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MONTCALM AND WOLFE. 
 Vol. II. 
 
TKAITOIS PAEKMAFS WRITINGS. 
 
 The Oregon Trail . 1 vol. 
 
 The Conspiracy of Pontiac 2 vols. 
 
 JFranw auti EnglanB in 'Naxtti America. 
 Pioneers op France in the New World . . 1 vol. 
 The Jesuits in North America ... . . 1 vol. 
 La Salle and the Discovery of the Great 
 
 West ... . .... 1 vol. 
 
 The Old Regime in Canada under Louis XIV. 1 vol. 
 Count Frontenac and New France under 
 
 Louis XIV. . . . . .... 1 vol. 
 
 A Half-Century of Conflict ... .2 vols. 
 
 Montcalm and Wolfe .2 vols. 
 
THE PORTRAIT OF WOLFE. 
 
 THE portrait of Wolfe in the present edition of this book was 
 never before made known to the public. The picture from 
 which it is taken was painted from life by Highmore, an English 
 artist well known in the last century. When Wolfe, then a mere 
 boy, received his first commission and was about to join the army, 
 he caused his likeness to be painted in uniform, and gave it, as a 
 token of attachment, to Reverend Samuel Francis Swinden, Vicar 
 of Greenwich, whose pupil he had been, and whose friend he re- 
 mained for life. The descendants of this gentleman still possess it; 
 and it is to their kindness, and especially to that of his great-great- 
 granddaughter, Miss Florence Armstrong, that I owe the photo- 
 graph which is here reproduced. It is believed that Wolfe never 
 again sat for his portrait. After his death his mother caused a 
 miniature to be taken from the Highmore picture, and from this 
 several enlarged copies were afterwards made. 
 
 The portrait in possession of Admiral Warde, hitherto supposed 
 to be an original, now seems to be one of these copies. It ap- 
 peared first in Wright's "Life of Wolfe," and is the same that was 
 engraved for the early editions of " Montcalm and Wolfe." The 
 existence of the present more trustworthy and interesting picture 
 has been known to few besides its fortunate possessors. 
 
 15 October, 1887. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://archive.org/details/cu31924070695790 
 
WOLFE. 
 Aged l(j. 
 
FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 PART SEVENTH. 
 
 MONTCALM AND WOLFE. 
 
 BY 
 
 FRANCIS PARKMAN, 
 
 AUTHOR OF "THE OREGON TRAIL," "THE CONSPIRACY OF PONTIAC," 
 
 "PIONEERS OF FRANCE IN THE NEW WORLD," "THE JESUITS 
 
 IN NORTH AMERICA," "LA SALLE," "THE OLD REGIME 
 
 IN CANADA," "COUNT FRONTENAC," AND 
 
 " A HALF-CENTURY OF CONFLICT." 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 Vol. II. 
 
 COPYRIGHT EDITION 
 
 TORONTO 
 
 GEORGE N. MORANG & COMPANY, LIMITED 
 
 1901 
 
Entered according- to Act of the Parliament of 
 Canada, in the year nineteen hundred and one, 
 by George N. Morang & Company, Limited, 
 at the Department of Agriculture. 
 
 Toronto 
 Brown-Searle Printing Co. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1757, 1758. 
 
 a winter of discontent. 
 
 Page 
 
 Boasts of Loudon. — A Mutinous Militia. — Panic. — Accusations 
 of Vaudreuil. — His Weakness. — Indian Barbarities. — Destruc- 
 tion of German Flats. — Discontent of Montcalm. — Festivities 
 at Montreal. — Montcalm's Relations with the Governor. — 
 Famine. — Riots. — Mutiny. — Winter at Ticonderoga. — A 
 desperate Bush-fight. — Defeat of the Rangers. — Adventures 
 of Roche and Fringle 1 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 1753-1760. 
 
 His Life and Character. — Canadian Society. — Official Festivities. — 
 A Party of Pleasure. — Hospitalities of Bigot. — Desperate Gam- 
 bling. — Chateau Bigot. — Canadian Ladies. — Cadet. — La Fri- 
 ponne. — Official Rascality. — Methods of Peculation. — Cruel 
 Frauds on the Acadians. — Military Corruption. — Pean. — 
 Love and Knavery. — Varin and his Partners. — Vaudreuil 
 and the Peculators. — He defends Bigot; praises Cadet and 
 Pean. — Canadian Finances. — Peril of Bigot. — Threats of the 
 Minister. — Evidence of Montcalm. — Impending Ruin of the 
 Confederates . . ... 17 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 1757, 1758. 
 
 PITT. 
 
 Page 
 Frederic of Prussia. — The Coalition against him. — His desperate 
 
 Position. — Rossbach. — Leuthen. — Reverses of England. — 
 
 Weakness of the Ministry. — A Change. — Pitt and Newcastle. 
 
 — Character of Pitt. — Sources of his Power. — His Aims. — 
 Louis XV. — Pompadour. — She controls the Court, and directs 
 the War. — Gloomy Prospects of England. — Disasters. — The 
 New Ministry. — Inspiring Influence of Pitt. — The Tide turns. 
 
 — British Victories. — Pitt's Plans for America. — Louisbourg, 
 Ticonderoga, Duquesne. — New Commanders. — Naval Battles 38 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 1758. 
 
 LOUISBOURG. 
 
 Condition of the Fortress. — Arrival of the English. — Gallantry of 
 Wolfe. — The English Camp. — The Siege begun. — Progress 
 of the Besiegers. — Sallies of the French. — Madame Drucour. 
 
 — Courtesies of War. — French Ships destroyed. — Conflagra- 
 tion. — Fury of the Bombardment. — Exploit of English Sailors. 
 
 — The End near. — The White Flag. — Surrender. — Reception 
 of the News in England and America. — Wolfe not satisfied. — 
 His Letters to Amherst. — He destroys Gaspe. — Returns to 
 England 52 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 1758. 
 
 TICONDEROGA. 
 
 Activity of the Provinces. — Sacrifices of Massachusetts. — The 
 Army at Lake George. — Proposed Incursion of Levis. — Per- 
 plexities of Montcalm. — His Plan of Defence. — Camp of Aber- 
 cromby. — His Character. — Lord Howe. — His Popularity. — 
 Embarkation of Abercromby. — Advance down Lake George. — 
 Landing. — Forest Skirmish. — Death of Howe. — Its Effects. 
 
 — Position of the French. — The Lines of Ticonderoga. — Blun- 
 ders of Abercromby. — The Assault. — A Frightful Scene. — In- 
 cidents of the Battle. — British Repulse. — Panic. — Retreat. — 
 Triumph of Montcalm 83 
 
CONTENTS. yii 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 1758. 
 
 FOET FRONTENAC. 
 
 The Routed Army. — Indignation at Abercromby. — John Cleave- 
 land and his Brother Chaplains. — Regulars and Provincials. — 
 Provincial Surgeons. — French Raids. — Rogers defeats Marin. 
 — Adventures of Putnam. — Expedition of Bradstreet — Cap- 
 ture of Fort Frontenac 114 
 
 CHAPTER XXH. 
 1758. 
 
 FOET DUQtTESNE. 
 
 Dinwiddie and Washington. — Brigadier Forbes. —His Army.— 
 Conflicting Views. — Difficulties. — Illness of Forbes. — His Suf- 
 ferings. — His Fortitude. — His Difference with Washington. — 
 
 Sir John Sinclair. — Troublesome Allies. — Scouting Parties. 
 
 Boasts of Vaudreuil. — Forbes and the Indians. — Mission of 
 Christian Frederic Post. — Council of Peace. — Second Mission 
 of Post. — Defeat of Grant. — Distress of Forbes. — Dark Pros- 
 pects. — Advance of the Army. — Capture of the French Fort. 
 — The Slain of Braddock's Field. —Death of Forbes .... 131 
 
 CHAPTER XXHL 
 
 1758, 1759. 
 
 THE BRINK OF RUIN. 
 
 Jealousy of Vaudreuil. — He asks for Montcalm's Recall. — His 
 Discomfiture. — Scene at the Governor's House. — Disgust of 
 Montcalm. — The Canadians Despondent. — Devices to encour- 
 age them. — Gasconade of the Governor. — Deplorable State of 
 the Colony. — Mission of Bougainville. — Duplicity of Vau- 
 dreuil. — Bougainville at Versailles. — Substantial Aid refused 
 to Canada. — A Matrimonial Treaty. — Return of Bougainville. 
 — Montcalm abandoned by the Court. — His Plans of Defence. — 
 Sad News from Candiac. — Promises of Vaudreuil 164 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 1758, 1759. 
 
 WOLFE. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Exiles of Fort Cumberland. — Relief. — The Voyage to Louis- 
 bourg. — The British Fleet. — Expedition against Quebec. — 
 Early Life of Wolfe. — His Character. — His Letters to his 
 Parents. — His Domestic Qualities. — Appointed to command 
 the Expedition. — Sails for America 181 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. 
 
 French Preparation. — Muster of Forces. — Gasconade of Vau- 
 dreuil. — Plan of Defence. — Strength of Montcalm. — Advance 
 of Wolfe. — British Sailors. — Landing of the English. — Diffi- 
 culties before them. — Storm. — Fireships. — Confidence of 
 French Commanders. — Wolfe occupies Point Levi. — A Futile 
 Night Attack. — Quebec bombarded. — Wolfe at the Montmo- 
 renci. — Skirmishes. — Danger of the English Position. — Effects 
 of the Bombardment. — Desertion of Canadians. — The English 
 above Quebec. — Severities of Wolfe. — Another Attempt to 
 burn the Fleet. — Desperate Enterprise of Wolfe. — The Heights 
 of Montmorenci. — Repulse of the English 195 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 1759. 
 
 AMHEHST. NIAGARA. 
 
 Amherst on Lake George. — Capture of Ticonderoga and Crown 
 Point. — Delays of Amherst. — Niagara Expedition. — La Corne 
 attacks Oswego. — His Repulse. — Niagara besieged. — Aubry 
 comes to its Relief. — Battle. — Rout of the French. — The Fort 
 taken. — Isle-aux-Noix. — Amherst advances to attack it. — 
 Storm. — The Enterprise abandoned. — Rogers attacks St. Fran- 
 cis. — Destroys the Town. — Sufferings of the Rangers . . . 235 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 1759. 
 
 THE HEIGHTS OP ABHAHAM. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Elation of the French. — Despondency of Wolfe. — The Parishes 
 laid waste. — Operations above Quebec. — Illness of Wolfe. — 
 A New Plan of Attack. — Faint Hope of Success. — Wolfe's Last 
 Despatch. — Confidence of Vaudreuil. — Last Letters of Mont- 
 calm. — French Vigilance. — British Squadron at Cap-Kouge. 
 
 — Last Orders of Wolfe. — Embarkation. — Descent of the 
 St. Lawrence. — The Heights scaled. — The British Line. — 
 Last Night of Montcalm. — The Alarm. — March of French 
 Troops. — The Battle. — The Rout. —The Pursuit. — Fall of 
 Wolfe and of Montcalm 259 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIH. 
 
 1759. 
 
 FALL OF QUEBEC. 
 
 After the Battle. — Canadians resist the Pursuit. — Arrival of Vau- 
 dreuil. — Scene in the Redoubt. — Panic. — Movements of the 
 Victors. — Vaudreuil's Council of War. — Precipitate Retreat 
 of the French Army. — Last Hours of Montcalm. — His Death 
 and Burial. — Quebec abandoned to its Fate. — Despair of the 
 Garrison. — Levis joins the Army. — Attempts to relieve the 
 Town. — Surrender. — The British occupy Quebec. — Slanders 
 of Vaudreuil. — Reception in England of the News of Wolfe's 
 Victory and Death. — Prediction of Jonathan Mayhew . . . 299 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 1759, 1760. 
 
 SAINTE-FOT. 
 
 Quebec after the Siege. — Captain Knox and the Nuns. — Escape 
 of French Ships. — Winter at Quebec. — Threats of Le'vis. — 
 Attacks. — Skirmishes. — Feat of the Rangers. — State of the 
 Garrison. — The French prepare to retake Quebec. — Advance 
 of Le'vis. — The Alarm. — Sortie of the English. — Rash Deter- 
 mination of Murray. — Battle of Ste.-Foy. — Retreat of the Eng- 
 lish. — Le'vis besieges Quebec. — Spirit of the Garrison. — Peril 
 of their Situation. — Relief. — Quebec saved. — Retreat of Le'vis. 
 
 — The News in England ... . 327 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX 
 
 1760. 
 
 fall of canada. 
 
 Page 
 
 Desperate Situation. — Efforts of Vaudreuil and Levis Plans of 
 
 Amherst. — A Triple Attack. — Advance of Murray. — Ad- 
 vance of Haviland. — Advance of Amherst. — Capitulation of 
 Montreal. — Protest of Le'vis. — Injustice of Louis XV. — Joy 
 in the British Colonies. — Character of the War 360 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 1758-1763. 
 
 THE PEACE OF PARIS 
 
 Exodus of Canadian Leaders. — Wreck of the " Auguste." — Trial 
 of Bigot and his Confederates. — Frederic of Prussia. — His Tri- 
 umphs. — His Reverses. — His Peril. — His Fortitude. — Death 
 of George II. — Change of Policy. — Choiseul. — His Overtures 
 of Peace. — The Family Compact. —Fall of Pitt. — Death of 
 the Czarina. — Frederic saved. — War with Spain. — Capture 
 of Havana. — Negotiations. — Terms of Peace. — Shall Canada 
 he restored ? — Speech of Pitt. — The Treaty signed. — End 
 of the Seven Years War . 383 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 1763-1884. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Results of the War. — Germany. — France. — England. — Canada. 
 — The British Provinces 408 
 
 APPENDIX 417 
 
 INDEX 445 
 
MONTCALM AND WOLFE. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1757, 1758. 
 
 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. 
 
 Boasts of Loudon. — A Mutinous Militia. — Panic. — Accusa- 
 tions op Vaudreuil. — His Weakness. — Indian Barbarities. 
 — Destruction of German Flats. — Discontent of Mont- 
 calm. — Festivities at Montreal. — Montcalm's Relations 
 with the Governor. — Famine. — Riots. — Mutiny. — Winter 
 at tlconderoga. — a desperate bush-fight. — defeat op the 
 Rangers. — Adventures op Roche and Pringle. 
 
 Loudon, on his way back from Halifax, was at 
 sea off the coast of Nova Scotia when a despatch- 
 boat from Governor Pownall of Massachusetts 
 startled him with news that Fort William Henry 
 was attacked; and a few days after he learned 
 by another boat that the fort was taken and the 
 capitulation " inhumanly and villanously broken." 
 On this he sent Webb orders to hold the enemy in 
 check without risking a battle till he should him- 
 Belf arrive. " I am on the way," these were his 
 words, "with a force sufficient to turn the scale, 
 with God's assistance ; and then I hope we shall 
 teach the French to comply with the laws of 
 nature and humanity. For although I abhor bar- 
 barity, the knowledge I have of Mr. Vaudreuil's 
 
2 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. [1767. 
 
 behavior when in Louisiana, from his own letters 
 in my possession, and the murders committed at 
 Oswego and now at Fort William Henry, will 
 oblige me to make those gentlemen sick of such 
 inhuman villany whenever it is in my power." He 
 reached New York on the last day of August, and 
 heard that the French had withdrawn. He never- 
 theless sent his troops up the Hudson, thinking, 
 he says, that he might still attack Ticonderoga ; 
 a wild scheme, which he soon abandoned, if he 
 ever seriously entertained it. 1 
 
 Webb had remained at Fort Edward in mortal 
 dread of attack. Johnson had joined him with a 
 band of Mohawks ; and on the day when Fort 
 William Henry surrendered there had been some 
 talk of attempting to throw succors into it by 
 night. Then came the news of its capture ; and 
 now, when it was too late, tumultuous mobs of 
 militia came pouring in from the neighboring 
 provinces. In a few days thousands of them were 
 bivouacked on the fields about Fort Edward, doing 
 nothing, disgusted and mutinous, declaring that 
 they were ready to fight, but not to lie still with- 
 out tents, blankets, or kettles. Webb writes on 
 the fourteenth that most of those from New York 
 had deserted, threatening to kill their officers if 
 
 1 Loudon to Webb, 20 Aug. 1757. Loudon to Holdernesse, Oct. 1757. Lou- 
 don to Poumatt, 16 [18 ?] Aug. 1757. A passage in this last letter, in which 
 Loudon says that he shall, if prevented by head-winds from getting into 
 New York, disembark the troops on Long Island, is perverted by that 
 ardent partisan, William Smith, the historian of New York, into the 
 absurd declaration " that he should encamp on Long Island for the defence 
 of the continent." 
 
1757.] CHAEGES OE VAUDREUIL. 3 
 
 they tried to stop them. Delancey ordered them 
 to be fired upon. A sergeant was shot, others 
 were put in arrest, and all was disorder till the 
 seventeenth ; when Webb, learning that the French 
 were gone, sent them back to their homes. 1 
 
 Close on the fall of Fort William Henry came 
 crazy rumors of disaster, running like wildfire 
 through the colonies. The number and ferocity 
 of the enemy were grossly exaggerated; there 
 was a cry that they would seize Albany and New 
 York itself ; 2 while it was reported that Webb, as 
 much frightened as the rest, was for retreating to 
 the Highlands of the Hudson. 3 This was the day 
 after the capitulation, when a part only of the 
 militia had yet appeared. If Montcalm had seized 
 the moment, and marched that afternoon to Fort 
 Edward, it is not impossible that in the confusion 
 he might have carried it by a coup-de-main. 
 
 Here was an opportunity for Vaudreuil, and he 
 did not fail to use it. Jealous of his rival's ex- 
 ploit, he spared no pains to tarnish it ; complaining 
 that Montcalm had stopped half way on the road 
 to success, and, instead of following his instruc- 
 tions, had contented himself with one victory 
 when he should have gained two. But the 
 Governor had enjoined upon him as a matter of 
 the last necessity that the Canadians should be at 
 their homes before September to gather the crops, 
 and he would have been the first to complain had 
 
 * Delancey to [Holdemesse?], 24 Aug. 1757. 
 
 2 Captain Christie to Governor Wentworth, 11 Aug. 1757. Ibid., to Gov- 
 ernor Pownall, same date. 
 
 3 Smith, Hist. N. Y., Fart II. 254. 
 
4 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. L1757. 
 
 the injunction been disregarded. To besiege Fort 
 Edward was impossible, as Montcalm had no means 
 of transporting cannon thither; and to attack 
 Webb without them was a risk which he had not 
 the rashness to incur. 
 
 It was Bougainville who first brought Vaudreuil 
 the news of the success on Lake George. A day 
 or two after his arrival, the Indians, who had left 
 the army after the massacre, appeared at Montreal, 
 bringing about two hundred English prisoners. 
 The Governor rebuked them for breaking the ca- 
 pitulation, on which the heathen savages of the 
 West declared that it was not their fault, but that 
 of the converted Indians, who, in fact, had first 
 raised the war-whoop. Some of the prisoners were 
 presently bought from them at the price of two 
 kegs of brandy each; and the inevitable conse- 
 quences followed. 
 
 " I thought," writes Bougainville, " that the 
 Governor would have told them they should have 
 neither provisions nor presents till all the English 
 were given up ; that he himself would have gone 
 to their huts and taken the prisoners from them ; 
 and that the inhabitants would be forbidden, under 
 the severest penalties, from selling or giving them 
 brandy. I saw the contrary; and my soul shud- 
 dered at the sights my eyes beheld. On the fif- 
 teenth, at two o'clock, in the presence of the 
 whole town, they killed one of the prisoners, put 
 him into the kettle, and forced his wretched coun- 
 trymen to eat of him." The Intendant Bigot, the 
 friend of the Governor, confirms this story ; and 
 
1757.] • INDIAN BARBARITIES. 5 
 
 another French writer says that they " compelled 
 mothers to eat the flesh of their children." l Bigot 
 declares that guns, canoes, and other presents 
 were given to the Western tribes before they left 
 Montreal ; and he adds, " they must be sent 
 home satisfied at any cost." Such were the pains 
 taken to preserve allies who were useful chiefly 
 through the terror inspired by their diabolical 
 cruelties. This time their ferocity cost them dear. 
 They had dug up and scalped the corpses in the 
 graveyard of Fort William Henry, many of which 
 were remains of victims of the small-pox ; and the 
 savages caught the disease, which is said to have 
 made great havoc among them. 2 
 
 Vaudreuil, in reporting what he calls " my cap- 
 ture of Fort William Henry," takes great credit 
 to himself for his " generous procedures " towards 
 the English prisoners ; alluding, it seems, to his 
 having bought some of them from the Indians 
 with the brandy which was sure to cause the 
 murder of others. 3 His obsequiousness to his red 
 allies did not cease with permitting them to kill 
 and devour before his eyes those whom he was 
 bound in honor and duty to protect. " He let 
 
 1 " En chemin faisant et meme en entrant a Montreal ils les ont 
 mange's et fait manger aux autres prisonniers." Bigot au Ministre, 24 
 Aout, 1757. 
 
 " Des sauvages ont fait manger aux meres la chair de leurs enfants." 
 Jugement impartial sur les Operations militaires en Canada. A French 
 diary kept in Canada at this time, and captured at sea, is cited by Hutch- 
 inson as containing similar statements. 
 
 2 One of these corpses was that of Richard Rogers, brother of the 
 noted partisan Robert Rogers. He had died of small-pox some tim9 
 before. Rogers, Journals, 55, note. 
 
 8 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 15 Sept. 1757. 
 
6 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. . [1757. 
 
 them do what they pleased," says a French con- 
 temporary ; " they were seen roaming about Mon- 
 treal, knife in hand, threatening everybody, and 
 often insulting those they met. When complaint 
 was made, he said nothing. Far from it ; instead 
 of reproaching them, he loaded them with gifts, in 
 the belief that their cruelty would then relent." 1 
 
 Nevertheless, in about a fortnight all, or nearly 
 all, the surviving prisoners were bought out of 
 their clutches ; and then, after a final distribution 
 of presents and a grand debauch at La Chine, the 
 whole savage rout paddled for their villages. 
 
 The campaign closed in November with a par- 
 tisan exploit on the Mohawk. Here, at a place 
 called German Flats, on the farthest frontier, there 
 was a thriving settlement of German peasants 
 from the Palatinate, who were so ill-disposed 
 towards the English that Yaudreuil had had good 
 hope of stirring them to revolt, while at the same 
 time persuading their neighbors, the Oneida In- 
 dians, to take part with France. 2 As his meas- 
 ures to this end failed, he resolved to attack them. 
 Therefore, at three o'clock in the morning of the 
 twelfth of November, three hundred colony troops, 
 Canadians and Indians, under an officer named 
 Beletre, wakened the unhappy peasants by a burst 
 of yells, and attacked the small picket forts which 
 they had built as places of refuge. These were 
 taken one by one and set on fire. The sixty 
 dwellings of the settlement, with their barns and 
 
 1 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
 2 Depeches de Vaudreuil, 1757. 
 
1757.] GERMAN FLATS. 7 
 
 outhouses, were all burned, forty or fifty of the in- 
 habitants were killed, and about three times that 
 number, chiefly women and children, were made 
 prisoners, including Johan Jost Petrie, the ma- 
 gistrate of the place. Fort Herkimer was not far 
 off, with a garrison of two hundred men under 
 Captain Townshend, who at the first alarm sent 
 out a detachment too weak to arrest the havoc ; 
 while Bel^tre, unable to carry off his booty, set on 
 his followers to the work of destruction, killed a 
 great number of hogs, sheep, cattle, and horses, 
 and then made a hasty retreat. Lord Howe, 
 pushing up the river from Schenectady with troops 
 and militia, found nothing but an abandoned 
 slaughter-field. Vaudreuil reported the affair to 
 the Court, and summed up the results with pom- 
 pous egotism : " I have ruined the plans of the 
 English ; I have disposed the Five Nations to 
 attack them ; I have carried consternation and 
 terror into all those parts." 1 
 
 Montcalm, his summer work over, went to Mon- 
 treal ; and thence in September to Quebec, a place 
 more to his liking. " Come as soon as you can," 
 he wrote to Bourlamaque, " and I will tell a certain 
 
 1 Loudon to Pitt, 14 Feb. 1758. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 12 Fev. 1758. 
 Ibid., 28 Nov. 1758. Bougainville, Journal. Summary ofM. de Beletre's 
 Campaign, in N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 672. Extravagant reports of the 
 havoc made were sent to France. It was pretended that three thousand 
 cattle, three thousand sheep (Vaudreuil says four thousand), and from 
 five hundred to fifteen hundred horses were destroyed, with other personal 
 property to the amount of 1,500,000 livres. These official falsehoods are 
 contradicted in a letter from Quebec, Daine au Marechal de Belleisle, 19 
 Mai, 1758. Levis says that the whole population of the settlement, 
 men, women, and children, was not above three hundred. 
 
8 A WINTER OE DISCONTENT. [1767, 1758. 
 
 fair lady how eager you are." Even Quebec was 
 no paradise for him ; and he writes again to the 
 same friend: "My heart and my stomach are 
 both ill at ease, the latter being the worse." To 
 his wife he says : " The price of everything is ris- 
 ing. I am ruining myself ; I owe the treasurer 
 twelve thousand francs. I long for peace and 
 for you. In spite of the public distress, we have 
 balls and furious gambling." In February he re- 
 turned to Montreal in a sleigh on the ice of the 
 St. Lawrence, — a mode of travelling which he 
 describes as cold but delicious. Montreal pleased 
 him less than ever, especially as he was not in 
 favor at what he calls the Court, meaning the 
 circle of the Governor-General. " I find this place 
 so amusing," he writes ironically to Bourlamaque, 
 " that I wish Holy Week could be lengthened, to 
 give me a pretext for neither making nor receiv- 
 ing visits, staying at home, and dining there 
 almost alone. Burn all my letters, as I do 
 yours." And in the next week : " Lent and 
 devotion have upset my stomach and given me 
 a cold ; which does not prevent me from having 
 the Governor-General at dinner to-day to end his 
 lenten fast, according to custom here." Two days 
 after he announces : " To-day a grand dinner at 
 Martel's ; twenty-three persons, all big-wigs (les 
 grosses perruques) ; no. ladies. We still have got 
 to undergo those of Pe"an, Deschambault, and the 
 Chevalier de Le*vis. I spend almost every even- 
 ing in my chamber, the place I like best, and 
 where I am least bored." 
 
1757, 1758. J DISGUST OF MONTCALM. 9 
 
 With the opening spring there were changes in 
 the modes of amusement. Picnics began, Vau- 
 dreuil and his wife being often of the party, as 
 too was LeVis. The Governor also made visits 
 of compliment at the houses of the seigniorial pro- 
 prietors along the river ; " very much," says Mont- 
 calm, as " Henri IV. did to the bourgeois notables 
 of Paris. I live as usual, fencing in the morning, 
 dining, and passing the evening at home or at the 
 Governor's. Pe"an has gone up to La Chine to 
 spend six days with the reigning sultana [Peans 
 ivife, mistress of Bigot\. As for me, my ennui 
 increases. I don't know what to do, or say, or 
 read, or where to go ; and I think that at the end 
 of the next campaign I shall ask bluntly, blindly, 
 for my recall, only because I am bored." x 
 
 His relations with Vaudreuil were a constant 
 annoyance to him, notwithstanding the mask of 
 mutual civility. " I never," he tells his mother, 
 " ask for a place in the colony troops for anybody. 
 You need not be an ffidipus to guess this riddle. 
 Here are four lines from Corneille : — 
 
 " 'Mon crime veritable est d'avoir aujourd'hui 
 
 Plus de nom que . . . [ Vaudreuil] , plus de vertus que lui, 
 
 Et c'est de la. que part cette secrete haine 
 
 Que le temps lie rendra que plus forte et plus pleine.' 
 
 Nevertheless I live here on good terms with 
 everybody, and do my best to serve the King. 
 If they could but do without me; if they could 
 but spring some trap on me, or if I should happen 
 to meet with some check! " 
 
 1 Montcalm a Bourlamaque, 22 Mai, 1758. 
 
10 A "WINTER OF DISCONTENT. [1757, 1758. 
 
 Vaudreuil meanwhile had written to the Court 
 in high praise of Levis, hinting that he, and not 
 Montcalm, ought to have the chief command. 1 
 
 Under the hollow gayeties of the ruling class 
 lay a great public distress, which broke at last 
 into riot. Towards midwinter no flour was to be 
 had in Montreal ; and both soldiers and people 
 were required to accept a reduced ration, partly 
 of horse-flesh. A mob gathered before the Gover- 
 nor's house, and a deputation of women beset 
 him, crying out that the horse was the friend of 
 man, and that religion forbade him to be eaten. 
 In reply he threatened them with imprisonment 
 and hanging ; but with little effect, and the crowd 
 dispersed, only to stir up the soldiers quartered in 
 the houses of the town. The colony regulars, ill- 
 disciplined at the best, broke into mutiny, and 
 excited the battalion of Beam to join them. Vau- 
 dreuil was helpless; Montcalm was in Quebec; 
 and the task of dealing with the mutineers fell 
 upon Levis, who proved equal to the crisis, took 
 a high tone, threatened death to the first soldier 
 who should refuse horse-flesh, assured them at the 
 same time that he ate it every day himself, and 
 by a characteristic mingling of authority and tact, 
 quelled the storm. 2 
 
 The prospects of the next campaign began to 
 open. Captain Pouchot had written from Nia- 
 gara that three thousand savages were waiting to 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 16 Sept. 1757. Ibid., au Ministre 
 de la Guerre, meme date. 
 
 2 Bougainville, Journal. Montcalm a Mirepoix, 20 Avril, 1758. Levis, 
 Journal de la Guerre du Canada. 
 
1758.] DEFEAT OE ROGERS. 11 
 
 be let loose against the English borders. {i What 
 a scourge ! " exclaims Bougainville. " Humanity 
 groans at being forced to use such monsters. 
 What can be done against an invisible enemy, who 
 strikes and vanishes, swift as the lightning ? It is 
 the destroying angel." Captain Hebecourt kept 
 watch and ward at Ticonderoga, begirt with snow 
 and ice, and much plagued by English rangers, 
 who sometimes got into the ditch itself. 1 This 
 was to reconnoitre the place in preparation for a 
 winter attack which Loudon had planned, but 
 which, like the rest of his schemes, fell to the 
 ground. 2 Towards midwinter a band of these in- 
 truders captured two soldiers and butchered some 
 fifteen cattle close to the fort, leaving tied to the 
 horns of one of them a note addressed to the com- 
 mandant in these terms : " I am obliged to you, 
 sir, for the rest you have allowed me to take and 
 the fresh meat you have sent me. I shall take 
 good care of my prisoners. My compliments to 
 the Marquis of Montcalm." Signed, Rogers. 3 
 
 A few weeks later Hebecourt had his revenge. 
 About the middle of March a report came to 
 Montreal that a large party of rangers had been 
 cut to pieces a few miles from Ticonderoga, and 
 that Rogers himself was among the slain. This 
 last announcement proved false ; but the rangers 
 had suffered a crushing defeat. Colonel Haviland, 
 commanding at Fort Edward, sent a hundred and 
 
 1 Montcalm a Bourlamaque, 28 Mars, 1758. 
 
 2 Loudon to Pitt, 14 Feb. 1758. 
 
 3 Journal de ce qui s'est passe en Canada, 1757, 1758. Compare Rogers^ 
 Journals, 72-75. 
 
12 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. [1758. 
 
 eighty of them, men and officers, on a scouting 
 party towards Ticonderoga; and Captain Pringle 
 and Lieutenant Eoche, of the twenty-seventh regi- 
 ment, joined them as volunteers, no doubt through 
 a love of hardy adventure, which was destined to 
 be fully satisfied. Rogers commanded the whole. 
 They passed down Lake George on the ice under 
 cover of night, and then, as they neared the 
 French outposts, pursued ^heir way by land be- 
 hind Rogers Rock and the other mountains of 
 the western shore. On 'the preceding day, the 
 twelfth of March, Hebecourt had received a rein- 
 forcement of two hundred Mission Indians and a 
 body of Canadians. The Indians had no sooner 
 arrived than, though nominally Christians, they 
 consulted the spirits, by whom they were told 
 that the English were coming. On this they sent 
 out scouts, who came back breathless, declaring 
 that they had found a great number of snow-shoe 
 tracks. The superhuman warning being thus con- 
 firmed, the whole body of Indians, joined by a 
 band of Canadians and a number of volunteers 
 from the regulars, set out to meet the approaching 
 enemy, and took their way up the valley of Trout 
 Brook, a mountain gorge that opens from the west 
 upon the valley of Ticonderoga. 
 
 Towards three o'clock on the afternoon of that 
 day Rogers had reached a point nearly west of 
 the mountain that bears his name. The rough 
 and rocky ground was buried four feet in snow, 
 and all around stood the gray trunks of the for- 
 est, bearing aloft their skeleton arms and tangled 
 
1758.] DEFEAT OE ROGERS. 13 
 
 intricacy of leafless twigs. Close on the right 
 was a steep hill, and at a little distance on the 
 left was the brook, lost tinder ice and snow. A 
 scout from the front told Rogers that a party of 
 Indians was approaching along the bed of the 
 frozen stream, on which he ordered his men to 
 halt, face to that side, and advance cautiously. 
 The Indians soon appeared, and received a fire 
 that killed some of them and drove back the rest 
 in confusion. 
 
 Not suspecting that they were but an advance- 
 guard, about half the rangers dashed in pursuit, 
 and were soon met by the whole body of the 
 enemy. The woods rang with yells and mus- 
 ketry. In a few minutes some fifty of the pur- 
 suers were shot down, and the rest driven back 
 in disorder upon their comrades. Rogers formed 
 them all on the slope of the hill ; and here they 
 fought till sunset with stubborn desperation, twice 
 repulsing the overwhelming numbers of the as- 
 sailants, and thwarting all their efforts to gain 
 the heights in the rear. The combatants were 
 often not twenty yards apart, and sometimes they 
 were mixed together. At length a large body of 
 Indians succeeded in turning the right flank of 
 the rangers. Lieutenant Phillips and a few men 
 were sent by Rogers to oppose the movement ; 
 but they quickly found themselves surrounded, 
 and after a brave defence surrendered on a pledge 
 of good treatment. Rogers now advised the vol- 
 unteers, Pringle and Roche, to escape while there 
 was time, and offered them a sergeant as guide j 
 
14 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. [1758- 
 
 but they gallantly resolved to stand by him. 
 Eight officers and more than a hundred rangers 
 lay dead and wounded in the snow. Evening 
 was near and the forest was darkening fast, when 
 the few survivors broke and fled. Rogers with 
 about twenty followers escaped up the mountain ; 
 and gathering others about him, made a running 
 tight against the Indian pursuers, reached Lake 
 George, not without fresh losses, and after two 
 days of misery regained Fort Edward with the 
 remnant of his band. The enemy on their part 
 suffered heavily, the chief loss falling on the In- 
 dians ; who, to revenge themselves, murdered all 
 the wounded and nearly all the prisoners, and 
 tying Lieutenant Phillips and his men to trees, 
 hacked them to pieces. 
 
 Captain Pringle and Lieutenant Roche had be- 
 come separated from the other fugitives; and, 
 ignorant of woodcraft, they wandered by moon- 
 light amid the desolation of rocks and snow, till 
 early in the night they met a man whom they 
 knew as a servant of Rogers, and who said that 
 he could guide them to Fort Edward. One of them 
 had lost his snow-shoes in the fight ; and, crouch- 
 ing over a miserable fire of broken sticks, they 
 worked till morning to make a kind of substitute 
 with forked branches, twigs, and a few leather 
 strings. They had no hatchet to cut firewood, 
 no blankets, no overcoats, and no food except 
 part of a Bologna sausage and a little ginger 
 which Pringle had brought with him. There was 
 no game ; not even a squirrel was astir ; and their 
 
1758.1 PKINGLE AND EOCHE 15 
 
 chief sustenance was juniper-berries and the inner 
 bark of trees. But their worst calamity was the 
 helplessness of their guide. His brain wandered ; 
 and while always insisting that he knew the coun- 
 try well, he led them during four days hither and 
 thither among a labyrinth of nameless mountains, 
 clambering over rocks, wading through snowdrifts, 
 struggling among fallen trees, till on the fifth day 
 they saw with despair that they had circled back 
 to their own starting-point. On the next morn- 
 ing, when they were on the ice of Lake George, 
 not far from Rogers Rock, a blinding storm of 
 sleet and snow drove in their faces. Spent as 
 they were, it was death to stop ; and bending 
 their heads against the blast, they fought their 
 way forward, now on the ice, and now in the 
 adjacent forest, till in the afternoon the storm 
 ceased, and they found themselves on the bank 
 of an unknown stream. It was the outlet of the 
 lake ; for they had wandered into the valley of 
 Ticonderoga, and were not three miles from the 
 French fort. In crossing the torrent Pringle lost 
 his gun, and was near losing his life. All three 
 of the party were drenched to the skin; and, 
 becoming now for the first time aware of where 
 they were, they resolved on yielding themselves 
 prisoners to save their lives. Night, however, 
 again found them in the forest. Their guide be- 
 came delirious, saw visions of Indians all around, 
 and, murmuring incoherently, straggled off a little 
 way, seated himself in the snow, and was soon 
 dead. The two officers, themselves but half alive, 
 
16 A WINTER OF DISCONTENT. [1768. 
 
 walked all night round a tree to keep the blood 
 in motion. In the morning, again toiling on, they 
 presently saw the fort across the intervening snow- 
 fields, and approached it, waving a white handker- 
 chief. Several French officers dashed towards them 
 at full speed, and reached them in time to save 
 them from the clutches of the Indians, whose 
 camps were near at hand. They were kindly 
 treated, recovered from the effects of their fright- 
 ful ordeal, and were afterwards exchanged. Prin- 
 gle lived to old age, and died in 1800, senior 
 major-general of the British army. 1 
 
 1 Rogers, two days after reaching Fort Edward, made a detailed report 
 of the fight, which was printed in the New Hampshire Gazette and other 
 provincial papers. It is substantially incorporated in his published Jour- 
 nals, which also contain a long letter from Pringle to Colonel Haviland, 
 dated at Carillon (Ticonderoga), 28 March, and giving an excellent account 
 of his and Roche's adventures. It was sent by a flag of truce, which soon 
 after arrived from Fort Edward with a letter for Vaudreuil. The French 
 accounts of the fight are Hebecourt a [Vaudreuil ?], 15 Mars, 1758. Mont, 
 calm au Ministre de la Guerre, 10 Avril, 1758. Doreil a Belleisle, 30 Avril, 
 1758. Bougainville, Journal. Relation de I'Affaire de Roger, 19 Mars, 
 1758. Autre Relation, meme date. Levis, Journal. According to Levis,, 
 the French force consisted of 250 Indians and Canadians, and a number 
 of officers, cadets, and soldiers. Roger puts it at 700. Most of the French 
 writers put the force of the rangers, correctly, at about 180. Rogers re- 
 ports his loss at 125. None of the wounded seem to have escaped, being; 
 either murdered after the fight, or killed by exposure in the woods. The- 
 Indians brought in 144 scalps, having no doubt divided some of them, after 
 their ingenious custom. Rogers threw off his overcoat during the fight, 
 and it was found on the field, with his commission in the pocket ; whence 
 the report of his death. There is an unsupported tradition that he escaped 
 by sliding on his snow-shoes down a precipice of Rogers Rock. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 1753-1760. 
 
 BIGOT. 
 
 His Life and Character. — Canadian Society. — Official Fes- 
 tivities. — A Party of Pleasure. — Hospitalities of Bigot. 
 
 — Desperate Gambling. — Chateau Bigot. — Canadian Ladies. 
 
 — Cadet. — La Friponne. — Official Rascality. — Methods of 
 Peculation. — Cruel Frauds on the Acadians. — Military 
 Corruption. — Pean. — Love and Knavery. — Varin and his 
 Partners. — Vaitdreuil and the Peculators. — He defends 
 Bigot ; praises Cadet and Pean. — Canadian Finances. — 
 Peril of Bigot. — Threats of the Minister. — Evidence of 
 Montcalm. — Impending Ruin of the Confederates. 
 
 At this stormy epoch of Canadian history the 
 sinister figure of the Intendant Bigot moves con- 
 spicuous on the scene. Not that he was answer- 
 able for all the manifold corruption that infected 
 the colony, for much of it was rife before his time, 
 and had a vitality of its own ; but his office and 
 character made him the centre of it, and, more 
 than any other man, he marshalled and organized 
 the forces of knavery. 
 
 In the dual government of Canada the Governor 
 represented the King and commanded the troops ; 
 while the Intendant was charged with trade, 
 finance, justice, and all other departments of 
 civil administration. 1 In former times the two 
 
 1 See Old Regime in Canada. 
 
18 BIGOT. [1753- 
 
 functionaries usually quarrelled ; but between Vau- 
 dreuil and Bigot there was perfect harmony. 
 
 Francis Bigot, in the words of his biographer, 
 was " born in the bosom of the magistracy," both 
 his father and his grandfather having held honor- 
 able positions in the parliament of Bordeaux. 1 In 
 appearance he was not prepossessing, though his 
 ugly, pimpled face was joined with easy and agree- 
 able manners. In spite of indifferent health, he 
 was untiring both in pleasure and in work, a skil- 
 ful man of business, of great official experience, 
 energetic, good-natured, free-handed, ready to 
 oblige his friends and aid them in their needs at 
 the expense of the King, his master ; fond of social 
 enjoyments, lavish in hospitality. 
 
 A year or two before the war began, the engi- 
 neer Franquet was sent from France to strengthen 
 Louisbourg and inspect the defences of Canada. 
 He kept a copious journal, full of curious observa- 
 tion, and affording bright glimpses not only of the 
 social life of the Intendant, but of Canadian society 
 in the upper or official class. Thus, among various 
 matters of the kind, he gives us the following. 
 Bigot, who was in Quebec, had occasion to go to 
 Montreal to meet the Governor ; and this official 
 journey was turned into a pleasure excursion, of 
 which the King paid all the costs. Those favored 
 with invitations, a privilege highly prized, were 
 Franquet, with seven or eight military officers and 
 a corresponding number of ladies, including the 
 
 1 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Me~moire pour Messire Francois 
 Bigot, accuse, centre Monsieur le Procureur- General duRoi, accusateur. 
 
1753.] A PARTY OF PLEASURE. 19 
 
 wife of Major Pe"an, of whom Bigot was enamoured. 
 A chief steward, cooks, servants, and other attend- 
 ants, followed the party. The guests had been 
 requested to send their portmanteaus to the Inten- 
 dant's Palace six days before, that they might be 
 sent forward on sledges along with bedding, table 
 service, cooking utensils, and numberless articles 
 of comfort and luxury. Orders were given to the 
 inhabitants along the way, on pain of imprison- 
 ment, to level the snowdrifts and beat the road 
 smooth with ox-teams, as also to provide relays of 
 horses. It is true that they were well paid for this 
 last service ; so well that the hire of a horse to 
 Montreal and back again would cost the King the 
 entire value of the animal. On the eighth of Febru- 
 ary the party met at the palace ; and after a grand 
 dinner set out upon their journey in twenty or 
 more sleighs, some with- two guests and a driver, 
 and the rest with servants and attendants. The 
 procession passed at full trot along St. Vallier 
 street amid the shouts of an admiring crowd, 
 stopped towards night at Pointe-aux-Trembles, 
 where each looked for lodging ; and then they all 
 met and supped with the Intendant. The militia 
 captain of the place was ordered to have fresh 
 horses ready at seven in the morning, when Bigot 
 regaled his friends with tea, coffee, and chocolate, 
 after which they set out again, drove to Cap-Sante, 
 and stopped two hours at the house of the militia 
 captain to breakfast and warm themselves. In the 
 afternoon they reached Ste. Anne-de-la-Perade, 
 when Bigot gave them a supper at the house in 
 
20 BIGOT. [ 1753 
 
 which, lie lodged, and they spent the evening at 
 cards. 
 
 The next morning brought them to Three Riv- 
 ers, where Madame Marin, Franquet's travelling 
 companion, wanted to stop to see her sister, the 
 wife of Rigaud, who was then governor of the 
 place. Madame de Rigaud, being ill, received 
 her visitors in bed, and ordered an ample dinner 
 to be provided for them; after which they re- 
 turned to her chamber for coffee and conversa- 
 tion. Then they all set out again, saluted by the 
 cannon of the fort. 
 
 Their next stopping-place was Isle-au-Castor, 
 where, being seated at cards before supper, they 
 were agreeably surprised by the appearance of the 
 Governor, who had come down from Montreal to 
 meet them with four officers, Duchesnaye, Marin, 
 Le Mercier, and Pean. Many were the embraces 
 and compliments ; and in the morning they all 
 journeyed on together, stopping towards night at 
 the largest house they could find, where their ser- 
 vants took away the partitions to make room, and 
 they sat down to a supper, followed by the inevi- 
 table game of cards. On the next night they 
 reached Montreal and were lodged at the inten- 
 dency, the official residence of the hospitable Bigot. 
 The succeeding day was spent in visiting persons 
 of eminence and consideration, among whom are to 
 be noted the names, soon to become notorious, of 
 Varin, naval commissary, Martel, King's store- 
 keeper, Antoine Penisseault, and Francois Maurin. 
 A succession of festivities followed, including the 
 
1755-1759.] HIS LIEE AND CHARACTER. 21 
 
 benediction of three flags for a band, of militia 
 on their way to the Ohio. All persons of qual- 
 ity in Montreal were invited on this occasion, 
 and the Governor gave them a dinner and a sup- 
 per. Bigot, however, outdid him in the plenitude 
 of his hospitality, since, in the week before Lent, 
 forty guests supped every evening at his table, 
 and dances, masquerades, and cards consumed the 
 night. 1 
 
 His chief abode was at Quebec, in the capacious 
 but somewhat ugly building known as the Inten- 
 dant's Palace. Here it was his custom during the 
 war to entertain twenty persons at dinner every 
 day ; and there was also a hall for dancing, with 
 a gallery to which the citizens were admitted as 
 spectators. 2 The bounteous Intendant provided a 
 separate dancing-hall for the populace ;and, though 
 at the same time he plundered and ruined them, 
 his gracious demeanor long kept him a place in 
 their hearts. Gambling was the chief feature of 
 his entertainments, and the stakes grew deeper as 
 the war went on. He played desperately himself, 
 and early in 1758 lost two hundred and four 
 thousand francs, — a loss which he well knew how 
 to repair. Besides his official residence on the 
 banks of the St. Charles, he had a country house 
 about five miles distant, a massive old stone build- 
 ing in the woods at the foot of the mountain of 
 Charlebourg ; its ruins are now known as Chateau 
 Bigot. In its day it was called the Hermitage ; 
 
 1 Franquet, Journal. 
 
 2 De Gaspe, Memoires, 119. 
 
22 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 though the uses to which it was applied savored 
 nothing of asceticism. Tradition connects it and 
 its owner with a romantic, but more than doubt- 
 ful, story of love, jealousy, and murder. 
 
 The chief Canadian families were so social in 
 their habits and so connected by intermarriage 
 that, along with the French civil and military 
 officers of the colonial establishment, they formed 
 a society whose members all knew each other, like 
 the corresponding class in Virginia. There was 
 among them a social facility and ease rare in 
 democratic communities ; and in the ladies of Que- 
 bec and Montreal were often seen graces which 
 visitors from France were astonished to find at 
 the edge of a wilderness. Yet this small though 
 lively society had anomalies which grew more 
 obtrusive towards the close of the war. Knavery 
 makes strange companions ; and at the tables of 
 high civil officials and colony officers of rank sat 
 guests as boorish in manners as they were worth- 
 less in character. 
 
 Foremost among these was Joseph Cadet, son of 
 a butcher at Quebec, who at thirteen went to sea 
 as a pilot's boy, then kept the cows of an inhab- 
 itant of Charlebourg, and at last took up his 
 father's trade and prospered in it. 1 In 1756 Bigot 
 got him appointed commissary-general, and made 
 a contract with him which flung wide open the 
 doors of peculation. In the next two years Cadet 
 and his associates, Pean, Maurin, Corpron, and 
 
 1 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Mgmoire pour Messire Francois 
 Bigot Compare Mfmoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
1748-1760. J OFFICIAL KNAVERY. 23 
 
 Penisseault, sold to the King, for about twenty- 
 three million francs, provisions which cost them 
 eleven millions, leaving a net profit of about twelve 
 millions. It was not legally proved that the 
 Intendant shared Cadet's gains; but there is no 
 reasonable doubt that he did so. Bigot's chief 
 profits rose, however, from other sources. It was 
 his business to see that the King's storehouses for 
 the supply of troops, militia, and Indians were 
 kept well stocked. To this end he and Breard, 
 naval comptroller at Quebec, made a partnership 
 with the commercial house of Gradis and Son at 
 Bordeaux. He next told the Colonial Minister 
 that there were stores enough already in Canada 
 to last three years, and that it would be more to 
 the advantage of the King to buy them in the 
 colony than to take the risk of sending them from 
 France. 1 Gradis and Son then shipped them to 
 Canada in large quantities, while Breard or his 
 agent declared at the custom-house that they be- 
 longed to the King, and so escaped the payment of 
 duties. They were then, as occasion rose, sold to 
 the King at a huge profit, always under fictitious 
 names. Often they were sold to some favored 
 merchant or speculator, who sold them in turn to 
 Bigot's confederate, the King's storekeeper ; and 
 sometimes they passed through several successive 
 hands, till the price rose to double or triple the 
 first cost, the Intendant and his partners sharing 
 the gains with friends and allies. They would let 
 nobody else sell to the King ; and thus a grinding 
 
 1 Bigot ail Ministre, 8 Oct. 1749. 
 
24 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 monopoly was established, to the great profit of 
 those who held it. 1 
 
 Under the name of a trader named Claverie, 
 Bigot, some time before the war, set up a ware- 
 house on land belonging to the King and not far 
 from his own palace. Here the goods shipped 
 from Bordeaux were collected, to be sold in re- 
 tail to the citizens, and in wholesale to favored 
 merchants and the King. This establishment 
 was popularly known as La Friponne, or The 
 Cheat. There was another Friponne at Montreal, 
 which was leagued with that of Quebec, and 
 received goods from it. 
 
 Bigot and his accomplices invented many other 
 profitable frauds. Thus he was charged with the 
 disposal of the large quantity of furs belonging 
 to his master, which it was his duty to sell at 
 public auction, after due notice, to the highest 
 bidder. Instead of this, he sold them privately 
 at a low price to his own confederates. It was 
 also his duty to provide transportation for troops, 
 artillery, provisions, and stores, in which he made 
 good profit by letting to the King, at high prices, 
 boats or vessels which he had himself bought or 
 hired for the purpose. 2 
 
 Yet these and other illicit gains still left him but 
 the second place as public plunderer. Cadet, the 
 commissary-general, reaped an ampler harvest, and 
 became the richest man in the colony. One of the 
 
 1 Prods de Bigot, Cadet, et autres. Memoire sur les Fraudes commises 
 dans la Colonic Compare Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
 2 Jugement rendu souverainement dans I' Affaire du Canada. 
 
1748-1760.] OFFICIAL KXAVERY. 25 
 
 operations of this scoundrel, accomplished with the 
 help of Bigot, consisted in buying for six hundred 
 thousand francs a quantity of stores belonging to 
 the King, and then selling them back to him for 
 one million four hundred thousand. 1 It was fur- 
 ther shown on his trial that in 1759 he received 
 1,614,354 francs for stores furnished at the post of 
 Miramichi, while the value of those actually fur- 
 nished was but 889,544 francs; thus giving him 
 a fraudulent profit of more than seven hundred 
 and twenty-four thousand. 2 Cadet's chief resource 
 was the falsification of accounts. The service of 
 the King in Canada was fenced about by rigid 
 formalities. When supplies were wanted at any 
 of the military posts, the commandant made a 
 requisition specifying their nature and quantity, 
 while, before pay could be drawn for them, the 
 King's storekeeper, the local commissary, and 
 the inspector must set their names as vouchers to 
 the list, and finally Bigot must sign it. 3 But pre- 
 cautions were useless where all were leagued to 
 rob the King. It appeared on Cadet's trial that 
 by gifts of wine, brandy, or money he had bribed 
 the officers, both civil and military, at all the 
 principal forts to attest the truth of accounts in 
 which the supplies furnished by him were set at 
 more than twice their true amount. Of the many 
 frauds charged against him there was one pecu- 
 
 1 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Requite du Procureur-General, 19 
 Dec. 1761. 
 
 2 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Mimoire pour Messire Francois 
 Bigot. 
 
 8 Memoire sur le Canada (Archives Nationales). 
 
26 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 liarly odious. Large numbers of refugee Acadians 
 were to be supplied with rations to keep them 
 alive. Instead of wholesome food, mouldered and 
 unsalable salt cod was sent them, and paid for by 
 the King at inordinate prices. 1 It was but one 
 of many heartless outrages practised by Canadian 
 officials on this unhappy people. 
 
 Cadet told the Intendant that the inhabitants 
 were hoarding their grain, and got an order from 
 him requiring them to sell it at a low fixed price, 
 on pain of having it seized. Thus nearly the 
 whole fell into his hands. Famine ensued ; and 
 he then sold it at a great profit, partly to the 
 King, and partly to its first owners. Another of 
 his devices was to sell provisions to the King 
 which, being sent to the outlying forts, were 
 falsely reported as consumed ; on which he sold 
 them to the King a second time. Not without 
 reason does a writer of the time exclaim : " This 
 is the land of abuses, ignorance, prejudice, and 
 all that is monstrous in government. Peculation, 
 monopoly, and plunder have become a bottomless 
 abyss." 2 
 
 The command of a fort brought such opportu- 
 nities of making money that, according to Bou- 
 gainville, the mere prospect of appointment to it 
 for the usual term of three years was thought 
 enough for a young man to marry upon. It was 
 a favor in the gift of the Governor, who was 
 accused of sharing the profits. These came partly 
 
 1 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
 2 Considerations sur I'J^tat present du Canada. 
 
1748-1760.] OFFICIAL KNAVERY. 27 
 
 from the fur-trade, and still more from frauds of 
 various kinds. For example, a requisition was 
 made for supplies as gifts to the Indians in order 
 to keep them friendly or send them on the war- 
 path ; and their number was put many times 
 above the truth in order to get more goods, 
 which the commandant and his confederates then 
 bartered for furs on their own account, instead of 
 giving them as presents. " And," says a contem- 
 porary, addressing the Colonial Minister, " those 
 who treat the savages so basely are officers of the 
 King, depositaries of his authority, ministers of 
 that Great Onontio whom they call their father." 1 
 At the post of Green Bay, the partisan officer 
 Marin, and Eigaud, the Governor's brother, made 
 in a short time a profit of three hundred and 
 twelve thousand francs. 2 " Why is it," asks Bou- 
 gainville, " that of all which the King sends to the 
 Indians two thirds are stolen, and the rest sold 
 to them instead of being given ? " 3 
 
 The transportation of military stores gave an- 
 other opportunity of plunder. The contractor 
 would procure from the Governor or the local com- 
 mandant an order requiring the inhabitants to 
 serve him as boatmen, drivers, or porters, under 
 a promise of exemption that year from duty as 
 soldiers. This saved him his chief item of ex- 
 pense, and the profits of his contract rose in 
 proportion. 
 
 1 Considerations sur VEtat present du Canada. 
 
 2 Me'moire sur Us Fraudes commises dans la Colonie. Bougainville^ 
 Mimoire sur I'jitat de la Nouvelle France. 
 
 8 Bougainville, Journal. 
 
28 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 A contagion of knavery ran through the official 
 life of the colony; and to resist it demanded no 
 common share of moral robustness. The officers 
 of the troops of the line were not much within 
 its influence ; but those of the militia and colony 
 regulars, whether of French or Canadian birth, 
 shared the corruption of the civil service. Seven- 
 teen of them, including six chevaliers of St. Louis 
 and eight commandants of forts, were afterwards 
 arraigned for fraud and malversation, though some 
 of the number were acquitted. Bougainville gives 
 the names of four other Canadian officers as hon- 
 orable exceptions to the general demoralization, — 
 Benoit, Repentigny, Laine, and Le Borgne ; " not 
 enough," he observes, " to save Sodom." 
 
 Conspicuous among these military thieves was 
 Major Pean, whose qualities as a soldier have 
 been questioned, but who nevertheless had shown 
 almost as much vigor in serving the King during 
 the Ohio campaign of 1753 as he afterwards dis- 
 played effrontery in cheating him. " Le petit 
 Pean" had married a young wife, Mademoiselle 
 Desmeloizes, Canadian like himself, well born, and 
 famed for beauty, vivacity, and wit. Bigot, who 
 was near sixty, became her accepted lover ; and 
 the fortune of Pean was made. His first success 
 seems to have taken him by surprise. He had 
 bought as a speculation a large quantity of grain, 
 with money of the King lent him by the Intend- 
 ant. Bigot, officially omnipotent, then issued an 
 order raising the commodity to a price far above 
 that paid by Pean, who thus made a profit of fifty 
 
1748-1760.] P^AN; VAKKT. 29 
 
 thousand crowns. 1 A few years later his wealth 
 was estimated at from two to four million francs. 
 Madame Pean became a power in Canada, the 
 dispenser of favors and offices ; and all who sought 
 opportunity to rob the King hastened to pay her 
 their court. Pean, jilted by his own wife, made 
 prosperous love to the wife of his partner, Penis- 
 seault ; who, though the daughter of a Montreal 
 tradesman, had the air of a woman of rank, and 
 presided with dignity and grace at a hospitable 
 board where were gathered the clerks of Cadet 
 and other lesser lights of the administrative hie- 
 rarchy. It was often honored by the presence of 
 the Chevalier de Levis, who, captivated by the 
 charms of the hostess, condescended to a society 
 which his friends condemned as unworthy of his 
 station. He succeeded Pean in the graces of 
 Madame Penisseault, and after the war took her 
 with him to France ; while the aggrieved hus- 
 band found consolation in the wives of the small 
 functionaries under his orders. 2 
 
 Another prominent name on the roll of knavery 
 was that of Varin, commissary of marine, and 
 Bigot's deputy at Montreal, a Frenchman of low 
 degree, small in stature, sharp witted, indefati- 
 gable, conceited, arrogant, headstrong, capricious, 
 and dissolute. Worthless as he was, he found a 
 place in the Court circle of the Governor, and 
 aspired to supplant Bigot in the intendancy. To 
 
 1 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. Mtmoire sur les Fraudes, 
 etc. Compare Pouehot, I. 8. 
 
 2 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
30 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 this end, as well as to save himself from justice, 
 he had the fatuity to turn informer and lay bare 
 the sins of his confederates, though forced at the 
 same time to betray his own. Among his com- 
 rades and allies may be mentioned Deschenaux, 
 son of a shoemaker at Quebec, and secretary to 
 the Intendant; Martel, King's storekeeper at Mon- 
 treal ; the humpback Maurin, who is not to be 
 confounded with the partisan officer Marin ; and 
 Corpron, a clerk whom several tradesmen had 
 dismissed for rascality, but who was now in the 
 confidence of Cadet, to whom he made himself 
 useful, and in whose service he grew rich. 
 
 Canada was the prey of official jackals, — true 
 lion's providers, since they helped to prepare a 
 way for the imperial beast, who, roused at last 
 from his lethargy, was gathering his strength to 
 seize her for his own. Honesty could not be 
 expected from a body of men clothed with arbi- 
 trary and ill-defined powers, ruling with absolute 
 sway an unfortunate people who had no voice 
 in their own destinies, and answerable only to 
 an apathetic master three thousand miles away. 
 Nor did the Canadian Church, though supreme, 
 check the corruptions that sprang up and flour- 
 ished under its eye. The Governor himself was 
 charged with sharing the plunder; and though 
 he was acquitted on Iris trial, it is certain that 
 Bigot had him well in hand, that he was inti- 
 mate with the chief robbers, and that they found 
 help in his weak compliances and wilful blindness. 
 He put his stepson, Le Verrier, in command at 
 
1748-1760.] VAUDKEUIL PRAISES HIM. 31 
 
 Michillimackinac, where, by fraud and the conniv- 
 ance of his stepfather, the young man made a 
 fortune. 1 When the Colonial Minister berated 
 the Intendant for maladministration, Vaudreuil be- 
 came his advocate, and wrote thus in his defence : 
 " I cannot conceal from . you, Monseigneur, how 
 deeply M. Bigot feels the suspicions expressed in 
 your letters to him. He does not deserve them, I 
 am sure. He is full of zeal for the service of the 
 King ; but as he is rich, or passes as such, and as he 
 has merit, the ill-disposed are jealous, and insin- 
 uate that he has prospered at the expense of His 
 Majesty. I am certain that it is not true, and 
 that nobody is a better citizen than he, or has the 
 King's interest more at heart." 2 For Cadet, the 
 butcher's son, the Governor asked a patent of 
 nobility as a reward for his services. 3 When Pean 
 went to France in 1758, Vaudreuil wrote to the 
 Colonial Minister : "I have great confidence in 
 him. He knows the colony and its needs. You 
 can trust all he says. He will explain everything 
 in the best manner. I shall be extremely sensible 
 to any kindness you may show him, and hope that 
 when you know him you will like him as much as 
 I do." 4 
 
 Administrative corruption was not the only bane 
 of Canada. Her financial condition was desperate. 
 The ordinary circulating medium consisted of what 
 was known as card money, and amounted to only 
 
 1 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 15 Oct. 1759. 
 
 » Ibid., 7 Nov. 1759. i Ibid., 6 Aout, 1758. 
 
32 BIGOT. ' [1748-1760. 
 
 a million of francs. This being insufficient, Bigot, 
 like his predecessor Hocquart, issued promissory 
 notes on his own authority, and made them legal 
 tender. They were for sums from one franc to a 
 hundred, and were called ordonnances. Their issue 
 was blamed at Versailles as an encroachment on 
 the royal prerogative, though they were recog- 
 nized by the Ministry in view of the necessity 
 of the case. Every autumn those who held 
 them to any considerable amount might bring 
 them to the colonial treasurer, who gave in re- 
 turn bills of exchange on the royal treasury in 
 France. At first these bills were promptly paid ; 
 then delays took place, and the notes depreciated ; 
 till in 1759 the Ministry, aghast at the amount, 
 refused payment, and the utmost dismay and 
 confusion followed. 1 
 
 The vast jarring, discordant mechanism of cor- 
 ruption grew incontrollable ; it seized upon Bigot, 
 and dragged him, despite himself, into perils which 
 his prudence would have shunned. He was be- 
 coming a victim to the rapacity of his own con- 
 federates, whom he dared not offend by refusing 
 his connivance and his signature to frauds which 
 became more and more recklessly audacious. He 
 asked leave to retire from office, in the hope that 
 his successor would bear the brunt of the minis- 
 terial displeasure. Pean had withdrawn already, 
 and with the fruits of his plunder bought land in 
 
 1 Reflexions sommaires sw le Commerce qui s'est fait en Canada. Aat 
 present du Canada. Compare Stevenson, Card Money of Canada, in 
 Transactions of the Historical Society of Quebec, 1873-1875. 
 
1748-1760.] MINISTERIAL REBUKES. 33 
 
 France, where he thought himself safe. But 
 though the Intendant had long been an object 
 of distrust, and had often been warned to mend 
 his ways, 1 yet such was his energy, his executive 
 power, and his fertility of resource, that in the 
 crisis of the war it was hard to dispense with him. 
 Neither his abilities, however, nor his strong con- 
 nections in France, nor an ally whom he had 
 secured in the bureau of the Colonial Minister him- 
 self, could avail him much longer; and the letters 
 from Versailles became appalling in rebuke and 
 menace. 
 
 " The ship ' Britannia,' " wrote the Minister, 
 Berryer, " laden with goods such as are wanted in 
 the colony, was captured by a privateer from St.- 
 Malo, and brought into Quebec. You sold the 
 whole cargo for eight hundred thousand francs. 
 The purchasers made a profit of two millions. 
 You bought back a part for the King at one mil- 
 lion, or two hundred thousand more than the 
 price for which you sold the whole. With con- 
 duct like this it is no wonder that the expenses 
 of the colony become insupportable. The amount 
 of your drafts on the treasury is frightful. The 
 fortunes of your subordinates throw suspicion on 
 your administration." And in another letter on 
 the same day : " How could it happen that the 
 small-pox among the Indians cost the King a 
 million francs ? What does this expense mean ? 
 Who is answerable for it ? Is it the officers who 
 command the posts, or is it the storekeepers ? 
 
 1 Ordres du Roy et Depeches des Ministres, 1751-1758. 
 
34 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 You giVe me no particulars. What has become 
 of the immense quantity of provisions sent to 
 Canada last year ? I am forced to conclude that 
 the King's stores are set down as consumed from 
 the moment they arrive, and then sold to His 
 Majesty at , exorbitant prices. Thus the King 
 buys stores in France, and then buys them again 
 in Canada. I no longer wonder at the immense 
 fortunes made in the colony." x Some months 
 later the Minister writes : " You pay bills with- 
 out examination, and then find an error in your 
 accounts of three million six hundred thousand 
 francs. In the letters from Canada I see nothing 
 but incessant speculation in provisions and goods, 
 which are sold to the King for ten times more 
 than they cost in France. For the last time, I 
 exhort you to give these things your serious at- 
 tention, for they will not escape from mine." 2 
 
 " I write, Monsieur, . to answer your last two 
 letters, in which you tell me that instead of six- 
 teen millions, your drafts on the treasury for 1758 
 will reach twenty-four millions, and that this year 
 they will rise to from thirty-one to thirty-three 
 millions. It seems, then, that there are no bounds 
 to the expenses of Canada. They double almost 
 every year, while you seem to give yourself no 
 concern except to get them paid. Do you sup- 
 pose that I can advise the King to approve such 
 an administration ? or do you think that you can 
 take the immense sum of thirty-three millions out 
 
 1 Le Ministre a Bigot, 19 Jan. 1759. 
 
 2 Ibid., 29 Aout, 1759. 
 
1748-1760.] REVELATIONS OP MONTCALM. 35 
 
 of the royal treasury by merely assuring me that 
 you have signed drafts for it ? This, too, for ex- 
 penses incurred irregularly, often needlessly, always 
 wastefully ; which make the fortune of everybody 
 who has the least hand in them, and about which 
 you know so little that after reporting them at 
 sixteen millions, you find two months after that 
 they will reach twenty-four. You are accused of 
 having given the furnishing of provisions to one 
 man, who, under the name of commissary-general, 
 has set what prices he pleased ; of buying for the 
 King at second or third hand what you might 
 have got from the producer at half the price ; of 
 having in this and other ways made the fortunes 
 of persons connected with you ; and of living in 
 splendor in the midst of a public misery, which 
 all the letters from the colony agree in ascribing 
 to bad administration, and in charging M. de 
 Vaudreuil with weakness in not preventing." 1 
 
 These drastic utterances seem to have been 
 partly due to a letter written by Montcalm in 
 cipher to the Mare"chal de Belleisle, then min- 
 ister of war. It painted the deplorable condition 
 of Canada, and exposed without reserve the pecu- 
 lations and robberies of those intrusted with its 
 interests. " It seems," said the G-eneral, " as if 
 they were all hastening to make their fortunes 
 before the loss of the colony; which many of 
 them perhaps desire as a veil to their conduct." 
 He gives among other cases that of Le Mercier, 
 chief of Canadian artillery, who had come to 
 
 1 Le Ministre a Bigot, 29 Aout, 1759 (second letter of this date). 
 
36 BIGOT. [1748-1760. 
 
 Canada as a private soldier twenty years before, 
 and had so prospered on fraudulent contracts that 
 he would soon be worth nearly a million. " I have 
 often," continues Montcalm, " spoken of these ex- 
 penditures to M. de Vaudreuil and M. Bigot ; and 
 each throws the blame on the other." 1 And yet 
 ;at the same time Vaudreuil was assuring the 
 Minister that Bigot was without blame. 
 
 Some two months before Montcalm wrote this 
 letter, the Minister, Berryer, sent a despatch to 
 the Governor and Intendant which filled them 
 with ire and mortification. It ordered them to 
 do nothing without consulting the general of the 
 French regulars, not only in matters of war, but 
 in all matters of administration touching the de- 
 fence and preservation of the colony. A plainer 
 proof of confidence on one hand and distrust on 
 the other could not have been given. 2 
 
 One Querdisien-Tremais was sent from Bordeaux 
 as an agent of Government to make investigation. 
 He played the part of detective, wormed himself 
 into the secrets of the confederates, and after six 
 months of patient inquisition traced out four dis- 
 tinct combinations for public plunder. Explicit 
 orders were now given to Bigot, who, seeing no 
 other escape, broke with Cadet, and made him 
 disgorge two millions of stolen money. The Com- 
 missary-General and his partners became so terri- 
 fied that they afterwards gave up nearly seven 
 
 1 Montcalm au Ministre de la Guerre, Lettre confidentielle, 12 Avril, 
 1759. 
 
 8 Le Ministre a Vaudreuil et Bigot, 20 Fev. 1759. 
 
1748-1760.] EVIDENCE. 37 
 
 millions more. 1 Stormy events followed, and the 
 culprits found shelter for a time amid the tumults 
 of war. Peculation did not cease, but a day of 
 reckoning was at hand. 
 
 Note. — The printed documents of the trial of Bigot and the other 
 peculators include the defence of Bigot,-of which the first part occupies 
 303 quarto pages, and the second part 764. Among the other papers are 
 the arguments for Pea.n, Varin, Saint-Blin, Boishe'bert, Martel, Joncaire- 
 Chabert, and several more, along with the elaborate Jugement rendu, the 
 Revuetes du Procureur- General, the Reponse aux Memoires de M. Bigot et 
 du Sieur Pean, etc., forming together five quarto volumes, all of which I 
 have carefully examined. These are in the Library of Harvard University. 
 There is another set, also of five volumes, in the Library of the Historical 
 Society of Quebec, containing most of the papers just mentioned, and, 
 bound with them, various others in manuscript, among which are docu- 
 ments in defence of Vaudreuil (printed in part), Estebe, Corpron, Penis- 
 seault,' Maurin, and Bre'ard. I have examined this collection also. The 
 manuscript Ordres du Roy et Vepeches des Ministres, 1751-1760, as well as 
 the letters of Vaudreuil, BougainviDe, Daine, Doreil, and Montcalm throw 
 much light on the maladministration of the- time ; as do many contempo- 
 rary documents, notably those entitled Memoire sur les Fraudes commises 
 dans la Colonie, ]£tat present du Canada, and Memoire sur le Canada 
 (Archives Nationales). The remarkable anonymous work printed by 
 the Historical Society of Quebec under the title Memoires sur le Canada 
 depuis 1749 jusqu'a 1760, is full of curious matter concerning Bigot and 
 his associates which squares well with other evidence. This is the source 
 from which Smith, in his History of Canada (Quebec, 1815), drew most 
 of his information on the subject. A manuscript which seems to be the 
 original draft of this valuable document was preserved at the Bastile, and, 
 with other papers, was thrown into the street when that castle was de- 
 stroyed. They were gathered up, and afterwards bought by a Russian 
 named Dubrowski, who carried them to St. Petersburg. Lord Dufferin, 
 when minister there, procured a copy of the manuscript in question, which 
 is now in the keeping of Abbe" H. Verreau at Montreal, to whose kindness 
 I owe the opportunity of examining it. In substance it differs little from 
 the printed work, though the language and the arrangement often vary 
 from it. The author, whoever he may have been, was deeply versed in 
 Canadian affairs of the time, and though often caustic, is generally 
 trustworthy. 
 
 1 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Memoire pour Francois Bigot, 3"* 
 partie. 
 
chapter xvrn. 
 
 1757-1758. 
 PITT. 
 
 Frederic or Prussia. — The Coalition against him. — His des- 
 perate Position. — Rossbach. — Leuthen. — Reverses op Eng- 
 land. — Weakness of the Ministry. — A Change. — Pitt and 
 Newcastle. — Character of Pitt. — Sources of his Power. — 
 His Aims. — Louis XV. — Pompadour. — She controls the Court 
 
 and directs the war. gloomy prospects of england. — 
 
 Disasters. — The new Ministry. — Inspiring Influence of 
 Pitt. — The Tide turns. — British Victories. — Pitt's Plans 
 for America. — Louisbourg, Ticonderoga, Duquesne. — New 
 Commanders. — Naval Battles. 
 
 The war kindled in the American forest was 
 now raging in full conflagration among the king- 
 doms of Europe ; and in the midst stood Frederic 
 of Prussia, a veritable fire-king. He had learned 
 through secret agents that he was to be attacked, 
 and that the wrath of Maria Theresa with her two 
 allies, Pompadour and the Empress of Eussia, 
 was soon to wreak itself upon him. "With his 
 usual prompt audacity he anticipated his enemies, 
 marched into Saxony, and began the Continental 
 war. His position seemed desperate. England, 
 sundered from Austria, her old ally, had made 
 common cause with him; but he had no other 
 friend worth the counting. France, Russia, Austria, 
 Sweden, Saxony, the collective Germanic Empire, 
 and most of the smaller German States had joined 
 
1757.] FREDERIC OF PRUSSIA. 39 
 
 hands for his ruin, eager to crush him and divide 
 the spoil, parcelling out his dominions among 
 themselves in advance by solemn mutual compact. 
 Against the five millions of Prussia were arrayed 
 populations of more than a hundred millions. 
 The little kingdom was open on all sides to attack, 
 and her enemies were spurred on by the bitterest 
 animosity. It was thought that one campaign 
 would end the war. The war lasted seven years, 
 and Prussia came out of it triumphant. Such a 
 warrior as her indomitable king Europe has rarely 
 seen. If the Seven Years War made the maritime 
 and colonial greatness of England, it also raised 
 Prussia to the rank of a first-class Power. 
 
 Frederic began with a victory, routing the 
 Austrians in one of the fiercest of recorded con- 
 flicts, the battle of Prague. Then in his turn he 
 was beaten at Kolin. All seemed lost. The hosts 
 of the coalition were rolling in upon him like a 
 deluge. Surrounded by enemies, in the jaws of 
 destruction, hoping for little but to die in battle, 
 this strange hero solaced himself with an exhaust- 
 less effusion of bad verses, sometimes mournful, 
 sometimes cynical, sometimes indignant, and some- 
 times breathing a dauntless resolution ; till, when 
 his hour came, he threw down his pen to achieve 
 those feats of arms which stamp him one of the 
 foremost soldiers of the world. 
 
 The French and Imperialists, in overwhelming 
 force, thought to crush him at Rossbach. He put 
 them to shameful rout ; and then, instead of bon- 
 fires and Te Deums, mocked at them in doggerel 
 
40 PITT. t 1757 - 
 
 rhymes of amazing indecency. While he was beat- 
 ing the French, the Austrians took Silesia from 
 him. He marched to recover it, found them 
 strongly posted at Leuthen, eighty thousand men 
 against thirty thousand, and without hesitation re- 
 solved to attack them. Never was he more heroic 
 than on the eve of this, his crowning triumph. 
 " The hour is at hand," he said to his generals. 
 " I mean, in spite of the rules of military art, to 
 attack Prince Karl's army, which is nearly thrice 
 our own. This risk I must run, or all is lost. 
 We must beat him or die, all of us, before his 
 batteries." He burst unawares upon the Austrian 
 left, and rolled their whole host together, corps 
 upon corps, in a tumult of irretrievable ruin. 
 
 While her great ally was reaping a full harvest 
 of laurels, England, dragged into the Continental 
 war because that apple of discord, Hanover, be- 
 longed to her King, found little but humiliation. 
 Minorca was wrested from her, and the Ministry 
 had an innocent man shot to avert from them- 
 selves the popular indignation ; while the same 
 Ministry, scared by a phantom of invasion, brought 
 over German troops to defend British soil. But 
 now an event took place pregnant with glorious 
 consequence. The reins of power fell into the 
 hands of William Pitt. He had already held them 
 for a brief space, forced into office at the end of 
 1756 by popular clamor, in spite of the Whig 
 leaders and against the wishes of the King. But 
 the place was untenable. Newcastle's Parliament 
 would not support him ; the Duke of Cumberland 
 
1757.] PITT AND NEWCASTLE. 41 
 
 opposed him ; the King hated him ; and in April, 
 1757, he was dismissed. Then ensued eleven 
 weeks of bickering and dispute, during which, 
 in the midst of a great war, England was left 
 without a government. It became clear that 
 none was possible without Pitt ; and none with 
 him could be permanent and strong unless joined 
 with those influences which had thus far con- 
 trolled the majorities of Parliament. Therefore 
 an extraordinary union was brought about ; Lord 
 Chesterfield acting as go-between to reconcile the 
 ill-assorted pair. One of them brought to the al- 
 liance the confidence and support of the people; 
 the other, Court management, borough interest, 
 and parliamentary connections. Newcastle was 
 made First Lord of the Treasury, and Pitt, the 
 old enemy who had repeatedly browbeat and ridi- 
 culed him, became Secretary of State, with the 
 lead of the House of Commons and full control of 
 the war and foreign affairs. It was a partnership 
 of magpie and eagle. The dirty work of govern- 
 ment, intrigue, bribery, and all the patronage that 
 did not affect the war, fell to the share of the old 
 politician. If Pitt could appoint generals, admirals, 
 and ambassadors, Newcastle was welcome to the 
 rest. "I will borrow the Duke's majorities to 
 carry on the government," said the new secretary ; 
 and with the audacious self-confidence that was 
 one of his traits, he told the Duke of Devon- 
 shire, " I am sure that I can save this country, and 
 that nobody else can." England hailed with one 
 acclaim the undaunted leader who asked for no 
 
42 PITT. [1767. 
 
 reward but the honor of serving her. The hour 
 had found the man. Tor the next four years this 
 imposing figure towers supreme in British history. 
 
 He had glaring faults, some of them of a sort not 
 to have been expected in him. Vanity, the common 
 weakness of small minds, was the most disfiguring 
 foible of this great one. He had not the simplicity 
 which becomes greatness so well. He could give 
 himself theatrical airs, strike attitudes, and dart 
 stage lightnings from his eyes ; yet he was formi- 
 dable even in his affectations. Behind his great 
 intellectual powers lay a burning enthusiasm, a 
 force of passion and fierce intensity of will, that 
 gave redoubled impetus to the fiery shafts of his 
 eloquence ; and the haughty and masterful nature 
 of the man had its share in the ascendency which 
 he long held over Parliament. He would blast the 
 labored argument of an adversary by a look of 
 scorn or a contemptuous wave of the hand. 
 
 The Great Commoner was not a man of the 
 people in the popular sense of that hackneyed 
 phrase. Though himself poor, being a younger 
 son, he came of a rich and influential family ; he 
 was patrician at heart; both his faults and his 
 virtues, his proud incorruptibility and passionate, 
 domineering patriotism, bore the patrician stamp. 
 Yet he loved liberty and he loved the people, 
 because they were the English people. The ef- 
 fusive humanitarianism of to-day had no part in 
 him, and the democracy of to-day would detest 
 him. Yet to the middle-class England of his 
 own time, that unenfranchised England which 
 
1757.] HIS CHARACTER. 43 
 
 had little representation in Parliament, he was a 
 voice, an inspiration, and a tower of strength. 
 He would not natter the people ; bnt, turning 
 with contempt from the tricks and devices of offi- 
 cial politics, he threw himself with a confidence 
 that never wavered on their patriotism and public 
 spirit. They answered him with a boundless 
 trust, asked but to follow his lead, gave him with- 
 out stint their money and their blood, loved him 
 for his domestic virtues and his disinterestedness, 
 believed him even in his self-contradiction, and 
 idolized him even in his bursts of arrogant passion. 
 It was he who waked England from her lethargy, 
 shook off the spell that Newcastle and his fellow- 
 enchanters had cast over her, and taught her to 
 know herself again. A heart that beat in unison 
 with all that was British found responsive throbs 
 in ev^ry corner of the vast empire that through 
 him was to become more vast. With the instinct 
 of his fervid patriotism he would join all its far- 
 extended members into one, not by vain assertions- 
 of parliamentary supremacy, but by bonds of sym- 
 pathy and ties of a common freedom and a common 
 cause. 
 
 The passion for power and glory subdued in him 
 all the sordid parts of humanity, and he made the 
 power and glory of England one with his own. 
 He could change front through resentment or 
 through policy ; but in whatever path he moved, 
 his objects were the same : not to curb the power 
 of France in America, but to annihilate it ; crush 
 her navy, cripple her foreign trade, ruin her in 
 
44 PITT. [1767. 
 
 India, in Africa, and wherever else, east or west, 
 she had found foothold ; gain for England the 
 mastery of the seas, open to her the great high- 
 ways of the globe, make her supreme in commerce 
 and colonization ; and while limiting the activities 
 of her rival to the European continent, give to her 
 the whole world for a sphere. 
 
 To this British Roman was opposed the pam- 
 pered Sardanapalus of Versailles, with the silken 
 favorite who by calculated adultery had bought 
 the power to ruin France. The Marquise de Pom- 
 padour, who began life as Jeanne Poisson, — Jane 
 Fish, — daughter of the head clerk of a banking 
 house, who then became wife of a rich finan- 
 cier, and then, as mistress of the King, rose to a 
 pinnacle of gilded ignominy, chose this time to 
 turn out of office the two ministers who had shown 
 most ability and force, — Argenson, head of the 
 department of war, and Machault, head of the 
 marine and colonies ; the one because he was not 
 subservient to her will, and the other because he 
 had unwittingly touched the self-love of her royal 
 paramour. She aspired to a share in the conduct 
 of the war, and not only made and unmade minis- 
 ters and generals, but discussed campaigns and 
 battles with them, while they listened to her 
 prating with a show of obsequious respect, since 
 to lose her favor was to risk losing all. A few 
 months later, when blows fell heavy and fast, she 
 turned a deaf ear to representations of financial 
 straits and military disasters, played the heroine, 
 affected a greatness of soul superior to misfortune, 
 
1757.1 ENGLISH DISASTERS. 45 
 
 and in her perfumed boudoir varied her tiresome 
 graces by posing as a Roman matron. In fact she 
 never wavered in her spite against Frederic, and 
 her fortitude was perfect in bearing the sufferings 
 of others and defying dangers that could not 
 . touch her. 
 
 When Pitt took office it was not over France, 
 but over England that the clouds hung dense and 
 black. Her prospects were of the gloomiest. 
 "Whoever is in or whoever is out," wrote Chester- 
 field, " I am sure we are undone both at home and 
 abroad : at home by our increasing debt and ex- 
 penses ; abroad by our ill-luck and incapacity. 
 We are no longer a nation." And his despond- 
 ency was shared by many at the beginning of the 
 most triumphant Administration in British history. 
 The shuffling weakness of his predecessors had 
 left Pitt a heritage of tribulation. From America 
 came news of Loudon's manifold failures ; from 
 Germany that of the miscarriage of the Duke 
 of Cumberland, who, at the head of an army of 
 Germans in British pay, had been forced to sign 
 the convention of Kloster-Zeven, by which he 
 promised to disband them. To these' disasters 
 was added a third, of which the new Government 
 alone had to bear the burden. At the end of 
 summer Pitt sent a great expedition to attack 
 Rochefort ;- the military and naval commanders 
 disagreed, and the consequence was failure. There 
 was no light except from far-off India, where 
 Clive won the great victory of Plassey, avenged 
 the Black Hole of Calcutta, and prepared the 
 
46 
 
 PITT. [1767* 
 
 ruin of the French power and the undisputed 
 ascendency of England. 
 
 If the English had small cause as yet to rejoice 
 in their own successes, they found comfort in those 
 of their Prussian allies. The rout of the French 
 at Rossbach and of the Austrians at Leuthenj 
 spread joy through their island. More than this, 
 they felt that they had found at last a leader after 
 their own heart ; and the consciousness regenerated 
 them. For the paltering imbecility of the old 
 Ministry they had the unconquerable courage, 
 the iron purpose, the unwavering faith, the inex- 
 tinguishable hope, of the new one. " England has 
 long been in labor," said Frederic of Prussia, " and 
 at last she has brought forth a man." It was not 
 only that instead of weak commanders Pitt gave 
 her strong ones ; the same men who had served 
 her feebly under the blight of the Newcastle Ad- 
 ministration served her manfully and well under 
 his robust impulsion. "Nobody ever entered his 
 closet," said Colonel Barre, "who did not come 
 out of it a braver man." That inspiration was 
 felt wherever the British flag waved. Zeal -awak- 
 ened with the assurance that conspicuous merit 
 was sure of its reward, and that no officer who 
 did his duty would now be made a sacrifice, like 
 Admiral Byng, to appease public indignation at 
 ministerial failures. As Nature, languishing in 
 chill vapors and dull smothering fogs, revives at 
 the touch of the sun, so did England spring into 
 fresh life under the kindling influence of one great 
 man. 
 
1757, 1758.] ENGLISH VICTORIES. 47 
 
 With the opening of the year 1758 her course 
 of Continental victories began. The Duke of Cum- 
 berland, the King's son, was -recalled in disgrace, 
 and a general of another stamp, Prince Ferdinand 
 of Brunswick, was placed in command of the Ger- 
 mans in British pay, with the contingent of Eng- 
 lish troops now added to them. The French, too, 
 changed commanders. The Duke of Richelieu, a 
 dissolute old beau, returned to Paris to spend in 
 heartless gallantries the wealth he had gained by 
 plunder ; and a young soldier-churchman, the Comte 
 de Clermont, took his place. Prince Ferdinand 
 pushed him hard with an inferior force, drove 
 him out of Hanover, and captured eleven thou- 
 sand of his soldiers. Clermont was recalled, and 
 was succeeded by Contades, another incapable. 
 One of his subordinates won for him the battle 
 of Lutterberg ; but the generalship of Ferdinand 
 made it a barren victory, and the campaign re- 
 mained a success for the English. They made 
 descents on the French coasts, captured St.-Ser- 
 van, a suburb of St.-Malo, and burned three ships 
 of the line, twenty-four privateers, and sixty mer- 
 chantmen ; then entered Cherbourg, destroyed the 
 forts, carried off or spiked the cannon, and burned 
 twenty-seven vessels, — a success partially offset 
 by a failure on the coast of Brittany, where they 
 were repulsed with some loss. In Africa they 
 drove the French from the Guinea coast, and 
 seized their establishment at Senegal. 
 
 It was towards America that Pitt turned his 
 heartiest efforts. His first aim was to take Louis- 
 
48 PITT. [1757, 1758. 
 
 bourg, as a step towards taking Quebec ; then 
 Ticonderoga, tbat thorn in the side of the north- 
 ern colonies; and lastly Fort Duquesne, the Key 
 of the Great West. He recalled Loudon, for 
 •whom he had a fierce contempt; but there were 
 influences which he could not disregard, and Major- 
 General Abercromby, who was next in order of 
 rank, an indifferent soldier, though a veteran in 
 years, was allowed to succeed him, and lead in 
 person the attack on Ticonderoga. 1 Pitt hoped 
 that Brigadier Lord Howe, an admirable officer, 
 who was joined with Abercromby, would be the 
 real commander, and make amends for all short- 
 comings of his chief. To command the Louisbourg 
 expedition, Colonel Jeffrey Amherst was recalled 
 from the German war, and made at one leap 
 a major-general. 2 He was energetic and reso- 
 lute, somewhat cautious and slow, but with a 
 bulldog tenacity of grip. Under him were three 
 brigadiers, Whitmore, Lawrence, and Wolfe, of 
 whom the youngest is the most noteworthy. In 
 the luckless Rochefort expedition, Colonel James 
 Wolfe was conspicuous by a dashing gallantry 
 that did not escape the eye of Pitt, always on 
 the watch for men to do his work. The young 
 officer was ardent, headlong, void of fear, often 
 rash, almost fanatical in his devotion to military 
 duty, and reckless of life when the glory of 
 England or his own was at stake. The third 
 
 i Order, War Office, 19 Dec. 1757. 
 
 2 Pitt to Abercromby, 27 Jan. 1758. Instructions for our Trusty and Well* 
 leloved Jeffrey Amherst, Esq., Major-General of our Forces in North America, 
 3 March, 1758. 
 
1757, 1758.] NAVAL PREPARATION. 49 
 
 expedition, that against Fort Duquesne, was given 
 to Brigadier John Forbes, whose qualities well 
 fitted him for the task. 
 
 During his first short term of office, Pitt had 
 given a new species of troops to the British army. 
 These were the Scotch Highlanders, who had risen 
 against the House of Hanover in 1745, and would 
 rise against it again should France accomplish her 
 favorite scheme of throwing a force into Scotland 
 to excite another insurrection for the Stuarts. But 
 they would be useful to fight the French abroad, 
 though dangerous as their possible allies at home ; 
 and two regiments of them were now ordered to 
 America. 
 
 Delay had been the ruin of the last year's at- 
 tempt against Louisbourg. This time preparation 
 was urged on apace ; and before the end of winter 
 two fleets had put to sea : one, under Admiral 
 Boscawen, was destined for Louisbourg ; while the 
 other, under Admiral Osborn, sailed for the Medi- 
 terranean to intercept the French fleet of Admiral 
 La Clue, who was about to sail from Toulon for 
 America. Osborn, cruising between the coasts of 
 Spain and Africa, barred the way to the Straits 
 of Gibraltar, and kept his enemy imprisoned. La 
 Clue made no attempt to force a passage ; but sev- 
 eral combats of detached ships took place, one 
 of which is too remarkable to pass unnoticed. 
 Captain Gardiner of the "Monmouth," a ship of 
 four hundred and seventy men and sixty-four 
 guns, engaged the French ship " Foudroyant," car- 
 rying a thousand men and eighty-four guns of 
 
SO PITT. [1758- 
 
 heavier metal than those of the Englishman. 
 Gardiner had lately been reproved by Anson, 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, for some alleged 
 misconduct or shortcoming, and he thought of 
 nothing but retrieving his honor. " We must 
 take her," he said to his crew as the " Foudroyant " 
 hove in sight. " She looks more than" a match 
 for us, but I will not quit her while this ship can 
 swim or I have a soul left alive ; " and the sailors 
 answered with cheers. The fight was long and 
 furious. Gardiner was killed by a musket shot, 
 begging his first lieutenant with his dying breath 
 not to haul down his flag. The lieutenant nailed 
 it to the mast. At length the " Foudroyant " ceased 
 from thundering, struek her colors, and was car- 
 ried a prize to England. 1 
 
 The typical British naval officer of that time 
 was a rugged sea-dog, a tough and stubborn 
 fighter, though no more so than the politer gen- 
 erations that followed, at home on the quarter- 
 deck, but no ornament to the drawing-room, by 
 reason of what his contemporary, Entick, the 
 strenuous chronicler of the war, calls, not unap- 
 provingly, "the ferocity of his manners." "While 
 , Osborn held La Clue imprisoned at Toulon, Sir 
 Edward Hawke, worthy leader of such men, sailed 
 with seven ships of the line and three frigates 
 to intercept a French squadron from Rochefort 
 convoying a fleet of transports with troops for 
 America. The French ships cut their cables and 
 ran for the shore, where most of them stranded in 
 
 1 Entick, III. 56-60. 
 
1758.] FLEET FOR LOUISBOURG. 51 
 
 the mud, and some threw cannon and munitions 
 overboard to float themselves. The expedition 
 was broken up. Of the many ships fitted out 
 this year for the succor of Canada and Louis- 
 bourg, comparatively few reached their destina- 
 tion, and these for the most part singly or by 
 twos and threes. 
 
 Meanwhile Admiral Boscawen with his fleet 
 bore away for Halifax, the place of rendezvous, 
 and Amherst, in the ship "Dublin," followed in 
 his wake. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 1758. 
 
 LOUISBOURG. 
 
 Condition op the Fortress. — Arrival of the English. — Gal. 
 lantry of Wolfe. — The English Camp. — The Siege begun. 
 
 — Progress of the Besiegers. — Sallies of the Erench. — 
 Madame Drucour. — Courtesies of War. — French Ships de- 
 stroyed. — Conflagration. — Fury of the Bombardment. — 
 Exploit of English Sailors. — The End near. — The White 
 Flag. — Surrender. — Reception of the News in England and 
 America. — Wolfe not satisfied. — His Letters to Amherst. 
 
 — He destroys Gaspe. — Returns to England. 
 
 The stormy coast of Cape Breton is indented by 
 a small land-locked bay, between wbicb and tbe 
 ocean lies a tongue of land dotted with a few 
 grazing sheep, and intersected by rows of stone 
 that mark more or less distinctly the lines of 
 what once were streets. Green mounds and em- 
 bankments of earth enclose the whole space, and 
 beneath the highest of them yawn arches and 
 caverns of ancient masonry. This grassy soli- 
 tude was once the "Dunkirk of America;" the 
 vaulted caverns where the sheep find shelter from 
 the rain were casemates where terrified women 
 sought refuge from storms of shot and shell, and 
 the shapeless green mounds were citadel, bastion, 
 rampart, and glacis. Here stood Louisbourg; and 
 not all the efforts of its conquerors, nor all the' 
 
£ g -g ~ S t i ; 
 
 I (5 t?'ff| 3 4 1 1.£ ,§ 1 3j 
 
1758.] PEESENT STATE OF LOUISBOUEG. 53 
 
 havoc of succeeding times, have availed to efface 
 it. Men in hundreds toiled for months with lever, 
 spade, and gunpowder in the work of destruction, 
 and for more than a century it has served as a 
 stone quarry ; but the remains of its vast defences 
 still tell their tale of human valor and human 
 woe. 
 
 Stand on the mounds that were once the King's 
 Bastion. The glistening sea spreads eastward three 
 thousand miles, and its waves meet their first 
 rebuff against this iron coast. Lighthouse Point 
 is white with foam ; jets of spray spout from the 
 rocks of Goat Island; mist curls in clouds from 
 the seething surf that lashes the crags of Black 
 Point, and the sea boils like a caldron among 
 the reefs by the harbor's mouth ; but on the calm 
 water within, the small fishing vessels rest tran- 
 quil at their moorings. Beyond lies a hamlet of 
 fishermen by the edge of the water, and a few 
 scattered dwellings dot the rough hills, bristled 
 with stunted firs, that gird the quiet basin ; while 
 close at hand, within the precinct of the vanished 
 fortress, stand two small farmhouses. All else is 
 a solitude of ocean, rock, marsh, and forest. 1 
 
 At the beginning of June, 1758, the place wore 
 another aspect. Since the peace of Aix-la-Cha- 
 pelle vast sums had been spent in repairing and 
 strengthening it ; and Louisbourg was the strongest 
 fortress in French or British America. Neverthe- 
 less it had its weaknesses. The original plan of 
 
 * Louisbourg is described as I saw it ten days before writing the above, 
 .after an easterly gale. 
 
54 LOUISBOURG. [1758. 
 
 the works had not been fully carried out ; and 
 owing, it is said, to the bad quality of the mortar, 
 the masonry of the ramparts was in so poor a con- 
 dition that it had been replaced in some parts with 
 fascines. The circuit of the fortifications was 
 more than a mile and a half, and the town con- 
 tained about four thousand inhabitants. The best 
 buildings in it were the convent, the hospital, the 
 King's storehouses, and the chapel and governor's 
 quarters, which were under the same roof. Of 
 the private houses, only seven or eight were of 
 stone, the rest being humble wooden structures, 
 suited to a population of fishermen. The garri- 
 son consisted of the battalions of Artois, Bour- 
 gogne, Cambis, and Volontaires Etrangers, with 
 two companies of artillery and twenty-four of 
 colony troops from Canada, — in all three thou- 
 sand and eighty regular troops, besides officers ; 1 
 and to these were added a body of armed inhabi- 
 tants and a band of Indians. In the harbor were 
 five ships of the line and seven frigates, carrying 
 in all five hundred and forty-four guns and about 
 three thousand men. 2 Two hundred and nineteen 
 cannon and seventeen mortars were mounted on 
 the walls and outworks. 3 Of these last the most 
 
 1 Journal du Siege de Louisbourg. Twenty-nine hundred regulars were 
 able to bear arms when the siege began. Houlliere, Commandant des 
 Troupes, au Ministre, 6 Aout, 1758. 
 
 2 Le Prudent, 74 guns ; Entreprenant, 74 ; Capricieux, 64 ; Celebre, 
 64; Bienfaisant, 64; Apollon, 50; Chevre, 22; Biche, 18; Fidele, 22; 
 IJcho, 26 ; Are'thuse, 36 ; Comete, 30. The Bizarre, 64, sailed for France 
 on the eighth of June, and was followed by the Comete. 
 
 3 &at d'Artillerie, appended to the Journal of Drucour. There were 
 also forty-four cannon in reserve. 
 
1758.] SIGNS OF DANGER. 55 
 
 important were the Grand Battery on the shore 
 of the harbor opposite its month, and the Island 
 Battery on the rocky islet at its entrance. 
 
 The strongest front of the works was on the land 
 side, along the base of the peninsular triangle on 
 which the town stood. This front, about twelve 
 hundred yards in extent, reached from the sea on! 
 the left to the harbor on the right, and consisted of 
 four bastions with their connecting curtains, the 
 Princess's, the Queen's, the King's, and the Dau- 
 phin's. The King's Bastion formed part of the 
 citadel. The glacis before it. sloped down to an 
 extensive marsh, which, with an adjacent pond, 
 completely protected this part of the line. On the 
 right, however, towards the harbor, the ground 
 was high enough to offer advantages to an enemy, 
 as was also the case, to a less degree, on the left, 
 towards the sea. The best defence of Louisbourg 
 was the craggy shore, that, for leagues on either 
 hand, was accessible only at a few points, and 
 even there with difficulty. All these points were 
 vigilantly watched. 
 
 There had been signs of the enemy from the 
 first opening of spring. In the intervals of fog, 
 rain, and snow-squalls, sails were seen hovering 
 on the distant sea ; and during the latter part of 
 May a squadron of nine ships cruised off the 
 mouth of the harbor, appearing and disappearing, 
 sometimes driven away by gales, sometimes lost 
 in fogs, and sometimes approaching to within can- 
 non-shot of the batteries. Their object was to 
 blockade the port, — in which they failed ; for 
 
56 LOUISBOURG. [1758. 
 
 French ships had come in at intervals, till, as 
 we have seen, twelve of them lay safe anchored 
 in the harbor, with more than a year's supply of 
 provisions for the garrison. 
 
 At length, on the first of June, the southeast- 
 ern horizon was white with a cloud of canvas. 
 The long-expected crisis was come. Drucour, the 
 governor, sent two thousand regulars, with about 
 a thousand militia and Indians, to guard the va- 
 rious landing-places ; and the rest, aided by the 
 sailors, remained to hold the town. 1 
 
 At the end of May Admiral Boscawen was at 
 Halifax with twenty-three ships of the line, eigh- 
 teen frigates and fire-ships, and a fleet of trans- 
 ports, on board of which were eleven thousand 
 and six hundred soldiers, all regulars, except five 
 hundred provincial rangers. 2 Amherst had not 
 yet arrived, and on the twenty-eighth, Boscawen, 
 in pursuance of his orders and to prevent loss of 
 time, put to sea without him ; but scarcely had the 
 fleet sailed out of Halifax, when they met the ship 
 that bore the expected general. Amherst took 
 command of the troops ; and the expedition held 
 its way till the second of June, when they saw the 
 rocky shore-line of Cape Breton, and descried the 
 masts of the French squadron in the harbor of 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 1 Rapport de Drucour. Journal du Siege. 
 
 2 Of this force, according to Mante, only 9,900 were fit for duty. The 
 table printed by Knox (I. 127) shows a total of 11,112, besides officers, 
 artillery, and rangers. The Authentic Account of the Reduction of Louis- 
 hourg, by a Spectator, puts the force at 11,326 men, besides officers. 
 Entick makes the whole 11,936. 
 
1758.] ATTEMPT AT LAjSTDIXG. 57 
 
 Boscawen sailed into Gabarus Bay. The sea 
 was rough ; but in the afternoon Amherst, Law- 
 rence, and Wolfe, with a number of naval officers, 
 reconnoitred the shore in boats, coasting it for 
 miles, and approaching it as near as the French 
 batteries would permit. The rocks were white 
 with surf, and every accessible point was strongly 
 guarded. Boscawen saw little chance of success. 
 He sent for his captains, and consulted them 
 separately. They thought, like him, that it would 
 be rash to attempt a landing, and proposed a coun- 
 cil of war. One of them alone, an old sea officer 
 named Ferguson, advised his commander to take 
 the responsibility himself, hold no council, and 
 make the attempt at every risk. Boscawen took 
 his advice, and declared that he would not leave 
 Gabarus Bay till he had fulfilled his instructions 
 and set the troops on shore. 1 
 
 West of Louisbourg there were three accessible 
 places, Freshwater Cove, four miles from the town, 
 and Flat Point, and White Point, which were 
 nearer, the last being within a mile of the forti- 
 fications. East of the town there was an inlet 
 called Lorambec, also available for landing. In 
 order to distract the attention of the enemy, it 
 was resolved to threaten all these places, and to 
 form the troops into three divisions, two of which, 
 under Lawrence and Whitmore, were to advance 
 towards Flat Point and White Point, while a de- 
 tached regiment was to make a feint at Lorambec. 
 Wolfe, with the third division, was to make the 
 
 i Entick, III. 224. 
 
58 LOUISBOTJBG. U758. 
 
 real attack and try to force a landing at Fresh- 
 water Cove, which, as it proved, was the most 
 strongly defended of all. When on shore Wolfe 
 was an habitual invalid, and when at sea every 
 heave of the ship made him wretched ; but his 
 ardor was unquenchable. Before leaving England 
 he wrote to a friend : " Being of the profession of 
 arms, I would seek all occasions to serve ; and 
 therefore have thrown myself in the way of the 
 American war, though I know that the very pass- 
 age threatens my life, and that my constitution 
 must be utterly ruined and undone." 
 
 On the next day, the third, the surf was so 
 high that nothing could be attempted. On the 
 fourth there was a thick fog and a gale. The 
 frigate " Trent " struck on a rock, and some of 
 the transports were near being stranded. On the 
 fifth there was another fog and a raging surf. 
 On the sixth there was fog, with rain in the morn- 
 ing and better weather towards noon, whereupon 
 the signal was made and the troops entered the 
 boats ; but the sea rose again, and they were 
 ordered back to the ships. On the seventh more 
 fog and more surf till night, when the sea grew 
 calmer, and orders were given for another attempt. 
 At two in the morning of the eighth the troops 
 were in the boats again. At daybreak the frig- 
 ates of the squadron, anchoring before each point 
 of real or pretended attack, opened a fierce can- 
 nonade on the French intrenchments ; and, a quar- 
 ter of an hour after, the three divisions rowed 
 towards the shore. That of the left, under Wolfe,. 
 
1758.] A BOLD MOVEMENT. 5<> 
 
 consisted of four companies of grenadiers, with the 
 light infantry and New England rangers, followed 
 and supported by Fraser's Highlanders and eight 
 more companies of grenadiers. They pulled for 
 Freshwater Cove. Here there was a crescent- 
 shaped beach, a quarter of a mile long, with rocks 
 at each end. On the shore above, about a thou- 
 sand Frenchmen, under Lieutenant-Colonel de 
 Saint-Julien, lay behind entrenchments covered in 
 front by spruce and fir trees, felled and laid on 
 the ground with the tops outward. 1 Eight can- 
 non and swivels were planted to sweep every part 
 of the beach and its approaches, and these pieces 
 were masked by young evergreens stuck in the 
 ground before them. 
 
 The English were allowed to come within close 
 range unmolested. Then the batteries opened, 
 and a deadly storm of grape and musketry was 
 poured upon the boats. It was clear in an in- 
 stant that to advance farther would be destruc- 
 tion; and Wolfe waved his hand as a signal to 
 sheer off. At some distance on the right, and 
 little exposed to the fire, were three boats of light 
 infantry under Lieutenants Hopkins and Brown 
 and Ensign Grant; who, mistaking the signal or 
 wilfully misinterpreting it, made directly for the 
 shore before them. It was a few rods east of the 
 beach ; a craggy coast and a strand strewn with 
 rocks and lashed with breakers, but sheltered from 
 
 1 Drucoux reports 985 soldiers as stationed here under Saint-Julien 
 there were also some Indians. Freshwater Cove, otherwise Kenningtoa 
 Core, was called La Cormorandiere by the French. 
 
60 LOUISBOURG. f!758. 
 
 the cannon by a small projecting point. The 
 three officers leaped ashore, followed by their men. 
 Wolfe saw the movement, and hastened to sup- 
 port it. The boat of Major Scott, who com- 
 manded the light infantry and rangers, next came 
 up, and was stove in an instant ; but Scott gained 
 the shore, climbed the crags, and found himself 
 with ten men in front of some seventy French 
 and Indians. Half his followers were killed and 
 wounded, and three bullets were shot through his 
 clothes ; but with admirable gallantry he held his 
 ground till others came to his aid. 1 The remain- 
 ing boats now reached the landing. Many were 
 stove among the rocks, and others were overset ; 
 some of the men were dragged back by the surf 
 and drowned ; some lost their muskets, and were 
 drenched to the skin : but the greater part got 
 safe ashore. Among the foremost was seen the 
 tall, attenuated form of Brigadier Wolfe, armed 
 with nothing but a cane, as he leaped into the 
 surf and climbed the crags with his soldiers. As 
 they reached the top they formed in compact 
 order, and attacked and carried with the bayonet 
 the nearest French battery, a few rods distant. 
 The division of Lawrence soon came up ; and as 
 the attention of the enemy was now distracted, 
 they made their landing with little opposition at 
 the farther end of the beach, whither they were 
 followed by Amherst himself. The French, at- 
 tacked on right and left, and fearing, with good 
 reason, that they would be cut off from the town, 
 
 1 Pichon. Memoires du Cap-Breton, 284. 
 
1758.] THE SIEGE BEGUN. 61 
 
 abandoned all their cannon and fled into the 
 woods. About seventy of them were captured 
 and fifty killed. The rest, circling among the 
 hills and around the marshes, made their way to 
 Louisbourg, and those at the intermediate posts 
 joined their flight. The English followed through a 
 matted growth of firs till they reached the cleared 
 ground ; when the cannon, opening on them from 
 the ramparts, stopped the pursuit. The first move 
 of the great game was played and won. 1 
 
 Amherst made his camp just beyond range of 
 the French cannon, and Flat Point Cove was 
 chosen as the landing-place of guns and stores. 
 Clearing the ground, making roads, and pitching 
 tents filled the rest of the day. At night there 
 was a glare of flames from the direction of the 
 town. The French had abandoned the Grand 
 Battery after setting fire to the buildings in it 
 and to the houses and fish-stages along the shore 
 of the harbor. During the following days stores 
 were landed as fast as the surf would permit : 
 but the task was so difficult that from first to 
 last more than a hundred boats were stove in 
 accomplishing it ; and such was the violence of 
 the waves that none of the siege-guns could be got 
 ashore till the eighteenth. The camp extended 
 two miles along a stream that flowed down to 
 
 1 Journal of Amherst, in Mante, 117. Amherst to Pitt, 11 June, 1758. 
 Authentic Account of the Reduction of Louisbourg, by a Spectator, 11. 
 General Orders of Amherst, 3-7 June, 1759. Letter from an Officer, in 
 Knox, I. 191 ; Entick, HI. 225. The French accounts generally agree 
 in essentials with the English. The English lost one hundred and nine, 
 killed, wounded, and drowned. 
 
62 LOUISBOURG. L 1766 - 
 
 the Cove among the low, woody hills that curved 
 around the town and harbor. Kedoubts were 
 made to protect its front, and blockhouses to 
 guard its left and rear from the bands of Aca- 
 dians known to be hovering in the woods. 
 
 Wolfe, with twelve hundred men, made his way- 
 six or seven miles round the harbor, took posses- 
 sion of the battery at Lighthouse Point which the 
 French had abandoned, planted guns and mortars, 
 and opened fire on the Island Battery that guarded 
 the entrance. Other guns were placed at different 
 points along the shore, and soon opened on the 
 French ships. The ships and batteries replied. 
 The artillery fight raged night and day; till on 
 the twenty-fifth the island guns were dismounted 
 and silenced. Wolfe then strengthened his posts, 
 secured his communications, and returned to the 
 main army in front of the town. 
 
 Amherst had reconnoitred the ground and chosen 
 a hillock at the edge of the marsh, less than half 
 a mile from the ramparts, as the point for opening 
 his trenches. A road with an epaulement to pro- 
 tect it must first be made to the spot ; and as the 
 way was over a tract of deep mud covered with 
 water-weeds and moss, the labor was prodigious. 
 A thousand men worked at it day and night under 
 the fire of the town and ships. 
 
 When the French looked landward from their 
 ramparts they could see scarcely a sign of the im- 
 pending storm. Behind them Wolfe's cannon were 
 playing busily from Lighthouse Point and the 
 heights around the harbor ; but, before them, the 
 
1758.] FRENCH NAVAL OFFICERS. 63 
 
 broad flat marsh and the low hills seemed almost 
 a solitude. Two miles distant, they could descry 
 some of the English tents; but the greater part 
 were hidden by the inequalities of the ground. 
 On the right, a prolongation of the harbor reached 
 nearly half a mile beyond the town, ending in a 
 small lagoon formed by a projecting sandbar, and 
 known as the Barachois. Near this bar lay 
 moored the little frigate " Arethuse," under a gal- 
 lant officer named Vauquelin. Her position was a 
 perilous one ; but so long as she could maintain 
 it she could sweep with her fire the ground before 
 the works, and seriously impede the operations of 
 the enemy. The other naval captains were less 
 venturous; and when the English landed, they 
 wanted to leave the harbor and save their ships. 
 Drucour insisted that they should stay to aid the 
 defence, and they complied; but soon left their 
 moorings and anchored as close as possible under 
 the guns of the town, in order to escape the fire of 
 Wolfe's batteries. Hence there was great mur- 
 muring among the military officers, who would 
 have had them engage the hostile guns at short 
 range. The frigate " Echo," under cover of a fog, 
 had been sent to Quebec for aid; but she was 
 chased and captured ; and, a day or two after, the 
 French saw her pass the mouth of the harbor 
 with an English flag at her mast-head. 
 
 When Wolfe had silenced the Island Battery, a 
 new and imminent danger threatened Louisbourg. 
 Boscawen might enter the harbor, overpower the 
 French naval force, and cannonade the town on 
 
64 LOTJISBOURG. [1768, 
 
 its weakest side. Therefore Drucour resolved to 
 sink four large ships at the entrance ; and on a 
 dark and foggy night this was successfully accom- 
 plished. Two more vessels were afterwards sunk, 
 and the harbor was then thought safe. 
 
 The English had at last finished their prepara- 
 tions, and were urging on the siege with deter- 
 mined vigor. The landward view was a solitude no 
 longer. They could be seen in multitudes piling 
 earth and fascines beyond the hillock at the edge 
 of the marsh. On the twenty-fifth they occupied 
 the hillock itself, and fortified themselves there 
 under a shower of bombs. Then they threw up 
 earth on the right, and pushed their approaches 
 towards the Barachois, in spite of a hot fire from 
 the frigate "Arethuse." Next they appeared on 
 the left towards the sea about a third of a mile 
 from the Princess's Bastion. It was Wolfe, with 
 a strong detachment, throwing up a redoubt and 
 opening an entrenchment. Late on the night of 
 the ninth of July six hundred French troops sallied 
 to interrupt the work. The English grenadiers in 
 the trenches fought stubbornly with bayonet and 
 sword, but were forced back to the second line, 
 where a desperate conflict in the dark took place ; 
 and after severe loss on both sides the French 
 were driven back. Some days before, there had 
 been another sortie on the opposite side, near the 
 Barachois, resulting in a repulse of the French and 
 the seizure by Wolfe of a more advanced position. 
 
 Various courtesies were exchanged between the 
 two commanders. Drucour, on occasion of a flag 
 
1758.] COURTESIES OF WAR. 65 
 
 of truce, wrote to Amherst that there was a sur- 
 geon of uncommon skill in Louisbourg, whose ser- 
 vices were at the command of any English officer 
 who might need them. Amherst on his part sent 
 to his enemy letters and messages from wounded 
 Frenchmen in his hands, adding his compliments 
 to Madame Drucour, with an expression of regret 
 for the disquiet to which she was exposed, begging 
 her at the same time to accept a gift of pineapples 
 from the West Indies. She returned his courtesy 
 by sending him a basket of wine ; after which 
 amenities the cannon roared again. Madame Dru- 
 cour was a woman of heroic spirit. Every day 
 she was on the ramparts, where her presence roused 
 the soldiers to enthusiasm ; and every day with 
 her own hand she fired three cannon to encourage 
 them. 
 
 The English lines grew closer and closer, and 
 their fire more and more destructive. Desgouttes 7 
 the naval commander, withdrew the " Arethuse " 
 from her exposed position, where her fire had 
 greatly annoyed the besiegers. The shot-holes in 
 her sides were plugged up, and in the dark night 
 of the fourteenth of July she was towed through 
 the obstructions in the mouth of the harbor, and 
 sent to France to report the situation of Louis- 
 bourg. More fortunate than her predecessor, she 
 escaped the English in a fog. Only five vessels 
 now remained afloat in the harbor, and these were 
 feebly manned, as the greater part of their officers 
 and crews had come ashore, to the number of 
 two thousand, lodging under tents in the town, 
 
 VOL. II. — 5 
 
66 LOUISBOURG. [1768. 
 
 amid the scarcely suppressed murmurs of the 
 army officers. 
 
 On the eighth of July news came that the 
 partisan Boishebert was approaching with four 
 hundred Acadians, Canadians, and Micmacs to at- 
 tack the English outposts and detachments. He 
 did little or nothing, however, besides capturing 
 a few stragglers. On the sixteenth, early in the 
 evening, a party of English, led by Wolfe, dashed 
 forward, drove off a band of French volunteers, 
 seized a rising ground called Hauteur-de-la-Pot- 
 ence, or Gallows Hill, and began to entrench 
 themselves scarcely three hundred yards from 
 the Dauphin's Bastion. The town opened on 
 them furiously with grape-shot ; but in the in- 
 tervals of the firing the sound of their picks and 
 spades could plainly be heard. In the morning 
 they were seen throwing up earth like moles as 
 they burrowed their way forward ; and on the 
 twenty-first they opened another parallel, within 
 twO hundred yards of the rampart. Still their 
 sappers pushed on. Every day they had more 
 guns in position, and on right and left their fire 
 grew hotter. Their pickets made a lodgment 
 along the foot of the glacis, and fired up the 
 slope at the French in the covered way. 
 
 The twenty-first was a memorable day. In the 
 afternoon a bomb fell on the ship " Celebre " and set 
 her on fire. An explosion followed. The few men 
 on board could not save her, and she drifted from 
 her moorings. The wind blew the flames into the 
 rigging of the " Entreprenant," and then into that 
 
1758.] CONFLAGRATION. 67 
 
 of the "Capricieux." At night all three were in 
 full blaze ; for when the fire broke out the English 
 batteries turned on them a tempest of shot and 
 shell to prevent it from being extinguished. The 
 glare of the triple conflagration lighted up the 
 town, the trenches, the harbor, and the surround- 
 ing hills, while the burning ships shot off their 
 guns at random as they slowly drifted westward, 
 and grounded at last near the Barachois. In the 
 morning they were consumed to the water's edge ; 
 and of all the squadron the " Prudent " and the 
 " Bienfaisant " alone were left. 
 
 In the citadel, of which the King's Bastion 
 formed the front, there was a large oblong stone 
 building containing the chapel, lodgings for men 
 and officers, and at the southern end the quar- 
 ters of the Governor. On the morning after the 
 burning of the ships a shell fell through the 
 roof among a party of soldiers in the chamber 
 below, burst, and set the place on fire. In half 
 an hour the chapel and all the northern part of 
 the building were in flames ; and no sooner did 
 the smoke rise above the bastion than the Eng- 
 lish threw into it a steady shower of missiles. 
 Yet soldiers, sailors, and inhabitants hastened to 
 the spot, and labored desperately to check the fire. 
 They saved the end occupied by Drucour and his 
 wife, but all the rest was destroyed. Under the 
 adjacent rampart were the casemates, one of which 
 was crowded with wounded officers, and the rest 
 with women and children seeking shelter in these 
 subterranean dens. Before the entrances there 
 
68 LOUISBOURG. [175& 
 
 was a long .barrier of timber to protect them from 
 exploding shells ; and as the wind blew the flamea 
 towards it, there was danger that it would take 
 fire and suffocate those witbin. They rushed out, 
 crazed with fright, and ran hither and thither with 
 outcries and shrieks amid the storm of iron. 
 
 In the neighboring Queen's Bastion was a large 
 range of barracks built of wood by the New Eng- 
 land troops after their capture of the fortress in 
 1745. So flimsy and combustible was it that the 
 French writers call it a " house of cards " and " a 
 paper of matches." Here were lodged the greater 
 part of the garrison : but such was the danger of 
 fire, that they were now ordered to leave it ; and 
 they accordingly lay in the streets or along the 
 foot of the ramparts, under shelters of timber 
 which gave some little protection against bombs. 
 The order was well timed ; for on the night after 
 the fire in the King's Bastion, a shell filled with 
 combustibles set this building also in flames. A 
 fearful scene ensued. All the English batteries 
 opened upon it. The roar of mortars and can- 
 non, the rushing and screaming of round-shot 
 and grape, the hissing of fuses and the explosion 
 of grenades and bombs mingled with a storm of 
 musketry from the covered way and trenches ; 
 while, by the glare of the conflagration, the Eng- 
 lish regiments were seen drawn up in battle array, 
 before the ramparts, as if preparing for an assault. 
 
 Two days after, at one o'clock in the morning, a 
 burst of loud cheers was heard in the distance, fol- 
 lowed by confused cries and the noise of musketry, 
 
17 58-] THE END NEAR. 69 
 
 which lasted but a moment. Six hundred English 
 sailors had silently rowed into the harbor and seized 
 the two remaining ships, the "Prudent" and the 
 " Bienfaisant." After the first hubbub all was silent 
 for half an hour. Then a light glowed through 
 the thick fog that covered the water. The " Pru- 
 dent" was burning. Being aground with the low 
 tide, her captors had set her on fire, allowing the 
 men on board to escape to the town in her boats. 
 The flames soon wrapped her from stem to stern ; 
 and as the broad glare pierced the illumined mists, 
 the English sailors, reckless of shot and shell, 
 towed her companion-ship, with all on board, to a 
 safe anchorage under Wolfe's batteries. 
 
 The position of the besieged was deplorable. 
 Nearly a fourth of their number were in the hos- 
 pitals ; while the rest, exhausted with incessant 
 toil, could find no place to snatch an hour of 
 sleep ; " and yet," says an officer, " they still 
 show ardor." " To-day," he again says, on the 
 twenty-fourth, "the fire of the place is so weak 
 that it is more like funeral guns than a de- 
 fence." On the front of the town only four cannon 
 could fire at all. The rest were either dismounted 
 or silenced by the musketry from the trenches. 
 The masonry of the ramparts had been shaken 
 by the concussion of their own guns ; and now, 
 in the Dauphin's and King's bastions, the Eng- 
 lish shot brought it down in masses. The trenches 
 had been pushed so close on the rising grounds at 
 the right that a great part of the covered way 
 was enfiladed, while a battery on a hill across the 
 
70 LOUISBOUEG. [1758. 
 
 harbor swept the whole front with a flank fire. 
 Amherst had ordered the gunners to spare the 
 houses of the town; but, according to French 
 accounts, the order had little effect, for shot and 
 shell fell everywhere. " There is not a house in 
 the place," says the Diary just quoted, " that has 
 not felt the effects of this formidable artillery. 
 From yesterday morning till seven o'clock this 
 evening we reckon that a thousand or twelve 
 hundred bombs, great and small, have been thrown 
 into the town, accompanied all the time by the 
 fire of forty pieces of cannon, served with an 
 activity not often seen. The hospital and the 
 houses around it, which also serve as hospitals, 
 are attacked with cannon and mortar. The sur- 
 geon trembles as he amputates a limb amid cries 
 of Gave la bombe ! and leaves his patient in the 
 midst of the operation, lest he should share his 
 fate. The sick and wounded, stretched on mat- 
 tresses, utter cries of pain, which do not cease till 
 a shot or the bursting of a shell ends them." 1 
 On the twenty-sixth the last cannon was silenced 
 in front of the town, and the English batteries 
 had made a breach which seemed practicable for 
 assault. 
 
 On the day before, Drucour, with his chief offi- 
 cers and the engineer, Franquet, had made the 
 
 1 Early in the siege Drucour wrote to Amherst asking that the hospi- 
 tals should be exempt from fire. Amherst answered that shot and shell 
 might fall on any part of so small a town, but promised to insure the sick 
 and wounded from molestation if Drucour would send them either to the 
 island at the mouth of the harbor, or to any of the ships, if anchored apart 
 from the rest. The offer was declined, for reasons not stated. Drucour 
 gives the correspondence in his Diary. 
 
1758.] THE WHITE FLAG. 71 
 
 tour of the covered way, and examined the state 
 of the defences. All but Franquet were for offer- 
 ing to capitulate. Early on the next morning a 
 council of war was held, at which were present 
 Drucour, Franquet, Desgouttes, naval commander, 
 Houlliere, commander of the regulars, and the 
 several chiefs of battalions. Franquet presented 
 a memorial setting forth the state of the fortifi- 
 cations. As it was he who had reconstructed and 
 repaired them, he was anxious to show the quality 
 of his work in the best light possible ; and there- 
 fore, in the view of his auditors, he understated 
 the effects of the English fire. Hence an alterca- 
 tion arose, ending in a unanimous decision to ask 
 for terms. Accordingly, at ten o'clock, a white 
 flag was displayed over the breach in the Dauph- 
 in's Bastion, and an officer named Loppinot was 
 sent out with offers to capitulate. The answer 
 was prompt and stern : the garrison must surren- 
 der as prisoners of war ; a definite reply must be 
 given within an hour ; in case of refusal the 
 place will be attacked by land and sea. 1 
 
 Great was the emotion in the council ; and one 
 of its members, D'Anthonay, lieutenant-colonel of 
 the battalion of Volontaires Etrangers, was sent 
 to propose less rigorous terms. Amherst would 
 not speak with him; and jointly with Boscawen 
 despatched this note to the Governor : — 
 
 Sib, — We have just received the reply which it has 
 pleased your Excellency to make as to the conditions of the 
 capitulation offered you. We shall not change in the least 
 
 1 Mante and other English writers give the text of this reply. 
 
72 LOUISBOURG. [1758. 
 
 our views regarding them. It depends on your Excellency 
 to accept them or not ; and you will have the goodness to 
 give your answer, yes or^no, within half an hour. 
 We have the honor to be, etc., 
 
 E. Boscawen, 
 J. Amhekst. 1 
 Drucour answered as follows : — 
 
 Gentlemen, — To reply to your Excellencies in as few 
 ■words as possible, I have the honor to repeat that my 
 position also remains the same, and that I persist in my 
 first resolution. 
 
 I have the honor to be, etc., 
 
 The Chevalier de Drucour. 
 
 In other words, he refused the English terms, 
 and declared his purpose to abide the assault. 
 Loppinot was sent back to the English camp with 
 this note of defiance. He was no sooner gone 
 than PreVost, the intendant, an officer of functions 
 purely civil, brought the Governor a memorial 
 which, with or without the knowledge of the 
 military authorities, he had drawn up in antici- 
 pation of the emergency. " The violent resolution 
 which the council continues to hold," said this doc- 
 ument, " obliges me, for the good of the state, the 
 preservation of the King's subjects, and the avert- 
 ing of horrors shocking to humanity, to lay before 
 your eyes the consequences that may ensue. What 
 will become of the four thousand souls who com- 
 pose the families of this town, of the thousand 
 or twelve hundred sick in the hospitals, and the 
 officers and crews of our unfortunate ships ? They 
 will be delivered over to carnage and the rage of 
 
 1 Translated from the Journal of Drucour. 
 
1758.] SURRENDER. 73 
 
 an unbridled soldiery, eager for plunder, and im- 
 pelled to deeds of horror by pretended resentment 
 at what has formerly happened in Canada. Thus 
 they will all be destroyed, and the memory of their 
 fate will live forever in our colonies. ... It re- 
 mains, Monsieur," continues the paper, "to remind 
 you that the councils you have held thus far have 
 been composed of none but military officers. I am 
 not surprised at their views. The glory of the 
 King's arms and the honor of their several corps 
 have inspired them. You and I alone are charged 
 with the administration of the colony and the care 
 of the King's subjects who compose it. These 
 gentlemen, therefore, have had no regard for them. 
 They think only of themselves and their soldiers, 
 whose business it is to encounter the utmost 
 extremity of peril. It is at the prayer of an in- 
 timidated people that I lay before you the 
 considerations specified in this memorial." 
 
 "In view of these considerations," writes Dru- 
 cour, " joined to the impossibility of resisting an 
 assault, M. le Chevalier de Courserac undertook in 
 my behalf to run after the bearer of my answer to 
 the English commander and bring it back." It is 
 evident that the bearer of the note had been in no 
 hurry to deliver it, for he had scarcely got beyond 
 the fortifications when Courserac overtook and 
 stopped him. D'Anthonay, with Duvivier, major 
 of the battalion of Artois, and Loppinot, the first 
 messenger, was then sent to the English camp, em- 
 powered to accept the terms imposed. An English 
 spectator thus describes their arrival : "A lieu- 
 
74 LOUISBOURG. [1758. 
 
 tenant-colonel came running out of the garrison, 
 making signs at a distance, and bawling out as loud 
 as he could, ' We accept ! We accept ! ' He was fol- 
 lowed by two others ; and they were all conducted 
 to General Amherst's headquarters." 1 At eleven 
 o'clock at night they returned with the articles 
 of capitulation and the following letter : — 
 
 Sie, — We have the honor to send your Excellency the 
 articles of capitulation signed. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel D'Anthonay has not failed to speak 
 in behalf of the inhabitants of the town ; and it is nowise 
 our intention to distress them, but to give them all the aid 
 in our power. 
 
 Your Excellency will have, the goodness to sign a dupli- 
 cate of the articles and send it to us. 
 
 It only remains to assure your Excellency that we shall 
 with great pleasure seize every opportunity to convince 
 your Excellency that we are with the most perfect consid- 
 eration, 
 
 Sir, your Excellency's most obedient servants, 
 
 E. Boscawen. 
 J. Amherst. 
 
 The articles stipulated that the garrison should 
 be sent to England, prisoners of war, in British 
 ships; that all artillery, arms, munitions, and 
 stores, both in Louisbourg and elsewhere on the 
 Island of Cape Breton, as well as on Isle St.-Jean, 
 now Prince Edward's Island, should be given up 
 intact; that the gate of the Dauphin's Bastion 
 should be delivered to the British troops at eight 
 o'clock in the morning; and that the garrison 
 should lay down their arms at noon. The victors, 
 
 1 Authentic Account of the Siege of Louisbourg, by a Spectator. 
 
1758.] ITS CAPTURE. 75 
 
 on their part, promised to give the French sick 
 and wounded the same care as their own, and to 
 protect private property from pillage. 
 
 Drucour signed the paper at midnight, and in 
 the morning a body of grenadiers took possession 
 of the Dauphin's Gate. The rude soldiery poured 
 in, swarthy with wind and sun, and begrimed with 
 smoke and dust ; the garrison, drawn up on the 
 esplanade, flung down their muskets and marched 
 from the ground with tears of rage ; the cross of 
 St. George floated over the shattered rampart ; and 
 Louisbourg, with the two great islands that de- 
 pended on it, passed to the British Crown. Guards 
 were posted, a stern discipline was enforced, and 
 perfect order maintained. The conquerors and the 
 conquered exchanged greetings, and the English 
 general was lavish of courtesies to the brave lady 
 who had aided the defence so well. " Every favor 
 she asked was granted," says a Frenchman present. 
 
 Drucour and bis garrison had made a gallant 
 defence. It had been his aim to prolong the siege 
 till it should be too late for Amherst to co-operate 
 with Abercromby in an attack on Canada ; and in 
 this, at least, he succeeded. 
 
 Five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven 
 officers, soldiers, and sailors were prisoners in the 
 hands of the victors. Eighteen mortars and two 
 hundred and twenty-one cannon were found in the 
 town, along with a great quantity of arms, muni- 
 tions, and stores. 1 At the middle of August such 
 
 i Account of the Guns, Mortars, Shot, Shell, etc., found in the Town of 
 Louisbourg upon its Surrender this day, signed Jeffrey Amherst, 27 July, 1758. 
 
76 LOUISBOURG. [1758'. 
 
 of the prisoners as were not disabled by wounds 
 or sickness were embarked for England, and the 
 merchants and inhabitants were sent to France. 
 Brigadier Whitmore, as governor of Louisbourg, 
 remained with four regiments to hold guard over 
 the desolation they had made. 
 
 The fall of the French stronghold was hailed in 
 England with noisy rapture. Addresses of con- 
 gratulation to the King poured in from all the 
 cities of the kingdom, and the captured flags were 
 hung in St. Paul's amid the roar of cannon and 
 the shouts of the populace. The provinces shared 
 these rejoicings. Sermons of thanksgiving re- 
 sounded from countless New England pulpits. At 
 Newport there were fireworks and illuminations ; 
 and, adds the pious reporter, " We have reason to 
 believe that Christians will make wise and reli- 
 gious improvement of so signal a favor of Divine 
 Providence." At Philadelphia a like display was 
 seen, with music and universal ringing of bells. 
 At Boston " a stately bonfire like a pyramid was 
 kindled on the top of Fort Hill, which made a 
 lofty and prodigious blaze ; " though here certain 
 jealous patriots protested against celebrating a 
 victory won by British regulars, and not by New 
 England men. At New York there was a grand 
 official dinner at the Province Arms in Broadway, 
 where every loyal toast was echoed by the cannon 
 of Fort George ; and illuminations and fireworks 
 closed the day. 1 In the camp of Abercromby at 
 Lake George, Chaplain Cleaveland, of Bagley's 
 
 1 These particulars are from the provincial newspapers. 
 
1758.] GOOD NEWS AT ANNAPOLIS. 77 
 
 Massachusetts regiment, wrote : " The General put 
 out orders that the breastwork should be lined 
 with troops, and to fire three rounds for joy, and 
 give thanks to God in a religious way." 1 But no- 
 where did the tidings find a warmer welcome than 
 in the small detached forts scattered through the 
 solitudes of Nova Scotia, where the military exiles, 
 restless from inaction, listened with greedy ears 
 for every word from the great world whence they 
 were banished. So slow were their communica- 
 tions with it that the fall of Louisbourg was known 
 in England before it had reached them all. Cap- 
 tain John Knox, then in garrison at Annapolis, 
 tells how it was greeted there more than five 
 weeks after the event. It was the sixth of Sep- 
 tember. A sloop from Boston was seen coming up 
 the bay. Soldiers and officers ran down to the 
 wharf to ask for news. " Every soul," says Knox, 
 " was impatient, yet shy of asking ; at length, the 
 vessel being come near enough to be spoken to, I 
 called out, ' What news from Louisbourg ? ' To 
 which the master simply replied, and with some 
 gravity, ' Nothing strange.' This answer, which 
 was so coldly delivered, threw us all into great con- 
 sternation, and we looked at each other without 
 being able to speak ; some of us even turned away 
 with an intent to return to the fort. At length 
 one of our soldiers, not yet satisfied, called out 
 with some warmth : ' Damn you, Pumpkin, is n't 
 Louisbourg taken yet ? ' The poor New England 
 man then answered: 'Taken, yes, above a month 
 
 1 Cleaveland, Journal. 
 
78 LOUISBOXJRG. [1758. 
 
 ago, and I have been there since ; but if you have 
 never heard it before, I have got a good parcel of 
 letters for you now.' If our apprehensions were 
 great at first, words are insufficient to express our 
 transports at this speech, the latter part of which 
 we hardly waited for ; but instantly all hats flew 
 off, and we made the neighboring woods resound 
 with our cheers and huzzas for almost half an 
 hour. The master of the sloop was amazed be- 
 yond expression, and declared be thought we had 
 heard of the success of our arms eastward before, 
 and had sought to banter him." * At night there 
 was a grand bonfire and universal festivity in the 
 fort and village. 
 
 Amherst proceeded to complete his conquest by 
 the subjection of all the adjacent possessions of 
 France. Major Dalling was sent to occupy Port 
 Espagnol, now Sydney. Colonel Monckton was 
 despatched to the Bay of Fundy and the River St. 
 John with an order " to destroy the vermin who 
 are settled there." 2 Lord Rollo, with the thirty- 
 fifth regiment and two battalions of the sixtieth, 
 received the submission of Isle St.-Jean, and tried 
 to remove the inhabitants, — with small success ; 
 for out of more than four thousand he could 
 catch but seven hundred. 3 
 
 The ardent and indomitable Wolfe had been the 
 life of the siege. Wherever there was need of a 
 quick eye, a prompt decision, and a bold dash, 
 
 1 Knox, Historical Journal, I. 158. 
 
 2 Orders of Amherst to Wolfe, 15 Aug. 1758 ; Ibid, to Monckton, 24 Aug. 
 1758; Report of Monckton, 12 Nov. 1758. 
 
 8 Villejouin, commandant a I'Isle St.-Jean, au Ministre, 8 Sept. 1758. 
 
1758.] DISCONTENT OF WOLFE. 79 
 
 there his lank figure was always in the front. 
 Yet he was only half pleased with what had been 
 done. The capture of Louisbourg, he thought, 
 should be but the prelude of greater conquests ; 
 and he had hoped that the fleet and army would 
 sail up the St. Lawrence and attack Quebec. Im- 
 petuous and impatient by nature, and irritable 
 with disease, he chafed at the delay that followed 
 the capitulation, and wrote to his father a few 
 days after it: "We are gathering strawberries and 
 other wild fruits of the country, with a seeming 
 indifference about what is doing in other parts of 
 the world. Our army, however, on the continent 
 wants our help." Growing more anxious, he sent 
 Amherst a note to ask his intentions ; and the 
 General replied, " What I most wish to do is to go 
 to Quebec. I have proposed it to the Admiral, 
 and yesterday he seemed to think it impracticable." 
 On which Wolfe wrote again : " If the Admiral 
 will not carry us to Quebec, reinforcements should 
 certainly be sent to the continent without losing 
 a moment. This damned French garrison take 
 up our time and attention, which might be better 
 bestowed. The transports are ready, and a small 
 convoy would carry a brigade to Boston or New 
 York. With the rest of the troops we might 
 make an offensive and destructive war in the Bay 
 of Fundy and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. I beg 
 pardon for this freedom, but I cannot look coolly 
 upon the bloody inroads of those hell-hounds, the 
 Canadians ; and if nothing further is to be done, 
 I must desire leave to quit the army." 
 
80 LOUISBOUEG. [1758. 
 
 Amherst answered that though he had meant at 
 first to go to Quebec with the whole army, late 
 events on the continent made it impossible ; and 
 that he now thought it best to go with five or six 
 regiments to the aid of Abercromby. He asked 
 Wolfe to continue to communicate his views to 
 him, and would not hear for a moment of his 
 leaving the army ; adding, " I know nothing that 
 can tend more to His Majesty's service than your 
 assisting in it." Wolfe again wrote to his com- 
 mander, with whom he was on terms of friendship : 
 "An offensive, daring kind of war will awe the 
 Indians and ruin the French. Blockhouses and a 
 trembling defensive encourage the meanest scound- 
 rels to attack us. If you will attempt to cut up 
 New France by the roots, I will come with pleasure 
 to assist." 
 
 Amherst, with such speed as his deliberate na- 
 ture would permit, sailed with six regiments for 
 Boston to reinforce Abercromby at Lake George, 
 while Wolfe set out on an errand but little to 
 his liking. He had orders to proceed to Gaspe", 
 Miramichi, and other settlements on the Gulf of 
 St. Lawrence, destroy them, and disperse their in- 
 habitants ; a measure of needless and unpardon- 
 able rigor, which, while detesting it, he executed 
 with characteristic thoroughness. " Sir Charles 
 Hardy and I," he wrote to his father, " are prepar- 
 ing to rob the fishermen of their nets and burn 
 their huts. When that great exploit is at an 
 end, I return to Louisbourg, and thence to Eng- 
 land." Having finished the work, he wrote to 
 
1768.] WOLFE AT GASPE. 81 
 
 Amherst : " Your orders were carried into execu- 
 tion. We have done a great deal of mischief, and 
 spread the terror of His Majesty's arms through the 
 Gulf, but have added nothing to the reputation of 
 them." The destruction of property was great; 
 yet, as Knox writes, " he would not suffer the 
 least barbarity to be committed upon the persons 
 of the wretched inhabitants." 1 
 
 He returned to Louisbourg, and sailed for Eng- 
 land to recruit his shattered health for greater 
 conflicts. 
 
 Note. — Four long and minute French diaries of the siege of Louis- 
 bourg are before me. The first, that of Drucour, covers a hundred and 
 six folio pages, and contains his correspondence with Amherst, Boscawen, 
 and Desgouttes. The second is that of the naval captain Tourville, com- 
 mander of the ship " Capricieux," and covers fifty pages. The third is by 
 an officer of the garrison whose name does not appear. The fourth, of 
 about a hundred pages, is by another officer of the garrison, and is also 
 anonymous. It is an excellent record of what passed each day, and of 
 the changing conditions, moral and physical, of the besieged. These 
 four Journals, though clearly independent of each other, agree in nearly 
 all essential particulars. I have also numerous letters from the principal 
 officers, military, naval, and civil, engaged in the defence, — Drucour, 
 Desgouttes, Houlliere, Beaussier, Marolles, Tourville, Courserac, Fran- 
 quet, Villejouin, Prevost, and Querdisien. These, with various other 
 documents relating to the siege, were copied from the originals in the 
 Archives de la Marine. Among printed authorities on the French side 
 may be mentioned Pichon, Lettres et Memoires pour servir a VHistoire du 
 Cap-Breton, and the Campaign of Louisbourg, by the Chevalier Johnstone, 
 a Scotch Jacobite serving under Drucour. 
 
 The chief authorities on the English side are the official Journal of 
 Amherst, printed in the London Magazine and in other contemporary peri- 
 odicals, and also in Mante, History of the Late War; five letters from 
 Amherst to Pitt, written during the siege (Public Record Office) ; an 
 excellent private Journal called An Authentic Account of the Reduction of 
 Louisbourg, by a Spectator, parts of which have been copied verbatim 
 by Entick without acknowledgment; the admirable Journal of Captain 
 John Knox, which contains numerous letters and orders relating to the 
 
 1 " Les Anglais ont tres-bien traites les prisonniers qu'ils ont faits dans 
 cette partie " [Gaspe, etc]. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 4 Nov. 1758. 
 VOL. II. — 6 
 
82 LOUISBOURG. [1758. 
 
 siege ; and the correspondence of Wolfe contained in his Life by Wright. 
 Before me is the Diary of a captain or subaltern in the army of Amherst 
 at Louisbourg, found in the garret of an old house at Windsor, Nova 
 Scotia, on an estate belonging in 1760 to Chief Justice Deschamps. I 
 owe the use of it to the kindness of George Wiggins, Esq., of Windsor, 
 N. S. Mante gives an excellent plan of the siege operations, and an- 
 other will be found in Jefferys, Natural and Civil History of Fremiti 
 Dominions in North America. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 1758. 
 
 TICONDEROGA. 
 
 Activity of the Provinces. — Sacrifices of Massachusetts. — The 
 Army at Lake George. — Proposed Incursion of Levis. — Per- 
 plexities of Montcalm. — His Plan of Defence. — Camp of 
 Abercromby. — His Character. — Lord Howe. — His Popu- 
 larity. — Embarkation of Abercromby. — Advance down 
 Lake George. — Landing. — Eorest Skirmish. — Death of 
 Howe. — Its Effects. — Position of the French. — The Lines 
 of Ticonderoga. — Blunders of Abercromby. — The Assault. 
 — A frightful Scene. — Incidents of the Battle. — British 
 Repulse. — Panic. — Retreat. — Triumph of Montcalm. 
 
 In the last year Loudon called on the colonists 
 for four thousand men. This year Pitt asked 
 them for twenty thousand, and promised that the 
 King would supply arms, ammunition, tents, and 
 provisions, leaving to the provinces only the rais- 
 ing, clothing, and pay of their soldiers ; and he 
 added the assurance that Parliament would be 
 asked to make some compensation even for these. 1 
 Thus encouraged, cheered by the removal of 
 Loudon, and animated by the unwonted vigor of 
 British military preparation, the several provin- 
 cial assemblies voted men in abundance, though 
 the usual vexatious delays took place in raising, 
 equipping, and sending them to the field. 
 
 1 Pitt to the Colonial Governors, 30 Dec. 1757. 
 
84 TICONDEEOGA. [1758. 
 
 In this connection, an able English writer has 
 brought against the colonies, and especially against 
 Massachusetts, charges which deserve attention. 
 Viscount Bury says : " Of all the colonies, Massa- 
 chusetts was the first which discovered the designs 
 of the French and remonstrated against their ag- 
 gressions ; of all the colonies she most zealously 
 promoted measures of union for the common de- 
 fence, and made the greatest exertions in further- 
 ance of her views." But he adds that there is a 
 reverse to the picture, and that " this colony, so 
 high-spirited, so warlike, and apparently so loyal, 
 would never move hand or foot in her own de- 
 fence till certain of repayment by the mother 
 country." * The groundlessness of this charge is 
 shown by abundant proofs, one of which will be 
 enough. The Englishman Pownall, who had suc- 
 ceeded Shirley as royal governor of the province, 
 made this year a report of its condition to Pitt. 
 Massachusetts, he says, "has been the frontier 
 and advanced guard of all the colonies against 
 the enemy in Canada," and has always taken the 
 lead in military affairs. In the three past years 
 she has spent on the expeditions of Johnson, Wins- 
 low, and Loudon £242,356, besides about £45,000 
 a year to support the provincial government, at 
 the same time maintaining a number of forts and 
 garrisons, keeping up scouting-parties, and build- 
 ing, equipping, and manning a ship of twenty 
 guns for the service of the King. In the first 
 two months of the present year, 1758, she made 
 
 1 Bury, Exodus of the Western Nations, II. 250, 251. 
 
1758.] EFFORTS OF MASSACHUSETTS. 85 
 
 a further military outlay of £172,239. Of all 
 these sums she has received from Parliament a 
 reimbursement of only £70,117, and hence she is 
 deep in debt ; yet, in addition, she has this year 
 raised, paid, maintained, and clothed seven thou- 
 sand soldiers placed under the command of General 
 Abercromby, besides above twenty-five hundred 
 more serving the King by land or sea ; amounting 
 in all to about one in four of her able-bodied men. 
 Massachusetts was extremely poor by the stand- 
 ards of the present day, living by fishing, farming, 
 and a trade sorely hampered by the British navi- 
 gation laws. Her contributions of money and 
 men were not ordained by an absolute king, but 
 made by the voluntary act of a free people. Pow- 
 nall goes on to say that her present war-debt, due 
 within three years, is 366,698 pounds sterling, and 
 that to meet it she has imposed on herself taxes 
 amounting, in the town of Boston, to thirteen 
 shillings and twopence to every pound of income 
 from real and personal estate ; that her people 
 are in distress, that she is anxious to continue her 
 efforts in the public cause, but that without some 
 further reimbursement she is exhausted and help- 
 less. 1 Yet in the next year she incurred a new 
 and heavy debt. In 1760 Parliament repaid her 
 £59,575. 2 Far from being fully reimbursed, the 
 
 1 Pownall to Pitt, 30 Sept. 1758 (Public Record Office, America and 
 West Indies, LXXL). "The province of Massachusetts Bay has exerted 
 itself with great zeal and at vast expense for the public service." 
 Registers of Privy Council, 26 July, 1757. 
 
 2 Bollan, Agent of Massachusetts, to Speaker of Assembly , 20 March, 1760. 
 It was her share of £200,000 granted to all the colonies in the proportion, 
 of their respective efforts. 
 
86 TICONDEROGA. [175& 
 
 end of the war found her on the brink of bank- 
 ruptcy. Connecticut made equal sacrifices in the 
 common cause, — highly to her honor, for she was 
 little exposed to danger, being covered by the 
 neighboring provinces; while impoverished New 
 Hampshire put one in three of her able-bodied 
 men into the field. 1 
 
 In June the combined British and provincial 
 force which Abercromby was to lead against Ti- 
 conderoga was gathered at the head of Lake 
 George ; while Montcalm lay at its outlet around 
 the walls of the French stronghold, with an army 
 not one fourth so numerous. Vaudreuil had de- 
 vised a plan for saving Ticonderoga by a diver- 
 sion into the valley of the Mohawk under Levis, 
 Rigaud, and Longueuil, with sixteen hundred men, 
 who were to be joined by as many Indians. The 
 English forts of that region were to be attacked, 
 Schenectady threatened, and the Five Nations 
 compelled to declare for France. 2 Thus, as the 
 Governor gave out, the English would be forced 
 to cease from aggression, leave Montcalm in peace, 
 and think only of defending themselves. 3 " This," 
 writes Bougainville on the fifteenth of June, " is 
 what M. de Vaudreuil thinks will happen, because 
 he never doubts anything. Ticonderoga, which is 
 the point really threatened, is abandoned without 
 support to the troops of the line and their general. 
 
 1 Address to His Majesty from the Governor, Council, and Assembly of 
 New Hampshire, Jan. 1759. i 
 
 2 Levis au Ministre, 17 Juin, 1758. Doreil au Ministre, 16 Juin, 1758. 
 Montcalm.a sa Femme, 18 Avril, 1758. 
 
 8 Correspondance de Vaudreuil, 1758. Livre d'Ordres, Juin, 1758. 
 
1758.] POSITION OF MONTCALM. 87 
 
 It would even be wished that they might meet a 
 reverse, if the consequences to the colony would 
 not be too disastrous." 
 
 The proposed movement promised, no doubt, 
 great advantages ; but it was not destined to 
 take effect. Some rangers taken on Lake George 
 by a partisan officer named Langy declared with 
 pardonable exaggeration that twenty-five or thirty 
 thousand men would attack Ticonderoga in less 
 than a fortnight. Vaudreuil saw himself forced 
 to abandon his Mohawk expedition, and to order 
 Levis and his followers, who had not yet left 
 Montreal, to reinforce Montcalm. 1 Why they did 
 not go at once is not clear. The Governor de- 
 clares that there were not boats enough. From 
 . whatever cause, there was a long delay, and 
 Montcalm was left to defend himself as he 
 could. 
 
 He hesitated whether he should not fall back to 
 Crown Point. The engineer, Lotbiniere, opposed 
 the plan, as did also Le Mercier. 2 It was but a 
 choice of difficulties, and he stayed at Ticon- 
 deroga. His troops were disposed as they had 
 been in the summer before ; one battalion, that of 
 Berry, being left near the fort, while the main 
 body, under Montcalm himself, was encamped by 
 the saw-mill at the Falls, and the rest, under 
 Bourlamaque,* occupied the head of the portage, 
 with a small advanced force at the landing-place 
 
 1 Bigot au Ministre, 21 Juillet, 1758. 
 
 2 N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 893. Lotbiniere's relative, Vaudreuil, confirms 
 the statement Montcalm had not, as has been said, begun already to 
 fall back. 
 
88 TICONDEROGA. . [1768. 
 
 on Lake George. It remained to determine at 
 which of these points he should concentrate them 
 and make his stand against the English. Ruin 
 threatened him in any case; each position had 
 its fatal weakness or its peculiar danger, and his 
 best hope was in the ignorance or blundering of 
 his enemy. He seems to have been several days 
 in a state of indecision. 
 
 In the afternoon of the fifth of July the parti- 
 san Langy, who had again gone out to reconnoitre 
 towards the head of Lake George, came back in 
 haste with the report that the English were em- 
 barked in great force. Montcalm sent a canoe 
 down Lake Champlain to hasten Levis to his 
 aid, and ordered the battalion of Berry to begin 
 a breastwork and abattis on the high ground in 
 front of the fort. That they were not begun 
 before shows that he was in doubt as to his plan 
 of defence ; and that his whole army was not 
 now set to work at them shows that his doubt 
 was still unsolved. 
 
 It was nearly a month since Abercromby had 
 begun his camp at the head of Lake George. 
 Here, on the ground where Johnson had beaten 
 Dieskau, where Montcalm had planted his bat- 
 teries, and Monro vainly defended the wooden 
 ramparts of Fort William Henry, were now as- 
 sembled more than fifteen thousand men ; and 
 the shores, the foot of the mountains, and the 
 broken plains between them were studded thick 
 with tents. Of regulars there were six thousand 
 three hundred and sixty-seven, officers and soldiers, 
 
1758.] LORD HOWE. 89 
 
 and of provincials nine thousand and thirty-four. 1 
 To the New England levies, or at least to their 
 chaplains, the expedition seemed a crusade against 
 the abomination of Babylon ; and they discoursed 
 in their sermons of Moses sending forth Joshua 
 against Amalek. Abercromby, raised to his place 
 by political influence, was little but the nominal 
 commander. "A heavy man," said Wolfe in a 
 letter to his father; "an aged gentleman, infirm 
 in body and mind," wrote William Parkman, a 
 boy of seventeen, who carried a musket in a Mas- 
 sachusetts regiment, and kept in his knapsack a 
 dingy little note-book, in which he jotted down 
 what passed each day. 2 The age of the aged 
 gentleman was fifty-two. 
 
 Pitt meant that the actual command of the 
 army should be in the hands of Brigadier Lord 
 Howe, 8 and he was in fact its real chief ; " the 
 noblest Englishman that has appeared in my time, 
 and the best soldier in the British army," says 
 Wolfe. 4 And he elsewhere speaks of him as 
 "that great man." Abercromby testifies to the 
 universal respect and love with which officers and 
 men regarded him, and Pitt calls him " a character 
 of ancient times; a complete model of military 
 virtue." 5 High as this praise is, it seems to have 
 been deserved. The young nobleman, who was 
 
 1 Abercromby to Pitt, 12 July, 1758. 
 
 2 Great-uncle of the writer, and son of the Rev. Ebenezer Parkman 
 graduate of Harvard, and minister of Westborough, Mass. 
 
 8 Chesterfield, Letters, IV. 260 (ed. Mahon). 
 
 * Wolfe to his Father, 7 Aug. 1758, in Wright, 450. 
 
 ' Pitt to Grenville, 22 Aug. 1758, in Grenville Papers, I. 262. 
 
90 TICONDEROGA. [175& 
 
 then in his thirty-fourth year, had the qualities of 
 a leader of men. The army felt him, from general 
 to drummer-boy. He was its soul; and while 
 breathing into it his own energy and ardor, and 
 bracing it by stringent discipline, he broke through 
 the traditions of the service and gave it new shapes 
 to suit the time and place. During the past year 
 he had studied the art of forest warfare, and joined 
 Rogers and his rangers in their scouting-parties, 
 sharing all their hardships and making himself 
 one of them. Perhaps the reforms that he intro- 
 duced were fruits of this rough self-imposed school- 
 ing. He made officers and men throw off all 
 useless incumbrances, cut their hair close, wear 
 leggings to protect them from briers, brown the 
 barrels of their muskets, and carry in their knap- 
 sacks thirty pounds of meal, which they cooked 
 for themselves ; so that, according to an admiring 
 Frenchman, they could live a month without their 
 supply-trains. 1 " You would laugh to see the droll 
 figure we all make," writes an officer. " Regulars- 
 as well as provincials have cut their coats so as 
 scarcely to reach their waists. No officer or pri- 
 vate is allowed to carry more than one blanket and 
 a bearskin. A small portmanteau is allowed each 
 officer. No women follow the camp to wash our 
 linen. Lord Howe has already shown an example- 
 by going to the brook and washing his own." 2 
 
 Here, as in all things, he shared the lot of the 
 soldier, and required his officers to share it. A 
 
 1 Pouchot, Derniere Guerre de I'Amerique, I. 140. 
 
 a Letter from Camp, 12 June, 1758, in Boston Evening Post. Another ia 
 Boston News Letter, contains similar statements- 
 
1758.] LORD HOWE. 92 
 
 story is told of him that before the army embarked 
 he invited some of them to dinner in his tent, 
 where they found no seats but logs, and no carpet 
 but bearskins. A servant presently placed on the 
 ground a large dish of pork and peas, on which his 
 lordship took from his pocket a sheath containing 
 a knife and fork and began to cut the meat. The 
 guests looked on in some embarrassment; upon 
 which he said : " Is it possible, gentlemen, that you 
 have come on this campaign without providing 
 yourselves with what is necessary ? " And he 
 gave each of them a sheath, with a knife and fork, 
 like his own. 
 
 Yet this Lycurgus of the camp, as a contempo- 
 rary calls him, is described as a man of social ac- 
 complishments rare even in his rank. He made 
 himself greatly beloved by the provincial officers, 
 with many of whom he was on terms of intimacy, 
 and he did what he could to break down the bar- 
 riers between the colonial soldiers and the British 
 regulars. When he was at Albany, sharing with 
 other high officers the kindly hospitalities of Mrs. 
 Schuyler, he so won the heart of that excellent 
 matron that she loved him like a son ; and, though 
 not given to such effusion, embraced him with 
 tears on the morning when he left her to 
 lead his division to the lake. 1 In Westminster 
 Abbey may be seen the tablet on which- Massa- 
 chusetts pays grateful tribute to his virtues, and 
 commemorates " the affection her officers and 
 soldiers bore to his command." 
 
 1 Mrs. Grant, Memoirs of an American Lady, 226 (ed. 1876). 
 
92 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 On the evening of the fourth of July, baggage, 
 stores, and ammunition were all on board the 
 boats, and the whole army embarked on the morn- 
 ing of the fifth. The arrangements were per- 
 fect. Each corps marched without confusion to 
 its appointed station on the beach, and the sun 
 was scarcely above the ridge of French Moun- 
 tain when all were afloat. A spectator watch- 
 ing them from the shore says that when the fleet 
 was three miles on its way, the surface of the lake 
 at that distance was completely hidden from sight. 1 
 There were nine hundred bateaux, a hundred and 
 thirty-five whaleboats, and a large number of 
 heavy flatboats carrying the artillery. The whole 
 advanced in three divisions, the regulars in the 
 centre, and the provincials on the flanks. Each 
 corps had its flags and its music. The day was 
 fair and men and officers were in the highest 
 spirits. 
 
 Before ten o'clock they began to enter the Nar- 
 rows ; and the boats of the three divisions ex- 
 tended themselves into long files as the mountains 
 closed on either hand upon the contracted lake. 
 From front to rear the line was six miles long. 
 The spectacle was superb : the brightness of the 
 summer day ; the romantic beauty of the scenery ; 
 the sheen and sparkle of those crystal waters ; the 
 countless islets, tufted with pine, birch, and fir; 
 the bordering mountains, with their green sum- 
 mits and sunny crags ; the flash of oars and glit- 
 ter of weapons ; the banners, the varied uniforms, 
 
 1 Letter from Lake George, in Boston News Letter. 
 
1768.] ADVANCE OF ABEECEOMBY. 93 
 
 an# tlie notes of bugle, trumpet, bagpipe, and 
 drum, answered and prolonged by a hundred 
 "woodland echoes. " I never beheld so delightful 
 a prospect," wrote a wounded officer at Albany 
 a fortnight after. 
 
 Rogers with the rangers, and Gage with the 
 light infantry, led the way in whaleboats, fol- 
 lowed by Bradstreet with his corps of boatmen, 
 armed and drilled as soldiers. Then came the 
 main body. The central column of regulars was 
 commanded by Lord Howe, his own regiment, the 
 fifty-fifth, in the van, followed by the Royal Amer- 
 icans, the twenty-seventh, forty-fourth, forty-sixth, 
 and eightieth infantry, and the Highlanders of the 
 forty-second, with their major, Duncan Campbell 
 of Inverawe, silent and gloomy amid the general 
 cheer, for his soul was dark with foreshadow- 
 ings of death. 1 With this central column came 
 what are described as two floating castles, which 
 were no doubt batteries to cover the landing of 
 the troops. On the right hand and the left were 
 the provincials, uniformed in blue, regiment after 
 regiment, from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
 York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island. Behind 
 them all came the bateaux, loaded with stores 
 and baggage, and the heavy flatboats that car- 
 ried the artillery, while a rear-guard of provincials 
 and regulars closed the long procession. 2 
 
 At five in the afternoon they reached Sabbath- 
 Day Point, twenty-five miles down the lake, where 
 
 1 See Appendix G. 
 
 2 Letter from Lake George, in Boston News Letter. Even Bogera, the 
 ranger, speaks of the beauty of the scene. 
 
94 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 they stopped till late in the evening, waiting for 
 the baggage and artillery, which had lagged be- 
 hind; and here Lord Howe, lying on a bearskin 
 by the side of the ranger, John Stark, questioned 
 him as to the position of Ticonderoga and its 
 best points of approach. At about eleven o'clock 
 they set out again, and at daybreak entered what 
 was then called the Second Narrows; that is to 
 say, the contraction of the lake where it ap- 
 proaches its outlet. Close on their left, ruddy 
 in the warm sunrise, rose the vast bare face of 
 Rogers Rock, whence a French advanced party, 
 under Langy and an officer named Trepezec, was 
 watching their movements. Lord Howe, with 
 Rogers and Bradstreet, went in whaleboats to 
 reconnoitre the landing. At the place which the 
 French called the Burnt Camp, where Montcalm 
 had embarked the summer before, they saw a 
 detachment of the enemy too weak to oppose 
 them. Their men landed and drove them off. At 
 noon the whole army was on shore. Rogers, with 
 a party of rangers, was ordered forward to recon- 
 noitre, and the troops were formed for the march. 
 
 From this part of the shore 1 a plain covered with 
 forest stretched northwestward half a mile or more 
 to the mountains behind which lay the valley of 
 Trout Brook. On this plain the army began its 
 march in four columns, with the intention of pass- 
 ing round the western bank of the river of the 
 outlet, since the bridge over it had been destroyed. 
 Rogers, with the provincial regiments of Fitch 
 
 1 Between the old and new steamboat-landings, and parts adjacent. 
 
Sketch of the 
 c o untky ro und 
 
 Tyconderoga 
 
 E. XPIfAJSTA. TION. 
 
 A.. OycoTtcZerogcc.. 
 
 _S. Retrccnchrrvervt . 
 
 C.^Aboectis. 
 
 X>. Sec yV-rniXi ■ 
 
 _E Srertch, cuZvctrtc'd- Post. 
 
 F.Isle ecu, TTlocctorv. 
 
 H. Irctrercchncetct to Cau Per y fiatteevus 
 Doen 2n/lf£. Meyer ofy-Go^ReA 
 
1758.] LANGY AND TKEPEZEC. 95 
 
 and Lyman, led the way, at some distance before 
 the rest. The forest was extremely dense and 
 heavy, and so obstructed with undergrowth that 
 it was impossible to see more than a few yards 
 in any direction, while the ground was encum- 
 bered with fallen trees in every stage of decay. 
 The ranks were broken, and the men struggled 
 on as they could in dampness and shade, under 
 a canopy of boughs that the sun could scarcely 
 pierce. The difficulty increased when, after ad- 
 vancing about a mile, they came upon undulating 
 and broken ground. They were now not far from 
 the upper rapids of the outlet. The guides became 
 bewildered in the maze of trunks and boughs ; the 
 marching columns were confused, and fell in one 
 upon the other. They were in the strange situa- 
 tion of an army lost in the woods. 
 
 The advanced party of Trench under Langy and 
 Trepezec, about three hundred and fifty in all, 
 regulars and Canadians, had tried to retreat; but 
 before they could do so, the whole English army 
 had passed them, landed, and placed itself between 
 them and their countrymen. They had no re- 
 source but to take to the woods. They seem to 
 have climbed the steep gorge at the side of 
 Rogers Rock and followed the Indian path that 
 led to the valley of Trout Brook, thinking to 
 descend it, and, by circling along the outskirts of 
 the valley of Ticonderoga, reach Montcalm's camp 
 at the saw-mill. Langy was used to bushranging ; 
 but he too became perplexed in the blind intricacies 
 of the forest. Towards the close of the day he 
 
96 TICONDEEOGA. [1758. 
 
 and his men had come out from the valley of 
 Trout Brook, and were near the junction of that 
 stream with the river of the outlet, in a state of 
 some anxiety, for they could see nothing but brown 
 trunks and green boughs. Could any of them 
 have climbed one of the great pines that here and 
 there reared their shaggy spires high above the sur- 
 rounding forest, they would have discovered where 
 they were, but would have gained not the faintest 
 knowledge of the enemy. Out of the woods on 
 the right they would have seen a smoke rising 
 from the burning huts of the French camp at the 
 head of the portage, which Bourlamaque had set 
 on fire and abandoned. At a mile or more in 
 front, the saw-mill at the Falls might perhaps have 
 been descried, and, by glimpses between the trees, 
 the tents of the neighboring camp where Mont- 
 calm still lay with his main force. All the rest 
 seemed lonely as the grave ; mountain and valley 
 lay wrapped in primeval woods, and none could 
 have dreamed that, not far distant, an army was 
 groping its way, buried in foliage ; no rumbling of 
 wagons and artillery trains, for none were there ; 
 all silent but the cawing of some crow napping his 
 black wings over the sea of tree-tops. 
 
 Lord Howe, with Major Israel Putnam and two 
 hundred rangers, was at the head of the principal 
 column, which was a little in advance of the three 
 others. Suddenly the challenge, Qui vive ! rang 
 sharply from the thickets in front. Franqais ! 
 was the reply. Langy's men were not deceived ; 
 they fired out of the bushes. The shots were 
 
1758.] DEATH OF HOWE. 97 
 
 returned ; a hot skirmish followed ; and Lord Howe 
 dropped dead, shot through the breast. All was 
 confusion. The dull, vicious reports of musketry 
 in thick woods, at first few and scattering, then 
 in fierce and rapid volleys, reached the troops 
 behind. They could hear, but see nothing. Al- 
 ready harassed and perplexed, they became per- 
 turbed. For all they knew," Montcalm's whole 
 army was upon them. Nothing prevented a 
 panic but the steadiness of the rangers, who 
 maintained the fight alone till the rest came back 
 to their senses. Rogers, with his reconnoitring 
 party, and the regiments of Fitch and Lyman, were 
 at no great distance in front. They all turned on 
 hearing the musketry, and thus the French, were 
 caught between two fires. They fought with des- 
 peration. About fifty of them at length escaped ; 
 a hundred and forty-eight were captured, and the 
 rest killed or drowned in trying to cross the 
 rapids. The loss of the English was small in 
 numbers, but immeasurable in the death of Howe. 
 " The fall of this noble and brave officer," says 
 Rogers, " seemed to produce an almost general 
 languor and consternation through the whole 
 army." "In Lord Howe," writes another con- 
 temporary, Major Thomas Mante, "the soul of 
 General Abercromby's army seemed to expire. 
 From the unhappy moment the General was de- 
 prived of his advice, neither order nor discipline 
 was observed, and a strange kind of infatuation 
 usurped the place of resolution." The death of 
 one man was the ruin of fifteen thousand. 
 
 VOL. II. 7 
 
!)8 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 The evil news was despatched to Albany, and 
 in two or three days the messenger who bore it 
 passed the house of Mrs. Schuyler on the meadows 
 above the town. " In the afternoon," says her bi- 
 ographer, " a man was seen coming from the north 
 galloping violently without his hat. Pedrom, as 
 he was familiarly called, Colonel Schulyer's only 
 surviving brother, was with her, and ran instantly 
 to inquire, well knowing that he rode express. 
 The man galloped on, crying out that Lord Howe 
 was killed. The mind of our good aunt had been 
 so engrossed by her anxiety and fears for the 
 event impending, and so impressed with the merit 
 and magnanimity of her favorite hero, that her 
 wonted firmness sank under the stroke, and she 
 broke out into bitter lamentations. This had such 
 an effect on her friends and domestics that shrieks 
 and sobs of anguish echoed through every part of 
 the house." 
 
 The effect of the loss was seen at once. The 
 army was needlessly kept under arms all night in 
 the forest, and in the morning was ordered back 
 to the landing whence it came. 1 Towards noon, 
 however, Bradstreet was sent with a detachment 
 of regulars and provincials to take possession of 
 the saw-mill at the Falls, which Montcalm had 
 abandoned the evening before. Bradstreet rebuilt 
 the bridges destroyed by the retiring enemy, and 
 sent word to his commander that the way was 
 open; on which Abercromby again put his army 
 in motion, reached the Falls late in the after- 
 
 1 Abercromby to Pitt, 12 July, 1758. 
 
1758.] MONTCALM FALLS BACK. 99 
 
 noon, and occupied the deserted encampment of the 
 French. 
 
 Montcalm with his main force had held this 
 position at the Falls through most of the preceding 
 day, doubtful, it seems, to the last whether he 
 should not make his final stand there. Bourla- 
 maque was for doing so ; but two old officers, 
 Bernes and Montguy, pointed out the danger 
 that the English would occupy the neighboring 
 heights ; 1 whereupon Montcalm at length resolved 
 to fall back. The camp was broken up at five 
 o'clock. Some of the troops embarked in bateaux, 
 while others marched a mile and a half along 
 the forest road, passed the place where the bat- 
 talion of Berry was still at work on the breastwork 
 begun in the morning, and made their bivouac 
 a little farther on, upon the cleared ground that 
 surrounded the fort. 
 
 The peninsula of Ticonderoga consists of a rocky 
 plateau, with low grounds on each side, bordering 
 Lake Champlain on the one hand, and the outlet 
 of Lake George on the other. The fort stood near 
 the end of the peninsula, which points towards 
 the southeast. Thence, as one goes westward, the 
 ground declines a little, and then slowly rises, 
 till, about half a mile from the fort, it reaches its 
 greatest elevation, and begins still more gradually 
 to decline again. Thus a ridge is formed across 
 the plateau between the steep declivities that sink 
 to the low grounds on right and left. Some weeks 
 before, a French officer named Hugues had suggested 
 
 i Pouchot, I. 145. 
 
100 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 the defence of this ridge by means of an abattis. 1 
 Montcalm approved his plan ; and now, at the 
 eleventh hour, he resolved to make his stand here. 
 The two engineers, Pontleroy and Desandrouin, 
 had already traced the outline of the works, and 
 the soldiers of the battalion of Berry had made 
 some progress in constructing them. At dawn of 
 the seventh, while Abercromby, fortunately for his 
 enemy, was drawing his troops back to the landing- 
 place, the whole French army fell to their task. 
 The regimental colors were planted along the line, 
 and the officers, stripped to the shirt, took axe in 
 hand and labored with their men. The trees that 
 covered the ground were hewn down by thousands, 
 the tops lopped off, and the trunks piled one upon 
 another to form a massive breastwork. The line 
 followed the top of the ridge, along which it zig- 
 zagged in such a manner that the whole front 
 could be swept by flank-fires of musketry and 
 grape. Abercromby describes the wall of logs as 
 between eight and nine feet high ; 2 in which case 
 there must have been a rude banquette, or platform 
 to fire from, on the inner side. It was certainly 
 so high that nothing could be seen over it but the 
 crowns of the soldiers' hats. The upper tier was 
 formed of single logs, in which notches were cut 
 to serve as loopholes ; and in some places sods and 
 bags of sand were piled along the top, with narrow 
 spaces to fire through. 3 From the central part of 
 
 1 N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 708. 
 
 2 Abercromby to Barrington, 12 July, 1758. "At least eight feet 
 high." Rogers, Journals, 116. 
 
 8 A Swiss officer of the Royal Americans, writing on the 14th, says that 
 
1758.] FRENCH DEFENCES. 101 
 
 the line the ground sloped away like a natural 
 glacis ; while at the sides, and especially on the 
 left, it was undulating and broken. Over this 
 whole space, to the distance of a musket-skot from 
 the works, the forest was cut down, and the trees 
 left lying where they fell among the stumps, 
 with tops turned outwards, forming one vast abat- 
 tis, which, as a Massachusetts officer says, looked 
 like a forest laid flat by a hurricane. 1 But the 
 most formidable obstruction was immediately along 
 the front of the breastwork, where the ground was 
 covered with heavy boughs, overlapping and inter- 
 laced, with sharpened points bristling into the face 
 of the assailant like the quills of a porcupine. As 
 these works were all of wood, no vestige of them 
 remains. The earthworks now shown to tourists 
 as the lines of Montcalm are of later construction ; 
 and though on the same ground, are not on the 
 same plan. 2 
 
 Here, then, was a position which, if attacked in 
 front with musketry alone, might be called im- 
 pregnable. But would Abercromby so attack it ? 
 He had several alternatives. He might attempt 
 the flank and rear of his enemy by way of the 
 low grounds on the right and left of the plateau, 
 a movement which the precautions of Montcalm 
 had made difficult, but not impossible. Or, in- 
 stead of leaving his artillery idle on the strand 
 
 there were two, and in some parts three, rows of loopholes. See the letter 
 in Pennsylvania Archives, III. 472. 
 
 1 Colonel Oliver Partridge to his Wife, 12 July, 1758. 
 
 2 A new line of works was begun four days after the battle, to replace 
 the log breastwork. Malartic, Journal. Travaux faits a Carillon, 1758. 
 
102 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 of Lake George, he might bring it to the front 
 and batter the breastwork, which, though imper- 
 vious to musketry, was worthless against heavy 
 cannon. Or he might do what Burgoyne did 
 with success a score of years later, and plant a 
 battery on the heights of Rattlesnake Hill, now 
 called Mount Defiance, which commanded the 
 position of the French, and whence the inside of 
 their breastwork could be scoured with round-shot 
 from end to end. Or, while threatening the 
 French front with a part of his army, he could 
 march the rest a short distance through the woods 
 on his left to the road which led from Ticonder- 
 oga to Crown Point, and which would soon have 
 brought him to the place called Five-Mile Point, 
 where Lake Champlain narrows to the width of 
 an easy rifle-shot, and where a battery of field- 
 pieces would have cut off all Montcalm's supplies 
 and closed his only way of retreat. As the French 
 were provisioned for but eight days, their position 
 would thus have been desperate. They plainly 
 saw the danger ; and Doreil declares that had the 
 movement been made, their whole army must 
 have surrendered. 1 Montcalm had done what he 
 could; but the danger of his position was inevi- 
 table and extreme. His hope lay in Abercromby; 
 and it was a hope well founded. The action of 
 the English general answered the utmost wishes 
 of his enemy. 
 
 1 Doreil au Ministre, 28 Juillet, 1758. The Chevalier Johnstone thought 
 that Montcalm was saved by Abercromby's ignorance of the ground. A 
 Dialogue in Hades (Quebec Historical Society). 
 
1758.] EVE OF BATTLE. 103 
 
 Abercromby bad been told by bis prisoners that 
 Montcalm bad six thousand men, and that three 
 thousand more were expected every hour. There- 
 fore he was in haste to attack before these succors 
 could arrive. As was the general, so was the 
 army. " I believe," writes an officer, " we were 
 one and all infatuated by a notion of carrying 
 every obstacle by a mere coup cle mousqueterie." x 
 Leadership perished with Lord Howe, and nothing 
 was left but blind, headlong valor. 
 
 Clerk, chief engineer, was sent to reconnoitre 
 the French works from Mount Defiance ; and came 
 back with the report that, to judge from what he 
 could see, they might be carried by assault. Then, 
 without waiting to bring up his cannon, Aber- 
 cromby prepared to storm the lines. 
 
 The French finished their breastwork and abat- 
 tis on the evening of the seventh, encamped behind 
 them, slung their kettles, and rested after their 
 heavy toil. Levis had not yet appeared; but at 
 twilight one of his officers, Captain Pouchot, ar- 
 rived with three hundred regulars, and announced 
 that his commander would come before morning 
 with a hundred more. The reinforcement, though 
 small, was welcome, and Le*vis was a host in him- 
 self. Pouchot was told that the army was half a 
 mile off. Thither he repaired, made his report to 
 Montcalm, and looked with amazement at the pro- 
 digious amount of work accomplished in one day. 2 
 Levis himself arrived in the course of the night, 
 and approved the arrangement of the troops. They 
 
 1 See the letter in Knox, I. 148. 2 Pouchot, I. 137. 
 
104 TICONDEEOGA. [1758. 
 
 lay behind their lines till daybreak ; then the 
 drums beat, and they formed in order of battle. 1 
 The battalions of La Sarre and Languedoc were 
 posted on the left, under Bourlamaque, the first 
 battalion of Berry with that of Royal Roussillon 
 in the centre, under Montcalm, and those of La 
 Reine, Be'arn, and Guienne on the right, under 
 Levis. A detachment of volunteers occupied tbe 
 low grounds between the breastwork and the out- 
 let of Lake George ; while, at the foot of the de- 
 clivity on the side towards Lake Champlain, were 
 stationed four hundred and fifty colony regulars 
 and Canadians, behind an abattis which they had 
 made for themselves ; and as they were covered 
 by the cannon of the fort, there was some hope 
 that they would check any flank movement which 
 the English might attempt on that side. Their 
 posts being thus assigned, the men fell to work 
 again to strengthen their defences. Including 
 those who came with Levis, the total force of 
 effective soldiers was now thirty-six hundred. 2 
 
 Soon after nine o'clock a distant and harmless 
 fire of small-arms began on the slopes of Mount 
 Defiance. It came from a party of Indians who 
 had just arrived with Sir William Johnson, and 
 who, after amusing themselves in this manner 
 for a time, remained for the rest of the day 
 safe spectators of the fight. The soldiers worked 
 
 1 Livre d'Ordres, Disposition de Defense des Retranchements, 8 Juillet, 
 1758. 
 
 2 Montcalm, Relation de la Victoire remporte'e a Carillon, 8 Juillet, 1758. 
 A r audreuil puts the number at 4,760, besides officers, which includes the 
 garrison and laborers at the fort. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 28 Juillet, 1758. 
 
1758.] THE ASSAULT. 105 
 
 undisturbed till noon, when volleys of musketry- 
 were heard from the forest in front. It was the 
 English light troops driving in the French pick- 
 ets. A cannon was fired as a signal to drop 
 tools and form for battle. The white uniforms 
 lined the breastwork in a triple row, with the 
 grenadiers behind them as a reserve, and the 
 second battalion of Berry watching the flanks 
 and rear. 
 
 Meanwhile the English army had moved for- 
 ward from its camp by the saw-mill. First came 
 the rangers, the light infantry, and Bradstreet's 
 armed boatmen, who, emerging into the open 
 space, began a spattering fire. Some of the pro- 
 vincial troops followed, extending from left to 
 right, and opening fire in turn ; then the regu- 
 lars, who had formed in columns of attack under 
 cover of the forest, advanced their solid red masses 
 into the sunlight, and passing through the inter- 
 vals between the provincial regiments, pushed for- 
 ward to the assault. Across the rough ground, 
 with its maze of fallen trees whose leaves hung 
 withering in the July sun, they could see the top 
 of the breastwork, but not the men behind it ; 
 when, in an instant, all the line was obscured by a 
 gush of smoke, a crash of exploding firearms tore 
 the air, and grapeshot and musket-balls swept the 
 whole space like a tempest ; " a damnable fire," 
 says an officer who heard them screaming about 
 his ears. The English had been ordered to carry 
 the works with the bayonet ; but their ranks were 
 broken by the obstructions through which they 
 
106 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 struggled in vain to force their way, and they 
 soon began to fire in turn. The storm raged in 
 full fury for an hour. The assailants pushed 
 close to the breastwork; but there they were 
 stopped by the bristling mass of sharpened 
 branches, which they could not pass under the 
 murderous cross-fires that swept them from front 
 and flank. At length they fell back, exclaim- 
 ing that the works were impregnable. Aber- 
 cromby, who was at the saw-mill, a mile and 
 a half in the rear, sent orders to attack again, 
 and again they came on as before. 
 
 The scene was frightful : masses of infuriated 
 men who could not go forward and would not 
 go back; straining for an enemy they could not 
 reach, and firing on an enemy they could not see ; 
 caught in the entanglement of fallen trees ; tripped 
 by briers, stumbling over logs, tearing through 
 boughs ; shouting, yelling, cursing, and pelted all 
 the while with bullets that killed them by scores, 
 stretched them on the ground, or hung them on 
 jagged branches in strange attitudes of death. 
 The provincials supported the regulars with spirit, 
 and some of them forced their way to the foot 
 of the wooden wall. 
 
 The French fought with the intrepid gayety of 
 their nation, and shouts of Vive le Roi ! and Vive 
 notre General ! mingled with the din of musketry. 
 Montcalm, with his coat off f for the day was hot, 
 directed the defence of the centre, and repaired 
 to any part of the line where the danger for the 
 time seemed greatest. He is warm in praise of 
 
1758.] A MUTUAL MISTAKE. 107 
 
 his enemy, and declares that between one and 
 seven o'clock they attacked him six successive 
 times. Early in the action Abercromby tried to 
 turn the French left by sending twenty bateaux, 
 rilled with troops, down the outlet of Lake 
 George. They were met by the fire of the vol- 
 unteers stationed to defend the low grounds on 
 that side, and, still advancing, came within range 
 of the cannon of the fort, which sank two of 
 them and drove back the rest. 
 
 A curious incident happened during one of the 
 attacks. De Bassignac, a captain in the battalion 
 of Royal Roussillon, tied his handkerchief to the 
 end of a musket and waved it over the breastwork 
 in defiance. The English mistook it for a sign 
 of surrender, and came forward with all possible 
 speed, holding their muskets crossed over their 
 heads in both hands, and crying Quarter. The 
 French made the same mistake ; and thinking 
 that their enemies were giving themselves up as 
 prisoners, ceased firing, and mounted on the 
 top of the breastwork to receive them. Cap- 
 tain Pouchot, astonished, as he says, to see them 
 perched there, looked out to learn the cause, and 
 saw that the enemy meant anything but surrender. 
 Whereupon he shouted with all his might : " Tirez ! 
 Tirez ! JSTe voyez-vous pas que ces gens-la vont 
 vous enlever ? " The soldiers, still standing on the 
 breastwork, instantly gave the English a volley, 
 which killed some of them, and sent back the rest 
 discomfited. 1 
 
 1 Pouchot, I. 153. Both Niles and Entick mention the incident. 
 
108 TICONDEROGA. [1768. 
 
 This was set to the account of Gallic treachery. 
 "Another deceit the enemy put upon us," says 
 a military letter-writer : " they raised their hats 
 above the breastwork, which our people fired at ; 
 they, having loopholes to fire through, and being 
 covered by the sods, we did them little damage, 
 except shooting their hats to pieces." 1 In one of 
 the last assaults a soldier of the Rhode Island 
 regiment, William Smith, managed to get through 
 all obstructions and ensconce himself close un- 
 der the breastwork, where in the confusion he 
 remained for a time unnoticed, improving his ad- 
 vantages meanwhile by shooting several French- 
 men. Being at length observed, a soldier fired 
 vertically down upon him and wounded him se- 
 verely, but not enough to prevent his springing 
 up, striking at one of his enemies over the top of 
 the wall, and braining him with his hatchet. A 
 British officer who saw the feat, and was struck by 
 the reckless daring of the man, ordered two regu- 
 lars to bring him off ; which, covered by a brisk 
 fire of musketry, they succeeded in doing. A 
 letter from the camp two or three weeks later 
 reports him as in a fair way to recover, being, 
 says the writer, much braced and invigorated by 
 his anger against the French, on whom he was 
 swearing to have his revenge. 2 
 
 Toward five o'clock two English columns joined 
 in a most determined assault on the extreme 
 
 1 Letter from Saratoga, 12 July, 1758, in New Hampshire Gazette. Com- 
 pare Pennsylvania Archives, III. 474. 
 
 2 Letter from Lake George, 26 July, 1758, in Boston Gazette. The story 
 is given, without much variation, in several other letters. 
 
1758.] BRAVERY OP HIGHLANDERS. 109 
 
 right of the French, defended by the battalions 
 of Guienne and Beam. The danger for a time 
 was imminent. Montcalm hastened to the spot 
 with the reserves. The assailants hewed their 
 way to the foot of the breastwork; and though 
 again and again repulsed, they again and again 
 renewed the attack. The Highlanders fought with 
 stubborn and unconquerable fury. "Even those 
 who were mortally wounded," writes one of their 
 lieutenants, " cried to their companions not to lose 
 a thought upon them, but to follow their officers 
 and mind the honor of their country. Their 
 ardor was such that it was difficult to bring them 
 off.'.' 1 Their major, Campbell of Inverawe, found 
 his foreboding true. He received a mortal shot, 
 and his clansmen bore him from the field. Twenty- 
 five of their officers were killed or wounded, and 
 half the men fell under the deadly fire that poured 
 from the loopholes. Captain John Campbell and" 
 a few followers tore their way through the abattis, 
 climbed the breastwork, leaped down among the 
 French, and were bayoneted there. 2 
 
 As the colony troops and Canadians on the 
 low ground were left undisturbed, Levis sent them 
 an order to make a sortie and attack the left flank 
 of the charging columns. They accordingly 
 posted themselves among the trees along the 
 declivity, and fired upwards at the enemy, who 
 presently shifted their position to the right, out of 
 the line of shot. The assault still continued, but 
 
 1 Letter of Lieutenant William Grant, in Maclachlan's Highlands, II. 340 
 (ed. 1875). 2 Ibid., XL 339. 
 
110 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 in vain ; and at six there was another effort, equally 
 fruitless. From this time till half-past seven a 
 lingering fight was kept up by the rangers and 
 other provincials, firing from the edge of the 
 woods and from behind the stumps, bushes, and 
 fallen trees in front of the lines. Its only objects 
 were to cover their comrades, who were collecting 
 and bringing off the wounded, and to protect the 
 retreat of the regulars, who fell back in disorder 
 to the Falls. As twilight came on, the last com- 
 batant withdrew, and none were left but the dead. 
 Abercromby had lost in killed, wounded, and miss- 
 ing, nineteen hundred and forty-four officers and 
 men. 1 The loss of the French, not counting 
 that of Langy's detachment, was three hundred 
 and seventy-seven. Bourlamaque was dangerously 
 wounded ; Bougainville slightly ; and the hat of 
 Levis was twice shot through. 2 
 
 Montcalm, with a mighty load lifted from his 
 soid, passed along the lines, and gave the tired 
 soldiers the thanks they nobly deserved. Beer, 
 wine, and food were served out to them, and they 
 bivouacked for the night on the level ground be- 
 tween the breastwork and the fort. The enemy 
 had met a terrible rebuff ; yet the danger was not 
 over. Abercromby still had more than thirteen 
 thousand men, and he might renew the attack 
 with cannon. But, on the morning of the ninth, 
 a band of volunteers who had gone out to watch 
 him brought back the report that he was in full 
 
 1 See Appendix 6. 
 
 2 Levis au Ministre, 13 Juillet, 1758. 
 
1758.] TRIUMPH OF MONTCAiM. 117 
 
 retreat. The saw-mill at the Falls was on fire, 
 and the last English soldier was gone. On the 
 morning of the tenth, Levis, with a strong de- 
 tachment, followed the road to the landing-place, 
 and found signs that a panic had overtaken the 
 defeated troops. They had left behind several 
 hundred barrels of provisions and a large quantity 
 of baggage; while in a marshy place that they 
 had crossed was found a considerable number of 
 their shoes, which had stuck in the mud, and 
 which they had not stopped to recover. They 
 had embarked on the morning after the battle, 
 and retreated to the head of the lake in a dis- 
 order and dejection wofully contrasted with the 
 pomp of their advance. A gallant army was 
 sacrificed by the blunders of its chief. 
 
 Montcalm announced his victory to his wife in 
 a strain of exaggeration that marks the exaltation 
 of his mind. " Without Indians, almost without 
 Canadians or colony troops, — I had only four 
 hundred, — alone with LeVis and Bourlamaque 
 and the troops of the line, thirty-one hundred 
 fighting men, I have beaten an army of twenty- 
 five thousand. They repassed the lake precipi- 
 tately, with a loss of at least five thousand. This 
 glorious day does infinite honor to the valor of 
 our battalions. I have no time to write more. 
 I am well, my dearest, and I embrace you." And 
 he wrote to his friend Doreil : " The army, the 
 too-small army of the King, has beaten the enemy. 
 What a day for France ! If I had had two hun- 
 dred Indians to send out at the head of a thousand 
 
112 TICONDEROGA. [1758. 
 
 picked men under the Chevalier de Levis, not 
 many would have escaped. Ah, my dear Doreil, 
 what soldiers are ours ! I never saw the like. 
 Why were they not at Louisbourg ? " 
 
 On the morrow of his victory he caused a great 
 cross to be planted on the battle-field, inscribed 
 with these lines, composed by the soldier-scholar 
 himself, — 
 
 " Quid dux ? quid miles ? quid strata ingentia ligna ? 
 En Signurn ! en victor ! Deus hie, Deus ipse triumphat." 
 
 " Soldier and chief and rampart's strength are nought ; 
 Behold the conquering Cross ! 'T is God the triumph wrought." 1 
 
 1 Along with the above paraphrase I may give that of Montcalm 
 himself, which was also inscribed on the cross : — 
 
 " Chretien ! ce ne fut point Montcalm et la prudence, 
 Ces arbres renvers<Ss, ces heros, leurs exploits, 
 Qui des Anglais conf us ont brise' I'esperance ; 
 C'est le bras de ton Dieu, vainqueur sur cette croix." 
 
 In the same letter in which Montcalm sent these lines to his mother he 
 says : " Je vous envoie, pour vous amuser, deux chansons sur le combat du 
 8 Juillet, dont l'une est en style des poissardes de Paris." One of these 
 songs, which were written by soldiers after the battle, begins, — 
 
 " Je chante des Francois 
 La valeur et la gloire, 
 Qui toujours sur l'Anglois 
 Eemportent la victoire. 
 Ce sent des he'ros, 
 Tous nos generaux, 
 Et Montcalm et Le'vis, 
 Et Bourlamaque aussi. 
 
 "Mars, qui les engendra 
 Pour l'honneur de la France, 
 D'abord les anima 
 De sa haute vail lance, 
 Et les transporta 
 Dans le Canada, 
 Oil l'on voit les Francois 
 Oolbuter les Anglois." 
 
1758.] CHANSONS. 113 
 
 The other effusion of the military muse is in a different strain, " en 
 style des poissardes de Paris." The following is a specimen, giyen 
 literatim : — 
 
 "L'aumonier fit 1' exhortation, 
 Puis il donnit l'absolution ; 
 Aisement cela se peut croire. 
 Enfants, dit-il, animez-vouki 
 L'bon Dieu, sa mere, tout est pour vous. 
 S — e ! j'sommes catholiques. Les Anglais sont des heretiques. 
 
 " Ce sont des chiens ; a coups d'pieds, a coups d'poings f aut leur casser 
 la gueule et la machoire. 
 
 "Soldats, officiers, generaux, 
 Chacun en ce jour fut hei'os. 
 Aisement cela se peut croire. 
 Montcalm, comme defunt Annibal, 
 S'montroit soldat et general. 
 (S — e! sil y avoit quelqu'un qui ne I'aimit point! 
 
 " Je veux etre un chien ; a coups d'pieds, a coups d'poings, j'lui cass'rai 
 la gueule et la machoire." 
 
 This is an allusion to Vaudreuil. On the battle of Ticonderoga, see 
 Appendix G. 
 
 VOL. II. — 8 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 1758. 
 FORT FRONTENAC. 
 
 The eouted Army. — Indignation at Abercromby. — John Cleave- 
 land and his brother chaplains. — regulars and provin- 
 CIALS. — Provincial Surgeons. — French Raids. — Rogers 
 defeats Marin. — Adventures of Putnam. — Expedition of 
 Bradstreet. — Capture of Fort Frontenac. 
 
 The rashness of Abercromby before the fight 
 was matched by his poltroonery after it. Such was 
 his terror that on the evening of his defeat he 
 sent an order to Colonel Cummings, commanding 
 at Fort William Henry, to send all the sick and 
 wounded and all the heavy artillery to New York 
 without delay. 1 He himself followed so closely 
 upon this disgraceful missive that Cummings had 
 no time to obey it. 
 
 The defeated and humbled troops proceeded to 
 reoccupy the ground they had left a few days 
 before in the flush of confidence and pride ; and 
 young Colonel Williams, of Massachusetts, lost no 
 time in sending the miserable story to his uncle 
 Israel. His letter, which is dated " Lake George 
 (sorrowful situation), July y e 11 th ," ends thus : " I 
 have told facts ; you may put the epithets upon 
 them. In one word, what with fatigue, want of 
 
 1 Cunningham, aide-de-camp of Abercromby, to Cummings, 8 July, 1758. 
 
1768.] DISGUST OF THE ARMY. H5 
 
 sleep, exercise of mind, and leaving the place we 
 went to capture, the best part of the army is un- 
 hinged. I have told enough to make you sick, 
 if the relation acts on you as the facts have on 
 me. 
 
 In the routed army was the sturdy John Cleave- 
 land, minister of Ipswich, and now chaplain of 
 Bagley's Massachusetts regiment, who regarded 
 the retreat with a disgust that was shared by many 
 others. " This day," he writes in his Diary, at the 
 head of Lake George, two days after the battle, 
 " wherever I went I found people, officers and 
 soldiers, astonished that we left the French 
 ground, and commenting on the strange conduct 
 in coming off." From this time forth the provin- 
 cials called their commander Mrs. Nabbycromby. 1 
 He thought of nothing but fortifying himself. 
 " Towards evening," continues the chaplain, " the 
 General, with his Rehoboam counsellors, came over 
 to line out a fort on the rocky hill where our 
 breastwork was last year. Now we begin to think 
 strongly that the grand expedition against Canada 
 is laid aside, and a foundation made totally to 
 impoverish our country." The whole army was 
 soon intrenched. The chaplain of Bagley's, with 
 his brother Ebenezer, chaplain of another regiment, 
 one day walked round the camp and carefully in- 
 spected it. The tour proved satisfactory to the 
 militant divines, and John Cleaveland reported to 
 his wife : " We have built an extraordinary good 
 
 1 Trumbull, Eist. Connecticut, II. 392. "Nabby " (Abigail) was then 
 a common female name in New England. 
 
116 FORT FRONTENAC. ["58- 
 
 breastwork, sufficient to defend ourselves against 
 twenty thousand of the enemy, though at present 
 we have not above a third part of that number fit 
 for duty." Many of the troops had been sent to 
 the Mohawk, and others to the Hudson. 
 
 In the regiment of which Cleaveland was chap- 
 lain there was a young surgeon from Danvers, 
 Dr. Caleb Rea, who also kept a copious diary, and, 
 being of a serious turn, listened with edification 
 to the prayers and exhortations to which the yeo- 
 man soldiery were daily summoned. In his zeal, 
 he made an inquest among them for singers, and 
 chose the most melodious to form a regimental 
 choir, " the better to carry on the daily service of 
 singing psalms ; " insomuch that the New England 
 camp was vocal with rustic harmony, sincere, if 
 somewhat nasal. These seemly observances were 
 not inconsistent with a certain amount of disorder 
 among the more turbulent spirits, who, removed 
 from the repressive influence of tight-laced village 
 communities, sometimes indulged in conduct which 
 grieved the conscientious surgeon. The rural New 
 England of that time, with its narrowness, its 
 prejudices, its oddities, its combative energy, and 
 rugged, unconquerable strength, is. among the 
 things of the past, or lingers in remote corners 
 where the whistle of the locomotive is never 
 heard. It has spread itself in swarming millions 
 over half a continent, changing with changing 
 conditions ; and even the part of it that clings to 
 the ancestral hive has transformed and continues 
 to transform itself. 
 
1758.] ARMY CHAPLAINS. 117 
 
 The provincials were happy in their chaplains, 
 among whom there reigned a marvellous harmony, 
 Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Congregational- 
 ists meeting twice a week to hold prayer-meetings 
 together. " A rare instance indeed," says Dr. Rea, 
 " and perhaps scarce ever was an army blessed 
 with such a set of chaplains before." On one 
 occasion, just before the fatal expedition, nine of 
 them, after prayers and breakfast, went together 
 to call upon the General. " He treated us very 
 kindly," says the chaplain of Bagley's, " and told 
 us that he hoped we would teach the people to do 
 their duty and be courageous ; and told us a story 
 of a chaplain in Germany, where he was, who just 
 before the action told the soldiers he had not time 
 to say much, and therefore should only say : ' Be 
 courageous ; for no cowards go to heaven.' The 
 General treated us to a bowl of punch and a bottle 
 of wine, and then we took our leave of him." 1 
 
 When Cleaveland and the more gifted among 
 his brethren preached of a Sunday, officers and 
 men of the regulars, no less than the provincials, 
 came to listen ; yet that pious Sabbatarian, Dr. 
 Rea, saw much to afflict his conscience. " Sad, 
 sad it is to see how the Sabbath is profaned in the 
 camp," above all by " the horrid custom of swear- 
 ing, more especially among the regulars; and I 
 can't but charge our defeat on this sin." 
 
 It would have been well had the harmony that 
 prevailed among the chaplains found its counter- 
 
 1 For the use of the Diary of Chaplain Cleaveland, as well as of. his 
 letters to his wife, I am indebted to the kindness of Miss Abby E, 
 Cleaveland, his descendant. 
 
118 FORT FRONTENAC. [1758. 
 
 part among the men of the sword ; but between 
 the British regular officers and those of the prov- 
 inces there was anything but an equal brother- 
 hood. It is true that Pitt, in the spirit of 
 conciliation which he always showed towards the 
 colonies, had procured a change in the regulations 
 concerning the relative rank of British and pro- 
 vincial officers, thus putting them in a position 
 much nearer equality ; but this, while appeasing 
 the provincials, seems to have annoyed the others. 
 Till the campaign was nearly over, not a single 
 provincial colonel had been asked to join in a 
 council of war ; and, complains Cleaveland, " they 
 know no more of what is to be done than a ser- 
 geant, till the orders come out." Of the British 
 officers, the greater part had seen but little active 
 service. Most of them were men of family, ex- 
 ceedingly prejudiced and insular, whose knowl- 
 edge of the world was limited to certain classes of 
 their own countrymen, and who looked down on all 
 others, whether domestic or foreign. Towards 
 the provincials their attitude was one of tranquil 
 superiority, though its tranquillity was occasionally 
 disturbed by what they regarded as absurd preten- 
 sion on the part of the colony officers. One of 
 them gave vent to his feelings in an article in the 
 London Chronicle, in which he advanced the very 
 reasonable proposition that " a farmer is not to be 
 taken from the plough and made an officer in a 
 day ; " and he was answered wrathfully, at great 
 length, in the Boston Evening Post, by a writer 
 signing himself "A New England Man." The 
 
1758.] REGULARS AND PROVINCIALS. 119 
 
 provincial officers, on the other hand, and especially 
 those of New England, being no less narrow and 
 prejudiced, filled with a sensitive pride and a 
 jealous local patriotism, and bred up in a lofty 
 appreciation of the merits and importance of their 
 country, regarded British superciliousness with a 
 resentment which their strong love for England 
 could not overcome. This feeling was far from 
 being confined to the officers. A provincial regi- 
 ment stationed at Half-Moon, on the Hudson, 
 thought itself affronted by Captain Cruikshank, 
 a regular officer; and the men were so incensed 
 that nearly half of them went off in a body. The 
 deportment of British officers in the Seven Years 
 War no doubt had some part in hastening on the 
 Revolution. 
 
 What with levelling Montcalm's siege works, 
 planting palisades, and grubbing up stumps in 
 their bungling and laborious way, the regulars 
 found abundant occupation. Discipline was stiff 
 and peremptory. The wooden horse and the 
 whipping-post were conspicuous objects in the 
 camp, and often in use. Caleb Rea, being tender- 
 hearted, never went to see the lash laid on; for, 
 as he quaintly observes, "the cries were satisfac- 
 tory to me, without the sight of the strokes." He 
 and the rest of the doctors found active exercise 
 for such skill as they had, since fever and dysen- 
 tery were making scarcely less havoc than the 
 bullets at Ticonderoga. This came from the bad 
 state of the camps and unwholesome food. The 
 provincial surgeons seem to have been very little 
 
120 FORT FRONTENAC. [1758. 
 
 impressed with the importance of sanitary regu- 
 lations, and to have thought it their business not 
 to prevent disease, but only to cure it. The one 
 grand essential in their eyes was a well-stocked 
 medicine-chest, rich in exhaustless stores of rhu- 
 barb, ipecacuanha, and calomel. Even this some- 
 times failed. Colonel Williams reports " the sick 
 destitute of everything proper for them ; medi- 
 cine-chest empty ; nothing but their dirty blank- 
 ets for beds; Dr. Ashley dead, Dr. Wright gone 
 home, low enough ; Bille worn off his legs, — such 
 is our case. I have near a hundred sick. Lost 
 a sergeant and a private last night." 1 Chaplain 
 Cleaveland himself, though strong of frame, did 
 not escape ; but he found solace in his trouble 
 from the congenial society of a brother chaplain, 
 Mr. Emerson, of New Hampshire, " a right-down 
 hearty Christian minister, of savory conversation," 
 who came to see him in his tent, breakfasted with 
 him, and joined him in prayer. Being somewhat 
 better, he one day thought to recreate himself with 
 the apostolic occupation of fishing. The sport 
 was poor ; the fish bit slowly ; and as he lay in 
 his boat, still languid with his malady, he had 
 leisure to reflect on the contrasted works of Provi- 
 dence and man, — the bright lake basking amid its 
 mountains, a dream of wilderness beauty, and the 
 swarms of harsh humanity on the shore beside 
 him, with their passions, discords, and miser- 
 ies. But it was with the strong meat of Cal- 
 vinistic theology, and not with reveries like these, 
 
 1 Colonel William Williams to Colonel Israel Williams, 4 Sept. 1758. 
 
1758] WAR PARTIES. 121 
 
 that he was accustomed to nourish his military 
 flock. 
 
 While at one end of the lake the force of Aber- 
 cromby was diminished by detachments and dis- 
 ease, that of Montcalm at the other was so 
 increased by reinforcements that a forward move- 
 ment on his part seemed possible. He contented 
 himself, however, with strengthening the fort, 
 reconstructing the lines that he had defended so 
 well, and sending out frequent war-parties by way 
 of Wood Creek and South Bay, to harass Aber- 
 cromby's communications with Fort Edward. These 
 parties, some of which consisted of several hundred 
 men, were generally more or less successful; and 
 one of them, under La Corne, surprised and de- 
 stroyed a large wagon train escorted by forty 
 soldiers. When Abercromby heard of it, he ordered 
 Eogers, with a strong detachment of provincials, 
 light infantry, and rangers, to go down the lake in 
 boats, cross the mountains to the narrow waters 
 of Lake Champlain, and cut off the enemy. But 
 though Bogers set out at two in the morning, the 
 French retreated so fast that he arrived too late. 
 As he was on his way back, he was met by a mes- 
 senger from the General with orders to intercept 
 other French parties reported to be hovering about 
 Fort Edward. On this he retraced his steps, 
 marched through the forest to where Whitehall 
 now stands, and thence made his way up Wood 
 Creek to old Fort Anne, a relic of former wars, 
 abandoned and falling to decay. Here, on the 
 neglected " clearing " that surrounded the ruin, 
 
122 FORT FRONTENAC. [1758. 
 
 his followers encamped. They counted seven hun- 
 dred in all, and consisted of about eighty rangers, 
 a body of Connecticut men under Major Putnam, 
 and a small regular force, chiefly light infantry,, 
 under Captain Dalzell, the brave officer who was- 
 afterwards killed by Pontiac's warriors at Detroit. 
 Up to this time Rogers had observed his usual 
 caution, commanding silence on the march, and 
 forbidding fires at night ; but, seeing no signs of 
 an enemy, he forgot himself ; and on the following 
 morning, the eighth of August, he and Lieutenant 
 Irwin, of the light infantry, amused themselves by 
 firing at a mark on a wager. The shots reached 
 the ears of four hundred and fifty French and In- 
 dians under the famous partisan Marin, who at 
 once took steps to reconnoitre and ambuscade his 
 rash enemy. For nearly a mile from the old fort 
 the forest had formerly been cut down and burned ; 
 and Nature had now begun to reassert herself, cov- 
 ering the open tract with a dense growth of bushes 
 and saplings almost impervious to anything but a 
 wild-cat, had it not been traversed by a narrow 
 Indian path. Along this path the men were forced 
 to march in single file. At about seven o'clock, 
 when the two marksmen had decided their bet, 
 and before the heavy dew of the night was dried 
 upon the bushes, the party slung their packs and 
 set out. Putnam was in the front with his Con- 
 necticut men ; Dalzell followed with the regulars ;. 
 and Rogers, with his rangers, brought up the rear 
 of the long and slender line. Putnam himself led 
 the way, shouldering through the bushes, gun in 
 
1758.] BATTLE NEAR FORT ANNE. 123 
 
 hand ; and just as the bluff yeoman emerged from 
 them to enter the forest-growth beyond, the air 
 was rent with yells, the thickets before him were 
 filled with Indians, and one of them, a Caughna- 
 waga chief, sprang upon him, hatchet in hand. He 
 had time to cock his gun and snap it at the breast 
 of his assailant; but it missed fire, and he was 
 instantly seized and dragged back into the forest, 
 as were also a lieutenant named Tracy and three 
 private men. Then the firing began. The French 
 and Indians, lying across the path in a semicircle, 
 had the advantage of position and surprise. The 
 Connecticut men fell back among the bushes in 
 disorder ; but soon rallied, and held the enemy in 
 check while Dalzell and Rogers — the latter of 
 whom was nearly a mile behind — were struggling 
 through briers and thickets to their aid. So close 
 was the brushwood that it was full half an hour 
 before they could get their followers ranged in 
 some kind of order in front of the enemy ; and even 
 then each man was forced to fight for himself as 
 best he could. Humphreys, the biographer of 
 Putnam, blames Rogers severely for not coming at 
 once to the aid of the Connecticut men ; but two 
 of their captains declare that he came with all pos- 
 sible speed ; while a regular officer present highly 
 praised him to Abercromby for cool and officer-like 
 conduct. 1 As a man his deserts were small ; as a 
 bushfighter he was beyond reproach. 
 
 1 Letter from the Camp at Lake George, 5 Sept. 1758, signed by Cap- 
 tains Maynard and Giddings, and printed in the Boston Weekly Advertiser. 
 "Rogers deserves much to be commended." Abercromby to Pitt, 19 Aug, 
 1758. 
 
124 FORT FRONTEtfAC. [1758. 
 
 Another officer recounts from hearsay the re- 
 markable conduct of an Indian, who sprang into 
 the midst of the English and killed two of them 
 with his hatchet; then mounted on a log and 
 defied them all. One of the regulars tried to 
 knock him down with the butt of his musket; 
 but though the blow made him bleed, he did not 
 fall, and would have killed his assailant if Rogers 
 had not shot him dead. 1 The firing lasted about 
 two hours. At length some of the Canadians 
 gave way, and the rest of the French and In- 
 dians followed. 2 They broke into small parties to 
 elude pursuit, and reuniting towards evening, made 
 their bivouac on a spot surrounded by impervious 
 swamps. 
 
 Rogers remained on the field and buried all 
 his own dead, forty-nine in number. Then he 
 resumed his march to Fort Edward, carrying the 
 wounded on litters of branches till the next day, 
 when he met a detachment coming with wagons 
 to his relief. A party sent out soon after for the 
 purpose reported that they had found and buried 
 more than a hundred French and Indians. From 
 this time forward the war-parties from Ticonder- 
 oga greatly relented in their activity. 
 
 The adventures of the captured Putnam were 
 sufficiently remarkable. The Indians, after drag- 
 ging him to the rear, lashed him fast to a tree so 
 that he could not move a limb, and a young 
 savage amused himself by throwing a hatchet at 
 
 1 Thomas BarnsJey to Bouquet, 1 Sept. 1758. 
 
 2 Doreil au Ministre, 31 Aout, 1757. 
 
1758.] ADVENTURES OF PUTNAM. 125 
 
 his head, striking it into the wood as close as 
 possible to the mark without hitting it. A 
 French petty officer then thrust the muzzle of 
 his gun violently against the prisoner's body, 
 pretended to fire it at him, and at last struck 
 him in the face with the butt; after which das- 
 tardly proceeding he left him. The French and 
 Indians being forced after a time to fall back, 
 Putnam found himself between the combatants 
 and exposed to bullets from both sides; but the 
 enemy, partially recovering the ground they had 
 lost, unbound him, and led him to a safe distance 
 from the fight. When the retreat began, the 
 Indians hurried him along with them, stripped 
 of coat, waistcoat, shoes, and stockings, his back 
 burdened with as many packs of the wounded 
 as could be piled upon it, and his wrists bound 
 so tightly together that the pain became intense. 
 In his torment he begged them to kill him; on 
 which a French officer who was near persuaded 
 them to untie his hands and take off some of the 
 packs, and the chief who had captured him gave 
 him a pair of moccasons to protect his lacerated 
 feet. When they encamped at night, they pre- 
 pared to burn him alive, stripped him naked, tied 
 him to a tree, and gathered dry wood to pile about 
 him. A sudden shower of rain interrupted their 
 pastime ; but when it was over they began again, 
 and surrounded him with a circle of brushwood 
 which they set on fire. As they were yelling and 
 dancing their delight at the contortions with 
 which he tried to avoid the rising flames, Marin, 
 
126 FORT FRONTENAC. [1768. 
 
 hearing what was going forward, broke through 
 the crowd, and with a courageous humanity not 
 too common among Canadian officers, dashed aside 
 the burning brush, untied the prisoner, and an- 
 grily upbraided his tormentors. He then re- 
 stored him to the chief who had captured him, 
 and whose right of property in his prize the others 
 had failed to respect. The Caughnawaga treated 
 him at first with kindness; but, with the help 
 of his tribesmen, took effectual means to prevent 
 his escape, by laying him on his back, stretching 
 his arms and legs in the form of a St. Andrew's 
 cross, and binding the wrists and ankles fast to 
 the stems of young trees. This was a mode of 
 securing prisoners in vogue among Indians from 
 immemorial time ; but, not satisfied with it, they 
 placed brushwood upon his body, and then laid 
 across it the long slender stems of saplings, on the 
 ■ends of which several warriors lay down to sleep, 
 so that the slightest movement on his part would 
 rouse them. Thus he passed a night of misery, 
 which did not prevent him from thinking of the 
 ludicrous figure he made in the hands of the 
 tawny Philistines. 
 
 On the next night, after a painful march, he 
 reached Ticonderoga, where he was questioned by 
 Montcalm, and afterwards sent to Montreal in 
 charge of a French officer, who showed him the 
 utmost kindness. On arriving, wofully tattered, 
 bruised, scorched, and torn, he found a friend in 
 Colonel Schuyler, himself a prisoner on parole, 
 who helped him in his need, and through whose 
 
1758.J EXPEDITION OF BRADSTREET. 127 
 
 good offices the future major-general of the Conti- 
 nental Army was included in the nest exchange 
 of prisoners. 1 
 
 The petty victory over Marin was followed by 
 a more substantial success. Early in September 
 Abercromby's melancholy camp was cheered with 
 the tidings that the important French post of 
 Fort Frontenac, which controlled Lake Ontario, 
 which had baffled Shirley in his attempt against 
 Niagara, and given Montcalm the means of con- 
 quering Oswego, had fallen into British hands. 
 " This is a glorious piece of news, and may God 
 have all the glory of the same ! " writes Chaplain 
 Cleaveland in his Diary. Lieutenant-Colonel Brad- 
 street had planned the stroke long before, and pro- 
 posed it first to Loudon, and then to Abercromby. 
 Loudon accepted it ; but his successor received it 
 coldly, though Lord Howe was warm in its favor. 
 At length, under the pressure of a council of war, 
 Abercromby consented that the attempt should be 
 made, and gave Bradstreet three thousand men, 
 nearly all provincials. With these he made his 
 
 1 On Putnam's adventures, Hamphreys, 57 (1818). He had the story 
 from Putnam himself, and seems to give it with substantial correctness, 
 though his account of the battle is at several points erroneous. The 
 "Molang" of his account is Marin. On the battle, besides authorities 
 already cited, Recollections of Thomson Maxwell, a soldier present (Essex 
 Institute, VII. 97). Rogers, Journals, 117. Letter from camp in Boston 
 Gazette, no. 117. Another in New Hampshire Gazette, no. 104. Gentle- 
 man's Magazine, 1758, p. 498. Malartic, Journal du Regiment de Beam. 
 Levis, Journal de la Guerre en Canada. The French notices of the affair 
 are few and brief. They admit a defeat, but exaggerate the force and the 
 losses of the English, and underrate their own. Malartic, however, says 
 that Marin set out with four hundred men. and was soon after joined by 
 an additional number of Indians ; which nearly answers to the best English 
 accounts. 
 
128 FORT FRONTENAC. [1758. 
 
 way, up the Mohawk and down the Onondaga, to 
 the lonely and dismal spot where Oswego had 
 once stood. By dint of much persuasion a few 
 Oneidas joined him ; though, like most of the Five 
 Nations, they had been nearly lost to the English 
 through the effects of the defeat at Ticonderoga. 
 On the twenty-second of August his fleet of whale- 
 boats and bateaux pushed out on Lake Ontario ; 
 and, three days after, landed near the French 
 fort. On the night of the twenty-sixth Bradstreet 
 made a lodgment within less than two hundred 
 yards of it ; and early in the morning De Noyan, 
 the commandant, surrendered himself and his fol- 
 lowers, numbering a hundred and ten soldiers and 
 laborers, prisoners of war. With them were taken 
 nine armed vessels, carrying from eight to eigh- 
 teen guns, and forming the whole French naval 
 force on Lake Ontario. The crews escaped. An 
 enormous quantity of provisions, naval stores, 
 munitions, and Indian goods intended for the 
 supply of the western posts fell into the hands of 
 the English, who kept what they could carry off, 
 and burned the rest. In the fort were found sixty 
 cannon and sixteen mortars, which the victors 
 used to batter down the walls ; and then, reserv- 
 ing a few of the best, knocked off the trunnions 
 of the others. The Oneidas were bent on scalping 
 some of the prisoners. Bradstreet forbade it. 
 They begged that he would do as the French did, 
 — turn his back and shut his eyes ; but he forced 
 them to abstain from all violence, and consoled 
 them by a lion's share of the plunder. In accord- 
 
1758.] ITS CAPTURE. 129 
 
 ance with the orders of Abercromby, the fort was 
 dismantled, and all the buildings in or around it 
 burned, as were also the vessels, except the two 
 largest, which were reserved to carry off some of 
 the captured goods. Then, with boats deeply 
 laden, the detachment returned to Oswego ; where, 
 after unloading and burning the two vessels, they 
 proceeded towards Albany, leaving a thousand of 
 their number at the new fort which Brigadier 
 Stanwix was building at the Great Carrying Place 
 of the Mohawk. 
 
 Next to Louisbourg, this was the heaviest blow 
 that the French had yet received. Their com- 
 mand of Lake Ontario was gone. New France 
 was cut in two ; and unless the severed parts 
 could spee'dily reunite, all the posts of the interior 
 would be in imminent jeopardy. If Bradstreet 
 had been followed by another body of men to 
 reoccupy and rebuild Oswego, thus recovering a 
 harbor on Lake Ontario, all the captured French 
 vessels could have been brought thither, and the 
 command of this inland sea assured at once. 
 Even as it was, the advantages were immense. 
 A host of savage warriors, thus far inclined to 
 France or wavering between the two belligerents, 
 stood henceforth neutral, or gave themselves to 
 England; while Fort Duquesne, deprived of the 
 supplies on which it depended, could make but 
 faint resistance to its advancing enemy. 
 
 Amherst, with five regiments from Louisbourg, 
 came, early in October, to join Abercromby at 
 Lake George, and the two commanders discussed 
 
 VOL. II. — 9 
 
130 FORT FRONTENAC. [1758. 
 
 the question of again attacking Ticonderoga. 
 Both thought the season too late. A fortnight 
 after, a deserter brought news that Montcalm was 
 breaking up his camp. Abercromby followed his 
 example. The opposing armies filed off each to 
 its winter quarters, and only a few scouting par- 
 ties kept alive the embers of war on the waters 
 and mountains of Lake George. 
 
 Meanwhile Brigadier Forbes was climbing the 
 Alleghanies, hewing his way through the forests 
 of western Pennsylvania, and toiling inch by inch 
 towards his goal of Fort Duquesne. 1 
 
 1 On the capture of Fort Frontenac, Bradstreet to Ahercromby, 31 Aug. 
 1758. Impartial Account of Lieutenant- Colonel Bradstreet 's Expedition, by 
 a Volunteer in the Expedition (London, 1759). Letter from a New York 
 officer to his colonel, in Boston Gazette, no. 182. Several letters from 
 persons in the expedition, in Boston Evening Post, no. 1,203, New Uavvp* 
 shire Gazette, no. 104, and Boston News Letter, no. 2,932. Ahercromby to 
 Pitt, 25 Nov. 1758. Lieutenant Macauley to Horatio Gates, 30 Aug. 1758. 
 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 30 Oct. 1758. Pouchot, I. 162. M€moires sur le 
 Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 1758. 
 
 PORT DUQUESNE. 
 
 Dinwiddie and Washington. — Brigadier Forbes. — His Army. — 
 
 Conflicting Views. — Difficulties. — Illness of Forbes. His 
 
 Sufferings. ■— His Fortitude. — His Difference with Washing- 
 ton. — Sir John Sinclair. — Troublesome Allies. — Scouting 
 Parties. — Boasts of Vaudreuil. — Forbes and the Indians. — 
 Mission of Christian Frederic Post. — Council of Peace. — 
 Second Mission of Post. — Defeat of Grant. — Distress of 
 Forbes. — Dark Prospects. — Advance of the Army. — Capture 
 of the French Fort. — The Slain of Braddock's Field. — Death 
 of Forbes. 
 
 During the last year Loudon, filled with vain 
 schemes against Louisbourg, had left the French 
 scalping-parties to their work of havoc on the west- 
 ern borders. In Virginia Washington still toiled at 
 his hopeless task of defending with a single regi- 
 ment a forest frontier of more than three hundred 
 miles ; and in Pennsylvania the Assembly thought 
 more of quarrelling with their governor than of 
 protecting the tormented settlers. Fort Duquesne, 
 the source of all the evil, was left undisturbed. In 
 vain Washington urged the futility of defensive 
 war, and the necessity of attacking the enemy in 
 his stronghold. His position, trying at the best, 
 was made more so by the behavior of Dinwiddie. 
 That crusty Scotchman had conceived a dislike to 
 
132 FORT DUQUESNE. 11758. 
 
 him, and sometimes treated him in a manner that 
 must have been unspeakably galling to the proud 
 and passionate young man, who nevertheless, 
 unconquerable in his sense of public duty, curbed 
 himself to patience, or the semblance of it. 
 
 Dinwiddie was now gone, and a new governor had 
 taken his place. Tbe conduct of the war, too, had 
 changed, and in the plans of Pitt the capture of 
 Fort Duquesne held an important place. Brigadier 
 Jobn Forbes was charged with it. He was a Scotch 
 veteran, forty-eight years of age, who had begun 
 life as a student of medicine, and who ended it as 
 an able and faithful soldier. Though a well-bred 
 man of the world, his tastes were simple ; he de- 
 tested ceremony, and dealt frankly and plainly with 
 the colonists, who both respected and liked him. In 
 April he was in Philadelphia waiting for his army, 
 which as yet had no existence ; for the provincials 
 were not enlisted, and an expected battalion of 
 Highlanders had not arrived. It was the end of 
 June before they were all on the march ; and mean- 
 while the General was attacked with a painful and 
 dangerous malady, which would have totally dis- 
 abled a less resolute man. 
 
 His force consisted of provincials from Pennsyl- 
 vania, Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina, 
 with twelve hundred Highlanders of Montgomery's 
 regiment and a detachment of Royal Americans, 
 amounting in all, with wagoners and camp follow- 
 ers, to between six and seven thousand men. The 
 Royal American regiment was a new corps raised, 
 in the colonies, largely from among the Germans of 
 
1758.] OPPOSING PLANS. 133 
 
 Pennsylvania. Its officers were from Europe ; and 
 conspicuous among them was Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Henry Bouquet, a brave and accomplished Swiss, 
 who commanded one of the four battalions of which 
 the regiment was composed. Early in July he was 
 encamped with the advance-guard at the hamlet of 
 Kaystown, now the town of Bedford, among the 
 eastern heights of the Alleghanies. Here his tents 
 were pitched in an opening of the forest by the 
 banks of a small stream ; and Virginians in hunting- 
 shirts, Highlanders in kilt and plaid, and Royal 
 Americans in regulation scarlet, labored at throw- 
 ing up intrenchments and palisades, while around 
 stood the silent mountains in their mantles of green. 
 Now rose the question whether the army should 
 proceed in a direct course to Fort Duquesne, hewing 
 a new road through the forest, or march thirty-four 
 miles to Fort Cumberland, and thence follow the 
 road made by Braddock. It was the interest of 
 Pennsylvania that Forbes should choose the former 
 route, and of Virginia that he should choose the 
 latter. The Old Dominion did not wish to see a 
 highway cut for her rival to those rich lands of the 
 Ohio which she called her own. Washington, who 
 was then at Fort Cumberland with a part of his 
 regiment, was earnest for the old road ; and in an 
 interview with Bouquet midway between that place 
 and Raystown, he spared no effort to bring him to 
 the same opinion. But the quartermaster-general, 
 Sir John Sinclair, who was supposed to know the 
 country, had advised the Pennsylvania route ; and 
 both Bouquet and Forbes were resolved to take it. 
 
134 FORT DTJQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 It was shorter, and when once made would furnish 
 readier and more abundant supplies of food and 
 forage ; but to make it would consume a vast 
 amount of time and labor. Washington foretold 
 the ruin of the expedition unless it took Braddock's 
 road. Ardent Virginian as he was, there is no 
 cause to believe that his decision was based on any 
 but military reasons ; but Forbes thought otherwise, 
 and found great fault with him. Bouquet did him 
 more justice. " Colonel Washington," he writes 
 to the General, " is filled with a sincere zeal to aid 
 the expedition, and is ready to march with equal 
 activity by whatever way you choose." 
 
 The fate of Braddock had impressed itself on 
 all the army, and inspired a caution that was but 
 too much needed ; since, except Washington's men 
 and a few others among the provincials, the whole, 
 from general to drummer-boy, were total strangers 
 to that insidious warfare of the forest in which 
 their enemies, red and white, had no rival. In- 
 stead of marching, like Braddock, at one stretch 
 for Fort Duquesne, burdened with a long and cum- 
 brous baggage-train, it was the plan of Forbes to 
 push on by slow stages, establishing fortified mag- 
 azines as he went, and at last, when within easy 
 distance of the fort, to advance upon it with all 
 his force, as little impeded as possible with wagons 
 and pack-horses. He bore no likeness to his pre- 
 decessor, except in determined resolution, and he 
 did not hesitate to embrace military heresies which 
 would have driven Braddock to fury. To Bouquet, 
 in whom he placed a well-merited trust, he wrote, 
 
1758.] PROVINCIAL TROOPS. 135 
 
 "I have been long in your opinion of equipping 
 numbers of our men like the savages, and I fancy 
 Colonel Burd, of Virginia, has most of his best 
 people equipped in that manner. In this country 
 we must learn the art of war from enemy Indians, 
 or anybody else who has seen it carried on here." 
 
 His provincials displeased him, not without 
 reason ; for the greater part were but the crudest 
 material for an army, unruly, and recalcitrant to 
 discipline. Some of them came to the rendezvous 
 at Carlisle with old province muskets, the locks 
 tied on with a string; others brought fowling- 
 pieces of their own, and others carried nothing 
 but walking-sticks ; while many had never fired 
 a gun in their lives. 1 Forbes reported to Pitt that 
 their officers, except a few in the higher ranks, 
 were " an extremely bad collection of broken inn- 
 keepers, horse-jockeys, and Indian traders ; " nor is 
 he more flattering towards the men, though as to 
 some of them he afterwards changed his mind. 2 
 
 While Bouquet was with the advance at Rays- 
 town, Forbes was still in Philadelphia, trying to 
 bring the army into shape, and collecting provi- 
 sions, horses, and wagons ; much vexed meantime 
 by the Assembly, whose tedious disputes about tax- 
 ing the proprietaries greatly obstructed the service. 
 " No sergeant or quartermaster of a regiment," he 
 says, " is obliged to look into more details than 
 I am ; and if I did not see to everything myself, 
 we should never get out of this town." July had 
 
 1 Correspondence of Forbes and Bouquet, July, August, 1758. 
 
 2 Forbes to Pitt, 6 Sept. 1758. 
 
136 FORT DUQUESNE. 11758. 
 
 begun before he could reach the frontier village of 
 Carlisle, where he found everything in confusion. 
 After restoring some order, he wrote to Bouquet : 
 " I have been and still am but poorly, with a cursed 
 flux, but shall move day after to-morrow." He 
 was doomed to disappointment ; and it was not 
 till the ninth of August that he sent another letter 
 from the same place to the same military friend. 
 " I am now able to write after three weeks of a 
 most violent and tormenting distemper, which, 
 thank God, seems now much abated as to pain, 
 but has left me as weak as a new-born infant. 
 However, I hope to have strength enough to set 
 out from this place on Friday next." The dis- 
 ease was an inflammation of the stomach and other 
 vital organs ; and when he should have been in 
 bed, with complete repose of body and mind, he 
 was racked continually with the toils and worries 
 of a most arduous campaign. 
 
 He left Carlisle on the eleventh, carried on a 
 kind of litter made of a hurdle slung between two 
 horses ; and two days later he wrote from Shippens- 
 burg : " My journey here from Carlisle raised my 
 disorder and pains to so intolerable a degree that 
 I was obliged to stop, and may not get away for 
 a day or two." Again, on the eighteenth : "lam 
 better, and partly free from the excruciating pain 
 I suffered ; but still so weak that I can scarce bear 
 motion." He lay helpless at Shippensburg till 
 September was well advanced. On the second he 
 says : " I really cannot describe how I have suffered 
 both in body and mind of late, and the relapses 
 
1758.] FORBES AND WASHINGTON". 137 
 
 have been worse as the disappointment was 
 greater;" and on the fourth, still writing to 
 Bouquet, who in the camp at Raystown was strug- 
 gling with many tribulations : " I am sorry you 
 have met with so many cross accidents to vex you, 
 and have such a parcel of scoundrels as the pro- 
 vincials to work with ; mais le vin est tirS, and you 
 must drop a little of the gentleman and treat them 
 as they deserve. Seal and send off the enclosed 
 despatch to Sir John by some sure hand. He is 
 a very odd man, and I am sorry it has been my 
 fate to have any concern with him. I am afraid 
 our army will not admit of division, lest one half 
 meet with a check; therefore I would consult 
 Colonel Washington, though perhaps not follow 
 his advice, as his behavior about the roads was 
 noways like a soldier. I thank my good cousin 
 for his letter, and have only to say that I have 
 all my life been subject to err ; but I now reform, 
 as I go to bed at eight at night, if able to sit up 
 go late." 
 
 Nobody can read the letters of Washington at 
 this time without feeling that the imputations of 
 Forbes were unjust, and that here, as elsewhere, his 
 ruling motive was the public good. 1 Forbes him- 
 self, seeing the rugged and difficult nature of the 
 country, began to doubt whether after all he had 
 not better have chosen the old road of Braddock. 
 He soon had an interview with its chief advocates, 
 
 1 Besides the printed letters, there is an autograph collection of his 
 correspondence with Bouquet in 1758 (forming vol. 21,641, Additional 
 Manuscripts, British Museum). Copies of the whole are before me. 
 
138 FORT DUQUESNE. [176a 
 
 the two Virginia colonels, Washington and Burd 7 
 and reported the result to Bouquet, adding : " I told 
 them that, whatever they thought, I had acted on 
 the best information to be had, and could safely 
 say for myself, and believed I might answer for 
 you, that the good of the service was all we had at 
 heart, not valuing provincial interests, jealousies, 
 or suspicions one single twopence." It must be 
 owned that, considering the slow and sure mode of 
 advance which he had wisely adopted, the old sol- 
 dier was probably right in his choice ; since before 
 the army could reach Fort Duquesne, the autumnal 
 floods would have made the Youghiogany and the 
 Monongahela impassable. 
 
 The Sir John mentioned by Forbes was the 
 quartermaster-general, Sir John Sinclair, who had 
 gone forward with Virginians and other troops 
 from the camp of Bouquet to make the road over 
 the main range of the Alleghanies, whence he sent 
 back the following memorandum of his require 1 
 ments : " Pickaxes, crows, and shovels ; likewise 
 more whiskey. Send me the newspapers, and tell 
 my black to send me a candlestick and half a loaf 
 of sugar." He was extremely inefficient ; and 
 Forbes, out of all patience with him, wrote confi- 
 dentially to Bouquet that his only talent was for . 
 throwing everything into confusion. Yet he found 
 fault with everybody else, and would discharge 
 volleys of oaths at all who met his disapproval. 
 From this cause or some other, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Stephen, of the Virginians, told him that he would 
 break his sword rather than be longer under his 
 
1758.] FORBES AND THE INDIANS. 139 
 
 orders. " As I had not sufficient strength," says 
 Sinclair, " to take him by the neck from among 
 his own men, I was obliged to let him have his 
 own way, that I might not be the occasion of blood- 
 shed." He succeeded at last in arresting him, and 
 Major Lewis, of the same regiment, took his place. 
 The aid of Indians as scouts and skirmishers was 
 of the last importance to an army so weak in the 
 arts of woodcraft, and efforts were made to engage 
 the services of the friendly Cherokees and Cataw- 
 bas, many of whom came to the camp, where their 
 caprice, insolence, an'd rapacity tried to the utmost 
 the patience of the commanders. That of Sir John 
 Sinclair had already been overcome by his dealings 
 with the provincial authorities ; and he wrote in 
 good French, at the tail of a letter to the Swiss 
 colonel : " Adieu, my dear Bouquet. The greatest 
 curse that our Lord can pronounce against the 
 worst of sinners is to give them business to do 
 with provincial commissioners and friendly Indi- 
 ans." A band of sixty warriors told Colonel Burd 
 that they would join the army on condition that it 
 went by Braddock's road. " This," wrote Forbes, 
 on hearing of the proposal, " is a new system of 
 military discipline truly, and shows that my good 
 friend Burd is either made a cat's-foot of himself, 
 or little knows me if he imagines that sixty scoun- 
 drels are to direct me in my measures." * Bouquet, 
 with a pliant tact rarely seen in the born Briton, 
 took great pains to please these troublesome allies, 
 
 1 The above extracts are from the Bouquet and Haldimand Papers,. 
 British Museum. 
 
140 FORT DUQTJESNE. [1758. 
 
 and went so far as to adopt one of them as his 
 son. 1 A considerable number joined the army; 
 but they nearly all went off when the stock of 
 presents provided for them was exhausted. 
 
 Forbes was in total ignorance of the strength 
 and movements of the enemy. The Indians re- 
 ported their numbers to be at least equal to his 
 own ; but nothing could be learned from them with 
 certainty, by reason of their inveterate habit of 
 lying. Several scouting-parties of whites were 
 therefore sent forward, of which the most success- 
 ful was that of a young Virginian officer, accom- 
 panied by a sergeant and five Indians. At a little 
 distance from the French fort, the Indians stopped 
 to paint themselves and practise incantations. The 
 chief warrior of the party then took certain charms 
 from an otter-skin bag and tied them about the 
 necks of the other Indians. On that of the officer he 
 hung the otter-skin itself ; while to the sergeant he 
 gave a small packet of paint from the same mystic 
 receptacle. " He told us," reports the officer, " that 
 none of us could be shot, for those things would 
 turn the balls from us ; and then shook hands with 
 us, and told us to go and fight like men." Thus 
 armed against fate, they mounted the high ground 
 afterwards called Grant's Hill, where, covered by 
 trees and bushes, they had a good view of the fort, 
 and saw plainly that the reports of the French 
 force were greatly exaggerated. 2 
 
 1 Bouquet to Forbes, 3 June, 1758. 
 
 2 Journal of a Reconnoitring Party, Aug. 1758. The writer seems to 
 bave been Ensign Chew, of Washington's regiment. 
 
1758.] ADVANCE OF FORBES. 141 
 
 Meanwhile Bouquet's men pushed on the heavy 
 work of road-making up the main range of the 
 Alleghanies, and, what proved far worse, the par- 
 allel mountain ridge of Laurel Hill, hewing, dig- 
 ging, blasting, laying fascines and gabions to 
 support the track along the sides of steep decliv- 
 ities, or worming their way like moles through the 
 jungle of swamp and forest. Forbes described 
 the country to Pitt as an " immense uninhabited 
 wilderness, overgrown everywhere with trees and 
 brushwood, so that nowhere can one see twenty 
 yards." In truth, as far as eye or mind could 
 reach, a prodigious forest vegetation spread its 
 impervious canopy over hill, valley, and plain, and 
 wrapped the stern and awful waste in the shadows 
 of the tomb. 
 
 Having secured his magazines at Raystown, and 
 built a fort there named Fort Bedford, Bouquet 
 made a forward movement of some forty miles, 
 crossed the main Alleghany and Laurel Hill, and, 
 taking post on a stream called Loyalhannon Creek, 
 began ano'ther depot of supplies as a base for the 
 final advance on Fort Duquesne, which was scarcely 
 fifty miles distant. 
 
 Vaudreuil bad learned from prisoners the march 
 of Forbes, and, with his usual egotism, announced 
 to the Colonial Minister what he had done in con- 
 sequence. " I have provided for the safety of Fort 
 Duquesne." " I have sent reinforcements to M. 
 de Ligneris, wh© commands there." " I have done 
 the impossible to supply him with provisions, and 
 I am now sending them in abundance, in order that 
 
142 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 the troops I may perhaps have occasion to send to 
 drive off the English may not be delayed." " A 
 stronger fort is needed on the Ohio ; but I cannot 
 build one till after the peace ; then I will take care 
 to build such a one as will thenceforth keep the 
 English out of that country." Some weeks later 
 he was less confident, and very anxious for news 
 from Ligneris. He says that he has sent him all 
 the succors he could, and ordered troops to go 
 to his aid from Niagara, Detroit, and Illinois, as 
 well as the militia of Detroit, with the Indians 
 there and elsewhere in the West, — Hurons, Otta- 
 was, Pottawattamies, Miamis, and other tribes. 
 What he fears is that the English will not attack 
 the fort till all these Indians have grown tired of 
 waiting, and have gone home again. 1 This was 
 precisely the intention of Forbes, and the chief 
 object of his long delays. 
 
 He had another good reason for making no 
 haste. There was hope that the Delawares and 
 Shawanoes, who lived within easy reach of Fort 
 Duquesne, and who for the past three years had 
 spread havoc throughout the English border, might 
 now be won over from the French alliance. Forbes 
 wrote to Bouquet from Shippensburg : " After 
 many intrigues with Quakers, the Provincial Com- 
 missioners, the Governor, etc., and by the downright 
 bullying of Sir William Johnson, I hope I have now 
 brought about a general convention of the In- 
 dians." 2 The convention was to include the Five 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, Juillet, Aout, Octobre 1758. 
 
 2 Forbes to Bouquet, 18 Aug. 1758. 
 
lT5a] "WAVERING ALLIES. 143 
 
 Nations, the Delawares, the Shawanoes, and other 
 tribes, who had accepted wampum belts of invita- 
 tion, and promised to meet the Governor and Com- 
 missioners of the various provinces at the town 
 of Easton, before the middle of September. This 
 seeming miracle was wrought by several causes. 
 The Indians in the French interest, always greedy 
 for presents, had not of late got enough to satisfy 
 them. Many of those destined for them had been 
 taken on the way from France by British cruisers, 
 and the rest had passed through the hands of 
 official knaves, who sold the greater part for their 
 own profit. Again, the goods supplied by French 
 fur-traders were few and dear; and the Indians 
 remembered with regret the abundance and com- 
 parative cheapness of those they had from the 
 English before the war. At the same time it was 
 reported among them that a British army was 
 marching to the Ohio strong enough to drive out 
 the French from all that country ; and the Dela- 
 wares and Shawanoes of the West began to waver 
 in their attachment to the falling cause. The 
 eastern Delawares, living at Wyoming and else- 
 where on the upper Susquehanna, had made their 
 peace with the English in the summer before ; and 
 their great chief, Teedyuscung, thinking it for his 
 interest that the tribes of the Ohio should follow 
 his example, sent them wampum belts, inviting 
 them to lay down the hatchet. The Five Nations, 
 with Johnson at one end of the Confederacy and 
 Joncaire at the other, — the one cajoling them in 
 behalf of England, and the other in behalf of 
 
144 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 France, — were still divided in counsel ; but even 
 among the Senecas, the tribe most under Joncaire's 
 influence, there was a party so far inclined to 
 England that, like the Delaware chief, they sent 
 wampum to the Ohio, inviting peace. But the 
 influence most potent in reclaiming the warriors 
 of the West was of a different kind. Christian 
 Frederic Post, a member of the Moravian brother- 
 hood, had been sent at the instance of Forbes as 
 an envoy to the hostile tribes from the Governor 
 and Council of Pennsylvania. He spoke the Dela- 
 ware language, knew the Indians well, had lived 
 among them, had married a converted squaw, and, 
 by his simplicity of character, directness, and per- 
 fect honesty, gained their full confidence. He now 
 accepted his terrible mission, and calmly prepared 
 to place himself in the clutches of the tiger. He 
 was a plain German, upheld by a sense of duty and 
 a single-hearted trust in God ; alone, with no great 
 disciplined organization to impel and support him, 
 and no visions and illusions such as kindled and 
 sustained the splendid heroism of the early Jesuit 
 martyrs. Yet his errand was no whit less peril- 
 ous. And here we may notice the contrast between 
 the mission settlements of the Moravians in Penn- 
 sylvania and those which the later Jesuits and the 
 Sulpitians had established at Caughnawaga, St. 
 Francis, La Presentation, and other places. The 
 Moravians were apostles of peace, and they suc- 
 ceeded to a surprising degree in weaning their 
 converts from their ferocious instincts and war- 
 like habits ; while the Mission Indians of Canada 
 
1758.] FREDERIC POST. 145 
 
 retained all their native fierceness, and were syste- 
 matically impelled to use their tomahawks against 
 the enemies of the Church. Their wigwams were 
 hung with scalps, male and female, adult and 
 infant; and these so-called missions were but 
 nests of baptized savages, who wore the crucifix 
 instead of the medicine-bag, and were encouraged 
 by the Government for purposes of war. 1 
 
 The Moravian envoy made his way to the Del- 
 aware town of Kushkushkee, on Beaver Creek, 
 northwest of Fort Duquesne, where -the three 
 chiefs known as King Beaver, Shingas, and Dela- 
 ware George received him kindly, and conducted 
 him to another town on the same stream. Here 
 his reception was different. A crowd of warriors, 
 their faces distorted with rage, surrounded him, 
 brandishing knives and threatening to kill him ; 
 but others took his part, and, order being at last 
 restored, he read them his message from the Gov- 
 ernor, which seemed to please them. They in- 
 sisted, however, that he should go with them to 
 Fort Duquesne, in order that the Indians assembled 
 there might hear it also. Against this dangerous 
 proposal he protested in vain. On arriving near 
 the fort, the French demanded that he should be 
 given up to them, and, being refused, offered a 
 great reward for his scalp ; on which his friends 
 advised him to keep close by the camp-fire, as 
 
 1 Of the Hurons of the mission of Lorette, Bougainville says : " Us 
 sont toujours sauvages autant que ceux qui sont les moins apprivoiseV 
 And yet they had teen converts under Jesuit control for more than four 
 generations. The case was no better at the other missions ; and at St. 
 Francis it seems to have been worse. 
 VOL. II. — 10 
 
146 FOET DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 parties were out with intent to kill him. " Ac- 
 cordingly," says Post, "I stuck to the fire as if 
 I had been chained there. On the next day the 
 Indians, ^with a great many French officers, came 
 out to hear what I had to say. The officers 
 brought with them a table, pens, ink, and paper. 
 I spoke in the midst of them with a free con- 
 science, and perceived by their 4ooks that they 
 were not pleased with what I said." The sub- 
 stance of his message was an invitation to the 
 Indians to renew the old chain of friendship, 
 joined with a warning that an English army 
 was on its way to drive off the French, and that 
 they would do well to stand neutral. 
 
 He addressed an audience filled with an inordi- 
 nate sense of their own power and importance, 
 believing themselves greater and braver than 
 either of the European nations, and yet deeply 
 jealous of both. "We have heard," they said, 
 "that the French and English mean to kill all 
 the Indians and divide the land among them- 
 selves." And on this string they harped con- 
 tinually. If they had known their true interest, 
 they would have made no peace with the English, 
 but would have united as one man to form a 
 barrier of fire against their farther progress ; for 
 the "West in English hands meant farms, villages, 
 cities, the ruin of the forest, the extermination 
 of the game, and the expulsion of those who 
 lived on it ; while the West in French hands 
 meant but scattered posts of war and trade, with 
 the native tribes cherished as indispensable allies. 
 
1758.] RETURN OF POST. 147 
 
 After waiting some days, the three tribes of the 
 Delawares met in council, and made their answer 
 to the message brought by Post. It was worthy 
 of a proud and warlike race, and was to the effect 
 that since their brothers of Pennsylvania wished 
 to renew the old peace-chain, they on their part 
 were willing to do so, provided that the wampum 
 belt should be sent them in the name, not of 
 Pennsylvania alone, but of the rest of the prov- 
 inces also. 
 
 Having now accomplished his errand, Post 
 wished to return home ; but the Indians were 
 seized with an access of distrust, and would not 
 let him go. This jealousy redoubled when they 
 saw him writing in his notebook. " It is a 
 troublesome cross and heavy yoke to draw this 
 people," he says ; " they can punish and squeeze 
 a body's heart to the utmost. There came some 
 together and examined me about what I had 
 wrote yesterday. I told them I writ what was 
 my duty. ' Brothers, I tell you I am not afraid 
 of you. I have a good conscience before God 
 and man. I tell you, brothers, there is a bad 
 spirit in your hearts, which breeds jealousy, and 
 will keep you ever in fear.'' At last they let 
 him go ; and, eluding a party that lay in wait for 
 his scalp, he journeyed twelve days through the 
 forest, and reached Fort Augusta with the report 
 of his mission. 1 
 
 As the result of it, a great convention of white 
 men and red was held at Easton in October. 
 
 1 Journal of Christian Frederic Post, July, August, September, 1758. 
 
148 FORT DUQUESNE. 11758. 
 
 The neighboring provinces had been asked to 
 send their delegates, and some of them did so ; 
 while belts of invitation were sent to the Indians 
 far and near. Sir William Johnson, for reasons 
 best known to himself, at first opposed the plan ; 
 but was afterwards led to favor it and to induce 
 tribes under his influence to join in the grand 
 pacification. The Five Nations, with the smaller 
 tribes lately admitted into their confederacy, the 
 Delawares of the Susquehanna, the Mohegans, 
 and several kindred bands, all had their represen- 
 tatives at the meeting. The conferences lasted 
 nineteen days, with the inevitable formalities of 
 such occasions, and the weary repetition of con- 
 ventional metaphors and long-winded speeches. 
 At length, every difficulty being settled, the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania, in behalf of all the 
 English, rose with a wampum belt in his hand, 
 and addressed the tawny congregation thus : " By 
 this belt we heal your wounds; we remove your 
 grief ; we take the hatchet out of your heads ; 
 we make a hole in the earth, and bury it so deep 
 that nobody can dig it up again." Then, laying 
 the first belt before them, he took another, very 
 large, made of white wampum beads, in token 
 of peace : " By this belt we renew all our treaties ; 
 we brighten the chain of friendship ; we put fresh 
 earth to the roots of the tree of peace, that it may 
 bear up against every storm, and live and flourish 
 while the sun shines and the rivers run." And 
 he gave them the belt with the request that they 
 would send it to their friends and allies, and invite 
 
1758.] SECOND MISSION OF POST. 149 
 
 them to take hold also of the chain of friendship. 
 Accordingly all present agreed on a joint message 
 of peace to the tribes of the Ohio. 1 
 
 Frederic Post, with several white and Indian 
 companions, was chosen to bear it. A small 
 escort of soldiers that attended him as far as the 
 Alleghany was cut to pieces on its return by a 
 band of the very warriors to whom he was car- 
 rying his offers of friendship; and other tenants 
 of the grim and frowning wilderness met the 
 invaders of their domain with inhospitable greet- 
 ings. " The wolves made a terrible music this 
 night," he writes at his first bivouac after leaving 
 Loyalhannon. When he reached the Delaware 
 towns his reception was ominous. The young 
 warriors said : " Anybody can see with half an 
 eye that the English only mean to cheat us. Let 
 us knock the messengers in the head." Some of 
 them had attacked an English outpost, and had 
 been repulsed ; hence, in the words of Post, " They 
 were possessed with a murdering spirit, and with 
 bloody vengeance were thirsty and drunk. I said : 
 ' As God has stopped the mouths of the lions that 
 they could not devour Daniel, so he will preserve 
 us from their fury.' " The chiefs and elders were 
 of a different mind from their fierce and capricious 
 young men. They met during the evening in the 
 log-house where Post and his party lodged; and 
 here a French officer presently arrived with a 
 string of wampum from the commandant, inviting 
 them to help him drive back the army of Forbes. 
 
 1 Minutes of Conferences at Eastern, October, 1758. 
 
150 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 The string was scornfully rejected. " They kicked 
 it from one to another as if it were a snake. Cap- 
 tain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string 
 from one end of the room to the other, and said : 
 1 Give it to the French captain ; he boasted of hia 
 fighting, now let us see him fight. We have often 
 ventured our lives for him, and got hardly a loaf 
 of bread in return ; and now he thinks we shall 
 jump to serve him.' Then we saw the French 
 captain mortified to the uttermost. He looked 
 as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and 
 joked till midnight, and the French captain sent 
 messengers at midnight to Fort Duquesne." 
 
 There was a grand council, at which the French 
 officer was present ; and Post delivered the peace 
 message from the council at Easton, along with 
 another with which Forbes had charged him. 
 " The messages pleased all the hearers except the 
 French captain. He shook his head in bitter grief, 
 and often changed countenance. Isaac Still [an 
 Inclian~\ ran him down with great boldness, and 
 pointed at him, saying, ' There he sits ! ' They all 
 said : ' The French always deceived us ! ' pointing 
 at the French captain ; who, bowing down his 
 head, turned quite pale, and could look no one 
 in the face. All the Indians began to mock and 
 laugh at him. He could hold it no longer, and 
 went out." 1 
 
 The overtures of peace were accepted, and the 
 Delawares, Shawanoes, and Mingoes were no longer 
 enemies of the English. The loss was the more 
 
 1 Journal of Christian Frederic Post, October, November, 1758. 
 
1758.J GRAFT'S EXPEDITION. 152 
 
 disheartening to the French, since, some weeks 
 before, they had gained a success which they 
 hoped would confirm the adhesion of all their 
 wavering allies. Major Grant, of the Highland- 
 ers, had urged Bouquet to send him to reconnoitre 
 Fort Duquesne, capture prisoners, and strike a 
 blow that would animate the assailants and dis- 
 courage the assailed. Bouquet, forgetting his 
 usual prudence, consented ; and Grant set oat 
 from the camp at Loyalhannon with about eight 
 hundred men, Highlanders, Royal Americans, and 
 provincials. On the fourteenth of September, at 
 two in the morning, he reached the top of the 
 rising ground thenceforth called Grant's Hill, half 
 a mile or more from the French fort. The forest 
 and the darkness of the night hid him completely 
 from the enemy. He ordered Major Lewis, of the 
 Virginians, to take with him half the detachment, 
 descend to the open plain before the fort, and 
 attack the Indians known to be encamped there ; 
 after which he was to make a feigned retreat to 
 the hill, where the rest of the troops were to lie 
 in ambush and receive the pursuers. Lewis set 
 out on his errand, while Grant waited anxious- 
 ly for the result. Dawn was near, and all was 
 silent ; till at length Lewis returned, and incensed 
 his commander by declaring that his men had lost 
 their way in the dark woods, and fallen into such 
 confusion that the attempt was impracticable. 
 The morning twilight now began, but the country 
 was wrapped in thick fog. Grant abandoned his 
 first plan, and sent a few Highlanders into the 
 
152 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 cleared ground to burn a warehouse that had 
 been seen there. He was convinced that the 
 French and their Indians were too few to attack 
 him, though their numbers in fact were far greater 
 than his own. 1 Infatuated with this idea, and 
 bent on taking prisoners, he had the incredible 
 rashness to divide his force in such a way that 
 the several parts could not support each other. 
 Lewis, with two hundred men, was sent to guard 
 the baggage two miles in the rear, where a com- 
 pany of Virginians, under Captain Bullitt, was al- 
 ready stationed. A hundred Pennsylvanians were 
 posted far off on the right, towards the Alleghany, 
 while Captain Mackenzie, with a detachment of 
 Highlanders, was sent to the left, towards the 
 Monongahela. Then, the fog having cleared a 
 little, Captain Macdonald, with another company 
 of Highlanders, was ordered into the open plain 
 to reconnoitre the fort and make a plan of it, 
 Grant himself remaining on the hill with a hun- 
 dred of his own regiment and a company of 
 Maryland men. " In order to put on a good 
 countenance," he says, " and convince our men 
 they had no reason to be afraid, I gave directions 
 to our drums to beat the reveille. The troops 
 were in an advantageous post, and I must own I 
 thought we had nothing to fear." Macdonald 
 
 1 Grant to Forhes, no date. "Les rapports sur ]e nombre des Francais 
 vaiient de 3,000 a 1,200." Bouquet a Forbes, 17 Sept. 1758. Bigot says 
 that 3,500 daily rations were delivered at Fort Duquesne throughout the 
 summer. Bigot au Ministre,2'2 Nov. 1758. In October the number had 
 fallen to 1,180, which included Indians. Ligneris a Vaudreuil, 18 Oct. 
 1758. 
 
1758.] DEFEAT OF GRANT. 153 
 
 was at this time on the plain, midway between 
 the woods and the fort, and in full sight of it. 
 The roll of the drums from the hill was answered 
 by a burst of war-whoops, and the French came 
 swarming out like hornets, many of them in their 
 shirts, having just leaped from their beds. They 
 all rushed upon Macdonald and his men, who 
 met them with a volley that checked their ad- 
 vance ; on which they surrounded lnm at a dis- 
 tance, and tried to cut off his retreat. The High- 
 landers broke through, and gained the woods, with 
 the loss of their commander, who was shot dead. 
 A crowd of French followed close, and soon put 
 them to rout, driving them and Mackenzie's party 
 back to the hill where Grant was posted. Here 
 there was a hot fight in the forest, lasting about 
 three quarters of an hour. At length the force 
 of numbers, the novelty of the situation, and the 
 appalling yells of the Canadians and Indians, com- 
 pletely overcame the Highlanders, so intrepid in 
 the ordinary situations of war. They broke away 
 in a wild and disorderly retreat. " Fear," says 
 Grant, " got the better of every other passion ; and 
 I trust I shall never again see such a panic among 
 troops." 
 
 His only hope was in the detachment he had sent 
 to the rear under Lewis to guard the baggage. But 
 Lewis and his men, when they heard the firing in 
 front, had left their post and pushed forward to help 
 their comrades, taking a straight course through 
 the forest ; while Grant was retreating along the 
 path by which he had advanced the night before. 
 
154 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 Thus they missed each other ; and when Grant 
 reached the spot where he expected to find 
 Lewis, he saw to his dismay that nobody was there 
 but Captain Bullitt and his company. He cried in 
 despair that he was a ruined man ; not without 
 reason, for the whole body of French and Indians 
 was upon him. Such of his men as held together 
 were forced towards the Alleghany, and, writes 
 Bouquet, " would probably have been cut to pieces 
 but for Captain Bullitt and his Virginians, who kept 
 up the fight against the whole French force till two 
 thirds of them were killed." They were offered 
 quarter, but refused it ; and the survivors were 
 driven at last into the Alleghany, where some were 
 drowned, and others swam over and escaped. Grant 
 was surrounded and captured, and Lewis, who pres- 
 ently came up, was also made prisoner, along with 
 some of his men, after a stiff resistance. Thus 
 ended this mismanaged affair, which cost the Eng- 
 lish two hundred and seventy three killed, wounded, 
 and taken. The rest got back safe to Loyalhannon. 1 
 The invalid General was deeply touched by this 
 reverse, yet expressed himself with a moderation 
 that does him honor. He wrote to Bouquet from 
 Raystown : " Your letter of the seventeenth I read 
 
 1 On Grant's defeat, Grant to Forbes, no date, a long and minute report, 
 ■written while a prisoner. Bouquet a Forbes, 17 Sept. 1758. Forbes to Pitt, 
 20 Oct. 1758. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 1 Nov. 1758. Letters from camp in 
 Boston Evening Post, Boston Weekly Advertiser, Boston News Letter, and 
 other provincial newspapers, of the time. List of Killed, Wounded, and- 
 Missing in the Action of Sept. 14. Gentleman's Magazine, XXIX. 173. 
 Hazard's Pennsylvania Register, VIII. 141. Olden Time, 1. 179. Vaudreuil, 
 with characteristic exaggeration, represents all Grant's party as killed or 
 taken, except a few who died of starvation. The returns show that 54<X 
 came back safe, out of 813. 
 
1758 -] DEFEAT OF GRANT. 155 
 
 with no less surprise than concern, as I could not 
 believe that such an attempt would have been made 
 without my knowledge and concurrence. The 
 breaking in upon our fair and flattering hopes of 
 success touches me most sensibly. There are two 
 wounded Highland officers just now arrived, who 
 give so lame an account of the matter that one can 
 draw nothing from them, only that my friend Grant 
 most certainly lost his wits, and by his thirst of 
 fame brought on his own perdition, and ran great 
 risk of ours." * 
 
 The French pushed their advantage with spirit. 
 Early in October a large body of them hovered in 
 the woods about the camp at Loyalhannon, drove 
 back a detachment sent against them, approached 
 under cover of the trees, and, though beaten off, 
 withdrew deliberately, after burying their dead and 
 killing great numbers of horses and cattle. 2 But, 
 with all their courageous energy, their position was 
 desperate. The militia of Louisiana and the Illi- 
 nois left the fort in November and went home ; the 
 Indians of Detroit and the Wabash "would stay no 
 longer; and, worse yet, the supplies destined for 
 Fort Duquesne had been destroyed by Bradstreet 
 at Fort Frontenac. Hence Ligneris was compelled 
 by prospective starvation to dismiss the greater part 
 of his force, and await the approach of his enemy 
 with those that remained. 
 
 1 Forbes to Bouquet, 23 Sept. 1758. 
 
 2 Burd to Bouquet, 12 Oct. 1758. Bouquet a Forbes, 13 Oct. 1758. Forbes 
 to Pitt, 20 Oct. 1758. Letter from Loyalhannon, 14 Oct., in Olden Time,\. 
 180. Letters from camp, in Boston News Letter. Ligneris a Vaudreuil,. 
 18 Oct. 1758. Vaudreuil au Minislre, 20 Nov. 1758. 
 
156 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 His enemy was in a plight hardly better than his 
 own. Autumnal rains, uncommonly heavy and 
 persistent, had ruined the newly-cut road. On the 
 mountains the torrents tore it up, and in the val- 
 leys the wheels of the wagons and cannon churned it 
 into soft mud. The horses, overworked and under- 
 fed, were fast breaking down. The forest had little 
 food for them, and they were forced to drag their 
 own oats and corn, as well as supplies for the army, 
 through two hundred miles of wilderness. In the 
 wretched condition of the road this was no longer 
 possible. The magazines of provisions formed at 
 Raystown and Loyalhannon to support the army 
 on its forward march were emptied faster than they 
 could be filled. Early in October the elements re- 
 lented ; the clouds broke, the sky was bright again, 
 and the sun shone out in splendor on mountains 
 radiant in the livery of autumn. A gleam of hope 
 revisited the heart of Forbes. It was but a flatter- 
 ing illusion. The sullen clouds returned, and a 
 chill, impenetrable veil of mist and rain hid the 
 mountains and the trees. Dejected Nature wept 
 and would not be comforted. Above, below, around, 
 all was trickling, oozing, pattering, gushing. In 
 the miserable encampments the starved horses 
 stood steaming in the rain, and the men crouched, 
 disgusted, under their dripping tents, while the 
 drenched picket-guard in the neighboring forest 
 paced dolefully through black mire and spongy 
 mosses. The rain turned to snow ; the descending 
 flakes clung to the many-colored foliage, or melted 
 from sight in the trench of half-liquid clay that 
 
1758] SUFFERINGS OF FORBES. 157 
 
 was called a road. The wheels of the wagons 
 sank in it to the hub, and to advance or retreat 
 was alike impossible. 
 
 Forbes from his sick bed at Raystown wrote to 
 Bouquet : " Your description of the road pierces me 
 to the very soul." And a few days later to Pitt : 
 " I am in the greatest distress, occasioned by rains 
 unusual at this season, which have rendered the 
 clay roads absolutely impracticable. If the weather 
 does not favor, I shall be absolutely locked up in 
 the mountains. I cannot form any judgment how 
 I am to extricate myself, as everything depends on 
 the weather, which snows and rains frightfully." 
 There was no improvement. In the next week he 
 writes to Bouquet : " These four days of constant 
 rain have completely ruined the road. The wagons 
 would cut it up more in an hour than we could 
 repair in a week. I have written to General Aber- 
 cromby, but have not had one scrape of a pen from 
 him since the beginning of September ; so it looks 
 as if we were either forgot or left to our fate." * 
 Wasted and tortured by disease, the perplexed 
 commander was forced to burden himself with a 
 multitude of details which would else have been 
 neglected, and to do the work of commissary and 
 quartermaster as well as general. " My time," he 
 writes, " is disagreeably spent between business and 
 medicine." 
 
 In the beginning of November he was carried 
 to Loyalhannon, where the whole army was then 
 
 1 Forbes to Bouquet, 15 Oct. 1758. Ibid., 25 Oct. 1758. Forbes to Pitt, 10 
 Oct. 1758. 
 
158 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 gathered. There was a council of officers, and they 
 resolved to attempt nothing more that season ; but, 
 a few days later, three prisoners were brought in 
 who reported the defenceless condition of the French, 
 on which Forbes gave orders to advance again. The 
 wagons and all the artillery, except a few light 
 pieces, were left behind ; and on the eighteenth of 
 November twenty-five hundred picked men marched 
 for Fort Duquesne, without tents or baggage, and 
 burdened only with knapsacks and blankets. Wash- 
 ington and Colonel Armstrong, of the Pennsylvani- 
 ans, had opened a way for them by cutting a road 
 to within a day's march of the French fort. On 
 the evening of the twenty-fourth, the detachment 
 encamped among the hills of Turkey Creek ; and 
 the men on guard heard at midnight a dull and 
 heavy sound booming over the western woods. 
 Was it a magazine exploded by accident, or were 
 the French blowing up their works ? In the 
 morning the march was resumed, a strong advance- 
 guard leading the way. Forbes came next, car- 
 ried in his litter ; and the troops followed in three 
 parallel columns, the Highlanders in the centre 
 under Montgomery, their colonel, and the Royal 
 Americans and provincials on the right and left, 
 under Bouquet and Washington. 1 Thus, guided by 
 the tap of the drum at the head of each column, 
 they moved slowly through the forest, over damp, 
 fallen leaves, crisp with frost, beneath an endless 
 entanglement of bare gray twigs that sighed and 
 
 1 Letter from a British Officer in the Expedition, 25 Feb. 1759, Gentle- 
 man's Magazine, XXIX. 171. 
 
1758. J ITS EVACUATION. 159 
 
 moaned in the bleak November wind. Tt was dusk 
 when they emerged upon the open plain and saw 
 Tort Duquesne before them, with its background 
 of wintry hills beyond the Monongahela and the 
 Alleghany. During the last three miles they had 
 passed the scattered bodies of those slain two 
 months before at the defeat of Grant; and it is 
 said that, as they neared the fort, the Highlanders 
 were goaded to fury at seeing the heads of their 
 slaughtered comrades stuck on poles, round which 
 the kilts were hung derisively, in imitation of petti- 
 coats. Their rage was vain ; the enemy was gone. 
 Only a few Indians lingered about the place, who 
 reported that the garrison, to the number of four 
 or five hundred, had retreated, some down the 
 Ohio, some overland towards Presquisle, and the 
 rest, with their commander, up the Alleghany to 
 Venango, called by the French, Fort Machault. 
 They had burned the barracks and storehouses, 
 and blown up the fortifications. 
 
 The first care of the victors was to provide 
 defence and shelter for those of their number on 
 whom the dangerous task was to fall of keeping 
 what they had won. A stockade was planted 
 around a cluster of traders' cabins and soldiers' 
 huts, which Forbes named Pittsburg, in honor of 
 the great minister. It was not till the next 
 autumn that General Stanwix built, hard by, the 
 regular fortified work called Fort Pitt. 1 Captain 
 West, brother of Benjamin West, the painter, led 
 a detachment of Pennsylvanians, with Indian 
 
 1 Stanwix to Pitt, 20 Nov. 1759. 
 
160 PORT DUQUESNE. 11758. 
 
 guides, through the forests of the Monongahela, 
 to search for the bones of those who had; fallen 
 Under Braddock. In the heart of the savage wood 
 they found them in abundance, gnawed by wolves 
 and foxes, and covered with the dead leaves of 
 four successive autumns. Major Halket, of Forbes' 
 staff, had joined the party ; and, with the help of 
 an Indian who was in the fight, he presently found 
 two skeletons lying under a tree. In one of them 
 he recognized, by a peculiarity of the teeth, the 
 remains of his father, Sir Peter Halket, and in 
 the other he believed that he saw the bones of 
 a brother who had fallen at his father's side. The 
 young officer fainted at the sight. The two skele- 
 tons were buried together, covered with a High- 
 land plaid, and the Pennsylvanian woodsmen fired 
 a volley over the grave. The rest of the bones 
 were undistinguishable ; and, being carefully 
 gathered up, they were all interred in a deep 
 trench dug in the freezing ground. 1 
 
 The work of the new fort was pushed on apace, 
 and the task of holding it for the winter was 
 assigned to Lieutenant-Colonel Mercer, of the 
 Virginians, with two hundred provincials. The 
 number was far too small. It was certain that, 
 unless vigorously prevented by a counter attack, 
 the French would gather in early spring from all 
 their nearer western posts, Niagara, Detroit, Pres- 
 quisle, Le Bceuf, and Venango, to retake the place ; 
 but there. was no food for a larger garrison, and 
 the risk must be run. 
 
 1 Gait, Life of Benjamin West, I. 64 (ed. 1820). 
 
1758.] THE HOMEWARD MARCH. 161 
 
 The rest of the troops, with steps quickened by- 
 hunger, began their homeward march early in 
 December. " We would soon make M. de Ligneris 
 shift his quarters at Venango," writes Bouquet 
 just after the fort was taken, " if we only had 
 provisions; but we are scarcely able to maintain 
 ourselves a few days here. After God, the success 
 of this expedition is entirely due to the General, 
 who, by bringing about the treaty with the In- 
 dians at Easton, struck the French a stunning 
 blow, wisely delayed our advance to wait the 
 effects of that treaty, secured all our posts and 
 left nothing to chance, and resisted the urgent 
 solicitation to take Braddock's road, which would 
 have been our destruction. In all his measures 
 he has shown the greatest prudence, firmness, and 
 ability." * No sooner was his work done, than 
 Forbes fell into a state of entire prostration, so 
 that for a time he could neither write a letter nor 
 dictate one. He. managed, however, two days 
 after reaching Fort Duquesne, to send Amherst 
 a brief notice of his success, adding : " I shall leave 
 this place as soon as I am able to stand ; but God 
 knows when I shall reach Philadelphia, if I ever 
 do." 2 On the way back, a hut with a chimney 
 was built for him at each stopping-place, and on 
 the twenty-eighth of December Major Halket writes 
 from "Tomahawk Camp:" "How great was our 
 disappointment, on coming to this ground last night, 
 to find that the chimney was unlaid, no fire made. 
 
 i Bouquet to Chief Justice Allen, 25 Nov. 1758. 
 2 Forbes to Amherst, 26 Nov. 1758. 
 
 VOL. II. — 11 
 
162 FORT DUQUESNE. [1758. 
 
 nor any wood cut that would burn. This dis- 
 tressed the General to the greatest degree, by 
 obliging him after his long journey to sit above 
 two hours without any fire, exposed to a snow- 
 storm, which had very near destroyed him en- 
 tirely ; but with great difficulty, by the assistance 
 of some cordials, he was brought to." 1 At length, 
 carried all the way in his litter, he reached Phila- 
 delphia, where, after lingering through the winter, 
 he died in March, and was buried with military 
 honors in the chancel of Christ Church. 
 
 If his achievement was not brilliant, its solid 
 value was above price. It opened the Great West 
 to English enterprise, took from France half her 
 savage allies, and relieved the western borders 
 from the scourge of Indian war. From southern 
 New York to North Carolina, the frontier popu- 
 lations had cause to bless the memory of the stead- 
 fast and all-enduring soldier. 
 
 So ended the campaign of 1758. The centre 
 of the French had held its own triumphantly at 
 Ticonderoga ; but their left had been forced back 
 by the capture of Louisbourg, and their right by 
 that of Fort Duquesne, while their entire right 
 wing had been well nigh cut off by the destruc- 
 tion of Fort Frontenac. The outlook was dark. 
 Their own Indians were turning against them. 
 " They have struck us," wrote Doreil to the Min- 
 ister of War; "they have seized three canoes 
 loaded with furs on Lake Ontario, and murdered 
 the men in them : sad forerunner of what we 
 
 1 Halket to Bouquet, 28 Dec. 1758. 
 
1758.] PERIL OF CANADA. 163 
 
 have to fear ! Peace, Monseigneur, give us peace ! 
 Pardon me, but I cannot repeat that word too 
 often." 
 
 Note. — The Bouquet and Haldimand Papers in the British Museum 
 contain a mass of curious correspondence of the principal persons engaged 
 in the expedition under Forbes ; copies of it all are before me. The Pub- 
 lic Record Office, America and West Indies, has also furnished much ma- 
 terial, including the official letters of Forbes. The Writings of Washington, 
 the Archives and Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, and the magazines 
 and newspapers of the time may be mentioned among the sources of in- 
 formation, along with a variety of miscellaneous contemporary letters. 
 The Journals of Christian Frederic Post are printed in full in the Olden 
 Time and elsewhere. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 1758, 1759. 
 
 THE BRINK OF RUIN. 
 
 Jealousy of Vaudreuil. — He asks for Montcalm's Recall. — His 
 Discomfiture. — Scene at the Governor's House. — Disgust 
 of Montcalm. — The Canadians despondent. — Devices to en- 
 courage them. — Gasconade of the Governor. — Deplorable 
 State of the Colony. — Mission of Bougainville. — Duplicity 
 of Vaudreuil. — Bougainville at Versailles — Substantial 
 Aid refused to Canada. — A matrimonial Treaty. — Return 
 of Bougainville. — Montcalm abandoned by the Court. — His 
 Plans of Defence. — Sad News from Candiac. — Boasts of 
 Vaudreuil. 
 
 "Never was general in a more critical position 
 than I was : God has delivered me ; his be the 
 praise ! He gives me health, though I am worn 
 out with labor, fatigue, and miserable dissensions 
 that have determined me to ask for my recall. 
 Heaven grant that I may get it ! " 
 
 Thus wrote Montcalm to his mother after his 
 triumph at Ticonderoga. That great exploit had 
 entailed a train of vexations, for it stirred the 
 envy of Vaudreuil, more especially as it was due 
 to the troops of the line, with no help from In- 
 dians, and very little from Canadians. The Gov- 
 ernor assured the Colonial Minister that the 
 victory would have bad results, though he gives 
 no hint what these might be ; that Montcalm had 
 mismanaged the whole affair ; that he would 
 
1758.] DISSENSIONS. 165 
 
 have been beaten but for the manifest interpo- 
 sition of Heaven ; * and, finally, that he had failed 
 to follow his (Vaudreuil's) directions, and had 
 therefore enabled the English to escape. The 
 real directions of the Governor, dictated, perhaps, 
 by dread lest his rival should reap laurels, were 
 to avoid a general engagement ; and it was only 
 by setting them at nought that Abercromby had 
 been routed. After the battle a sharp corre- 
 spondence passed between the two chiefs. The 
 Governor, who had left Montcalm to his own 
 resources before the crisis, sent him Canadians 
 and Indians in abundance after it was over ; and 
 while he cautiously refrained from committing 
 himself by positive orders, repeated again and 
 again that if these reinforcements were used to 
 harass Abercromby' s communications, the whole 
 English army would fall back to the Hudson, 
 and leave baggage and artillery a prey to the 
 French. These preposterous assertions and tardy 
 succors were thought by Montcalm to be a device 
 for giving color to the charge that he had not 
 only failed to deserve victory, but had failed also 
 to make use of it. 2 He did what was possible, 
 and sent strong detachments to act in the English 
 rear ; which, though they did not, and could not, 
 compel the enemy to fall back, caused no slight 
 annoyance, till Rogers checked them by the de- 
 feat of Marin. Nevertheless Vaudreuil pretended 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Aout, 1758. 
 
 2 Much of the voluminous correspondence on these matters will be 
 found in N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 
 
166 THE BKINK OF RUIN. [1758, 175ft 
 
 on one hand that Montcalm had done nothing 
 with the Canadians and Indians sent him, and 
 on the other that these same Canadians and In- 
 dians had triumphed over the enemy by their mere 
 presence at Ticonderoga. " It was my activity in 
 sending these succors to Carillon [ Ticonderoga] 
 that forced the English to retreat. The Marquis 
 de Montcalm might have made their retreat diffi- 
 cult ; but it was in vain that I wrote to him, in 
 vain that the colony troops, Canadians and In- 
 dians, begged him to pursue the enemy." * The 
 succors he speaks of were sent in July and August, 
 while the English did not fall back till the first 
 of November. Neither army left its position till 
 the season was over, and Abercromby did so only 
 when he learned that the French were setting the 
 example. Vaudreuil grew more and more bitter. 
 "As the King has intrusted this colony to me, I 
 cannot help warning you of the unhappy conse- 
 quences that would follow if the Marquis de Mont- 
 calm should remain here. I shall keep him by 
 me till I receive your orders. It is essential that 
 they reach me early." " I pass over in silence all 
 the infamous conduct and indecent talk he has 
 held or countenanced ; but I should be wanting in 
 my duty to the King if I did not beg you to ask 
 for his recall." 2 
 
 He does not say what is meant by infamous 
 conduct .and indecent talk; but the allusion is 
 probably to irreverent utterances touching the 
 Governor in which the officers from France were 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Avril, 1759. 2 Ibid, 
 
1758,1759.] DISSENSIONS. 167 
 
 apt to indulge, not always without the knowledge 
 of their chief. Vaudreuil complained of this to 
 Montcalm, adding, " I am greatly above it, and 
 I despise it." * To which the General replied : 
 "You are right to despise gossip, supposing that 
 there has been any. For my part, though I hear 
 that I have been torn to pieces without mercy 
 in your presence, I do not believe it." 2 In these 
 infelicities Bigot figures as peacemaker, though 
 with no perceptible success. Vaudreuil's cup of 
 bitterness was full when letters came from Ver- 
 sailles ordering him to defer to Montcalm on all 
 questions of war, or of civil administration bear- 
 ing upon war. 3 He had begged hard for his 
 rival's recall, and in reply his rival was set over 
 his head. 
 
 The two yokefellows were excellently fitted to 
 exasperate each other : Montcalm, with his south- 
 ern vivacity of emotion and an impetuous, impa- 
 tient volubility that sometimes forgot prudence ; 
 and Vaudreuil, always affable towards adherents, 
 but full of suspicious egotism and restless jealousy 
 that bristled within him at the very thought of his 
 colleague. Some of the byplay of the quarrel may 
 be seen in Montcalm's familiar correspondence with 
 Bourlamaque. One day the Governor, in his own 
 house, brought up the old complaint that Mont- 
 calm, after taking Fort William Henry, did not 
 take Fort Edward also. The General, for the 
 
 1 Vaudreuil a Montcalm, 1 Aout, 1758. 
 
 2 Montcalm a Vaudreuil, 6 Aout, 1758. 
 
 8 Ordres du Roy et Depeches des Ministres, 1758, 1759. 
 
168 THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1758, 1759. 
 
 twentieth time, gave good reasons for not making 
 the attempt. " I ended/' he tells Bourlamaque, 
 " by saying quietly that when I went to war I did 
 the best I could ; and that when one is not pleased 
 with one's lieutenants, one had better take the 
 field in person. He was very much moved, and 
 muttered between his teeth that perhaps he would ; 
 at which I said that I should be delighted to serve 
 under him. Madame de Vaudreuil wanted to 
 put in her word. I said : ' Madame, saving due 
 respect, permit me to have the honor to say that 
 ladies ought not to talk war.' She kept on. I 
 said : ' Madame, saving due respect, permit me to 
 have the honor to say that if Madame de Mont- 
 calm were here, and heard me talking war with 
 Monsieur le Marquis de Vaudreuil, she would re- 
 main silent.' This scene was in presence of eight 
 officers, three of them belonging to the colony 
 troops ; and a pretty story they will make of it." 
 These letters to Bourlamaque, in their detest- 
 able handwriting, small, cramped, confused, with- 
 out stops, and sometimes almost indecipherable, 
 betray the writer's state of mind. " I should like 
 as well as anybody to be Marshal of France ; but 
 to buy the honor with the life I am leading here 
 would be too much." He recounts the last news 
 from Fort Duquesne, just before its fall. " Mu- 
 tiny among the Canadians, who want to come 
 home ; the officers busy with making money, and 
 stealing like mandarins. Their commander sets 
 the example, and will come back with three or 
 four hundred thousand francs ; the pettiest ensign, 
 
1758, 1769.] THE CANADIANS. 169 
 
 who does not gamble, will have ten, twelve, or 
 fifteen thousand. The Indians don't like Ligneris, 
 who is drunk every day. Forgive the confusion of 
 this letter ; I have not slept all night with think- 
 ing of the robberies and mismanagement and folly. 
 Pauvre Roi, pauvre France, car a patria ! " " Oh, 
 when shall we get out of this country ! I think 
 I would give half that I have to go home. Par- 
 don this digression to a melancholy man. It is 
 not that I have not still some remnants of gayety ; 
 but what would seem such in anybody else is 
 melancholy for a Languedocian. Burn my letter, 
 and never doubt my attachment." " I shall al- 
 ways say, Happy he who is free from the proud 
 yoke to which I am bound. When shall I see my 
 chateau of Candiac, my plantations, my chestnut 
 grove, my oil-mill, my mulberry-trees ? bon 
 Dieu ! Bon soir ; brulez ma lettre." x 
 
 Never was dispute more untimely than that 
 between these ill-matched colleagues. The posi- 
 tion of the colony was desperate. Thus far the 
 Canadians had never lost heart, but had obeyed 
 with admirable alacrity the Governor's call to 
 arms, borne with patience the burdens and pri- 
 vations of the war, and submitted without re- 
 volt to the exactions and oppressions of Cadet 
 and his crew ; loyal to their native soil, loyal 
 to their Church, loyal to the wretched govern- 
 ment that crushed and belittled them. When 
 the able-bodied were ordered to the war, where 
 
 1 The above extracts are from letters of 5 and 27 Nov. and 9 Dec. 
 1758, and 18 and 23 March, 1759. 
 
170 THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1768, 1759. 
 
 four fifths of them were employed in the hard and 
 tedious work of transportation, the women, boys, 
 and old men tilled the fields and raised a scanty 
 harvest, which always might be, and sometimes 
 was, taken from them in the name of the King. 
 Yet the least destitute among them were forced 
 every winter to lodge soldiers in their houses, for 
 each of whom they were paid fifteen francs a 
 month, in return for substance devoured and wives 
 and daughters debauched. 1 
 
 No pains had been spared to keep up the courage 
 of the people and feed them Avith flattering illu- 
 sions. When the partisan officer Boishe'bert was 
 tried for peculation, his counsel met the charge 
 by extolling the manner in which he had fulfilled 
 the arduous duty of encouraging the Acadians, 
 " putting on an air of triumph even in defeat ; 
 using threats, caresses, stratagems ; painting our 
 victories in vivid colors ; hiding the strength and 
 successes of the enemy; promising succors that 
 did not and could not come ; inventing plausible 
 reasons why they did not come, and making new 
 promises to set off the failure of the old ; per- 
 suading a starved people to forget their misery ; 
 taking from some to give to others ; and doing 
 all this continually in the face of a superior 
 enemy, that this country might be snatched from 
 England and saved to France." 2 What Boishebert 
 was doing in Acadia, Vaudreuil was doing on a 
 
 1 Memoire sur le moyen d'entrelenir 10,000 Hommea de Troupes dans les 
 Colonies, 1759. 
 
 2 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, el autres, Memoire pour le Sieur de Boishebert. 
 
1758,1759.] THE PEOPLE DISCOURAGED. 17 J 
 
 larger scale in Canada. By indefatigable lying, 
 by exaggerating every success and covering over 
 every reverse, he deceived the people and in some 
 measure himself. He had in abundance the Cana- 
 dian gift of gasconade, and boasted to the Colonial 
 Minister that one of his countrymen was a match 
 for from three to ten Englishmen. It is possible 
 that he almost believed it ; for the midnight sur- 
 prise of defenceless families and the spreading of 
 panics among scattered border settlements were 
 inseparable from his idea of war. Hence the 
 high value he set on Indians, who in such work 
 outdid the Canadians themselves. Sustained by 
 the intoxication of flattering falsehoods, and not 
 doubting that the blunders and weakness of the 
 first years of the war gave the measure of English 
 efficiency, the colonists had never suspected that 
 they could be subdued. 
 
 But now there was a change. The reverses of 
 the last campaign, hunger, weariness, and possibly 
 some incipient sense of atrocious misgovernment, 
 began to produce their effect ; and some, especially 
 in the towns, were heard to murmur that further 
 resistance was useless. The Canadians, though 
 brave and patient, needed, like Frenchmen, the 
 stimulus of success. " The people are alarmed," 
 said the modest Governor, " and would lose cour- 
 age if my firmness did not rekindle their zeal to 
 serve the King." l 
 
 " Rapacity, folly, intrigue, falsehood, will soon 
 ruin this colony which has cost the King so dear," 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 10 Avril, 1759. 
 
172 THE BRINK OF KUIN. [1768, 1759. 
 
 wrote Doreil to the Minister of War. " We must 
 not natter ourselves with vain hope; Canada is 
 lost if we do not have peace this winter." "It 
 has been saved by miracle in these past three 
 years ; nothing but peace can save it now, in 
 spite of all the efforts and the talents of M. de 
 Montcalm." 1 Vaudreuil himself became thor- 
 oughly alarmed, and told the Court in the 
 autumn of 1758 that food, arms, munitions, and 
 ■everything else were fast failing, and that with- 
 out immediate peace or heavy reinforcements all 
 was lost. 
 
 The condition of Canada was indeed deplorable. 
 The St. Lawrence was watched by British ships ; 
 the harvest was meagre ; a barrel of flour cost 
 two hundred francs ; most of the cattle and many 
 of the horses had been killed for food. The people 
 lived chiefly on a pittance of salt cod or on rations 
 furnished by the King ; all prices were inordinate ; 
 the officers from France were starving on their 
 pay ; while a legion of indigenous and import- 
 ed scoundrels fattened on the general distress. 
 "What a country!" exclaims Montcalm. "Here 
 all the knaves grow rich, and the honest men are 
 ruined." Yet he was resolved to stand by it to 
 the last, and wrote to the Minister of War that 
 he would bury himself under its ruins. " I asked 
 for my recall after the glorious affair of the eighth 
 of July ; but since the state of the colony is so 
 bad, I must do what I can to help it and retard 
 
 1 Doreil an Ministre, 31 Juillet, 1758. Ibid 12 Aout, 1758. Ibid. 31 
 Aout, 1758. Ibid. 1 Sept 1758. 
 
1768, 1759.] MISSION OF BOUGAINVILLE. 173 
 
 its fall." The only hope was in a strong appeal 
 to the Court ; and he thought himself fortunate 
 in persuading Vaudreuil to consent that Bougain- 
 ville should be commissioned to make it, seconded 
 by Doreil. They were to sail in different ships, in 
 order that at least one of them might arrive safe. 
 
 Vaudreuil gave Bougainville a letter introducing 
 him to the Colonial Minister in high terms of 
 praise : " He is in all respects better fitted than 
 anybody else to inform you of the state of the 
 colony. I have given him my instructions, and 
 you can trust entirely in what he tells you." 1 
 Concerning Doreil he wrote to the Minister of 
 War : " I have full confidence in him, and he 
 may be entirely trusted'. Everybody here likes 
 him." 2 While thus extolling the friends of his 
 rival, the Governor took care to provide against 
 the effects of his politic commendations^ and wrote 
 thus to his patron, the Colonial Minister: "In 
 order to condescend to the wishes of M. de Mont- 
 calm, and leave no means untried to keep in 
 harmony with him, I have given letters to MM. 
 Doreil and Bougainville ; but I have the honor to 
 inform you, Monseigneur, that they do not under- 
 stand the colony, and to warn you that they are 
 creatures of M. de Montcalm." 3 
 
 The two envoys had sailed for France. Winter 
 was close at hand, and the harbor of Quebec was 
 nearly empty. One ship still lingered, the last of 
 
 J Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 4 Nov. 1758. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Mimstre de la Guerre, 11 Oct. 1758. 
 
 3 Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 3 Nov. 1758. 
 
174 THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1758, 1759. 
 
 the season, and by her Montcalm sent a letter to 
 his mother : " You will be glad to have me write 
 to you up to the last moment to tell you for the 
 hundredth time that, occupied as I am with the 
 fate of New France, the preservation of the troops, 
 the interest of the state, and my own glory, I 
 think continually of you all. We did our best in 
 1756, 1757, and 1758; and so, God helping, we 
 will do in 1759, unless you make peace in Europe." 
 Then, shut from the outer world for half a year 
 by barriers of ice, he waited what returning spring 
 might bring forth. 
 
 Both Bougainville and Doreil escaped the Brit- 
 ish cruisers and safely reached Versailles, where, 
 in the slippery precincts of the Court, as new to 
 him as they were treacherous, the young aide-de- 
 camp justified all the confidence of his chief. He 
 had interviews with the ministers, the King, and, 
 more important than all, with Madame de Pompa- 
 dour, whom he succeeded in propitiating, though 
 not, it seems, without difficulty and delay. France, 
 unfortunate by land and sea, with finances ruined 
 and navy crippled, had gained one brilliant vic- 
 tory, and she owed it to Montcalm. She could 
 pay for it in honors, if in nothing else. Montcalm 
 was made lieutenant-general, Levis major-general, 
 Bourlamaque brigadier, and Bougainville colonel 
 and chevalier of St. Louis; while Vaudreuil was 
 solaced with the grand cross of that order. 1 But 
 when the two envoys asked substantial aid for the 
 imperilled colony, the response was chilling. The 
 
 1 Ordres du Roy et Depeches des Ministres, Janvier, Fevrier, 1759. 
 
1758,1759.] MISSION OF BOUGAINVILLE. 17Q 
 
 Colonial Minister, Berryer, prepossessed against 
 Bougainville by the secret warning of Vaudreuil, 
 received him coldly, and replied to his appeal for 
 help : " Eh, Monsieur, when the house is on fire 
 one cannot occupy one's self with the stable." " At 
 least, Monsieur, nobody will say that you talk like 
 a horse," was the irreverent answer. 
 
 Bougainville laid four memorials before the 
 Court, in which he showed the desperate state of 
 the colony and its dire need of help. Thus far, 
 he said, Canada has been saved by the dissensions 
 of the English colonies ; but now, for the first 
 time, they are united against her, and prepared 
 to put forth their strength. And he begged for 
 troops, arms, munitions, food, and a squadron to 
 defend the mouth of the St. Lawrence. 1 The 
 reply, couched in a letter to Montcalm, was to the 
 effect that it was necessary to concentrate all the 
 strength of the kingdom for a decisive operation 
 in Europe ; that, therefore, the aid required could 
 not be sent ; and that the King trusted everything 
 to his zeal and generalship, joined with the valor 
 of the victors of Ticonderoga. 2 All that could be 
 obtained was between three and four hundred re- 
 cruits for the regulars, sixty engineers, sappers, 
 and artillerymen, and gunpowder, arms, and pro- 
 visions sufficient, along with the supplies brought 
 over by the contractor, Cadet, to carry the colony 
 through the next campaign. 3 
 
 1 Memoire remis au Ministre par M. de Bougainville, Decembre, 1758. 
 
 2 Le Ministre a Montcalm, 3 Fev. 1 759. 
 
 8 Ordres du Roy et Depeches des Ministres, Fevrier, 1759. 
 
176 THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1768, 1759. 
 
 Montcalm had intrusted Bougainville with an- 
 other mission, widely different. This was no less 
 than the negotiating of suitable marriages for the 
 eldest son and daughter of his commander, with 
 whom, in the confidence of friendship, he had had 
 many conversations on the matter. " He and I," 
 Montcalm wrote to his mother, Madame de Saint- 
 Ve'ran, " have two ideas touching these marriages, 
 — the first, romantic and chimerical ; the second, 
 good, practicable." 2 Bougainville, invoking the 
 aid of a lady of rank, a friend of the family, ac- 
 quitted himself well of his delicate task. Before he 
 embarked for Canada, in early spring, a treaty Was 
 on foot for the marriage of the young Comte de 
 Montcalm to an heiress of sixteen ; while Made- 
 moiselle de Montcalm had already become Madame 
 d'Espineuse. " Her father will be delighted," says 
 the successful negotiator. 2 
 
 Again he crossed the Atlantic and sailed up the 
 St. Lawrence as the portentous spring of 175& 
 was lowering over the dissolving snows of Canada. 
 With him came a squadron bearing the supplies 
 and the petty reinforcement which the Court had 
 vouchsafed. "A little is precious to those who 
 have nothing," said Montcalm on receiving them. 
 Despatches from the ministers gave warning of a 
 great armament fitted out in English ports for the 
 attack of Quebec, while a letter to the General 
 from the Marshal de Belleisle, minister of war, 
 told what was expected of him, and why he and 
 
 1 Montcalm a Madame de Saint-Veran, 24 Sept. 1758. 
 
 2 Lettres de Bougainville a Madame de Saint-Veran, 1758, 1759. 
 
1769.] LETTEK OE BELLEISLE. 177 
 
 the colony were abandoned to their fate. " If we 
 sent a large reinforcement of troops," said Belle- 
 isle, " there would be great fear that the English 
 would intercept them on the way; and as the 
 King could never send you forces equal to those 
 which the English are prepared to oppose to you, 
 the attempt would have no other effect than to 
 excite the Cabinet of London to increased efforts 
 for preserving its superiority on the American 
 continent. 
 
 "As we must expect the English to turn all 
 their force against Canada, and attack you on 
 several sides at once, it is necessary that you limit 
 your plans of defence to the most essential points 
 and those most closely connected, so that, being 
 concentrated within a smaller space, each part may 
 be within reach of support and succor from the 
 rest. How small soever may be the space you are 
 able to hold, it is indispensable to keep a footing 
 in North America ; for if we once lose the country 
 entirely, its recovery will be almost impossible. 
 The King counts on your zeal, courage, and per- 
 sistency to accomplish this object, and relies on 
 you to spare no pains and no exertions. Impart 
 this resolution to your chief officers, and join with 
 them to inspire your soldiers with it. I have 
 answered for you to the King ; I am confident that 
 you will not disappoint me, and that for the glory 
 of the nation, the good of the state, and your own 
 preservation, you will go to the utmost extremity 
 rather than submit to conditions as shameful as 
 those imposed at Louisbourg, the memory of which 
 
 VOL. II. — 12 
 
178 THE BEINK OF RUIN. [1769. 
 
 you will wipe out." * "We will save this unhappy 
 colony, or perish," was the answer of Montcalm. 
 
 It was believed that Canada would be attacked 
 with at least fifty thousand men. Vaudreuil had 
 caused a census to be made of the governments of 
 Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec. It showed 
 a little more than thirteen thousand effective men. 2 
 To these were to be added thirty-five hundred 
 troops of the line, including the late reinforcement, 
 fifteen hundred colony troops, a body of irregulars 
 in Acadia, and the militia and coureurs-de-bois of 
 Detroit and the other upper posts, along with from 
 one to two thousand Indians who could still be 
 counted on. Great as was the disparity of num- 
 bers, there was good hope that the centre of the 
 colony could be defended ; for the only avenues by 
 which an enemy could approach were barred by 
 the rock of Quebec, the rapids of the St. Lawrence, 
 and the strong position of Isle-aux-Noix, at the 
 outlet of Lake Champlain. Montcalm had long 
 inclined to the plan of concentration enjoined on 
 him by the Minister of War. Vaudreuil was of 
 another mind ; he insisted on still occupying 
 Acadia and the forts of the upper country : matters 
 on which he and the General exchanged a cor- 
 respondence that widened the breach between 
 them. 
 
 Should every effort of resistance fail, and the 
 invaders force their way into the heart of Canada, 
 
 1 Belleisle a Montcalm, 19 Fev. 1759. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Avril, 1759. The Memoires sur le Canada, 
 1749-1760, says 15,229 effective men. 
 
1759.] NEWS FROM CANDIAC. 179 
 
 Montcalm proposed the desperate resort of aban- 
 doning the valley of the St. Lawrence, descending 
 the Mississippi with his troops and as many as 
 possible of the inhabitants, and making a last 
 stand for France among the swamps of Louisiana.' 
 
 In April, before Bougainville's return, he wrote 
 to his wife: "Can we hope for another miracle 
 to save us ? I trust in God ; he fought for us 
 on the eighth of July. Come what may, his will 
 be done ! I wait the news from France with im- 
 patience and dread. We have had none for eight 
 months; and who knows if much can reach us 
 at all this year? How dearly I have to pay for 
 the dismal privilege of figuring two or three times 
 in the gazettes ! " A month later, after Bougain- 
 ville had come : " Our daughter is well married. 
 I think I would renounce every honor to join you 
 again ; but the King must be obeyed. The moment 
 when I see you once more will be the brightest of 
 my life. Adieu, my heart ! I believe that I love 
 you more than ever." 
 
 Bougainville had brought sad news. He had 
 heard before sailing from France that one of 
 Montcalm's daughters was dead, but could not 
 learn which of them. " I think," says the father, 
 "that it must be poor Mirete, who was like me, 
 and whom I loved very much." He was never to 
 know if this conjecture was true. 
 
 To Vaudreuil came a repetition of the detested 
 order that he should defer to Montcalm on all 
 questions of war; and moreover that he should 
 
 1 Memoire sur le Canada remis au Ministre, 27 Dec. 1758. 
 
180 - THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1759. 
 
 not take command in person except when the 
 whole body of the militia was called out ; nor, even 
 then, without consulting his rival. 1 His ire and 
 vexation produced an access of jealous self-asser- 
 tion, and drove him into something like revolt 
 against the ministerial command. " If the English 
 attack Quebec, I shall always hold myself free 
 to go thither myself with most of the troops and 
 all the militia and Indians I can assemble. On 
 arriving I shall give battle to the enemy ; and I 
 shall do so again and again, till I have forced him 
 to retire, or till he has entirely crushed me by 
 excessive superiority of numbers. My obstinacy 
 in opposing his landing will be the more a propos, 
 as I have not the means of sustaining a siege. If 
 I succeed as I wish, I shall next march to Carillon 
 to arrest him there. You see, Monseigneur, that 
 the slightest change in my arrangements would 
 have the most unfortunate consequences." 2 
 
 Whether he made good this valorous declaration 
 will presently be seen. 
 
 Note. — The Archives de la Guerre and the Archives de la Marine 
 contain a mass of letters and documents on the subjects treated in the 
 above chapter ; these I have carefully read and collated. The other prin- 
 cipal authorities are the correspondence of Montcalm with Bourlamaque 
 and with his own family ; the letters of Vaudreuil preserved in the 
 Archives Nationales ; and the letters of Bougainville and Doreil to Mont- 
 calm and Madame de Saint- Veran while on their mission to France. For 
 copies of these last I am indebted to the present Marquis de Montcalm. 
 
 1 Ordres du Roy et Dgpeches des Ministres, Lettre a Vaudreuil, 3 F6>. 
 1759. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Avril, 1759. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 1758, 1759. 
 
 WOLFE. 
 
 The Exiles of Fort Cumberland. — Belief. — The Voyage to 
 Louisbourg. — The British Fleet. — Expedition against Que- 
 bec. — Early Life of Wolfe. — His Character. — His Letters 
 to his Barents. — His domestic Qualities. — Appointed to 
 command the Expedition. — Sails for America. 
 
 Captain John Knox, of the forty-third regi- 
 ment, had spent the winter in garrison at Fort 
 Cumberland, on the hill of Beause'jour. For 
 nearly two years he and his comrades had been 
 exiles amid the wilds of Nova Scotia, and the 
 monotonous inaction was becoming insupportable. 
 The great marsh of Tantemar on the one side, 
 and that of Missaguash on the other, two vast 
 flat tracts of glaring snow, bounded by dark hills 
 of spruce and fir, were hateful to their sight. 
 Shooting, fishing, or skating were a dangerous 
 relief ; for the neighborhood was infested by " ver- 
 min," as they called the Acadians and their Mic- 
 mac allies. In January four soldier's and a ranger 
 were waylaid not far from the fort, disabled by 
 bullets, and then scalped alive. They were found 
 the next morning on the snow, contorted in the 
 agonies of death, and frozen like marble statues. 
 
182 WOLFE. [1759. 
 
 St. Patrick's Day brought more cheerful excite- 
 ments. The Irish officers of the garrison gave 
 their comrades a feast, having laid in during the 
 autumn a stock of frozen provisions, that the fes- 
 tival of their saint might be duly honored. All 
 was hilarity at Fort Cumberland, where it is re- 
 corded that punch to the value of twelve pounds 
 sterling, with a corresponding supply of wine and 
 beer, was consumed on this joyous occasion. 1 
 
 About the middle of April a schooner came up 
 the bay, bringing letters that filled men and offi- 
 cers with delight. The regiment was ordered to 
 hold itself ready to embark for Louisbourg and 
 join an expedition to the St. Lawrence, under 
 command of Major-General Wolfe. All that af- 
 ternoon the soldiers were shouting and cheering 
 in their barracks ; and when they mustered for 
 the evening roll-call, there was another burst of 
 huzzas. They waited in expectancy nearly three 
 weeks, and then the transports which were to 
 carry them arrived, bringing the provincials who 
 had been hastily raised in New England to take 
 their place. These Knox describes as a mean- 
 looking set of fellows, of all ages and sizes, and 
 without any kind of discipline ; adding that their 
 officers are sober, modest men, who, though of 
 confined ideas, talk very clearly and sensibly, 
 and make a decent appearance in blue, faced with 
 scarlet, though the privates have no uniform at all. 
 
 At last the forty-third set sail, the cannon of 
 the fort saluting them, and the soldiers cheering 
 
 1 Knox, Historical Journal, I. 228. 
 
1759. J THE FLEET AT LOUISBOUEG. 183 
 
 lustily, overjoyed to escape from their long im- 
 prisonment. A gale soon began ; the transports 
 became separated ; Knox's vessel sheltered her- 
 self for a time in Passamaquoddy Bay ; then 
 passed the Grand Menan, and steered southward 
 and eastward along the coast of Nova Scotia. A 
 calm followed the gale ; and they moved so slowly 
 that Knox beguiled the time by fishing over the 
 stern, and caught a halibut so large that he was 
 forced to call for help to pull it in. Then they 
 steered northeastward, now lost in fogs, and now 
 tossed mercilessly on those boisterous waves ; till, 
 on the twenty-fourth of May, they saw a rocky and 
 surf-lashed shore, with a forest of masts rising 
 to all appearance out of it. It was the British 
 fleet in the land-locked harbor of Louisbourg. 
 
 On the left, as they sailed through the narrow 
 passage, lay the town, scarred with shot and shell, 
 the red cross floating over its battered ramparts ; 
 and around in a wide semicircle rose the bristling 
 backs of rugged hills, set thick with dismal ever- 
 greens. They passed the great ships of the fleet, 
 and anchored among the other transports towards 
 the head of the harbor. It was not yet free from 
 ice; and the floating masses lay so thick in some 
 parts that the reckless sailors, returning from 
 leave on shore, jumped from one to another to 
 regain their ships. There was a review of troops, 
 and Knox went to see it ; but it was over before 
 he reached the place, where he was presently told 
 of a characteristic reply just made by Wolfe to 
 some officers who had apologized for not having 
 
184 WOLFE. [1727-1759. 
 
 taught their men the new exercise. " Poh, poh ! 
 — new exercise — new fiddlestick. If they are 
 otherwise well disciplined, and will fight, that 's 
 all I shall require of them." 
 
 Knox does not record his impressions of his new 
 commander, which must have been disappointing. 
 He called him afterwards a British Achilles ; but 
 in person at least Wolfe bore no likeness to the 
 son of Peleus, for never was the soul of a hero 
 cased in a frame so incongruous. His face, when 
 seen in profile, was singular as that of the Great 
 Conde. The forehead and chin receded ; the nose, 
 slightly upturned, formed with the other features 
 the point of an obtuse triangle ; the mouth was 
 by no means shaped to express resolution; and 
 nothing but the clear, bright, and piercing eye 
 bespoke the spirit within. On his head he wore 
 a black three-cornered hat ; his red hair was tied 
 in a queue behind ; his narrow shoulders, slender 
 body, and long, thin limbs were cased in a scarlet 
 frock, with broad cuffs and ample skirts that 
 reached the knee ; while on his left arm he wore 
 a band of crape in mourning for his father, of 
 whose death he had heard a few days before. 
 
 James Wolfe was in his thirty-third year. His 
 father was an officer of distinction, Major-General 
 Edward Wolfe, and he himself, a delicate and sen- 
 sitive child, but an impetuous and somewhat head- 
 strong youth, had served the King since the age 
 of fifteen. From childhood he had dreamed of the 
 army and the wars. At sixteen he was in Fland- 
 ers, adjutant of his regiment, discharging the 
 
WOLFE. 
 
1727-1759.1 HIS EARLY LIFE. 185 
 
 duties of the post in a way that gained him early 
 promotion and, along with a painstaking assidu- 
 ity, showing a precocious faculty for commanding 
 men. He passed with credit through several cam- 
 paigns, took part in the victory of Dettingen, and 
 then went to Scotland to fight at Culloden. Next 
 we find him at Stirling, Perth, and Glasgow, 
 always ardent and always diligent, constant in 
 military duty, and giving his spare hours to mathe- 
 matics and Latin. He presently fell in love ; and 
 being disappointed, plunged into a variety of dissi- 
 pations, contrary to his usual habits, which were 
 far above the standard of that profligate time. 
 
 At twenty-three he was a lieutenant-colonel, 
 commanding his regiment in the then dirty and 
 barbarous town of Inverness, amid a disaffected 
 and turbulent population whom it was his duty to 
 keep in order : a difficult task, which he accom- 
 plished so well as to gain the special commendation 
 of the King, and even the goodwill of the Highland- 
 ers themselves. He was five years among these 
 northern hills, battling with ill-health, and restless 
 under the intellectual barrenness of his surroundings. 
 He felt his position to be in no way salutary, and 
 wrote to his mother: "The fear of becoming a mere 
 ruffian and of imbibing the tyrannical princif)les of 
 an absolute commander, or giving way insensibly to 
 the temptations of power till I became proud, in- 
 solent, and intolerable, — these considerations will 
 make me wish to leave the regiment before next 
 winter; that by frequenting men above myself I 
 may know my true condition, and by discoursing 
 
186 WOLFE. P750-1759. 
 
 with the other sex may learn some civility and mild- 
 ness of carriage." He got leave of absence, and 
 spent six months in Paris, where he was presented 
 at Court and saw much of the best society. This 
 did not prevent him from working hard to perfect 
 himself in French, as well as in horsemanship, fenc- 
 ing, dancing, and other accomplishments, and from 
 earnestly seeking an opportunity to study the va- 
 rious armies of Europe. In this he was thwarted by 
 the stupidity and prejudice of the commander-in- 
 chief ; and he made what amends he could by ex- 
 tensive reading in all that bore on military matters. 
 His martial instincts were balanced by strong 
 domestic inclinations. He was fond of children ; 
 and after his disappointment in love used to say 
 that they were the only true inducement to mar- 
 riage. He was a most dutiful son, and wrote con- 
 tinually to both his parents. Sometimes he would 
 philosophize on the good and ill of life ; sometimes 
 he held questionings with his conscience ; and 
 once he wrote to his mother in a strain of self -accu- 
 sation not to be expected from a bold and deter- 
 mined soldier. His nature was a compound of 
 tenderness and fire, which last sometimes showed 
 itself in sharp and unpleasant flashes. His excit- 
 able temper was capable almost of fierceness, and 
 he could now and then be needlessly stern ; but 
 towards his father, mother, and friends he was a 
 model of steady affection. He made friends readily r 
 and kept them, and was usually a pleasant com- 
 panion, though subject to sallies of imperious irrit- 
 ability which occasionally broke through his strong 
 
1750-1759.] HIS CHARACTEE. 187 
 
 sense of good breeding. For this his susceptible- 
 constitution was largely answerable, for he was a 
 living barometer, and his spirits rose and fell with 
 every change of weather. In spite of his impatient 
 outbursts, the officers whom he had commanded 
 remained attached to him for life ; and, in spite of 
 his rigorous discipline, he was beloved by his sol- 
 diers, to whose comfort he was always attentive. 
 Frankness, directness, essential good feeling, and a 
 high integrity atoned for all his faults. 
 
 In his own view, as expressed to his mother, he 
 was a person of very moderate abilities, aided by 
 more than usual diligence ; but this modest judg- 
 ment of himself by no means deprived him of self- 
 confidence, nor, in time of need, of self-assertion. 
 He delighted in every kind of hardihood; and, 
 in his contempt for effeminacy, once said to his 
 mother : " Better be a savage of some use than 
 a gentle, amorous puppy, obnoxious to all the 
 world." He was far from despising fame; but the 
 controlling principles of his life were duty to his 
 country and his profession, loyalty to the King, 
 and fidelity to his own ideal of the perfect soldier. 
 To the parent who was the confidant of his most 
 intimate thoughts he said : " All that I wish for 
 myself is that I may at all times be ready and 
 firm to meet that fate we cannot shun, and to die 
 gracefully and properly when the hour comes." 
 Never was wish more signally fulfilled. Again he 
 tells her : " My utmost desire and ambition is to 
 look steadily upon danger ; " and his desire was 
 accomplished. His intrepidity was complete. No 
 
188 WOLFE. [1750-1759. 
 
 form of death had power to daunt him. Once and 
 again, when bound on some deadly enterprise of 
 war, he calmly counts the chances whether or-not 
 he can compel his feeble body to bear him on till 
 the work is done. A frame so delicately strung 
 could not have been insensible to danger ; but for- 
 getfulness of self, and the absorption of every 
 faculty in the object before him, shut out the sense 
 of fear. He seems always to have been at his 
 best in the thick of battle ; most complete in his 
 mastery over himself and over others. 
 
 But it is in the intimacies of domestic life that 
 one sees him most closely, and especially in his 
 letters to his mother, from whom he inherited his 
 frail constitution, without the beauty that dis- 
 tinguished her. " The greatest happiness that I 
 wish for here is to see you happy*" "If you stay 
 much at home I will come and shut myself up 
 with you for three weeks or a month, and play at 
 piquet from morning till night ; and you shall laugh 
 at my short red hair as much as you please." The 
 playing at piquet was a sacrifice to filial attach- 
 ment ; for the mother loved cards, and the son did 
 not. " Don't trouble yourself about my room or 
 my bedclothes ; too much care and delicacy at this 
 time would enervate me and complete the destruc- 
 tion of a tottering constitution. Such as it is, it 
 must serve me now, and I'll make the best of it 
 while it holds." At the beginning of the war his 
 father tried to dissuade him from offering his ser- 
 vices on board the fleet ; and he replies in a letter 
 to Mrs. Wolfe : " It is no time to think of what is 
 
1750-1759.] HIS CHARACTER. 183 
 
 convenient or agreeable ; that service is certainly 
 the best in which we are the most useful. For my 
 part, I am determined never to give myself a 
 moment's concern about the nature of the duty 
 which His Majesty is pleased to order us upon. It 
 will be a sufficient comfort to you two, as far as 
 my person is concerned, — at least it will be a 
 reasonable consolation, — to reflect that the Power 
 which has hitherto preserved me may, if it be his 
 pleasure, continue to do so ; if not, that it is but a 
 few days or a few years more or less, and that 
 those who perish in their duty and in the ser- 
 vice of their country die honorably." Then he 
 proceeds to give particular directions about his 
 numerous dogs, for the welfare of which in his 
 absence he provides with anxious solicitude, espe- 
 cially for " my friend Caesar, who has great merit 
 and much good-humor." 
 
 After the unfortunate expedition against Roche- 
 fort, when the board of general officers appointed 
 to inquire into the affair were passing the highest 
 encomiums upon his conduct, his parents were at 
 Bath, and he took possession of their house at 
 Blackheath, whence he wrote to his mother : " I 
 lie in your chamber, dress in the General's little 
 parlor, and dine where you did. The most per- 
 ceptible difference and change of affairs (exclusive 
 of the bad table I keep) is the number of dogs in 
 the yard ; but by coaxing Ball [his father's dog\ 
 and rubbing his back with my stick, I have recon- 
 ciled him with the new ones, and put them in 
 some measure under his protection.' 4 
 
190 WOLFE. [1750-1759. 
 
 When about to sail on the expedition against 
 Louisbourg, he was anxious for his parents, and 
 wrote to his uncle, Major Wolfe, at Dublin : " I 
 trust you will give the best advice to my mother, 
 and such assistance, if it should be wanted, as 
 the distance between you will permit. I mention 
 this because the General seems to decline apace, 
 and narrowly escaped being carried off in the 
 spring. She, poor woman, is in a bad state of 
 health, and needs the care of some friendly hand. 
 She has long and painful fits of illness, which by 
 succession and inheritance are likely to devolve 
 on me, since I feel the early symptoms of them." 
 Of his friends Guy Carleton, afterwards Lord 
 Dorchester, and George Warde, the companion 
 of his boyhood, he also asks help for his mother 
 in his absence. 
 
 His part in the taking of Louisbourg greatly 
 increased his reputation. After his return he 
 went to Bath to recruit his health ; and it seems 
 to have been here that he wooed and won Miss 
 Katherine Lowther, daughter of an ex-Governor 
 of Barbadoes, and sister of the future Lord Lons- 
 dale. A betrothal took place, and Wolfe wore 
 her portrait till the night before his death. It 
 was a little before this engagement that he wrote 
 to his friend Lieutenant-Colonel Bickson : " I 
 have this day signified to Mr. Pitt that he may 
 dispose of my slight carcass as he pleases, and 
 that I am ready for any undertaking within the 
 compass of my skill and cunning. I am in a very 
 bad condition both with the gravel and rheuma- 
 
1759.] ORDERED TO QUEBEC. 191 
 
 tism ; but I had much rather die than decline any 
 kind of service that offers. If I followed my 
 own taste it would lead me into Germany. How- 
 ever, it is not our part to choose, but to obey. 
 My opinion is that I shall join the army in 
 America." 
 
 Pitt chose him to command the expedition .then 
 fitting out against Quebec; made him a major- 
 general, though, to' avoid giving offence to older 
 officers, he was to hold that rank in America 
 alone ; and permitted him to choose his own staff. 
 Appointments made for merit, and not through 
 routine and patronage, shocked the Duke of New- 
 castle, to whom a man like Wolfe was a hopeless 
 enigma ; and he told George II. that Pitt's new 
 general was mad. " Mad is he ? " returned the 
 old King ; " then I hope he will bite some others 
 of my generals." 
 
 At the end of January the fleet was almost 
 ready, and Wolfe wrote to his uncle Walter : " I 
 am to act a greater part in this business than I 
 wished. The backwardness of some of the older 
 officers has in some measure forced the Govern- 
 ment to come down so low. I shall do my best, 
 and leave the rest to fortune, as perforce we must 
 when there are not the most commanding abilities. 
 We expect to sail in about three weeks. A Lon- 
 don life and little exercise disagrees entirely with 
 me, but the sea still more. If I have health and 
 constitution enough for the campaign, I shall think 
 myself a lucky man ; what happens afterwards 
 is of no great consequence." He sent to his 
 
192 WOLFE. ri759. 
 
 mother an affectionate letter of farewell, went to 
 Spithead, embarked with Admiral Saunders in the 
 ship " Neptune," and set sail on the seventeenth 
 of February. In a few hours the whole squadron 
 was at sea, the transports, the frigates, and the 
 great line-of-battle ships, with their ponderous 
 armament and their freight of rude humanity 
 armed and trained for destruction ; while on the 
 heaving deck of the " Neptune," wretched with sea- 
 sickness and racked with pain, stood the gallant 
 invalid who was master of it all. 
 
 The fleet consisted of twenty-two ships of the 
 line, with frigates, sloops-of-war, and a great 
 number of transports. When Admiral Saunders 
 arrived with his squadron off Louisbourg, he found 
 the entrance blocked by ice, and was forced to seek 
 harborage at Halifax. The squadron of Admiral 
 Holmes, which had sailed a few days earlier, pro- 
 ceeded to New York to take on board troops 
 destined for the expedition, while the squadron 
 of Admiral Durell steered for the St. Lawrence 
 to intercept the expected ships from France. 
 
 In May the whole fleet, except the ten ships 
 with Durell, was united in the harbor of Louis- 
 bourg. Twelve thousand troops were to have been 
 employed for the expedition ; but several regiments 
 expected from the West Indies were for some 
 reason countermanded, while the accessions from 
 New York and the Nova Scotia garrisons fell far 
 short of the looked-for numbers. Three weeks 
 before leaving Louisbourg, Wolfe writes to his 
 ancle Walter that he has an army of nine thou- 
 
1759.] HIS COLLEAGUES. 193 
 
 sand men. The actual number seems to have 
 been somewhat less. 1 " Our troops are good," he 
 informs Pitt ; " and if valor can make amends 
 for the want of numbers, we shall probably 
 succeed." 
 
 Three brigadiers, all in the early prime of life, 
 held command under him : Monckton, Townshend, 
 and Murray. They were all his superiors in birth, 
 and one of them, Townshend, never forgot that 
 he was so. " George Townshend," says Walpole, 
 " has thrust himself again into the service ; and, 
 as far as wrongheadedness will go, is very proper 
 for a hero." 2 The same caustic writer says 
 further that he was of " a proud, sullen, and con- 
 temptuous temper," and that he " saw everything 
 in an ill-natured and ridiculous light." 3 Though 
 his perverse and envious disposition made him a 
 difficult colleague, Townshend had both talents 
 and energy ; as also had Monckton, the same 
 officer who commanded at the capture of Beau- 
 sejour in 1755. Murray, too, was well matched 
 to the work in hand, in spite of some lingering 
 remains of youthful rashness. 
 
 On the sixth of June the last ship of the fleet 
 sailed out of Louisbourg harbor, the troops cheer- 
 ing and the officers drinking to the toast, " British 
 colors on every French fort, port, and garrison in 
 America." The ships that had gone before lay 
 to till the whole fleet was reunited, and then all 
 
 1 See Grenville Correspondence, I. 305. 
 
 2 Horace Walpole, Letters III. 207 (ed. Cunningham, 1857). 
 
 3 Ibid. George II., II. 345. 
 VOL. II. — 13 
 
194 WOLFE. [1759. 
 
 steered together for the St. Lawrence. From the 
 headland of Cape Egmont, the Micmac hunter, 
 gazing far out over the shimmering sea, saw the 
 horizon flecked with their canvas wings, .as they 
 bore northward on their errand of havoc. 
 
 Note. — For the material of the foregoing sketch of Wolfe I am in- 
 debted to Wright's excellent Life of him and the numerous letters con- 
 tained in it. Several autograph letters which have escaped the notice of 
 Mr. Wright are preserved in the Public Record Office. The following 
 is a characteristic passage from one of these, written on board the 
 " Neptune," at sea, on the sixth of June, the day when the fleet sailed from 
 Louisbourg. It is directed to a nobleman of high rank in the army, whose 
 name does not appear, the address being lost ( War Office Records : North 
 America, rarious, 1756-1763) : " I have had the honour to receive two let- 
 ters from your Lordship, one of an old date, concerning my stay in this 
 country [after the capture of Louisbourg], in answer to which I shall only 
 say that the Marshal told me I was to return at the end of the campaign ; 
 and as General Amherst had no other commands than to send me to 
 winter at Halifax under the orders of an officer ( Brigadier Lawrence] who 
 was but a few months before put over my head, I thought It was much 
 better to get into the way of service and out of the way of being insulted ; 
 and as the style of your Lordship's letter is pretty strong, I must take the 
 liberty to inform you that . . . rather than receive orders in the Govern- 
 ment [of Nova Scotia] from an officer younger than myself (though a 
 very worthy man), I should certainly have desired leave to resign my 
 commission ; for as I neither ask nor expect any favour, so I never intend 
 to submit to any ill-usage whatsoever." 
 
 Many other papers in the Public Record Office have been consulted in 
 preparing the above chapter, including the secret instructions of the King 
 to Wolfe and to Saunders, and the letters of Amherst to Wolfe and to 
 Pitt. Other correspondence touching the same subjects is printed in Selec- 
 tions from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 441-450. Knox, Mante, 
 and Entick are the best contemporary printed sources. 
 
 A story has gained currency respecting the last interview of Wolfe 
 with Pitt, in which he is said to have flourished his sword and boasted of 
 what he would achieve. This anecdote was told by Lord Temple, who 
 was present at the interview, to Mr Grenville, who, many years after, 
 told it to Earl Stanhope, by whom it was made public. That the incident 
 underwent essential changes in the course of these transmissions, — which 
 extended over more than half a century, for Earl Stanhope was not born 
 till 1805, — can never be doubted by one who considers the known char- 
 acter of Wolfe, who may have uttered some vehement expression, but 
 who can never be suspected of gasconade. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. 
 
 French Preparation. — Mustek of Forces. — Gasconade of Vatj- 
 dreuil. — Plan or Defence. — Strength of Montcalm. — 
 Advance of "Wolfe. — British Sailors. — Landing of the 
 English. — Difficulties before them. — Storm. — Fireships. 
 — Confidence of French Commanders. — Wolfe occupies Point 
 Levi. — a futile Night Attack. — Quebec bombarded. — 
 Wolfe at the Montmorenci. — Skirmishes. — Danger of the 
 English Position. — Effects of the Bombardment. — Deser- 
 tion of Canadians. — The English above Quebec. — Severi- 
 ties of Wolfe. — Another Attempt to burn the Fleet. — 
 Desperate Enterprise of Wolfe. — The Heights of Mont- 
 morenci. — Repulse of the English. 
 
 In early spring the chiefs of Canada met at 
 Montreal to settle a plan of defence. What at 
 first they most dreaded was an advance of the 
 enemy by way of Lake Champlain. Bourlamaque, 
 with three battalions, was ordered to take post at 
 Ticonderoga, hold it if he could, or, if overborne 
 by numbers, fall back to Isle-aux-Noix, at the out- 
 let of the lake. La Come was sent with a strong 
 detachment to intrench himself at the head of the 
 rapids of the St. Lawrence, and oppose any hos- 
 tile movement from Lake Ontario. Every able- 
 bodied man in the colony, and every boy who 
 could fire a gun, was to be called to the field. 
 Vaudreuil sent a circular letter to the militia cap- 
 tains of all the parishes, with orders to read it to 
 
196 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [175ft 
 
 the parishioners. It exhorted them to defend their 
 religion, their wives, their children, and their goods 
 from the fury of the heretics ; declared that he, 
 the Governor, would never yield up Canada on any 
 terms whatever ; and ordered them to join the army 
 at once, leaving none behind but the old, the sick, 
 the women, and the children. 1 The Bishop issued a 
 pastoral mandate : " On every side, dearest breth- 
 ren, the enemy is making immense preparations. 
 His forces, at least six times more numerous than 
 ours, are already in motion. Never was Canada 
 in a state so critical and full of peril. Never were 
 we so destitute, or threatened with an attack so 
 fierce, so general, and so obstinate. Now, in truth, 
 we may say, more than ever before, that our only 
 resource is in the powerful succor of our Lord. 
 Then, dearest brethren, make every effort to de- 
 serve it. ' Seek first the kingdom of God ; and all 
 these things shall be added unto you.' " And he 
 reproves their sins, exhorts them to repentance, 
 and ordains processions, masses, and prayers. 2 
 
 Vaudreuil bustled and boasted. In May he 
 wrote to the Minister : " The zeal with which I am 
 animated for the service of the King will always 
 make me surmount the greatest obstacles. I am 
 taking the most proper measures to give the 
 enemy a good reception whenever he may attack 
 us. I keep in view the defence of Quebec. I have 
 given orders in the parishes below to muster the 
 
 1 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
 * I am indebted for a copy of this mandate to the kindness of Abbe 
 Bois. As printed by Rnox, it is somewhat different, though the spirit is 
 the same. 
 
1759.] ALARM AT QUEBEC. 197 
 
 inhabitants who are able to bear arms, and place 
 women, children, cattle, and even hay and grain, 
 in places of safety. Permit me, Monseigneur, to 
 beg you to have the goodness to assure His Majesty 
 that, to whatever hard extremity I may be re- 
 duced, my zeal will be equally ardent and in- 
 defatigable, and that I shall do the impossible to 
 prevent our enemies from making progress in any 
 direction, or, at least, to make them pay extremely 
 dear for it." 1 Then he writes again to say that 
 Amherst with a great army will, as he learns, 
 attack Ticonderoga ; that Bradstreet, with six 
 thousand men, will advance to Lake Ontario ; and 
 that six thousand more will march to the Ohio. 
 " Whatever progress they may make," he adds, 
 " I am resolved to yield them nothing, but hold 
 my ground even to annihilation." He promises to 
 do his best to keep on good terms with Montcalm, 
 and ends with a warm eulogy of Bigot. 2 
 
 It was in the midst of all these preparations 
 that Bougainville arrived from France with news 
 that a great fleet was on its way to attack Quebec. 
 The town was filled with consternation mixed 
 with surprise, for the Canadians had believed that 
 the dangerous navigation of the St. Lawrence 
 would deter their enemies from the attempt. 
 "Everybody," writes one of them, "was stupefied 
 at an enterprise that seemed so bold." In a few 
 days a crowd of sails was seen approaching. They 
 were not enemies, but friends. It was the fleet 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Mai, 1759. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 20 [?] Mai, 1759. 
 
198 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 of the contractor Cadet, commanded by an officer 
 named Kanon, and loaded with supplies for the 
 colony. They anchored in the harbor, eighteen 
 sail in all, and their arrival spread universal joy. 
 Admiral Durell had come too late to intercept 
 them, catching but three stragglers that had 
 lagged behind the rest. Still others succeeded in 
 eluding him, and before the first of June five more 
 ships had come safely into port. 
 
 When the news brought by Bougainville reached 
 Montreal, nearly the whole force of the colony, 
 except the detachments of Bourlamaque and La 
 Corne, was ordered to Quebec. Montcalm hastened 
 thither, and Vaudreuil followed. The Governor- 
 General wrote to the Minister in his usual strain, 
 as if all the hope of Canada rested in him. Such, 
 he says, was his activity, that, though very busy, 
 he reached Quebec only a day and a half after 
 Montcalm; and, on arriving, learned from his 
 scouts that English ships-of-war had already ap- 
 peared at Isle-aux-Coudres. These were the squad- 
 ron of Durell. " I expect," Vaudreuil goes on, 
 " to be sharply attacked, and that our enemies will 
 make their most powerful efforts to conquer this 
 colony ; but there is no ruse, no resource, no 
 means which my zeal does not suggest to lay 
 snares for them, and finally, when the exigency 
 demands it, to fight them with an ardor, and even 
 a fury, which exceeds the range of their ambitious 
 designs. The troops, the Canadians, and the In- 
 dians are not ignorant of the resolution I have 
 taken, and from which I shall not recoil under 
 
1759.] MEASURES OF DEFENCE. 199 
 
 any circumstance whatever. The burghers of this 
 city have already put their goods and furniture in 
 places of safety. The old men, women, and chil- 
 dren hold themselves ready to leave town. My 
 firmness is generally applauded. It has penetrated 
 every heart ; and each man says aloud : ' Canada, 
 our native land, shall bury us under its ruins 
 before we surrender to the English ! ' This is decid- 
 edly my own determination, and I shall hold to it 
 inviolably." He launches into high praise of the 
 contractor Cadet, whose zeal for the service of the 
 King and the defence of the colony he declares to be 
 triumphant over every difficulty. It is necessary, 
 he adds, that ample supplies of all kinds should 
 be sent out in the autumn, with the distribution 
 of which Cadet offers to charge himself, and to 
 account for them at their first cost ; but he does 
 not say what prices his disinterested friend will 
 compel the destitute Canadians to pay for them. 1 
 
 Five battalions from France, nearly all the 
 colony troops, and the militia from every part of 
 Canada poured into Quebec, along with a thousand 
 or more Indians, who, at the call of Vaudreuil, 
 came to lend their scalping-knives to the defence. 
 Such was the ardor of the people that boys of 
 fifteen and men of eighty were to be seen in the 
 camp. Isle-aux-Coudres and Isle d'Orleans were* 
 ordered to be evacuated, and an excited crowd on 
 the rock of Quebec watched hourly for the ap- 
 proaching fleet. Days passed and weeks passed, 
 yet it did not appear. Meanwhile Vaudreuil held 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 28 Mai, 1759. 
 
200 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 council after council to settle a plan of defence. 
 They were strange scenes: a crowd of officers of 
 every rank, mixed pell-mell in a small room, push- 
 ing, shouting, elbowing each other, interrupting 
 each other ; till Montcalm, in despair, took each 
 aside after the meeting was over, and made him 
 give his opinion in writing. 1 
 
 He himself had at first proposed to encamp the 
 army on the plains of Abraham and the meadows 
 of the St. Charles, making that m r er his line 
 of defence ; 2 but he changed his plan, and, with 
 the concurrence of Vaudreuil, resolved to post 
 his whole force on the St. Lawrence below the 
 city, with his right resting on the St. Charles, and 
 his left on the Montmorenci. Here, accordingly, 
 the troops and militia were stationed as they 
 arrived. Early in June, standing at the north- 
 eastern brink of the rock of Quebec, one could have 
 seen the whole position at a glance. On the curv- 
 ing shore from the St. Charles to the rocky gorge 
 of the Montmorenci, a distance of seven or eight 
 miles, the whitewashed dwellings of the parish of 
 Beauport stretched down the road in a double chain, 
 and the fields on both sides were studded with 
 tents, huts, and Indian wigwams. Along the bor- 
 ders of the St. Lawrence, as far as the eye could 
 distinguish them, gangs of men were throwing 
 up redoubts, batteries, and lines of intrenchment. 
 About midway between the two extremities of the 
 
 1 Journal du Siege de Quebec depose a la Bibliotheque de Hartwell, en 
 Angleterre. (Printed at Quebec, V836.) 
 
 2 Livre d'Ordres, Disposition pour s'opposer a la Descente. 
 
1759.] MEASURES OF DEFENCE. 201 
 
 encampment ran the little river of Beauport ; and 
 on the rising ground just beyond it stood a large 
 stone house, round which the tents were thickly 
 clustered ; for here Montcalm had made his head- 
 quarters. 
 
 A boom of logs chained together was drawn 
 across the mouth of the St. Charles, which was 
 further guarded by two hulks mounted with can- 
 non. The bridge of boats that crossed the stream 
 nearly a mile above, formed the chief communica- 
 tion between the city and the camp. Its head 
 towards Beauport was protected by a strong and 
 extensive earthwork; and the banks of the stream 
 on the Quebec side were also intrenched, to form 
 a second line of defence in case the position at 
 Beauport should be forced. 
 
 In the city itself every gate, except the Palace 
 Gate, which gave access to the bridge, was closed 
 and barricaded. A hundred and six cannon were 
 mounted on the walls. 1 A floating battery of 
 twelve heavy pieces, a number of gunboats, eight 
 fireships, and several firerafts formed the river de- 
 fences. The largest merchantmen of Kanon's fleet 
 were sacrificed to make the fireships ; and the rest, 
 along with the frigates that came with them, were 
 sent for safety up the St. Lawrence beyond the 
 River Richelieu, whence about a thousand of their 
 sailors returned to man the batteries and gunboats. 
 
 In the camps along the Beauport shore were 
 about fourteen thousand men, besides Indians. The 
 
 1 This number was found after the siege. Knox, II. 151 Some 
 French writers make it much greater. 
 
202 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [175?. 
 
 regulars held the centre ; the militia of Quebec and 
 Three Rivers were on the right, and those of Mon- 
 treal on the left. In Quebec itself there was a 
 garrison of between one and two thousand men 
 under the Chevalier de Ramesay. Thus the whole 
 number, including Indians, amounted to more than 
 sixteen thousand ; 1 and though the Canadians who 
 formed the greater part of it were of little use in 
 the open field, they could be trusted to fight well 
 behind intrenchments. Against this force, posted 
 behind defensive works, on positions almost impreg- 
 nable by nature, Wolfe brought less than nine 
 thousand men available for operations on land. 2 
 The steep and lofty heights that lined the river 
 made the cannon of the ships for the most part 
 useless, while the exigencies of the naval service 
 forbade employing the sailors on shore. In two or 
 three instances only, throughout the siege, small 
 squads of them landed to aid in moving and work- 
 ing cannon ; and the actual fighting fell to the 
 troops alone. 
 
 Vaudreuil and Bigot took up their quarters with 
 the army. The Governor-General had delegated the 
 command of the land-forces to Montcalm, whom, in 
 his own words, he authorized " to give orders every- 
 where, provisionally." His relations with him 
 were more than ever anomalous and critical ; for 
 while Vaudreuil, in virtue of his office, had a right 
 to supreme command, Montcalm, now a lieutenant- 
 general, held a military grade far above him ; and 
 the Governor, while always writing himself down 
 
 ' See Appendix H. 2 Ibid. 
 
1759.] SUSPENSE. 203 
 
 in his despatches as the head and front of every 
 movement, had too little self-confidence not to leave 
 the actual command in the hands of his rival. 
 
 Days and weeks wore on, and the first excitement 
 gave way to restless impatience. Why did not the 
 English come ? Many of the Canadians thought 
 that Heaven would interpose and wreck the Eng- 
 lish fleet, as it had wrecked that of Admiral Walker 
 half a century before. There were processions, 
 prayers, and vows towards this happy consumma- 
 tion. Food was scarce. Bigot and Cadet lived in 
 luxury ; fowls by thousands were fattened with 
 wheat for their tables, while the people were put 
 on rations of two ounces of bread a day.' Durell 
 and his ships were reported to be still at Isle-aux- 
 Coudres. Vaudreuil sent thither a party of Cana- 
 dians, and they captured three midshipmen, who, 
 says Montcalm, had gone ashore pour polissonner, 
 that is, on a lark. These youths were brought to 
 Quebec, where they increased the general anxiety 
 by grossly exaggerating the English force. 
 
 At length it became known that eight English 
 vessels were anchored in the north channel of 
 Orleans, and on the twenty-first of June the masts 
 of three of them could plainly be seen. One of the 
 fireships was consumed in a vain attempt to burn 
 them, and several firerafts and a sort of infernal 
 machine were tried with no better success ; the 
 unwelcome visitors still held their posts. 
 
 Meanwhile the whole English fleet had slowly 
 advanced, piloted by Denis de Vitrei a Canadian of 
 
 1 M&noires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
204 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 good birth, captured at sea some time before, and 
 now compelled to serve, under a threat of being 
 hanged if he refused. 1 Nor was he alone; for 
 when Durell reached the place where the river 
 pilots were usually taken on board, he raised a 
 Trench flag to his mast-head, causing great rejoic- 
 ings among the Canadians on shore, who thought 
 that a fleet was come to their rescue, and that their 
 country was saved. The pilots launched their ca- 
 noes and came out to the ships, where they were 
 all made prisoners ; then the French flag was low- 
 ered, and the red cross displayed in its stead. The 
 spectators on shore turned from joy to despair ; and 
 a priest who stood watching the squadron with a 
 telescope is said to have dropped dead with the 
 revulsion of feeling. 
 
 Towards the end of June the main fleet was near 
 the mountain of Cape Tourmente. The passage 
 called the Traverse, between the Cape and the lower 
 end of the Island of Orleans, was reputed one of the 
 most dangerous parts of the St. Lawrence ; and as 
 the ships successively came up, the captive pilots 
 were put on board to carry them safely through, on 
 pain of death. One of these men was assigned to 
 the transport " Goodwill," in which was Captain 
 Knox, who spoke French, and who reports thus in 
 his Diary : " He gasconaded at a most extravagant 
 rate, and gave us to understand that it was much 
 against his will that he was become an English 
 pilot. The poor fellow assumed great latitude in 
 his conversation, and said ' he made no doubt that 
 
 1 Memorial de Jean-Denis de Vitre au Tris-honorable William Pitt. 
 
1759.] PASSING THE TRAVERSE. 205 
 
 some of the fleet would return to England, but they 
 should have a dismal tale to carry with them ; for 
 Canada should be the grave of the whole army, and 
 he expected in a short time to see the walls of 
 Quebec ornamented with English scalps.' Had it 
 not been in obedience to the Admiral, who gave 
 orders that he should not be ill-used, he would cer- 
 tainly have been thrown overboard." The master 
 of the transport was an old sailor named Killick, 
 who despised the whole Gallic race, and had no 
 mind to see his ship in charge of a Frenchman. 
 "He would not let the pilot speak," continues 
 Knox, " but fixed his mate at the helm, charged him 
 not to take orders from any person but himself, and 
 going forward with his trumpet to the forecastle, 
 gave the necessary instructions. " All that could be 
 said by the commanding officer and the other gen- 
 tlemen on board was to no purpose ; the pilot de- 
 clared we should be lost, for that no French ship 
 ever presumed to pass there without a pilot. ' Ay, 
 ay, my dear,' replied our son of Neptune, ' but, damn 
 me, I '11 convince you that an Englishman shall go 
 where a Frenchman dare not show his nose.' The 
 ' Richmond' frigate being close astern of us, the com- 
 manding officer called out to the captain and told 
 him our case ; he inquired who the master was, and 
 was answered from the forecastle by the man him- 
 self, who told him ' he was old Killick, and that 
 was enough.' I went forward with this experienced 
 mariner, who pointed out the channel to me as we 
 passed ; showing me by the ripple and color of the 
 water where there was any danger, and distinguish- 
 
206 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 ing the places where there were ledges of rocks (to 
 me invisible) from banks of sand, mud, or gravel. 
 He gave his orders with great unconcern, joked 
 with the sounding-boats which lay off on each side 
 with different colored flags for our guidance ; and 
 when any of them called to him and pointed to the 
 deepest water, he answered : ' Ay, ay, my dear, 
 chalk it down, a damned dangerous navigation, 
 eh ! If you don't make a sputter about it you '11 get 
 no credit in England.' After we had cleared this 
 remarkable place, where the channel forms a com- 
 plete zigzag, the master called to his mate to give 
 the helm to somebody else, saying, ' Damn me if 
 there are not a thousand places in the Thames fifty 
 times more hazardous than this ; I am ashamed 
 that Englishmen should make such a rout about it.' 
 The Frenchman asked me if the captain had not 
 been there before. I assured him in the negative ; 
 upon which he viewed him with great attention, 
 lifting at the same time his hands and eyes to 
 heaven with astonishment and fervency." 1 
 
 Vaudreuil was blamed for not planting cannon 
 at a certain plateau on the side of the mountain 
 of Cape Tourmente, where the gunners would have 
 been inaccessible, and whence they could have 
 battered every passing ship with a plunging fire. 
 As it was, the whole fleet sailed safely through. 
 
 1 Others, aa well as the pilot, were astonished. " The enemy passed 
 sixty ships of war where we hardly dared risk a Vessel of a hundred tons." 
 " Notwithstanding all our precautions, the English, without any accident, 
 by night, as well as by day, passed through it [the Traverse] their ships of 
 seventy and eighty guns, and even many of them together." Vaudreuil au 
 Ministre, 22 Oct. 1759 
 
1769.] THE ENGLISH LAND. 207 
 
 On the twenty-sixth they were all anchored off 
 the south shore of the Island of Orleans, a few 
 miles from Quebec; and, writes Knox, "here we 
 are entertained with a most agreeable prospect of 
 a delightful country on every side ; windmills, 
 watermills, churches, chapels, and compact farm- 
 houses, all built with stone, and covered, some 
 with wood, and others with straw. The lands 
 appear to be everywhere well cultivated ; and with 
 the help of my glass I can discern that they are 
 sowed with flax, wheat, barley,, peas, etc., and the 
 grounds are enclosed with wooden pales. The 
 weather to-day is agreeably warm. A light fog 
 sometimes hangs over the highlands, but in the 
 river we have a fine clear air. In the curve of 
 the river, while we were under sail, we had a 
 transient view of a stupendous natural curiosity 
 called the waterfall of Montmorenci." 
 
 That night Lieutenant Meech, with forty New 
 England rangers, landed on the Island of Orleans, 
 and found a body of armed inhabitants, who tried 
 to surround him. He beat them off, and took 
 possession of a neighboring farmhouse, where he 
 remained till daylight ; then pursued the enemy, 
 and found that they had crossed to the north 
 shore. The whole army now landed, and were 
 drawn up on the beach. As they were kept there 
 for some time, Knox and several brother officers 
 went to visit the neighboring church of Saint-Lau- 
 rent, where they found a letter from the parish 
 priest, directed to " The Worthy Officers of the 
 British Army," praying that they would protect the 
 
208 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [175ft. 
 
 sacred edifice, and also his own adjoining house,, 
 and adding, with somewhat needless civility, that 
 he wished they had come sooner, that they might 
 have enjoyed the asparagus and radishes of his- 
 garden, now unhappily going to seed. The letter 
 concluded with many compliments and good wishes,, 
 in which the Britons to whom they were addressed 
 saw only " the frothy politeness so peculiar to the 
 French." The army marched westward and en- 
 camped. Wolfe, with his chief engineer, Major 
 Mackellar, and ah escort of light infantry, ad- 
 vanced to the extreme point of the island. 
 
 Here he could see, in part, the desperate nature 
 of the task he had undertaken. Before him, three 
 or four miles away, Quebec sat perched upon her 
 rock, a congregation of stone houses, churches, 
 palaces, convents, and hospitals ; the green trees 
 of the Seminary garden and the spires of the 
 Cathedral, the Ursulines, the Recollets, and the 
 Jesuits. Beyond rose the loftier height of Cape 
 Diamond, edged with palisades and capped with 
 redoubt and parapet. Batteries frowned every- 
 where ; the Chateau battery, the Clergy battery, 
 the Hospital battery, on the rock above, and the 
 Royal, Dauphin's, and Queen's batteries on the 
 strand, where the dwellings and warehouses of 
 the lower town clustered beneath the cliff. 
 
 Full in sight lay the far-extended camp of Mont- 
 calm, stretching from the St. Charles, beneath the 
 city walls, to the chasm and cataract of the Mont- 
 morenci. From the cataract to the river of Beau- 
 port, its front was covered by earthworks along 
 
1759.] STRENGTH OP THE FORTRESS. 209 
 
 the brink of abrupt and lofty heights ; and from 
 the river of Beauport to the St. Charles, by broad 
 flats of mud swept by the fire of redoubts, in- 
 trenchments, a floating battery, and the city itself. 
 Above the city, Cape Diamond hid the view ; but 
 could Wolfe have looked beyond it, he would have 
 beheld a prospect still more disheartening. Here, 
 mile after mile, the St. Lawrence was walled by a 
 range of steeps, often inaccessible, and always so 
 difficult that a few men at the top could hold an 
 army in check ; while at Cap-Kouge, about eight 
 miles distant, the high plateau was cleft by the 
 channel of a stream which formed a line of de- 
 fence as strong as that of the Montmorenci. Que- 
 bec was a natural fortress. Bougainville had 
 long before examined the position, and reported 
 that " by the help of intrenchments, easily and 
 quickly made, and defended by three or four thou- 
 sand men, I think the city would be safe. I do 
 not believe that the English will make any at- 
 tempt against it ; but they may have the madness 
 to do so, and it is well to be prepared against 
 surprise." 
 
 Not four thousand men, but four times four 
 thousand, now stood in its defence; and then- 
 chiefs wisely resolved not to throw away the 
 advantages of their position. Nothing more was 
 heard of Vaudreuil's bold plan of attacking the 
 invaders at their landing ; and Montcalm had 
 declared that he would play the part, not of 
 Hannibal, but of Fabius. His plan was to avoid 
 a general battle, run no risks, and protract the 
 
 -14 
 
210 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. |1759. 
 
 defence till the resources of the enemy were ex- 
 hausted, or till approaching winter forced them 
 to withdraw. Success was almost certain but for 
 one contingency. Amherst, with a force larger 
 than that of Wolfe, was moving against Ticon- 
 deroga. If he should capture it, and advance into 
 the colony, Montcalm would be forced to weaken 
 his army by sending strong detachments to oppose 
 him. Here was Wolfe's best hope. This failing, 
 his only chance was in audacity. The game was 
 desperate; but, intrepid gamester as he was in 
 war, he was a man, in the last resort, to stake 
 everything on the cast of the dice. 
 
 The elements declared for France. On the 
 afternoon of the day when Wolfe's army landed, 
 a violent squall swept over the St. Lawrence, 
 dashed the ships together, drove several ashore, 
 and destroyed many of the flat-boats from which 
 the troops had just disembarked. " I never saw 
 so much distress among shipping in my whole 
 life," writes an officer to a friend in Boston. For- 
 tunately the storm subsided as quickly as it rose, 
 Vaudreuil saw that the hoped-for deliverance 
 had failed ; and as the tempest had not destroyed 
 the British fleet, he resolved to try the virtue of 
 his fireships. " I am afraid," says Montcalm, 
 " that they have cost us a million, and will be 
 good for nothing after all." This remained to 
 be seen. Vaudreuil gave the chief command of 
 them to a naval officer named Delouche; and on 
 the evening of the twenty-eighth, after long con- 
 sultation and much debate among their respective 
 
1759.] FIEESHIPS. 211 
 
 captains, they set sail together at ten o'clock. 
 The night was moonless and dark. In less than 
 an hour they were at the entrance of the north 
 channel. Delouche had been all enthusiasm ; but 
 as he neared the danger his nerves failed, and 
 he set fire to his ship half an hour too soon, the 
 rest following his example. 1 
 
 There was an English outpost at the Point of 
 Orleans ; and, about eleven o'clock, the sentries 
 descried through the gloom the ghostly outlines 
 of the approaching ships. As they gazed, these 
 mysterious strangers began to dart tongues of 
 flame; fire ran like lightning up their masts 
 and sails, and then they burst out like volcanoes. 
 Filled as they were with pitch, tar, and every 
 manner of combustible, mixed with fireworks, 
 bombs, grenades, and old cannon, swivels, and 
 muskets loaded to the throat, the effect was 
 terrific. The troops at the Point, amazed at the 
 sudden eruption, the din of the explosions, and 
 the showers of grapeshot that rattled among the 
 trees, lost their wits and fled. The blazing 
 dragons hissed and roared, spouted sheets of fire, 
 vomited smoke in black, pitchy volumes and vast 
 illumined clouds, and shed their infernal glare 
 on the distant city, the tents of Montcalm, and 
 the long red lines of the British army, drawn up 
 in array of battle, lest the French should cross 
 from their encampments to attack them in the 
 confusion. Knox calls the display " the grandest 
 
 1 Foligny, Journal me'm.oratif. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 Journal du Siege (Bibliotheque de Hartwell). 
 
212 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. L^ 9 - 
 
 fireworks that can possibly be conceived." Yet 
 the fireships did no other harm than burning 
 alive one of their own captains and six or seven 
 of his sailors who failed to escape in their boats. 
 Some of them ran ashore before reaching the fleet j 
 the others were seized by the intrepid English 
 sailors, who, approaching in their boats, threw 
 grappling-irons upon them and towed them 
 towards land, till they swung round and stranded.. 
 Here, after venting their fury for a while, they 
 subsided into quiet conflagration, which lasted till 
 morning. Vaudreuil watched the result of his 
 experiment from the steeple of the church at 
 Beauport ; then returned, dejected, to Quebec. 
 
 Wolfe longed to fight his enemy ; but his sa- 
 gacious enemy would not gratify him. From the 
 heights of Beauport, the rock of Quebec, or the 
 summit of Cape Diamond, Montcalm could look 
 down on the river and its shores as on a map, 
 and watch each movement of the invaders. He 
 was hopeful, perhaps confident ; and for a month 
 or more he wrote almost daily to Bourlamaque 
 at Ticonderoga, in a cheerful, and often a jocose 
 vein, mingling orders and instructions with pleas- 
 antries and bits of news. Yet his vigilance was 
 unceasing. " We pass every night in bivouac, 
 or else sleep in our clothes. Perhaps you are 
 doing as much, my dear Bourlamaque." * 
 
 Of the two commanders, Vaudreuil was the 
 more sanguine, and professed full faith that all 
 
 1 Montcalm a Bourlamaque, 27 Juin, 1759. All these letters are before 
 me. 
 
1759.] HE SEIZES POINT LEVI. 213 
 
 would go well. He too corresponded with Bour- 
 lamaque, to whom he gave his opinion, founded 
 on the reports of deserters, that "Wolfe had no 
 chance of success unless Amherst should come 
 to his aid. This he pronounced impossible ; and 
 he expressed a strong desire that the English 
 would attack him, " so that we may rid ourselves 
 of them at once." 1 He was courageous, except 
 in the immediate presence of danger, and failed 
 only when the crisis came. 
 
 Wolfe, held in check at every other point, had 
 one movement in his power. He could seize the 
 heights of Point Levi, opposite the city ; and 
 this, along with his occupation of the Island of 
 Orleans, would give him command of the Basin 
 of Quebec. Thence also he could fire on the place 
 across the St. Lawrence, which is here less than 
 a mile wide. The movement was begun on the 
 afternoon of the twenty-ninth, when, shivering 
 in a north wind and a sharp frost, a part of 
 Monckton's brigade was ferried over to Beaumont, 
 on the south shore, and the rest followed in the 
 morning. The rangers had a brush with a party 
 of Canadians, whom they drove off, and the regu- 
 lars then landed unopposed. Monckton ordered 
 a proclamation, signed by Wolfe, to be posted on 
 the door of the parish church. It called on the 
 Canadians, in peremptory terms, to stand neutral 
 in the contest, promised them, if they did so, full 
 protection in property and religion, and threatened 
 that, if they presumed to resist the invaders, their 
 
 1 Vaudrev.il a Bourlamaqite, 8 Juillet, 1759. 
 
214 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 houses, goods, and harvests should he destroyed, 
 and their churches despoiled. As soon as the 
 troops were out of sight the inhabitants took down 
 the placard and carried it to Vaudreuil. 
 
 The brigade marched along the river road to 
 Point Levi, drove off a body of French and In- 
 dians posted in the church, and took possession 
 of the houses and the surrounding heights. In 
 the morning they were intrenching themselves, 
 when they were greeted by a brisk fire from the 
 edge of the woods. It came from a party of 
 Indians, whom the rangers presently put to flight, 
 and, imitating their own ferocity, scalped nine of 
 them. Wolfe came over to the camp on the next 
 day, went with an escort to the heights opposite 
 Quebec, examined it with a spy-glass, and chose 
 a position from which to bombard it. Cannon 
 and mortars were brought ashore, fascines and 
 gabions made, intrenchments thrown up, and bat- 
 teries planted. Knox came over from the main 
 camp, and says that he had "a most agreeable 
 view of the city of Quebec. It is a very fair 
 object for our artillery, particularly the lower 
 town." But why did Wolfe wish to bombard 
 it ? Its fortifications were but little exposed to 
 his fire, and to knock its houses, convents, and 
 churches to pieces would bring him no nearer to 
 his object. His guns at Point Levi could destroy 
 the city, but could not capture it; yet doubtless 
 they would have good moral effect, discourage the 
 French, and cheer his own soldiers with the flat- 
 tering belief that they were achieving something. 
 
1759.J A NIGHT ATTACK. 215 
 
 1 The guns of Quebec showered balls and bombs 
 upon his workmen ; but they still toiled on, and 
 the French saw the fatal batteries fast growing to 
 completion. The citizens, alarmed at the threat- 
 ened destruction, begged the Governor for leave 
 to cross the river and dislodge their assailants. 
 At length he consented. A party of twelve or 
 fifteen hundred was made up of armed burghers, 
 Canadians from the camp, a few Indians, some 
 pupils of the Seminary, and about a hundred vol- 
 unteers from the regulars. Dumas, an experi- 
 enced officer, took command of them ; and, going 
 up to Sillery, they crossed the river on the night 
 of the twelfth of July. They had hardly climbed 
 the heights of the south shore when they grew 
 exceedingly nervous, though the enemy was still 
 three miles off. The Seminary scholars fired on 
 some of their own party, whom they mistook for 
 English ; and the same mishap was repeated a sec- 
 ond and a third time. A panic seized the whole 
 body, and Dumas could not control them. They 
 turned and made for their canoes, rolling over 
 each other as they rushed down the heights, and 
 reappeared at Quebec at six in the morning, 
 overwhelmed with despair and shame. 1 
 
 The presentiment of the unhappy burghers 
 proved too true. The English batteries fell to 
 
 1 SvCnements de la Guerre en Canada (Hist. Soe. Quebec, 1861). Me~- 
 moires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 L'Abeille, II. No. 14 (a publication of the Quebec Seminary). Journal dm 
 Siege de Quebec (Bibliotheque de Hartwell). Panet, Journal du Siege. 
 Foligny, Journal memoratif Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec, by John John- 
 son, Clerk and Quartermaster-Sergeant to the Fifty-eighth Regiment. 
 
216 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 their work, and the families of the town fled to 
 the country for safety. In a single day eighteen 
 houses and the cathedral were burned by exploding 
 shells ; and fiercer and fiercer the storm of fire 
 and iron hailed upon Quebec. 
 
 Wolfe did not rest content with distressing his 
 enemy. With an ardor and a daring that no diffi- 
 culties could cool, he sought means to strike an 
 effective blow. It was nothing to lay Quebec in 
 ruins if he could not defeat the army that pro- 
 tected it. To land from boats and attack Mont- 
 calm in front, through the mud of the Beauport 
 flats or up the heights along the neighboring shore, 
 was an enterprise too rash even for his temerity. 
 It might, however, be possible to land below the 
 cataract of Montmorenci, cross that stream higher 
 up, and strike the French army in flank or rear ; 
 and he had no sooner secured his positions at the 
 points of Levi and Orleans, than he addressed 
 himself to this attempt. 
 
 On the eighth several frigates and a bomb-ketch 
 took their stations before the camp of the Chevalier 
 de Levis, who, with his division of Canadian mil- 
 itia, occupied the heights along the St. Lawrence 
 just above the cataract. Here tlfey shelled and 
 cannonaded him all day; though, from his ele- 
 vated position, with very little effect. Towards 
 evening the troops on the Point of Orleans broke 
 up their camp. Major Hardy, with a detachment 
 of marines, was left to hold that post, while the 
 rest embarked at night in the boats of the fleet. 
 They were the brigades of Townshend and Mur- 
 
1759.] AT THE MONTMORENCL 217 
 
 ray, consisting of five battalions, with, a body of 
 grenadiers, light infantry, and rangers, — in all 
 three thousand men. They landed before day- 
 break in front of the parish of L'Ange Gardien, 
 a little below the cataract. The only opposition 
 was from a troop of Canadians and Indians, whom 
 they routed, after some loss, climbed the heights, 
 gained the plateau above, and began to intrench 
 themselves. A company of rangers, supported by 
 detachments of regulars, was sent into the neigh- 
 boring forest to protect the parties who were 
 cutting fascines, and apparently, also, to look for 
 a fording-place. 
 
 Levis, with his Scotch- Jacobite aide-de-camp, 
 Johnstone, had watched the movements of Wolfe 
 from the heights across the cataract. Johnstone 
 says that he asked his commander if he was sure 
 there was no ford higher up on the Montmorenci, 
 by which the English could cross. Levis averred 
 that there was none, and that he himself had ex- 
 amined the stream to its source ; on which a 
 Canadian who stood by whispered to the aide-de- 
 camp : " The General is mistaken ; there is a 
 ford." Johnstone told this to Levis, who would 
 not believe it, and so browbeat the Canadian that 
 he dared not repeat what he had said. Johnstone, 
 taking him aside, told him to go and find some- 
 body who had lately crossed the ford, and bring 
 him at once to the General's quarters ; whereupon 
 he soon reappeared with a man who affirmed that 
 he had crossed it the night before with a sack of 
 wheat on his back. A detachment was immedi- 
 
218 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 ately sent to the place, with orders to intrench 
 itself, and Repentigny, lieutenant of Levis, was 
 posted not far off with eleven hundred Canadians. 
 Four hundred Indians passed the ford under the 
 partisan Langlade, discovered Wolfe's detachment, 
 hid themselves, and sent their commander to tell 
 Kepentigny that there was a body of English in 
 the forest, who might all be destroyed if he would 
 come over at once with his Canadians. Repentigny 
 sent for orders to Levis, and Levis sent for orders- 
 to Vaudreuil, whose quarters were three or four 
 miles distant. Vaudreuil answered that no risk 
 should be run, and that he would come and see 
 to the matter himself. It was about two hours 
 before he arrived ; and meanwhile the Indians grew 
 impatient, rose from their hiding-place, fired on 
 the rangers, and drove them back with heavy loss 
 upon the regulars, who stood their ground, and 
 at last repulsed the assailants. The Indians re- 
 crossed the ford with thirty-six scalps. If Repen- 
 tigny had advanced, and Levis had followed with 
 his main body, the consequences to the English 
 might have been serious ; for, as Johnstone re- 
 marks, " a Canadian in the woods is worth three- 
 disciplined soldiers, as a soldier in a plain is worth 
 three Canadians." Vaudreuil called a council of 
 war. The question was whether an effort should; 
 be made to dislodge Wolfe's main force. Mont- 
 calm and the Governor were this time of one mind,, 
 and both thought it inexpedient to attack, with 
 militia, a body of regular troops whose numbers- 
 and position were imperfectly known. Bigot gave' 
 
1759.] DANGER OF HIS POSITION. 219 1 
 
 his voice for the attack. He was overruled, and 
 Wolfe was left to fortify himself in peace. 1 
 
 His occupation of the heights of Montmorenci 
 exposed him to great risks. The left wing of his 
 army at Point Levi was six miles from its right 
 wing at the cataract, and Major Hardy's detach- 
 ment on the Point of Orleans was between them, 
 separated from each by a wide arm of the St. 
 Lawrence. Any one of the three camps might 
 be overpowered before the others could support 
 it ; and Hardy with his small force was above all 
 in danger of being cut to pieces. But the French 
 kept persistently on the defensive ; and after the 
 failure of Dumas to dislodge the English from 
 Point Levi, Vaudreuil would not hear of another 
 such attempt. Wolfe was soon well intrenched ; 
 but it was easier to defend himself than to strike 
 at his enemy. Montcalm, when urged to attack 
 him, is said to have answered : " Let him amuse 
 himself where he is. If we drive him off he may 
 go to some place where he can do us harm." His 
 late movement, however, had a discouraging effect 
 on the Canadians, who now for the first time began 
 to desert. His batteries, too, played across the 
 chasm of Montmorenci upon the left wing of the 
 French army with an effect extremely annoying. 
 
 The position of the hostile forces was a remark- 
 able one. They were separated by the vast gorge 
 
 1 The above is from a comparison of the rather discordant accounts of 
 Johnstone, the Journal tenu a I' Annie, the Journal of Panet, and that of 
 the Hartwell Library. The last says that Levis crossed the Montmorenci. 
 If so, he accomplished nothing. This affair should not be confounded 
 with a somewhat similar one which took place on the 26th. 
 
220 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 that opens upon the St. Lawrence ; an amphitheatre 
 of lofty precipices, their brows crested with forests, 
 and their steep brown sides scantily feathered with 
 stunted birch and fir. Into this abyss leaps the 
 Montmorenci with one headlong plunge of nearly 
 two hundred and fifty feet, a living column of 
 snowy white, with its spray, its foam, its mists, 
 and its rainbows ; then spreads itself in broad thin 
 sheets over a floor of rock and gravel, and creeps 
 tamely to the St. Lawrence. It was but a gunshot 
 across the gulf, and the sentinels on each side 
 watched each other over the roar and turmoil 
 of the cataract. Captain Knox, coming one day 
 from Point Levi to receive orders from Wolfe, 
 improved a spare hour to visit this marvel of 
 nature. "I had very nigh paid dear for my in- 
 quisitiveness ; for while I stood on the eminence I 
 was hastily called to by one of our sentinels, when, 
 throwing my eyes about, I saw a Frenchman 
 creeping under the eastern extremity of their 
 breastwork to fire at me. This obliged me to retire 
 as fast as I could out of his reach, and, making up 
 to the sentry to thank him for his attention, he 
 told me the fellow had snapped his piece twice, 
 and the second time it flashed in the pan at the 
 instant I turned away from the Fall." Another 
 officer, less fortunate, had a leg broken by a shot 
 from the opposite cliffs. 
 
 Day after day went by, and the invaders made 
 no progress. Flags of truce passed often between 
 the hostile camps. " You will demolish the town, 
 no doubt," said the bearer of one of them, " but 
 
1759.] BED AND WHITE SAVAGES. 221 
 
 you shall never get inside of it." To which Wolfe 
 replied : " I will have Quebec if I stay here till the 
 end of November." Sometimes the heat was in- 
 tense, and sometimes there were floods of summer 
 rain that inundated the tents. Along the river, 
 from the Montmorenci to Point Levi, there were 
 ceaseless artillery fights between gunboats, frigates, 
 and batteries on shore. Bands of Indians infested 
 the outskirts of the camps, killing sentries and 
 patrols. The rangers chased them through the 
 woods ; there were brisk skirmishes, and scalps lost 
 and won. Sometimes the regulars took part in 
 these forest battles ; and once it was announced, in 
 orders of the day, that " the General has ordered 
 two sheep and some rum to Captain Cosnan's com- 
 pany of grenadiers for the spirit they showed this 
 morning in pushing those scoundrels of Indians." 
 The Indians complained that the British soldiers- 
 were learning how to fight, and no longer stood 
 still in a mass to be shot at, as in Braddock's time. 
 The Canadian coureurs-de-bois mixed with their 
 red allies and wore their livery. One of them was 
 caught on the eighteenth. He was naked, daubed 
 red and blue, and adorned with a bunch of painted 
 feathers dangling from the top of his head. He 
 and his companions used the scalping-knife as 
 freely as the Indians themselves; nor were the 
 New England rangers much behind them in this 
 respect, till an order came from Wolfe forbidding 
 " the inhuman practice of scalping, except when 
 the enemy are Indians, or Canadians dressed like 
 Indians." 
 
222 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759- 
 
 A part of the fleet worked up into the Basin, 
 beyond the Point of Orleans; and here, on the 
 warm summer nights, officers and men watched 
 the cannon flashing and thundering from the 
 heights of Montmorenci on one side, and those of 
 Point Levi on the other, and the bombs sailing 
 through the air in fiery semicircles. Often the 
 gloom was lighted up by the blaze of the burning 
 houses of Quebec, kindled by incendiary shells. 
 Both the lower and the upper town were nearly 
 deserted by the inhabitants, some retreating into 
 the country, and some into the suburb of St. Roch ; 
 while the Ursulines and Hospital nuns abandoned 
 their convents to seek harborage beyond the range 
 of shot. The city was a prey to robbers, who pil- 
 laged the empty houses, till an order came from 
 headquarters promising the gallows to all who 
 should be caught. News reached the French that 
 Niagara was attacked, and that the army of 
 Amherst was moving against Ticonderoga. The 
 Canadians deserted more and more. They were 
 disheartened by the defensive attitude in which 
 both Vaudreuil and Montcalm steadily persisted; 
 and accustomed as they were to rapid raids, sud- 
 den strokes, and a quick return to their homes, 
 they tired of long weeks of inaction. The English 
 patrols caught one of them as he was passing the 
 time in fishing. " He seemed to be a subtle old 
 rogue," says Knox, " of seventy years of age, as 
 he told us. We plied him well with port wine, 
 and then his heart was more open ; and seeing 
 that we laughed at the exaggerated accounts he 
 
1759.] THE CANADIANS DISCOURAGED. 223 
 
 had given us, he said he ' wished the affair was well 
 over, one way or the other ; that his countrymen 
 were all discontented, and would either surrender, 
 or disperse and act a neutral part, if it were not for 
 the persuasions of their priests and the fear of being 
 maltreated by the savages, with whom they are 
 threatened on all occasions.' ' A deserter reported 
 on the nineteenth of July that nothing but dread 
 of the Indians kept the Canadians in the camp. 
 
 Wolfe's proclamation, at first unavailing, was 
 now taking effect. A large number of Canadian 
 prisoners, brought in on the twenty-fifth, declared 
 that their countrymen would gladly accept his 
 offers but for the threats of their commanders that 
 if they did so the Indians should be set upon them. 
 The prisoners said further that " they had been 
 under apprehension for several days past of having 
 a body of four hundred barbarians sent to rifle 
 their parish and habitations." l Such threats were 
 not wholly effectual. A French chronicler of the 
 time says : " The Canadians showed their disgust 
 every day, and deserted at every opportunity, in 
 spite of the means taken to prevent them." " The 
 people were intimidated, seeing all our army kept 
 in one body and solely on the defensive; while 
 the English, though far less numerous, divided 
 their forces, and undertook various bold enterprises 
 without meeting resistance." 2 
 
 On the eighteenth the English accomplished 
 a feat which promised important results. The 
 
 1 Knox, I. 347 ; compare pp. 339, 341, 346. 
 
 2 Journal du Siege (Bibliotheque de Hartwell). 
 
224 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 French commanders had thought it impossible for 
 any hostile ship to pass the batteries of Quebec ; 
 but about eleven o'clock at night, favored by the 
 wind, and covered by a furious cannonade from 
 Point Levi, the ship " Sutherland," with a frigate 
 and several small vessels, sailed safely by and 
 reached the river above the town. Here they at 
 once attacked and destroyed a fireship and some 
 small craft that they found there. Now, for the 
 first time, it became necessary for Montcalm ta 
 weaken his army at Beauport by sending six 
 hundred men, under Dumas, to defend the ac- 
 cessible points in the line of precipices between 
 Quebec and Cap-Rouge. Several hundred more- 
 were sent on the next day, when it became known 
 that the English had dragged a fleet of boats over 
 Point Levi, launched them above the town, and de- 
 spatched troops to embark in them. Thus a new 
 feature was introduced into the siege operations, 
 and danger had risen on a side where the French 
 thought themselves safe. On the other hand, "Wolfe 
 had become more vulnerable than ever. His army 
 was now divided, not into three parts, but into four, 
 each so far from the rest that, in case of sudden 
 attack, it must defend itself alone. That Mont- 
 calm did not improve his opportunity was appar- 
 ently due to want of confidence in his militia. 
 
 The force above the town did not lie idle. On 
 the night of the twentieth, Colonel Carleton, with 
 six hundred men, rowed eighteen miles up the 
 river, and landed at Pointe-aux-Trembles, on the 
 north shore. Here some of the families of Quebec 
 
1759.] HIS SEVERITIES. 225 
 
 had sought asylum ; and Wolfe had been told by 
 prisoners that not only were stores in great quan- 
 tity to be found here, but also letters and papers 
 throwing light on the French plans. Carleton 
 and his men drove off a band of Indians who 
 fired on them, and spent a quiet day around the 
 parish church; but found few papers, and still 
 fewer stores. They withdrew towards evening, 
 carrying with them nearly a hundred women, chil- 
 dren, and old men ; and they were no sooner gone 
 than the Indians returned to plunder the empty 
 houses of their unfortunate allies. The prisoners 
 were treated with great kindness. The ladies 
 among them were entertained at supper by Wolfe, 
 who jested with them on the caution of the French 
 generals, saying : " I bave given good chances to 
 attack me, and am surprised^ that they have not 
 profited by them." 1 On the next day the 
 prisoners were all sent to Quebec under a flag 
 of truce. 
 
 Thus far Wolfe had refrained from executing 
 the threats he had affixed the month before to 
 the church of Beaumont. But now he issued an- 
 other proclamation. It declared that the Cana- 
 dians had shown themselves unworthy of the 
 offers he had made them, and that he had there- 
 fore ordered his light troops to ravage their 
 country and bring them prisoners to his camp. 
 Such of the Canadian militia as belonged to the 
 parishes near Quebec were now in a sad dilemma ; 
 for Montcalm threatened them on one side, and 
 
 1 Journal tenu a I'Armee que commandoit feu M. le Marquis de Montcalm. 
 vol. it. — 15 
 
226 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1750. 
 
 "Wolfe on the other. They might desert to their 
 homes, or they might stand by their colors ; in 
 the one case their houses were to be burned by 
 French savages, and in the other by British light 
 infantry. 
 
 Wolfe at once gave orders in accord with his 
 late proclamation ; but he commanded that no 
 church should be profaned, and no woman or child 
 injured. The first effects of his stern policy are 
 thus recorded by Knox : " Major Dalling's light 
 infantry brought in this afternoon to our camp 
 two hundred and fifty male and female prisoners. 
 Among this number was a very respectable look- 
 ing priest, and about forty men fit to bear arms. 
 There was almost an equal number of black cattle, 
 with about seventy sheep and lambs, and a few 
 horses. Brigadier Monckton entertained the rev- 
 erend father and some other fashionable person- 
 ages in his tent, and most humanely ordered 
 refreshments to all the rest of the captives ; 
 which noble example was followed by the soldiery, 
 who generously crowded about those unhappy 
 people, sharing their provisions, rum, and to- 
 bacco with them. They were sent in the evening 
 on board of transports in the river." Again, two 
 days later : " Colonel Fraser's detachment returned 
 this morning, and presented us with more scenes 
 of distress and the dismal consequences of war, by 
 a great number of wretched families, whom they 
 brought in prisoners, with some of their effects, 
 and near three hundred black cattle, sheep, hogs, 
 and horses." 
 
1759.] FIEERAFT. 227 
 
 On the next night the attention of the excellent 
 journalist was otherwise engaged. VaudreuiL tried 
 again to burn the English fleet. "Late last night," 
 writes Knox, under date of the twenty-eighth, " the 
 enemy sent down a most formidable fireraft, which 
 consisted of a parcel of schooners, shallops, and 
 stages chained together. It could not be less than 
 a hundred fathoms in length, and was covered 
 with grenades, old swivels, gun and pistol barrels 
 loaded up to their muzzles, and various other 
 inventions and combustible matters. This seemed 
 to be their last attempt against our fleet, which 
 happily miscarried, as before ; for our gallant sea- 
 men, with their usual expertness, grappled them 
 before they got down above a third part of the 
 Basin, towed them safe to shore, and left them 
 at anchor, continually repeating, All 's well. A re- 
 markable expression from some of these intrepid 
 souls to their comrades on this occasion I must 
 not omit, on account of its singular uncouthness ; 
 namely : ' Damme, Jack, didst thee ever take hell 
 in tow before ? ' " 
 
 According to a French account, this aquatic 
 infernal machine consisted of seventy rafts, boats, 
 and schooners. Its failure was due to no short- 
 coming on the part of its conductors ; who, under 
 a brave Canadian named Courval, acted with cool- 
 ness and resolution. Nothing saved the fleet but 
 the courage of the sailors, swarming out in their 
 boats to fight the approaching conflagration. 
 
 It was now the end of July. More than half 
 the summer was gone, and Quebec seemed as far 
 
228 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [175ft 
 
 as ever beyond the grasp of Wolfe. Its buildings 
 were- in ruins, and the neighboring parishes were 
 burned and ravaged ; but its living rampart, the 
 army of Montcalm, still lay in patient defiance 
 along the shores of Beauport, while above the city 
 every point where a wildcat could climb the preci- 
 pices was watched and guarded, and Dumas with 
 a thousand men held the impregnable heights of 
 Cap-Rouge. Montcalm persisted in doing nothing 
 that his enemy wished him to do. He would not 
 fight on Wolfe's terms, and Wolfe resolved at last 
 to fight him on his own; that is, to attack his 
 camp in front. 
 
 The plan was desperate ; for, after leaving troops 
 enough to hold Point Levi and the heights of 
 Montmorenci, less than five thousand men would 
 be left to attack a position of commanding 
 strength, where Montcalm at an hour's notice 
 could collect twice as many to oppose them. But 
 Wolfe had a boundless trust in the disciplined 
 valor of his soldiers, and an utter scorn of the 
 militia who made the greater part of his enemy's 
 force. 
 
 Towards the Montmorenci the borders of the 
 St. Lawrence are, as we have seen, extremely high 
 and steep. At a mile from the gorge of the 
 cataract there is, at high tide, a strand, about the 
 eighth of a mile wide, between the foot of these 
 heights and the river ; and beyond this strand the 
 receding tide lays bare a tract of mud nearly half 
 a mile wide. At the edge of the dry ground the 
 French had built a redoubt mounted with cannon, 
 
1759.] HE ATTACKS THE FRENCH CAMP. 229 
 
 and there were other similar works on the strand 
 a quarter of a mile nearer the cataract. Wolfe 
 could not see from the river that these redoubts 
 were commanded by the musketry of the intrench- 
 ments along the brink of the heights above. 
 These intrenchments were so constructed that 
 they swept with cross-fires the whole face of the 
 declivity, which was covered with grass, and was 
 very steep. Wolfe hoped that, if he attacked one 
 of the redoubts, the French would come down to 
 defend it, and so bring on a general engagement ; 
 or, if they did not, that he should gain an oppor- 
 tunity of reconnoitring the heights to find some 
 point where they could be stormed with a chance 
 of success. 
 
 In front of the gorge of the Montmorenci there 
 was a ford during several hours of low tide, so 
 that troops from the adjoining English camp 
 might cross to co-operate with their comrades 
 landing in boats from Point Levi and the Island 
 of Orleans. On the morning of the thirty-first of 
 July, the tide then being at the flood, the French 
 saw the ship " Centurion," of sixty-four guns, an- 
 chor near the Montmorenci and open fire on the 
 redoubts. Then two armed transports, each of 
 fourteen guns, stood in as close as possible to the 
 first redoubt and fired upon it, stranding as the tide 
 went out, till in the afternoon they lay bare upon 
 the mud. At the same time a battery of more 
 than forty heavy pieces, planted on the lofty prom- 
 ontory beyond the Montmorenci, began a furious 
 cannonade upon the flank of the French intrench- 
 
230 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [176» 
 
 ments. It did no great harm, however, for the 
 works were protected by a great number of trav- 
 erses, which stopped the shot ; and the Canadians, 
 who manned this part of the lines, held their 
 ground with excellent steadiness. 
 
 About eleven o'clock a fleet of boats filled with 
 troops, chiefly from Point Levi, appeared in the 
 river and hovered off the shore west of the parish 
 church of Beauport, as if meaning to land there. 
 Montcalm was perplexed, doubting whether the 
 real attack was to be made here, or toward the 
 Montmorenci. Hour after hour the boats moved 
 to and fro, to increase his doubts and hide the 
 real design ; but he soon became convinced that 
 the camp of LeVis at the Montmorenci was the 
 true object of his enemy; and about two o'clock 
 he went thither, greeted as he rode along the lines 
 by shouts of Vive notre General ! LeVis had already 
 made preparations for defence with his usual skill. 
 His Canadians were reinforced hj the battalions 
 of Beam, Guienne, and Royal Roussillon ; and, as 
 the intentions of Wolfe became certain, the right 
 of the camp was nearly abandoned, the main 
 strength of the army being gathered between the 
 river of Beauport and the Montmorenci, where, 
 according to a French writer, there were, towards 
 the end of the afternoon, about twelve thousand 
 men. 1 
 
 At half-past five o'clock the tide was out, and 
 the crisis came. The batteries across the Mont- 
 morenci, the distant batteries of Point Levi, the 
 
 1 Panet. Journal. 
 
1759.] ATTACK AND REPULSE. 231 
 
 cannon of the " Centurion," and those of the two 
 stranded ships, all opened together with redoubled 
 fury. The French batteries replied; and, amid 
 this deafening roar of artillery, the English boats 
 set their troops ashore at the edge of the broad 
 tract of sedgy mud that the receding river had 
 left bare. At the same time a column of two 
 thousand men was seen, a mile away, moving in 
 perfect order across the Montmorenci ford. The 
 first troops that landed from the boats were thir- 
 teen companies of grenadiers and a detachment 
 of Royal Americans. They dashed swiftly forward ; 
 while at some distance behind came Monckton's 
 brigade, composed of the fifteenth, or Amherst's 
 regiment, and the seventy-eighth, or Fraser's 
 Highlanders. The day had been fair and warm ; 
 but the sky was now thick with clouds, and large 
 rain-drops began to fall, the precursors of a 
 summer storm. 
 
 With the utmost precipitation, without orders, 
 and without waiting for Monckton's brigade to 
 come up, the grenadiers in front made a rush for 
 the redoubt near the foot of the hill. The French 
 abandoned it; but the assailants had no sooner 
 gained their prize than the thronged heights above 
 blazed with musketry, and a tempest of bullets 
 fell among them. Nothing daunted, they dashed 
 forward again, reserving their fire, and struggling 
 to climb the steep ascent; while, with yells and 
 shouts of Vive le Hoi! the troops and Canadians 
 at the top poured upon them a hailstorm of mus- 
 ket-balls and buckshot, and dead and wounded in 
 
232 "WOLFE AT QUEBEC. t 1759 - 
 
 numbers rolled together down the slope. At that 
 instant the clouds burst, and the rain fell in tor- 
 rents. "We could not see half way down the hill," 
 says the Chevalier Johnstone, who was at this part 
 of the line. Ammunition was wet on both sides, 
 and the grassy steeps became so slippery that it 
 was impossible to climb them. The English say 
 that the storm saved the French ; the French, with 
 as much reason, that it saved the English. 
 
 The baffled grenadiers drew back into the re- 
 doubt. Wolfe saw the madness of persisting, and 
 ordered a retreat. The rain ceased, and troops 
 of Indians came down the heights to scalp the 
 fallen. Some of them ran towards Lieutenant 
 Peyton, of the Royal Americans, as he lay disabled 
 by a musket-shot. With his double-barrelled gun 
 he brought down two of his assailants, when a 
 Highland sergeant snatched him in his arms, 
 dragged him half a mile over the mud-flats, and 
 placed him in one of the boats. A friend of 
 Peyton, Captain Ochterlony, had received a mortal 
 wound, and an Indian would have scalped him 
 but for the generous intrepidity of a soldier of 
 the battalion of Guienne ; who, seizing the en- 
 raged savage, held him back till several French 
 officers interposed, and had the dying man carried 
 to a place of safety. 
 
 The English retreated in good order, after set- 
 ting fire to the two stranded vessels. Those of 
 the grenadiers and Royal Americans who were 
 left alive rowed for the Point of Orleans ; the fif- 
 teenth regiment rowed for Point Levi ; and the 
 
1759.] EXULTATION OF VAUDREUTL. 233 
 
 Highlanders, led by Wolfe himself, joined the 
 column from beyond the Montmorenci, placing 
 themselves in its rear as it slowly retired along 
 the flats and across the ford, the Indians yelling 
 and the French shouting from the heights, while 
 the British waved*their hats, daring them to come 
 down and fight. 
 
 The grenadiers and the Royal Americans, who 
 had borne the brunt of the fray, bore also nearly 
 all the loss ; which, in proportion to their numbers, 
 was enormous. Knox reports it at four hundred 
 and forty-three, killed, wounded, and missing, 
 including one colonel, eight captains, twenty-one 
 lieutenants, and three ensigns. 
 
 Vaudreuil, delighted, wrote to Bourlamaque an 
 account of the affair. " I have no more anxiety 
 about Quebec. M. Wolfe, I can assure you, will 
 make no progress. Luckily for him, his prudence 
 saved him from the consequences of his mad enter- 
 prise, and he contented himself with losing about 
 five hundred of his best soldiers. Deserters say 
 that he will try us again in a few days. That is 
 what we want ; he '11 find somebody to talk to 
 (il trouvera a qui parler)." 
 
 Note. — Among the killed in this affair was Edward Botwood, ser- 
 geant in the grenadiers of the forty-seventh, or Lascelles' regiment. 
 " Ned Botwood " was well known among his comrades as a poet ; and the 
 following lines of his, written on the eve of the expedition to Quebec, 
 continued to he favorites with the British troops during the War of the 
 Revolution (see Historical Magazine, II., Eirst Series, 164). It maybe 
 observed here that the war produced a considerable quantity of indiffer- 
 ent verse on both sides. On that of the English it took the shape of 
 occasional ballads, such as " Bold General Wolfe," printed on broadsides, 
 or of patriotic effusions scattered through magazines and newspapers, 
 while the French celebrated all their victories with songs. 
 
234 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [176ft 
 
 HOT STUFF. 
 
 Aie, — Lilies of France. 
 
 Come, each death-doing dog who dares venture his neck, 
 
 Come, follow the hero that goes to Quebec ; 
 
 Jump aboard of the transports, and loose every sail, 
 
 Pay your debts at the tavern by giving leg-bail; 
 
 And ye that love fighting shall soon have enough : 
 
 Wolfe commands us, my boys ; we shall give them Hot Stuff. 
 
 Up the River St. Lawrence our troops shall advance, 
 To the Grenadiers' March we will teach them to dance. 
 Cape Breton we have taken, and next we will try 
 At their capital to give them another black eye. 
 Vaudreuil, 'tis in vain you pretend to look gruff, — 
 Those are coming who know how to give you Hot Stuff. 
 
 With powder in his periwig, and snuff in his nose, 
 Monsieur will run down our descent to oppose ; 
 And the Indians will come : but the light infantry 
 Will soon oblige them to betake to a tree. 
 From such rascals as these may we fear a rebuff ? 
 Advance, grenadiers, and let fly your Hot Stuff ! 
 
 When the forty-seventh regiment is dashing ashore, 
 While bullets are whistling and cannons do roar, 
 Says Montcalm : " Those are Shirley's — I know the lappels." 
 "You lie," says Ned Botwood, "we belong to Lascelles'I 
 Tho' our cloathing is changed, yet we scorn a powder-puff ; 
 So at you, ye b s, here 's give you Hot Stuff." 
 
 On the repulse at Montmorenci, Wolfe to Pitt, 2 Sept 1759. Vaudreuil 
 au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. Panet, Journal du Siege. Johnstone, Dialogue 
 in Hades. Journal tenu a I'Arme'e, etc. Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by 
 a Gentleman in an eminent Station on the Spot. Memoires sur le Canada, 
 1749-1760. Eraser, Journal of the Siege. Journal du Siege d'apres un MS. 
 depose a la Bibliotheque Hartwell. Eoligny, Journal memoratif. Journal 
 of Transactions at the Siege of Quebec, in Notes and Queries, XX. 164. 
 John Johnson, Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec. Journal of an Expedition 
 on the River St. Lawrence. An Authentic Account of the Expedition against 
 Quebec, by a Volunteer on that Expedition. J. Gibson to Governor Lawrence, 
 1 Aug. 1759. Knox, I. 354. Mante, 244. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 1759. 
 
 AMHERST. NIAGARA. 
 
 Amhebst on Lake George. — Capture of Ticonderoga and Ceown 
 Point. — Delays of Amherst. — Niagara Expedition. — La 
 coene attacks oswego. — hls repulse. — nlagaea besieged. — 
 aubet comes to its relief. — battle. — rout of the french. 
 — The Eort taken. — Isle-aux-Noix. — Amherst advances to 
 attack it. — Storm. — The Enterprise abandoned. — Rogers 
 attacks St. Francis. — Destroys the Town. — Sufferings 
 of the Rangers. 
 
 Pitt had directed that, while Quebec was at- 
 tacked, an attempt should be made to penetrate 
 into Canada by way of Ticonderoga and Crown 
 Point. Thus the two armies might unite in the 
 heart of the colony, or, at least, a powerful di- 
 version might be effected in behalf of Wolfe. At 
 the same time Oswego was to be re-established,. 
 and the possession of Fort Duquesne, or Pittsburg, 
 secured by reinforcements and supplies ; while 
 Amherst, the commander-in-chief, was further di- 
 rected to pursue any other enterprise which in his 
 opinion would weaken the enemy, without detri- 
 ment to the main objects of the campaign. 1 He 
 accordingly resolved to attempt the capture of 
 Niagara. Brigadier Prideaux was charged with 
 
 1 Pitt to Amherst, 23 Jan., 10 March, 1759. 
 
236 AMHEEST. NIAGARA. [1759. 
 
 this stroke ; Bjigadier Stanwix was sent to con- 
 duct the operations for the relief of Pittsburg ; 
 and Amherst himself prepared to lead the grand 
 central advance against Ticonderoga, Crown Point, 
 and Montreal. 1 
 
 Towards the end of June he reached that valley 
 by the head of Lake George which for five years 
 past had been the annual mustering-place of 
 armies. Here were now gathered about eleven 
 thousand men, half regulars and half provincials, 2 
 drilling every day, firing by platoons, firing at 
 marks, practising manoeuvres in the woods ; going 
 •out on scouting parties, bathing parties, fishing 
 parties ; gathering wild herbs to serve for greens, 
 cutting brushwood and meadow hay to' make 
 hospital beds. The sick were ordered on certain 
 mornings to repair to the surgeon's tent, there, 
 in prompt succession, to swallow such doses as he 
 thought appropriate to their several ailments ; 
 and it was further ordered that " every fair day 
 they that can walk be paraded together and 
 marched down to the lake to wash their hands 
 and faces." Courts-martial were numerous ; cul- 
 prits were flogged at the head of each regiment 
 in turn, and occasionally one was shot. A fre- 
 quent employment was the cutting of spruce tops 
 to make spruce beer. This innocent beverage was 
 reputed sovereign against scurvy ; and such was 
 the fame of its virtues that a copious supply of 
 the West Indian molasses used in concocting it 
 
 1 Amherst to Pitt, 19 June, 1759. Amherst to Stanwix, 6 May, 1759. 
 
 2 Mante, 210. 
 
1759.] ADVANCE OF AMHERST. 237 
 
 was thought indispensable to every army or garri- 
 son in the wilderness. Throughout this campaign 
 it is repeatedly mentioned in general orders, and 
 the soldiers are promised that they shall have as 
 much of it as they want at a halfpenny a quart. 1 
 
 The rear of the army was well protected from 
 insult. Fortified posts were built at intervals of 
 three or four miles along the road to Fort Edward r 
 and especially at the station called Half-way 
 Brook; while, for the whole distance, a broad 
 belt of wood on both sides was cut down and 
 burned, to deprive a skulking enemy of cover. 
 Amherst was never long in one place without 
 building a fort there. He now began one, which 
 proved wholly needless, on that flat rocky hill 
 where the English made their intrenched camp 
 during the siege of Fort William Henry. Only one 
 bastion of it was ever finished, and this is still 
 shown to tourists under the name of Fort G-eorc-e. 
 
 The army embarked on Saturday, the twenty- 
 first of July. The Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy 
 watched their departure in some concern, and 
 wrote on Monday to Abigail, his wife : " I could 
 wish for more appearance of dependence on God 
 than was observable among them ; yet I hope God 
 will grant deliverance unto Israel by them." 
 There was another military pageant, another long 
 procession of boats and banners, among the moun- 
 
 1 Orderly Book of Commissary Wilson in the Expedition against Ticon- 
 deroga, 1759. Journal of Samuel Warner, a Massachusetts Soldier, 1759. 
 General and Regimental Orders, Army of Major-General Amherst, 1759. 
 Diary of Sergeant Merriman, of Ruggles's Regiment, 1759. I owe to Wil- 
 liam L. Stone, Esq., the use of the last two curious documents. 
 
238 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1759. 
 
 tains and islands of Lake George. Night found 
 them near the outlet ; and here they lay till morn- 
 ing, tossed unpleasantly on waves ruffled by a 
 summer gale. At daylight they landed, beat back 
 a French detachment, and marched by the portage 
 road to the saw-mill at the waterfall. There was 
 little resistance. They occupied the heights, and 
 then advanced to the famous line of intrenchment 
 against which the army of Abercromby had 
 hurled itself in vain. These works had been 
 completely reconstructed, partly of earth, and 
 partly of logs. Amherst's followers were less 
 numerous than those of his predecessor, while 
 the French commander, Bourlamaque, had a force 
 nearly equal to that of Montcalm in the summer 
 before ; yet he made no attempt to defend the 
 intrenchment, and the English, encamping along 
 its front, found it an excellent shelter from the 
 cannon of the fort beyond. 
 
 Amherst brought up his artillery and began 
 approaches in form, when, on the night of the 
 twenty-third, it was found that Bourlamaque had 
 retired down Lake Champlain, leaving four hun- 
 dred men under Hebecourt to defend the place as 
 long as possible. This was in obedience to an 
 order from Vaudreuil, requiring him on the ap- 
 proach of the English to abandon both Ticonderoga 
 and Crown Point, retreat to the outlet of Lake 
 Champlain, take post at Isle-aux-Noix, and there 
 defend himself to the last extremity; 1 a course 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Nov. 1759. Instructions pour M. de Bour- 
 lamaque, 20 Mai, 1759, signs' Vaudreuil. Montcalm a Bourlamaque, 4 Juin, 
 1759. 
 
1759.] TICONDEROGA BLOWN UP. 239 
 
 unquestionably the best that could have been taken, 
 since obstinacy in holding Ticonderoga might have 
 involved the surrender of Bourlamaque's whole 
 force, while Isle-aux-Noix offered rare advantages 
 for defence. 
 
 The fort fired briskly ; a cannon-shot killed 
 Colonel Townshend, and a few soldiers were killed 
 and wounded by grape and bursting shells ; when, 
 at dusk on the evening of the twenty-sixth, an un- 
 usual movement was seen among the garrison, and, 
 about ten o'clock, three deserters came in great 
 excitement to the English camp. They reported 
 that Hebecourt and his soldiers were escaping in 
 their boats, and that a match was burning in the 
 magazine to blow Ticonderoga to atoms. Amherst 
 offered a hundred guineas to any one of them who 
 would point out the match, that it might be cut ; 
 but they shrank from the perilous venture. All 
 was silent till eleven o'clock, when a broad, fierce 
 glare burst on the night, and a roaring explosion 
 shook the promontory; then came a few breathless 
 moments, and then the fragments of Fort Ticon- 
 deroga fell with clatter and splash on the water 
 and the land. It was but one bastion, however, 
 that had been thus hurled skyward. The rest of 
 the fort was little hurt, though the barracks and 
 other combustible parts were set on fire, and by 
 the light the French flag was seen still waving 
 on the rampart. 1 A sergeant of the light infantry, 
 
 l Journal of Colonel Amherst (brother of General Amherst). Vaudreuil 
 au Ministre, 8 Nov. 1759. Amherst to Prideaux, 28 July, 1759. Amherst 
 to Pitt, 27 July, 1759. Mante, 213. Knox, I., 397-403. Vaudreuil a Bour- 
 lamaque, 19 Juin, 1759. 
 
240 AMHERST. NIAGAKA [1759. 
 
 braving the risk of other explosions, went and 
 brought it off. Thus did this redoubted strong- 
 hold of France fall at last into English hands, as 
 in all likelihood it would have done a year sooner, 
 if Amherst had commanded in Abercromby's 
 place ; for, with the deliberation that marked all 
 his proceedings, he would have sat down before 
 Montcalm's wooden wall and knocked it to splin- 
 ters with his cannon. 
 
 He now set about repairing the damaged works 
 and making ready to advance on Crown Point ; 
 when on the first of August his scouts told him 
 that the enemy had abandoned this place also, and 
 retreated northward down the lake. 1 Well pleased, 
 he took possession of the deserted fort, and, in the 
 animation of success, thought for a moment of 
 keeping the promise he had given to Pitt "to 
 make an irruption into Canada with the utmost 
 vigor and despatch." 2 Wolfe, his brother in arms 
 and his friend, was battling with the impossible 
 under the rocks of Quebec, and every motive, pub- 
 lic and private, impelled Amherst to push to his 
 relief, not counting costs, or balancing risks too 
 nicely. He was ready enough to spur on others, 
 for he wrote to Gage : " We must all be alert and 
 active day and night ; if we all do our parts the 
 French must fall ; " 3 but, far from doing his, he 
 set the army to building a new fort at Crown 
 Point, telling them that it would "give plenty,. 
 
 1 Amherst to Pitt, 5 Aug. 1759. 
 
 2 Ibid., 19 June, 1759. 
 
 8 Amherst to Gage, 1 Aug. 1759. 
 
1759.] DELAYS OF AMHERST. 241 
 
 peace, and quiet to His Majesty's subjects for ages 
 to come." 1 Then he began three small additional 
 forts, as outworks to the first, sent two parties to 
 explore the sources of the Hudson ; one party to 
 explore Otter Creek ; another to explore South Bay, 
 which was already well known ; another to make 
 a road across what is now the State of Vermont, 
 from Crown Point to Charlestown, or "Number 
 Four," on the Connecticut ; and another to widen 
 and improve the old French road between Crown 
 Point and Ticonderoga. His industry was un- 
 tiring ; a great deal of useful work was done : but 
 the essential task of making a diversion to aid the 
 army of Wolfe was needlessly postponed. 
 
 It is true that some delay was inevitable. The 
 French had four armed vessels on the lake, and 
 this made it necessary to provide an equal or 
 superior force to protect the troops on their way 
 to Isle-aux-Noix. Captain Loring, the English 
 naval commander, was therefore ordered to build 
 a brigantine ; and, this being thought insufficient, 
 he was directed to add a kind of floating battery, 
 moved by sweeps. Three weeks later, in conse- 
 quence of farther information concerning the force 
 of the French vessels, Amherst ordered an armed 
 sloop to be put on the stocks ; and this involved a 
 long delay. The saw-mill at Ticonderoga was to 
 furnish planks for the intended navy ; but, being 
 overtasked in sawing timber for the new works at 
 Crown Point, it was continually breaking down. 
 Hence much time was lost, and autumn was 
 
 1 General Orders, 13 Aug. 1759. 
 VOL. II. — 16 
 
242 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1759. 
 
 well advanced before Loring could launch his 
 vessels. 1 
 
 Meanwhile news had come from Prideaux and 
 the Niagara expedition. That officer had been 
 ordered to ascend the Mohawk with five thousand 
 regulars and provincials, leave a strong garrison at 
 Fort Stanwix, on the Great Carrying Place, estab- 
 lish posts at both ends of Lake Oneida, descend the 
 Onondaga to Oswego, leave nearly half his force 
 there under Colonel Haldimand, and proceed with 
 the rest to attack Niagara. 2 These orders he ac- 
 complished. Haldimand remained to reoccupy the 
 spot that Montcalm had made desolate three years 
 before ; and, while preparing to build a fort, he 
 barricaded his camp with pork and flour' barrels, 
 lest the enemy should make a dash upon him from 
 their station at the head of the St. Lawrence Rap- 
 ids. Such an attack was probable ; for if the 
 French could seize Oswego, the return of Prideaux 
 from Niagara would be cut off, and when his small 
 stock of provisions had failed, he would be reduced 
 to extremity. Saint-Luc de la Corne left the head 
 of the Rapids early in July with a thousand 
 French and Canadians and a body of Indians, who 
 soon made their appearance among the stumps 
 and bushes that surrounded the camp at Oswego. 
 The priest Piquet was of the party ; and five de- 
 serters declared that he solemnly blessed them, and 
 told them to give the English no quarter. 3 Some 
 
 1 Amherst to Pitt, 22 Oct. 1759. This letter, which is in the form of 
 a journal, covers twenty-one folio pages. 
 
 2 Instructions of Amherst to Prideaux, 17 May, 1759. Prideaux to Hal- 
 dimand, 30 June, 1759. 8 Journal of Colonel Amherst. 
 
1759.] PRIDEAUX AT NIAGARA. 243 
 
 valuable time was lost in bestowing the benedic- 
 tion ; yet Haldimand's men were taken by sur- 
 prise. Many of them were dispersed in the woods, 
 cutting timber for the intended fort ; and it might 
 have gone hard with them had not some of La 
 Corne's Canadians become alarmed and rushed back 
 to their boats, oversetting Father Piquet on the 
 way. 1 These being rallied, the whole party en- 
 sconced itself in a tract of felled trees so far from 
 the English that their fire did little harm. They 
 continued it about two hours, and resumed it the 
 next morning ; when, three cannon being brought 
 to bear on them, they took to their boats and dis- 
 appeared, having lost about thirty killed and 
 wounded, including two officers and La Corne him- 
 self, who was shot in the thigh. The English loss 
 was slight. 
 
 Prideaux safely reached Niagara, and laid siege 
 to it. It was a strong fort, lately rebuilt in regu- 
 lar form by an excellent officer, Captain Pouchot, 
 of the battalion of Beam, who commanded it. It 
 stood where the present fort stands, in the angle 
 formed by the junction of the River Niagara with 
 Lake Ontario, and was held by about six hundred 
 men, well supplied with provisions and munitions 
 of war. 2 Higher up the river, a mile and a half 
 above the cataract, there was another fort, called 
 Little Niagara, built of wood, and commanded by 
 
 1 Pouchot, II. 130. Compare Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760 ; N. 
 Y. Col. Docs., VIL 395 ; and Letter from Oswego, in Boston Evening Post, 
 No. 1,248. 
 
 2 Pouchot says 515, besides 60 men from Little Niagara; Vaudreuil 
 gives a total of 589. 
 
244 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1759. 
 
 the half-breed officer, Joncaire-Chabert, who with 
 his brother, Joncaire-Clauzonne, and a numerous 
 clan of Indian relatives, had so long thwarted the 
 efforts of Johnson to engage the Five Nations in 
 the English cause. But recent English successes 
 had had their effect. Joncaire's influence was 
 waning, and Johnson was now in Prideaux's camp 
 with nine hundred Five Nation warriors pledged 
 to fight the French. Joncaire, finding his fort un- 
 tenable, burned it, and came with his garrison and 
 his Indian friends to reinforce Niagara. 1 
 
 Pouchot had another resource, on which he con- 
 fidently relied. In obedience to an order from 
 Vaudreuil, the French population of the Illinois, 
 Detroit, and other distant posts, joined with troops 
 of Western Indians, had come down the Lakes to 
 recover Pittsburg, undo the work of Forbes, and 
 restore French ascendency on the Ohio. Pittsburg 
 had been in imminent danger ; nor was it yet safe, 
 though General Stanwix was sparing no effort to 
 succor it. 2 These mixed bands of white men and 
 red, bushrangers and savages, were now gathered, 
 partly at Le Bceuf and Venango, but chiefly at 
 Presquisle, under command of Aubry, Ligneris, 
 Marin, and other partisan chiefs, the best in 
 Canada. No sooner did Pouchot learn that the 
 English were coming to attack him than he sent a 
 messenger to summon them all to his aid. 3 
 
 1 Pouchot, II. 52, 59. Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Memoire pour 
 Daniel de Joncaire-Chabert. 
 
 2 Letters of Colonel Hugh Mercer, commanding at Pittsburg, January- 
 June, 1759. Letters of Stanwix, May-July, 1759. Letter from Pittsburg, in 
 Boston Neios Letter, No. 3,023. Narrative of John Ormsby. 
 
 8 Pouchot, II. 46. 
 
1759.] APPKOACHIKG SUCCORS. 245 
 
 The siege was begun in form, though the Eng- 
 lish engineers were so incompetent that the 
 trenches, as first laid out, were scoured by the 
 fire of the place, and had to be made anew. 1 
 At last the batteries opened fire. A shell 
 from a coehorn burst prematurely, just as it left 
 the mouth of the piece, and a fragment striking 
 Prideaux on the head, killed him instantly. John- 
 son took command in his place, and made up in 
 energy what he lacked in skill. In two or three 
 weeks the fort was in extremity. The rampart 
 was breached, more than a hundred of the gar- 
 rison were killed or disabled, and the rest were 
 exhausted with want of sleep. Pouchot watched 
 anxiously for the promised succors ; and on the 
 morning of the twenty-fourth of July a distant 
 firing told him that they were at hand. 
 
 Aubry and Ligneris, with their motley follow- 
 ing, had left Presquisle a few days before, to the 
 number, according to Vaudreuil, of eleven hundred 
 French and two hundred Indians. 2 Among them 
 was a body of colony troops ; but the Frenchmen 
 of the party were chiefly traders and bushrangers 
 from the West, connecting links between civiliza- 
 tion and savagery ; some of them indeed were mere 
 
 1 Rutherford to Haldimand, 14 July, 1759. Prideaux was extremely 
 disgusted. Prideaux to Haldimand, 13 July, 1759. Allan Macleane, of 
 the Highlanders, calls the engineers "fools and blockheads, G — d d — n 
 them." Macleane to Haldimand, 21 July, 1759. 
 
 2 "II n'y avoit que 1,100 Francois et 200 sauvages." Vaudreuil au 
 Ministre, 30 Oct. 1759. Johnson says "1,200 men, with a number of 
 Indians." Johnson to Amherst, 25 July, 1759. Portneuf, commanding at 
 Presquisle, wrote to Pouchot that there were 1 ,600 French and 1 ,200 In- 
 dians. Pouchot, II. 94. A letter from Aubry to Pouchot put the whole 
 at 2,500, half of them Indians. Historical Magazine, Y., Second Series, 199. 
 
246 AMHERST. NIAGARA. L^ 59 - 
 
 white Indians, imbued with the ideas and morals 
 of the wigwam, wearing hunting-shirts of smoked 
 deer-skin embroidered with quills of the Canada 
 porcupine, painting their faces black and red, 
 tying eagle feathers in their long hair, or plaster- 
 ing it on their temples with a compound of ver- 
 milion and glue. They were excellent woodsmen, 
 skilful hunters, and perhaps the best bushfighters 
 in all Canada. 
 
 When Pouchot heard the firing, he went with a 
 wounded artillery officer to the bastion next the 
 river; and as the forest had been cut away for 
 a great distance, they could see more than a mile 
 and a half along the shore. There, by glimpses 
 among trees and bushes, they descried bodies of 
 men, now advancing, and now retreating ; Indians 
 in rapid movement, and the smoke of guns, the 
 sound of which reached their ears in heavy vol- 
 leys, or a sharp and angry rattle. Meanwhile 
 the English cannon had ceased their fire, and the 
 silent trenches seemed deserted, as if their occu- 
 pants were gone to meet the advancing foe. There 
 was a call in the fort for volunteers to sally and 
 destroy the works ; but no sooner did they show 
 themselves along the covered way than the seem- 
 ingly abandoned trenches were thronged with men 
 and bayonets, and the attempt was given up. 
 The distant firing lasted half an hour, then ceased, 
 and Pouchot remained in suspense; till, at two 
 in the afternoon, a friendly Onondaga, who had 
 passed unnoticed through the English lines, came 
 to him with the announcement that the French 
 
1759.] ROUT OF THE FRENCH. 247 
 
 and their allies had been routed and cut to pieces. 
 Pouchot would not believe him. 
 
 Nevertheless his tale was true. Johnson, be- 
 sides his Indians, had with him about twenty- 
 three hundred men, whom he was forced to divide 
 into three separate bodies, — one to guard the 
 bateaux, one to guard the trenches, and one to 
 fight Aubry and his band. This last body con- 
 sisted of the provincial light infantry and the 
 pickets, two companies of grenadiers, and a hun- 
 dred and fifty men of the forty-sixth regiment, all 
 under command of Colonel Massey. 1 They took 
 post behind an abattis at a place called La Belle 
 Famille, and the Five Nation warriors placed them- 
 selves on their flanks. These savages had shown 
 signs of disaffection ; and when the enemy ap- 
 proached, they opened a parley with the French 
 Indians, which, however, soon ended, and both 
 sides raised the war-whoop. The fight was brisk 
 for a while ; but at last Aubry' s men broke away 
 in a panic. The French officers seem to have made 
 desperate efforts to retrieve the day, for nearly 
 all of them were killed or captured ; while their 
 followers, after heavy loss, fled to their canoes 
 and boats above the cataract, hastened back to 
 Lake Erie, burned Presquisle, Le Boeuf, and Ve- 
 nango, and, joined by the garrisons of those forts, 
 retreated to Detroit, leaving the whole region of 
 the upper Ohio in undisputed possession of the 
 English. 
 
 1 Johnson to Amherst, 25 July, 1759. Knox, II. 135. Captain De- 
 lancet/ to , 25 July, 1759. This writer commanded the light 
 
 infantry in the fight 
 
248 AMHERST, NIAGARA. [1759. 
 
 At four o'clock on the day of the battle, after a 
 furious cannonade on both sides, a trumpet sounded 
 from the trenches, and an officer approached the 
 fort with a summons to surrender. He brought 
 also a paper containing the names of the captive 
 French officers, though some of them were spelled 
 in a way that defied recognition. Pouchot, feign- 
 ing incredulity, sent an officer of his own to the 
 English camp, who soon saw unanswerable proof 
 of the disaster ; for here, under a shelter of 
 leaves and boughs near the tent of Johnson, sat 
 Ligneris, severely wounded, with Aubry, Villiers, 
 Montigny, Marin, and their companions in mis- 
 fortune, — in all, sixteen officers, four cadets, and 
 a surgeon. 1 
 
 Pouchot had now no choice but surrender. By 
 the terms of the capitulation, the garrison were 
 to be sent prisoners to New York, though honors 
 of war were granted them in acknowledgment of 
 their courageous conduct. There was a special 
 stipulation that they should be protected from the 
 Indians, of whom they stood in the greatest terror, 
 lest the massacre of Fort William Henry should be 
 avenged upon them. Johnson restrained his dan- 
 gerous allies, and, though the fort was pillaged, no 
 blood was shed. 
 
 The capture of Niagara was an important stroke. 
 Thenceforth Detroit, Michillimackinac, the Illinois, 
 and all the other French interior posts, were sev- 
 
 1 Johnson gives the names in his private Diary, printed in Stone, Life 
 of Johnson, II. 394. Compare Pouchot, II. 105, 106. Letter from Niagara, 
 in Boston Evening Post, No. 1.250. Vaudreuil an Ministre, 30 Oct. 1759. 
 
1759.] ISLE-AUX-XOIX. 249 
 
 ered from Canada, and left in helpless isolation ; 
 but Amherst was not yet satisfied. On hearing of 
 Prideaux's death he sent Brigadier Gage to super- 
 sede Johnson and take command on Lake Ontario, 
 directing him to descend the St. Lawrence, attack 
 the French posts at the head of the rapids, and 
 hold them if possible for the winter. The attempt 
 was difficult ; for the French force on the St. Law- 
 rence was now greater than that which Gage could 
 bring against it, after providing for the safety of 
 Oswego and Niagara. Nor was he by nature prone 
 to dashing and doubtful enterprise. He reported 
 that the movement was impossible, much to the 
 disappointment of Amherst, who seemed to expect 
 from subordinates an activity greater than his 
 
 own. 1 
 
 He, meanwhile, was working at his fort at 
 Crown Point, while the season crept away, and 
 Bourlamaque lay ready to receive him at Isle-aux- 
 Noix. " I wait his coming with impatience," writes 
 the French commander, " though I doubt if he will 
 venture to attack a post where we are intrenched 
 to the teeth, and armed with a hundred pieces of 
 cannon." 2 Bourlamaque now had with him thirty- 
 five hundred men, in a position of great strength. 
 Isle-aux-Noix, planted in mid-channel of the Riche- 
 lieu soon after it issues from Lake Champlain, had 
 been diligently fortified since the spring. On each 
 side of it was an arm of the river, closed against 
 
 1 Amherst to Gage, .28 July, 1 Aug., 14 Aug., 11 Sept. 1759. Diary of 
 Sir William Johnson, in Stone, Life of Johnson, II. 394-429. 
 
 2 Bourlamaque a (Bernetz?), 22 Sept. 1759 
 
250 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [175ft 
 
 an enemy with chevaux-de-frise. To attack it m 
 front in the face of its formidable artillery would 
 be a hazardous attempt, and the task of reducing it 
 was likely to be a long one. The French force in 
 these parts had lately received accessions. After 
 the fall of Niagara the danger seemed so great, 
 both in the direction of Lake Ontario and that of 
 Lake Champlain, that LeVis had been sent up 
 from Quebec with eight hundred men to command 
 the whole department of Montreal. 1 A body of 
 troops and militia was encamped opposite that 
 town, ready to march towards either quarter, as 
 need might be, while the abundant crops of the 
 neighboring parishes were harvested by armed 
 bands, ready at a word to drop the sickle for the 
 gun. 
 
 Thus the promised advance of Amherst into 
 Canada would be not without its difficulties, even 
 when his navy, too tardily begun, should be ready 
 to act its part. But if he showed no haste in suc- 
 coring Wolfe, he at least made some attempts to 
 communicate with him. Early in August he wrote 
 him a letter, which Ensign Hutchins, of the ran- 
 gers, carried to him in about a month by the long 
 and circuitous route of the Kennebec, and which, 
 after telling the news of the campaign, ended 
 thus : " You may depend on my doing all I can 
 for effectually reducing Canada. Now is the 
 time ! " 2 Amherst soon after tried another ex- 
 
 1 Montcalm a Bourlamaque, 9 Aout, 1759. Rigaud a Bourlamaque^ 
 14 Aout, 1759. Levis a Bourlamaque, 25 Aout, 1759. 
 " Amherst to Wolfe, 7 Aug. 1759. 
 
1759.] STOEM ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 251 
 
 pedient, and sent Captains Kennedy and Hamil- 
 ton with a flag of truce and a message of peace 
 to the Abenakis of St. Francis, who, he thought, 
 won over by these advances, might permit the 
 two officers to pass unmolested to Quebec. But 
 the Abenakis seized them and carried them pris- 
 oners to Montreal ; on which Amherst sent Major 
 Kobert Eogers and a band of rangers to destroy 
 their town. 1 
 
 It was the eleventh of October before the minia- 
 ture navy of Captain Loring — the floating bat- 
 tery, the brig, and the sloop that had been begun 
 three weeks too late — was ready for service. 
 They sailed at once to look for the enemy. The 
 four French vessels made no resistance. One of 
 them succeeded in reaching Isle-aux-Noix ; one 
 was run aground ; and two were sunk by their 
 crews, who escaped to the shore. Amherst, mean- 
 while, leaving the provincials to work at the fort, 
 embarked with the regulars in bateaux, and pro- 
 ceeded on his northern way till, on the evening 
 of the twelfth, a head-wind began to blow, and, 
 rising to a storm, drove him for shelter into Ligo- 
 nier Bay, on the west side of the lake. 2 On the 
 thirteenth, it blew a gale. The lake raged like 
 an angry sea, and the frail bateaux, fit only for 
 smooth water, could not have lived a moment. 
 Through all the next night the gale continued, 
 with floods of driving rain. " I hope it will soon 
 change," wrote Amherst on the fifteenth, " for I 
 
 1 Amherst to Pitt, 22 Oct. 1759. Eogers, Journals, 144. 
 
 2 Orderly Book of Commissary Wilson. 
 
252 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1759. 
 
 have no time to lose." He was right. He had 
 waited till the season of autumnal storms, when 
 nature was more dangerous than man. On the 
 sixteenth there was frost, and the wind did not 
 abate. On the next morning it shifted to the 
 south, but soon turned back with violence to the 
 north, and the ruffled lake put on a look of winter, 
 "which determined me," says the General, "not 
 to lose time by striving to get to the Isle-aux- 
 Noix, where I should arrive too late to force the 
 enemy from their post, but to return to Crown 
 Point and complete the works there." This he 
 did, and spent the remnant of the season in the 
 congenial task of finishing the fort, of which the 
 massive remains still bear witness to his industry. 
 
 When Levis heard that the English army had 
 fallen back, he wrote, well pleased, to Bourla- 
 maque : " I don't know how General Amherst 
 will excuse himself to his Court, but I am very 
 glad he let us alone, because the Canadians are 
 so backward that you could count on nobody but 
 the regulars." l 
 
 Concerning this year's operations on the Lakes, 
 it may be observed that the result was not what 
 the French feared, or what the British colonists had 
 cause to hope. If, at the end of winter, Amherst 
 had begun, as he might have done, the building of 
 armed vessels at the head of the navigable waters 
 of Lake Champlain, where Whitehall now stands, he 
 would have had a navy ready to his hand before 
 August, and would have been able to follow the 
 
 1 Levis a Bourlamaque, 1 Nov. 1759. 
 
1759.] EXPEDITION OF ROGERS. 253 
 
 retreating French without delay, and attack them 
 at Isle-aux-Noix before they had finished then 
 fortifications. And if, at the same time, he had 
 directed Prideaux, instead of attacking Niagara, to 
 co-operate with him by descending the St. Lawrence 
 towards Montreal, the prospect was good that the 
 two armies would have united at that place, and 
 ended the campaign by the reduction of all Canada. 
 In this case Niagara and all the western posts 
 would have fallen without a blow. 
 
 Major Robert Rogers, sent in September to pun- 
 ish the Abenakis of St. Francis, had addressed 
 himself to the task with his usual vigor. These 
 Indians had been settled for about three quarters 
 of a century on the River St. Francis, a few miles 
 above its junction with the St. Lawrence. They 
 were nominal Christians, and had been under the 
 control of their missionaries for three generations j 
 but though zealous and sometimes fanatical in 
 their devotion to the forms of Romanism, they 
 remained thorough savages in dress, habits, and 
 character. They were the scourge of the New 
 England borders, where they surprised and burned 
 farmhouses and small hamlets, killed men, women, 
 and children without distinction, carried others 
 prisoners to their village, subjected them to the 
 torture of " running the gantlet," and compelled 
 them to witness dances of triumph around the 
 scalps of parents, children, and friends. 
 
 Amherst's instructions to Rogers contained the 
 following : " Remember the barbarities that have 
 been committed by the enemy's Indian scoundrels. 
 
254 AMHEEST. NIAGARA. [1769. 
 
 Take your revenge, but don't forget that, though, 
 those dastardly villains have promiscuously mur- 
 dered women and children of all ages, it is my or- 
 der that no women or children be killed or hurt." 
 
 Rogers and his men set out in whaleboats, and, 
 eluding the French armed vessels, then in full 
 activity, came, on the tenth day, to Missisquoi Bay, \ 
 at the north end of Lake Champlain. Here he 
 hid his boats, leaving two friendly Indians to watch 
 them from a distance, and inform him should the 
 enemy discover them. He then began his march 
 for St. Francis, when, on the evening of the second 
 day, the two Indians overtook him with the star- 
 tling news that a party of about four hundred 
 French had found the boats, and that half of them 
 were on his tracks in hot pursuit. It was certain 
 that the alarm would soon be given, and other 
 parties sent to cut him off. He took the bold 
 resolution of outmarching his pursuers, pushing 
 straight for St. Francis, striking it before succors 
 could arrive, and then returning by Lake Mem- 
 phremagog and the Connecticut. Accordingly he 
 despatched Lieutenant McMullen by a circuitous 
 route back to Crown Point, with a request to 
 Amherst that provisions should be sent up the 
 Connecticut to meet him on the way down. Then 
 he set his course for the Indian town, and for nine 
 days more toiled through the forest with desperate 
 energy. Much of the way was through dense 
 spruce swamps, with no dry resting-place at night. 
 At length the party reached the River St. Francis, 
 fifteen miles above the town, and, hooking their 
 
1759.] DESTRUCTION OF ST. FRANCIS. 255 
 
 arms together for mutual support, forded it with ex- 
 treme difficulty. Towards evening, Rogers climbed 
 a tree, and descried the town three miles distant. 
 Accidents, fatigue, and illness had reduced his fol- 
 lowers to a hundred and forty-two officers and 
 men. He left them to rest for a time, and, taking 
 with him Lieutenant Turner and Ensign Avery, 
 went to reconnoitre the place ; left his two com- 
 panions, entered it disguised in an Indian dress, 
 and saw the unconscious savages yelling and sing- 
 ing in the full enjoyment of a grand dance. At 
 two o'clock in the morning he rejoined his party, 
 and at three led them to the attack, formed them 
 in a semicircle, and burst in upon the town half 
 an hour before sunrise. Many of the warriors were 
 absent, and the rest were asleep. Some were killed 
 in their beds, and some shot down in trying to 
 escape. " About seven o'clock in the morning," 
 he says, " the affair was completely over, in which 
 time we had killed at least two hundred Indians 
 and taken twenty of their women and children 
 prisoners, fifteen of whom I let go their own way, 
 and five I brought with me, namely, two Indian 
 boys and three Indian girls. I likewise retook five 
 English captives." 
 
 English scalps in hundreds were dangling from 
 poles over the doors of the houses. 1 The town 
 was pillaged and burned, not excepting the church, 
 where ornaments of some value were found. On 
 
 1 Rogers says " about six hundred." Other accounts say six or seven 
 hundred. The late Abbe Maurault, missionary of the St. Francis Indians, 
 and their historian, adopts the latter statement, though it is probably 
 
256 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [ 1759 
 
 the side of the rangers, Captain Ogden and six 
 men were wounded, and a Mohegan Indian from 
 Stockbridge was killed. Rogers was told by his 
 prisoners that a party of three hundred French 
 and Indians was encamped on the river below, 
 and that another party of two hundred and fifteen 
 was not far distant. They had been sent to cut off 
 the retreat of the invaders, but were doubtful as 
 to their designs till after the blow was struck. 
 There was no time to lose. The rangers made 
 all haste southward, up the St. Francis, subsist- 
 ing on corn from the Indian town; till, near the 
 eastern borders of Lake Memphremagog, the sup- 
 ply failed, and they separated into small par- 
 ties, the better to sustain life by hunting. The 
 enemy followed close, attacked Ensign Avery's 
 party, and captured five of them ; then fell upon 
 a band of about twenty, under Lieutenants Dunbar 
 and Turner, and killed or captured nearly all. 
 The other bands eluded their pursuers, turned 
 southeastward, reached the Connecticut, some here, 
 some there, and, giddy with fatigue and hunger, 
 toiled wearily down the wild and lonely stream 
 to the appointed rendezvous at the mouth of the 
 Amonoosuc. 
 
 This was the place to which Rogers had re- 
 quested that provisions might be sent; and the 
 hope of finding them there had been the breath 
 of life to the famished wayfarers. To their 
 horror, the place was a solitude. There were 
 fires still burning, but those who made them were 
 gone. Amherst had sent Lieutenant Stephen up 
 
1759.] SUFFERINGS OF THE RANGERS. 257 
 
 the river from Charlestown with an abundant 
 supply of food ; but finding nobody at the Amo- 
 noosuc, he had waited there two days, and then 
 returned, carrying the provisions back with him ; 
 for which outrageous conduct he was expelled 
 from the service. " It is hardly possible," says 
 Eogers, " to describe our grief and consterna- 
 tion." Some gave themselves up to despair. 
 Few but their indomitable chief had strength to 
 go farther. There was scarcely any game, and 
 the barren wilderness yielded no sustenance but 
 a few lily bulbs and the tubers of the climbing 
 plant called in New England the ground-nut. 
 Leaving his party to these miserable resources, 
 and promising to send them relief within ten days, 
 Rogers made a raft of dry pine logs, and drifted 
 on it down the stream, with Captain Ogden, a 
 ranger, and one of the captive Indian boys. They 
 were stopped on the second day by rapids, and 
 gained the shore with difficulty. At the foot of 
 the rapids, while Ogden and the ranger went in 
 search of squirrels, Rogers set himself to making 
 another raft ; and, having no strength to use the 
 axe, he burned down the trees, which he then 
 divided into logs by the same process. Five days 
 after leaving his party he reached the first Eng- 
 lish settlement, Charlestown, or "Number Four," 
 and immediately sent a canoe with provisions to 
 the relief of the sufferers, following himself with 
 other canoes two days later. Most of the men 
 were saved, though some died miserably of famine 
 and exhaustion. Of the few who had. been cap- 
 
 YOL. II. — 17 
 
258 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1^9. 
 
 hired, we are told by a French contemporary that 
 they "became victims of the fury of the Indian 
 women," from whose clutches the Canadians tried 
 in vain to save them. 1 
 
 Note. — On the day after he reached " Number Four," Rogers wrote 
 a report of his expedition to Amherst. This letter is printed in his 
 Journals, in which he gives also a supplementary account, containing 
 further particulars. The New Hampshire Gazette, Boston Evening Post, 
 and other newspapers of the time recount the story in detail. Hoyt 
 (Indian Wars, 302) repeats it, with a few additions drawn from the recol- 
 lections of survivors, long after. There is another account, very short 
 and unsatisfactory, by Thompson Maxwell, who says that he was of the 
 party, which is doubtful. Mante (223) gives horrible details of the suffer- 
 ings of the rangers. An old chief of the St. Francis Indians, said to be 
 one of those who pursued Rogers after the town was burned, many years 
 ago told Mr. Jesse Pennoyer, a government land surveyor, that Rogers 
 laid an ambush for the pursuers, and defeated them with great loss. 
 This, the story says, took place near the present town of Sherbrooke ; and 
 minute details are given, with high praise of the skill and conduct of the 
 famous partisan. If such an incident really took place, it is scarcely 
 possible that Rogers would not have made some mention of it. On the 
 other hand, it is equally incredible that the Indians would have invented 
 the tale of their own defeat. I am indebted for Pennoyer's puzzling 
 narrative to the kindness of R. A. Ramsay, Esq., of Montreal. It was 
 printed, in 1869, in the History of the Eastern Townships, by Mrs. C. M. 
 Day. All things considered, it is probably groundless. 
 
 Vaudreuil describes the destruction of the village in a letter to the 
 Minister dated October 26, and says that Rogers had a hundred and fifty 
 men ; that St. Francis was burned to ashes ; that the head chief and others 
 were killed; that he (Vaudreuil), hearing of the march of the rangers, 
 sent the most active of the Canadians to oppose them, and that Longueuil 
 sent all the Canadians and Indians he could muster to pursue them on 
 their retreat ; that forty-six rangers were killed, and ten captured ; that he 
 thinks all the rest will starve to death ; and, finally, that the affair is very 
 unfortunate. 
 
 I once, when a college student, followed on foot the route of Rogers 
 from Lake Memphremagog to the Connecticut. 
 
 1 Jlvenements de la Guerre en Canada, 1759, 1760. Compare N. Y. 
 Col. Docs., X. 1042. 
 
CHAPTER XXVn. 
 
 1759. 
 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. 
 
 ELATION OP THE FRENCH. — DESPONDENCY OF WOLFE. — The PaR- 
 ISHES LAID WASTE. — OPERATIONS ABOVE QUEBEC. — ILLNESS OF 
 
 Wolfe. — A new Plan of Attack. — Faint Hope of Scccess. — 
 Wolfe's last Despatch. — Confidence of Vaudkeuil. — Last 
 Letters of Montcalm. — French Vigilance. — British Squad- 
 ron at Cap-Rouge. — Last Orders of Wolfe. — Embarkation. — 
 Descent of the St. Lawrence. — The Heights scaled. — The 
 British Line. — Last Night of Montcalm. — The Alarm. — 
 March of French Troops. — The Battle. — The Kout. — The 
 Pursuit. — Fall of Wolfe and of Montcalm. 
 
 Wolfe was deeply moved by the disaster at the 
 heights of Montmorenci, and in a General Order 
 on the next day he rebuked the grenadiers for 
 their precipitation. " Such impetuous, irregular, 
 and unsoldierlike proceedings destroy all order, 
 make it impossible for the commanders to form 
 any disposition for an attack, and put it out of 
 the general's power to execute his plans. The 
 grenadiers could not suppose that they could beat 
 the French alone." 
 
 The French were elated by their success. 
 " Everybody," says the commissary Berniers, 
 " thought that the campaign was as good as 
 ended, gloriously for us." They had been suffi- 
 ciently confident even before their victory ; and 
 
260 THE HEIGHTS OE ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 the bearer of a flag of truce told the English 
 officers that he had never imagined they were 
 such fools as to attack Quebec with so small a 
 force. "Wolfe, on the other hand, had every 
 reason to despond. At the outset, before he had 
 seen Quebec and learned the nature of the ground, 
 ihe had meant to begin the campaign by taking 
 post on the Plains of Abraham, and thence laying 
 siege to the town ; but he soon discovered that the 
 Plains of Abraham were hardly more within his 
 reach than was Quebec itself. Such hope as was 
 left him lay in the composition of Montcalm's 
 army. He respected the French commander, and 
 thought his disciplined soldiers not unworthy of 
 the British steel ; but he held his militia in high 
 scorn, and could he but face them in the open field, 
 he never doubted the result. But Montcalm also 
 distrusted them, and persisted in refusing the 
 coveted battle. 
 
 Wolfe, therefore, was forced to the conviction 
 that his chances were of the smallest. It is said 
 that, despairing of any decisive stroke, he con- 
 ceived the idea of fortifying Isle-aux-Coudres, and 
 leaving a part of his troops there when he sailed 
 for home, against another attempt in the spring. 
 The more to weaken the enemy and prepare his 
 future conquest, he began at the same time a 
 course of action which for his credit one would 
 gladly wipe from the record ; for, though far from 
 inhuman, he threw himself with extraordinary 
 intensity into whatever work he had in hand, and, 
 to accomplish it, spared others scarcely more than 
 
1759.] THE PARISHES LAID WASTE. 261 
 
 he spared himself. About the middle of August 
 he issued a third proclamation to the Canadians, 
 declaring that as they had refused his offers of 
 protection and " had made such ungrateful returns 
 in practising the most unchristian barbarities 
 against his troops on all occasions, he could no 
 longer refrain in justice to himself and his army 
 from chastising them as they deserved." The 
 barbarities in question consisted in the frequent 
 scalping and mutilating of sentinels and men on 
 outpost duty, perpetrated no less by Canadians 
 than by Indians. Wolfe's object was twofold : 
 first, to cause the militia to desert, and, secondly, 
 to exhaust the colony. Rangers, light infantry, 
 and Highlanders were sent to waste the settle- 
 ments far and wide. Wherever resistance was 
 offered, farmhouses and villages were laid in ashes, 
 though churches were generally spared. St. Paul, 
 far below Quebec, was sacked and burned, and the 
 settlements of the opposite shore were partially 
 destroyed. The parishes of LAnge Gardien, 
 Chateau Richer, and St. Joachim were wasted 
 with fire and sword. Night after night the garri- 
 son of Quebec could see the light of burning houses 
 as far down as the mountain of Cape Tourmente. 
 Near St. Joachim there was a severe skirmish, 
 followed by atrocious cruelties. Captain Alexan- 
 der Montgomery, of the forty-third regiment, who 
 commanded the detachment, and who has been 
 most unjustly confounded with the revolutionary 
 general, Richard Montgomery, ordered the prison- 
 ers to be shot in cold blood, to the indignation 
 
262 THE HEIGHTS OE ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 of his own officers. 1 Robineau de Portneuf, cure 
 of St. Joachim, placed himself at the head of 
 thirty parishioners and took possession of a large 
 stone house in the adjacent parish of Chateau 
 Richer, where for a time he held the English at 
 bay. At length he and his followers were drawn 
 out into an ambush, where they were surrounded 
 and killed ; and, being disguised as Indians, the 
 rangers scalped them all. 2 
 
 Most of the French writers of the time mention 
 these barbarities without much comment, while 
 Vaudreuil loudly denounces them. Yet he himself 
 was answerable for atrocities incomparably worse, 
 and on a far larger scale. He had turned loose his 
 savages, red and white, along a frontier of six hun- 
 dred miles, to waste, burn, and murder at will. 
 "Women and children," such were the orders of 
 Wolfe, " are to be treated with humanity ; if any 
 violence is offered to a woman, the offender shall 
 be punished with death." These orders were gen- 
 erally obeyed. The English, with the single ex- 
 ception of Montgomery, killed ' none but armed 
 men in the act of resistance or attack ; Vaudreuil's 
 war-parties spared neither age nor sex. 
 
 Montcalm let the parishes burn, and still lay fast 
 intrenched in his lines of Beauport. He would 
 not imperil all Canada to save a few hundred farm- 
 houses ; and Wolfe was as far as ever from the bat- 
 tle that he coveted. Hitherto, his attacks had been 
 
 1 Eraser Journal. Eraser was an officer under Montgomery, of whom 
 he speaks with anger and disgust. 
 
 2 Knox, II. 32. Most of the contemporary journals mention the 
 incident. 
 
1759.J OPERATIONS ABOVE QUEBEC. 263 
 
 made chiefly below the town ; but, these having 
 failed, he now changed his plan and renewed on a 
 larger scale the movements begun above it in July. 
 With every fair wind, ships and transports passed 
 the batteries of Quebec, favored by a hot fire from 
 Point Levi, and generally succeeded, with more or 
 less damage, in gaining the upper river. A fleet 
 of flatboats was also sent thither, and twelve hun- 
 dred troops inarched overland to embark in them, 
 under Brigadier Murray. Admiral Holmes took 
 command of the little fleet now gathered above the 
 town, and operations in that quarter were system- 
 atically resumed. 
 
 To oppose them, Bougainville was sent from the 
 camp at Beauport with fifteen hundred men. His 
 was a most arduous and exhausting duty. He 
 must watch the shores for fifteen or twenty miles, 
 divide his force into detachments, and subject him- 
 self and his followers to the strain of incessant 
 vigilance and incessant marching. Murray made 
 a descent at Pointe-aux-Trembles, and was repulsed 
 with loss. He tried a second time at another 
 place, was met before landing by a body of am- 
 bushed Canadians, and was again driven back, 
 his foremost boats full of dead and wounded. A 
 third time he succeeded, landed at Deschambault, 
 and burned a large building filled with stores 
 and all the spare baggage of the French regular 
 officers. The blow was so alarming that Mont- 
 calm hastened from Beauport to take command 
 in person ; but when he arrived the English were 
 gone. 
 
264 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 Vaudreuil now saw his mistake in sending the 
 French frigates up the river out of harm's way, 
 and withdrawing their crews to serve the batteries 
 of Quebec. Had these ships been there, they might 
 have overpowered those of the English in detail as 
 they passed the town. An attempt was made to 
 retrieve the blunder. The sailors were sent to 
 man the frigates anew and attack the squadron 
 of Holmes. It was too late. Holmes was already 
 too strong for them, and they were recalled. Yet 
 the difficulties of the English still seemed insur- 
 mountable. Dysentery and fever broke out in 
 their camps, the number of their effective men 
 was greatly reduced, and the advancing season 
 told them that their work must be done quickly, or 
 not done at all. 
 
 On the other side, the distress of the French 
 grew greater every day. Their army was on short 
 rations. The operations of the English above the 
 town filled the camp of Beauport with dismay, for 
 troops and Canadians alike dreaded the cutting off 
 of their supplies. These were all drawn from the 
 districts of Three Rivers and Montreal; and, at 
 best, they were in great danger, since when brought 
 down in boats at night they were apt to be inter- 
 cepted, while the difficulty of bringing them by 
 land was extreme, through the scarcity of cattle 
 and horses. Discipline was relaxed, disorder and 
 pillage were rife, and the Canadians deserted so 
 fast, that towards the end of August two hun- 
 dred of them, it is said, would sometimes go off in 
 one night. Early in the month the disheartening 
 
1759] THE TRENCH ENCOURAGED. 265 
 
 news came of the loss of Ticonderoga and Crown 
 Point, the retreat of Bourlamaque, the fall of 
 Niagara, and the expected advance of Amherst on 
 Montreal. It was then that Levis was despatched 
 to the scene of danger ; and Quebec was deplorably 
 weakened by his absence. About this time the 
 Lower Town was again set on fire by the English 
 batteries, and a hundred and sixty-seven houses 
 were burned in a night. In the front of the Upper 
 Town nearly every building was a ruin. At the 
 General Hospital, which was remote enough to be 
 safe from the bombardment, every barn, shed, and 
 garret, and even the chapel itself, were crowded 
 with sick and wounded, with women and children 
 from the town, and the nuns of the Ursulines and 
 the Hotel-Dieu, driven thither for refuge. Bishop 
 Pontbriand, though suffering from a mortal disease, 
 came almost daily to visit and console them from 
 his lodging in the house of the cure at Charles- 
 bourg. 
 
 Towards the end of August the sky brightened 
 again. It became known that Amherst was not 
 moving on Montreal, and Bourlamaque wrote that 
 his position at Isle-aux-Noix was impregnable. 
 On the twenty-seventh a deserter from Wolfe's 
 army brought the welcome assurance that the in- 
 vaders despaired of success, and would soon sail 
 for home ; while there were movements in the 
 English camps and fleet that seemed to confirm 
 what he said. Vaudreuil breathed more freely, 
 and renewed hope and confidence visited the army 
 of Beauport. 
 
266 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1750. 
 
 Meanwhile a deep cloud fell on the English. 
 Since the siege began, Wolfe had passed with 
 ceaseless energy from camp to camp, animating 
 the troops, observing everything, and directing 
 everything ; but now the pale face and tall lean 
 form were seen no more, and the rumor spread 
 that the General was dangerously ill. He had in 
 fact been seized by an access of the disease that 
 had tortured him for some time past ; and fever 
 had followed. His quarters were at a French 
 farmhouse in the camp at Montmorenci ; and 
 here, as he lay in an upper chamber, helpless in 
 bed, his singular and most unmilitary features 
 haggard with disease and drawn with pain, no 
 man could less have looked the hero. But as the 
 needle, though quivering, points always to the pole, 
 so, through torment and languor and the heats of 
 fever, the mind of Wolfe dwelt on the capture of 
 Quebec. His illness, which began before the twen- 
 tieth of August, had so far subsided on the twenty- 
 fifth that Knox wrote in his Diary of that day : 
 " His Excellency General Wolfe is on the recov- 
 ery, to the inconceivable joy of the whole army." 
 On the twenty-ninth he was able to write or dic- 
 tate a letter to the three brigadiers, Monckton, 
 Townshend, and Murray : " That the public ser- 
 vice may not suffer by the General's indisposition, 
 he begs the brigadiers will meet and consult to- 
 gether for the public utility and advantage, and 
 consider of the best method to attack the enemy." 
 The letter then proposes three plans, all bold to 
 audacity. The first was to send a part of the 
 
1759.] New PLAN GE ATTACK. 267 
 
 army to ford the Montmorenci eight or nine miles 
 above its mouth, march through the forest, and 
 fall on the rear of the French at Beauport, while 
 the rest landed and attacked them in front. The 
 second was to cross the ford at the mouth of the 
 Montmorenci and march along the strand, under 
 the French intrenchments, till a place could be 
 found where the troops might climb the heights. 
 The third was to make a general attack from 
 boats at the Beauport flats. Wolfe had before 
 entertained two other plans, one of which was to 
 scale the heights at St. Michel, about a league above 
 Quebec ; but this he had abandoned on learning 
 that the French were there in force to receive 
 him. The other was to storm the Lower Town; 
 but this also he had abandoned, because the Upper 
 Town, which commanded it, would still remain 
 inaccessible. 
 
 The brigadiers met in consultation, rejected the 
 three plans proposed in the letter, and advised 
 that an attempt should be made to gain a footing 
 on the north shore above the town, place the army 
 between Montcalm and his base of supply, and so 
 force him to fight or surrender. The scheme was 
 similar to that of the heights of St. Michel It 
 seemed desperate, but so did all the rest ; and if 
 by chance it should succeed, the gain was far 
 greater than could follow any success below the 
 town. Wolfe embraced it at once. 
 
 Not that he saw much hope in it. He knew that 
 every chance was against him. Disappointment 
 in the past and gloom in the future, the pain and 
 
268 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 exhaustion of disease, toils, and anxieties " too 
 great,"" in the words of Burke, "to be supported 
 by a delicate constitution, and a body unequal to 
 the vigorous and enterprising soul that it lodged," 
 threw him at times into deep dejection. By those 
 intimate with him he was heard to say that he 
 would not go back defeated, " to be exposed to the 
 censure and reproach of an ignorant populace." 
 In other moods he felt that he ought not to sacri- 
 fice what was left of his diminished army in vain 
 conflict with hopeless obstacles. But his final re- 
 solve once taken, he would not swerve from it. 
 His fear was that he might not be able to lead 
 his troops in person. " I know perfectly well you 
 cannot cure me," he said to his physician; "but 
 pray make me up so that I may be without pain 
 for a few days, and able to do my duty : that is 
 all I want." 
 
 In a despatch which Wolfe had written to Pitt, 
 Admiral Saunders conceived that he had ascribed 
 to the fleet more than its just share in the disaster 
 at Montmorenci ; and he sent him a letter on the 
 subject. Major Barre kept it from the invalid till 
 the fever had abated. Wolfe then wrote a long 
 answer, which reveals his mixed dejection and re- 
 solve. He affirms the justice of what Saunders 
 had said, but adds : "I shall leave out that part 
 of my letter to Mr. Pitt which you object to. I am 
 sensible of my own errors in the course of the cam- 
 paign, see clearly wherein I have been deficient, 
 and think a little more or less blame to a man 
 that must necessarily be ruined, of little or no 
 
1759.] DESPONDENCY OF WOLFE. 260 
 
 consequence. I take the blame of that unlucky day 
 entirely upon my own shoulders, and I expect to 
 suffer for it." Then, speaking of the new project 
 of an attack above Quebec, he says despondingly : 
 " My ill state of health prevents me from executing 
 my own plan ; it is of too desperate a nature to 
 order others to execute." He proceeds, however, 
 to give directions for it. " It will be necessary to 
 run as many small craft as possible above the 
 town, with provisions for six weeks, for about five 
 thousand, which is all I intend to take. My let- 
 ters, I hope, will be ready to-morrow, and I hope I 
 shall have strength to lead tbese men to wherever 
 we can find the enemy." 
 
 On the next day, the last of August, he was able 
 for the first time to leave the house. It was on 
 this same day that he wrote his last letter to his 
 mother: "My writing to you will convince you 
 that no personal evils worse than defeats and dis- 
 appointments have fallen upon me. The enemy 
 puts nothing to risk, and I can't in conscience put 
 the whole army to risk. My antagonist has wisely 
 shut himself up in inaccessible intrenchments, so 
 that I can't get at him without spilling a torrent 
 of blood, and that perhaps to little purpose. The 
 Marquis de Montcalm is at the head of a great 
 number of bad soldiers, and I am at the bead of a 
 small number of good ones, that wish for nothing 
 so much as to fight him ; but the wary old fellow 
 avoids an action, doubtful of the behavior of his 
 army. People must be of the profession to under- 
 stand the disadvantages and difficulties we labor 
 
270 THE HEIGHTS OE ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 under, arising from the uncommon natural strength 
 of the country." 
 
 On the second of September a vessel was sent to 
 England with his last despatch to Pitt. It begins 
 thus : " The obstacles we have met with in the oper- 
 ations of the campaign are much greater than we 
 had reason to expect or could foresee ; not so much 
 from the number of the enemy (though superior to 
 us) as from the natural strength of the country, 
 which the Marquis of Montcalm seems wisely to 
 depend upon. When I learned that succors of all 
 kinds had been tbrown into Quebec ; that five bat- 
 talions of regular troops, completed from the best 
 inhabitants of the country, some of the troops of 
 the colony, and every Canadian that was able to 
 bear arms, besides several nations of savages, had 
 taken the field in a very advantageous situation, — 
 I could not flatter myself that I should be able to 
 reduce the place. I sought, however, an occasion 
 to attack their army, knowing well that with these 
 troops I was able to fight, and hoping that a vic- 
 tory might disperse them." Then, after recount- 
 ing the events of the campaign with admirable 
 clearness, he continues : " I found myself so ill, and 
 am still so weak, that I begged the general officers to 
 consult together for the general utility. They are 
 all of opinion that, as more ships and provisions 
 are now got above the town, they should try, by 
 conveying up a corps of four or five thousand 
 men (which is nearly the whole strength of the 
 army after the Points of Levi and Orleans are left 
 in a proper state of defence), to draw the enemy 
 
1769.] WOLFE'S LAST DESPATCHES. 27] 
 
 from their present situation and bring them to an 
 action. I have acquiesced in the proposal, and we 
 are preparing to put it into execution." The letter 
 ends thus : " By the list of disabled officers, many 
 of whom are of rank, 3 t ou may perceive that the 
 army is much weakened. By the nature of the 
 river, the most formidable part of this armament 
 is deprived of the power of acting • yet we have 
 almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In 
 this situation there is such a choice of difficulties 
 that I own myself at a. loss how to determine. The 
 affairs of Great Britain, I know, require the most 
 vigorous measures ; but the courage of a handful 
 of brave troops should be exerted only when there 
 is some hope of a favorable event ; however, you 
 may be assured that the small part of the cam- 
 paign which remains shall be employed, as far as 
 I am able, for the honor of His Majesty and the 
 interest of the nation, in which I am sure of being 
 well seconded by the Admiral and by the generals ; 
 happy if our efforts here can contribute to the suc- 
 cess of His Majesty's arms in any other parts of 
 America." 
 
 Some days later, he wrote to the Earl of Holder- 
 nesse : " The Marquis of Montcalm has a numer- 
 ous body of armed men (I cannot call it an army), 
 and the strongest country perhaps in the world. 
 Our fleet blocks up the river above and below the 
 town, but can give no manner of aid in an attack 
 upon the Canadian army. We are now here [off 
 Cap-Rouge] with about thirty-six hundred men, 
 waiting to attack them when and wherever they 
 
272 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 can best be got at. I am so far recovered as to do 
 business ; but my constitution is entirely ruined, 
 without the consolation of doing any considerable 
 service to the state, and without any prospect of 
 it." He had just learned, through the letter brought 
 from Amherst by Ensign Hutchins, that he could 
 expect no help from that quarter. 
 
 Perhaps he was as near despair as his undaunted 
 nature was capable of being. In his present state 
 of body and mind he was a hero without the light 
 and cheer of heroism. He flattered himself with 
 no illusions, but saw the worst and faced it all. 
 He seems to have been entirely without excitement. 
 The languor of disease, the desperation of the 
 chances, and the greatness of the stake may have 
 wrought to tranquillize him. His energy was 
 doubly tasked : to bear up his own sinking frame, 
 and to achieve an almost hopeless feat of arms. 
 
 Audacious as it was, his plan cannot be called 
 rash if we may accept the statement of two well- 
 informed writers on the French side. They say 
 that on the tenth of September the English naval 
 commanders held a council on board the flagship, 
 in which it was resolved that the lateness of the 
 season required the fleet to leave Quebec without 
 delay. They say further that Wolfe then went 
 to the Admiral, told him that he had found a 
 place where the heights could be scaled, that he 
 would send up a hundred and fifty picked men to 
 feel the way, and that if they gained a lodgment 
 at the top, the other troops should follow ; if, on 
 the other hand, the French were there in force to 
 
1759.] MOVEMENTS OF WOLFE. 273 
 
 oppose them, he would not sacrifice the army in 
 a hopeless attempt, but embark them for home, 
 consoled by the thought that all had been done 
 that man could do. On this, concludes the story, 
 the Admiral and his officers consented to wait the 
 result. 1 
 
 As Wolfe had informed Pitt, his army was 
 greatly weakened. Since the end of June his 
 loss in killed and wounded was more than eight 
 hundred and fifty, including two colonels, two 
 majors, nineteen captains, and thirty-four subal- 
 terns ; and to these were to be added a greater 
 number disabled by disease. 
 
 The squadron of Admiral Holmes above Quebec 
 had now increased to twenty-two vessels, great 
 and small. One of the last that went up was a 
 diminutive schooner, armed with a few swivels, 
 and jocosely named the "Terror of France." She 
 sailed by the town in broad daylight, the French, 
 incensed at her impudence, blazing at her from 
 all their batteries ; but she passed unharmed, 
 anchored by the Admiral's ship, and saluted him 
 triumphantly with her swivels. 
 
 Wolfe's first move towards executing his plan 
 was the critical one of evacuating the camp at 
 Montmorenci. This was accomplished on the third 
 of September. Montcalm sent a strong force to 
 fall on the rear of the retiring English. Monckton 
 
 1 This statement is made by the Chevalier Johnstone, and, with some 
 variation, by the author of the valuable Journal tenu a I'Armee que com- 
 mandoit feu M. le Marquis de Montcalm. Bigot says that, after the battle, 
 he was told by British officers that Wolfe meant to risk only an advance 
 party of two hundred men, and to reimbark if they were repulsed. 
 
 VOL. II. — 18 
 
274 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 saw the movement from Point Levi, embarked 
 two battalions in the boats of the fleet, and made 
 a feint of landing at Beauport. Montcalm recalled 
 his troops to repulse the threatened attack ; and the 
 English withdrew from Montmorenci unmolested, 
 some to the Point of Orleans, others to Point 
 Levi. On the night of the fourth a fleet of flat- 
 boats passed above the town with the baggage 
 and stores. On the fifth, Murray, with four bat- 
 talions, marched up to the River Etechemin, and 
 forded it under a hot fire from the French bat- 
 teries at Sillery. Monckton and Townshend fol- 
 lowed with three more battalions, and the united 
 force, of about thirty-six hundred men, was em- 
 barked on board the ships of Holmes, where Wolfe 
 joined them on the same evening. 
 
 These movements of the English filled the 
 French commanders with mingled perplexity, anx- 
 iety, and hope. A deserter told them that Admi- 
 ral Saunders was impatient to be gone. Vaudreuil 
 grew confident. "The breaking up of the camp 
 at Montmorenci," he says, " and the abandonment 
 of the intrenchments there, the reimbarkation on 
 board the vessels above Quebec of the troops who 
 had encamped on the south bank, the movements 
 of these vessels, the removal of the heaviest pieces 
 of artillery from the batteries of Point Levi, — 
 these and the lateness of the season all combined 
 to announce the speedy departure of the fleet, 
 several vessels of which had even sailed down the 
 river already. The prisoners and the deserters 
 who daily came in told us that this was the com- 
 
1759.] VIGILANCE OF THE FRENCH. 275 
 
 mon report in their army." 1 He wrote to Bourla- 
 maque on the first of September : " Everything 
 proves that the grand design of the English has 
 failed." 
 
 Yet he was ceaselessly watchful. So was Mont- 
 calm ; and he, too, on the night of the second, 
 snatched a moment to write to Bourlamaque from 
 his headquarters in the stone house, by the river 
 of Beauport : " The night is dark ; it rains ; our 
 troops are in their tents, with clothes on, ready for 
 an alarm; I in my boots; my horses saddled. In 
 fact, this is my usual way. I wish you were here ; 
 for I cannot be everywhere, though I multiply my- 
 self, and have not taken off my clothes since the 
 twenty-third of June." On the eleventh of Sep- 
 tember he wrote his last letter to Bourlamaque, 
 and probably the last that his pen ever traced. 
 " I am overwhelmed with work, and should often 
 lose temper, like you, if I did not remember that 
 I am paid by Europe for not losing it. Nothing 
 new since my last. I give the enemy another 
 month, or something less, to stay here." The 
 more sanguine Vaudreuil would hardly give them 
 a week. 
 
 Meanwhile, no precaution was spared. The 
 force under Bougainville above Quebec was raised 
 to three thousand men. 2 He was ordered to watch 
 the shore as far as Jacques-Cartier, and follow 
 with his main body every movement of Holmes's 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
 2 Journal du Siege (Bibliotheque de Hartwell). Journal tenu a VArmee, 
 etc. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
276 THE HEIGHTS OF ABBAHAM. [1759. 
 
 squadron. There was little fear for the heights 
 near the town; they were thought inaccessible. 1 
 Even Montcalm believed them safe, and had ex- 
 pressed himself to that effect some time before. 
 " We need not suppose," he wrote to Vaudreuil, 
 "that the enemy have wings;" and again, speaking 
 of the very place where Wolfe afterwards landed, 
 " I swear to you that a hundred men posted there 
 would stop their whole army." 2 He was right. 
 A hundred watchful and determined men could 
 have held the position long enough for reinforce- 
 ments to come up. 
 
 The hundred men were there. Captain de Ver- 
 gor, of the colony troops, commanded them, and 
 reinforcements were within his call ; for the bat- 
 talion of Guienne had been ordered to encamp 
 close at hand on the Plains of Abraham. 3 Vergor's 
 post, called Anse du Foulon, was a mile and a half 
 from Quebec. A little beyond it, by the brink of 
 the cliffs, was another post, called Samos, held by 
 seventy men with four cannon ; and, beyond this 
 again, the heights of Sillery were guarded by a 
 hundred and thirty men, also with cannon.* These 
 were outposts of Bougainville, whose headquarters 
 were at Cap-Rouge, six miles above Sillery, and 
 whose troops were in continual movement along 
 the intervening shore. Thus all was vigilance ; for 
 while the French were strong in the hope .of 
 speedy delivery, they felt that there was no safety 
 
 1 Pontbriand, Jugement impartial. 
 
 3 Montcalm a Vaudreuil, 27 Juillet. Ibid., 29 Juillet, 1759. 
 8 Foligny, Journal memoratif. Journal tenu a I'Armee, etc 
 * Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
1759.] WOLFE AND HIS OFFICERS. 277 
 
 till the tents of the invader had vanished from 
 their shores and his ships from their river. 
 "What we knew," says one of them, "of the char- 
 acter of M. Wolfe, that impetuous, bold, and in- 
 trepid warrior, prepared us for a last attack before 
 he left us." 
 
 Wolfe had been very ill on the evening of the 
 fourth. The troops knew it, and their spirits 
 sank ; but, after a night of torment, he grew better, 
 and was soon among them again, rekindling their 
 ardor, and imparting a cheer that he could not 
 share. For himself he had no pity ; but when he 
 heard of the illness of two officers in one of the 
 ships, he sent them a message of warm sympathy, 
 advised them to return to Point Levi, and offered 
 them his own barge and an escort. They thanked 
 him, but replied that, come what might, they would 
 see the enterprise to an end. Another officer re- 
 marked in his hearing that one of the invalids had 
 a very delicate constitution. " Don't tell me of 
 constitution," said Wolfe; "he has good spirit, and 
 good spirit will carry a man through everything." 1 
 An immense moral force bore up his own frail 
 body and forced it to its work. 
 
 Major Robert Stobo, who, five years before, had 
 been given as a hostage to the French at the cap- 
 ture of Fort Necessity, arrived about this time in a 
 vessel from Halifax. He had long been a prisoner 
 at Quebec, not always in close custody, and had 
 used his opportunities to acquaint himself with 
 the neighborhood. In the spring of this year he 
 
 1 Knox, II. 61, 65. 
 
278 THE HEIGHTS OE ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 and an officer of rangers named Stevens had made 
 their escape with extraordinary skill and daring ; 
 and he now returned to give his countrymen the 
 benefit of his local knowledge. 1 His biographer 
 says that it was he who directed Wolfe in the 
 choice of a landing-place. 2 Be this as it may, 
 Wolfe in person examined the river and the shores 
 as far as Pointe-aux-Trembles ; till at length, land- 
 ing on the south side a little above Quebec, and 
 looking across the water with a telescope, he de- 
 scried a path that ran with a long slope up the 
 face of the woody precipice, and saw at the top 
 a cluster of tents. They were those of Vergor's 
 guard at the Anse du Foulon, now called Wolfe's 
 Cove. As he could see but ten or twelve of them, 
 he thought that the guard could not be numerous, 
 and might be overpowered. His hope would have 
 been stronger if he had known that Vergor had 
 once been tried for misconduct and cowardice in 
 the surrender of Beausejour, and saved from 
 merited disgrace by the friendship of Bigot and 
 the protection of Vaudreuil. 3 
 
 The morning of the seventh was fair and warm, 
 and the vessels of Holmes, their crowded decks 
 gay with scarlet uniforms, sailed up the river to 
 Cap-Rouge. A lively scene awaited them; for here 
 were the headquarters of Bougainville, and here 
 lay his principal force, while the rest watched the 
 banks above and below. The cove into which the 
 
 1 Letters in Boston Post Boy, No. 97, and Boston Evening Post, No. 
 1,258. 
 
 2 Memoirs of Major Robert Stobo. Curious, but often inexact. 
 8 See supra, Vol. I. p. 253. 
 
1759.] CAP-ROUGE. 279 
 
 little river runs was guarded by floating batteries ; 
 the surrounding shore was defended by breast- 
 works ; and a large body of regulars, militia, and 
 mounted Canadians in blue uniforms moved to and 
 fro, with restless activity, on the hills behind. 
 When the vessels came to anchor, the horsemen 
 dismounted and formed in line with the infantry ; 
 then, with loud shouts, the whole rushed down the 
 heights to man their works at the shore. That 
 true Briton, Captain Knox, looked on with a critical 
 eye from the gangway of his ship, and wrote that 
 night in his Diary that they had made a ridiculous 
 noise. " How different ! " he exclaims, " how 
 nobly awful and expressive of true valor is the 
 customary silence of the British troops ! " 
 
 In the afternoon the ships opened fire, while 
 the troops entered the boats and rowed up and 
 down as if looking for a landing-place. It was 
 but a feint of Wolfe to deceive Bougainville as 
 to his real design. A heavy easterly rain set in 
 on the next morning, and lasted two days with- 
 out respite. All operations were suspended, and 
 the men suffered greatly in the crowded trans- 
 ports. Half of them were therefore landed on 
 the south shore, where they made their quarters 
 in the village of St. Nicolas, refreshed them- 
 selves, and dried their wet clothing, knapsacks, 
 and blankets. 
 
 For several successive days the squadron of 
 Holmes was allowed to drift up the river with 
 the flood tide and down with the ebb, thus passing 
 and repassing incessantly between the neighbor- 
 
280 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 hood of Quebec on one hand, and a point high 
 above Cap-Rouge on the other ; while Bougain- 
 ville, perplexed, and always expecting an attack, 
 followed the ships to and fro along the shore, by 
 day and by night, till his men were exhausted 
 with ceaseless forced marches. 1 
 
 At last the time for action came. On Wednes- 
 day, the twelfth, the troops at St. Nicolas were 
 embarked again, and all were told to hold them- 
 selves in readiness. Wolfe, from the flagship 
 '* Sutherland," issued his last general orders. " The 
 enemy's force is now divided, great scarcity of 
 provisions in their camp, and universal discontent 
 among the Canadians. Our troops below are in 
 readiness to join us; all the light artillery and 
 tools are embarked at the Point of Levi ; and the 
 troops will land where the French seem least to 
 expect it. The first body that gets on shore is 
 to march directly to the enemy and drive them 
 from any little post they may occupy ; the offi- 
 cers must be careful that the succeeding bodies 
 do not by any mistake fire on those who go before 
 them. The battalions must form on the upper 
 ground with expedition, and be ready to charge 
 whatever presents itself. When the artillery and 
 troops are landed, a corps will be left to secure 
 the landing-place, while the rest march on and 
 endeavor to bring the Canadians and French to a 
 battle. The officers and men will remember what 
 their country expects from them, and what a 
 determined body of soldiers inured to war is capa- 
 
 1 Joannes, Major de Quebec, M&moire sur la Campagne de 1759. 
 
1759.] FORCE OF WOLFE. 281 
 
 ble of doing against five weak French battalions 
 mingled with a disorderly peasantry." 
 
 The spirit of the army answered to that of its 
 chief. The troops loved and admired their gen- 
 eral, trusted their officers, and were ready for any 
 attempt. " Nay, how could it be otherwise," 
 quaintly asks honest Sergeant John Johnson, of 
 the fifty-eighth regiment, " being at the heels of 
 gentlemen whose whole thirst, equal with their 
 general, was for glory ? We had seen them tried, 
 and always found them sterling. We knew that 
 they would stand by us to the last extremity." 
 
 Wolfe had thirty-six hundred men and officers 
 with him on board the vessels of Holmes ; and he 
 now sent orders to Colonel Burton at Point Levi 
 to bring to his aid all who could be spared from 
 that place and the Point of Orleans. They were 
 to march along the south bank, after nightfall, 
 and wait further orders at a designated spot con- 
 venient for embarkation. Their number was 
 about twelve hundred, so that the entire force 
 destined for the enterprise was at the utmost forty- 
 eight hundred. 1 With these, Wolfe meant to 
 climb the heights of Abraham in the teeth of an 
 enemy who, though much reduced, were still 
 twice as numerous as their assailants- 2 
 
 1 See Note, end of chapter. 
 
 2 Including Bougainville's command. An escaped prisoner told Wolfe, 
 a few days before, that Montcalm still had fourteen thousand men. 
 Journal of an Expedition on the River St. Lawrence. This meant only 
 those in the town and the camps of Beauport. " I don't believe their 
 whole army amounts to that number," wrote Wolfe to Colonel Burton, on 
 the tenth. He knew, however, that if Montcalm could bring all his 
 troops together, the French would outnumber him more than two to one. 
 
282 THE HEIGHTS OE ABRAHAM. [1159. 
 
 Admiral Saunders lay with the main fleet in 
 the Basin of Quebec. This excellent officer, what- 
 ever may have been his views as to the necessity 
 of a speedy departure, aided Wolfe to the last 
 with unfailing energy and zeal. It was agreed 
 between them that while the General made the 
 real attack, the Admiral should engage Montcalm's 
 attention by a pretended one. As night ap- 
 proached, the fleet ranged itself along the Beau- 
 port shore ; the boats were lowered and filled with 
 sailors, marines, and the few troops that had been 
 left behind ; while ship signalled to ship, cannon 
 flashed and thundered, and shot ploughed the 
 beach, as if to clear a way for assailants to land. 
 In the gloom of the evening the effect was im- 
 posing. Montcalm, who thought that the move- 
 ments of the English above the town were only 
 a feint, that their main force was still below it r 
 and that their real attack would be made there,- 
 was completely deceived, and massed his troops 
 in front of Beauport to repel the expected landing. 
 But while in the fleet of Saunders all was uproar 
 and ostentatious menace, the danger was ten miles 
 away, where the squadron of Holmes lay tranquil 
 and silent at its anchorage off Cap-Rouge. 
 
 It was less tranquil than it seemed. All on 
 board knew that a blow would be struck that 
 night, though only a few high officers knew where. 
 Colonel Howe, of the light infantry, called for vol- 
 unteers to lead the unknown and desperate ven- 
 ture, promising, in the words of one of them, 
 " that if any of us survived we might depend on, 
 
1759.] THE TROOPS EMBARK. 283 
 
 being recommended to the General." 1 As many 
 as were wanted — twenty-four in all — soon came 
 forward. Thirty large bateaux and some boats 
 belonging to the squadron lay moored alongside 
 the vessels; and late in the evening the troops 
 were ordered into them, the twenty-four volun- 
 teers taking their place in the foremost. They 
 held in all about seventeen hundred men. The 
 rest remained on board. 
 
 Bougainville could discern the movement, and 
 misjudged it, thinking that he himself was to be 
 attacked. The tide was still flowing ; and, the 
 better to deceive him, the vessels and boats were 
 allowed to drift upward with it for a little dis- 
 tance, as if to land above Cap-Rouge. 
 
 The day had been fortunate for Wolfe. Two 
 deserters came from the camp of Bougainville 
 with intelligence that, at ebb tide on the next 
 night, he was to send down a convoy of provis- 
 ions to Montcalm. The necessities of the camp at 
 Beauport, and the difficulties of transportation by 
 land, had before compelled the French to resort to 
 this perilous means of conveying supplies ; and 
 their boats, drifting in darkness under the shad- 
 ows of the northern shore, had commonly passed 
 in safety. Wolfe saw at once that, if his own 
 boats went down in advance of the convoy, he 
 could turn the intelligence of the deserters to good 
 account. 
 
 1 Journal of the Particular Transactions during the Siege of Quebec. The 
 writer, a soldier in the light infantry, says he was one of the first eight 
 who came forward. See Notes and Queries, XX. 370. 
 
284 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 He was still on board the " Sutherland." Every 
 preparation was made, and every order given ; it 
 only remained to wait the turning of the tide. 
 Seated with him in the cabin was the commander 
 of the sloop-of-war " Porcupine," his former school- 
 fellow, John Jervis, afterwards Earl St. Vincent. 
 Wolfe told him that he expected to die in the bat- 
 tle of the next day ; and taking from his bosom a 
 miniature of Miss Lowther, his betrothed, he gave 
 it to him with a request that he would return it to 
 her if the presentiment should prove true. 1 
 
 Towards two o'clock the tide began to ebb, and 
 a fresh wind blew down the river. Two lanterns 
 were raised into the maintop shrouds of the 
 " Sutherland." It was the appointed signal ; the 
 boats cast off and fell down with the current, 
 those of the light infantry leading the way. The 
 vessels with the rest of the troops had orders to 
 follow a little later. 
 
 To look for a moment at the chances on which 
 this bold adventure hung. First, the deserters told 
 Wolfe that provision-boats were ordered to go 
 down to Quebec that night ; secondly, Bougain- 
 ville countermanded them ; thirdly, the sentries 
 posted along the heights were told of the order, 
 but not of the countermand ; 2 fourthly, Vergor at 
 the Anse du Foulon had permitted most of his 
 men, chiefly Canadians from Lorette, to go home 
 for a time and work at their harvesting, on condi- 
 tion, it is said, that they should afterwards work 
 
 1 Tucker, Life of Earl St. Vincent, I. 19. (London, 1844.) 
 
 2 Journal tenu a I'Armee, etc. 
 
1759.] DESCENT OE THE ST. LAWRENCE. 285 
 
 in a neighboring field of his own ; 1 fifthly, he kept 
 careless watch, and went quietly to bed ; sixthly, 
 the battalion of Guienne, ordered to take post on 
 the Plains of Abraham, had, for reasons unex- 
 plained, remained encamped by the St. Charles ; 2 
 and lastly, when Bougainville saw Holmes's vessels 
 drift down the stream, he did not tax his weary 
 troops to follow them, thinking that they would 
 return as usual with the flood tide. 3 But for these 
 conspiring circumstances New France might have 
 lived a little longer, and the fruitless heroism of 
 Wolfe would have passed, with countless other 
 heroisms, into oblivion. 
 
 For full two hours the procession of boats, borne 
 on the current, steered silently down the St. Law- 
 rence. The stars were visible, but the night was 
 moonless and sufficiently dark. The General was 
 in one of the foremost boats, and near him was a 
 young midshipman, John Robison, afterwards pro- 
 fessor of natural philosophy in the University of 
 Edinburgh. He used to tell in his later life how 
 Wolfe, with a low voice, repeated Gray's Elegy 
 in a Country Churchyard to the officers about him. 
 Probably it was to relieve the intense strain of his 
 thoughts. Among the rest was the verse which 
 his own fate was soon to illustrate, — 
 
 " The paths of glory lead but to the grave.'' 
 
 "Gentlemen," he said, as his recital ended, "I 
 would rather have written those lines than take 
 
 1 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
 2 Foligny, Journal memoratif. Journal tenu a I'Armee, etc. 
 
 8 Johnstone, Dialogue. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
286 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 Quebec." None were there to tell him that the 
 hero is greater than the poet. 
 
 As they neared their destination, the tide bore 
 them in towards the shore, and the mighty wall of 
 rock and forest towered in darkness on their left. 
 The dead stillness was suddenly broken by the 
 sharp Qui vive ! of a French sentry, invisible in 
 the thick gloom. France ! answered a Highland 
 officer of Fraser's regiment from one of the boats 
 of the light infantry. He had served in Holland, 
 and spoke French fluently. 
 
 A quel regiment ? 
 
 De la Heine, replied the Highlander. He knew 
 that a part of that corps was with Bougainville. 
 The sentry, expecting the convoy of provisions, 
 was satisfied, and did not ask for the password. 
 
 Soon after, the foremost boats were passing the 
 heights of Samos, when another sentry challenged 
 them, and they could see him through the dark- 
 ness running down to the edge of the water, within 
 range of a pistol-shot. In answer to his questions, 
 the same officer replied, in French : " Provision- 
 boats. Don't make a noise ; the English will hear 
 us." 1 In fact, the sloop-of-war " Hunter " was 
 anchored in the stream not far off. This time, 
 again, the sentry let them pass. In a few moments 
 they rounded the headland above the Anse du 
 Foulon. There was no sentry there. The strong 
 current swept the boats of the light infantry a 
 
 1 See a note of Smollett, History of England, V. 56 (ed. 1805). Sergeant 
 Johnson, Vaudreuil, Foligny, and the Journal of Particular Transactions 
 give similar accounts. 
 
1759.] THE HEIGHTS CLIMBED. 287 
 
 little below the intended landing-place. 1 They 
 disembarked on a narrow strand at the foot of 
 heights as steep as a hill covered with trees can 
 be. The twenty-four volunteers led the way, 
 climbing with what silence they might, closely fol- 
 lowed by a much larger body. When they reached 
 the top they saw in the dim light a cluster of 
 tents at a short distance, and immediately made a 
 dash at them. Vergor leaped from bed and tried 
 to run off, but was shot in the heel and captured. 
 His men, taken by surprise, made little resistance. 
 One or two were caught, and the rest fled. 
 
 The main body of troops waited in their boats 
 by the edge of the strand. The heights near by 
 were cleft by a great ravine choked with forest 
 trees ; and in its depths ran a little brook called 
 Ruisseau St.-Denis, which, swollen by the late 
 rains, fell plashing in the stillness over a rock. 
 Other than this no sound could reach the strained 
 ear of Wolfe but the gurgle of the tide and the 
 cautious climbing of his advance-parties as they 
 mounted the steeps at some little distance from 
 where he sat listening. At length from the top 
 came a sound of musket-shots, followed by loud 
 huzzas, and he knew that his men were masters 
 of the position. Tbe word was given ; the troops 
 leaped from the boats and scaled the heights, some 
 here, some there, clutching at trees and bushes, 
 their muskets slung at their backs. Tradition 
 still points out the place, near the mouth of the 
 
 1 Saunders to Pitt, 20 Sept. Journal of Sergeant Johnson. Compare 
 Knox, H. 67. 
 
288 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 ravine, where the foremost reached the top. Wolfe 
 said to an officer near him : " You can try it, but 
 I don't think you'll get up." He himself, how- 
 ever, found strength to drag himself up with the 
 rest. The narrow slanting path on the face of the 
 heights had been made impassable by trenches and 
 abattis; but all obstructions were soon cleared 
 away, and then the ascent was easy. In the gray 
 of the morning the long file of red-coated soldiers 
 moved quickly upward, and formed in order on the 
 plateau above. 
 
 Before many of them had reached the top, cannon 
 were heard close on the left. It was the battery 
 at Samos firing on the boats in the rear and the 
 vessels descending from Cap-Rouge. A party was 
 sent to silence it ; this was soon effected, and 
 the more distant battery at Sillery was next at- 
 tacked and taken. As fast as the boats were 
 emptied they returned for the troops left on board 
 the vessels and for those waiting on the southern 
 shore under Colonel Burton. 
 
 The day broke in clouds and threatening rain. 
 Wolfe's battalions were drawn up along the crest 
 of the heights. No enemy was in sight, though a 
 body of Canadians had sallied from the town and 
 moved along the strand towards the landing-place, 
 whence they were quickly driven back. He had 
 achieved the most critical part of his enterprise ; 
 yet the success that he coveted placed him in 
 imminent danger. On one side was the garrison 
 of Quebec and the army of Beauport, and Bougain- 
 ville was on the other. Wolfe's alternative was 
 
1759.] THE LINE OP BATTLE. 289 
 
 victory or ruin ; for if he should be overwhelmed 
 by a combined attack, retreat would be hopeless. 
 His feelings no man can know ; but it would be 
 safe to say that hesitation or doubt had no part in 
 them. 
 
 He went to reconnoitre the ground, and soon 
 came to the Plains of Abraham, so called from 
 Abraham Martin, a pilot known as Maitre Abra- 
 ham, who had owned a piece of land here in the 
 early times of the colony. The Plains were a tract 
 of grass, tolerably level in most parts, patcbed here 
 and there with cornfields, studded with clumps of 
 bushes, and forming a part of the high plateau at 
 the eastern end of which Quebec stood. On the 
 south it was bounded by the declivities along the 
 St. Lawrence ; on the north, by those along the St. 
 Charles, or rather along the meadows through 
 which that lazy stream crawled like a writhing 
 snake. At the place that "Wolfe chose for his 
 battle-field the plateau was less than a mile wide. 
 
 Thither the troops advanced, marched by files 
 till they reached the ground, and then wheeled to 
 form their line of battle, which stretched across 
 the plateau and faced the city. It consisted of 
 six battalions and the detached grenadiers from 
 Louisbourg, all drawn up in ranks three deep. 
 Its right wing was near the brink of the heights 
 along the St. Lawrence ; but the left could not 
 reach those along the St. Charles. On this side a 
 wide space was perforce left open, and there was 
 danger of being outflanked. To prevent this, Brig- 
 adier Townshend was stationed here with two bat- 
 
290 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1750. 
 
 talions, drawn up at right angles with the rest, and 
 fronting the St. Charles. The battalion of Webb's 
 regiment, under Colonel Burton, formed the re- 
 serve ; the third battalion of Royal Americans 
 was left to guard the landing ; and Howe's light 
 infantry occupied a wood far in the rear. Wolfe, 
 with Monckton and Murray, commanded the front 
 line, on which the heavy fighting was to fall, and 
 which, when all the troops had arrived, numbered 
 less than thirty-five hundred men. 1 
 
 Quebec was not a mile distant, but they could 
 not see it ; for a ridge of broken ground inter- 
 vened, called Buttes-a-Neveu, about six hundred 
 paces off. The first division of troops had scarcely 
 come up when, about six o'clock, this ridge was 
 suddenly thronged with white uniforms. It was 
 the battalion of Guienne, arrived at the eleventh 
 hour from its camp by the St. Charles. Some 
 time after there was hot firing in the rear. It 
 came from a detachment of Bougainville's com- 
 mand attacking a house where some of the light 
 infantry were posted. The assailants were re- 
 pulsed, and the firing ceased. Light showers 
 fell at intervals, besprinkling the troops as they 
 stood patiently waiting the event. 
 
 Montcalm had passed a troubled night. Through 
 all the evening the cannon bellowed from the ships 
 of Saunders, and the boats of the fleet hovered in 
 the dusk off the Beauport shore, threatening every 
 moment to land. Troops lined the intrenchments 
 till day, while the General walked the field that 
 
 1 See Note, end of chapter. 
 
1759.] THE ALARM. 291 
 
 adjoined his headquarters till one in the morning, 
 accompanied by the Chevalier Johnstone and Col- 
 onel Poulariez. Johnstone says that he was in 
 great agitation, and took no rest all night. At 
 daybreak he heard the sound of cannon above the 
 town. It was the battery at Samos firing on 
 the English ships. He had sent an officer to the 
 quarters of Vaudreuil, which were much nearer 
 Quebec, with orders to bring him word at once 
 should anything unusual happen. But no word 
 came, and about six o'clock he mounted and 
 rode thither with Johnstone. As they advanced, 
 the country behind the town opened more and 
 more upon their sight ; till at length, when oppo- 
 site Vaudreuil' s house, they saw across the St. 
 Charles, some two miles away, the red ranks of 
 British soldiers on the heights beyond. 
 
 " This is a serious business," Montcalm said ; 
 and sent off Johnstone at full gallop to bring up 
 the troops from the centre and left of the camp. 
 Those of the right were in motion already, doubt- 
 less by the Governor's order. Vaudreuil came 
 out of the house. Montcalm stopped for a few 
 words with him ; then set spurs to his horse, and 
 rode over the bridge of the St. Charles to the 
 scene of danger. 1 He rode with a fixed look, 
 uttering not a word. 2 
 
 The army followed in such order as it might, 
 crossed the bridge in hot haste, passed under the 
 northern rampart of Quebec, entered at the Palace 
 
 1 Johnstone, Dialogue. 
 
 2 Malartica Bourlamaque, — Sept. 1759. 
 
292 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 Gate, and pressed on in headlong march along the 
 quaint narrow streets of the warlike town : troops 
 of Indians in scalplocks and war-paint, a savage 
 glitter in their deep-set eyes ; bands of Canadians 
 whose all was at stake, — faith, country, and home; 
 the colony regulars ; the battalions of Old France, 
 a torrent of white uniforms and gleaming bayo- 
 nets, La Sarre, Languedoc, Eoussillon, Beam, — 
 victors of Oswego, "William Henry, and Ticon- 
 deroga. So they swept on, poured out upon the 
 plain, some by the gate of St. Louis, and some 
 by tbat of St. John, and hurried, breathless, to 
 where the banners of Guienne still fluttered on 
 the ridge. 
 
 Montcalm was amazed at what he saw. He 
 had expected a detachment, and he found an 
 army. Full in sight before him stretched the 
 lines of Wolfe : the close ranks of the English 
 infantry, a silent wall of red, and the wild array 
 of the Highlanders, with their waving tartans, 
 and bagpipes screaming defiance. Vaudreuil had 
 not come ; but not the less was felt the evil of a 
 divided authority and the jealousy of the rival 
 chiefs. Montcalm waited long for the forces he 
 had ordered to join him from the left wing of the 
 army. He waited in vain. It is said that the 
 Governor had detained them, lest the English 
 should attack the Beauport shore. Even if they 
 did so, and succeeded, the French might defy 
 them, could they but put Wolfe to rout on the 
 Plains of Abraham. Neither did the garrison of 
 Quebec come to the aid of Montcalm. He sent 
 
1759.] ALTERNATIVES. 293 
 
 to Ramesay, its commander, for twenty-five field- 
 pieces which were on the Palace battery. Rame- 
 say would give him only three, saying that he 
 wanted them for his own defence. There were 
 orders and counter-orders ; misunderstanding, haste, 
 delay, perplexity. 
 
 Montcalm and his chief officers held a council 
 of war. It is said that he and they alike were for 
 immediate attack. His enemies declare that he was 
 afraid lest Vaudreuil should arrive and take com- 
 mand ; but the Governor was not a man to assume 
 responsibility at such a crisis. Others say that his 
 impetuosity overcame his better judgment ; and of 
 this charge it is hard to acquit him. Bougainville 
 was but a few miles distant, and some of his troops 
 were much nearer ; a messenger sent by way of 
 Old Lorette could have reached him in an hour 
 and a half at most, and a combined attack in front 
 and rear might have been concerted with him. If, 
 moreover, Montcalm could have come to an under- 
 standing with Vaudreuil, his own force might have 
 been strengthened by two or three thousand addi- 
 tional men from the town and the camp of Beau- 
 port ; but he felt that there was no time to lose, 
 for he imagined that Wolfe would soon be rein- 
 forced, which was impossible, and he believed that 
 the English were fortifying themselves, which was 
 no less an error. He has been blamed not only 
 for fighting too soon, but for fighting at all. In 
 this he could not choose. Fight he must, for Wolfe 
 was now in a position to cut off all his supplies. 
 His men were full of ardor, and he resolved to 
 
294 THE HEIGHTS OE ABRAHAM. [1769. 
 
 attack before their ardor cooled. He spoke a few 
 words to them in his keen, vehement way. " I 
 remember very well how he looked," one of the 
 Canadians, then a boy of eighteen, used to say in his 
 old age ; " he rode a black or dark bay horse along 
 the front of our lines, brandishing his sword, as if 
 to excite us to do our duty. He wore a coat with 
 wide sleeves, which fell back as he raised his arm, 
 and showed the white linen of the wristband." * 
 
 The English waited the result with a composure 
 which, if not quite real, was at least well feigned. 
 The three field-pieces sent by Eamesay plied them 
 with canister-shot, and fifteen hundred Canadians 
 and Indians fusilladed them in front and flank. 
 Over all the plain, from behind bushes and knolls 
 and the edge of cornfields, puffs of smoke sprang 
 incessantly from the guns of these hidden marks- 
 men. Skirmishers were thrown out before the 
 lines to hold them in check, and the soldiers were 
 ordered to lie on the grass to avoid the shot. The 
 firing was liveliest on the English left, where 
 bands of sharpshooters got under the edge of the 
 declivity, among thickets, and behind scattered 
 houses, whence they killed and wounded a con- 
 siderable number of Townshend's men. The light 
 infantry were called up from the rear. The houses 
 were taken and retaken, and one or more of them 
 was burned. 
 
 Wolfe was everywhere. How cool he was, and 
 why his followers loved him, is shown by an inci- 
 dent that happened in the course of the morning. 
 
 1 Recollections of Joseph Trahan, in Revue Canadienne, IV. 856. 
 
1759.] THE CRISIS. 295 
 
 One of his captains was shot through the lungs ; 
 and on recovering consciousness he saw the Gen- 
 eral standing at his side. Wolfe pressed his hand, 
 told him not to despair, praised his services, prom- 
 ised him early promotion, and sent an aide-de-camp 
 to Monckton to beg that officer to keep the prom- 
 ise if he himself should fall. 1 
 
 It was towards ten o'clock when, from the high 
 ground on the right of the line, Wolfe saw that 
 the crisis was near. The French on the ridge had 
 formed themselves into three bodies, regulars in the 
 centre, regulars and Canadians on right and left. 
 Two field-pieces, which had been dragged up the 
 heights at Anse du Foulon, fired on them with 
 grape-shot, and the troops, rising from the ground, 
 prepared to receive them. In a few moments 
 more they were in motion. They came on rap- 
 idly, uttering loud shouts, and firing as soon as 
 they were within range. Their ranks, ill ordered 
 at the best, were further confused by a number 
 of Canadians who had been mixed among the 
 regulars, and who, after hastily firing, threw them- 
 selves on the ground to reload. 2 The British ad- 
 vanced a few rods ; then halted and stood still. 
 When the French were within forty paces the 
 word of command rang out, and a crash of mus- 
 ketry answered all along the line. The volley 
 was delivered with remarkable precision. In the 
 
 1 Sir Denis Le Marchant, cited by Wright, 579. Le Marchant knew 
 the captain in his old age. Monckton kept Wolfe's promise. 
 
 2 " Les Canadiens, qui etaient meles dans les bataillons, se presserent 
 de tirer et, des qu'ils l'eussent fait, de mettre ventre a terre pour charger, 
 ce qui rompit tout l'ordre." Malarlic a Bourlamaque, 25 Sept. 1759. 
 
296 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 battalions of the centre, which had suffered least 
 from the enemy's bullets, the simultaneous explo- 
 sion was afterwards said by French officers to 
 have sounded like a cannon-shot. Another volley 
 followed, and then a furious clattering fire that 
 lasted but a minute or two. When the smoke 
 rose, a miserable sight was revealed : the ground 
 cumbered with dead and wounded, the advancing 
 masses stopped short and turned into a frantic 
 mob, shouting, cursing, gesticulating. The order 
 was given to charge. Then over the field rose the 
 British cheer, mixed with the fierce yell of the 
 Highland slogan. Some of the corps pushed for- 
 ward with the bayonet ; some advanced firing. 
 The clansmen drew their broadswords and dashed 
 on, keen and swift as bloodhounds. At the Eng- 
 lish right, though the attacking column was broken 
 to pieces, a fire was still kept up, chiefly, it seems, 
 by sharpshooters from the bushes and cornfields, 
 where they had lain for an hour or more. Here 
 Wolfe himself led the charge, at the head of the 
 Louisbourg grenadiers. A shot shattered his wrist. 
 He wrapped his handkerchief about it and kept on. 
 Another shot struck him, and he still advanced, 
 when a third lodged in his breast. He staggered, 
 and sat on the ground. Lieutenant Brown, of the 
 grenadiers, one Henderson, a volunteer in the same 
 company, and a private soldier, aided by an officer 
 of artillery who ran to join them, carried him 
 in their arms to the rear. He begged them to 
 lay him down. They did so, and asked if he 
 would have a surgeon. " There 's no need," he 
 
1759.] FALL OF WOLFE AND MONTCALM. 297 
 
 answered ; " it 's all over with me." A moment 
 after, one of them cried out : " They run ; see 
 how they run ! " " Who run ? " Wolfe demanded, 
 like a man roused from sleep. " The enemy, sir. 
 Egad, they give way everywhere ! " " G-o, one of 
 you, to Colonel Burton," returned the dying man ; 
 " tell him to march Webb's regiment down to 
 Charles River, to cut off their retreat from the 
 bridge." Then, turning on his side, he murmured, 
 " Now, God be praised, I will die in peace ! " and 
 in a few moments his gallant soul had fled. 
 
 Montcalm, still on horseback, was borne with 
 the tide of fugitives towards the town. As he 
 approached the walls a shot passed through his 
 body. He kept his seat ; two soldiers supported 
 him, one on each side, and led his horse through 
 the St. Louis Gate. On the open space within, 
 among the excited crowd, were several women, 
 drawn, no doubt, by eagerness to know the result 
 of the fight. One of them recognized him, saw the 
 streaming blood, and shrieked, " mon Dieu ! 
 mon Dieu ! le Marquis est tue !" " It 's nothing, 
 it 's nothing," replied the death-stricken man ; 
 "don't be troubled for me, my good friends." 
 (" Ce nest rien, ce nest rien ; ne vous affligez pas 
 pour moi, ones bonnes amies.") 
 
 Note. — There are several contemporary versions of the dying words 
 of Wolfe. The report of Knox, given above, is by far the best attested. 
 Knox says that he took particular pains at the time to learn them ac- - 
 cnrately from those who were with Wolfe when they were uttered. 
 
 The anecdote of Montcalm is due to the late Hon. Malcolm Fraser, of 
 Quebec. He often heard it in his youth from an old woman, who, when 
 a girl, was one of the group who saw the wounded general led by, and to 
 whom the words were addressed. 
 
298 THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM. [1759. 
 
 Force of the English and French at the Battle of Quebec. — The tabular 
 return given by Knox shows the number of officers and men in each 
 corps engaged. According to this, the battalions as they stood on the 
 Plains of Abraham before the battle varied in strength from 322 (Monck- 
 ton's) to 683 (Webb's), making a total of 4,828, including officers. But 
 another return, less specific, signed George Townshend, Brigadier, makes 
 the entire number only 4,441. Townshend succeeded Wolfe in the com- 
 mand ; and this return, which is preserved in the Public Record Office, 
 was sent to London a few days after the battle. Some French writers 
 present put the number lower, perhaps for the reason that Webb's regi- 
 ment and the third battalion of Royal Americans took no part in the 
 fight, the one being in the rear as a reserve, and the other also invisible, 
 guarding the landing place. Wolfe's front line, which alone met and 
 turned the French attack, was made up as follows, the figures including 
 officers and men : — 
 
 Thirty-fifth Regiment ... 519 Twenty-eighth Regiment . . 421 
 
 Fifty-eighth " ... 335 Forty-seventh " . . 360 
 
 Seventy-eighth " ... 662 Forty-third " . . 327 
 
 Louisbourg Grenadiers . . 241 Light Infantry 400 
 
 Making a total of 3,265. 
 
 The French force engaged cannot be precisely given. Knox, on in- 
 formation received from " an intelligent Frenchman," states the number, 
 corps by corps, the aggregate being 7,520. This, on examination, plainly 
 appears exaggerated. Fraser puts it at 5,000; Townshend at 4,470, 
 including militia. Bigot says, 3,500, which may perhaps be as many as 
 actuaUy advanced to the attack, since some of the militia held back. 
 Including Bougainville's command, the militia and artillerymen left in 
 the Beauport camp, the sailors at the town batteries, and the garrison of 
 Quebec, at least as many of the French were out of the battle as were in 
 it.; and the numbers engaged on each side seem to have been about equal. 
 
 For authorities of the foregoing chapter, see Appendix I. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIH. 
 
 1759. 
 
 FALL OF QUEBEC. 
 
 Aiteb the Battle. — Canadians resist the Pursuit. — Arrival 
 of Vaudreuil. — Scene in the Redoubt. — Panic. — Movement* 
 op the Victors. — Vaudreuil's Council of War. — Precipi- 
 tate Retreat of the French Army. — Last Hours of Mont- 
 calm. — His Death and Burial. — Quebec abandoned to its 
 Fate. — Despair of the Garrison. — Levis joins the Army. — 
 Attempts to relieve the Town. — Surrender. — The British 
 occupy Quebec. — Slanders of Vaudreuil. — Reception in 
 England of the News of Wolfe's Victory and Death. — 
 Prediction of Jonathan Mayhew. 
 
 " Never was rout more complete than that of 
 our army," says a French official. 1 It was the 
 more so because Montcalm held no troops in re- 
 serve, but launched his whole force at once against 
 the English. Nevertheless there was some resist- 
 ance to the pursuit. It came chiefly from the 
 Canadians, many of whom had not advanced with 
 the regulars to the attack. Those on the right 
 wing, instead of doing so, threw themselves into 
 an extensive tract of bushes, that lay in front of 
 the English left ; and from this cover they opened 
 a fire, too distant for much effect, till the victors- 
 advanced in their turn, when the shot of the hidden 
 marksmen told severely upon them. Two battal- 
 ions, therefore, deployed before the bushes, fired 
 volleys into them, and drove their occupants out. 
 
 1 Daine au Ministre, 9 Oct. 1759. 
 
300 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 Again, those of the Canadians who, before the 
 main battle began, attacked the English left from 
 the brink of the plateau towards the St. Charles, 
 withdrew when the rout took place, and ran along 
 the edge of the declivity till, at the part of it called 
 Cote Ste.-Genevieve, they came to a place where 
 it was overgrown with thickets. Into these they 
 threw themselves; and were no sooner under 
 cover than they faced about to fire upon the High- 
 landers, who presently came up. As many of 
 these mountaineers, according to their old custom, 
 threw down their muskets when they charged, and 
 had no weapons but their broadswords, they tried 
 in vain to dislodge the marksmen, and suffered 
 greatly in the attempt. Other troops came to 
 their aid, cleared the thickets, after stout resist- 
 ance, and drove their occupants across the meadow 
 to the bridge of boats. The conduct of the Cana- 
 dians at the Cote Ste.-Genevieve went far to atone 
 for the shortcomings of some of them on the 
 battle-field. 
 
 A part of the fugitives escaped into the town by 
 the gates of St. Louis and St. John, while the 
 greater number fled along the front of the ram- 
 parts, rushed down the declivity to the suburb of 
 St. Roch, and ran over the meadows to the bridge, 
 protected by the cannon of the town and the 
 two armed hulks in the river. The rout had but 
 just begun when Vaudreuil crossed the bridge 
 from the camp of Beauport. It was four hours 
 since he first heard the alarm, and his quarters 
 were not much more than two miles from the 
 
1759.] AEEIVAL OF VAUDREUIL. 301 
 
 battle-field. He does not explain why he did not 
 come sooner; it is certain that his coming was 
 well timed to throw the blame on Montcalm in 
 case of defeat, or to claim some of the honor 
 for himself in case of victory. " Monsieur the 
 Marquis of Montcalm," he says, "unfortunately 
 made his attack before I had joined him." 1 His 
 joining him could have done no good ; for though 
 he had at last brought with him the rest of the 
 militia from the Beauport camp, they had come 
 no farther than the bridge over the St. Charles, 
 having, as he alleges, been kept there by an un- 
 authorized order from the chief of staff, Mon- 
 treuil. 2 He declares that the regulars were in 
 such a fright that he could not stop them ; but 
 that the Canadians listened to his voice, and that 
 it was he who rallied them at the Cote Ste.-Gene- 
 vieve. Of this the evidence is his own word. 
 From other accounts it would appear that the 
 Canadians rallied themselves. Vaudreuil lost no 
 time in recrossing the bridge and joining the mili- 
 tia in the redoubt at the farther end, where a 
 crowd of fugitives soon poured in after him. 
 
 The aide-de-camp Johnstone, mounted on horse- 
 back, had stopped for a moment in what is now 
 the suburb of St. John to encourage some soldiers 
 who were trying to save a cannon that had stuck 
 fast in a marshy hollow ; when, on spurring his 
 horse to the higher ground, he saw within musket- 
 shot a long line of British troops, who immediately 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 21 Sept. 1759. 
 
 2 Ibid., 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
302 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 fired upon him. The bullets whistled about his 
 ears, tore his clothes, and wounded his horse ; 
 which, however, carried him along the edge of the 
 declivity to a windmill, near which was a roadway 
 to a bakehouse on the meadow below. He de- 
 scended, crossed the meadow, reached the bridge, 
 and rode over it to the great redoubt or hornwork 
 that guarded its head. 
 
 The place was full of troops and Canadians in 
 a wild panic. " It is impossible," says Johnstone, 
 "to imagine the disorder and confusion I found 
 in the hornwork. Consternation was general. 
 M. de Vaudreuil listened to everybody, and was 
 always of the opinion of him who spoke last. 
 On the appearance of the English troops on the 
 plain by the bakehouse, Montguet and La Motte, 
 two old captains in the regiment of Beam, cried 
 out with vehemence to M. de Vaudreuil 'that the 
 hornwork would be taken in an instant by as- 
 sault, sword in hand ; that we all should be cut 
 to pieces without quarter; and that nothing would 
 save us but an immediate and general capitula- 
 tion of Canada, giving it up to the English.' " * 
 Yet the river was wide and deep, and the horn- 
 work was protected on the water side by strong 
 palisades, with cannon. Nevertheless there rose 
 a general cry to cut the bridge of boats. By 
 doing so more than half the army, who had not 
 yet crossed, would have been sacrificed. The 
 
 1 Confirmed by Journal tenu a I'Armee, etc. "Divers officiers des 
 troupes de terre n'he'siterent point a dire, tout haut en presence du soldat, 
 qu'il ne nous restoit d'autre ressource que celle de capituler promptement 
 pour toute la colonie," etc. 
 
1759.] SCENE HS T THE REDOUBT. 303 
 
 axemen were already at work, when they were 
 stopped by some officers who had not lost their wits. 
 
 "M. de Vaudreuil," pursues Johnstone, "was 
 closeted in a house in the inside of the hornwork 
 with the Intendant and some other persons. I 
 suspected they were busy drafting the articles 
 for a general capitulation, and I entered the 
 house, where I had only time to see the Intend- 
 ant, with a pen in his hand, writing upon a sheet 
 of paper, when M. de Vaudreuil told me I had no 
 business there. Having answered him that what 
 he had said was true, I retired immediately, in 
 wrath to see them intent on giving up so scandal- 
 ously a dependency for the preservation of which 
 so much blood and treasure had been expended." 
 On going out he met Lieutenant-colonels Dalquier 
 and Poulariez, whom he begged to prevent the 
 apprehended disgrace; and, in fact, if Vaudreuil 
 really meant to capitulate for the colony, he was 
 presently dissuaded by firmer spirits than his own. 
 
 Johnstone, whose horse could carry him no 
 farther, set out on foot for Beauport, and, in his 
 own words, "continued sorrowfully jogging on, 
 with a very heavy heart for the loss of my dear 
 friend M. de Montcalm, sinking with weariness, 
 and lost in reflection upon the changes which 
 Providence had brought about in the space of 
 three or four hours." 
 
 Great indeed were these changes. Montcalm 
 was dying ; his second in command, the Brigadier 
 Senezergues, was mortally wounded; the army, 
 routed and demoralized, was virtually without a 
 
304 FAIL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 head; and the colony, yesterday cheered as on 
 the eve of deliverance, was plunged into sudden 
 despair. " Ah, what a cruel day ! " cries Bou- 
 gainville; "how fatal to all that was dearest to 
 us ! My heart is torn in its most tender parts. 
 We shall be fortunate if the approach of winter 
 saves the country from total ruin." 1 
 
 The victors were fortifying themselves on the 
 field of battle. Like the French, they had lost 
 two generals ; for Monckton, second in rank, was 
 disabled by a musket-shot, and the command had 
 fallen upon Townshend at the moment when the 
 enemy were in full flight. He had recalled the 
 pursuers, and formed them again in line of battle, 
 knowing that another foe was at hand. Bougain- 
 ville, in fact, appeared at noon . from Cap-Rouge 
 with about two thousand men; but withdrew on 
 seeing double that force prepared to receive him. 
 He had not heard till eight o'clock that the Eng- 
 lish were on the Plains of Abraham; and the 
 delay of his arrival was no doubt due to his 
 endeavors to collect as many as possible of his 
 detachments posted along the St. Lawrence for 
 many miles towards Jacques-Cartier. 
 
 Before midnight the English had made good 
 progress in their redoubts and intrenchments, had 
 .brought cannon up the heights to defend them, 
 planted a battery on the Cote Ste.-Genevieve, 
 descended into the meadows of the St. Charles, 
 and taken possession of the General Hospital, 
 with its crowds of sick and wounded. Their 
 
 1 Bougainville a Bourlamaque, 18 Sept. 1759. 
 
1759.] COUNCIL OF WAR. 305 
 
 victory had cost them six hundred and sixty-four 
 of all ranks, killed, wounded, and missing. The 
 French loss is placed by Vaudreuil at about six 
 hundred and forty, and by the English official 
 reports at about fifteen hundred. Measured by 
 the numbers engaged, tbe battle of Quebec was 
 but a heavy skirmish ; measured by results, it was 
 one of the great battles of the world. 
 
 Yaudreuil went from the hornwork to his quar- 
 ters on the Beauport road and called a council of 
 war. It was a tumultuous scene. A letter was 
 despatched to Quebec to ask advice of Montcalm. 
 The dying General sent a brief message to the 
 effect that there was a threefold choice, — to fight 
 again, retreat to Jacques-Cartier, or give up the 
 colony. There was much in favor of fighting. 
 When Bougainville had gathered all his force 
 from the river above, he would have three thou- 
 sand men; and these, joined to the garrison of 
 Quebec, the sailors at the batteries, and the mil- 
 itia and artillerymen of the Beauport camp, would 
 form a body of fresh soldiers more than equal to 
 the English then on the Plains of Abraham. Add 
 to these the defeated troops, and the victors would 
 be greatly outnumbered. 1 Bigot gave his voice for 
 
 1 Bigot, as well as Vaudreuil, sets Bougainville's force at three thou- 
 sand. " En reunissant le corps de M. de Bougainville, les bataillons de Mon- 
 treal [laisses au camp de Beauport] et la garnison de la ville, il nous restoit 
 encore pres de 5,000 hommes de troupes fraiches." Journal tenu a I'Armee. 
 Vaudreuil says that there were fifteen hundred men in garrison at Quebec 
 who did not take part in the battle. If this is correct, the number of fresh 
 troops after it was not five thousand, but more than six thousand ; to whom 
 the defeated force is to be added, making, after deducting killed and 
 wounded, some ten thousand in all. 
 vol. ii. — 20 
 
306 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 fighting. Vaudreuil expressed himself to the same 
 elect ; but he says that all the officers were against 
 him. "In vain I remarked to these gentlemen 
 that we were superior to the enemy, and should 
 beat them if we managed well. I could not at 
 all change their opinion, and my love for the ser- 
 vice and for the colony made me subscribe to the 
 views of the council. In fact, if I had attacked 
 the English against the advice of all the principal 
 officers, their ill-will would have exposed me to 
 the risk of losing the battle and the colony also." 1 
 It was said at the time that the officers voted 
 for retreat because they thought Vaudreuil unfit 
 to command an army, and, still more, to fight a 
 battle. 2 There was no need, however, to fight 
 at once. The object of the English was to take 
 Quebec, and that of Vaudreuil should have been 
 to keep it. By a march of a few miles he could 
 have joined Bougainville ; and by then intrenching 
 himself at or near Ste.-Foy he would have placed 
 a greatly superior force in the English rear, where 
 his position might have been made impregnable. 
 Here he might be easily furnished with provisions, 
 and from hence he could readily throw men and 
 supplies into Quebec, which the English were too 
 few to invest. He could harass the besiegers, 
 or attack them, should opportunity offer, and 
 either raise the siege or so protect it that they 
 would be forced by approaching winter to sail 
 homeward, robbed of the fruit of their victory. 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 3 Memoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. 
 
1759.] QUEBEC ABANDONED. 307 
 
 At least he might have taken a night for re- 
 flection. He was safe behind the St. Charles. 
 The English, spent by fighting, toil, and want of 
 sleep, were in no condition to disturb him. A 
 part of his own men were in deadly need of rest ; 
 the night would have brought refreshment, and 
 the morning might have brought wise counsel. 
 Vaudreuil would not wait, and orders were given 
 at once for retreat. 1 It began at nine o'clock that 
 evening. Quebec was abandoned to its fate. The 
 cannon were left in the lines of Beauport, the tents 
 in the encampments, and provisions enough in the 
 storehouses to supply the army for a week. " The 
 loss of the Marquis de Montcalm," says a French 
 officer then on the spot, " robbed his successors 
 of their senses, and they thought of nothing but 
 flight ; such was their fear that the enemy would 
 attack the intrenchments the next day. The 
 army abandoned the camp in such disorder that 
 the like was never known." 2 " It was not a 
 retreat," says Johnstone, who was himself a part 
 of it, " but an abominable flight, with such disorder 
 and confusion that, had the English known" it, 
 three hundred men sent after us would have been 
 sufficient to cut all our army to pieces. The 
 soldiers were all mixed, scattered, dispersed, and 
 running as hard as they could, as if the English 
 army were at their heels." They passed Charles- 
 bourg, Lorette, and St. Augustin, till, on the 
 fifteenth, they found rest on the impregnable hill 
 
 1 Livre d'Ordres, Ordre du 13 Sept. 1759. 
 
 2 Foligny, Journal memoratif. 
 
308 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1750. 
 
 of Jacques-Cartier, by the brink of the St. Law- 
 rence, thirty miles from danger. 
 
 In the night of humiliation when Vaudreuil 
 abandoned Quebec, Montcalm was breathing his 
 last within its walls. When he was brought 
 wounded from the field, he was placed in the 
 house of the Surgeon Arnoux, who was then with 
 Bourlamaque at Isle-aux-Noix, but whose younger 
 brother, also a surgeon, examined the wound and 
 pronounced it mortal. " I am glad of it," Mont- 
 calm said quietly ; and then asked how long he 
 had to live. " Twelve hours, more or less," was 
 the reply. " So much the better," he returned. 
 " I am happy that I shall not live to see the sur- 
 render of Quebec." He is reported to have said 
 that since he had lost the battle it consoled him 
 to have been defeated by so brave an enemy ; and 
 some of his last words were in praise of bis succes- 
 sor, Levis, for whose talents and fitness for com- 
 mand he expressed high esteem. When Vaudreuil 
 sent to ask his opinion, he gave it ; but when 
 Ramesay, commandant of the garrison, came to 
 receive his orders, he replied : " I will neither give 
 orders nor interfere any further. I have much 
 business that must be attended to, of greater 
 moment than your ruined garrison and this 
 wretched country. My time is very short ; there- 
 fore pray leave me. I wish you all comfort, and 
 to be happily extricated from your present per- 
 plexities." Nevertheless he thought to the last 
 of' those who had been under his command, and 
 sent the following note to Brigadier Townshend : 
 
1759.] BURIAL OF MONTCALM. 309 
 
 " Monsieur, the humanity of the English sets my 
 mind at peace concerning the fate of the French 
 prisoners and the Canadians. Feel towards them 
 as they have caused me to feel. Do not let them 
 perceive that they have changed masters. Be 
 their protector as I have been their father." 1 
 
 Bishop Pontbriand, himself fast sinking with 
 mortal disease, attended his death-bed and admin- 
 istered the last sacraments. He died peacefully at 
 four o'clock on the morning of the fourteenth. He 
 was in his forty-eighth year. 
 
 In the confusion of the time no workman could 
 be found to make a coffin, and an old servant 
 of the Ursulines, known as Bonhomme Michel, 
 gathered a few boards and nailed them together 
 so as to form a rough box. In it was laid the 
 body of the dead soldier ; and late in the evening 
 of the same day he was carried to his rest. There 
 was no tolling of bells or firing of cannon. The 
 officers of the garrison followed the bier, and some 
 of the populace, including women and children, 
 joined the procession as it moved in dreary silence 
 along the dusky street, shattered with cannon-ball 
 and bomb, to the chapel of the Ursuline convent. 
 Here a shell, bursting under the floor, had made 
 a cavity which had been hollowed into a grave. 
 Three priests of the Cathedral, several nuns, 
 Ramesay ,with his officers, and a throng of towns- 
 people were present at the rite. After the service 
 
 1 I am indebted to Abbe" Eois for a copy of this note. The last words 
 of Montcalm, as above, are reported partly by Johnstone, and partly by 
 Knox. 
 
310 FALL OF QUEBEC. 1 1759. 
 
 and the chant, the body was lowered into - the 
 grave by the light of torches; and then, says 
 the chronicle, " the tears and sobs burst forth. It 
 seemed as if the last hope of the colony were 
 buried with the remains of the General." 1 In 
 truth, the funeral of Montcalm was the funeral of 
 New France. 2 
 
 It was no time for grief. The demands of the 
 hour were too exigent and stern. When, on the 
 morning after the battle, the people of Quebec saw 
 the tents standing in the camp of Beauport, they 
 thought the army still there to defend them. 3 
 Ramesay knew that the hope was vain. On the 
 evening before, Vaudreuil had sent two hasty 
 notes to tell him of his flight. " The position of 
 the enemy," wrote the Governor, "becomes stronger 
 every instant ; and tbis, with other reasons, obliges 
 me to retreat." " I have received all your letters. 
 As I set out this moment, I pray you not to write 
 again. You shall hear from me to-morrow. I 
 wish you good evening." With these notes came 
 the following order : " M. de Ramesay is not to 
 wait till the enemy carries the town by assault. As 
 soon as provisions fail, he will raise the white flag." 
 This order was accompanied by a memorandum of 
 terms which Ramesay was to ask of the victors. 4 
 
 "What a blow for me," says the unfortunate 
 commandant, "to find myself abandoned so soon 
 
 1 Ursulines de Quebec, III. 10. 
 
 2 See Appendix J. 
 
 8 Memoire du Sieur de Ramesay. 
 
 i M€moire pour servir d' Instruction a M. de Ramesay, 13 Sept. 1759. 
 Appended, with the foregoing notes, to the Memoire de Ramesay. 
 
1759.] FIGHT, OR SURRENDER? 31 1 
 
 by the arcny, -which alone could defend the town!" 
 His garrison consisted of between one and two 
 hundred troops of the line, some four or five hun- 
 dred colony troops, a considerable number of sail- 
 ors, and the local militia. 1 These last were in a 
 state of despair. The inhabitants who, during the 
 siege, had sought refuge in the suburb of St. Eoch, 
 had returned after the battle, and there were now 
 twenty-six hundred women and children, with 
 about a thousand invalids and other non-combat- 
 ants to be supported, though the provisions in the 
 town, even at half rations, would hardly last a 
 week. Ramesay had not been informed that a 
 good supply was left in the camps of Beauport ; 
 and when he heard at last that it was there, and 
 sent out parties to get it, they found that the 
 Indians and the famished country people had 
 carried it off. 
 
 "Despondency," he says again, "was complete; 
 discouragement extreme and universal. Murmurs 
 and complaints against the army that had aban- 
 doned us rose to a general outcry. I could not 
 prevent the merchants, all of whom were officers 
 of the town militia, from meeting at the house 
 of M. Daine, the mayor. There they declared for 
 capitulating, and presented me a petition to that 
 effect, signed by M. Daine and all the principal 
 citizens." 
 
 Ramesay called a council of war. One officer 
 alone, Fiedmont, captain of artillery, was for 
 
 1 The English returns give a total of 615 French regulars in the place 
 besides sailors and militia. 
 
312 FALL OF QUEBEC. L"59. 
 
 reducing the rations still more, and holding out to 
 the last. All the others gave their voices for cap- 
 itulation. 1 Ramesay might have yielded without 
 dishonor ; but he still held out till an event fraught 
 with new hope took place at Jacques-Cartier. 
 
 This event was the arrival of Levis. On the 
 afternoon of the battle Vaudreuil took one rational 
 step; he sent a courier to Montreal to summon 
 that able officer to his aid. 2 Le"vis set out at once, 
 reached Jacques-Cartier, and found his worst fears 
 realized. " The great number of fugitives that I 
 began to meet at Three Rivers prepared me for 
 the disorder in which I found the army. I never 
 in my life knew the like of it. They left every- 
 thing behind in the camp at Beauport ; tents, bag- 
 gage, and kettles." 
 
 He spoke his mind freely ; loudly blamed the 
 retreat, and urged Vaudreuil to march back with 
 all speed to whence he came. 3 The Governor, stiff 
 at ordinary times, but pliant at a crisis, welcomed 
 the firmer mind that decided for him, consented 
 that the troops should return, and wrote after- 
 wards in his despatch to the Minister : " I was 
 much charmed to find M. de Levis disposed to 
 march with the army towards Quebec." i 
 
 Levis, on his part, wrote : " The condition in 
 which I found the army, bereft of everything, did 
 
 1 Copie du Conseil de Guerre term -par M. de Ramesay a Quebec, 15 Sept. 
 1759. 
 
 2 Levis a Bourlamaque, 15 Sept. 1759. Levis, Guerre du Canada. 
 
 8 Bigot au Ministre, 15 Oct. 1759. Malartic a Bourlamaque, 28 Sept 
 1759. 
 
 4 " Je fus bien charme"," etc. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
1759.] PLANS OF L&VIS. 313 
 
 not discourage me, because M. de Vaudreuil told 
 me that Quebec was not taken, and that he had 
 left there a sufficiently numerous garrison ; I there- 
 fore resolved, in order to repair the fault that had 
 been committed, to engage M. de Vaudreuil to 
 march the army back to the relief of the place. I 
 represented to him that this was the only way to 
 prevent the complete defection of the Canadians 
 and Indians ; that our knowledge of the country 
 would enable us to approach very near the enemy, 
 whom we knew to be intrenching themselves on 
 the heights of Quebec and constructing batteries 
 to breach the walls ; that if we found their army 
 ill posted, we could attack them, or, at any rate, 
 could prolong the siege by throwing men and sup- 
 plies into the town ; and that if we could not save 
 it, we could evacuate and burn it, so that the 
 enemy could not possibly winter there." 1 
 
 Levis quickly made his presence felt in the 
 military chaos about him. Bigot bestirred him- 
 self with his usual vigor to collect provisions; 
 and before the next morning all was ready. 2 
 Bougainville had taken no part in the retreat, 
 but sturdily held his ground at Cap-Rouge while 
 the fugitive mob swept by him. A hundred of 
 the mounted Canadians who formed part of his 
 command were now sent to Quebec, each with 
 a bag of biscuit across his saddle. They were to 
 circle round to the Beauport side, where there 
 was no enemy, and whence they could cross the 
 
 1 Levis au Ministre, 10 Nov. 1759. 
 
 * Livre d'Ordres, Ordre du 17-18 Sept. 1759. 
 
314 FALL OF QUEBEC. [175ft 
 
 St. Charles in canoes to the town. Bougainville 
 followed close with a larger supply. Vaudreuil 
 sent Ramesay a message, revoking his order to 
 surrender if threatened with assault, telling him 
 to hold out to the last, and assuring him that 
 the whole army was coming to his relief. LeVis 
 hastened to be gone ; but first he found time to 
 write a few lines to Bourlamaque. "We have had 
 a very great loss, for we have lost M. de Montcalm. 
 I regret him as my general and my friend. I 
 found our army here. It is now on the march to 
 retrieve our fortunes. I can trust you to hold 
 your position; as I have not M. de Montcalm's 
 talents, I look to you to second me and advise me. 
 Put a good face on it. Hide this business as long 
 as you can. I am mounting my horse this moment. 
 Write me all the news." 1 
 
 The army marched that morning, the eighteenth. 
 In the evening it reached St. Augustin ; and here 
 it was stopped by the chilling news that Quebec 
 had surrendered. 
 
 Utter confusion had reigned in the disheartened 
 garrison. Men deserted hourly, some to the country, 
 and some to the English camp ; while Townshend 
 pushed his trenches nearer and nearer to the walls, 
 in spite of the cannonade with which Piedmont 
 and his artillerymen tried to check them. On the- 
 evening of the seventeenth, the English ships of 
 war moved towards the Lower Town, and a column 
 of troops was seen approaching over the meadows- 
 of the St. Charles, as if to storm the Palace Gate.. 
 
 1 Levis a Bourlamaque, 18 Sept. 1759. 
 
1759.] CAPITULATION. 315 
 
 The drums beat the alarm ; but the militia refused 
 to fight. Their officers came to Ramesay in a 
 body ; declared that they had no mind to sustain 
 an assault ; that they knew he had orders against 
 it ; that they would carry their guns back to the 
 arsenal ; that they were no longer soldiers, but 
 citizens ; that if the army had not abandoned them 
 they would fight with as much spirit as ever ; but 
 that they would not get themselves killed to no 
 purpose. The town-major, Joannes, in a rage, 
 beat two of them with the flat of his sword. 
 
 The white flag was raised ; Joannes pulled it 
 down, thinking, or pretending to think, that it 
 was raised without authority ; but Ramesay pres- 
 ently ordered him to go to the English camp and 
 get what terms he could. He went, through driv- 
 ing rain, to the quarters of Townshend, and, in 
 hope of the promised succor, spun out the negoti- 
 ation to the utmost, pretended that he had no 
 power to yield certain points demanded, and was 
 at last sent back to confer with Ramesay, under a 
 promise from the English commander that, if Que- 
 bec were not given up before eleven o'clock, he 
 would take it by storm. On this Ramesay signed 
 the articles, and Joannes carried them back within 
 the time prescribed. Scarcely had he left the 
 town, when the Canadian horsemen appeared with 
 their sacks of biscuit and a renewed assurance 
 that help was near ; but it was too late. Ramesay 
 had surrendered, and would not break his word- 
 He dreaded an assault, which he knew he could 
 not withstand, and he but half believed in the- 
 
316 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 promised succor. " How could I trust it ? " he asks. 
 " The army had not dared to face the enemy be- 
 fore he had fortified himself ; and could I hope 
 that it would come to attack him in an intrenched 
 camp, defended by a formidable artillery ? " What- 
 ever may be thought of his conduct, it was to 
 Vaudreuil, and not to him, that the loss of Quebec 
 was due. 
 
 The conditions granted were favorable, for 
 Townshend knew the danger of his position, and 
 was glad to have Quebec on any terms. The 
 troops and sailors of the garrison were to march 
 out of the place with the honors of war, and to be 
 carried to France. The inhabitants were to have 
 protection in person and property, and free exer- 
 cise of religion. 1 
 
 In the afternoon a company of artillerymen 
 with a field-piece entered the town, and marched 
 to the place of arms, followed by a body of in- 
 fantry. Detachments took post at all the gates. 
 The British flag was raised on the heights near 
 the top of Mountain Street, and the capital of 
 New France passed into the hands of its heredi- 
 tary foes. The question remained, should they 
 keep, or destroy it ? It was resolved to keep it at 
 every risk. The marines, the grenadiers from 
 Louisbourg, and some of the rangers were to re- 
 imbark in the fleet ; while the ten battalions, with 
 the artillery and one company of rangers, were 
 to remain behind, bide the Canadian winter, and 
 defend the ruins of Quebec against the efforts of 
 
 1 Articles de Capitulation, 18 Sept. 1759 
 
1759.] SLANDERS OF VAUDREUIL. 317 
 
 Levis. Monckton, the oldest brigadier, was disa- 
 bled by his wound, and could not stay; while 
 Townshend returned home, to parade his laurels 
 and claim more than his share of the honors of 
 victory. 1 The command, therefore, rested with 
 Murray. 
 
 The troops were not idle. Levelling their own 
 field-works, repairing the defences of the town, 
 storing provisions sent ashore from the fleet, mak- 
 ing fascines, and cutting firewood, busied them 
 through the autumn days bright with sunshine, 
 or dark and chill with premonition of the bitter 
 months to come. Admiral Saunders put off his 
 departure longer than he had once thought possi- 
 ble ; and it was past the middle of October when 
 he fired a parting salute, and sailed down the 
 river with his fleet. In it was the ship "Royal 
 William," carrying the embalmed remains of 
 Wolfe. 
 
 Montcalm lay in his soldier's grave before the 
 humble altar of the Ursulines, never more to see 
 the home for which he yearned, the wife, mother, 
 and children whom he loved, the olive-trees and 
 chestnut-groves of bis beloved Candiac. He slept 
 in peace among triumphant enemies, who respected 
 his memory, though they hardly knew his resting- 
 place. It was left for a fellow-countryman — a 
 colleague and a brother-in-arms — to belittle his 
 achievements and blacken his name. The jealous 
 
 1 Letter to an Honourable Brigadier- General [Townshend], printed iu 
 1760. A Refutation soon after appeared, angry, but not conclusive. 
 Other replies will be found in the Imperial Magazine for 1760. 
 
318 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 spite of Vaudreuil pursued him even in death. 
 Leaving LeVis to command at Jacques-Cartier, 
 whither the army had again withdrawn, the Gov- 
 ernor retired to Montreal, whence he wrote a 
 series of despatches to justify himself at the ex- 
 pense of others, and ahove all of the slain gen- 
 eral, against whom his accusations were never 
 so bitter as now, when the lips were cold that 
 could have answered them. First, he threw on 
 Ramesay all the blame of the surrender of Quebec. 
 Then he addressed himself to his chief task, the 
 defamation of his unconscious rival. " The letter 
 that you wrote in cipher, on the tenth of Febru- 
 ary, to Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm and 
 me, in common, 1 flattered his self-love to such a 
 degree that, far from seeking conciliation, he did 
 nothing but try to persuade the public that his 
 authority surpassed mine. From the moment of 
 Monsieur de Montcalm's arrival in this colony, 
 down to that of his death, he did not cease to 
 sacrifice everything to his boundless ambition. 
 He sowed dissension among the troops, tolerated 
 the most indecent talk against the government, 
 attached to himself the most disreputable persons, 
 used means to corrupt the most virtuous, and, 
 when he could not succeed, became their cruel 
 enemy. He wanted to be Governor-General. He 
 privately flattered with favors and promises of 
 patronage every officer of the colony troops who 
 adopted his ideas. He spared no pains to gain 
 over the people of whatever calling, and per- 
 
 1 See ante, p. 167. 
 
1759.] SLANDERS OF VAUDREUIL. 319 
 
 suade them of his attachment ; while, either by 
 himself or by means of the troops of the line, he 
 made them bear the most frightful yoke (le joug 
 le plus affreux). He defamed honest people, en- 
 couraged insubordination, and closed his eyes to 
 the rapine of his soldiers." 
 
 This letter was written to Vaudreuil's official 
 superior and confidant, the Minister of the Marine 
 and Colonies. In another letter, written about 
 the same time to the Minister of War, who held 
 similar relations to his rival, he declares that he 
 " greatly regretted Monsieur de Montcalm." 1 
 
 His charges are strange ones from a man who 
 was by turns the patron, advocate, and tool of the 
 official villains who cheated the King and plun- 
 dered the people. Bigot, Cadet, and the rest of 
 the harpies that preyed on Canada looked to Vau- 
 dreuil for support, and found it. It was but three 
 or four weeks since he had written to the Court in 
 high eulogy of Bigot and effusive praise of Cadet, 
 coupled with the request that a patent of nobility 
 should be given to that notorious public thief. 2 
 The corruptions which disgraced his government 
 were rife, not only in the civil administration, 
 but also among the officers of the colony troops, 
 over whom he had complete control. They did 
 not, as has been seen already, extend to the offi- 
 cers of the line, who were outside the circle of 
 peculation. It was these who were the habitual 
 associates of Montcalm ; and when Vaudreuil 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Guerre, 1 Nov. 1759. 
 
 2 See ante, p. 31. 
 
320 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 charges him with " attaching to himself the most 
 disreputable persons, and using means to corrupt 
 the most virtuous," the true interpretation of his 
 words is that the former were disreputable because 
 they disliked him (the Governor), and the latter 
 virtuous because they were his partisans. 
 
 Vaudreuil continues thus : "I -am in despair, ' 
 Monseigneur, to be under the necessity of painting 
 you such a portrait after death of Monsieur the 
 Marquis of Montcalm. Though it contains the 
 exact truth, I would have deferred it if his personal 
 hatred to me were alone to be considered ; but I 
 feel too deeply the loss of the colony to hide from 
 you the cause of it. I can assure you that if I 
 had been the sole master, Quebec would still belong 
 to the King, and that nothing is so disadvanta- 
 geous in a colony as a division of authority and 
 the mingling of troops of the line with marine 
 [colony'] troops. Thoroughly knowing Monsieur 
 de Montcalm, I did not doubt in the least that 
 unless I condescended to all his wishes, he would 
 succeed in ruining Canada and wrecking all my 
 plans." 
 
 He then charges the dead man with losing the 
 battle of Quebec by attacking before he, the Gover- 
 nor, arrived to take command ; and this, he says, 
 was due to Montcalm's absolute determination 
 to exercise independent authority, without caring 
 whether the colony was saved or lost. " I cannot 
 hide from you, Monseigneur, that if he had had his 
 way in past years Oswego and Fort George [ Wil- 
 liam Henry] would never have been attacked or 
 
1759.J SLANDERS OF VAUDREUIL. 321 
 
 taken ; and lie owed the success at Ticonderoga to 
 the orders I had given hirn." 1 Montcalm, on the 
 other hand, declared at the time that Vaudreuil 
 had ordered him not to risk a battle, and that it 
 was only through his disobedience that Ticonderoga 
 was saved. 
 
 Ten days later Vaudreuil wrote again : " I have 
 already had the honor, by my letter written in 
 cipher on the thirtieth of last month, to give you a 
 sketch of the character of Monsieur the Marquis of 
 Montcalm j but I have just been informed of a 
 stroke so black that I think, Monseigneur, that I 
 should fail in my duty to you if I did not tell you 
 of it." He goes on to say that, a little before his 
 death, and " no doubt in fear of the fate that befell 
 him," Montcalm placed in the hands of Father 
 Roubaud, missionary at St. Francis, two packets of 
 papers containing remarks on the administration 
 of the colony, and especially on the manner in 
 which the military posts were furnished with sup- 
 plies ; that these observations were accompanied 
 by certificates ; and that they involved charges 
 against him, the Governor, of complicity in pecula- 
 tion. Roubaud, he continues, was to send these 
 papers to France; "but now, Monseigneur, that 
 you are informed about them, I feel no anxiety, 
 and I am sure that the King will receive no im- 
 pression from them without acquainting himself 
 with their truth or falsity." 
 
 Vaudreuil's anxiety was natural ; and so was the 
 action of Montcalm in making known to the Court 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, SO Oct. 1759. 
 VOL. II. — 21 
 
322 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 the outrageous abuses that threatened the King's 
 service with ruin. His doing so was necessary, 
 both for his own justification and for the public 
 good ; and afterwards, when Vaudreuil and others 
 were brought to trial at Paris, and when one of 
 the counsel for the defence charged the late general 
 with slanderously accusing his clients, the Court 
 ordered the charge to be struck from the record. 1 
 The papers the existence of which, if they did exist, 
 so terrified Vaudreuil, have thus far escaped re- 
 search. But the correspondence of the two rivals 
 with the chiefs of the departments on which they 
 severally depended is in large measure preserved ; 
 and while that of the Governor is filled with defa- 
 mation of Montcalm and praise of himself, that of 
 the General is neither egotistic nor abusive. The 
 faults of Montcalm have sufficiently appeared. 
 They were those of an impetuous, excitable, and 
 impatient nature, by no means free from either 
 ambition or vanity; but they were never incon- 
 sistent with the character of a man of honor. His 
 impulsive utterances, reported, by retainers and 
 sycophants, kept Vaudreuil in a state of chronic 
 rage ; and, void as he was of all magnanimity, 
 gnawed with undying jealousy, and mortally in 
 dread of being compromised by the knaveries to 
 which he had lent his countenance, he could not 
 contain himself within the bounds of decency or 
 sense. In another letter he had the baseness to 
 say that Montcalm met his death in trying to 
 escape from the English. 
 
 1 Proces de Bigot, Cadet, et autres. 
 
1759.] NEWS OF VICTORY. 323 
 
 Among the Governor's charges are some which 
 cannot be flatly denied. When he accuses his rival 
 of haste and precipitation in attacking the English 
 army, he touches a fair subject of criticism ; but, 
 as a whole, he is as false in his detraction of Mont- 
 calm as in his praises of Bigot and Cadet. 
 
 The letter which Wolfe sent to Pitt a few days 
 before his death, written in what may be called a 
 spirit of resolute despair, and representing success 
 as almost hopeless, filled England with a dejection 
 that found utterance in loud grumblings against 
 the Ministry. Horace Walpole wrote the bad news 
 to his friend Mann, ambassador at Florence : " Two 
 days ago came letters from Wolfe, despairing as 
 much as heroes can despair. Quebec is well 
 victualled, Amherst is not arrived, and fifteen 
 thousand men are encamped to defend it. We 
 have lost many men by the enemy, and some by 
 our friends ; that is, we now call our nine thousand 
 only seven thousand. How this little army will 
 get away from a much larger, and in this season, 
 in that country, I don't guess : yes, I do." 
 
 Hardly were these lines written when tidings 
 came that Montcalm was defeated, Quebec taken, 
 and Wolfe killed. A flood of mixed emotion swept 
 over England. Even Walpole grew half serious 
 as he sent a packet of newspapers to his friend the 
 ambassador. " You may now give yourself what 
 airs you please. An ambassador is the only man 
 in the world whom bullying becomes. All pre- 
 cedents are on your side : Persians, Greeks, Romans, 
 always insulted their neighbors when they took 
 
324 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1759. 
 
 Quebec. Think how pert the French would have 
 been on such an occasion ! What a scene ! An 
 army in the night dragging itself up a precipice 
 by stumps of trees to assault a town and attack 
 an enemy strongly intrenched and double in num- 
 bers ! The King is overwhelmed with addresses on 
 our victories ; he will have enough to paper his 
 palace." 1 
 
 When, in soberer mood, he wrote the annals of 
 his time, and turned, not for the better, from the 
 epistolary style to the historical, he thus described 
 the impression made on the English public by the 
 touching and inspiring story of Wolfe's heroism 
 and death : " The incidents of dramatic fiction 
 could not be conducted with more address to lead 
 an audience from despondency to sudden exaltation 
 than accident prepared to excite the passions of 
 a whole people. They despaired, they triumphed, 
 and they wept ; for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of 
 victory. Joy, curiosity, astonishment, was painted 
 on every countenance. The more they inquired, 
 the more their admiration rose. Not an incident 
 but was heroic and affecting." 2 England blazed 
 with bonfires. In one spot alone all was dark and 
 silent ; for here a widowed mother mourned for a 
 loving and devoted son, and the people forbore 
 to profane her grief with the clamor of their 
 rejoicings. 
 
 New England had still more cause of joy than 
 Old, and she filled the land with jubilation. The 
 
 1 Letters of Horace Walpole, III. 254, 257 (ed. Cunningham, 1857). 
 1 Walpole, Memoirs of George II., II. 384. , 
 
1769.] PREDICTION OF MAYHEW. 325 
 
 pulpits resounded with, sermons of thanksgiving, 
 some of which were worthy of the occasion that 
 called them forth. Among the rest, Jonathan 
 Mayhew, a young but justly celebrated minister of 
 Boston, pictured with enthusiasm the future great- 
 ness of the British-American colonies, with the 
 continent thrown open before them, and foretold 
 that, "with the continued blessing of Heaven, 
 they will become, in another century or two, a 
 mighty empire ; " adding in cautious parenthesis, 
 "J do not mean an independent one." He read 
 Wolfe's victory aright, and divined its far-reaching 
 consequence. 
 
 Note. — The authorities of this chapter are, in the main, the same as 
 those of the preceding, with some additions, the principal of which is the 
 Memoire du Sieur de Ramezay, Chevalier de VOrdre royal et militaire de 
 St.-Louis, cy-devant Lieutenant pour le Roy commandant a Quebec, au sujet 
 de la Reddition de cette Ville, qui a Ae suivie de la Capitulation du 18 7 bre , 
 1759 (Archives de la Marine). To this document are appended a num- 
 ber of important " pieces justificatives." These, with the Memoire, have 
 been printed by the Quebec Historical Society. The letters of Vaudreuil 
 cited in this chapter are chiefly from the Archives Nationales. 
 
 If Montcalm, as Vaudreuil says, really intrusted papers to the care of 
 the Jesuit missionary Eoubaud, he was not fortunate in his choice of a 
 depositary. After the war Eoubaud renounced his Order, abjured his 
 faith, and went over to the English. He gave various and contradictory 
 accounts of the documents said to be in his hands. On one occasion he 
 declared that Montcalm's effects left with him at his mission of St. 
 Francis had been burned to prevent their falling into the hands of the 
 enemy (see Verreau, Report on Canadian Archives, 1874, p. 183). Again, 
 he says that he had placed in the hands of the King of England certain 
 letters of Montcalm (see Mr. Roubaud's Deplorable Case, humbly submitted 
 to Lord North's Consideration, in Historical Magazine, Second Series, VIII. 
 283). Yet again, he speaks of these same letters as " pretended " (Verreau, 
 as above). He complains that some of them had been published, without 
 his consent, " by a Lord belonging to His Majesty's household" (Mr. Rou- 
 baud's Deplorable Case). 
 
 The allusion here is evidently to a pamphlet printed in London, in 
 1777, in French and English, and entitled, Lettres de Monsieur le Marquis 
 de Montcalm, Gouverneur- General en Canada, a Messieurs de Berryer et dt 
 
326 PALL OF QUEBEC. [1769. 
 
 la MoU, tcrites dans les Annies \1b1, 1758, et 1759, avec une Version Ang- 
 loise. They profess to be observations by Montcalm on the English 
 colonies, their political character, their trade, and their tendency to inde- 
 pendence. They bear the strongest marks of being fabricated to suit 
 the times, the colonies being then in revolt. The principal letter is one 
 addressed to Mole', and bearing date Quebec, Aug. 24, 1759. It foretells 
 the loss of her colonies as a consequence to England of her probable con- 
 quest of Canada. 1 laid before the Massachusetts Historical Society my 
 reasons for believing this letter, like the rest, an imposture (see the 
 Proceedings of that Society for 1869-1870, pp. 112-128). To these reasons 
 it may be added that at the date assigned to the letter all correspondence 
 was stopped between Canada and France. From the arrival of the English 
 fleet, at the end of spring, till its departure, late in autumn, communication 
 was completely cut off. It was not till towards the end of November, 
 when the river was clear of English ships, that the naval commander 
 Kanon ran by the batteries of Quebec and carried to France the first news 
 from Canada. Some of the letters thus sent were dated a month before, 
 and had waited in Canada till Kanon's departure. 
 
 Abbe" Verreau — a high authority on questions of Canadian history — 
 tells me a comparison of the handwriting has convinced him that these 
 pretended letters of Montcalm are the work of Roubaud. 
 
 On the burial of Montcalm, see Appendix J. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 1759, 1760. 
 SAINTE-FOY. 
 
 QUEBEC AFTER THE SlEGE. — CAPTAIN KnOX AND THE NUNS. — ESCAPE 
 
 op French Ships. — Winter at Quebec. — Threats of Levis. — 
 Attacks. — Skirmishes. — Feat of the Rangers. — State of 
 the Garrison. — The French prepare to retake Quebec. — 
 Advance of Levis. — The Alarm. — Sortie of the English. — 
 Rash Determination of Murray — Battle of Ste.-Fot. — Re- 
 treat of the English. — Levis besieges Quebec. — Spirit of 
 the Garrison. — Peril of their Situation. — Relief. — Quebec 
 saved. — Retreat of Levis. — The News in England. 
 
 The fleet was gone ; the great river was left a 
 solitude; and the chill days of a fitful November 
 passed over Quebec in alternations of rain and 
 frost, sunshine and snow. The troops, driven 
 by cold from their encampment on the Plains, 
 were all gathered within the walls. Their own 
 artillery had so battered the place that it was not 
 easy to find shelter. The Lower Town was a 
 wilderness of scorched and crumbling walls. As 
 you ascended Mountain Street, the Bishop's Palace, 
 on the right, was a skeleton of tottering masonry, 
 and the buildings on the left were a mass of ruin, 
 where ragged boys were playing at see-saw among 
 the fallen planks and timbers. 1 Even in the Upper 
 
 1 Drawings made on the spot by Richard Short. These drawings, 
 twelve in number, were engraved and published in 1761. 
 
328 SAINTE-FOY. [1769. 
 
 Town few of the churches and public buildings 
 had escaped. The Cathedral was burned to a shell. 
 The solid front of the College of the Jesuits was 
 pockmarked by numberless cannon-balls, . and the 
 adjacent church of the Order was wofully shat- 
 tered. The church of the Recollets suffered still 
 more. The bombshells that fell through the roof 
 had broken into the pavement, and as they burst 
 had thrown up the bones and skulls of the dead 
 from the graves beneath. 1 Even the more dis- 
 tant Hotel-Dieu was pierced by fifteen projectiles, 
 some of which had exploded in the halls and 
 chambers. 2 
 
 The Commissary-G-eneral, Berniers, thus describes 
 to Bourlamaque the state of the town : " Quebec is 
 nothing but a shapeless mass of ruins. Confusion, 
 disorder, pillage reign even among the inhabitants, 
 for the English make examples of severity every 
 day. Everybody rushes hither and thither, with- 
 out knowing why. Each searches for his posses- 
 sions, and, not finding his own, seizes those of 
 other people. English and French, all is chaos 
 alike. The inhabitants, famished and destitute, 
 escape to the country. Never was there seen 
 such a sight." 3 
 
 Quebec swarmed with troops. There were guard- 
 houses at twenty different points ; sentinels paced 
 the ramparts, squads of men went the rounds, 
 soldiers off duty strolled the streets, some in mitre 
 
 1 Short's Views in Quebec, 1759. Compare Pontbriand, in 2V. Y. Col. 
 Docs,, X. 1,057. 
 
 2 Casgrain, Hotel-Dieu de Quebec, 445. 
 
 8 Berniers a Bourlamaque, 27 Sept. 1759. 
 
1759.] WINTER QUARTERS. . 329 
 
 caps and some in black three-cornered hats ; while 
 a ceaseless rolling of drums and a rigid observance 
 of military forms betrayed the sense of a still 
 imminent danger. While some of the inhabi- 
 tants left town, others remained, having no refuge 
 elsewhere. They were civil to the victors, but 
 severe towards their late ruler. " The citizens," 
 says Knox, "particularly the females, reproach 
 M. Vaudreuil upon every occasion, and give full 
 scope to bitter invectives." He praises the agree- 
 able manners and cheerful spirit of the Canadian 
 ladies, concerning whom another officer also writes : 
 " It is very surprising with what ease the gayety 
 of their tempers enables them to bear misfortunes 
 which to us would be insupportable. Families 
 whom the calamities of war have reduced from 
 the height of luxury to the want of common ne- 
 cessaries laugh, dance, and sing, comforting them- 
 selves with this reflection — Fortune cle guerre. 
 Their young ladies take the utmost pains to teach 
 our officers French ; with what view I know not, 
 if it is not that they may hear themselves praised, 
 flattered, and courted without loss of time." 1 
 
 Knox was quartered in a small stable, with a 
 hayloft above and a rack and manger at one end : 
 a lodging better than fell to the lot of many of 
 his brother officers ; and, by means of a stove and 
 some help from a carpenter, he says that he made 
 himself tolerably comfortable. The change, how- 
 ever, was an agreeable one when he was ordered 
 
 1 Alexander Campbell to John Lloyd, 22 Oct. 1759. Campbell was a 
 lieutenant of the Highlanders ; Lloyd was a Connecticut merchant. 
 
330 _ SAINTE-FOY. [1759. 
 
 for a week to the General Hospital, a mile out of 
 the town, where he was to command the guard 
 stationed to protect the inmates and watch the 
 enemy. Here were gathered the sick and wounded 
 of both armies, nursed with equal care by the 
 nuns, of whom Knox speaks with gratitude and 
 respect. "When our poor fellows were ill and 
 ordered to be removed from their odious regi- 
 mental hospital to this general receptacle, they 
 were indeed rendered inexpressibly happy. Each 
 patient has his bed, with curtains, allotted to him, 
 and a nurse to attend him. Every sick or wounded 
 officer has an apartment to himself, and is attended 
 by one of these religious sisters, who in general 
 are young, handsome, courteous, rigidly reserved, 
 and very respectful. Their office of nursing the 
 sick furnishes them with opportunities of taking 
 great latitudes if they are so disposed ; but I never 
 heard any of them charged with the least levity." 
 The nuns, on their part, were well pleased with the 
 conduct of their new masters, whom one of them 
 describes as the "most moderate of all conquerors." 
 " I lived here," Knox continues, " at the French 
 King's table, with an agreeable, polite society of 
 officers, directors, and commissaries. Some of the 
 gentlemen were married, and their ladies honored 
 us with their company. They were generally 
 cheerful, except when we discoursed on the late 
 revolution and the affairs of the campaign ; then 
 they seemingly gave way to grief, uttered by 
 profound sighs, followed by an mon Dieu ! " 
 He walked in the garden with the French officers, 
 
1759.] VICTORS AND VANQUISHED. 331 
 
 played at cards with them, and passed the time 
 so pleasantly that his short stay at the hospital 
 seemed an oasis in his hard life of camp and 
 garrison. 
 
 Mere de Sainte-Claude, the Superior, a sister of 
 Eamesay, late commandant of Quebec, one morn- 
 ing sent him a note of invitation to what she 
 called an English breakfast; and though the re- 
 past answered to nothing within his experience, 
 he says that he "fared exceedingly well, and 
 passed near two hours most agreeably in the so- 
 ciety of this ancient lady and her virgin sisters." 
 
 The excellent nuns of the General Hospital are 
 to-day what their predecessors were, and the scene 
 of their useful labors still answers at many points 
 to that described by the careful pen of their mili- 
 tary guest. Throughout the war they and the 
 nuns of the Hotel-Dieu had been above praise in 
 their assiduous devotion to the sick and wounded. 
 
 Brigadier Murray, now in command of Quebec, 
 was a gallant soldier, upright, humane, generous, 
 eager for distinction, and more daring than pru- 
 dent. He befriended the Canadians, issued strict 
 orders against harming them in person or prop- 
 erty, hanged a soldier who had robbed a citizen of 
 Quebec, and severely punished others for slighter 
 offences of the same sort. In general the soldiers 
 themselves showed kindness towards the con- 
 quered people ; during harvest they were seen 
 helping them to reap their fields, without com- 
 pensation, and sharing with them their tobacco 
 and rations. The inhabitants were disarmed, and 
 
332 SAINTE-FOY. [1759. 
 
 required to take the oath of allegiance. Murray 
 reported in the spring that the whole country, 
 from Cap-Rouge downward, was in subjection to 
 the British Crown. 1 
 
 Late in October it was rumored that some of 
 the French ships in the river above Quebec were 
 preparing to run by the batteries. This was the 
 squadron which had arrived in the spring with 
 supplies, and had lain all summer at Batiscan, in 
 the Richelieu, and at other points beyond reach of 
 the English. After nearly a month of expectancy, 
 they at length appeared, anchored off Sillery on the 
 twenty-first of November, and tried to pass the 
 town on the dark night of the twenty-fourth. 
 Seven or eight of them succeeded ; four others ran 
 aground and were set on fire by their crews, ex- 
 cepting one which was stranded on the south shore 
 and abandoned. Captain Miller, with a lieuten- 
 ant and above forty men, boarded her; when, 
 apparently through their own carelessness, she 
 blew up. 2 Most of the party were killed by the 
 explosion, and the rest, including the two officers, 
 were left in a horrible condition between life and 
 death. Thus they remained till a Canadian, ven- 
 turing on board in search of plunder, found them, 
 called his neighbors to his aid, carried them to his 
 own house, and after applying, with the utmost 
 kindness, what simple remedies he knew, went 
 over to Quebec and told of the disaster. Fortu- 
 nately for themselves, the sufferers soon died. 
 
 1 Murray to Pitt, 25 May, 1760. Murray, Journal, 1759, 1760. 
 
 2 Murray to Amherst, 25 Jan. 1760. Not, as" some believed, by a train 
 laid by the French. 
 
1759.] WINTER AT QUEBEC. 333 
 
 December came, and brought the Canadian win- 
 ter, with its fierce light and cold, glaring snow- 
 fields, and piercing blasts that scorch the cheek 
 like a firebrand. The men were frost-bitten as 
 they dug away the dry, powdery drifts that the 
 wind had piled against the rampart. The sentries 
 were relieved every hour; yet feet and fingers 
 were continually frozen. The clothing of the 
 troops was ill-suited to the climate, and, though 
 stoves had been placed in the guard and barrack 
 rooms, the supply of fuel constantly fell short. 
 The cutting and dragging of wood was the chief 
 task of the garrison for many weeks. Parties of 
 axemen, strongly guarded, were always at work 
 in the forest of Ste.-Foy, four or five miles from 
 Quebec, and the logs were brought to town on 
 sledges dragged by the soldiers. Eight of them 
 were harnessed in pairs to each sledge ; and as 
 there was always danger from Indians and bush- 
 rangers, every man carried his musket slung at 
 his back. The labor was prodigious ; for frequent 
 snowstorms made it necessary again and again to 
 beat a fresh track through the drifts. The men 
 bore their hardships with admirable good humor ; 
 and once a party of them on their return, drag- 
 ging their load through the street, met a Cana- 
 dian, also with a load of wood, which was drawn 
 by a team of dogs harnessed much like themselves. 
 They accosted them as yoke-fellows, comrades, and 
 brothers ; asked them what allowance of pork and 
 rum they got ; and invited them and their owner 
 to mess at the regimental barracks. 
 
334 SAINTE-FOY. L1759, 1760. 
 
 The appearance of the troops on duty within 
 the town, as described by Knox, was scarcely less 
 eccentric. " Our guards on the grand parade 
 make a most grotesque appearance in their differ- 
 ent dresses ; and our inventions to guard us 
 against the extreme rigor of this climate are 
 various beyond imagination. The uniformity as 
 well as nicety of the clean, methodical soldier is 
 buried in the rough, fur-wrought garb of the frozen 
 Laplander ; and we rather resemble a masquerade 
 than a body of regular troops, insomuch that I 
 have frequently been accosted by my acquaintances, 
 whom, though their voices were familiar to me, I 
 could not discover, or conceive who they were. 
 Besides, every man seems to be in a continual 
 hurry ; for instead of walking soberly through 
 the streets, we are obliged to observe a running 
 or trotting pace." 
 
 Early in January there was a storm of sleet, 
 followed by severe frost, which glazed the streets 
 with ice. Knox, being ordered to mount guard 
 in the LoAver Town, found the descent of Moun- 
 tain Street so slippery that it was impossible to 
 walk down with safety, especially as the muskets 
 of the men were loaded ; and the whole party, 
 seating themselves on the ground, slid one after 
 another to the foot of the hill. The Highland- 
 ers, in spite of their natural hardihood, suffered 
 more from the cold than the other troops, as their 
 national costume was but a sorry defence against 
 the Canadian winter. A detachment of these 
 breechless warriors being on guard at the General 
 
1759, 1760.] ALARMS. 335 
 
 Hospital, the nuns spent their scanty leisure in 
 knitting for them long woollen hose, which they 
 gratefully accepted, though at a loss to know 
 whether modesty or charity inspired the gift. 
 
 From the time when the English took possession 
 of Quebec, reports had come in through deserters 
 that Levis meant to attack and recover it. Early 
 in November there was a rumor that he was about 
 to march upon it with fifteen thousand men. In 
 December word came that he was on his way, 
 resolved to storm it on or about the twenty-sec- 
 ond, and dine within the walls, under the French 
 flag, on Christmas Day. He failed to appear; 
 but in January a deserter said that he had pre- 
 pared scaling-ladders, and was training his men 
 to use them by assaults on mock ramparts of snow. 
 There was more tangible evidence that the enemy 
 was astir. Murray had established two fortified 
 outposts, one at Ste.-Foy, and the other farther 
 on, at Old Lorette. "War-parties hovered round 
 both, and kept the occupants in alarm. A large 
 body of French grenadiers appeared at the latter 
 place in February, and drove off a herd of cat- 
 tle ; when a detachment of rangers, much infe- 
 rior in number, set upon them, put them to flight, 
 and recovered the plunder. At the same time a 
 party of regulars, Canadians, and Indians took 
 up a strong position near the church at Point 
 Levi, and sent a message to the English officers 
 that a large company of expert hairdressers 
 were ready to wait upon them whenever they re- 
 quired their services The allusion was of course 
 
336 SAINTE-FOY. [1760. 
 
 to the scalp-lifting practices of the Indians and 
 bushrangers. 
 
 The river being now hard frozen, Murray sent 
 over a detachment of light infantry under Major 
 Dalling. A sharp fight ensued on the snow, 
 around the church, and in the neighboring forest, 
 where the English soldiers, taught to use snow- 
 shoes by the rangers, routed the enemy, and killed 
 or captured a considerable number. A third post 
 was then established at the church and the priest's 
 house adjacent. Some days after, the French came 
 back in large numbers, fortified themselves with 
 felled trees, and then attacked the English posi- 
 tion. The firing being heard at Quebec, the light 
 infantry went over to the scene of action, and 
 Murray himself followed on the ice, with the High- 
 landers and other troops. Before he came up, the 
 French drew off and retreated to their breastwork, 
 where they were attacked and put to flight, the 
 nimble Highlanders capturing a few, while the 
 greater part made their escape. 
 
 As it became known that the French held a 
 strong post at Le Calvaire, near St. Augustin, 
 two days' march from Quebec, Captain Donald 
 MacDonald was sent with five hundred men to 
 attack it. He found the enemy behind a breast- 
 work of logs protected by an abattis. The light 
 infantry advanced and poured in a brisk fire ; on 
 which the French threw down their arms and fled. 
 About eighty of them were captured; but their 
 commander, Herbin, escaped, leaving to the victors 
 his watch, hat and feather, wine, liquor-case, and 
 
1760.] SKIRMISH AT LORETTE. 337 
 
 mistress. The English had six men wounded and 
 nearly a hundred frost-bitten. 1 
 
 Captain Hazen and his rangers soon after had a 
 notable skirmish. They were posted in a house 
 not far from the station at Lorette. A scout came 
 in with news that a large party of the enemy was 
 coming to attack them; on which Hazen left a ser- 
 geant and fourteen men in the house, and set out 
 for Lorette with the rest to ask a reinforcement. 
 On the way he met the French, who tried to sur- 
 round him ; and he told his men to fall back to 
 the house. They remonstrated, saying that they 
 " felt spry," and wanted to show the regulars that 
 provincials could fight as well as. red-coats. There- 
 upon they charged the enemy, gave them a close 
 volley of buckshot and bullets, and put them to 
 flight ; but scarcely had they reloaded their guns 
 when they were fired upon from behind. Another 
 body of assailants had got into their rear, in order 
 to cut them off. They faced about, attacked them, 
 and drove them back like the first. The two 
 French parties then joined forces, left Hazen to 
 pursue his march, and attacked the fourteen ran- 
 gers in the house, who met them with a brisk fire. 
 Hazen and his men heard the noise ; and, hastening 
 back, fell upon the rear of the French, while those 
 in the house sallied and attacked them in front. 
 They were again routed ; and the rangers chased 
 them two miles, killing six of them and capturing 
 seven. Knox, in whose eyes provincials usually 
 
 1 Knox, II. 275. Murray, Journal. Eraser, Journal. Vaudreuil, in 
 his usual way, multiplies the English force by three. 
 vol. ii. — 22 
 
338 SAINTE-FOY. ["00- 
 
 find no favor, launches this time into warm com- 
 mendation of "our simply honest New England 
 men." 
 
 Fresh reports came in from time to time that 
 the French were gathering all their strength to re- 
 cover Quebec ; and late in February these stories 
 took a definite shape. A deserter from Montreal 
 brought Murray a letter from an officer of rangers, 
 who was a prisoner at that place, warning him 
 that eleven thousand men were on the point of 
 marching to attack him. Three other deserters 
 soon after confirmed the news, but added that the 
 scheme had met with a check ; for as it was in- 
 tended to carry* the town by storm, a grand 
 rehearsal had taken place, with the help of scaling- 
 ladders planted against the wall of a church; 
 whereupon the Canadians rushed with such zeal to 
 the assault that numerous broken legs, arms, and 
 heads ensued, along with ruptures, sprains, bruises, 
 and dislocations ; insomuch, said the story, that 
 they became disgusted with the attempt. All 
 remained quiet till after the middle of April, when 
 the garrison was startled by repeated assurances 
 that at the first breaking-up of the ice all Canada 
 would be upon them. Murray accordingly ordered 
 the French inhabitants to leave the town within 
 three days. 1 
 
 In some respects the temper of the troops was 
 excellent. In the petty warfare of the past winter 
 they had generally been successful, proving them- 
 
 1 Ordonnance faite a Quebec le 21 Avril, 1760, par son Excellence, Jacques 
 Murray. 
 
1759, 1760.] DISEASE AND DEATH. 339 
 
 selves a match for the bushrangers and Indians on 
 their own ground ; so that, as Sergeant Johnson 
 remarks, in his odd way, " Very often a small num- 
 ber of our men would put to flight a considerable 
 party of those Cannibals." They began to think 
 themselves invincible ; yet they had the deepest 
 cause for anxiety. The effective strength of the 
 garrison was reduced to less than half, and of 
 those that remained fit for duty, hardly a man 
 was entirely free from scurvy. The rank and file 
 had no fresh provisions ; and, in spite of every pre- 
 caution, this malignant disease, aided by fever and 
 dysentery, made no less havoc among them than 
 among the crews of Jacques Cartier at this same 
 place two centuries before. Of about seven thou- 
 sand men left at Quebec in the autumn, scarcely 
 more than three thousand were fit for duty on 
 the twenty-fourth of April. 1 About seven hun- 
 dred had found temporary burial in the snow- 
 drifts, as the frozen ground was impenetrable as 
 a rock. 
 
 Meanwhile Vaudreuil was still at Montreal, 
 where he says that he " arrived just in time to 
 take the most judicious measures and prevent Gen- 
 eral Amherst from penetrating into the colony." 2 
 During the winter some of the French regulars 
 were kept in garrison at the outposts, and the rest 
 quartered on the inhabitants ; while the Canadians 
 were dismissed to their homes, subject to be mus- 
 
 1 Return of the present State of His Majesty's Forces in Garrison at 
 Quebec, 24 April, 1760 (Public Record Office). 
 3 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 30 Oct. 1759. 
 
340 SAINTE-FOY. [1760. 
 
 tered again at the call of the Governor. Both 
 he and Levis were full of the hope of retaking 
 Quebec. He had spies and agents among Murray's 
 soldiers ; and though the citizens had sworn alle- 
 giance to King George, some of them were ex- 
 ceedingly useful to his enemies. Vaudreuil had 
 constant information of the state of the garri- 
 son. He knew that the scurvy was his active 
 and powerful ally, and that the hospitals and 
 houses of Quebec were crowded with the sick. At 
 the end of March he was informed that more than 
 half the British were on the sick-list ; and it was 
 presently rumored that Murray had only two thou- 
 sand men able to bear arms. 1 With every allow- 
 ance for exaggeration in these reports, it was plain 
 that the French could attack their invaders in 
 overwhelming force. 
 
 The difficulty was to find means of transporta- 
 tion. The depth of the snow and the want of 
 draught animals made it necessary to wait till the 
 river should become navigable ; but preparation 
 was begun at once. Levis was the soul of the 
 enterprise. Provisions were gathered from far and 
 near ; cannon, mortars, and munitions of war were 
 brought from the frontier posts, and butcher-knives 
 were fitted to the muzzles of guns to serve the 
 Canadians in place of bayonets. All the workmen 
 about Montreal were busied in making tools and 
 gun-carriages. Stores were impressed from the 
 merchants ; and certain articles, which could not 
 otherwise be had, were smuggled, with extraor- 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 15 Avril, 1760. 
 
1760.] EXPEDITION OF LEVIS. 341 
 
 dinary address, out of Quebec itself. 1 Early in 
 spring the militia received orders to muster for the 
 march. There were doubts and discontent; but, 
 says a contemporary, "sensible people dared not 
 speak, for if they did they were set down as Eng- 
 lish." Some there were who in secret called the 
 scheme " LeVis' folly ; " yet it was perfectly ra- 
 tional, well conceived, and conducted with vigor 
 and skill. Two frigates, two sloops-of-war, and a 
 number of smaller craft still remained in the river, 
 under command of Vauquelin, the brave officer 
 who had distinguished himself at the siege of 
 Louisbourg. The stores and cannon were placed 
 on board these vessels, the army embarked in a 
 fleet of bateaux, and on the twentieth of April the 
 whole set out together for the scene of action. 
 They comprised eight battalions of troops of the 
 line and two of colony troops ; with the colonial 
 artillery, three thousand Canadians, and four hun- 
 dred Indians. When they left Montreal, their 
 effective strength, besides Indians, is said by LeVis 
 to have been six thousand nine hundred and ten, 
 a number which was increased as he advanced by 
 the garrisons of Jacques-Cartier, Deschambault, 
 and Pointe-aux-Trembles, as well as by the Cana- 
 dians on both sides of the St. Lawrence below 
 Three Rivers ; for Vaudreuil had ordered the mil- 
 itia captains to join his standard, with all their 
 followers, armed and equipped, on pain of death. 2 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 23 Avril, 1760. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil aux Capitaines de Milice, 16 Avril, 1760. I am indebted 
 to Abbe H. E. Casgrain for a copy of this letter. 
 
342 SAINTE-FOY. 11760- 
 
 These accessions appear to have raised his force to 
 between eight and nine thousand. 
 
 The ice still clung to the river banks, the 
 weather was bad, and the navigation difficult; 
 but on the twenty-sixth the army landed at St. 
 Augustin, crossed the river of Cap-Rouge on bridges 
 of their own making, and moved upon the English 
 outpost at Old Lorette. The English abandoned it 
 and fell back to Ste.-Foy. Levis followed. Night 
 came on, with a gale from the southeast, a driving 
 rain, and violent thunder, unusual at that season. 
 The road, a bad and broken one, led through the 
 marsh called La Suede. Causeways and bridges 
 broke down under the weight of the marching col- 
 umns and plunged the men into water, mud, and 
 half-thawed ice. " It was a frightful night," says 
 L6vis ; " so dark that but for the flashes of light- 
 ning we should have been forced to stop." The 
 break of day found the vanguard at the edge of 
 the woods bordering the farther side of the marsh. 
 The storm had abated ; and they saw before them, 
 a few hundred yards distant, through the misty 
 air, a ridge of rising ground on which stood the 
 parish church of Ste.-Foy, with a row of Canadian 
 .houses stretching far to right and left. This ridge 
 was the declivity of the plateau of Quebec ; the 
 same which as it approaches the town, some five 
 or six miles towards the left, takes the names of 
 Cote d' Abraham and Cote Ste.-Genevieve. The 
 church and the houses were occupied by British 
 troops, who, as the French debouched from the 
 woods, opened on them with cannon, and compelled 
 
1760.] HUMANITY REWARDED. 343 
 
 them to fall back. Though the ridge at this point 
 is not steep, the position was a strong one ; but 
 had Levis known how few were as yet there to 
 oppose him, he might have carried it by an assault 
 in front. As it was, he resolved to wait till night, 
 and then flank the enemy by a march to the right 
 along the border of the wood. 
 
 It was the morning of Sunday, the twenty- 
 seventh. Till late in the night before, Murray 
 and the garrison of Quebec were unaware of the 
 immediate danger ; and they learned it at last 
 through a singular stroke of fortune. Some time 
 after midnight the watch on board the frigate 
 " Racehorse," which had wintered in the dock at the 
 Lower Town, heard a feeble cry of distress from the 
 midst of the darkness that covered the St. Lawrence. 
 Captain Macartney was at once informed of it ; and, 
 through an impulse of humanity, he ordered a boat 
 to put out amid the drifting ice that was sweeping 
 up the river with the tide. Guided by the faint 
 cries, the sailors found a man lying on a large 
 cake of ice, drenched, and half dead with cold ; 
 and, taking him with difficulty into their boat, 
 they carried him to the ship. It was long before 
 he was able to speak intelligibly ; but at last, being 
 revived by cordials and other remedies, he found 
 strength to tell his benefactors that he was a 
 sergeant of artillery in the army that had come 
 to retake Quebec ; that in trying to land a little 
 above Cap-Rouge, his boat had been overset, his 
 •companions drowned, and he himself saved by 
 climbing upon the cake of ice where they had 
 
344 SAINTE-FOY. [1760. 
 
 discovered him ; that he had been borne by the 
 ebb tide down to the Island of Orleans, and then 
 brought up to Quebec by the flow ; and, finally, 
 that LeVis was marching on the town with twelve 
 thousand men at his back. 
 
 He was placed in a hammock and carried up 
 Mountain Street to the quarters of the General, 
 who was roused from sleep at three o'clock in the 
 morning to hear his story. The troops were or- 
 dered under arms ; and soon after daybreak Mur- 
 ray marched out with ten pieces of cannon and 
 more than half the garrison. His principal object 
 was to withdraw the advanced posts at Ste.-Foy, 
 Cap-Rouge, Sillery, and Anse du Foulon. The 
 storm had turned to a cold, drizzling rain, and 
 the men, as they dragged their cannon through 
 snow and mud, were soon drenched to the skin. 
 On reaching Ste.-Foy, they opened a brisk fire 
 from the heights upon the woods which now cov- 
 ered the whole army of LeVis ; and being rejoined 
 by the various outposts, returned to Quebec in the 
 afternoon, after blowing up the church, which 
 contained a store of munitions that they had no 
 means of bringing off. When they entered Que- 
 bec a gill of rum was served out to each man ; 
 several houses in the suburb of St. Roch were 
 torn down to supply them with firewood for 
 drying their clothes ; and they were left to take 
 what rest they could against the morrow. The 
 French, meanwhile, took possession of the aban- 
 doned heights ; and while some filled the houses, 
 barns, and sheds of Ste.-Foy and its neighborhood, 
 
1760.] RASHNESS OF MURRAY. 345 
 
 others, chiefly Canadians, crossed the plateau to 
 seek shelter in the village of Sillery. 
 
 Three courses were open to Murray. He could 
 defend Quebec, fortify himself outside the walls 
 on the Buttes-a-Neveu, or fight Levis at all risks. 
 The walls of Quebec could not withstand a can- 
 nonade, and he had long intended to intrench his 
 army on the Buttes, as a better position of defence ; 
 but the ground, frozen like a rock, had thus far 
 made the plan impracticable. Even now, though 
 the surface was tbawed, the soil beneath was still 
 frost-bound, making the task of fortification ex- 
 tremely difficult, if indeed the French would give 
 him time for it. Murray was young in years, 
 and younger still in impulse. He was ardent, 
 fearless, ambitious, and emulous of the fame of 
 Wolfe. " The enemy," he soon after wrote to 
 Pitt, " was greatly superior in number, it is true ; 
 but when I considered that our little army was in 
 the habit of beating that enemy, and had a very 
 fine train of field artillery ; that shutting ourselves 
 at once within the walls was putting all upon the 
 single chance of holding out for a considerable 
 time a wretched fortification, I resolved to give 
 them battle ; and, half an hour after six in the 
 morning, we marched with all the force I could 
 muster, namely, three thousand men." 1 Some of 
 these had left the hospitals of their own accord in 
 their eagerness to take part in the fray. 
 
 The rain had ceased ; but as the column emerged 
 from St. Louis Gate, the scene before them was a 
 
 1 Murray to Pitt, 25 Mai/, 1760. 
 
346 SAINTE-FOY. [1760. 
 
 dismal one. As yet there was no sign of spring. 
 Each leafless bush and tree was dark with clammy 
 moisture ; patches of bare earth lay oozy and black 
 on the southern slopes : but elsewhere the ground 
 was still covered with snow, in some places piled 
 in drifts, and everywhere sodden with rain ; while 
 each hollow and depression was full of that half- 
 liquid, lead-colored mixture of snow and water 
 which New England schoolboys call " slush," for 
 all drainage was stopped by the frozen subsoil. 
 The troops had with them two howitzers and 
 twenty field-pieces, which had been captured when 
 Quebec surrendered, and had formed a part of that 
 very battery which Ramesay refused to Montcalm 
 at the battle of the autumn before. As there were 
 no horses, the cannon were dragged by some of the 
 soldiers, while others carried picks and spades ; for 
 as yet Murray seems not to have made up his mind 
 whether to fortify or fight. Thus they advanced 
 nearly half a mile ; till reaching the Buttes-a-Neveu, 
 they formed in order of battle along their farther 
 slopes, on the same ground that Montcalm had 
 occupied on the morning of his death. 
 
 Murray went forward to reconnoitre. Imme- 
 diately before him was a rising ground, and, be- 
 yond it, a tract of forest called Sillery Wood, a 
 mile or more distant. Nearer, on the left, he could 
 see two blockhouses built by the English in the 
 last autumn, not far from the brink of the plateau 
 above the Anse du Foulon where Wolfe climbed 
 the heights'. On the right, at the opposite brink 
 of the plateau, was a house and a fortified wind- 
 
1760.] THE ATTACK. 347 
 
 mill belonging to one Dumont. The blockhouses,, 
 the mill, and the rising ground between them 
 were occupied by the vanguard of Levis' army; 
 while, behind, he could descry the main body mov- 
 ing along the road from Ste.-Foy, then turning, 
 battalion after battalion, and rapidly marching 
 across the plateau along the edge of Sillery Wood. 
 The two brigades of the leading column had al- 
 ready reached the blockhouses by the Anse du 
 Foulon, and formed themselves as the right wing 
 of the French line of battle ; but those behind were 
 not yet in position. 
 
 Murray, kindling at the sight, thought that so 
 favorable a moment was not to be lost, and ordered 
 an advance. His line consisted of eight battalions, 
 numbering a little above two thousand. In the 
 intervals between them the cannon were dragged 
 through slush and mud by five hundred men ; and, 
 at a little distance behind, the remaining two bat- 
 talions followed as a reserve. The right flank was 
 covered by Dalling's light infantry; the left by 
 Hazen's company of rangers and a hundred volun- 
 teers under Major MacDonald. They all moved 
 forward till they were on nearly the same ground 
 where Wolfe's army had been drawn up. Then 
 the cannon unlimbered, and opened on the French 
 with such effect that Levis, who was on horseback 
 in the middle of the field, sent orders to the corps 
 of his left to fall back to the cover of the woods. 
 The movement caused some disorder. Murray 
 mistook it for retreat, and commanded a farther 
 advance. The whole British line, extending itself 
 
348 ' SAINTE-FOY. 11760. 
 
 towards the right, pushed eagerly forward: in doing 
 which it lost the advantage of the favorable position 
 it had occupied; and the battalions of the right 
 soon found themselves on low grounds, wading in 
 half-melted snow, which in some parts was knee 
 deep. Here the cannon could no longer be worked 
 with effect. Just in front, a small brook ran along 
 the hollow, through soft mud and saturated snow- 
 drifts, then gurgled down the slope on the right, 
 to lose itself in the meadows of the St. Charles. A 
 few rods before this brook stood the house and 
 windmill of Dumont, occupied by five companies 
 of French grenadiers. The light infantry at once 
 attacked them. A furious struggle ensued, till at 
 length the French gave way, and the victors dashed 
 forward to follow up their advantage. Their ardor 
 cost them dear. The corps on the French left, 
 which had fallen back into the woods, now ad- 
 vanced again as the cannon ceased to play, rushing 
 on without order but with the utmost impetuosity, 
 led by a gallant old officer, Colonel Dalquier, of the 
 battalion of Be"am. A bullet in the body could 
 not stop him. The light infantry were over- 
 whelmed ; and such of them as were left alive were 
 driven back in confusion upon the battalions be- 
 hind them, along the front of which they remained 
 dispersed for some minutes, preventing the troops 
 from firing on the advancing French, who thus 
 had time to reform their ranks. At length the 
 light infantry got themselves out of the way and 
 retired to the rear, where, having lost nearly all 
 their officers, they remained during the rest of the 
 
1760.] THE BATTLE. 349 
 
 fight. Another struggle followed for the house 
 and mill of Dumont, of which the French again 
 got possession, to be again driven out ; and it re- 
 mained, as if by mutual consent, unoccupied for 
 some time by either party. For above an hour 
 more the fight was hot and fierce. " We drove 
 them back as long as we had ammunition for our 
 cannon," says Sergeant Johnson ; but now it failed, 
 and no more was to be had, because, in the eccen- 
 tric phrase of the sergeant, the tumbrils were 
 "bogged in deep pits of snow." 
 
 While this was passing on the English right, it 
 fared still worse with them on the left. The ad- 
 vance of the line was no less disastrous here than 
 there. It brought the troops close to the woods 
 which circled round to this point from the French 
 rear, and from which the Canadians, covered by 
 the trees, now poured on them a deadly fire. 
 Here, as on the right, Levis had ordered his troops 
 to fall back for a time ; but when the fire of 
 the English cannon ceased, they advanced again, 
 and their artillery, though consisting of only 
 three pieces, played its part with good effect. 
 Hazen's rangers and MacDonald's volunteers at- 
 tacked and took the two adjacent blockhouses, 
 but could not hold them. Hazen was wounded,. 
 MacDonald killed, and their party overpowered, 
 The British battalions held their ground till the 
 French, whose superior numbers enabled them to 
 extend themselves on both sides beyond the 
 English line, made a furious attack on the left 
 wing, in front and flank. The reserves were 
 
850 SAINTE-FOr. [1760. 
 
 ordered up, and the troops stood for a time in sullen 
 desperation under the storm of bullets ; but they 
 were dropping fast in the blood-stained snow, and 
 the order came at length to fall back. They 
 obeyed with curses : " Damn it, what is falling 
 back but retreating V 1 The right wing, also out- 
 flanked, followed the example of the left. Somei 
 of the corps tried to drag off their cannon ; but 
 being prevented by the deep mud and snow they 
 ■spiked the pieces and abandoned them. The French 
 followed close, hoping to cut off the fugitives from 
 the gates of Quebec ; till Levis, seeing that the 
 retreat, though precipitate, was not entirely with- 
 out order, thought best to stop the pursuit. 
 
 The fight lasted about two hours, and did credit 
 to both sides. The Canadians not only showed 
 their usual address and courage when under cover 
 of woods, but they also fought well in the open 
 field ; and the conduct of the whole French force 
 proved how completely they had recovered from 
 the panic of the last autumn. From the first 
 they were greatly superior in number, and at the 
 middle and end of the affair, when they had all 
 reached the field, they were more than two against 
 one. 2 The English, on the other hand, besides the 
 opportunity of attacking before their enemies had 
 completely formed, had a vastly superior artillery 
 and a favorable position, both which advantages 
 they lost after their second advance. 
 
 Some curious anecdotes are told of the retreat. 
 Colonel Fraser, of the Highlanders, received a bullet 
 
 1 Knox, II. 295. 2 See Appendix K. 
 
1760.] LOSSES. 351 
 
 which, was no doubt half spent, and which, with 
 excellent precision, hit the base of his queue, so 
 deadening the shock that it gave him no other 
 inconvenience than a stiff neck. Captain Hazen, 
 of the rangers, badly wounded, was making his 
 way towards the gate, supported by his servant, 
 when he saw at a great distance a French officer 
 leading a file of men across a rising ground ; 
 whereupon he stopped and told the servant to give 
 him his gun. A volunteer named Thompson, who 
 was near by and who tells the story, thought that 
 he was out of his senses ; but Hazen persisted, 
 seated himself on the ground, took a long aim, 
 fired, and brought down his man. Thompson con- 
 gratulated him. "A chance shot may kill the 
 devil," replied Hazen ; and resigning himself again 
 to the arms of his attendant, he reached the town, 
 recovered from his wound, and lived to be a gen- 
 eral of the Revolution. 1 
 
 The English lost above a thousand, or more than 
 a third of their whole number, killed, wounded, 
 and missing. 2 They carried off some of their 
 wounded, but left others behind ; and the greater 
 part of these were murdered, scalped, and mangled 
 by the Indians, all of whom were converts from 
 the mission villages. English writers put the 
 French loss at two thousand and upwards, which 
 is no doubt a gross exaggeration. Levis declares 
 
 1 Thompson, deceived by Hazen's baptismal name, Moses, thought that 
 he was a Jew. (Revue Canadienne, TV. 865.) He was, however, of an old 
 New England Puritan family. See the Hazen genealogy in Historic' 
 Genealogical Register, XXXIII. 
 
 2 Return of Killed, Wounded, and Missing, signed J. Murray. 
 
352 SAINTE-FOY. [1760, 
 
 that the number did not exceed six or eight hun- 
 dred ; but afterwards gives a list which makes it 
 eight hundred and thirty-three. 
 
 Murray had left three or four hundred men to 
 guard Quebec when the rest marched out; and 
 adding them to those who had returned scathless 
 from the fight, he now had about twenty-four 
 hundred rank and file fit for duty. Yet even the 
 troops that were rated as effective were in so bad 
 a condition that the hyperbolical Sergeant John- 
 son calls them "half-starved, scorbutic skeletons." 
 That worthy soldier, commonly a model of dutiful 
 respect to those above him, this time so far forgets 
 himself as to criticise his general for the "mad, 
 enthusiastic zeal " by which he nearly lost the 
 fruits of Wolfe's victory. In fact, the fate of 
 Quebec trembled in the balance. " We were too 
 few and weak to stand an assault," continues 
 Johnson, "and we were almost in as deep a dis- 
 tress as we could be." At first there was some 
 drunkenness and some plundering of private houses ; 
 but Murray stopped the one by staving the rum- 
 barrels of the sutlers, and the other by hanging 
 the chief offender. Within three days order, sub- 
 ordination, hope, and almost confidence were com- 
 pletely restored. Not a man was idle. The troops 
 left their barracks and lay in tents close to their 
 respective alarm posts. On the open space by 
 St. Louis Gate a crowd of convalescents were 
 busy in filling sand-bags to strengthen the de- 
 fences, while the sick and wounded in the hospi- 
 tals made wadding for the cannon. The ramparts 
 
1760.] BRITISH OFFICERS. 353 
 
 -were faced with fascines, of which a large stock 
 had been provided in the autumn; chevaux-de- 
 frise were planted in exposed places ; an outwork 
 was built to protect St. Louis Gate; embrasures: 
 were cut along the whole length of the walls ; 
 and the French cannon captured when the town 
 was taken were planted against their late owners. 
 Every man was tasked to the utmost of his 
 strength ; and the garrison, gaunt, worn, be- 
 smirched with mud, looked less like soldiers than 
 like overworked laborers. 
 
 The conduct of the officers troubled the spirit of 
 Sergeant Johnson. It shocked his sense of the 
 fitness of things to see them sharing the hard 
 work of the private men, and he thus gives utter- 
 ance to his feelings : " None but those who were 
 present on the spot can imagine the grief of heart 
 the soldiers felt to see their officers yoked in the 
 harness, dragging up cannon from the Lower 
 Town ; to see gentlemen, who were set over them 
 by His Majesty to command and keep them to 
 their duty, working at the batteries with the bar- 
 row, pickaxe, and spade." The effect, however, 
 was admirable. The spirit of the men rose to the 
 crisis. Murray, no less than his officers, had all 
 their confidence ; for if he had fallen into a fatal 
 error, he atoned for it now by unconquerable reso- 
 lution and exhaustless fertility of resource. De- 
 serters said that Levis would assault the town ; 
 and the soldiers replied: "Let him come on; he 
 will catch a Tartar." 
 
 Levis and his army were no less busy in dig- 
 
 vol. it. — 23 
 
354 SAINTE-FOY. [1760. 
 
 ging trenches along the stony back of the Buttes-a,' 
 Neveu. Every day the English fire grew hotter ; 
 till at last nearly a hundred and fifty cannon 
 vomited iron upon them from the walls of Que- 
 bec, and May was well advanced before they could 
 plant a single gun to reply. Their vessels had 
 ■landed artillery at the Anse du Foulon; but 
 their best hope lay in the succors they daily ex- 
 pected from the river below. In the autumn 
 Levis, with a view to his intended enterprise, 
 had sent a request to Versailles that a ship laden 
 with munitions and heavy siege-guns should be 
 sent from France in time to meet him at Quebec 
 in April ; while he looked also for another ship, 
 which had wintered at Gaspe", and which therefore 
 might reach him as soon as navigation opened. 
 The arrival of these vessels would have made the 
 position of the English doubly critical ; and, on 
 the other hand, should an English squadron appear 
 first, Levis would be forced to raise the siege. 
 Thus each side watched the river with an anxiety 
 that grew constantly more intense ; and the Eng- 
 lish presently descried signals along the shore 
 which seemed to say that French ships were mov- 
 ing up the St. Lawrence. Meantime, while doing 
 their best to compass each other's destruction, 
 neither side forgot the courtesies of war. LeVis 
 heard that Murray liked spruce-beer for his table, 
 and sent him a flag of truce with a quantity of 
 spruce-boughs and a message of compliment ; 
 Murray responded with a Cheshire cheese, and 
 Le*vis rejoined with a present of partridges. 
 
1760.] RELIEF ARRIVES. 355 
 
 Bad and scanty fare, excessive toil, and broken 
 sleep were telling ominously on the strength of 
 the garrison when, on the ninth of May, Murray, 
 as he sat pondering over the fire at his quarters in 
 St. Louis Street, was interrupted by an officer who 
 came to tell him that there was a ship-of-war in 
 the Basin beating up towards the town. Murray 
 started from his revery, and directed that British 
 colors should be raised immediately on Cape Dia- 
 mond. 1 The halyards being out of order, a sailor 
 climbed the staff and drew up the flag to its place. 
 The news had spread; men and officers, divided 
 between hope and fear, crowded to the rampart by 
 the Chateau, where Durham Terrace now overlooks 
 the St. Lawrence, and every eye was strained on 
 the approaching ship, eager to see whether she 
 would show the red flag of England or the white 
 one of France. Slowly her colors rose to the mast- 
 head and unfurled to the wind the red cross of St. 
 George. It was the British frigate " Lowestoffe." 
 She anchored before the Lower Town, and saluted 
 the garrison with twenty-one guns. " The glad- 
 ness of the troops," says Knox, "is not to be 
 expressed. Both officers and soldiers mounted the 
 parapet in the face of the enemy and huzzaed with 
 their hats in the air for almost an hour. The gar- 
 rison, the enemy's camp, the bay, and circumjacent 
 country resounded with our shouts and the thun- 
 der of our artillery ; for the gunners were so elated 
 that they did nothing but load and fire for a con- 
 siderable time. In short, the general satisfaction 
 
 1 Thompson in Revue Canadienne, IV. 866. 
 
356 SAINTE-EOY. [1760. 
 
 is not to be conceived, except by a person who had 
 suffered the extremities of a siege, and been des- 
 tined, with his brave friends and countrymen, to 
 the scalping-knives of a faithless conqueror and 
 his barbarous allies." The " Lowestoffe " brought 
 news that a British squadron was at the mouth of 
 the St. Lawrence, and would reach Quebec in a 
 few days. 
 
 LeVis, in ignorance of this, still clung to the 
 hope that French ships would arrive strong enough 
 to overpower the unwelcome stranger. His guns, 
 being at last in position, presently opened fire upon 
 a wall that was not built to bear the brunt of heavy 
 shot ; but an artillery better and more numerous 
 than his own almost silenced them, and his gun- 
 ners were harassed by repeated sallies. The be- 
 siegers had now no real chance of success unless 
 they could carry the place by storm, to which end 
 they had provided abundant scaling-ladders as well 
 as petards to burst in the gates. They made, how- 
 ever, no attempt to use them. A week passed, 
 when, on the evening of the fifteenth, the ship 
 of the line " Vanguard " and the frigate " Diana " 
 sailed into the harbor ; and on the next morning 
 the " Diana " and the " Lowestoffe " passed the 
 town to attack the French vessels in the river 
 above. These were six in all, — two frigates, two 
 smaller armed ships, and two schooners ; the whole 
 under command of the gallant Vauquelin. He did 
 not belie his reputation ; fought his ship with per- 
 sistent bravery till his ammunition was spent, 
 refused even then to strike his flag, and being 
 
1760.] RETREAT OF LEVIS. 357 
 
 made prisoner, was treated by his captors with 
 distinguished honor. The other vessels made little 
 or no resistance. One of them threw her guns 
 overboard and escaped ; the rest ran ashore and 
 were burned. 
 
 The destruction of his vessels was a death-blow 
 to the hopes of Levis, for they contained his stores 
 of food and ammunition. He had passed the pre- 
 ceding night in great agitation ; and when the 
 cannonade on the river ceased, he hastened to 
 raise the siege. In the evening deserters from his 
 camp told Murray that the French were in full 
 retreat ; on which all the English batteries opened, 
 firing at random through the darkness, and sending 
 cannon-balls en ricochet, bowling by scores together, 
 over the Plains of Abraham on the heels of the 
 retiring enemy. Murray marched out at dawn of 
 day to fall upon their rear ; but, with a hundred 
 and fifty cannon bellowing behind them, they had 
 made such speed that, though he pushed over the 
 marsh to Old Lorette, he could not overtake them ; 
 they had already crossed the river of Cap-Rouge. 
 Why, with numbers still superior, they went off in 
 such haste, it is hard to say. They left behind 
 them thirty-four cannon and six mortars, with 
 petards, scaling-ladders, tents, ammunition, bag- 
 gage, intrenching tools, many of their muskets, 
 and all their sick and wounded. 
 
 The effort to recover Quebec did great honor to 
 the enterprise of the French ; but it availed them 
 nothing, served only to waste resources that seemed 
 already at the lowest ebb, and gave fresh oppor- 
 
358 SAINTE-FOY. [1760. 
 
 tunity of plunder to Cadet and his crew, who failed 
 not to make use of it. 
 
 After the battle of Ste.-Foy Murray sent the 
 frigate " Racehorse " to Halifax with news of his 
 defeat, and from Halifax it was sent to England. 
 The British public were taken by surprise. " Who 
 the deuce was thinking of Quebec ? " says Horace 
 Walpole. " America was like a book one has read 
 and done with ; but here we are on a sudden read- 
 ing our book backwards." Ten days passed, and 
 then came word that the siege was raised and that 
 the French were gone ; upon which Walpole wrote 
 to General Conway : " Well, Quebec is come to life 
 again. Last night I went to see the Holdernesses. 
 I met my Lady in a triumphal car, drawn by a 
 Manx horse, thirteen little fingers high, with Lady 
 Emily. Mr. Milbank was walking by himself in 
 ovation after the car, and they were going to see 
 the bonfire at the alehouse at the corner. The 
 whole procession returned with me ; and from the 
 Countess's dressing-room we saw a battery fired 
 before the house, the mob crying, ' God bless the 
 good news ! ' These are all the particulars I know 
 of the siege. My Lord would have showed me the 
 journal; but we amused ourselves much better in 
 going to eat peaches from the new Dutch stoves 
 [hot-houses']." 
 
 Note. — On the battle of Ste.-Foy and the subsequent siege, Levis, 
 Guerre du Canada. Relation de la seconde Bataille de Quebec et du Sie'ge 
 de cette Ville (there are several copies of this paper, with different titles 
 and some variation). Murray to Amherst, 30 April, 1760. Murray, Journal 
 kept at Quebec from Sept. 18, 1759, to May 17, 1760 (Public Record Office, 
 America and West Indies, XCIX.) . Murray to Pitt, 25 May, 1760. Letter 
 
1760.] EVIDENCE. 359 
 
 from an Officer of the Royal Americans at Quebec, 24 May ,°1 760 (in Lon- 
 don Magazine and several periodical papers of the time). Eraser, Journal 
 (Quebec Hist. Soc); Johnstone, Campaign of 17 60 (Ibid.). Relation de 
 ce qui s'est passe" au Sie'ge de Quebec, par une Religieuse de I'Hopital General 
 (Ibid.). Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec, by Sergeant John Johnson. Me- 
 moires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. Letters of Levis, Bourlamaque, and 
 Vaudreuil, May, June, 1760. Several letters from officers at Quebec in 
 provincial newspapers. Knox, II. 292-322. Plan of the Battle and Situ- 
 ation of the British and French on the Heights of Abraham, the 2$th of April, 
 1760, — an admirable plan, attached to the great plan of operations at 
 Quebec before mentioned, and necessary to an understanding of the posi- 
 tion and movements of the two armies (British Museum, King's Maps). 
 
 The narratives of Mante, Entick, Wynne, Smith, and other secondary 
 writers give no additional light. On the force engaged on each side, see 
 Appendix K. 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 1760. 
 
 FALL OF CANADA. 
 
 Desperate Situation. — Efforts of Vaudreuil and Levis. — 
 Plans of Amherst. — A Trifle Attack. — Advance of Mur- 
 ray. — Advance of Haviland. — Advance of Amherst. — Cap- 
 itulation of Montreal. — Protest of Levis. — Injustice of 
 Louis XV. — Jot in the British Colonies. — Character of 
 the War. 
 
 The retreat of Levis left Canada little hope but 
 in a speedy peace. This hope was strong, for a 
 belief widely prevailed that, even if the colony 
 should be subdued, it would be restored to France 
 by treaty. Its available force did not exceed eight 
 or ten thousand men, as most of the Canadians 
 below the district of Three Rivers had sworn alle- 
 giance to King George ; and though many of them 
 had disregarded the oath to join the standard of 
 Levis, they could venture to do so no longer. The 
 (French had lost the 'best of their artillery, their 
 gunpowder was falling short, their provisions 
 would barely carry them to harvest time, and no 
 more was to be hoped for, since a convoy of ships 
 which had sailed from France at the end of winter, 
 laden with supplies of all kinds, had been captured 
 by the English. The blockade of the St. Lawrence 
 was complete. The Western Indians would not 
 
1760.] PLANS OF AMHERST. 361 
 
 fight, and even those of the mission villages were 
 wavering and insolent. 
 
 Yet Vaudreuil and Lie* vis exerted themselves for 
 defence with an energy that does honor to them 
 both. " Far from showing the least timidity," 
 says the ever-modest Governor, " I have taken 
 positions such as may hide our weakness from the 
 enemy." l He stationed Rochbeaucourt with three 
 hundred men at Pointe-aux-Trembles ; Repentigny 
 with two hundred at Jacques-Cartier ; and Dumas 
 with twelve hundred at Deschambault to watch 
 the St. Lawrence and, if possible, prevent Murray 
 from moving up the river. Bougainville was sta- 
 tioned at Isle-aux-Noix to bar tbe approach from 
 Lake Champlain, and a force under La Come was 
 held ready to defend the rapids above Montreal, 
 should the English attempt that dangerous passage. 
 Prisoners taken by war parties near Crown Point 
 gave exaggerated reports of hostile preparation, 
 and doubled and trebled the forces that were mus- 
 tering against Canada. 
 
 These forces were nevertheless considerable. 
 Amherst had resolved to enter the colony by all 
 its three gates at once, and, advancing from east, 
 west, and south, unite at Montreal and crush it as 
 in the jaws of a vice. Murray was to ascend the 
 St. Lawrence from Quebec, while Brigadier Havi- 
 land forced an entrance by way of Lake Cham- 
 plain, and Amherst himself led the main army 
 down the St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario. This 
 last route was long, circuitous, difficult, and full of 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 22 Juin, 1760- 
 
362 FALL OP CANADA. [1760. 
 
 danger from the rapids that obstructed the river. 
 His choice of it for his chief line of operation, 
 instead of the shorter and easier way of Lake 
 Champlain, was meant, no doubt, to prevent the 
 French army from escaping up the Lakes to Detroit 
 and the other wilderness posts, where it might 
 have protracted the war for an indefinite time ; 
 while the plan adopted, if successful, would make 
 its capture certain. The plan was a critical one. 
 Three armies advancing from three different points, 
 hundreds of miles apart, by routes full of difficulty, 
 and with no possibility of intercommunication, 
 were to meet at the same place at the same time, 
 or, failing to do so, run the risk of being destroyed 
 in detail. If the French troops could be kept 
 together, and if the small army of Murray or of 
 Haviland should reach Montreal a few days before 
 the co-operating forces appeared, it might be separ- 
 ately attacked and overpowered. In this lay the 
 hope of Vaudreuil and LeVis. 1 
 
 After the siege of Quebec was raised, Murray 
 had an effective force of about twenty-five hun- 
 dred rank and file. 2 As the spring opened the 
 invalids were encamped on the Island of Or- 
 leans, where fresh air, fresh provisions, and the 
 change from the pestiferous town hospitals wrought 
 such wonders on the scorbutic patients, that in a 
 few weeks a considerable number of them were 
 again fit for garrison duty, if not for the field. 
 
 1 Levis a Bourlamaque, Juillet, Aout, 1760. 
 
 2 Return of the Present State of His Majesty's Forces in Garrison at 
 Quebec, 21 May, 1760. 
 
1760.] ADVANCE OP MURRAY. 363 
 
 Thus it happened that on the second of July 
 twenty-four hundred and fifty men and officers 
 received orders to embark for Montreal ; and on 
 the fifteenth they set sail, in thirty-two vessels, 
 with a number of boats and bateaux. 1 They were 
 followed some time after by Lord Rollo, with thir- 
 teen hundred additional men just arrived from 
 Louisbourg, the King having ordered that fortress 
 to be abandoned and dismantled. They advanced 
 slowly, landing from time to time, skirmishing 
 with detachments of the enemy who followed 
 them along the shore, or more frequently trading 
 with the farmers who brought them vegetables, 
 poultry, eggs, and fresh meat. They passed the 
 fortified hill of Jacques-Cartier, whence they were 
 saluted with shot and shell, stopped at various 
 parishes, disarmed the inhabitants, administered 
 oaths of neutrality, which were taken without 
 much apparent reluctance, and on the fourth of 
 August came within sight of Three Rivers, then 
 occupied by a body of troops expecting an at- 
 tack. " But," says Knox, " a delay here would 
 be absurd, as that wretched place must share 
 the fate of Montreal. Our fleet sailed this morn- 
 ing. The French troops, apparently about two 
 thousand, lined their different works, and were 
 in general clothed as regulars, except a very few 
 Canadians and about fifty naked Picts or savages, 
 their bodies being painted of a reddish color and 
 their faces of different colors, which I plainly dis- 
 cerned with my glass. Their light cavalry, who 
 
 1 Knox, II. 344, 348. 
 
364 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 
 
 paraded along shore, seemed to be well appointed, 
 clothed in blue, faced with scarlet ; but their offi- 
 cers had white uniforms. In fine, their troops, 
 batteries, fair-looking houses ; their situation on 
 the banks of a delightful river; our fleet sailing 
 triumphantly before them, with our floating bat- 
 teries drawn up in line of battle ; the country on 
 both sides interspersed with neat settlements, to- 
 gether with the verdure of the fields and trees and 
 the clear, pleasant weather, afforded as agreeable 
 a prospect as the most lively imagination can 
 conceive." 
 
 This excellent lover of the picturesque was still 
 more delighted as the fleet sailed among the islands 
 of St. Peter. "I think nothing could equal the 
 beauties of our navigation this morning : the mean- 
 dering course of the narrow channel ; the awful- 
 ness and solemnity of the dark forests with which 
 these islands are covered; the fragrancy of the 
 spontaneous fruits, shrubs, and flowers ; the ver- 
 dure of the water by the reflection of the neighbor- 
 ing woods ; the wild chirping notes of the feathered 
 inhabitants ; the masts and sails of ships appearing 
 as if among the trees, both ahead and astern : 
 formed altogether an enchanting diversity." 
 
 The evening recalled him from dreams to real- 
 ities ; for towards seven o'clock they reached the 
 village of Sorel, where they found a large body of 
 troops and militia intrenched along the strand. 
 Bourlamaque was in command here with two or 
 three thousand men, and Dumas, with another 
 body, was on the northern shore. Both had orders 
 
1760.] DESERTION OF CANADIANS. 365 
 
 to keep abreast of the fleet as it advanced ; and 
 thus French and English alike drew slowly towards 
 Montreal, where lay the main French force under 
 LeVis, ready to unite with Bourlamaque and 
 Dumas, and fall upon Murray at the first oppor- 
 tunity. Montreal was now but a few leagues 
 distant, and the situation was becoming delicate. 
 Murray sent five rangers towards Lake Champlain 
 to get news of Haviland, and took measures at the 
 same time to cause the desertion of the Canadians, 
 who formed the largest part of the opposing force. 
 He sent a proclamation among the parishes, advis- 
 ing the inhabitants to remain peacefully at home, 
 promising that those who did so should be safe in 
 person and property, and threatening to burn every 
 house from which the men of the family were 
 absent. These were not idle words. A detach- 
 ment sent for the purpose destroyed a settlement 
 near Sorel, the owners of which were in arms 
 under Bourlamaque. " I was under the cruel 
 necessity of burning the greatest part of these poor 
 unhappy people's bouses," wrote Murray. " I pray 
 God this example may suffice, for my nature re- 
 volts when this becomes a necessary part of my 
 duty." 1 On the other hand, he treated with great 
 kindness all who left the army and returned to 
 their families. The effect was soon felt. The 
 Canadians came in by scores and by hundreds to 
 give up their arms and take the oath of neutrality, 
 till, before the end of August, half Bourlamaque's 
 force had disappeared. Murray encamped on Isle 
 
 1 Murray to Pitt, 24 Aug. 1760. 
 
366 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 
 
 Ste.-The'rese, just below Montreal, and watched 
 and waited for Haviland and Amherst to appear. 1 
 Vaudreuil on his part was not idle. He sent a 
 counter-proclamation through the parishes as an 
 antidote to that of Murray. "I have been com- 
 pelled," he writes to the Minister, " to decree the 
 pain of death to the Canadians who are so das- 
 tardly as to desert or give up their arms to the 
 enemy, and to order that the houses of those who 
 do not join our army shall be burned." 2 Execu- 
 tion was to be summary, without court-martial. 3 
 Yet desertion increased daily. The Canadians felt 
 themselves doubly ruined, for it became known 
 that the Court had refused to redeem the paper 
 that formed the whole currency of the colony ; 
 and, in their desperation, they preferred to trust 
 the tried clemency of the enemy rather than ex- 
 asperate him by persisting in a vain defence. 
 Vaudreuil writes in his usual strain : " I am tak- 
 ing the most just measures to unite our forces, 
 and, if our situation permits, fight a battle, or 
 several battles. It is to be feared that we shall 
 go down before an enemy so numerous and strong ; 
 but, whatever may be the event, we will save the 
 honor of the King's arms. I have the honor to 
 repeat to you, Mon seigneur, that if any resource 
 were left me, whatever the progress the English 
 might make, I would maintain myself in some part 
 of the colony with my remaining troops, after hav- 
 
 1 Knox, II. 382, 384. Mante, 340. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 29 Aout, 1760. 
 8 Levis a Bourlamaque, 25 Aout, 1760. 
 
1760.] PROMISES OF VAUDREUIL. 367 
 
 ing fought with the greatest obstinacy ; but I am 
 absolutely without the least remnant of the neces- 
 sary means. In these unhappy circumstances I 
 shall continue to use every manoeuvre and device 
 to keep the enemy in check ; but if we succumb 
 in the battles we shall fight, I shall apply myself 
 to obtaining a capitulation which may avert the 
 total ruin of a people who will remain forever 
 French, and who could not survive their misfor- 
 tunes but for the hope of being restored by the 
 treaty of peace to the rule of His Most Christian 
 Majesty. It is with this view that I shall remain 
 in this town, the Chevalier de Levis having repre- 
 sented to me that it would be an evil to the 
 colonists past remedy if any accident should hap- 
 pen to me." LeVis was willing to go very far in 
 soothing the susceptibilities of the Governor ; but 
 it may be suspected this time that he thought him 
 more useful within four walls than in the open field. 
 There seemed good hope of stopping the ad- 
 vance of Haviland. To this end Vaudreuil had 
 stationed Bougainville at Isle-aux-Noix with seven- 
 teen hundred men, and Eoquemaure at St. John, a 
 few miles distant, with twelve or fifteen hundred 
 more, besides all the Indians. 1 Haviland embarked 
 at Crown Point with thirty-four hundred regulars, 
 provincials, and Indians. 2 Four days brought him 
 to Isle-aux-Noix; he landed, planted cannon in 
 
 1 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 29 Aout, 1760. 
 
 2 A List of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada, 1760. 
 Compare Mante, 340, Knox, II. 392, and Rogers, 188. Chevalier John. 
 Stone, who was with Bougainville, says " ahout four thousand," which 
 
 " Vaudreuil multiplies to twelve thousand. 
 
368 FALL OF CANADA. [176a 
 
 the swamp, and opened fire. Major Darby with 
 the light infantry, and Rogers with the rangers, 
 dragged three light pieces through the forest, and 
 planted them on the river-bank in the rear of 
 Bougainville's position, where lay the French naval 
 force, consisting of three armed vessels and sev- 
 eral gunboats. The cannon were turned upon the 
 principal ship ; a shot cut her cable, and a strong- 
 west wind drove her ashore into the hands of her 
 enemies. The other vessels and gunboats made 
 all sail for St. John, but stranded in a bend of the 
 river, where the rangers, swimming out with their 
 tomahawks, boarded and took one of them, and 
 the rest soon surrendered. It was a fatal blow to 
 Bougainville, whose communications with St. John 
 were now cut off. In accordance with instructions 
 from Vaudreuil, he abandoned the island on the 
 night of the twenty-seventh of August, and, mak- 
 ing his way with infinite difficulty through the dark 
 forest, joined Roquemaure at St. John, twelve miles 
 below. Haviland followed, the rangers leading 
 the way. Bougainville and Roquemaure fell back, 
 abandoned St. John and Chambly, and joined Bour- 
 lamaque on the banks of the St. Lawrence, where 
 the united force at first outnumbered that of Havi- 
 land, though fast melted away by discouragement 
 and desertion. Haviland opened communication 
 with Murray, and they both looked daily for the 
 arrival of Amherst, whose approach was rumored 
 by prisoners and deserters. 1 
 
 1 Rogers, Journals. Diary of a Sergeant in the Army of Haviland, 
 Johnstone, Campaign of 1760. Bigot au Ministre, 29 Aout, 1760. 
 
1760.] FORT LEVIS. 369 
 
 The army of Amherst had gathered at Oswego 
 in July. On the tenth of August it was all afloat 
 on Lake Ontario, to the number of ten thousand 
 one hundred and forty-two men, besides about 
 seven hundred Indians under Sir William John- 
 son. 1 Before the fifteenth the whole had reached 
 La Presentation, otherwise called Oswegatchie or 
 La Galette, the seat of Father Piquet's mission. 
 Near by was a French armed brig, the " Ottawa," 
 with ten cannon and a hundred men, threatening 
 destruction to Amherst's bateaux and whaleboats. 
 Five gunboats attacked and captured her. Then 
 the army advanced again, and were presently 
 joined by two armed vessels of their own which 
 had lingered behind, bewildered among the channels 
 of the Thousand Islands. 
 
 Near the head of the rapids, a little below La 
 Galette, stood Fort Levis, built the year before on 
 an islet in mid-channel. Amherst might have 
 passed its batteries with slight loss, continuing 
 his voyage without paying it the honor of a siege ; 
 and this was what the French commanders feared 
 that he would do. "We shall be fortunate," 
 Levis wrote to Bourlamaque, " if the enemy amuse 
 themselves with capturing it. My chief anxiety 
 is lest Amherst should reach Montreal so soon 
 that we may not have time to unite our forces to 
 attack Haviland or Murray." If he had better 
 known the English commander, Levis would have 
 seen that he was not the man to leave a post of 
 
 1 A List of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada. 
 Compare Mante, 301, and Knox, II. 403. 
 TOL. II. — 24 
 
370 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 
 
 the enemy in his rear under any circumstances; 
 and Amherst had also another reason for wishing 
 to get the garrison into his hands, for he expected 
 to find among them the pilots whom he needed to 
 guide his boats down the rapids. He therefore in- 
 vested the fort, and, on the twenty-third, cannon- 
 aded it from his vessels, the mainland, and the 
 neighboring islands. It was commanded by Pou- 
 chot, the late commandant of Niagara, made pris- 
 oner in the last campaign, and since exchanged. 
 As the rocky islet had but little earth, the de- 
 fences, though thick and strong, were chiefly of 
 logs, which flew in splinters under the bombard- 
 ment. The French, however, made a brave resist- 
 ance. The firing lasted all day, was resumed in the 
 morning, and continued two days more ; when Pou- 
 chot, whose works were in ruins, surrendered him- 
 self and his garrison. On this, Johnson's Indians 
 prepared to kill the prisoners ; and, being compelled 
 to desist, three fourths of them went home in a 
 rage. 1 
 
 Now began the critical part of the expedition, 
 the descent of the rapids. The Galops, the Rapide 
 Plat, the Long Saut, the C6teau du Lac were 
 passed in succession, with little loss, till they 
 reached the Cedars, the Buisson, and the Cas- 
 cades, where the reckless surges dashed and 
 bounded in the sun, beautiful and terrible as 
 young tigers at play. Boat after boat, borne on 
 
 1 On the capture of Fort LeVis, Amherst to Pitt, 26 Aug. 1760. Am- 
 herst to Monckton, same date. Pouchot, II. 264-282. Knox, II. 405-413. 
 Mante, 303-306. All Canada in the Hands of the English (Boston, 1760). 
 Journal of Colonel Nathaniel Woodhull. 
 
1760.] MONTEEAE. 371 
 
 their foaming crests, rushed madly down the tor- 
 rent. Forty-six were totally wrecked, eighteen were 
 damaged, and eighty-four men were drowned. 1 La 
 Corne was watching the rapids with a considerable 
 body of Canadians ; and it is difficult to see why 
 this bold and enterprising chief allowed the army to 
 descend undisturbed through passes so dangerous. 
 At length the last rapid was left behind ; and the 
 flotilla, gliding in peace over the smooth breast of 
 Lake St. Louis, landed at Isle Perrot, a few leagues 
 from Montreal. In the morning, September sixth, 
 the troops embarked again, landed unopposed at 
 La Chine, nine miles from the city, marched on 
 without delay, and encamped before its walls. 
 
 The Montreal of that time was a long, narrow 
 assemblage of wooden or stone houses, one or two 
 stories high, above which rose the peaked towers 
 of the Seminary, the spires of three churches, the 
 walls of four convents, with the trees of their 
 adjacent gardens, and, conspicuous at the lower 
 end, a high mound of earth, crowned by a redoubt, 
 where a few cannon were mounted. The whole 
 was surrounded by a shallow moat and a bastioned 
 stone wall, made for defence against Indians, and 
 incapable of resisting cannon. 2 
 
 On the morning after Amherst encamped above 
 the place, Murray landed to encamp below it ; and 
 
 1 Amherst to Pitt, 8 Sept. 1760. 
 
 2 An East View of Montreal, drawn on the Spot by Thomas Patten 
 (King's Maps, British Museum), Plan of Montreal, 1759. A Description 
 of Montreal, in several magazines of the time. The recent Canadian 
 publication called Le Vieux Montreal, is exceedingly incorrect as to the 
 numbers of the British troops and the position of their camps. 
 
372 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 
 
 Vaudreuil, looking across the St. Lawrence, could 
 see the tents of Haviland's little army on the south- 
 ern shore. Bourlamaque, Bougainville, and Roque- 
 maure, abandoned by all their militia, had crossed 
 to Montreal with the few regulars that remained 
 with them. The town was crowded with non- 
 combatant refugees. Here, too, was nearly all the 
 remaining force of Canada, consisting of twenty- 
 two hundred troops of the line and some two hun- 
 dred colony troops ; for all the Canadians had by 
 this time gone home. Many of the regulars, es- 
 pecially of the colony troops, had also deserted ; 
 and the rest were so broken in discipline that their 
 officers were forced to use entreaties instead of 
 commands. The three armies encamped around 
 the city amounted to seventeen thousand men ; 1 
 Amherst was bringing up his cannon from La 
 Chine, and the town wall would have crumbled 
 before them in an hour. 
 
 On the night when Amherst arrived, the Gover- 
 nor called a council of war. 2 It was resolved that 
 since all the militia and many of the regulars had 
 abandoned the army, and the Indian allies of 
 France had gone over to the enemy, further resist- 
 ance was impossible. Vaudreuil laid before the 
 assembled officers a long paper that he had drawn 
 up, containing fifty-five articles of capitulation to 
 
 1 A List of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada. See 
 Smith, History of Canada, I. Appendix xix. Vaudreuil writes to 
 Charles Langlade, on the ninth, that the three armies amount to twenty 
 thousand, and raises the number to thirty-two thousand in a letter to the 
 Minister on the next day. Berniers says twenty thousand ; Levis, for 
 obvious reasons, exaggerates the number to forty thousand. 
 
 2 Vaudreuil au Ministre, 10 Sept. 1760. 
 
1760.] AMHERST INEXORABLE. 373 
 
 be proposed to the English. ; and these were unan- 
 imously approved. 1 In the morning Bougainville 
 carried them to the tent of Amherst. He granted 
 the greater part, modified some, and flatly refused 
 others. That which the French officers thought 
 more important than all the rest was the provision 
 that the troops should march out with arms, can- 
 non, and the honors of war; to which it was replied: 
 " The whole garrison of Montreal and all other 
 French troops in Canada must lay down their arms, 
 and shall not serve during the present war." This 
 demand was felt to be intolerable. The Governor 
 sent Bougainville back to remonstrate ; but Am- 
 herst was inflexible. Then LeVis tried to shake 
 his resolution, and sent him an officer with the fol- 
 lowing note : " I send your Excellency M. de la 
 Pause, Assistant Quartermaster-General of the 
 Army, on the subject of the too rigorous article 
 which you dictate to the troops by the capitula- 
 tion, to which it would not be possible for us to 
 subscribe." Amherst answered the envoy : " I am 
 fully resolved, for the infamous part the troops of 
 France have acted in exciting the savages to per- 
 petrate the most horrid and unheard of barbarities 
 in the whole progress of the war, and for other 
 open treacheries and flagrant breaches of faith, to 
 manifest to all the world by this capitulation my 
 detestation of such practices;" and he dismissed 
 La Pause with a short note, refusing to change the 
 conditions. 
 
 1 Proces-verbal de la Deliberation du Conseil de Guerre term a Montreal, 
 6 Sept. 1760. 
 
374 PALL Or CANADA. [1760. 
 
 On the next morning, September eighth, Vau- 
 dreuil yielded, and signed the capitulation. By it 
 Canada and all its dependencies passed to the 
 British Crown. French officers, civil and military, 
 with French troops and sailors, were to be sent to 
 France in British ships. Free exercise of religion 
 was assured to the people of the colony, and the 
 religious communities were to retain their posses- 
 sions, rights, and privileges. All persons who 
 might wish to retire to France were allowed to do 
 so, and the Canadians were to remain in full en- 
 joyment of feudal and other property, including 
 negro and Indian slaves. 1 
 
 The greatest alarm had prevailed among the 
 inhabitants lest they should suffer violence from 
 the English Indians, and Vaudreuil had endeavored 
 to provide that these dangerous enemies should be 
 sent back at once to their villages. This was 
 refused, with the remark : " There never have been 
 any cruelties committed by the Indians of our 
 army." Strict precautions were taken at the same 
 time, not only against the few savages whom the 
 firm conduct of Johnson at Fort Levis had not 
 driven away, but also against the late allies of the 
 French, now become a peril to them. In conse- 
 quence, not a man, woman, or child was hurt. 
 Amherst, in general orders, expressed his confidence 
 " that the troops will not disgrace themselves by 
 the least appearance of inhumanity, or by any un- 
 soldierlike behavior in seeking for plunder; and 
 that as the Canadians are now become British sub- 
 
 1 Articles of Capitulation, 8 Sept. 1760. Amherst to Pitt, same date. 
 
1760.] VAUDREUIL REPROVED. 375 
 
 jects, they will feel the good effects of His Majesty's 
 protection." They were in fact treated with a 
 kindness that seemed to surprise them. 
 
 Levis was so incensed at the demand that the 
 troops should lay down their arms and serve no 
 longer during the war that, before the capitulation 
 was signed, he made a formal protest 1 in his own 
 name and that of the officers from France, and 
 insisted that the negotiation should be broken 
 off. "If," he added, "the Marquis de Vaudreuil, 
 through political motives, thinks himself obliged 
 to surrender the colony at once, we ask his per- 
 mission to withdraw with the troops of the line to 
 the Island of St. Helen, in order to uphold there, 
 on our own behalf, the honor of the King's arms." 
 The proposal was of course rejected, as Levis knew 
 that it would be, and he and his officers were 
 ordered to conform to the capitulation. When 
 Vaudreuil reached France, three months after, he 
 had the mortification to receive from the Colonial 
 Minister a letter containing these words : " Though 
 His Majesty was perfectly aware of the state of 
 Canada, nevertheless, after the assurances you had 
 given to make the utmost efforts to sustain the 
 honor of his arms, he did not expect to hear so 
 soon of the surrender of Montreal and the whole 
 colony. But, granting that capitulation was a 
 necessity, his Majesty was not the less surprised 
 
 1 Protet de M. de Levis a M. de Vaudreuil contre la Clause dans les 
 Articles de Capitulation qui exige que les Troupes mettront has les Armes, 
 avec I'Ordre de M. de Vaudreuil au Chevalier de Levis de se conformer a la 
 Capitulation proposee. Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 10 Sept. 1760. 
 Levis au Ministre de la Guerre, 27 Nov. 1760. 
 
376 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 
 
 and ill pleased at the conditions, so little honorable, 
 to which you submitted, especially after the repre- 
 sentations made you by the Chevalier de Levis." * 
 The brother of Vaudreuil complained to the Min- 
 ister of the terms of this letter, and the Minister 
 replied : " I see with regret, Monsieur, that you 
 are pained by the letter I wrote your brother ; but 
 I could not help telling him what the King did me 
 the honor to say to me; and it would have been 
 unpleasant for him to hear it from anybody else." 2 
 
 It is true that Vaudreuil had in some measure 
 drawn this reproach upon himself by his boastings 
 about the battles he would fight ; yet the royal 
 displeasure was undeserved. The Governor had 
 no choice but to give up the colony ; for Amherst 
 had him in his power, and knew that he could 
 exact what terms he pleased. Further resistance 
 could only have ended in surrender at the discre- 
 tion of the victor, and the protest of Levis was 
 nothing but a device to save his own reputation 
 and that of his brother officers from France. 
 Vaudreuil had served the King and the colony in 
 some respects with ability, always with an unflag- 
 ging zeal ; and he loved the land of his birth with 
 a jealous devotion that goes far towards redeeming 
 his miserable defects. The King himself, and not 
 the servants whom he abandoned to their fate, was 
 answerable for the loss of New France. 
 
 Half the continent had changed hands at the 
 scratch of a pen. Governor Bernard, of Massa- 
 
 1 Le Ministre it Vaudreuil, 5 Dec. 1760. 
 
 2 Le Ministre au Vicomte de Vaudreuil, Frere du Gouverneur, 21 Dec. 
 1760. * 
 
1760.] SERMONS OF THANKSGIVING. 377 
 
 clmsetts, proclaimed a day of thanksgiving for the 
 great event, and the Boston newspapers recount 
 how the occasion was celebrated with a parade of 
 the cadets and other volunteer corps, a grand 
 dinner in Faneuil Hall, music, bonfires, illu- 
 minations, firing of cannon, and, above all, by 
 sermons in every church of the province ; for the 
 heart of early New England always found voice 
 through her pulpits. Before me lies a bundle 
 of these sermons, rescued from sixscore years of 
 dust, scrawled on their title-pages with names of 
 owners dead long ago, worm-eaten, dingy, stained 
 with the damps of time, and uttering in quaint 
 old letterpress the emotions of a buried and for- 
 gotten past. Triumph, gratulation, hope, breathe 
 in every line, but no ill-will against a fallen 
 enemy. Thomas Foxcroft, pastor of the " Old 
 Church in Boston," preaches from the text, " The 
 Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we 
 are glad." "Long," he says, "had it been the 
 common opinion, Delenda est Carthago, Canada 
 must be conquered, or we could hope for no 
 lasting quiet in these parts ; and now, through 
 the good hand of our God upon us, we see the 
 happy day of its accomplishment. We behold 
 His Majesty's victorious troops treading upon the 
 high places of the enemy, their last fortress de- 
 livered up, and their whole country surrendered 
 to the King of Britain in the person of his general, 
 the intrepid, the serene, the successful Amherst." 
 
 The loyal John Mellen, pastor of the Second 
 Church in Lancaster, exclaims, boding nothing of 
 
378 FALL OP CANADA. [176a 
 
 the tempest to come : " Let us fear God and honor 
 the King, and be peaceable subjects of an easy 
 and happy government. And may the blessing 
 of Heaven be ever upon those enemies of our 
 country that have now submitted to the English 
 Crown, and according to the oath they have taken 
 lead quiet lives in all godliness and honesty." 
 Then he ventures to predict that America, now 
 thrown open to British colonists, will be peopled 
 in a century and a half with sixty million souls : 
 a prophecy likely to be more than fulfilled. 
 
 " God has given us to sing this day the downfall 
 of New France, the North American Babylon, New 
 England's rival," cries Eli Forbes to his congrega- 
 tion of sober farmers and staid matrons at the 
 rustic village of Brookfield. Like many of his 
 flock, he had been to the war, having served two 
 years as chaplain of Buggles's Massachusetts regi- 
 ment ; and something of a martial spirit breathes 
 through his discourse. He passes in review the 
 events of each campaign down to their triumphant 
 close. " Thus God was our salvation and our 
 strength ; yet he who directs the great events of 
 war suffered not our joy to be uninterrupted, for 
 we had to lament the fall of the valiant and good 
 General Wolfe, whose death demands a tear from 
 every British eye, a sigh from every Protestant 
 heart. Is he dead ? I recall myself. Such heroes 
 are immortal ; he lives on every loyal tongue ; he 
 lives in every grateful breast ; and charity bids me 
 give him a place among the princes of heaven." 
 Nor does he forget the praises of Amherst, " the 
 
1760.] HOPES AND PREDICTIONS. 379 
 
 renowned general, worthy of that most honorable 
 of all titles, the Christian hero ; for he loves his 
 enemies, and while he subdues them he makes 
 them happy. He transplants British liberty to 
 where till now it was unknown. He acts the 
 General, the Briton, the Conqueror, and the Chris- 
 tian. What fair hopes arise from the peaceful 
 and undisturbed enjoyment of this good land, and 
 the blessing of our gracious God with it ! Me- 
 thinks I see towns enlarged, settlements increased, 
 and this howling wilderness become a fruitful field 
 which the Lord hath blessed ; and, to complete 
 the scene, I see churches rise and flourish in every" 
 Christian grace where has been the seat of Satan 
 and Indian idolatry." 
 
 Nathaniel Appleton, of Cambridge, hails the 
 dawning of a new era. " Who can tell what 
 great and glorious things God is about to bring 
 forward in the world, and in this world of Amer- 
 ica in particular ? Oh, may the time come when 
 these deserts, which for ages unknown have been 
 regions of darkness and habitations of cruelty, 
 shall be illuminated with the light of the glorious 
 Gospel, and when this part of the world, which 
 till the later ages was utterly unknown, shall be 
 the glory and joy of the whole earth ! " 
 
 On the American continent the war was ended, 
 and the British colonists breathed for a space, as 
 they drifted unwittingly towards a deadlier strife. 
 They had learned hard and useful lessons. Their 
 mutual jealousies and disputes, the quarrels of 
 their governors and assemblies, the want of any 
 
380 FALL OF CANADA. [176a 
 
 general military organization, and the absence, in 
 most of them, of military habits, joined to narrow 
 views of their own interest, had unfitted them to 
 the last degree for carrying on offensive war. Nor 
 were the British troops sent for their support re- 
 markable in the beginning for good discipline or 
 efficient command. When hostilities broke out, 
 the army of Great Britain was so small as to be 
 hardly worth the name. A new one had to be 
 created ; and thus the inexperienced Shirley and 
 the incompetent Loudon, with the futile Newcastle 
 behind them, had, besides their own incapacity, 
 the disadvantage of raw troops and half-formed 
 officers ; while against them stood an enemy who, 
 though weak in numbers, was strong in a central- 
 ized military organization, skilful leaders armed 
 with untrammelled and absolute authority, prac- 
 tised soldiers, and a population not only brave, but 
 in good part inured to war. 
 
 The nature of the country was another cause 
 that helped to protract the contest. " Geography," 
 says Von Moltke, " is three fourths of military sci- 
 ence ;" and never was the truth of his words more 
 fully exemplified. Canada was fortified with vast 
 outworks of defence in the savage forests, marshes, 
 and mountains that encompassed her, where the 
 thoroughfares were streams choked with fallen 
 trees and obstructed by cataracts. Never was the 
 problem of moving troops, encumbered with bag- 
 gage and artillery, a more difficult one. The ques- 
 tion was less how to fight the enemy than how to 
 get at him. If a few practicable roads had crossed 
 
1760.] CONDUCT OF THE WAK. 381 
 
 this broad tract of wilderness, the war would have 
 been shortened and its character changed. 
 
 From these and other reasons, the numerical 
 superiority of the English was to some extent 
 made unavailing. This superiority, though exag- 
 gerated by French writers, was nevertheless im- 
 mense if estimated by the number of men called to 
 arms ; but only a part of these could be employed 
 in offensive operations. The rest garrisoned forts 
 "and blockhouses and guarded the far reach of 
 frontier from Nova Scotia to South Carolina, where 
 a wily enemy, silent and secret as fate, choosing 
 their own time and place of attack, and striking 
 unawares at every unguarded spot, compelled thou- 
 sands of men, scattered at countless points of 
 defence, to keep unceasing watch against a few 
 hundred savage marauders. Full half the levies 
 of the colonies, and many of the regulars, were 
 used in service of this kind. 
 
 In actual encounters the advantage of numbers 
 was often with the French, through the com- 
 parative ease with which they could concen- 
 trate their forces at a given point. Of the ten 
 considerable sieges or battles of the war, five,, 
 besides the great bushfight in which the Indians 
 defeated Braddock, were victories for France ; and 
 in four of these — Oswego, Fort William Henry, 
 Montmorenci, and Ste.-Foy — the odds were greatly 
 on ber side. 
 
 Yet in this the most picturesque and dramatic of 
 American wars, there is nothing more noteworthy 
 than the skill with which the French and Canadian 
 
382 F ATT, OF CANADA. [1760. 
 
 leaders used their advantages ; the indomitable 
 spirit with which, slighted and abandoned as they 
 were, they grappled with prodigious difficulties, 
 and the courage with which they were seconded 
 by regulars and, militia alike. In spite of occa- 
 sional lapses, the defence of Canada deserves a 
 tribute of admiration. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 1758-1763. 
 
 THE PEACE OF PARIS. 
 
 Exodus of Canadian Leaders. — Wreck of the " Auguste.'' — 
 Trial of Bigot and his Confederates. — Frederic of Prussia. 
 
 — His Triumphs. — His Reverses. — His Peril. — His Forti- 
 tude. — Death of George II. — Change of Policy. — Choiseul. 
 
 — His Overtures of Peace. — The Family Compact. — Fall 
 of Pitt. — Death of the Czarina. — Frederic saved. — War 
 with Spain. — Capture of Havana. — Negotiations. — Terms 
 of Peace. — Shall Canada be restored ? — Speech of Pitt. — 
 The Treaty Signed. — End of the Seven Years War. 
 
 In accordance with the terms of the capitulation 
 of Montreal, the French military officers, with such 
 of the soldiers as could be kept together, as well 
 as all the chief civil officers of the colony, sailed 
 for France in vessels provided by the conquerors. 
 They were voluntarily followed by the principal 
 members of the Canadian noblesse, and by many 
 of the merchants who had no mind to swear 
 allegiance to King George. The peasants and 
 poorer colonists remained at home to begin a new 
 life under a new flag. 
 
 Though this exodus of the natural leaders of 
 Canada was in good part deferred till the next 
 year, and though the number of persons to be 
 immediately embarked was reduced by the deser- 
 tion of many French soldiers who had married 
 
384 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1760. 
 
 Canadian wives, yet the English authorities were 
 sorely perplexed to find vessels enough for the 
 motley crowd of passengers. When at last they 
 were all on their way, a succession of furious 
 autumnal storms fell upon them. The ship that 
 carried LeVis barely escaped wreck, and that which ■ 
 bore Vaudreuil and his wife fared little better. 1 
 Worst of all was the fate of the " Auguste," on 
 board of which was the bold but ruthless partisan, 
 Saint-Luc de la Corne, his brother, his children, 
 and a party of Canadian officers, together with 
 ladies, merchants, and soldiers. A worthy ecclesi- 
 astical chronicler paints the unhappy vessel as a 
 floating Babylon, and sees in her fate the stern 
 judgment of Heaven. 2 It is true that New France 
 ran riot in the last years of her existence ; but 
 before the " Auguste " was well out of the St. 
 Lawrence she was so tossed and buffeted, so 
 lashed with waves and pelted with rain, that the 
 most alluring forms of sin must have lost their 
 charm, and her inmates passed days rather of 
 penance than transgression. There was a violent 
 storm as the ship entered the Gulf ; then a calm, 
 during which she took fire in the cook's galley. 
 The crew and passengers subdued the flames after 
 desperate efforts ; but their only food thenceforth 
 was dry biscuit. Off the coast of Cape Breton 
 another gale rose. They lost their reckoning and 
 lay tossing blindly amid the tempest. The ex- 
 hausted sailors took, in despair, to their hammocks, 
 
 1 Levis a Belleisle, 27 Nov. 1760. 
 
 2 Faillon, Vie de Mademoiselle Le Ber, 363-370. 
 
1760, 1761.] TRIAL OF THE PECULATORS. 385 
 
 from which, neither commands nor blows could 
 rouse them, while amid shrieks, tears, prayers, and 
 vows to Heaven, the " Auguste " drove towards 
 the shore, struck, and rolled over on her side. La 
 Corne with six others gained the beach ; and 
 towards night they saw the ship break asunder, 
 and counted a hundred and fourteen corpses strewn 
 along the sand. Aided by Indians and by English 
 officers, La Corne made his way on snow-shoes up 
 the St. John, and by a miracle of enduring hardi- 
 hood reached Quebec before the end of winter. 1 
 
 The other ships weathered the November gales, 
 and landed their passengers on the shores of 
 France, where some of them found a dismal wel- 
 come, being seized and thrown into the Bastille. 
 These were Vaudreuil, Bigot, Cadet, Pean, Breard, 
 Varin, Le Mercier, Penisseault, Maurin, Corpron, 
 and others accused of the frauds and peculations 
 that had helped to ruin Canada. In the next year 
 they were all put on trial, whether as an act of 
 pure justice or as a device to turn public indigna- 
 tion from the Government. In December, 1761, 
 judges commissioned for the purpose began their 
 sessions at the Chatelet, and a prodigious mass of 
 evidence was laid before them. Cadet, with brazen 
 effrontery, at first declared himself innocent, but 
 ended with full and unblushing confession. Bigot 
 denied everything till silenced point by point with 
 papers bearing his own signature. The prisoners 
 defended themselves by accusing each other. Bigot 
 
 1 Journal du Voyage de M. Saint-Luc de la Corne. This is his own 
 narrative. 
 
 vol. u. — 25 
 
386 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1761-1761 
 
 and Vaudreuil brought mutual charges, while all 
 agreed in denouncing Cadet. Vaudreuil, as before 
 mentioned, was acquitted. Bigot was banished 
 from France for life, his property was confiscated, 
 and he was condemned to pay fifteen hundred 
 thousand francs by way of restitution. Cadet was 
 banished for nine years from Paris and required to 
 refund six millions ; while others were sentenced 
 in sums varying from thirty thousand to eight 
 hundred thousand francs, and were ordered to be 
 held in prison till the money was paid. Of twenty- 
 one persons brought to trial ten were condemned, 
 six were acquitted, three received an admonition, 
 and two were dismissed for want of evidence. 
 Thirty-four failed to appear, of whom seven were 
 sentenced in default, and judgment was reserved 
 in the case of the rest. 1 Even those who escaped 
 from justice profited little by their gains, for 
 unless they had turned them betimes into land or 
 other substantial values, they lost them in a dis- 
 credited paper currency and dishonored bills of 
 exchange. 
 
 While on the American continent the last scenes 
 of the war were drawing to their close, the contest 
 raged in Europe with unabated violence. England 
 was in the full career of success; but her great 
 ally, Frederic of Prussia, seemed tottering to his 
 ruin. In the summer of 1758 his glory was at 
 its height. French, Austrians, and Russians had 
 all fled before him. But the autumn brought 
 
 1 Jugement rendu souverainement et en dernier Ressort dans I' Affaire du 
 Canada. Papers at the Chatelet of Paris, cited by Dussieux. 
 
1758, 1759.] FREDERIC OF PRUSSIA. 387 
 
 reverses ; and the Austrian general, Daun, at the 
 head of an overwhelming force, gained over him 
 a partial victory, which his masterly strategy 
 robbed of its fruits. It was but a momentary 
 respite. His kingdom was exhausted by its own 
 triumphs. His best generals were dead, his best 
 soldiers killed or disabled, his resources almost 
 spent, the very chandeliers of his palace melted 
 into coin ; and all Europe was in arms against 
 him. The disciplined valor of the Prussian troops 
 and the supreme leadership of their un despairing 
 King had thus far held the invading hosts at bay ; 
 but now the end seemed near. Frederic could 
 not be everywhere at once ; and while he stopped 
 one leak the torrent poured in at another. The 
 Russians advanced again, defeated General Wedell, 
 whom he sent against them, and made a junction 
 with the Austrians. In August, 1759, he attacked 
 their united force at Kunersdorf, broke their left 
 wing to pieces, took a hundred and eighty cannon, 
 forced their centre to give ground, and after hours 
 of furious fighting was overwhelmed at last. In 
 vain he tried to stop the rout. The bullets killed 
 two horses under him, tore his clothes, and crushed 
 a gold snuff-box in his waistcoat pocket. " Is 
 there no b — of a shot that can hit me, then ? " he 
 cried in his bitterness, as his aides-de-camp forced 
 him from the field. For a few days he despaired ; 
 then rallied to his forlorn task, and with smiles 
 on his lip and anguish at his heart watched, 
 manoeuvred, and fought with cool and stubborn 
 desperation. To his friend D'Argens he wrote 
 
388 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1759, 1760. 
 
 soon after his defeat: "Death is sweet in com- 
 parison to such a life as mine. Have pity on me 
 and it ; believe that I still keep to myself a great 
 many evil things, not wishing to afflict or dis- 
 gust anybody with them, and that I would not 
 counsel you to fly these unlucky countries if I had 
 any ray of hope. Adieu, mon cher ! " It was well 
 for him and for Prussia that he had strong allies 
 in the dissensions and delays of his enemies. But 
 his cup was not yet full. Dresden was taken from 
 him, eight of his remaining generals and twelve- 
 thousand men were defeated and captured at 
 Maxen, and ",this infernal campaign," as he calls 
 it, closed in thick darkness. 
 
 " I wrap myself in my stoicism as best I can," 
 he writes to Voltaire. " If you saw me you would 
 hardly know me : I am old, broken, gray-headed, 
 wrinkled. If this goes on there will be nothing 
 left of me but the mania of making verses and 
 an inviolable attachment to my duties and to the 
 few virtuous men I know. But you will not get 
 a peace signed by my hand except on conditions 
 honorable to my nation. Your people, blown up 
 with conceit and folly, may depend on this." 
 
 The same stubborn conflict with overmastering 
 odds, the same intrepid resolution, the same subtle 
 strategy, the same skill in eluding the blow and 
 lightning-like quickness in retorting it, marked 
 Frederic's campaign of 1760. At Liegnitz three 
 armies, each equal to his own, closed round him, 
 and he put them all to flight. While he was 
 fighting in Silesia, the Allies marched upon Berlin, 
 
1760,1761.] EREDEEIC OF PRUSSIA. 389 
 
 took it, and held it three days, but withdrew on 
 his approach. For him there was no peace. 
 "Why weary you with the details of rny labors 
 and my sorrows?" he wrote again to his faithful 
 D'Argens. " My spirits have forsaken me ; all 
 gayety is buried with the loved noble ones to 
 whom my heart was bound." He had lost his 
 mother and his devoted sister Wilhelmina. " You 
 as a follower of Epicurus put a value upon life ; 
 as for me, I regard death from the Stoic point of 
 view. I have told you, and I repeat it, never 
 shall my hand sign a humiliating peace. Finish 
 this campaign I will, resolved to dare all, to suc- 
 ceed, or find a glorious end." Then came the 
 victory of Torgau, the last and one of the most 
 desperate of his battles : a success dearly bought, 
 and bringing neither rest nor safety. Once more 
 he wrote to D'Argens : " Adieu, dear Marquis ; 
 write to me sometimes. Don't forget a poor 
 devil who curses his fatal existence ten times a 
 day." "I live like a military monk. Endless 
 business, and a little consolation from my books. 
 I don't know if I shall outlive this war, but if I 
 do I am firmly resolved to pass the rest of my life 
 in solitude in the bosom of philosophy and friend- 
 ship. Your nation, you see, is blinder than you 
 thought. These fools will lose their Canada and 
 Pondicherry to please the Queen of Hungary and 
 the Czarina." 
 
 The campaign of 1761 was mainly defensive on 
 the part of Frederic. In the exhaustion of his 
 resources he could see no means of continuing the 
 
390 THE PEACE OE PARIS. [1760,1761. 
 
 struggle. "It is only Fortune," says the royal 
 sceptic, " that can extricate me from the situation 
 I am in. I escape out of it by looking at the uni- 
 verse on the great scale like an observer from some 
 distant planet. All then seems to be so infinitely 
 small that I could almost pity my enemies for giv- 
 ing themselves so much trouble about so very little. 
 I read a great deal, I devour my books. But for 
 them I think hypochondria would have had me in 
 Bedlam before now. In fine, dear Marquis, we 
 live in troublous times and desperate situations. 
 I have all the properties of a stage hero ; always 
 in danger, always on the point of perishing." 1 
 And in another mood : " I begin to feel that, as 
 the Italians say, revenge is a pleasure for the gods. 
 My philosophy is worn out by suffering. I am no 
 saint, and I will own that I should die content if 
 only I could first inflict a part of the misery that 
 I endure." 
 
 While Frederic was fighting for life and crown, 
 an event took place in England that was to have 
 great influence on the war. Walpole recounts it 
 thus, writing to George Montagu on the twenty- 
 fifth of October, 1760 : "My man Harry tells me 
 all the amusing news. He first told me of the late 
 Prince of Wales's death, and to-day of the King's; 
 so I must tell you all I know of departed majesty. 
 He went to bed well last night, rose at six this 
 morning as usual, looked, I suppose, if all his 
 money was in his purse, and called for his choco- 
 
 1 The above extracts are as translated by Carlyle in his History of 
 Frederick II. of Prussia. 
 
1700.] GEORGE in. 391 
 
 late. A little after seven he went into the closet ; 
 the German valet-de-chambre heard a noise, lis- 
 tened, heard something like a groan, ran in, and 
 found the hero of Oudenarde and Dettingen on the 
 floor with a gash on his right temple by falling 
 against the corner of a bureau. He tried to speak, 
 could not, and expired. The great ventricle of 
 the heart had burst. What an enviable death ! " 
 
 The old King was succeeded by his grandson, 
 George III., a mirror of domestic virtues, consci- 
 entious, obstinate, narrow. His accession produced 
 political changes that had been preparing for some 
 time. His grandfather was German at heart, loved 
 his Continental kingdom of Hanover, and was 
 eager for all measures that looked to its defence 
 and preservation. Pitt, too, had of late vigorously 
 supported the Continental war, saying that he 
 would conquer America in Germany. Thus with 
 different views the King and the Minister had con- 
 curred in the same measures. But George III. 
 was English by birth, language, and inclination. 
 His ruling passion was the establishment and in- 
 crease of his own authority. He disliked Pitt, 
 the representative of the people. He was at heart 
 averse to a war, the continuance of which would 
 make the Great Commoner necessary, and therefore 
 powerful, and he wished for a peace that would 
 give free scope to his schemes for strengthening 
 the prerogative. He was not alone in his pacific 
 inclinations. The enemies of the haughty Minister, 
 who had ridden rough-shod over men far above 
 him in rank, were tired of his ascendency, and saw 
 
392 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1760.1761. 
 
 no hope of ending it but by ending the war. Thus 
 a peace party grew up, and the young King became 
 its real, though not at first its declared, supporter. 
 
 The Tory party, long buried, showed signs of 
 resurrection. There were those among its mem- 
 bers who, even in a king of the hated line of 
 Hanover, could recognize and admire the same 
 spirit of arbitrary domination that had marked 
 their fallen idols, the Stuarts ; and they now joined 
 hands with the discontented Whigs in opposition 
 to Pitt. The horrors of war, the blessings of 
 peace, the weight of taxation, the growth of the 
 national debt, were the rallying cries of the new 
 party ; but the mainspring of their zeal was hos- 
 tility to the great Minister. Even his own col- 
 leagues chafed under his spirit of mastery ; the 
 chiefs of the Opposition longed to inherit his 
 power ; and the King had begun to hate him as a 
 lion in his path. Pitt held to his purpose regard- 
 less of the gathering storm. That purpose, as 
 proclaimed by his adherents, was to secure a solid 
 and lasting peace, which meant the reduction of 
 France to so low an estate that she could no more 
 be a danger to her rival. In this he had the 
 sympathy of the great body of the nation. 
 
 Early in 1761 the King, a fanatic for preroga- 
 tive, set his enginery in motion. The elections for 
 the new Parliament were manipulated in his in- 
 terest. If he disliked Pitt as the representative of 
 the popular will, he also disliked his colleague, the 
 shuffling and uncertain Newcastle, as the repre- 
 sentative of a too powerful nobility. Elements 
 
1761-1 CHOISETJL. 393 
 
 hostile to both were introduced into the Cabinet 
 and the great offices. The King's favorite, the 
 Earl of Bute, supplanted Holdernesse as Secretary 
 of State for the Northern Department ; Charles 
 Townshend, an opponent of Pitt, was made Secre- 
 tary of War ; Legge, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 was replaced by Viscount Barrington, who was 
 sure for the King ; while a place in the Cabinet 
 was also given to the Duke of Bedford, one of the 
 few men who dared face the formidable Minister. 
 It was the policy of the King and his following to 
 abandon Prussia, hitherto supported by British _ 
 subsidies, make friends with Austria and Russia at 
 her expense, and conclude a separate peace with 
 France. 
 
 France was in sore need of peace. The infatua- 
 tion that had turned her from her own true inter- 
 est to serve the passions of Maria Theresa and the 
 Czarina Elizabeth had brought military humiliation 
 and financial ruin. Abbe de Bernis, Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, had lost the favor of Madame de 
 Pompadour, and had been supplanted by the Due 
 de Choiseul. The new Minister had gained his 
 place by pleasing the favorite ; but he kept it 
 through his own ability and the necessities of the 
 time. The Englishman Stanley, whom Pitt sent 
 to negotiate with him, drew this sketch of his 
 character : " Though he may have his superiors, 
 not only in experience of business, but in depth 
 and refinement as a statesman, he is a person of as 
 bold and daring a spirit as any man whatever in 
 our country or in his own. Madame Pompadour 
 
394 THE PEACE OE PARIS. 1176L 
 
 has ever been looked upon by all preceding cour- 
 tiers and ministers as their tutelary deity, under 
 whose auspices only they could exist, and who was 
 as much out of their reach as if she were of a 
 superior class of beings ; but this Minister is so far 
 from being in subordination to her influence that 
 he seized the first opportunity of depriving her not 
 of an equality, but of any share of power, reducing 
 her to the necessity of applying to him even for 
 those favors that she wants for herself and her 
 dependents. He has effected this great change, 
 which every other man would have thought impos- 
 sible, in the interior of the Court, not by plausi- 
 bility, flattery, and address, but with a high hand, 
 with frequent railleries and sarcasms which would 
 have ruined any other, and, in short, by a clear 
 superiority of spirit and resolution." 1 
 
 Choiseul was vivacious, brilliant, keen, pene- 
 trating ; believing nothing, fearing nothing ; an 
 easy moralist, an uncertain ally, a hater of priests; 
 light-minded, inconstant ; yet a kind of patriot, 
 eager to serve France and retrieve her fortunes. 
 
 He flattered himself with no illusions. " Since 
 we do not know how to make war," he said, " we 
 must make peace;" 2 and he proposed a congress 
 of all the belligerent Powers at Augsburg. At the 
 same time, since the war in Germany was distinct 
 from the maritime and colonial war of France and 
 England, he proposed a separate negotiation with 
 the British Court in order to settle the questions 
 
 1 Stanley to Pitt, 6 Aug. 1761, in Grenville Correspondence, I. 367, note. 
 
 2 Elassan, Diplomatie Francaise, V. 376 (Paris, 1809). 
 
1761.] ARROGANCE OF PITT. 395 
 
 between them as a preliminary to the general 
 pacification. Pitt consented, and Stanley went as 
 envoy to Versailles; while M. de Bussy came as 
 envoy to London and, in behalf of Choiseul, offered 
 terms of peace, the first of which was the entire 
 abandonment of Canada to England. 1 But the 
 offers were accompanied by the demand that Spain, 
 which had complaints of its own against England, 
 should be admitted as a party to the negotiation, 
 and even hold in some measure the attitude of a 
 mediator. Pitt spurned the idea with fierce con- 
 tempt. "Time enough to treat of all that, sir, 
 when the Tower of London is taken sword in 
 hand." 2 He bore his part with the ability that 
 never failed him, and with a supreme arrogance 
 that rose to a climax in his demand that the 
 fortress of Dunkirk should be demolished, not be- 
 cause it was any longer dangerous to England, but 
 because the nation would regard its destruction 
 " as an eternal monument of the yoke imposed on 
 France." 3 
 
 Choiseul replied with counter-propositions less 
 humiliating to his nation. When the question of 
 accepting or rejecting them came before the Min- 
 istry, the views of Pitt prevailed by a majority of 
 one, and, to the disappointment of Bute and the 
 
 1 See the proposals in Entick, V. 161. 
 
 2 Beatson, Military Memoirs, II. 434. The Count de Fuentes to the Earl 
 ofEgremont, 25 Dec. 1761, in Entick, V. 264. 
 
 3 On this negotiation, see Memoire historique sur la Negotiation de la 
 France et de I'Angleterre (Paris, 1761), a, French Government publication 
 containing papers on both sides. The British Ministry also published 
 such documents as they saw fit, under the title of Papers relating to the 
 Rupture with Spain. Compare Adolphus, George III., L 31-39. 
 
396 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1761. 
 
 King, the conferences were broken off. Choiseul, 
 launched again on the billows of a disastrous war, 
 had seen and provided against the event. Ferdi- 
 nand VI. of Spain had died, ^and Carlos III. had 
 succeeded to his throne. Here, as in England, 
 change of kings brought change of policy. While 
 negotiating vainly with Pitt, the French Minister 
 had negotiated secretly and successfully with Car- 
 los ; and the result was the treaty known as the 
 Family Compact, having for its object the union 
 of the various members of the House of Bourbon 
 in common resistance to the growing power of 
 England. It provided that in any future war the 
 Kings of France and Spain should act as one 
 towards foreign Powers, insomuch that the enemy 
 of either should be the enemy of both; and the 
 Bourbon princes of Italy were invited to join in 
 the covenant. 1 What was more to the present 
 purpose, a special agreement was concluded on the 
 same day, by which Spain bound herself to declare 
 war against England unless that Power should 
 make peace with France before the first of May, 
 1762. For the safety of her colonies and her trade 
 Spain felt it her interest to join her sister nation 
 in putting a check on the vast expansion of British 
 maritime power. She could bring a hundred ships 
 of war to aid the dilapidated navy of France, 
 and the wealth of the Indies to aid her ruined 
 treasury. 
 
 Pitt divined the secret treaty, and soon found 
 evidence of it. He resolved to demand at once 
 
 1 Elassan, Diplomatie Frangaise, V. 317 (Paris, 1809). 
 
1761.] PITT AND HIS COLLEAGUES. 397 
 
 full explanation from Spain ; and, failing to re- 
 ceive a satisfactory reply, attack her at home and 
 abroad before she was prepared. On the second 
 of October he laid his plan before a Cabinet 
 Council held at a house in St. James Street. 
 There were present the Earl of Bute, the Duke of 
 Newcastle, Earl Granville, Earl Temple, and others 
 of the Ministry. Pitt urged his views with great 
 warmth. " This," he- exclaimed, '' is the time for 
 humbling the whole House of Bourbon I" 1 His 
 brother-in-law, Temple, supported him. Newcastle 
 kept silent. Bute denounced the proposal, and the 
 rest were of his mind. " If these views are to be 
 followed," said Pitt, " this is the last time I can 
 sit at this board. I was called to the administra- 
 tion of affairs by the voice of the people ; to them 
 I have always considered myself as accountable for 
 my conduct ; and therefore cannot remain in a sit- 
 uation which makes me responsible for measures 
 I am no longer allowed to guide." Nothing could 
 be more offensive to George III. and his adherents. 
 The veteran Carteret, Earl Granville, replied 
 angrily : " I find the gentleman is determined to 
 leave us ; nor can I say I am sorry for it, since 
 otherwise he would certainly have compelled us to 
 leave him. But if he is resolved to assume the of- 
 fice of exclusively advising His Majesty and direct- 
 ing the operations of the war, to what purpose are 
 we called to this council ? When he talks of being 
 responsible to the people, he talks the language of 
 the House of Commons, and forgets that at this 
 
 1 Beatson, II. 438. 
 
398 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1761. 
 
 board he is responsible only to the King. How- 
 ever, though he may possibly have convinced him- 
 self of his infallibility, still it remains that we 
 should be equally convinced before we can resign 
 our understandings to his direction, or join with 
 him in the measure he proposes." 1 
 
 Pitt resigned, and his colleagues rejoiced. 2 Power 
 fell to Bute and the Tories ; and great was the fall. 
 The mass of the nation was with the defeated 
 Minister. On Lord Mayor's Day Bute and Bar- 
 rington were passing St. Paul's in a coach, which 
 the crowd mistook for that of Pitt, and cheered 
 lustily ; till one man, looking in at the window, 
 shouted to the rest : " This is n't Pitt ; it 's Bute, 
 and be damned to him ! " The cheers turned forth- 
 with to hisses, mixed with cries of "No Bute!" 
 "No Newcastle salmon!" "Pitt forever!" Hand- 
 fuls of mud were showered against the coach, and 
 Barrington's ruffles were besmirched with it. 3 
 
 The fall of Pitt was like the knell of doom to 
 Frederic of Prussia. It meant abandonment by 
 his only ally, and the loss of the subsidy which 
 was his chief resource. The darkness around him 
 grew darker yet, and not a hope seemed left; when 
 as by miracle the clouds broke, and light streamed 
 out of the blackness. The bitterest of his foes, 
 the Czarina Elizabeth, she whom he had called 
 
 1 Annual Register, 1761, p. 44. Adolphus, George III., I. 40. Thack- 
 eray, Life of Chatham, I. 592. 
 
 2 Walpole, George III., I. 80, and note by Sir Denis Le Marchant, 
 80-82. 
 
 3 Nuthall to Lady Chatham, 12 Nov. 1761, in Chatham Correspondence, 
 II. 166. 
 
1762.] THE NEW CZAR. 399 
 
 infame catin du JSTord, died, and was succeeded 
 by her nephew, Peter III. Here again, as in Eng- 
 land and Spain, a new sovereign brought new 
 measures. The young Czar, simple and enthusi- 
 astic, admired the King of Prussia, thought him 
 the paragon of heroes, and proclaimed himself his 
 friend. No sooner was he on the throne than 
 Russia changed front. From the foe of Frederic 
 she became his ally ; and in the opening campaign 
 of 1762 the army that was to have aided in crush- 
 ing him was ranged on his side. It was a turn of 
 fortune too sharp and sudden to endure. Ill-bal- 
 anced and extreme in all things, Peter plunged 
 into headlong reforms, exasperated the clergy and 
 the army, and alienated his wife, Catherine, who 
 had hoped to rule in his name, and who now saw 
 herself supplanted by his mistress. Within six 
 months he was deposed and strangled. Catherine, 
 one of whose lovers had borne part in the murder, 
 reigned in his stead, conspicuous by the unbridled 
 disorders of her life, and by powers of mind that 
 mark her as the ablest of female sovereigns. If 
 she did not share her husband's enthusiasm for 
 Frederic, neither did she share Elizabeth's hatred 
 of him. He, on his part, taught by hard experi- 
 ence, conciliated instead of insulting her, and she 
 let him alone. 
 
 Peace with Russia brought peace with Sweden, 
 and Austria with the Germanic Empire stood alone 
 against him. France needed all her strength to 
 hold her own against the mixed English and Ger- 
 man force under Ferdinand of Brunswick in the 
 
400 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1762. 
 
 Khine countries. She made spasmodic efforts to 
 seize upon Hanover, but the result was humiliating 
 defeat. 
 
 In England George III. pursued his policy of 
 strengthening the prerogative, and, jealous of the 
 Whig aristocracy, attacked it in the person of 
 Newcastle. In vain the old politician had played 
 false with Pitt, and trimmed to please his young 
 master. He was worried into resigning his place 
 in the Cabinet, and Bute, the obsequious agent of 
 the royal will, succeeded him as First Lord of the 
 Treasury. Into his weak and unwilling hands 
 now fell the task of carrying on the war ; for the 
 nation, elated with triumphs and full of fight, still 
 called on its rulers for fresh efforts and fresh vic- 
 tories. Pitt had proved a true prophet, and his 
 enemies were put to shame ; for the attitude of 
 Spain forced Bute and his colleagues to the open 
 rupture with her which the great Minister had 
 vainly urged upon them ; and a new and formida- 
 ble war was now added to the old. 1 Their coun- 
 sels were weak and half-hearted ; but the armies 
 and navies of England still felt the impulsion that 
 the imperial hand of Pitt had given and the 
 unconquerable spirit that he had roused. 
 
 This spirit had borne them from victory to vic- 
 tory. In Asia they had driven the French from 
 Pondicherry and all their Indian possessions ; in 
 Africa they had wrested from them Goree and the 
 Senegal country ; in the West Indies they had 
 taken Guadeloupe and Dominica ; in the European. 
 
 1 Declaration of War against the King of Spain, 4 Jan. 1762. 
 
1762.] SIEGE OF HAVANA. 401 
 
 seas they had captured ship after ship, routed and 
 crippled the great fleet of Admiral Conflans, seized 
 Belleisle, and defeated a bold attempt to invade 
 Ireland. The navy of France was reduced to help- 
 lessness. Pitt, before bis resignation, had planned 
 a series of new operations, including an attack on 
 Martinique, with other West Indian islands still 
 left to France, and then in turn on the Spanish 
 possessions of Havana, Panama, Manila, and the 
 Pbilippines. Now, more than ever before, the war 
 appeared in its true character. It was a contest 
 for maritime and colonial ascendency ; and Eng- 
 land saw herself confronted by both her great 
 rivals at once. 
 
 Admiral Rodney sailed for Martinique, and 
 Brigadier Monckton joined him with troops from 
 America. Before the middle of February the 
 whole island was in their hands ; and Grenada, St. 
 Lucia, and St. Vincent soon shared its fate. The 
 Earl of Albemarle and Admiral Sir George Pococke 
 sailed in early spring on a more important errand, 
 landed in June near Havana with eleven thou- 
 sand soldiers, and attacked Moro Castle, the key 
 of the city. The pitiless sun of the tropic mid- 
 summer poured its fierce light and heat on the 
 parched rocks where the men toiled at the trenches. 
 Earth was so scarce that hardly enough could be 
 had to keep the fascines in place. The siege 
 works were little else than a mass of dry faggots ; 
 and when, after exhausting toil, the grand battery 
 opened on the Spanish defences, it presently took 
 fire, was consumed, and had to be made anew. 
 
 vol. ii. — 26 
 
402 THE PEACE OE PARIS. [1762. 
 
 Fresh water failed, and the troops died by scores 
 from thirst; fevers set in, killed many, and dis- 
 abled nearly half the army. The sea was strewn 
 with floating corpses, and carrion-birds in clouds 
 hovered over the populous graveyards and infected 
 camps. Yet the siege went on : a formidable sally 
 was repulsed ; Moro Castle was carried by storm ; 
 till at length, two months and eight days after the 
 troops landed, Havana fell into their hands. 1 At 
 the same time Spain was attacked at the antipodes, 
 and the loss of Manila and the Philippines gave 
 her fresh cause to repent her rash compact with 
 France. She was hardly more fortunate near 
 home ; for having sent an army to invade Portugal, 
 which was in the interest of England, a small 
 British force, under Brigadier Burgoyne, foiled it, 
 and forced it to retire. 
 
 The tide of British success was checked for an 
 instant in Newfoundland, where a French squad- 
 ron attacked St. John's and took it, with its gar- 
 rison of sixty men. The news reached Amherst 
 at New York; his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Amherst, was sent to the scene of the mishap. St. 
 John's was retaken, and its late conquerors were 
 made prisoners of war. 
 
 The financial condition of France was desperate. 
 Her people were crushed with taxation ; her debt 
 grew apace ; and her yearly expenditure was nearly 
 double her revenue. Choiseul felt the need of im- 
 mediate peace ; and George III. and Bute were 
 
 1 Journal of the Siege, by the Chief Engineer, in Beatson, II. 544 
 T.Iante, 398-465. Entick, V. 363-383. 
 
1762.] SHALL CANADA BE RESTORED? 403 
 
 hardly less eager for it, to avert the clanger of 
 Pitt's return to power and give free scope to their 
 schemes for strengthening the prerogative. There- 
 fore, in September, 1762, negotiations were re- 
 sumed. The Duke of Bedford was sent to Paris 
 to settle the preliminaries, and the Due de Niver- 
 nois came to London on the same errand. The 
 populace were still for war. Bedford was hissed 
 as he passed through the streets of London, and a 
 mob hooted at the puny figure of Nivernois as he 
 landed at Dover. 
 
 The great question was, Should Canada be re- 
 stored ? Should France still be permitted to keep 
 a foothold on the North American continent ? 
 Ever since the capitulation of Montreal a swarm 
 of pamphlets had discussed the momentous subject. 
 Some maintained that the acquisition of Canada 
 was not an original object of the war; that the 
 colony was of little value and ought to be given 
 back to its old masters ; that Guadeloupe should be 
 kept instead, the sugar trade of tbat island being 
 worth far more than the Canadian fur trade ; and, 
 lastly, that the British colonists, if no longer held 
 in check by France, would spread themselves over 
 the continent, learn to supply all their own wants, 
 grow independent, and become dangerous. Nor 
 were these views confined to Englishmen. There 
 were foreign observers who clearly saw that the 
 adhesion of her colonies to Great Britain would 
 be jeopardized by the extinction of French power 
 in America. Choiseul warned Stanley that they 
 " would not fail to shake off their dependence the 
 
404 THE PEACE OE PARIS. [1762. 
 
 moment Canada should be ceded ; " while thirteen 
 years before, the Swedish traveller Kalm declared 
 that the presence of the French in America gave 
 the best assurance to Great Britain that its own 
 colonies would remain in due subjection. 1 
 
 The most noteworthy argument on the other 
 side was that of Franklin, whose words find a 
 strange commentary in the events of the next few 
 years. He affirmed that the colonies were so jeal- 
 ous of each other that they would never unite 
 against England. " If they could not agree to 
 unite against the French and Indians, can it rea- 
 sonably be supposed that there is any danger of 
 their uniting against their own nation, which it is 
 well known they all love much more than they 
 love one another ? I will venture to say union 
 amongst them for such a purpose is not merely 
 improbable, it is impossible ; " that is, he pru- 
 dently adds, without " the most grievous tyranny 
 and oppression," like the bloody rule of "Alva in 
 the Netherlands." 2 
 
 If Pitt had been in office he would have de- 
 manded terms that must ruin past redemption 
 the maritime and colonial power of France; but 
 
 1 Kalm, Travels in North America, I. 207. 
 
 2 Interest of Great Britain in regard to her Colonies (London, 1760). 
 Lord Bath argues for retaining Canada in A Letter addressed to Two 
 
 Great Men on the Prospect of Peace (1759). He is answered by another 
 pamphlet called Remarks on the Letter to Two Great Men (1760). The 
 Gentleman's Magazine for 1759 has an ironical article styled Reasons for 
 restoring Canada to the French; and in 1761 a pamphlet against the 
 restitution appeared under the title, Importance of Canada considered in 
 Two Letters to a Noble Lord. These are but a part of the writings on the 
 question. 
 
1762.] THE PRELIMINARIES. 405 
 
 Bute was less exacting. In November the pleni- 
 potentiaries of England, France, and Spain agreed 
 on preliminaries of peace, in which, the following 
 were the essential points. France ceded to Great 
 Britain Canada and all her possessions on the 
 North American continent east of the River Mis- 
 sissippi, except the city of New Orleans and a 
 small adjacent district. She renounced her claims 
 to Acadia, and gave up to the conqueror the Isl- 
 and of Cape Breton, with all other islands in the 
 Gulf and River of St. Lawrence. Spain received 
 back Havana, and paid for it by the cession of 
 Florida, with all her other possessions east of the 
 Mississippi. France, subject to certain restrictions, 
 was left free to fish in the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 and off a part of the coast of Newfoundland ; and 
 the two little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon 
 were given her as fishing stations on condition 
 that she should not fortify or garrison them. In 
 the West Indies, England restored the captured 
 islands of Guadeloupe, Marigalante, Desirade, and 
 Martinique, and France ceded Grenada and the 
 Grenadines; while it was agreed that of the so- 
 called neutral islands, St. Vincent, Dominica, and 
 Tobago should belong to England, and St. Lucia 
 to France. In Europe, each side promised to give 
 no more help to its allies in the German war. 
 France restored Minorca, and England restored 
 Belleisle ; France gave up such parts of Hanoverian 
 territory as she had occupied, and evacuated certain 
 fortresses belonging to Prussia, pledging herself 
 at the same time to demolish, under the inspection 
 
406 THE PEACE OF PARIS. 1 1762 
 
 of English engineers, her own maritime fortress of 
 Dunkirk. In Africa France ceded Senegal, and 
 received back the small Island of Gore"e. In 
 India she lost everything she had gained since the 
 peace of Aix-la-Chapelle ; recovered certain trading 
 stations, but renounced the right of building forts 
 or maintaining troops in Bengal. 
 
 On the day when the preliminaries were signed, 
 France made a secret agreement with Spain, by 
 which she divested herself of the last shred of her 
 possessions on the North American continent. As 
 compensation for Florida, which her luckless ally 
 had lost in her quarrel, she made over to the Span- 
 ish Crown the city of New Orleans, and under the 
 name of Louisiana gave her the vast region spread- 
 ing westward from the Mississippi towards the 
 Pacific. 
 
 On the ninth of December the question of ap- 
 proving the preliminaries came up before both 
 Houses of Parliament. There was a long debate 
 in the Commons. Pitt was not present, confined, 
 it was said, by gout ; till late in the day the 
 House was startled by repeated cheers from the 
 outside. The doors opened, and the fallen Minister 
 entered, carried in the arms of his servants, and 
 followed by an applauding crowd. His bearers 
 set him down within the bar, and by the help of 
 a crutch he made his way with difficulty to his 
 seat. " There was a mixture of the very solemn 
 and the theatric in this apparition," says Walpole, 
 who was present. " The moment was so well 
 timed, the importance of the man and his ser- 
 
1763] END OF THE WAR. 407 
 
 vices, the languor of his emaciated countenance, 
 and the study bestowed on his dress were cir- 
 cumstances that struck solemnity into a patriot 
 mind, and did a little furnish ridicule to the 
 hardened and insensible. He was dressed in black 
 velvet, his legs and thighs wrapped in flannel, his 
 feet covered with buskins of black cloth, and his 
 hands with thick gloves." Not for the first time, 
 he was utilizing his maladies for purposes of stage 
 effect. He spoke for about three hours, sometimes 
 standing, and sometimes seated ; sometimes with a 
 brief burst of power, more often with the accents 
 of pain and exhaustion. He highly commended 
 the retention of Canada, but denounced the leaving 
 to France a share in the fisheries, as well as other 
 advantages tending to a possible revival of her 
 maritime power. But the Commons listened 
 coldly, and by a great majority approved the 
 preliminaries of peace. 
 
 These preliminaries were embodied in the defini- 
 tive treaty concluded at Paris on the tenth of 
 February, 1763. Peace between France and Eng- 
 land brought peace between the warring nations 
 of the Continent. Austria, bereft of her allies, 
 and exhausted by vain efforts to crush Frederic, 
 gave up the attempt in despair, and signed the 
 treaty of Hubertsburg. The Seven Years War 
 was ended. 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 1763-1884. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Results or the War. — Germany. — France. — England. — Can- 
 ada. — The Bkitish Provinces. 
 
 "This," said Earl Granville on his deathbed, 
 "has been the most glorious war and the most 
 triumphant peace that England ever knew." Not 
 all were so well pleased, and many held with Pitt 
 that the House of Bourbon should have been forced 
 to drain the cup of humiliation to the dregs. Yet 
 the fact remains that the Peace of Paris marks an 
 epoch than which none in modern history is more 
 fruitful of grand results. With it began a new 
 chapter in the annals of the world. To borrow 
 the words of a late eminent writer, "It is no exag- 
 geration to say that three of the many victories of 
 the Seven Years War determined for ages to come 
 the destinies of mankind. With that of Eossbach 
 began the re-creation of Germany; with that of 
 Plassey the influence of Europe told for the first 
 time since the days of Alexander on the nations 
 of the East ; with the triumph of Wolfe on the 
 Heights of Abraham began the history of the 
 United States." 1 
 
 1 Green, History of the English People, IV. 193 (London, 1880). 
 
1763-1884.] PRUSSIA AND HER FOES. 409 
 
 So far, however, as concerns the war in the Ger- 
 manic countries, it was to outward seeming but a 
 mad debauch of blood and rapine, ending in noth- 
 ing but the exhaustion of the combatants. The 
 havoc had been frightful. According to the King 
 of Prussia's reckoning, 853,000 soldiers of the 
 various nations had lost their lives, besides hun- 
 dreds of thousands of non-combatants who had 
 perished from famine, exposure, disease, or violence. 
 And with all this waste of life not a boundary line 
 had been changed. The rage of the two empresses 
 and the vanity and spite of the concubine had been 
 completely foiled. Frederic had defied them all, 
 and had come out of the strife intact in his own 
 hereditary dominions and master of all that he 
 had snatched from the Empress-Queen ; while 
 Prussia, portioned out by her enemies as their 
 spoil, lay depleted indeed, and faint with deadly 
 striving, but crowned with glory, and with the 
 career before her which, through tribulation and 
 adversity, was to lead her at last to the headship 
 of a united Germany. 
 
 Through centuries of strife and vicissitude the 
 French monarchy had triumphed over nobles, par- 
 liaments, and people, gathered to itself all the 
 forces of the State, beamed with illusive splendors 
 under Louis the Great, and shone with the phos- 
 phorescence of decay under his contemptible suc- 
 cessor ; till now, robbed of prestige, burdened with 
 debt, and mined with corruption, it was moving 
 swiftly and more swiftly towards the abyss of 
 ruin. 
 
410 CONCLUSION. [1763-1884. 
 
 While the war hastened the inevitable downfall 
 of the French monarchy, it produced still more 
 notable effects. France under Colbert had em- 
 barked on a grand course of maritime and colonial 
 enterprise, and followed it with an activity and 
 vigor that promised to make her a great and form- 
 idable ocean power. It was she who led the way 
 in the East, first trained the natives to fight her 
 battles, and began that system of mixed diplomacy 
 and war which, imitated by her rival, enabled a 
 handful of Europeans to master all India. In 
 North America her vast possessions dwarfed those 
 of every other nation. She had built up a power- 
 ful navy and created an extensive foreign trade. 
 All this was now changed. In India she was 
 reduced to helpless inferiority, with total ruin in 
 the future ; and of all her boundless territories in 
 North America nothing was left but the two island 
 rocks on the coast of Newfoundland that the vic- 
 tors had given her for drying her codfish. Of her 
 navy scarcely forty ships remained ; all the rest 
 were captured or destroyed. She was still great on 
 the continent of Europe, but as a world power her 
 grand opportunities were gone. 
 
 In England as in France the several members of 
 the State had battled together since the national 
 life began, and the result had been, not the un- 
 checked domination of the Crown, but a system of 
 balanced and adjusted forces, in which King, No- 
 bility, and Commons all had their recognized places 
 and their share of power. Thus in the war just 
 ended two great conditions of success had been 
 
1763-1884.] TRIUMPH OF ENGLAND. 411 
 
 supplied : a people instinct with the energies of 
 ordered freedom, and a masterly leadership to 
 inspire and direct them. 
 
 All, and more than all, that France had lost 
 England had won. Now, for the first time, she 
 was beyond dispute the greatest of maritime and 
 colonial Powers. Portugal and Holland, her pre- 
 cursors in ocean enterprise, had long ago fallen 
 hopelessly behind. Two great rivals remained, 
 and she had humbled the one and swept the 
 other from her path. Spain, with vast American 
 possessions, was sinking into the decay which is 
 one of the phenomena of modern history ; while 
 France, of late a most formidable competitor, had 
 abandoned the contest in despair. England was 
 mistress of the seas, and the world was thrown 
 open to her merchants, explorers, and colonists. 
 A few years after the Peace the navigator Cook 
 began his memorable series of voyages, and sur- 
 veyed the strange and barbarous lands which after 
 times were to transform into other Englands, vigor- 
 ous children of this great mother of nations. It 
 is true that a heavy blow was soon to fall upon 
 her ; her own folly was to alienate the eldest 
 and greatest of her offspring. But nothing could 
 rob her of the glory of giving birth to the United 
 States ; and, though politically severed, this gi- 
 gantic progeny were to be not the less a source 
 of growth and prosperity to the parent that bore 
 them, joined with her in a triple kinship of laws, 
 language, and blood. The war or series of wars 
 that ended with the Peace of Paris secured th© 
 
412 CONCLUSION. 11763-1884 
 
 opportunities and set in action the forces that have 
 planted English homes in every clime, and dotted 
 the earth with English garrisons and posts of trade. 
 With the Peace of Paris ended the checkered 
 story of New France ; a story which would have 
 been a history if faults of constitution and the 
 bigotry and folly of rulers had not dwarfed it to 
 an episode. Yet it is a noteworthy one in both 
 its lights and its shadows : in the disinterested 
 zeal of the founder of Quebec, the self-devotion 
 of the early missionary martyrs, and the daring 
 enterprise of explorers ; in the spiritual and tem- 
 poral vassalage from which the only escaj)e was 
 to the savagery of the wilderness ; and in the 
 swarming corruptions which were the natural re- 
 sult of an attempt to rule, by the absolute hand 
 of a master beyond the Atlantic, a people bereft 
 of every vestige of civil liberty. Civil liberty 
 was given them by the British sword; but the 
 conqueror left their religious system untouched, 
 and through it they have imposed upon themselves 
 a weight of ecclesiastical tutelage that finds few 
 equals in the most Catholic countries of Europe. 
 Such guardianship is not without certain advan- 
 tages. When faithfully exercised it aids to uphold 
 some of the tamer virtues, if that can be called a 
 virtue which needs the constant presence of a 
 sentinel to keep it from escaping : but it is fatal 
 to mental robustness and moral courage ; and if 
 French Canada would fulfil its aspirations it must 
 cease to be one of the most priest-ridden communi- 
 ties of the modern world. 
 
1763-1884.] BIRTH OE THE UNITED STATES. 413 
 
 Scarcely were they free from the incubus of 
 France when the British provinces showed symp- 
 toms of revolt. The measures on the part of the 
 mother-country which roused their resentment, 
 far from being oppressive, were less burdensome 
 than the navigation laws to which they had long 
 submitted ; and they resisted taxation by Parlia- 
 ment simply because it was in principle opposed 
 to their rights as freemen. They did not, like the 
 American provinces of Spain at a later day, sunder 
 themselves from a parent fallen into decrepitude ; 
 but with astonishing audacity they affronted the 
 wrath of England in the hour of her triumph, 
 forgot their jealousies and quarrels, joined hands 
 in the common cause, fought, endured, and won. 
 The disunited colonies became the United States. 
 The string of discordant communities along the 
 Atlantic coast has grown to a mighty people, 
 joined in a union which the earthquake of civil 
 war served only to compact and consolidate. 
 Those who in the weakness of their dissensions 
 needed help from England against the savage on 
 their borders have become a nation that may defy 
 every foe but that most dangerous of all foes, 
 herself, destined to a majestic future if she will 
 shun the excess and perversion of the principles 
 that made her great, prate less about the enemies 
 of the past and strive more against the enemies of 
 the present, resist the mob and the demagogue as 
 she resisted Parliament and King, rally her powers 
 from the race for gold and the delirium of pros- 
 perity to make firm the foundations on which that 
 
414 CONCLUSION. [176a-1884. 
 
 prosperity rests, and turn some fair proportion of 
 her vast mental forces to other objects than mate- 
 rial progress and the game of party politics. She 
 has tamed the savage continent, peopled the soli- 
 tude, gathered wealth untold, waxed potent, im- 
 posing, redoubtable ; and now it remains for her to 
 prove, if she can, that the rule of the masses is 
 consistent with the highest growth of the indi- 
 vidual ; that democracy can give the world a civ- 
 ilization as mature and pregnant, ideas as ener- 
 getic and vitalizing, and types of manhood as 
 lofty and strong, as any of the systems which it 
 boasts to supplant. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 A. 
 
 CHAPTER III. CONFLICT FOE THE WEST. 
 
 ' Piquet and his War-Party. — " Ce parti \_de guerre] pour 
 lequel M. le General a donne son consentement, sera de 
 plus de 3,800 hommes. . . . 500 hommes de nos donricilies, 
 700 des Cinq nations a l'exclusion des Agniers \_Mohawks\ 
 qui ne sont plus regardes que comnie des anglais, 600 tant 
 Iroquois que d'autres nations le long de la Belle Riviere 
 d'ou ils esperent chasser les anglais qui y forment des 
 Etablissemens contraires au bien des guerriers, 2,000 hommes 
 qu'ils doivent prendre aux tetes plates [Choctaws~] ou ils 
 s'arresteront, c'est la ou les deux chefs de guerre doivent 
 proposer a l'arm^e l'expedition des Miamis au retour de 
 celle contre la Nation du Chien \_Cherokees]. Un vieux 
 levain, quelques anciennes querelles leur feront tout entre- 
 prendre contre les anglais de la Virginie s'ils donnent encore 
 quelques secours a cette derniere nation, ce qui ne manquera 
 pas d'arriver. . . . 
 
 "C'est un grand miracle que malgre l'envie, les contra- 
 dictions, l'opposition presque geherale de tous les Villages 
 sauvages, j'aye forme en moins de 3 ans une des plus flor- 
 issantes missions du Canada. . . . Je me trouve done, 
 Messieurs, dans l'occasion de pouvoir t^tendre l'empire de 
 J^sus Christ et du Roy mes bons maitres jusqu'aux 
 extremites de ce nouveau monde, et de plus faire avec 
 quelques secours que vous me procurerez que la France et 
 l'angleterre ne pourraient faixe avec plusieurs millions et 
 vol. ii.— 27 
 
418 APPENDIX. 
 
 toutes leur troupes." Copie de la Lettre eerite par M. I' Abbe 
 Picquet, dattee a la Presentation du 8 Fev. 1752 (Archives 
 de la Marine). 
 
 I saw in the possession of the late Jacques Viger, of 
 Montreal, an illuminated drawing of one of Piquet's ban- 
 ners, said to be still in existence, in which the cross, the 
 emblems of the Virgin and the Saviour, the fleur-de-lis, and 
 the Iroquois totems are all embroidered and linked together 
 by strings of wampum beads wrought into the silk. 
 
 Directions of the French Colonial Minister for the Destruc- 
 tion of Oswego. — " La seule voye dont on puisse faire usage 
 en temps de paix pour une pareille operation est celle des 
 Iroquois des cinq nations. Les terres sur lesquelles le 
 poste a ete' etabli leur appartiennent et ce n'est qu'avec leur 
 consentement que les anglois s'y sont places. Si en faisant 
 regarder k ces sauvages un pareil etablissement comme con'- 
 traire a leur liberte et comme une usurpation dont les 
 anglois pr^tendent faire usage pour acqu^rir la propriety de 
 leur terre on pourrait les determiner a entreprendre de les 
 d^truire, une pareille operation ne seroit pas a negliger ; 
 mais M. le Marquis de la Jonquiere doit sentir avec quelle 
 circonspection une affaire de cette espece doit §tre conduite 
 et il faut en effet qu'il y travaille de facon a ne se point 
 compromettre." Le Ministre a MM. de la Jonquiere et 
 Bigot, 15 Avril, 1750 (Archives de la Marine). 
 
 B. 
 CHAPTER IV. ACADIA. 
 
 English Treatment of Acadians. — " Les Anglois dans la 
 vue de la Conquete du Canada ont voulu donner aux peuples 
 francois de ces Colonies un exemple frappant de la douceur 
 de leur gouvernement dans leur conduite a l'egard des 
 Accadiens. 
 
APPENDIX. 419 
 
 " lis leur ont fourni pendant plus de 35 ans le simple ne» 
 cessaire, sans elever la fortune d'aucun, ils leur ont fourni 
 ce necessaire souvent a credit, avec un exces de eonfiance, 
 sans fatiguer les debiteurs, sans les presser, sans vouloir les 
 forcer au payement. 
 
 " Ils leur ont laisse une apparence de liberty si exces- 
 sive qu'ils n'ont voulu prendre aucune difference [sic] de 
 leur differents, pas meme pour les crimes. ... Ils ont 
 souffert que les accadiens leur refusassent insolemment 
 certains rentes de grains, modiques & tres-legitimement 
 dues. 
 
 " Ils ont dissimule le refus meprisant que les accadiens 
 ont fait de prendre d'eux des concessions pour les nouveaux 
 terreins qu'ils voulaient occuper. 
 
 " Les fruits que cette conduite a produit dans la derniere 
 guerre nous le Savons [sic] et les anglois n'en ignorent rien. 
 Qu'on juge lk-dessus de leur ressentiment et des vues de 
 vengeance de cette nation cruelle. . . . Je preVois notam- 
 ment la dispersion des jeunes accadiens sur les vaisseaux de 
 guerre anglois, oil la seule regie pour la ration du pain 
 sufnt pour les detruire jusqu'au dernier." Roma, Officier a 
 I'Isle Royale a , 1750. 
 
 Indians, directed by Missionaries, to attack the English in 
 Time of Peace. — " La lettre de M. l'Abb6 Le Loutre me 
 paroit si interessante que j'ay l'honneur de vous en envoy er 
 Copie. . . . Les trois sauvages qui m'ont porte ces depeclies 
 m'ont parle relativement k ce que M. l'Abbe Le Loutre 
 marque dans sa lettre ; je n'ay eu garde de leur donner 
 aucun Conseil la-dessus et je me suis borne a leur promettre 
 que je ne les abandonnerai point, aussy ai-je pourvu a tout, 
 soit pour les armes, munitions de guerre et de bouche, soit 
 pour les autres choses necessaires. 
 
 " II seroit a souhaiter que ces Sauvages rassembles pus- 
 sent parvenir a traverser les anglois dans leurs entreprises, 
 meme dans celle de Chibouctou [Halifax], ils sont dans 
 cette resolution et s'ils peuvent mettre k execution ce qu'ils 
 ont projette il est assurd qu'ils seront fort incommodes aux 
 
420 APPENDIX. 
 
 Anglois et que les vexations qu'ils exerceront sur eux leur 
 seront un tres grand obstacle. 
 
 " Oes sauvages doivent agir seuls, il n'y aura ny soldat ny 
 habitant, tout se fera de leur pur mouvement, et sans qu'il 
 paraisse que j'en eusse connoissance. 
 
 " Cela est tres essentiel, aussy ai-je 6crit au Sf de Boishe- 
 bert d'observer beaucoup de prudence dans ses demarches 
 et de les faire tres secretement pour que les Anglois ne 
 puissent pas s'apercevoir que nous pourvoyons aux besoins 
 des dits sauvages. 
 
 " Ce seront les missionnaires qui feront toutes les negocia- 
 tions et qui dirigeront les pas des dits sauvages, ils sont en 
 tres bonnes mains, le R. P. Germain et M. l'Abbe Le Loutre 
 etant fort au fait d'en tirer tout le party possible et le plus 
 avantageux pour nos interets, ils rnenageront leur intrigue 
 de facon a n'y pas paroitre. . . . 
 
 " Je sens, Monseigneur, toute la delicatesse de cette ne- 
 gociation, soyez persuade que je la conduirai avec tant de 
 precautions que les anglois ne pourront pas dire que mes 
 ordres y ont eu part." La Jonquiere au Ministre, 9 Oct. 
 1749. 
 
 Missionaries to be encouraged in their Efforts to make the 
 Indians attack the English. — " Les sauvages . . . se distin- 
 guent, depuis la paix, dans les mouvements qu'il y a du cote 
 de l'Acadie, et sur lesquels Sa Majesty juge a propos d'entrer 
 dans quelques details avec le Sieur de Raymond. . . . 
 
 " Sa Majeste luy a deja observe que les sauvages ont ete 
 jusqu'a present dans les dispositions les plus favorables. 
 II est de la plus grande importance, et pour le present et 
 pour l'avenir, de ne rien negliger pour les y maintenir. Les 
 missionnaires qui sont aupres d'eux sont plus a portes d'y 
 contribuer que personne, et Sa Majeste" a lieu d'etre satis- 
 faite des soins qu'ils y donnent. Le Sf de Baymond doit 
 exciter ces missionnaires a ne point se relacher sur cela ; 
 mais en meme temps il doit les avertir de contenir leur zele 
 de maniere qu'ils ne se compromettent pas mal a propos 
 avec les anglois et qu'ils ne donnent point de-justes sujets 
 
APPENDIX. 421 
 
 de plaintes." Memoire du Boy pour servir d' Instruction au 
 Comte de Raymond, 24 Avril, 1751. 
 
 Acadians to join the Indians in attacking the English. — 
 "Pour que ces Sauvages agissent avec beaucoup de Courage, 
 quelques aceadiens habilles et mataches cornme les Sauvages 
 pourront se joindre a eux pour faire coup sur les Anglois. 
 Je ne puis eviter de consentir a ce que ces Sauvages feront 
 puisque nous avons les bras lies et que nous ne pouvons 
 rien faire par nous-mgmes, au surplus je ne crois pas qu'il 
 y ait de l'inconvenient de laisser meler les aceadiens parmi 
 les Sauvages, parceque s'ils sont pris, nous dirons qu'ils ont 
 agi de leur propre mouvement." La Jonquilre au Ministre, 
 1 Mai, 1751. 
 
 Cost of Le Loutre's Intrigues. — " J'ay deja fait payer a M. 
 Le Loutre depuis l'annee derniere la soinme de 11183Z. 18s. 
 pour acquitter les depenses qu'il fait journellement et je ne 
 cesse de luy recommander de s'en tenir aux indispensables 
 en evitant toujours de rien compromettre avec le gouverne- 
 ment anglois." Prevost au Ministre, 22 Juillet, 1750. 
 
 Payment for English Scalps in Time of Peace. — " Les 
 Sauvages ont pris, il y a un mois, 18 chevelures angloises 
 [English scalps'], et M. Le Loutre a ete' oblig^ de les payer 
 1800Z., argent de l'Acadie, dont je luy ay fait le rembourse- 
 ment." Ibid., 16 Aout, 1753. 
 
 Many pages might be filled with extracts like the above. 
 These, with most of the other French documents used in 
 Chapter IV., are takeu from the Archives de la Marine et 
 des Colonies. 
 
 c. 
 
 CHAPTER V. WASHINGTON. 
 
 Washington and the Capitulation at Fort Necessity. — 
 Villiers, in his Journal, boasts that he made Washington 
 sign a virtual admission that he had assassinated Jumon- 
 
422 APPENDIX. 
 
 ville. In regard to this point, a letter, of which the follow- 
 ing is an extract, is printed in the provincial papers of the 
 time. It is from Captain Adam Stephen, an officer in the 
 action, -writing to a friend five weeks after. 
 
 "When Mr. Vanbraam returned with the French pro- 
 posals, we were obliged to take the sense of them from his 
 mouth; it rained so heavy that he could not give us a 
 written translation of them ; we could scarcely keep the 
 candle lighted to read them by ; they were written in a bad 
 hand, on wet and blotted paper, so that no person could 
 read them but Vanbraam, who had heard them from the 
 mouth of the French officer. Every officer there is ready 
 to declare that there was no such word as assassination 
 mentioned. The terms expressed were, the death of Jumon- 
 ville. If it had been mentioned we would by all means 
 have had it altered, as the French, during the course of the 
 interview, seemed very condescending, and desirous to bring 
 things to an issue." He then gives several other points in 
 which Vanbraam had misled them. 
 
 Dinwiddie, recounting the affair to Lord Albemarle, says 
 that Washington, being ignorant of French, was deceived 
 by the interpreter, who, through poltroonery, suppressed 
 the word assassination. 
 
 Captain Mackay, writing to Washington in September, 
 after a visit to Philadelphia, says : " I had several disputes 
 about our capitulation ; but I satisfied every person that 
 mentioned the subject as to the articles in question, that 
 they were owing to a bad interpreter, and contrary to the 
 translation made to us when we signed them." 
 
 At the next meeting of the burgesses they passed a vote 
 of thanks for gallant conduct to Washington and all his 
 officers by name, except Vanbraam and the major of the 
 regiment, the latter being charged with cowardice, and the 
 former with treacherous misinterpretation of the articles. 
 
 Sometime after, Washington wrote to a correspondent 
 who had questioned him on the subject : " That we were 
 wilfully or ignorantly deceived by our interpreter in regard 
 
APPENDIX. 423 
 
 to the word assassination I do aver, and will to my dying 
 moment ; so will every officer that was present. The inter- 
 preter was a Dutchman little acquainted with the English 
 tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning 
 of the word in English ; but, whatever his motives for so 
 doing, certain it is that he called it the death or the loss of 
 the Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood 
 it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it 
 otherwise in a literal translation." Sparks, Writings of 
 Washington, II. 464, 465. 
 
 D. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. BRADDOCK. 
 
 It has been said that Beaujeu, and not Contrecoeur, com- 
 manded at Fort Duquesne at the time of Braddock's expe- 
 dition. Some contemporaries, and notably the chaplain of 
 the fort, do, in fact, speak of him as in this position ; but 
 their evidence is overborne by more numerous and conclusive 
 authorities, among them Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, 
 and Contrecoeur himself, in an official report. Vaudreuil 
 says of him: "Ce commandant s'occupa le 8 \Juittei] a 
 former un parti pour aller au devant des Anglois ; " and 
 adds that this party was commanded by Beaujeu and 
 consisted of 250 French and 650 Indians {Vaudreuil au 
 Ministre, 5 Aout, 1755). In the autumn of 1756 Vaudreuil 
 asked the Colonial Minister to procure a pension for Con- 
 trecoeur and Ligneris. He says : " Le premier de ces 
 Messieurs a commande longtemps au fort Duquesne ; c'est 
 luy qui a ordonne' et dirig^ tous les mouvements qui se sont 
 f aits dans cette partie, soit pour faire abandonner le premier 
 etablissement des Anglois, soit pour les forcer a se retirer 
 du fort Necessite, et soit enfin pour aller au devant de 
 l'armee du General Braddock qui a e"te entierement defaite " 
 
424 APPENDIX. 
 
 (Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Nov. 1756). Beaujeu, who had 
 lately arrived with a reinforcement, had been named to 
 relieve Contrecoeur (Dumas au Ministre, 24 Juillet, 1756) 
 but had not yet done so. 
 
 As the report of Contrecoeur has never been printed, I 
 give an extract from it (Contrecceur a Vaudreuil, 14 Juillet, 
 1755, in Archives de la Marine) : — 
 
 " Le meme jour [8 Juillet] je formai un party de tout ce 
 que je pouvois mettre hors du fort pour aller a leur ren- 
 contre. II etoit compose de 250 Frangois et de 650 sau- 
 vages, ce qui faisoit 900 hommes. M. de Beaujeu, capitaine, 
 le commandoit. II y avoit deux capitaines qui estoient M r . s 
 Dumas et Ligneris et plusieurs autres officiers subalternes. 
 Ce parti se mit en marehe le 9 a 8 heures du matin, et se 
 trouva a midi et demie en presence des Anglois a environ 3 
 lieues du fort. On commenca a faire feu de part et d'autre. 
 Le feu de l'artillerie ennemie fit reculer un peu par deux 
 fois notre parti. M. de Beaujeu fut tue a la troisieme de- 
 charge. M. Dumas prit le commandement et s'en acquitta 
 au mieux. Eos Frangois, pleins de courage, soutenus par 
 les sauvages, quoiqu'ils n'eussent point d'artillerie, firent a 
 leur tour plier les Anglois qui se battirent en ordre de 
 bataille et en bonne contenance. Et ees derniers voyant 
 l'ardeur de nos gens qui fongoient avec une vigeur infinie 
 furent enfin obliges de plier tout a fait apres 4 heures d'un 
 grand feu. M™ Dumas et Ligneris qui n'avoient plus avec 
 eux q'une vingtaine de Frangois ne s'engagerent point dans 
 la poursuite. lis rentrerent dans le fort, parceq'une grande 
 , partie des Canadiens qui n'estoient malheureusement que 
 des enfants s'estoient retires a la premiere decharge." 
 
 The letter of Dumas cited in the text has been equally 
 unknown. It was written a year after the battle in order 
 to draw the attention of the minister to services which the 
 writer thought had not been duly recognized. The follow- 
 ing is an extract {Dumas au Ministre, 24 Juillet, 1756, in 
 Archives de la Marine) : — 
 
APPENDIX. 425 
 
 "M. de Beaujeu marcha done, et sous ses ordres M. de 
 Ligneris et moi. II attaqua avec beaucoup d'audace mais 
 sans nulle disposition ; notre premiere d^charge fut faite 
 hors de ported ; l'ennemi fit la sienne de plus pres, et dans 
 le premier instant du combat, cent miliciens, qui fasaient 
 la moitie de nos Francais lacherent honteusement le pied 
 en criant 'Sauve qui peut.' Deux cadets qui depuis ont 
 ete faits officiers autorisait cette fuite par leur exemple. 
 Ce mouvement en arriere ayant encourage l'ennemi, il fit 
 retentir ses cris de Vive le Eoi et avanca sur nous a grand 
 pas. Son artillerie s'etant preparee pendant ce temps la 
 commenga a faire feu ce qui epouvanta tellement les Sau- 
 vages que tout prit la fuite ; l'ennemi faisait sa troisieme 
 decharge de raousqueterie quand M. de Beaujeu fut tue. 
 
 " Notre deroute se presenta a mes yeux sous le plus des- 
 agreable point de vue, et pour n'etre point charge 1 de la 
 mauvaise manoeuvre d'autrui, je ne songeai plus qu'a me 
 faire tuer. Ce fut alors, Monseigneur, qu'excitant de la 
 voix et du geste le peu de soldats qui restait, je in'avancai 
 avec la contenance qui donne le desespoir. Mon peloton 
 fit un feu si vif que l'ennemi en parut etonne" ; il grossit 
 insensiblement et les Sauvages voyant que mon attaque 
 faisait cesser les cris de l'ennemi revinrent a moi. Dans 
 ce moment j'envoyai M. le Chevf Le Borgne et M. de 
 Eocbeblave dire aux officiers qui £taient a la tete des Sau- 
 vages de prendre l'ennemi en flanc. Le canon qui battit 
 en tgte donna faveur a mes ordres. L'ennemi, pris de tous 
 cotes, combattit avec la ferniete' la plus opiniatre. Des 
 rangs entiers tombaient a la fois ; presque tous les officiers 
 perirent ; et le desordre s'etant mis par la dans cette colonne, 
 tout prit la fuite." 
 
 Whatever may have been the conduct of the Canadian 
 militia, the French officers behaved with the utmost cour- 
 age, and shared with the Indians the honors of the victory. 
 The partisan chief Charles Langlade seems also to have 
 been especially prominent. His grandson, the aged Pierre 
 Grignon, declared that it was he who led the attack 
 
426 APPENDIX. 
 
 (Draper, Recollections of Grignon, in trie Collections of the 
 Wisconsin Historical Society, III.). Such evidence, taken 
 alone, is of the least possible weight ; but both the traveller 
 Anbury and General John Burgoyne, writing many years 
 after the event, speak of Langlade, who was then alive, as 
 the author of Braddock's defeat. Hence there can be lit- 
 tle doubt that he took an important part in it, though the 
 contemporary writers do not mention his name. Compare 
 Tasse 1 , Notice sur Charles Langlade. The honors fell to 
 Contrecoeur, Dumas, and Ligneris, all of whom received the 
 cross of the Order of St. Louis (Ordres du Roy et Depeches 
 des Ministres, 1755). 
 
 E. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. MONTCALM. 
 
 To show the style of Montcalm's familiar letters, I give 
 a few examples. Literal translation is often impossible. 
 
 A Madame de Montcalm, 1 Montkeai,, 16 Avkil, 1757. 
 (Extrait.) 
 
 " Ma sante assez bonne, malgre^ beaucoup de travail, sur- 
 tout d'ecriture. Esteve, mon secretaire, se marie. Beau 
 caractere. Bon autographe, ecrivant vite. Je lui procure 
 un emploi et le moyen de faire fortune s'il veut. II fait 
 un meilleur mariage que ne lui appartient ; malgrd cela je 
 crains qu'il ne la fasse pas comme un autre; fat, frivole, 
 joueur, glorieux, petit-maitre, depensier. J'ai toujours 
 Marcel, des soldats copistes dans le besoin. . . . Tous les 
 soldats de Montpellier se portants bien, hors le fils de 
 Pierre mort chez moi. Tout est hors de prix. II faut 
 vivre honorablement et je le fais, tous les jours seize per- 
 sonnes. Une fois tous les quinze jours chez M. le Gouver- 
 neur general et M? le Che v. de Levis qui vit aussi tres 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 bien. II a donne trois beaux grands bals. Pour moi jus- 
 qu'au careme, outre les diners, de grands soupers de dames 
 trois fois la semaine. Le jour des devotes prudes, des con- 
 certs. Les jours des jeunes des violons d'hazard, parce- 
 qu'on me les demandait, cela ne menait que jusqu'a deux 
 beures du matin et il se joignait l'apres-souper compagnie 
 dansante sans etre priee, mais sure d'etre bien recue a eelle 
 qui avait soupe. Fort clier, peu amusant, et souvent ennuy- 
 eux. . . . Vous connaissiez ma maison, je l'ai augmentee 
 d'un cocber, d'un frotteur, un gar9on de cuisine, et j'ai 
 marie mon aide de cuisine ; car je travaille a peupler la 
 colonie : 80 manages de soldats cet hiver et deux d'officiers. 
 Germain a perdu sa fille. II a epouse mieux que lui ; bonne 
 femme mais sans bien, comme toutes. . . ." 
 
 A Madame de Montcalm, A Montreal, 6 Juin, 1757. 
 (Extrait.') 
 
 "J'addresse la premiere de cette lettre a ma mere. II 
 n'y a pas une beure dans la journee que je ne songe a vous, 
 a elle, et a mes enfants. J'embrasse ma fille ; je vous 
 adore, ma tres cbere, ainsi que ma mere. Mille cboses a 
 mes soeurs. Je n'ai pas le temps de leur ecrire, ni a 
 Naujac, ni aux abbesses. . . . Des compliments au chateau 
 d'Arbois, aux Du Cayla, et aux Givard. P. S. N'oubliez 
 pas d'envoyer une douzaine de bouteilles d'Angleterre de 
 pinte d'eau de lavande ; vous en mettrez quatre pour 
 cbaque envoi." 
 
 A BOURLAMAQUE, k MONTREAL, 20 FeVRIER, 1767. 
 
 {Extrait.) 
 
 "Dimancbe j'avais rassemble les dames de France hors 
 Mad. de Parfouru qui m'a fait l'honneur de me venir voir 
 il y a trois jours et en la voyant je me suis appergu que 
 l'amour avait des traits de puissance dont on ne pouvait 
 pas rendre raison, non pas par l'impression qu'elle a faite 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 sur mon cceur, mais bien par celle qu'elle a faite sur celui 
 de son ^poux. Mercredi une assemblee chez Mad. Varin. 
 Jeudi un bal chez le Chev. de Levis qui avait prie" 65 
 Dames ou demoiselles; Iln'yen avait que trente — autant 
 d'liommes qu'a la guerre. Sa salle bien eclairee, aussi 
 grand que celle de l'Intendance, beaucoup d'ordre, beaucoup 
 d'attention, des rafraicbissements en abondance toute la nuit 
 de tout genre et de toute espece et on ne se retira qu'a 
 sept heures du matin. Pour moi qui ay quitte le sejour 
 de Quebec, Je me couchai de bonne heure. J'avais eu 
 ce jour-la huit dames k souper et ce souper ^tait dedie a 
 Mad. Varin. Demain j'en aurai une demi douzaine. Je 
 ne scai encore a qui il est dedie, Je suis tente de croire 
 que c'est a La Eoche Beaucourt Le galant Chevf nous 
 donne encore un bal." 
 
 F. 
 
 CHAPTEE XV. FOET WILLIAM HENEY. 
 
 Webb to Loudon, Fort Edward, 11 Aug. 1757. 
 
 Public Record Office. (Extract.) 
 
 "On leaving the Camp Yesterday Morning they [the 
 English soldiers] were stript by the Indians of everything 
 they had both Officers and Men the Women and Children 
 drag'd from among them and most inhumanly butchered 
 before their faces, the party of about three hundred Men 
 which were given them as an escort were during this time 
 quietly looking on, from this and other circumstances we 
 are too well convinced these barbarities must have been 
 connived at by the French, After having destroyed the 
 women and children they fell upon the rear of our Men 
 who running in upon the Front soon put the whole to a 
 most precipitate flight in which confusion part of them 
 came into this Camp about two o'Clock yesterday morning 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 in a most distressing situation, and have continued dropping 
 in ever since, a great many men and we are afraid several 
 Officers were massacred." 
 
 The above is independent of the testimony of Frye, who 
 did not reach Fort Edward till the day after Webb's letter 
 was written. 
 
 Prye to Thomas Hubbard, Speaker of the House of Represen- 
 tatives of Massachusetts, Albany, 16 Aug. 1757. 
 
 Public Record Office. (Extract.) 
 
 " We did not march till ye 10th at which time the Sav- 
 ages were let loose upon us, Strips, Kills, & Scalps our peo- 
 ple drove them into Disorder Rendered it impossible to 
 Rally, the French Gaurds we were promised shou'd Escort 
 us to Fort Edward Could or would not protect us so that 
 there Opened the most horrid Scene of Barbarity immagin- 
 able, I was strip'd myself of my Arms & Cloathing that 
 I had nothing left but Briches Stockings Shoes & Shirt, 
 the Indians round me with their Tomehawks Spears &c 
 threatening Death I flew to the Officers of the French 
 Gaurds for Protection but they would afford me none, 
 therefore was Oblig'd to fly and was in the woods till the 
 12th in the Morning of which I arriv'd at Fort Edward 
 almost Famished . . . with what of Fatigue Starving &c 
 I am obliged to break off but as soon as I can Recollect 
 myself shall write to you more fully." 
 
 Prye, Journal of the Attack of Port William Henry. 
 Public Record Office. (Extract.) 
 
 " Wednesday, August 10th. — Early this morning we were 
 ordered to prepare for our march, but found the Indians in 
 a worse temper (if possible) than last night, every one 
 having a tomahawk, hatchett or some other instrument 
 of death, and Constantly plundering from the officers their 
 arms &ca this Col? Monro Complained of, as a breach of 
 
430 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Articles of Capitulation but to no effect, the french offi- 
 cers however told us that if we would give up the baggage 
 of the officers and men, to the Indians, they thought it 
 would make them easy, which at last Col° Monro Consented 
 to but this was no sooner done, then they began to take the 
 Officers Hatts, Swords, guns & Cloaths, stripping them all 
 to their Shirts, and on some officers, left no shirt at all, 
 while this was doing they killed and scalp'd all the sick 
 and wounded before our faces and then took out from our 
 troops, all the Indians and negroes, and Carried them off, 
 one of the former they burnt alive afterwards. 
 
 " At last with great difficulty the troops gott from the 
 Retrenchment, but they were no sooner out, then the sav- 
 ages fell upon the rear, killing & scalping, which Occasioned 
 an order for a halt, which at last was done in great Confu- 
 sion but as soon as those in the front knew what was doing 
 in the rear they again pressed forward,- and thus the Confu- 
 sion continued & encreased till we came to the Advanc'd 
 guard of the French, the savages still carrying away Offi- 
 cers, privates, Women and Children, some of which latter 
 they kill'd & scalpt in the road. This horrid scene of blood 
 and slaughter obliged our officers to apply to the Officers of 
 the French Guard for protection, which they refus'd & told 
 them they must take to the woods and shift for themselves 
 which many did, and in all probability many perish't in the 
 woods, many got into Fort Edward that day and others 
 daily Continued coming in, but vastly fatigued with their 
 former hardships added to this last, which threw several of 
 them into Deliriums." 
 
 Affidavit of Miles Whitwokth, Surgeon of the Massachusetts 
 Eegiment, taken before Governor Pownall 17 Oct. 1757. 
 
 Public Record Office. (Extract.) 
 
 " Being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists doth declare 
 . . . that there were also seventeen Men of the Massachu- 
 setts Eegiment wounded unable to March under his imme- 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 diate Care in the Intrenched Camp, that according to the 
 Capitulation he did deliver them over to the French Surgeon 
 on the ninth of August at two in the Afternoon . . . that the 
 French Surgeon received them into his Custody and placed 
 Centinals of the French Troops upon the said seventeen 
 wounded. That the French Surgeon going away to the 
 French Camp, the said Miles Whitworth continued with 
 the said wounded Men till five o'Clock on the Morn of the 
 tenth of August, That the Centinals were taken off and that 
 he the said Whitworth saw the French Indians about 5 
 O'Clock in the Morn of the 10th of August dragg the said 
 seventeen wounded men out of their Hutts, Murder them 
 with their Tomohawks and scalp them, That the French 
 Troops posted round the lines were not further than forty 
 feet from the Hutts where the said wounded Men lay, that 
 several Canadian Officers particularly one Laeorne were 
 present and that none, either Officer or Soldier, protected 
 the said wounded Men. 
 
 "Miles Whitworth. 
 
 " Sworn before me T. Pownall.'' 
 
 Ct. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. TICONDEPOGA. 
 
 The French accounts of the battle at Ticonderoga are 
 very numerous, and consist of letters and despatches of 
 Montcalm, Levis, Bougainville, Doreil, and other officers, 
 besides several anonymous narratives, one of which was 
 printed in pamphlet form at the time. Translations of 
 many of them may be found in iV". Y. Colonial Documents, 
 X. There are, however, various others preserved in the 
 archives of the War and Marine Departments at Paris 
 which have not seen the light. I have carefully examined 
 and collated them all. The English accounts are by no 
 
432 APPENDIX. 
 
 means so numerous or so minute. Among those not already 
 cited, may be mentioned a letter of Colonel Woolsey of the 
 New York provincials, and two letters from British officers 
 written just after the battle and enclosed in a letter from 
 Alexander Colden to Major Halkett, 17 July. {Bouquet 
 and Haldimand Papers.) 
 
 The French greatly exaggerated the force of the English 
 and their losses in the battle. They place the former at 
 from twenty thousand to thirty-one thousand, and the latter 
 at from four thousand to six thousand. Prisoners taken at 
 the end of the battle told them that the English had lost 
 four thousand, — a statement which they readily accepted, 
 though the prisoners could have known little more about 
 the matter than they themselves. And these figures were 
 easily magnified. The number of dead lying before the 
 lines is variously given at from eight hundred to three 
 thousand. Montcalm himself, who was somewhat elated by 
 his victory, gives this last number in one of his letters, 
 though he elsewhere says two thousand ; while Le>is, in his 
 Journal de la Guerre, says "about eight hundred." The 
 truth is that no pains were taken to ascertain the exact 
 number, which, by the English returns, was a little above 
 five hundred, the total of killed, wounded, and missing 
 being nineteen hundred and forty-four. A friend of Knox, 
 writing to him from Eort Edward three weeks after the 
 battle, gives a tabular statement which shows nineteen 
 hundred and fifty in all, or six more than the official report. 
 As the name of every officer killed or wounded, with the 
 corps to which he belonged, was published at the time 
 (London Magazine, 1758), it is extremely unlikely that the 
 official return was falsified. Abercromby's letter to Pitt, 
 of July 12, says that he retreated " with the loss of four 
 hundred and sixty-four regulars killed, twenty-nine missing 
 eleven hundred and seventeen wounded ; and eighty-seven 
 provincials killed, eight missing, and two hundred and 
 thirty-nine wounded, officers of both included." In a letter 
 to Viscount Barrington, of the same date (Public Record 
 
APPENDIX. 433 
 
 Office), Abercromby encloses a full detail of losses, regi- 
 ment by regiment and company by company, being a total 
 of nineteen hundred and forty-five. Several of the French 
 writers state correctly that about fourteen thousand men 
 (including reserves) were engaged in the attack ; but they 
 add erroneously that there were thirteen thousand more at 
 the Falls. In fact there was only a small provincial regi- 
 ment left there, and a battalion of the New York regiment, 
 under Colonel Woolsey, at the landing. 
 
 A Legexd of Ticoxdekoga. — Mention has been made 
 of the death of Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe. The 
 following family tradition relating to it was told me in 
 1878 by the late Dean Stanley, to whom I am also indebted 
 for various papers on the subject, including a letter from 
 James Campbell, Esq., the present laird of Inverawe, and 
 great-nephew of the hero of the tale. The same story is 
 told, in an amplified form and with some variations, in the 
 Legendary Tales of the Highlands of Sir Thomas Dick 
 Lauder. As related by Dean Stanley and approved by Mr. 
 Campbell, it is this : — 
 
 The ancient castle of Inverawe stands by the banks of 
 the Awe, in the midst of the wild and picturesque scenery 
 of the western Highlands. Late one evening, before the 
 middle of the last century, as the laird, Duncan Campbell, 
 sat alone in the old hall, there was a loud knocking at the 
 gate ; and, opening it, he saw a stranger, with torn clothing 
 and kilt besmeared with blood, who in a breathless voice 
 begged for asylum. He went on to say that he had killed 
 a man in a fray, and that the pursuers were at his heels. 
 Campbell promised to shelter him. " Swear on your dirk ! " 
 said the stranger ; and Campbell swore. He then led him 
 to a secret recess in the depths of the castle. Scarcely was 
 he hidden when again there was a loud knocking at the 
 gate, and two armed men appeared. " Your cousin Donald 
 has been murdered, and we are looking for the murderer ! " 
 vol. ii. — 28 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 Campbell, remembering his oath, professed to have no 
 knowledge of the fugitive ; and the men went on their way. 
 The laird, in great agitation, lay down to rest in a large 
 dark room, where at length he fell asleep. Waking suddenly 
 in bewilderment and terror, he saw the ghost of the mur- 
 dered Donald standing by his bedside, and heard a hollow 
 voice pronounce the words : " Inverawe ! Inverawe ! blood 
 has been shed. Shield not the murderer 1 " In the morning 
 Campbell went to the hiding-place of the guilty man and 
 told him that he could harbor him no longer. " You have 
 sworn on your dirk ! " he replied ; and the laird of Inver- 
 awe, greatly perplexed and troubled, made a compromise 
 between conflicting duties, promised not to betray his guest, 
 led him to the neighboring mountain, and hid him in a 
 cave. 
 
 In the next night, as he lay tossing in feverish slumbers, 
 the same stern voice awoke him, the ghost of his cousin 
 Donald stood again at his bedside, and again he heard the 
 same appalling words : ''Inverawe/ Inverawe/ blood has 
 been shed. Shield not the murderer ! " At break of day he 
 hastened, in strange agitation, to the cave ; but it was 
 empty, the stranger was gone. At night, as he strove in 
 vain to sleep, the vision appeared once more, ghastly pale, 
 but less stern of aspect than before. " Farewell, Inverawe / " 
 it said ; "Farewell, till we meet at TICONDEBOGA ! " 
 
 The strange name dwelt in Campbell's memory. He had 
 joined the Black Watch, or Forty-second Regiment, then 
 employed in keeping order in the turbulent Highlands. 
 In time he became its major ; and, a year or two after the 
 war broke out, he went with it to America. Here, to his 
 horror, he learned that it was ordered to the attack of 
 Ticonderoga. His story was well known among his brother 
 officers. They combined among themselves to disarm his 
 fears ; and when they reached the fatal spot they told him 
 on the eve of the battle, "This is not Ticonderoga; we 
 are not there yet ; this is Fort George." But in the morn- 
 ing he came to them with haggard looks. "I have seen 
 
APPENDIX. 435 
 
 him ! You have deceived me ! He came to my tent last 
 night ! This is Ticonderoga ! I shall die to-day ! " and his 
 prediction was fulfilled. 
 
 Such is the tradition. The indisputable facts are that 
 Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, his arm shattered by 
 a bullet, was carried to Fort Edward, where, after ampu- 
 tation, he died and was buried. {Abercromby to Pitt, 19 
 August, 1758.) The stone that marks his grave may still 
 be seen, with this inscription : " Here lyes the Body of 
 Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, Esq", Major to the old High- 
 land Regiment, aged 55 Years, who died the VI th July, 1758, 
 of the Wounds he received in the Attack of the Retrenchment 
 of Ticonderoga or Carrillon, on the 8 th July, 1758." 
 
 His son, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell, was severely 
 wounded at the same time, but reached Scotland alive, and 
 died in Glasgow. 
 
 Mr. Campbell, the present Inverawe, in the letter men- 
 tioned above, says that forty-five years ago he knew an old 
 man whose grandfather was foster-brother to the slain 
 major of the forty-second, and who told him the following 
 story while carrying a salmon for him to an inn near Inver- 
 awe. The old man's grandfather was sleeping with his son, 
 then a lad, in the same room, but in another bed. This 
 son, father of the narrator, " was awakened," to borrow the 
 words of Mr. Campbell, "by some unaccustomed sound, 
 and behold there was a bright light in the room, and he saw 
 a figure, in full Highland regimentals, cross over the room 
 and stoop down over his father's bed and give him a kiss. 
 He was too frightened to speak, but put his head under his 
 coverlet and went to sleep. Once more he was roused in 
 like manner, and saw the same sight. In the morning he 
 spoke to his father about it, who told him that it was 
 Macdonnochie [the Gaelic patronymic of the laird of Inver- 
 awe] whom he had seen, and who came to tell him that he 
 had been killed in a great battle in America. Sure enough, 
 
436 APPENDIX 
 
 said my informant, it was on the very day that the battle 
 of Ticonderoga was fought and the laird was killed." 
 
 It is also said that two ladies of the family of Inverawe 
 saw a battle in the clouds, in which the shadowy forms of 
 Highland warriors were plainly to be descried; and that 
 when the fatal news came from America, it was found that 
 the time of the vision answered exactly to that of the battle 
 in which the head of the family fell. 
 
 The legend of Inverawe has within a few years found its 
 way into an English magazine, and it has also been ex- 
 cellently told in the Atlantic Monthly of September of 
 this year, 1884, by Miss C. IT. Gordon Cumming. Her ver- 
 sion differs a little from that given above from the recital 
 of Dean Stanley and the present laird of Inverawe, but the 
 essential points are the same. Miss Gordon Cumming, 
 however, is in error when she says that Duncan Campbell 
 was wounded in the breast, and that he was first buried 
 at Ticonderoga. His burial-place was near Fort Edward, 
 where he died, and where his remains still lie, though not 
 at the same spot, as they were long after removed by a 
 family named Gilchrist, who claimed kinship with the 
 Campbells of Inverawe. 
 
 H. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. WOLEE AT QUEBEC. 
 
 Force oe the French and English at the Siege op Quebec. 
 
 "Les retranchemens que j'avois fait tracer depuis la 
 riviere St. Charles jusqu'au saut Montmorency furent oc- 
 cupes par plus de 14,000 hommes, 200 cavaliers dont je 
 formai un corps aux ordres de M. de la Eochebeaucour, 
 environ 1,000 sauvages Abenakis et des differentes nations 
 du nord des pays d'en haut. M. de Boishebert arriva ensuite 
 
APPENDIX. 437 
 
 avec les Aeadiens et sauvages qu'il avoit rassembles. Je 
 reglai la garnison de Quebec a 2,000 hommes." Vaudreuil 
 au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759. 
 
 The commissary Berniers says that the whole force was 
 about fifteen thousand men, besides Indians, which is less 
 than the number given by Vaudreuil. 
 
 Bigot says : "Nous avions 13,000 hommes et mille a 1,200 
 sauvages, sans compter 2,000 hommes de garnison dans la 
 ville." Bigot au Ministre, 25 Oct. 1759. 
 
 The Hartwell Journal du Siege says : " II fut decide qu'on 
 ne laisseroit dansJa place que 1,200 hommes, et que tout le 
 reste marcheroit au camp, ou Ton comptoit se trouver plus 
 de 15,000 hommes, y compris les sauvages." 
 
 Eigaud, VaudreuiPs brother, writing from Montreal to 
 Bourlamaque on the 23d of June, says : " Je compte que 
 l'armee campee sous Quebec sera de 17,000 hom m es bien 
 effectifs, sans les sauvages." He then gives a list of Indians 
 who have joined the army, or are on the way, amounting 
 to thirteen hundred. 
 
 At the end of June Wolfe had about eight thousand 
 six hundred effective soldiers. Of these the ten battalions, 
 commonly mentioned as regiments, supplied six thousand 
 four hundred ; detached grenadiers from Louisbourg, three 
 hundred ; artillery, three hundred ; rangers, four hundred ; 
 light infantry, two hundred ; marines, one thousand. The 
 complement of the battalions was in some cases seven hun- 
 dred and in others one thousand (Knox, II. 25) ; but their 
 actual strength varied from five hundred to eight hundred, 
 except the Highlanders, who mustered eleven hundred, their 
 ranks being more than full. Eraser, in his Journal of the 
 Siege, gives a tabular view of the whole. At the end of the 
 campaign Levis reckons the remaining English troops at 
 about six thousand (Levis au Ministre, 10 Nov. 1759), which 
 answers to the report of General Murray : " The troops will 
 amount to six thousand" {Murray to Pitt, 12 Oct. 1759). 
 The precise number is given in the Return of the State of 
 His Majesty's Forces left in Garrison at Quebec, dated 12 
 
438 APPENDIX. 
 
 Oct. 1759, and signed, Robert Monckton (Public Record 
 Office, America and West Indies, XCTX.). This shows the 
 total of rank and tile to have been 6,214, which the addition 
 of officers, sergeants, and drummers raises to about seven 
 thousand, besides 171 artillerymen. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. THE HEIGHTS OF 
 
 ABRAHAM. 
 
 One of the most important unpublished documents on 
 Wolfe's operations against Quebec is the long and elaborate 
 Journal memoratif de ce qui s'est passe de plus remarquable 
 pendant qu'a dure le Siege de la Ville de Quebec (Archives 
 de la Marine). The writer, M. de Poligny, was a naval 
 officer who during the siege commanded one of the princi- 
 pal batteries of the town. The official correspondence of 
 Vaudreuil for 1759 (Archives Rationales) gives the events 
 of the time from his point of view ; and various manuscript 
 letters of Bigot, LeVis, Montreuil, and others (Archives de 
 la Marine, Archives de la Guerre) give additional particu- 
 lars. The letters, generally private and confidential, written 
 to Bourlamaque by Montcalm, LeVis, Vaudreuil, Malartic, 
 Berniers, and others during the siege contain much that is 
 curious and interesting. 
 
 Siege de Quebec en 1759, d'apres un Manuserit depose a 
 la Bibliotheque de Hartivell en Angleterre. A very valuable 
 diary, by a citizen of Quebec ; it was brought from Eng- 
 land in 1834 by the Hon. D. B. Viger, and a few copies were 
 printed at Quebec in 1836. Journal tenu a I'Armee que com- 
 mandoit feu M. le Marquis de Montcalm. A minute diary of 
 an officer under Montcalm (printed by the Quebec Histori- 
 cal Society). Memoire sur la Campagne de 1759, par M. de 
 Joannes t Major de Quebec (Archives de la Guerre). Lettres 
 
APPENDIX. 439 
 
 et Depeches de Montcalm (Ibid.). These touch chiefly the 
 antecedents of the siege. Memoires stir le Canada depuis 
 1749 jusqua 1760 (Quebec Historical Society). Journal du 
 Siege de Quebec en 1759, par M. Jean Claude Panel, notaire 
 (Ibid.). The writer of this diary was in Quebec at the time. 
 Several other journals and letters of persons present at the 
 siege have been printed by the Quebec Historical Society, 
 under the title Evenements de la Guerre en Canada durant les 
 Annies 1759 et 1760. Relation de ce qui s'est passe au Siege 
 de Quebec, par une Religieuse de I'Hopital General de Que- 
 bec (Quebec Historical Society). Jugement impartial sur les 
 Operations militaires de la Campagne,par M g r de Pontbriand, 
 Eueque de Quebec (Ibid.). Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec, 
 from the Journal of a French Officer on board the Chexine 
 Frigate, taken by His Majesty's Ship Rippon, by Richard 
 Gardiner, Esq., Captain of Marines in the Rippon, London, 
 1761. 
 
 General Wolfe's Instructions to Young Officers, Philadel- 
 phia, 1778. This title is misleading, the book being a col- 
 lection of military orders. General Orders in Wolfe's Army 
 (Quebec Historical Society). This collection is much more 
 full than the foregoing, so far as concerns the campaign of 
 1759. Letters of Wolfe (in Wright's Wolfe), Despatches of 
 Wolfe, Saunders, Monckton, and Townshend (in contempo- 
 rary magazines). A Short Authentic Account of the Expe- 
 dition against Quebec, by a Volunteer upon that Expedition, 
 Quebec, 1872. This valuable diary is ascribed to James 
 Thompson, a volunteer under Wolfe, who died at Quebec in 
 1830 at the age of ninety-eight, after holding for many 
 years the position of overseer of works in the Engineer 
 Department. Another manuscript, for the most part iden- 
 tical with this, was found a few years ago among old papers 
 in the office of the Eoyal Engineers at Quebec. Journal of 
 the Expedition on the River St. Lawrence. Two entirely 
 distinct diaries bear this name. One is printed in the Xew 
 York Mercury for December, 1759; the other was found 
 among the papers of George Alsopp, secretary to Sir Guy 
 
440 APPENDIX. 
 
 Carleton, who served under Wolfe (Quebec Historical So- 
 ciety). Johnstone, A Dialogue in Hades (Ibid.). The Scotch 
 Jacobite, Chevalier Johnstone, as aide-de-camp to Levis, 
 and afterwards to Montcalm, had great opportunities of ac- 
 quiring information during the campaign ; and the results, 
 though produced in the fanciful form of a dialogue between 
 the ghosts of Wolfe and Montcalm, are of substantial his- 
 torical value. The Dialogue is followed by a plain personal 
 narrative. Fraser, Journal of the Siege of Quebec (Ibid.). 
 Fraser was an officer in the Seventy-eighth Highlanders. 
 Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by a Gentleman in an Eminent 
 Station on the Spot, Dublin, 1759. Journal of the Particu- 
 lar Transactions during the Siege of Quebec {Notes and Que- 
 ries, XX.). The writer was a soldier or non-commissioned 
 officer serving in the light infantry. 
 
 Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec and Total Reduction of 
 Canada, by John Johnson, Clerk and Quarter-master Sergeant 
 to the Fifty-eighth Regiment. A manuscript of 176 pages, 
 written when Johnson was a pensioner at Chelsea (Eng- 
 land). The handwriting is exceedingly neat and clear; and 
 the style, though often grandiloquent, is creditable to a 
 writer in his station. This curious production was found 
 among the papers of Thomas McDonough, Esq., formerly 
 British Consul at Boston, and is in possession of his grand- 
 son, my relative, George Francis Parkman, Esq., who, by 
 inquiries at the Chelsea Hospital, learned that Johnson was 
 still living in 1802. 
 
 I have read and collated with extreme care all the above 
 authorities, with others which need not be mentioned. 
 
 Among several manuscript maps and plans showing the 
 operations of the siege may be mentioned one entitled, 
 Plan of the Town and Basin of Quebec and Part of the 
 Adjacent Country, shewing the principal Encampments and 
 Works of the British Army commanded by Major Gen 1 . 
 Wolfe, and those of the French Army by IAeut. Gen\ the 
 Marquis of Montcalm. It is the work of three engineers 
 of Wolfe's army, and is on a scale of eight hundred feet to 
 
APPENDIX. 441 
 
 an inch. A fac-simile from the original in possession of the 
 Royal Engineers is before me. 
 
 Among the " King's Maps," British Museum (CXIX. 27), 
 is a very large colored plan of operations at Quebec in 
 1759, 1760, superbly executed in minute detail. 
 
 J. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. FALL OE QUEBEC. 
 
 Death and Burial of Montcalm. — Johnstone, who had 
 every means of knowing the facts, says that Montcalm was 
 carried after his wound to the house of the surgeon Arnoux. 
 Yet it is not quite certain that he died there. According 
 to Knox, his death took place at the General Hospital ; ac- 
 cording to the modern author of the Ursulines de Quebec, at 
 the Chateau St.-Louis. But the General Hospital was a mile 
 out of the town, and in momentary danger of capture by 
 the English ; while the Chateau had been made untenable 
 by the batteries of Point Levi, being immediately exposed 
 to their fire. Neither of these places was one to which the 
 dying general was likely to be removed, and it is probable 
 that he was suffered to die in peace at the house of the 
 surgeon. 
 
 It has been said that the story of the burial of Montcalm 
 in a grave partially formed by the explosion of a bomb, 
 rests only on the assertion in his epitaph, composed in 1761 
 by the Academy of Inscriptions at the instance of Bougain- 
 ville. There is, however, other evidence of the fact. The 
 naval captain Eoligny, writing on the spot at the time of 
 the burial, says in his Diary, under date of September 14 : 
 " A huit heures du soir, dans l'eglise des Ursulines, fut en- 
 terre dans une fosse faite sous la chaire par le travail de la 
 Bombe, M. le Marquis de Montcalm, decede du matin a 
 
442 APPENDIX. 
 
 4 heures apres avoir recu tous les Sacrements. Jamais 
 General n'avoit 6t6 plus aim£ de sa troupe et plus univer- 
 sellement regrette. II etoit d'un esprit sup^rieur, doux, 
 gracieux, affable, familier a tout le raonde, ce qui lui avoit 
 fait gagner la eonfiance de toute la Colonie : requiescat in 
 pace." 
 
 The author of Les Ursulines de Quebec says : " Un des 
 projectiles ayant fait une large ouverture dans le plancher 
 de bas, on en profita pour creuser la fosse du general." 
 
 The Boston Post Boy and Advertiser, in its issue of 
 Dec. 3, 1759, contains a letter from "an officer of distinc- 
 tion " at Quebec to Messrs. Green and Russell, proprie- 
 tors of the newspaper. This letter contains the following 
 words : " He [Montcalm] died the next day ; and, with a 
 little Improvement, one of our 13-inch Shell-Holes served 
 him for a Grave." 
 
 The particulars of his burial are from the Acte Mortuaire 
 du Marquis de Montcalm in the registers of the Church of 
 Notre Dame de Quebec, and from that valuable chronicle, 
 Les Ursulines de Quebec, composed by the Superior of the 
 convent. A nun of the sisterhood, Mere Aimable Dube" de 
 Saint-Ignace, was, when a child, a witness of the scene, and 
 preserved a vivid memory of it to the age of eighty-one. 
 
 K. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. SAINTE-FOY. 
 
 Strength op the French and English at the Battle or 
 
 Ste.-Foy. 
 
 In the Public Record Office {America and West Indies, 
 XCIX.) are preserved the tabular returns of the garrison of 
 Quebec for 1759, 1760, sent by Murray to the War Office. 
 They show the exact condition of each regiment, in all 
 
APPENDIX. 443 
 
 ranks, for every month of the autumn, winter, and spring. 
 The return made out on the 24th of April, four days before 
 the battle, shows that the total number of rank and file, 
 exclusive of non-commissioned officers and drummers, was 
 6,808, of whom 2,612 were fit for duty in Quebec, and 654 
 at other places in Canada ; that is, at Ste.-Foy, Old 
 Lorette, and the other outposts. This gives a total of 3,266 
 rank and file fit for duty at or near Quebec ; besides which 
 there were between one hundred and two hundred artillery- 
 men, and a company of rangers. This was Murray's whole 
 available force at the time. Of the rest of the 6,808 who 
 appear in the return, 2,299 were invalids at Quebec, and 669 
 in New York; 538 were on service in Halifax and New 
 York, and 36 were absent on furlough. These figures nearly 
 answer to the condensed statement of Fraser, and confirm 
 the various English statements of the numbers that took 
 part in the battle ; namely, 3,140 (Knox), 3,000 (John John- 
 son), 3,111, and elsewhere, in round numbers, 3,000 (Murray). 
 Levis, with natural exaggeration, says 4,000. Three or four 
 hundred were left in Quebec to guard the walls when the 
 rest marched out. 
 
 I have been thus particular because a Canadian writer, 
 Garneau, says : " Murray sortit de la ville le 28 au matin a 
 la tete de toute la garnison, dont les seules troupes de la 
 ligne comptaient encore 7,714 combattants, non compris les 
 officiers." To prove this, he cites the pay-roll of the garri- 
 son ; which, in fact, corresponds to the returns of the same 
 date, if non-commissioned officers, drummers, and artillery- 
 men are counted with the rank and file. But Garneau falls 
 into a double error. He assumes, first, that there were no 
 men on the sick list ; and secondly, that there were none 
 absent from Quebec ; when in reality, as the returns show, 
 considerably more than half were in one or the other of 
 these categories. The pay-rolls were made out at the head- 
 quarters of each corps, and always included the entire 
 number of men enlisted in it, whether sick or well, present 
 or absent. On the same fallacious premises Garneau affirms 
 
444 APPENDIX. 
 
 that Wolfe, at the battle on the Plains of Abraham, had 
 eight thousand soldiers, or a little less than double his 
 actual force. 
 
 Having stated, as above, that Murray marched out of Que- 
 bec with at least 7,714 effective troops, Garneau, not very 
 consistently, goes on to say that he advanced against Levis 
 with six thousand or seven thousand men ; and he adds that 
 the two armies were about equal, because Levis had left 
 some detachments behind to guard his boats and artillery. 
 The number of the French, after they had all reached the 
 field, was, in truth, about seven thousand ; at the beginning 
 of the fight it seems not to have exceeded five thousand. 
 The Relation de la seconde Bataille de Quebec says : " Notre 
 petite arm^e eonsistoit au moment de faction en 3,000 
 homines de troupes regimes et 2,000 Canadiens ou sauvages." 
 A large number of Canadians came up from Sillery while 
 the affair went on ; and as the whole French army, except 
 the detachments mentioned by Garneau, had passed the 
 night at no greater distance from the field than Ste.-Foy and 
 Sillery, the last man must have reached it before the firing 
 was half over. 
 
INDEX 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abenakis, the, i. 23, 40, 209, 480; 
 settled in Canada, i. 23; at Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 154 ; assist the Cana- 
 dian militia, i. 371, 372 ; called to a 
 council of war by Montcalm, i. 485- 
 489 ; position of the English at 
 Fort William Henry, i. 499; the 
 massacre at Fort William Henry 
 {see William Henry, Fort), i. 510- 
 513, ii. 428-431 ; evidence concern- 
 ing the massacre, i. 514 note ; their 
 conversion to Christianity, i. 514 
 note ; seize the messengers of Am- 
 herst, ii. 251; Rogers sent to destroy 
 one of their towns, ii. 251, 253-258 
 note ; their cruelty, ii. 253, 255 ; the 
 St. Francis settlement, ii. 253, 254; 
 statistics of warriors at the siege of 
 Quebec, ii. 436, 437. 
 
 Abercromby, General James, i. 165 
 note ; to supersede Webb in com- 
 mand of the army, i. 383 ; to resign 
 in favor of Earl Loudon, i. 383; 
 arrives at Albany, i. 399; sends a 
 letter of approbation to Rogers, i. 
 445 ; Loudon recalled from office, ii. 
 48 ; succeeds Loudon in command, 
 ii. 48; to lead the expedition against 
 Louisbourg, ii. 48; Amherst pre- 
 vented from co-operation with, ii. 
 75; the rejoicing at the fall of 
 Louisbourg, ii 76, 77 ; Amherst plans 
 to assist him at Lake George, ii. 80; 
 expedition led by, against Ticonde- 
 roga, ii. 85-113" note ; his camp at 
 Lake George, ii. 88; his leadership, 
 ii. 89, 240; number of his troops, ii. 
 88, 89 ; his opinion of Lord Howe, 
 ii. 89; statistics of the expedition 
 against Ticonderoga, ii. 91, 92, 431- 
 433; the passage of Lake George, 
 ii. 92-94; the army lost in the 
 woods, ii. 95; effect of the death of 
 Lord Howe upon his army, ii. 97, 
 98 ; the army reaches the Falls, ii. 
 
 98, 99; statements concerning the 
 French defences, ii. 100, 101 ; dif- 
 ferent courses of action open to, 
 ii. 101, 102 ; the eve of battle, ii. 103, 
 104; order of the assault, ii. 105- 
 107; his encounter with Montcalm 
 at Ticonderoga, ii. 106-110; his 
 retreat, ii. 110, 111, 114, 115, 
 165, 238; his losses, ii. 110, 432, 
 433; a disgraceful order sent to 
 Colonel Cummings, ii. 114 ; nick- 
 name given to, by the Provincials, 
 ii. 115; visited by the chaplains, 
 ii. 117 ; sends a war-party into 
 the woods, ii. 121-123; despatches 
 Bradstreet to capture Fort Fron- 
 tenac, ii. 127; receives news of the 
 fall of Fort Frontenac, ii. 127; 
 Fort Frontenac dismantled, ii. 129; 
 joined by Amherst, ii. 129 ; his 
 camp broken up, ii. 130 ; neglects 
 to assist Forbes's army, ii. 157 ; Am- 
 herst's superior leadership, ii. 240 ; 
 his letter to Pitt, ii. 432. 
 
 Abraham an Indian, i. 174. 
 
 Abraham Martin, his name given to 
 the Heights of Abraham, ii. 289. 
 
 Abraham, the Heights of, ii. 259, 
 408, 438-441; Wolfe discovers a 
 path ascending the cliff, ii. 272, 
 273; general belief in the safety 
 of the heights, ii. 275, 276; as- 
 cent of the troops under Wolfe's 
 direction, ii. 281, 287 ; statistics 
 concerning Wolfe's army, and the 
 action upon, ii. 438-441. 
 
 Abraham, the Plains of, ii. 200, 298 
 note, 327, 357 ; inaccessibility of, ii. 
 260: Guienne's troops not at their 
 post, ii. 285 ; origin of the name, and 
 descriDtion of, ii. 289 ; the fall of 
 Quebec, ii. 302-324, 325 note, 326 
 note, 444. 
 
 Acadia, i. 178, 486; population of, i. 
 20, 94, 124, 264, 284; attacks made 
 on New England, i. 28 ; questions of 
 boundary, i. 90, 122-128, 184, 236- 
 
448 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 238, 259 ; conquest of, by Nicholson 
 in 1710, i. 90; conditions of resi- 
 dence for French subjects, i. 90, 91 ; 
 conflict for, i. 90-127 ; English power 
 in, i. 92; the naval station at Che- 
 bucto, i. 92, 93; ceded to England 
 by France, i. 93, 94; determination 
 of the French to recover it, i. 93-95; 
 six principal parishes of, i. 94; docu- 
 ments on the affairs of, i. 94-96; 
 religion, priests, and government 
 of, i. 94, 99, 100, 107, 259, 260, at- 
 tention given by Count Raymond 
 to the affairs of, i. 102; wretched 
 condition of the emigrants from, i. 
 109, 110; Joseph Le Loutre, the 
 vicar-general of, i. 113; Beaubassin 
 occupied by the English, i. 115-120; 
 emigration encouraged by the 
 French, i. 116; the question of 
 French orEng.'ish ownership, i. 123, 
 124, 184, 236, 239, ii. 405; need of 
 communication between Quebec and 
 Cape Breton, i. 123 ; the census of, 
 i. 124 ; expedition against, to be led 
 by Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, i. 
 194; sad condition of the people of, 
 i. 234, 235 ; the French use the inhab- 
 itants to carry on their war-parties, 
 i. 235; questions of policy for the 
 French and English in Acadia, i. 236- 
 241 ; probability of French invasion, 
 i. 237 ; importance of her harbors, i. 
 237; arrival of the English troops, 
 i. 246, 247 ; conditions leading to the 
 expulsion of the inhabitants from, i. 
 253-266 ; removal of the inhabitants 
 from their homes, i. 255, 266-284; 
 encampment of the New England 
 troops, i. 269, 270; tour of inspec- 
 tion made by Winslow, i. 271; ar- 
 rival of the vessels of transport at 
 Nova Scotia, i. 276; arrival of 
 Saul with provisions, i. 278, 279; 
 embarkation of the Acadians, i. 
 279-281 ; return of a portion of the 
 exiles, i. 283; the act of expatria- 
 tion criticised, i. 284; families of 
 British stock settle in, i. 284; cap- 
 ture of forts by the English, i. 328; 
 plans of Vaudreuil for conquest, ii. 
 178. 
 Acadians, the, i. 93; religious privi- 
 leges accorded to, by the treaty of 
 Utrecht, i. 91, 256 ; required to take 
 the oath of allegiance to England, 
 i. 91, 92, 235, 260; influence of the 
 French upon, i. 91, 93-124, 235-237, 
 242-245; their religion, i. 91, 95, 
 259, 200, 281 ; their hostility to the 
 English encouraged bv the French 
 priests, i. 91, 98-107, 109, 113, 114, 
 
 121, 122, 235, 236, 238, 257, 259, 260, 
 262, 264, ii. 419-421 ; the war of 
 1745, i. 92 ; form of the oath of alle- 
 giance, i. 92 note, 265; their condi- 
 tion and numbers from 1748 to 1752, 
 i. 93, 94; official papers relating to, 
 i. 94-96 ; taught to love France, and 
 to call themselves French subjects, 
 i. 94, 235, 237, 243, 245, 253, 257; 
 treatment received from the Eng- 
 lish, and mildness of their rule, i. 
 95-97, 235, 236, 261, ii. 418, 419; 
 quotations from Roma, alluding to, 
 i. 96, 97; their fear of the Indians, 
 i. 96, 108, 114, 235; join the Indian 
 war-parties of the French against 
 the English, i. 97, 103, 104, 262, 
 
 264, 275, ii. 419-421; their neu- 
 trality, i. 97, 258; their oath of 
 allegiance to be made more binding, 
 i. 97, 98; deputies sent to meet 
 Cornwallis at Halifax, i. 97, 98; 
 their refusal to take an unqualified 
 oath of allegiance to George II., i. 
 97, 98; promise good behavior and 
 a reasonable compliance, i. 98 ; order 
 of Cornwallis issued to, concerning 
 the oath, i. 98, 99 ; plans of the 
 French to recover their possessions, 
 i. 98-100; their covert war, i. 99-105; 
 advised by Desherbiers and others 
 to refuse the oath of allegiance, i. 
 101, 106 ; letters from French officials 
 showing their secret work against the 
 English, i. 101; encouraged by the 
 French to emigrate to French lands, 
 i. 102, 108-110; testimony of Pre- 
 vost concerning, i. 105; cruelly and 
 dishonorably treated by the priest 
 Le Loutre, i. 108-110, 113-122, 235- 
 238, 242-245, ii. 420, 421; wretch- 
 edness of the emigrants after leav- 
 ing their English farms, i. 109, 
 110, 119, 120-122, 235-238, 243-245, 
 
 265, 266; speech of Cornwallis to 
 the deputies, i. 110, 111, 112; treat- 
 ment received from Hopson, i. 112, 
 113; French method of terrifying, 
 by using the Micmacs, i. 113, 114; 
 occupation of Beaubassin by the Eng- 
 lish, i. 115-120 ; disaffection among, 
 i. 116 ; forcibly removed by the 
 French from Beaubassin, and obliged 
 to live on French ground, i. 116 ; the 
 murder of Captain Howe, i. 118, 119 ; 
 a French fort to be built on Beau- 
 sCiour, i. 119, 120; ordered to swear 
 allegiance to France, i. 120, 121; 
 contest between French and English, 
 i. 120-122; proclamation of Law- 
 rence concerning, i. 121; absurd 
 demands of Le Loutre, i. 121 ; a por- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 449 
 
 tion. of the inhabitants cross the 
 French lines, i. 121; their suffering 
 inside the French lines, i. 121, 122, 
 244, 245; plans of Shirley to send 
 away from Acadia all French set- 
 tlers, i. 234, 257; a portion of the 
 people transported to French settle- 
 ments, i. 235, 235 note ; fears of the 
 English, i. 239-241 ; supplies sent to 
 the emigrants, i. 242; their supplies 
 stolen by the officials, i. 242 ; plans of 
 Le Loutre for the emigrants, i. 243, 
 244 ; false statements of Le Loutre, 
 i. 244; prevented by Le Loutre 
 from appealing to Duquesne, i. 
 244; harsh treatment received from 
 Governor Duquesne, i. 244, 245 ; 
 desire of, to return to their English 
 allegiance, i. 244, 245; an annoyance 
 to the English, i. 245; dealt with by 
 the French with heartlessness, i. 245 ; 
 their terror upon the arrival of the 
 English troops, i. 247; dislovalty 
 of, i. 248, 257, 258; join the French 
 garrison, i. 248; the siege of Beau- 
 se>ur by the English, i. 248-253, 
 260 ; assisted b} r Le Loutre at Bean- 
 s' jour, i. 250; capitulation of Beau- 
 se'jour, i. 251; condition leading to 
 the expulsion of, from Acadia, i. 253- 
 266 ; ordered by Monckton to meet 
 him at Beause'jour, i. 254; sentence 
 pronounced upon, by Monckton, and 
 prisoners taken at Foil Cumberland, 
 i. 254, 255, 266; explanation of the 
 imprisonment of, i. 255-266 ; pre- 
 vented by the priests from joining 
 the English, i. 255; again ordered 
 to take the oath of allegiance, i. 
 255; demands made by the priests 
 with regard to their return to their 
 home, i. 255, 256; refuse to take 
 the oath of allegiance to England, 
 i. 256; instruction sent to* Gov- 
 ernor Lawrence with regard to, i. 
 257; to be compelled to take the 
 oath of allegiance, i. 257; desire of 
 Shirley to expel from the country, 
 i. 257; their country commonly con- 
 sidered an Arcadia, i. 258; depicted 
 by Abbe" Raynal, i. 258; their 
 means and mode of living, i. 258- 
 260; their population, i. 259; their 
 houses, i- 259, 268; their food, i. 
 259; their furniture, i. 259; their 
 animals, i. 259; their clothing, i. 
 259; marriages among, i. 259, 260; 
 their village life, i. 259, 260; their 
 priests, religion, and government, 
 i. 259, 260; only a few take the 
 required oath, i. 260; the priests as- 
 sist the French Bishop and Governor 
 
 of Canada, i. 260; loyal to Louis 
 XV., and untrue to George II., 260, 
 264; described by DiereYille, i. 260 
 note ; the oath of allegiance adminis- 
 tered by Governor Lawrence, i. 260; 
 emigration of a small number of, to 
 Cape Breton, i. 260 ; they return, and 
 take the oath of allegiance, i. 260; 
 kind treatment vouchsafed to the 
 loyal inhabitants, i. 260; memorial 
 brought by, to Captain Murray, i. 
 260-263; contents of their memorial 
 sent to Governor Lawrence, i. 260- 
 263; their insolence, i. 261; ordered 
 to take the oath of allegiance to 
 England, or to leave the country, i. 
 263, 264; again refuse the oath of 
 allegiance, i. 264; declare their pref- 
 erence to lose their lands, i. 264; 
 plans of removal discussed by the 
 English, i. 265, 260; lesolution to 
 remove the people from their coun- 
 try, i. 265, 266; instructions quoted 
 with regard to the removal of, i. 266, 
 267; instrumentality of the priests 
 in the expulsion of, i. 265, 266, 266 
 note; removal of, by the English, 
 from their homes, i. 266-284; sum- 
 moned to meet Winslow to hear 
 the orders of George II., i. 271-274; 
 meet "Winslow in the church at 
 Grand Pit 1 , i. 272-274, 276 ; declared 
 prisoners of the King, i. 274; unite 
 with the Indians to attack the Eng- 
 lish, i. 275; number in charge of 
 Winslow, i. 276 ; arrival of the 
 transports, i. 276: detention of, on 
 the vessels, i. 276, 277, 277 note ; 
 supplies for the prisoners delayed, 
 i. 278, 279; cases of the separation 
 of families, i. 279, 280; removal of, 
 described, i. 279-282; effort of the 
 prisoners to escape, i. 280; number 
 of, embarked for the colonies, i. 
 280-282; guerilla warfare against 
 the English, i. 282 ; distribution of 
 the exiles, i. 282; treatment re- 
 ceived in the colonies, i. 282; heart- 
 less outrages practised upon , in 
 Canada, i. 282, 283, ii. 26; exiles on 
 one of the vessels escape to the St. 
 John, i. 282; sent to France, i. 283; 
 sent to England, i. 283; progenitors 
 of the present race, i. 283; death of, 
 i. 283 ; arrival of the exiles in Loui- 
 siana, i. 283; at the siege of Louis- 
 bourg, ii. 62, 66; false dealing of, 
 Boish^bert, ii. 170; their hostility to 
 the English, ii. 181. 
 Achilles, i. 353 ; ii. 184. 
 Acts of Parliament. See Parliament- 
 Adams, a wagoner, carries a letter 
 
 VOL. II. - 
 
 -29 
 
450 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 warning to Fort Lyman, i. 296 ; shot 
 by the Indians, i. 299. 
 
 Adams, Captain, i. 249, 2T0, 272 ; re- 
 moval of the Acadians, i. 267, 270, 
 276, 277, 280 note. 
 
 Adams, Parson, i. 6. 
 
 Adirondacks, i. 453. 
 
 Admiralty, the position held by Anson, 
 i. 179. 
 
 Admiralty, Lords of the, citation from 
 letters to, i. 181. 
 
 Africa, ii. 44, 49; the French driven 
 from Guinea, ii. 47; the power of 
 England over, ii. 400; France cedes 
 Senegal, ii. 406. 
 
 Aigues Mortes, dungeons of, i. 21. 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, the treaty of, i. 9, 
 19, 36, 43, 94, 359, 360, ii. 53, 406 ; 
 questions of boundary to be settled 
 by commissioners, i. 122-128. 
 
 Alais, i. 455. 
 
 Albany, i. 28, 65, 171, 233, 289, 290, 
 298, 310, 326, 403, 421, 435, 452, 
 ii. 91, 93; conservatism of, in the 
 eighteenth century, i. 33; meeting 
 of Indians and commissioners, i. 61; 
 news sent to, of the death of Lord 
 Howe, ii. 98; advance of Brad- 
 street, ii. 129; congress of Indians 
 and English held, i. 172-176; plan 
 of Franklin for colonial union, 
 i. 175; the Dutch at, i. 193, 320; 
 decisions of the council, i. 194, 195; 
 described by Mrs. Grant, i. 319, 
 320; the base of military opera- 
 tions, i. 319, 320 ; headquarters of 
 Shirley, i. 384, 393; the Indians 
 misled by the traders, i. 390; plans 
 of Vaudreuil, i. 393, 394; return of 
 Bradstreet, i. 395, 396 ; arrival of 
 Webb and. Abercromby, i. 399; 
 rumors of danger from the enemy, 
 i. 415, 475, ii. 3. 
 
 Albemarle, Lord, Governor of Vir- 
 ginia, i. 105 note, 137; English am- 
 bassador at Versailles, i. 180; his 
 death, i. 184. 
 
 Albemarle, Earl of, expedition of, ii. 
 401, 402. 
 
 " Alcide," the, i. 185. 
 
 Alembert, D', i. 16. 
 
 Alequippa, Queen, i. 151; flies from 
 her possessions, i. 45. 
 
 Alexander, ii. 408. 
 
 Alexandria, i. 142, 162, 247; camp of 
 Braddock at, i. 191; council held at 
 the camp, i. 196 note, 234, 241, 286. 
 
 Algonquins, or Algonkins, the, i. 74 ; 
 at Fort Duquesne, i. 154 ; assist the 
 Canadian militia, i. 372; their means 
 of divination, i. 438 note; called to 
 a council by Montcalm, i. 485-489. 
 
 Alleghanv Mountains, the, i. 20, 40, 
 59, 124, 125, 127, 145, 148, 161, 372, 
 ii. 130, 133, 141; crossed by the 
 English traders, i. 42; road mads 
 through, by Braddock's forces, i. 
 205, ii. 138, 141; condition of the 
 settlers, i. 335. 
 
 Alleghany River, the, i. 39, 128, 133, 
 136, 143, 207, 222, 223, 423, 424, ii. 
 149, 152, 154, 159; work of C(-loron 
 de Bienville, i. 43; settlement of 
 Shenango, i. 46; a fort planned, i. 
 130. 
 
 Allen.Ensign, to train the Provincials 
 in Braddock's expedition, i. 200, 
 201. 
 
 Allen, Chief Justice, letter from Bou- 
 quet quoted, ii. 161, 161 note. 
 
 Alsopp, George, ii. 439. 
 
 Alva, ii. 404. 
 
 Amalek, ii. 89. 
 
 America, i. 202, 219 note, 230 note, 251, 
 295, 360, 369, 383, ii. 45, 49, 191, 
 271, 391, 401 ; conditions during, and 
 results following, the Seven Years 
 War in Europe, i. 1, 20; complica- 
 tion of political interests, i. 1, 3, 4; 
 the War of Independence, i. 1 ; the 
 British and French possessions com- 
 pared, i. 1-3 ; British soldiers in, i. 
 9; number of French and English 
 inhabitants in the middle of the 
 eighteenth century, i. 20; towns and 
 colonies compared and contrasted, i. 
 25-36; plan for the increase of 
 French settlements, i. 37 ; questions 
 of boundaries, i. 37, 43, 76, 79, 86, 
 122-128; commissioners appointed 
 to decide upon French and English 
 possessions in, i. 123-127; the bal- 
 ance of power, i. 126; conditions in 
 the English colonies, i. 160-171; 
 results of the meeting of the colo- 
 nial "Assemblies with their govern- 
 ors, i. 163-169; France and England 
 compared, i. 181 ; the policy of Eng- 
 land, i. 181; regiments ordered to, 
 from England, i. 181, 182; expedi- 
 tion ordered to, from France, i. 182, 
 183; council of American governors 
 held with Braddock, i. 191-195; 
 the democracy of Pennsylvania, i. 
 338 ; holds a secondary place in the 
 interests of France, i. 355; conflict 
 of the eighteenth century, i. 355; 
 French power in, to be sustained, i. 
 356, 414 ; money granted by Parlia- 
 ment to the colonies, i. 382, 382 
 note ; usefulness of Indian warriors, 
 i. 484; the power of Pitt, ii. 43, 44; 
 interest felt for, by Pitt, ii. 47-49; 
 prophecy of John Mellen, ii. 378 ; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 451 
 
 and of the French and English war, 
 ii. 378-382, 386; predictions con- 
 cerning the future of the British 
 colonies, ii. 403, 404. 
 
 American Antiquarian Society, the, 
 i. 48 ; plate buried by the French in 
 the possession of, i. 48; Transactions 
 of, i. 48. 
 
 Amherst, Lieutenant-Colonel, recap- 
 tures St. John's, ii. 402. 
 
 Amherst, Jeffrey, ii. 194 note, 231, 
 339 ; recalled from the German war, 
 ii. 48; his character, ii. 48; pro- 
 moted to be major-general, ii. 48; 
 takes command of the expedition 
 against Louisbourg, ii. 48, 49, 51, 
 56-81; plans of attack, ii. 57, 58; 
 lands his troops at Freshwater Cove, 
 ii. 57-60; his camp, ii. 61; roads 
 made through marshes, ii. 61, 62 ; 
 courtesies between the commanders, 
 ii. 64, 65 ; his humanity, ii. 70, 70 
 note, 374 ; terms of capitulation ex- 
 tended to Louisbourg, ii. 71, 72; 
 capitulation of Louisbourg, ii. 74, 75, 
 75 note; prevented from uniting 
 with Abercromby, ii. 75 ; increases 
 bis conquests, ii. 78; action after 
 the reduction of Louisbourg, ii. 79, 
 80; orders issued to Wolfe, ii. 80, 
 81; evidences concerning the siege 
 of Louisbourg, ii. 81 note; joins 
 Abercrombv at Lake George, ii. 129 ; 
 letter sent to, from General Forbes, 
 ii. 161 ; his army moves against 
 Ticonderoga, ii. 197, 210, 222; his 
 ability to render aid to Wolfe, 
 ii. 2l6, 212; cnmmander-in-chief of 
 the troops in America, ii. 235 ; plans 
 of Pitt for his movements, ii. 235, 
 236; deputes Prideaux to take 
 charge of the expedition against 
 Niagara, ii. 235, 236; the capture of 
 Ticonderoga, ii. 235-241; on Lake 
 George, ii. 235, 236 ; forts built by, 
 ii. 237; Bourlamaque retires before, 
 ii. 238, 239 ; Ticonderoga blown up 
 by the French, ii. 239; advances 
 upon Crown Point, ii. 240, 241; his 
 delay in joining Wolfe, ii. 240-242, 
 249, 250, 272, 323; Crown Point 
 rebuilt by, ii. 240, 241; roads built 
 by, across Vermont, ii.241 ; his navy, 
 ii. 241, 242, 251, 252; at Crown 
 Point, ii. 249; tries to pacify the 
 Abenakis, ii. 251; sends Major 
 Rogers to destroy the Abenakis' 
 town, ii. 251, 253; unsuccessful 
 attempt to reach Isle-aux-Noix, 
 ii. 251, 252 ; the result of his cam- 
 paign, ii. 252, 253 ; desired to send 
 supplies to Rogers, ii. 254, 256, 257 ; 
 
 Lieutenant Stephen sent to meet 
 Rogers' rangers, ii. 256, 257 ; letter 
 from Rogers, ii. 258 note ; defers his 
 advance upon Montreal, ii. 265; his 
 plans, ii. 361; the fall of Canada, 
 ii. 361-382; his army embarks for 
 Montreal, ii. 369; the "Ottawa" 
 captured, ii. 369; attacks Fort Le- 
 vis, ii. 369, 370; passage of the 
 rapids, ii. 370, 371; encamps near 
 Montreal, ii. 371 ; number of his 
 troops, ii. 372, 372 note ; a council 
 of war held by Yaudreuil, ii. 372; 
 articles of capitulation insisted upon 
 by Amherst, ii. 372-374; his detes- 
 tation of French cruelty, ii. 373; 
 Vaudreuil obliged to surrender Mon- 
 treal, ii. 376 ; the news of his victo- 
 ry received in Boston, ii. 377-379 ; 
 sends his brother to recapture St. 
 John's, ii. 402. 
 
 Amonoosuc River, the, ii. 256, 257. 
 
 Anastase, i. 209. 
 
 Anastase, Father, i. 209. 
 
 Anbury, the traveller, ii. 426. 
 
 Ange, Gardien L', landing of the 
 English before, ii. 217; burned by 
 order of Wolfe, ii. 261. 
 
 Anglican Church, the, in New York, 
 i. 32. 
 
 Anglicans, the, i. 29. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon race, the, i. 25. 
 
 Annapolis, Acadia, i. 92, 106, 178, 241, 
 279 ; garrison at, i. 92, 93 ; parish of, 
 i. 94; Acadians encouraged to emi- 
 grate from, i. 108, 109; the inhabit- 
 ants of the valley, i. 235; French 
 feeling in the hearts of the inhabit- 
 ants, i. 237; arrival of the English 
 force, i. 247; means of living prac- 
 tised by the Acadians, i. 258, 259; 
 number of Acadians sent away in 
 the vessels, i. 280 ; isolation of the 
 garrison at, ii. 77; rejoicing at the 
 fall of Louisbourg, ii. 77, 78. 
 
 Anne, Fort, ii. 121. 
 
 Anse du Foulon, ii. 276, 284, 286, 
 344, 346, 347, 354 ; now called 
 Wolfe's Cove, ii. 278. 
 
 Anson, First Lord of the Admiralty, 
 i. 179, ii. 50. 
 
 Anthonay, D', lieutenant-colonel, sent 
 to the English concerning the terms 
 of capitulation for Louisbourg, ii. 71 ; 
 empowered to accept the capitula- 
 tion for Louisbourg, ii. 73, 74. 
 
 " Apollon," the number of her guns, 
 ii. 54 note. 
 
 Appendix A., ii. 417, 418; references 
 to, i. 67 note, 68 note, 78 note. 
 
 Appendix B., ii. 418-421; references 
 to, i. 100 note, 104 note, 127 note. 
 
452 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Appendix C. ii. 421-423; references 
 
 to, i. 158 note, 161 note. 
 Appendix D., ii. 423-426; references 
 
 to, i. 208 note, 215 note. 
 Appendix E., ii. 426-428, 
 Appendix F., ii. 428-431. 
 Appendix G., ii. 431-436; references 
 
 to, ii. 93 note, 113 note. 
 Appendix H., ii. 436-438. 
 Appendix I., reference to, ii. 298 note. 
 Appendix J., ii. 438-441, 442; refer- 
 ence to, ii. 326 note. 
 Appendix K., ii. 442-444; reference 
 to, ii. 359. 
 
 Appleton, Nathaniel, his utterance 
 after the fall of Canada, ii. 379. 
 
 Apthorp, a Boston merchant, i. 245; 
 furnishes money for the English 
 troops, i. 245. 
 
 Arbuthnot, William, his attestation, 
 i. 505 note. 
 
 Arcadia, i. 258. 
 
 "ArC'thuse," the, ii. 63; number of 
 her guns, ii. 54 note; fires upon the 
 English, ii. 64; withdrawn from her 
 position, ii. 65. 
 
 Argens, D', letters from Frederic II., 
 ii. 387-389. 
 
 Argenson, D', Minister of War, 1743- 
 1747, i. 15, 355, 367, ii. 44; writes 
 to Montcalm of his appointment, 
 i. 360; letter to, from Montcalm, 
 i. 377 ; reinforcements sent to Can- 
 ada, i. 467, 468. 
 
 Armstrong, Colonel George, i. 423, 
 ii. 158 ; the attack upon Kittan- 
 ning, i. 423-427 ; receives a medal 
 from the Council of Philadelphia, i. 
 426. 
 
 Army, the English, matters pertain- 
 ing to the troops, i. 383-387 ; disci- 
 pline in, ii. 119. See English. 
 
 Army, the French, description of 
 French troops, i. 368-373; number 
 of troops in Canada, i. 368, 368 
 note. See French. 
 
 Army, the Provincial, i. 290, 291; 
 manners and morals of, i. 292; 
 preaching on Sunday to, i. 295, 
 296. 
 
 Army chaplains, ii. 116, 117. 
 
 Arnoux, Surgeon, ii. 308; Montcalm 
 carried to his house, ii. 308, 441. 
 
 Arthur's Club, i. 7. 
 
 Artillery Cove, i. 498. 
 
 Artois, battalion of, i. 368, ii. 54, 73; 
 ordered to America, i. 182. 
 
 Ashley, Dr., his death, ii. 120. 
 
 Ashley, John, difficulties among the 
 war committees, i. 387. 
 
 Asia, diplomatic and political position 
 of France and England towards, i. 3. 
 
 4; the power of England over, ii. 
 400. 
 
 Assemblies of the English colonies, 
 the, neglect their own interests, i. 
 86 ; instructions from the Lords of 
 Trade, i. 172, 173; matters to be laid 
 before, i. 195. 
 
 Assembly of Massachusetts, the, deal- 
 ings of Governor Shirley with, i. 
 168, 169 ; grants money to aid the 
 English in Maine, i. 169 ; plans of 
 Shirley laid before, i. 241; money 
 and supplies voted by, for the expe- 
 dition against Crown Point, i. 285, 
 286. 
 
 Assembly of New York, the, i. 59; 
 quotation from Governor Clinton 
 concerning their neglect in protect- 
 ing Indian trade,]. 61, 62; apathy 
 of, i. 73; address of, to Lieutenant- 
 Governor Delancey, cited, i. 168; 
 results of the meeting of, with the 
 Governor of New York, i. 168, 169; 
 its hostility to Johnson, i. 328; 
 political difficulties, i. 350. 
 
 Assembly of Pennsylvania, the, i. 59, 
 141, 142, 426; refuses the request 
 of the Indians to build a trading- 
 house on the Ohio, i. 60; unwilling 
 to aid Dinwiddie, i. 142; letter from 
 the Earl of Holdernesse laid before, 
 i. 165; persons composing, i. 165, 
 166 ; result of the meeting with the 
 Governor, i. 165-168; quarrels with 
 the Governor, i. 191, 340-342, 348, 
 349, 350 note, 351 note, ii. 131, 135; 
 needs of the people laid before, 
 i. 336 ; causes of military paralysis, 
 i. 337, 338; question of taxing pro- 
 prietary lands, i. 337-341, 344-347 ; 
 Benjamin Franklin leader in, i. 338; 
 relations of, with the people, i. 339- 
 350 ; relations of with Governor 
 Morris, i. 339-350 ; contentions with 
 the Quakers and the Governor, i. 
 340, 341; desires to issue bills of 
 credit, i, 344-346; the paper called 
 a " Representation " sent to the 
 House, i. 346; anger of the Quak- 
 ers, i. 346, 347; deputations from the 
 people and from friendly Indians 
 seeking aid, i. 347; growing un- 
 popularity of, i. 347, 348; a militia 
 law passed, i. 348; the proprietaries 
 of Pennsylvania offer to raise 
 money for defence, i. 349; difficul- 
 ties in quartering the troops, i. 439, 
 440. 
 
 Assembly of Virginia, i. 137; efforts 
 of Dinwiddie to repel the French in 
 the West, i. 137-140; aid voted to- 
 Dinwiddie, i. 139, 140, 233 ; slowness- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 453 
 
 of movement of, i. 144; speech of 
 Dinwiddie to, i. 163, 164, 165 ; result 
 of the meeting with Dinwiddie, i. 
 165, 233 ; the distress of the people, 
 i. 332, 333; the needs of Washing- 
 ton, i. 332, 333 ; needs of the people 
 laid before, i. 336. 
 
 Atlantic Ocean, the, i. 4, 87, 123, 205, 
 469, ii. 176, 412; the United States, 
 ii. 413 ; English possessions border- 
 ing on, i. 20. , 
 
 Attique", village of, i. 45; French 
 name of Kittanning, i. 426. See 
 Kittanning. 
 
 Aubry, ii. 244; the engagement at 
 Niagara, ii. 244-249 ; taken prisoner, 
 ii. 248. 
 
 Augsburg, ii. 3^4. 
 
 Augusta, Fort, ii. 147. 
 
 " Auguste," fate of the, ii. 384, 385. 
 
 Augustus the Strong, i. 10. 
 
 Aulac, inhabitants removed from, i. 
 255; the declaration of Monckton, 
 i. 254. 
 
 Austria, effects of the French alliance, 
 i. 2 ; succession of Maria Theresa, i. 
 18 ; political alliances sought, i. 353, 
 354; a Catholic county, i. 355; 
 troops sent against, i. 363; position 
 of affairs in Europe, ii. 38, 39 ; policy 
 of George III., ii. 393; hostile to 
 Prussia, ii. 399 ; the treaty of Hu- 
 bertsburg, ii. 407. 
 
 Austria, House of, its rule, i. 16, 17; 
 enmity of France towards, i. 19. 
 
 Austrian Succession, the war of, i. 
 19. 
 
 Austrians, the, ii- 40; the battle of 
 Prague, ii. 39; routed at Leuthen, 
 ii. 46 ; fly before Frederic, ii. 386. 
 
 Auxerrois, i. 359. 
 
 Aveiy, Ensign, the expedition against 
 the Abenakis, ii. 255-257. 
 
 Avon River, the former name of, i. 
 268. 
 
 Awe River, the, ii. 433. 
 
 B. 
 
 Babiole, i. 354. 
 
 Baby, a Canadian officer, i. 330 note. 
 
 Babylon, ii. 89, 378, 384. 
 
 Baglev, Colonel Jonathan, ii. 76, 77, 
 115," 117 ; commands at Fort William 
 Henry, i. 388; preparations for at- 
 tacking Ticonderoga, i. 388, 389; 
 extracts from his letters, i. 389. 
 
 Bahama Islands, the, i. 421. 
 
 Baker, a soldier, i. 424. 
 
 Bald Mountain, i. 477. 
 
 Ball, a dog, ii. 189. 
 
 Ballads, ii. 233 note. 
 
 Barachois, ii. 63, 67; approach of the 
 English, ii. 64. 
 
 Barbadoes, Island of, ii. 190. 
 
 Barnsley, Thomas, ii. 124 note. 
 
 Barre\ ii. 46, 268. 
 
 Barrington, Viscount, ii. 398, 432 ; re- 
 places Chancellor Legge, ii. 393. 
 
 Bassiguac, De, curious incident in the 
 attack on Moutcalm, at Ticondero- 
 ga, ii. 107. 
 
 Bastille, the, i. 15, ii. 385. 
 
 Bath, Lady, i. 189. 
 
 Bath, Lord, ii. 404 note. 
 
 Bath, England, i. 7, 188, 311, ii. 190. 
 
 Batiscan, i. 371, ii. 332. 
 
 Bavaria, the Elector of, i. 19. 
 
 Be'arn, the battalion of, i. 374, ii. 104, 
 109, 230 ; ordered to America, i. 182; 
 uniform of the battalion of, i. 368 
 note ; encamped before Niagara, i. 
 376 ; capture of Oswego, i. 408 ; prep- 
 arations to attack Fort William 
 Henry, i. 477; advance of Mont- 
 calm upon Fort William Henry, i. 
 491; mutiny at Montreal, ii. 10; at- 
 tack upon Quebec, ii. 292. 
 
 Beaubassin, Madame de, suppers given 
 by, i. 458. 
 
 Beaubassin, i. 94; English occupation 
 of, i. 115, 116-120 ; the parish fired 
 by Le Loutre, i. 116; departure of 
 Major Lawrence from, and return 
 of, i. 116, 117. 
 
 Beauce, i. 76. 
 
 Beauchamp, merchant, i. 271. 
 
 Beaucour, La Roche, i. 457, ii. 428. 
 
 Beaujeu, Captain, at Fort Duquesne, 
 i. 208, ii. 423; encounter of the 
 French with the English, i. 210-227 ; 
 death of, i. 215. 
 
 Beaumont, ii. 225. 
 
 Beauport, the village of, ii. 200, 212, 
 228, 265, 274, 303; Montcalm sta- 
 tions his camp here at the siege of 
 Quebec, ii. 200, 201, 208, 209, 292, 
 298 note, 305 ; attack of Wolfe on the 
 French camp, ii. 230-233 ; approach 
 of Wolfe's fleet, ii. 282, 288 ; flight 
 of the French army, ii. 300-302, 307 ; 
 the French supplies plundered, ii. 
 311; return of the army to -Quebec, 
 ii. 313. 
 
 Beauport, River of, ii. 201, 208, 209. 
 
 Beause^jour, Fort, i. 122, ii. 181 ; erected 
 by the French, i. 119, 120, 235; an 
 attack upon, planned by the English, 
 i. 192-194, 196, 236, 239, 241, 245; 
 strength of the fort, i. 238, 241; 
 M. Vergor commandant of, i. 239, 
 
 241, 242; official corruption at, i. 
 
 242, 243, 245, 250, 251; encounter 
 
454 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of the French with the English, i. 
 247-253, 260; capitulation offered 
 by the French, i. 251 ; escape of Le 
 Loutre, i- 252 ; capture of, i. 253, 
 256, ii. 193, 278; became Fort Cum- 
 berland, i. 253 ; encampment of 
 Monckton, i. 254; the declaration of 
 Monckton, i. 254 ; inhabitants re- 
 moved from, i. 255; departure of 
 Winslow from, i. 267. 
 
 Beausejour, hill, i. 116, 118. 
 
 Beaver, King, Indian chief, ii. 145. 
 
 Beaver. See Fur-trade. 
 
 Beaver Creek, ii. 145. 
 
 Becancour, M. de, i. 71. 
 
 Becancour, i. 485. 
 
 Bedford, Duke of, ii. 393; sent to 
 Paris to negotiate for peace, ii. 
 403. 
 
 Bedford, Fort, erection of, ii. 141. 
 
 Bedford, town of, ii. 133. 
 
 Belcher, Governor of New Jersey, i. 
 392; declares war against the In- 
 dians, i. 392; postpones his action, 
 i. 393. 
 
 Beletre conducts a war-party, i. 74; 
 the attack at German Flats, ii. 
 6, 7. 
 
 Belknap, his " History of New Hamp- 
 shire " cited, i. 510 note. 
 
 Bellamy, George Anne, story of Brad- 
 dock in regard to, i. 190, 190 note. 
 
 Bellaston, Lady, i. 6. 
 
 Belleisle, Marechal de, minister of war, 
 1758-1761, ii. 35, 176; double-deal- 
 ing and boasting of Vaudreuil, ii. 
 171-173, 198; his letter to Mont- 
 calm, ii. 176, 177; plans of war 
 enjoined upon Montcalm, ii. 177, 
 178; letter from Vaudreuil to, ii. 
 319. 
 
 Belleisle, ii. 401, 405. 
 
 Bellona. i. 480. 
 
 Bengal, ii. 406. 
 
 Bennington, i. 291. 
 
 Benoit, ii. 28. 
 
 Berkeley, Sir William, his opinion of 
 education for the people, i. 29. 
 
 Berks, i. 347. 
 
 Berlin, ii. 388. 
 
 Bernard, Governor of Massachusetts, 
 ii. 376, 377. 
 
 Bernes, ii. 99. 
 
 Berniers, commissary-general, ii. 259, 
 260, 438; the state of Quebec de- 
 scribed after the siege, ii. 328. 
 
 Bernis, Abb6 de, minister of foreign 
 affairs, ii. 393. 
 
 Berry, battalion of, ii. 87, 88, 99, 100, 
 104, 105. 
 
 Berryer, minister of marine and colo- 
 nies, 1758-1761, ii. 175; official cor- 
 
 ruption in Canada, ii. 31-33; minis- 
 terial rebukes sent to officials in 
 Canada, ii. 31-37 ; letters from Vau- 
 dreuil, ii. 141, 142, 173, 318, 319; 
 boasting and jealousy of Vaudreuil, 
 ii. 164, 171; prepossessed against 
 Bougainville, ii. 173, 175; reproof 
 given to Vaudreuil, ii. 375. 
 
 Biddle, Edward, letter from Reading, 
 i. 344. 
 
 *'Biche" number pf her guns, ii. 54 
 note. 
 
 "Bienfaisant," ii. 67; number of her 
 guns, ii. 54 note ; seized by the Eng- 
 lish, ii. 68, 69. 
 
 Bienville, (Jeloron de. See C^loron. 
 
 Bigot, Francois, Intendant of Canada, 
 i. 65 note, 67, 67 note, 77 note, 
 80, 81, 242, ii. 9, 17 ; his official 
 corruption, i. 80, 81, 87, 88, 242, 
 462, ii. 22-38; his plans against 
 the English, i. 101; the Indians 
 encouraged to butcher the English, 
 i. 103; sails for Europe, i. 242; re- 
 turns to Canada, i. 253; defends 
 Vergor, i. 253, ii. 278; his character 
 and office, i. 376, ii. 17, 18, 32, 33; 
 his popularity, i. 466 ; relates the 
 cruelties of the Indians, ii. 4, 5; 
 his relations with Vaudreuil, ii. 18, 
 319, 323; his birth, ii. 18; his offi- 
 cial journeys and pleasure-excur- 
 sions, ii. 18-21; his manner of life, 
 ii. 18-22, 28-30, 203; his houses 
 and palace, ii. 21, 22; his gambling, 
 and frauds in trade, ii. 21, 22-28; 
 his circle of friends, ii. 22-30; the 
 lover of Madame Pean, ii. 28; re- 
 ceives ministerial rebukes, ii. 31-37; 
 promissory notes issued, ii. 32; 
 revelations of his stealings, ii. 34r- 
 37, 37 note ; breaks with Cadet, 
 ii. 36 ; statistics concerning the 
 rations at Fort Duquesne, ii. 152 
 note ; the dissensions between Mont- 
 calm and Vaudreuil, ii. 167; the 
 siege and reduction of Quebec, ii. 
 202, 234, 259, 326 note ; Vau- 
 dreuil holds a council of war, ii. 
 218, 219, 305, 306; forces at Que- 
 bec, ii. 298 note, 437; French troops 
 available after the battle, ii. 305 
 note ; returns with the army to Que- 
 bec, ii. 313, 314; arrested, and 
 thrown into the Bastille, ii. 385; 
 his trial, ii. 385, 386 ; his sentence, 
 ii. 386 ; his letters, ii. 438. 
 
 "Billy" assists Surgeon Williams, i. 
 306; sickness in the army, ii. 120. 
 
 "Bizarre," number of her guns, ii. 
 54 note. 
 
 Black Hole of Calcutta, the, ii. 45. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 455 
 
 Black Hunter, the, i. 204. 
 
 Black Mountain, i. 430. 
 
 Black Point, ii. 53. 
 
 Black Rifle, the, i. 204. 
 
 Blanchard, Colonel, defends Fort Ly- 
 man, i. 294; a letter of warning sent 
 to, i. 296. 
 
 Blodget, Samuel, i. 301 note ; his view 
 of the battle at Lake George, i. 306; 
 prospective plan, etc., of the battle 
 near Lake George, etc., i. 316 note, 
 317 note. 
 
 Blomedon, Cape, i. 268, 269. 
 
 " Bloody morning scout," the, i. 303. 
 
 Bloody Pond, origin of its name, i. 
 309. 
 
 Blue Ridge, panic among the settlers, 
 i. 331. 
 
 Bceufs, Riviere aux, i. 128. 
 
 Bois, Abbe, ii. 196 note, 309. 
 
 Boish^bert, a French officer, i. 265, 
 266, 420, 436; to induce the Aca- 
 dians to leave their home, i. 99; 
 troops sent to watch the English 
 frontier, i. 116; letter to Manach 
 quoted, i. 266; leads the attack at 
 Peticodiac, i. 276; forces of, i. 276 
 note ; approaches Louisbourg, ii. 
 66; tried for peculation, ii. 170; his 
 dealings with the Acadians, ii. 170. 
 
 Boiling, a Virginian gentleman, i. 226, 
 226 note. 
 
 Bolton, i. 492 note. 
 
 Bonaventure, i. 125. 
 
 Bond, Dr., i. 228. 
 
 Bonhomme, Michel, ii. 309. 
 
 Bonnecamp, Father, a Jesuit priest, 
 i. 52, 53; extract from his journal, i. 
 39, 45, 62 note ; his map, i. 62 note ; 
 at Detroit, i. 76; his opinion of 
 Celoron, i. 77. 
 
 Bordeaux, i. 457, ii. 18, 23. 
 
 Boscawen, Admiral, ordered to inter- 
 cept the French fleet, i. 184-186; 
 takes charge of the fleet sent 
 against Louisbourg, ii. 49, 51, 56- 
 74; at Halifax, ii. 56, 57; siege and 
 capitulation of Louisbourg, ii. 57-75 ; 
 the correspondence with Drucour, 
 ii. 71, 72, 74, 81 note; unwilling to 
 follow Amherst's wishes, ii. 79. 
 
 Boston, i. 239, 245, 317 note, ii. 77, 
 79; relative size of, i. 31 ; rules laid 
 down for the soldiers on the Sab- 
 bath Day, i. 246; departure of the 
 English troops for Nova Scotia, i. 
 247; transport- vessels to be hired 
 to convey the Acadians from Nova 
 Scotia, I. 266, 276; treatment re- 
 ceived by the Acadian exiles, i. 
 282; winter-quarters found for the 
 troops, i. 439, 440; rejoicing at the 
 
 fall of Louisbourg, ii. 78; taxes 
 levied to pay the war-debt, ii. 85; 
 news of tlie fall of Canada, ii. 377. 
 
 "Boston Evening Post," article upon 
 provincial soldiery, ii. 118, 119. 
 
 Botwood, Edward, killed, ii. 233 note. 
 
 "Hot Stuff," ii. 234 note. 
 
 Bougainville, i. 376, Wi, 454; aide-de 
 camp to Montcalm, i. 282, 361; 
 his description of the Acadian 
 exiles, i. 282, 283; his youth, i. 
 363; friendly relations with Mont- 
 calm, i. 363, 456, 465; terms of 
 capitulation proposed to the Eng- 
 lish, at Oswego, i. 413; joins the 
 war-party of Periere, i. 429-431; 
 his description of the Indians and 
 their cruelties, i. 430, 431, 465, 478, 
 479, 483, 484, 506, 507, ii. 4, 5, 10, 
 11, 145 note ; perplexity at finding 
 the boats of Rogers, i. 437; praised 
 by Bourlamaque, i. 455 ; life during 
 Lent, i. 458 ; the ships-of-war at 
 Louisbourg, i. 473 note ; seeks to 
 gain Indian allies, i. 475, 476; 
 sings the war-song, i. 476; the k St. 
 Bartholomew of the oxen," i. 479; 
 his diary quoted, i. 503, 513 note ; 
 sent as a messenger to Montreal 
 from Fort William Henry, i. 508; 
 evidence concerning the massacre at 
 Fort "William Henry, i. 514 note ; 
 official knavery commented upon, 
 ii. 27 ; double-dealing of Vaudreuil, 
 ii. 173; extract from, concerning 
 Vaudreuil's plans, ii. 86, 87; 
 slightly wounded, ii. 110; expedi- 
 tion of, to France, ii. 173-176 ; his 
 efforts to gain aid for Canada, ii. 
 173-175; his promotion, ii. 174; 
 to negotiate the marriages of the 1 
 children of Montcalm, ii. 176; re- 
 turn to Canada, ii. 176, 177, 197, 
 198; sad news brought to Mont- 
 calm, ii. 179; his opinion of the 
 strength of Quebec, ii. 209 ; sent 
 from Beaufort to oppose the Eng- 
 lish, ii. 263; precautions taken to 
 watch the shore of Quebec, ii. 275, 
 276 : at Cap-Rouge, ii. 276 ; Holmes's 
 vessels sail up the river, ii. 278, 
 279; deceived by a feint of Wolfe, 
 ii. 279, 280; deceived by the move- 
 ment of Holmes's vessels, ii. 283; 
 suoplv-boats to be sent to Montcalm, 
 ii.* 283, 286; neglects to follow 
 Holmes's vessels, ii. 285 ; danger 
 of "Wolfe's position, ii. 288, 289; 
 attacks the light infantry, ii. 290; 
 repulsed, ii. 290; statistics of the 
 forces at Quebec, ii. 298 note ; the 
 fall of his friends, ii 304; council 
 
456 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of war held, ii. 305; his forces, ii. 
 305, 305 note; question of capitu- 
 lation for Quebec, ii. 305-307; re- 
 mains at Cap-Rouge, ii. 313, 314; 
 follows the army to Quebec, ii. 314; 
 the fall of Canada, ii. 360-382; at 
 Isle-aux-Noix, ii. 361; ordered to 
 stop Haviland's progress, ii. 367 ; at 
 Montreal, ii. 372; articles of capitu- 
 lation carried to Amherst, ii. 372- 
 373; Montreal capitulates, ii. 372- 
 374. 
 
 Boundary, questions of, i. 37, 61, 79, 
 122, 123-128, 168, 184, 236-238, 
 259; the matter discussed at Paris, 
 i. 86. 
 
 Bouquet, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry, 
 ii. 133; serves in reducing Fort Du- 
 quesne, ii. 133, 163 ; interview with 
 Washington, ii. 133; his soldiers, 
 ii. 133; the expedition against Fort 
 Duquesne, ii. 133-163; justice of 
 his opinion of Washington, ii. 134; 
 relations with Forbes, ii. 134, 135; 
 extracts from his correspondence 
 with Forbes, ii. 136-138, 142, 154, 
 155; his tact with the Indians, ii. 
 139, 140 ; forward movement of, ii. 
 141; the road over the Allegha- 
 nies, ii. 141 ; Grant's expedition, 
 ii. 151-155; retreat of Major Grant, 
 ii. 154 ; sufferings of Forbes' s 
 troops, ii. 157; letter to Chief Jus- 
 tice Allen quoted, ii. 161, 161 note. 
 
 Bourbon, house of, i. 9, 41, 42, 76, 
 453, ii. 397, 408; triumphs of, i. 10; 
 the Family Compact, ii. 396. 
 
 Bourbon, Island of, i. 10. 
 
 Bourgogne, battalion of, i. 368, ii. 54; 
 ordered to America, i. 182. 
 
 Bourlamaque, Chevalier de. i. 373, ii. 
 96, 212, 308; named as the third 
 officer of Montcalm, i. 360, ii.87; 
 embarks for America, i. 363, 364; 
 extracts from his correspondence 
 with Montcalm, i. 454, 455, 457- 
 459, 466, ii. 7, 8, 167-169, 275, 427, 
 428, 438; encampment of, i. 477; 
 preparations to attack Fort William 
 Henry, i. 477; his efforts to save 
 the English, i. 510; Montcalm's 
 position near Ticonderoga, ii. 99; 
 the battle of Ticonderoga, ii. 104; 
 wounded, ii. 110; his promotion, 
 ii. 174; ordered to hold Ticonde- 
 roga, ii. 195; troops ordered to 
 Quebec, ii. 198: letter from Vau- 
 dreuil, ii. 233 ; Amherst attacks him, 
 ii. 237, 238; retires before Amherst, 
 ii. 238; at Isle-aux-Noix, ii. 238, 
 239, 249, 265 ; letter from Levis 
 quoted, ii. 252; retreat of, ii. 265; 
 
 letter from Vaudreuil, ii. 275; his 
 troops advance upon Montreal, ii. 
 364, 365; his troops thinning out, 
 ii. 365, 366; joined by the French, ii. 
 368; movements of Amherst, ii. 369, 
 370; at Montreal, ii. 372: letter from 
 Montcalm given in the original, ii. 
 427, 428. 
 Braddock, Major-General, i. 181, 266. 
 318; ordered to America with 
 regiments, i. 181-183; his arri- 
 val at Hampton, i. 187; opinion of, 
 expressed by Dinwiddie, i. 187, 
 188; opinions of, held by different 
 persons, i. 187-190; characteristics 
 of, i. 187-191; anecdotes of, i. 188- 
 190; stoiy told of duel with Colonel 
 Gumley, i. 189; beloved as Gov- 
 ernor of Gibraltar, i. 189, 190; in- 
 terview with Dury, i. 190; parting 
 visit to George Anne Bellamy, 
 i. 190 ; doubts concerning the office 
 held at Gibraltar, i. 190 note ; posi- 
 tion held by, in the Coldstream 
 Guards, i. 191; arrival of the regi- 
 ments at Hampton, i. 191; opinion 
 of, held by Horace Walpole, i. 191; 
 sends for the governors of the col- 
 onies to meet in council, i. 191-195 ; 
 his instructions laid before the coun- 
 cil at Albany, i. 193, 194 ; in sym- 
 pathy with Shirley's plans, i. 193, 
 194; to lead the expedition against 
 Fort Duquesne, i. 194; decisions of 
 the Council at Albany, i. 194, 195; 
 suggestions of, approved by the 
 Council at- Albany, i. 195; matters 
 to be laid before the colonial As- 
 semblies, i. 195; suggestions of, 
 with regard to ship-budding, i. 195; 
 error in regard to his campaign, 
 i. 196; lands in Virginia, i. 196; 
 supplies scarce, i. 197-199; aided 
 by Franklin, i. 198, 199; his ex- 
 pedition against Fort Duquesne, i. 
 198, 227-233, ii. 423-426; need of 
 wagons, i. 199 ; his troops, i. 200, 
 214, 220 note ; his estimate of the 
 provincial troops, i. 200, 201 ; rela- 
 tions with Washington, i. 201; his 
 horses and wagons, i. 199, 201; in- 
 vites Washington to become his 
 aide-de-camp, i. 203; tries to secure 
 the aid of Indians, i. 203, 204; his 
 reception of Captain Jack and his 
 company, i. 204; departure of his ex- 
 pedition for the scene of action, 
 i. 204, 205; his scorn of Indians, 
 i. 204, 205 ; road made f or his ex- 
 pedition, i. 204-206, ii. 133, 137, 
 161; difficulties of the march,]. 205, 
 206 ; consultation with Washington, 
 
INDEX 
 
 457 
 
 i. 206 ; his forces reach Little Mead- 
 ows, i. 206; illness among his men, 
 i. 206 ; his mode of advance, i. 206, 
 207; fords the Monongahela, i. 207, 
 212; rumors of his approach reach 
 Fort Duquesne, i. 210, 211 ; nature 
 of the country through which he 
 passed, i. 213-216; destructive fire 
 of the French and Indians, i. 216, 
 217 ; confusion among the English 
 troops, i. 216, 218; his ignorance of 
 American warfare, i. 217; horrors 
 of the battle, i. 217-219 ; number of 
 his army lost in the battle of the 
 Monongahela, i. 219, 220, 220 note ; 
 shot in the lungs, i. 220; his pa- 
 pers left to the Indians, i. 220; re- 
 treat of his troops, i. 220-227 ; his 
 defeat, i. 220-227, 221 note, 293, 
 322, 323, 329, 340, 414, ii. 221, 423- 
 426; plans drawn by Mackellar for 
 his expedition, i. 221 note ; condi- 
 tion of, i. 223 ; his sufferings, i. 224 ; 
 reinforcements for, under Dunbar, 
 i. 223, 224; confusion in his camp, 
 i. 225; panic among the troops, i. 
 225 ; his death, i. 225, 226, 323, 328, 
 ii. 134; remarks concerning the 
 soldiery, i. 225, 226; buried in the 
 road, i. 226; mentioned in Camp- 
 bell's letter, i. 227; letter from 
 Washington quoted, concerning, 
 i. 230; Shirley made commander- 
 in-chief, i.233; the Council at Alex- 
 andria, i. 234, 286; letters of, warn 
 Dieskau of danger, i. 288, 289; his 
 dead soldiers left to the wolves, 
 but afterwards buried, i. 312, ii. 159, 
 160; his captured papers reveal the 
 plans of the English, i. 324; his in- 
 structions to Major-General Shirley, 
 i. 326 note ; his roads used by the in- 
 vaders, i. 331; his battalions, i. 382; 
 journal of his expedition, i. 190 note ; 
 compared with Forbes, ii- 134. 
 
 Braddock, Fanny, stories of, i. 188, 
 189; her death, i. 188, 189. 
 
 Bradstreet, Lieutenant-Colonel John, 
 men placed under, by Shirlev, i- 
 393; his boatmen carry provisions 
 to Oswego, i. 393, 394; action with 
 Villiers' 'forces, i. 394-396; his suc- 
 cess, i. 395-397; his boatmen sent 
 to Oswego, i. 405 ; serves under 
 Abercromby, ii. 93; reconnoitres 
 the landing, ii. 94; his action after 
 the death of Lord Howe, ii. 98; his 
 armed boatmen, ii. 105; troops 
 given him to conquer Fort Fronte- 
 nac, ii. 127, 128 ; conquest of Fort 
 Frontenac, ii. 127-129; mercy 
 shown to his prisoners, ii. 128, 129; 
 
 advances towards Albany, ii. 129; 
 his return to Oswego, ii.~129; Fort 
 Frontenac dismantled, ii. 129; im- 
 portance of his conquest, ii. 129 ; 
 supplies destroyed by, ii. 155; re- 
 ported to advance upon Lake On- 
 tario, ii. 197. 
 Brandenburg, House of, promoted to 
 
 royalty, i. 17. 
 Brest, i. 182, 184, 288, 362; embarka- 
 tion of Dieskau's expedition, i. 
 182, 183 ; French armament at, i. 
 183. 
 
 Breard, his official knavery, ii. 23, 24 ; 
 accused of fraud in Canada, ii. 385. 
 
 "Britannia," ship, ii. 33; captured 
 by privateers, ii. 33. 
 
 British colonies. See English colo- 
 nies. 
 
 British ministry, the, i. 199, 285, ii. 40, 
 397 ; the plan for building a naval 
 station at Chebucto, i. 92. 93 ; atti- 
 tude of, toward the Indians, i. 171; 
 the French forts to be attacked, i. 
 240, 241; hostility to Shirley in New 
 York, i. 328; the removal of Shirlev 
 from his command, i. 383, 384 ; ill 
 effect of a letter from Wolfe, ii. 323; 
 changes in, ii. 393; Newcastle re- 
 signs his position, ii. 400; plans of 
 Pitt laid before, ii. 397. 
 
 British Museum, the, i. 126 note, 202. 
 
 British Provinces, the, i. 283. 
 
 Britons, ii. 208. 
 
 Broadway, ii. 76. 
 
 Broglie, i. 10. 
 
 Brown, Lieutenant, the attack on 
 Louisbourg, ii. 59-61; aids Wolfe 
 when shot, ii. 296. 
 
 Brunswick, ii. 47. 
 
 Brunswick, Ferdinand of, ii. 399, 400. 
 
 Buchanan, letter to, from John Camp- 
 bell, i. 227. 
 
 Buchannon. See Buchanan. 
 
 Buffaloes, i. 56. 
 
 Buisson, the, ii. 370. 
 
 Bull, Fort, i. 374; attacked and re- 
 duced by Lery, i. 374, 375. 
 
 Bullitt, Captain, expedition of Major 
 Grant, ii. 152, 154. 
 
 Burd, Colonel, his mode of warfare, 
 ii. 135; interview with Forbes, ii. 
 138 ; Indian allies join the army, 
 ii. 139, 140. 
 
 Burgesses slow to enforce obedience 
 among the Virginian troops, i. 331. 
 
 Burghers, the, of France, i. 14. 
 
 Burgoyne, John, ii. 102; his expedi- 
 tion, ii. 402; mention made of Lang- 
 lade, in connection with Braddock's 
 defeat, ii. 426. 
 
 Burke, Captain, cruelly treated by 
 
458 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Indians, i. 511; his remarks con- 
 cerning Wolfe quoted, ii. 267, 268. 
 
 Burnaby, "Travels in North Ameri- 
 ca" cited, i. 163 note. 
 
 Burned Camp, i. 490, ii. 94; origin of 
 name, i. 489. 
 
 Burney, Thomas, escapes from Indi- 
 ans, i. 85. 
 
 Burton, Lieutenant-Colonel, his en- 
 counter with the French in Brad- 
 dock's expedition, i, 218 ; his report 
 concerning the provincial camp, i. 
 401, 402 ; orders given to bring his 
 men to the Point of Orleans, ii. 281; 
 his men embark for the heights, ii. 
 288; dying command of Wolfe, ii. 
 297. 
 
 Bury, Viscount, his charges against 
 Massachusetts refuted, ii. 84, 85; 
 his " Exodus of the Western Na- 
 tions " cited, ii. 84 note. 
 
 Bussy, M. de, comes to London as 
 envoy, ii. 395. 
 
 Bute, Earl of, ii. 393, 397 ; made sec- 
 retary of state, ii. 393; propositions 
 made by Choiseul to Pitt, ii. 395; 
 comes into power, ii. 398; anecdote 
 of the dislike of the people for, ii. 
 398; succeeds Newcastle as First 
 Lord of the Treasury, ii. 400; de- 
 sires peace with France, ii. 402, 403; 
 peace made between France and 
 England, ii. 405. 
 
 Buttes-a-Neveu, ii. 290, 345, 354. 
 
 Byng, Admiral, i. 36, ii. 46. 
 
 Cabinet, the. See British Ministr}*. 
 
 Cadet, Joseph, ii. 175; official knav- 
 ery, ii. 22-28, 30, 319, 358, 385; 
 ministerial rebukes administered to, 
 ii. 31-33; oppresses the Canadians, 
 ii. 169, 170; supply-boats sent to 
 Quebec, ii. 198; relations with 
 Vaudreuil, ii. 199, 319, 323; his 
 manner of living, ii. 203; thrown 
 into the Bastille, ii. 385 ; his trial, 
 ii. 385, 386. 
 
 Csesar, dog owned by Wolfe, ii. 189. 
 
 Cahokia, French settlement at, i. 41. 
 
 Caldwell, site of, i. 498. 
 
 Calvin, John, i. 27; his doctrines 
 preached to the army, i. 295, 296, 
 ii. 120, 121. 
 
 Cambis, battalion of, ii. 54. 
 
 Campbell, Lieutenant Alexander, ii. 
 435. 
 
 Campbell, Major Colin, sent for news 
 by Dinwidd'ie, i. 229. 
 
 Campbell, Donald, ii. 433. 
 
 Campbell, Duncan, ii. 93; his pre- 
 monitions of death, ii. 93, 435; his 
 death and burial, ii. 109, 433, 435, 
 436 ; the legend of Inverawe, ii. 433- 
 436 ; vision of the child, ii. 435, 436. 
 
 Campbell, James, ii. 433 ; vision seen 
 by the child, ii. 435, 436. 
 
 Campbell, John, letter from, to Bu- 
 chanan, quoted, i. 227. 
 
 Campbell, Captain John, his death, 
 ii. 109. 
 
 Canada, i. 24, 38, 39, 67 note, 76, 91, 
 111, 239, 319, 326, 376, ii. 23, 389; 
 conquest of, by England, i. 2, 3; 
 plans and political intentions of 
 England with regard to, i. 1-3; 
 censuses of, i. 20, 94 note; French 
 possessions in, i. 20; difference in 
 the political and religious systems, 
 from those of the English colonies, 
 i. 20, 21; Catholicism in, i. 21, ii. 
 412; aspects of, under the Church 
 and King, i. 22-24; lack of popu- 
 lar legislation in, i. 35; the gov- 
 ernors largely naval officers, i. 
 36; line of military posts connect- 
 ing with Louisiana, i. 36-40, 80; 
 methods of warfare and organiza- 
 tion, i. 62, 143, 144; mission of Pi- 
 quet, i. 67 ; method of building up 
 a town, i. 77; La Jonquiere suc- 
 ceeds La Galissoniere as governor 
 of, i. 77, 78; Baron de Longueuil 
 succeeds La Jonquiere as governor 
 of, i. 82 ; importance of Fort Char- 
 tres, i. 84; internal disorders of, i. 
 86, 87; official knaverv and steal- 
 ing, i. 87, 88, ii. 22-38, 171, 319, 
 321, 322, 358, 385, 386 ; confines of, 
 i. 125 ; enmitv towards New Eng- 
 land, i. 169, 170, 176; Governor de 
 Vaudreuil despatched to, i. 182; 
 French expedition sails for, under 
 Dieskau, i. 182, 183; plans of Shir- 
 ley in regard to, i. 192, 193; plans 
 of the English to repel the French 
 in, i. 234; importance of the posses- 
 sion of Acadia, i. 237; return of 
 Bigot, i."253; conditions leading to 
 the removal of the Acadians, i. 253- 
 266 (see Acadia and Acadians); 
 the governor of, depends on the 
 priests for aid, i. 260; the Great 
 Company, i. 283; the English vic- 
 torious, i. 307-309; importance of 
 the position of Niagara, i. 318, ii. 
 249; the fur-trade, i. 320; growth 
 of political parties in, i. 367. 368; 
 466; the French troops and the mi- 
 litia, i. 368, 368 note, 370, 371, 372, 
 467, 468, ii. 178, 360; descriptions 
 given by Montcalm, i. 372, 373 ; de- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 459 
 
 scriptions given by Duchat, i. 379, 
 380; causes of the English losses, 
 i. 417-420; life at Montreal, i. 453; 
 its government, ii. 17, 18; social 
 and oiHcial life, ii. 18-22, 28-30; 
 financial condition, ii. 31-33; efforts 
 of Massachusetts to subdue, ii. 84, 
 85, 115; mission settlements of the 
 Jesuits, ii. 144, 145; appeal made 
 to court for assistance and troops, 
 ii. 173-177; fall of Quebec, 195- 
 234, 259-326 (see Quebec); effect 
 of losing Fort Niagara, ii. 249; 
 the result of Amherst's campaign, 
 ii. 252, 253; Montcalm's position, 
 ii. 262; authorities concerning the 
 history of, ii. 325 note, 326 note; 
 English rule, ii. 332; its winter, ii. 
 333; passes to the British crown, 
 ii. 360-382, 395; Montreal capitu- 
 lates, ii. 372-374; return of the 
 troops to France, ii. 374, 383, 384; 
 utterances from the pulpits after 
 the fall of, ii. 377-379 ; her natural 
 defences, ii. 380; end of the war, ii. 
 378-382; aided by Indians, ii. 381, 
 382; question of restoration to 
 France, ii. 403, 407 ; predictions of 
 Choiseul, ii. 403, 404; retention of, 
 by England, approved by Pitt, ii. 
 407; the peace signed at Paris, ii. 
 407. 
 Canadians, the, i. 22, 23, 68, 79; their 
 missions and religion, i. 22, 23,64, 
 67, 72; sent to watch the English 
 frontier, i. 116 ; join the expedition 
 of Duquesne to the Ohio, i. 128- 
 135, 143-161; at Fort Duquesne, 
 i. 208; number of, fighting under 
 the French flag, i. 211; their cow- 
 ardly action, i 215; losses of, 
 at the battle of the Monongahela, 
 i. 223, 223 note ; a litigious race, i. 
 259; rapacity of, i. 283; harsh 
 treatment of the Acadians, i. 283; 
 under Dieskau, i. 296, 299, 303, 304, 
 307; the battle of Lake George, 
 i. 299, 304-317 ; attacked by a party 
 from Fort Lyman, i. 308, 309; troops 
 at Fort Frontenac, i. 324; political 
 parties among, i. 367, 368 ; join the 
 expedition of Le'ry, i. 374, 375; 
 guard Fort Frontenac, i. 376; 
 mode of fighting, i. 377; at Ticon- 
 deroga, i. 378, 442; harass the 
 English, i. 388, 393; evils of long 
 encampments, i. 402; under Rigaud 
 i. 408; capture of Oswego, i. 409- 
 420; under Montcalm, i. 421; join 
 the war-party of Periere, i. 429- 
 431; disguised as Indians, i. 429, ii. 
 221 ; fight with Rogers' rangers, i. 
 
 445 ; the attack upon Fort William 
 Henry, i. 447, 448, 476, 477, 490-513, 
 514 note ; exaggerated praise given 
 by Vaudreuil, i. 460-462; their sen- 
 timent towards Montcalm, i. 463, 
 464; fortified camps of, i. 477; 
 dash at Fort Edward, i. 485; orders 
 of Vaudreuil in relation to the 
 return of, ii. 3, 4 ; the fight at Ger- 
 man Flats, ii. 6, 7; join Hebecourt 
 ii. 12; official knavery, ii. 22-38; 
 outrages practised upon the Aca- 
 dians, ii. 26; loss of Louisbourg, ii. 
 52-81; under Montcalm at Ticon- 
 deroga. ii. 104; under Levis, ii. 
 109 ; meet the war-party of" Rogei's, 
 ii. 124; encounter with Major Grant, 
 ii. 152-154; sent to Montcalm, ii. 
 165, 166 ; comments of Montcalm 
 concerning, ii. 168, 169 ; their 
 sufferings, ii. 169, 170; their loyalty 
 and courage, ii. 169, 170; their 
 alarm and discontent, ii. 171, 172; 
 siege and fall of Quebec, ii. 195-234, 
 259-326; first proclamation issued 
 by Wolfe, ii. 213, 214; desert the 
 French, ii. 219, 222, 223, 264, 265, 
 365, 306; fight like Indians, ii. 221; 
 coureurs-de-bois, ii. 221 ; their dread 
 of the Indians, ii. 222, 223; Wolfe's 
 second proclamation, ii. 225, 226; 
 the siege of Niagara, ii. 243-249; 
 the third proclamation of Wolfe to, 
 ii. 261 ; dread of losing their sup- 
 plies, ii. 264; defend Cap-Rouge, 
 ii. 279; last movement of Wolfe, ii. 
 280-297; rally at Cote Ste.-Gene- 
 vieve, ii. 300, 301; panic stricken, 
 ii. 302; the army to return to Que- 
 bec, ii. 310-314; bring news to 
 Quebec of promised help, ii. 315, 
 316 ; the capitulation of Quebec, 
 ii. 316; the ladies, ii. 329; be- 
 friended by Murray, ii. 331; kind- 
 ness to some wounded officers, ii. 
 332; threatened the English, ii. 
 335, 336 ; encounter with Major 
 Dalling, ii. 336; fresh efforts to 
 attack Quebec, ii. 338, 340, 341-358; 
 the winter, ii. 339, 340; at Sainte- 
 Fov, ii. 342, 442-444; the fall of 
 Canada, ii. 360-382; Murray ad- 
 vances upon Montreal, ii. 363-366; 
 proclamation of Vaudreuil, ii. 366 ; 
 their privileges as set down in the 
 capitulation of Canada, ii. 374; 
 kindly treated by the English, ii. 
 374, 375 ; skilful leadership of, ii. 381. 
 Canard River, i. 268; reconnoissance 
 of, i. 272; the inhabitants sum- 
 moned by Winslow to hear the 
 King's orders, i. 271, 272. 
 
460 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Candiac, chateau of, i. 356, 453; 
 family seat of Montcalm, i. 356, 
 359, ii. 317 ; departure of Montcalm 
 from, i. 360. 
 
 Canidia, i. 438. 
 
 Cannibalism among the Indians, i. 
 85, 478, 480, 483, 484, ii. 339. 
 
 Canseau, garrison at, i. 92; destroyed 
 by the French, i. 93. 
 
 Canseau, Straits of, i. 109. 
 
 Cap-Rouge, ii. 209, 224, 271, 276, 278, 
 288, 332, 342, 357 ; held by Dumas, 
 ii. 228; defended by the French, ii. 
 279, 280, 282, 283 ; the fall of Que- 
 bec, ii. 304; expedition of Le'vis, ii. 
 343, 3f4. 
 
 Cap-Sant<S, ii. 19. 
 
 Cape Breton, i. 28, 91, 95 note, 98, 
 105, 108, 178, ii. 384, 385; resto- 
 ration of, by England to France, 
 i. 2, 3 ; the Acadians transported to, 
 i. 235, 235 note ; importance of the 
 possession of Acadia to the French, 
 i. 237 ; papers and writings relating 
 to, i. 243 note ; plans ot the English 
 with regard to the Acadians, i. 264, 
 265 (see Acadia and Acadians); 
 description of, ii. 52-54; arrival of 
 Boscawen's expedition, ii. 56; the 
 capitulation of Louisbourg, ii. 74, 75 ; 
 
 aiven up to England, ii. 405. 
 apricieux," the, ii. 81 note ; number 
 of her guns, ii. 54 note; burned at 
 anchor, ii. 67. 
 
 Card-playing, i. 270. 
 
 Carillon (see Ticonderoga), ii. 435. 
 
 Carleton, Sir Guy, ii. 190, 440; lands 
 at Pointe-aux-Trembles, ii. 224; 
 drives the Indians from Pointe- 
 aux-Trembles, ii. 225. 
 
 Carlisle, Penn, i. 227, ii. 135 ; village of, 
 ii. 136; departure of Forbes, ii. 136. 
 
 Carlos III., secret negotiations of 
 Choiseul with, ii. 396; succeeds to 
 the throne of Spain, ii. 396; the 
 Familv Compact, ii. 396. 
 
 Carter, Colonel Charles, letter to, cited, 
 i. 229. 
 
 Carter, Landon, quoted, concerning 
 the service of the country, i. 331. 
 
 Carteret, Earl Granville. See Gran- 
 ville. 
 
 Carthage, i. 192, 419, ii. 377. 
 
 Carthagena, attack on, i. 245. 
 
 Carder, Jacques, ii. 339. 
 
 Carver, Jonathan, his version of the 
 massacre at Fort William Henry, 
 i. 511; his narrow escape, i. 511, 512; 
 his " Travels," i. 514 note. 
 
 Cascades, the, ii. 370. 
 
 Casgrain, Abbe", cited, i. 330 note, ii. 
 341 note. 
 
 Castor, Isle au, ii. 20. 
 
 Caswell, Jonathan, his letter concern- 
 ing the expedition sent against 
 Crown Point, i. 292. 
 
 Catawbas, their service sought by the 
 English army, ii. 139, 140. 
 
 Catherine II. reigns in Russia, ii . 399 ; 
 conciliated by Frederic, ii. 399. 
 
 Catholicism, i. 64, 359, ii. 412; the 
 tithes of, i. 13; policy of rule held 
 by, i. 21, 22; in Maryland, i. 33; 
 freedom of, accorded to the Acadi- 
 ans, i. 91, 112; evil influence of the 
 priests upon the Acadians, i. 91, 94, 
 98, 102, 103, 106, 107, 243, 244, 
 257, 260-266, 283; in the English 
 colonies, i. 193; in Pennsylvania, 
 i. 339; in Europe, i. 355; influence 
 over the Indians, i. 479, 480. 
 
 Caughnawaga, i. 485; Indian mission 
 at, i. 64, ii. 144. 
 
 Caughnawagas, the, i. 23, 209, 476, 
 ii. 123, 126. 
 
 Cavaliers, the, i. 29. 
 
 Cayugas, i. 391; efforts of the French 
 to convert, i. 65. 
 
 " Ce'lebre," the, number of her guns, 
 ii. 54 note ; burned by the English, 
 ii. 66. 
 
 Ce'loron de Bienville, i. 37, 77 note, 
 84 note, 128, 133; despatched to the 
 West to hold the land for France, 
 i. 37-62 ; at Ogdensburg and Niaga- 
 ra, i. 38; leaden plates buried by 
 i. 43, 48, 50, 62 note ; inscription 
 on the plates, i. 43, 48, 62 note; 
 the plates discovered, i. 48, 62 note; 
 visits the Senecas, i. 44, 45 ; drives 
 out the English from the West, i. 44- 
 46; extract from his writings, i. 45 
 note, 50-53, 62 note; encounter 
 with Indians at Scioto, i. 48, 49; 
 name given by, to the Kenawha 
 River, i. 48 note ; failure of his 
 plans with regard to La Demoiselle, 
 l. 51, 52 ; return of his party to Can- 
 ada, i. 52, 53; journey to the Ohio, 
 i. 65; visits the mission of Father 
 Piquet, i. 65; at Detroit i. 76, 77; 
 his character, i. 77; ordered to at- 
 tack Pickawillany, i. 81 ; orders 
 from La Jonquiere, i. 84. 
 
 Celts in Pennsylvania, i. 31. 
 
 Census, the, taken in Acadia and 
 Canada, i. 20, 20 note, 94 note, 124, 
 ii. 178. 
 
 "Centurion," the, ii. 229, 23] -233. 
 
 Cerberus, dog belonging to Piquet, i. 
 69. 
 
 Chamblv, Fort, i. 453; abandoned by 
 the French, ii. 368. 
 
 Chambord, i. 10. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 461 
 
 Champlain, Lake. i. 2, 23, 192, 289, 
 294, 298, 321, 378, 398, 399, 407, 
 418, 428, 435, 442, 448, 453, 476, 
 477, ii. 88, 99, 121, 178, 196, 238, 
 249. 250, 252, 361, 362. 
 
 Chandler, a chaplain, his diary quoted 
 concerning the carnp at Lake George, 
 i. 314, 315. 
 
 Chaplains, ii. 116, 117; their pay, i. 
 386; their accommodations, i. 405 
 note. 
 
 Charles VI., his will, i. 18; death of, 
 i. 18; his will set aside, i. 18, 19. 
 
 Charles River, ii. 297. 
 
 Charlesbourg, ii. 21, 22, 265, 307. 
 
 Charlestown, ii. 256, 257; road built 
 by Amherst, ii. 241. 
 
 Charlevoix, i. 360. 
 
 Charters, i. 25. 
 
 Chartres, Fort, i. 40, 41, 76; increas- 
 ing power of the English, i. 83. 
 
 Chateau battery, the, ii. 208. 
 
 Chatelet, the, ii. 385. 
 
 Chaudiere River, the, i. 169, 381; forti- 
 fications on, i. 192. 
 
 Chautauqua Lake, i. 39. 
 
 Chebucto, plan for making a naval 
 station bv the English, i. 92; harbor 
 of, i. 92." See Halifax. 
 
 Chenitou (Chignecto), i. 117 note. 
 
 Cherbourg, ii. 47. 
 
 Cherokees, the, i. 68, 139, 466, ii. 417; 
 their service sought by the English 
 army, ii. 139, 140. 
 
 Chester County, i. 347. 
 
 Chesterfield, Lord, i. 8; his opinion of 
 Lord Albemarle, i. 180; acts as 
 mediator, ii. 41 ; his despondency, 
 ii. 45. 
 
 "Chevre," the number of her guns, 
 ii. 54 note. 
 
 Chew, Ensign, ii. 140 note. 
 
 Chickasaws, the, i. 139. 
 
 Chignecto, i. 117 note; preparations 
 of the French to attack, i. 239 ; pro- 
 posal to give the land to English 
 settlers, i. 257. 
 
 Chignecto Bay, i. 94, 120. 
 
 Chignecto Channel, i. 267. 
 
 Chiningut*, i. 46, 53, 133. 
 
 Chinodahichetha, name given by Cd- 
 loron to the Kenawha River, i. 48 
 note. 
 
 Chipody, i. 120, 121, 247, 254; news 
 of disaster, i. 275. 
 
 Choctaws, the, i. 68, 466. 
 
 Choiseul, Due de, ii. 393; made minis- 
 ter of foreign affairs, ii. 393; sketch 
 of, by Stanley, ii. 393, 394; his 
 character, ii. 394; propositions made 
 to Pitt, ii. 394, 395; terms of peace 
 offered to England, ii. 395; his fore- 
 
 thought, ii. 396; the Family Com- 
 pact, ii. 396 ; his negotiation with 
 Pitt proves fruitless, ii. 396; desires 
 peace with England, ii. 402, 403; 
 his predictions concerning American 
 possessions, ii. 403, 404. 
 
 Christ Church, Philadelphia, ii. 162. 
 
 Christianity, Indian followers of, i. 
 41, 42, 485, 487. 
 
 Christmas Day, ii. 335. 
 
 Church of Notre Dame de Quebec, ii„ 
 442. 
 
 Church of Rome. See Catholicism. 
 
 Church of the Jesuits, the, after the 
 siege, ii. 328. 
 
 Clare River, i. 283. 
 
 Claverie, La Friponne, ii. 24. 
 
 Cleaveland, Miss Abby E., ii. 117 
 note. 
 
 Cleaveland, John, chaplain of Bag- 
 ley's Massachusetts regiment, ii. 76, 
 115; extract from his diary, ii. 115, 
 117 note, 127 ; report concerning 
 the defences of Abercromby, ii. 115, 
 116 ; extract from letters to his wife, 
 ii. 116, 117 note; preaching on Sun- 
 day, ii. 117; his illness, ii. 120. 
 
 Clergy, the. how considered during 
 the reign of George II., i. 7 ; the con- 
 dition of, in France, i. 12, 13, 14, 15; 
 corruption of, i. 12; influence of, in 
 regard to the oath of allegiance for 
 the Acadians, 1. 106 note. See Aca- 
 dian s. 
 
 Clergy battery, the, ii. 208. 
 
 Clerk, engineer under Abercromby, 
 ii. 103; reconnoitres the French 
 works, ii. 103. 
 
 Clermont, i. 10; recalled, ii. 47. 
 
 Clinker, Humphre}', i. 178. 
 
 Clinton, George, Governor of New 
 York, i. 88 note ; desirability of an 
 Indian alliance, i. 59; invites com- 
 missioners from the provinces to 
 meet the Indians at Albany, i. 61; 
 quotation from, concerning the ne- 
 glect of New York to protect Indian 
 trade, i. 61, 62 ; Johnson's com- 
 plaints of the French dealings with 
 the Indians, i. 64; quarrels with 
 the Assembly of New York, i. 73; 
 complaints concerning invasions of 
 territory by the French, i. 79. 
 
 Clive, the" victory of Plassey, ii. 45. 
 
 Cobequid, i. 106; formerly the name 
 of Truro, i. 94; Acadian emigration 
 from, i. 109; mountains of, i. 269; 
 failure of the expedition to, i. 280, 
 281. 
 
 Cocquard, Father Claude Godefroy, i„ 
 413 ; his remarks concerning the fall 
 of Oswego, i. 413. 
 
462 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cod, Cape, i. 246 ; soldiers from, for 
 the French campaigns, i. 246. 
 
 Coffen, Stephen, deposition of, i. 131 
 note. 
 
 Colbert, ii. 410. 
 
 Colden, Alexander, ii. 432. 
 
 Coldfoot, a Miami chief, i. 82. 
 
 Coldstream Guards, the, i. 191. 
 
 College of the Jesuits, the, after the 
 siege, ii. 328. 
 
 " Comete," number of her guns, ii. 
 54 note. 
 
 Commissioners of boundary, i. 122, 
 123-128, 236-238 : commissioners of 
 Indian affairs, i. 172-176, 195. 
 
 Conde, i. 10, ii. 184. 
 
 Couflans, Admiral, ii. 401. 
 
 Congregationalists in the army, ii. 117. 
 
 Congress at Albany, of Indians and 
 English, i. 172-176. 
 
 Connecticut, i. 61, 246, 286, 291, 304, 
 402 ; appointment of the governor 
 of, i. 25; extent of the New Eng- 
 land border, i. 28; soldiers in the 
 expedition against Crown Point, i. 
 290, 291; recruits sent to Johnson, 
 i. 313, 314; to provide an officer for 
 the English garrison, i. 315; money 
 granted to, from Parliament, i. 382 
 note ; her sacrifices in time of war, 
 ii. 86 ; provincials under Abercroin- 
 by, ii. 93; men serving under Put- 
 nam, ii. 122. 
 
 Connecticut River, the, ii. 254, 256. 
 
 Conner, James, English scout, i. 415; 
 visits Oswego, i. 415; the news of 
 the loss carried to Fort Johnson, i. 
 416. 
 
 Contades, i. 10; appointed to com- 
 mand, ii. 47. 
 
 Contrecoeur, i. 429; succeeds Saint- 
 Pierre in command, i. 143, 144; 
 commandant at Fort Duquesne, i. 
 147, 208, ii. 423 ; Jumonville sent on 
 an expedition to warn the English to 
 leave the West, i. 148; harangues 
 the Indians, i. 154; consults with 
 Beaujeu, i. 210, 211 ; his resolution 
 to despatch forces to meet Brad- 
 dock, i. 210, 211 ; waits at Fort Du- 
 quesne, i. 211, 212; return of the 
 troops after defeating Braddock, i. 
 221, 222; Dumas succeeds at Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 329, 330; orders con- 
 cerning prisoners, i. 330 note; re- 
 ceives the cross of the Order of St. 
 Louis, ii. 426. 
 
 Conway, General, letter from Walpole, 
 ii. 358. 
 
 Cook, his voyages, ii. 411. 
 
 Cork, i. 182. 
 
 Cope, Major Jean-Baptiste, Indian 
 
 chief, i. 104; signs a treaty of peace 
 with the English, i. 104, 105; the 
 murder of Capt. Howe, i. 118, 119. 
 
 Corbiere, Colonel Parker's company 
 taken, i. 484. 
 
 Corlaer, Indian word for the Eng- 
 lish, i. 487. 
 
 Corneille, ii. 9. 
 
 Cornier, Madame, i. 455. 
 
 Cornwallis, Lord, i. 93. 
 
 Cornwallis, Edward, uncle of Lord 
 Cornwallis, i. 93 ; made governor of 
 Acadia, i. 93; opinions of Wolfe and 
 of Horace Walpole concerning, i. 93, 
 110; makes the oath of allegiance 
 more strict for the Acadians, i. 
 97-99; his successor, i. 104; efforts 
 of, to compel the Acadians to swear 
 fidelity to England, i. 105 ; discov- 
 ers the treachery of the French, 
 i. 107 ; misplaced confidence in 
 the French crown, i. Ill; angry 
 letter written to the Bishop of 
 Quebec, i. 107; relations with the 
 French and Acadians, i. 107, 108, 
 110, 111; his speech to the Aca- 
 dians, i. 110-112; mild rule of, in 
 Nova Scotia, i. 113, 257; his opinion 
 of Le Loutre, i. 114. 
 
 Corpron. ii. 30; his official knavery, 
 ii. 22-24; thrown into the Bastille, 
 ii. 385. 
 
 Cortland, manor of, i. 32 
 
 Cosnan, Captain, ii. 221. 
 
 Cote d' Abraham, ii. 342. 
 
 Cote Ste.-Genevieve, ii. 300, 301, 342. 
 
 Coteau du Lac, the, ii. 370. 
 
 Coudres, Isle aux, ii. 198, 260; or- 
 dered to be evacuated, ii. 199; 
 Admiral Durell at, ii. 203. 
 
 Conreurs-de-bois, ii. 178, 221. 
 
 Courserac, ii. 81 note ; sent to the 
 English camp from Louisbourg, ii. 
 73, 74. 
 
 Courtemanche, his advance upon Fort 
 William Henry, i. 491. 
 
 Courts-martial in the English arm}', 
 ii. 236. 
 
 Courval, the French fire-rafts com- 
 manded by, ii. 227. 
 
 Crawford, Chaplain William, letter to 
 Timothy Paine, i. 404; his account 
 of the provincial camp, i. 404, 405. 
 
 Croghan, George, i. 42, 203; Indian 
 trader, i. 54; expedition of, to the 
 Ohio, i. 54-59; sent to the Miamis 
 to promote friendty feelings, i. 59, 
 60, 60 note ; reward offered for his 
 scalp, i. 79; accusations against, i. 
 80; brings Indians to Braddock's 
 camp, i. 203. 
 
 Crown Point, i. 24, 174, 289, 327, 378, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 463 
 
 453, ii. 87, 102; capture of, planned, 
 i. 192-194, 285; expedition against, 
 led by Colonel William Johnson, i. 
 194, 196, 285-317, 374, 38a; French 
 designs in relation to, i. 289, 293, 
 295 ; reached bv Dieskau, i. 296 ; 
 the battle, i. 303-316; result of the 
 expedition, i. 313, 314; importance 
 of, i. 378 ; plan of capture by 
 Shirley, i. 381, 382, 384, 398; ex- 
 peditions of Eogers' rangers, i. 
 433^137; Winslow's regret at the 
 failures of the English, i. 439; the 
 scouting-party of Eogers, i. 441-445 ; 
 captured by Amherst, ii. 235-240, 
 265; retreat of the French, ii. 238, 
 239 ; new fort built by Amherst, ii. 
 240, 241, 252; the situation between 
 French and English, ii. 361. 
 
 Cruger, Mayor, difficulty in quartering 
 the troops in New York, i. 440. 
 
 Cruikshank, Captain, affront given to 
 a provincial regiment, ii. 119. 
 
 Culloden, battle of, i. 6, 8, 19, ii. 185. 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of, i. 194, 253, ii. 
 40, 41; his place as a soldier, i. 179 ; 
 his opinion of Major-General Brad- 
 dock, i. 181, 182; military plans of, 
 i. 234; his prejudice against Shir- 
 ley, i. 421 ; miscarriage of his plans, 
 ii. 45 ; recalled from Germany, ii. 47. 
 
 Cumberland, Nova Scotia, i. 268. 
 
 Cumberland, Penn., i. 423. 
 
 Cumberland County laid waste, i. 344. 
 
 Cumberland Fort, i. 203, 225-229, ii. 
 133 ; erection of, i. 200 ; distance from 
 Little Meadows, i. 206; Colonel 
 James Innes, commander of, i. 226 ; 
 Indians attack the frontier, and 
 murder the settlers, i. 329-331, 342; 
 name given to Beause'jour, i. 253, 
 255 (see Beause'jour), 267, 281, ii. 
 181; St. Patrick's Day celebrated, 
 ii. 182. 
 
 Cumming, C. F. Gordon, ii. 436. 
 
 Cummings, Colonel, disgraceful order 
 of Abercromby to, ii. 114. 
 
 D. 
 
 Daine, Mayor of Quebec, ii. 311. 
 
 Dalling, Major, sent to occupy Port 
 Espagnol, ii. 78; Canadians taken 
 prisoners, ii. 225, 226; encounter 
 with Canadians and Indians, ii. 336; 
 his light infantry, ii. 347. 
 
 Dalquier, Lieutenant-Colonel, ii. 303; 
 his leadership and bravery, ii. 348. 
 
 Dalzell. Captain, skirmish in the 
 woods, ii. 122; his death, ii. 122. 
 
 Daniel, ii. 149. 
 
 Danvers, ii. 116. 
 
 Darby, Major, ii. 368. 
 
 Daudin, priest of Pisiquid, i. 244. 
 
 Daun, the Austrian general, ii. 387; 
 his victory, ii. 387. 
 
 " Dauphin," escape of the, i. 185, 186. 
 
 Dauphin's Bastion, the, ii. 55; ap- 
 proach of Wolfe, ii. 66; condition 
 of the besieged, ii. 69 ; the white 
 flag, ii. 71; to be opened to British 
 troops, ii. 74, 75. 
 
 Dauphin's Battery, the, ii. 208. 
 
 Davison, a trader, i. 133. 
 
 De Cosne, i. 184. 
 
 Defiance, Mount, ii. 102-104. 
 
 Demean, i. 361. 
 
 Delancey, Lieutenant-Govern or of New 
 York, i. 316, 328, 440; asked to aid 
 in repelling the French on the Ohio, 
 i. 141; council of governors held 
 with Braddock, i. 191-195; ques- 
 tions at issue in New York, i. 350; 
 the cabal against Shirley, i. 328, 383 ; 
 orders to fire upon deserters, ii. 3. 
 
 Delancey, Oliver, soldiers sent to 
 lodge with, i. 440. 
 
 Delaware, George, Indian chief, 
 145. 
 
 Delaware, colony of, i. 33. 
 
 Delaware River, the, i. 40, 45. 
 
 Delawares, the, i. 46, 57, 60, 130; atti- 
 tude towards the English, i. 59; ef- 
 forts of the English to obtain allies 
 from, i. 150; instigated to fight 
 against the English, i. 203, 329, 343, 
 344; at Fort Duquesne, i. 154; coun- 
 cil held with Johnson, i. 391, 392; 
 attack and reduction of Kittanning, 
 i. 423-427; convention of Indians, 
 ii. 142, 143 ; wavering allies, ii. 143 ; 
 declare themselves allies of the Eng- 
 lish, ii. 147, 148, 150. 
 
 Delouche commands the fire-ships, ii. 
 210, 211. 
 
 De Monts, commission of, i. 123 note. 
 
 Denmark, i. 10. 
 
 Denny, Governor, i. 426 note. 
 
 De Noyan, commandant at Fort Fron- 
 tenae, ii. 128. 
 
 Desandrouin, French engineer, ii. 100- 
 102. 
 
 Desauniers, Demoiselles, i. 64. 
 
 Deschambault, ii. 8, 263, 341, 361. 
 
 Deschamps, Chief Justice, diary found 
 in his house, ii. 82 note. 
 
 Deschenaux, official corruption, ii. 30. 
 
 Descombles, French engineer, i. 408; 
 reconnoitres the fort at Oswego, i. 
 409 ; shot by an Indian, i. 409. 
 
 Desgouttes withdraws the "Are'thuse." 
 ii. 65; considerations in regard to 
 
464 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 capitulation, ii. 71-73; correspond- 
 ence with Drucour, ii. 81 note. 
 
 Des Habitants Kiver, the, i. 268; re- 
 connoissance of, 272. 
 
 Desherbiers, commandant at Louis- 
 bourg, i. 101 ; instructions in regard 
 to the Acadians, i. 101, 102; his 
 treachery, i. 102, 103; medals sent 
 to, i. 102. 
 
 Degrade Island, restored by England, 
 ii. 405. 
 
 Desme^oizes, Mademoiselle, wife of 
 M. Pean, ii. 28. 
 
 Des Moines, i. 486. 
 
 De Soto, i. 24. 
 
 Detroit, i. 82, 209, 219, 485, ii. 122, 
 142, 244; importance of the post, i. 
 75, 76, 80; population of, i. 76, 77 
 note; Cdloron visits, with a royal 
 commission, i. 76, 77; plan of, i. 76 
 note ; efforts to build up, by the 
 French, i. 77; small-pox at, i. 83; 
 the English to be attacked, i. 84; 
 danger to Fort Duquesne, ii. 160; 
 the coureurs-de-bois, ii. 178 ; retreat 
 to, of the French forces, ii. 247; in- 
 jured by the loss of Niagara, ii. 
 248, 249. 
 
 Dettingen, i. 19, ii. 185, 391. 
 
 Devonshire^ Duke of, ii. 41. 
 
 Diamond, Cape, ii. 208, 209, 212, 355. 
 
 "Diana," the, ii. 356. 
 
 Diderot, i. 16, 288, 309 note ; meeting 
 with Dieskau, i. 308 note, 309 note, 
 311. 
 
 Dieskau, Baron, i. 285, 373, 376; made 
 general in Canada, i. 182; letter of, 
 quoted, i. 182, 183; his forces, i. 288, 
 296, 368 ; a letter of Braddock found, 
 i. 288, 289 ; plans of, in regard to 
 the French campaign, i. 288, 289; 
 prepares an ambush for Johnson, i. 
 296,300, 302, 303; advances through 
 the forest, i. 297-299; news of the 
 approach of the English, i. 300 ; suc- 
 cess of the action against Whiting 
 and Williams, i. 303 ; the battle of 
 Lake George, i. 304-317; badly 
 wounded, i. 307, 308, 311; carried 
 to the English camp, and kindly 
 cared for, i. 308, 309; his defeat, i. 
 308, 498, ii. 88; his remarks con- 
 cerning his surrender, and Johnson's 
 soldiers, i. 308, 308 note, 310, 311; 
 his interview with Diderot, i. 308 
 note, 309 note, 311; his life threat- 
 ened by the Mohawks, i. 309, 310; 
 his life saved by Johnson, i. 309; 
 carried to Fort Lyman, i. 310; his 
 service under Saxe, i. 310 ; his 
 death, i. 311; his Indians tomahawk 
 the Englishmen, i. 312; succeeded 
 
 by Montcalm, i. 356; his salary, i. 
 361. 
 
 Diet at Presburg, i. 19. 
 
 Dinwiddie, Eobert, Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of Virginia, i. 42, 136, 137; 
 letter to Hamilton quoted, i. iinote; 
 desirability of an Indian alliance, i. 
 59 ; difficulties of boundary, i. 61 ; 
 letter from, to Saint-Pierre, intro- 
 ducing George Washington, i. 132, 
 134, 135; tries to repel the French 
 aggression in the West, i. 132, 137, 
 139, 142, 176, 193; answer sent to, 
 from Saint-Pierre, i. 135; report of 
 Washington made to, i. 136; orders 
 received from the King, i. 137, 138; 
 his dependence on the Assembly of 
 Virginia, i. 137, 138, 163; Virginia 
 refuses to pay certain fees, i. 138 ; 
 sends Washington with a party to 
 resist the French at Fort Duquesne, 
 i. 138-161 ; orders sent to Indian 
 tribes on the Ohio, i. 139 ; seeks aid 
 from other colonies, i. 139 ; letter to 
 Lord Fairfax, i. 139; a fort to be 
 built on the Ohio, i. 139; letters to 
 Hanbury quoted, i. 140, 141, 144, 
 144 note ; invites the Indians to meet 
 him at Winchester, i. 141; the gov- 
 ernor's palace, i. 142, 163; seeks to 
 raise regiments, i. 142, 143; plans 
 of the English blighted, i. 143, 144; 
 good news from Washing-ton, i. 145 ; 
 letters from Druillon, i. 149; the 
 defeat of Washington, i. 162; letter 
 to a London correspondent quoted, 
 i. 163; speech to the Assembly of 
 Virginia, i. 164, 165; exasperated 
 at the French, i. 170, 171; letter to 
 Lord Granville quoted, i. 176; cor- 
 respondence with Glen, i. 176, 177 ; 
 desires aid from the home govern- 
 ment, i. 177; taxes recommended, 
 i. 177 ; his opinion of Braddock, j. 
 187, 188 ; accompanies Braddock 
 to Alexandria, i. 191; council of 
 governors held with Braddock, i. 
 191-195 ; defends taxation by Parlia- 
 ment, i. 193; praises of the New 
 England colonies, i. 197; supplies 
 for the army scarce, i. 197, 198; 
 greatly disturbed at the losses of 
 the English, i. 228-235; correspond- 
 ence with Orme quoted, i. 229-233; 
 correspondence with Washington, 
 i. 229, 231; letter to Lord Halifax, 
 i. 229; sends Major Colin Camp- 
 bell for news, i. 229, 231; letter 
 to Dunbar quoted, i. 231, 232; de- 
 sires to renew offensive operations, 
 i. 232, 233; his fears realized, i. 233; 
 his view of Dunbar's conduct justi- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 465 
 
 fied, i. 233 note ; his plans of war, 
 i. 332; relations with Washington, 
 ii. 131, 132; removed from office, 
 ii. 132 ; matters pertaining to the 
 "assassination" of Jumonville, ii. 
 421-423. 
 
 Dobbs, Governor of Xorth Carolina, 
 i. 187; council of governors held 
 with Braddoek, i. 191-195. 
 
 Dobson, Captain, i. 22J. 
 
 Dog tribe, the, i. 68. 
 
 Dominica taken by England, ii. 400; 
 to belong to England, ii. 405. 
 
 Doreil, commissary of war, embarks 
 with Dieskau, i. 182; letter from 
 Montcalm to, ii. Ill, 112; letter to 
 the minister of war, ii. 162, 163; 
 letter concerning the state of Cana- 
 da, ii. 171, 172; double-dealing of 
 Vaudreuil, ii. 173; appeal made to 
 France, ii. 173-175 ; matters per- 
 taining to Ticonderoga, ii. 431-^136. 
 
 Douville, orders concerning prisoners, 
 i. 330 note ; killed, i. 423. 
 
 Dover, ii. 403. 
 
 Dresden taken from Frederic, ii. 388. 
 
 Drowned Lands, the, i. 298, 302. 
 
 Drucour, Governor at Louisbourg, 
 ii. 56; the siege and reduction of 
 Louisbourg, ii. 56-81, 81 note ; sta- 
 tistics of troops, ii. 59 note ; his 
 effort to protect the harbor of Louis- 
 bourg, ii. 64; courtesies between 
 the commanders, ii. 64, 65 ; his 
 lodgings in flames, ii. 67; Am- 
 herst promises to spare the sick, ii. 
 70 note ; terms of capitulation ex- 
 tended to, ii. 71-74; signs the capi- 
 tulation, ii. 75. 
 
 Drucour, Madame, her heroism, ii. 65. 
 
 Druillon, letters sent to Dinwiddie, i. 
 149. 
 
 " Dublin," the ship, Amherst embarks 
 in her, ii. 51. 
 
 Dublin, i. 419 rote, ii. 190. 
 
 Dubrowski, ii. 37 note. 
 
 Du Cayla, ii. 427. 
 
 Duchat, Captain, his description of 
 Canadian life, i. 379, 380. 
 
 Duchesnave, ii. 20. 
 
 Dufferin, Lord, ii. 37 note. 
 
 Dumas has charge of the youth of 
 Montcalm, i. 356; letter of, con- 
 cerning Montcalm's education, i. 
 357, 358. 
 
 Dumas, Captain, i. 208, ii. 361; at Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 208 ; encounter with 
 Braddoek, i. 215-227 : returns to Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 220, 221 ; the border 
 warfare encouraged by, i. 329, 330; 
 quoted concerning his influence over 
 the Indians, i. 329, 330; succeeds 
 vol. ii. — 30 
 
 Contrecceur at Fort Duquesne, i. 
 329, 426; efforts of the French to 
 prevent the torture of prisoners, i. 
 330 ; commands the party to attack 
 the English at Point Levi, ii. 215; 
 his failure to dislodge the English, 
 ii. 219; holds Cap-Kouge, ii. i>8; 
 to prevent Murray moving up the 
 St. Lawrence, ii. 361; advances 
 upon Montreal, ii. 364, 365; matters 
 relating to a pension for, ii. 423, 424; 
 receives the cross of the Order of 
 St. Louis, ii. 420. 
 
 Dumont, ii. 347, 348. 
 
 Dunbar, Culonel Thomas, his troops, 
 i. 200, 220 note, ii. 256; to take 
 command of the rear division of 
 Braddoek 1 s expedition, i. 206; rein- 
 forcements for Braddoek, i. 223, 224 ; 
 arrival at his camp, i f a portion of 
 Braddock's army, i. 224, 225; his 
 course of action blamed by the 
 colonies, i. 225; encamped at Great 
 Meadows, i. 226 ; retreat of, i. 226, 
 329; arrival of his train at Fort Cum- 
 berland, i. 227; letter to, from Din- 
 widdie, quoted, i. 231, 232; exhorted 
 to retrieve the English losses, i. 231, 
 232; his conduct wanting in cour- 
 age, and condemned bv Dinwiddie. 
 i. 231-233, 2'53 iwte ■ instructions 
 from his superior officers neglected, 
 i. 233. 
 
 "Dunkirk," the, chases the French 
 vessels, i. 185, 186. 
 
 Dunkirk, ii. 395; fortress of, ii. 395; 
 the fortress to be destroyed, ii. 405, 
 406. 
 
 "Dunkirk of America," the, ii. 52. 
 
 Duquesne, Marquis, Governor of Can- 
 ada, i. 41 note, 230 ; his opinion of 
 Piquet, i. 67 note ; his character 
 and personal appearance, i. 85. 86 ; 
 prepares to secure the upper part of 
 the Ohio Valley, i. 86, 87; influ- 
 enced by unworthy motives, i. 88; 
 landing of his force at Presquisle, 
 i. 128; instructions to Marin, i. 129; 
 a fort to be built on French Creek, 
 i. 130; plans of the expedition 
 thwarted, i. 130, 131; return of a 
 part of the expedition to Montreal, 
 i. 131: letters of, compared with 
 other writings, i. 131 note; Contre- 
 coeur succeeds Saint-Pierre, i. 143, 
 144; succeeded by De Vaudreuil, 
 i. 182, 288; orders sent to, from 
 France, i. 183, 184; letter to Le 
 Loutre concerning Acadia, i. 239; 
 relations with Le Loutre, i. 239, 242 ; 
 his harsh treatment of the Acadians, 
 i. 244, 245; resigns his government, 
 
466, 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 i. 288; his discipline over troops, i. 
 369. 
 • Duquesne, Fort, i. 147, 325, ii. 131; 
 built by the French, i. 143, 144, 337 
 note; expedition of Jumonville, i. 
 148; reinforcements sent to, i. 152, 
 153; French force at, i. 159, 206; 
 exultant return of Villiers to, i. 161; 
 Braddock to lead the expedition 
 against, i. 194, 196 ; parties sent out 
 to interrupt General Braddock's 
 march, i. 205, 206; Braddock's ex- 
 pedition against, i 206-209, 214-233, 
 ii. 423-426; situation and appear- 
 ance of, i. 207, 208; command held 
 by Contrecceur, i. 208; number of 
 Indians and Canadians at, i. 208, 
 209 ; Indians and French depart from, 
 to tight with Braddock's expedi- 
 tion, i. 210-213, ii. 423-426; return 
 of the French troops, i. 221 ; desire 
 to attack a second time, i. 233; 
 Dumas succeeds Contrecceur in com- 
 mand, i.329; plan of capture, i. 381; 
 the attack abandoned, i. 382; report 
 of the affair at Kittanning, i. 426, 
 427; the war-policy of Pitt, ii. 48, 
 131, 132; importance of position, ii. 
 48; expedition against, fitted out by 
 the English, ii. 49, 129; approached 
 by General Forbes's army, ii. 130- 
 134, 138, 140, 141; M. de'Ligneris, 
 commandant of, ii. 141 ; French re- 
 inforcements sent to, ii. 141, 142; 
 Indians near, sought as allies by 
 English and French, ii. 142, 143 ; 
 the missions of Frederic Post, ii. 
 144-151; Post invited to go thither, 
 ii. 145; Grant's expedition, ii. 151- 
 155 ; statistics concerning the daily 
 rations, ii. 152 note; desperate con- 
 dition of the French, ii. 155, 156; 
 evacuated by the French, ii. 158, 
 159 ; garrison left by the English 
 under Lieuteuant-Colonel Mercer, ii. 
 160 ; effect of the English victory, ii. 
 162,235; letter from Montcalm refer- 
 ring to matters there, ii. 168, 169. 
 
 Dureil, Admiral, ii. 192, 198 ; at Isle- 
 aux-Coudres, ii. 203; arrival of his 
 fleet in the St. Lawrence, ii. 203-206; 
 ruse to obtain a pilot, ii. 204. 
 
 Diirer, i. 433. 
 
 Durham Terrace, ii. 355. 
 
 Dury, interview with Braddock, i. 190. 
 
 Dus'sieux, i. 514 note. 
 
 Dutch, the, i. 287; in Pennsylvania, 
 i. 31; trading interests at Albany, 
 i. 32, 33, 65, 193, 195, 319, 320, 327 ; 
 alienate the Mohawks, i. 171; their 
 language, i. 221; at Schenectady, 
 i. 321; hostile to Johnson, i. 328. 
 
 Dutch Reformed Church, the, i. 32. 
 Duvivier to accept the terms of capitu- 
 lation for Louisbourg, ii. 73, 74. 
 
 E. 
 
 Easton, Indian convention at, ii. 143, 
 
 147-150, 161. 
 "Echo," the, number of her guns, ii. 
 54 note ; captured by the English, 
 ii. 63. 
 
 Edinburgh, the University of, ii. 285. 
 
 Edward, grandson of George II., 
 
 name given to Fort Edward, i. 315. 
 
 Edward, Fort, in Nova Scotia, i. 268, 
 270, 272, 275, 280. 
 
 Edward, Fort, in New York, i. 388, 
 406, 441, 452, ii. 121, 432, 435 ; name 
 given to Fort Lyman, i. 294, 315; 
 winter life of the garrison, i. 350; 
 difficulties of carrying stores to, i. 
 388; forces stationed here, i. 401; its 
 condition, i. 401, 402, 403 ; Earl Lou- 
 don stationed at, i. 421 ; exposed 
 condition of, i. 474, ii. 3; attacked 
 by a partv under Marin, i. 485 ; po- 
 sition of General Webb, i. 496, 497, 
 501, ii. 2 ; arrival of soldiers es- 
 caping from Fort William Henry, 
 i. 511-513, ii. 428, 431 ; mutiny 
 among the troops, ii. 2, 3; arrival 
 of troops to aid Monro, ii. 2, 3; 
 omission of Montcalm to attack, 
 after his success at Fort William 
 Henry, ii. 4, 167, 168 ; commanded 
 by Captain Haviland, ii. 11; expe- 
 dition of Rogers' rangers, ii. 11-16, 
 124; fortified by the English, ii. 
 237. 
 
 Edwards, Jonathan, i. 27. 
 
 Egmont, Cape, ii. 194. 
 
 Elder, John, letter from, quoted, i. 
 344. 
 
 Elizabeth of Russia, i. 18, ii. 389, 393, 
 409; her hatred of Frederic the 
 Great, i. 353, ii. 389, 399; her 
 death, ii. 399. 
 
 Elizabeth Castle, i. 252. 
 
 Emerson, Rev. Mr., ii. 120. 
 
 England, i. 67, 310; her possessions 
 in America, and questions of boun- 
 dary, i. 1-3, 20-37, 56, 79, 90-92, 
 122-128, 132, 161, 168, 184, 236-238, 
 243; restoration of Cape Breton, 
 by, i. 2, 3 ; result of the subjection 
 of Canada, i. 3; her commerce, i. 
 3, 4; influence of the Seven Years 
 War, i. 3, 4, ii. 38-40, 386, 408-414; 
 religion, morals, and society under 
 George II., i. 5-11; decline of the 
 Tory power, i. 6 ; fall of the Stu- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 467 
 
 arts, i. 6; service rendered by Pitt 
 i. 9, ii. 40-47, 395-398, 400, 401; 
 the armv and navy, i. 9, 180, 
 181, ii. 380, 381, 400, 411; condi- 
 tions of, after the peace of Aix-la- 
 . Chapelle, i. 9 ; question of the 
 mastery of India, i. 10; action taken 
 by, at the time of the succession of 
 Maria Theresa, i. 19; French and 
 English population in America in 
 1754, compared, i. 20; success of, in 
 establishing her colonies, and their 
 condition, i. 22, 25, 29, 30, 33, 56, 
 126, 127, ii. 175-177, 401, 403, 411 ; 
 importance of Piquetown and of 
 Oswego, i. 52, 68, 70, 72, 325, 398, 
 399, 415 ; seeks to repel the French 
 aggressions in the West, i. 53, 132- 
 142 ; importance of securing the 
 Iroquois Indians as allies, i. 63-65, 
 125, 372, 374; neglect of the Brit- 
 ish Assemblies, of their interests, 
 i. 86 ; the possession of Acadia, i. 90, 
 93, 94, 123, 236, 253 ; conditions im- 
 posed on French inhabitants of Aca- 
 dia, i. 90, 91; hostility of the Acadi- 
 ans and Indians encouraged by the 
 French, i. 91, 94, 98-108, 235-240, 
 242-245, 264; the oath of allegiance 
 to be taken by the Acadians, i. 91, 
 92, 97. 98, 106, 107, 235, 260, 265 ; 
 bound by treaty to :illow the Acadi- 
 ans freedom in religion, i. 95, 107; 
 mildness of her rule over the Acadi- 
 ans, i. 95, 96, 121, 122, 261, 262; 
 pretended peace made by the Indi- 
 ans, i. 104, 105; relations of Corn- 
 wallis with the Acadians, i. 107, 
 108 ; commissioners appointed to de- 
 cide upon the boundaries of posses- 
 sions in America, i. 123-127; the 
 question of the pistole fee, i. 138, 
 140 ; attitude and policy of the home 
 government, i. 171, 177-181; the 
 southern department held by Sir 
 Thomas Robinson, i. 179; regiments 
 ordered*to America, i. 181, 182; 
 diplomatic correspondence of, i. 183 ; 
 warlike intentions concealed from 
 France, i. 183, 184; the plans of 
 France known to, i. 184-186; Brad- 
 dock despatched to America to take 
 military command, i. 189-191 ; plans 
 of Shirley laid before the govern- 
 ment, i. 1*92, 193; supplies for Brad- 
 dock's campaign scarce, i. 197, 198; 
 questions of policv for the French 
 and English in Acadia, i. 236-241; 
 desire of the Acadians to return to 
 their allegiance, i. 238, 244, 245; 
 conditions leading to the removal 
 of the Acadians from their home, 
 
 i. 253-266, 284 (see Acadians); re- 
 sults of the campaign of 1755 
 i. 328, 329; attitude of the popula- 
 tion of Pennsylvania towards, i. 
 339 ; preys on French commerce, 
 i. 352; declares war, i. 352; politi- 
 cal outlook, i. 353, 354; Protestant 
 country, i. 355; money granted by 
 Parliament to the colonies, i. 382, 
 382 note ; an armament fitted out for 
 the reduction of Louisbourg, i. 469, 
 470, 472 ; the fleet of Holbourne 
 wrecked, i. 472; disasters and vic- 
 tories in Europe, ii. 45-47; prepara- 
 tions to attack Louisbourg, ii. 49; 
 prisoners of war sent to, ii. 76 ; re- 
 joicing at the fall of Louisbourg, ii. 
 76, 77 ; preparations made to attack 
 Quebec, ii. 176, ]78, 193, 194: siege 
 of Quebec, ii. 195-233, 259-325, 325 
 note, 326 note ; news of Wolfe's 
 death and his heroism, ii. 323, 324; 
 the fall of Canada, ii. 360-382 ; end 
 of the war in America, ii. 379-382; 
 death of George II., ii. 390, 391; 
 succession of George III., ii. 391; 
 growth of a peace party, ii. 391, 392 ; 
 changes among the officials, ii. 392, 
 393; the policy of George III., ii. 
 393-395, 400 ; terms of peace offered 
 to, ii. 395; the negotiations of Choi- 
 seul with Pitt, ii. 395, 396; need of 
 a peace witli France, ii. 396 ; the 
 Family Compact, ii. 396; the secret 
 treaty made by Choiseul, ii. 396, 
 397; the policy of Bute, ii. 400; vic- 
 tories gained through the influence 
 of Pitt, ii. 400-402; the conflict for 
 colonial ascendency, ii. 401, 403; 
 expedition against Havana, ii. 401, 
 402; negotiations with France for 
 peace, ii. 403-407; cessions made by 
 France, ii. 405; restores Belleisle 
 ii. 405; the treaty of peace signed 
 at Paris, ii. 407, 408 ; results of the 
 war, ii. 408-414; the growth of the 
 United States, ii. 411-413. 
 English, the, i. 52, 54; driven from the 
 West by the French, i- 44-47, 59; 
 63-89 ; the French combine with the 
 Indians to injure, i. 47, 64, 67, 68, 
 70, 72, 82, 83, 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, 
 113, 114, 130, 161, 171, 184, 203, 
 235, 236-239, 243-245, ii. 421 ; 
 matters of interest concerning trade 
 and traders, i. 50, 69, 70, 72-74, 
 79, 86, 87; orders given to the 
 French governor with regard to, 
 i. 78-82; attacked at Pickawillany, 
 i. 84, 85; treatment of the Acadians, 
 i. 91, 92, 95 (see Acadia and Aca- 
 dians) ; the fortress of Louisbourg 
 
468 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 restored to France, 1. 92; occupation 
 of Beaubassin, i. 115-120 ; success- 
 ful encounter with the French, i. 
 147, 148; the tight at Great Mead- 
 ows, i. 156-161; results of the meet- 
 ing of the colonial Assemblies with 
 their governors, i. 163-169; rights 
 of, on the Ohio River, i. 177; to 
 intercept the French fleet, i. 185, 
 186 ; arrival of Braddock in Amer- 
 ica, i. 187, 191 ; matters pertaining 
 to Braddock's expedition, i. 187, 
 191, 195, 197-200, 204-216; expedi- 
 tion given in charge to Johnson, i. 
 195; the battle of the Monongahela, 
 i. 215-220, 223, 223 note; defeat of 
 Braddock, and retreat of his troops, 
 i. 220-235; death and burial of 
 Braddock, i. 220,224-226; Shirley 
 made commander-in-chief of the 
 army, i. 233 ; loyalty of the troops, 
 i. 238, 239; plans of, in regard to the 
 French, i. 239, 240 ; capture of Fort 
 Beause'jour, i. 240-253; surrender 
 of French forts, i. 253; removal of 
 the Acadians from their homes, i. 
 254, 255, 265-284 (see Acadians); 
 
 ftlan to increase the English popu- 
 ation in Acadia, i. 257 ; disaster at 
 Peticodiac,i. 275 ; expedition against 
 Crown Point, i. 285-317 ; character 
 of the army in the expedition, i. 290- 
 292; preaching on Sunday to the ar- 
 my, i. 295, 296 ; an ambush prepared 
 for, by Dieskau, i. 300; the battle 
 of Lake George, i. 302-317; expedi- 
 tion of Shirley against Niagara, i. 
 318-329; arrive at Fort Oswego, i. 
 322; lack of supplies, i. 325, 326; 
 Shirley leaves Oswego, j. 326; re- 
 sults of the campaign against the 
 French, i. 328, 329 ; border warfare 
 encouraged by the French, i. 329- 
 350 ; conditions in Pennsvlvania, i. 
 336-350; forts built to guard the 
 Great Carrying Place, i. 374; pre- 
 pare to attack Ticonderoga, i. 377- 
 380, 387, 388; receive discouraging 
 reports from Ticonderoga, i. 389, 
 390; the appointment of Earl Lou- 
 don as commander-in-chief, i. 383; 
 payment of troops, and other matters 
 pertaining to soldiers, i. 384-388; 
 forest war, i. 389 ; action between 
 Villiers and Bradstreet, i. 394-396; 
 royal orders concerning provincial 
 officers, i. 399, 400; condition of the 
 New England troops, i. 401, 402; 
 the loss of Oswego, i. 405-420; the 
 Indians butcher the prisoners, i. 413, 
 414, 414 note; difficulties in the 
 French war, i. 414-417; number of 
 
 men under Earl Loudon, i. 421 ; the 
 attack made on Kittanning, i. 423- 
 427 ; despatches sent by Vaudreuil 
 to France, concerning, i. 427 ; scout- 
 ing-parties, i. 428, 429; at Fort 
 William Henry, i. 428; the war- 
 party of Periere, i. 429-431 ; exploits 
 of Rogers' rangers, i. 433-437 (see 
 Eogers); the difficulty in quartering 
 the troops in winter, i. 439, 440; 
 party sent by Vaudreuil to attack 
 Fort William Henry, i. 447-451; 
 capture French stores, i. 457; num- 
 ber of their antagonists, i. 468; plan 
 for the reduction of Louisbourg, i. 
 468 ; delay in starting the fleet for 
 Halifax, i. 469, 470, 472; fleet of 
 Holbourne wrecked, i. 472; the at- 
 tack and massacre of, at Fort Wil- 
 liam Henry, i. 474-478, 485-513, 
 514 note, ii. 4, 5, 237, 428-431 ; the 
 tide turning, ii. 46; Loudon suc- 
 ceeded by Abercromby, in office, 
 ii. 48; the Scotch Highlanders join 
 the army, ii. 49; the typical British 
 naval officer, ii. 50 ; the siege and re- 
 duction of Louisbourg, ii. 48, 49, 51, 
 55-82 note (see Louisbourg) ; expe- 
 dition fitted out against, to serve 
 under Abercromby, ii. 83-113 note; 
 reforms in the army introduced by 
 Lord Howe, ii. 90; effect of the death 
 of Lord Howe, ii. 97, 98; the assault 
 at Ticonderoga, ii. 103-107, 110- 
 113; matters pertaining to life in 
 the army, ii. 116, 117, 119, 120, 
 264, 334, 335, 339, 366 ; gain posses- 
 sion of Fort Frontenac, ii. 127-129; 
 the reduction of Fort Duquesne, ii. 
 131-163; need of Indian allies, ii. 
 139, 140, 142-148 ; use of Western 
 lands, ii. 146; expedition of Major 
 Grant, ii. 151-155 ; burial of Brad- 
 dock's slain, ii. 159, 160; Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel Mercer to hold Fort 
 Duquesne, ii. 160, 161; the situation 
 in 1758, ii. 162; expedition fitted 
 out to serve under General Wolfe, 
 ii. 182-184, 192-207 ; the siege and 
 reduction of Quebec, ii. 207-234, 
 259-326 note (see Wolfe and 
 Quebec); statistics concerning the 
 army at the battle of Quebec, ii. 
 298 note, 305, 305 note, 442, 443, 
 436-438; bravery of the sailors, 
 ii. 227, 228 ; capture of Ticonderoga 
 and Crown Point by Amherst, ii. 
 235-240; spruce beer made in the 
 army, ii. 236, 237; Fort Edward 
 fortified, ii. 237; their general hu- 
 manity, ii. 261, 262, 3"09; council 
 of war held, ii. 272, 273; action of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 469 
 
 Holmes's squadron, ii. 278-280; love 
 of the soldiers for their officers, ii. 
 281, 294, 295; loss of General 
 Wolfe, ii. 294-297; the precision 
 of their fire, ii. 295, 296; rule in 
 Canada, ii. 332; skirmish at Lnrette, 
 ii. 337, 338; the battle of Sainte- 
 Foy, ii. 342, 347-359, 442-444; 
 the fall of Canada, ii. 360-382; 
 embark for Montreal, ii. 363-366; 
 passage of the rapids, ii. 370, 371; 
 numerical superiority of their troops, 
 ii. 381; recapture St. John's, ii. 402. 
 
 English colonies, the, condition of, 
 as compared with French posses- 
 sions, i. 1-3, 20, 21; inhabitants of, i. 
 20-22, 25; government of, i. 25. 26, 
 170, 171, 349, 350, 419; compared 
 and examined, i. 25-30, 62, 126, 127; 
 means of travel, i. 33 ; politics and 
 religion in, i. 33-35, 137, 139, 
 170, 171, 349, 350, 419: plan of 
 France to unite Louisiana and 
 Canada against, i. 36, 37; ham- 
 pered by the Asj-emblies, i. 137, 
 139 ; efforts to repel the French in 
 the West, i. 137-141, 169, 175; 
 plan of union of Franklin, i. 175; 
 council of governors held with 
 Braddock, i. 191-195; slaves in, i. 
 193; the frontier left unguarded, i. 
 227, 231, 232 ; distribution of the ex- 
 iled Acadians, i. 282 ; mode of life of 
 the frontier settler, i. 334-336 ; united 
 against Canada, ii. 175; prediction 
 of Mavhew for, ii. 325; predictions 
 of several persons concerning their 
 future in America, ii. 403, 404; 
 symptoms of revolt shown, ii. 413. 
 
 English ministry. See British Min- 
 istrv. 
 
 "Entreprenant," the number of her 
 guns, ii. 54 note : burned at anchor, 
 ii 66. 
 
 Epicurus, ii. 389. 
 
 Episcopalians in the army, ii. 117. 
 
 Erie, town of, i. 89. 
 
 Erie, Lake, i. 38, 52, 486, ii. 247; the 
 passage to Lake Huron, i. 75; de- 
 sirability of erecting forts near, l. 
 80, 132. 
 
 Esopus, i. 422 note. 
 
 Espagnol, Port, ii. 78. 
 
 Espineuse, Madame d', ii. 176. 
 
 Esteve, secretarv of Montcalm, i. 361; 
 his voyage, i."364; his marriage, n. 
 426. 
 
 Etechemin, River, the, n. 274. 
 
 Etechemins, the, i. 23. 
 
 Eugene, Prince, i. 18; remark of, con- 
 cerning the result of Charles VI.'s 
 death, i. 18. 
 
 Europe, i. 479, ii. 133, 186; complica- 
 tion of political interests, i. 1-4, 353- 
 355, ii. 175 ; the Seven Years War, i. 
 1, 18, ii. 38, 39, 386, 405,406; power 
 of the House of Bourbon, i. 9; 
 power of Frederic II. of Prussia, i. 
 17 ; rule of the House of Austria, 
 i. 16, 17; the peace of Aix-la-Cha- 
 pelle, i. 19 ; power and influence of 
 Peter the Great, i. 17, 18; the 
 princes pledged to sustain the will 
 of Charles VI., i. 18, 19; the bal- 
 ance of power, i. 18, 126; grains and 
 fruit of, growing in America, i. 76; 
 question of American boundary, i. 
 123-128; war commenced between 
 the powers of, i. 186 ; the peace of 
 Paris, ii. 383-408; the conflict for 
 colonial ascendency, ii. 401; results 
 of the victory of Plassey, ii. 408; 
 the mastery of India, ii. 410; Ca- 
 tholicism in, ii. 412. 
 
 Exchequer, the, ii. 393. 
 
 Eyre, Major, occupies Fort William 
 "Henry, i. 439-441; party sent by 
 Vaudreuil to reduce the fort, i. 447- 
 451; requested to give up Fort Wil- 
 liam Henry; i. 449; his answer, and 
 the result thereof, i. 449-451. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fabius, ii. 209. 
 
 Fairfax, Lord, letter from Dinwiddie, 
 i. 139; letters from Colonel Lines, 
 i. 226, 228. 
 
 Falmouth, i. 169, 310. 
 
 Falstaff, i. 142. 
 
 Family Compact, the, ii. 396. 
 
 Faneuil Hall, ii. 377. 
 
 Fare, Marquis de la, i. 358. 
 
 Feather dance, a, description of, i. 58. 
 
 Ferdinand, Prince of Brunswick, ap- 
 pointed to command, ii. 47 ; general- 
 ship of, ii. 47 ; action with Clermont, 
 ii. 47. 
 
 Ferdinand VI. of Spain, death of, ii. 
 396. 
 
 Ferguson, ii. 57. 
 
 Feudalism, i. 10; in Canada and in the 
 British colonies, i. 22, 31-33. 
 
 " Fidele, " the, number of her guns, ii. 
 54 note. 
 
 Fiedmont, ii. 314. 
 
 Fielding, i. 6, 189. 
 
 Fifty-eighth Regiment, the, ii. 298 
 note. 
 
 Fireships, ii. 201, 203; descend upon 
 the English, ii. 210-212. 
 
 First Lord of the Treasury, the, ii. 400. 
 
 Fish, Jane. See Pompadour. 
 
470 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Fisheries, the, ii. 405, 407, 410. 
 
 Fitch, Colonel, letter to Winslow, i. 
 388; his regiment, ii. 94; encounter 
 with Langy in the woods, ii. 97. 
 
 Five Mile Point, i. 442, ii. 102. 
 
 Five Nations, the, i. 38, 40, 45, 49, 67, 
 68, 130, ii. 7, 86; dialects of, i. 44; 
 adopt Catharine Montour, i. 54 ; 
 efforts of the French to gain as allies, 
 and to cause the destruction of the 
 English, i. 59, 64, 78, 203, 371, 372, 
 466, ii. 143, 144 ; their influence and 
 position, i. 63-65, 125, 372, 374; 
 power of Johnson over, i. 64, 172, 
 195, 287, 288, 390-393; their mission- 
 ary, i. 68, 487, ii. 418; their country 
 disposed of in the treaty of Utrecht, 
 i. 79, 125, 126 note ; range of their 
 war-parties, i. 125; orders sent from 
 Dinwiddie, i. 139; at Fort Duquesne, 
 i. 154; the congress at Albany, 
 i. 173-176; Indian commissioners 
 treated by, i. 195; Johnson made 
 Indian superintendent, i. 287, 288, 
 390; homes of, i. 319; the fur trade, 
 i. 320 ; conferences held with, by 
 Shirley, i. 327; border warfare, i. 
 329; the spies, i. 374; council called 
 by Montcalm, i. 485-489; join in the 
 attack upon Fort William Henry, i. 
 ' 490; Indian convention, ii. 142, 143; 
 declare their alliance with the Eng- 
 lish, ii. 148, 244; the fight at Niaga- 
 ra, ii. 247 ; their totems on a flag of 
 Piquet, ii. 418. 
 
 Flanders, ii. 184. 
 
 Flat Point, ii. 57. 
 
 Flat Point Cove, ii. 61. 
 
 Flatheads, the, i. 68. 
 
 Fleurimont, i. 486. 
 
 Flogging, ii. 236. 
 
 Florence, ii. 323. 
 
 Florida, i. 20 ; ceded by Spain to 
 England, ii. 405, 406. 
 
 Foligny, M. de, his journal, ii. 438, 
 441; matters relating to the death 
 of Montcalm, ii. 441, 442. 
 
 Folsom, Captain, i. 308, 309. 
 
 Fontbrune, aide-de-camp of General 
 Montcalm, i. 498. 
 
 Fontenoy, battle of, i. 8, 19. 
 
 Forbes, Rev. Eli, pastor at Brookfield, 
 ii. 378, 379; his sermon on the fall 
 of Canada, ii. 378, 379. 
 
 Forbes, Brigadier John, ii. 49; the 
 reduction of Fort Duquesne, ii. 49, 
 130-163; his early life, ii. 132; his 
 route and plan of attack, ii. 133- 
 147, 156, 157; compared with Brad- 
 dock, ii. 134; his relations with 
 Washington, ii. 134, 137, 138; his 
 relations with Bouquet, ii. 134, 135 ; I 
 
 letter to Pitt concerning his provin- 
 cials, ii. 135; his sickness, ii. 135- 
 137, 157, 161, 162; his letters to 
 Bouquet quoted, ii. 136-138, 142, 
 157; erects Fort Bedford, ii. 141; 
 messages of peace sent to the 
 Indians, ii. 144-151; Grant's expe- 
 dition, ii. 151-155; names the settle- 
 ment of Pittsburg, ii. 159, 244; finds 
 Fort Duquesne evacuated, ii. 159; 
 letter to Amherst, ii. 161; leaves 
 Fort Duquesne, ii. 161; the home- 
 ward march retarded by illness, ii. 
 161, 162; effect of his expedition, 
 ii. 162; his death and burial, ii. 
 162. 
 Forests in the West, the, i. 205. 
 Fort Hill, ii. 76. 
 Forty-fourth Regiment, the, i. 219 
 
 note. 
 Forty-seventh Regiment, the, ii. 298 
 
 note. 
 Fortv-third Regiment, the, ii. 182, 
 
 298 note. 
 " Foudrovant, " the, captured bj the 
 
 Englisn, ii. 49, 50. 
 Fox, Henry, i. 8, 179. 
 Foxcroft, Thomas, pastor of the " Old 
 Church " in Boston, ii. 377; his ser- 
 mon on the occasion of the fall of 
 Canada, ii. 377. 
 Foxes, the, called to a council by 
 
 Montcalm, i. 486-489. 
 France, i. 9, 67, 148, 243, 353,365, 377, 
 456, 486, 491, ii. 29, 43, 49, 286, 401, 
 402; alliance with Austria, i. 2; her 
 possessions in America, i. 1-3, 20, 
 24, 25, 37, 40, 41, 43, 45, 59, 62-67, 
 76, 79 note, 122-128, 318, ii. 403, 
 404, 410; influence of the Seven 
 Years War upon, i. 3, 4, ii. 410; 
 condition of, under Eouis XV., i. 
 9-16 ; her commanders, i. 10 ; her 
 army and navy, i. 10, 180, 181, 368- 
 373, 461, 462, ii. 380, 381, 401, 410; 
 the persecution of the Huguenots, 
 i. 14, 21, 22 ; growing disrespect 
 for the clergy and ministry, i. 15; 
 takes part with Bavaria, i. 19 ; 
 French and English population in 
 America in 1754 compared, i. 20, 21 ; 
 rule established by, in Canada, i. 
 22 ; forts held by, in America, i. 40, 
 41, 75, 76, 318; leaden plates given 
 to Celoron to bury in America, i. 
 43, 45, 48, 62 note ; missions estab- 
 lished by, among the Indians, i. 64- 
 67; the treaty of Utrecht, i. 79; 
 cession of Acadia to England, i. 90, 
 93, 94; French maxims of duty to 
 the King, i. ] 06 ; the Acadians or- 
 dered to swear allegiance to, i. 120, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 471 
 
 121; balance of power, i. 127; the 
 marine and colonial department, i. 
 179; conditions of rule in, i. 179, 
 180; diplomatic representatives of, i. 
 179, 180, 183; expedition of war 
 ordered to America, i. 182; her 
 naval and military plans, i. 183- 
 186; the Acadians French at heart, 
 i. 235-237 ; questions of policy for 
 the French and English in Acadia, 
 i. 236-241 ; corruption among the 
 officials, i. 212, ii. 22-28, 44, 385, 
 386; conditions leading to the ex- 
 pulsion of the Acadians from their 
 home, i. 253-266 (see Acadians); 
 expedition fitted out against Crown 
 Point, i. 285, 286; expedition sent 
 to America under Dieskau, i. 288; 
 results of the campaign, i. 328, 329; 
 attitude of Pennsylvania towards, i. 
 339 : war declared between England 
 and, i. 352, 353 ; political combina- 
 tions in Europe, i. 353-356; alliance 
 sought by Maria Theresa, i. 354 ; 
 Montcalm to succeed Dieskau, i. 356 ; 
 paucity of troops sent to America, 
 i. 363; troops sent against Austria, i. 
 363 ; attitude of Governor Vaudreui! 
 towards, i. 366-368 ; growth of po- 
 litical parties in Canada, i. 367, 368; 
 Indian allies, i. 372, 466, 467, ii. 142- 
 145, 162, 381 ; her communication 
 with the West, i. 415; causes of the 
 English losses, i. 417-419; informa- 
 tion from England obtained through 
 Florence Hensey, i. 469; the war 
 with England subordinate to per- 
 sonal politics, i. 469; prospects at 
 the time of Pitt, ii. 45; loss of 
 Louisbourg, ii. 71-75; inhabitants 
 of Louisbourg sent to, ii. 76 ; vic- 
 tory of Montcalm at Ticonderoga, 
 ii. Ill, 112; appeals made in behalf 
 of Canada, ii. 373-176; promotions 
 of Montcalm and others, ii. 174; 
 scant assistance given to Canada, 
 ii. 175; the loss of Quebec, ii. 195- 
 234, 259-326 note ; funeral of Mont- 
 calm, ii. 309. 310; Levis sends for 
 aid, ii. 354; loss of Montreal and 
 Canada, ii. 373, 374; return of the 
 troops, ii. 374, 383, 384; end of 
 the war in America, ii. 379-382; 
 her victories, ii. 381 ; trial of those 
 accused of peculation in Canada, ii. 
 385, 386 ; political situation in 1761, 
 ii. 393-395; terms of peace offered 
 to England, ii. 395: the negotiations 
 of Choiseul, ii. 395, 396; provisions 
 of the Family Compact, ii. 396; her 
 enemies in Europe, ii. 399, 400; her 
 financial condition in 1762, ii. 402, 
 
 403; negotiations with England for 
 peace, ii. 403-407; possessions ceded 
 by, ii. 405 ; privileges of fishing, ii. 
 405, 407; the fortress of Dunkirk to 
 be destroyed, ii. 406; a secret agree- 
 ment made with Spain, ii. 406; the 
 treaty of peace signed at Paris, ii. 
 407; her influence in the Ea*t, ii. 
 410; under Colbert, ii. 410; her 
 power on the continent of Europe, 
 ii. 410, 411. 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, i. 27 ; his plan of 
 union for the colonies, i. 175; his re- 
 lations with Braddock, i. 188, 198, 
 199 ; his position in the Assemblv of 
 Pennsylvania, i. 198, 199, 338;"ac- 
 count of Braddock's death, i. 225, 
 226; the defeat of the English, i. 
 .228 ; bill drawn by. i. 348 note ; his 
 policy, i. 349; his' opinion of Shir- 
 ley and of Loudon, i. 421, 470; re- 
 mark of, concerning the union of the 
 British colonies, ii. 404. 
 
 Franquet, ii. 70, 71; sent to strengthen 
 Louisbourg, ii. 18; his journal, ii. 18; 
 his account of a travelling party in 
 Canada, ii. 18-21. 
 
 Fraser, his trading-house, i. 133 note, 
 213; Washington at his house, i. 
 136. 
 
 Fraser, Colonel, his Highlanders serve 
 under Wolfe, ii. 59, 231, 298 note, 
 443; Canadian prisoners, ii. 226. 
 
 Fraser, Hon. Malcolm, anecdote of 
 Montcalm, ii. 297 note. 
 
 Frederic William of Prussia, i. 17. 
 
 Frederic IT. of Prussia, i. 2, 17, ii. 38; 
 his youth and training, i. 17 ; seizes 
 the province of Silesia, i. 19 ; political 
 conditions in his realm, i. 353, 354; 
 combination against, i. 355. 356, ii. 
 38-40 ; the Seven Years War, ii. 
 38-40, 409; the battle of Prague, 
 ii. 39 ; confidence felt in Pitt, ii. 46; 
 his glorv in 1758, ii. 386; his re- 
 verses and trials, ii. 387-389, 398, 
 399; his letters toD'Argens,ii. 387- 
 389, 390; the campaigns of 1760 
 and 1761, ii. 387-390; letter to Vol- 
 taire, ii. 388; Russia becomes the 
 ally of, ii. 399 ; the treaty of Hu- 
 bertsburg, ii. 407 ; his dominions 
 intact, ii. 409; numbers lost in the 
 Seven Years War, ii. 409. 
 
 Frederic, Fort, i. 24, 378. 
 
 French, the, i. 28; effect of the Seven 
 Years War upon, i. 1, 3, ii. 40. 409 ; 
 their efforts to gain and retain Indian 
 allies, i. 28, 41^42, 47, 48, 57, 63, 65, 
 130, 135, 161, 171, 175, 328-330. 374, 
 423, 425, 467, 478, 479, 484-487, ii. 
 4, 5, 143, 149-151 ; attacks made on 
 
472 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 New England, i. 28, 168; fur-trade, 
 the, i. 37; New France connected 
 by forts, i. 40, 41; desire to control 
 the West, i. 16, 53, 72, 73, 86-88, 
 169, 170, 176, 197, 233, ii. 146 ; mis- 
 sions among the Indians, i. 41, 42, 
 64, 65-67 ; matters relating to trade, 
 i. 64, 65, 69-73, 86, 399 ; methods 
 of warfare and organization, i. 73, 
 143, 144, 409, 472; the attack at 
 Pickawillany, i. 84, 85 ; conditions 
 of residence of, in Acadia, i. 90, 
 91; injurious influence of, upon 
 the Acadians, i. 91, 96, 97, 99-108, 
 109, 121, 235-238, 243-245, 248, 257, 
 258, 265, 266, 266 note; officials and 
 priests aid the Indians to destroy the 
 English, i. 98-108, 113, 114, 168, 236, 
 329-350, ii. 248, 374, 421; double- 
 dealing, i. 103, 104, 105 note, 106 
 note, 115; relations with Cornwallis, 
 i. 107, 108; occupation of Beaubas- 
 sin by the English, i. 115-120; the 
 murder of Captain Howe, i. 118, 
 119; questions of boundary, i. 122- 
 127, 184,236-238; forts erected by, 
 i. 128, 130, 143; expedition of Du- 
 quesne to the Ohio, i. 128-135, 143- 
 161 ; efforts of Dinwiddie to repel, in 
 the West, i. 132-161; prepare for 
 war, i. 143, 144, 150, 154, 155, 169; 
 alleged causes of Jumonville's expe- 
 dition, i. 147-149; fight between 
 Washington and Villiers, i. 153-161; 
 opinions expressed by the Indians 
 concerning, i. 173, 174; aid to be 
 expected from the Catholics, i. 193 ; 
 try to interrupt Braddock's march, 
 i. 205, 206 ; the encounter with 
 Braddock's forces, i. 210-227 ; their 
 method of warfare, i. 215-219; 
 death of Braddock, i. 220, 225, 226; 
 return of the troops, i. 221; treat- 
 ment of their prisoners, i. 222, 223 ; 
 losses of, in the battle of the Mo- 
 nongahela, i. 223; their standard 
 planted on Beausejour, i. 235, 247; 
 matters pertaining to the armv, i. 
 238, 241, 247, 368, 368 note, 421, "439, 
 461-465, 468, ii. 54, 55, 364, 373, 
 374, 383, 384; hostile designs of, i. 
 243 ; encounter with the English at 
 Beausejour, i. 248-253; burn Fort 
 St. John, i. 253; conditions leading 
 to the expulsion of the Acadians, 
 examined, i. 253-266 (see Acadia 
 and Acadians ) ; expedition fitted out 
 against Crown Point, i. 285, 286; 
 prepare to defend Crown Point, i. 
 288, 289, 293; advance of Dieskau's 
 forces to meet Johnson, i. 296, 297, 
 299; the battle of Lake George, i. 
 
 304-317; their losses, i. 312, 312 note, 
 313; occupy Ticonderoga, i. 313, 
 389, 390, 442, 478, ii. 104: strength 
 of their position at Niagara, i. 
 318, 325; expedition of Shirley 
 against Niagara, i. 318-329; the 
 troops at Fort Frontenac, i. 324, 
 408 ; results of the campaign, i. 
 328, 329 ; building of Fort Du- 
 quesne, i. 337 note; their settlements 
 on the Ohio molested, i. 340; on the 
 march against Virginia, i. 343; ar- 
 rival of Montcalm, i. 365, 366 ; camps 
 of Montcalm, i. 373; Fort Bull 
 taken by, i. 374, 375 ; letter of Mon- 
 treuil quoted, i. 376, 377; expedition 
 fitted out to defend Ticonderoga, 
 i. 377,378; preparations of Shirle}' 
 for war, i. 384; action between 
 Villiers and Bradstreet, i. 394-396; 
 the capture of Oswego, i. 397-420; 
 their losses, i. 414; rumors of attack 
 at Lake George, i. 422; reduction 
 of Fort Granville, i. 423 ; their 
 war-parties, i. 429-431, 437, 438; 
 dealings of Rogers' rangers with, 
 i. 431, 432, 443, 444, ii. 122-124, 
 256, 257; a war-party sent to attack 
 Fort William Henry, i. 446-451; 
 the seat of war, i. 453, 454; their 
 ships-of-war, i. 473 note ; the capture 
 of Fort William Henry, i. 474-513, 
 514 note, ii. 428-431; officers of the 
 Indians, i. 486; circular letter sent 
 by Montcalm to the officers, i. 489; 
 official knavery, ii. 22-38 ; routed at 
 Eossbach, ii. 46; change of com- 
 manders, ii. 47 ; the siege and re- 
 duction of Louisbourg, ii. 48, 49, 51- 
 82 note (see Louisbourg) ; their ships 
 burned off Louisbourg, ii. 66, 67, 69 ; 
 treatment received by prisoners from 
 the English, ii. 81, 128; expedition 
 against Ticonderoga, ii. 86-113 note 
 (see Ticonderoga) ; losses of, ii. 
 110 ; mistake occurring from the 
 waving of a handkerchief, ii. 107 ; 
 serve under Marin, ii. 122 ; loss 
 of B'ort Frontenac, ii. 127-129; ves- 
 sels on Lake Ontario taken by the 
 British, ii. 128; loss of the com- 
 mand of Lake Ontario, ii. 129 ; loss 
 of Fort Duquesne, ii. 131-163; rein- 
 forcements sent to Fort Duquesne, 
 ii. 141, 142; loss of Indian allies, ii. 
 143, 149-151 ; encounter with Major 
 Grant, ii. 151-155 ; retreat from 
 Fort Duquesne, ii. 158, 159; effect 
 of the Indian conference at Easton, 
 ii. 161; effect of the loss of Fort 
 Duquesne, ii. 162; the situation in 
 1758, ii. 162 ; letter from Doreil to 
 
INDEX. 
 
 473 
 
 the minister of ivar, ii. 162, 163 ; 
 Montcalm desires his recall, ii. 164; 
 alarming condition of Canada, ii. 169- 
 173; danger to the shipping, ii. 172; 
 siege and reduction of Quebec, ii. 
 195-234, 259-299, 325, 326 note (see 
 Quebec and Wolfe); measures of 
 defence taken by Montcalm, ii. 198- 
 203; the camp, i"i. 208, 209; the fire- 
 ships let loose upon the enemy, ii. 
 210-212 ; opposition to the work at 
 Point Levi, ii. 215; Dumas' expe- 
 dition unsuccessful, ii. 215 ; preserve 
 the defensive, ii. 219; the Canadians 
 desert their cause, ii. 219, 222, 223, 
 366 ; Niagara attacked and captured, 
 ii. 222, 238, 242-249; affair of the 
 Montmorenci, ii. 228, 233, 259: at 
 Isle-aux-Noix, ii. 238, 239, 241, 249, 
 250; loss of Ticonderoga, ii. 239, 
 265 ; Crown Point abandoned, ii. 
 240, 241, 265; effort to recover Pitts- 
 burg, ii. 244; their fear of the Indi- 
 ans, ii. 248, 374 ; parishes laid waste, 
 ii. 260, 261; barbarities of Vaudreuil, 
 ii. 262; fear of losing supplies, ii. 
 264, 293 ; Montcalm poorly sup- 
 ported, ii. 281, 281 note, 292, 293 ; 
 the army routed, ii. 297-302, 307, 
 308; statistics concerning the army 
 at the battle of Quebec, ii. 298 note, 
 305, 436-438; the protecting care of 
 Montcalm, ii. 309; the death and 
 burial of Montcalm, ii. 309, 310 ; 
 confusion in the army, ii. 312; L£- 
 vis assumes command, ii. 313; the 
 army to retrace their steps, ii. 313, 
 314; the campaign and its actors 
 misrepresented by Vaudreuil, ii. 
 318-323 ; the English threatened, 
 ii. 335, 336 ; at Le Calvaire, ii. 336; 
 encounter with the English under 
 Major Dalling, ii. 336 ; skirmish at 
 Lorette, ii. 337; efforts to renew the 
 conflict at Quebec, ii. 338 ; the troops 
 during the winter, ii. 339, 340; Le- 
 vis's expedition to attack Quebec, 
 ii. 341-358; occupy Sainte-Fo3 r , ii. 
 344. 345, 442-444 ; the battle between 
 Murray and Levis, ii. 347-350; the 
 English retreat, ii. 350-352; availa- 
 ble force of fighting men, ii. 360; 
 small resources left in Canada, ii. 
 360; fall of Canada, ii. 360-382; 
 plans of Amherst, ii. 361, 362; the 
 English fleet sails for Montreal, ii. 
 363-366 ; advance upon Montreal, 
 ii. 365; Fort Levis captured, ii. 369, 
 370; the articles of capitulation for 
 Montreal, ii. 372, 373; cruelties of 
 the Indians encouraged by, ii. 373 ; 
 Canada passes to the crown of Eng- 
 
 land, ii. 374 ; return of the troops to 
 France, ii. 374, 383, 384; fly before 
 Frederic, ii. 386 ; driven from Pon- 
 dicherry, ii. 400; capture St. John's, 
 and lose it again, ii. 402; payment 
 offered for English scalps, ii. 421. 
 
 French Academy, the, i. 357. 
 
 French Catharine's Town, i. 54 note. 
 
 French Creek, i. 45, 130, 133, 168 ; 
 former name of, i. 128. 
 
 French Indians, i. 58; narrow escape 
 of Washington, i. 136. 
 
 French Mountain, i. 300, 309, ii. 92. 
 
 French Revolution, the, i. 18. 
 
 Freshwater Cove, ii. 57, 58; attacked 
 and taken by the English, ii. 58-61; 
 known by other names, ii. 59 note. 
 
 Friponne, La, ii. 24. 
 
 Frontenac, Fort, i. 38, 68, ii. 114, 155; 
 return of Celoron de Bienville, i. 
 52; action of the French in regard 
 to ship-building, i. 72, 73; reception 
 offered to Father Piquet, i. 74; pro- 
 posed capture of, i. 324, 324, 374, 
 381, 393; position of, i. 324; held 
 by the French, i. 374, 376, 415 ; the 
 attack abandoned, i. 399 ; arrival of 
 Montcalm, i. 407; taken by the 
 British, ii. 127-130; dismantled, ii. 
 129, 162. 
 
 Fry, Joshua, Colonel, i. 142, 145 ; de- 
 spatches from Washington, i. 151; 
 illness of, i. 151; his death, i. 151. 
 
 Frye, Colonel, i. 405 note ; disaster to 
 the English, i. 275; number killed 
 at Fort Edward, i. 485 note ; sent 
 with a detachment to Fort William 
 Henry, i. 496; the massacre at Fort 
 William Henry, i. 508-513, 513 note, 
 514 note, ii. 429, 430. 
 
 Fundy. Bay of, i. 237, 239, 247, 261, 
 268, ii. 78, 79; dikes on, i. 258. 
 
 Fur-trade, the, i. 37, 41, 50, 64, 72, 76, 
 103, 320, 369, ii. 24, 27, 403. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gabarus Bay, ii. 57. 
 
 Gage, Lieutenant- Colonel, i. 212; in 
 Braddock's expedition, i. 214, 216; 
 in the battle of the Monongahela, i. 
 219; rallies his troops, i. 224; his 
 infantry under Abercromby, ii. 93 ; 
 letter from Amherst, ii. 240, 241; 
 sent to supersede Johnson, ii. 249. 
 
 Galissoniere, Comte de la, governor of 
 Canada, i. 43, 45, 53 note ; effort 
 to have the population of Canada in- 
 creased, i. 21 ; his plans for uniting 
 Canada and Louisiana, i. 36, 37; 
 his personal appearance, i. 36 j 
 
474 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 message given to the Indians, i. 47 ; 
 soldiers sent to protect Piquet's 
 mission, i. 66, 68; honorably re- 
 called from office, i. 77; persons 
 induced to settle at Detroit, i. 77 
 note ; questions of boundary, i. 122, 
 123. 
 
 Ganouskie Bay, i. 490. 
 
 Gardiner, Captain, captures the ship 
 "Foudroyant," ii. 49, 50; mortally 
 wounded, ii. 50. 
 
 Gardner, i. 443. 
 
 Garneau, ii. 443, 444. 
 
 Gasconade, ii. 171, 194 note, 204. 
 
 Gaspe, i. 125, 491, ii. 80, 81, 354. 
 
 Gaspereau, Fort, at Baye Verte, i. 253 ; 
 surrender of, to the English, i. 253. 
 
 Gates wounded in battle, i. 219. 
 
 General Court of Massachusetts, the, 
 i. 26, 290, 404; method of raising 
 troops, i. 384-387. 
 
 General Hospital of Quebec, the, ii. 
 441; crowded with sick, ii. 265, 
 304, 305 ; the nuns care for the sick, 
 ii. 330, 331-335. 
 
 Genesee, i. 71. 
 
 Genesee Falls, i. 71. 
 
 George II., King of England, i. 288, 
 316, 320, 321, 332, ii. 40, 81, 191; 
 society, morals, and religion during 
 his reign, i. 5-9; his possessions in 
 the West, i. 53, 133, 134, 141 ; the 
 oath of allegiance to be taken by 
 the Acadians, i. 91, 92-98, 265; 
 forts to be erected on the Ohio, i. 
 137; plans of colonial union, i. 175, 
 176; Ms speech concerning America, 
 i. 181; American regiments to be 
 taken into his pay, i. 194; remark 
 concerning Governor Sharpe, i. 201, 
 202; his orders to the Acadians, i. 
 270, 273, 274; the Acadians disloyal 
 to, i. 260 ; the Acadians declared 
 prisoners, i. 274 ; his name given to 
 Lake George, i. 295, 315; the rank 
 of provincial officers, i. 399; the 
 fall of Louisbourg, ii. 76 ; troops 
 called for, ii. 83 ; secret instruc- 
 tions to Wolfe, ii. 194 note; the 
 victory at Quebec, ii. 323, 324, 340; 
 the fall of Canada, ii. 360; Louis- 
 bourg to be abandoned, ii. 363; his 
 death, ii. 390, 391. 
 
 George III., succeeds to the throne of 
 England, ii. 391; his character and 
 opinions, ii. 391-394, 397; growth 
 of a peace-party, ii. 391, 392; the 
 negotiation with France broken 
 off, ii. 396; quarrels with Newcastle, 
 ii. 400; desires peace with France, 
 ii. 402; resistance of the British 
 colonies, ii. 413. 
 
 George, Fort, ii. 76, 237; erection of, 
 i. 295; condition of, i. 411. 
 
 George, Lake, i. 294, 296, 380, 388, 
 401, 421, 441, 446, 448, 452, ii. 
 12, 14, 15, 76, 80, 115, 129; its 
 beauty of scenery, i. 295; the name 
 given to, by Johnson, i. 295, 315; 
 advance of Dieskau's army, i. 299; 
 conditions at the camp of, i. 314, 
 315; its former name, 315; winter 
 life of the garrisons, i. 350; scouting- 
 party sent out, i. 427-429; exploits 
 of Rogers' rangers, i. 433-437; the 
 French camp, i. 438, 477, 478; the 
 English camp, i. 440, 441; exposed 
 condition of the forts, i. 474, 475; 
 position of Ticonderoga, i. 477, ii. 
 99; advance of Montcalm's forces 
 upon Fort William Henry, i. 485- 
 491; voyage of the troops on their 
 way to attack Ticonderoga, ii. 86-88, 
 92, 94 ; arrangement of Montcalm's 
 troops, ii. 104; mustering-place of 
 the armies at the head of, ii. 236. 
 
 George, Lake, the battle of, i. 291 
 - nute, 304-317, 328. 
 
 Georgia, i. 33; English possessions, i. 
 20; distribution of the exiled Aca- 
 dians, i. 282. 
 
 Germain, Father, efforts against the 
 English, i. 100, 101, 103; the fight 
 at Beaubassin, i. 117. 
 
 German Flats, i. 321, 406; attacked 
 by Vaudreuil, ii. 6, 7. 
 
 German States, the, ii. 38, 39. 
 
 German War, the. ii. 403. 
 
 Germanic Empire, the, i. 16, 17, ii. 
 38; decay of, i. 17; hostile to Fred- 
 eric II., ii. 399. 
 
 Germans, the, ii. 6, 45, 47, 132; in 
 Pennsylvania, i. 31, 166, 193, 339, 
 347, 348; their language spoken in 
 New York, i. 32. 
 
 Germany, ii. 117; destiny of, involved 
 with that of Prussia, i. 17; intrigue 
 formed by France, concerning, i. 
 19 ; the convention of Kloster-Zeven, 
 ii. 45; political situation in 1761, ii. 
 391-395; recreation of, ii. 408; re- 
 sults of the Seven Years War, ii. 
 409. 
 
 Gethen, Captain, i. 227. 
 
 Gibraltar, garrisons of, i. 9; govern- 
 orship of General Braddock, i. 189, 
 190, 190 note. 
 
 Gibraltar, Straits of, ii. 49. 
 
 Giddings, Captain, ii. 123 note. 
 
 Gilchrist, ii. 435. 436. 
 
 Gilson, George, i. 227. 
 
 Girard, priest at Cobequid, i. 106, 
 ii.427; oath required of, i. 106, 107; 
 his honorable action, i. 107; corres- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 475 
 
 pondence with Longueuil, i. 107 ; 
 quotation from, concerning the Aca- 
 dian emigrants, i. 109, 110. 
 Gist, Christopher, i. 42, 133; sent to 
 select land for settlers, i. 53, 54- 
 59 ; his expedition to Ohio, i. 53 ; his 
 description of a feather dance, i. 58 ; 
 adventure with Indians, i. 136; his 
 journal, i. 136 note ; joins Washing- 
 ton, i. 146, 151; his settlement, i. 
 151, 157 ; council held by Washing- 
 ton, i. 153 ; his buildings burned, i. 
 161; reached by the retreating 
 troops of Braddock, i. 224; orders 
 given by Braddock to, i. 226. 
 Gladwin, wounded in the battle of the 
 
 Monongahela, i. 219. 
 Glasgow, ii. 185. 
 Glasier, Colonel, i. 404. 
 Glen, Governor of South Carolina, i. 
 176 ; correspondence with Dinwid- 
 die, i. 176, 177. 
 Gnadenhiitten settlement destroyed 
 
 by the Indians, i. 347, 
 Goat Island, ii. 53. 
 Goldsmith, his Life of Nash, i. 188. 
 "Goodwill," the, ii. 204. 
 Gordon, Mr., i. 403; engineer in Brad- 
 dock's expedition, i. 215. 
 Goree ii. 400; Island of, restored to 
 
 France, ii. 406. 
 Gorham, Captain, reconnoitres Louis- 
 
 bourg, ]. 471. 
 Governor's Palace, the, i. 142, 163. 
 Governors of America, the, position of, 
 i. 170, 171, 282; matter of raising 
 monev for the campaigns, i. 195; 
 council held with Braddock, i. 191- 
 195 ; jealousies between the Assem- 
 blies and, i. 419, 420. 
 Gradis and Son, ii. 23; official knavery, 
 
 ii. 23, 24. , _, 
 
 Graham, Rev. John of Suffield, Conn., 
 i. 402; his accounts of the condi- 
 tion of the provincial camp, i. 402- 
 404; his Diarv quoted, l. 403, 404 
 Grand Battery, the, ii. 55; abandoned 
 
 by the French, ii. 61. 
 Grand Menan, the, ii- 183. 
 Grand Pre, the, i. 94. 106, 260, 263 ; 
 its inhabitants, i. 264, 269, 270; 
 meadows of, i. 268 ; origin of its 
 name, i. 269 ; encampment of Wins- 
 low i. 269 ; the inhabitants sum- 
 moned to hear the King's orders, 
 i'. 271, 272-276 ; the removal ot the 
 Acadians, i. 277-279. . 
 
 Grant, Ensign, the, attack upon Louis- 
 
 bourg, ii. 59. .. .. 
 
 Grant, Major, his expedition, u. 151- 
 155; surrounded and captured, n. 
 153-155. 
 
 Grant, Mrs. Anne, recollections of 
 Albany, i. 320; her "Memoirs of 
 an American Lady," cited, i. 320, 
 ii. 91 note. 
 Grant's Hill, ii. 140; origin of the 
 name, ii. 151. 
 
 Granville, Earl, i. 8, ii. 397 ; letter from 
 Dinwiddie to, quoted, i. 176; angry 
 reply given to Pitt, ii. 397, 398; re- 
 marks on his death-bed. ii. 408. 
 
 Granville, Fort, attacked by the 
 French and Indians, i. 423. " 
 
 Gray, words of Wolfe concerning the 
 Elegy, ii. 285, 286. 
 
 Gray, Sergeant James, letter to his 
 brother quoted, i. 321. 
 
 Gray, John, letter from James Grav, 
 i. 321. 
 
 Great Carrying Place, the, i. 293, 321, 
 393, ii. 242; guarded by the Eng- 
 lish, i. 374; fort rebuilt by Shirley, 
 i. 384; the fort burned, i. 406; new 
 fort to be erected, ii. 129. 
 
 Great Company, the, in Canada, i. 
 283. 
 
 Great Cove, the settlement destroyed, 
 i. 343. 
 
 Great Kenawha, the, i. 48 ; plate buried 
 bv the French near, i. 48. 
 
 Great Lakes, the, i. 75, 124. 
 
 Great Meadows, the, i. 145; Washing- 
 ton assembles bis force, i. 146, 151, 
 153; the fight at, i. 157-159, 161; 
 encampment of Dunbar, i. 226. 
 
 Great Miami, the, i. 50, 55 ; neighbor- 
 ing country described, i. 55, 56. 
 
 Great Savage Mountain, the, i. 205. 
 
 Greeks, the, i. 407, ii. 323. 
 
 Green and Russell, Messrs., ii. 442. 
 
 Green, his "History of the English 
 People" cited, ii. 408, 408 note. 
 
 Green Bay, i. 84; fraudulent trade, 
 ii. 27. 
 
 Green Mountains, i. 453. 
 
 Grenada, ii. 401 ; ceded bv France, ii. 
 405. 
 
 Grenadines, the, ii. 405. 
 
 Grenville, Mr., ii. 194 note. 
 
 Gridley, Colonel, i. 401. 
 
 Grignon, Pierre, ii. 425. 
 
 Guadeloupe, ii. 400; question of its 
 comparative value with that of 
 Canada, ii. 403; restored by Eng- 
 land, ii. 405. 
 
 Guienne, the battalion of, i. 182, ii. 
 104, 109, 230, 232; advances upon 
 Fort William Henry, i. 491; guards 
 Fort Frontenac, i. 376; the capture 
 of Oswego, i. 408; camp of. i. 477; 
 ordered to encamp on the Plains of 
 Abraham, ii. 276; encamps by the 
 St. Charles, ii. 285, 290, 292. 
 
476 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Guinea, the French driven from, ii. 
 
 47. 
 Gumley, Colonel, i. 189. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hague, i. 428. 
 
 Hainaut, i. 358. 
 
 Haldimand, Colonel, ii. 242; attacked 
 by the French, ii. 242, 243. 
 
 Hale, George S., i. 404 note. 
 
 Half-King, chief of the Indians on the 
 Ohio, i. 130; aids and accompanies 
 Washington, i. 133, 145, 146, 151, 
 152, 160; efforts of Saint-Pierre to 
 entice away his Indians, i. 135; 
 council held with Half-King by 
 Washington, i. 146, 147 ; boast con- 
 cerning the death of Jumonville, i. 
 151 note ; his comments on the fight 
 at Great Meadows, i. 160. 
 
 Half-Moon, i. 384, 452, ii. 119. 
 
 Haliburton, statement from, i.277 note. 
 
 Halifax, Lord, on the Board of Trade, 
 i. 179; letter from Dinwiddie to, i. 
 229; letter from Winslow, i. 278. 
 
 Halifax, i. 93, 101, 104, 106, 113, 115, 
 196, 239, 243, 255, ii. 1, 277; foun- 
 dation and growth of, i. 92, 93; 
 meeting of deputies from Acadia 
 with Cornwallis, i. 97, 98; questions 
 of ownership, i. 124; hearing given 
 to the Acadians, i. 260-265; des- 
 tined port of the English fleet, i. 
 469, 470 ; fleet sails for, under Ad- 
 miral Boscawen, ii. 51 ; departure 
 of Boscawen's ships, ii. 56 ; arrival 
 of Admiral Saunders, ii. 192. 
 
 Halifax, Fort, i. 183, 184 note. 
 
 Halket, Sir Peter, attacked by the 
 French, i. 216-219; shot in battle, 
 i. 219, 227 ; burial of his remains, 
 ii. 160. 
 
 Halket, son of Sir Peter, shot in bat- 
 tle, i. 219 ; his remains discovered, 
 ii. 160. 
 
 Halket, Major, ii. 432; discovers his 
 father's body, ii. 160; letter from 
 Tomahawk Camp, ii. 161, 162. 
 
 Hamilton, James, Governor of Penn- 
 sylvania, i. 42, 54, 56; his opinion 
 of English traders, i. 42; corre- 
 spondence with Dinwiddie, i. 42 
 note. 141 ; receives a message from 
 the Miamis and Hurorts, i. 57 note; 
 desirability of an Indian alliance, 
 i. 59; tries to build a trading-house 
 on the Ohio, i. 59, 60; result of the 
 meeting of, with the Assembly of 
 Pennsylvania, i. 165-168; succeeded 
 by Governor Morris, i. 167. 
 
 Hampton, arrival of Braddock, i. 187 ; 
 arrival of regiments at, i. 191. 
 
 Hanbury, John, i. 140; stockholder in 
 the Ohio Company, i. 53, 196; ex- 
 tracts from his correspondence with 
 Dinwiddie, i. 140, 141, 144; error 
 ascribed to, i. 196. 
 
 Hanbury, Mrs., i. 144. 
 
 Hancock, a Boston merchant, i. 245; 
 furnishes money for the English 
 troops, i. 245. 
 
 Handheld, Major, in command at An- 
 napolis, i. 267; instructions to expel 
 the Acadians, i. 267; letter from, to 
 Winslow, i. 274, 275 ; letter of Win- 
 slow concerning the removal of the 
 Acadians, i. 277, 277 note. 
 
 Hannibal, ii. 209. 
 
 Hanover, i. 5, 8, 353, ii. 40, 47, 49, 
 391, 392, 400; possessions of Eng- 
 land in, i. 19 ; restorations made by 
 France, ii. 405. 
 
 Hardy, Major, to hold the Point of 
 Orleans, ii. 216, 217, 219. 
 
 Hardy, Sir Charles, Governor of New 
 York, i. 383, 470; opposition to 
 Shirley, i. 383; orders issued to 
 scatter the Nova Scotia settlers, ii. 
 80, 81. 
 
 Harris, John, sufferings of the set- 
 tlers, i. 343. 
 
 Harris, Mary, story of, i. 55. 
 
 Harris, Thomas, English scout, i. 415, 
 416. 
 
 Harry, ii. 390. 
 
 Hartwell Library, the, ii. 219 note. 
 
 Hauteur-de-la-Potence, ii. 66. 
 
 Havana, expedition of Pococke, ii. 401 ; 
 conquered, ii. 402; returned to 
 Spain, ii. 405. 
 
 Haviland, Colonel, commander at 
 Fort Edward, ii. 11; the fall of Can- 
 ada, ii. 361-382; opens communica- 
 tion with Murray, ii. 368 ; encamped 
 near Montreal, ii. 372. 
 
 Hawke, Sir Edward, ii. 50; his char- 
 acter, ii. 50, 51. 
 
 Hawley, Elisha, his wounds, i. 302, 
 311; his last letter to his brother 
 quoted, i. 302. 
 
 Hawley, Joseph, i. 302. 
 
 Hav, Ensign, killed at Beause"jour, i. 
 250. 
 
 Hay, Sir Charles, i. 471. 
 
 Hazen, Captain Moses, ii. 351; the 
 encounter at Beause'jour, i. 249 ; his 
 courage, i. 428 ; skirmish at Lorette, 
 ii. 337; the battle between Levis 
 and Murray, ii. 347-350. 
 
 Hebecourt, Captain, stationed at 
 Ticonderoga, ii. 11 ; receives a rein- 
 forcement of Indians, ii. 12; Bour- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 I t 
 
 lamaque leaves him in charge, ii. 
 238, 2-39. 
 Helots, i. 465. 
 Henderson, ii. 296. 
 Hendrick, chief of the Mohawks, i. 
 301; his arrival at New York, i. 171, 
 172; speech made at Albany, i. 
 173, 174; his advice to Johnson, 
 i. 301; encounter with Dieskau, 
 i. 301, 302; killed in battle, i. 302, 
 303, 309. 
 Henry IV., ii. 9. 
 Hensev, Florence, a spy at London, 
 
 i. 469. 
 Herbin, i. 486 ; skirmish with Captain 
 
 MacDonald, ii. 336, 337. 
 Herkimer, Fort, ii. 7. 
 Hermitage, the, ii. 21. 
 "Heros," the, ship, i. 362. 
 Hertel, i. 486. 
 
 Highlanders, the, ii 93, 151, 185; their 
 bravery, ii. 109, 232; serve under 
 Forbes, ii. 132-163 ; their comrades 
 exposed on poles, ii. 159; action at 
 Quebec, ii. 232, 233, 261, 262, 286, 
 437: the slogan, ii. 296; encounter 
 with the Canadians, ii. 300; their 
 costume insufficient in Canada, ii. 
 334, 335 ; encounter with the French, 
 ii 336. 
 Hobbs, Captain, i. 270, 272. 
 Hocquart, Captain, fate of the " Al- 
 cide," i. 185, 186; encounter with 
 Captain Howe, i. 186. 
 Hocquart, Tntendant, financial con- 
 dition of Canada, ii. 32. 
 Hodges, Captain, i. 429. 
 Hogarth, i. 6. 
 
 Holbourne, Admiral Francis, ordered 
 to intercept the French fleet, i. 184, 
 185; commands the English fleet to 
 sail for America, i. 469, 470 ; his ar- 
 rival at Halifax, i. 470; approaches 
 Louisbourg. i. 471 ; his fleet wrecked, 
 i. 472. 
 Holdernesse, Earl of, i. 310, ii. 358; 
 letter laid before the Assembly of 
 Pennsylvania, i. 165; letter from 
 Wolfe concerning Quebec, ii. 271, 
 272; visited bvWalpole.ii. 358: sup- 
 planted by the Earl of Bute, ii. 393. 
 Holdernesse, Lady Emily, ii. 358. 
 Holland, Lieutenant, his report of 
 
 Duquesne's war-party, i. 88, 89. 
 Holland, ii. 286 ; her rank in maritime 
 
 enterprise, ii. 411. 
 Holmes, Admiral, sails for New York, 
 ii. 192; his squadron, ii. 263, 273: 
 attacked by the French, ii. 264; 
 the ships carefully watched by the 
 French, ii. 274-276; his fleet pre- 
 pares for service, ii. 278-282 ; feint 
 
 to deceive Bougainville, ii. 279, 280 J 
 the final attack on Quebec, ii. 281. 
 Hopkins, Lieutenant, the attack on 
 
 Louisbourg, ii. 59-61. 
 Hopson, Governor of Acadia, i. 104, 
 112, 113, 257; succeeded by Law- 
 rence, i. 113. 
 
 Horseflesh eaten at Montreal, ii. 10. 
 
 Hospital battery, the, ii. 208. 
 "Hot Stuff," ii. 2M note. 
 
 Hotel-Dieu, ii. 2G5; its condition after 
 the siege, ii. 328; care of the sick, 
 ii. 331. 
 
 Houlliere, commander of French regu- 
 lars, ii. 71. 
 
 House of Burgesses, the, i. 137, 138. 
 
 House of Commons, the, ii. 41, 410; 
 influence of the Duke of Newcastle 
 in, i. 179; debate concerning the 
 peace between France and England, 
 ii. 406, 407. 
 
 Howard the philanthropist, i. 7. 
 
 Howe, Captain, ii. 127; the encoun- 
 ter with Hocquart, i. 185, 186. 
 
 Howe, Captain, the Heights of Abra- 
 ham scaled by his men, ii. 282, 283, 
 200. 
 
 Howe, Brigadier-Lord, ii. 48 ; effort 
 made to assist the settlement at 
 German Flats, ii. 7 ; united with 
 Abercromby in command, ii. 48; 
 the expedition against Ticonderoga, 
 ii. 89-97; his leadership, ii. 89, 90; 
 reforms introduced into the army 
 by, ii. 90; his characteristics, ii. 90, 
 91 ; tablet erected to, in Westminster 
 Abbey, ii. 91; passage of the expe- 
 dition across Lake George, ii. 92-94; 
 reconnoitres the landing, ii. 94; the 
 meeting of the forces in the woods, 
 ii. 96; effect of his death on the 
 army, ii. 97, 103. 
 
 Howe, Captain Edward, an English 
 officer, i. 118; treacherously mur- 
 dered, i. 118, 119. 
 
 Hubbard, Thomas, ii. 429. 
 
 Hubertsburg, the treaty of, ii. 407. 
 
 Hudson Bay, English possessions near, 
 i 20. 
 
 Hudson River, the, i. 28, 32, 193, 289, 
 319, 321, 384, 387, 391, 452, ii. 2, 
 116, 119, 165 ; Dutch proprietors on 
 the, i. 32, 33 ; parties sent to ex- 
 plore, ii. 241. 
 
 Huguenots, the, persecution of, i. 14, 
 21, 22; the language of, spoken in 
 New York, i. 32. 
 
 Hugues, plan of defence proposed by, 
 ii. 99, 100. 
 
 Hungary, appeal made to the nobles 
 of, by Maria Theresa, i. 19 ; action 
 of the nobles, i. 19. 
 
478 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hungary, the Queen of, ii. 389. 
 
 "Hunter," the, ii. 286. 
 
 Huron, Lake, i. 57, 75, 486. 
 
 Hurons, the, i. 125, 154, 209; their 
 Christianity, i. 41; assist the French, 
 i. 371, ii. 142; called to a council 
 by Montcalm, i. 485-489; their sav- 
 agery, ii. 145 note. 
 
 Huske, map of North America, i. 126 
 note. 
 
 Hutchins, Ensign, ii. 250, 272. 
 
 Hutchinson, Indian cruelties, ii. 5 
 note. 
 
 I. 
 
 Illinois, i. 125, 486, ii. 142; French 
 claims in, i. 40, 41; two maps of, 
 i. 41. 
 
 Illinois Indians, home of, i. 40. 
 
 Illinois River, the, i. 56, 83, ii. 155, 
 244; French interests, ii. 248, 249. 
 
 "Illustre," the, i. 362. 
 
 Independents, the, i. 32. 
 
 India, i. 4, ii. 396; results of the 
 Seven Years War, i. 4; the mas- 
 tery of, i. 10 ; French colonies in, 
 i. 356; the power of Pitt, ii. 43, 44; 
 losses to be sustained fey France, ii. 
 406, 410. 
 
 Indians, the, i. 93, ii. 86; influenced 
 by the French to fight the English, 
 i. 28, 37, 47, 48, 84, 99-108, 110, 
 111, 115, 119, 152, 161, 171, 175, 
 184, 211-213, 236, 238, 239-241, 
 325, 371, 372, 392, 434, 467, 475, 
 476, 478, 479, 486, ii. 142, 144, 145, 
 381; population in the Ohio Valley, 
 i. 40, 50, 60, 130, 139; allies of the 
 English, i. 42, 392, ii. 139, 140, 
 143, 147, 148, 150, 151, 162, 372; 
 visited by Bienville, i. 44, 45; hos- 
 tile encounter with Bienville, i. 48, 
 49; village of, on Loramie Creek 
 i. 51; importance of Pique Town, 
 i. 52; matters pertaining to trade 
 and missions, i. 54, 62-71, 485, 487, 
 ii. 27, 144, 145 ; councils held "with 
 Gist by Old Britain and his follow- 
 ers, i. 56, 57; invite the English 
 to a feather dance, i. 58 ; power 
 of Sir William Johnson over, i. 
 64, 172-175, 194, 195, 287, 295, 
 390-392; at Oswego, i. 72: their 
 treachery, i. 80; rumors of plots 
 among, i. 82-84; attacked at Pick- 
 awillanv, i- 84, 85; cannibalism 
 among," i. 85, 478, 480, 483, 484; 
 relations with the Acadians, i. 96, 
 97-108, 264, ii. 420, 421; plans of 
 the French in Duquesne's expedi- 
 
 tion, thwarted, i. 130, 131 ; parleys, 
 held with Washington, i. 133; assist 
 Washington, i. 145, 146, 151; ac- 
 count of the conduct of Washing- 
 ton's band, i. 149, 150; at Great 
 Meadows, i. 151; under Coulon de 
 Villiers, i. 153, 155; harangued bv 
 Contrecoeur, i. 154; tribes at Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 154 ; sent out as scouts 
 by the French, i. 156; attack Wash- 
 ington, i. 156, 157-161; attitude of 
 the British cabinet towards, i. 171; 
 complaints of the Mohawks, i. 172; 
 forces under Sir William Johnson, 
 i. 301, ii. 104, 369; commissioners 
 at Albany, i. 172 ; their opinions of 
 the French, i. 173, 174 ; meeting at 
 Albany for conference, i. 173-176; 
 estimate of, held by Braddock, i. 
 188; Johnson made sole superinten- 
 dent of the Northern Tribes, i. 195, 
 390; join Braddock's expedition, 
 i. 203, 204; try to interrupt General 
 Braddock's march, i. 205, 206 ; tribes 
 at Fort Duquesne, i. 208, 209 ; cruel- 
 ties practised by, on prisoners and 
 others, i. 209, 210, 221-223, 330; 
 cruelties of, i. 331, 339, 342, 343, 
 347, 373, 380, 422, 423, 482, 483, 
 505-513, 514 note, ii. 4, 5, 14, 171, 
 218, 124-126, 222, 223, 232, 248, 
 258, 262, 333-336, 351, 352, 370, 
 373, 374, 428-431; depart from 
 Fort Duquesne to fight the Eng- 
 lish, i. 211-213; their mode of 
 warfare i. 215-219, ii. 134, 135 ; 
 the encounter with Braddock, i. 
 215-227, ii. 381; the battle at Beau- 
 se^jour, i. 248; attack the English 
 at Peticodiac, i. 275,276; speeches 
 made by, i. 288; sent as scouts to 
 Canada, i. 293; under Dieskau, i. 
 296, 299; demands made by, i. 297; 
 the battle of Lake George, i. 303- 
 317; the fur-trade, i. 320; under 
 Governor Shirley, i. 325, 326; ef- 
 forts of the French to prevent the 
 prisoners being tortured, i. 330; 
 feelings of the Quakers towards, i. 
 337, 339, 344; petition sent to the 
 Assembly of Pennsylvania, i. 347-, 
 policy of Franklin, i. 349; described 
 by Montcalm, i. 372, 373, 456, 463- 
 465; relations of Montcalm with, i. 
 372, 373, 379, 463-465, 474-476 ; join 
 the expedition of Lery, i. 374, 375; 
 bring to the French rumors of the 
 attack upon Ticonderoga, i. 377; 
 their ways described bv Duchat, i. 
 379, 380 ; trouble the" English in 
 their transportation of stores, i. 388 ; 
 sent to harass Oswego, i. 393, 394; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 479 
 
 join the French at Montreal, i. 407 ; 
 capture of Oswego, i. 408-420 ; the 
 attack upon Kittanning, i. 423- 
 427; assist the English at Fort Wil- 
 liam Henry, i. 428; join the war- 
 part}' of Periere, i. 42£M31; sent to 
 Ticonderoga, i. 437, 438, 442; fight 
 with Rogers' rangers, i. 443, ii. 122- 
 124, 445 ; join Vaudreuil's war- 
 parties, i. 447, 448; exaggerated 
 accounts of Vaudreuil in relation to, 
 i. 461, 462; ceremony of the war- 
 song, i. 476; fortified camps of, i. 
 477; described by Bougainville, i. 
 478, 479 ; their ornaments and dress, 
 i. 478, 480; their Manitou, i. 479; 
 their rations, i. 479 ; their religion, 
 i. 479; their war-feast described, i. 
 480-482 ; capture of Colonel Parker's 
 company, i. 484; scalping-party at 
 Fort Edward, i. 485 ; a council called 
 by Montcalm, i. 485-489; French 
 officers having command of, i. 486; 
 speeches made by the chiefs, i. 487; 
 their interpreters, i. 487; the at- 
 tack and massacre at Fort William 
 Henry, i. 490-513, 514 note, ii. 428- 
 431; encounter on Lake George, i. 
 492, 493; death andburialof a chief, 
 i. 493, 494; interview with Mont- 
 calm, i. 499-501; prisoners bought 
 from, ii. 6; the fight at German 
 Flats, ii. 6, 7; brutal murder of 
 Lieutenant Phillips, ii. 14; sent to 
 guard Louisbourg, ii. 56; serve 
 under Marin, ii. 122; carry off 
 Major Putnam, ii. 123; Bradstreet 
 forbids cruelty, ii. 128, 129; effect 
 of the French victory at Ticon- 
 deroga, ii. 128; serve under Forbes, 
 ii. 139, 140, 142; convention of, 
 ii. 142, 143, 147-150, 161; influence 
 and visit of Post the Moravian, ii. 
 144-150; effect of the victory at 
 Fort Duquesne, ii. 162; sent to 
 Montcalm, ii. 165, 166; Vaudreuil's 
 admiration for, ii. 171; number 
 ready to defend Canada, ii. 178; 
 resolutions of "Vaudreuil, ii. 180; 
 assist in the defence of Quebec, ii. 
 201, 202, 215, 218, 294, 312-314; 
 complaints of British soldiers, ii. 
 221; encounter with Carleton, ii. 
 225; the siege of Niagara, ii. 243- 
 249; expedition of Rogers against 
 the village of St. Francis, ii. 253- 
 258; expedition of LeVis against 
 Quebec, ii. 341-358 ; the attack on 
 Montreal, ii. 367, 371. 
 
 Indian corn, i. 208, 335. 
 
 Innes, Colonel James, i. 162, 227, 228, 
 470 ; commander at Fort Cumber- 
 
 land, i. 226 ; plans of Dinwiddie, i. 
 332. 
 
 Inverawe, ii. 93, 109; castle of, ii. 
 433; legend of, ii. 433-436. 
 
 Inverness, ii. 185. 
 
 Iowas, the, their language, i. 478; 
 called to a council by Montcalm, i. 
 486-489. 
 
 Ipswich, ii. 115. 
 
 Ireland, ii. 401; the regiments arrive 
 at Hampton, i. 191. 
 
 Irish, the, in Pennsylvania, i. 31, 54, 
 339, 446, 447. 
 
 Iroquois Indians, the. See Five Na- 
 tions. 
 
 Iroquois mission, the, i. 64, 65. 
 
 Irwin, Lieutenant, serves with Rog- 
 ers, ii. 122 
 
 Island Batteiy, the, ii. 55, 62, 63. 
 
 Italy, the Family Compact, ii. 396. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jack, Captain, story of, i. 204. 
 
 Jacobites, the, i. 5, 193. 
 
 Jacobs, Captain, Indian chief, i. 423*, 
 the reduction of Kittanning, i. 423- 
 427. 
 
 Jacques-Cartier, ii. 275, 304, 305, 308, 
 312, 318, 341, 361, 363. 
 
 James II., plan for uniting the north- 
 ern colonies in America, i. 34. 
 
 James River i. 422 note. 
 
 Jefferson, i. 163. 
 
 Jersev, Island of, i. 252. 
 
 "Jersey Blues," the, i. 320, 382. 
 
 Jervis, John, with Wolfe in the "Suth- 
 erland," ii. 284. 
 
 Jesuits, the, i. 64, ii. 144, 208; settle- 
 ments of, ii. 144. 
 
 Joannes, his efforts to save Quebec, ii. 
 315, 316. 
 
 Johnson, Sergeant John, lovaltv of 
 the British soldiers, ii. 281, "339, 
 352, 353; fight of Murray with, ii. 
 349, 443; the assault on Quebec 
 made by Levis, ii. 352-359; his 
 writings on Quebec, ii. 440. 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, i. 62 note, 319, 
 325, ii. 104; his influence over the 
 Indians, i. 64, 172, 174, 194, 287, 
 288, 390-393, ii. 142, 143, 244; Indian 
 treachery, i. 80; appointed leader of 
 the expedition against Crown Point, 
 i. 194, 196, 286, 288; made Indian 
 .commissioner, i. 195, 288, 390; his 
 birth and characteristics, i. 286, 287, 
 294: his troops, i. 286-290, 294, 295, 
 301, 301 note, 310, 384; encamps 
 near Albany, i. 289; the expedition 
 marches on to Lake George, i. 294, 
 
480 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 295 ; gives the name to Lake George, 
 i. 295 ; ambush prepared for, by 
 Dieskau, i. 296, 300; .sends a letter 
 of warning to Colonel Blanchard, 
 i. 296 ; movements of Dieskau, i. 
 296-300; forces sent in advance re- 
 pelled by Dieskau, i. 301-305; the 
 battle of Lake George, i. 304-317, 
 ii. 88 ; wounded, i. 306, 308 ; Dieskau 
 brought into camp, and kindly treat- 
 ed, i. 308, 309; the English and 
 French losses, i. 312 note ; bis camp 
 at Lake George, i. 313, 314 ; fails to 
 capture Crown Point, i. 313-316, 
 382; a council of war held, i. 314; 
 urged to attack Ticonderoga, i. 314; 
 raised to the rank of baron, i. 316, 
 390; eulogies of, i. 316; cause of 
 the quarrel with Shirley, i. 327; his 
 letter to the Lords of 1'rade, i. 327; 
 the loss of Fort Bull, i. 375; diffi- 
 culties thrown in his path, i. 392, 393; 
 joins Webb at Fort Edward, ii. 2; 
 mone} 7 expended by Massachusetts 
 on his expedition, ii. 84, 85; Indian 
 convention at Easton, ii. 147, 148; 
 takes command in Prideaux's place, 
 ii. 245 ; Pouchot's allies cutto pieces, 
 ii. 246, 247; his fight at Niagara, ii. 
 247, 248 ; restrains the Indians from 
 cruelty, ii. 248, 370, 374; superseded 
 bv Gage, ii. 249; the army embarks 
 for Montreal, ii. 369. 
 
 Johnson, Fort, i. 288, 321, 391, 415, 
 416. 
 
 Johnstone, ii. 81 note, 102; aide-de- 
 camp to L^vis, ji. 217; description 
 of the attack on the French camp, 
 ii. 232 ; despatched to assemble the 
 troops, ii. 291; tired upon by the 
 British, ii. 301, 302; the general dis- 
 order of the troops at Quebec, ii. 
 
 302, 303 ; the death of Montcalm, ii. 
 
 303, 304, 309, 310, 441, 442; his 
 opinion of the French retreat, ii. 
 307 ; his opportunities for observa- 
 tion, ii. 440 ; his " Dialogue in 
 Hades," ii. 440. 
 
 Joncaire-Chabert, i. 392, ii. 244; able 
 to converse in the Indian dialects, 
 i. 44; discovers an intended In- 
 dian attack, i. 46, 47; sent as a 
 messenger by Ce'loron, i. 48, 49 ; 
 meets with hostile treatment, i. 49, 
 50; his influence over the Indians, 
 i. 59, 63, 64, 171, ii. 143, 144; anti- 
 English speeches made to the Ohio 
 Indians, i. 59 note; leaden plate 
 stolen from, i. 62 note; at Niagara, 
 i. 70; assists Father Piquet, i. 70,71, 
 75 ; report concerning the Ohio Indi- 
 ans, i. 83; in command at Venango, 
 
 i . 133 ; invites Washington to supper, 
 i. 133, 134. 
 
 Joncaire-Olauzonne, ii. 244. 
 
 Jonquiere, Marquis de la, governor of 
 Canada, i. 77, 117; illegal trade of 
 Tournois stopped, i. 65 note : his 
 character and description of, i. 77, 
 78, 81 ; his instructions with regard 
 to injuring the English, i. 78-81 ; his 
 unhappiness, sickness, and death, 
 i. 81, 81 note, 82; orders given to 
 Ce'loron, i. 84; report of, concerning 
 the Acadians, i. 95, 103, 104; a de- 
 spatch sent to the colonial minister, 
 i. 98, 99 ; assists the Indians to 
 harass the English, i. 100, 103, 104; 
 his efforts to regain the Acadians 
 for I'rench subjects, i. 103, 104; is- 
 sues a proclamation, i. 120. 
 
 Joseph, i. 361; his voyage, i. 364. 
 
 Jumonville, Coulon de, i. 147; matters 
 pertaining to his alleged assassina- 
 tion, i. 147, 148-150, 153, 158, ii. 
 421-423; his summons and instruc- 
 tions, i. 148, 148 note, 149 ; his widow 
 receives a pension, i. 151 note. 
 
 Jumonville, Charlotte, i. 151 note. 
 
 Juniata River, the, i. 204, 423. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kalm, ii. 404; his prediction concern- 
 ing ihe British colonies in America, 
 ii. 404. 
 
 Kanaouagon, the, i. 43. 
 
 Kanon, ii. 197, 198, 326 note; his fleet, 
 ii. 201. 
 
 Karl, Prince, ii. 40. 
 
 Kaskaskia, French settlement at, i. 
 41. 
 
 Kaunitz, i. 354. 
 
 Kenawha River, the, i. 48, 58. 
 
 Kennebec River, the, i. 28, 184, 192, 
 245, ii. 250; forts to be built upon, 
 by the English, i. 169. 
 
 Kennedv, Lieutenant, consults with 
 Captain Murray, i. 271, 272 ; his 
 exploits against the French, i. 428; 
 adventures of a scouting-party of 
 Rogers, i. 441-445; killed by the 
 French, i. 443. 
 
 Kennedj-, Captain, sent to the Abena- 
 kis of St. Francis, ii. 251. 
 
 Kennington Cove, ii. 59 note. 
 
 Keppel, Commodore, his arrival at 
 Hampton, i. 187 ; accompanies Brad- 
 dock to Alexandria, i. 191; sailors 
 furnished by, for Braddock, i. 201. 
 
 Kikensick, chief of the Nipissings, 
 speech of, i. 487, 488. 
 
 Kilgore, Ralph, i. 79 note. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 481 
 
 Killick, master of an English trans- 
 port, ii. 205; passage of the Trav- 
 erse, ii. 204-206. 
 
 King's Bastion, the, ii. 53, 55; the 
 Governor's dwelling, ii. 67-69. 
 
 Kingston, i. 68. 
 
 Kirkland, Dr., a surgeon, i. 394, 395. 
 
 Kittanning, i. 24, 423; attack upon, 
 i. 423-427. 
 
 Kloster-Zeven, convention of, ii. 45. 
 
 Knox, Captain John, ii. 56 note ; char- 
 acter of Le Loutre described, i. 252 
 note ; at Annapolis, ii. 77 ; rejoicing 
 at the fall of Louisbourg, ii. 77, 78 ; 
 his regiment ordered to Louisbourg, 
 ii. 181, 182; his impressions of 
 Wolfe, ii. 184; account of the Ca- 
 nadian coasts, ii. 205 ; description 
 of the scenery on the St. Lawrence 
 River, ii. 207 ; visits the Church of 
 Saint-Laurent, ii. 207, 208 ; descrip- 
 tion of the fireships, ii. 211, 212, 227 ; 
 his view of Quebec from Point Levi, 
 ii. 214 ; visits the falls, ii. 220 ; re- 
 ports obtained from a Canadian, ii. 
 222, 223 ; his account of Canadian 
 prisoners, ii. 226; losses reported, 
 ii. 233; the illness of Wolfe, ii. 266, 
 267; the defence of Cap-Rouge, ii. 
 279 ; the dying words of Wolfe, ii. 
 297 note; describes Quebec after 
 the siege, ii. 329, 330 ; his stay in the 
 General Hospital, ii. 330, 331; the 
 troops described by, ii. 333, 334; 
 skirmish at Lorette, ii. 337, 338; 
 action between Levis and Murray, 
 ii. 347-350; arrival of aid, ii. 355, 
 356 ; the troops of Murray sail for 
 Montreal, ii. 363-366; death of 
 Montcalm, ii. 441. 
 
 Kolin, ii. 39. 
 
 Kunersdorf, the allies attacked, ii. 
 387. 
 
 Kushkushkee, ii. 145. 
 
 L. 
 
 La Barolon, i. 458. 
 
 La Chine, i. 38, 458, ii. 6, 9, 371, 372. 
 
 La Clue, Admiral, ii. 49; imprisoned 
 bv Osborn, ii. 49, 50. 
 
 La Come, Saint-Luc de, i. 486, 503, 
 ii. 121, 431; sent to Acadia to watch 
 the frontier, i. 103, 116, 117 ; cir- 
 cumstances attending the massacre 
 at Fort William Henry, i. 498, 507, 
 509 ; ordered to Quebec, ii. 195, 198, 
 242; to defend the rapids, ii. 361, 
 371; shipwrecked, ii. 384, 385. 
 
 La Demoiselle (Old Britain), an Indian 
 chief, i. 51, 83 ; his course of action 
 
 with Celoron, i. 51, 52 ; his village, 
 i. 56; councils held with Gist, i. 56, 
 57 ; the English invited to a feather 
 dance, i. 57, 58; devoured by the 
 Indians, i. 84, 85. 
 
 La Galette, ii. 369. 
 
 Laine, ii. 28. 
 
 Lalerne, fight at Beaubassin, i. 117. 
 
 " La LiberteV' ship, i. 457. 
 
 La Motte, Dubois de, French admiral, 
 i. 469, 471-473 note ; commands the 
 French fleet for America, i. 182, 
 183 ; effort of Boscawen to intercept 
 his fleet, i. 185; the English fleet 
 wrecked, i. 471, 472. ■ 
 
 La Motte, Captain, ii. 302. 
 
 "La Mutine," frigate, i. 102. 
 
 Lauder, Sir Thomas Dick, ii. 433. 
 
 Langlade, Charles, a French trader, i. 
 62, 84, ii 218, 372 note, 425 ; to re- 
 ceive a pension, i. 85; the Ojibwas 
 led to attack the Miamis, i. 209 ; his 
 Indian wife, i, 486 ; matters in rela- 
 tion to Braddock's defeat, ii. 425, 
 426. 
 
 Languedoc, i.456; battalion of, i. 182, 
 186, 298, 379, 477; stationed at Ti- 
 conderoga, i. 376, ii. 104; the ad- 
 vance upon Fort William Henrv, 
 i. 491; the fall of Quebec, ii. 292." 
 
 Langy, rangers captured by, ii. 87 ; 
 reports the approach of the English, 
 ii. 87, 88 ; meeting with the English 
 in the woods, ii. 94-97 ; detachment 
 of, ii. 110. 
 
 La Paille Coupee, village of, i. 43. 
 
 La Panse, M. de, ii. 373. 
 
 La Perade, Chevalier de, i. 210. 
 
 La Plante, i. 486. 
 
 La Prairie, i. 457. 
 
 La Presentation, i. 70, 154, 372, 485, 
 ii. 369; description of, i. 65-67; ef- 
 fort of Piquet to gain converts, i. 70, 
 71, 74, 75; Jesuit influence, ii. 144. 
 
 La Reine, battalion of, i. 182, 186, 298, 
 477, ii. 104 ; to defend Ticonderoga, 
 i. 376 ; the advance upon Fort Wil- 
 liam Henry, i. 491. 
 
 La Sarre, battalion of, i. 363, 408, 477; 
 encamped at Fort Frontenac, i. 376 ; 
 advances upon Fort William Henry, 
 i. 491 ; serves under Montcalm, ii. 
 104; the fall of Quebec, ii. 292. 
 
 Lascelles' regiment, ii. 233 note. 
 
 La Suede, ii. 342. 
 
 " La Superbe," ship, i. 457. 
 
 Laurel Hill, i. 145, 146, 151, 155, ii. 
 141. 
 
 Lawrence, Brigadier, Governor of 
 Nova Scotia, i. 239, ii. 48, 194 note ; 
 succeeds Hopson in office, i. 113 ; 
 his treatment of the Acadians, i. 
 
 VOL. II. — 31 
 
482 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 113; the occupation of Beaubassin, 
 i. 115-120 ; the attack on Beause>ur, 
 i. 192, 239, 210, 245 ; his character- 
 istics, i. 257 ; quoted concerning the 
 Acadians, i. 257, 263, 264, 269, 270, 
 282; exacts the oath of allegiance 
 from the Acadians, i. 260; a me- 
 morial sent,to, from the Acadians, 
 i. 200-263; matters pertaining to the 
 expulsion of the Acadians, i. 263- 
 267, 273, 274, 282 ; serves in the ex- 
 pedition against Louisbourg, ii. 48, 
 57. 
 
 Lawrence, Fort, erected, i. 118, 239, 
 241, 243; demands of Le Loutre, i. 
 121; encampment of the English, 
 i. 248. 
 
 Le Batard, Etienne, the murder of 
 Captain Howe, i. 118, 119. 
 
 Le Boeuf, Fort, i. 130, 213, ii. 160, 244; 
 erection of, i. 128; garrison at, i. 
 131 ; arrival of Washington, i. 133, 
 134, 297; burned, ii. 247. 
 
 Le Borgne, ii. 28, 425. 
 
 Le Brun, i. 11. 
 
 Le Calvaire, ii. 336. 
 
 Legge, chancellor of the exchequer, 
 uV 393. 
 
 Le Guerne, a priest, i. 281; his descrip- 
 tion of the embarkation of the Aca- 
 dians, i. 281. 
 
 Le Loutre, Joseph Louis, vicar-general 
 of Acadia, i. 99, 104, 113 ; instigates 
 the Indians to murder the English, 
 i. 99, 100, 103-105, 235 ; injures the 
 Acadians by his machinations, i. 
 101, 113, 114, 122, 238, 243; letter of, 
 concerning Halifax, i. 101 ; pen- 
 sion received by, i. 105; his dealings 
 discovered by Cornwallis, i. 107; 
 encourages the Acadians to leave 
 their farms, i. 108, 109, 110, 120, 
 243, 244, 250, 255, 260; his double- 
 dealing and cruelty, i. 114, 243, 252 
 note, ii. 421; arrival of, at Beau- 
 bassin, i. 116 ; treacherous murder of 
 Captain Howe, i. 118, 119 ; his letter 
 in answer to Lawrence's proclama- 
 tion, i. 121; letters from officials, 
 urging dishonest conduct, i. 239, 
 242; relations with Vergor, i. 242- 
 244 ; siege and capitulation of Beau- 
 sejour, i. 244-253 ; imprisoned by the 
 English, i. 252; departs for France, 
 i. 252. 
 
 Le Marchant, Sir Denis, ii. 295 note. 
 
 Le Mercier, Chevalier, i. 157, 158, 461, 
 ii. 20, 87; plans of, to attack the 
 English, i. 153-155 ; serves as mes- 
 senger between the French and Eng- 
 lish, i. 449 ; his fraudulent contracts, 
 ii. 35, 36, 385. 
 
 Lenisse, Madame de, i. 458. 
 
 "Leopard," the, ship, i. 362. 
 
 Lepaon, i. 12. 
 
 "Le Prudent," ii. 54 note. 
 
 Lery, a French officer, i. 374, 375; his 
 plan of Detroit, i. 76 note. 
 
 Leslie, Lieutenant, i. 219 note. 
 
 Les Mines, i. 108. 
 
 Leuthen, ii. 40. 
 
 Le Verrier, in command at Michilli- 
 mackinac, ii. 31. 
 
 Levi, Point, ii. 213-216, 220, 222, 
 224, 229, 274, 277, 281 ; position of 
 Wolfe's armv, ii. 219, 228, 230-233; 
 held by the English at, ii. 263, 270 ; 
 embarkation of the artillery, ii. 274, 
 275, 280. 
 
 Levis, Chevalier de, i. 150, 360, 482, 
 ii. 360; opinion of, in regard to the 
 killing of Jumonville, i. 150; be- 
 loved by Montcalm, i. 363, 378, 379, 
 455, ii. 308; embarks for America, 
 i. 363, 364; joins Montcalm, i. 373; 
 at Montreal, i. 376; his command 
 at Ticonderoga, i. 377-379, 407 ; 
 his description of Montcalm, i. 379; 
 his manner of life at Montreal, i. 
 455,457, ii. 29, 426-428; treatment 
 received from Vaudreuil, i. 463, 464, 
 ii. 10, 312, 375; his characteristics 
 and popularity, i. 466, 478, ii. 312, 
 353, 361; encampment of, i. 477; 
 matters pertaining to the attack at 
 Fort William Henrv, i. 485, 490- 
 499, 510, 512, 514 note ; his account 
 of the slaughter at German Flats, 
 ii. 7 note; quiets the mutiny at 
 Montreal, ii. 10 ; statements con- 
 cerning the light at Rogers Rock, 
 ii. 16 note ; the victory at Ticon- 
 deroga, ii. 86-89, 103-113, 431-436; 
 his promotion, ii. 174; the siege 
 and tall of Quebec, ii. 216-233, 
 259-325 ; attacked by Wolfe, ii. 230- 
 233; sent to protect Montreal, ii. 
 250, 251, 265; assumes the com- 
 mand after Montcalm's death, ii. 
 308, 312, 313, 318, 335 ; letter to 
 Bourlamaque, ii. 314; his scaling- 
 ladders, ii. 338, 356, 357; his expe- 
 dition to attack Quebec, ii. 341-358; 
 the encounter at Ste.-Foy, ii. 342- 
 347,442-444; the courtesies of war, 
 ii. 354; the fall of Canada, ii. 360- 
 382 ; the terms of capitufation for 
 Montreal, ii. 372-374 ; tries (o pre- 
 serve the honor of France, ii. 373, 
 375 ; escapes from shipwreck, ii. 
 384; his letters, ii. 438. 
 
 Levis, Fort, ii. 369, 374; attacked by 
 Amherst, ii. 369, 370. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 483 
 
 Lewis, Major, ii. 139; the expedition 
 of Major Grant, ii. 151-155. 
 
 "Licorne," the, ship, i. 363. 
 
 Liegnitz, successes of Frederic, ii. 388. 
 
 Lighthouse Point, ii. 53, 62. 
 
 Ligneris, Captain, ii. 244, 245; at Fort. 
 Duquesne, i. 208; encounter with 
 the English under Braddock, i. 216; 
 orders concerning prisoners, i. 330 
 note ; attack expected from Forbes, 
 ii. 141 ; danger of starvation at the 
 fort, ii. 155, 156 ; Fort Duquesne 
 abandoned, ii. 159; at Venango, ii. 
 161; letter of Montcalm concerning, 
 ii. 169; departs from Fresquisle, ii. 
 245; taken prisoner, ii. 248; matters 
 pertaining to a pension for, ii. 423, 
 424; receives the cross of the Order 
 of St. Louis, ii. 426. 
 
 Ligonier, General, i. 178. 
 
 Ligonier Bay, ii. 251. 
 
 "Lis," the, fate of, i. 185. 
 
 L'Isle-Dieu, Abbe de, i. 106; asser- 
 tion concerning Jumonville, i. 151 
 note. 
 
 Lismahago, i. 159. 
 
 Little Meadows, arrival of Braddock's 
 army at, i. 206. 
 
 Little Niagara, Fort, ii. 243, 244. 
 
 Livingston, William, i. 419; manor of, 
 i. 32. 
 
 Logstown, i. 46, 47, 53, 60, 133. 
 
 "London Chronicle," the article upon 
 provincial soldiery, ii. 118. 
 
 Long Saut, the, ii. 370. 
 
 Longueil, Baron de, Governor of Can- 
 ada, i. 82, 103, 486, ii. 86, 258 note ; 
 complaints of English traders, i. 83, 
 84; correspondence with Girard, i. 
 106, 107; paper drawn up by, i. 154, 
 155; seeks to secure Indian allies, i. 
 475, 476. 
 
 Loppinot, sent from Louisbourg for 
 terms of capitulation, ii. 71-74. 
 
 Loramie Creek, the, i. 51. 
 
 Lords of Trade, the, instructions to 
 the colonial Assemblies, i. 172, 173 ; 
 leadership of Lord Halifax, i. 179; 
 quoted concerning the Acadians and 
 their want of loyalty, i. 257, 258; 
 complaints of Johnson, i. 327. 
 
 Lorette. i. 209, 371, 485, ii. 284, 293, 
 307, 342, 357 ; mission of, ii. 145 note ; 
 English outpost at, ii. 335 ; skirmish 
 at, ii. 337. 
 
 Lorimier, i. 486. 
 
 Loring, Captain, the navv built bv or- 
 der of Amherst, ii. 241,242, 251, 252. 
 
 Lotbiniere, a Canadian engineer, i. 
 374, ii. 87; his work at Ticondero- 
 ga, i. 378. 
 
 Loudon, Earl, to be the commander-in- 
 
 chief of the American troops, i. 383 ; 
 difficulties in providing for the sol- 
 diers, i. 387, 439, 440; arrives at 
 Albany, i. 399 ; royal orders concern- 
 ing military rank, i. 399, 400; the 
 provincial forces examined, i. 401; 
 sends reinforcements to Oswego, i. 
 405 ; orders Winslow to abandon 
 Ticonderoga expedition, i. 406 ; his 
 charges against Shirlej', i. 413 note, 
 420; English losses, i. 419, 420; his 
 campaign, i. 421, 422; his orders 
 to Winslow, i. 438; exaggeration of 
 Vaudreuil, i. 460, 461; his plans for 
 reducing Louisbourg, i. 468-471, 
 473 note, 496, ii. 131; soldiers drawn 
 from New York, i. 474, 475 ; frontier 
 exposed to attack, i. 496; letters 
 sent from Webb, i. 498 note, 501; 
 despatches sent to Webb, ii. 1 ; his 
 plan of action, ii. 2 ; plans an attack 
 upon Ticonderoga, ii. 11 ; his fail- 
 ures, ii. 45; recalled from his com- 
 mand, ii. 48, 83 ; money expended 
 by Massachusetts on this expedi- 
 tion, ii. 84; consulted by Bradstreet, 
 ii. 127; his influence on the army, 
 ii. 380 ; letters concerning the mas- 
 sacre at Fort William Henry, ii. 
 428, 429. 
 
 Louis XIII., i. 14, 15. 
 
 Louis XIV., i. 284 note, ii. 409. 
 
 Louis XV. i. 43, 66, 67, 70, 71, 75, 129, 
 361; possibility of the conquest of 
 Canada, i. 2, 3 ; condition of France 
 during his reign, i. 9-16; scenes at 
 Versailles, i. 11, 12 ; adornments 
 given to Paris, i. 13, 14; feeling 
 towards, i. 14; position of Madame 
 de Pompadour, i. 15, 179: subjects 
 of, in Acadia, i'. 91, 94-96, 102, 105, 
 235, 238, 260, 284; the English de- 
 nounced by, i. 115; political alli- 
 ances with, i. 354; his detestation of 
 Frederic the Great, i. 355 ; the pro- 
 motion of Montcalm, i. 360 ; troops 
 sent against Austria, i. 363 ; troops 
 sent to reinforce New France, i. 363; 
 instructions sent to Vaudreuil, i. 
 367, 368 ; expenses in Canada, i. 
 370, 372, 453, ii. 17-38, 169-172, 
 321, 322 ; sends the cordon rouge 
 to Montcalm, i. 454 ; his portrait 
 on Indian medals, i. 480; promises 
 of the Indians, i. 488 ; corruption at 
 court, ii. 44, 45; Vaudreuil's efforts 
 to slander Montcalm, ii. 164-167, 
 321, 322 ; the refusal of forces from 
 France to Canada, ii. 174-178; the 
 loss of New France ii. 375, 376. 
 
 Louisbourg, i. 29, 105, 107, 109, 185, 
 239, 242, 251, 290, 291; fortress of, 
 
484 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 i. 92, 93, 368, ii. 52-55 ; restored to 
 the French, i. 92; commanders at, 
 i. 101, 102, 104; aid refused to 
 Beausejour, i. 250 ; plan of Loudon 
 for the reduction of, i. 468, 469, 471, 
 474 ; the English fleet wrecked, 
 i. 472; policy of Pitt regarding, ii. 
 47, 48, the siege and reduction of, 
 by the English, ii. 48, 49, 51-82 note, 
 112, 129, 162, 177, 190; inhabitants 
 of the town, ii. 54; the batteries 
 silenced by the enemy, ii. 61, 62; 
 Drucour's efforts to protect the har- 
 bor, ii. 64; the shipping burned, ii. 
 65-67, 69; the Governor's lodgings 
 in flames, ii. 67, 68 ; position of the 
 besieged, ii. 69, 70; the terms of 
 capitulation finally accepted, ii. 71- 
 74, 75 note ; statistics of prisoners, 
 cannon, etc., ii. 75,76; Governor 
 Drucour succeeded by Governor 
 Whitmore, ii. 76; rejoicing at the 
 fall of, ii. 76-78; Wolfe ordered to 
 scatter the neighboring settlers, ii. 
 80,81; arrival of 43d Regiment, ii. 
 183; departure of the fleet with 
 Gen. Wolfe, ii. 193; dismantled and 
 abandoned, ii. 363. 
 
 Louisbourg Grenadiers, the, at Quebec, 
 ii. 298 note. 
 
 Louisiana, i. 72, 73, 366, ii. 2, 155; 
 French possessions in, i. 20, 24, 39; 
 communication with Canada, i. 36, 
 37, 39, 40, 80, 83 ; arrival of the exiles 
 from Acadia, i. 283 ; proposal of 
 Montcalm concerning, ii. 179 ; given 
 to Spain, ii. 406. 
 
 Louisviile, i. 58. 
 
 Louvigny, i. 458. 
 
 Lowendal, i. 10. 
 
 "Lowestoft," the, ii. 355, 356. 
 
 Lowry, i. 79. 
 
 Lowtlier, Miss Katherine, ii. 190; 
 Wolfe's last message to, ii. 284. 
 
 Loyalhannon, ii. 149, 151, 154-156. 
 
 Loyalhannon Creek, ii. 141. 
 
 Lusignan, commandant at Ticonde- 
 roga, i. 445. 
 
 Lutherans, the, i. 31, 32. 
 
 Lutterberg, battle of, ii. 47. 
 
 Lycurgus, ii. 91. 
 
 Lydius, a trader, i. 435. 
 
 Lyman, Phineas, in the expedition 
 against Crown Point, i. 290, 313, 
 314; origin of Fort Lyman, i. 294; 
 takes command of Johnson's troops, 
 i. 306 ; conflicting reports concern- 
 ing, i. 316 ; at Fort Edward, i. 401, 
 402 ; his chaplain, i. 402 ; report 
 concerning the camp, i. 403, 404 ; 
 regiment of, ii. 95; meeting with 
 Langy in the woods, ii. 97. 
 
 Lyman, Fort, i. 295-297, 300, 301, 308- 
 310: building of, i. 294; afterwards 
 called Fort Edward, i. 294, 315. 
 
 Lyon's Cove, i. 268. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macartney, Captain, his humanity, 
 ii. 343, "344. 
 
 McBryer, Andrew, i. 85. 
 
 Macdonald, Captain, serves in the ex- 
 pedition of Major Grant, ii. 152; his 
 death, ii. 153. 
 
 MacDonald Captain Donald, sent to 
 attack the French at Le Calvaire, 
 ii. 336; his death, ii. 349. 
 
 McDonough, Thomas, ii. 440. 
 
 McGinnis, Captain, i. 308, 309. 
 
 Machault d'Amouville, minister of 
 marine and colonies (1754-1757), 
 i. 13, 15, 179, 367, ii. 44. 
 
 Machault, Fort, ii. 159. 
 
 Mackay, Captain, i. 152; at Great 
 Meadows, i. 152, 159, ii. 421-423. 
 
 Mackellar, Patrick, serves as engi- 
 neer under Braddock and Wolfe, i. 
 221 note, ii. 208; to strengthen Fort 
 Ontario, i. 420, 420 note. 
 
 Mackenzie, Captain, ii. 152-155. 
 
 Macleane, Allan, ii. 245 note. 
 
 McMullen, Lieutenant, sent to Crown 
 Point, ii. 254. 
 
 Macnamara, Admiral, accompanies La 
 Motte's expedition, i. 182, 183. 
 
 Mac Vicar, Anne, recollections of Al- 
 bany, i. 319, 320. 
 
 Madawaska, i. 283. 
 
 Madeira, i. 287. 
 
 Mahon, Lord. i. 179. 
 
 Maillard, missionary at Cape Breton, 
 i. 105, 119. 
 
 Maillebois, i. 10, 359. 
 
 Maine, English possessions in, i. 20, 
 124. 
 
 Maitre Abraham, ii. 289. 
 
 Manach, Father, i. 252 ; letter of Boi- 
 she'bert to, quoted, i. 265, 266. 
 
 Manila, ii. 401, 402. 
 
 Maniton, the, i. 479, 487, 489. 
 
 Mann, Sir Horace, letters from Hor- 
 ace Walpole quoted, i. 188; ambas- 
 sador at Florence, ii. 323. 
 
 Mansfield, i. 8. 
 
 Mante, Major Thomas, ii. 82 note, 97; 
 statistics of the force sent against 
 Louisbourg, ii. 56 note. 
 
 Maps of the Illinois colony, i. 41 note: 
 map of Bonnecamp, i. 62 note; of 
 French and British dominion in 
 North America, i. 126 note. 
 
 Maria Theresa, her inheritance from 
 
INDEX 
 
 485 
 
 Charles VI., i. 18; her heritage 
 taken from her, i. 19, 353, 354; the 
 enemy of Frederic the Great, i. 353 ; 
 flatters Pompadour, i. 354, 355; the 
 war in Europe, ii. 38-40, 409; con- 
 dition of France, ii. 393. 
 
 Marietta, i. 48. 
 
 Marigalante Island, restored by Eng- 
 land, ii. 405. 
 
 Marin, i. 486, ii. 20, 30, 122, 244; pro- 
 motion of, i. 88; commander of 
 Duquesne's expedition to the Ohio, 
 i. 129-131, 137; his sickness and 
 death, i. 129-131. 
 
 Marin joins the war-party of Periere, 
 i. 429-431; the slaughter at Fort 
 Edward, i. 485 ; official knavery, ii. 
 27 ; victory over, ii. 122-127 ; taken 
 prisoner, ii. 248. 
 
 Marin, Madame, ii. 20. 
 
 Marlborough, Duke of, i. 316. 
 
 Marolles, correspondence of , ii. 81 note . 
 
 Martel, the King's storekeeper, ii. 20, 
 30. 
 
 Martin, Father, evidence in relation 
 to the massacre at Fort William 
 Henry, i. 514 note. 
 
 Martin, Abraham See Abraham. 
 
 Martin, Sergeant Joshua, one of Rog- 
 ers' rangers, i. 444. 
 
 Martinique, ii. 401, 405. 
 
 Maryland, i. 332, ii. 1-112; government 
 and characteristics of, i. 25, 33 ; aid 
 asked from, by Dinwiddie, i. 139; 
 aids Virginia, i. 1G8; commissioners 
 sent to Albany for an Indian con- 
 gress, i. 173-176 ; council of govern-* 
 ors held with Braddock, i. 191-196; 
 sufferings caused by Indian warfare, 
 i. 329, 330, 422. 
 
 Massachusetts, i. 168, 260, 315, 480, 
 ii. 93; religion, finance, and politics 
 of, i. 25-29, ii. 84, 85 (see Assembly 
 of Massachusetts); commissioners 
 sent to meet the Indians at Albany, 
 i. 61 ; council of governors held 
 with Braddock, i. 191-195 ; charac- 
 teristics of the officers from, i. 272, 
 273; distribution of the exiled Aca- 
 dians, i. 282; the Crown Point ex- 
 pedition fitted out, i. 285. 286, 291, 
 292, 313, 314; money received from 
 Parliament, i. 382 note, ii. 85 ; 
 method of raising and paving troops, 
 i. 384-387, ii. 84, 85; tablet erected 
 to Lord Howe, in "Westminster 
 Abbey, ii. 91; utterances from the 
 pulpits after the fall of Canada, ii. 
 377-379. 
 
 Massachusetts Historical Society, the, 
 i. 316 note; portrait of Captain 
 Winslow in, i. 273 note. 
 
 Massey, Colonel, ii. 247. 
 
 Mathevet missionary for the Nipis- 
 sings, i. 487. 
 
 Maumee River, the, i. 40, 51, 52, 82. 
 84. 
 
 Maurault, Abbe, ii. 255 note. 
 
 Maurepas, Comte de, i. 259 note. 
 
 Maurin, Francois, ii. 20; official knav- 
 erv, ii. 22-24, 30 ; thrown into the 
 Bastille, ii. 385. 
 
 Mauritius, Island of, i. 10. 
 
 Maxen, ii. 388. 
 
 Maxwell, Thomas, ii. 258 note. 
 
 May hew, Jonathan, his prediction for 
 the American colonies, ii. 325. 
 
 Maynard, Captain, ii. 123 note. 
 
 Mazade, Madame, i. 361. 
 
 Mediterranean Sea, the, ii. 49. 
 
 Meech, Lieutenant, his encounter with 
 the enemy, ii. 207. 
 
 Mellen, Reverend John, pastor of the 
 Second Church in Lancaster, ii. 377 ; 
 his sermon on the fall of Canada, ii. 
 378. 
 
 Memeramcook, i. 120, 122. 
 
 Memphremagog, Lake, ii. 254, 256. 
 
 Menomonies, the, i. 407; called to 
 council by Montcalm, i. 486^189. 
 
 Mercer, Colonel, commandant at Os- 
 wego, i. 397, 410; his death, i. 412, 
 413. 
 
 Mercer, Lieutenant-Colonel, to hold 
 the new Fort Duquesne, ii. 160. 
 
 " Mermaid," the, i. 247. 
 
 Messalina, i. 353. 
 
 Mexico, i. 20. 
 
 Mexico, Gulf of, i. 40, 205. 
 
 Miami confederacy, the, i. 40, 52. 
 
 Miami Indians, the, i. 51, 79, 83, 209; 
 their chief (see La Demoiselle), 
 home of, i. 40, 51, 52, 55, 56, 58, 
 84; visited by Celoron, i. 51, 52; 
 visited by Gist, i. 55-58 ; their feel- 
 ing towards the English, i. 59, 130; 
 attacked and killed at Pickawillany, 
 i. 84, 85, 130: called to a council 
 bv Montcalm, i. 486-489; become 
 allies of the French, i. 130, ii. 142. 
 
 Miami River, the, i. 40, 51, 56, 83. 
 
 Michigan Lake, i. 75, 407, 437, 486. 
 
 Michillimackinac, i. 75, 84, 486, ii. 
 248, 249. 
 
 Micmacs, the, i. 23, 107, ii. 181, 194; 
 their missionary, i. 113, 121 (see 
 Le Loutre) ; disposition and charac- 
 teristics of, i. 113; at Beaubassin, 
 i. 116; murder of Captain Howe, i. 
 118, 119; chief of, killed, i. 252; 
 called to a council bv Montcalm, i. 
 486-189; under Boishebert, ii. 6a 
 
 Middle Ages, the, i. 17. 
 
 Milbank, Mr., ii. 358. 
 
486 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mildmay, questions of boundary, i. 
 123. 
 
 Miller, Captain, i. 428, ii. 332. 
 
 Mines, district of, i. 233; population 
 of, i. 264 ; the people summoned to 
 hear the mandate of the King, i. 
 271, 272. See Acadians. 
 
 Mines, basin of, i. 94, 237, 240, 241, 
 200, 267-269, 276. 
 
 Mingoes, the, i. 40, 46, 60, 209; atti- 
 tude towards the English, i. 59, ii. 
 150, 151 ; border warfare of, i. 329. 
 
 Minorca, i 36, ii. 40 ; garrisons of, i. 
 9 ; restored by France, ii. 405. 
 
 Miquelon Island given to France, ii. 
 405. 
 
 Miramichi, ii. 25, 80. 
 
 Mirepoix, French ambassador at Lon- 
 don, i. 180 ; correspondence of, i. 
 183. 
 
 Missaguash River, the, i. 116, 118, 
 120, 235, 241, 248, ii. 181. 
 
 Mission Indians, the illegal traffic 
 carried on by the French, by means 
 of, i. 65; allies of the French, i. 371, 
 372, 475, 479, 480, ii. 12; their fero- 
 city, ii. 144, 145. 
 
 Missionaries, their work among the 
 Indians, i. 25, 64, 65, 75, 243-245, 
 429, ii. 412; intrigues with regard 
 to the Indians, Acadians, and Eng- 
 lish, i. 99, 100, 102, 103, 243-245, 
 ii. 420, 421. 
 
 Missisqui, i. 485. 
 
 Missisquoi Bay, ii. 254. 
 
 Mississagas, the, i. 70, 486. 
 
 Mississippi, the, i. 20, 24, 40, 42, 124, 
 125, 130, 170, 335, 372, ii. 179, 405, 
 406. 
 
 Mitchell, his map of the British and 
 French Dominions, i. 126 note. 
 
 Moccasons, i. 259. 
 
 Mohawk River, the, i. 28, 32, 62 note, 
 64, 80, 287, 319, 321, 374, 375, 393, 
 406, ii. 6, 86, 116, 128, 240. 
 
 Mohawks, the, i. 28, 65, 73, 88, 287, 
 296, 321, 327, 467, ii. 2, 417; com- 
 plaints of the tribe, i. 171, 172; join 
 Johnson's expedition, i. 289, 295- 
 310; their chief, i. 301, 303, 309; 
 their bravery and ferocity, i. 303, 
 309, 310; council held with Johnson, 
 i. 391, 392. 
 
 Mohegans, the, i. 391, ii. 256; council 
 held with Johnson, i. 392; ally 
 themselves with the English, ii. 
 148. 
 
 Mollnitz, battle of, i. 19. 
 
 Monckton, Robert, i. 246; appointed 
 leader of the expedition against 
 Acadia, i. 194, 196; the capture of 
 Beause'jour, i. 196, 239, 248, 254, 
 
 260, ii. 193; the Acadians removed 
 from their homes, i. 254, 266-284 
 (see Acadians) ; despatched to the 
 Bay of Fundy, ii. 78 ; serves under 
 Wolfe, at the siege of Quebec, ii. 
 193, 213, 226, 231-233, 266, 267, 
 274, 290, 295, 295 note, 298 note, 
 309, 438; disabled by his wounds, 
 ii. 309, 317; joins Rodnev, ii. 401. 
 
 "Monmouth," the, ii. 49, 50. 
 
 Monongahela River, the, i. 136, 144, 
 145, 155, 207, 208, ii. 138, 152, 159, 
 160. 
 
 Monongahela River, the battle of the, 
 i. 210-213, 221, 221 note, 223, 223 
 note, 328. 
 
 Monro, Lieutenant-Colonel, command- 
 ant at Fort William Henry, i. 495, 
 496; his danger, i. 496-498; his cor- 
 respondence with Webb concerning 
 aid, i. 497, 502, 503; his correspond- 
 ence with Montcalm, i. 493, 499; his 
 brave resistance, i. 502-505, ii. 88; 
 the garrison capitulates, i. 505-507; 
 the massacre, i. 505, 507-513, 513 
 note, 514 note, ii. 428-431. 
 
 Montagu, George, letter from Wal- 
 pole, ii. 390, 391. 
 
 Montcalm, father of Louis, the Mar- 
 quis, i. 357; death of, i. 358. 
 
 Montcalm, brother of Louis, his prodi- 
 gious knowledge and early death, i. 
 358. 
 
 Montcalm, Chevalier de, son of the 
 Marquis, appointed to command a 
 regiment in France, i. 360; his mar- 
 
 ' riage, ii. 176. 
 
 Montcalm, Marquis de (1884), i. 366 
 note. 
 
 Montcalm-Gozon de Saint- Veran, 
 Louis Joseph, Marquis de, i. 150, 
 356, 489; his aides-de-camp, i. 282, 
 363; succeeds Dieskau in command, 
 i. 356; birth, education, and traits 
 of character, i. 356-358, 366, 367, 
 413, 414, 465, 466, 483, 489, ii. 
 167, 318-322; the letter from D'Ar- 
 genson, i. 360 ; his wife and family, 
 i. 359, ii. 317; his military service, 
 i. 358-360; his letters to his mother 
 quoted, i. 360-362, 372, 373, 453- 
 457, 464, ii. 112 note, 113 note, 164, 
 174, 176, 275, 426-428; his salary, 
 i. 361; letters to his wife quoted, 
 i. 362, 364-366, 453-456, 474, ii. Ill, 
 179; embarks for America, i. 362- 
 365 ; his relations with Bougain- 
 ville, i. 363; his opinion of Ldvis, 
 i. 363, 378, 379, 455, ii. 308; his 
 arrival in Canada, i. 365, 366; his 
 relations with Vaudreuil, i. 366-368, 
 377, 460, 462-466, ii. 3, 4, 8-10, 164- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 487 
 
 175, 179, 180, 197, 202, 203, 293, 
 301, 317-323; his relations with his 
 troops, i. 368, 369, 421, 464, 465, 
 502, ii. 121, 208, 209, 228, 260, 281; 
 nis relations with the Indians, i. 
 372. 373, 379, 458, 463-465, 474-476, 
 487, 488, 499-501; life at Montreal 
 and Quebec, i. 376, 407, 453, 455- 
 459, ii. 7, 8 ; letters to the minister 
 of war, i. 377, 463-465; hastens to 
 the defence of Ticonderoga, i. 378; 
 his victory at Oswego, i. 405-416, 
 419, 420, 460-465, 467, 475, ii. 127, 
 292, 320; his situation at Ticonde- 
 roga, i. 421, 422; his descriptions of 
 men and things, i. 453-456 ; receives 
 the cordon rouge, i. 454; letters to 
 Bourlamaque quoted, i. 454, 455, 
 457-459, 466, ii. 7-9, 167-169, 212, 
 275; plans a new attack, i. 472; the 
 French troops at Ticonderoga, i. 
 477, 478; calls a council of Indians, 
 i. 485-489; joined by Levis, i. 492; 
 prisoners taken on the lake, i. 492, 
 493 ; his letter to Monro, i. 498, 499 ; 
 the attack and conquest of Fort Wil- 
 liam Henrv, i. 499-513, 514 note, 
 ii. 167, 168, 428-431; his position 
 in relation to Fort Edward, ii. 3, 4, 
 167, 168; retires to Quebec, ii. 7; 
 meeting at Montreal, ii. 10; reveals 
 the frauds in trade, ii. 35, 36, 321, 
 322; expedition against Ticonder- 
 oga, ii. 86-113 note, 238, 240, 431- 
 436; joined by Levis, ii. 103; the 
 fight with Abercrombv, ii. 105- 
 112; letter to Doreil, if. Ill, 112, 
 the cross planted on the battle- 
 field, ii. 112; parties sent to harass 
 Abercromby, i. 121, 122; questions 
 Major Putnam, ii. 126; his camp 
 broken up, ii. 130, 167-169, 175; 
 his condition after the battle of 
 Ticonderoga, ii; 164-169; resolves 
 to stand by Canada, ii. 172, 173; 
 his promotion, ii. 174; the refusal of 
 forces from France, ii. 174-178 ; mar- 
 riage of his children, ii. 176; letter 
 from Belleisle, ii. 176, 177; his plans 
 for a final effort for Canada, ii. 178, 
 179; death of a child of, ii 179; his 
 arrival at Quebec, ii. 198, 199; the 
 siege and reduction of Quebec by 
 Wolfe, ii. 199-233, 259-325, 325 note, 
 326 note; his headquarters and 
 camp, ii. 200, 201, 208, 209; his 
 plan of battle and course of action, ii. 
 209, 210, 218, 219, 222, 224, 228, 260, 
 262^-270; condition of Canadians, ii. 
 225, 226; Montmorenci evacuated, 
 ii 273 274; deceived as to Wolfe's 
 movements, ii. 282-285 ; the English 
 
 army ascends the Heights, ii. 286- 
 290; the night before the battle, ii. 
 290, 291 ; his last words to the army, 
 and the final attack, ii. 291-300, 
 346; his wounds, ii. 297, 303, 304; 
 his remarks to the people, ii. 297, 
 297 note ; his death and burial, ii. 
 305-307, 309, 310, 317, 326 note, 441, 
 442; his protecting care for the 
 Canadians and French, ii. 309; his 
 last letter to Townshend, ii. 309; 
 papers given to Koubaud, ii. 321, 
 322, 325, note, 326 note. 
 Montcalm, Madame de, mother of the 
 Marquis. See Saint-Veran. 
 
 Montcalm, Madame de, wife of the 
 Marquis, i. 361, ii. 168 ; her family, 
 i. 358 ; letters from her husband 
 quoted, i. 362, 454, 474, ii. Ill, 112, 
 426, 427. 
 
 Montcalm. Mademoiselle de, daughter 
 of the Marquis, her marriage, ii. 
 176. 
 
 Montcalm, Mirete de, ii. 179. 
 
 Montesquieu, i. 16. 
 
 Montgomery, Captain Alexander, ii. 
 261. 
 
 Montgomery, Colonel, his regiment, 
 ii. 132; advance of Forbes's army, 
 ii. 158. 
 
 Montgomery, General Eichard, ii. 261. 
 
 Montguet, i"i. 302. 
 
 Montguy, ii. 99. 
 
 Montigny, taken prisoner, ii. 248. 
 
 Montmorenci, the heights of, ii. 200, 
 209; the cataract, ii. 207, 220, 436; 
 position occupied by Wolfe, ii. 216- 
 221, the disaster and evacuation of, 
 ii. 228-233, 259, 268, 269, 273, 274, 
 381. 
 
 Montour, Andrew, the expedition with 
 Gist, i. 54-59. 
 
 Montour, Catharine, i. 54. 
 
 Montpellier, i. 366, 457. 
 
 Montreal, i. 52, 64, 66, 88, 129, 131, 
 366, 407, 414, 418, 428, 453, 467, 
 474, 483, 513, ii. 4-7, 87, 126, 251, 
 318, 338 ; social life among the 
 officials, i. 453, 457, 458, ii. 18-22; 
 scarcity of flour, ii. 10; La Fri- 
 ponne,"ii. 24; census of, ii. 178; call 
 to arms, ii. 195, 198; approach of 
 Amherst, ii. 236, 265, 361-371; 
 Levis sent to protect, ii. 250; sup- 
 plies sent to Quebec, ii. 264; Levis 
 departs for Quebec, ii. 312; prepa- 
 rations to attack Quebec, ii. 340; the 
 fall of Canada, ii. 360-3b2; the city 
 described, ii. 371, 372; capitulation 
 of, ii. 372, 373, 383, 403; the French 
 soldiers return to France, ii. 374. 
 
488 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Montreuil, Adjutant-General, i. 376; 
 aids Dieskku, i. 807; his letter con- 
 cerning Montcalm, quoted, i. 376, 
 377; delay in sending aid to Mont- 
 calm, ii. 301; his letters, ii. 488. 
 
 Moore, Colonel William, letter to 
 Governor Morris, i. 347. 
 
 Moravian brotherhood, the, ii. 144. 
 
 Moravians, the, i. 31, 54, 347; mission 
 of Frederic Post, ii. 144-149. 
 
 Moro Castle, ii. 401, 402. 
 
 Morris, Robert Hunter, Governor of 
 Pennsylvania, i. 167, 228, 233 note, 
 439, 440. ii. 131, 144; correspond- 
 ence with the 3'ounger Shirley 
 quoted, i. 188, 201, 202, 323, 324, 
 340, 343 ; council of governors held 
 with Braddock, i. 191-195 ; relations 
 of the Penns with, i. 338 ; question of 
 taxing proprietary lands, i. 337-341, 
 344-347, 349; his relations with the 
 Assembly, i. 339-350; letter to, 
 from William Moore, i. 347; de- 
 clares war against the Indians, i. 
 392 ; sends Colonel Armstrong to at- 
 tack Kittanning, i. 423 ; Indian con- 
 vention held at Easton, ii. 147, 148. 
 
 Morris, Captain Roger, aide-de-camp 
 to General Braddock, i 202, 203; 
 wounded in the battle of the Monon- 
 galiela, i. 219, 229. 
 
 Murdering Town, hamlet of, i. 136. 
 
 Murray Captain Alexander, i. 268; a 
 memorial sent to, from the Aca- 
 dians, i. 260-263; his relations and 
 correspondence with Colonel Wins- 
 low, i. 268-271, 278; the removal 
 of the Acadians, from their homes, i. 
 269-272,275,278-281. See Acadians. 
 
 Murray, James, ii. 351; serves under 
 Wolfe at the reduction of Quebec, 
 ii. 193, 216, 217, 263, 266, 267, 274, 
 290 (see Quebec); his character, ii. 
 193, 331, 332, 345, 346; remains in 
 command at Quebec, ii. 317, 331, 
 332; an attack expected from the 
 French, ii. 335-338; expedition of 
 Levis against Quebec, ii. 340-358, 
 442-444; his relations with his sol- 
 diers, ii. 351, 352, 365; the courte- 
 sies of war, ii. 354 ; the fall of Cana- 
 da, ii. 360-382; ascends the St. 
 Lawrence to Montreal, ii. 361-366, 
 368, 371, 372. 
 
 Muskingum River, the, i. 48, 55. 
 
 N. 
 
 Maples, i. 9. 
 Napoleon I., i. 1. 
 
 Narrows, of Lake George, the, i. 430, 
 434, 441, 491, ii. 92, 93. 
 
 Necessity, Fort, i. 151, 156, ii. 277; 
 retreat of Washington's forces, i. 
 160, 161; matters pertaining to the 
 capitulation of, ii. 421-423. 
 
 Negroes, i. 29, 193, 22K-830. 
 
 "Neptune," the, ii. 192. 
 
 Netherlands, the, ii. 404. 
 
 New Brunswick, i. 90, 123, 124. 
 
 New England, i. 55, 123, 291; charac- 
 teristics of her colonies, i. 25-29, 
 31, 33, 246, 273, 284, 286, ii. 89, 
 116, 117, 37T; confederation of the 
 colonies, i. 34; the provincial troops, 
 i. 384-387, 399-402, ii. 338; rejoicing 
 at the fall of Louisbourg, ii. 76-78; 
 her joy over the victories in Canada, 
 ii. 324, 325, 377-379. 
 
 New France, character of the country 
 with regard to attack and defence, 
 i. 23, 24; extent of, in America, i. 
 23, 24, 39-43, 53, 71, 72, 75, 79, ii. 
 129, 316 ; the downfall of, ii. 378- 
 382. See Canada. 
 
 New Hampshire, ii. 120; invaded by 
 parties from Canada, i. 176; the ex- 
 pedition sent against Crown Point, 
 i. 286, 290, 291; money granted to, 
 by Parliament, i. 382 note ; Rogers' 
 rangers, i. 431, 432 ; her sacrifices 
 in time of war, ii. 86. 
 
 New Haven, i. 291. 
 
 New Jersey, i. 139, 327, 419, ii. 93; 
 characteristics of, i. 33 ; aids Vir- 
 ginia, i. 168; Crown Point to be 
 seized, i. 194; the " Jersey Blues," 
 i. 320; money granted to, Dy Parlia- 
 ment, i. 382 'note; Indian warfare, 
 i. 422, 484. 
 
 New Orleans, ii. 405 ; chain of forts 
 connecting the city with Quebec, 
 i. 36, 39-41; in the possession of 
 France, ii. 405 ; given to Spain, ii. 
 406. 
 
 New Oswego, i. 398, 411. 
 
 New York, i. 40, 124, 141, 292, 310, 
 315, ii. 2, 3, 79, 162, 248, 402; ques- 
 tions of boundary, i. 28, 79, 195; 
 matters of interest concerning the 
 people and the place, i. 32-35, 59, 
 61, 328, 349, 350 ; expeditions of 
 war fitted out by, i. 142, 144, 162, 
 173, 286, 292, 383, 474, ii. 93, 192; 
 Indian complaints, i. 172, 176 ; coun- 
 cil of governors held with Braddock, 
 i. 191-195; plans of Shirley to repel 
 French invasion, i. 193 (see Shirley) ; 
 orders for the removal of the Protes- 
 tant population of, i. 284 note ; atti- 
 tude of the Five Nations in time of 
 war, i. 372; council of war held, i. 
 381 ; money granted to, by Parlia- 
 ment, i. 382 note ; expeditions of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 489 
 
 war planned, i. 384,469, 470; Indian 
 warfare, i. 422; difficulty in quar- 
 tering the troops in winter, i 439, 
 440 ; exposed condition of the forts, 
 i. 474, 475 ; rejoicing at the fall of 
 Louisbourg, ii 76. 
 Newcastle, Duke of, i. 8, 194, ii. 40, 
 41, 397; at the head of the English 
 government, i. 177, 178 ; error in 
 Braddock's campaign, i. 196, 197; 
 his influence over England, ii. 41, 
 43. blight of his administration, ii. 
 46; his idea of promotion in the 
 army, ii. 191; influence upon the 
 army, ii. 380-382; disliked by 
 George III., ii. 392, 400. 
 Newell, Chaplain, preached to the 
 
 army before Lake George, i. 296. 
 Newfoundland, i. 185, 471, ii. 402; the 
 
 fisheries, ii. 405, 410. 
 Niagara, Fort, i. 70. 75, 80, ii. 10, 127, 
 142, 160, 242, 370; situation and 
 importance of the post. i. 75, 76, 79, 
 318, 324. ii. 243, 244, 248, 249; ex- 
 pedition against, i. 192, 194, 195, 
 233, 318-329, 373-376, 399, ii. 222, 
 381, 393; capture of, by Prideaux, 
 ii. 242-249, 253. 
 Niagara River, the, ii. 243. 
 Niaoure Bay, i. 408, 409. 
 Nicholson, conquest of Acadia, i. 90. , 
 Nimes, i. 356. 
 Nipissing Lake, i. 485. 
 Nipissings, the, i. 40, 74, 154. 485-489; 
 their missionarr, i. 487 ; death of a 
 chief, i. 493, 494. 
 Nivernois, Due de, sent to London to 
 
 negotiate for peace, ii. 403. 
 Niverville, i. 486. 
 
 Noix, Isle aux, ii. 178, 195, 308, 367; 
 the French entrenched at, ii. 238, 
 239, 241, 249, 265 ; the French re- 
 treat from, ii. 251-253. 
 Normanville, brothers, i. 210. 
 North America, i. 10. See America". 
 North Carolina, i. 33, 187, 382. ii. 132 ; 
 answers the appeal of Dinwiddie, i. 
 139, 142; condition of forces from, 
 i. 162, 163 ; council of governors 
 held with Braddock, i. 191-195; ef- 
 fect of the victory at Fort Duquesne, 
 ii. 162. 
 North pole, the, i. 20. 
 Northampton, i. 290. 
 Northern Department, the, ii. 393. 
 Northwest Bav, i. 490. 
 Nova Scotia, 'i. 239, 249, ii. 1, 181, 
 183, 192, 381; matters pertaining to 
 Acadia, i. 90 (see Acadia and Aca- 
 dians) ; rejoicing at the fall of Louis- 
 bourg, ii. 77; solitude of the forts, 
 ii. 77, 78. 
 
 Nuns, the, atQaebec, ii. 330. See Ur- 
 sulines. 
 
 o. 
 
 Oath of allegiance. See Acadians. 
 Obadiah, name used in New England 
 i. 240. b ' 
 
 O'Callaghan, i. 514 note. 
 Ochterlony, Captain, escapes from In- 
 dians' cruelty, ii. 232. 
 CEdipus, ii. 9. 
 Ogden, Captain, ii. 256 ; sufferings of 
 
 the rangers, ii. 257. 
 Ogdeusburg, i. 38. 
 
 Ohio Company, the, i. 53, 142, 155, 
 196; their trading-houses, i. 59, 132, 
 144, 145, 200. 
 Ohio Indians, the, i. 59 note, 150, 153. 
 Ohio River, the, i. 21, 24, 37, 39, 42 
 43, 50, 60, 61, 63, 65, 86, 127, 128, 
 176, 207, 209, ii. 21). 21, 142-144; 
 valley of, controlled by the French, 
 i. 76 (see French) ; conflict of French 
 and English for the surrounding 
 territory, i. 128-134, 142-161, 318, 
 329-350, ii. 144-151, 244, 247; forts 
 on, i. 137-139, 142, 143. 
 Ojibwas, i. 130, 20!), 486-189. 
 Oneida Lake, i. 322. ii. 242. 
 Oneidas, the, i. 288, 392, ii. 6, 128, 
 
 129; in the Iroquois mission, i. 65. 
 Onondaga, i. 172, 173, 395 ; the Iro- 
 quois capital, i. 66 ; council held by 
 Johnson, i. 391, 392. 
 Onondaga River, the, i. 73, 322, ii. 
 
 128, 242. 
 Onoudagas, the, i. 392, ii. 246 ; efforts 
 of the French to convert, i. 65, 171. 
 Onontio, the, i. 67, 154. 
 Ontario, Fort, i. 398, 410, 411, 420; 
 
 burned to the ground, i. 415, 416. 
 Ontario, Lake, i. 38, 65, 72, 75, 195, 
 289, 321, 322. 374, 376, 381, 382 
 note, 384, 398, 399, 408, 415, 418, 
 ii. 127-129, 162, 195, 243, 249, 361; 
 journey of Father Piquet, i. 69. 
 Ord, Captain, mentioned in Campbell's 
 
 letter, i. 227. 
 Orleans, Isle d', ii. 199, 204, 207, 216 
 229, 344, 362; position of Wolfe, 
 ii. 213. 
 Orleans, Point of, ii. 203, 211, 216, 
 
 219, 222, 270, 274, 281. 
 Orme, Captain Robert, aide-de-camp 
 of Braddock, i. 191, 202, 203, 224; 
 wounded in the battle of the Monon- 
 gahela, i. 219, 225; his account 
 of Braddock's death, i. 225, 226 ; cor- 
 respondence with Dinwiddie, i. 229- 
 233. 
 Orry, i. 15. 
 
490 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Osages, the, i. 43, 83. 
 
 Osborn, Admiral, expedition under, 
 ii. 49, 50. 
 
 Osgood, Captain, i. 270, 272. 
 
 Oswegatchie, i. 52, ii. 369; La Presen- 
 tation, i. 65-67. 
 
 Oswegatchie River, the, i. 38. 
 
 Oswego, i. 38, 52, 70, 73, 74, 79, 88, 
 195, 321, 374, 467, ii. 128, 242, 369, 
 418; life of the garrison at, i. 62, 
 68, 69, 73, 350, 397, 398; French 
 enmitj- towards, i. 78, 78 note, 288, 
 324-327, 374, 393, 405-416; arri- 
 val of Shirley's expedition, i. 322, 
 381, 384; importance of, i. 398, 
 399; account of the capture by the 
 French, i. 405-416, 419, 420, 460- 
 467, 475, ii. 127, 292, 320; murders 
 committed by the French, ii. 2; 
 return of Bradstreet, ii. 129; to 
 be re-established, ii. 235; plans of 
 Amherst, ii. 249. 
 
 Ottawa Eiver, the, i. 125-154, 372, ii. 
 369. 
 
 Ottawas, the, i. 40, 57, 84, 209, 487 
 note; village of, i. 76; their canni- 
 balism, i. 483 ; called to a council 
 by Montcalm, i. 486-489; French 
 allies, ii. 142. 
 
 Otter Creek, ii. 241. 
 
 Otway, his regiment at Albany, i. 399. 
 
 Oudenarde, battle of, ii. 391. 
 
 Oueskak, inhabitants removed from, 
 i. 255. 
 
 Oxford, i. 142. 
 
 Pacific Ocean, the, ii. 406. 
 
 Paine, Timothy, i. 404. 
 
 Panama, ii. 401. 
 
 Panet, Jean Claude, 1 ii. 439. 
 
 Parfouru, Madame de, ii. 427. 
 
 Paris, i. 13, 14, 16, 186, 192, 311, 360, 
 361, 457, ii. 47, 322, 374; questions 
 of American boundary, i. 86 (see 
 France) ; trial of the dishonest offi- 
 cials, ii. 385, 386. 
 
 Paris, the peace of, ii. 383-408. 
 
 Parker, Colonel, his party captured by 
 Indians, i. 484, 489. 
 
 Parkman, Rev. Ebenezer, ii. 89 note. 
 
 Parkman, George Francis, ii. 440. 
 
 Parkman, William, opinion of Aber- 
 crombv, ii. 89. 
 
 Parliament, the, i. 6, 7, 167, 170, 181, 
 ii. 41, 83, 84; taxation by, i. 171, 177, 
 193, ii. 413; raises money for cam- 
 paigns in America, i. 195, 316, 382 ; 
 money paid to Massachusetts, ii. 
 85; elections in 1761, ii. 392; the 
 
 peace between England and France, 
 ii. 406 ; resistance of the British, 
 colonies, ii. 41.3. 
 
 Parliament of Paris, the, i. 363. 
 
 Passamaquoddy Bay, ii. 183. 
 
 Patten, Captain, assists Jiradatreet, i. 
 395. 
 
 Patterson's Creek, i. 342. 
 
 Patton, John, i. 80. 
 
 Paxton, town of, i. 344. 
 
 Peabody, his bravery, i. 428. 
 
 P(5an, i. 458, ii. 8, 20; his wife, i. 87, 
 88, ii. 9, 19, 28, 29; promotion of, 
 i. 88; his official knavery, i. 129, ii. 
 22-24, 28, 31-33, 37 note ; letter to 
 Duquesne, i. 129 ; effort to descend 
 the Ohio thwarted, i. 130, 131; at 
 La Chine, ii. 9; thrown into the 
 Bastille, ii. 385. 
 
 Pean, Madame, i. 87, 88, ii. 9, 19, 28, 
 29. 
 
 Peleus, ii. 184. 
 
 Penisseault, Antoine, ii. 20; official 
 knaverv, ii. 23, 24; thrown into the 
 Bastille", ii. 385. 
 
 Penisseault, Madame, ii. 29. 
 
 Penn, Richard, proprietary of Penn- 
 sylvania, i. 338. 
 
 Penn, Thomas, proprietary of Penn- 
 sylvania, i. 338. 
 
 Penn, 'William, his plan of union for 
 the colonies, i. 34; first proprietary 
 of Pennsylvania, i. 338, 339. 
 
 Pennahouel, chief of the Ottawas, i. 
 487; his speech, i. 487-489. 
 
 Pennoyer, Jesse, ii. 258 note. 
 
 Pennsylvania, i. 227, ii. 130 ; matters of 
 interest concerning the people and 
 the place, i. 25, 31-33, 35, 37, 42, 45, 
 54, 59, 60, 86, 193-198, 339 ; efforts 
 of Dinwiddie to obtain help from, i. 
 139-141 ; relations of the Assembly 
 with the people, i. 142, 165-168, 
 337, 339-350, 422, 423, ii. 131; com- 
 missioners sent to Albany, i. 173- 
 176; German population, i. 193; 
 sufferings of the settlers, i. 329, 330, 
 336-350, 365, 422, 423, ii. 131, 
 132; question of taxing proprietary 
 lands, i. 337-341, 344-347, 349 ; a 
 militia law passed, i. 348; roads to 
 be made by the army, ii. 132-134; 
 Indian allies sought for, ii. 142- 
 147 ; expedition of Major Grant, ii. 
 152. 
 
 Penobscot River, the, i. 485. 
 
 Penobscots, i. 514 note. 
 
 Pepperell, his regiment, i. 194, 320, 
 382, 398, 410. 
 
 Pepperell, Fort, condition of, i. 411. 
 
 Periere, war-party sent out under, i 
 429. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 491 
 
 Peronney, Captain, killed in battle, 
 i. 230. 
 
 Perrot, Isle, ii. 371. 
 
 Persians, ii. 323. 
 
 Perth, ii. 185. 
 
 Peter the Great, i. 17, 18. 
 
 Peter III., ii. 399. 
 
 Peter, Captain, the mission of Frederic 
 Post, ii. 149, 150. 
 
 Peticodiac, disaster to the English, i. 
 275, 276. 
 
 Petrie, Johan Jost, taken prisoner, 
 ii. 7. 
 
 Peyroney, Ensign, i. 158. See Peron- 
 ney. 
 
 Pevton, Lieutenant, his escape from 
 Indians, ii. 232. 
 
 Philadelphia, i. 196, 219 note, 228, 
 231, 233, ii. 132, 161; relative size 
 of, i. 31; its prosperity, i. 336, 337; 
 influence of the Quakers, i. 336, 337, 
 339; council of, i. 426 ; difficulty in 
 quartering the troops, i. 439, 440; 
 rejoicing at the fall of Louisbourg, 
 ii. 76-78. 
 
 Philippines, the, ii. 401. 
 
 Philipsbourg, siege of, i. 358. 
 
 Philistines, ii. 126. 
 
 Phillips, governor of Acadia, i. 97, 
 101 note. 
 
 Phillips, Lieutenant, surrender of, ii. 
 13, 14. 
 
 Phipps, Governor, letter from John 
 Ashley to, i. 387. 
 
 Piacenza, i. 359. 
 
 Piankishaws, the, i. 83. 
 
 Pichon, Thomas, commissary at Fort 
 Beause'jour, i. 243; his treachery, i. 
 243, 243 note; his writings, i. 243 
 note, 251 note, 266, ii. 81 note. 
 
 Pickawillany, i. 52, 55-58, 81, 209; 
 the Indians cajoled by the English, 
 i. 82, 83; the town attacked, and 
 the English traders slaughtered, i. 
 84, 85. 
 
 Pique Town (Pickawillany), i. 52; im- 
 portance of, i. 52. 
 
 Piquet, Abbe", i. 65 note, 392; his mis- 
 sion and plans, i 38, 52, 65-75, 78, 
 171, 414, 487, ii. 242, 243, 369, 417, 
 418; his banners, ii. 418. 
 
 Pisiquid, i. 94, 244. 
 
 Pisiquid Paver, the, i. 268. 
 
 Pitt, William, i. 6, 408, ii. 40, 190, 432 ; 
 his characteristics and his politics, 
 i. 8, 9, ii. 42-49, 391, 392, 398, 400, 
 407 ; his relations with Newcastle, i. 
 179, 400; his decline in power, i. 469 
 470 note, ii. 41, 44, 45, 398, 399, 
 401; his views and plans for war, ii. 
 47 48, 83-85, 89, 118, 131, 132, 141, 
 157, 193, 235, 236, 240, 391, 392, 400, 
 
 401, 408; report made by Pownall, 
 ii. 84, 85; naming of Pittsburg, ii. 
 159; the expeditions against Louis- 
 bourg and Quebec, ii. 191-193 194 
 note, 268-271, 323, 345; disliked by 
 George III., ii. 391, 392, 397; nego- 
 tiations with Choiseul, ii. 393-397; 
 an explanation demanded of Spain, 
 ii. 396, 397 ; the peace of Paris, ii. 
 400-107 ; carried into the House of 
 Commons, ii. 406, 407. 
 
 Pitt, Fort, built by Stanwix, ii. 159. 
 
 Pittsburg, ii. 235, 236, 244; site of, i. 
 46, 60, 142, 143, 207; naming of the 
 place, ii. 159. 
 
 Plassej T , the victory of, ii. 45, 408. 
 
 Plates, leaden, bearing inscriptions, i. 
 43. See CeUoron. 
 
 Plymouth Colony, the, i. 245. 
 
 Pococke, Admiral, Sir George, ii. 401, 
 402. 
 
 Pointe-aux-Trembles, ii. 19, 224, 263, 
 278, 341, 361. 
 
 Poisson, Jeanne. See Pompadour. 
 
 Poland, i. 10. 
 
 Poison, Captain, i. 227, 230. 
 
 Pomeroy, Abigail, ii. 237. 
 
 Pomeroy, Rev. Benjamin, ii. 237, 238. 
 
 Pomeroy, Daniel, in the expedition 
 against Crown Point, i. 291, 311. 
 
 Pomeroy, Rachel, i. 311. 
 
 Pomeroy, Lieutenant-Colonel Seth, 1. 
 290 ; in the expedition against Crown 
 Point, i. 290, 291; quotations from 
 his letters, i. 291-294, 311, 312, 316 
 note; the battle of Lake George, i. 
 303, 305, 312 note. 
 
 Pomeroy, Seth, jr., i. 291. 
 
 Pomeroy, Theodore, i. 316 note. 
 
 Pompadour JIadame de (Jeanne Pois- 
 son), i. 2, 353, ii. 44, 394; her po- 
 litical influence, i. 2, 3, 15, 179, 354, 
 355, 363, ii. 38-45, 173, 174, 393, 409. 
 
 Pondicherrv, ii. 389, 400. 
 
 Pont-a-Buot, i 248. 
 
 Pontbriand, Bishop, ii. 265, 309. 
 
 Pontiac, i. 209, 347 note, ii. 122. 
 
 Pontleroy, ii. 100. 
 
 "Porcupine," the, ii. 284. 
 
 Port Royal (Annapolis), i. 108. 
 
 Portland, former name of, i. 169. 
 
 Portland, town on Lake Erie, i. 38. 
 
 Portneuf, to build a trading-house at 
 Toronto, i. 69, 70. 
 
 Portugal, ii. 402, 411. 
 
 Post, Christian Frederic, ii. 144; his 
 mission, ii. 144-149; sent as envoy 
 to the hostile tribes, ii. 144—151 ; his 
 journal, ii. 147 note, 163 note. 
 
 Potomac River, the, i. 59, 191, 200. 
 
 Pottawattamies, the. i. 76, 130, 209, 
 437,438, 486-489, ii. 142. 
 
492 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pouchot, Captain, i. 374, ii. 10, 11; 
 the attack on Oswego, i. 409, 410; 
 arrives at the camp of Montcalm, ii. 
 103; attacked, and surrenders at 
 Niagara, ii. 2-ffi, 249 ; the surrender 
 of Fort Levis, ii. 370. 
 
 Poulariez, Colonel, the capitulation of 
 Quebec, ii. 291, 303. 
 
 Pownall, Thomas, Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, i. 513 note ; ii. 84, 430, 
 431; despatch sent to Loudon, ii. 1; 
 statement concerning the war-debt 
 of Massachusetts, ii. 84-86. 
 
 Prague, the battle of, ii. 39. 
 
 Prairie a la Roche, i. 41. 
 
 Preble, Major Jedediah, i. 275, 276. 
 
 Presburg, the Diet at, i. 19. 
 
 Presbyterians, the, i. 32, ii. 116, 117 ; 
 in Pennsylvania, i. 31, 336-339, 347. 
 
 Presquisle. i. 89, 128, 131, 137, 144, ii. 
 159, 160J 244; the fort burned, ii. 
 247. 
 
 Provost, the intendant at Louisbourg, 
 i. 104, 105, ii. 72, 81 note ; memo- 
 rial brought to Drucour, ii. 72-74. 
 
 Prideaux, Brigadier, ii. 235, 236; the 
 capture of Fort Niagara, ii. 242-249, 
 253; his death, ii. 245, 249. 
 
 Prince Edward's Island, i. 98, ii. 74, 75. 
 
 Princess's Bastion, the, ii. 55, 64. 
 
 Pringle, Captain, joins a scouting- 
 party, ii. 12; his bravery, ii. 13-16. 
 
 Protestantism, i. 31, 355. 
 
 Province Arms, the, ii. 76. 
 
 Provincial troops, the, ii. 116, 119. See 
 Army. 
 
 "Prudent," the, ii. 67-69. 
 
 Prussia, political condition of, i. 2, 17, 
 19, 353-355, ii. 399, 400, 405, 409 ; 
 the Seven Years War, ii. 38, 39, 
 409 ; successes of, ii. 46 ; campaigns 
 under Frederic, ii. 387, 388; policy 
 of George III., ii. 393; number of 
 lives lost in the war, ii. 409. 
 
 Puritans, the, i. 26, 29 ; tbe settlers in 
 Massachusetts, i. 26 ; the class hold- 
 ing Roundhead traditions, i. 29 ; dis- 
 like of the ways of the Virginians, 
 i. 30. 
 
 Putnam, Israel, in the expedition 
 against Crown Point, i. 291 ; his 
 bravery, i. 428, 429; meeting with 
 Langy's men, ii. 96, 97; his biogra- 
 phy, ii. 123; taken prisoner, ii. 123, 
 124; his adventures, ii. 123-126; 
 tortures inflicted upon, ii. 124-126 ; 
 exchanged, ii. 126, 127. 
 
 Puysieux, Marquis de, i. 15. 
 
 Pygmalion, i. 465. 
 
 Pynchon, Doctor, i, 306. 
 
 Pyrrhic dance, the, i. 407. 
 
 Pythoness, the, i. 438. 
 
 Quakers, the, their attitude toward 
 the Indians, and their influence in 
 Pennsylvania, i. 31, 32, 141, 166, 193, 
 196, 337-341, 344-347, 349, 422, ii. 
 142; their trades, i. 339. 
 
 Quebec, i. 126 note, 184 note, 244, 
 282, 468, ii. 18, 212, 224, 250, 261, 
 306; rule of the military governor, 
 i. 22 ; chain of French forts connect- 
 
 " ing the city with New Orleans, i. 36, 
 39-41; priests of Acadia controlled 
 by the diocese of, i. 94, 255, 256; 
 relations with the Acadians, i. 242, 
 282, 283 (see Acadians) ; questions 
 of French conquest, i. 238; de- 
 scribed by Montcalm, i. 456 ; the 
 Lenten season, i. 458; Montcalm re- 
 tires to, ii. 7, 8; social life among 
 the officials, ii. 18-30; La Fri- 
 ponne, ii. 24 ; war-policy of Pitt, ii. 
 47, 48 ; preparations for an English 
 attack, ii. 79, 176 ; the expedition fit- 
 ted out against, ii. 191-194 ; the siege 
 and reduction of, ii. 195-233, 299- 
 325, 325 note, 320 note, 436-438, 
 442; census of, ii. 178; natural de- 
 fences of, ii. 178, 209, 289; prepara- 
 tions for the defence of, ii. 198-200, 
 209, 210, 215 (see Montcalm); the 
 fire-ships, ii. 201, 210-212, 227; 
 the Palace Gate, ii. 201; scarcity of 
 food, ii. 203; the Cathedral, ii. 208; 
 the Seminary garden, ii. 208; the 
 Recollets, ii. 208; the Ursulines, ii. 
 208; the Jesuits, ii. 208; the procla- 
 mations issued bv Wolfe, ii. 213, 214, 
 223, 225, 226, 261; the town bom- 
 barded, and dwellings burned, ii. 
 214, 215, 261, 262, 265 ; the disaster of 
 Montmorenci, ii. 228-233, 259, 268, 
 269; the siege continued, ii. 259- 
 272 ; the Upper and Lower Towns, 
 ii. 267 ; despatches sent from Wolfe 
 to England, ii. 270, 272, 323; the 
 Heights of Abraham ascended, ii. 
 272-288; action of Holmes's squad- 
 ron, ii. 278, 280; the last battle 
 between Wolfe and Montcalm, ii. 
 288-297, 298 note, 305; the Plains 
 of Abraham, ii. 289; the death of 
 Wolfe, ii. 297; the French routed, 
 ii. 299-305 ; the town abandoned bv 
 the army, ii. 307-310; the death of 
 Montcalm, ii. 308, 309; the grief 
 and poverty of the people, ii. 310, 
 311 ; Le"vis attempts to save the 
 city, ii. 312-315; the capitulation, 
 of, ii. 315-318; the city left in com- 
 mand of Murray, ii. 317; the rejoi- 
 cing over the victory, ii. 323-325; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 49S 
 
 authorities for information concern- 
 ing, ii. 325 note, 326 note; drawings 
 made of the ruins, ii. 327; confusion 
 after the siege, ii. 327-331; kind- 
 ness of the nuns, ii. 330, 331, 335; 
 the rule of Murray, ii. 331-333; 
 rumors of an attack from the French, 
 ii. 335-340; the expedition of Levis 
 against, and the battle cf Ste.-Foy, 
 ii. 340-358, 442-444; arrival of the 
 British squadron, ii. 355, 356; the 
 siege raised, ii. 357,358; the fall of 
 Canada, ii. 360-382; self-devotion 
 of the missionaries, ii. 412; maps 
 referring to, ii. 440, 441. 
 
 Quebec, basin of, ii. 213, 282. 
 
 Quebec, Bishop of, i. 106, 255, 260. 
 
 Queen's Bastion, the, ii. 55, 68. 
 
 Queen's Battery, the, at Quebec, ii. 
 208. 
 
 Querdisien-Tremais, to investigate the 
 frauds in Canada, ii. 36. 
 
 R. 
 
 Race, Cape, i. 185. 
 
 " Racehorse," the, ii. 343, 358. 
 
 Rameau, his estimate concerning Cana- 
 dian population, i. 20 note ; Acadi- 
 an emigrants, i. 235 note. 
 
 Ramesay, Chevalier de, ii. 202; his 
 battery refused to Montcalm, ii. 292, 
 293, 346; his field-pieces in action, ii. 
 294; his last interview with Mont- 
 calm, ii. 308; at Montcalm's funeral, 
 ii . 309, 310 ; left in charge at Quebec, 
 without supplies, i. 310-314; calls 
 a council of war, ii. 311, 312; the 
 capitulation of Quebec, ii. 315-318; 
 his sister, ii. 331. 
 
 Ranelagh Gardens, the, i. 7. 
 
 Rapide Plat, the, ii. 370. 
 
 Eascal, Fort, i. 398, 411, 415. 
 
 Raymond, Comte de, commandant at 
 the post on the Maumee, i. 52, 82 ; 
 command taken at Louisbourg, i. 
 102; royal instructions given to, 
 with regard to the Indians and 
 Acadians, i. 102, ii. 420, 421. 
 
 Raj'nal, Abbe', his ideal picture of the 
 Acadians, i. 258. 
 
 Raystown, ii. 133, 135, 137, 141, 154, 
 156. 
 
 Rea, Dr. Caleb, his religious views, 
 ii. 116-118. 
 
 Reading, i 344. 
 
 Recollets, the, ii. 208, 328. 
 
 Redstone Creek, i. 145, 155; English 
 storehouse on, i. 144; the store- 
 house burned, i. 161. 
 
 Rehoboam, ii. 115. 
 
 Rennes, i. 362. 
 
 Repentigny, ii. 28, 218, 316. 
 
 Restoration, the, i. 5. 
 
 Revolution, the, in America, i. 3. 4, 
 34, 164 note, 219, 319, ii. 119, 351. 
 
 Revolution, the French, i. 14. 
 
 Remolds, Sir Joshua, i. 202. 
 
 Rhine, the, i. 16, ii. 400. 
 
 Rhode Island, i. 382 note, ii. 93: the 
 colony compared with others, i. 25 ; 
 men voted for the expedition against 
 Crown Point, i. 286 ; character of 
 the troops from, i. 292. 
 
 Richelieu, i. 10, ii. 47; power given 
 to, by Louis XIII., i. 15. 
 
 Richelieu Kiver, the, i. 289, 378, 428, 
 453, ii 249, 332. 
 
 "Richmond," the, frigate, ii. 205. 
 
 Rickson, Lieutenant-Colonel, ii. 190. 
 
 Rigaud de Vaudreuii, brother of Gov- 
 ernor Vaudreuil, i. 408, 463, 485, 
 ii. 86; capture of Oswego, i. 408- 
 420 ; his party attacks Fort William 
 Henry, i. 448-451, 456; festivities 
 given to his officers, i. 457 ; seeks 
 to gain Indian allies, i. 475; his 
 command ; i. 458, 459, 477; frauds 
 in trade, ii. 27. 
 
 Rigaud, Madame de, ii. 20. 
 
 Rimouski, countiyof, i. 125. 
 
 Roanoke, return of Gist, i 58. 
 
 Robison, Professor John, ii. 285. 
 
 Robinson, Sir Thomas, i. 201, 241; in 
 the House of Commons, i. 179; cor- 
 respondence of, i. 183, 239, 240. 
 
 Roche, Lieutenant, ii. 12, 13; his ad- 
 ventures, and escape from death, ii, 
 14-16. 
 
 Rochebeaucourt, stationed at Pointe- 
 aux-Trembles, ii. 361. 
 
 Rochefort, i. 182, 183, 3S4, ii. 48-51; 
 the expedition against, ii. 189. 
 
 Rochester, i. 71. 
 
 Rocky Mountains, the, i. 20, 129, 130. 
 
 Rodney, Admiral, sails for Martinique, 
 ii. 401. 
 
 Rogers, Richard, i. 432; his corpse- 
 outraged, ii. 5 note. 
 
 Rogers, Robert, i. 389, 390, ii. 5 note; 
 exploits of his rangers, i. 431, 432, 
 437-446, 471, ii. 11-16, 90-94, 97, 
 121-124, 165. 221, 251-258 note, 
 261, 347, 362, 368 ; his portrait, 
 i. 431; his character and bravery, 
 i. 431-433, ii. 254, 257; i-ent to 
 destroy the Abenakis town, ii. 
 251-258; suffers from hunger, ii 
 254—257 
 
 Rogers Rock, i. 429, 441, 478, 490, ii. 
 12, 15, 94, 95. 
 
494 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Rollo, Lord, ii. 78 : follows Murray, ii. 
 363. 
 
 Roma, quotation from, i. 96, 97. 
 
 Roman Empire, the, i. 16, 17. 
 
 Roman politique, disquisition entitled, 
 i. 126. 
 
 Romans, ii. 323. 
 
 Rome, i. 321. 
 
 Roquemaure, i. 298; joined by Bou- 
 gainville, ii. 367, 368; at Montreal, 
 ii. 372. 
 
 Rose, Captain, i. 227. 
 
 Rossbach, ii. 39, 46, 408. 
 
 Rostaing killed, i. 186. 
 
 Roubaud, Jesuit missionary, i. 480, 
 487 ; his description of an Indian 
 war-feast, l. 480-482 ; Indian cru- 
 elty described, i. 482, 483, 493, 505, 
 506 ; statements in relation to the 
 massacre at Fort "William Henry, i. 
 512, 514 note ; the dishonesty hi 
 Canada, ii. 321, 322; papers given 
 to, by Montcalm, ii. 32], 322, 325 
 note, 326 note. 
 
 Rouille, De, colonial minister at Ver- 
 sailles, i. 105 note ; instructions 
 given to La Jonquiere injurious to 
 the English, i. 78-81, 84, 105 note ; 
 instructions to Duquesne, i. 86, 87 ; 
 official documents relating to the 
 Acadians, i. 95, 96 ; aids the French 
 to destroy the English, i. 101, 102, 
 ii. 418 ; treachery and double-deal- 
 ing of, i. 105 note, 106 note. 
 
 Rous, Captain, fires on the " St. Fran- 
 cois," i. 115; in the expedition sent 
 against Nova Scotia, i. 247-250, 253. 
 
 Rousseau, i. 16 ; philosophy of, i. 126. 
 
 Roussillon, Royal, battalion of, i. 363, 
 ii. 104, 107, 230; sent to defend Ti- 
 conderoga, i. 377, 378; advance of 
 the French upon Fort William Hen- 
 rv, i. 477, 491; the fall of Quebec, 
 ii 292. 
 
 Royal Americans, the, ii. 93, 132, 133, 
 232 ; serve in the expedition of 
 Forbes, ii. 132-163; in Grant's ex- 
 pedition, ii. 151 ; at the siege of 
 Quebec, ii. 230-233, 290. 
 
 Royal batterv, the, ii. 208. 
 
 Royal William, the, ii. 317. 
 
 Royale, 1'Isle, i. 109. 
 
 Ruggles, the battle at Lake George, i. 
 307 ; his regiment, ii. 378. 
 
 Russell, ii. 442. 
 
 Russia, influence of Peter the Great, 
 i. 17, 18; political outlook of, i. 353, 
 354, ii. 38-40, 386, 387, 393 ; peace 
 with Prussia and Sweden, ii. 399, 
 400. 
 
 Ryswick, the treaty of, i. 43. 
 
 s. 
 
 S , Miss Sylvia, i. 188. 
 
 Sabbath, the, observance of, i. 240, 
 295, 296. 
 
 Sabrevois, i. 486. 
 
 Sackett's Harbor, former name of. 
 i. 408. 
 
 Sacs, the, i. 130, 486-489. 
 
 Saint-Andrew, ii. 126. 
 
 Saint-Ange, i. 83. 
 
 St. Augustin, ii. 307, 314, 336, 342. 
 
 Saint-Blin, ii. 37 note. 
 
 St. Charles River, the, ii. 21, 200, 201, 
 285, 289, 300, 302, 307, 314, 348, 436 ; 
 the French camp, ii. 208, 209. 
 
 St.-Denis, Ruisseau, ii. 287. 
 
 Saint Florentine, Marquis de, i. 15. 
 
 St. Francis, the mission of, i. 209, 371, 
 480, 485, ii. 251, 321; Jesuit influ- 
 ence, ii. 144; the Abenakis attacked 
 by Rogers, ii. 251, 253-258 note. 
 
 St. Francis River, the, ii. 254. 
 
 " St. Francois," brig, i. 115. 
 
 St. George, i. 470, ii. 75, 355. 
 
 St. Germain, i. 14. 
 
 St. Helen, Island of, i. 458, ii. 375. 
 
 Saint-lgnace, Mere Aimable Dub6 de, 
 ii. 442. 
 
 St. James, i. 30. 
 
 St. Jean, Isle, i. 98, 107, 109, 110, 235, 
 
 281, ii. 74, 75, 78. 
 
 St. Jean River, the, i. 115, 241-253, 
 
 282, 283, ii. 78, 368, 385. 
 
 St. Joachim burned by order of Wolfe, 
 ii. 261. 
 
 St. John, city, i. 428, ii. 301, 367, 368. 
 
 St. John, Fort, i. 24, 453; abandoned 
 by the French, ii. 368. 
 
 Saint John's taken by the French, and 
 retaken by the English, ii. 402. 
 
 Saint Joseph River, the, i. 40. 
 
 Saint-Julien, Lieutenant-Colonel de, 
 the defence of Louisbourg, ii. 59. 
 
 St.-Laurent, visit of Knox to the 
 church of, ii". 207, 208. 
 
 St. Lawrence, Gulf of, i. 39, 115, 123, 
 ii. 79, 80,384; islands in, ceded to 
 Great Britain, ii 405. 
 
 St. Lawrence River, the, i. 3, 4, 20, 
 22, 38, 65, 68, 123, 124, 365, 453, 
 ii. 8, 79, 172, 175, 176, 179, 182, 
 192-195, 249-253, 368 ; rapids of, 
 ii. 178, 242, 370, 371; measures of 
 defence taken during the siege of 
 Quebec, ii. 200, 201, 204, 208-213, 
 219, 289, 304 ; danger in passing 
 through the Traverse, ii. 204-206; 
 steepness of the banks, ii. 228 ; 
 action of the fleet of Holmes, ii. 
 278-285 ; expedition of Levis, n. 
 341 ; humanity rewarded, ii. 343, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 495 
 
 344; arrival of the " Lowestoffe," 
 ii. 355; the river blockaded, ii. 360; 
 islands ceded to Great Britain, ii. 
 405. 
 
 St. Louis, i. 37, ii. 28. 
 
 St. Louis, the cross of the Order of, ii. 
 174, 426. 
 
 St. Louis, site of, i. 41. 
 
 St. Louis, Lake, ii. 371. 
 
 St. Lucia, ii. 401, 405. 
 
 St. Malo, ii. 33, 47. 
 
 St. Michael, ii. 267. 
 
 St. Nicolas, ii. 279, 280. 
 
 Saint-Ours, i. 491. 
 
 Saint-Ours, Madame de, i 458. 
 
 St. Patrick's Day, i. 446 ; at Fort 
 Cumberland, ii. 182. 
 
 St. Paul, village sacked and burned, 
 ii. 261. 
 
 St. Paul's Church, ii. 76, 398. 
 
 St. Philippe, a French hamlet, i. 41. 
 
 Saint-Pierre, Legardeur de, i. 129, 
 143, 144 ; journey of exploration 
 made by, i. 130-138 ; letter from 
 Governor Dinwiddie introducing 
 Washington, i. 132, 133-135 ; his 
 dealings with "Washington, i. 134, 
 135, 138; leads the Indians in the 
 expedition of Dieskau, i. 297 ; his 
 death, i. 303. 
 
 St. Pierre Island, given to France, ii. 
 405. 
 
 St. Roch, ii. 222, 300, 311, 344. 
 
 St. Sacrement, Lac, name of, changed 
 to Lake George, i. 315. 
 
 St.-Servan, capture of, ii. 47. 
 
 Saint-Ve"ran, Madame de, the mother of 
 Montcalm, i. 356, 359; letters from 
 her son quoted, i. 360-362, 372, 373, 
 454, 457, ii. 112 note, 164, 174, 
 176. 
 
 St. Vincent, ii. 401, 405. 
 
 St. Totoc, i. 48. 
 
 Sainte Anna-de-la-Perade, ii. 19. 
 
 Sainte-Claude, Mere de, ii. 331. 
 
 Sainte-Foy, ii. 306, 327-358, 381; Que- 
 bec after the siege, ii. 321-333 ; occu- 
 pied by the English, ii. 335, 342; 
 expedition of Le>is against Quebec, 
 ii. 342-358, 442, 444. 
 
 Sainte Marie, Fort, garrison at, i. 75. 
 
 Sainte-Therese, ii. 366. 
 
 Samos, post of, ii. 276, 288, 291. 
 
 Sander. See Lauder. 
 
 Saratoga, i. 387, 401, 452; the fort 
 burned, i. 174. 
 
 Sardanapalus, ii. 44. 
 
 Sardinia, i. 19. 
 
 Saul, George, commissary of supplies, 
 i. 278. 279. 
 
 Saunders, Admiral, ii. 192; aids Wolfe 
 in the reduction of Quebec, ii. 192, 
 
 194«o(e, 268, 272-274, 282, 290; his 
 fleet sails for England, ii. 317. 
 
 " Sauvage," the, ship, i. 363. 
 
 Saxe, Marshal, i. 12, 180, 182, 310; 
 his death, i. 10, 181. 
 
 Saxony, i. 10, ii. 38; joins the league 
 against Prussia, i. 355. 
 
 Saxony, Elector of, the, i. 10. 
 
 Scarroyaddy, Indian chief, i. 204. 
 
 Schenectady, village of, i. 321, 322, ii. 
 7,86. 
 
 Schuyler, General, i. 319, ii. 98, 126, 
 127; action between Bradstreet and 
 Villiers, i, 391-396. 
 
 Schuvler, Mrs., i. 319; her affection 
 for"Lord Howe, ii. 91, 98. 
 
 Schuyler, Pedrom, ii. 98. 
 
 Schuvler family, the, i. 32, 33. 
 
 Scioti, town of, i. 48, 49. 
 
 Scioto River, the, i. 55. 
 
 Scipio, i. 420. 
 
 Scotch, the, in Pennsylvania, i. 31, 
 339. 
 
 Scotland, ii. 49, 185. 
 
 Scott, Lieutenant-Colonel George, i. 
 246 ; the siege of Beaus^jour, i. 249- 
 253; his gallant action, ii. 60. 
 
 Scurvy, i. 131, ii. 339, 352. 
 
 Segur, Count, quotation from, i. 16. 
 
 Seneca, Lake, i. 54. 
 
 Senecas, the, i. 44 ; visited by Bien- 
 ville, i. 44, 45 ; efforts of the French 
 to convert, i. 65, 70, 71, 171; their 
 alliances, ii. 142-144. 
 
 Senegal, ii. 47, 400, 406. 
 
 Senezergues, mortally wounded, 11. 
 303. 
 
 Seven Years War, the, i. 3, 4, ii. 38, 
 39, 405-407, 409; deportment of 
 British officers, ii. 119. 
 
 Seventy-eighth Regiment, the, at Que- 
 bec, ii. 298 note. 
 
 Sewell, Colonel Matthew, i. 310; let- 
 ter to Holdernesse quoted, i. 310. 
 
 Sharpe, Governor of Maryland, i. 191, 
 201, 202; council of governors held 
 with Braddock, i. 191-195. 
 
 Shawanoes, the, i. 40, 45, 46, 48, 57, 
 130, 209, 391, 392; their attitude 
 towards the English, i. 59, 203, 329, 
 343, 344, ii. 150, 151; present at a 
 convention of Indians, ii. 142, 143. 
 
 Shebbeare, Dr., i. 196 note, 197 note. 
 
 Shepherd, Captain, i. 434; his capture 
 and escape, i. 434, 435. 
 
 Sheppard, Jack, i. 7. 
 
 Sherbrooke, ii. 258 note. 
 
 Shingas, Indian chief, ii. 145- 
 
 Ship, sign of the, a tavern, i. 227= 
 
 Ship-building, i. 72, 73. 
 
 Sliippensburg, ii. 136, 142. 
 
 Shirley, Captain John, son of Gov- 
 
496 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ernor Shirley, i. 323, 326; extracts 
 from his letter to Governor Morris, 
 i. 323, 324; a victim of the war, i. 
 324 note; his popularitj-, i. &2inote. 
 Shirley, William, Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, i. 123, 168; tries to repel 
 the French invasions, i. 141, 170, 
 171, 192, 234; his dealings with the 
 Assemblv of Massachusetts, i. 168, 
 169, 241, 285 note ; council held with 
 Braddock, i. 191-195; his French 
 wife, i. 192; defends taxation by 
 Parliament, i. 193; his troops, i. 
 194, 246, 320, 326, ii. 380; the de- 
 cisions of the council at Albany, 
 i. 194, 195 ; leads the expedition 
 against Niagara and Fort Frontenac, 
 i. 194-196, 318-329, 374, ii. 127; de- 
 sires Mackellar to draw plans for 
 Braddock's expedition, i. 221 note; 
 his view of Dunbar's conduct, i. 
 233 note ; becomes commander-in- 
 chief of the troops in America, i. 
 233, 245, 328; his correspondence 
 with Governor Lawrence quoted, 
 i. 239 ; his plans with regard to 
 expelling the French from Nova 
 Scotia, i. 234, 239-24], 245-247, 257; 
 the expedition sent against Crown 
 Point, i. 285-317; his campaigns 
 boldly planned, i. 318; border war- 
 fare, "ii. 318-350; at Fort Oswego, 
 i. 322-324; loss of his sons, i. 323, 
 324 note ; councils of war called, 
 i. 325, 326 ; the Niagara expedition 
 abandoned, i. 326, 381; his quarrels 
 with Johnson and with Delancey, i. 
 327, 328 ; letters from Governor 
 Morris quoted, i. 340, 343; plans 
 for a new campaign, i. 381, 382, 
 393, 447; renews his expedition 
 against Niagara, and Frontenac, i. 
 381-383, 393; recalled from com- 
 mand, i. 383, 399, 400, 420; a 
 cabal formed against, i. 383; his 
 zeal and courage, i. 384, 400; his 
 boatmen placed under Bradstreet, 
 i. 393, 405; sends men to defend 
 Oswego, i. 393-398, 405, 413 note, 
 420 ; interview with Loudon, i. 399 ; 
 Oswego seized by the French, i. 
 407-416; vindicates himself, i. 413 
 note, 420, 420 note; causes leading 
 to his failure, i. 417, 418; Loudon 
 prejudiced against, i. 420, 4G8 ; sails 
 for England, i. 421; made governor 
 of the Bahamas, i. 421; the opinion 
 of Franklin concerning, i. 421 ; suc- 
 ceeded by Governor Pownall, ii. 84. 
 Shirley, William, son of the governor, 
 secretary of Braddock, i. 187, 188, 
 191 ; letter quoted concerning Brad- 
 
 dock's expedition, i. 201, 202 ; shot 
 through the head, i. 219, 229, 323; 
 letter to Governor Morris quoted, 
 i. 323. 
 Shirley, Fort, i. 423. 
 Short, Richard, drawings of Quebec 
 
 after the siege, ii. 327 note. 
 Shubenacadie River, the, i. 113. 
 Shute, John, i. 444. 
 Silesia, i. 19, 353, 354, ii. 40, 388. 
 Silhouette, i. 122, 123. 
 Siller v, ii. 215, 274, 276, 288, 333, 344. 
 
 346^ 347, 444. 
 Sinclair, Sir John, quartermaster- 
 general, i. 198, ii. 133, 137; in 
 Braddock's expedition, i. 214 ; 
 wounded in the battle of the Monon- 
 gahela, i. 219, 227; despatch sent 
 from General Forbes, ii. 137, his pe- 
 culiarities, ii. 138, 139; his dealings 
 with Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen, 
 ii. 138, 139. 
 Small-pox, the, i. 83. 
 Smith, Colonel James, i. 211; cruel- 
 ties practised by the Indians upon, 
 i. 209, 210 ; his statement concerning 
 the defeat of Braddock's army, i. 
 221-223. 
 Smith, John, i. 227. 
 Smith, William, his remark concern- 
 ing the provincial army, i. 292. 
 Smith, William, a Rhode Island sol- 
 dier, his braverv, ii. 108. 
 Smollett, i. 6, 159^ 178. 
 Smyth, an English traveller, i. 164 
 
 note. 
 "Siren," the, i. 247. 
 " Sirene," the, ship, i. 363. 
 Six Nations, the, i. 57; desire to 
 remain neutral, i. 390. See Five 
 Nations. 
 Sodus Bay, i. 72. 
 Sorel, ii. 364, 365. 
 Soubise, i. 10. 
 South Bay, i. 295, 296, 298, 301, 313, 
 
 388, 435, 496, ii. 121, 241. 
 South Carolina, i. 33, 139, 151, 152, 
 176 ; commissioners sent to meet the 
 Indians at Albany, i. 61 ; extent of 
 British frontier, ii. 381. 
 Spain, i. 9, 19, ii. 49, 395; succession 
 of Carlos III., ii. 396; the Family 
 Compact, ii. 396, 397; change of 
 rulers, ii. 396, 399 ; influence of 
 Pitt, ii. 400, 401 ; expedition of Po- 
 cocke, ii. 401, 402; receives Havana 
 from England, ii. 405 ; the peace of 
 Paris, ii. 405, 406 ; acquisitions in 
 America, ii. 406, 413; sinking into 
 decay, ii. 411. 
 Speakman, Captain, despatches sent 
 to Winslow, i. 276. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 497 
 
 Spikeman, Captain, one of Sogers' 
 scouting-party, i. 441 ; adventures 
 of the expedition, i. 441-445. 
 Spithead, embarkation of Wolfe, ii. 
 
 192. 
 Split, Cape, i. 268. 
 Spruce-beer, i. 259, ii. 236, 237, 354. 
 Stanhope, Earl, ii. 194 nole. 
 Stanley, his sketch of the Due de 
 Choiseul, ii. 393, 394; at Versailles, 
 ii. 395. 
 Stanley, Dean, ii. 433. 
 Stanwix, Brigadier, new fort to be 
 erected at the Great Carrying Place, 
 ii. 129; builds Fort Pitt, ii. 159; to 
 relieve Pittsburg, ii. 236; Pittsburg 
 endangered, ». 244. 
 Stanwix, Fort, ii. 242. 
 Stark, John, i. 432, 446 ; his celebrity, 
 i. 291; in the expedition against 
 Crown Point, i. 291; adventures in 
 a scouting-party of Rogers, i. 441- 
 445; wounded, "i. 451 note; serves 
 under Abercromby, ii. 94. 
 Stephen, Adam, matters pertaining to 
 Washington and Jumonville, i. 151 
 note, ii. 422; trouble with Sir J. Sin- 
 clair, ii. 138, 139; sent to succor 
 Rogers, ii. 256, 257. 
 Stephen, Lieutenant, expelled from 
 
 the service, ii. 257. 
 Sterne, i. 6. 
 Stevens, the Indian interpreter, i. 288; 
 
 escapes from Quebec, ii. 278. 
 Stewart, Captain, i. 220. 
 Still, Isaac, ii. 149, 150. 
 Stillwater, i. 387, 452. 
 Stirling, ii. 185. 
 
 Stobo, Major Robert, i. 159, ii. 277; 
 detained at Quebec as a hostage, ii. 
 277; his escape, ii. 277, 278; gives 
 Wolfe the result of his knowledge 
 of Quebec, ii. 277, 278 ; his memoirs, 
 ii. 278 note. 
 Stockbridge, ii. 256. 
 Stone, William L., i. 316 note, ii. 237 
 
 note, 
 Stuarts, the, i. 6, ii. 49, 392. 
 "Success," the, i. 247. 
 Suffleld, i. 402. 
 Sugar-trade, the, ii. 403. 
 Sulpitian priests, the, i. 38, 52, 66, 
 
 458, ii. 144. 
 Superior, Lake, i. 75, 372, 486. 
 Susquehanna River, the, i. 342, 343, 
 
 391, ii. 143. 
 "Sutherland," the, ii. 224, 280, 284. 
 Sweden joins the league against Prus- 
 sia, i. 355; the Seven Years War, ii. 
 38, 39; peace with Prussia, ii. 399. 
 Swedes in Pennsylvania, i. 31. 
 Sydney, ii. 78. 
 
 vol. ii. — 32 
 
 T. 
 
 Tadoussac, l. 126 note. 
 
 Talon du Boulay, Angelique Louise, i. 
 
 Tantemar, i. 120, 241, 254, 255, ii. 
 181. 
 
 Tasse", citation from, i. 67 note. 
 
 Tatten, Captain, i. 227. 
 
 Taxation, i. 171, 193, 337, 338, 344- 
 347, ii. 392, 402, 413. 
 
 Teedyuscung, Indian chief, ii. 143. 
 
 Temple, Lord, ii. 194 note, 397. 
 
 Thames River, the, ii. 206. 
 
 Thirty-fifth Regiment, the, ii. 298 
 note. 
 
 Thomas, Surgeon John, his diary 
 quoted, i. 250. 
 
 Thompson, James, ii. 351; diary of, 
 ii. 439. 
 
 Thousand Islands, the, i. 68, ii. 369. 
 
 Three Rivers, i. 485, 486, ii. 20, 264, 
 312, 341, 360, 363 ; census of, ii. 178 
 
 Ticonderoga, i. 350, 453, ii. 2, 16 note, 
 83, 102, 119, 162, 166, 180,212, 292; 
 camp at, i. 373 ; advance of Dieskau, 
 i. 297-299; occupied by the French, 
 i. 313, 314; attempt against, i. 374; 
 held by the French, i. 374, 376, 
 390, 415, 442; its importance and 
 position, i. 377, 378, 427, 428, 477, 
 ii. 99, 100; plans of the English to 
 capture, i. 381, 382, 387-389, 399, 
 405, 406, 447; war-parties sent out 
 from, i. 429-431; exploits of Rogers' 
 rangers, i. 433-437, 441-445, ii. 11- 
 16; a small party left in charge, i. 
 439, 448; preparations to attack 
 Fort William Henry, i. 477; held 
 by Montcalm's forces, i. 490, 491; 
 expedition against, led by General 
 Abercromby, ii. 86-113 note; the*""" 
 battle and' Montcalm's victory, ii. 
 104-113 note, 128, 164, 431-436 ; war- 
 parties sent from, by the French, ii. 
 121-124; Putnam carried to, ii. 126; 
 question of renewing the attack 
 upon, by the English, ii. 129, 130, 
 197; Bourlamaque established at, ii. 
 195; approach of Amherst, ii. 210, 
 222'; captured bv the English, ii. 
 235-240 ; blown up by the French, 
 ii. 239, 265 ; the legend of Inverawe, 
 ii. 433-136. 
 
 Titcomb, Colonel Moses, t. 290; his 
 service at Louisbourg, i. 290; the 
 battle at Lake George, i. 307. 
 Tobacco, i. 30, 33. 
 
 Tobago Island, to belong to England, 
 
 ii. 405. 
 Tomahawk Camp, ii. 161. 
 Tongue Mountain, i. 491. 
 
498 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Tories, the, i. 6, 392, 398. 
 
 Toronto, i. 83; trading-house at, i. 70, 
 72. 
 
 Toronto, Fort, i. 69, 70; plan of cap- 
 ture bv the English, i. 381. 
 
 Toulon, "ii. 49, 60. 
 
 Touraine, i. 76. 
 
 Tourmente, Cape, ii. 204, 206, 261. 
 
 Tournois, Father, i. 64, 65; his illegal 
 trade, i. 65 note. 
 
 Townshend Captain, his efforts to 
 assist the German settlement, ii. 7 ; 
 his death, ii. 239. 
 
 Townshend, Charles, secretary of war, 
 i. 8, ii. 393. 
 
 Townshend, George, his character, ii. 
 193; serves under Wolfe at the 
 siege of Quebec, ii. 193, 216, 217, 
 266, 267, 274, 289, 290, 294, 298 
 note, 314; succeeds Monckton in 
 command, ii. 304; note sent from 
 the dying Montcalm, ii. 308,309; 
 the terms of capitulation for Quebec, 
 ii. 315, 316 ; returns to England, ii. 
 317. 
 
 Tracy, Lieutenant, ii. 123. 
 
 Trading-posts, i. 25, 70, 87, 192, 193 ; 
 at Will's Creek, i. 59, 132, 142, 199, 
 200. 
 
 Trent, William, i. 42, 138, 342; at 
 Piekawillany, i. 85 note ; in Wash- 
 ington's expedition to the West, i. 
 138; his band of backwoodsmen, i.' 
 142, 145; sufferings of the people, 
 i. 342. 
 
 Trepezec, ii. 94, 95. 
 
 Troupes de terre, i. 368, 369. 
 
 Trout Brook, ii. 12, 94-96. 
 
 Truro, i. 94. 
 
 Tulpehocken, settlement destroyed by 
 the Indians, i. 347. 
 
 Turenne, i. 10. 
 
 Turkey Creek, ii. 158. 
 
 Turner, Lieutenant, ii. 255; attacked 
 by the French, ii. 256. 
 
 Turpin, Dick, i. 7. 
 
 Turtle, the, clan of, i. 476. 
 
 Turtle Creek, i. 207. 
 
 Tuscaroras'join the Five Nations, i. 63. 
 
 Twenty-eighth Regiment, the, ii. 298 
 note. 
 
 Two Mountains, the, i. 372. 
 
 Two Mountains, Lake ot the, i. 154, 
 474, 475, 485, 486. 
 
 Two Mountains, mission of, i. 65 note ; 
 ceremony in the Mission Church of, 
 i. 476 note. 
 
 Tyburn, i. 7. 
 
 Tyrrell, name applied to Thomas Pi- 
 chon, i. 243 note. 
 
 u. 
 
 Ulster, i. 31. 
 
 United States, the, i. 48, 193; her 
 
 growth and opportunities, i. 4, ii. 
 
 408, 411, 413, 414. 
 Upton, Mrs., i. 189. 
 Ursuline Convent, the, ii. 309. 
 Ursulines, the, i. 282, ii. 208, 222, 309, 
 
 442 ; at the General Hospital, ii. 265 ; 
 
 matters pertaining to the burial of 
 
 Montcalm, ii. 317, 441, 442. 
 Utrecht, the treaty of, i. 43, 7$, 90- 
 
 92, 94, 123-127, 236-238. 
 
 Valtry, M. de, i. 74. 
 
 Vanbraam, i. 135; interpreter for 
 Washington, i. 133, 158; matters 
 pertaining to the alleged assassina- 
 tion of Jumonville, i. 158, 159, ii. 
 421-423. 
 
 "Vanguard," the, ii. 356. 
 
 Vannes, the siege at Beause'jour, i. 
 249, 251. 
 
 Van Renselaer, i. 32. 
 
 Varin, naval commissary, ii. 20; num- 
 ber of French in the fight at Great 
 Meadows, i. 160 note ; official knave- 
 ry, ii. 29, 30, 385. 
 
 Varin, Madame, i. 457, ii. 428. 
 
 Vaudreuil, Madame de, joins in the 
 quarrel of her husband with Mont- 
 calm, ii. 168. 
 
 Vaudreuil, Philippe de, early governor 
 of Canada, i. 366. 
 
 Vaudreuil, Pierre Francois Rigaud, 
 Marquis de, governor of New » 
 France, i. 182, 288, 289 ; his estimate 
 concerning the population of Can- 
 ada, i. 20 note; his friendship for 
 Vergor, i. 253, ii. 278; his traits of 
 character, and his double-dealing, i. 
 366-368, 376, 388 note, 445, 460- 
 466, ii. 7, 20-31, 154 note, 167, 169- 
 171, 173, 196-199, 258 note, 307, 
 319, 322, 376; life at Montreal, i. 
 366, 455, 456, ii. 8-10, 18-22, 339; 
 his relations with Montcalm, i. 366- 
 368, 377, 456, 460, 462-466, ii. 3. 8- 
 10, 35, 36, 164-169, 173, 175, 179, 
 180, 202, 203, 292, 293, 300, 301, 
 315-323; his plans for defence, i. 
 374, 376 ; induces the Indians to 
 fight against the English, i. 392, 
 437, 438, 467, ii. 4, 5, 262; party 
 sent to cut off the supplies from Os- 
 wego, i. 393, 394; at Fort Frontenac, 
 i. 407, 408 ; the French victorious at 
 Oswego, i. 413; despatches sent to 
 
INDEX. 
 
 499 
 
 Versailles, i. 427 ; war-party sent to 
 reduce Fort William Henry, i. 447- 
 451 ; his choice of Rigaud tor com- 
 mander, i. 458, 459 ; detractions 
 made in regard to the French regu- 
 lars, i. 461--463 ; calls for troops, i. 
 467, 468; the attack on Fort William 
 Henry planned, i. 472, 514 note 
 (see William Henry, Fort); animus 
 of Loudon towards, ii. 1, 2 : the affair 
 at German Flats, ii. 6, 7 ; his rela- 
 tions with Bigot, ii. 17, 18, 323; his 
 official corruption, ii. 20-31, 171, 
 319 ; receives ministerial rebukes, 
 ii. 32-35 ; his plans in regard to 
 Ticonderoga, ii. 86, 87, 164, 165; 
 provides for the defence of Fort Du- 
 quesne, ii. 141, 142; extracts from 
 his letters to the colonial minister, 
 ii. 141, 142, 172-175 ; letters blaming 
 Montcalm, ii. 164-166, 172, 173; the 
 loyalty of the Canadians, ii. 169; 
 appeal made at court, for aid for 
 Canada, ii. 171-173; receives the 
 grand cross of the Order of St. 
 Louis, ii. 174; a census of Canada 
 made, ii. 178 ; ordered to defer to 
 Montcalm, ii. 179, 180; circular let- 
 ter issued by, ii. 195, 196; the siege 
 and reduction of Quebec, ii. 195-233, 
 259-325, 325 note, 326 note, 437; 
 measures taken bv, in the defence 
 of Quebec, ii. 198-203, 206, 209, 218, 
 
 222, 264, 265, 274, 276, 287, 291, 
 292, 301, 302; his friendship for 
 Cadet, ii. 199, 323; tries t. burn the 
 English fleet, ii. 210-212, 227; proc- 
 lamations of Wolfe, ii. 213, 214, 
 
 223, 225. 226. 261, 262; councils of 
 war held, 218, 219, 305; his delight 
 over the English disaster at Mont- 
 morenci, ii. 233; the siege of Niaga- 
 ra by the English, ii. 235, 243-249; 
 his orders to Bourlamaque, ii. 238, 
 239 ; the final battle and the death 
 of Montcalm, ii. 292-297, 308-310; 
 the question of capitulation discussed 
 at Quebec, ii. 303-307 ; orders a Te- 
 treat, ii. 307; his flight, ii. 308, 310; 
 summons Levis to his assistance, ii. 
 312; steps taken to repair his errors, 
 ii. 312-314; Quebec surrenders, ii. 
 314-316; defames Ramesay, ii. 318; 
 his correspondence, ii. 322, 325 note, 
 438; his hope of retaking Quebec 
 through the expedition of Levis, ii. 
 340-358; his spirit, and chances of 
 success, ii. 361, 362, 366, 367, 376; 
 his proclamation to the Canadians, 
 ii. 366 ; orders given to Bougainville, 
 ii. 367, 368; the English encamp 
 -near Montreal, ii. 372 ; the articles 
 
 of capitulation for Montreal drawn 
 up and signed, ii. 372-374 ; re- 
 pairs to France, ii. 375, 376, 384; 
 reproved for his action at Montreal, 
 ii. 375, 376 ; imprisoned and tried, 
 ii. 385, 386; acquitted, ii. S86; mat- 
 ters relating to Dumas and Ligneris, 
 ii. 423, 424. 
 Vaudreuil, Rigaud de. See Rigaud. 
 Vauquelin, his bravery at Louisbourg, 
 ii. 63, 341; attacked by the Eng- 
 lish, ii. 356, 357. 
 Tauvert, i. 366. 
 Venango, i. 133, 135, 423, ii. 159-161, 
 
 244; the fort burned, ii. 247. 
 Vendome, i 10. 
 Veicheres, 51. de, i. 74. 
 Vergor, Duchambon de, commandant 
 at Beausejour, i. 239-242; sustains 
 Le Loutre, i. 242-244; letter from 
 Bigot advising official corruption, 
 i. 242; the siege of Beausejour, i. 247- 
 253; capitulation of the fort, i. 251; 
 tried and acquitted i. 253, ii. 278; 
 his command on the Heights of 
 Abraham, ii. 276-278: chances of 
 success for Wolfe in his last ven- 
 ture, ii. 278, 284, 285 ; shot in the 
 heel, ii. 287. 
 Vermont, i. 290; new road made 
 
 across, ii. 241. 
 Veruet, i. 32. 
 Verreau, Abb<5 H., ii. 37 note, 326 
 
 mite. 
 
 Versailles, i. 11, 12, 80, 81, 87, 96, 
 101, 111, 180, 182, 253, 361, 474, ii. 
 32, 354, 395; corruption at court, 
 ii. 44; arrival of the envoys from 
 Canada, ii. 174. 
 
 Verte, Baye, i. 252-255. 
 
 Vicars, Captain John, i. 375 note, 398 
 note ; at Albanv, i. 397. 
 
 Viger, Hon. P. B'., ii. 43S. 
 
 Vi^er, Jacques, ii. 418. 
 
 Viilars, i. 10. 
 
 Villejoin, i. 458. 
 
 Villeray, commandant at Fort Gas- 
 pereau, i. 253; surrenders to the 
 English, i. 253; brought to trial, i. 
 253. 
 
 Villiers, Coulon de, sent to Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 153; the fight at 
 Great Meadows, i. 153-155, 157- 
 161, ii. 421^23; the fight with 
 Bradstreet's boatmen, i. 393-396; 
 condition of his camp, i. 402; en- 
 camped at Niaoure' Bay, i. 408; 
 taken prisoner, ii. 248. 
 
 Vincennes, i. 83. 
 
 Vincent, Earl St., ii. 284. 
 
 Virginia, i. 68, 69, 142, 163, 181, 
 182, 382, 423; manners, customs, 
 
500 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 and other matters of interest, per- 
 taining to, i. 29-35, 42, 60, 86, 164 
 note, 165, 196, ii. 22; questions of 
 boundary, i. 37, 53, 61, 174 ; unpop- 
 ularity of Lord Albemarle, i. 136, 
 137; the settlers need protection 
 from the Indians, i. 139, 140, 329- 
 333, 336, 343, 365, 380, 422, ii. 131, 
 132 ; meeting of the Assembly with 
 Dimviddie, i. 164, 165; enlistments 
 in and preparations for Braddock's 
 campaign, i. 196, 200; disposal of 
 the Acadians, i. 283 ; fears of a slave 
 insurrection, i. 331 ; condition of its 
 forts, i. 422, 422 note ; roads to Ohio, 
 ii. 133. See Assembly of Virginia. 
 
 Virginia regiment, the, commanded 
 by George Washington, i. 132, 142, 
 151 ; distress of their marches, and 
 difficulties of the service, i. 153, 
 156-159, 163, 216, 217; the troops 
 praised by Braddock and by Wash- 
 ington, i. 226, 230. 
 
 Virginians, the, their service in the 
 army, and merited commendation, 
 i. 152, 159, 200, 226, 230, ii. 133, 
 138, 152, 160. 
 
 Vitre, Denis de, pilots the English 
 fleet, ii. 203 
 
 Voltaire, i. 1 .16, 22; letter from Fred- 
 eric II., ii. 388. 
 
 Voyageur9, i. 20 note. 
 
 w. 
 
 Wabash River, the, i. 40, 56, 83. 
 
 Waggoner, Captain, i. 217, 331. 
 
 Walker, Admiral, his fleet wrecked, 
 ii. 203. 
 
 Walpole, Horace, i. 7 ; his opinion of 
 Edward Cornwallis, i. 93, 110; re- 
 mark and anecdote concerning the 
 Duke of Newcastle, i. 177, 178; 
 observation concerning Mirepoix, i. 
 180; sketch of General Braddock, 
 i. 188, 189, 191, 198; remark con- 
 cerning George Townshend, ii. 193; 
 letters concerning Wolfe and Que- 
 bec, ii. 323, 324, 358; recounts the 
 death of George II., ii. 390, 391 ; his 
 writing concerning Pitt, ii. 406, 407. 
 
 War-songs, i. 474, 476, 481. 
 
 Ward, Ensign, attacked by the French, 
 and surrenders, i. 143. 
 
 Warde, George, ii. 190. 
 
 Warren, Sir Peter, Admiral, i. 287. 
 
 Washington, George, i. 53; sequence 
 of events dating from the time 
 of his youth, i. 1; enters upon his 
 career, i. 132; adjutant-general of 
 the Virginia militia, i. 132, 142, 151, 
 
 330 ; his embassy to Fort Le Boeuf, 
 with letter of introduction to Saint- 
 Pierre, i. 132-136, 297 ; his adven 
 ture at Murdering Town, i. 136 
 the site of Pittsburg examined by, 
 i. 142; the battle at Great Meadows 
 and the alleged assassination of 
 Jumonville, i. 145-162, ii. 421-423 
 his traits of character, i. 146, 147, 
 150, 213, 219, 331-334; at Fort 
 Necessity, i. 156 ; the capitulation 
 drawn up by Villiers, i. 158, 159; re- 
 treat from Fort Necessity, i. 160, 161; 
 opinion of, expressed by Half-King, 
 i. 160 note ; the Fourth of July, i. 
 161; quoted concerning Braddock, i. 
 201 ; serves as aide-de-camp to Brad- 
 dock in his expedition against Fort 
 Duquesne, i. 202, 203; consultation 
 with Braddock, i. 206 ; letter to his 
 brother quoted, i. 206, 207; crosses 
 the Monongahela, i. 212, 213 ; bat- 
 tle of the Monongahela, and retreat 
 of the English troops, i. 214-233; 
 letter quoted concerning the defeat, 
 i. 220, 230; quoted concerning the 
 sufferings of the people, i. 331-333, 
 ii. 131, 132; his relations with Uin- 
 widdie, i. 332, 333, ii. 131, 132; 
 report of the aifair at Kittanning, by 
 Dumas, i. 426, 427; his relations 
 with General Forbes, in his expedi- 
 tion against Fort Duquesne, ii. 134, 
 137, 138, 158. 
 
 Waterbury, i. 428. 
 
 Webb, Colonel Daniel, i. 439 ; resigns 
 his position as commander-in-chief, 
 i. 383; arrives at Albany, i. 399; 
 sent to reinforce Oswego, i. 405, 406, 
 415; at Fort Edward, i. 496-498 
 note, ii. 2-4; his correspondence 
 with Monro, i. 496, 497; his lack 
 of support for Monro, at Fort Wil- 
 liam Henry, i. 496. 497, 501, 502, 
 513 note, ii. 1-3, 428, 429 ; his regi- 
 ment at the siege of Quebec, ii. 297. 
 
 Wedell, General, ii. 387. 
 
 Weiser, Conrad, i. 66, 73, 160 ; letter 
 to Governor Morris, i. 347. 
 
 Weld, Chaplain, i. 404, 405 note. 
 
 Wentworth, Governor, i. 510 note. 
 
 Wesley, John, i. 6. 
 
 West, Captain, leads a party to bury 
 the dead, ii. 159, 160. 
 
 West, Benjamin, ii. 159. 
 
 West, the. conflict for, of the French 
 and English, i. 2. 63-90, 132, 134, 
 137-141, 170, 192, '231, 232, 318, 329, 
 415 ; the forests, i. 205 ; French and 
 English settlements compared, ii. 
 146. 
 
 West Indies, the, i. 10, 137, 230, 356 
 
INDEX. 
 
 501 
 
 ii. 65, 192, 401 ; power of England 
 over, ii. 400, 405. 
 
 West Mountain, i. 300. 
 
 Westminster Abbey, tablet erected to 
 Lord Howe. ii. 91. 
 
 Wheeling Creek, i. 48. 
 
 Whigs, the, i. 6, 179, ii. 40, 392, 400. 
 
 White Mountains, i. 453. 
 
 White Point, ii. 57. 
 
 White Woman's Creek, i. 55. 
 
 Whitefield, i. 6. 
 
 Whitehall, i. 298, ii. 121, 252. 
 
 White's Chocolate-House, i. 7. 
 
 Whiting, Lieutenant-Colonel, i. 302 ; 
 his men fall into Dieskau's ambush, 
 i. 302, 303. 
 
 Whitmore, brigadier, serves in the 
 expedition against Louisbourg, ii. 
 48, 57-7G ; becomes the governor of 
 Louisbourg, ii. 76. 
 
 Whitworth, Dr. Miles, i. 508; sum- 
 mons to the Acadians drawn up, 
 i. 271, 272 ; present at the massacre 
 at Fort William Henry, i. 509, 514, 
 ii. 430, 431. 
 
 Wiggins, George, ii. 82 note. 
 
 Wilhelmina, death of, ii. 389. 
 
 William, Duke of Cumberland, son of 
 George II., i. 8. 
 
 William III., his accession to the 
 throne of England, i. 5, 6. 
 
 William and Mary College, i. 163. 
 
 William Henry, Fort, i. 388, 452, 457, 
 ii. 88, 114; its situation, i. 316, 492 
 winter life of the garrison, i. 350 
 its condition, i. 401, 402, 493, 495 
 exploits of Lieutenant Kennedy and 
 Captain Hodges, l. 428, 429; ex- 
 ploits of Rogers' rangers, i. 433- 
 437, 441, 445; attacked by Vau- 
 drenil's war-party, i. 446-45*1, 456- 
 458 ; a new attack planned, and the 
 expedition prepared by the French, 
 i. 472, 474-494; besieged and con- 
 quered by the French, i. 494-513, 
 514 note, ii. 1, 2, 5, 6, 237, 292, 320, 
 321, 381, 428-431 ; some of the garri- 
 son massacred by the Indians, i. 
 505-513, 514 note, ii. 428-431. 
 
 William Henry Hotel, i. 401. 
 
 Williams, Colonel Ephraim, i. 290; 
 origin of Williams College, i. 290 ; 
 serves in the expedition against 
 Crown Point, i. 290-311; his wounds 
 and death, i. 302, 303, 311. 
 
 Williams, Colonel Israel, ii. 120 note ; 
 letters to quoted, i. 292, 293, ii. 114, 
 115. 
 
 Williams, Josiah, i. 311 . 
 
 Williams, Stephen, a chaplain, i. 290; 
 preaches to the army at Lake George, 
 i. 295, 296. 
 
 Williams, Thomas, a surgeon, serves 
 in the expedition sent against Crown 
 Point, i. 290-293 ; letters from, 
 quoted, i. 294, 311, 316 note, 406; 
 his account of the battle of Lake 
 George, i. 306, 312 note ; his anxiety 
 for Oswego, i. 405, 406. 
 
 Williams, Colonel William, account 
 of the loss of Oswego, i. 406, 407 ; 
 letters quoted concerning the army 
 and the battle at Ticonderoga, ii. 
 114, 115, 119, 120. 
 
 Williams College, i. 290. 
 
 Williams, Fort, i. 374, 375. 
 
 Williamsburg, i. 136, 142, 163, 228, 
 332; society at, i. 163, 164. 
 
 Will's Creek, i. 59, 139, 142-144, 151, 
 161 ; the trading-station established 
 on, i. 132, 199, 200. 
 
 Winchester, i. 141, 330. 
 
 Windsor, i. 94, 268. 
 
 Winnebagoes, the, i. 486. 
 
 Winslow, John, i. 169, 495 ; his educa- 
 tion and circumstances, i. 245, 246 ; 
 his letters and journal quoted con- 
 cerning the Acadians, i. 249, 250, 
 252, 253 note, 254, 255, 266 note, 267, 
 269-271, 274, 275,277,277 note, 278, 
 279; the siege of Fort Beausejour, 
 i. 247-253 ; circumstances with re- 
 gard to the removal of the Acadians, 
 i. 249-253, 266-284 ; relations with 
 Captain Murray, i. 269, 275, 278; 
 delivers the orders of George II. 
 to the Acadians, i. 272-274 ; his 
 
 Eortrait, i. 273 ; his quarters at Half- 
 loon, i. 387; letter to Colonel Fitch, 
 i. 388; letters hastening the prepara- 
 tions for an attack on Ticonderoga, 
 i. 388, 389, 405, 438; difficulty con- 
 cerning the rank of provincials and 
 regulars, i. 399, 400; his camp at 
 Lake George, i. 401, 421, 438; his 
 opinion of Israel Putnam, i. 428 ; 
 his Letter Book cited, i. 429; prison- 
 ers brought into camp, i. 431; his 
 sentinels killed, i. 437; ordered to 
 remain in a defensive attitude, i. 
 438 ; his letter to Shirley concern- 
 ing the failure of the campaign, i. 
 438, 439 ; his troops garrisoned in 
 winter-quarters, i. 439; money ex- 
 pended on his expedition, ii. 84. 
 
 Wisconsin, i. 486. 
 
 Wisconsin Historical Society, the, ii. 
 426. 
 
 Wolf Island, i. 409. 
 
 Wolfe, Mrs , the filial devotion of her 
 son, ii. 185-190, 192: last letter from 
 General Wolfe, ii. 269, 270; mourns 
 his loss, ii. 324. 
 
 Wolfe, Major-General Edward, ii. 184. 
 
602 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 "Wolfe, James, ii. 48, 345; his opinion 
 of Cornwallis, i. 93; serves in the 
 expedition against Louisbourg, ii. 
 48, 57-81 ; his characteristics and 
 his ill health, ii. 48, 58, 78-81, 183- 
 188, 190-192, 219, 221-225, 262. 
 2G6-270, 272, 277, 281, 288, 289, 
 294, 295; his age, ii. 184; confi- 
 dential relation existing with his 
 mother, ii. 185-190, 192, 269, 270; 
 plans of attack at Louisbourg, ii. 
 57, 58; the Island Battery silenced, 
 ii. 62, 63 ; holds Lighthouse Point, 
 ii. 62, 63; the French ships burned, 
 ii. 66, 67, 69; the capitulation of 
 Louisbourg, ii. 71-75 ; ordered to dis- 
 perse the French settlers, ii. 80,81; 
 sails for England, ii. 81 ; his opinion 
 of Abercromby and of Lord Howe, 
 ii. 89; an expedition fitted out to 
 serve under, ii. 181-184; his rank 
 and campaigns, ii. 185, 189, 191; 
 the Rochefort expedition, ii. 189; 
 letters to Major Wolfe and Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel Eickson, ii. 190-192; 
 his betrothed, ii. 190, 284 ; to com- 
 mand the expedition against Quebec, 
 ii. 191-193; embarks for America, 
 ii. 192 ; authorities on his life, ii. 
 194 note ; siege and reduction of 
 Quebec, ii. 195-233, 259-299, 436- 
 441; arrival of the fleet in the St. 
 Lawrence, and passage of the Tra- 
 verse, ii. 203-206; at the Island of 
 Orleans, ii. 208 ; his view of the 
 French camp, ii. 208, 209; the de- 
 scent of the fire-ships, ii. 210-212, 
 227; seizes Point Levi, ii. 213; his 
 proclamations to the Canadians, ii. 
 213, 214, 223, 225, 226, 260, 261; 
 his position at Montmorenci, ii. 216- 
 220 ; Quebec bombarded, ii. 216, 
 217, 228; his determination to per- 
 severe in the siege, ii. 228; the dis- 
 aster at Montmorenci, ii. 228-233, 
 259,260, 268, 269; ballads written 
 concerning, ii. 233 note ; the ex- 
 pected aid from Amherst, ii. 240, 
 241, 250, 272; proposes to fortify 
 Isle-aux-Coudres, ii. 260 ; plans of 
 attack considered by, ii. 260, 266- 
 272; despatches sent to Pitt, ii. 268- 
 272, 323 ; the discovery of the path 
 ascending the heights, ii. 272, 278 ; 
 his determination to climb the 
 heights, and attack the French, ii. 
 272-280; movements of the squad- 
 ron under Holmes, ii. 278-285 ; 
 his last orders from the "Suther- 
 land," ii. 280, 281; statistics of his 
 
 troops, ii. 281, 283, 290, 298 note, 437, 
 438, 444; assisted by Saunders, ii. 
 282; the pretended attack at Beau- 
 fort, ii. 282, 283 ; makes use of the 
 French provision-boats, ii. 283, 284, 
 286; his presentiment, ii. 284; his 
 chances of success, ii. 284, 285 ; the 
 ascent of the heights, ii. 284-289; 
 remark concerning Gray's Elegy, 
 ii. 285; the challenge to the boats, 
 ii. 286 ; his troops drawn up ready 
 for action, ii. 289-292; the charge 
 and victory of the English, ii. 295- 
 297; his wounds, ii. 296; his last 
 words, ii. 297, 297 note; his death, 
 ii. 297, 317, 323, 324; his remains 
 carried to England, ii. 317 ; his 
 death written upon by Walpole, ii. 
 323, 324 ; the fruits of the victorv, 
 ii. 325, 352, 400 ; remarks of the 
 Eev. E. Forbes, ii. 378; his "In- 
 structions to Young Officers," ii. 
 439. 
 
 Wolfe, Walter, the uncle of James 
 Wolfe, ii. 190, 192; letters from his 
 nephew quoted, ii. 191-193. 
 
 Wolfe's Cove, ii. 278. 
 
 Wood Creek, i. 295, 297, 321, 374, 388, 
 406, ii. 121. 
 
 Wooden Horse, the, i. 386. 
 
 Woolsey, Colonel, ii. 432, 433. 
 
 Wooster, Colonel David, i. 389. 
 
 Worcester, i. 404. 
 
 Wraxall, i. 301 note ; eulogies of John- 
 son, i. 316. 
 
 Wright, his Life of Wolfe, ii. 82 note, 
 194. 
 
 Wright, Dr., ii. 120; sickness in the 
 army, ii. 120. 
 
 Wyandot, i. 54, 76. 
 
 Wyandots, the, i. 40, 41, 57. 
 
 Wyoming, ii. 143. 
 
 Yadkin, the, i. 58. 
 
 Yale College, i. 290. 
 
 York, i. 7. 
 
 Youghiogany river, the, i. 145, 146, ii. 
 138. 
 
 Young, Lieutenant-Colonei, i. 496; 
 sent to Montcalm for terms of capit- 
 ulation, i. 505. 
 
 Zeisberger, David, i. 55 note, 
 Zinzendorf, Count, i. 54, 55. 
 
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