ; Telesinus, 364, 365. Pontus, 319, 356, 382-384, 416. Popillius, Laenas, M., 154 ; Laenas, 301 ; fn.), 435. Poppaea, Sabina, 499-501. Porsenna, 85-89. Postumlus, A., 91, 95 ; Tubertus, A., 127 ; Sp., 169, 187 ; L., 180, 182, 183 ; Q., 192 ; Albinus, Sp., 342. Postumus Cominlus, 100. Praeneste, 91, 139, 164, 195, 364, 365. Praetor, 146, 165, 208, 235, 237, 323, 334, 367, 418, 453, 454, 456, 532, 533. Praetorian cohorts, 469, 488, 494, 495, 498, 502, 504-606, SR, 529, 530. Priests. Roman, 35, 348. Privemum, 152, 166. Proconsuls, 470. Proculus Virginias, 103. Propertius, 460. Proscription, first, 365 ; second, 434, 435. Provinces, how 'governed, 23S, 236, 336, 337, 453, 454, 456, 457, 470, 471. Pnisias, 285, 297, 302. Ftolemaeua Philadelphus, 214, 233, 271 ; Epiphanes, 271 ; Philometor, 301, 302 ; Apion, 351 ; King of Cyprus, 396 ; Au- letes, 396 ; Dionysus, 415,416. Publicola, P. Valerius, 71, 81, 83-85, 90. PubUlins Philo. Q., 147, 164, le.'i, 167. Pydna, battles'of, 299, 310. Pyrenees, 248. Pyrrhus, 19^-200, 210. Pythagoras, 32. QOAUI, 512, 525, S26, 527. auaestors, 208, 236, 367, 418. Quinctius, T., 108 ; Kaeso, 113, U4j Pen. nus, T., 150. Quintihan, 535. Quirinal Hill, 22, 26, 55. Quirites, 26. R. RiBiBica, C, 397. Ramnes or Ramnenses, 27, 44. Ravenna, 408, 410, 469. Regillus, battle of Lake, 90, 91. Regulus, M. AtiUua, 223-226, 338, 229. ReUgion, regulation of, by Numa, 32, 34- ■36; restored JbyAncus, 41; modified by Tarquinius Priscus, 50 ; and by the in- troduction of Grecian notions, 211 ; state of, after the war with Antio^us, 289, 468. Remus, 19-31. RepubUc, establishment of, 72, 80 ; end o£ 450. Revenues, public, 208, 235, 327, 454, 455, 471, 493, 507. Rhea Silvia, 18. Khegium, 194, 195, 201, 215. Rhine, 402, 404, 470, 475-480, 485, 486, 493, 497, 503, 513, 531. Rhodes, 372, 274, 275, 280-283, 298, 301, 302, 327, 449, 477, 522. Rhone, river, 248. Roman constitution under Romulus, 26- 31 ; under Ancus Marcius, 42-44^ under Servius, 55-65 ; under the kings gener- ally, 75-79 ; under the legislation of the Decemvirs, 121-123 ; important changes in, 143-146, IGO, 165 ; its state at the com- mencement of the first Punic war, 205- 214 : at the conclusion of the second Pu- nic war, 269 ; and of the third, 320-324 ; how changed by Siilla, 366, 367 ; its state at the accession of Augustus, 451-453. Romans, character of, 12, 27, 79, 98 ; their division into tribes, curiae, and ffenies, 27 I their religion, 27, 34-36 ; their di- vision into pcqiulus sndpUba, 43, 44 ; into classes, 61-65 ; their condition under the kings, 78, 79, and at the closa of the third Samnitu war, 187, 188 ; their policy to- ward conquered states, 203 ; their mode of living previous to the first Punic war, 213, 313 ; cojirt the Greeks, 241 ; their mo- ' rality and manners after the wars with Philip and AnUochus, 28&-289 ; their arts and literature at the same epoch, 28^ 293 ; their commerce, 294, agriculture, &e., 294, 295 ; foreign pohcy of, 325 ; do- mestic condition of, afe, 329 ; morals'oC 462, 463, 471, 472, 533, 634. Rome, causes of its gi-eatness, 1 ; its policy compared with that of Britain, l-3j it» history, the trausitiou from ancient to INDEX. 565 modem times, 2 ; modem civilization, a development of that of Rome, 2, 3 ; im- portance of its liistory, 4 ; wlien it first attracted attention in the East, 12 ; the story of its foundation, 16-20 ; tlie first step in the increase of its power, 22 ; be- lieved by the Romans not to be a Itatin name, 25 ; its power doubled by the fall of Alba, 39 ; its population and extent increased by Ancus, 42; and by Tor- quinius, 48, 49 ; fortified by Tarquinius and Servius, 49, 55, 59 ; divided by Ser- vius into four districts, 59 ; its early chro- nology, 74 ; power o^ at Qie commence- ment of the republic 85 ; besieged, 86 ; taken by Porsenna, 83 ; famine at, 99 ; besieged, 106 ; pestilence al^ 110-112 ; famine at^ 125 ; taken by the Gauls, 134 ; retaken by Camillus, 135 ; rebuilt, 137 ; plague at 148 ; insurrection at 161 ; ep- idemic and famine at, 182, 186 ; limits of its empire at the beginning of the first Panic war, 201,202; conspiracy of slaves at^ 222 ; state o^ at the close of the sec- ond Punic war, 268-270 ; extent of its dominion after tiie thijxLPunic war, 319, 320 ; improvement of, 325 ; proposed de- struction of, 353, 354 ; besieged by Ma- rius and Cinna, 361 ; state oi, in the time of Catiline, 386, 387 ; extent of its do- Sadcula, 171, 172. Satricum, 155, 170. Saturn, 10. Satyrus, 348. Scipio, Cn. Cornelius; 820, 227 ;- L. Comfr Uus, 221 ; P. CoraeUus, 248-251, 261 ; Cn. ComeUua (n.), 249, 260, 261 ; Africanua UajoT, 250, 261, 262, 264-268, 280, 281, 285 ; L. ComeOius (ii.), 2^0; 281, 285 ; Africanus Minor, 306-309, 316, 317, 333, 334, 340 ; P. CoraeUus Nasica, 305. Scordisci, 344, 476. . Scotland, 509, 512^519. Sqfibonia, 480, 48" Scribonius Curio, C, 386. Scythians, 385, 423, 574, 523. Segeda, 513, 514. ■ ' Segesta, 218, 220, 447. Segestes, 485. . ■ - ^ Sejauus, M. Aelius, 488-490. ' Seleucia, 516, 517, 525. Seleucus Nicator, 302. Semnones, 477. Sempronius Atratinus, C., 128 ; Blaesua. C, 227 ; Loneus, Tib., 248, ^250 ; Grac- chus, Tib., 2r9 ; (ll-), 284, 313 ; Drusus, 505. Senate, 27, 52, 67, 76, 77, 81, 98, 165, 206- 208, 236, 269, 270, 321, 322, 328, 332, 336, 337, 366, 393, 41R, 452, 465-467, 487, 488, 494, '498, 518, '52i, 531, 532. Seneca, L. A.nnaeus, 495, 498-500, 535. minion on the accession of Augustas, 151 -, its internal condition, 455, 468 ; di- vided into fourteen regions by Augustus,! Senones, 132, 189. 469; great conflagrations at, 500, 510 ;3entinum, battle of, 179, 180. pestilence at, 525; general review of,ISentius Satuminus, 477, 479- under the emperors, 530, 537. Romulus, 19-31 ; Augustulus, 530. Roscius, 368 ; Otho, I,., 452. Roxolani, 517, 518. Rubicon, 410. Rufinus, P, 198. Rupilius, P., 318. Ratilius, P., 350 ; Lupus, P., 354. Rutuli, 11. a. Sabinzs or SabeUians, 7, 22, 23, 26. 27, 40, 47, 90, 95, 96, 111, U8, 123, 183. Sabinus, 403 ; Ap., 512. Sacred Mount, 96, 120. Sacrifices, human, 256, 289. Sacrovir, Julius, 487. .SsTuntum, 245 Safassi, 475. Sallentines, 20l Sallust, 340, 419. tialvidienua, Rufiis, 436. Salvius, Julianus, 519. Samaria, 498. Samnites, 153; first war wlBl, 156-159, 161 ; second war with, 166-175 ; third war with, 177-183, 190, 193, 198-201, 257, 353-355, 358, 359, 361, 362; 364, 365. Samos. 447-450, 474, 475. Samotbrace, 299. Sardes, 280. Septimius, 415. [Septimuleius, 339. ;Sequani, 399, 400, 405. ISertorius, a, 317, 361-363, 371. 373-376, I 378, 381. Servaeus, Q., 486. Servile war, 317-319, 348, 376, 377. Servilius, P., 94, 95 ; Sp., 106 ; C, 106 ; Priscus, A., 127, 128 ; Caepio, Cn., 227 ; Cn., 252; Caepio, Q., 316; Caepio, Q. (II.), 345; Casca, P, 348; Glaucia, C, 349, 350 ; Caepio, 353 ; Isauricua, P., 379, 412; Rullus,393. Servius Tullius, 53-65, 78. Setovia, 447. Sextius, L., 142-146; Calvinus, C, 335. Sibylline books, 68, 145,«146, 186, 425. SicUy, 197, 198, 215-235, 251, 260, 265, 269, 318, 319, 348, 369, 379, 380, 387, 4U, 41% 435, 442-444. Sicinius, L., 96 ; Cn., 371. Sicali, 6, 8, 9. Sididnnm, 156, 157, 161. Sigambri, 402, 404, 475-477. SiUus, C, 487, 495 ; Italicus, 535. Silo Popaedius, 354, 355. Silures, 497. Silvii, 17. Sinope, 382. Sittius, P., 418. Slaves, 258, 322, 361, 366, 476, 477, 534: Sardinia, ^1, 238, 239, 251, 269, 2S4. 412, Soldiers, when first paid, 128, 209; iasor- 441-143, ' rection of, 159, 16J ; bow levied, 321, S.Trmatae, 517, 518, 5S5, 526. ^32 ; lew of C. Gracchus respecting, 338. 566 Soijhonisba, 266. Sosigenea, 420. Spain, 244-248, 260-S64, 269, 283, 284, 303, 313-317, 346, 373-376, 392, 397, 411, 412, 421, 422, 469, 473, 474, 519, 531. Sparta, 311. Spartacus, 377. Spoletam,'2S3. Stabiae, 510. Statilius, 389 ; Taurus, 447. Statius Hurcus, 438. Stoics, S08. SuessB Pometia, 67, 73, 90, 95. Suetonius Paul^us, 503 ; Tranquillus, 536. Suevi, 400-402, 404, 477. Sulla, 343, 344, 351, 354, 355, 357-370, 392. Sulpiciua, Sen, 143; C, 151, 152 1 P., 174; P. (II.), 196 ; Galba, P., 274 ; GaUus, C, 293 ; Galba, Ser., 314 ; P. (ill.l, 357, 358. Subrium, 176. Syphax, 261, 264-266, 268. Syracuse, 198, 217, 259, 260. Syria, 271, 281, 301, 302, 385, 386, 395, 397, 406, 407, 428-430, 436, 441, 449, 479, 486, 404, 517, 519. 524-526. Syrus, P., 460. Taofabinas, 487. Tacitus, 509, 536. Tamesia (Thames), 403, 497. Tanaquil, 46; 50, 53, 54. Tarentum, 166, 167, 175, 189, 190-201, 213, 251, 260, 443. Tarpeia, 22. farquinii, 46, 151, 152, 176. X^arquinii (gens), 51, 81, 82. Parquinius, Priscus, 45-53 ; Superbus, 56, 57, 66-92 ; Sextus, 68-72, 92 ; Aruns, 83. rauromenium, 318. I'axes, 454, 518. Peanum, battle of, 355. Teooteri, 402, 475. Terentius Varro, C, 255, 256; P., 291; Van-o, M., 412; Varro, 475. Teuta, 240. Teutoni, 344, 346-348. Thapsufl, battle of, 419. Theater, 325, 406, 459. Thebes, 275, 312, 3S7. Thermopylae, 279, 280. Thessaly, 274-277, 279, 310 Thrace, 274, 310, 360. Phracian Chersonesus, 278, 280, 281. rhurii, 190, 191, 378. Tiberius, Emperor, 474-482, 484-492, 535 ; (tlie younger), 491, 492 ; Alexander, ,506. TibuUus, 460. Tibur, 150, 151, 153, 164. Ticinus, battle of the, 25QL Tifata, Mount, 157. Tigellinus, 500, 502, 505. Tigranes, 382-386, 474, 503. Tigranocerta, 383, 503. Tigris, 517. Tigurini, 345, 395. Tiridatea, 474, 501, 503. TitianuB, 505. Titles or Titienses, 87. Titius, 444. Titus, Tatius, 21, 23 ; Emperor, 497, SOI^ 508-511. Tolosa, 345. Tolumnius, 127. Trajan, Emperor, 514-517, 531, 534. Transpadani, 355. Trasimenus Lake, battle of, S52. Treason, high, 487, 512. Trebia, battle of the, 250. Trebonius, C, 397, 406, 410. TremeUius, L., 310. Treviri, 403, 487, 509. Triarius, C, 383. TribaUi, 344. Tribes, 27, 35, 51, 52, 59, 60, 121. 140, 151, 164, 175, 356, 357, 360. Tribunes of the people, first appointment, powers, numbers, &c., of, 97-99,- 103, 106, 107 ; powers of, enlarged, 107, 108 ; number and power of, increased, 114, 115 ; supposed abolition of, 116 ; sus- pended, 118, 123 ; their functions, 207 1 their character after the third Punic war, 321, 367, 380. Tribunes, consular, 124-126, 133, 139, 143- 147. Xribunes, military, 149. Tribute, 327. Triumvirate formed, 433 ; second arranga- ment of, 441. Tryphon, 348. TulUa (wife of Tarquinius), 56, 58, 72. Tumua, 11. U. Ubii, 402, 404, 497. Ulpius Marcellus, 529. Umbrians, 6, 7, 173, 176-178, 265, 353, 355. UnelU, 401. Uaipetes, 402, 475, 476. Utica, 238, 265, 266, 306, 309, 417, 419. V. Vadimo, Lake, battle of, 189. Valentia, 315. Valerius, M., 196; P., 114; L., 119, 120^ 122, 123; Comis, M., 155, 157-161; L. (n.), 191 ; Falto, a, 233 ; M'., 217 ; Lae- Tinus, M'., 260, 272; Flaccus, L., 3621 366 ; Q., 412 ; Messala, M., 467 ; Flaccus, 535. Varius, a, 353. Varro, M. Terentius, 461. Varus, P. QuintUius, 479, 485. Vatinius, a, 394. Veii, 23, 87, 105, 106, 127-130, 136, 137. Velia, 163, 184. Velitrae, 96, 138, 139, 144, 145, 164. Velleius Paterculus, 536. Veneti, 401. Ventidius, P., 441. Vercingetorix, 404, 405. Verginius Rufus, 502. Verres, C, 387, 457, 462. Verus, L. Aelius, 520 ; L. Commodus, SSSX 524-526. Vpspnsisn, Emperor, 49~,'50.'i, riC(>-510, .ISC 567 Vestiniiiiu, 353, 355. Vesuvius, Mount, 510. VetariuB, T., 169. Vetus, L., 503. VflUus Tappulus, 875. Viminal Hill, 55. Vinicius, M., 477. Virgil, 460. 475. Virginia, 119. Vireiniue, A., 106, JJS; L., 119. Vinathus, 314, 315. ViridomamB, 243. Vitelliua, Emperor, 504-506. Volero, PubliKua, 107, 108. Vologeses, 503; (m.), 524. Volacians, 67, 94-96, 100-108, 104, 106, 110, 183, 187, 188, 138, 155, 156. Vokinii,a01,8]4. VolumniuB, L, 173, 178-180; P, 461. Vonones, 486. 109, W. Wkai.th,1iow acquired by, and Its effectg upon, the Romans, 269, 286, 287, 301, 319, 320 ; causes of the accumulation of, 323. Weaer, River, 476. 477, 485. Wight Isle of, 497. X. Xamthippds, 225, 226. Y. Ybae, regulation of Iw Numa, 33 Zama, battle of, 267. Zannizegethusa, 516. Zela, battle 0^416. Zeno, 486. LIST OF LATIN WORDS AND PHRASES EXPLAINED." ^CCSNSt, 210. Accenai velati, 63. Addictas, 94. Aediles cereales, 4al Aerarium, 471. Aes equestre, 64. Ager publicua, 43. Ager RomanuB, 59. Aries, 209. Aasidai or locupletes, 61. Angostos, 465, n. Bbutus, 73. B C. Camsnas, 34, n. Campus MartluB, 63. Caatra pragtoria, 469. Castxa statiTa, 470^ Centesima reram TOaalium, 471. CentumTiii, ^4. Centoriae or soffiragia, 61. CiTitas,2Q3. CiTit&tes foederatae, 235, et Uberae, 236. Clientes, 29, et seg. Clypei,210. Comitia tribnta, 60, 62, 107, 121, 122; 186, 207,367. Comitia cuiiata, 62, 77, 78, 98, 103» 104, 107, 165,207. Comitia centoriata, 62-65, 78, 96, 104, 107, 121, 122, 165, 186, 208, 336, 453. Comitia calata, 77, n. Comitiiuii, 23l Conralia, 32L Conciones, 77, n. Connubium, 21, n. Consistorium princlpis, 52L ConstitutioneB piincipls, 533. Consul, 6(^ n. Cooptatio, 367. Comicines et tubidnes, 63. Crimen majestatiB, 487. Curiae, 26, 75. Curio, curio Mazimus, 28. CuBtos or praefectoB urU^ 76. DxciMAX, 236. Decumae, 3S7. Becreta, 532l I>edititil, 205. DeUtores, 488. Dies fasti et nefaatt, 185. Duumviri navales, 211. E. Edicta, 532. Edictom perpetnum, S19, S21, 533. Equus pablicuB, 64. F. Fabd, 62. Fasces, 76. FecialeB,35w Feriae Lalinae, 67. FiscuB, 471. Flamlnes, 33. Foenusiinciarium and semlunclBrlum, 146L G. Gentes, 28, et seg. H1BEBNACIII.A, 1 HiBtriones, 214. Ii.i.irsTiiB3 or optimates, 332. Imbrices, 212. bnperium, 75, 84, 235. Incubatio, 211. Insula Tiberina, 83. Interrex, 31. Italia, 5. J. JusiCBS, 324. Jupiter Stator, 23. Jus trium liberorum, 471. L. Latifuntiia, 457. Latium vetus or antiijuum, 8. Latium novum or adjectum, 8. Lectifitemia, 149. hegati. Caesaris or Augusti, 476. Lex de ambitu, 147. Lingua rustica or rasticitaB, 4% Literati or librarii, 459. Luceres, ^, n., 2B. Lucumo, 46, n. Ludi magni or Bomanl, 47. Ludiones, 214, Lustretio, ^ Lustrum, GL fft. In tiiis lift itandf far note 670 INDEX. M. Maoisteb Fofuli, 91, n. Magifiter equitum^91, n. Mandata, 532. 'Mundus, 30, n. Mimicipia and mimicipea, ^3. ± NkXUS or NEXU VINCTCS, 93. Noctumorum vigilum oohortes, 455. Noraen Latinum, 204, Nota censoha, 208. Notarii or scribae, 208. Novi homines, 3^. Obscub^-SSSV ■ Optimates, 338. Faedagogi or custodes, 463. Patres minorum gentium, S8, 50, 52. Patres majorum gentium, 28, 50, 52. Patres or patricii, 29, 43, et seg. Patres conscripti, 81. Fatronua, 30. 'PeJt!unia,78, Ji. ■■■ -''■ Pilum, 210. Plebiscita, 108, 109, 133, 165, 187, 239, n. Fomoerium, 20. Populi Albenses, 15. Populus Romanus, 39, 43, et $eg., 133, n. Porta, 20, to. Fortoria, 327, Possidere, possessio, 103, n.' Fosteriorea or secundi equites, 48. Fotestas. 335. Praefectura mpnim,.430.- Fraetecturae, praefecti, 204. PraefectuB annonae, 136, SOS. 533. Fraefectus Augustalis, 449, 450. Praefectus praetorio, 469. Fraefectus urbi, 469. Praerogativa, 186. Praetor peregrinus, 323. Praetoriana, 469. ,. Friorea or priitai equitea, 48. PriFci Latini, 9, 15. Proletarii or capita cenal, Gl-^. Pro-praetore, 470. ' Pnmncia, 235, n. ProTlnciae senatoriae or popuU, 470L Provinciae Caeeareae, 470. Publican^ 454. Publicola, 84. C^AiB^Tibrbis^PBiEpBTUJUE, 4*4, n. - Quaestores parricidii, 334. , Qu^Qqueviri, .335. . . Quinqueriri mensarii, 148. R. !RAaiNES or Ramnenbes, 27. , Regifugiuni, 72. Rescripta, 532. iRex sacr^culus or rex sacromiOr 80 Rorarii, ■210. Rostra, 164, n. iRuma, 18, to. S. Saudi TENALES, 384. Scaevola, 87. Scutum, 210. Sedere in quatuordecim, 45!^ n. Senatua conaulta, 532, Sex suffragia, 63. Societatea, 454. Socii foederati and liberl, 204. Suggestum, 164. TiTiES or TrriENSES, 37. - Tribu movere, 209. Tnbua. 59, tribunus, 60. Tribatum,'6d;301. Ubbanitas, 458. Uxorium, 471. U. V, Vectiqal, 42. Vicesima hereditatum, 471; Vici, vici magister, 469. Vicus patricius, 56. VicuB sceleratus, 58. VicuB Tuacua, 8$. . Vlgiles or cohortes arbaiue, 46ft THE SND. QUESTIONS DR. SCHMITZ'S HISTOEY OF ROME. JOHN ROBSON. B.A. Lond. PArLLATm 8XD FniBtlTKB NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS. NOS. 3S> AND 331 PSAHI, 3TaEST, (fbanelin square.) 1854. PREFACE. Teachers are divided in opinion respecting such books as the present, some considering them altogether useless or mischievous, others using them as a matter of course, and, perhaps, without suf- ficient discrimination. Believing that the following work differs, in several important respects, from previous ones of the same kind, and that the question above indicated has not hitherto been exam- ined as carefully as it deserves to be, the author thinks it may not be without utility to state the principles on which he has proceeded in this work ; and he hopes thus to show that it may be advantage- ously employed in the education of the young. The dislike felt by many to books of questions seems, to some extent, at least, attributable to those truly objectionable works in ■which instruction is professedly conveyed by means of questiohs and answers printed together, the pupil having merely to commit the se- ries to memory. That such books Eire, in every point of view, to be condemned, is now universally admitted by those who know any thing of teaching ; and although they may still be used, it can be in those schools only which make no progress, but appear rather to pride themselves on remaining stationary, and thus serve to per- form the perhaps not quite useless office of marking the advance of improvement elsewhere. It is not to be wondered at that many intelligent educators, see- ing the evils arising from these " Catechisms," should extend their condemnation to books of questions of every sort, different as they may in reality be from those which have deservedly incurred their disapprobation, instances of such erroneous generalization being among the most frequent of mental phenomena. That in this case it is erroneous, may easily be proved : the pres- ent work, for example, has nothing whatever in common with the books above referred to ; they exercise no faculty but the memory, and even that in an uninteDigent manner; this affords ample em- ployment to that highly-useful power, and at the same time, as will presently be shown, may be made the means of developing other and higher faculties. It must be understood that this book is intended, not for the teach- or exclusively, but to be put int» the hands of eve^y pupil, the plan of study contemplated by it being somewhat of the following kind. IV PREFACE. Either the History may be used as a reading-book, or it may be employed wholly in private preparation for the examination at school : in both cases, those who use this work should beforehand set a portion of the History for the next lesson ; and the pupils should be expected to come prepared to answer all the printed questions upon that portion, as well as {iny otbe?:s -wUich the teach- er may tbiak proper to ask in addition. ,, The chief 'advantage of-^iUs plan is, that.it puts, before the stu- dent ceitaizudefinite points for, consideration and inquiry, the sources of information respecting which are also 4istinctiyiindicate4. Asa general, rule,, boysreceive only vague impressions fromliistoty : it is. read rapidly; no eifort is .made, to £x their attention^. nor are they required to form any judgment, or to exercise any thought, re- specting what they, read : the result is, thatiwith the exception of some leading events or striking anecdotes, there is no clearness nor accuracy in their reQoUections of history, mostof which presents to their memories nothing but- a vast chaos of similar and almost iden- tical facts. But let the pupil read deliberately a few pages, haying in his mind the distinct object of discovering, the answers to a given number of questions which he has lying before him, and this defi- niteness of purpose will insure precision and accuracy to his knowl- edge, and imprint it far more deeply in the memory than a loose and general perusal could do. Many of the questions have intentionally been framed, so as to exercise the reflective and inductive faculties, and thus to teach practical logic. The answers to these may not always at first sight appear to be contained in the History ; but they are, in reality, ob- vious .inferences or deductions from >yhat is there stated. Thus the last question on p. 185 is, " Explain what is meant by calling Flavins the son of one who had been an enemy of the republic." To answer this, the pupil must remember that on the previous page Flavins is described as a freedman's son ; that freedmen were liberated slaves ; and, finally, that slaves in ancient Italy were con- quered enemies or their descendants. Those who have Bad any experience in teaching the young know how difficult it is to obtain accurate answers from them, even in reference to matters respecting which they have sufficient knowl- edge. By accurate answers are here meant answers which cor- respond to the questions, and are full and complete without being redundant. In answering .questions, the young usually say either too much or not enough. This arises, no doubjt, from the deficieur cy of their reflective powers, and from the want of a distinct per ception of the limits of the question ; the associating faculty, also PREFACE, ^ V being active in yj>uth,,. they. are apt, having once commeDced « story, to relate all the connected circumstances, whether they have aiuy thing to do wj]th the question required to be answered or not. One means of poiTecting this slovenly habit of mind is, to give chil- dren abundant time to consider the questions and their answers ; fprfi|t-.can,n.Qt h.^ expected of ,th.em that they will be able to gjve precise answers amid the huiTy and excitement of a class. An- other meains adopted in this.work.is, to ask numerous questions on a small portion. .o£ the History ; . for the bearing of one question on the others connected. with it will, at once show whethej.it has been answered properly. - , Il-eadiness in answering can be the result only of much practice ; and when the habit of, accuracy has . been acquired, questions put at Jhue moment by the .teacher will accustom the pupil to reply readily, the History on which these questions are written aifording materials for many. thousands more than are actually printed, here. Simple affirmations or negations should not, in most cases, be accepted as answers,, bat should be accompanied with such expla- nations as ai'e necessary to make a complete reply. Thus, to the question, "Had both the cpnauls the fasces at .the same time?" the answer is, 'f ]^o ; but alterna,te]y every month, beginning with the elder of the two magistrates, or the consul major ; so that, in fact, only one at a time was invested with the imperium-" Let it not, however, for a moment be supposed thiat the pupil is expected to repeat the; exact ysierds of the History; he ought, on the contiTiry, to be encouraged to express iis meaning in his own ■mrrds. ..The benefits derivable frona this plan are various. It teaches the young what are really equivalent words and phrases, prevents the practice of lea^'ning answers by rote, and promotes the endeavor to comprehend what is read; for if a boy can cor- rectly express 4he meaning of the. book in his own way, that is de- cisive proof that he understands it ; and conversely, we may thus often detect misconceptions, that might otherwise never have been suspected to exist, but allowed to gain. firm footing. in the mind; since no clearness of expression nor simplicity of style can preclude the possibility of misapprehension even on the part of adults, much less on that of the young. This work may perhaps appear to be too extensive, and to enter too fully into minutiae. To that objection the answer is, that the book is intended to promote a thorough knowledge of the History, and to that end not only has every important fact mentioned in the History been made the subject of a question, but it has been en- deavored to make the series as complete and uninterrupted as pos- VI PBEPACE. Bible, and thus to obviate the very great evil occasioned by a less full selection of questions, namely, the giving rise to a tendency in the pupil to read the History piecemeal, as he naturally enough peruses with care only the parts to which the questions refer, and either omits the rest or reads it cursorily. Some persons may dislike the marking of the pages where the answers will be found — a plan which is believed to be an innova- tion, the usual method being to name only the chapters or other divisions of the work. The author, however, ventures to think that his method is a decided improvement; for experience has convinced him that few children are capable of reading long pass- nges with attention sufficiently close and sustained to find answers to questions : unless they quickly discover what they are in search of, they soon grow weary of the task, and abandon it in despair. It is a strange error in education to view as an excellence the cre- ation of difficulties. Let every subject be made as simple and easy as its nature will admit ; and we may rest assured that, if they be not slurred over, there will remain enough of difficulties to exer- cise and develop the youthful mind. The last objection that can be noticed here is, that such books as this are aids to incompetent teachers, and thus injure the cause of education by helping to keep down the standard of attainment among educators. Had the author considered this objection well founded, he would certainly never have.had occasion to write these remarks : but he trusts that his work will, on the contrary, con- tribute to more thorough knowledge even in the teacher ; at least, he is quite »ure that no teacher should venture to use it who does not himself carefully ^nd minutely study the History. To be unable, ex tempore, and in the midst of the various and engrossing avocations of the school-room, to frame appropriate questions, and such as will best bring out the sense of the History, by no means argues unfitness to teach. Besides, it must be repeated, this book is meant more for the pupil than for the teacher. It should be noticed, that where the answer to a question is con- tained in two pages, the question is put down under the page in which the answer begins. , University Collkob, My, 1847. QUESTIONS HISTORY OF ROME. Page 1. — 1. By whaxwas ihe existcDce nf Rome secured f 2. What was ihe fa- vorite pursuitof the Romans? 3. To what modern system may the polity of Rome be compared 1 P. 2.— 1. During how long a time did Rome continue to flourish 1 3. In what way may modern Rome be said to main- tain the supremacy which ancient Rome (Mtssessed 1 3. By what was that snprem- ucy impaired? 4. To whut are we main- ly "indebted for our knowledge of the an- cient world and its history 1 5. From what is modern civilization derived 1 P. 3, — 1. What modern languages are formed from the Latin ? 2. Who were the founders of most of the towns in the Bouth^n and tniddie parts of Europe ? 3. In what respect is there a striking resem- blance bet^veen Rome and England 1 4. What may be coaadered the most genu- ine and perfect production of the Roman mind 1 5. In -what respect were the Ror mans probably superior to any modern na- tion ? 6. In what particular are many na tdons of Europe still infloeQced by Roman institutions ? 7. Show that the Latin lan- guage was never reduced to the state of a perfectly dead language. P. 4. — 1. Why is the history of Rome especially interesting to Englishmen ? 2. Wherein consists the utility of the study of ancient history? 3. Give a brief de- scription of Italy. P. 5. — 1. By what range of mountains is Italy divided into two halves? De- scribe the geological formation of each half. 2. Describe the northern part of Italy. 3. What advantages and facilities does Italy possess 1 4. How many towns is It said to have at one time contained 1 5. To what district was tJie name Italia originally con^ned 1 p. 6. — 1. Describe the gradual extension of the name down to the war with Pyr- rhtis. 2. What did the name Jtalia in- clude, 1st, after the war with Pyrrhua, and, 2d, about the time of Polybius'? 3. Wbat were the limits of Cisalpine Gaul 'i 4. Mention Bome of. the poeljc^l names nf Italy 5. By whwn wSa ihe greater c2- part of Italy inhabited in the eorDssc times? 6. Who inhabited the north of Italy ? P. 7. — 1. Who inhabited the northwest of Italy 1 ' 2. What part of Italy was oc- cupied by the Etruscans? 3. Whence do ihey appear to have come, and whom are they said to have conquered? 4. What do we know of the Etruscans? 5. In what part of Italy did tlie Samnites dwell ? 6. Mention some of the tribes connected with the Samnites. 7. What country did the Oscans, or Opicans, inhabit ? 8. What tribes belonged to this race? 9. What language was spoken in the southwestern part of Italy ? 10. Who inhabited that country ? P. 8.— 1. What were the boundaries of Magna Graecia, and why was that name given to the country? 2. What were the ancient boundaries of Latiura ? 3. How far were they subsequently extended ? 4- Who were the original inhabitants of La- tium ? 5. From whom did Sicily derive its name ? P. 9. — 1. Give an account of the abo- rigines. 2. Of whoiQ did the population of Latium coaast ? 3. How is it proved to have been a mixed one ? 4. What dif- ference is observable in the'two elements of the Latin language ? P. 10.— 1. Mention some of the divini- ties of the aborigines. 2. What inference may be drawn from the story respecting Hercules in Italy? 3. Relate tbe story of Evandcr. 4. To what other legend does this bear a strong resemblance ? P. Jl.— 1. In whose reign is Aeneag said to have landed in Italy? 2. Is the tradition of the Trojan colony in Latium to be regarded as historical ? 3. What is the dfUe commonly assigned to the de- struction of Troy ? 4. Give on outline of the story of Aeneas. 5. What name did Aeneas give to his colony ? P. ]2.— 1. By what name was Aenea» worshiped? 2. What writer appeal^ to have been the first to introduce Aeneas into Latium ? 3. By whom, according to Cei^alon^ was Rome founded ? 4. Al what time do th« Greeks generally seem CltTESTf&NS ON THE HrSTORY OF HOME. [IS-S'Gr to have believed that Rome was a Trojan eiilony 1 5. What other, much cider, tra- dition existed us reign at Al-ba? 8. Are the lists of these kings "authentic? P. 15. — 1. How were all the inhabitants of Latauni divided 1 2. How many town- ships are the Prisci Latini said to have Inhabited? 3. Who were the PopuliM- hensesl 4. Which was the chief town of the Latin eonfederacy ? 5. What was the state of Latium before the building of Rome? 6. What wer« the limits of Latium ? 7. Has its history, previous to the founding of Rome, been preserved? 8. Is Rome ever described as a colony of Alba? P. 10.— I. In what manner may the story concerning the foundation of Rome be supposed to have originated? 2. In what respect is' it peculiarly adopted lo the character of the early Roman consti- tution ? 3. Into what two classes may the various statements about the date of the foundation of Rome be divided? P. 17. — 1. Among whom were the tra- ditions of the first class principatly cur- rent, and why ? 2. By whom were those of the second adopted ? 3. Within what limits do the accounts of the second class vary in regard to Qxq date of the building of Rome ? 4. Which date is adopted in this work, nnd why? 5. On what point, respecting the foundation of tire city, do nil accounts agree? 6. What day was celebrated, in later Hm«s, as the birthday of Rome ? 7. Who was the earliest re- later, in prose, of the legend of the foun- dation of Rome? P. 18.— I. Who was Amulius, nnd what zneEcsures did he take to secure his pos- session of the throne? 3. Relate the vuy him are liistori- cai ? 4. What is the only doubtful point relative to those changes? 5." Give an account of the parentage of Servius Tul- liuSf . p, 54, — ]. By what omen in his infancy was it indicated that he was destined to occupy a high position? 2. By whom was he thenceforward educated? 3. How did the king show his favor for him? 4. By what divinity was Serving especially favored? 5. In what manner did he assist Tarquinius? 6. To what fears did his popularity give rise, and what resulted from them ? 7. In what manner did Servius obtain posse:ision of the throne ? P. 55. — 1. In what respect was his ac- cession unprecedented? 2. How did he endeavor to secure the good-will of the sons of liis predecessor ? 3. In what re- spect does the reign of Servius resemble that of Numa ? 4. What wars are men- tioned in this reign by Livy and Dionys- ius? 5. In what reaped is the reign of Servius of the highest importance, and why? 6. What were his first acts? 7. Where did he take up his residence ? 8. In wliat way is he said to have relieved the ])oorer classes ? 9. What did Servius prevail upon the Latins to do? 10. Of what was this a tacit acknowledgment? P. 56.— 1. Relate tlie story of the Sa- bine and his bull, and mention the infer- ence that may be drawn from it ? 2. How were the laws of Servius received by the patricians ? 3. What increased their dis- content ? 4. How did they take vengeance on the king ? 5. Give an account of L. Tarquinius, and of his wife, Tullia. P. 57. — 1. To what wasTuHia continu- ally inciting her husband ? 2. What did he do as a preparation for his scheme ? 3. What induced the patricians to join in his conspiracy? 4. How did Tarquinius pro- ceed when the whole plan was ripe 1 5. Relate what took place when the king went to the senate-house. 6. What was Tullia's conduct on this occasion? 7. What happened on Tullia's way home from the senate? P. 58. — 1. What surname was given to Tarquinius, and why? 2. During what period did Servius reign ? 3. How was his memory cherished by the plebeians 1 4. What enactment did the senate after- ward make in reference to this commem- oration, and why? 5. Is the account of the king's death to be regarded as histori-^ cal? 6. What probably gave rise to it? 7. What truth does the story really con- vey ? 8. What appears to be the origin of the story of Servius's parentage ? 9. Is the iiistory of Servius at all mythical ? 10. To what belief would the genuine Ro- man tradition about his descent 'ead us ? P. 59. — 1. Are we to regard as true the statement that he completed the city 1 2. What was the great object of his consti- tutional changes ? 3. Uuder what disad- vanlages did the plebeians previously la- bor? 4, In what respect did Tarquinius Priscus improve their position? 5. What remarkable circumstance is connected with Servius's legislature. 6. What was the first thing he did? 7. How was this effected? 8. How many tribes were there ? ' P. 60.— L Were the patricians incluiied in them?' 2. By whom were the affurs of each tribe managed, and what were ClUESTIONS ON' THE HISTORY OF ROME. [BI-71. the duties of that officer? 3. What were the subdivUions of the tribes'? 4. W]i;u were the as^sembiies of ihe tribes called, and wh;it were their powers? 5. How did the king assist tlie poorer plebeians 7 6. Which part^of the plebeians w.ts con- tiiiied in the country tribes? 7. Which was the most honorable occupation among the early Romans? 8. What were the l)rohable employments of the city tribes? 9. What had hitherto constituted the only legal disiinction betwefen Roman citizens ? 10. What wore the divisions thence re- sulting? 11. What is a timocracy? 12. What was the object of the census ? P. 61.— 1. IIow often was a censns held, and what name was given to the inler- 'Vening period ? 2. In what point of view ivas the whole people considered for the purpose of the census? 3. Into how jHuny claysps were the pedites divided ? 4. What was detorrninefi by the class to which a citizen belonged? 5. How was each class divided for the purpose of vot- ing? (5. What amount of property enti- tled persons to be enrolled in each of the cl;issL's ? 7. Who formed the sixth class ? 8. What were they called? 9. What ^vero the members of the other five class- es called ? 10. Do the sums mentioned rel'er lo annual income, or to the whole property? 11. How may the apparent snu-llness ()f these sums be accounted for? ?. 62.— 1. How wns each class divided ? 2. Who were the seniors, who the juni- ors? 3. At what nge was a man exempt from military service? 4. In what re- spects did the comitia centuriata differ from the two other kinds of assemblies? 5. IIow many votes had each centtiry in the comitia centuriata? 6. How many centuries were there in each' of the"^ first f!\e classes, and what was the total num- lifii ? 7. To whom did the constitution uf tlie comitia centuriata give a decided advantage? 8. What other five centu- ries, not belonging to the classes, did Ser- vius institute? P. 63.— 1. How niiny centuries did the sixth class form? 2. What were its sub- divisions? 3. who were the accensi ve- lati 7 4. The proletarii ? 5. The capitc censi? Q. What arrangements did Ser- viiis make relaLivc to the egitites? 7. Who were the sex snffrdgia'i 8. How many equestrian centuries were there, and how many men did they contain? 1). What do we know respecting the prop- erty qualification of an cques in Scrvius's time? V. 64. — 1. What was the aes equestre? 2. What tax was levied upon orphans and widows? 3. What was the sum to- la! of all the centuriesin the Servian con- ."iimtion, and what formed a majority of voles in the assembly? 4. Show that this constitution placed a great prepon- derance of power in the iismds of the wealthiest Romans. 5. Wherein do the accounts of the centuries given liy Livy and Dionysius differ from each other? (Fide Table.) 6. Which account seems to be the correct on«, and why? P. 65.— I. In what respects were the comitia centuriata superior to the other assemblies? 2. Whaf powers did Servius transfer to the. comitia centuriata ? 3. In- what particulars did Servius leave the plebeians politically inferior to the patri cians ? 4. At what does Servius seem to have airned? 5. In what way did the king show his wjsdom ? 6. Of what did his Institutions contain the germs? 7. What unfounded statement appears to have arisen from the grateful disposition of the plebeians toward Servius? P. 66.— 1. What circumstances have contributed to blacken the character of Tarquinius Superbiis in history? 2. In what manner did he ascend the throne? 3. What took place in the revolution to which he owed his elevation? 4. What was the condition of the peojile in his reign? 5. Was the king's severity con fined to the plebeians? 6. How was the number of senators reduced ? P. 67. — ]. Did Tarquinids assemble or consult the senate? 2. What was his character? 3. 'In what manner, accord- ing to Livy and Dionysius, did Tarquinius reduce Latiuni to submission ? 4. What is Cicero's statement on this point? 5. In what way was the supremacy of Rome indicated ? 6. What arrangement did the king make in the army, and why ? 7. By whom was the tatin league joined ? 8. With whom did the Romans go to war? 9. What town was taken ? 10. How was the money obtained from the plunder of that town employed ? P. 08.— 1. What was found in digging the foundations of the temple 1 2. Relate the story respecting the Sibylline books. 3. What occasioned the war against Ga- bii? P. 69.— 1. In what manner is Tarqui- nius said to have obtained possession of that town ? 2. How were its citizens treated after its surrender? 3. Willi whom did Tarquinius conclude a peace and renew a treaty ? 4. After these mil- itary successos, to what did the king de vote his attention ? 5. What ilisiurbed his security? P. 70.— 1. What measure did the king take in consequence ? 2. By \\hom were the king's sons accompanied? 3. Give an account of him. 4. What question did the young men ask of the Pyfliia? 5. What was the answer? 6. What was its real meaning ? T.'What did Bru- tus do in consequence of this answer? 8. What induce/l the king to undertake the war against Ardea? 9. Give an ac- count of the siege. 10. Rielate the di;;- puie between the king's sons and Collali- nns, and tlie way in which it was de cided. P. 71.— 1. Narrate the story of Lucre- tia. 3. Who attended Lucretius to Col- 72-b:^.] uuEaTio.Ns THE il4STO«Y OV ROMi:. 13 latia 1 3. Who aiteiuled Coliatinus ? 4- What did Bruius swear to do 3 5. What «flect had these eveiUs on the people of CoU;ai;i t P. 72.— 1. WJ\at did the people at Rome -decree ? 2. What did Brutus next do 1 3. Who was invested with the supreme command at Rome 1 4. Wimt took place when the king arrived at the city 1 5. How WHS Bruius received by the soldiers at Ardea 1 6. Where did Tarqiunius and two of his sons tabe refuge 1 7. WlwUier -did Sextus fiee, and what took pliwe there ? 8. During n hat period had Tar- ^luinius Siiperbus reigned? 9. WJiat measures were resolved upon by the co- iiiitia centiuiata ? 10. Whose laws were j-estored? 11. Whom did the peeple «lect to rule over them, wjth what tiUe. and for what time? 12. On what day in ■each year was the regifuffium celebrat «d? P. 73. — 1. Did the Romans abolish any of the institutions of their kings, or de- stroy their statues 1 ~. What are the <>nly facts in the history of Tarquinius Superbus that can be regarded as really Jilstoricai 1 3. Point out the want of probability in the stories, 1st, of the tak- ing of Gatsi ; 2d, ahout Sa^sa Pometia; 3d, of the cruellies of Tarquiuius ; 4lh, of Brunts. P. 74. — 1. Mention the fact which ren- ders the conclusion of the truce with Arden, and consequently the story of the siege, altogether extremely doubtful. 2. Does this a^ct ia any way the siory of Lucretia 1 3. Do all authorities agree as to the period -during which, Rome was governed by kings? 4. Mention tlic va rious periods msigued. 5. What obvious reasons are there for treating the early chronology of Rome as artihcial 3 P, 75. — 1. Into what three portions may the history of Rome, from its foundation to its cHpture by the Gauls, he divided 1 2. What is the result of these considera- tions? ' 3. To what conclusion may we unhesitatingly come respecting the chro- nology of those times, and why ? 4. Give an account of the constitution of I^ome dowTi to the time of ServiusTuIlius. 5. What were the functions of tlie king? G. How were the kings chosen ? 7. What confirmation of the election was neces- sary? 8. What law did the king then propose to the curiae ? 9. To what body was the election of the king given by the Servinn constitution ? 10. By whom was the imperium conferred? 11. By whom was the king assisted in his judicial func- tions? P. 76. — 1. What were the ensigns of the king's power ? 2. Whence are they said io have been introduced 1 3. From what was the king's income derived ? 4. Who was the tribune of the Celeres? 5. What were the duties of the cvstos ur- tisf 6. What was the senate, and how BHLS It formed 1 7, Did the senate r^re- \ sent the ])eople 1 8. In what way weia the jiroceedinga of the senate regulat'id by the king? 9. Was the senate an 'n- venlion of the Roman kings ? 10. What was the only control of the senate over the king * 11. What were -the chief sub- jects brought before it for discussion ? P. 77. — 1. What fact proves that the senate must have been nearly powerless? 2. iVhal control had ,it probably over mat- ters of administration ? 3. What consti- tuied the assembly of the people previous to tiie Servian constitution ? 4. To what extent may this assembly be said to have possessed the sovereign power ? 5. In what respect-did the rights of (lie fiomaa people difer from those of many modern states? 6. How were tliecnniitiicuriata convened, and what were their powers^ 7. In what manner did they vote ? P. 78. — 1. What were the principal sub- jects on which the comitia curlata had to decide? 2. To what assembly did the Servian constitution transfer the fights of the comitia curiata, and what compensa- tion did the latter receive ? 3. What inference may be drawn from the stories about king Numa and his regulations? 4- What did the -earliest Romans use for money ? 5. Who was the first king that coined brass? 6. Explain the etymology of -the word pecunia (note 18). 7. In whose time did Rome first acquire the appearance of a great city ? P. 79. — 1. Which was the principal and most honorable occupation of a Roman ? 2. In what estiniation were trade and commerce held, and what classes of peo- ple were employed in Ihem? 3. By whom, and owing to what cause, were the great nr-cUitectural works at Rome under the last kings designed, and why were they employed? 4. To what was theliferature of Rome at this period prob- ably restricted? 5. In what res|)ect did the Romans ditfer from the Greeks? 6. Describe the domestic life of tJie Romans. P. 80.— 1. What change in the state of affairs was produced by the expulsion of the kings ? 2. Which part of the kingty functions was not transferred to-thet limit- ed 1 3. Who were the persons chosen as successors of Brutus? 4. What event created jealousy between the two con- suls 1 5. Relate what happened at the consecmtion nf the tcraple of Jupiter? P, 85.-^1. How was an account kept of the era which commenced at that conse- cration ? 2. With what foreign state did Rome conclude a treaty in the first year of the republic? 3. Who is the only writer who has noticed this ire&tyt and how did he become acquainted with it ? 4. What do we learn from this treaty? 5. What cireumstance mentioned in it is Irreconcilable with the common tradi- tions? G. Who were the consuls of the second year ? 7. Wlio was Porsenna, and why did he declare war against Rome ? P. 86.— J. What place was at once taken by the Etruscans? 2. Relate the story, 1st, of Horatius Codes ^ 3d, of Caius Mu- cius. ^ P. 87.— J. What surname did the tatter receive? 2; What effect had Mucius's declaration on P-orsenna? 3. Upon what terms was peace concluded? 4. Relate the story of Cloelia. 5. How was Cloclia honored ? P. 88.— 1. 58 this story about the war with Porsenna to be regarded ns histori- cal ? 2. Mention the statements of Taci- tus and Pliny respecting it. 3. What fact relative to it may be considered as cer- tain? 4. By what statement is this im- plied ? 5. What inference may be derived from the fact that in B.C. 495 there were nnly twenty-onetribes ? 6. Wh«t are the various statements as to the duration of the war?, 7. By what feeling do the Ro- mans seem to have been actuated in forg- ing their account of this war? 8. When, by whom, and with what view was Ari- cia besieged ? 9. Relate the clrcumsiaric6s bttendlng that siege. P. 89.-1. What is Porsenna said to have done on his return to Clusium ? 2. What fact throws doubt upon this story I 3- What event probably afforded Rome the opportunity of regaining its independ- ence? 4. How was Porsenna's property at Rome disposed of, and to what synv bolical custom did this give rise ? 5. In what respect is this inconsistent with the tradition respecting Porsenna ? 6. What else indicates the mythical character of the stories about Porsenna? 7. What is all that can be said with certainty on tliis subject ? 8. Whjlher did Tarquinius with- drav/ after the peace with Porsenna? 9. With whom did the Romans itow carry on war, and what was its result? P. 90.-1. Relate the mTgration of the Claudii to Rome. 3. In what year did Puhlicola die, and how was his memory honored? "3. GItb an. account of the war with the Aunineans and Poine.tia. 4. In what year did the war with the Latins break out ? 5. What ciicumstances pr0;Ve that the story of this war is only an he- roic lay ? 6. Who was appointed to con- duet the war, and with whatjtiUp.?. 7. What were the powers of the dictator? P. 91. — 1. 1)1 what, manner was this office useful to the patricians ? 2.' What preparations were made on both sitles for the contest? 3. Who was now appoint cd dictator? 4. Give an account of the battle of Lake Regillus. P. 92.— L What period of Roman history does this balttle conclude ? 2. When and where did Tarquinius die ? 3. What may we infer from the traditions of this Latin* war as to the conduct of the patricians toward the plebeians ? 4. What was the condition of the plebeians from the estab^ lishment of the repubhctill some lime af^ ter the death of Tarquinius ? P. 93. — 1. In what manner had the war increased their distress and poverty?' 2. What was the consequence of this? 3. What power had a creditcw at Rome over anjinsolventdebtor? 4. Explaui the tern* addictus. 5. What constituted a nezus T 6. What was the condition of a nexus ? P. 94.— I. In what respect was the state of anexuB^betterthanthat of an addictus I 2. How might a nexus become an addic- tus? 3. Relate the circumstances which occasioned an insurrection of tlie plebeians In the consulship of Appius Claudius. 4. What did each of the consuls propose to do ? 5. What news came to the city at this time? 6. How did the plebeians act on the occasion ? P. 95.— 1. What ternK were proclaimed by Servillua ? 2. What eflfect did this an- nouncement produce T 3. Narrate the war with the Volscians ; 4. and with tbe Sa . binea. 5. How were the plebeians treat- ed on their return to Rome? 6. Did Ser villus keep his promises? 7. In what manner did the plebeians manifest their discontent ? 8. Where did they hold their meetings T 96-107.] aUESTIONS ON THE HIf?Tn!!\' or ROMK. P. 96. — 1. What were the VRrmus pro posais of tlie patricians ? 2. Which pjir- ly previuled, and who was appointed 'dicialor? 3- What eflect had this on the plebeians'? 4. Narrute the events of ihe w^ars with the Volscians. Aequians, and Sabines. 5. \Vliat ilid the aictator Valerius do on his return to Koine ^ 6. Jn what manner did the senate act? 7. ^JA^'hat order drove Ihe anny into open re- bellion? 8, Give an account of ilie se- cessiim of the plebeians. P. 97. — 1. What measure did the senate now adopt? 2. In what way were the plebeians addressed by Meuenius Agrip- pa 1 3. What were the terms -of the compact between tlie two orders? 4. Of what nature was the effect of the conces- sions made by the patricians? 5. Wliat great and permanent advantage was gain- ed by the people ? 6. What was the original object of the office of the tribunes of th^ plebs? 7. What were the powers and privileges of those tribunes ? P. 98.— 1. What was their veto? 9, Who were the natural antagonists of the tribunes, and how? 3. What was the ohject of the stru^le between the pie beians and the patricians, and how did the former carry it on ? 4. Mention the main causes of the gradual advancement of the plebeians. 5. What number of tribunes was at first appointed, and how and to what extent was it increased ? 6. To what had the increased number refer- ence ? 7. How were the tribunes elected ? P. 99. — 1, What were the functions of the aediles plebis? 2. When and by whom. was a treaty concluded with the Latin confederacy ? 3. State the terms of that treaty. 4. What were the results of the treaty ? 5. At what period of the rear had the secession of the plebs taken place, nod what consequences resulted therefrom? 6. In what manner did the Romans endeavor to obtain supplies, and who is said to have assisted them ? P. JCO. — 1. With whom was a war fie Ing carried on at this time? 2. By whose means wa^ Corioli taken, and wliat sur- name did he receive in consequence ? 3. How did the Romans endeavor to secure themselves against foreign enemies? 4. How did the patricians act at this time ? 5. Who was the principal enemy of the plebeians ? 6. State the measures adopt- ed by the people against him, and, their results. 7. How was Coriolanus receiv- ed bv the Volscians ? 8. Who was the principal man among the Volscians? P. lOL— 1. What led to a new war? 2. Who were ihe Volscian genernis? 3. Give an account of the exploits of Corio- lanus. 4. In what manner did the sen- ate endeavor to prevail upon Coriolanus to desist from his hostility 1 5. How was he at l:ist induced to do so? 6. What are the traditions respecting him subsequent- ly to this time ? 7. Upon whnt fact does the whole stor of Coriolanus seem to be based ? 8 What circumstances appear to disprove the itory as told by the Ro- man .s ? P. 102.— 1. From what did much that is untrue in the early history of Rome nri-^e ? 2. What occasioned a war be- tween the Volscians and the Aequians 7 3. When, by whom, a.nd on what terms, was a league concluded with the Herni cans? 4. What was the objffl of tho Romans ? 5. Wliat was the efiect of thia league, and how is it iiiisrepre.-eiited by Livy ? G. In wlwii year do we firs i hear of an agrarian law at Rome ? 7. By whom was it proposed, and what was it's^ object I P. 103.— 1. How was the law received by the patricians and plebeians? 2. What was the fate of Sp. Cassias? 3. How is he shown to have been a great man, and in what manner did his enemies attempt to justify themselves ? 4. Mention some of the efforts made to carry his agrarian law into efiect. 5. What singular phe- nomenon occurred daring a period of seven years ? 6. Mention the dates. 7 What does that phenomenon perhaps indicate ? P. 104.— 1. By whom were the ple- beians joined about this time? 2. What means did the patricians adopt to prevent the execution of the Cassian law ? 3. Whom did Q,. Fabius defeat, and how did he afterward act 1 4. What attempt was made to deprive the plebeians ot their constitutional rights I 5. For how long a time did the allempt succeed, and how did the ]tlebeians beli:ive in conse- quence? 6. What attempt of the senate was defeated by the peojile? 7. What change took place at this time in the mode of electing the consiily, and how long did it !;ist? 8 How did M. Fabius gain the grfod will of the ple'bclans ? P. 105.- 1. Wiiat proposal did Kaeso Fabius make in his third consulship? 2. How was he treated on accoun t of this by the patricians and plebeians? 3. What offer did the Fabian gens make to the senate ? 4. How may \j; be accoilnted for? 5. Was the offer accepted, and what did the Fahii do ? 6. In what year did the war with Veii begin ? 7. Men- tion the leading events of the war down ID the vear b.c 479. P. 106.-1. Relate what happened In the year b.c. 477, 2. By whom was Rome besieged, and how was it saved 1 3. What was the slate of Rome at this time? 4. Relate the events of the year B.C. 476. 5. What led to the conciusiun of a peace, and for how long a time \yas it? C. What is said to have occasioned the death of Menenius? P. 107,-1. Why, and in what way did the patricians get ri.i of the tribtine Ge nucius? 2. Relate the events which fol- lowed this proceeding. 3. Narrate the story of Publtlius Volero. 4. In what year was he chosen tribune? 5. How did IG auESTioN;^ 'i\' 'iMiK nisrouY of rome. [108-119. he act in that office 1 6. What prnposnl (lid he bring hefore the coiniiionaUy 1 7. By whnni was it opposed 1 8. What was. the result of the opposition 1 9. Who was Publilius's colleague in the following year? P. 108. — 1. Describe the measures now proposed by him, and their intended ef- fect. 2. What was the force of a resolu- lionof the plebs? 3. Who were the con- buls elected at this lime 1 4. Give an ac- count of what happened when Laetorius tried to put these proposals to the vote. 5. What was the issue of the matter. 6. In what way was the carrying of the lex rublilia of great advantage to the ple- beians ? P. 109. — 1. Against whom did - Ap. Claudius levy an arlny 1 2. What in- duced the soldiers to flee back to their camp? 3. What did Claudius do in con- sequence, and how was his probable in- tention defeated"? 4. By what were the soldiers driven to commit an act of high treason, and how did Claudius punish them for iti 5. Relate what happened on the expiration of his office. P. 110. — 1. What is the probable mean- ing of the statement, that the consuls for the year b.c. 468 were elected by the patricians and their clients alone? 2. Wtiat events now soothed the animosity of the two parties'? 3. What circum- bUinces occasioned epidemic diseases at Rome ? 4. In .what year did the pesti- lence begin its ravages 1 5., Relate the proceedings of the "Voiscinns and Aequi- uns during this time. P. 111. — 1. What seems to be the sub- stance of the legend of Cincinnatus? 2. Relate the story of his appointment to the dictatorship. 3. Wliat measures did he lulopti 4. Give an account of the battle r.f Mount Algidus. " P. 112. — 1. What did Cincinnatus do on Ills retuj-n to Rome 1 2. By what scourge was Rotne visited during this period, and whutwefe its consequences 1 3. By what w;is this calamity increased, antl with wiftit results? 4. In what year did the ti'jbune Tereutillus Arsa tiring his propo- eiil before the people ? i*. What was the proposal and its object ? P. 113.— 1. What was the fate of his bill the first year 7 2. By whom was the bill brought forward next year, and by whom and how was it opposed ? 3. Re- hite the proceedings relative lo K. Uuinc- tius. 4. What effect had these proceed- ings on the patricians? 5. What circum- stances created suspicion and uneasiness among the people? C. Give an account rjf the occupation of the Capitol. 7», What measures did the consuls employ on this occasion ? P. 114.— 1. How were the people in- duced to take the militaiy oath? 2. What was thp re?uU of the attack on the Capitol 1 3. Who was appointed to the consulship in the room ol Vuloriua. 4. What did the patricians now endeavor to efifect? 5. What did Uiey induce the plebs to do ? 6. How did the plebeiai^ show tlieir determination 1 7. What happened during the truce between 0e two orders? 8. In what year wa? the number of tribunes increased? 9. What addition was made to their number, and why? P. 115.— 1. What circumstance sho^g^fc the rapid increase of the tribunician pow^^V er? 2. What was the object of the bill^^ which the tribunes compelled the consuls to bring before the senate? 3. How v/as that object carried out? 4. What was the great step gained by the plebeians in the year b.c. 454? 5. In what year was tlie bill of Terentillus Arsa taken up again ? 6. What course did the patri- cians now pursue relative to it 1 7. What was the first step taken? 8. Show that the doubts raised by some modern writers as to the embassy to Greece are unfound- ed. P. 116.~1. What proof have we that the Romans had at this time considerable acquaintance with tlie arts and literature of Greece? 2. From what class were the decemvirs taken? 3. What principle do we find adopted in all the states of an- tiquity relative to those who are appoint ed to frame a new code of laws ? 4. Waa this rule observed at Rome, and what was it5 effect ? 5. When did the decemvirs enter on their task? 6. What change was probably made during the decemvir- ate in tlie funciions of the tribunes? P. 117.— 1. What was the object of the new legislation ? 2. Was this object car- ried out? 3. What are we told respect- ing tlje decemvirs during the year of their office 1 4. By whom were they assisted in drawing up their code of laws? 5. What did that code embrace ? 6. By whom were the laws of the decemvirs sanctioned, and iiow were they promul- gated ? 7. Till what time were these laws the basis of all Roman legislation? 8. Why was it resolved that decemvirs should be o ppoin ted in the fo'l lowing year ? 9. Who presided at the election of the new decemvirs, and how did he proceed ? P. 118. — 1. What addition was made to the previous code ? 2. How did the de- cemvirs now begin to act? 3. What ren- dered the plebeians less able to resist their oppression ? 4. To what supposi-; tion might the conduct of the decemyirs give rise ? 5. What occasioned the pa- tricians themselves to feel alarm? 6. Relate the events of tlie war against the Sabines and Aequlans. 7. Who was Si- cinins Dentatus ? 8. In what way had he excited the resentment of tiie decem- virs? P. 119.— 1. Relate the mode in which they got rid of him. 2. Who was Vir- ginia? 3,. Ill what manner did Appius Claudius endeavor to get her iulo his power? 4. Relate the catastrophe lo 120-132.] aUESTlONS ON THE HISTORY OF KOM£. 17 which this led. 5. Give an account of whut followed this event at Rome. 6. What step did the soldiers take 1 7. What answer did they send to the sen- ate 3 P. 120.— I. What did they prepare to flo ? 2. What preliminary condition did the people insist upon? 3. AVhat ad- vice did Duilius give to the people? 4. How did the people act 1 5. What meas- ure did the senate now adopt ? C What were the demands of the plebeians t 7. What did the ambassadors agree to ? 8. What ordinance did the senate issue, and what took place in consequence t Q. \'\"h(i were chosen consuls? P. 121. — 1, What arrangement did the s^'JawsofVlie twelve tables coniain relative to the constitution ? 3. Mention some circumstances which prove that this ar- ningeiiient icas made. 3. What was the character given by this arrangement to tlie assembly of the tribes? 4. What powers were reserved by it for the assem- bly of the centuries? 5. Mention some of the disabilities of the plebeians which were not removed by the new legisla- tion? P. 122.— 1. In what respect is the study of the laws of the twelve tables extreme- ly instructive ? 2. In what particular do those laws differ from modern Jaws in general, and to what is that peculiarity to be ascribed ? 3, What old laws were re vived by the consuls ? 4. What new law did they procure to be passed by the cen- turies ? 5. What was the plebiscitum car- Tied by M. Duilius? 6. State the meas- ures adopted relative to the decemvirs, and their results. P. 123. — 1. Mention what now took place in the wars against the Aequians and Sabin^. 2. How did the senate act toward the consuls? 3. What was done in consequence? 4. In what manner Pyrrhus dispose of the spoils ? 8. Repeat the inscription on what he dedi- cated to Zeus. 9. What was the imme diate consequence of his victory? t*. 195.— I. Narrate the proceedings of Decius Jubellius and tlie Campanian le- gion. 2. Why*did Pyrrhus send Cineas to Rome? 3, What otfers did Cineas make to the Romans? 4. What occr.- sioned iheir rejection ? 5. Repent what Cineas said respecting Rome ? 6. In what attempt was Pyrrhus thwarted by Laevi- nus? 7. What towns did Pyrrhus take?^ 8. Wliat put a slop to tlie king's progress? P. 19G.— r. What induced him to re- treat ? 3. Relate what happened in Cani- ■pania? 3. Where did Pyrrhus and I.ne- vinus winter? 4. Wliat step did the Ro- mans take previously to the opening of the new campaign ? 5. How did Pyrrhus receive their proposal? (!. Wliat did he permit his prisoners to do? 7. What toi^k place at Rome on this occasion ? rf. Give an account of the battle of Asculuui - P. 197.— 1 What was d.aie I'V Pvnhiis after the battle? 2. What had now in- come evident to hini ? ',i. AVhat a'lianee was concluded in the year b.C4_279? 4 Siat,i what the Carthaginians did injjur- i^uance of this treaty, and with what r* 198-209.] aUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OP ROME, :;i3 milt, 5. What ofer was made to the Ro- uftins in b.c.278, and how did they receive it? 6. What did Pyrrhus do in conse- quence? 7. What was the result of the xiegotwtions ? 8. What arrangements were innde by Pyrrhus? 1*. 196. — 1. Wlien and how did he cross over into Sicily? 3. In what state waa Sicily, and particularly Syracuse, at this time ? 3. What was Pyrrhus's pbject, and how was it defeated? 4. How did the Romans treat the prisoners sent back by Mm? 5. Relate the exploits of Fabricius. 6. Give an account of the war in Samni- um in the year b.c. 277. 7. Narrate the taking of Croton? 8. What pretext did Pyrrhus obtain for leaving Sicily? 7. What misfortune befell liini on the voy- age? P. 199.—]. Give an account of his pro- ceedings after landing in Italy. 2. What were the military arrangements of the Romans for the year b.c. 275? 3. What were the measures of Pyrrhus ? 4. Nar- rate the battle fought near Beneventum. 5. What attempt did Pyrrhus now make, and with what success ? C. What was he compelled to do? 7. What enabled him to keep his fleet ready ? P. 200. — 1. How many men did he lead back 1 2. What were his subsequent ad- ventures? 3. Relate what happened at Ta- rentum. 4. Relate the events of b.c. 272. 5. To whom did the Tarentines apply for assistance? 6. Give an account of the proceedings of Milo. 7. How did the Ro- mans treat Tarentum, and why? 8. What efiect had this triumph upon the Romans ? 9. Who was among the Tarentine pris- oners? P. 201.— 1. Narrate the taking of Rhe- gium. 2. In what year did the last Sam- nite war break out? 3. Give an account of it ; and, 4, of the war against the Picen- Einns. 5. By what means did the Romans secure their conquests? 6. Relate the capture of Volsinii. P. 202. — 1. During how long a period had the contests of the Romjms with the other Italian nations lasted ? 2. In what way had the Carthaginians excited the jealousy of the Romans? 3. What were the limits of the Roman empire at this time? 4. What fuels seem to prove that the Romans regulated thfe affairs of Ihe conquered jieople with prudence and mod- eration ? 5. What was the policy of the Roinnns relativt- to their subjects, and how vvns it carried out? P. 203.— 1. Quote Virgil's maxim, nnd shfjw how it w;is followed by ihe Ro- mHUs. 9. Explain llie trrms viumcipia and municipes. 3. What were the privi- leges of inunicipia of the first class % name some of them. 4. Stale the difference be- uveen municipiaof the second class and those of the first. 5. What constituted a municipium of the third class? 6. What relation existed between the colonies and Rome ? 7. In whnt respects did Roman colonies dififer from modern colonies? 8. What portion of land did the colonists re- ceive, and in what relation did they stand to the original inhabitants ? 9. What waa the ordinary number of colonists sent to one place ? P. 204.— 1. Distinguish between Roman and Latin colonies. 2. Of whom might a Lajin colony consist? 3. Give an ac- count of the pToefecturae. 4. Who are designated by the expression nomen Lati- num? 5. What is meant by the phrase secii nomen Latinum ? 6. What were the two kinds of socii ? P. 205. — 1. Who were the deditiiiif 2. What was the nature pf the Roman constitution at this period of its history, and how long did it continue so T 3. In what respect may it be compared to the English constitution ? 4. Of what two parts did it consist ? 5. How was political power distributed at Rome? P. 206.— 1. What was the effect of this distribution ? 2. What were the func- tions of the consuls? 3. Describe those of the senate. 4. What was the usual number of ambassadors sent by Ihe sen- ale ? 5. V/hat was necessary to render their negotiations valid? 6. What were the political powers of the people ? 7. Who had the exclusive power of con demning a Roman citizen to death 1 8. What advantage attended the right of going into voluntary exile ? P. 207. — ]. What were the functions of the assemblies of the curiae and tribes at this period ? 2. Which was now the most important assembly ? 3. How were the powers of the consuls limited ? 4. In what jnanner was the senate controll- ed by the people? ;">. What inducements had the people to cooperate with the sen- ate and magistrates? 6. What limitation existed to the consul's military power? 7. What magistrate alone possessed un- limited military power ? 8. What made the office of the tribunes of the people the most important? P. 208. — 1. In whose hands was the ad- ministration of justice? 2. Of what did the public revenue consist ? 3. What was the duty of the quaestors ? 4. When, why, and to what extent was their num- ber increased 1 5. Who were the notarii or scribac ? 6. What were the duifes of the nediles ? 7. Who was the praefectus annonae ? 8. What were the original powers of the censors? 9. To what did they afterward extend? 10. What of- fen.ses could the censors punish by the nota cBTisoria ? P. 209.— 1. What were their powers relative to the frfinchise'T 2. What led the Romans to inlrpdtice various chances into the constitution of the ^rmy ? 3. Ol what description were the vv.'irs in Ihe earlier times? 4. After what period did the campaigns become longer nnd more serious? 5. When did the soldiers first receive pay ? C' What were the ordinary QUESTI0N>3 uK raS tUaTOilY OF ROME. {210-223. (jie:iiis of taking :i fortiifiecl place"? -7, When, by vvliom, und why, was ii change made in the arnior of the Roman sol- diers ? _ P. 210.^-1. Describe the Roman shields, pilum, :md sword. 2. Give an account of the constitution of the legion at the time of the Liitin war. 3. What force was generally raised every year 7 4. What was the character of the military laws 1 5. Of what kind were miIi^dry rewards] 6. From whom did the Romans learn a system of tactics 1 P. 211.— J.. What is tlie common belief SIS to the Roman navy, and how is it dis 4)roved 1 2. Wlien did the Romans first keep up a regular fleet "? 3. How had the religion of the Romans been modified 1 4. Under what circumstances- were foreign rites adopted 1 give an instance. 5. What was incubatio, and by whom was it prac- ticed 1 '6. What part of the ancient re- ligion maintained its authority, and how is this shown ? 7. What was the state of religion in the days of Cicero 1 P. 212. — 1, What occasioned the prog- ress of intellectual culture lo be slow among the Romans 1 2. What was the condition of commerce? 3. What was the main source of wealth among the Romans? 4. Mention facts which show the honorable estimation in which that occupation was held iiy them. 5. De- scribe their mode of living. 6. Give an account of their private and public build- ings. 7. When, and why, was P. Corne- lius Rnfinus expelled from the senate ? P. 213.— 1. What facts prove tJiat the Bimplicity of the Romans easily degener- ated into bmtaliiy? 2. What effect had tile conquest of Tarentum on the Romans 1 3. In , what respects did they resemble barbarians I 4. When, and why, wer^ the first silver coins issued at Rotne 1 5. For what purpose were the barbers' sifops used in later times? 6. What were the objects of the education of the Romans? 7. Who were the teachers? 8. In what state were the arts at Rome 1 P. 214. — i. What circum=tance shows the increasing wealth of tlie republic? 2. When were the equestrian statues first erected at Rome ? 3. Whence came most of the works of art which adorned the city ? 4. Relate the anecdote which prdves the want of musical skill among the Romans. 5. AVhen. and why, were d.:incers and actors invited to Rome, and in whiit estiniaiion wera they held? 6 What was the state of literature, and to what was ii owing? 7. Give an account of Rnntc's rel;iiions with foreign powei-s abnut this tiino. P. 21.^.— J. Among whom was Sicily divided at the conimenceraent of the first Ptinic war? 2. Give an account of the Mliiyertines in Sicily. 3. Relate the war -between them and king Hiero. 4. Why did the Cnrthagintans interfere In favor of (he Mamertlnes 7 P. 216. — 1, How did the latter receive their offer? 2. To whom did-one partaof the Mamerlines apply for assistance ? 3. Point out the inconsistency of the Ro- manajn complying with their requ^t. 4. How did the senate, the consuls, anc) the people severally act in this matter? 5. What motives determined the people 1 6. In what year did these events occur, and what inference may be drawn from them ? 7. Relate what had in the mean time happened at Mcssana. 8. How was the war brought to a close ? 9. In what position did this leave the Romans ? 10. What did they at length determine on 1 11. What was the first hostile act? P. 217. — 1. How did the Romans com- municate with the Mamertines ? 2. How did they obtain possession of Messana 7 3. Wliat demand was made by the Car- thaginians? 4. Give an account of the operations before Messana. 5. How had the Carthaginians treated tjieir Italian mercenaries, and why? 6. Where did the Romans encamp, and with what re- sultT 7. Who vere consuls in b.c. 263, and what was elfected by them ? 8. On what terms was peace made with Hiero? 9. How did he subsequently act ? P.2i8.— 1. What was the condition of Carthage at this time? 2. In what state was Rome ? 3. Under what great disad- vantage did Carthage labor ? 4. Point out its consequences. 5. Relate the events of the campaign. 6. Give ah ac- count of the siege and capture of Agrigen- tuTn. P. 219. — ]. Mention the fact's relative lo the Carthaginian mercenaries. 2. What convinced the Romans of the necessity for a fleet? 3. Narrate the building of their first fleet. 4. How many men were on board each quinquereme ? 5. How were they trained ? P. 220. — 1. On what accounts do the Romnxis deserve our admiration on Ihia occasion? 2. Relate what took place at Segesta, 3. Who were the consuls for the year b.c. 260 ? 4. Give an account of the defeat of Crt. Cornelius. 5. What contrivance was adopted by the consul Duilius, and with what object? C. Nar- rate the first naval battle. P. 221.— 1. What followed this victo- ry? 2. How was Duilius rewarded? 3. Relate the events of tlie next campaign in Sardinia and Corsica. P. 222. — 1. Give an account of the war in Sicily. 2. Nairate the Samnite con- spiracy at Rome. 3, Relate the siege and capture of Myttistratum. 4. What was the exploit of M. ptilpurniua Flamma ? 5. Mention the towns which fell into the hands of the Romans. P. 223.— I. What was the situation of both parties in Sicily in .the eighth year of the war ? 2. What event in that year gave the Romans the hope of finishing the war? 3. Who vi^ere the consuls Id B.C. 256? 4. What fleet had they under 254-236.] aUESTlOXa o.\ VAK HISTORY OF ROME. Uioir command, ami vvb^t was its desli- nuiion'? 5. Whtii w;is the strength of the Carthiigiui.in liect? 6. Give an ac- comitot'the biaiIei)t"Ecnomus. 7. \Vh:it proposal did the Carth^inians afterward make, find how wasii received ? 8. ^Vhut plan did they tlien adopt ? 9. Where did the Roin.ins land in Africa t 10. Relate the campaign there. U. What did the Romans do at the close of the year? ' P. 224. — 1. What difiereat explanations are given of the stay of Regulus in Afri- ca? 2. What was his character? 3. Give an account of Ihe siege of Adis, and of the conduct of the Carthaginians. 4. Relate what is said to have happened to Regulus on the river Bagradas. 5. In what condition was Carthage 1 C. What step did the CartliagiDians uike 1 P. 2-25. — 1. What terms of peace did Regulus offer to ihemi 2. Were they accepted ? 3. Give an account of Xai)- thippus. 4. To whom did the Cartha- ginians intrust the supreme command? 5. Describe the measures adopted- by Xanthippus. 6. What were the num- bers of tile Roman and Carlliaginian forces 1 P. 226.— 1. Narrate the battle between them. 2. What did Xanthippus after- ward dol 3. Who were the consuls of the year, and what was their first proceeding? 4. Relate the battle near Cape Hermaeum. 5. What subsequently took place ? 6. Give an account of the disaster which liefell the Roman fleet. 7. How did Hiero act on this nccasinn ? 8. What steps did the Carthaginians take? P. 227.— 1. Give an account of the b-iilding of the second Roman fleet. 2. V/hither was it conducted, and by whom 7 X Relate the events of the campaign in Sicily. 4. Who were the consuls in b.c. 252, and whither did they sail ? 5. What Jiappened there ? 6. Narraie the de- struction of the Roman fleet. 7. What effect had this disaster on the Romans; and what did they in consequence resolve upon? 8. State "what occurred in Sicily ia B.C. 252 and b.c. 251. P 223 — 1. Give an account of the bat- tle of Panormus. 2. Of what nature was the rest of the war ? 3. What effect had the war on Sicily 2 4. What places did the Carthaginians possess after the battle of Panormus? 5. What proposal did they make? 6. Who accompanied tlieir am- bassadors, and under what conditions? 7. Give an account of the conduct of Reguhis on this occasion. 8. What is said toliave been his fate 1 p_ 2.29._i, Is the story of his embassy authentic? 2. \n what did it probably originate? 3. Why did the Romans re- ject the proposed peace ? 4. What meas- ures were adopted by ihem? 5. Narrate the siege of Lilyhaeum. 6. How did the Carthaginian mercenaries behave, and how was their plot preventeii? 7. Re- late the e.^ploit of tlie admiral Han.ulial. P. 230.— 1. What misfortune befell thfe besiegers? 2. What course did the Ro- mans pursue ? 3. AVhere were the two fleets? 4. Who was consul in b.c. 249? 5 Give an account of his defeat at Dre- pana. 6. What were the consequences of this event? 7. What was Claudius ordered to do? 8. How did he obey the command ? P. 231.— 1. What measures did the Ro- mans adopt? 2. What proceedings were laken against Claudius, and what wai their result? 3. In what respect had the Carthaginians the advantage of the Ro- mans? 4. Relate the exploits of the Ciuthaginians. 5. Give an account of the measures of the consul C. Junius, fi. Re- late the exploits of Carthalo. 7. Narrate the loss of the Roman fleet. 8. What were the subsequent proceedings of Ju- nius? 9. How was he punished? P. 232.— 1. What were the eveols of B.C. 248? 2. What attempt was made by the Carthaginans, and how did it suc- ceed? 3. Who now undertook the com- mand of their forces? 4. What was his character ? 5. What were his first meas- ures? 6. When and where did he land in Sicily? 7. Who were at this time the Roman generals, and how were ihey en- gaged? 8. Where did Hamilcar estab- lish himself, and what plan did he pursue for the next three years? 9. What town did he then take possession of? 10. What happened there? P. 233.— 1. Relate the anecdote which shows his amiable character. 2. In what year, and bv what means, was the third "Roman fleet built? 3. Who took the comuiand of it? 4. What kind of a fleet was this? 5. What attempt did the Ro- mans first make? P. 234. — I. Give an account of the cir- cumstances preceding the battle of the Aegatian islands ; and, 2. of the battle it- self. 3. When was this battle fought, and what was its result? 4. What did the Carthaginians now do? 5. By whom were the negotiations conducted ? 6. On what conditions was peace concluded? 7. What alteration did the people make in the terms? 8. How long had the war lasted ? 9. Describe its general effect on Rome and Carthage. P. 235.— 1. What constitution did the Romans give to Sicily? 2. What consti- tuted a Roman province? 3. What was the tenure of the land in a promise ? 4. In what capacity were the provincials permitted to serve in the Roman armies? 5. What parts of Sicily became civitate foedcratae ? 6. What were liberae civi- talcs 7 P. 233. — 1. What was the general con- dition of Roman provinces, as illustrated in Sicily? 2. In what state had Italy beea during the first Punic war ? 3. To whalis its tranquillity atuibutable? 4. Who was the first plebeian poiifex maximus, and in what year t 5. What change had taken •i^ aUESTXONS ON THE HISTORY OP ROME. [237-248. p!rjce,in the constitution of the senate dmiag this period? 6. Who were from till,,' time required to pay the expenses of thfi public festivtils and games? P. 237. — 1. In what respect was this change imptirtiinf? 3. In what year was a second praetor appointed, and why 1 3. When, by whom, and on what occasion wn.s ilie first gladiatovinl exhibition pre- sented at Rome 1 4. Narrate the revolt of Falerii. 5. In what condition was Rome at this time*? 6. What occasioned- im insurrection in the Carthaginian army, and by whom was it promoted? P. 238. — 1. In what way was tJjis intes- tine war carried on, and with what effect on Carthage 1 9. What towns revolted from Carthage 1 3. What proposal did Ulica make to Rome, and how was it re- ceived ? 4. By whom was this African war brought to a close 7 5. What aided him in so doing? G. Relate the events wliich led to the Romans taking posses- sion of Sardinia 1 7. What prevented the Carthaginians chastising the mercenaries of Snrdinia? 8. What did Carthage lose at this time 1 P. 239.— 1. Characterize the conduct of Rome on this occasion. 2. What effect had it nt Carthage? 3. With what oth- er nations was Rome now at w^ir ? 4. Wheft, and by what measure was the tranquillity of the Cisalpine Gauls disturb- ed ? 5. Give an account of the agrarian law of C. Flaminius. 6. What steps were talten by the Gauls? P. 240.— 1. ,What countries did the II- lyrians inhabit? 2. Who was their ruler at this time ? 3, What occasioned Roman ambassadors to be sent toiler? 4. What reply was made to their demands ? 5. Repeat the answer of one of the ambas- sador:*. 6. What did Teuta do in conse- quence ? 7. State in what year this hap- pened, and the measures adopted by the Romans? 8. Relate the events of the war. 9. On what terms was peace con- cluded? ]0. How was Demetrius re- wardevi, and what was his subsequent conduct? P. 241.— 1. To what ideas does this war appear to have given rise among the Ro- mans ? 2. What intercourse existed be- tween Rome artd Greece at this time ? 3. Give an account of the proceedings of the Boians. 4. In what year did the Gaesatae cross the Alps 1 5. What effecx had this event upon the Rotnans?, (i. How was an army raised, and what was its num- ber? 7'. What prophecy was current at Rome, and what was done in the hope of averting the expected calamity ? P. 212.-1. What military arrangements were made ? 2. What route did the Gauls take? 3. Give an uccnunt of the first en- gagement. 4. Relate the proceedings of Aemilius. 5. By whom was Aemilius re- inforced? 6, Describe the battle which ensued. 7. Narrate the events of b.c. 224. P. 243.--1. Give an.account of the pro-, ceedinga of Flaminius. 2. How had he offended the senate? 3. What were he »and his colleagues obJiged to do, anrf why ? 4, When and by whom was the Gallic war concluded? 5. On what condition was peace concluded? 6. What did the Romans gain by this peace, and how did they secure their acquisitions ? 7. What gave rise to the second lUyrian war ?' R Give an account of it. 9. What became of Demetrius T, 10. How were the Car- thaginians employed during this time ? P. 244.-1. What plan was formed by Kamilcar Barca? 2. Point out its wis dom. 3. What system did he pursue to- ward the Spaniards ? 4. In what year had he come to Spain ? 5. How had he administered it? 6. Mention the year in which he ^ed, and by whom he was suc- ceeded. 7. How did Hasdrubal act, and wh at town did he found ? 8. What treaty was concluded with him, and why ? 9. How long had Hasdrubal the command, and when was he assassinated 1 10. GiVe an account of his successor. P. 245.-1. Narrate his first proceedings. 2. In what manner did he act against Sa- guntum? 3. What step did the Sagun- tines adopt? 4. When was the siege of Saguntum commenced ? 5. For what pur- pose were Roman ambassadors sent to Spain, and with what result? G. Give an account of the siege and capture of Sa- guntum. 7, What did the Romans now do? P. 246.-1. How were the Carthaginians circumstanced ? 2. Relate what happen- ed in the Carthaginian senate ? 3. What was done by the ambassadors on their way home J 4. What was the cause of the second Punic wiir ? 5. What was the aristocratic party at Carlh«ge will- ing to do, and how was it prevented? G. Why were the Romans desiroc^ to de- lay the outbreak of the war ? P. 247. — 1. Which were the principal scenes of this war? 2. into how many periods may it be divided? 3. Mention the dates and leading events of each pe- riod. 4. When was the war in Spain concluded ? 5. How long did the Sicilian wai- last? 6. Where did Hannibal as- semble his troops ? 7. In what way was his cLiution shown 1 8. To whom did he intrust the command in Spain ? 9. In what year did he cross the Iberus, and with how grejvi an army ? P. 248.— 1. Where did he cross the Pyr- enees ? 2. Give an account of the mu- tiny. 3. Of what did his remaining army consist? 4. What intercourse had he - wUh the Gauls? 5. Whaf^measures had the Romans taken? G. What rendered them elfectual ? 7. What did Scipio dis- cover when he arrived at Massilin ? 8. Where had the Carthaginians crossed the Rhone, and under what circumstances? 9. Describe the course of Hannibal from the passage of the Rhone to the foot of the Alps. 249-263.] aUESTlONS ON THE HISTORY OF ROME. 27 P. 349— 1. Why did the Alpine tribea oppose his, progress? 2. What other difliculiies h;id he to contend wiihl 3. In how ninny days did he cross the Alps, and what was his subsequent route? 4. How long a time had the march from New Carthage to Italy occupied? 5. What force was still under his command ? 6. How may the want of energy and de- cision on the part of the Romans be ac- counted for? 7. What steps had Scipio taken ? 8. What did the Cisalpine Gauls do? P. 250. — 1. Give an account of the bat- tle OQ the Ticious. 2. What measures did the Romans take in consequence ? 3. Describe the movements of Scipio and Hannibal. 4. What motives induced both Bemproniiis and Hanuibal to wish to fight ? 5. How were the armies post- ed ? 6. Descnbe the Trebia. P. 251.— 1. Narrate the battle on the Trebia, 2. Whither did the remnant of the Roman army escape? 3. What at- tempt did the consuls make? 4. What plans did the Romans adopt? 5. Who was consul in B.C. 217 ? 6. What were bU first proceedings ? 7. What seems to have been his character, and why was he disliked by the patricians ? P. 252. — 1. Give an account of Hanni- bal's march from Lucca to Faesulae. 2. Where had Hannibal arrived when he was overtaken by Ffaminius ? 3. Relate the battle which ensued. 4. How did Hannibal dispose of the prisoners, and with what object ? 5. What other disas- ter befell the Romans immediately after the battle ? P. 253. — 1. What measures were adopt- ed at Rome when the news of the defeat arrived 1 2. Describe the characters of Fabius and Alinacius. 3. What was Hannibal's next attempt, and how did it succeed? 4. What were probably the reasons which deterred him from march- ing against Rome at this time ? P. 254. — 1. In what direction did he march, and with what consequences to the country through which he proceed- ed ? 2. What was Hannibars immediate object, and how was it frustrated? 3. Describe the stratagem by which he saved his army. 4. What circumstances induced the Romans to confer upon Mi- nucius power equal to that of the dicta- tor^ P. S55. — 1. How did Fabius act on this occasion, and with what result ? 2. What GunAimc was given to him? 3. Where, and in what circumstances, did Hannibal spend the winter? 4. Who were the consuls for the year b.c.216? 5. What army was under their command? 6. Where did they encamp? P. 256.— 1. On what day was the battle of Cannae fought ? 2. Give an account of the battle 1 3. How did the Romans flhow their fortitade at this crisis? 4. How were the wirvivws of C&nna« treat- ed ? 5. What measures were adopted at Rome to propitiate the gods? P. 257.-1. What repi-oach did Hanni- bal^draw upon himself after tlie battle of Canuae, and how? 2. What w;is his original plan, and what circunjfianccs appeared now to favor it? 3. iI(^:iiion some of the Italian and other stJtes which went over to him at this time. 4. Give an account of Capua, and of its probable reason for joining Hannibal. 5. What circumstance made it hesitate in bo doing ? 6. On what terms did Capua join Hannibal ? P. 258.— 1. What repulses did Hanni- bal meet with on his march through Cam- pania ? 2. What change took place in the Carthaginian army after the battle of Cannae, and to what causes may it be at- tributed? 3. What measures had been decreed at Carthage consequent on that event, and how had they been executed? 4. Give an account of the effi>rts made by the Romans. 5. Relate the events of b.c. 215 at Nola, Beneventum, and Capua. P. 259. — i. Narrate Hannibal's march toward Rome, and its effects on that city and Capua. 2. Where did Hannibal en- camp ? 3. What did he do on the arrival of Fulvius ? 4. State in what year Hiero died. 5. Give an account of the reign of his successor. 6. Relate the circum- stances which occasioned a Roman anny to be sent to Sicily in b.c. 214. P. 260.— 1. Narrate the siege and taking of Syracuse. 2. In what year was Capua reconquered ? 3. Relate what took place on ihat occasion. 4. How and in what year did the Romans regain Tarentum 1 5. When and by whom was the conquest of Sicily completed? 6. Give an account of the war in Spain from b.c. 218 to b.c. 215. P. 261. — 1. By whom wa^ a connection formed with the Scipios about this time, and what happened in Africa in conse- quence? 2. Relate the events of b.c. 212 in Spain. 3. What efifect was pro- duced*by them at Rome ? 4. Under what circumstances did P. Cornelius Scipio of- fer to accept the command in Spain, and what objections were made to him ^ 5. Did these objections prevail ? 6. Give an account of him. P. 262.-1. When did he arrive in Spain? 2. What inspired his soldiers with confidence ? 3. What was his first exploit in Spain ? 4. Who was the Car- thaginian commander there, and what prevented hira from relieving New Car- thage? 5. Give an account of the taking of Astapa; and, 6, of the.batrle near Bae- cula. p. 263. — 1. Narrate the march of Has- drubal from Spain into Italy. 2. What unfortunate circumstances attended himT 3. Who were the consuls at this time? 4- Relate their military movements. 5. Give an account of tbe banle on the MetttntuB. 6. What did Hannibal do In aUBSTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF ROME. [364-276. consequence of this defeat 1 7. Narrate the evunis in Spiun after tiie departure of Uiistlruljiil. P. 2ii4.-l. Whither did Hnsdrubal, the son (if Gisco, and Magu, respeciively go ? 3. How long did Scipio remain in Spain, and in what was he employed? 3. Give lui account of the insurrection in his army, and of its causes. 4. How was it sup- presseil by him 1 5. In wliat year did he cross over into Africa, and what did he do there ? P. '■2(53. — 1. Relate the doings at Rome on his arrival there. 2. How did Fabiua 'and the senate act 'toward himi 3. How w:is lie supported by the people? 4. Where was Hannibal at this lime? 5. Give an account of Scipio's doings in bicily, and of ihe charges brought against him. G. What was Scipio chiefly en- gaged in during his consulship? 7. Where and with what army did Scipio land in Africa 1 8. How may we account for the fact ihai the Carthaginians made no op- po^jition to liis landing? P. 266.— 1. How did Syphnx and Mas- inissa act, and by what were they actu- ated T 2., By wlinm was Scipio mel after his landing? 3. Give an account of the conduct of Masinissa. 4. By what means did the Romans defeat Syphax an'd Has- drubal? 5. Relate the subr^eqiieut cam- Ijaign against Syphax. 6. What was the fate of Sophonisbal 7. When and why did Hannibal return to Africa? P. 267.-1. Narrate the interview be- tween him and Scipio. 2. What steps were taken in consequence, and how were they rendered unavailing? 3. Give an accountof the battle of Zama. 4. Whith- er did Hannibal escape, and what advice did lie give to his countrymen 1 5. What terms were now offered by Scipio 1 P. 268.— 1. What happened in the sen- nte at Carthage during the discussion on these terms 1 2. When was the peace rat- ified by the Romans, and what caused the delay) 3. How long had Hannibal been in Italy, mid how had that counti;y heen nffected by the war? 4. Relate the mil- itary events there subsequent to Hannl bal's departure. 5. What was the in ternal condition of Rome anextunt.1 3. What was the slate of public oratory at Rome, and' by whom was it taught'.' 4. Men- tion the facts relating to the embassy from Athens in B.C. 155. 5. What two EectB of philosophy gained influence at Rome, and nniong what classes respect- ively ? G. Why was jurisprudence stud- ied by all Romnn statesmen 1 7. What preparation was made for this study 1 8. Give an account of the medical art among the Romans. P. -293. — 1. Give an account of astron- (juiy among the Romans. 2. Relale the circumsiances attending the oldest known pjedictiim of an eclipse of the moon. 3. Were the Romans equal to the Greeks as artijts ? 4. Mention the best known Roman painters. 5. How did the Romans chiefly display their fondness for the arts^ 6. How were the works of art taken from contiuered countries treated by them? P. 294. — To whom was commerce left in the earliest times? 2. About what time did the equites engage in tradei?, 3. Describe their commercial proceedings. 4. What trade did Cato carry on 1 5. What led to th& neglect of agriculture by the Romans'? 6. What change was thus introduced into the mode of cultivating the land t 7. What proves that, after the firet Punic war, the corruption of morals was spjending 1 P. 295.— 1. What effect did their inter- course with the Greeks on the one hand, and their successful wars on the other, produce upon the Romans'? 2. What ununlly took place at the burial of wealthy persojis 7 3. In what did the new re- finement of manners chiefly manifest it- self? 4. What vices were greatly on the increase ? P. 29t).— 1. How had Philip of Mace- donia been employed during the war with Anliochus? 2., By whom was his con- duct complained of to the Romans? 3. What steps did. the Romans take in con- sequence? 4. What did Philip tell th(jm? 5. What was done by Philip to avert the danger to which he was ex- posed ? p. i297.— What effect had this measure^ and how did the Romans avail themselves of it ? 2. Relate what led to the death of Demetrius? ,3. When, and at what age. did ^llp;,|die? 4. Who was his •successorsiand how was he treated by the Romans.? 5. Give an account of Perseus. 6. What .were Jiia first prpceedinga and plnus 1 . 7. How was he looked upon by the Greeks? 8. What prevented the :Gjreeka from openly declaring for him ? 9. To what did Perseus devote his attei r tlon %. .10. To what was his fall attribu- table? ! ;. P. 398.— L. When, and why, did £u nienesgo to Rome 7 2. Relate what happened to him on returning from Rome. '3. What accelerated the outbre»k of the war between Rome and Perseus? 4. By whom, and when, wfls war de- clared? 5. What demand did the Ro- mans make, and why was it refused by Perseus? 6. How did the Greeks act toward the Romans, and with what con- sequences to themselves? 7. Give an account of the war up to b.c. 163. P. 299. — 1. Who was appointed consul in that year ? 2. Relate the battle of Pydna. 3. What afterward became of Perseus and his son ? 4. In what man ner were the affairs of Macedonia set- tled ? 5. Give an account of the third II lyrian war. 6. How did Aemilius Paul us act after the battle of Pydna? P. 300. — 1. Relate his proceedings rela tive to the Achaeana. 2 What cele brated person was among the Achaeans who were sent to Italy, and how was he treated there? 3. How were those Achaeans disposed of, and what ultimate ly became of them? 4. In what way had the Epirots exposed themselves tn the vengeance of the Romans? 5. Give an account of their treatment by Paulus> P. 301.-1. What rendered it unneces- sary to levy the poU-'tax on Roman citi zens ? 2. Narrate the doings of Antio chus Epiphanes in Egypt. 3. Who ap- plied to the Romans for assistance against him ? 4. Relate what occurred between the Roman ambassadors and Antiochus. 5. Give an account of the affairs of tlie Rhodians. P. 303. — 1. On what conditions were the Rhodians pardoned? 2. Give in- stances of the haughty and domineering spirit of Rome, and o^the submission of foreign rulers, 3. When, between whom, and in what manner, did the Romans di- vide Egypt? 4. State their proceedings relative to Syria. 5. By what meana did the senate obtain information about for eign states ? P. 303.-1. Which were the only two powers that seemed to be obstacles in the way of Roman policy ? 2. Narrate in a general manner the events between the victory over Macedonia and the third Punic war. 3. Give an account of the affairs of Spain during that period. 4 How long did the peace with CarUiaee last ? 5. To what is its rupture to be as- cribed? P. 304.-1. Describe Masinissa's con- duct toward the Carthaginians. S. How did the Romans apt as mediators between them? 3. With what feelings did Cato look upon Carthage, and what resulution did he form respecting it? t 4. Describe the intenial condition of Carthage. K. Give an account of the way between It and Masinissa. P. 305.— 1. What views, by whom, and on ivhat grounds, were advocated tn tbf 306-320.] atJESTIONa ON THE HISTORY OF ROME. 31 Koman senate relative to Carthage ? 2. Which opinion prevailed, and why! 3. What intelligence streaglhened the de- termination of the senate 7 4. What took plate in consequence ? -S. When, where, by whom, and on what pretexi;, was a Roman army assembled ? P. 306.— 1. JVhat did the consuls de- mand of the Carthaginian ambassadors, and under what pretense 1 2. Give an account of their subsequent proceediDgs and demands. 3. What demand of the consuls roused the Carthaginians to re- sistante 1 4. What steps did the latter takel 5. What was the population of Carthage at this lime'? 6. Narrate the sieg^f the city. P.^7. — 1, Who was intrusted with the command of the Carthnginian forces ? Give an account of the events of the yeiu- B.C. 148: (l>in Africa, (2J in Macedonia. 3. Under what circumstances was P, Cor- nelius Sciplo raised to the consulship 1 4. Describe his character. P. 308.7-1. Relate the events of his first campaign befereCarthage. 2. What was the internal condition of Carthage in the> year b.c. 146? 3. What did the Romans Kt length succeed in doing? 4. Describe the interior of the city-. 5. Give an ac- count of the contest within the city, P. 309.— 1. Relate what took place on the seventh day. 2. State what hap- pened at the teiii|>]e of AescuLapiiis. 3. What subsequent measures did the Ro- mans adopt in reference to Carthage ? 4. Wliat did Rome- lose by the destruction of Carthage ? 5. What change'did that event make in the commerce of the Medi- terranean ? P. 310. — 1. Give an account of the csty which was afterward founded near the site of Carthage. 2. In whai year, and with what pretensions, did Andriscus oonie forward in Macedonia 1 3. What induced the Macedonians to submit to himt 4. Narrate the war against him. 5. Relate the events of b.c. 143 in Mace- donia. 6. By whose advice were the Ach- aean faiKtages allowed to return home, andih wluityear? P, 311. — 1. Who were the leaders of the Aohaeans, and what did they cause their countrymen to believe ? 2. Give an ac- count of the condition and conduct of the Achaeaus. 3. What gave the Romans an opportunity to interfere in the afiairs of Greece? 4. What demand did the Ro- mans make, and on what pretext 1 5. How w£^ this demand received ? 6. State the circumstances which «nded in the Acbaeans declaring war against Rome. 7. Narrate the campaign of b.c. 147. P. 312. — 1. How did Metellus act toward the Greeks ? 2. Give an account of his successor in the command. 3. Whu was the commander of the Achaeane^ and what was his conduct ? 4. Describe the battle I minion ? ing of Corinth. 7. How were the works of art found in it disposed of? 8. Relate the anecdote about Mummius in reference to them. P. 313. — 1. What was the subsequent condition of Greece* 2. How did Polyb- ius act at this time ? 3. Mention the dates of the fall of Carthage and Gorinlh. 4. What truth did the Rcnnans lea^n from their wars in -Spain ? S. Narrate the cir- cumstances whi(^ led to the war with Segeda % P. 314.— 1. Relate the ^proceedings of Marcellus toward the Celtiberians. % What occasioned the general insurrec^on in Lusitania 1 3. What steps were takea against Galba in consequence? 4. Give an account of Viriathus, and of his ex- ploits. P.315.— 1. Relate the eventsof b.c. 141. •2. Give an account of the assassination of Viriathus. 3. Narrate the exploits of D. Junius Brutus in Spain, and state the terms of the peace which he made wiih the Lusitanlans. 4. Describe the city of Numanlia. P. 316. — 1-. Give an account of the war against it down to b.c. 137. 2. Relate the events of b.c. 137, and mention the condi- tions of the peace which the Romans then made with Numantia. 3. How did the senate act on this occasion? 4. What did the Numantines do 1 -5. What led to the appointnrient of Scipio Africanus to the consulship, and in what year ? P. 317.— 1. Give an account of the siege of Numantia. 2. Relate Scipio's beha- vior to the people of Lutia. 3. In what state w«re the Numanlines ? 4. Why did they beg for a truce of three days, and how did they employ it? 5. In what year was Numantia destroyed? 6. How were the conquered districts disposed of? 7. Relate the subsequent events in Spain ? 8. In what year was Sdpio censor, and what did he order to be done ? P. 318. — 1. Narrate the circumstances which gave rise to tite servile war in Sic- ily. 2. Who were the leaders of the slaves, and when did the war break out ? 3. What was the nature of the war ? 4. What ext" abled the Romans to defeat the slaves ? 5. How were the conquered slaves treat- ed ? 6. In what year did Attains die, and what was his character? 7. In what condition was his kingdom, and to whom did he bequeath it? P. 319. — 1. What probably caused him to make thiff bequest? 2. What effect had this event upon the Romans? 3; Give an account of Arstonicus, and of his war with the Romam. 4. What was the fate of Aristonicus? 5. When, and by whom, was-the conquest of Asia Minor completed? 6. How was the vanquished country disposed of? 7. What was at this period the extent of the Roman do- of Leucopetra. 5. What was the fate of | Ojaeus? 6. Oivp an account of the tak- P. 320.— 1. At what time had the Ro- mnn cflnslilutinn attained its perfect dfr 32 aUES'ClONS ON TFM: history of ROME. [321-3331 velopment, and how was its healthful working secured 7 2. -To what was its subsequent failure attributable "J 3. In what respect was the situation of Home singular 1 P. 321.---1. In what positions were the senate and people? 2. What class had became dangerous to the safety of the state, and how? 3. Repeat Poiybius's prediction. 4. What was the character of the tribuneship at this time? give il- lustrations. 5. When wasth^ Aelian and Fufian law enacted, and what was its purport and objeui ? 6. What Law was passed in b.c. 152 respecting the enlist- ing of soldiers, and what-occasioned it? . P. 322.— 1. What was the relative po- sition of the patricians and plebeians? 2. W^hat new distinction had gradually arisen, and cf what nature was it? 3. What is indicated by the fact, that in b.c. 131 both the censors were plebeians ? 4. What class of persons had gradually step- ped into the place of the old 'patricians? 5. What was their general character, and where were they most powerful? 6. Who were the novi homines^ and how were they looked upon by tbe illustrea 7 7. What led to the employmentT)f slaves In Italy? P. 323.— 1. Of what nature had legisla- tive enactments been for a long time? S. Give an account of ihe Orcbian and Fan- nian laws. 3. When was the Villian law carried, and what was its purport? 4. What was the object of the law of M. Cincius Alhnentus ? 5. What caused the appointmentof a second praetor, when did it take place, and what was his juris- diction ? P. 334. — 1. Who were the tfuaestores parricidii? 2. What service did Sex. Aelius Catus render the people, and in \vhat year? 3. What custom became prevalent after the year B.C. 253? 4. Who were the centumviri, and what oc- casioned their appointment ? 5. What gave rise to the law of L. Piso, and what did it enact? 6. What circumstance gen- erally interfered with the due execution of the laws at Rome? 7. How were the provinces generally Romanized ? 8. By whom were the duties of a city police performed ? P. 325.— 1. What was frequently done by the censors ? 2. What did they order to be done in b.c. 174? What remark- able event occurred in B.a 184? 4. What decree did ithe senate make ? 5. How was the safety of the city at night pro- vided for ? , 6. What were the only ob-' jecta of the foreign policy of Rome ? 7. How was that policy promoted by their ambassadors? 8. How did the Romans treat foreign nations and kings ? P. 326.— 1. What was the real jiature of ihelr pretended generosity ? 2. When did the Romans succeed best, and by what were they aided? 3. How were finaii- ci;il dltficulties met in the^earller periods, of the repabllc ? 4. When did the stata first become really wealthy, and what was done in consequence ? P. ^7.-1. What were the sources of the public revenue after that lime? 3. What prevented the Roman navy ever flourishing? 3. Whence did Rome obtain her fleets ? 4. In what branches of the art of war did the Romans excel, and to what did they owe their eminence? 5. What was the internal condition of Rotne at this time ? P. 328.-1. What is the chief subject of Roman history subsequently to this period % 2. What was the result of these intestine commotions ? 3. What circumstances had tended to accumulate riches Uj^the hands of comparatively few? 4. What effect had the increase of the power of the senate on the assemblies of the people 1 5. How did the optimates gain and expend their wealth ? P.^329.— 1. Of what character was the populace of Rome? 2. Give an account of the parentage and family of the Grac- chi. 3. What was the object of their^ef- forls ? 4. Give an account of Tib. Grac- chus. 5. What is said to have first in- spired him with the desire to improve the condition of tbe people? P. 330.— 1. What was the purpose of Licinian law, and how had it been ob- served ? 2. What did Tib. Gracchus re- solve to do, and by whom was he opposed ? 3. What was his object in this measure? 4. How had he gained popularity at Rome ? 5. When was he chosen tribune? 6. By whom was he supported in his legisla- tion ? 7. What were the provisions of the bill brought forward by him ? P. 331.-1. Show that this bill was per- fectly legal. 2. What objections may be made to il in point of justice''? 3. How far were these objections Tfiel^ 4. In what way did the senatorial party oppose Gracchus? 5. Which of his culleaj;ues was gained over by his opponents? 6. How did Gracchus try to make him with- draw his opposition ? 7. What steps were taken by Gracchus on failing in that attempt ? 8. What defense may be of- fered for his conduct ? P. 332.-1. What was now done ? 2. How did the senate act toward Gracchus ? 3. What proposal did Gracchus make rel- ative to the treasures of Attains?' 4. What other measures Is he said to have brought forward ? 5. How did his oppo- nents succeed in diminishing his popular- ity? 6. What steps did he take*in con- sequence, and why ? 7. Give an account of the proceedings at the election. P. 333.-1. Relate what happened at the dose of the first day, and in the morn- ing of the nextday. 2. Narrate the doings of Nasica and the senators. 3. What did the optimates subsequently do? 4. Was the agrarian law abrogated? 5. What became of Nnsica? C. What influpnco had the example of Gracchus upon the 344-347.] ftUESTIOXS ON THE HISTORY OF ROME. :Ki IribuDPsI 7. When did Scipio return to Jialy, and what view was taken by him of these events 1 P. XM. — 1. What measure did Carbo briag fonvard, and with what lesultt 2. Relate the circumstances aUending the death of Scipio. 3. What measures were afterward carried which prove the strength of the popular party ? 4. What proposal had been made relative to the RtHnan irauchise ? 5. What law was carried by M. Junius Pennus, under what ciroym- stances, and with what consequences ? 6., State the proposal made by M. Fulvius Flaccos, and its results. P. 335.— I. UTiat was the fate of Fre- geUae? 2. To what expedient had the senate recourse to prevent any further at- tempts of this kind ? 3. Narrate the war in Gaul, and the other proceedings of the Roma.ns there. 4. Give an aCQpunt of €aiuB Gracchus, And of the causes of his ent^ng into public a&irs. 5. Under what circumstances did he return to Rome ? 6. In vhat year was he ^ected tribune ? F. 336. — 1. What were h^ preliminary measures 1 2. What was the general scope of his legislation 1 3. Give an ac- count of his laws relating to, 1st, the army; 2d, public granaries; 3d, voting; 4th, capital punishments. 4. Were these enactments popular? 5. What was the subject, of iUs legislation in hu second tribnnesHip ? 6. What rendered his meas- ure n'ecessaiy 1 7. Who were most ex- posed to the evils he endeavored to re- form, and how 1 P. 337. — 1. Describe his aioctment in reference to this matter. 2. What re- sulted frmn it? 3. What other law did he carry ? 4. Wliat was his most impor- tant attempt? 5. What was his. object In tiiis? 6. Show that his proposal was a salutary one. 7. Give a general ac- count of his administration. P. 338.— 1. What plan did the senate adopt for the purpose of undermining the popularity of C. Gracchus? 2. Give an account of M. Livius Drusu% and of his legislatitm. 3. What colony was found- ed by Gracchus, and how long was he absent fiom Rome 1 4. Who was chosen consul for the year b.c. 121, and under what cireumstances ? 5. In what did Gracchus fail? 6. Narrate the murder of Flaccns and Bacchus. P. 339.— 1. Relate the story of Septimu- leius. 2. What were theoibsequent pro- ceedings of the estimates 1 3. Relate the history of Carbo. 4. Show that the ef- forts of the Gracchi were unavailing. P. 3tt. — 1. From what does the war against JogurUia derive its Importance ^ 3. Who was Micipra, and in what year did he die ? 3. In what manner did he dispose of his kingdran 1 4. Give an ac- count of Jogurtha, uid of his early life. P. 341. — 1. Narrate the circumstances which occasioned the first Interference B* by Rome in the afl^irs of Nunildin. 3. What was the result of that interference ? 3. Relate the events which led the sen- ate to declare war against Jugurtha. 4. Who were the Roman commanders in the first campugn? 5. Give an account oi that campaign. 6. What look place at Rome relative to these events ? 7. How was Jugurtha employed at Rome, and what exclamation did he make on quit- ting it? P, 342.— 1, Relate the events of the year b.c 110. 2. Describe the character of Q.. Caecilius Metellus. 3. Give an account of C. Marias. P. 343.— 1. Who was Martha, and wh«t influence did she exert over Marius ? S. When had Marius been tribime? 3. Re- late the circumstances attending his first election as consul. 4. What commission did he at the same time receive ? 5. By what means did Jugurtha strengthen him- self? 6. State the new pUm adopted by Marius in forming his army, and point out the evils which ultimately attended it. 7. Give an account of Sulla. 8. Howdid he get Jugurtha into his hands ? P. 344.-1. What was Jugurtha's fate 1 2. With what feeling did Marius regard Sulla? 3. Narrate the war with the Scordisci. 4- Why was the termination of the Jogurthme war opportune? 5. State what is known of the Cimbri, and of their first appearance 'in the west of Europe. 6. Who were the Teutoni ? P. 345. — 1. Narrate the campaign of Carbo against them. 2. Relate the sub- sequent movements of the Cimbri. X Who resisted them in Gaul ? 4. Relate the events of b.c. 109; and 3, of b.c. 107. 6. Give on account of the proceedings of Caepio. 7. What occurrence induced him to approach the Rhone 1 8. Narrate the battle which ensued. 9. What was the subsequent history of Caepio ? P. 346.— 1. What did the Cimbri do af- ter their victory? 2. What efiect was produced by it in Italy ? 3. Relate the circumstances aoending Marius*s second election as consul. 4. How had the Cim- bri been employed in the mean time ? 5. When did they return to Gaul, and by whom were they joined there ? 6. What preparations had Marius made for the war ? 7. Describe the movements of the Cimbri. 8. Give an account of Mnrius*s proceedings previously to the battle witb the Teutoni. P. 347.— 1. Relate the battie. 2. What news from Rome reached Marius just af- ter the battle? 3. Narrate the move- ments of the Cimbri, and of Catulus. 4. Where did Marius draw up the united army ? 5. Describe the arrangement of the opposing anmes. 6. Give an account of the baflle. 7. What became of flie rem- nant of the Cimbri and Teutoni ? -8. Bow did Marios obtain his sixth consulship, and what efibct had his successes i^mmi himi 3-1 QUESTIONS ON TITK HISTORY OP ROME; f348-36a. P. 348.—]. In what j'ear did the second servile war in Sicily break out, and what occasioned it? 2. Give an account of the war. S. What appellation was be- stowed upon Marius, and why ? 4. Men- tion an instance of his disregard of the laws. 5. What laws had been enacted in the 'year b.c. 104, and by whom re- spectively 1 6. What is a peculiar sign of these times 1 P. 349.— ]. How did Marius strengthen himself in his sixth consu-lship T 2. Give an account of Saturninus, and of the means by which be obtained the tribune- ship in B.C. lOJ. 3. State tbe provisions of his agrarian law. 4. What was the senate req.uire(i by Iwm to do relative to it 1 5. Who refused to comply, and with what consequences 1 G. Whatother laws did Saturninus pass? 7. Relaiie his pro- ceedings at the ensuing elections. P. 350.— 1. What steps did' they cause Marius to'tako'? 3. What was ^e fate of Saturninus and his aceonvplices ? - 3. What did Marius afterward dol 4. When was C Julius Caesar born? 5. Which were the two niost in^wrtant questions at this time 1 6t State the cir- cumstances whidi rendered a reform of the courts of justice necessary. P. 351. — 1. What measure was pro- posed for this purpose, when, and by whom ? 2. Whom- did ifr offend, and why? 3. What othftr measure did its author bring forward; and what was his fate 1 4. J-'or what was his death a sig- nal ? 5. Give an account of the foreign lolationa of Kome with, Isfi^ tlie Par- thians ; 2d, Cyrenaiea. P. 352.— 1. What had been the g^stem of th(j Romans in early times relative to the franchise, and when had it been changed 1 2. What was the result of the new policy? 3. What law was car- ried in B.C. 95, and by whom ? 4. When, and with what object, did Livius Drusus come forward ? 5. With what feelings was he regarded by the Italians ?■ (i. Who w^as his greatest opponent 1 P. 353. — I. What was thegeneralfedibg' at Rome toward the Italians ? 2. What were the views of the senate, and of the equites and rabble, rriative to their claims? 3. What law did Varius carry, how, and with what result? 4. How long did the social war last ? 5. What nations of Italy formed the confederacy, and what were their objects? 6., What nations did not join the confederacy? 7: Eela-te what happened at Asculum. 8. What declaration and arrangements did the con- federates make? P. 354.-1. Who were their first con- Buls? 2. Give an account of the war In the year b.c. 90. 3. What were the pro- visions and object of ihe Julian Taw ? 4. What result had it 1 5. What advantage did the Romans derive from the Latih colonies ? 6. How most Italy be divided tn order to comprehend ihe operations of this war? 7. Narrate the exploits of Pompeius Strabo. 8. Relate the event.') of the war, Ist, in the south, 3d, in middle Italy. P. 355.— 1. What proves that Ihe Itat- ians were but loosely united? 2. Which nation was the last in arms, and in what niannerdiditcoDttnuelhewar? 3. Why were the Romans anxious to conclude the war, an* how was this accomplished*?, 4. Of what kind is the account which we possess of the war, and what seems to have been its character? 5. What laws were carried in b.c 89, and by whom ? G. What efiect had the law of Pompeius T 7. What question, arose re- specting the new citizens?" P. 356.— 1. Which plan was rejected, and why ? 2. What arrangements were adopted, and with what effect? 3. Give an^ account of Mithridates. 4. How had the RonKins acted toward him T 5. What measures did he take in consequence? 6. Relate the events which led to the first war with him. P. 357. — 1. Narrate the commencement of the war. 2.' How was Mithridates received in the west of Asia Minor ? 3: What barbarous deed is said to have been committed by his command ? 4. Give an account of the events in Greece. 5. To -Whom was the command of this war given by the senatp, and why ?" 6. What induced Marius to endeavor to procure it for himself? 7. What means were em- ployed by him for this purpose, and with what result T P. 358.-1. Where was SuHa at thiff time, and how employed ? 2. Narrate what happened on his return to Rome. 3. How did h6 use his victory ^ . 4. Give an ^account of what befell Marius. 5. Who were consuls for the year b.c. 87 ? P, 359.— 1, Who received Italy as his province and what was he ordered to do ? 2. Describe the proceedings of Cn. Pom- peius. 3. Relate the siege of Athens. 4. When was that city taken, and' how waa it treated? 5. Give an account of the battle gf Chaeronea. 6. Whither did Ar^ chelaus flee, and how was he reinforced t P. 360.-1. Where was the second bat- tle fought, and with what result? 2. What was then done by Mithridates ? 3. When waa peace concluded, and on what, terms ?* 4. How did it happen that this peace was never formally sanctioned by the senate? 5. Narrate the proceedings, of Cinna, and the events which compelled him to quit Rome. 6. By whom waa his cause espoused ? P. 361.-1. Where was Marius, an* what steps did he take? 2. By whom was he jpined'?' 3. Give an account of Sertorius. 4. By whom, was Rome de- fendefl? 5. In what state was it? 6^ Oh what terms did the senate submit tn Marius ? 7. Narrate the subsequent pro- ceedings of Marius. P. 3®.— If. Mention the names of some 3oJ-3vC.J a.Lfc:rfTIO\:^ 0\ tub: illSTORY OF ROMK. of his victims. 2. How was the slaughter pui an end lo? 3. Relate the prodigy re- specting Marius, and its interpretation. 4. When did Marius die, and by whom was he succeeded in the consulship 1 S. Un- der what circumstances, and on what con dttions was peace concluded with the Sam nites? 6. Relate the doings and fate ol' L. Valerius Flaccus. 7. Give an account of what was done by Fimbria ; and, 8, of his defeat by Sulla. P. 363.—]. How did Siilla regulate the affairs of Asia ? 2. What induced him to act in this manner ? 3. In what wdy had he shown greatness of character? 4. What did he now prepare to do "! 5. Enu- merate his forces; and Uiose of his ene- mies. 6. In what year did he return to Itnly ? 7. Who were the consuls at that time? 8. Mention the fate of Cinna. 9. Who were the leaders of the Marian party? P. 364. — 1. What circumsHiaces fkcili- lated the progress of Sulla? 3. Relate the events of Uie war in b.c. 83. 3. Who were consuls in b.c. 83 ? Give an account of the war against Marius. 5. Narrate what had, in tiie mean time, taken place at Rome 1 6. What attempts were made to relieve Praeneste, and with what sue- cess? 7. Relate the battle fought near the Colline gate. P. 365.— 1. What was the fate of the younger Marius? 2. What became of Carbo 1 3. How did Sulla use his victo- ry ? 4. How were Praeneste and many Etruscan towns treated? 5. What was a proscription? 6. What law did Sulla procure to be pasted? 7. What remon- strance was madebyGatulus against these cruelties ? 8. Who obtained notoriety at this time? P. 366. — T. What degree was catried by Ij. Valerius Flaccus ? 3. In what man- ner did Sulla show his gratitude to those who had supported him ? 3. Of what did the military colonies consist? 4. Was any advantage derived by Sulla from their establishment ? 5. On whom did he con- fer the franchise ? 6. How were the va- cancies in the senate filled up? 7. To what did Sulta*s legislation relate? 8. What error did he fall Into respecting the constitution ? P. 367.— 1. Describe his legislation rel- ative to the tribunes of the people ? 3. How may It he characterized ? 3. What power did he restore tt> the senatois, and bow did they use it? 4. What increase in the number of various offices was made by Um? 5. What is eoeptatio? 6. To what objections are his constitutional re- fonns liable ? 7. Of what nature was his civil and criminal legislation ? P. 368.— I. How did Cicero show his courage about this time? S. When did Sulla lay down the dictatorship, and'what did he subsequently do? ^3 What ren- dered this step a safe one for hfm ? 4. Mention the offer made by him before he retired? 5. Show the absurdity of the o^r. 6. When, where, and at what age, did he die? 7. What had he, for some time previously, been engaged in doing ? 8. What honors were paid to his remains. And why ? ' P. 369.— 1. What was the state of Itnly during Sulla's dictatorship? 3. Whither did the remnants of the Marian party flee ? 3. How was the war In Sicily concluded ? 4. Relate the exploits of Cn. Pompeius in Africa. 5. la what way was he reward- ed and honored 1 6. What induced Mith- ridates to break the terms of the peace with the Romans? 7. Narrate the pro- ceedings of Archelaus. 8. Relate the events of the war. 9. When, by whom, and on what conditions, was peace again concluded ? P. 370.— 1. What state of things had Sulla's legislation produced in Italy ? 2. Give an a<^»)unt of the consuls for b.^.78. 3. For what did Lepidus make prepara- tions? 4. How did the senate prevent hostilities? P. 371.-1. Describe tli^ conduct of Lep- idus. 2. What became of his support- ers ? 3. Relate the various attempts that were made to overturn the legislation of Sulla. 4. When and by whom was the tribunician power restored? 5. What change was made in. the constitution of the courts of justice, and by whom ? 6. What induced Pompey to assist in making these changes ? P. 372.-1. Of what nature is the his- tory of Rome from this period ? 3. De- scribe Pompey's character. 3. Give an account of, 1st, Lucullus ; 2d, Crassus ; 3d, Caesar. P. 373.— 1. Give an account of, 1st, Ca- to ; 3d, Cicero. 2. In what respect did Pompey excel all his cotemporaries ? 3. Relate the proceedings of Sertorius in Spain? 4. Give an account of his char- acter. P. 374.— I . How did he gain the afiec- tions of the Spaniards ? 2. What was biu great object ? 3. Narrate the events which caused him to quit Spain. 4. Re- late his doings in Africa. 5. What in duced him to go back to Spain ? P. 375. — 1. Give an account of his ex- ploits and intentions. 3. How did the Spaniards show their enthusiasm for him ? 3. By what means did he appeal to their superstition? 4. Relate the events of the campaigns of, 1st, b.c. 79; 3d, b.c. 77 ; 3d, B.C. 76; 4th, b.c. 74. 5. When, and on what terms, did Sertorius conclude an alliance with Mithridates ? P. 376. — 1. What saved Rome In lu contest with Sertorius ? 3. What act of cruelty did Sertorius commit, and with what result? 3. Give an account of hia assnaination. 4. What was the fate of Perpema? 5. How did Pompey show his generosity on this occasion ? 6. Describe the condition of the slaves in Itnly. 7 What were Uie Ivdi gladiatorii 7 im QUESTIONS ON THK HISTOnV OF ROME. [377-39S .P 377.;'— 1. Narrate the breakmg out of the servile war. 2. Relate the first events of it. 3. Who were the three commanders of the slaves'? 4. What favored their snccess? 5. Mention the occurrences of the war down to b.c. 71. 6. Give an ac- count of the battle at Petilia. 7. What were the subsequent events of the con- test 1 8. Describe the state of tlie south of Italy after this war. P. 378.~-l. To what did Pompey owe" his popularity on his return from Spain? 2. In what year was he consul, and who was his colleague ? . 3. Of what were the Romans afraid, and how was the danger averted 1 4. What was Pompey^s con- duct during his consulship? 5. By what means did he please the people? 6. How did Crassus endeavor to do the same ? 7. How did Pompey act after the expiration of his ccmsulship 7 ■p. 379.— 1. In what state had the Medi- terranean been for some time, and to what was it nttributabte ? 2. Give an account of the pirates, and of their proceedings. :i. Mention instances of their audaci'ty. 4. Narrale the .operations of Servilius ngainstthem; and, 5., of M. Antoniua and L. Metellus. P. 380.— 1. What was the rogation brought forward by AJ Gahinus? 3. By whpm, and why, was it opposed? 3. Give an account of Pompey*s measures against the pirates. 4. To what was this submission chiefly owing.? P. 381.— 1. How did Pompey dispose of ihcm? 3. What message was sent to hiivi from the Cretans, and with what re- sult? 3. What did Pompey do after the conclusion of the war against the pirates? 4. Relate the circumstances which led to the third Mithridatic war. 5. What was the extent of the kingdom and resoiuces of Mithridatea? P. 382.— 1 Narrate the war down to the siege of Gyzicus. 2. Relate the siege, and the events which caused Mithridates to :ibandon it. 3. State what took place nfterward, down to his retreat into Ar- menia. 4. How was he received there? 5. Narrate the conquest, of Pontus. 6. Why did Lucullus send an embassy to Tigrnnea? 7/ Wheii did he cross the Euphrates and Tigris ? P. 383. — 1. Give an accountof the taking of Tigr^nocerta. 2. Narrate the aubse- qiient events down to b.c. 67. 3. Relate the insurrection among the troops of Lu- cullus. 4. What influence had it upon the war ? 5. Who was appointed to suc- ceed Lucultus, and why t 6. What steps did Glabrio take on his arrival In Bithyn- ia? 7.' What was their result? P. 384.— 1. What class was dissatisfied with Lucullua, and why? 2. What were the provisions of Manillus's bill? 3. Name lis opposers and supporters.' 4. Why did Cicero and Caesar support it? 5. What wrtH Pompey's position when he under- icuik the war against Mithridates? 6. Relate his interview with Lueullu?. 7 Give an account of FoBipey's first cam paign against Mithridates ? P. 385.-1. Relate his wars with tbfl Albanians and Iberians. 2. What plana did Mithridates form at this time? 3. Narrate the events which led to, and the circiunstances attending his death. 4. What did Pompey do in Syria ? 5. Give an aeeonnt of the siege of Jerusalem, and of Pompey's regulations there. 6. In what manner were the affairs of Aaa seb> tied hy him ? P. 386.-1. When did he reach Italy 1 2. Relate the war against the Thraciana in, 1st, B.C. 77; 2d, b.c. 75; 3d, b.c. 72l . 3. What was the state of Rome and its population at this time ? P. 387.-1. Describe the administration and trial of Caius Verres. 2. What were the moral characteristics of this age ? 3. Give an account of Catiline. 4, What led him to Torm a conspiracy ; and by what classes of persons, and for -what reasons, was he joined? P. 388.— 1. When did he begin his machinations, and what circumstances caused him to do so ? 2. What was the object of his first conspiracy, and how was it frustrated? 3. Narrate the con- sular election in. b.c. 64. 4. What plan did Catiline subsequent!^ fonn? P. 389.— 1. How was it made known to Cicero ? 2. Who was suspected of beinq an accomplice of CatHine, and how did Cicero act in consequence? 3. Relaie what was done on the 8th and 9th of No- vember. 4. Give an account of the con- duct of the Allobrogian ambassadors. 5. What steps did Cicero take on receiving their communication ? 6. Relate the pro* ceedings in the senate on the 5th of De- cember, and th^ measures adopted in ac- cordance with them. P. 390.— 1. What had Catiline mean-, time, been doing? 2. Who undertook the management of the war a^inst him, and why ? 3. Give an account of the battle near Pistorio. 4. By whom were the sub- sequent disturbances caused? 5. How may Cicero's conduct in this affair be char- acterized ? 6. What proposal was made by the tribunes shortly after Cicero laid i down his consulship, and with what re- sults? 7. Relatewhat Pompey did inltnly. P. 391.-1. How was the money he brought with him disposed of? 2. What circumstances induced him to join the popular party ? 3. What were the con- sequences of that step ? 4. What quali- ties had Caesar shown in his youth, and how? 5. In what respect was Pompey mistaken about him ? G. By what means did Caesar «clipse Pompey in popularity 1 P. 392.-1. What relationship existed between the families of Caesar and Ma- nns? 2. How did Caesar become the head of the Marian party? 3. Give an account of hi^ doings in Spain. 4. In what year was he consul, and who was 393-408.] aUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF ROMK. 37 hts colleague ? 5. Who formed the first triumvirate, amt what led to it 1 G. What was its object 1 7. Why did Cicero not join ii ■? P. 393. — 1. What particular objects had each of the triumvirs 1 2. What was Caesar's enactment respecting the pro- ceedings of the senate? 3 How did he secure the good will of the equites ? 4. Describe his agrarian law. 5. How many citizens are said to have received allot- ments under it ? 6. By whom^ was it op- posed, and with what results ? P. 394.— 1. How did Caesar unite him- self still more closely with Pompey 1 2. Whom did Caesar marry, and why 1 3. What provinces were given to hiiH) for how long a time, apd through what means 1 4. How did Cicero offend him, and with what consequence t 5. Give an account of Clodits. 6. Relate the cir- cumstances which occasioned and attend- ed his trial. P. 395.— 1. How did Clodius qualify himself for being tribune, and when was he elected to that office 1 3. How did he obtain the support of the consuls and populace 1 3. What law was carried by him. and against whom was it directed 1 4. What steps did Cicero take, and what compelled him to do so 1 5. Whither did he retire 1 6. Describe Clodius's subse- quent measures. 7. What law did he car- ry respecting the king of Cyprus, and whyl P. 396.— 1. How was Cato got rid of 1 2. What was the fate of Ptolemy and his kingdom? 3. Narrate the proceeding relative to Cicero*s recall from exile. 4. How did Pompey act toward him, and what did Cicero do jn return 1 5. Give an account of the afihirs of Egypt. 6. Relate the circumstances attending the proposal to restore Ptolemy Auletes. P. 397.— 1. Nl^rrate the doings of Ga- binius : and, 2, his trial and fate. 3. Re- late the events connected with the consu- lar elections in B.C. 56. 4. What were the arrangements made by the law of C. Treboninsi 5, How was Cato treated, and why? 6. What enactments did Fompey make, and with what effect ? 7. Give an accoimt of the feud between Clodius and Milo. P. 398.— 1. What may be Inferred from U? 2. Describe the state of Rome af- ter the death of Clodius. 3. What un- usnal measure was adop;ted at this time 1 4. Relate the trial of Milo. 5. What province did Cicero receive, and in what year *? 6. Over what period did the cam- paigns of Caesar in Gaul extend? P. 399, — 1. From what source is our knowledge of them derived? 2. What was Caesar's general conduct? 3. How did he act toward barbarians 1 4. What advantage did Gaul derive from his suc- cesses there? 5. Describe the state of Gaul, and especially of the Helvetii, at Caesar's arrival there. 6. Give an ac- count of Caesar's war with the F^elvetij. P. 400.-1. What was the political con- dition of Gaul at this time? 2. Relate the events in Gaul previously to the ar - rival of ArioviBtus. 3. Mention his doings there. 4. Narrate Caesar's campaign against him. P. 401.— 1. Give an account of the Bel- gian confederacy against the Romans. 2. How did Caesar succeed in defetiting it 1 3. Narrate the battle vvith the Nervii. 4. What was the result of this campaign, and how was it celebrated at Rome ? 5. Relate the wars against, Is^ the Veneti ; 2d, the Morini and Menapil; 3d, Aqui*- tania. p. 402. — 1. Give an account of the war against the Ueipetes and Tencteri. 2. Mention Cato's proposal in the senate. 3. Why aud how did Caesar cross the Rhine ? 4. What induced him to go to Britain? 5. Give an account of his ex- pedition thither. p. 403.— 1. What was done at Rome in consequence ? 2. In what year did Caesar undertake the second expedition into Britain? 3. Narrate it. 4. State what happened in the ensuing winter. 5. Relate the events of b.c. 53, 1st, in Gaul ; 2d, in Germany ; 3d, connected with Am- biorix. P. 404. — 1. What occa^oned the revolt of the whole of central Gaul ? 2. Give an account of that revolt 3. Relate Caesar's achievements in the following campaign. 4. Give an accoimt of the sieges of, lst,.Avaricum ; 2d, Gergovia. P. 405. — 1. Give an account of the siege of Alesia. 2, How did Caesar act toward Yerclngetorix ? 3. Relate the events which followed the fall of Alesia, 4. When did Caesar quit Gaul, and whither did he go ? 5. Describe the gen- eral results of his campaigns in Gaul. P. 406. — 1. What alarmed his enemitia at Rome ? , 2. Narrate the interview be- tween Caesar, Fompey, and CraseuB. 3. How did Fompey endeavor to blind the people to his schemes ? 4. What event rent asunder the tie between Caesar and Fompey ? 5. Give an account of the pro- ceedings of Crassua in Syria. 6. Relate his defeat by the Farthians. P. 407.-1. When did this happen ? 2. What loss did the Romans sustain? 3. Repeat the anecdote of Orodes. 4. What influence had the death of Crassus on po- litical 'aflhirs ? 5. In what manner was Fompey employed at this time? 6. How did he exoite fear aud jealousy ? 7. By what class was he supported, and why ? 8. What led to his being made sole con- sul*? 9. How long did he act as such; whom did he then choose for his col- league, and why ? 10. What effect had this on the aristocracy ? P. 408,-1. What law did Pompey gel passed ? 2. Narrate the doings of Mar- cellus. 3. Who were chosen consuls for the year B.p. SO ? 4. By whose influence were they chosen, and with what object? yn aUESTIONS ox THE HISTORY OF ROME. [409-422. A, How did Cae»ar defeat ihls schemed 6. Wiiat proposal was made by C. Mar- cpJIus, and why? T.^Wiiylw&B it un- reasonable, and how was it frustrated ? 8. : -When did Caesar come iota Cisalpine Gaul, and what was his reception therel 0.-: With what object was he asked by the senate to give >up two Regions T 10* Re- late his subsequent proceedings, P. 409,— !.■ What letter did he address to the senate, and how was it received 1 2- What decree did the senate pass ? -3. By whom was It opposed, and what did they afterward dol 4. What mea^ires were then taken by the senate 1 5. What notions had Fompey:a1i along entertained, and in whaticondltion was he? 6. -What expectation'^^had he respeetiilg Oaesar's troopsi 7. .What diDwed that be and his party had miscalculated 1 8.- What advice^ did Cicero igive, ^and how' was it received? P. 410>— -I. ;^Vhat .did Caesar do when he was. informed of the last decree of the senate 1 2. Give an account of the cross- ing of the Rubicon. 3. What towns opened their, gates to him? Narrate FomtSey's proceedings. 5. What effect did Pompey's flight produce ? P. 411. — 1. Relate what took place at Corfinium, and its influence on Caesar's cause. 2. Give an account of Pompey's movements. 3. ;What did Cicero do? 4. Bestiribe Caesar's behavior at Rome. 5..H0W did he obtain money 1^ 6. Whith- er did' Caesar go on leaving Roine, and what arrangements did he make? 7. State what happened atMassilla. P. 412.-1. Relate the Spanish cam- paign., 2. Narrate the taking of Massilla. 3. Give nn account of the exploits of C. Curio. 4. Relate the doings of Antonius and Valerius. 5. By whom was Caesar appointed dictator, and why was the ap- pointment illegal ? 6. How long did he hold the dictatorship? P. 413. — 1. What laws were passed by him in thai office ? 2. Whatcountry was called Qallia togata, and why ? 3. When did Caesariset out in pursuit of Pompey ?' 4. How had Pompey been employed in the mean time? 5. When,: and with what force, -did Caesar sail ? 6. What com- pelled a part of Caesar's army" to remain at Brundusium? 7. Relate Caesar's pro- ceedings. 8. In whatwas he defeated by Pompey 1 9. What anecdote is told of Caea&n P. 414. — 1. Give an account of the siege of - Dyrrhachium. 2. What advice was now given" to Pompey? 3. On what step did Caesar venture? 4. State what this caused Pompey to do. 5. Where did Cae- sar pitch his; camp ? 6. ■ What difference of opinion prevailed in Pompey's army? 7. What was the relative strength of the two armies?' 8. Narrate the battle of Pharsalus. 9. How did Pompey act after the battle ? P- 415.— 1. In what amie were the po- litical affairs of Egypt at this time? 3 Who was SeptimiuR, and what advice did fie give to Ptolemy ? 3. Relate what hap pened in consequence. 4. What took plaie on Caesar's arrival in Egypt 1 P. 416.— 1. Give an account of the cir* cumstances which led to the Alexandrine war. 2. Narrate the events of the war, and its result. 3. What induced Caesar at length to leave Egypt ? 4. Relate the wajT against Pharnaces. 5. What cele- brated report did Caesar send 'to Rome respecting this war 1 6. Mention his do-^ ings on the march through Phrygla. 7. What caused Caesar to hasten back ut Italy? -8. When did he reach Italy, and by whom was he met ? P. 417. — 1. What occurred at Rome when the~newB of the battle of Pharsaius arrived? 2. Whom did Caesar name master of the horse? 3. Whatoiher hon- ors were conferred upon Caesar ? 4* How may the conduct of the senate and people on this occasion be characterized. 5. Grive an account of Cato's proceedings. P. 418.— '1. By whom was Caesar sup- ported in Africa? 2. In what state was Rome on Caesar's arrival there, and to what was it attributable ? 3. What was Antony's character? 4. What rogations were brought forward by Dolabella, and why? 5. How did Antony act in refw- ence to them ? 6. What ensued ? 7. What steps did Caesar take relative to these affairs ? 8. What other dangerous occurrence had happened? 9. To what office was Caesnr now appointed? 10. By what means did he reward his friends ? P. 419. — 1. When did Caesar arrive in Africa? 2. Give an^ccount of the cam- paign. 3. Relate the death of Cato, and describe his character. 4. What was the •fate of Scipio? 5. Whither did the son^ of Pompey escape? 6. Who was made governor of Numidia ? 7.'Give au account of him ? 8. When did Caesar return to Rome ? 9. What apprehension prevailed on that occasion ? P. 420.-^1. How did he show that it was groundless? 2. What had the senate done on receiving the news of his A&ican vic- tory? 3. Enumerate his trirtmphs. 4. How did he gratify the people and sol- diers ? 5. Menlion some of his laws. 6. Explain his reformation of the Roman cal- endar. - P. 421. — 1. Narrate the insurrection in Spain. 2. When did Caesar arrive in that country ? 3. Relate the battle of Munda. 4. What became of Cnelus and Sextua. the sons of Pompey ? 5. What detained Caesar in Spain after the battle of Munda 1 P. 422.— 1. What did he do on his re- turn to Rome? 2. How was he received by the senate ? 3. What honors and priv- ileges were bestowed upon him ? 4. What titles and offices did he receive ? 5. What was his position at this timo ? 6. Wliai probably prevented him from nttempiing any great constitutional reform? 423-437.] aUESTlOXS ON THE m^Tiniv ROME. 39 p. 423.— 1. What was the general char- icter of his administration f 2. In wliat iocs his usurpation differ from that of oth- pr usurpers? 3. What plana had Caesar formed 1 4. In what respect did he imi- tate Sulla, and with what result 1 5. What was his main object 1 6, Who were the consuls for the year b.c. 44 1 7. What plan had Caesar for some time been maturing, and how did he intend to cany it out ? P. 424.— 1. Relate what took place on the 15th of February. 2. What event soon afterward showed Kow desirous Cae- sar was to have the regal title? 3. Why is it to»be regretted that his scheme was not successful "i 4. Relate the conspiracy formed against him. 5. Give an account of Brutus. 6. What wore the motives of the other conspirator ; { 7. Exemplify this view of the case by an account of Cassius. P. 425. — 1. What advice was given to Caesar, and why did he decline to adopt it "? 2. What saved Antony ? 3. What proposal was to be made in the senate on the 15th of March, and why? 4. On what day did the conspirators fix for the execution of their design? 5. Where did the meeting of the senate take place ? 6. What warnings had Caesar received re- specting the 15th of March ? 7. Give an account of his assassination, and of the events immediately following. P. 436. — 1. What were the consequences of Caesar's death ? " 3. Show how sense- lessly his murderers acted. 3. What proves that a sovereign was necessary at this time to secure peace and order at Rome? P. 437.— 1. What feeling did the senate and people manifest toward the conspira- tors? 2. What did this cause the latter to do ? 3. Who declared in their favor ? 4. What was done by most of the senators ? 5. Narrate the proceedings of Antony. 6. Relate what took place when Brutus ad- dressed the people. P. 428.— 1. How did Lepidua act? 2. Give an account of the negotiations be- tween the conspirators and Antony. 3. Relate the events of the 17th of March, 1st, In the senate ; 3d, in the forum ; and 3d, in the senate a^ain. 4. How did Brutus and Cassius endeavor to win the soldiers, and with what success ? 5. In what way were all disputes apparently concluded? P. 429. — 1 . What decree was made by the senate relative to the provinces? 2. Narrate what happened at Caesar's fu- neral. 3- What did the people afterward do? 4. What became of the conspira- tors ? 5. Give an account of Antony's proceedings. 6. What arrangements did he procure to be made respecting the prov- inces? P. 430. — ]. What was the result of them ? 2. Relate the movements of Ci- cero. 3. Mention what occurred in the senate on the Ist and 3d of September. 4. Who was M. OctaviUB ? 5. What did h** resolve on doing when he heard of Cae- sar's death ? 6. State what happened o • his journey to Rome. 7. What did h demand on his arrival there? P. 431.— 1. How did Antony act on th occasion, and why? 2. Describe Oct^ vius's situation and conduct. 3. By whom was he advised ? 4. What reports were spread respecting him and Antony ? 5. Whose favor and support did Octavianus gain ?- 6. What was Antony obliged to do? 7. Relate the military movements of Antony and Octavianus. 8. What in- duced Antony to hasten into the north of Italy? 9. Give an account of Cicero's proceedings. 10. What measures did the senate adopt in accordance with his ad- vice? P. 432. — 1. Narrate the war between Antony and Hirtius and Pansa. 2. What report arose inculpating Octavianus ? 3. How did the aristocratic party at Rome act at this time? 4. What had Antony done after his defeat? 5. What was Octavianns's conduct when deprived of the command of the consular armies ? P. 433. — 1. How did he obtain the con sulsliip? 2. Who was his colleague? 3. What^law was carried by Q,. Fedius ? 4. What were the consequences of that law ? 5. What did the senate do on the proposal of Fedius ? 6. What was the fate of D. Brutus ? 7. Narrate the forma- tion of the' triumvirate. 8. What meas- ures did the triumvirs adopt? 9. How did they secure the favor of the soldiej-y ? P. 434. — 1. Give an account of the pro- scription. 2. Point out the difference be tween this proscription and that in the time of Sulla. 3. Relate what the triumvirs did at Rome. 4. What proclamation was issued? 5. Give a general accoQnt of what took place in consequence of the proscription. ' p. 435. — 1. VVho were the murderers for the most part ? 2. Whither did those who escaped flee ? 3. Relate- the cir- cumstances preceding and attending the death of Cicero. 4. What was the date of that event ? 5. Narrate the conduct of Antony and his wife after the murder of Cicero. 6. What became of Cicero's brother and son ? P. 436. — 1. What did Octavianus now resolve to do, and by what was he pre- vented ? 3. Whither did he and Antony soon afterward go? 3. Give an account of Brutus^s proceedings. 4. Relate what happened to C. Antonius. 5. How was Cassius employed? 6. What was the fate of Dolabella?. 7, Wheu and where did Brutus nnd Ciissius meet, and on what did they determine ? 8. What error was committed by them ? P,437.—l. What resulted from It? 2 Relate the story of the apparition which appeared to Brutus. 3. Of what did the republican army consist ? 4. Where were OctavianhB and Antony ? 5. \yhere did 40^ QUESTIONS OX THi: HtSTORY OF ROME. [438-468. the republicatifi pitch their cnmp? 6. What force did Antony bring against themi '7. ,Iu >vhat had Brutus and Caa- siiis a great advantage 1 8. Give an ac- count of the first' battle of Philippi, and. of the death of Cassius. P. 438.— 1. What had happened on the ^me day? 3. Relate the second battle of Philippi, and the death of Brutus. 3. What became of the remnant of the re- publicans? 4. How did Octavianus and Antony act after their victory? 5. Whither did they afterward proceed 1 6. What alarm existed in Italy at this time, and by whom was it fostered? P. 439. — 1. What prevented Octavianus from undertalcing any thing against Sex. Pompeius 1 2. Give an account of what occurred in consequence of the distribu- tion of lands, and of the conduct of the veterans. 3. In whar state was Rome? 4. Describe the proceedings of Fulvia and L. _ Antonius. 5. Narrate the war of Ferusia, and its results. P. 440.-^1. Where was Antony at this time, and what opinion did he express respecting the war 1 2. Give an account of the conduct of Tib. Claudius Nero on this occasion. 3. Narrate the doings of Antony In Asia. 4. Relate. the ;ne^ting of Cleopatra wiUi him ia Cilicia^- 5, What was the result of her influence over him? P. 441.— 1. What Induced Antony to undertake the war against the Parthians ? 2. What circumstance changed his plans, and what did he do in consequence ? 3. Give an account of his movements until he approached Brundusium. 4. How did Octavianus nct^ and to whom did Antpny apply for assistance? .5. How'was.a .'reconciliation between them brought about? P. 442.— 1. What were the provisions of the foedus Srundusinum 1 2. What occasioned the triumyira to enter into ne- gotiations with Pompeius ? 3. Narrate their interview lyith him. 4. What ad- vjce was given by Menodorus to Pom- peius? 5. What did Pompeius obtain by the peace ? 6. What were thesubsequent proceedings of Antony? 7. Relate the circumstances which led to the declara- tion of war against Pompeius. 8. How did Antony and Lepidus act 1 P. 443.— 1. By whom was Pompeius deserted? 2. What rendered the media- tion of Octavia between Octavianus and Antony necessary ? 3. What agreements were made on this occasion? 4. Why was Calvisius deprived of his command ? 5. Give an account of the attack on Sicily. 6 What was the conduct of Pompeius ? 7. Relate the sea-fight off Mylae. 8. What remarkable occurrence took* place after the landing of Octavianus in Sicily ? 9. Narrate the final battle. P. 444.T-1. What occasioned the re- moval of Lepidus from the tiiumvinte 1 1 What was his fate ? 3. What detain- ed Octavianus In Sicily? 4^. How was he received at Rome? 5. Relate the subsequent history of Pompeius. P. 445.— X. Give an account of An- tony's campaign against the Parthians. 2. Whither did he return, and of what kind was his conduct afterward? 3. What induced him to Invade Armenia, and what was the result of the expedi- tion? 4. How did Antony offend the Romans ? P. 446.— Jl. Give an account of Octavia's CQnduct, and of Antony's behavior toward her. 2. How bad Octavianus acted* and with what result ? 3. Against whom did he declare war, and why? 4. Hpwiiad he been employed in Italy, and what did he pretend ? 5. What decrees were jaade in his favor ? 6. Narrate the war against the tribes northeast of the Adriatic, P. 447. — 1. What plan had Octaviamis formed, and how was it prevented? 3. Relate the events of (he war in Dalmatia-. 3. How was Octavianus engaged during the years b.c. 33 and e.g. 32? 4. When was the war detdared between him and Antony? 5. With what difilculties had Octavianus to contend ? 6. WyastX ena^ed him to overcome them3 -7. ^lal«?lhe movements pf Antony and of A^ippa.: - P. 448.^1^ . Wliat ad vice was . giv^- to Antpny, and wh^ prevented it being adopted ? 2. Give an account of the bs^t- tle of Actium. 3. What became of An- tony's land-army?-- 4. How did Octavi- anus act after his victory ? 5. What were liis subsequent movements? ^ P. 449.-1. What induced him to has- ten back to Italy? 2. Describe his re- ception there. 3. What did he prevail upon the people to do? 4. Relate what occurred on his arrival in Egypt 5. Nar- rate the war in £^ypt, and the death of Antony and Cleppatra. ,6., What was done to commemorate &e final victory of Octavianus? 7. What arrangements were made relative to Egypt ? P. 450.— 1. When did Octavianns return to Rome, and what took place on that occasion? 3. How were the veterans rewarded? 3. Whattitle did Octavianus receive ? 4. To what was the fall of the Roman republic attributable? 5. What truth is Ulustrated by the histoiy of Rome ? 6. What feeling had prolong the civil war ? 7. What other feeling had at the close of the war become gen- eral? P. 451.— 1. In what light must we re- gard the success of Octavianus? 2. What was the extent of the Roman em- pire at this time ? 3. What other nations were afterward compelled to submit tolt? 4. When did the Roman constitution re ceive its first shock ? P. 452. — X. What caused the senate and optimates to lose their power? 3. What was Sulla's plan relative to the constitu- tion, and what rendered It impracticable ? 3. From what time did the equltes rise in 453-466.] aUESTIONS ON THE HISTOEY OF ROME. 41 Importance, and how did they gain and secure it? 4. In whose hands was a]l substantial power"? 5. What fact proves the high estimation in which the equites were held 1 6. What other circum- stance still further degraded the senate? P. 453. — 1. By what, and in whose time first, was the. consulship degraded? 3. Where did anarchy more particularly show itself, and how? 3. In what man- ner were the elections of magistrates car- ried on 1 4. What often took place at the comitia ? 5. How had the tribunes acted ever since the time of the Gracchi? 6. What measure was-carried by Piso, and in what year? P. 454.— 1. What gave rise to the law of C. Cornelius, and what were its pro- visions? 2, State whence the wealth of the republic in later times was derived, and give examples. 3. Describe the mode in which the tribute paid by the prov- inces was managed. 4. Who were the pu&licani, and what was their general character? P. 455. — 1. Had the republic ever a rightly-organized system of finance? S. How was the greater part of its revenues sp^it ? 3. By what means did Octavi- anus replenish the treasury? 4. What was the internal state of Rome? 5. What were the noeturnorum vigilum co- hortes, and by whom were they instituted ? 6. When did the censorship cease to be efficient, and with what results? 7. What were the functions of the aedtles cereales, and of the four other aediles 1 8. What change did Marius make in the composition of Roman armies, and what resulted from it ? P. 456.— ). What was the moral con- dition of -the soldiery, and how was it usually kept in subjection ? 2. Mention the Romans by whom the art of war bad bees improved. 3. Of whom did the armies in the time of Caesar consist? 4. How were provinces governed? 5. Re- peat Cicero's statement respecting them. 6. By whom were the provinces plunder- ed? P. 457.-1, What right did the provm- cials possess, and how was it rendered inoperative? 2; Describe the condition- of agriculture in Italy, and state its conse- quences. 3. What effect was produced by the establishment of military colonies? 4. What frequently occasioned great dis- tress in the city? 5. Whence did the Romans receive their articles of luxury ? 6. What was th«r chief commerce ? P. 458. — J, 1q what countries was the Latin language at this time understood 1 2. To what parts of the empire was per- fect Romanization confined? 3. What spread the Latin language in tUl the Ro- num provinces? 4. How was the Greek language and literature diffused in Italy ? 5. What influence had th^ir intellesetual connection with Greece upon the Eo mans ? 6. Explain the terms lingua rua- tiea or rusticitaSf and urbanitas. 7 Which was the golden age of Roman lit* erature ? P. 459. — 1. By whom was the first pub- lic library established at Rome, and who followed his example ? 3. How was the demand for books met? 3. What was the real character of Roman literature ? 4. To what cause is the shortness of iti flourishing period to be attributed ? - 5. Describe the dramatic literature of the Romans. P. 460.-1. Give an account of, 1st, P. Lucretius Cams; 3d, the lyric poets; 3d, Virgil and Ovic^ ; 4tllt political oratory at Rome. 2. Give an account of the school of L. Plotius. 3. What proves that spec- ulative philosophy was not a favorite pur- suit among the Romans ? P. 461. — 1. What was Cicero's merit as a philosopher? 3. Name the philo- sophical systems which prevailed at R(»ne, and the classes by which they had been respectively adopted. 3. Give a sketch of the historical Latin authors. 4. How did the Romans gratify their love for woVks of art ? P. 462.-1. In what manner were the works of art taken from foreign countries disposed of? 2. Why did artists go tA Rome ? 3. By what was the moral con- dition of the Romans deteriorated? 4. Give examples of their luxury and sensu- ality. * P. 463. — 1. What class of persons in- creased rapidly, and to what causes was this owing? 2. In whose reign, and by what means, was an etRirt made to check this state of things? 3. Give an account of the education of the young. P.464.—1. What considerationaprove that the sovereignty of Oqtavinnus was a great blessing to Rome ? 2. What peculiar in- terest attaches to the reign of Octavianus % 3. How long did his reign last ? 4. What favored the establishment of monarchy by him ? 5. What advice was given to him on his return from Samos, and by whose counsel was he actually guided ? P. 465. — 1. In what manner was his de- termination 'received by the people and senate, and why? 2. Mention the title which he refused, and those which he ac- cepted. 3. What was his great plan, and how did he act in order to carry It out? 4. Describe the steps by which he gradu ally concentrated in bis own person the powers of various magistrates. ' P. 466.— 1. What course did he adopt to conceal the fact that he was the real sovereign of the empire ? 2. How did he act in private life ? 3. By what means did he improve the composition of the senate? 4. What regulation was made by him as to its meetings ? 5. In what relation did he at first stand to the senate t 6. What privilege was conferred npon him in b.o. 34? 7. How were measure* determined on in the latter period of bl» reign t ***> auEiTiONd ov 'JM.'y uis:rorvY of rome. [467-481. p. 467. — 1. In what class of eases did the senate continue lo b6 .1 court of jus- tice, and-why 1 2. Who were the chief friends and advisers of Augustus 1 3i Give an account of Maecenas*- 4., Give nil account of Agrippa? P. 468.— 1. In what way, and by whom chiefly, was the external appearance of Rome changed during the reign of Augus- tus 1 2, What appellation was bestowed upon the emperor? 3. To what extent were the forms of republican freedom kept up 1 4. What became of the legis- lative power of the assemblies ? 5. What was done by Augustus in reference to the ■worship of the gods ? 6. What was the internal condition of the city 1 P. 469.— 1. Give an account of the po- lice regulations of Augustus. 2. What effect did-they produce 1 . 3- Describe the constitution of the praetorian cohorts. 4. Where were they posted during the reign of Augustus, and, afterward, in that of Tiberius ? 5. Wiiat was the number of the military forces, and- who had the su- preme command of them 1 '^ P. 470. — 1. What were the castra Stati- va, and to what did they owe their origin % 2. Give an ac^oiint of the arrangement made between Augustus and the senate respecting the provinces, and of the mode in which the provinces were governed. 3. Of what did Augustus take care'in this arrangement 7 4. ^hat influence had his government upon the provinces? 5. In what peculiar manner was Egypt gov- erned, and why? 6. What plan was adopted as to the revenues derived from the provinces 1 P. 471, — 1. How was the domain-land in the provinces disposed of? 2. Explain the terms vicesima hetcditatum, centesi- ma reriim venaliiimt and uxorium. 3. What change afterward took place in the finances of the empire t 4i Give an ac- count of the laws passed in this reign for the improvement of morals, and especial- ly of the lex Papia Poppaea. 5. What was the effect of these laws 1 P. 472.— 1. What other useffll regula- tions did Augustus make? 3. How did . he contrive to please all claesea of the peo- ple ? 3. Narrate the conspiracies against him, Jst, in B.C. 30; 2d, in b.c. 22; 3d, by E^natius Rufus ; and, 4th, by Cinna. 4. What effect had they upon Augus- tus? p. 473.— 1. Why was the emperor anx- ious to preserve peace, and how did he act With a view to that object? 2. Give an account of the war against the Da- cians. 3. Relate the proceedings of Au- gustus in Spain. 4. Nervate the expedi- tion into Arabia Felix. P. 474.-1. Narrate, 1st, the war with Gandace ; 2d, that against the Garamnntes. 3. Relate the circumstances which led to the restoration by the Parthians ofahe Roman standards. 3. What did Augus- tus do In commemoration of thitt event 1 4. What other flattering occurrence took place while he was at Samos ? P. 475.-1. What happened as he was returning to Rome 1 2. Give an account of the wars, 1st, with the Alpine tribes; 2d, in Gaul ; and 3d, with the Germans. 3. When did Augustus go to Gaul, and why? 4. To whom was the command there intrusted ? 5. Relate the previous achievements of Drusus. 6. Narrate the war in Pannonia. P. 476.-1. What plan did Drusus fonn, and with what probable object ? 2. Re- late his doings in, Ist, e.g. 12; 2d, b.c. 11. 3. By what means did he endeavor to keep sojne hold on the conquered .country ? 4. Relate the events of b.c. 9, and the death of Drusus. P. 477. — 1. By whom was he succeeded in the command 1 2. Give an account of the transactions with the Germans in the year b.c. 8, 3. Narrate the war against the Sigambri. 4* How was Tiberius re- warded for his victories 1 5. When and why did he retire to Rhodes? 6. Who succeeded him in Germany^ and what did he accomplish? 7. What prohibition was imposed by Augustus upon his successorSk and why 1 8. Name the year of Tibe- rius's return_to Rome, and that of his adoption by the emperor. 9. Narrate his wars in Germany. P. 478.— 1. What part of Germany was constituted a Rbman province, and what arrangements were made- respecthag it"? 2. Give an account of the Marcomanni, and of their king, Maroboduus. 3. What plan did Tiberius form against them, and what circumstances compelled him to abandon it ? 4. Narrate the wars against the Pannonians and Dalmatians. P. 479.-1. Give an account of, '1st, Va- rus^ and his conduct in Germany ; 2d, the conspiracy formed against him, and of its chief. 2. Narrate the events which took place in consequence, and the defeat of the Roman army. 3. What resulted from it? 4. What is Augustus said to have done on receiving the news of this disas- ter? P. 480.-1. Relate the events in Get* many in a,.d. 10 and a-d. 11. 3. Wlmt was the only exception to the success of the military undertakings of Augustus 1 3. How often did he close the Temple of Janus? 4. In what respect was he un- happy? 5. Give an account of his wives, and especially of Livia. 6. Give an ac count of M. MarCellus. P. 481. — 1. Whom was his widow obliged to marry, and what children had she ? 2. What took place on the deatli of A^ppa? 3. What induced Tiberius to retire to Rhodes, and what efibct had his residence there upon him ? 4. When and in what way were the elder and younger Julia punished? 5. What friends of Augustus died in a.b. S? . 6. Give an account of, 1st, Calus Caesar\ 3d, Lucius Gaeiar. 482-497.] aUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OP ROME. i;i p. 4^—1. What sospicion was enter- tained concerning their deaths ? 2. What arrafagements were made respecting Ti- berius ! 3. In what famUy was the buc- cession thus secnredV 4. What import- ant event occurred in b.c. 4 or b.c. 3 f 5. What error is commonly made in ref- erence to that event! (note.) 6. Where and when did Augustus die 1 *7. Najrrate his death-bed. 8. What charge has been brought against Livia, and on what is it probably founded t 9. How was the em- peroir's corpse disposed of? P. 483. — 1. In what respect does Au- gustus deserve praise ? ' 2. What does his real character, as shown by his conduct before the battle vt' Actium, ^pear to have been ? 3. What influence had his reign upon Rome and the world at lai^e ? 4. De^^rUw his personal habits. 5. In what is his merit undisputed! 6. From what does h^ reign derive additional lus- ter? 7. For what will it be ever memor- nble ? 8. Give an account of ii^ char- acter of Tiberius. P. 484.— 1. What effect had his with- drawal to Rhodes upon Augustus? 2. How was his succession to the throne se- cured 9 3. What was almost his first act after bectHnlng emperor} 4. In what manner did he display his true character on arrinng at Rome 1 5. How long did his reign last, and for what was it cMefly remarkable ? P. 485. — 1. Give an account of the in- fiurrecUoos among the legions, 1st, in Pan nonia ; 2d, on the Rhine. 2. Narrate the campaigns of Germanicus in Germany in lst,A.D. 15;2d, Aji. 16. P. 486.— 1. What induced Tiberius to recall Germanicus? 2. Over what na- tions did the latter celebrate a triumph, and what became evident daring the so- lemnity? 3. Whither was he sent in con- sequence by Tiberius ? 4. Whom did the emperor appoint governor of Syria at the same time, and with what object? 5. Relate the exploits of Germanicus in the East. 6. How did he offend Tiberius 1 7. State what happened on his return to Syria. 8. Narrate his death, and the eveots consequent upon it. P. 487.— 1. Give an account'of the war under Srusus against Maroboduus. 2. Narrate the insurrections in Gaul. 3. Relate the' wars in Africa, and against the Frisians. 4. What powers were trans- ferred by Tiberius from the people to the senate 1 5. How did the senate act during thU reign ? 6. la what did Tiberius de- clare the crime of high treason to con- sist? P. 488. — 1. Who were the delatores, and what resulted from their proceedings? 2. Describe Tiberius's conduct during the early part of his reign, and mention the event which occasioned a change in ft. 3. When did his mother Livia die, and on what terms had she been with him for Rome years? 4 Give an account of 8e-, janus. 5. What measure did Sejanus cause to be taken as to the praetorian guards, and what were its consequences ? P. 489.— What plan did he form in or- der to secure the succession for himself, and how did he proceed to carry it into efiect? 3. Give an account of Drusus, and of his fate. 3. Against whom did SejanoB next direct bis weapons? 4. How were his victims got rid of? 5. Who alone escaped ? P. 490.— 1. What at last roused the fear and suspicion of Tiberius? 3. How were his eyes opened to the conduct of Sejanus, and what did he do ? 3. Relate the sut^equent events. 4. Give an ac- cotmt of Macro and his domgs. S. By whom was he joined, and with what oh- ject? 6. Narrate themurderof Tiberius. 7. Wha(must be attended to in estimating his character, and why ? P. 491. — ^1. How was the accession of Caligula received by the people, and for what reason ? 3. What was his proper name ? 3. Explain the origin of that by which he is commonly known. 3. In what manner did he at first rule? 5. During how long a time did he act with moderation, and what was the apparent cause of the change which afterward took place ? ' P. 493.-1. Relate some of his actions. 3. In what extravagant way did he at length display his madness ? 3. Give an example of the manner in which he squandered money.- P. 493. — 1. By what means did he pro- cure it ? 3. Relate the military proceed- ings of, 1st, A.D. 39 ; and 3d, A.n. 40. 3. Give an account of the conspiracies form^ ed against Caligula in the same years respectively. 4. Narrate his death. P. 494. — 1. What matter was discussed in the senate, and how was it decided ? 2. Who, and under what circumstances, was now proclaimed emperor? 3. Give an account of Claudius. 4. Of what cus- tom was he the originator on the occa- sion of his succession ? 5. What was his first act ? P. 495.-1. What appears to have been the source of his faults as a ruler ? 3. Give an account of his wives. 3. Who were the persons that pc^sessed the great- est iuflnence over him? 4. Relate the events of a.d. 42 and a.d. 48. 5. Whom did Claudius now marry, and what did she prevail upon him to do? 6. What measures were taken by Agrippina to re- cure the praetorians, and to qualify her son to fill the throne ? P. 496.— 1. Narrate the death of Clau- dius. 2. What was the general character of his government 1 3. What architect ural plans did he execute ? 4^ Give an account of his literary productions. 5. Narrate the wars during his reign : 1st, in Parthia ; 3d, in Germany. 6. Relate the history of Italicus. P. 497,—] Narrate the exploits vf Cor- 44 aUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF ROME. [498-513. bulo. 2. Mention the events of the war in Mauritania. 3. What led to the in- va»ioii of Britain 1 4. When did it take place, and who was the Roman com- mander? 5. Give an account of ttie war. 6. Relate the story of Caractacus. P. 498.— 1. Narrate the events in Ju- daea during this reign. 3. Give an ac count of the accession of Nero. 3. De- scribe his c)iaracter, and tlie way in which he hadjieen educated. P. 499.— 1. How did he act In the be- ginning of his reign, and what measures did he adopt 1 2. What was his mother anxious to do, and by whom wns she op- posed t 3. Relate the circumstances which led to and attended the death^lst, of Britnnnicus ; 2d, of Agrippina. P. 500.— 1. What were the objects of Nero's ambition 1 2. What was the fate ofOctavial 3. Give an account of the fire at Rome, and of the common belief respecting it. 4. To whom did the em peror attribute iti 5. How, and by what means, was the city rebuilt 1 6. By what means was the populace kept in good- humor ? 7. Relate the conspiracy in a.d. 63. P. 501. — 1. Mention what happened in A.D. G6. 3. Narrate Nero's proceedings in Greece. 3. Give an account of the death nfCorbulo. 4. When did Nero return to Rome, and what did he do on entering the city ? 5, In what year did an insurrec- tion break out in Gual, and who was its leader 1 6. To whom did the insurgents offer the crown, and what took place in consequence 7 P. 502.— 1. Give an account of the war between Rufus and Vindex. 3. What unexpected news came from Rome to Galbal 3. What accelerated Nero's ruin 1 4. How were the praetorian co- horts induced to proclaun Galbal 5. Narrate the death of Nero. 6. How were the subsequent rulers of Rome chosen? P. 503. — 1. Give an account of the wars in Armenia during the reign of Nero. 3. What grand design was formed by L. Vetus, and how was it frustrated T 3. What happened in Britain in a.d. 61 1 4. Relate the story of Boadicea. 5. Narrate the war in Judaea. P. 504.— 1. Give an account of Galba. 2. What made hJm unpopular with the soldiery 1 3. Under whose influence did be actT 4. Whom, and under what cir- cumstances, did he appoint to commnnd on the Rhine 1 5. Who was adopted by him, and why? -6. What were the con- sequences of his so doing ? P. 505.-1. Relate the death of Galba and of Licinianus. 2. Who succeeded Galba 1 3. How did the praetorians act on this occasion 1 4. What shows that Otho soon recovered his power? 5. Whom did the legions on the Rhine pro- claim emperor? 6. Narrate the struggle between Vitelliusand Otho, .and the death of the-lniter. P. 506. — 1. Give an account of Vitellius. 2. What legions declared against him^ and why 1 3. State the circumstances attending the proclamation of Ve.«pas)im. 4. Relate the proceedings of Antonius Primus. 5. By whom was Vitellius sup- ported? 6. Narrate the events ut Rome, and the death of Vitellius. P. 507. — 1." Give an account of Ves- pasian. 2. When did he arrive at Rome, and how had Doraitian acted in the mean time? 3. What were Vespasian's first measures? 4. In what way did he man- age the fiAances,? ^ P. 508.-1. On what did he spend im- mense sums? 2. What was his charnc ter in private life? 3. In what was he deficient ? 4. To whom had he a singu ler dislike, and what resulted from this feeling? 5. Relate the events of a.d. 74. 6. Give an account of the capture of Je rusalem by Titus. 7. How were the Jews subsej]uently treated? 8. What memo- rial of ti\pie evente stiU eusts? 9. Re- late the iasurrection of the Batavi. P. 509. — ] . Narrate the events in Britain, especially the achievements of Agricola. 2. What was the general character of the government of Vespasian ? 3. Give an account of the conspiracy against him, and of his death. P. 510.-1. How had Titus acted during his father's lifetime? 2. What change took place in him after his accession ? 3. With what feelings w^ lie regarded by the people ? 4. Narrate the eruption of Mount Vesuvius. 5. How did Titus act on that occasion ? 6. Relate the events of A.D. 80. 7. What buildings were in- augurated by Titus in a.d. 81 1 8. When and where did he die t P. 511.— 1. What did Agilcola accom- plish during this reign? 2. By whom was Titus succeeded ? 3. How had Do- mitian been treated by his father and broth- er ? 4. In what had he occupied himself during their reigns? 5. Bescribe his con- duct during the first years of his own reign. 6. In what way did he, in his later years, pervert the administration of justice? 7. What appear to have been the causes of his misgovern ment ? 8. How did he obtain money, and in what manner did he expend it? P. 512.— 1. On what account did Do- mitian assume the name of Germanicus ? 2. Relate the exploits of Agricola. 3. Why was he recalled by Domillan, and how did he spend the rest of bis life ? 4. Give an account of the wars against the Dacians, Quadi, and Marcomaoni. 5. Narrate the insurrection of L. Antonius. P. 513.— 1. What titles and honors did DomiUan claim for himself? 2. Why was Arulenus Rustlcus put to death ? 3. Who were expelled from Rome? 4. Who were persecuted and murdered ? 5. What led to the formation of a plot against the emperor? 6. Relate the mode in which it was carrlad into execuUfln 7 514-528 ] ttUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF EOME. 45 What decree did the senate pass respect- ing DomiliaD ? P. 5J4. — 1. Give au account, of the suc- cessor of Domitian. 2. Why waa he obliged to be very cautious? 3. What were his first acts? 4. What was done by the praetonans) 5. Whom did Nerva adopt, and why! 6. When did he die? 7. What was the chief object of his reign ? 8. To what other object was his care directed? 9. Of what place was Trajan a native? 10. How was he re- ceived at Rome? 11. Mention his acts in the first year of his reign. P. 515. — 1. What institution was set on foot at Rome r6 the same year 1 2. De- scribe the character and government of Trajan. 3. In what way did he adorn the empire ? 4. How did he act toward the senate and people? 5. Give an ac- count of his wife and sister, and of -their influence on the conduct of Roman ladies. 6. Relate his wars against the Dacians ? P. 516.— 1. What was the fate of De- cebaius? S. What arrangements were made respecting Dacia? 3. Describe the coluvma Trt^ana. 4. What other coun- try was subdued in the same year as i)acia ? 5. What gave rise to -the war against the Parthians ? 6. Narrate the pro- ceedings of Trajan in the East during the first campaign. 7. Relate the conquest of Parthia. P. 517. — 1. What did Trajan afterward do ? 2. Mention the eventi of a.d. 117. 3. What reports prevailed respecting the succession, and what appears to have been the truth ? 4. What measures did Plotina take? 5. Relate the circum- stances attending Hadrian's succession to the throne. 6. Give an account of him. 7. Describe the condition of the Roman empire at the time of his accession, p. 518. — 1. In what way did Hadrian settle the affairs of the East? 2. Nar- rate bis proceedings at Moesia. ■ 3., Give an account of the conspiracy formed against him. 4. In what way did the emperor incur unpopularity? 5. What did he do in consequence? 6. By what means did he court the favor of the peo- ple and senate 1 7. What administrative arrangements were made? 8. When did his journey throughout the empire com- mence, and what induced him to under- take it? P. 519. — 1. Narrate the journey, 1st, in A.D. 121; 2d, from a-d. 122 to a-d. 128; 3d, in A.D. 129 and a.d. 130. 2. Describe the Edictum perpetuum. 3. Give an ac- count of the insurrection of the Jews, and of the war against them . p 520. — 1. What were the effects of the war upon the Jews? 2- pow*Iid Ha- drian avert a war in the East? 3. What led him to think of a auccessor, and whom drian aT? toward the r|n5e of hi. r«.tgn ? P. 521.— 1. Relate his last days and death. 2. What did the senate wish to do after his death, and by whom and how was it prevented 1 3. Describe generally the reign and policy of Hadrian. 4. What was he, the first Roman emperor, to under- stand? 5. What was the consistorium Siiicipis ? 6. Describe the character of adrian. P, 522.— 1. Give an account of Antoni nus Pius. 2. What was the state of the empire during his reign? 3. Give a gen- eral description of his character and gov* ernment. 4. What was the foreign pol- icy of Antoninus, and what were its re- sults ? P. 523.— 1. Relate the events which occurred in Britain. 2. Mention some facta which prove the great influence the emperor possessed over foreign nations. 3. In what way did he promote the inter- ests of education and literature ? 4. Give on account of his private life. 5. What gained for him the reputation of a second Numa ? 6. Describe the conduct of An- toninus toward the Christians. 7. When and where did h*e die ? . P. 524. — 1. Wl^t injurious effects had the long peace of his reign 1 3. By whom was he succeeded? 3. Give an account of Aureiius. 4. Whom did he associate with himself in the government, and why ? 5. What gave rise to the war with the Paithians ? 6. Who went to Syria to take command of the war, and how did he act 1 P. 525. — 1. Narrate the events of the war. 2. What took place at Rome after its concluaon ? 3. Describe the proceed- ings on the northern frontier. 4. Where were Aureliua's head-quarters generally ? S. When did the emperors return to Rome, and what happened while they were on their way thither ? 6. Narrate the exploits of Aureiius in Germany. 7. Give an account of the insurrection in Syria. P. 526.— I. What was the fate of Avid- ius Cassius? 2. Describe the emperor's conduct in the East. 3. Relate the death of Faustina. 4. When did "Aureiius re- turn to Rome, and how long had he been absent ? 5. What did he do on returning to the city? 6. Relate the campaign against the Marcomanni. 7. Narrate the circumstances attending the death of Aureiius. * p 527. 1 , Give an account of his char- acter and " Meditations." 3. How did the people show their veneration for hini ? 3 What is the only thing for which ho seems to deserve censure, and. what ex- cuse may be suggested for him in that matter ? 4. Give an account of his suc- cessor. 5. What did Commodus do im- mediately after the death of his father, and why ? 6. How was he at first re- ceived in the city? P. 528.— 1. Describe his conduci «t the commencement of hi-' retgn. 2, Wliat 46 aUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF HOME. [629-537. circumstance produced a change in Ui 3. How did he act subsequently 1 4. To whom did the emperor abandon the gov- ernment? 5. In what way was his van- ity displayed f 6. What occasioned the deposition of Perennis, and whom did Commodus appoint in his place 1 P. 529.— 1. What was the fate of Ole- ander? 3. Narrate the events which led to the emperor's death. 3. Give an account of his assassination. 4. How was the news of his death received, and what did the senate order to be done 1 5. How had the integrity of the empire been maintained during his reign? 6. Narrate the foreign events of the reign ? . P. 530. — 1. Describe the character of Commodus. 2. In what manner were succeeding emperors chosen? 3. What happened in a.d. 193? 4. When was the western empire overthrown T 5. Give- a general description of the period after the reign of Commodus. P. 531. — 1. Recapitulate the foreign policy and exploits of Augnstus. 3. What was the object of his wars against the Germans! 3. In whose 4'eign did the empire acquire its greatest extent, and what countries were then comprised in it? 4. What curtailment did the empire un- dergo in the reign of Hadrian? 5. When did the Moors first begin to invade Spain ? G. What difference existed between Au-' gustus and his successors ? 7. How were alfairs managed afier the lime of Hadrian ? F. 532.— 1. What enabled many of the emperors to govern tyrannically ? 2. How did the praetorians act? 3. In what way was the succession ordibarily settled? 4. Give an account of Roman legislation after the time of Augustus. 5. Give an account of the administration of justice. P. 533. — 1. Describe the police regula- tions of Augustus. 2. To what causes - was the ruin of Italian agriculture attrib - utable? 3. What prevented industry thriv ing at Rome ? 4. How was the populace supported during the reign of tyrants, and what resulted from the system ? 5. By whom were all trades and manufactures in the city carried on ? P. 534.— 1. What shows the brutality of the population of Rome ? 2. In what way were even Titus and Trajan obliged to gratify the cruel propensities of the people t 3. Describe the moral condition of Rome under the later emperors. 4. Give an account of the commerce of the Romans. 5. State the causes of the cor- ruption of the Latin language. P. 535.-1. When did Roman literature reach its highest perfection? 2. For what purposes was eloquence cultivated under the emperors? 3. What was the state of literature afler the accession of Tiberius ? 4. What fact shows that in tellectual activity was extending into the provinces? 5. Whose poems manifest the depravation of taste, and what is their gener^ character? 6. Name the later satirists. 7. Compare them with Horace. 8. Give an account of the writings of, 1st, Phaedrus; 2d, Seneca; 3d, Apuleius and Fronto. P. 536.— 1. Under what disadvantages did historical writing labor ? 2. Point out the operation of these disadvantages in the cases of Claud'ius, Rusticus, and 9e- necio. 3. Name the later historians of eminence. 4. Who was the last historian of any note ? 5. What was the state of the arts under, 1st, Augustus ; 2d, Nero; 3d, Vespasian; 4th, Hadrian? 6. What compensated for the fall of Rome ? P. 537. — 1. 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