.,'1 1' jf ^J >!» 'i ajntttell BmucraitH atljaca, Netu flark LIBRARY OF THE SAGE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHY Cornell University Library arV154 ' A brief history of Greel< philosophy. 3 1924 031 185 782 olin,anx Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924031185782 A BRIEF HISTORY GREEK PHILOSOPHY. BY B. C. BURT, M.A., Formerly Fellow, and Fellow by Courtesy, in the Johns Hopkins University. oi®io BOSTON : GINN & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1889. ±sz Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1888, by B. C. BURT, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. Typography by J. S. Cushing & Co., Boston. Presswork by GiNN & Co., Boston. TO H. G. B. AND E. S. McK. PREFACE. The following work had its beginning in a series of essays written for one of the ethico-religious periodi- cals of the country. To these — at the suggestion of friends whose counsel seemed to be as valuable as that of any could possibly be and could not well be disregarded — others were added to make a brief account of Greek speculation from its beginning to its end. This account has been prepared in the belief that the problems of philosophy are in a large measure always the same, and that the Greek solutions of the cardinal problems, by reason of their simplicity and freshness (for they are solutions that were found when the world's thought was comparatively in its youth, and are, in larger measure than those unacquainted with the history of thought begin to suspect, the only original solutions of those problems), and by reason of their remoteness from the prejudices of the present, have a certain value not pos- sessed by any others, particularly for the beginner in philosophical thinking. Most of the works treating of the subject of which this volume treats are learned and extensive, overwhelming the general reader, and even VI PREFACE. the student, almost, with a sense of the superabundant wealth of the ancient thought in particular and the world's thought in general. It is hoped that the pres- ent work will render accessible in convenient form and quantities some of the noblest portions of the intellect- ual wealth of Greece. An attempt is here made not merely to expound and elucidate, but also to present in their historical connection, and give a just estimate of the validity of, the leading standpoints and categories of Greek thinking. Much reading and not a little original study have been given to the task. The writer takes the liberty to express here his sense of obligation to G. S. Morris, Professor of Philosophy in the University of Michigan, and formerly Lecturer on Philosopy in the Johns Hopkins University, and to G. S. Hall, late Professor of Psychology in the Johns Hopkins University, and now President of Clark Uni- versity, for suggestions and encouragement received from them. A word of thanks is due also to John Dewey, now Assistant Professor of Philosophy in Michigan University, and Professor Elect of Philos- ophy in the University of Minnesota ; and to a college- classmate who has become a life-companion. Ann Arbor, June, 1888. GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Introductory Paragraph, p. i. I. NATURALISM, pp. 1-34. §1- The Hylicists, Hylozoists, or Early Ionic Natural Philosophers : Thales, p. i; Anaximandir, p. 2; Anaximenes, p. 3; Result, p. 3. §2- The Pythagoreans, p. 4 : Pythagoras and the Pythagorean Society, pp. 4-6; Pythagorean Philosophy, p. 6; Number-Theory and Doctrine of Contraries, pp. 6-7; Theories not purely Pythagorean, pp. 7-9; Miscellaneous Theories, p. 9; Result, p. 9. §3. The Eleatics, p. 10 : Life of Xenophanes, p. 10; Philosophy of Xenopha- nes, p. II; Result, p. 11; Life of Parmenides, p. 12; Philosophy of Parmenides, pp. 13-14; Result, p. 15; Life of Zeno, p. t6; Philosophy ofZeno,p.i6; Result, pp. 17-18; Melissus,^. 18; General Result, p. 19. §4- Heraclitus : Life of Heraclitus, p. 20; First Principle, pp. 20-21 ; Physi- cal Doctrine, p. 22; The Soul and Reason, p. 22; Result, p. 23. §5- Later Natural Philosophers, p. 23 : Life of Jimpedocles,^. 24; Theory of Nature, pp. 24-25 ; Theory of Knowledge, p. 26; Result, p. 26; Life of Anaxagoras, p. 27; Theory of Nature, pp. 27-28; Theory of Nous, or Mind, and Knowledge, p. 29; Result, p. 29; The Atomists, Leucippus3.nADemocritus,p.y3; Theory of Nature, pp. 30-31; Theory of the Soul, etc, pp. 31-32; Result, pp. 32-33. viii GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. §6. General Character of the First Period in the History of Greek Philosophy, pp. 33-34- II. RATIONALISM, pp. 34-263. §7- The Sophists, p. 34 : Life of Protagoras, p. 35 ; Theory of Protagoras, pp. 35-36; Life of Gorgias, p. 36; Theory of Gorgias, pp. 36-37; Result, p. 37. Hippias and Prodicus, p. 38; The Sophists as a Class (Result), pp. 38-40. §8. Socrates : The Sophists and Socrates, p. 41 ; Special Sources of Informa- tion regarding Socrates, p. 42; Life of Socrates, pp. 42-45; Personal- ity of Socrates and its Relation to the Subsequent History of Greek Philosophy, pp. 45-47; Philosophy of Socrates, p. 47; Spirit of the Socratic Philosophizing, pp. 48-50; The Socratic Method, pp. 50-54; The Doctrines of Socrates (their general character), p. 54; Physical Phi- losophy of Socrates, p. 55; (Ethical Philosophy of Socrates) Relations between Knowledge and Virtue, p. 56; General Consequences of the Unity of Knowledge and Virtue, p. 57; Classification of the Virtues, p. 58; Temperance, p. 58; Friendship, p. 59; Right Citizenship and Justice, p. 60; Piety, p. 61; Wisdom, p. 62; Beauty, p. 63; General Result, pp. 63-64. §9- The Followers of Socrates, p. 65. § 10. The Lesser Socratics, p. 65: The Megarians {Euclid, Eubulides, Diodorus, Stilpo, and their doctrines), pp. 66-67; "^^^ Cynics (Aniis- thenes, Diogenes, — their doctrines), pp. 67-69; The Cyrenaics (Arts- ■ tippus, Theodorus, Hegesias, Anniceris, — their doctrines), pp. 69-71; Result, p. 71. §11. Plato : Life of Plato, pp. 72-75; Plato's Works, pp. 75-78; Plato's Gen- eral Conception of Philosophy, pp. 78-81; The Divisions of Philoso- phy, p. 81; Dialectic as a Twofold Science, p. 82; Dialectic as a Theory of Knowledge and Method, pp. 82-84; (Dialectic as a System) GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX Thought and Being, pp. 84-85; The World of Ideas, pp. 85-87; Relation of the Ideal, to the Phenomenal, World, pp. 88-90; (Physics, or the Theory of Nature) The Method of Physical Speculation, p. 90; The Cosmos, pp. 91-93; Body and Soul, pp. 93-97 ; (Plato's Ethics) General Basis, p. 98; The Method of Ethics, p. 98; Nature and End of the State, p. 99; The Parts of the State and the Virtue of Each, pp. 99-101 ; Virtue in the Individual, p. loi ; State Administration, p. 102; False Forms of the State and their Genesis, pp. 104-107; The Eternal Life, p. 107; Beauty and Art, p. 108; Later Form of Plato's Philosophy, pp. 109-113; Result, pp. II i-i 13. § 12. The Disciples of Plato, p. 113. The Old Academy, p. 114: SpeuHppus, p. 114; Xenocrates, p. 115; Other Members of the Old Academy, p. 116. §14- Aristotle: Life of Aristotle, p. 116; General Character of Aristotle's System, and His Chief Philosophical Works, pp. 1 18-122; Theory of Knowledge, p. 122; Kinds of Knowledge, p. 122; Scientific, or Phil- osophical, Knowledge, p. 122; Demonstration, p. 123; The Syllogism (Deductive), pp. 123-125; Definition and Predicables, p. 125; The Categories, p. 126; Syllogism (Inductive), pp. 127-128; Probable Proof and Dialectical and Rhetorical Method, p. 129; First Philosophy, or Metaphysics, p. 130; Being and Plato's Ideas, p. 131 ; Matter and Form, Potentiality and Actuality, p. 132; Causes, or First Principles (ApX^Oi PP- '33""'34> Kinds of Real Substance, Immovable Substance, God, p. 135; Physics, or the Philosophy of Nature, p. 136; Essential Character of Nature, pp. 136-137; Method of the Philosophy of Nature, p. 137; Motion, Space, and Time, p. 138; The Visible Universe, p. 139; Graduated Scale of Being in Nature, p. 140; Psychology as a Science, p. 140; Body and Soul, p. 141; Parts, or Faculties, of the Soul, p. 142-147; (General Analysis, p. 142; Sense-Faculties, p. 143; Phantasy and Memory, p. 144; Reason, pp. 144-146; Desire and Loco- motion, p. 146) ; Practical Philosophy, p. 147; Method of Practical Philosophy, p. 147 ; End of Practical Philosophy, or " Political Science," pp. 148-149; Psychological Basis of Ethics, p. 149; Sources and Con- ditions of Virtue, pp. 150-152; Definition of Virtue, p. 152; Deliberate X GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Choice, p. 153; The Ethical Virtues, pp. iS4-i57; R'S^t Reason, Pru- dence and the Intellectual Virtues, Generally, pp. 157-158; Self- Control and its Opposite, p. 158; Friendship, p. 159; Pleasure and Happiness, p. 160; "Practical" Ethics, p. 160; Origin of the State, p. 161; The Family, p. 162; Criticism of Certain Theories and Forms of State (Plato and Others), pp. 162-165; The End of the State, p. 165; The Nature of the Citizen, p. 165; A Polity and its Kinds, p. 166; Who Should be Rulers, p. 167; The Best Polity, pp. 168-170; Characteristics of Different Polities, pp. 170-174; Methods of Estab- lishing and Maintaining the Various Forms of State, pp. 174-177; Causes of Political Revolutions, pp. 177-180; The Most Permanent Polities, p. 181; Plato's Theory of Revolutions, p. 181; Rhetoric, pp. 181-182; Poietical Philosophy, p. 183; Sources and Genesis of Aris- totle's Philosophy, pp. 185-190; Substantial Unity of Plato and Aristotle, p. 191; Result, pp. 191-194. §15- The Peripatetic School, p. 194: Theophrastus, p. 195; Strata of Lamp- sacus, p. 196; Dicaarch of Messene, p. 196. § 16. Three Leading Post-Aristotelian Schools, p. 196. § 17- The Stoics and Stoicism : Zeno, Cleantkes, Chrysippus, and Others — Lives, pp. 197-199; Stoic Conception of the Nature and Parts of Phi- losophy, p. 199; Stoic Logic, p. 200; Origin of Ideas, pp. 200-201 ; The Criterion of Truth in Ideas, p. 202; System and Logical Method, p. 202 ; The Categories, p. 203 ; Physics, or the Theory of Nature, pp. 204-206; Ethics and its Parts, p. 206; The Chief Good, — Life accord- ing to Nature, p. 207; Nature of Virtue, p. 207; Classes of Virtue, p. 208; Classes of Goods, — the Summum Bonum, pp. 209-211; The Wise Man, pp. 21 1-212; The Stoics, and the Popular Religion, p. 213; Historical Sources of Stoicism, p. 213; Result, pp. 214-215. The Epicureans and Epicureanism: Epicurus and his School, pp. 216-218; The Parts of Philosophy, p. 218; (Canonics) Criterion of Truth in Ideas, pp. 219-220; Method of the Study of Nature, p. 220; Physics — Aim and General Character, p. 221 ; First Principle, p. 221 ; Atoms, pp. 222-224; Properties of bodies, p. 224; The Visible Uni- GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI verse, pp. 224-226; The Gods, p. 227; The Human Soul, pp. 227-229; Ethics — First Principle (Pleasure), p. 227; Kinds of Pleasure, p. 230; The Wise Man, pp. 230-232; Friendship, p. 232; The State, p. 233; Religion, p. 233; Historical Sources of the Epicurean Doctrines, p. 234J Result, pp. 234-235. § 19- The Sceptics, p. 235 : Pyrrhonisis — Pyrrho, Timon of Phlius, JEneside- mus, Agrippa, Sextus Empiricus, p. 236; Theories of the Earlier Pyrrhonists, p. 236; The Later Pyrrhonists — The "Tropes," p. 237; The Impossibility of Demonstration, Sign, and Cause, p. 239; Pure Negativism of the Pyrrhonists, p. 240; Middle and New Academies, p. 240; Arcesilaus, p. 241 ; Carneades, pp. 241-243; Result, pp. 243-245- §20. The Common Ground of the Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, pp. 245-247- §21. Philosophy in Rome : Eclecticism, p. 247. §22. The Later Peripatetics, pp. 248-250; Andronicus of Rhodes, Boethus of Sidon, an unknown author, Alexander of jEga, Aspasius and Adrastus of Aphrodisias, Aristocles, Alexander of Aphrodisias. §23. TheLater Academics, pp. 250-251 ; PhiloofLarissa,^.2y>; Antiochus of Ascalon, p. 250. §24. The Later Stoics, pp. 251-261; Boethus, p. 251; Paneetius of Rhodes, p. 2^2; Posidonius, -p. 2^2; Varro, p. 2^^; Cicero — Life, pp. 253-254; General Conception of Philosophy, p. 255; Theory of Knowledge, p. 255; Physics, p. 256; Ethics, pp. 256-258; Seneca — Life, p. 258; Philosophy, pp. 258-260; Musonius Rufus, Epictetus, Marcus Aurelius, p. 260; Cynicism, p. 261. §25. General Character of the Second Period, pp. 261-262. xil GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. III. SUPRA-RATIONALISM (AND SUPRA-NATURALISM), pp. 263-296. §26. Standpoint and Schools of the Third and Latest Period of Greek. Philosophy, p. 263. §27- Jewish-Alexandrian School, p. 264: Aristobulus, p. 264; Philo- Judmus, General Attitude, p. 264; Theory of Knowledge, p. 265; God, p. 266; The Logos, p. 266; The Sensible World and Matter, p. 267; Man, p. 267; Result, p. 268. §28. Neo-Pythagoreanism, p. 269. §29. The Eclectic Platonists, p. 269. §3°- Neo-Platonism : Ammonites Saccas, p. 270; Ploiinus — Life, p. 270; Dialectic, pp. 271-274; Reason, Intellect or Nous (Realm of Ideas), pp. 274-276; The One, The First, The Good, pp. 276-278; Intellect, Rea- son, or Nous, as an Emanation, pp. 278-280; Soul, pp. 280-281 ; Soul and Body, pp. 281-284; Individual Soul and Soul of the World, p. 284; The Sensible World and Matter, pp. 284-286; Virtue, -.p. 287; Historical Sources of the System of Plotinus, p. 288; Result, pp. 289-291. /'or/z^yry and Others, p. 291 ; yamhlichus, t^. 2 II. RATIONALISM. §7- The Sophists. — There arose in Greece in the fifth century b.c. a class of persons to whom, on account of their peculiar pretensions to wisdom, was especially ap- plied (and generally with opprobrium) the term " Soph- ist," this term having been previously applied to any who were preeminent among men in the knowledge of human affairs. For certain reasons, somewhat pecu- liar (as we shall see), these men must be included GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 35 among philosophers. The leading Sophists were Pro- tagoras of Abdera, Gorgias of Leontini, Hippias of Elis, and Prodicus of Ceos. Others among the most eminent Sophists are those named Polus, Thrasymachus, and Eutkydemus. Life of Protagoras. — Protagoras of Abdera in Thrace (circa 490-415 B.C.) was first in Athens about the middle of the fifth century B.C. He was the first of the Sophists to take a fee for instruction given by him, — a practice that was condemned by Socrates and Plato. Protagoras, however, as it would appear, charged only a moderate fee and deserved not the contempt with which the money-getting Sophists after him were richly rewarded. He was a man of learning, character, and intelligence — whom even Plato did not always sneer at — and was much sought after. He had the "courage of his convictions" and held and taught doc- trines, religious and political, which caused him to be condemned as an atheist, and his works (one of which was on Truth) to be publicly burned. He is said to have prepared laws for one of the Athenian colonies. He was an embryo etymologist and a rhetorician ; he affirmed, however, that rhetorical art consists in "making the worse appear the better reason." Theory of Protagoras. — "The measure of all things," says Protagoras, "is man": "of things that are, that they are ; of things that are not, that they are not." To this dictum, which is in itself equivocal and may mean that the human mind is adequate to the at- tainment of absolute objective truth or that what is true to one individual is true for him only, Protagoras gave the latter meaning, and thus human knowledge 36 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. was reduced by him to a "knowledge" of subjective appearances. This doctrine, it will be perceived, is simply the Heraclitean doctrine (superficially inter- preted) of the eternal flux of things in general trans- ferred from nature to man. Strictly applied, it would signify not only that no two persons think or perceive the same thing, but that no person thinks or feels twice alike ; it would mean also that there is and can be no real fixed object of knowledge. Contradictory opinions are equally true ; right and wrong are merely matters of subjective opinion ; the state is a compact based on force. The existence of the gods is uncertain, — the subject being too difficult and life being too short to admit of our learning anything certain about the matter.^ Life of Gorgias. — Gorgias of Leontini in Sicily {circa 480-395 B.C.) began teaching in Athens about the year 427 B.C., and acquired as a teacher of rhetoric "greater celebrity than any man of his time." His rep- utation as a rhetorician — • he was an orator as well as a teacher of rhetoric — seems to have overshadowed his character as an acute thinker. Theory of Gorgias. — In a work entitled On Nature or the Non-Existefit Gorgias denied objective reality. He argued : — Nothing is ; if anything were, it would be unknowable ; and if knowable, not explicable in words. One branch of his argument to prove that nothing is is substantially as follows : — If anything were, it must be derivative or eternal. It cannot be derivative, for, as 1 The doctrine of the " relativity of knowledge," it is thus to be seen, is quite ancient. Plato's criticism of it, which will be cited later on, is as good now as it was when first made. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 37 the Eleatics maintained, there is no becoming. It can- not be eternal, for it would then be infinite ; but the infinite is nowhere, for it can neither be in itself nor in any other, and what is nowhere is not. To prove that if anything were it would be unknowable, Gorgias argues that thought and being are incommensurable, since if they be not, whatever is thought must be, as, for example, a contest with chariots, on the sea. Fi- nally, knowledge, even if possible, could not be commu- nicated because the sign of an idea and the idea itself have no natural necessary connection.^ Result. — The method of Gorgias is the dialectic of Zeno, and his sceptical conclusions seem to flow from the fact that he treats conceptions that are valid only in relation to certain others that are correlative with them, as if they were themselves absolute, and excluded those others, e.g., the conceptions of being and not-being, one and many, thought and being, infinite and finite, word and idea. One has no meaning absolutely out of rela- tion to many ; we cannot assume that only the one is. The same holds true of being and not-being, infinite and finite, word and idea. The argumentation of Gorgias points, by the absurdity of its result, to the conclusion that what is is a union of opposites, and we are, just on this account, indebted to him ; holding to the principle of identity (not of opposites but of each thing in and by itself) he forces us to acknowledge the dualistic character of consciousness. Gorgias, however, seems to have had no higher than a purely sceptical aim in so doing. The real lesson of his argumentation is that the 1 See Zeller'sPre-Socratic Philosophy, Vol. II. pp. 452-455. 38 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. truth is not simple and abstract but complex and con- crete. Hippias and Prodiciis. — Hippias of Elis and Prodi- cus of Ceos were younger contemporaries of Protagoras and Gorgias. Because of the extent and variety of his learning, Hippias was styled " the polymathist." He declared that law is a tyrant compelling men to do many things contrary to nature, a saying that reflects a tendency then existing in Athens towards social and political disintegration. Prodicus was a moralist, and seems to have been considered by Socrates as a sage adviser of youth, but no dialectician, or scientific thinker. In the Second Book of Xeno- phon's Memorabilia there is to be found an allegory that Socrates is represented as borrowing from the "Wise Prodicus." In this the hero Hercules is pic- tured as exposed to the respective charms of two female personages of opposite character, — Pleasure and Virtue. The allegory was greatly admired among the ancients. Prodicus is said to have investigated the subject of synonyms. The Sophists as a Class ; Result. — Strictly speak- ing, the Sophists should, perhaps, be regarded as phi- losophers only in a negative way : for they were interested primarily not in universal science but in individualistic culture ; they were moulders of men rather than inves- tigators and expounders of ideas. They were shrewd enough to see, however, that the pretension to the possession of wisdom which the professional educator necessarily puts forward ' must be supported by at least a modicum of philosophy as such. Very much of the real thing would doubtless have hindered, instead of GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 39 promoting, the realization of their main purpose, which seems to have been to fashion what Plato calls the " narrow, keen, little legal mind." ^ Their principal busi- ness was the fitting of ambitious youths for political ca- reers in a democracy. The young Athenian who must distinguish himself before a body of dicasts, or judges, was supposed to need all possible skill in rhetoric and dialectic, and the appearance of being wise on all sub- jects, particularly those relating directly to social and po- litical matters ; the young Athenian required, and the Sophist prepared himself to teach, not the philosophy of the schools, which he considered merely as a juvenile dis- cipline, but a " practical " philosophy. But the Sophist, though not a genuine philosopher, did something to pre- pare the way for philosophy. He was, as Grote says, the "professor " or public teacher ; by him "higher edu- cation " was offered to Grecian youth ; to him the young man who in the schools had been trained in gymnastics, had gotten the cream of the poets and moralists, had learned to recite fittingly from their works and to take part in dramatic choruses, went for instruction in " philos- ophy," including mathematics, astronomy, dialectics, ora- tory, and criticism. And the Sophist not only gave in- struction ; he stimulated his pupils, if not to profound inquiry, at least to the practice of analysis and criticism before which merely superficial traditional views and customs were not always strong enough to stand, — in other words to something like free and independent, if not sober, thinking. In saying this, we do not forget that the practices of the later Sophists were not above mere * 1 Theatetus,^. 175 (Jowett's trans.). 40 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. verbal trifling and charlatanry.^ The philosophical find- ings of the Sophists, though slender from a positive point of view, were yet, in certain respects, marked and important. They were certainly peculiar. If we com- pare them as regards subject of speculation, method, or point of view with those we have already considered, we shall discover what proves to be the beginning of a new epoch in the history of Greek speculation. Not Nature but Man is the principal theme of the Sophists ; they profess and practise everywhere a certain method (the dialectical or g^iasi-dialectical) ; and their mental attitude, instead of being that of confidence or scientific circumspectness, is, wholly and on principle, sceptical, as is well illustrated even in the very title of Gorgias's work, On Nature, or the Non-Existent. And it will appear as we proceed that their successors are very largely occupied in developing and transcending their point of view, correcting and further perfecting their method, and investigating their theme. In its psycho- logical aspect the philosophy of the Sophists was pure sensationalism ; in its ethical, pure individualism, the philosophy of mere "private judgment," "private right." As Hegel puts it, — the Sophists introduced the princi- ple of subjectivity into philosophy. ^ For the most extended and authoritative accounts of the Sophists see Grote's Hist, of Greece, Chap. LXVII.; The yournal of Sacred and Clas- sical Philology, Vols. I., II., and III., arts, by E. M. Cope; Zeller's Pre- Socratic Philosophy, Vol. II. pp. 462-469. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 4I § 8. Socrates} The Sophists and Socrates. — The philosophical suc- cessor of the Sophists, though a contemporary of the earliest and chief ones, is Socrates. Like them, he maintained a sceptical attitude towards the physical speculations of the early nature-philosophers, and was driven, in part at least, by the unsatisfactoriness of those speculations, to the almost exclusive contemplation of human nature. But to him "man" in the Protagorean dictum meant man not merely in his individual, but also and primarily in his universal, nature, man the thinker and the natural participator in the life of his fellow-men. For the showy rhetoric and false dialectic of the Soph- ists he sought to substitute scientific method, adequate to fact and universal truth ; and for their doctrine of external pleasure and utility, the idea of inherent justice and happiness. Like the Sophists, he questioned exist- ing beliefs and institutions — theological, ethical, politi- cal — but he sought to discover and preserve their universal element, or truth. As to his external methods, neither love of publicity or popular favor, nor ostenta- tion of learning or skill in words, nor any desire to reap pecuniary reward, had any part in them. In a word, he sought the " simple truth " : in the spirit of the truth he sought the truth iirst of all, in its own proper form, uni- versality and accessibility to all intelligence. What Hegel calls the principle of subjectivity was, as intro- duced and employed by the Sophists, largely an empty ^ See especially Zeller^s Socrates and the Socratic Schools (trans, from Zeller's Die Geschichte der Philos. der Griecheri), 42 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. form ; Socrates gave to it a definite, full, and enduring content. Special Sources of Information regarding Socrates. — Socrates wrote no philosophical treatise. What is known of him and his teachings has been learned chiefly from the writings of Xenophon, Plato, and Aris- totle. Owing to the discrepancies between the presen- tations of Xenophon and of Plato, there arises a question as to which of the two affords the better view of Socra- tes and his philosophizing. Xenophon's superiority, so far as he possesses any, is due to his evident historical intent. It has been urged, however, that he wrote largely as an apologist, that he lacked the speculative insight necessary for the appreciation at its full value of the Socratic philosophizing, and that he has pictured Socrates regarded as a pattern of manhood, rather than Socrates the speculative inquirer. Plato's pre- sentation, on the other hand, though undoubtedly an idealization, is, in the earlier dialogues, sufficiently faith- ful to external fact, and probably represents, more truly than the Xenophontic, the spirit, method, and tendency, if not the outward doctrines and circumstances, of the Socratic philosophizing : the student who is especially interested in the continuity and development of Greek philosophy will, no doubt, derive, as regards Socrates, more satisfaction from Plato than from Xenophon, for the simple reason that Plato's mature views were shaped with reference to the whole course of Greek thought preceding him, being or containing, therefore, the devel- opment of Socratic as well as other earlier doctrines. Life of Socrates. — Socrates was bom near Athens, about the year 469 B.C., his parents being Sophroniscus, GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 43 a sculptor, and Phsenarete, a midwife. Of his early- years nothing is known, save that he must have received the usual education in gymnastics, poetry, and music. He was self-instructed in geometry and astronomy ; and doubtless heard the lectures of some of the Sophists, with whom, in all probability, he frequently measured dialectical swords. It is conjectured that with some regular instruction or other assistance from others, he made a special study of the theories of the Pythago- reans, the Eleatics, Heraclitus, and Anaxagoras. If he really did so, he undoubtedly formed original opinions of them, and regarded much in them as problematical and futile. It is sometimes said that he followed for a while his father's occupation, and that a work of his, "representing the Graces attired, was standing at the entrance to the Acropolis" as late as 150 a.d. Not long after he was thirty years of age he entered upon what he regarded as a divine calling, that of a seeker of wisdom and searcher of men. He professed to know only his own ignorance ; to be, not a teacher, but an intel- lectual " midwife." In this vocation he spent most of the remaining forty years of his life ; but instead of travel- ling extensively, as did most of his predecessors in phi- losophy, and of affecting a learned cosmopolitanism, as did some of the Sophists, he remained continuously at Athens, with the exception of three or four intervals when he was absent on a holiday trip or with the army. His astonishing indifference to hardship while in mili- tary service, his bravery, his self-forgetfulness, his sagac- ity, and, withal, his periods of rapt meditation, are for- ever memorable. Public office he cared less for than did any philosopher who had lived before him, and 44 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. accepted it only once, and then not till near the close of his life and only from a sense of duty. Once when in office, and again when merely a private citizen, he defied tyranny by refusing to violate at its bidding the law of the state. Standing aloof from participation in political affairs, he held firmly and, as he declared, patri- otically, to his calling; and in the pursuit of this he might be found in the gymnasium, the market-place, the workshop, conversing with boys, men, and women, of all sorts and conditions, putting to them keen questions, and quickening the pulse of moral and intellectual life. He was concerned almost as little about his own family affairs as about affairs of state; and if Xanthippe was really the scolding wife that tradition represents her to have been, she certainly had occasion for so being. Socrates was, in fact, so absorbed in his calling that he neglected to exercise common prudence not only for his family, but for himself. It was food and raiment to him to probe the conceit and foolish ignorance of men, to search their consciences and expand their shrivelled individualities ; in short, to awaken them to the life of true self-consciousness. In doing this he made them, now his friends and helpers, now his bitter enemies, but always, — frequently in spite of themselves, — his en- lightened pupils. It was no part of his business or pur- pose to fill the ears of men with a specious wisdom, and to send them away self-complacent and ready to appear wise for a price ; it was not primarily his business or purpose to inform those with whom he conversed, but to render them thoughtful, critical, and, if need were, even sceptical. He became an object of ridicule and hatred to the lovers of the old ways and times, and was, by the GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 45 poet Aristophanes, in his comedy of The Clouds, satirized as a Sophist and a charlatan of the worst description. At last, certain of the " conservatives," exasperated at seeing themselves and their favorite institutions ex- posed to the light of truth by Socrates and by others whom he had stimulated to think, formally charged him with discarding the national gods, introducing new gods, and corrupting the youths of Athens. His defense was bold and sharply critical, and he was (though by only a small majority) condemned to be, according to law, im- prisoned, heavily fined, or banished ; and when he refused, somewhat haughtily indeed, to acknowledge any guilt, and claimed, on the contrary, that he ought to be pub- licly entertained in the Prytaneum, or City Home, as a benefactor to the state, he was by a majority of eighty votes adjudged worthy of death. He went to prison, and, after a delay of thirty days, during which, partly, as it would seem, from pride, but mostly from the spirit and habit of obedience to regularly constituted authority, he scornfully refused a proffered opportunity of escape, he suffered the penalty by drinking hemlock (399 e.g.). The moral sublimity of his last hours appears from Plato's dialogue Phcedo. The Personality of Socrates and its Relation to the Subsequent History of Philosophy. — Of the personality of Socrates, which seems to have satisfied Greek notions of completeness and symmetry of character in every item but one, namely, as regards harmony between exterior appearances and interior reality (for Socrates was not handsome in aspect), it is necessary to say only so much here as will direct attention to three aspects of it that appear to bear special relation to his doctrines, to have 46 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. particularly influenced his contemporaries, presenting to his followers (according to their various capacities) ideals of mental and moral excellence, and exemplifications of various portions of his doctrines, and thus to have deter- mined in large measure the subsequent course of philos- phy in its history. It is, probably, to the character quite as much as to the teaching of Socrates that we must look for the source of the explanation of the effects of the Socratic philosophizing, and hence of the influ- ence of Socrates in the history of philosophy. In the first place, then, may be noticed his critical insight and analytic faculty, which enabled him to understand at a glance and expose plainly to view, if need were, the in- ward condition of those about him. It was the pure genius of inquiry and discovery directed, not to external things, but to the things of the mind and conscience. This appears in almost all the reported conversations of Socrates with his contemporaries ; and there is evidence of it in the fact that Socrates made possible, or it may almost be said, discovered two such intellects as Plato and Aristotle, not to mention, individually, at this point, certain acute minds among the so-called Lesser Socratics, of whom we shall have to speak hereafter. In the second place, we notice his moral vigor and equi- poise, the balance of strong emotions and animal faculties under the rule of a superb will. Socrates, generally and on principle, practised self-restraint, was even abste- mious ; and, on the other hand, he at times far outdid his fellows in convivial indulgence, but without losing self-control. Socrates, the abstemious, was the ideal of one class of philosophers ; Socrates, the easy master of self, the ideal of another. In the third place, and Greek philosophy. 47 finally, there was his "daemon," or warning voice, and the ever-present consciousness of the supernatural. Of the real nature of this it is difficult to form a satisfactory opinion. Socrates himself did not identify it with reason or with conscience, he did not attribute to it a scien- tific character or importance. Nor, on the other hand, does he seem to have viewed it as a familiar spirit, an attendant personality. It was to him, rather, an inner oracle, which, instead of giving him a standard of truth or rule of life, warned and restrained him on particular occasions.^ To the general mission of his life it seems to have been related only in so far as it gave increased vitality to the idea or feeling of subjectivity or close re- lation to an inner reality. Especially did it hold him aloof from public affairs, thus contravening the whole spirit of Greek life ; and it helped to add internal signifi- cance to what had hitherto been too much a matter of external observance, namely, piety and the religious life. In the eyes of those about him he was by it rendered more sacred and more authoritative as a teacher ; they felt that in their converse with him they held commun- ion with a seer and a man of God.^ Philosophy of Socrates. — Coming now to the Socratic philosophy, or, more correctly speaking, since Socrates framed no system, — the Socratic philosophizing, — we have to notice its spirit, its method, its content, or doc- trines, and its general character and result. 1 Xenophon's Memorabilia, Bk. I. ch. I.; Bk. IV. ch. 8. 2 On Socrates's personality, see particularly, Xenophon's Memorabilia (especially at the end) and Plato's Symposium. Schwegler's account is brief, comprehensive, and very forcible. See his Handbook of the History of Philosophy (Stirling's trans.), pp. 39, 41. 48 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Spirit of the Socratic Philosophizing. — Regarding the spirit of the Socratic philosophizing, it is to be remarked, in the first place, that it was, as has been already stated, in an important sense and a marked degree, sceptical. He freely criticised prevailing beliefs, customs, and in- stitutions. He discredited the early physical specula- tion on the ground that it was unprofitable, and even impious.^ He encouraged the study of geometry and astronomy, for example, only in so far as they served the most utilitarian ends. He discredited the "wisdom" of the Sophists without always putting forward palpable and positive doctrines in its stead. He discredited, if we may say so, himself, asserting that he knew only that he knew nothing. He made no pretension to be- ing a teacher at all, not to say a teacher of philosophy.^ It was, indeed, not without apparent reason that he was considered by some of his contemporaries as a Sophist, or even worse than a Sophist. Superficially regarded, at least, Socrates was one of the most pronounced nega- tivists of his age. And if we look below the surface for what was positive in him, we shall find it, not in the positing of an apyr] of all existence, but in his affirmation of the necessity and all-sufficingness of self-knowledge for the practical purposes of human life, in his love of true manhood, and in his assumption that the essence, or, rather, essences of things, can be expressed in a definition valid for all human intelligences. The position of Socrates was equivocal ; he knew that he did not know,3 and yet he felt that he had a deeper 1 Xenophon's Memorabilia, Bk. I. ch. I, and Bk. IV. ch. 7. 2 Ibid., Bk. I. ch. 2. ' Plato's Apology, p. 21. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 49 sense of reality than any other man of his age. And this brings us to a second element in the spirit of the Socratic philosophizing, namely, the profound irony that pervades much of it. This is not that playful and sar- castic irony that appears immediately on the surface and belongs rather to the external manner and method of Socrates ; that habit of pretending to be ignorant in order the better to draw out or put to confusion a pupil or disputant. It was, the rather, a certain equivo- cality of speech begotten of the consciousness of the possession of superior insight and of the existence of a gulf between himself and his hearers. It was the irony of his situation, and did not proceed from humor or whim. When he professed ignorance, — though, from one point of view he spoke the literal truth, for he had a deeper insight than he could give adequate and scientific utter- ance to, — he seemed to be giving the lie in words to the well-known effects of his manner and teaching, his well-known power over men's minds. This was some- times perplexing and exasperating to his associates, and more than anything else, perhaps, was the cause of his death. Thirdly : This irony was softened in a measure by a large geniality (proceeding from bodily and spirit- ual health) — by what, in its superficial aspect, has been termed by Hegel and others after him "Attic urbanity,"^ but seems to be nothing more nor less than love of true selfhood, regard for essential hitman nature. If, indeed, the leading idea of the teaching of Socrates is, as we shall see, the prime importance of self-knowledge, a large element in its spirit is self-love or the love of the true self, very like what in recent years has been termed 1 Hegel's Geschichte der Philosophies Vol. II. p. 50. 50 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the "enthusiasm of humanity." The Greeks, gener- ally, were lovers and admirers not of humanity in gen- eral, but of Greek humanity ; Socrates was broader in his insights and sympathies than his fellows were. But, finally, the principal element in the spirit of the Socratic philosophizing was a love of the truth, — a love rooted in a profound sense of reality and a pretty clear insight into the fundamental form of truth. This was, no doubt, qualified by his attitude toward the existing philosophy of nature and his predilection for man; and Socrates was, consequently, not a philosopher in the fullest sense of the term ; he was an ethical inquirer. But within the sphere of human interests he never for long nor in any essential regard turned aside from the search for truth for its own sake. The Socratic Method. — As to the method of the Socratic philosophizing, we must observe that it was not grounded upon the conception of any fully conceived principle of all existence, and that, on the other hand, it was not mere subjective groping after the "truth." It was not merely a logical mode of procedure but was also pedagogical. It was a method of bringing into consciousness, by any and every true psychological ex- pedient, clearly and effectively, true conceptions. Such being the case, it is chiefly a necessity of exposition merely that warrants the separation here of the spirit and the method of this philosophizing. Logically re- garded, the Socratic method was a compound of sim- ple induction and definition — " two improvements in science which one might justly ascribe to Socrates " ^ and reasoning upon the principle of analogy. Socrates, 1 Aristotle's Metaphysics, Bk. XIII. ch. 4. GREEK PHILOSOPHV. SI Xenophon tells us,i was always stimulating his compan- ions to inquire into the essence or nature of things, and to class them properly. He did not, however, frame a systematic theory of logical (or pedagogical) processes or method. But, again, the Socratic "method" was a process, the outcome of which depended upon insight, sympathy, tact, quite as much as upon logic. It was an ethical conference, the presiding spirit of which was the love of the truth, intellectual and moral. Informal conversation was the natural outward aspect of it, both on account of the state of the Greek mind and Greek society and on account of the character of the truth (chiefly ethical) that was the subject of the Socratic inquiries. Crude individualism had begun to prevail ; interchange of opinion was necessary and natural ; the Greeks were a social, talkative people ; the raw material for ethical science or edification had to be gathered and wrought up by dialogue (whence "dialectic"). And, we may observe in passing, the truth that was in Grecian life must have been brought to life and made effective in the Socratic conferences, for at them were present some of the very flower of that life : Euripides, Xenophon, Pericles the Younger, Critias, Alcibiades, Phaedo, Chsere- phon, Plato, Euclid, and others, most of whom came to Socrates "not," to quote Xenophon, "that they might become public speakers in the assembly or the courts,^ but that they might become noble and good, capable of discharging properly their duties to their families, their servants, their relatives, their friends, the state, and 1 Memorabilia, Bk. IV. ch. 5. 2 See above, § 7, p. 39. 52 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. their fellow-countrymen." ^ Some of them, as Plato and Euclid, came, no doubt, for intellectual training also — to understand and catch, if possible, that won- derful mastery of conceptions which made Socrates the king of dialectic. Now, in these conferences with fresh, earnest, active minds — and some not fresh, active, and earnest — Socrates delighted to practise what he was pleased to call his maieutic or obstetric art, — his art of bringing ideas or conceptions to the birth, for he saw that the minds of the Grecian youths were in labor. In the practice of this art he assumed that truth is native to the mind, — not to be poured into it, but, the rather, to be drawn out of it.^ Now, sometimes, he feigned, the ideas that he by his art brought to the birth were not "worth keeping and rearing," and must be "exposed" in real Spartan fashion, the only important consequence of the "birth" being increased self-knowledge on the part of those who had been relieved of the ideas with which their minds had been pregnant. Sometimes, however, the ideas were sound and vigorous, and, if well cared for, might be reared into something worth the trouble of rearing them. The Socratic dialectic — for, as has been intimated, the dialogue became dialectic — was, accordingly, twofold, destructive and construc- tive. On the whole it was, perhaps, more frequently the former than the latter, with a net result, however, of what was positive and enduring ; as the one fact, Plato, man and philosopher, is sufiicient to prove.^ And ^ Memorabilia, Bk. I. ch. 2. 2 See Plato's Meno, pp. 81-83. * If Critias and Alcibiades turned out badly we are obliged to assume that it was hardly in them to do otherwise, whoever had been their master. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 53 if we look more closely into the nature and effect of the Socratic dialectic, we find that the majority of those who were, willingly or unwillingly to themselves, subjected to it were, in the beginning, unripe for the perception of the naked truth : they could not appreciate logical distinc- tions, pure and simple, nor could they understand fact. They were filled with false sentiments and opinions ; some of them were stuffed with the learning of the Sophists and were full of conceit. Before they could be brought to the perception and appreciation of positive and constructive truth they must be relieved of their ignorance, false sentiment, and conceit. They must be encouraged in their right opinions and their keen appe- tite for knowledge. These services Socrates could per- form for them thoroughly and well. The young man who was confident that he was just, and understood what justice was, lost confidence in himself and his ideas of justice, after being compelled to contradict himself sev- eral times within a few breaths ; and he simply desired to know himself and how to make himself capable of understanding what he had in vain long labored to un- derstand. Such is a case, reported by Xenophon,^ of the use of destructive dialectic and its effect. In dialec- tic of this sort a false general statement was overthrown by being shown to be inconsistent with an admitted general truth or well-known particular facts. In the opposite process, the constructive dialectic, some truth or right opinion held by the learner was confirmed, or some new truth was brought to light ; induction, defini- 1 Memorabilia, Bk. IV. ch. 2. Perhaps the happiest example of the Socratic dialectic, destructive and constructive, is given in the Meno of Plato. 54 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. tion, and reasoning by analogy constituting the logical elements of the process. On the whole, the most valua- ble result of the Socratic dialectic was the begetting, in those who took part in the conferences, of the spirit of Socrates himself, — modesty, the habit of circumspec- tion, a sense of the differences in things, an intelligent love of the truth and of wholeness or integrity of mind and character ; what, in short, may be termed the phil- osophic spirit. The Doctrines of Socrates ; their General Cfiaracter. — The doctrines of Socrates, it has already been intimated, were chiefly ethical in content. Whatever there may have been — and doubtless there was much — in what we have termed the Socratic conferences, to suggest to a mind like that of Plato, or of Euclid, who was after- wards a leader of one of the Socratic schools, a science of the soul (psychology), or of ultimate being (ontology), the fact is that the old and popular maxim which Socrates adopted as the expression of the leading thought of his teaching, r^vaOi aeavrov, "Know thyself," was given by him an application principally practical, or ethical (and in a rather narrow sense) : Man should know himself — in order to be good and do the good. Though he assumed that truth was native to the mind and that human knowl- edge is at bottom self-knowledge, he did not make the nature of the mind or soul as such a subject of scientific investigation, nor did he wholly or in part identify self- knowledge with the knowledge of absolute intelligence or reality. To judge from the Charinides, one of the earliest and doubtless one of the most purely Socratic of Plato's dialogues, Socrates was sceptical in regard to the possibility of constructing a science of absolute GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 55 knowledge or being, it being impossible for him to sepa- rate in thought the form of knowledge from the content. Physical Philosophy of Socrates. — But Socrates did not abstain entirely from speculation concerning things not human. For though he hesitated on the threshold of the science of ultimate intelligence and reality, and cast aside as futile and impious the early nature-philoso- phy, he was not without a theory of nature. In his youth he was, according to a representation in one of the dialogues of Plato, -^ always agitating himself with ques- tions relating to the mechanical causes and constituents of things. Anaxagoras, though not completely satisfac- tory to him, had helped him to get beyond mechanical to final causes, in which alone he found complete satis- faction. Whether Plato's representation be perfectly authentic or not, we find, as we turn the pages of Xenophon, that a favorite theme with Socrates is the beautiful and wise adaptation and order in nature, show- ing the care of the gods or providence (for polytheistic and monotheistic points of view are blended in the accounts) for the human family. The Socratic inter- pretation of nature is, however, not a philosophical deduction. It does, indeed, subordinate nature to the idea of the Good, but the mechanistic conception exists side by side with, and practically prevails over, the tele- ological and organic: nature, though held to be ani- mated by a soul, is conceived as a wise contrivance, for man's benefit chiefly, rather than as a living self-realizing organism,^ in which man holds a superior place because of his superior power of assimilating and synthetizing 1 See the Phado, pp. 97, 98, 99. * See especially Memorabilia, Bk. I. ch. 4, and Bk. IV. ch. 3. $6 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the "elements" of reality. This latter conception of nature we shall have occasion to examine when we reach Aristotle. The Socratic theory, which is theo- logical (in not the largest sense) rather than philosoph-. ical, is the beginning, historically speaking, of what is commonly termed Natural Theology. Ethical Philosophy of Socrates. Relations between Knowledge and Virtue. — Coming now to the doctrines that are most characteristically So- cratic,^ we find the first and most important to be this : All virtue is knowledge. Knowledge here means, accord- ing to the express testimony of Aristotle,^ as well as the whole tenor of the Socratic discussions everywhere, (not mere "prudence" or practical insight, but) science, cor- rect definition. The man of virtue is not he who per- forms his duties to self and the state, half-reflect ively, but he who possesses, and consciously realizes in act, the exact conception of each of his relations to self and the state. Socrates meant that scientific knowledge is not only a condition to virtue, but the sole condition; and, conversely, that vice is simply ignorance: to do wrong wittingly is better than to do right ignorantly.^ Character and deliberate choice, consequently, were not regarded by Socrates as elements of virtue. He did not admit that there was any merit or virtue in the over- coming of evil inclinations by force of character or will. Given knowledge, thought he, and there follows, neces- sarily and immediately, virtue. " Now the rest of the world are of the opinion that knowledge is a principle ' Aristotle's Metaphysics, Bk. I. ch.^. 2 See Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. III. ch. 8; Bk. VI. ch. ii. * Xenophon's Memorabilia, Bk. III. ch. 9 ; Bk. IV. ch. 6. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 57 not of strength or of rule, or of command ; their notion is that a man may have knowledge, and yet that the knowledge which is in him may be mastered by anger, or pleasure, or pain, or love, or perhaps favor, — just as if knowledge were a slave and might be dragged about anyhow. Now, is that your view .■" Or do you think that knowledge is a noble and commanding thing, which can- not be overcome, and will not allow a man, if he only knows the difference of good and evil, to do anything contrary to knowledge, but that wisdom will have strength to help him.''"i General Consequejtces of the Unity of Knowledge and Virtue. — From the unity of virtue and knowledge it follows that the virtues are not many, merely, but one also. They are related to each other, not as the "parts of the face" but "as the parts of gold," which are like one another, and like the whole of which they are parts. One implies the rest ; there is a necessary relation be- tween them through knowledge.^ Possessing a common essence, they possess a power of giving rise one tp another : the man who, in one relation is temperate, will in another be just, or holy, or courageous, as the case may require. From the unity of virtue and knowl- edge, it follows, also, that the virtues can be taught. They are not, as the Sophists thought, so many particu- lar knacks, or little arts, that can be caught and practised by instinct : they are the offspring of conception, scien- tific apprehension. Hence the importance, constantly emphasized by Socrates, of comprehending in every in- stance the exact nature of what is required to be done, 1 Plato's Protagoras, p. 352 (Jowett's translation). ^ Protagoras, pp. 349, 360. S8 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. and of a right training of the mind to the forming of conceptions, i.e., scientific education. Classification of the Virtues. — But, now, what virtues are there ">. and of what are they the knowledge ? To these questions Socrates gives no scientific answer. Virtue is for him the knowledge of the Good, and the Good is not the realization of a universal and absolute end, but of the true conceptions or ends of individual objects or acts. The Good, in other words, is the use- ful. Upon being asked by one of his disciples if he knew anything good, Socrates replied, "Do you ask, Aristippus, if I know anything good for a fever.'"-' The Socratic ethics is unscientific, and, in consequence, utili- tarian and eudasmonistic. Notwithstanding the abstract and radical character of its first principle — All virtue is knowledge — it remains, for lack of development of that principle, nearly on the level of mere custom and util- ity. The principal virtues are assumed to be temperance, friendship, courage, right citizenship, (which, in its high- est form, is) justice, piety ; the root and sum of them all being wisdom. Temperance. — Temperance, the fundamental (though not the crowning) virtue, is the keeping of the bodily impulses in subjection to the desires of the mind. "I consider it," says Socrates, "as a mark of perfection in the gods that they want nothing; he, therefore, approaches nearest the divine nature who wants the fewest things." This must be construed, however, not as an argument for asceticism, but for self-control merely. "To continue master of himself in the midst of the allure- ments of the senses by the unruffled dignity of his own 1 Memorabilia, Bk. III. ch. 8. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. . $9 inner life — that was the aim," says Zeller, "which his moderation proposed to itself." Without temperance, thought Socrates, men can be nothing in themselves or to their fellows ; the good general, the good guardian, the good neighbor, the good herdsman, the good slave, is temperate.^ Friendship. — Of friendship and love, Socrates, as we learn from both Xenophon and Plato, made much. Although, he said, the majority of mankind are more diligent in acquiring houses, lands, slaves, flocks, and household goods than in gaining friends, the firm and virtuous friend is the most valuable of all possessions. But the Socratic theory of friendship is not rose-colored : friends are good because they are useful. True friend- ship, however, can exist only between the intelligent, virtuous, and disinterested. Socrates adopted the com- mon Greek notion that the end of conjugal love was the begetting of a numerous and healthy progeny. The force of the Socratic doctrines of friendship must have been enhanced for his associates by his spirit and manner in conversation; he would "frequently assume the char- acter and language of a lover " ^ for the purpose of win- ning the confidence of others and getting them enamored of the truth. It is the doctrine of Socrates set forth in the light of his spirit that Plato has presented in his Symposium, where Socrates is discoursing in an inspired manner on spiritual love. In the Socratic conception of friendship and love, there was, it seems, an element not usually present in the Greek conception, namely, that of the duty of love to enemies as well as to friends.^ '■' Memorabilia, Bk. I. ch. 5. 2 Ibid., Bk. IV. ch. i ; Bk. II. chs. 6, 28. 8 Plato's Crito, p. 49. 60 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Right Citizenship and Justice. — Socrates never allowed to escape him any opportunity, on the one hand, to en- courage those whom he thought competent, to engage in the active service of the state, and, on the other, to discourage those who were incompetent and over- ambitious. Charmides, who was competent, he urged to acquaint himself with his own powers and to lose no occasion for exerting them in his country's ser- vice ; ^ but Euthydemus he checked, in the following satiric manner : " I never learned anything, O men of Athens," he feigns Euthydemus as saying, "from any one. On hearing that certain persons were skilled in speaking and in the conduct of practical affairs, I never sought to associate myself with them ; nor did I ever seek an instructor among those competent to give in- struction. On the contrary, I have persistently avoided not only seeking instruction but even seeming to do so. Nevertheless, I propose to offer such advice as may happen to occur to me." ^ Socrates then likens him to a man who should complacently announce that he never thought of making a study of medicine and had never received any instruction in it, and yet should solicit others to offer themselves as subjects for him to experi- ment upon. Socrates was, doubtless, one of the most ardent, one of the wisest, of all the apostles of political education and intelligent citizenship the world has ever seen. The highest privilege, the most commanding duty, the noblest function of the individual man are, he declared, those connected with citizenship in an intelligent, well-ordered state, — a state in which " not 1 Memorabilia, Bk. III. ch. 7. 2 Ibid., Bk. IV. ch. 2. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 6 1 the possession of power nor the fortune of the lot, nor popular election, but knowledge alone, . . . confers a claim to rule." ^ If he did not seek a conspicuous part in the affairs of state,^ that was because he saw the imperative need of checking ignorant ambition and demagoguism by steadfastly doing what he could to make knowledge and virtue prevail. As a subject, though he saw fit to criticise existing institutions and rulers, and to encourage independence of judgment everywhere, he rendered strict obedience ; ^ as one of the governors, he was perfect in firmness and fidelity. Socrates was, in short, both in theory and practice, one of the comparatively few completely sane and whole- minded among men, — men who are able to preserve the balance between what is and what "ought"' to be; he was a just man in the larger, Greek sense of the term. And, in the Greek view, justice, in which right citizenship culminates, is the crowning virtue, the virtue that harmonizes individual independence with friendship, the relation of the individual to himself with his relation to others. Piety. — • The days of Socrates, if ever those of any man were, were " bound each to each " ; if not by a " natural piety" in exactly the Wordsworthian sense,* yet by a piety as pure, deep, and simple, — as natural, — as that, and more distinctively human. Though he discarded 1 Zeller's Socrates and the Socratic Schools, ch. 7. 2 Memorabilia, Bk. IV. ch. I. 3 Ibid., Bk. IV. ch. 4. * See, for example, Wordsworth's stanza beginning — " My heart leaps up when I behold A rainbow in the sky." (52 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. physical speculation as barren and impious, he believed that the order of the world was cognizable by the power of moral insight. He held that human wisdom, the knowledge that conduces most to human welfare, was but an image of the divine wisdom that ruled the world. He enjoined piety for the double reason that it was due to the gods (God) because of their (His) care for men, and because of the wisdom apparent in the order of the world, and that to the pious alone are communicated some of the divine secrets that may not be penetrated into by the unaided mind of man. He enjoined the customary sacrifices merely as symbols of a pure heart, and his prayer was simply that the gods would give him those things that were good. In his belief and teaching the Supreme Being was invisible, all-wise, all-powerful, all-good, exercising dominion over the world as the mind does over the body.^ Wisdom. — Wisdom, which was sometimes enumerated among the particular virtues by Greek teachers of ethics, was, as we have seen, regarded by Socrates as the root and the substance of all the virtues. " Socrates would often say that justice and every other virtue is wisdom. "^ This is, indeed, just what he meant by the dictum, All virtue is knowledge. And by knowledge he undoubtedly meant self-knowledge especially, — a clear, correct con- ception, on the part of the individual, of his own powers and limitations as well as of his divine nature. As we have already seen, Socrates constantly strove to cause those with whom he conversed to "examine into the nature of things and class them properly," i.e., to form 1 Memorabilia, Bk. I. chs. 4 and 8. 2 /i,ij_^ gk. III. ch. 9. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 63 the habit of framing correct conceptions, and he held it to be of the highest moment that they should apply the art of framing conceptions to the getting of a knowledge of themselves. Wisdom, then, was to Socrates the sci- ence of human nature ; and since the end of this science is virtue, wisdom is simply ethical or moral science. Socrates did not construct such a science, but pointed the way to it. Further, Socrates, as we know, held that the scientific knowledge of self was sufficient to con- stitute virtue : he who knows how he ought to serve the gods is pious ; he who knows the laws that men ought to observe is justi^ "justice and every other virtue is wisdom " : true conceptions rightly apprehended have an inherent and necessary power to make men good. Beauty. — To the Socratic doctrine of the Good may be appended, as in some sort a corollary, his doctrine of Beauty. The term beauty is scarcely more with Socra- tes than another name for what is also called goodness. Beautiful is whatever is adapted to the purpose for which it was intended, i.e., whatever realizes its con- ception ; a dung-cart is beautiful if so made that it answers its purpose.^ The work of the true painter or sculptor — the artist — is not a medley of individually beautiful elements having no connection with each other for thought ; it is the embodiment of a conception.^ General Result. — The general character of the So- cratic philosophizing may be stated as follows: Socra- tes was by natural temperament, by deliberate choice, and by circumstances given the task of introducing the 1 Memorabilia, Bk. IV. ch. 6. 2 /^^v., Bk. III. ch. 8. 3 Ibid., Bk. III. ch. 10. 64 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. problem of self-knowledge and of instituting a tendency which should result in the substitution for the (to a large extent) unscientific and unfruitful speculations of the early Greek philosophers about nature, and for the superficial subjectivism and humanism of the Sophists, scientific — or at least definite — and fruitful concep- tions about man, and, later, about universal reason and nature. "All beyond him lies in the region of unsophisticated use and wont, or prescriptive ethics, like that of the Chinese or other Oriental civilizations ; on the hither side, the chief interest is the ever-widen- ing influence of the individual consciousness of moral necessity, the long and gradual discipline of mankind into independent responsible wills, endowed with ' rights of conscience.' In the ante-Socratic principle the in- dividual takes the impulse from without — from auspices or auguries — nothing being undertaken without them. Individual conscience and personal decision date from the epoch of Socrates, and their growth from that time is the progress of the world's history." ^ Socrates in- stituted the science of man ; he did so by instituting in the world's consciousness true manhood. And it is very largely as 2^ personal force that he holds his place, a very high one, in the history of the world's abstract thought. Hence, we may repeat in conclusion, the ne- cessity of presenting, in any account of the philosophy of Socrates, so much, relatively, that is personal and concrete in connection with what, in agreement with the nature of the subject, must be impersonal and abstract. ♦ ^ " Socrates " (art. by W. T. Harris in Johnson's Cyclopaedia). GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 6$ §9- The Followers of Socrates. — It would be too much to expect that more than a very few of those who came under the influence of Socrates could understand ex- perientially his personality or interpret the thought that lay underneath it ; and, in fact, the immediate disciples and successors of Socrates may be divided into three classes : first, those who (like Xenophon) reproduced with little or no modification the Socratic doctrines but only incompletely the Socratic spirit and method ; second, those who, according to their several personal temperaments and predilections, at- tributed special importance to some one feature of Socrates's teaching or personality ; and third, those, or, rather, that one who, combining the principles and doctrines of Socrates with principles and doctrines of other thinkers, and interpreting freely the personality of Socrates, was the first to give to philosophy, on a Socratic basis, something like completeness of content and form — namely Plato. Of the second class were the so-called Lesser Socratics, whom we have next to consider. § lo. The Lesser Socratics} — Of the Lesser Socratics there were three schools, representing three very distinct ''tendencies in the Socratic philosophizing : the Mega- rians or Megarics, the Cynics, and the Cyrenaics. 1 The following account is in matters of detail based largely upon Zel- ler's account in the Socrates and the Socratic Schools. Assistance has been derived from Hegel's interpretation (which is the best) in his Geschichte der Philosophic, Vol. II. 66 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. The Megarians, or Megarics. — The Megarians took their name from the place Megara (not very far from Athens), in which the school flourished. These thinkers — children of the intellectual subtlety of Socrates (see p. 46) — occupied themselves with dialectics and con- ceived reality, which they termed the Good, not as ethical Being but as a purely abstract ontological entity, Being in the Eleatic sense. The Good, they declared, and only the Good is. Their method was similar to that of Zeno, and so tenaciously did Euclid, the founder of the school, cling, theoretically at least, to the prin- ciple of identity, the logical counterpart of pure Being, that he rejected the Socratic reasoning by analogy, af- firming that to explain things by means of others unlike them is impossible and to explain them by means of things like them is superfluous. The principal Mega- rians besides Euclid were Eubulides, Diodorus, and, unless he belongs rather with the Cynics, Stilpo, said to have been the most brilliant of them all. The method of the Megarics, it appears, degenerated into logical hair-splitting and fell into disrepute under the name " eristic." From one point of view, indeed, it seems idle to affirm, as did Stilpo, that only "identical prop- positions " {e.g. A man is a man) are valid ; but Stilpo was consistent : simple, abstract identity is, as we shall find Plato demonstrating, no principle of synthesis. This, however, was not the most disagreeable phase of the "eristic"; it became, to use words-' applied by Plato to the corrupt Sophist in general, "disputatious, controversial, pugnacious, combative," and if it served f ^ Sophist, p. 226. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 6j any good purpose whatever, served only to stimulate minds more profound than the Megarian to a discovery of a serious, straightforward, logical method : the Me- garians, bad as well as good, must share the credit of having incited both Plato and Aristotle to logical and metaphysical investigation deeper than their predeces- sors had undertaken. One of the most celebrated pieces of dialectic employed by the Megarians is that of Diodorus on possibility and actuality, which " is still admired after centuries as a masterpiece of subtle criticism" : — "From anything possible nothing impos- sible can result. But it is impossible that the past can be different from what it is ; for had it been possible at a past moment, something impossible would have resulted from something possible. It was therefore never pos- sible, and generally speaking it is impossible that any- thing should happen differently from what has hap- pened." ^ The Cynics. — Nearest in method and spirit to the Megarians were the Cynics, who also declared that only "identical propositions" are valid, and who con- ceived the Good, if not as the abstract, universal, sole metaphysical entity, the One, yet as the equally abstract particular, individual One. The Cynics took their name either from a place near Athens, — a gymnasium called the Cynosarges, — where Antisthenes (born 444 e.g.), their leader, taught, or else from their unsociableness, chur- lish {doggish = KvviKo Crito; 2. Pkcedrus, Gorgias, Meno, Thecetetus, Sophist, Statesman, Parmenides, Symposium, Phcedo, Philebus (transitional) ; 3. Republic, Timceus, Critias, Laws. The places of Eiithydemus and Cratylus are uncertain. First Alcibiades, Menexenus are by Zeller considered spurious.^ In the first group, then, — ■ to expand a little what is contained in the foregoing, — we must look for the purely Socratic doctrines wrought out in the Socratic manner, and for the historical Socrates, the substance of these dialogues being ethical ; in the second group is to be found principally the Platonic theory of Ideas, — of conceptions and the corresponding archetypal entities ; in the third group are contained, besides the theory of a dialectic as a science, the theories of virtue, of the state and of nature. The general student will find all that he requires in the Apology (for a picture of Socrates), Protagoras (for Socratic dialectic applied to ethics), ThecBtetus (for the theory of knowledge), Phcedrus and Phcedo (for the theory of the soul and of Ideas), Republic (for the theory of Ideas, of virtue, and of the state), Phi- lebus (for the theory of the finite and infinite, of Ideas and the good), Timceus (for the theory of nature and the soul). The student will be disappointed if he expect to^ 1 It should be noted that certain English authorities at the present mo- ment, chief among them Henry Jacl Metaphysics, Bks. Ill and IV. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I3I being treats of whatever has reference to it, whatever is primarily or derivatively being. Being; Plato's "Ideas." — But what is being, i.e., under which of the categories must we conceive it .' Evidently under that which is highest and first, which denotes not anything that can be predicated, but is itself the subject of all predicates. Being, in other words, is substance, oixjia ; and in the highest sense it is indi- vidual in nature, since primary substance is the individ- ual.^ Being, or substance, therefore, is not identical with those " universals " which Plato held to be being. Plato's theory of Ideas is untenable ; because, if the Ideas are transcendent and perfectly independent of the world of individual phenomenal existences, they are not in any explicable manner causes of the existence, or of the character of things, or of our knowledge of them. If substance is primarily individual, the substances of things must be in and with things themselves, and it is only on the hypothesis that they are, that we can con- ceive them as having anything to do with the existence or changes in things or can attain a knowledge of them by the process of induction. Universal notions are indeed necessary for demonstration's sake, but demon- stration does not necessarily presuppose the existence of the Platonic universals, because it is necessary, and suiKicient, for scientific knowledge, if there be a One in or among the many instead of being separate from and in addition to the many. The supposed participa- tion of things in Ideas is therefore a mere fancy, to be allowed only in metaphorical speech ; and the Ideas, if ' For a different view, see Metaphysics, Bk. VII. ch. 7. 132 G|IEEK PHILOSOPHV. there were such things, would be only idle copies of the things of the sensible world or mere barren entities, of which nothing could be known or said.^ Matter and Form ; Potentiality and Actuality. — Every finite substance is the result of the becoming actual of that which already was in possibility. As it actually is for us, it is a definite cognizable being ; as only possible, it was, relatively at least, indefinite, in- cognizable. That by virtue of which it is definite and cognizable — relatively or absolutely — is termed its form. As it existed in possibility, it was but matter. As its actual being is but the realization of its being in possibility, every substance contains, or is the union, in some manner, of matter and form. The stone out of which the statue is made is in possibility a statue — is "matter" for a statue. When form {j-.e., a particu- lar character) is given to it there results the actuality, i.e., the statue, which is the union of a certain matter and a certain form, and is an individual substance. Matter (uX?;) and form {}iop^r\), it must be observed, are, like possibility, or potentiality (Suva/it?), and actuality {ivefyyeid), generally speaking, correlative terms, because it is the same thing which in one aspect is form and in another matter. Not every possibility becomes actu- ality, and there is one form which is pure form (God). In the union of matter and form there are, in different substances, different degrees of preponderance of form over matter. Those substances that have stability, universality, or, at least, generality, as a characteristic, owe this to the largeness of the element of form in 1 Metaphysics, Bk. I. ch. 9; Bk. VI. chs. 14, 15, 16. Posterior Analyt- ics, Bk. I. chs. II, 8, etc. (See Wallace's Outlines, and Ueberweg.) GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 33 them, contingency in things being due to the influence of matter.^ A thing is in a state of imperfection as long as it is in the process of becoming ; it attains per- fection, or is an entelechy {ivTeki)(eia), only as actuality.^ In this respect, then, actuality is " prior " to potential- ity. But it is also "prior" in another respect: we know the potentiality only (as we reason by the prin- ciple of analogy) from the actuality. The actual is partly prior in time to the potential, partly not. The child is prior to the man, and yet the existence of the child presupposes the existence of a man prior to that of the child. The actual is prior to the potential be- cause the actual is that which is what it is, whereas the potential may or may not be, is therefore not self-iden- tical, but self-contradictory.^ Causes, or First Principles (cLp-xaC). — If, now, we in- quire why matter assumes form, why the possible be- comes actual, the 'answer is, that " there must be an efficient cause imparting motion from potentiality into actuality." Every substance, therefore, involves in its existence and nature, matter, form, and efficient power.* These three are consequently principles, or causes. To them must be added a fourth, the end (reXo?), or final cause ; for every thing that becomes, not only is " pro- duced from something, by something, and is some- thing," but has an end. These four causes — to take an illustrative example — would be, in the case of a house, as follows : The end, reXo?, or final cause, oh eveKa, is comfort and protection ; the matter, vktj, or material cause, is earth and stones ; the form, or formal 1 Metaphysics, Bk. V. ch. 2. ' Metaphysics, Bk. VIII. ch. 8. 2 Ibid., Bk. VIII. ch. 6. * Ibid:, Bk. VI. ch. 7; Bk. I. ch. 3. 134 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. cause, TO tl tjv elvai, is the mental pattern or idea in the builder's mind according to which it is made ; the efficient cause, odev r] apxh t^? fiera^oXi]^, is the builder and his art.^ But the four causes are not always so widely distinct as here. The child is the end of a cer- tain process of which the material, formal, and efficient causes are in the parent.^ Again, the end and the pro- cess may be the same ; the end of sight is the act of seeing, of speculation, speculation.^ In these two cases there is also a certain degree of identity between the formal and the final cause, on the one hand, and the efficient cause, on the other ; i.e., seeing and speculation are " inherent " in him who sees and him who specu- lates. Speaking generally, since the final cause of a thing is only its form, or ideal nature, p/us existence, the formal cause and the final cause may, without logical inconsistency, often or, perhaps, generally, be regarded as one, viz., the formal cause, to ti rjv elvai. Again, in beings that have souls the efficient cause is in a man- ner identical with the formal and final cause. Thus the name /brmal cause often implies more than its defi- nition really contains. Further, form being necessary to the actuality of a thing, it is natural to think and speak of things as "forms," although they involve mat- ter. It is owing to this importance of form that Aris- totle comes to speak of form or essence, instead of the individual, as substance.* The forms of absolute, or infinite, substances necessarily imply the existence of the actuality of those substances. 1 Metaphysics, Bk. II. ch. 2. ' Metaphysics, Bk. VIII. ch. 6. 2 Ibid., Bk. VII. ch. 4. * IHd., Bk. VII. ch. 7. See above, p. 126. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 35 Kinds of Real Substance : Immovable Substance, God. — Logically regarded, substance is, we have seen, of two (three) kinds : substance as individual, as spe- cies, and as genus, the first-named being primary, the others secondary, substance. Ontologically speaking, substance is of two (three) kinds : sensible substances, of which one part is mere body and subject to decay, and the other is soul and eternal ; and super-sensible, " immovable substance." ^ Of the existence of sensible substance we need no proof ; the existence of the im- movable substance is proved partly, as we have seen,^ from the very idea of demonstration, and partly, from the known nature of sensible substances. These sub- stances change and pass out of being ceaselessly and forever. The causes of sensible beings as sensible, are other sensible beings, and the causes of these are also other sensible beings and so on in infinitum. No such being, or substance, has in itself the principle of change, or motion : they move or change, produce motion, or change, only as moved or changed by some other being. We must, then, look for an original source, or cause, of motion, or change, which must lie in that which pro- duces change, or motion, without itself being subject to these. This, then, must be the immovable substance. It exists purely as energy and as actuality, and hence is separate from the world of change, or motion.^ If it is asked how the immovable substance causes change, or motion, the reply must be that it does so as a thing that is known and desired, i.e., as a thing that is loved, does. It is the source of order in the world, as the general is 1 Metaphysics, Bk. XI. ch. i. ^ See p. 130. 8 Metaphysics, Bk. XI. chs. 6, 8. 136 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. of order in the army. From it is " suspended the whole Heavens." The Ufe of the Prime Mover is excellent and blessed. That perception and that enjoyment are the most excellent which are of that which is most excellent. It is characteristic of the human mind to find its highest satisfaction in the contemplation of it- self, the most excellent of the things it has power im- mediately to know : much more so is it of the Divine Mind, and the life of the Divine Being is therefore, a life of blessed self-contemplation. God is just the "en- ergy," i.e., the activity and complete realization, of the ideal essence of mind, — he is the Thought of Thought. His life is eternally what our life is only for short periods of time. God is the highest substance, the individual that is (in form and efficiency at least) also universal : the absolute and eternal, alone of all things sufficient unto himself. 'He is the absolute Good, the supreme ideal end of all things else. Physics, or the Philosophy of Nature. — We have just seen that substance is immovable and movable, and that the science of immovable substance, or of substance as immovable, is First Philosophy or Metaphysics. The science of ^aimovable substance, or of substance as mov- able, is Physics, or the Philosophy of Nature. Movable substance is of two kinds : that which has, in a manner, the principle of motion in itself, and that which has not. But the principle of motion in this is the soul ; hence Physics discusses, and is primarily the philosophy of, the soul.i Essential Character of Nature. — Nature, as having the principle of motion within itself, is possessed of a soul, 1 Metaphysics, Bk. V. ch. i ; Bk. X. ch. 3, etc. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I37 is a living being, and its works are in all respects like those of an artist, except that the latter have their effi- cient cause outside themselves, whereas the efficient cause of the works of nature is immanent. Nature is governed by the principle of the end and does nothing in vain.i The end is an immanent end : the end of the plant or the animal is to be just the plant or the animal. Nature is both matter and form, but the form prevails to such an extent that nature works generally, if not always, in the same way and towards cognizable ends. There is, indeed, a certain mechanical necessity in nature : but it is secondary, not primary, a condition merely, not a cause, — just as "heavy" and "light" are conditions but not causes with reference to the house made by the builder.^ There is, also, a certain element of contingency in nature : there are in the animal king- dom monstrosities, which are examples of nature's failure to attain to form, or reason. Such failures are inherent in matter, which is the contingent cause of what is accidental.^ But in spite of necessity and chance, or contingency, nature is governed by form, or inherent end. Method of the Philosophy of Nature. — As governed by the end, or reason, nature is an object of science ; and yet owing to the contingency inherent in matter, the science of nature, or Physics, is not so purely a demon- strative science as is that of being. Careful and com- prehensive observation and induction are requisite as a basis from which to rise to principles ; truth is not to be attained by those who, preoccupied with theories, neglect 1 De Anima, Bk. III. ch. 12. ^ Physics, Ek. II. 9. ^ Metaphysics, Bk. V. ch. 7. 138 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. facts.^ But observations and deductions from facts are to be governed by the idea of the end : the highest of the " causes " of knowledge as of being is in Physics, as in Metaphysics, the final cause. Motion, Space, and Time. — Motion {Klvrie Anima, Bk. II. ch. 4. 5 Ibid., Bk. II. ch. 3. That the nutrition is a function of the soul fol- lows firom the principle that whatever exhibits an idea or an end belongs not to matter but to form. De Anima, Bk. II. ch. 4. 143 which embraces understanding and reason. The last- named faculty is separable from the body, and is pecu- liar to the soul of man. (Animals have all the other faculties except, in some cases, that of locomotion. Plants have only the nutritive soul.) These faculties are related one to another as successive stages in a developing life, the higher involving the lower (man contains within himself the life of the plant and the animal^). By means of the nutritive (reproductive) function the (universal) soul gives itself outward per- manence, i.e., though the individual dies, the species survives. Thus the form has actuality. In sense-per- ception, the form (not the matter) of objects is preserved, to be transmuted by the higher faculties of the soul.^ Desire and locomotion give external reality to concep- tions. Reason is the faculty of form purified of all sensuous or ^«fl«-sensuous matter. The primary seat and organ of seiisation is the heart, the brain acting merely as a regulator of the heart's action. But per- ceptions of sense are gained through five special organs (the organs of the five well-known senses), a general fac- ulty of sense through which such impressions {e.g., num- ber, figure, size) as are not given through any one par- ticular organ alone but by all in common, are received, and the power of inference.* The sense of touch under- lies the other four, contact through a medium being necessary to render the possible object of sensation really such.* Of the five senses hearing has the most of reason in it. In perception by inference, or "inci- '■ See what was said above on the Socratic Natural Theology, p. 55. 2 De Anima, Bk. II. ch. 12. » /^jV/., Bk. II. ch. 6. 1 nid., Bk. II. ch. 7. 144 , GREEK PHILOSOPHY. dental perception," we learn of sensuous attributes by reasoning from concomitant, or accompanying, attri- butes. In sense-perception is apprehended not the mere individual but what is universal,^ since sense re- ceives the form of objects without the matter of them. Springing immediately out of the sense-faculty are phan- tasy {(jjavTacTLa), or imagination, and simple memory (jj,vi]fj,7j). Phantasy is perception sublated and given a ^«aj?-permanence and independence but weakened. Memory, also, is a permanent, or relatively permanent state of the soul, resulting from the lodging of impres- sions produced in sense and the imagination : it is conse- quently an image of previous states of the soul.^ Neces- sary to memory is the idea or reflection (involving the presence of the purely active faculty of the mind, reason) that the idea before the mind has previously been before it. Repetition of an impression may be spontaneous or volitional : in the former case it is an act of pure mem ory ; in the latter, of recollection so-called (avdtJ.vr]Ti<;). In this act the mind moves from one idea to another connected with it through the implicit idea of similarity, contrast, or contiguity, so recalling the idea soight.^ Such an act has in it a larger degree of spontaneity than simple memory, imagination, or sense-perceptio i, though even sense is not mere receptivity. Tha activity of soul as primarily spontaneous is reason. That there is such a faculty appears from the fact that there must be a distinct power that perceives the essential nature 1 Posterior Analytics, Bk. II. ch. 19. Hence the possibility of induction. See above, p. 128. See below, p. 146. 2 Ibid., Bk. II. ch. 19, and De Memoria, I. ' De Memoria, 2. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 45 of things, a power different from that which perceives things themselves, a power, e.g., that perceives the essen- tial nature of flesh different from that which perceives flesh itself : in short, a power that perceives and judges of form apart from matter. Now this faculty is no doubt " unmixed " (as Anaxagoras asserted) with the body or with things ; it must, however, if it be anything more than a bare potentiality, be capable of having an object, and must, therefore, have in it, or be related to, an ele- ment of passivity like sense, though different in degree and somewhat in kind. There must, in other words, be a kind of passive reason, related to the active as matter is related to creative mind in the external world. The ideas of reason are potentially in the passive reason and are brought into actuality by the power of active reason, just as potential color is made into actual color by the power of light. Now that the ideas thus made actual by active reason are ideas of objects is manifest from the fact of the unity of reason in man with the reason in the external world, and from the fact, also, that in sense-perception there must be a unity of subject and object as a condition of there being any communication between subject and object, — receptivity presupposing community of nature.^ In regard, further, to the nature of the relations of the active and passive reason, Aris- totle says that the passive reason (which it would seem can be nothing more nor less than the ensemble of all the powers of the mind beneath pure eternal reason) is perishable and can " think nothing without the support of the creative intellect," whereas the active is immortal and eternal, and eternally thinks.^ Now the ideas of I De Anima, Bk. III. chs. 4 and 5. » Ibid., Bk. III. ch. 5. 146 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. active reason viewed merely as possible objects of rea- son, or possible forms of its functioning, constitute science (eVto-TT^/iij). The actual employment of these, or functioning with them, is speculation (dempeiv).^ As the perfection, or entelechy, of the soul's activities, reason presupposes the activities of sense, imagination, simple memory, and recollection, and is immanent and implicit in these. (Passive memory is thus the middle term be- tween reason and the phenomenal real world.) This explains why it is that the special senses, and the com- mon, or general, sense, still more, apprehend not mere individuals but qualities in individuals, and that imagi- nation, simple memory, and recollection have a perma- ' nent element in them : that, in short, no operation of the mind is purely passive and relative (irrational), but all partake more or less of the spontaneity and absoluteness of pure reason. The mind has knowledge even in sense-perception. The reason that is in the world is perceived by the reason in the soul. The essences of things it knows absolutely, for they are the objects, as they are the creations only of reason. Active reason, however, is, according to Aristotle, . entirely separable from the body, and eternal. Im- mortality for the finite individual, consequently, is not a necessary postulate of the Aristotelian psy- chology. The appetitive and locomotive faculties of the soul are related to the others through the feelings of pleasure and pain. Every perception, conception, or thought awakens a feeling of pleasure or of pain which involves the "judgment" that the object of the percep- tion, thought, or conception is good or evil, and to be I De Anima, Bk. II. ch. I. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 47 desired or avoided accordingly. (This "judgment" is entirely analogous to the judgment in the purely intel- lectual sphere, that a thing is true or false.) The desire or aversion thus aroused produces in the heart, which is the seat of sensation, feeling, and motion, a certain degree of warmth, which, if sufficient, is followed by bodily motion, external action. In animals the stimu- lating cause of desire or aversion may be only a dull perception ; in man it is also, and most characteristically, an idea of reason.^ Practical Philosophy. — Man as a being that is subject to desire limited by reason and leading to choice and action, is termed practical. The philosophy of man as such a being is Practical Philosophy, to which we now naturally come. Method of Practical Philosophy. — In accordance with his idea that the highest activity of the soul is that of reason, or the theoretic faculty, Aristotle affirms that the highest and best life for man is a life of contem- plation, the life of the speculative philosopher. But this proposition, instead of being assumed at the beginning as a starting-point for a deductive and scientific treat- ment of the subject of man's practical activity, appears as the conclusion, or, rather, as a conclusion, of an inves- tigation that is only quasi-^c\^nX\SiQ.. Aristotle, in other words, after stating in very general terms ^ what the end (for every art and every methodical procedure must be governed by 'the conception of the final cause) of the science dealing with man as a practical being is, pre- mises that different subjects require to be differently 1 De Anima, Bk. III. chs. lo, ii, etc. 2 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. I. ch. 2. 148 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. treated, some, e.g., mathematics, with strictness of method, others with greater freedom of method. Po, litical science (for such is the name given by Aristotle to the science in question) is of the latter class ; human affairs are especially uncertain, and here especially we must proceed from things better known to us to things better known (or knowable) in themselves, i.e., from facts to principles. Hence, also, the student in politi- cal science should have been " well and morally edu- cated": the inexperienced, ill-educated, or morally deiicient (whether old or young) are unprepared for the study of this science because they have not the completeness and excellence of character and informa- tion that afford to the student the materials that must form the content of the science.^ End of Practical Philosophy, or "Political Science." — Now the end of Political Science is the (conception of the) good of man, and the good of man may be consid- ered as the good of the individual and that of the state, though these are in essence the same. Political Science has, then, two natural branches : Ethics, treating of the good of the individual man, and Politics, treating of the good of the state.^ But what is the " good of man " .' Following a practice common with him, Aristotle dis- 1 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. I. chs. 2 and 3. We hear much of Empiri- cal Psychology at the present day. But this must be of little value if the souls empirically studied are poor in quality and attainment. 2 Perhaps Economics should be included among the Political Sciences. " Eudemus (^MiVi, I. 8, 12, 18, b. 13) distinguishes between iroXiTiK^- oiKovofuKTi, and (f>p6vri. and What is reason as exercised by the prudent man {j>p6vifios:) ? Deliberate Choice. — Deliberate choice must be dis- tinguished from voluntary choice. That is voluntary choice or action which is made or done wittingly and willingly, the origin or cause of which, whether the consequence be or not, is in the person making the choice or doing the deed. (That is involuntary choice or action which is made or done through constraint, or through ignorance, not of general and commonly known facts or laws, but of certain particular circumstances.^) Deliberate choice is calculating choice exercised in re- gard to things contingent and within our power to do.* About that which is eternal, or necessary, or in the ordinary course of external nature, or irrational, or impossible, or purely accidental, there is no deliberate choice : it is beyond our sphere. We deliberate about means oftener than about ends, for they are more uncer- tain. Deliberate choice, as appears from the definition, is narrower in range than voluntary choice, which is not necessarily calculating, nor exercised with regard to things within our power. Children, fools, and madmen often exercise voluntary, but not deliberate choice. All deliberate choice is voluntary, but not all voluntary choice is deliberate. Now, by the definition, a virtu- ^ It is a common opinion among critics that Bits. V.-VII. of the Nico- machean Ethics were not written by A. but by a close follower named Eudemus. ' Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. III. chs. 1-5; Bk. VI. chs. 1-13. s Ibid., Bk. III. ch. I. See, also, Rhet., Bk. I. ch. 4. 1 1bid., Bk. III. chs. 2, 3. 154 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. ous act or habit is an act or a habit dependent upon deliberate choice, but Aristotle maintains, of course, that so far as acts are voluntary, they are of an ethical character and are classifiable as virtuous or the opposite. The Ethical Virtues. — The determination of the nature of " right reason " as exercised by the prudent man requires an examination of the intellectual or dianoetic virtues. It is necessary, however, before undertaking that, to give an account of the ethical virtues. These, together with the corresponding ex- tremes in "excess" and "defect," are assumed (not demonstrated) by Aristotle to be the following : Cour- age (the mean), rashness (the excess), cowardice (the defect) ; temperance, intemperance, want of suscepti- bility to feelings of bodily pleasure and pain ; liberality, or moderateness in the ordinary giving and receiving of riches, prodigality, illiberality ; munificence, or right measure in large expenditures of money, vulgar ostenta- tion in expenditure of money, " smallness " in this re- gard ; magnanimity or high-mindedness, vanity, exces- sive humbleness ; moderate ambition, or love of honor, inordinate ambition, spiritlessness, or want of ambition ; mildness of temper, irascibility, insusceptibility to anger; civility, obsequiousness, incivility; candor, arro- gance, assumed self -depreciation ; cleverness of wit, buffoonishness, clownishness ; susceptibility to the feel- ing of shame, shamelessness, bashfulness ; just indig- nation, envy, malice [!]j justice, equity, and injustice.^ 1 Nicomackean Ethics, Bk. II. ch. 6; Bk. III. ch. 6; Bk. V. Shame and indignation are not, A. says, strictly virtues and vices, but are men- tioned as illustrations of the doctrine of the mean. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 155 Special attention may, for illustration's sake, be paid here to courage (avBpeia), high-mindedness (jieyaXoifrv- P(;ta), and justice (^iKaioavvTJ). Courage is the virtue possessed by any one who feels confidence with regard to what he ought to feel confidence with regard to, from the right motive, in the right manner, and at the right time ; and fears in like manner. He whose seem- ing courage is a result of anxiety to appear worthy of distinction, of experience in matters demanding courage, of anger, of hope, or of ignorance, is not truly courageous. True courage springs only from the love of the honorable, and the suggestions of reason.^ "Magnanimity" (high-mindedness) is the ornament of the virtues, making them greater and existing only where they exist. The "magnanimous" person is a person of conscious dignity and worth. He esteems honor, or the regard of good men, above all things else (though he does not " go in search of it ") ; he does not overrate worldly success, is courageous, liberal, inde- pendent, not resentful, above flattery, dignified in bear- ing.^ Justice may be divided into universal justice and particular justice. Universal justice is the habit of obedience to law and of dealing with men fairly, i.e., according to the principle of the mean. And since there are laws relating to all matters, universal justice in a manner comprehends all other virtues, and is there- fore perfect virtue, — more admirable than " the evening or the morning star." It is greater in perfection than the other virtues also, because the exercise of it con- stitutes a reference of the individual to others as well as himself. It is not a kind, or division, of virtue ; it is 1 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. III. chs. 7, 8. ^ 11,1^^^ £],.. JV. ch. 3. 156 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the whole of virtue. ^ Particular justice, which is one of the virtues and not the whole of virtue, is the mean relative to the distribution of wealth, honor, or what- ever else can be distributed among the members of a political community, and to the correction of errors in transactions between men. The first-mentioned kind of particular justice is termed distributive, the second- mentioned, corrective, justice. Distributive justice takes account merely of the character and merits of individuals ; corrective justice, of the equalities and in- equalities of transactions. Distributive justice is based upon the geometrical mean, — as is a man's deserts so is that which he receives in the distribution : corrective justice is based upon the arithmetical mean, — the losses of one must be compensated for by the gains of an- other. Mere reciprocity is not justice.^ Justice may be also divided into natural and legal. Natural justice is that which is " everywhere equally valid and depends not upon being or not being received." Legal justice is that which rests on enactments.^ Supplementing and perfecting legal justice is equity, which is defined as the "correction of law wherever it is defective owing to its universality." Through inadvertence or through lack of knowledge, on the part of the legislator, the law may fail of being sufficiently specific. Its defect is supplied by the equitable man, who, feeling bound by the law of sympathy, and preferring arbitration to strict judicial procedure, takes due account of human failings, of the intention of the law-maker rather than the letter of the law, of the character and general conduct of 1 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. V. ch. I. " Ibid., Bk. V. chs. 2, 3, 4, 5. 3 Ibid., Bk. V. ch. 6. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 157 the person accused, of the differences in faults and crimes.^ "Right Reason,^' Prudence, and the Intellectual Vir- tues Generally. — What, now, is the exact character of reason as exercised by the "prudent man" in determin- ing the practical mean ? The answer to this question will be brought out in the discussion of the intellectual virtues, which have now to be treated. The under- standing has as object either that which is necessary and absolutely knowable or that which is contingent and only relatively knowable. Things of the first- mentioned kind are either principles or consequents of these ; things of the second-mentioned class are particu- lar objects of experience. Principles are known by intuition {vov<;), their consequents by demonstration {eTnarriiir}). Intuition and demonstrative thought, con- sidered as habits, are virtues, and together constitute wisdom {aocj)ia), the highest of the intellectual virtues, — the highest because having reference to the noblest things.^ The intellectual powers or habits the objects of which are contingent are art (Texvr)), and prudence, or practical wisdom {(j)p6vrjai<;), which differ in that the principle of the one class (as related to persons) lies in the objects themselves, of the other in the doer.^ Art is a certain "habit" of "making" governed by true reason; the absence of art, the "habit" of "making" governed by false reason. The nature of prudence, or practical wisdom, may be further explained by a consid- eration of the prudent, or practically wise, man. The mark of such a man is the ability to deliberate success- 1 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. V. ch. lO; Rhetoric, Bk. I. ch. 13. •^ Ibid., Bk. VI. chs. 3, 6, 7. ^ 7^,^., Bk. VI. ch. 4. 158 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. fully respecting the good and expedient in relation to living well. Now, as we have_ seen, no one deliberates about things that cannot be otherwise than they are, nor about things that are beyond their power to do. Prudence, or practical wisdom, then, is not that wisdom in which intuition and demonstration are embraced, but a certain rational habit having practical reference to human good. Wisdom has to do with ends, pru- dence with means. But prudence is more than mere sagacity or shrewdness or fair-mindedness or intelli- gence, though these may be contained in it; it is the moral insight and the tendency to right action that are begotten of experience in acting justly, temperately, etc.^ Until prudence is attained, virtue or, rather, what appears to be such, is but "natural" virtue, the virtue of those "who do what they ought and what a good man ought to do " only half-consciously and half-volun- tarily. Virtue proper, as distinguished from natural virtue, is habit not merely in accordance with, but in union with, "right reason," or the perception of the true mean. Again, such are the unity and force of prudence that, whereas the natural virtues may exist separately, the true virtues exist in conjunction. Self-Control and its Opposite. — With regard to the question, discussed and answered in the negative by Socrates,^ whether knowledge is " dragged about," or overcome, by passion, Aristotle holds that when scientific knowledge is present to the mind, passion cannot arise, though it may do so " when that opinion which is the result of sensation " is present ; and that one who vir- tually possesses knowledge may, nevertheless, do wrong 1 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. VI. chs. 10, II, 13. 2 ggg above, p. 57. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I 59 if he fails to use the knowledge he possesses. ^ The habit of yielding wrongly to feelings of pleasure and pain through the influence of passion is " incontinence," or want of self-control. It differs from intemperance in not being characterized by deliberate choice or prefer- ence. The "mean" habit corresponding to "inconti- nence" is self-control. The incontinent man is less blameworthy (not more blameworthy, as Socrates had held) than the intemperate man. Friendship. — Closely related to virtue, if indeed it be not a kind of virtue, is friendship. It is certainly a con- dition to virtue and is, besides, most necessary, honora- ble, and pleasant. It unites individuals and states, and is a prime condition of the existence of society : it is eminently a subject for the consideration of the political philosopher.^ Friendship exists when there is among men a common desire to do good one to another for that other's sake. It is "good-will mutually felt." No true friendship is based on a love of the merely expedient or agreeable ; true friendship is consonant only with a love of the good, and exists among those who are themselves good. True friendship, however, is both expedient and pleasant. Perfect friendship is not merely a habit but an energy, and implies intercourse ; it is active rather than passive, and consists more in conferring than in receiv- ing benefits. Friendship as implying community (of interest) is closely related to justice as a bond of union among men.^ By the good man friendship is greatly valued, because through it he acquires a second self (in others) ; he can contemplate virtue and the good in 1 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. VII. chs. 3 and 4. 2 Ibid., Bk. VIII. ch. i. » /^^v., Bk. VIII. chs. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. l60 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. others better than in himself alone, — and existence is desirable for the sake of the perception of the good.^ Friendship, that is to say, is practically a species of self- contemplation. Pleasure and Happiness. — Human good has been defined as happiness, which includes, besides virtue, a second ingredient, — pleasure ; for pleasure is the agree- able consciousness that regularly attends the " energy," or perfect activity, of any power, an activity that is noth- ing more nor less than perfect virtue. Pleasure differs as "energies" differ, the highest pleasures attending the noblest energies. True pleasure is what appears such to the good man. Pleasure is not a good in itself ; it is good only as a concomitant of virtue and a condition to absolute perfection.^ Happiness, we have seen, is the energy of the soul according to the law of virtue, the highest happiness corresponding to the highest virtue. But the highest virtue is wisdom, the virtue of the speculative, or theoretic, faculty. The energy of this faculty is the noblest, most constant, most pleasant, the most self-sufficient, the most divine of all. It seems to be, in each man, his true self, the " ruling and the better part." In comparison with this, ethical energies are of secondary importance. Absurd, indeed, it would be were each man not to strive his utmost to live in ac- cordance with the conception of this, — to be his true self! Practical Ethics. — Theoretical ethics is not the whole of ethics ; men must be virtuous, not merely theorize about virtue. Something more than theory is required, ^ Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. IX. ch. 9. 2 Ibid., Bk. X. chs. i, 4, 5. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. l6l for the making of men virtuous, for the majority of mankind are guided not by knowledge but by pas- sion ; they must be educated to virtue. And it is the business of the state so to legislate that its citizens may be provided with all necessary practical conditions to virtue. Even should the state neglect the education of its citizens, it is the duty of every individual to " con- tribute to the virtue of his children and friends." This he will best be able to do if he make himself fit to be a legislator.^ This brings us to Politics proper, the sec- ond part of the general science of human good. Origin of the State?' — The state is a growth the germ of which is the sexual relation, based on that desire of "leaving an offspring like oneself" which is "natural to man as to the whole animal and vegetable world," and those organic and inborn differences among human beings whereby some are naturally rulers, others sub- jects. Historically prior to the state are the individual, the family, or household, and the village, or community, the state being an association "composed of several villages," "the village" the simplest association of sev- eral households, etc. But the state is in idea prior to all these^ for man is by nature a " political animal " ; were he not, he would have to be a god or a brute. He is by nature fitted for the realization of the idea of law and justice, of which the state is but the embodiment and organ.* 1 Nicomachmn Ethics, Bk. X. ch. 9. 2 The following outline follows the translation of the Politics made by J. E. C. Welldon, M.A. (1883). 8 Politics, Bk. I. chs. i and 2. 1 62 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. The Family. — The elementary relations existing in the family, or household, are,' according to Aristotle, those between husband and wife, parent and child, mas- ter and slave ; and the science of the household has, therefore, three branches. Slavery is a natural and beneficent institution, owing to the natural differences in the intellectual and moral natures of men. The function of the slave is mere physical service ; he is a tool, or instrument, of his master, the power of the latter over him being despotic. The slave is a kind of prop- erty. The head of the family rules wife and children not as a despot but as a constitutional ruler. Wife and children possess the same virtues as the head of the family, but possess some of those virtues in a lower degree than he. One part of the soul is natural ruler, the other natural subject ; a corresponding difference exists among persons in society. In every part of the household and of the state there is a reference to the whole. In the household the whole is contained (ideally) in the head of the family ; and the virtue of the child,, the wife, the slave, has reference to that of the head of the family.^ One branch of the science of the house- hold is the art of acquisition, which has its foundation in the wealth realized from the products of the earth. This is natural finance ; unnatural finance is the art of money-getting and trading in money. It is greatly subject to abuse.^ Criticism of Certain Theories and Forms of the Stat/; Plato and Others. — The theory propounded by " Socra- tes " in Plato's Republic has, Aristotle thinks, three car- l Politics, Bk. I. chs. 12 and 13. ^ jiij_^ 35^ j_ (-hs. 8-11. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 63 dinal defects ; ^ it aims at too great unity ; the means proposed for the accoriiplishment of the end proposed are inadequate ; the theory is vague, does not lay down proper limitations. (i) A state, as an organic whole, consists of a number of different kinds of indi- viduals ; the idea proposed in the Republic as the end to be realized is the idea of a household or an mdividual rather than of a state. The Platonic theory in its prin- ciple of rotation in office seems to assume that the actual personalities of the individuals who alternately rule and submit to authority are alternately changed, since dif- ferent personalities naturally belong to those who are fitted to rule and those who should be ruled. The theory is thus false and self-contradictory. Again, the theory is false in the doctrine of unity, because inde- pendence is the object to be obtained by society, and a real state is more independent than a household or an individual.^ (2) The proposition that all individuals in such a state can with equal right " call the same thing mine and thine " is a mere quibble. All collectively, not distributively "call the same thing mine." Again, people owning things in common care less for their possessions than those who individually have property. Community of wives and children would fail to conceal the parentage of children, and it would, besides, lead to endless mistakes, to crime and family pollution. Such community would be more appropriate among the hus- bandmen than among the guardians, because it dimin- ishes, not increases, mutual affection, and so weakens the class in which it is practised. The greatest bless- 1 Politics, Bk. II. chs. 2-6. ^ Ibid., Bk. II. ch. I. 2 Ibid., Bk. II. ch. 2. 164 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. ing in the state is mutual affection : this is the only real source of the unity so eulogized by " Socrates." The transference of children from one class to another would be impossible, and, even if possible, would be an addi- tional source of outrage, sensual love, and homicide. Community of property is also impossible, — at least in the Platonic sense, — as is evident from so simple a fact as that of the invariable quarrelling of persons keeping a common purse while travelling together. Community in the use of property is perhaps desirable, but not com- munity in the tenure of it. The legislation proposed in the Republic has a " specious and philanthropic appear- ance," but is plainly impracticable. The only " commu- nity" practicable is that produceable by moral disci- pline, intellectual culture, and education.^ (3) About the main body of the state — all, indeed, but the guar- dians — little or nothing is determined by the Republic. If there be community of wives and children and prop- erty among them, how will they differ from the guar- dians ; and what will induce them to be ruled by the guardians .' There will be two mutually hostile states in one. If the husbandmen are given ownership of land on condition of their paying a fixed rent to the guardians, they will soon become arrogant and intract- able. There are also certain minor defects in the Republic? To the Laws of Plato nearly the same objections are applicable, since, with the exception of the community of wives, children, and property, the regula- tions are the same in the Laws as in the Republic? Pol- ities advocated by Phaleas, Hippodamus, Solon, and 1 Politics, Bk. II. chs. 3-5. " Ibid., Bk. II. chs. 5 and 6. 3 Ibid., Bk. II. ch. 6. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. l6$ others, and the institutions of the Spartans, Cretans, and Carthaginians are also reviewed by Aristotle. T/ie End of the State. — Man, it has been affirmed, is a " political animal," and men would naturally unite in a social organization without the motive of a supposed or perceived common advantage to be realized in so doing. The true view of the state undoubtedly is that it is an association the real end of which is not the prevention of mutual injury or promotion of commercial exchange, though these are secondary objects of its being, but a " complete and independent existence, a life of fe- licity and nobleness " — not a life in common merely, but a noble life ; the true state is devoted chiefly to virtue. 1 The Nature of the Citizen. — As the state is a com- posite entity the elements of which are citizens, we have to determine the conception of the citizen. Not residence, nor the mere right to appear as plaintiff or defendant in a judicial action, nor the possession of free- dom, nor the being indispensable to the existence of the state, as, for example, artisans and children are, nor all of these together, but a "participation in judicial power and public office " is the absolute mark of citizenship (in a democracy).^ Now there is a question as to what is the virtue of a good citizen. Is it or is it not identi- cal with that of the good man 1 The answer must be, in general terms, that the virtue of the citizen differs with different forms of government (for we may assume that there are several kinds of polity,, or government), whereas the virtue of the good man is everywhere the same. And even in the same form of government, there 1 Politics, Bk. III. chs. 6 and 8. ^ yj^v., Bk. III. chs. i and 5. 1 66 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. are different functions to be performed, and hence dif- ferent virtues in tlie citizens as such. The good ruler possesses the virtue of prudence {i.e., the virtue of the good man), which is not indispensable in the sub- ject. Under a polity, however, in which the subject may become ruler, and ruler subject, there is doubtless an identity between the virtue of a good citizen and that of a good man ; and " the virtue of a good citizen may be defined as a practical acquaintance both as ruler and subject with the rule characteristic of a free community." Virtue approximating that of the good man is, then, necessary to the citizen ; and it is just because of this fact that artisans and children are not citizens.^ A Polity and its Kinds. — "A polity is an order of the state in respect of its offices generally, and espe- cially of the supreme office." Polities are of two kinds, according as they have for their end public or private interest. " When the rule of the individual or the Few or the Many is exercised for the benefit of the commu- nity at large, the polities are normal, whereas polities which subserve the selfish " interest either of the indi- vidual or the Few or the Masses are perversions." ^ Polities may also be divided in accordance with differ- ences as regards the governing power, which may be an individual or a few persons or many. A normal polity of the first sort is termed a Kingship, of the second, an Aristocracy (a government by the best, o\ dpia-Toi, or else for the best interests of the community, to dpiarov), of the third, a Polity Proper. The corresponding cor- rupt polities are the Tyranny, Oligarchy, and Democ- 1 Politics, Bk. III. chs. 4 and 5. 2 Rid., Bk. IIL ch. 7. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 6/ racy. The real difference between an oligarchy and a democracy is a diif erence as regards wealth, — wealth characterizing the former, poverty the latter.^ Who should be Rulers. — If it should be asked, Who ought to rule ; one, few, or the many .' the answer in general terms is, Whatever class embraces in itself the largest number of conditions to the good man, i.e., vir- tues and external goods such as wealth, birth, etc. Col- lectively viewed, the masses or the many would, on this ground, generally have the supremacy ; but if there are a few men, or if there is even one man sufficiently pre- eminent in virtue above the masses, to them or to him "all should render willing obedience."^ From this it follows that the democratic form of polity (not, however, pure democracy but constitutional democracy) must gen- erally be best, though there is a sufficient reason for the different kinds of polity in the fact that different kinds of populace demand different classes of rulers. "The populace which is suited to kingship is such as is natu- rally qualified to submit to a family whose superiority in virtue entitles them to political command ; an aristo- cratical populace is one that is capable of yielding the obedience of free men to those whose virtue fits them for command as political rulers ; and a constitutional populace, one that is capable of rule and subjection in conformity to a law which distributes the offices of state to the rich according to a principle of desert."^ The kingship is unstable ; for the king cannot, unsupported, rule the masses, and, if he have assistants, they may become his peers, and he is no longer king. In fact, 1 Politics, Bk. III. chs 6-9. ^ /^jv., Bk. III. chs. 11-13. 3 /i5?V., Bk. III. ch. 17. l68 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the tendency of a polity not already constitutional is towards a constitutional polity, i.e., a polity resting not on the will of one or a few, but on law. In the state as in the individual, the universal element rules the partic- ular, the intellect (law is the creation of intellect) the passions.! The Best Polity. — What, now, is the best polity t In general, it is that which furnishes the highest con- ditions to an independent and intelligent, i.e., a virtuous, life for individuals and state alike. The state should comprise the largest number of persons consistent with a comprehensive knowledge, on the part of the citizens, of one another and the affairs of the state. The coun- try should also be of such size and character in other respects that it can be "readily comprehended in a single view," i.e., "allow of military succour being brought to any point at a short notice." The city should be so located with reference to land and sea that it will possess independence and security, and yet suffi- cient facilities for intercourse with other cities. It must have a suitable naval force. The citizens should be "spirited" and "independent." There must be food, mechanical arts, supply of money, religious ritual, means of administering justice. There must be a proper line of division between citizens and those who are not citi- zens, — the citizens comprising the soldiery and the de- liberative class, those not citizens comprising the hus- bandmen, artisans, and hired laborers. The lands must be partly public, partly private, — public lands defraying the expenses of religious worship, and common meals, 1 Politics, Bk. III. ch. 14-17. The state must have a true psychological basis. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 69 and private lands being so divided that owners (who must be citizens) possess portions on the frontier as well as in the city. The cultivators of the soil should be slaves. The city must be favorably situated with regard to con- ditions for health and political and military action. The city should be walled and arranged, internally, with ref- erence to the convenience of the citizens, buildings ap- propriated to religious services (with certain exceptions), common meals, "supreme magisterial boards" being in the same locality, etc. Education^ must be the same for all citizens, and must be provided by the state, since training in the public business should be public, and every individual is but a subject member of the state. The education provided should be suited to leisure and peace rather than business and war, for the virtues rela- tive to the former are higher than those relative to the latter. It should begin with the physical and ethical natures of the child and advance to the purely rational, since the natural order of development is from the "habits" to reason. Marriage and the begetting of children must be regulated by the state. Infancy and early youth must be carefully surrounded with the purest influences as regards speech and manners and scenes. Reading and writing should be taught, because of their general utility ; the art of design or painting, for its use- fulness as a means to forming right judgment of works of art ; gymnastics, because it promotes health and vigor ; music, because it is a source of rational enjoyment. Since the education of the body precedes that of the intellect, the first training of children must be in gym- 1 Politics, Bks. IV. and V. 170 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. nasties. Before the age of puberty this should not be severe ; for, as the experience of the Lacedemonians proves, severe gymnastics renders youths brutal in their feelings, and, besides, unfits them for intellectual occu- pations. Three years following puberty may be given to other studies, then severe gymnastics may be taken up. Music comes later, because its chief use is the purification of the passions or emotions and the afford- ing enjoyment to the rational nature. The Dorian and Lydian airs, which are intellectual and emotional, may be employed, but not so frequently the Phrygian, which is largely physical in its effects. Flute-playing and "pro- fessional" musicians are hardly to be encouraged. The education provided by the state should, in a word, be not that which is indispensable or practically useful merely, but that which is, also, liberal and noble. Characteristics of Different Polities. — The true states- man must possess a knowledge of all possible forms of polity and the laws appropriate to each. Differences in polities arise from differences in the combination of the elements or parts of a polity ; the husbandmen or agri- cultural class, the mechanical class, the commercial class, the hired laborers, the military class, the rich, or the leisured, class, and the public officials, or the delib- erative and judicial classes. Two or more of these may practically unite in one. Now there are two principal forms of polity, viz.. Democracy and Oligarchy. "A democracy exists when the authority is in the hands of the free poor, who are in a majority ; and an oligarchy when it is in the hands of the propertied, or noble, class who are in a minority." In a democracy either the laws or popular decrees may be supreme. If the laws are GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I7I supreme, the democracy is constitutional. In a democ- racy in which popular decrees are supreme there is large scope for demagogues. When eligibility to office de^ pends upon a property qualification or birth, or on the actual possession of citizenship, the democracy becomes practically constitutional, i.e., is governed by fixed legis- lation, because, for want of means and of leisure for self-indulgence, the citizens are content , with holding merely such meetings of the assembly as are indispen- sable. Constitutional democracy may then be of three kinds. Of oligarchy there are four species : one in which a moderate qualification for eligibility to office obtains, the poor being in the majority, and every one who has sufficient property enjoying full political privi- leges ; another in which there is a high property qualifi- cation and " officers elect to the vacancies " ; another in which office-holding is hereditary ; a fourth, similar to the last-mentioned but placing the supreme authority in the executive and not in the law. In the first-men- tioned form of oligarchy, naturally, the law is supreme ; in the second, owing to the power of the rich, the law is "accommodated" to the "general principle of the polity " ; the third form is ostensibly constitutional, but naturally verges towards the fourth, which is monarchi- cal.^ Other forms of polity are Aristocracy, Tyranny, and Polity Proper. Strictly speaking, an aristocracy is a polity in which the good man and the good citizen are identical. But any polity in which regard is had to wealth, virtue, and numbers, or to any two of these, is termed aristocratical. In a strict tyranny there is an 1 Politics, Bk. VII. chs. 1-6. 172 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. " irresponsible rule over subjects, all of whom are equals or superiors of the rulers, for the personal advantage of the ruler and not of the subjects." A polity proper is, in general terms, a kind of mean between oligarchy and democracy — inclining, however, towards the latter. A "criterion of a good fusion is the possibility of calling the same polity a democracy or an oligarchy," and, further, the known existence in the state of no ele- ment anxious for a change of polity.^ The best polity must be that which appears best when judged by the standard of a virtue not beyond the attainment of ordi- nary human beings, since the happy life is the mean life ; and the best state will, accordingly, be that in which the middle classes (as regards wealth) are in the majority, or at least hold. the balance of power, and laws are enacted that aim at the satisfaction of the middle classes. The reason why so many existing polities are either oligarchical or democratical is that the middle class is generally small in them.^ Every good polity has three departments : the deliberative, the political, the executive. In democratical polities the function of deliberation is performed wholly or chiefly by the peo- ple, either collectively or by alternation ; in oligarchical, by a few or comparatively few persons ; in a polity proper, in some cases, by persons appointed partly by suffrage, and in others by persons appointed by lot, or in all cases by persons appointed partly by lot, partly by suffrage. " The deliberative body is supreme upon all questions of war and peace, the formation and dissolu- tion of alliances, the enactment of laws, sentences of 1 Politics, Bk. VI. chs. 7-10. 2 Ibid., Bk. VI. chi 11-13. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 73 death, exile, and confiscation ; to it belongs the election of oflficers of state, and to it they are responsible at the expiration of their term of office." As regards the executive department, some offices are common to the various forms of polity, others are peculiar : a council is a democratic institution, a preliminary council is oli- garchical. The modes of appointment are different in different forms of polity. In a democratical polity "all" appoint " from all by suffrage, or by lot, or by a combi- nation of the two " ; in an oligarchical polity, appoint- ment is made of some "from some by suffrage, or some from some by lot, or some from some by a combination of the two, though the appointment by suffrage is more strictly oligarchical than that by lot or by a combination of the two " ; in a polity proper the "appointment is not vested in all the citizens collectively, but all are eli- gible, and the appointment is made either by lot, or by suffrage, or both, or in which the persons eligible are in some cases all the citizens, in others some of them, and the appointment is made either by lot or suffrage or both " ; in a polity of the aristocratic sort the " appoint- ment is made by some partly from all and partly from some, either by lot or suffrage, or partly by suffrage and partly by lot." The courts of law — constituting the judiciary — are eight in number: a court of scrutiny, a court to try offences committed against the state, a court to try constitutional questions, a court to try cases between officers and individuals respecting fines, a court to try important cases of private contract, a court of homicide, a court of aliens, a court for the trial of petty contracts. The forms of constitution of 174 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the courts in which universal eligibility and universal jurisdiction are combined are democratical ; those in which limited eligibility and universal jurisdiction are combined are oligarchical ; those in which there is a combination of universal and limited eligibility are "characteristic of aristocracy and a polity."^ Methods of Establishing and Maintaining the Various Forms of Government. — We have seen that differences in democracies arise from differences in the character of the population. Differences may also spring from differences in the combination of features that are peculiarly democratic. But there are two primary prin- ciples of all democracies : equality and the rule of the majority, and the liberty to live according to one's pleasure. Characteristic of popular government are the following-named features : " the eligibility of all citizens to the offices of state and their appointment by all ; the rule of all over each individual and of each individual in his turn over all ; the use of the lot in the appointment either to all the offices of state or to all that do not require experience or special skill ; the ab- sence of property qualification or the requirement of the lowest possible qualification for office ; the regula- tion that the same person shall never hold any office twice, or shall not hold it much oftener than once, or shall do so only in a few cases, with the exception of military offices ; a system of short tenure of offices either in all cases, or in all cases where it is possible ; the power of all or of a body chosen from all to sit as judges in all or almost all, or at least the greatest and 1 Politics, Bk. VI. chs. 14-16. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 75 most important cases, such as cases arising out of the audit of the officer's accounts, constitutional cases, and cases of private contract ; the supreme authority of the public assembly in all questions, or at least the most important, and of no individual office over any question, or only the smallest number possible." "The most characteristic feature is the council, except where all the citizens receive a large fee for attendance in the Assembly." Another characteristic feature is the pay- ment of the members of the departments, as far as pos- sible. Others are low birth, poverty, intellectual degra- dation, the not holding office for life, the decision of the majority of both rich and poor, if they agree, and if they disagree, of the absolute majority, or in other words of those whose collective property assessment is higher. There are four forms of democracy : the agri- cultural, the pastoral, the mechanical or commercial, and the extreme, in which "the popular leaders usually enrbll the largest possible number of persons in the rank of the citizens, conferring political rights not only upon all the legitimate children of citizens, but upon their bastards, and upon children who are descended from citizens upon the side of one parent only, whether the fathers or the mothers." Of these, the first is the best, the last the worst.-' It is the business of the legis- lator not only to establish democracies, but to provide for their security. Such laws should be enacted as will cause the poor to be satisfied with their condition. They should be subsidized, should be directed to indus- trial pursuits, given a share in the enjoyment of the 1 Politics, Bk. VII. chs. 1-14. 176 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. property of the rich.^ The best form of oligarchy, we have seen, approaches the poUty, so-called. In it there are two degrees of property qualification, a higher and a lower : all persons admitted to citizenship are from the better elements of the commons. In an oligarchy the military class rules. This has four divisions : cav- alry, heavy-armed troops, light-armed troops, marines. Only the rich can support cavalry and heavy-armed troops, and hence these are peculiarly oligarchical, the others being democratical. In a country suited to cav- alry, that division of the military class may be supreme ; in a country suited to heavy-armed troops that division may rule. Oligarchies are preserved by putting upon the rich the burden of heavy expenses for sacrifices, public buildings, etc., and relieving the poor of all such.^ The offices of government must be properly constituted. Executive offices are : the superintendence of the mar- ket, the superintendence of all public and private prop- erty in the city, the superintendence of such property in the country and the suburbs of the city, the receiving and holding and distributing public revenues, the re- cording of public accounts, the levying and collecting of fines, the superintendence of military affairs, and marine affairs, the auditing of public accounts, the giving of preliminary consideration to bills to be pre- sented to the public assembly, this last being the supreme office. Religious offices are the superintend- encies of divine worship, and of the public sacrifices that are not assigned by the law to the priesthood, but are solemnly celebrated upon the hearth of the state. 1 PoUHcs, Bk. VII. ch. 5. » Ibid., Bk. VII. chs. 6, 7. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 77 Other offices are the censorship of boys and women, presidencies of gymnastic exercises, and Dionysiac Contests. The Guardianship of the Laws is an aristo- cratical institution, the Preliminary Council oligarchical, and the Council democratical. Causes of Political Revolutions, etc. — It remains to consider the " nature, number, and character of the cir- cumstances which produce political revolutions, the agencies destructive of the several polities, the general sequence of polities in a revolutionary age, and, lastly, the preservatives of polities both generally and individ- ually."^ Generally speaking, the cause of seditio7i is "inequality." The common people are seditious when they think they have a smaller share of political advan- tages than others have, and the oligarchs when they think they have not a greater share than others have. In the one case it is from a position of inferiority that the people are encouraged to sedition by the hope of equality ; and in the other, from the position of equality by a hope of predominance. The predisposing causes of sedition and revolution are : desire of gain and honor ; envy and indignation at the gain and honors of others ; the possession of too great power ; fear of punishment or of becoming victims of crime ; contempt of the oligarchs for the masses, or vice versa ; the disproportionate increase of one class in the state ; party-spirit ; gradual change in government ; diversity of race ; the localities of states (" when the country is not naturally adapted to the existence of a single state ") ; the accession of persons of high repute or influence to some peculiar office or class 1 Politics, Bk. VII. ch. 8. 178 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. in the state ; an even balance of antagonistic classes in the state. Political disturbances may be brought about either by force or by fraud.^ " The main cause of revo- lution in Democracies is the intemperate conduct of the demagogues, who force the propertied class to combine, partly by instituting malicious prosecutions against in- dividuals, and partly by exciting the masses against them as a body." Democracies are transformed by revolution into democracies of a different type and into tyrannies. Revolutions in oligarchies are principally of two kinds : the oppression of the masses by the oligarchs, and sedi- tion among the oligarchs themselves. Sometimes sedi- tion in oligarchies is due to demagogues paying court to members of the oligarchical party or to the masses. Revolutions occur when the oligarchs, having wasted their means in riotous living, are eager for innovation and strive to establish a tyranny ; and when some of the oligarchs suffer a repulse at the hands of others. Over- despotism in oligarchies, exciting indignation in mem- bers of the governing class, is a cause of sedition. Oligarchies are destroyed by the creation within them of oligarchies. Revolutions may be the result of acci- dental circumstances. In aristocracies one cause of revolution is the limitation of the number of persons admitted to honors of state. Another cause is the put- ting of a stigma upon persons of consequence. Another is the exclusion of an individual of strong character from honors of state. Another, the existence of exces- sive poverty on one side or excessive wealth on the other in the state. Finally, the existence already of a 1 Politics, Bk. VIII. chs. 1-4. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 79 sedition headed by a powerful individual able to extend his authority. The main cause of sedition in polities and aristocracies is a " deviation from their proper principle of justice in the constitution of the polity itself." Gen- erally revolutions are from polities of a given kind into others of a similar kind, not into their opposites. Poli- ties are liable to dissolution both from external and internal causes. Polities are preserved by watchfulness against illegality and gradual changes, against the begin- nings of revolution, and artifices to impose upon the masses; by officials^ keeping on good terms with citi- zens enjoying political privileges ; by the limitation of the tenure of office to short periods ; by proximity to destructive agencies which excite alarm and put the people on their guard ; by legal regulations for restrain- ing frauds and rivalries among the upper classes ; by reduction of assessments at the proper time ; by not in- vesting any individual with disproportionate authority ; by the creation of officers to exercise supervision over all whose life or conduct is detrimental in its influence upon the polity ; by taking precautions with regard to those enjoying remarkable prosperity; by abstaining from confiscating the estates and profits of the rich, and chiefly by so ordering affairs that officers of the state find no opportunity for merely personal gain. " There are three qualifications requisite in all who are to hold the supreme office of state, viz. : firstly, loyalty to the established polity ; secondly, the greatest capac- ity for the duties of their office ; and, thirdly, the virtue and justice appropriate to the polity, whatever it may > Politics, Bk. VIII. chs. 5-7. l80 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. be." All legislation beneficial to polities tends to pre- serve them in a fixed condition, but most especially that which is guided by the principle of the mean. The strongest preservative of polities is education in the spirit of those polities.^ The causes predisposing to in- surrection in monarchies are injustice, fear, and contempt, — the injustice consisting principally in insolence, some- times in the spoliation of private property. " Insurrec- tion may take the form of an attack either upon the person or upon the authority of the rulers." Attacks of the first form are occasioned by insolence, by per- sonal affronts, by degrading corporal punishment. Am- bition may cause insurrection. Tyrannies are destroyed by influences from without or within.^ The preservatives of monarchy are, in general terms, the following : mean- ness of spirit in the subjects, distrust among them of one another, incapacity for affairs, affecting of good will on the part of the monarch towards his subjects, not exciting the indignation of the masses by lavish expenditures, the seeming to collect taxes and impose public burdens only for economical purposes, the pre- serving an address of dignity without sternness, the avoiding of insults to his subjects, moderation in sen- sual pleasure, enriching of the city by edifices and dec- orations in the assumed spirit of the guardian of the public interests, display of religious zeal, inflicting pun- ishments through personal agents, the depriving officers of their places not suddenly and harshly, but gradually and mildly, avoiding oppression, — in short, " wearing the appearance not of a tyrant, but of a householder or 1 Politics, Bk. VIII. chs. 8, 9. ^ /^;^._ Bk. VIII. chs. 8, 9. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 181 king; not of a self-seeker, but of a guardian of public interests." ^ The Most Permanent Polities. — The most permanent polities are the kingship and the polity proper ; the least permanent, oligarchy and tyranny. Plato s Theory of Revolution. — The theory of revo- lution advanced in the Republic is defective at many points.^ Rhetoric. — An offshoot of political science and of dialectic is Rhetoric, or the art, or "faculty," not of per- suasion, but of discovering the possible means of per- suasion (as medicine is the art, not of curing disease, but of finding and applying all possible remedies that cure , or tejid to cure) ; for it is the science or quasi- science of that kind of discourse, particularly, whose propositions are drawn from "political science" and whose method is borrowed from, or formed after, that of dialectic. It is not a science, because/ neither in theory nor in practice does it aim at exact truth but only probable truth of matter, or employ perfect rigidity of method. It adapts the truths of political science and the principles of dialectic to the ordinary life and mind. It differs, further, from dialectic in aiming at the pro- duction of conviction and not merely at the artistic and effective logical combination of propositions.^ Per- suasion may be the result of two classes of "proofs," or means of persuasion, designated as scientific and unscientific. In the former are comprised arguments, the character of the speaker, the disposition of the audience ; in the latter, witnesses, tortures, properly 1 Politics, Bk. VIII. ch. 2. « Ibid., Bk. VIII. ch. I2. 3 Rhetoric , Bk. I. chs. i, 2. 1 82 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. taking advantage of the state of the laws, deeds, and oaths. Arguments truly adapted for persuasion must possess at least a guasi-syllogistic character and must be composed of propositions that are, or seem to be, true or highly probable. The speaker must appear to be a person having ability, principle, and good-will towards his hearers. The only honorable and other- wise properly rhetorical means of controlling the feel- ings of an audience are to be found in the honesty and good-will of the speaker himself and the knowledge of the passions and dispositions of men. True rhetorical method does not consist in warping the mind by firing the passions.^ There are three branches of Rhetoric : one treating of the " means of persuasion which address themselves to the understanding," another of style, and another of the arrangement of the parts of the discourse.^ There are three kinds of oratory : that which finds place in the deliberative assembly, has for its end the expedi- ent, and is termed Deliberative Oratory ; that which finds place in irregular as well as regular public assemblies has for its object the honorable, is panegyrical or vitu- perative, and is termed Demonstrative (eVtSet/crt/cj^ Or- atory ; that which finds place in the courts of law, has justice for its object, and is termed Judicial Oratory.^ Rhetoric is a useful and legitimate art, because it is in harmony with the general tendency in human nature towards truth and justice, and is better adapted than science to ordinary intelligence, trains the mind to look at both sides of a question, and is such a means 1 Rhetoric, Bk. I. ch. 3; Bk. II. ch. I; Bk. I. ch. 2. 2 Ibid., Bk. II. ch. 26 and Bk. III. ch. 1. » Ibid., Bk. I. ch. 3. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 83 of defence for the mind as gymnastic skill is for the body.^ Poetical, or Poietical, Philosophy (see above, p. 121). — Poietical philosophy, or the philosophy of art, is the theory of the "habit of making joined with right rea- son." Art, together with conduct (or "doing"), has to ^ do, we have seen, with the contingent, whereas wisdom, including intuition and science, is concerned with being. Art, as a form of knowledge, is superior to experi- ence, and stands next in rank to wisdom. Under art as a whole is included house-building and other purely productive arts as well as the "imitative" arts, poetry, music, sculpture, etc. In art there are three pro- cesses : production, contrivance, and contemplation. The immediate end of works of art as such is in the works themselves ^ (not in the artist). Art either "imitates," or represents, or it perfects that which nature has left imperfect.^ As "imitative," art makes prominent the universal element in things.* The "imitative" arts— poetry, music, painting, sculpture — may have for their effects amusement and relaxation, rational enjoyment and the purification of the feelings, and moral discipline. As a source of amusement and relaxation, art "heals" the pain of labor.^ A rational enjoyment arises from the perception of the fact of re- semblance between things "imitated" and their "imita- 1 Rhetoric, Bk. I. ch. I. Attention may here be called to the remark- able discussion of the passions and aspirations of men in the first seventeen chapters of Bk. II. 2 Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. VI. ch. 4, and Metaphysics, Bk. I. ch. 2. s Physics, Bk. II. ch. 8. * Poetic, ch. 9. * Politics, Bk. v. chs. 5 and 7. 184 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. tions," and the discovery that the imitations are repre- sentations or symbols of the objects imitated, a discovery that partakes of the character of an acquisition of new knowledge. ("All men have by nature a desire and impulse towards knowledge."^) Purification of the feel- ings takes place when, after an ecstasy of soul produced by works of art, we relapse into our normal state, expe- ^ riencing "pleasurable feelings of relief."^ Art affords moral discipline, and influences character by teaching men to "enjoy right pleasures and entertain right feel- ings of liking or dislike." This it does by "imitating," or representing, such pleasures and feelings, and pro- ducing effects similar to those produced by the original causes of them. In music, as has been stated, an ethical effect is produced by the Dorian melodies and harmonies, an emotional by the Lydian, and a physi- cal by the Phrygian. Poetry consists in the imitation of actions, manners, and sentiments by means of rhythm, melody, and measure, — i.e., by some or all of these, — ■ in narrative or in action. The characters imitated may be better or worse, or neither better nor worse, than ordinary characters. In tragedy, better, in comedy, worse, than ordinary characters are "imitated." Trag- edy is the representation in pleasing language by means of. persons acting and not merely by means of narration, of an action having dignity, completeness, and magni- tude; producing, by its effect upon the emotions of fear (or terror) and pity, a purification of the mind of such feelings.* The fear and pity (which must not be confounded here with horror and compassion) awakened 1 Metaphysics, Bk. I. ch. i ; Poetic, ch. 4; Rhetoric, Bk. I. ch. 4. 2 Politics, Bk. V. ch. 7. » Poetic, ch. 6. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 85 by tragedy arise from the contemplation of a worthy character undergoing misfortune through some short- coming incident to human nature.^ Comedy is the imi- tation of only such worse than ordinary characters as are ridiculous merely. Epic poetry resembles tragedy in having for its subject an important action having be- ginning, middle, and end, but differs in requiring a more extended action, in admitting a larger degree of the wonderful, in being narrative and employing neither music nor the spectacle, and in requiring a nobler dic- tion and more stable metre. Tragedy excels epic poetry for the following reason : it possesses every excellence of the latter and, besides, greater perspicuity and a greater degree of simplicity and unity.^ The chief point to be attended to in both kinds of poetry is the fable, or story, of the action. As compared with his- tory, poetry is the more philosophical, because it gives more truthfully the universal element of human life.^ Sources and Genesis of Aristotle's Philosophy. — We have now to consider (briefly) the sources and genesis of the philosophy of Aristotle, and its points of contact with earlier systems. And it is well to bear in mind here that Aristotle prepared a historico-critical sketch of Greek philosophy from its beginning down to Plato,* that frequently in various works he refers to and com- ments upon the doctrines of earlier thinkers, par- ticularly, as we have seen, of his master, Plato, and that he was in mental temperament a natural, though not uncritical, conservative. It would, perhaps, be safe, then, to say, even without comparison of his doctrines 1 Poetic, chs. 13 and 14. ^ IHd., ch. 9. 2 Ibid., ch. 26. * See Metaphysics, Bk. I. chs. 3-9. 1 86 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. with those of earlier thinkers, that there was no impor- tant doctrine of any earlier philosopher that had not passed under his critical notice, and that no lead- ing principle of his own was discovered and adopted by him without reference, positive or negative, to the theories of those earlier speculators. A consideration of the sources and genesis of his philosophy and its point of contact with earlier systems involves, therefore, a glance at the principal features of the earlier Greek thought. Aristotle's logical theories appear to be, for the most part, new and original with him, and yet it is evident that they sprang out of the intellectual condi- tions of his age. The time was ripe for bringing out of the relative chaos of dialectic, false and legit- imate. Sophistic and Socratico-Platonic, the formal order of logical system. In metaphysics Aristotle's Being and God are in a direct line with the Being of Parmenides, the Nous of Anaxagoras, and the highest Idea of Plato, and his attempt to unite being and phe- nomena through the doctrine of the four causes and the conceptions of possibility and actuality is an organic continuation of the effort of most of the thinkers be- fore him, after Parmenides and Heraclitus, to reconcile the grand ideas of these two heroes in early Greek thought. The first suggestion of the doctrine of causes must, it would seem, have come to him from his teacher or his teacher's works, e.g., the Timmus, but, judging from his point of view in his history of Greek philoso- phy,i it seems not improbable that Aristotle himself regarded his doctrine of causes as substantially his own, 1 See above, p. 3. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 8/ and as the summing-up and flower of all previous Greek thought ; and there seems to be no reason for denying that he was right in so doing. The theory of possibility and actuality is peculiarly Aristotelian. The first solid " putting " of the idea of a perfectly efficient, concrete, intelligent power, an actual immanent (as well as trans- cendent) mind must be credited to Aristotle. Possibility and actuality as organic unity is, virtually, Aristotle's formula for the universe as living, thought-determined being. In physics Aristotle deviated very widely, in one respect, from almost the whole previous course of Greek philosophy ; he declared the world to be uncreated and always the same, whereas earlier thinkers, from Anaxi- mander down, had held a doctrine either of physical evolution or of creation. This deviation finds its ex- planation, as we have seen, in the theory that motion, the characteristic of the phenomenal world as such, pre- supposes, in the last analysis, an eternal being which is the eternal cause of motion, — motion consequently having no temporal origin. The conception, also, of nature as a j^^-realizing end, or system of such ends, is peculiarly Aristotelian. In other respects Aristotle's theory of nature is, on the whole, that of Plato, and in minor points agrees with those of Parmenides, Heracli- tus, Empedocles, Anaxagoras. To Plato and Aristotle alike the universe is spatially finite ; it is a sphere, of which the outer portion is divine in nature, the central human and imperfect, the former through a descending series giving the law to the latter. Aristotle's definition of the elements has points in common with those of Parmenides, Heraclitus, Empedocles, and Plato. His theofy of the soul, the first system of psychology, was 1 88 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. framed after a thorough review ^ of all previous Greek theories on the subject ; and it embodies and unites in a truly organic way the real aperqus, or true in- sights, of those theories. Here as almost everywhere else, he follows Plato more closely than he does any other thinker. Adopting substantially Plato's subdi- vision of the soul into parts and faculties, he yet by means of his original insight of the entelechy, or per- fect realization, has made a true advance in thought, upon Plato, in the mode of viewing the soul as a sub- stance, or real unitary being, though it must be con- fessed that in his negative attitude towards immortality he seems to fall far below the spirit of Plato's teach- ing. As regards his ethical doctrines we have already indicated sufficiently, perhaps, their relation to Socrates. (There are no ethical teachings prior to those of Socrates with which it is necessary here to compare Aristotle's.) In showing Aristotle's affinity in this respect with Plato, we cannot, perhaps, do better than borrow the words of Sir Alexander Grant. Aristotle plainly enough owes to Plato : " (i) The conception of moral science as a whole, — that it is a sort of politics, which is the science of human happiness. (2) The conception of the practi- cal chief Good, — that it is rekeiov and avTapKe<; [' per- fect ' and • self-sufficient '] and incapable of improve- ment or addition. (3) The conception that man has an epyov, or proper function, that man's aperri perfects this, and that his well-being is inseparable from it. (4) The conception of Psychology as a basis for morals. (5) The doctrine of Meo-oVi?? [the Mean], which is only 1 Occupying nearly the whole of the first book of the De Anima. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. a modification of the Mer/stoTT?? of Plato. (6) The doc- trine of ^povrjcri^, which is an adaptation, with altera- tions, of the Socratico-Platonic view. (7) The theory of Pleasure, its various kinds, and the transcendency of mental pleasures. (8) The theory of Friendship, which is suggested by questions started but not answered, in the Lj/sis of Plato. (9) The Agnoiology, a theory of Ignorance, in Book XII., — to explain how men can act against what they know to be best, — which appears to have been considerably suggested by Platonic discus- sions. (10) The practical conclusion of the Ethics, — that philosophy is the highest good and the greatest happiness, being an approach to the nature of the Divine Being." ^ Aristotle's theory of the state has much less, relatively, in common with Plato's. The end of the state, as conceived by both philosophers, was, no doubt, the same, viz., the happiness or good of the whole,' not of any part of the state ; but Plato's pre- ferred state was a state governed merely by wise men, Aristotle's a state governed by law (made and under- stood by the citizens). Each had in view a state that should have a true psychological basis, a state in which reason and not passion should rule ; but Aristotle's, it would seem, is a theory which better accords with actual human nature and better provides for the natural rule of intellect over passion. Here, as elsewhere, Aris- totle follows more closely than Plato the conception of the universal immanent in the particular. Aristotle's "best polity" has more kinship with Plato's "second best" state, expounded in the Laws; but Plato is as ^ See Essay in Vol. I. of Grant's Ethics of Aristotle. I go GREEK PHILOSOPHY. much an extremist in one way in the Laws as he is in another in the Republic} Finally, Aristotle (it is easy to see) attained to his conception of the state largely through a struggle with Plato's, and his divergence from Plato here seems to be but a part of that general diver- gence which is the result of a natural development in metaphysical standpoint. Aristotle's rhetoric, or theory of persuasion, is the first systematic philosophical theory of the subject it treats, and is mostly original. He had thoroughly sifted the Sophistic rhetoric and, instead of adopting it or any part of it, condemned it as the false art of warping the judgment. Fundamental hints for his theory are to be found, however, in the Phcedrus and Gorgias of Plato. The idea that men can be really per- suaded only by instrumentalities capable of reaching their moral and logical faculties and habitudes is quite Platonic; but circumstances and Plato's hatred of the Sophists having made it his business to destroy false rhetoric rather than construct a theory of true rhetoric, it falls to Aristotle to construct such a theory, which, of course, as a thinker, if not as a stylist, he was qualified to do. To the homeliness (if we may apply the term here) of the Socratic conception of beauty and the aus- terity of the Platonic, there is little in Aristotle's that is akin. Aristotle would merely purify and elevate the inborn //i2>'-instinct in human nature ; Plato would se- ' Aristotle has without doubt come nearer to the mean that is within reach of a race of beings that naturally tends towards truth and justice. The truth would seem to be that Aristotle had an abiding sense of the sub- stantial rightness of his conception of nature as instinct with intelligence and hence right and truth, and could afford to rely on the natural positings of the human soul. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I9I verely restrict feeling and imagination, which, in their union, constitute the art-instinct in human nature. The Substantial Unity of Plato and Aristotle. — The divergences that have been pointed out between Aris- totle and Plato need not blind us to the fact that they are, in spite of those divergences, in substantial har- mony. This appears immediately if they be compared with one who is fundamentally opposed to either, i.e., whose first principle is a purely material principle, whether water, air, fire, atom (ancient or modern), or all these, or any number of them together, — thus viewed, Plato and Aristotle are at one, for they are both com- pletely committed to the view that spirit, and spirit only, is absolute. They do not, it is true, entirely get rid of "matter," but treat it as a kind of negative function of spirit, or form ; to Aristotle matter is pas- sive reason in the world ; to Plato it is a kind of " spu- rious reason." The entire weight of Plato's teaching was, as we have already seen, thrown into the scale in support of the thesis that the real is rational and the rational is real, and Aristotle, with many criticisms and demurrings, it is true, in regard to secondary matters, simply added to Plato's thought the immense weight of his own. In fact, probably no other two of the world's master-thinkers are in such substantial agreement as these two. With such solidarity of thought through- out the whole history of human speculative thought, the philosophical mind of the world would be really one, as indeed it ideally is. Philosophy in itself and philoso- phy in its history would be all but identical. Result. — We have now to attempt an estimate of the worth of the leading features of Aristotle's philosophy. 192 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. In general, it may be said that Aristotle carried the development of that conception of mind as absolute which Anaxagoras was the first to suggest, to the high- est point possible under the circumstances of his age, and that he brought philosophy fully around to the opposite of the nafve naturalism with which it began. That he (together with Plato) established a consistent universalistic idealism has often been doubted. God, in the system of Aristotle, is, it has been held, a deus ex machina, has but an idle, shadowy being, and the system ends in dualism. The immovableness of being, the transcendence of the Deity, or Thought of Thought, the separableness of reason in the soul from the other faculties seem, perhaps, to warrant such an assertion. But, on the other hand, to make God merely the bond of union (even though organic) among the parts of nature is to ignore the fact of a separable rea- son, and is to be satisfied with the purely naturalistic view of the world, — with the naturalistic instead of the spiritualistic conception of organic unity. Somehow immanent in the world God must be, but he is, also, transcendent. Aristotle's category was that of spirit, not life merely, and his conception of God, or a tran- scendent divine reason, seems to be an excellence, not a defect in his system. A great feature in the system of Aristotle is its conception of nature, defective as that conception in some respect no doubt is. From the standpoint of modern physical speculation, Aris- totle's theory of nature falls below that of most of his predecessors, — Anaximander and other " evolution- ists," the Pythagoreans (the centre of whose universe was not the earth but the so-called " central fire "), the GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 93 Atomists (who discovered by speculation something very like the modern atom, the hypothesis of which is at least accounted as an indispensable " working hypothe- sis "). But in that it demonstratively put matter under the sway of reason and kept the "object" within the sphere of the "subject" and thus made it organic, Aristotle's theory far surpassed in philosophic rightness that of any of the early nature-philosophers, and has hardly been surpassed by that of any of those who have succeeded him. That his theory of the soul, the kernel of his theory of nature, has stood the test of centuries hardly need be said : his conception of reason and sense as organically one is far in advance of widely prevailing mechanistic psychological theories of this moment. In Aristotle's ethical and political theories there is want- ing, no doubt, the clearness and decision of Socrates's " All virtue is knowledge," or Kant's " You ought, therefore, you can " ; but there is a certain moral poise and health in the conception of a just synthesis of man's capacities in the right fulfilment of his function i^p'^ov), and great strength and stability in the concep- tion of virtue as a habit and fixed tendency, the founda- tion and moving force of which is eternal reason itself. There is, indeed, in the formula describing virtue a theo- retical surd, or irrational "quantity," the idea of the "prudent man." But we may question whether, after all, moral activity is not such a surd, as involving some- thing beside mere calculation, as being only semi-rational. Again, contemplation, the virtue of "the philosopher" in the Ethics has been felt to be ?^«moral in character ; but here again we may question whether Aristotle is not substantially correct. He practically admits that 194 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. such a virtue is beyond the reach of most men ; is there not, nevertheless, a certain theoretical justice in holding it to be the most perfect virtue ? Is Aristotle so very far from Socrates and Kant in this ? Were not the ethical requirements laid down by them more "theo- retical" than "practical"? The doctrine that man is a "political animal " can, it might seem, never be entirely supplanted. But it must not be forgotten that even Aristotle, as did Plato, put man the philosopher above man the citizen, and that, practically, at least, the notion of man as a political animal must, so to say, recede and give larger place to that of man as a perfectly self-con- scious and self-determining being. Society is an or- ganism, not for life merely, but for spirit, and spirit is not to be shut up in outward institutions. § IS- The Peripatetic School. — That, after the death of Aristotle, there should arise a thinker who should grasp and develop on all sides his philosophy as he had grasped and developed Plato's would appear strange indeed ; and, as a matter of fact, there was no such thinker. The immediate followers of Aristotle comprehended and adopted only portions of his system, and those not of the highest importance in speculative thought. Of - the school of Aristotle, the so-called Peripatetic School, there were very few thinkers even worthy of being re- membered. We speak here of but three — Theophras- tus of Lesbos, Strato of Lampsacus, and Diccearch of Messene. Mention will be made later of Peripatetics who were, it would appear, scarcely more than Aristote- lian editors and commentators. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 1 95 Theophrastus of Lesbos. — Theophrastus (circa 372 -287 B.C.) a favorite disciple of Aristotle and chosen by him to be his successor at the head of the Peripatetic school, gave the theories of Aristotle a- marked naturalis- tic interpretation ; being apparently moved by the desire to bring reason and sense into closer union than, as it seemed to him, Aristotle had brought them. He did not, however, give up completely the transcendence of reason, but treated motion, in which he included, as Aristotle had not done, genesis and destruction as a lim- itation of the soul, and treated "energy " not merely as pure activity, or actuality, but as akin to physical activity. He affirmed, practically, that there was no motion that did not contain an " energy." This was equivalent to giving an absolute character to motion, whereas with Aristotle the absolute was unmoved. The alleged motions of the soul (Aristotle had denied motion to the soul) were of two kinds: corporeal — e.g., desire, pas- sion, anger, — and incorporeal, e.g., judgment and the act of cognition. He retained Aristotle's notion that external goods are a necessary concomitant of virtue and an essential to happiness, and " held that a slight devia- tion from the riilfes of morals was permissible and re- quired when such deviation would result in warding off a great evil from a friend or in securing for him a great good." "The principal merit of Theophrastus consists in the enlargement which he gave to natural science, especially to botany (phytology), in the fidelity to nature with which he executed his delineation of Human Char- acters, and next to these things, in his contributions to the constitution and criticism of the history of these sciences." ^ 1 Ueberweg's Hist, of Phil, Vol. I. p. 182. ig6 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Strata of Lampsacus. — A pupil of Theophrastus and the next leader, after him, of the Peripatetic School (281-279 B.C.) was Strato of Lampsacus. Strato dis- carded the doctrine of the real transcendence of reason, and held that there could be nothing in the human in- tellect which had not already been in sense. "He placed the seat of sensation not in the members of the body, nor in the heart, but in the seat of the under- standing; gave to sensation a share of the activity of the understanding; made the understanding inter-con- vertible with thought directed upon sensible phenomena, and so came near resolving the thought of the under- standing into sense." ^ This was done in the attempt to derive from Aristotle's conception of nature as a power working unconsciously towards ends a per- fectly simple organic (even materialistically so) concep- tion of the universe. Strato did not, it would seem, busy himself with experimental fact, but erected his theory upon a purely speculative basis. The theory of Strato is obviously a forward step in the direction taken by Theophrastus. Diccearch of Messene. — Dicaearch went still further and reduced all particular forces, including souls, to a single omnipresent, natural "vital and sensitive force." Here we have the naturalistic conception of organic unity in perfect simplicity. Dicaearch is said to have devoted himself more to empirical investigation than to speculation. §16. Three Leading Post- Aristotelian Schools of Philoso- phy. — We come now to three leading post- Aristotelian I Ritter's Hist, of Phil. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I97 schools of philosophy which, though standing in pecu- liar opposition one to another, yet are really to be re- garded as belonging to the same organic movement of thought, and to have a common logical and psychologi- cal point of origin. They are known as the Stoics, the Epicureans, and the Sceptics (among whom may be included the Academicians). § 17- The Stoics: Zeno, Cleanthes, Chrysippus, and Others. The Stoic school was founded near the beginning of the third century B.C., by Zeno, a native of Cittium in Cyprus. Having spent twenty years or more in the study of philosophy with teachers of the Cynic and Me- garian schools, and of the Old Academy, ^ — Crates, Stilpo, Diodorus, Xenocrates, Polemo, — he opened a school at Athens, in a place known as the Painted Porch, troiKiKi] ^roa — whence the name of the school — and gained numerous disciples. He became noted for the simplicity of his habits of living, the temper- ateness and terseness of his speech, and the austerity of his manner, which, however, is said to have " relaxed at a dinner party." He won great respect from the Athenians, "who gave him the keys of their walls . . . honored him with a golden crown and a brazen statue."-' In obedience to what he believed a sign or omen, signifying that he should end his life, he strangled himself. His successor at the head of the Stoic School was Cleanthes, a water-carrier, who is ^ Diogenes Laertius, Life of Zeno, pp. 259 and following. 198 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. described by Diogenes Laertius as industrious, atten- tive to the teachings of his master, and wholly de- voted to philosophy, but as not intellectually strong, and very slow of mind. He did little or nothing more as a philosopher than to sanction by his influence the teachings of Zeno, being intellectually inc'apable of de- veloping them to any great extent. He wrote numerous books and a Hymn to Zeus, which has been called the "most important document of the Stoic philosophy." The next president of the Stoic school was Chrysippus of the Soli, or Tarsus, in Cilicia (or Cicilia), who was bom about 280 B.C. " He was a man of great natural ability, and of great acuteness in every way, so that in many points he dissented from Zeno, and also Cleanthes, to whom he often used to say that he only wanted to be instructed in the dogmas of the school, and that he would discover the demonstration for himself." ^ He acquired great fame as a dialectician,^ was vastly indus- trious, writing five hundred lines a day, compiling (largely from the poets) more than seven hundred books, and, it is supposed, expanded portions of the teachings of the earlier Stoics, without, however, departing very essentially from the doctrines put forth by Zeno. " By Chrysippus the Stoic teaching was brought to complete- ness ; and when he died, in the year 206 e.g., the form was in every respect fixed in which Stoicism would be 1 Diog. Laert., Life of Chrysippus (Trans, in Bohn's Class Lib.). ' " This philosopher used to delight in proposing questions of this sort : The person who reveals the mysteries to the uninitiated commits a sin : the hierophant reveals them to the uninitiated : therefore the hierophant commits sin. . . Again, if you say anything, what you say comes out of your mouth ; but you say a wagon : therefore a wagon comes out of your mouth." Diog. Laert. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. I99 handed down for the next following centuries."^ Othci eminent Stoics were Aristo of Chios, who repudiated all philosophy but ethical philosophy ; Herillus of Car- thage, who declared knowledge to be the chief good, and opposed Zeno in some points ; a certain Dionysius, who inclined to the doctrines of the Cyrenaics, etc. Stoic Conception of the Nature and Parts of Philosophy!^ — It is characteristic of the Stoic philosophers that, dividing philosophy into logic, physics, and ethics,^ they laid the chief stress upon ethics, conceiving the real as that which acts on, or can be acted on by, us. The historical source of this we are to look for, most proba- bly, in the conditions of the education of philosophers, as well as the general conditions of the times. The Stoics were, (in other words) intellectual descendants and representatives of the earlier Cynic schools, with a large infusion, no doubt, of the dialectico-sceptical spirit of the Megarian school and the Academy. The general relations between logic, physics, and ethics they conceived as follows : The chief good is virtue ; virtue is " life according to nature " (a saying of Speu- sippus and Xenocrates) ; a true life according to nature, must depend upon the having a right conception of nature ; but a true conception of nature is reached only in a certain way — by a certain method, and by the application of a certain standard, or criterion. The science of the good is ethics ; of nature, physics ; of methods and the criterion of knowledge, logic. Hence, ' Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics. 2 Life of Zeno, pp. 274-276. ^ " Cleanthes says there are six divisions of reason, according to philoso- phy ; dialectics, rhetoric, ethics, politics, physics, theology." Diog. Laert. 200 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. though ethics is highest, and in one sense, first, it is in another sense last, presupposing physics, which, in turn, presupposes logic. Zeno and Chrysippus compared philosophy to an animal ; logic being bone and sinews, physics the flesh, and ethics the soul. Stoic Logic. — With the Stoics logic is the science not only of thought but of expression — a corollary of their leading thought (taken in its simplicity) that the end of man is action, i.e., to be really and externally what he is virtually and internally. The Stoic logic, therefore, included much that now falls in the domain of grammar ; but it also included what now belongs to formal logic, and the theory of cognition, in the nar- rower sense, or theory of the sources of ideas and the criteria of knowledge. By some of the Stoics, however, logic was declared to have for its parts, — rhetoric, " the science conversant about speaking well concerning mat- ters which admit of detailed narrative " and dialectic, the science of arguing correctly in discussions, which can be carried on by question and answer [Chrysippus] ... a knowledge of what is true and false, and neither one thing nor the other,^ etc. Dialectic has two parts : one dealing with ideas, and the other with the expres- sion of ideas. Origin of Ideas.^ — All ideas, according to the Stoics, originate from sensation, or the working of the mind upon what is given in sensation. The soul, Zeno held, is in sensation affected by external objects, as wax is by the seal that is pressed upon it. Perceptions (tpavraa-iat) ' Diog. Laert. ^ Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, pp. 277 and following. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 201 are impressions upon or in the soul (ruTrcoo-et? ev ■^vxv)- Chrysippus preferred to say that perceptions, both ex- ternal and internal, are changes of the soul {erepaxreK; ■<^v)(fi<;), to regard perception as active rather than pas- sive ; i.e., as s. grasping {KaTak'r]->^iavTaa-lai, KaTaXTj-TrnKai), possess greater dis- tinctness than others, a certain power to compel belief or assent. That other ideas might also possess such distinctness and power to compel assent, the Stoics did not deny. System and Logical Method. — The Stoic theory of knowledge and of conceptions included the idea of a science as a system of ideas. But to only one branch of systematic method did they give but little attention ; viz., deduction, in the theory of which they made some improvements. They particularly emphasized the syl- logism, the doctrine of which they held to be the most important part of dialectic, on the ground that it shows what is capable of demonstration, aids in forming the judgment, and gives scientific character to our knowl- edge. On the subject of propositions and argumenta- tion, the Stoics laid down numerous distinctions, some of which now seem trivial, useless, or irrelevant to what is known as formal logic.^ They laid particular ^ Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno. (Trans, p. 278.) * Ibid., p. 276. 8 Ibid., pp. 282-289. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 2O3 stress upon hypothetical and disjunctive syllogisms. It is, however, not quite correct to say ^ that the Stoicsj introduced both the hypothetical and the disjunctive syllogism. The former, or a near approach to it, may be found explained in Aristotle's Prior Analytics? The Categories. — • The categories admitted by the Stoics are (besides the supreme conception of Being, or, rather, according to the Stoics, Something) four in num- ber : subject-matter, or substance, to WoKeiixevov ; qual- ity, TO iroLov ; condition, to tto)? e')(^ov ; relation, ro irpoi; Ti TTftj? e^ov. Quality seems to correspond, in general, to Aristotle's "form." Real quality is of two kinds : com- mon, or general (xoti'w?), and peculiar, or special (t'StoJ?). Examples of to ttco? c'^ov are size, motion, color, etc. Right and left, sonship and fatherhood, are examples of to TT/joV Tt TTw? e^ov. Tho four categories have a natural in- terrelation. Substance cannot exist apart from quality, i.e., real substance is definite. Condition presupposes quality, and relation condition. Zeller has pointed out three regards in which this theory of categories differs from Aristotle's : ^ the number of the categories,* their relation to each other, and their relation to a higher con- ception. To these may be added a fourth : the catego- ries of the Stoics are not so purely logical, or conceptual, as the Aristotelian categories. The Stoic ." substance " is, as we shall immediately see, matter either universal or particular ; quality is purely material in origin, being due to a tension caused by air currents. ' As Zeller (and Benn after him) says. ^ See above, p. 125. ° See Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, p. 95. * Aristotle's " action " and " passion " are preserved in the Stoic " ac- tive" and "passive" principles of the world, i.e., "matter" and "force." 204 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Physics, or the Theory of Nature} — The physics of the Stoics is also their metaphysics, for, though they could not avoid palpable inconsistencies with fact in so doing, they held material being to be the whole of being. This idea is in harmony with their sensational theory of knowledge, apparently a misconception of the Aris- totelian, and, of course, with their ethical doctrine that reality is that which acts on us or is acted on by us. God, the Soul, the Good, virtue, vice, emotion, judg- ments are to the Stoics material, though time, space, place, expression are admitted to be immaterial. Sub- stance, TO viroKeifi^vov, is either universal matter or the matter of individual objects. Quality, ro ttoiov, is due to air currents circulating through bodies. The world has a double nature ; matter is capable of acting as well as being acted on ; in other words, the world is a duality of matter and force. Matter, the passive principle, is without any distinctive quality. The active principle, inherent in the passive, matter, is reason, or God, con- ceived, however, as material. By whatever name called, — mind, soul, reason, logos ^ (Xoyos), fate, law, nature, providence, — God is the all-pervading fire, the soul and seminal principle of the world, and is distinct from it only in abstraction : the distinction between them is a distinction without a difference. The world is, there- fore, a living thing, pervaded by soul, — in different degrees in different parts. It is one, finite, and spheri- cal. Exterior to it is a boundless (incorporeal) vacuum, there being no vacuum in the world. The world was produced by God out of his own substance, and will be 1 Diog. Laert., Li/e of Zeno, pp. 307, 318. 2 An idea common in the latest period of Greek philosophy. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 205 absorbed again into that. Immediately afterwards a new world will be created, and so on in infinitum. In the creation of the world were generated, first, the four elements, fire, air, water, and earth, which are, all, " es- sence without any distinctive quality." " The fire is highest, and that is called sether ; in which first of all the sphere was generated in which the fixed stars are set, then that in which the planets revolve ; after that the air, then the water ; and the sediment, as it were, of all is the earth, which is placed in the centre of the rest." ^ The water has a spherical form and the same centre as the earth ; so, too, has the air surrounding it. Water and earth constitute the body of nature, fire and air its soul. The successive worlds that are by the Deity put forth from, and taken back into, his own substance are in all respects similar. Throughout all changes law abides. The world is, by virtue of the unity of matter and force, an organic whole. There is perfect adaptation of means to ends. Plants have their end in animals, animals in man, the whole, as a whole, in gods and men. Imperfection and evil are only appar- ent, attach not to the whole (which is organically per- fect), but to the details of the constitution of things. The soul of man is material. "Whatever influences the body and is influenced by it in turn, whatever is united with the body and again separated from it, must be corporeal. How can the soul be other than cor- poreal } Whatever has extension in three dimensions is corporeal, and this is the case with the soul, since it extends in three dimensions over the whole body. Moreover, thought and motion are due to animal life. Animal life is matured and kept in health by the breath ' Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, p. 309. 206 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. of life. Experience also proves that mental qualities are propagated by generation, and that they must be consequently connected with a corporeal substratum."^ The central seat of the soul is the breast. The parts of the soul are the five senses, the generative power, the power of speech, and the intellect. The last-named is the principal part, and is the seat of personal identity. The emotions, or " passions," — classified as grief, de- sire, fear, and pleasure — were termed by the Stoics "perturbations," and were declared to be merely judg- ments. Error in thought is a consequence of these perturbations. Being a part of the universal soul, the individual human soul is not free in will, though it is subject to moral responsibility. The soul, though cor- poreal, lives after death, but will at the end of the world (cycle) cease to be as an individual, being dissolved in the universal soul whence it sprung. Ethics: its Parts? — Ethical speculation was exten- sively practised by the Stoics. According to Diogenes, — Chrysippus and others, but not Zeno nor Cleanthes, divided ethics into " the topic of inclination [or natural tendency], the topic of good and bad, the topic of the passions, the topic of virtue, the topic of the chief good, and of primary estimation, and of actions : the topic of what things are becoming, and of exhortation and dis- suasion." We shall treat here of the Chief Good, the Nature of Virtue, the Classes of Virtue, the Classes of Goods, the Wise Man, and the Stoic attitude towards the Popular Religion. The Chief Good: Life according to Nature. — Nature ^ Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics. ^ Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, pp. 290-307. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 20/ working as an artist produces in each thing a certain inclination, or tendency, to preserve a certain form of existence. "The first and dearest object" of every animal (man included) is the preservation of its own existence and its consciousness of its own existence. This is its life according to nature ; this is virtue and the chief good, ^- for virtue and the chief good can be only life according to nature. But what, precisely, is life according to nature .■" On this point there was a differ- ence of opinion among the Stoics. By "nature" must we understand our human or our universal nature, or both ? Zeno, it appears, had adopted, or, at least, em- phasized, merely the first of these three conceptions of nature ; but in the course of the development of Sto- icism as a theory the second and then the last became predominant, the last being held by Chrysippus. "Chry- sippus," says Diogenes,^ "understands that the nature in a manner corresponding to which we ought to live is both the common nature, and also human nature in par- ticular, but Cleanthes will not admit of any other than the common one alone as that to which people ought to live in a manner according ; and repudiates all mention of a particular nature." In the " life according to nature " is included also, we shall find, life in and according to a social order, for nature is but a synonym for reason, and society is but a natural off-spring of reason, the common nature of mankind. Nature of Virtue. — Now a life according to nature is a life determined by that which takes cognizance of reason in the world, viz., real knowledge. Virtue, in ^ Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, p. 291. This is a point in which Cleanthes did get beyond Zeno, who apparently stood nearer to the Cynics. 208 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. other words, is knowledge. With the Stoics the dis- tinction made by Aristotle, and even by Plato, between virtues based on knowledge, on the one hand, and on the other, natural and acquired virtues, or virtues based on habit "joined with reason," does not hold. Strictly speaking, the emotions have nothing to do with virtue : they are, if any thing, mere hindrances to it, "perturba- tions," from which the wise or virtuous man is entirely free. Virtue is, rather, a condition of apathy (dirddeia). But though virtue is in its origin intellectual, it is in actuality something more than that : it is action, — action based on knowledge. The Stoic conception of vir- tue differs considerably, it thus appears, from the Socratic conception and the conception held by Plato and Aristotle. The Stoics differ from Socrates, also, in holding that wrong-doing must be classed among things voluntary. They assert that vice is the result not of ignorance merely but of emotional perturbation, and that man has and must exercise control over the emotions, — gener- ally by suppressing them. There are no degrees in virtue 1 (but then, at the same time, a distinction is made by the Stoics between an action that is merely fitting, KaOfjKov, and one that results from a virtuous disposition, KUTopOwfia) ; and there is no mean between virtue and vice, a "stick must be either straight or crooked." ^ According to Cleanthes (with whom, however, Chrysippus disagrees at this point) virtue can- not be lost, " on account of the firm perceptions which it plants in men."^ Classes of Virtue.^ — Regarding the classification of 1 Ueberweg's Hist, of Phil., Vol. I. p. 200. '' Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, p. 305. ' Ibid. * Ibid., pp. 292, 293. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 209 the virtues, there was a difference of opinion among the Stoics. One divided virtues into speculative and prac- tical ; another into logical, natural, and ethical. Some said there were four virtues ; others, and among them Cleanthes and Chrysippus, more than four ; one, Allo- phanes, asserted that there was but one virtue, viz., prudence. Aristo thought that what was considered a variety of virtues was more properly a variety of objects with which virtue, in itself one, was concerned. Chry- sippus held that there were distinct conditions of soul constituting distinct virtues. Those, or at least some of those, who held that there is a plurality of virtues, held also that some of the virtues are "primitive" and some " derived " ; that the " primitive " virtues are "prudence, manly courage, justice, and temperance," and that, "subordinate to these as a kind of species contained in them are magnanimity, continence, endur- ance, presence of mind, wisdom in council." ^ That the "virtues reciprocally follow one another and that he who has one has all"^ was admitted even by Chrysippus. Cleanthes, Chrysippus, and other Stoics agreed in think- ing that virtue could be taught.^ Classes of Guods : the " Summum Bonum." — Virtue, we have seen, was with the Stoics the chief good, or summum bonum. The Stoics did not admit that, as Aristotle had held, there was any thing to be added to virtue to constitute happiness, or the highest good ; nor, as they admitted no degrees in virtue, did they admit degrees in goods : " All goods are equal . . . every good is to be desired in the highest degree . . . and I Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno. " Ibid., p. 304. s Ibid., p. 292. 2IO GREEK PHILOSOPHY. admits of no relaxation and of no extension." ^ Some things, however, are good in themselves ("final goods "), and others are good because they lead to final goods ("efficient goods"), others still are both efficient and final. The Stoics acknowledged another distinction which may, perhaps, be regarded as a softening (re- quired by practical necessity) of their rigid rule con- cerning goods. All things are good, bad, or indifferent. Things positively bad are the vices, the diametrical opposites of the virtues : folly, intemperance, cowardice, injustice. Things indifferent are things that are "neither beneficial nor injurious, such as life, health, pleasure, beauty, strength, riches, good reputation, nobility of birth, and their contraries, death, disease, labor, disgrace, weakness, poverty, and bad reputation, baseness of birth, and the like." ^ Of things indifferent some, it is evident, are objects of preference (■Trporjy/j.eva), because they " concur in producing a well-regulated life," and others are things to be avoided or rejected {dTroTrporjyfiiva), because they are of the opposite char- acter. "Every good is expedient, and necessary, and profitable, and useful, and serviceable, and beautiful, and advantageous, and eligible, and just : expedient inasmuch as it brings things which by their happening do us good ; necessary inasmuch as it assists us in what we have need to be assisted ; profitable inasmuch as it repays all the care that is expended on it, and makes a return with interest to our great advantage ; useful inasmuch as it supplies us with what is of utility ; serviceable because it does us service which is much 1 Diog. Laert., Zi/e of Zeno, p. 292. 2 Ibid., p. 296. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 211 praised ; beautiful because it is accurate in proportion to the need we have of it and to the service it does ; advantageous inasmuch as it is of such a character as to confer advantage on us ; eligible because it is such that we may rationally choose it; and just because it is in accordance with law, and is an efficient cause of union." ^ The " Wise Man" — Now he who is the personal em- bodiment of virtue — since all virtue is the same, we need not say here perfect virtue — and who alone possesses absolute goods, and is worthy to have the advantage of all those " indifferent " things which are objects of " pref- erence" is the wise man. The wise man is he who, being perfect in his knowledge of the laws of the uni- verse, above all passion, and completely governed by reason, is perfectly self-contained and self-satisiied, — a fit companion for the gods, yes, even for Zeus himself. But the idea of the perfectly virtuous and self-sufficient individual man was in part necessarily abandoned by the Stoics. For, in the first place, they were obliged to admit that in reality there had been, and was, no such man ; even the most exemplary men, Socrates, Diogenes, Antisthenes, had made great improvement in virtue ; and, in the second place, though by their affinity, his- torical and logical, with the Cynics they were inclined to regard the individual as self-sufficient, they were obliged to admit that by the very fact of his possessing reason .the wise man is bound to his fellow-man, that he must and will have friends, in whom he may see the reflection of himself. They asserted, indeed, that the 1 Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, p. 295. 212 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. wise man was the only person worthy to have friends. Again, the wise man will marry and beget children (Zeno held that there should be " community " of wives and children among wise men) ; he will also, according to Chrysippus, take active part in affairs of state, for he will desire to restrain vice and excite men to virtue.^ And yet to realize as fully as possible the conception of individual independence, the Stoics made the wise man a citizen of the world, not binding him too closely by ties of family, friendship, or nationality. This idea hit the mean between the crudeness of Cynicism, pure and simple, and the practice of ordinary social life in a nation or a state. (The best political constitution is a mixed one, "combined democracy and kingly power and aristocracy.") Towards the universe, as a whole, and the power therein, the attitude of the wise man is that of resignation and obedience. In this attitude he is but acting out his own true nature. "The virtuous man . . . will honor God by resigning his will to the divine will ; the divine will he will think better than his own will ; he will remember that in all circumstances we must follow destiny, but that it is the wise man's prerogative to follow it of his own accord ; that there is only one way to happiness and independence, — that of willing nothing except what is in the nature of things and will realize itself of our will." ^ But the Stoics af- firmed, on the other hand, that " a wise man will ration- ally take himself out of life, either for the sake of his country or of his friends, or if he be in bitter pain, or under the affliction of mutilation, or incurable disease."^ 1 Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, p. 303. 2 Zelier's S'oics, Epicureans, aud Sceptics. * Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, p. 306. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 21 3 The Stoics and the Popular Religion. — The Stoics did not approve of the ordinary forms and instrumental- ities of religion. To them the world was full of the Deity. Their philosophy was thus a religious, or at least a theological, philosophy. They gave the names of gods to "fruits, wine, and other gifts" of the gods, did not forbid the worship of ancient heroes, and on the hypothesis that God was everywhere accessible, prac- tised the "art of divination" and prophecy, though there was not perfect unanimity among them in regard to this last point. They had a peculiar over-fondness for rationalizing the ancient myths, or giving them plain and consistent meanings.^ To them there was reason in everything. Historical Sources of Stoicism. — The chief historical sources of Stoicism have already been in part indicated. In logic and dialectics the Stoics were followers of Aris- totle and the Cynics. Their neglect of induction is quite in keeping with their subjective individualistic tendencies generally. In physics they were followers of Heraclitus, Socrates, and Aristotle ; their fire, or logos, or world-spirit being Heraclitic, their teleology being Socratic (not Aristotelian), their ' active ' and ' passive ' principles, ' matter ' and ' force ' being quasi- Aristotelian. In ethics they followed Socrates, the Cynics, and the philosophers of the Old Academy, their leading doctrine, ' Follow nature,' having been prac- ticed by the Cynics and enunciated by certain philoso- phers of the Academy (Xenocrates, Speusippus, and Polemo). On the whole, the Stoics cannot be credited ^ See Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics. 214 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. with a large degree of intellectual originality ; they were, rather, apostles of moral force, a certain (limited) ethical individuality. Result. — It remains to examine (briefly) the connec- tion, coherency, and validity of the leading Stoic con- ceptions. A distinct breach in the Stoic system is involved in the fact that whereas reason is held to be universal and knowable, and sense is held to be the source and criterion of knowledge, it is denied that there is a rational universal element in sense. Another incoherency, closely akin to this, is that while sense is held to be the only source of knowledge, the processes of thought are treated as something essential. An obvious inconsistency in the Stoic physics is the position that only material things are real and the admission that certain immaterial things, e.g., time, space, expression, are real. Of a similar character is the idea that the soul is corporeal. Here the Stoics are about on a level with the Hylozoists. The conception of organic unity is given here too simple a form. The unity of body and soul cannot be that of simple identity or of mate- rialistic organicity (if we may be allowed such a word) ; it is a unity in which difference is contained, an ideal, or speculative, vinity. There is, too, an unexplained paradox, to say the least, in the Stoic idea that, though the individual is merely a part of universal reason and is subject to necessity, he is morally responsible. In the cardinal ethical doctrine of the Stoics, Live accord- ing to nature, there is, as the development of thought in the history of the school proves, a certain instability and inconsistency. Is nature the individual human nature, the universal nature, or a union of the two.' GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 215 The later Stoics, as we have seen, took the last-men- tioned view of the case, thus solving the conception. The mere individual in himself is practically nothing and becomes nothing if he be absorbed in the bare uni- versal. Again, virtue is declared to be the only good, and yet there are admitted to be, besides things that are positively bad, a class of things that are " indiffer- ent," some of which are "objects of preference," and useful and pleasant to the wise man ; and an act fit- tingly done is to be distinguished from one done with right intention. Further, the sphere of the wise man is said to be pure reason, and yet he is subject to emo- tion, at least to the extent of having to repress and sup- press it. Moreover the wise man is self-sufficient, but he needs friends and should take an active part in public affairs, and is dependent upon and benefited by the possession of external goods. Furthermore, all virtuous men are absolutely virtuous, all bad men are absolutely bad ; but Socrates, Antisthenes, and Diogenes, who are not perfect, are not bad. Finally, the wise man is a fit companion for Zeus, and yet his attitude towards the universal order should be that of resignation and sub- mission. In general, the Stoic system is full of paradox : instead of harmonizing or reconciling the natural antith- esis of sense and reason, the individual and universal, it brought the members of the antithesis into sharper opposition, and this, too, in spite of the obvious unity aimed at by the conception of the world as an organic whole and of the individual as being universally self- suflflcient.i ' See below, p. 246. 2l6 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. § i8. ' Epicurus and his School. — Epicurus, the founder of the Epicurean School, was born in Samos, in the year 342 or 341 B.C. Stimulated to inquiry (according to one account) by the reading of Hesiod, and failing to get satisfactory answers to his inquiries (concerning chaos) from his instructors, he began, at the age of fourteen, the study of philosophy. At the age of eighteen he went to Athens, and remained there as a student of philosophy until, at the age of thirty, he began teaching it, first at Mytelene, then at Lampsacus, and finally (about 306 b.c.) at Athens, where he taught for thirty-six years. His knowledge of and regard for other philosophers was slight. He had received some instruction in the doctrines of Plato, and thought him " golden," and in those of Democritus, whom he de- risively called Leocritus (humbug i"), but whose physical theories he borrowed freely ; had perhaps been a pupil of Xenocrates and Nausiphanes, a Democritean, who had been a pupil of Pyrrho, the Sceptic ; he ridiculed Aristotle as a debauchee, glutton, and vendor of drugs ; called Protagoras a "porter," Heraclitus a "disturber," the Cynics the " enemies " of Greece ; declared that the Dialecticians (the Stoics i") were "eaten up with envy." He is said to have thought highly of Anax- agoras, though it is hard to see why ; there are no traces of any influence of Anaxagoras upon his thinking. The same may be said with regard to his admiration of Plato. His opinion of other philosophers is indicative of his attitude towards things in general, which is nega- tive. His criticism of other philosophers, it would GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 217 appear, and doubtless, also, the character of his doc- trines, excited towards him hostile feeling and comment, and there were those who spoke of him as an extreme voluptuary ; but Diogenes Laertius declares him to have been a man of excessive modesty (a modesty that caused him to "avoid affairs of state"), of filial grati- tude, of philanthropy and piety ; to have been warmly regarded by very numerous friends, and honored by his country with brazen statues. He died in 270 B.C., made cheerful in spirits, in the midst of great physical suffering, by the " recollection " of "his philosophical contemplations." He bequeathed the garden in which he had met his disciples in philosophical converse to the surviving members of his school and to all coming after them who should choose to " abide and dwell in it " and maintain his doctrines. Between him and the members of the school there was a very strong personal tie, and his personality, as well as his dogmas, was deeply impressed upon their minds. His dogmas em- bodied in brief statements, and, regarded as common intellectual possessions {icvpiai So^ai), were committed to memory by his disciples and were handed down traditionally. Diogenes Laertius ^ speaks of the " per- petual succession of his school, which, when every other school decayed, continued without any falling off, and produced countless numbers of philosophers, suc- ceeding one another without any interruption." In his productivity as a writer he almost rivalled Chrysippus. He boasted of the originality of his writings, of the 1 See Lives of the Philosophers (Bohn's Class. Lib.) ; Life of Epicurus, pp. 424-479. 2l8 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. perspicuity of their style and freedom from rhetorical constraints and ornaments. But he was guilty of a neglect of true rhetorical method which has justly brought down upon his style the condemnation of critics, ancient and r.nodern. Of eminent Epicureans there should be mentioned the following : Hermarchus of Mytelene, president of the school after the death of Epicurus ; Metrodorus and PolycBnus of Lampsacus ; Apollodorus ; Zeno of Sidon ; Lucretius, the Latin poet, who has followed Epicurus closely in essential points in his poem De Rerutn Natura. Among the immediate personal disciples of Epicurus were several womeH,^ a fact that gave occasion to rival schools for disagreeable gossip about the Epicurean school. The Parts of Philosophy. — Epicurus divides philoso- phy into three parts : Canonics, Physics, and Ethics. Canonics is the science of the criteria of truth. It con- tains nothing of dialectic, for Epicurus declared that the " correspondence of words with things was sufficient for the philosopher." Epicurus regarded it as scarcely more than a mere introduction to physics, which in turn was held subsidiary to ethics, for Epicureanism, like Stoicism, Cynicism, and indeed most of the other post-Socratic systems in ancient philosophy, was primarily (and one- sidedly) ethical in its aim. There seems, in fact, to have been a strong tendency to make, or, rather, a habit of making, two parts of philosophy. Physics {including Canonics) and Ethics.^ It will be seen in detail, as we proceed, how the physics, very largely, and the canon- ^ The Leontion of Landor's Imaginary Conversation, Epicurra, Leon- Hon, and Ternissa, bears the name of one of these. ^ Diog. Laert., Life of Epicurus, p. 434. GREEK PHILOSOPHV. 2ig ics less so, are determined by the leading ethical doctrines of Epicurus, viz., that the end of human existence is pleasure. It cannot be said, however, that there is a deduction of the parts of his system from the notion of pleasure, and to attempt such a deduction here would convey a wrong idea of the tone and mode of his thinking. Canonics: Criteria of Truth in Ideas} — The criteria of truth in ideas are, according to Epicurus, the " senses," preconceptions, or anticipations (TrpoXijylreK), or "recol- lection of an external object often perceived anteriorly," and the "passions." "But," says Diogenes, "the Epicu- reans, in general, add also the perceptive impressions of the intellect." Of these criteria the senses are primary : " Every notion proceeds from the senses, either directly or in consequence of some analogy or proportion, or com- bination." The senses are entirely pure of all influence of memory, reason, or any other mental operation: they merely receive impressions from external causes, adding nothing, subtracting nothing. Each sense and sensation, furthermore, is independent of every other. One sensation cannot be a criterion for another resem- bling it or differing from it. The senses are, therefore, their own guarantee : reason cannot pronounce upon them ; rather are the senses the foundation of reason. An error in perception must, therefore, not be attributed to the senses, but to judgment, or inference, (wrongly added preconceptions or "perceptive impressions of the intellect ") attending sensation.^ An example of a precon- ception or anticipation is the idea that arises in the mind immediately upon pronouncing the word "man" 1 Diog. Laert., Li/e of Epicurus, pp. 435, 436. 2 Ibid., p. 435. 220 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. in the sentence, " Man is such and such a nature." The idea is one we " owe to the preceding operation of the senses," and it is to be depended upon as a correct one. Such an idea is a necessary condition to every percep- tion or judgment. (That is, " representation " is a con- dition of "presentation" and judgment.) "To be able to affirm that what we see at a distance is a horse or an ox, we must have some anticipation in our minds which makes us acquainted with the form of a horse or an ox. We could not give names to things if we had not a pre- Hminary notion of what things were." The certainty of our judgment depends upon our properly applying our anticipations. "Error and false judgment always depend upon the supposition that a preconceived idea will be confirmed or at all events will not be overturned by evidence." The passions are pleasure and pain, the former being natural, and the other for- eign, to human nature. They are the criteria of ethical judgment; i.e., (according to Epicurus), judgment em- ployed in determining what things should be chosen and what avoided. "Opinion" (So^a) and "supposition" (uTr6\r]-\]ri<;) are partly true and partly false : true when supported, not contradicted, by evidence ; false if con- tradicted by any evidence. It is often necessary to suspend the judgment. There is a certain degree of truth and objectivity in dreams. Canonics: Method in the Study of Nature} — Now as to method in the study of nature, we must proceed "from the known to the unknown." First, there must be an exact notion for each term, or there will result mere "verbal demonstration in infinitum." Leading 1 Diog. Laert., Life of Epicurus, pp. 437, 438, 456, 459, etc. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 22 7 terms must represent indemonstrable notions ; i.e., no- tions true according to some one or more of the criteria. We must be able to bring into our investigation, when necessary, the "impressions we receive in the presence of objects." We may pass to the unknown by analogy and by induction, but it is necessary to be on our guard against false analogies and against accepting un- verified induction as equal in value to immediate cer- tainty. Proper analogies are those founded on appear- ances, and are to be held superior to hypotheses. Now appearances may be susceptible of different " explana- tions," and it is a rule, made and insisted on by Epicu- rus, that we must guard against supposing that there is only one way of explaining phenomena. Phenomena may have many different causes and require as many different explanations. The Epicureans gave little atten- tion to deductive logic as such. Physics : Aim and General Character} — Besides the principles of method laid down in the canonic, physical speculation must be conditioned by the idea that man's chief end is happiness, and that, therefore, he requires to know only so much as will preclude all ground for disquietude of soul, — the fear of death, of dasmons, of mysterious and unforeseen events. First Principle. — The fundamental conception (mate- rial principle) of physics is, according to Epicurus, that nothing can come of nothing : the All has always been, and always will be, such as it now is, since there is noth- ing into which it can change, nor is there anything which, entering it, can cause it to change. The uni- ^ Diog. Laert., Life of Epicurus, pp. 438-466. 222 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. verse is a material universe. Our senses bear testimony to the existence of bodies ; and reasoning upon the tes- timony of the senses (for the' senses, we have seen, are the foundation of reason) we infer the existence of space, for if there were not " that which we call vacuum, or space, or intangible nature, there would be nothing in which the bodies could be contained or across which they could move, as they really do move." We cannot, in other words, perceive, or conceive by the aid of infer- ence or analogy, any universal quality or thing that is not body, or quality of body, or vacuum. Atoms. — Bodies perceptible to the senses are compos- ite and dissoluble. But there must be something " solid and indestructible " that remains after their dissolution ; because if we suppose bodies to be divisible in infinitum, we are brought to the absurdity of " reducing everything to nothing," and consequently of saying that something can come of nothing. Composite bodies, then, have as their element the atom. The atom, though not cogniz- able by the senses, must have magnitude, it being solid and destructible, and a part of that which has magni- tude. But since the process of division of bodies may conceivably be carried to an indefinite extent, we must assign to the atom the smallest possible dimensions. And in order to account for sensations and differences of quality in bodies we must suppose that atoms differ in magnitude. Again, it is impossible to account for the vast variety of form in bodies without supposing a great, an incalculable, variety in form among atoms. In any particular finite body the number of atoms is finite : in the entire universe the number is infinite, for the universe, not being limited by anything, is infinite, and GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 223 body and vacuum are consequently infinite, because " if the vacuum were infinite, the number of bodies being finite, the bodies would not be able to rest in any place : they would be transported about, scattered across the infinite vacuum for want of any power to steady them- selves, or to keep one another in their places by mutual repulsion : if, on the other hand, the vacuum were finite, the bodies being infinite, then the bodies clearly could never be contained in the vacuum." Furthermore, atoms have weight. Finally, the motion and the dissolution of sensible bodies (which can be caused only by a knock- ing together of the atoms) presuppose motion of the atoms. The atoms, in fact, must have been continually moving and with an equal rapidity from all eternity, since the vacuum offers no more resistance to the light- est than it does to the heaviest. Because of the differ- ent weight of the atoms, some of them move downward, some are pressed upward. Because of the " reciprocal percussion of the atoms, some of them have a horizontal movement to and fro." An atom has not any movement perceptible to the senses. The motion of the atoms is not due, as Democritus held, merely to natural neces- sity, i.e., to their weight, but to a certain power of self- movement, the ability, as it were, to "swerve a little" from a straight, fixed, and otherwise necessary, line of movement. Among the arguments employed by Lucre- tius (who may be regarded as an authority for the Epi- curean physical theories) is the following : "If all mo- tion is. ever linked together, and a new motion ever springs from another in a fixed order, and first begin- nings do not, by swerving, make some commencement of motion to break through the decrees of fate that 224 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. cause follow not cause from everlasting, — whence have all living creatures here on earth, whence, I ask, has been wrested from the fates the power by which we go forward whither the will leads each, by which we like- wise change the direction of our motions, neither at a fixed time nor fixed place, but when and where the mind itself has prompted? For, beyond a doubt, in these things his own will makes for each a beginning, and from this beginning notions are willed through the limbs." ^ There is, however, no other cause of motion in the atoms than that which is contained in themselves. The distances of the atoms from one another vary, some being great, others small. Properties of Bodies. — The properties of bodies, such as forms, colors, magnitude, weight, are not particular substances (as the Stoics asserted), nor can it be said that they have no reality at all. They cannot be con- ceived as independent of the bodies, and must be con- ceived when we form an idea of bodies. Of these there are two classes : attributes, which constitute by their union the " eternal substance and essence of the entire body " ; and accidents, which are not entirely inherent in bodies, but which, nevertheless, cannot be ranged among the incorporeal and invisible things. "These last, as they are not necessarily inherent in the idea of a body," can be conceived only in the moment in which they affect the senses. (Here we have, or appear to have, the modern psychological distiriction between pri- mary and secondary qualities of bodies. Democritus had made the sam^ or a similar, distinction.) 1 Lucretius, De Rerum Natura (Munro's Trans.), p. 34. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 225 The Visible Universe. — Of the worlds in distant space we must reason very much as we do regarding bodies that we " observe under our own eyes." Worlds and all other objects that may be compared to those objects " under our own eyes " have each been separated from the infinite by a movement peculiar to itself,^ and they will be destroyed, some more, others less, rapidly. Epi- curus did not believe that any worlds were formed by violent motions and crashings of other worlds, but by a flowing together of atoms to form a nucleus, and a gath- ering of "germs" about the nucleus thus formed. The number of worlds is infinite ; but it is not reasonable to suppose that the worlds are identical in form, or that there are worlds of every possible form. There is no increase or decrease of body in the universe as a whole. The earth is suspended in the air. Lucretius explains why the earth does not drop or sink from its place in the centre of the world, as follows : " In order that the earth may rest in the middle of the world, it is proper that its weight should be lessened, and that it should have another nature underneath it, conjoined from the beginning of its existence and formed into one being with the airy portions of the world in which it is em- bodied and lives." The sun and the moon are in size what they appear to the senses to be. They are not reabsorbed into the whole. We must " beware " of sup- posing that the heavenly phenomena — "the motions and courses of the stars, the eclipse, their rising, set- ting, etc." — are "produced by any particular being which has regulated or whose business it is to regulate, 1 See Zeller. 226 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. for the future, the order of the world, a being immortal and perfectly happy : for the cares and anxieties, the benevolence and the anger, far from being compatible with felicity are, on the contrary, the consequence of weakness, of fear, and the want which a thing has of something else." The truth is that these phenomena are governed by a " kind of necessity " ; they have an order that was given them at the first organization of the universe. And yet we must not try to explain these phenomena in accordance with any idea of uniformity of cause : of supposing that there is but " one single mode of production " and of rejecting "all other expla- nations which are founded on probability." The eclipses of the sun and moon, for example, may be due to the fact that these bodies extinguish themselves, or to the fact that other bodies interpose between them and us ; lightning may be the effect of a " shock and collision of the clouds," of the lighting up of the clouds by the winds, of the mutual pressure of the clouds, or of the pressure of the winds against them, or of various conditions. Susceptible of explanation upon the principle of a "plu- rality of causes " (to employ a modern phrase for a very old idea in the history of philosophy) are, likewise, the difference in the length of days and nights, clouds, thunder, hurricanes, earthquakes, winds, hail, snow, dew, comets, falling stars, etc. Regularity in celestial phe- nomena should not be made any more of than the little coincidences daily occurring immediately about us, a fact, the full appreciation of which would bring the per- fect quietude and confidence of soul that characterize the wise man. The Gods. — Nature, we have just seen, is, to the GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 22/ Epicureans, in no sense controlled by a divine power or by divine powers. The Epicureans, nevertheless, be- lieved in the existence of gods and treated of them in that branch of their philosophy called physics. Of the gods, philosophers — but not the oi ttoXXol, whose ideas of the gods are mere " opinion '' and are impious — have distinct knowledge through anticipations, trpoXr]-y^ei^. The gods are infinite in number and dwell in the vacant spaces between the worlds, in immortality and perfect felicity, without concern for the universe about them. Prayer and divination are, consequently, discarded by the Epicureans as the offspring of ignorance and fear. Epicurus says, however, that it is better to follow the fables about the gods than to be a slave to the ' fate ' of the natural philosophers [Stoics], better to believe that the gods are to be moved by gifts and honors than to believe in an inexorable necessity. The Human Soul} — The human soul is a " bodily sub- stance composed of slight particles diffused all over the members of the body, presenting a great analogy to a sort of spirit": it is composed of "atoms of the most perfect lightness and roundness," "wholly different from those of fire " (Democritus had said that the soul was composed of fiery atoms). The soul cannot be in- corporeal, for it would then be, like the vacuum, incap- able of ' doing ' or ' suffering ' anything," and merely a "condition and place of movement." In the soul is the seat of sensation, though doubtless sensation depends in part upon the body. There are " reciprocal bonds of sympathy uniting soul and body by virtue of which, the soul takes cognizance of the changes that take place in 1 Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, pp. 441-443, 447, 448, etc. 228 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the body which is its envelopment, and then reflects these into the body as sensible affections." "But there are certain affections of the soul of which the body is not capable." The irrational part of the soul, only, is dif- fused over the whole body, the rational part, as the emo- tions of joy and fear prove, having its seat in the chest. On the death and dissolution of the body the soul leaves it and dissolves and no longer has power of sensation or motion. Sensation is explained by Epicurus as being produced by the impact upon the organs of sense of infinitely small," thin, film-like emanations from bodies, which having the same arrangement and motion as the atoms in the bodies glide with infinite rapidity through vacant space, escaping all obstacles. These are termed images. " One must admit that something passes from external objects to us in order to produce sight and the knowledge of forms ; for it is difficult to conceive that external objects can affect us through the medium of the air which is between us and them or by means of rays, whatever emissions proceed from us to them, so as to give us an impression of their form and color. This phenomenon, on the contrary, is perfectly explained, if we admit that certain images of the same color, of the same shape, and of a proportionate magnitude pass from the objects to us, and so arrive at being seen and comprehended. These images are animated by an ex- ceeding rapidity, and, as, on the other side, the solid forming a compact mass, and comprising a vast quantity of atoms, emits always the same quantity of particles, the vision is continued, and produces in us one single perception which always preserves the same relation to the object. Every conception, every sensible perception OREEK PHILOSOPHY. 229 which has to do with the form or other attributes of these images is only the same form of the solid body perceived directly, either in virtue of a sort of actual and continual condensation of the image, or in consequence of the traces which it has left in us." Hearing is pro- duced, not by the air, but by " some sort of current " which, by virtue of the aiifinity of the small bodies com- posing it with one another and their identity in nature with the object from which they emanate "puts us very frequently into communication of sentiments with this object, or at least causes us to become aware of the ex- istence of some external circumstances." Perception, in this case, depends on a "sort of sympathy" between subject and object. The case of smell is similar. — The human will is free, and man is accordingly a proper sub- ject of moral praise and blame. Ethics: First Principle, Pleasure. — All good and evil, says Epicurus, are in sensation : that which is the priva- tion or absence of sensation, e.g., death, is nothing to us. The first good is pleasure, it being that to which all human "choice and avoidance" have reference, "for the sake of which we do everything," "the beginning and end of living happily " (j.e., well), that without which we are unsatisfied and seek it, with which we are satisfied and desire nothing. The desire of pleasure is connate with us, and it is inherent in animals. No pleasure is intrinsically bad ; but not every pleasure is always worthy of being chosen, for the " efficient causes of some pleasures bring with them a great many pertur- bations of pleasure," and the choice of such pleasures would contravene the law that pleasure is the chief good. Even some pains are better than some pleasures, 230 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. because of the greatness in degree of the pleasures con- sequent upon the choice of them. The pleasure, there- fore, that is the chief good, is of a certain sort. Kinds of Pleasure. — Now pleasures are in kind either bodily or mental, and they are either "motions" [the Cyrenaic doctrine], e.g., cheerfulness and joy, or " states," e.g., freedom from fear or bodily pain. The pleasure that is the chief good is not the bodily pleasure of the debauchee, but the "freedom of the body from pain and the soul from confusion," " the sober contem- plation which examines into the reasons for choice and avoidance, and which puts to flight the vain opinions from which the greater portion of the confusion arises which troubles the soul." But though the pleasures of the mind or soul are superior to those of the body, the pains of the soul are worse than those of the body, since the body is "sensible to present affliction while the soul feels the past, present, and future." The noblest pleasure is inseparable from prudence and the other virtues ; but, nevertheless, not the virtues but pleasure is the chief good. " We choose the virtues for the sake of pleasure ; not on their own account." Justice and injustice have no independent existence ; they have significance only as means and hindrances to pleasure. " Courage does not exist by nature, but is engendered by a consideration of what is suitable." "Friendship is caused by one's wants," and "arises from a commu- nity of participation in pleasures." It appears, then, that the highest pleasure is not, as the Cyrenaics de- clared, a motion, but a state ; e.g., contentment, freedom from ambition, from fear and apprehension. Specifi- cally, the highest happiness of which human life is GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 23 1 capable is a freedom from all apprehension relative to death and eternity, a state of the soul born of the knowledge that death is "no concern either of the living or of the dead, since to the one it has no exist- ence and the other class has no existence itself." The "Wise Man." — Epicurus "said that injuries existed among men either in consequence of hatred or of envy or of contempt, all of which the wise man overcomes by reason ; also that a man who has been once wise can never receive a contrary disposition, nor can he of his own accord invent such a state of things as that he should be subjected to the dominion of the passions ; nor can he hinder himself in his progress towards wisdom ; that the wise man, however, cannot exist in every state of body nor in every nation ; that if the wise man were to be put to the torture, he would still be happy ; that the wise man will not only feel gratitude to his friends, but to them equally whether they are present or absent. . . . Nor will he marry a wife whom the laws forbid. He will punish his servants, but also pity them, and show indulgence to any that are virtuous. The Epicureans do not think that the wise man will ever be in love or that he will be anxious about his burial, or that love is a passion inspired by the gods. . . . They also assert that he will be indifferent to the study of oratory. Marriage, say they, is never a benefit to a man, and we must be quite content if it does no harm ; and the wise man will never marry and beget children . . . still, under certain circum- stances of life, he will forsake these rules and marry. Nor will he ever indulge in drunkenness, nor will he entangle himself in affairs of state. Nor will he be- 232 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. come a tyrant. Nor will he become a Cynic ... or a beggar. And even though he should lose his eyes, he will still cling to life. The wise man will be subject to grief. He will also not object to go to law. He will leave books and memorials of himself behind him ; but he will not be fond of frequenting assemblies. He will take care of his property, and provide for the future. He will like being in the country; he will resist for- tune, and will grieve none of his friends. He will show a regard for a fair reputation to such an extent as to avoid being despised; and he will find more pleasure than other men in speculations. . . . The wise man may raise statues if it suits his inclination ; if it does not, it does not signify. The wise man is the only person who can converse correctly about music and poetry; and he can realize poems, but not become a poet. . . . The wise man will also, if he is in need, earn money, but only by his wisdom. He will propitiate an absolute ruler when occasion requires, and will humor him for the sake of correcting his habits. He will have a school, but not on such a system as to draw a crowd about him. He will also recite in a multitude, but that will be against his inclination. He will pro- nounce dogmas.-* He will be the same man asleep and awake, and he will be willing even to die for a friend." " It is possible for one man to be wiser than another." ^ Friendship. — Independent as the " Wise Man " of the Epicureans is, he yet needs friends ; and friendship is 1 Zeller supposes that the long-continued existence of the Epicurean school was a consequence of the dogmatism (and conservatism) practised and cultivated by Epicurus himself. 2 Diog. Laert., Life of Zeno, pp. 466-468 (trans, somewhat altered). GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 233 to him, next to freedom from fear of death, the greatest source of pleasure. If one cannot make friends, he should avoid making enemies. " The happiest men are they who have arrived at the point of having nothing to fear from those who surround them ; such men live with one another most agreeably, having the firmest grounds of confidence in one another, enjoying the advantages of friendship in all their fulness, and not lamenting as a pitiable circumstance, the premature death of their friends." Epicurus's theory here agrees precisely with his practice. The State. — Towards the state the Epicureans were somewhat shy. Epicurus himself, we have seen, avoided affairs of state ; and he declared that the wise man would never busy himself greatly with these unless there were special reasons for so doing. But, as may be inferred from Diogenes' s account of the Epicurean "Wise Man," they did not believe or advocate a haughty independence of and disregard for governmen- tal authority ; and they were not republican but monar- chical in political sentiment. They adopted here as else- where an independence for the individual which did not overshadow or threaten the independence of any other individual. Religion. — Substantially the same is the Epicurean attitude towards the universal order of things — an at- titude of independence and easy freedom. Man, if he be wise, is not overawed by the contemplation of nature and the gods, but dwells in serenity and happi- ness. Nature is not an object of fear or worship ; the gods are not reached by divination and prayer ; rather, are they to be merely contemplated in their perfect 234 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. immortality and felicity. Such contemplation is to man the source of the purest happiness. Historical Sources of the Epicurean Theories. — In physics Epicurus was obviously a follower of Democri- tus ; in ethics, of the Cyrenaics ; though he departs somewhat from the doctrines of both schools. Democ- ritus seems to have arrived at his doctrine of the atom by combining Eleatic and Heraclitean conceptions : Epicurus attempts to deduce the atom from what is given in sense as such. To the Cyrenaic doctrine, of pleasure, Epicurus added an ingredient of subjective intellectualism, giving the theory a certain appearance of refinement but no higher ethical value. No such definite historical sources for the Epicurean canonic can be pointed out. Result. — The logical key to the system of Epicurus, if system it may be called, is doubtless the idea of the easy and undisturbed independence and being-for-self of the individual. This idea, obviously, has most interest for Epicurus in its ethical bearings. His " Wise Man " is one who possesses independence, not by positively mastering all that might otherwise interfere with his independence, or by actively cooperating with others to secure for himself and all others the independence he seeks, but by withdrawing from the world into a place specially prepared for those whose aim is to realize the conception of the independent individual in quiet con- templation, and pleasant converse with those who are not inclined to oppose but mildly to second their thoughts and wills. With this view there is a certain natural, but not necessary, agreement in the doctrine of the atoms and empty space. The atom, like the human GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 23 S individual, is an independent entity and, to a certain extent, also, it, like the human individual, follows its "own sweet will," — it is self-moving, moves rapidly and without violent contact with other atoms, — the atoms "flow." As the atoms are independent of one another and human individuals likewise, so are man and the universe, man and the gods, the gods and the worlds surrounding them. There is, however, a certain mild sympathy between subject and object in the Epi- curean theory of knowledge. Considered as a whole, then, the system of Epicurus, though possessing a cer- tain kind of inner refined harmony, is not a really logical, close, concrete system ; its parts, instead of having the ultimate synthetic interrelation that springs from a positive, definite, and all-penetrating conception, exist, as it were, side by side (as the atoms do in unlimited space), held together merely by the vague conception of quiet, passive pleasure. § 19- The Sceptics. — Under the term Sceptics are here in- cluded the so-called Pyrrhonists, Earlier and Later (to whom alone, often, the term is applied) and the philoso- phers of the so-called Middle and New Academies ; the attitude of these thinkers being essentially the same. The chief of the Pyrrhonists are Pyrrho, Timon of Phlius, ^nesidemns, Agrippa, and Sextus Empiricus ; the leading Academicians are Arcesilaus, Carneades, and Clitomachus. The Pyrrhonists: Lives} — Pyrrho, the first of the Sceptics, was an Elean who had . imbibed Democritean 1 See Diog. Laert., pp. 402-423 ; Zeller; Ueberweg. 236 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. doctrines from a certain philosopher, Anaxarchus, whom he accompanied to India in the army of Alexander the Great. From Diogenes Laertius we learn that he was peculiar, even morbid, in temperament, being extremely indifferent and having no sympathy with general human nature. There is no reason to suppose that he espe- cially admired any of the philosophers (Democritus excepted). He is said to have been highly honored by his country and much esteemed by certain philosophers, among them Epicurus. He died in 270 B.C., at the age of ninety. His eccentricity among the philosophers of his times appears in the one fact (among others) that he left behind him no written works. Diogenes says that he had many disciples but very few of them are now known. Of these may be mentioned Nausiphanes, the instructor of Epicurus, and a certain Timon of Phlius (320-230 B.C.), who had been a pupil of Stilpo, the Megarian, and succeeded Pyrrho as leader of the school. Timon had no successor. The Pyrrhonists did not possess the social qualities of other thinkers of their day. Considerably later than these men, i.e., in the first and second centuries a.d., others, styling themselves Pyrrhonists, took up and elaborated the doctrines of Pyrrho and Timon. Of these we mention .^Enesidemus of Cnossus (first century), a certain phi- losopher by the name of Agrippa, and the celebrated Sextus Empiricus (200 a.d.). Theories of the Earlier Pyrrhonists. — The position of Pyrrho and of Timon, adopted and extended by later thinkers, is that there is no criterion of truth either in sense or in intellect ; that, consequently, there is no knowledge, contradictories are equally true (or GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 237 false), that the true, philosophic attitude of mind is complete suspension of judgment (eTroxn)- These men, in other words, finding in the realm of intellect the same contradictions that they, like the Eleatics, Hera- clitus, Democritus, the Sophists, Plato, and indeed nearly all the earlier thinkers had pointed out in the realm of sense, developed to its limit a principle that had before them not received complete development, even in the theories of the Sophists. But Pyrrho and Timon did not entirely despair of arriving at truth of a certain kind : truth in life, or conduct, they believed accessible. They taught here that the truth is imper- turbability of mind {arapa^ia), which follows suspension of judgment "like a shadow," and unquestioning obe- dience to custom and tradition. The Later Pyrrhonists : The "Tropes!'^ — -By the later Pyrrhonists there were advanced against the pos- sibility of knowledge certain special modes of view termed "tropes" (rpoTrot). Ten of these, which are attributed to ^nesidemus, are (in substance) as follows : The denying of knowledge on the ground (i) of the differ- ences in the feelings of animals as regards pleasure and pain, what is injurious or advantageous ; (2) the differ- ences in the "nature and idiosyncrasies of men"; (3) the "difference of the organs of sense"; (4) the "dis- position of the subject [the human individual], and the changes in general to which it is liable"; (5) "differ- ence in laws and established customs, belief in mythical traditions, conventions of art, and dogmatic opinions " ; (6) the " promiscuousness and confusion of objects " ; 1 Diog. Laert., Life of Pyrrho, pp. 409-413. 238 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. (7) " difference as regards the distance, position, space, and objects in space " ; (8) differences as regards the " magnitudes or qualities of things — heat or coldness, speed or slowness, paleness or variety of color," etc; (9) "frequency or rarity or strangeness of the thing under consideration " ; (10) " the fact that all things are known by comparison with others." In all these cases it is, practically, held that there is ground for suspension of judgment in the fact that, owing to the differences and contrariety of things, it is impossible to apply the law of identity, or conception of uniformity ; i.e., it is impos- sible to think (in the strictest, narrowest sense of the term). For example, — to take the third "trope," — since an apple is yellow to the sight, sweet to the taste, fragrant to the sense of smell, i.e., since sight, taste, and smell are different and incommensurable, it is impossi- ble to believe that there is in reality anything such as we ordinarily believe an apple (say) to be — " what is seen is just as likely to be something else than reality." To take another example : since " the Persians do not think it unnatural for a man to marry his daughter, but among the Greeks it is unlawful" "and since the Egyptians embalm their dead, and then bury them, the Romans burn them, the Paeonians throw them into the lake," no positive conclusion regarding marriage or the disposal of the dead is possible. The five tropes of Agrippa are these : the disagreement in opinion among men ; the logical necessity of proceeding in infinitum in the attempt to arrive at a fixed, first principle ; the fact that no object is perceived independently, but always in its relation to something else ; the necessity of start- ing always with hypotheses : the reciprocal nature of GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 239 proofs, e.g., proving porosity by evaporation and evapo- ration by porosity. The Impossibility of Demonstration, of a Sign, of a Cause, etc. — The possibility of demonstration was de- nied by the Sceptics on the ground that there are no true indemonstrable premises, and without such all rea- soning aiming at ultimate certainty must be a regressus in infinitum. It was denied also that anything could be regarded as a sign or indication of anything else : the invisible obviously cannot be a sign, either of the invisible or the visible ; nor can the visible be a sign of the invisible, since the two bear no relation to one an- other, and finally, there is no need of a sign for the visible. Again, the notion of a cause is a spurious con- ception. "Cause is something relative. It is relative to that of which it is the cause. But that which is rela- tive is only conceived and has no real existence. . . . However, let us admit that there are such things as causes. In that case, then, a body must be the cause of a body or that which is incorporeal must be the cause of that which is corporeal. Now, neither of these cases is possible ; therefore there is no such thing as a cause. In fact, one body cannot be the cause of an- other body, since both bodies have the same nature ; and if it be said that one is the cause, inasmuch as it is a body, then the other must be a cause for the same reason. And in that case one would have two recip- rocal causes; two agents without any passive subject. Again, one incorporeal thing cannot be the cause of another incorporeal thing, for the same reason. Also, one incorporeal thing cannot be the cause of a body, because nothing that is incorporeal can produce a body. 240 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Nor, on the other hand, can a body be the cause of any- thing incorporeal, because in every production there must be some passive subject-matter; but as what is incorporeal is by its own nature protected from being a passive subject, it cannot be the object of any produc- tive power. There is therefore no such thing as any cause at all. From all which it follows that the first principles of all things have no reality ; for such a prin- ciple, if it did exist, must be both the agent and the efficient cause." Motion, the act or possibility of learn- ing, the distinction between good and evil, were likewise found impossible by the later Pyrrhonists. Pure Negativism, of the Pyrrhonists. — Pyrrhonism reached its culmination when, it being objected (it would seem, by the Stoics) that the Pyrrhonists were incon- sistent in declaring that they knew nothing and yet admitting common fact of experience, or were, even in terms self-contradictory in saying that they knew noth- ing, because they must know that they did 7tot know, — the Pyrrhonists answered that they admitted fact merely as such, i.e., not as known and demonstrated fact, and that in saying that they knew nothing they merely stated a fact, but did not logically defitie or demonstrate their position. " We confess," said they, " that we see, and we are aware that we comprehend that such a thing is the fact ; but we do not know how we see, or how we comprehend"; or, "while we say that we define noth- ing, we do not even say that as a definition." The Middle and New Academies.^ — Arcesilaus. — Arcesilaus (third century b.c.) had been a pupil of the iSeeZeller; Ueberweg; Diog. Laert., pp. 163-170, 177-180. CREEK PHILOSOPHY. 24I Peripatetic Theophrastus, and of Polemo, Grantor, and Crates of the Old Academy. He was the founder of the Middle Academy, so-called. His philosophical en- ergies were given chiefly to combating the theories of the Stoics. He denied validity to the Stoic idea of per- ception, or the "cataleptic representation" {(pavraa-ia KaToXrjTTTiK^), basing his denial on the very obvious ground that a false representation might be of sufficient strength to compel assent, as well as a true one ; and he reached the position that it was not possible to know anything with certainty — not even that we did not know. In this he agrees with Pyrrho. He was, also, in agreement with Pyrrho in holding probability to be the "highest standard for practical life." From Dioge- nes, who describes him as a "man of very expensive habits," a "sort of second Aristippus," we ought per- haps to infer that in ethics Arcesilaus sympathized with the Cyrenaics ; we have, at all events, no reason to think that he was practically or theoretically an advo- cate of impassivity. Carneades?- — Carneades, the founder of th« New Academy (second century B.C.), industriously studied and combated the Stoic doctrines, gave little attention to physics, and was fond of disputing on ethical topics. He was a forcible speaker, and drew many persons, even from other schools, to hear him. He repeats with added illustration the arguments of Arcesilaus and the Pyrrho- nists on the worthlessness of the senses and the intel- lect as criteria of knowledge. The Stoic theology was especially attacked by him. Neither the alleged consen- 1 See Zeller's Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics. 242 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. sus gentium, nor the alleged design manifested in nature is to him a demonstration of the existence of God; mere agreement of opinion among the majority of the human race proves nothing, and the existence of danger and destruction, folly, misfortune, misery, and crime in the world is sufficient refutation of the supposed fact of a providence. But even admitting the appearance of order in the world, what necessity is there for affirming the existence of a world-soul ? The very idea of a God, an infinite personal being, an infinite being possessing the intellectual and moral attributes of man, is untenable. How can God be subject to the changes of sensation, feel- ings of pleasure and pain .' With what reason can he be called brave, magnanimous, prudent .' We cannot conceive God as limited or unlimited, corporeal or in- corporeal. In short, we cannot think of God under the forms of sense or of intellect without encountering con- tradiction ; we have no right, therefore, to assert posi- tively, as the Stoics do, the being of a God. And there are no gods; nor is divination conceivable, since to "know accidental events beforehand is impossible, and it is useless to know those that are necessary and una- voidable, nay, more, it would even be harmful." Any supposed cases of fulfilment of prophecy are merely cases of accidental coincidence. Further, the human will is free, for there is no proof of the existence of uniform causality in nature, and we know, as a matter of fact, that our decisions are free. Justice is mere expediency. We have no positive knowledge ; our only guide is probability. Now, probability is of three grades : mere probability, unimpeached probability, un- impeached and confirmed probability. " The lowest de- GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 243 gree of probability is when a notion produces by itself an impression of truth without being taken in connec- tion with other notions. The next higher is when that impression is confirmed by the agreement of all notions which are related to it. The third and highest is when an investigation of all these notions results in producing the same corroboration for all." "Assent will be given to no notion in the sense of its being absolutely true, but to many notions in the sense that we consider them highly probable." On ethical questions Carneades was so fully non-committal that not even his nearest disciple got from him any positive view. In this he went be- yond all Greek sceptical thinkers, for they, as we have seen, admitted that a norm of conduct was to be found in tradition and custom. Carneades is a representative, therefore, of the most completely developed philosophi- cal scepticism in Greece. Result. — The position of the Sceptics may be de- scribed, in a word, as similar to that expressed by the modern phrase "the relativity of knowledge" and is, more than any other in the history of ancient philos- ophy, allied to the well-known modern philosophical attitude denoted by the phrase. But it would, most probably, be wrong to suppose that the ancient agnostics held to the idea of a real thing-in-itself behind the (sup- posed) relative and irreconcilable phenomena. They gave up the idea of causation (as we have just seen) with all others, the very idea which, when applied to explain the origin of knowledge, gives rise to the thing-in-itself. By way of general comment, interpretative and critical, we have to notice, in the first place, that there is a certain evasion on the part of the philosophers we 244 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. have just been considering of the obligation to think everywhere and always as best we can, and a dogmatic assumption that thought has for its only presupposition and principle the notion of identity. In other words, if the Sceptic admits a thing as a fact, must he not accept the consequences of inference from the fact, must he not ask what the fact means.' "Facts" are, indeed, not ultimate for philosophical thought but they must be given a meaning, and there is properly speak- ing, therefore, no such thing as a universal suspension of the judgment. Thought can have no other object than truth or reality ; and is there not a certain demand upon thought in facts recognized zs, facts, i.e., something immediately before the mind, whatever be their content, whether sensible or supersensible .' Again, how is sus- pension of judgment, pure negativity in thought possi- ble.' This state of mind, if reflected upon, contains its own negation. It is double-sided ; but the Sceptics saw only that side which could present itself in the act of withdrawing, or abstracting, from contradictory phe- nomena. If the Sceptic's principle is Thought, he must think and let phenomena fall into his scheme as best they may. This the Sceptics did not do ; nor did they, on the other hand, take "facts" for what they were worth and by a fair induction, supplemented by reflec- tion, draw a meaning out of them. The nearest approach made to this is contained in Carneades's doctrine of probability, which seems not to have been thought of as a way to the truth for mind, but only as a way to a comfortable mental attitude or a theory adapted to " practical purposes " ; which, in other words, contained no other necessity than that which implied the impo- GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 245 tency of mind and not the irrational and non-existent character of the thing regarded as the object of knowl- edge. The Sceptical doctrine, though valid as against uncritical dogmatism {e.g., Stoicism), is not valid as against the position that in human experience, subject and object, thought and phenomenon, are, by the very nature of the conditions of experience, correlative : not mere identity but identity in difference is the law of real thought. We are not at liberty to ignore fact ; we are at liberty, and, in fact, obliged, to follow concep- tions, and, among them, the conception of pure thought, to their consequences. Making allowance for a natural difference between sense and thought as forms of mental activity, the meanings of fact should tally with the positings of thought. It might perhaps be said of the theory of the ancient Sceptics, as it was said by a modern Sceptic of his own theory, that it was unanswerable but convinced nobody. But even this need not be said. The Sceptic is not at liberty to suspend the judgment : for on the one hand, he must make the most of facts, and on the other, he must deduce the consequences of a suspension of the judg- ment, namely, he must accept and understand the fact of mere subjectivity. And this is the service of Scepticism — that it brings this fact to light. § 20. The Common Ground of the Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics. — Widely distinct as the schools of which we have just been speaking may seem to be, a comparison of them with each other and with the schools preceding them brings to light a very important point of agreement 246 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. among them. As distinguished from the thinkers of the first period of Greek philosophy, the period of the nature-philosophers, these three schools, together with Plato and Aristotle, have their principle in the subjec- tive (mind) instead of the objective (nature). But with Plato and Aristotle, the subjective embraces positively the objective in its sway; -with the later schools the subjective stands in a somewhat doubtful relation to the objective, preserving a guasi-independence, either in the midst of the objective, as with the Stoics, or in retire- ment from, and a negative attitude towards, the objec- tive, as with the Epicureans and Sceptics. A relatively higher value is placed upon the particular individual subject than had been placed upon it by Plato and Aristotle, and the universal subject has a tendency to become purely transcendent. The sources and avenues of knowledge are supposed to lie in those things which are characteristic of man as an individual, i.e., in the senses chiefly, and the highest end of conduct is seen in that which has primary, if not sole, reference to the general individual as such. The philosophy of the Stoics, the Epicureans, and the Sceptics is, in tendency, if not in actuality, the philosophy of the individual as such determining itself : it is Socraticism developed on its narrower side and is the most advanced stage then yet reached by philosophy in this direction. In Scepti- cism the pure abstract individual is hardly distinguish- able from the abstract universal, and Scepticism is therefore at the very threshold of a philosophy of self- determination. In Stoicism and Epicureanism the practical renunciation of all outside the individual self is incomplete. They are, therefore, slightly less advanced GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 247 stages of the thought that constitutes the essence of Scepticism. In the stress laid by all these schools upon the individual, lies their strength as well as their weakness. But they only implicitly posited the indi- vidual as the universal. § 21. Philosophy in Rome : Eclecticism^ — In the schools we have just been considering, thought appears to have reached a natural limit or, rather, turning-point : ceasing (with Aristotle) to be thought for its own sake and in its true universal character (the Thought of Thought), it has become thought for action's sake ; it is no longer the thought of the universal but is the thought of the individual. Beyond this limit, or turning-pofnt, thought gives place to action, or life. In this direction nothing, it would seem, is to be expected of philosophy but a repetition of itself or a passing into exhortation and conduct. A complete return to a development of the earlier standpoint, that of Plato and Aristotle, seems practically impossible. The strained, paradoxical indi- vidualism of the Stoic doctrine and spirit, the evident one-sidedness of Epicureanism, and the destructive negativism of Scepticism are all — and particularly the last-mentioned — -of a character to produce distrust of philosophy as a science, to disintegrate and scatter thought rather than concentrate it and give it the active consciousness of organic totality. Nor was there any- thing in the outward fortunes of philosophy to beget — directly — this consciousness. The Roman world — and all the world at this time was becoming Roman — was 1 See Zeller's The Eclectics. 248 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. a world of action. Philosophers were Romans, or, if not, must think for Romans : in Rome, even philosophy must, literally, "do as the Romans do " and, as it happens, must be practical, in the narrowest sense. It must give up, to a large extent, its pretension to universality as re- gards the object of knowledge or the knowing subject. Philosophy, in other words, becomes " eclectic " : the individual thinks whatever practical necessity or con- venience for him requires or suggests, is governed by theoretical necessity neither as regards the source, origin, or consistency of his thought. He borrows ideas and combines them loosely ; he borrows only such ideas as have a practical bearing, and gives them only such combination and setting as the practical demands or suggests. Differences as regards the amount of bor- rowing, the sources from which they borrow, and the manner of combining and setting borrowed ideas make the differences between the "Eclectics." The Eclectics do not, of course, constitute a school in any strict sense of the term. The greatest number of the so-called Eclectics are of Stoic persuasion ; but we also find among them ^wajz-representatives of the Peripatetic School, the Academy, and the Cynic School. The Epicureans did not become Eclectics but remained a distinct sect. We begin with the later Peripatetics. §22. The Later Peripatetics. — The later Peripatetics were not to any great extent originators of philosophical con- ceptions or theories but were chiefly Aristotelian ed- itors and commentators. Of these editors and com- mentators we may mention Andronicus of Rhodes, by GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 249 whom, it is supposed, the works of Aristotle "were first properly collected and edited " (70 B.C.) ; Boethus of Sidon (first century b.c.) ; an unknown author of a remarkable work entitled On the Cosmos ; Alexander of ^gce (first century a.d.) ; Aspasius and Adrastus of Aphrodisias (120 a.d.) ; Aristocles of Messene, and, particularly, the pupil of Aristocles, Alexander of Aphro- disias (200 A.D.), who was known as the Exegete Kare^o- ')(fiv (commentator par excellence). Most of these men in their interpretations and developments of Aristotle's doctrine incline towards a materialistic view of the uni- verse, similar to that held by the earlier Peripatetics and by the Stoics. Their effort was directed towards removing apparent dualistic features of Aristotle's phi- losophy, such as the separateness of God and nature, of reason and the lower faculties, of knowledge considered as having for its object the universal, and the real as the individual. None of these identified God and nature ; but they represented God as actively working in nature though preserving a distinct identity. They attained what is undoubtedly a very exalted conception of the Deity. By Alexander of Aphrodisias and others the soul was considered a product of the bodily organ- ism. Alexander explained the universal as merely a form of knowledge ; holding, on the other hand, that the individual is the only real. In doing this he did not solve the difficulty but merely put it a little aside, inasmuch as it does not appear that he asserted the organic unity of the universal and the individual. — We may, with sufficient propriety, class with these Peripa- tetics the celebrated physician Galen (Claudius Gale- nus), who lived in the second century a.d. He followed 250 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Aristotle in logic, physics, and metaphysics, though in- clined to keep physical speculation, as such, within narrow bounds. He seems to be an example of the " scientist " who is cautious in regard to making affirm- ations concerning the supersensible, though holding belief in the supersensible to be necessitated by reli- gious and moral experience. §23. Later Academics. — Two Eclectic Academicians re- quire to be noticed here : Philo of Larissa in Thessaly, who succeeded Clitomachus and was at one time teacher of Cicero, and Antiochus of Ascalon, a pupil of Philo, and at one time head of the Academy. These men flourished in the beginning of the first century B.C. They repudiated the Middle and New Academics, and regarded themselves as true Academicians. Philo of Larissa. — Philo would accept neither the Sceptical, nor its opposite, the Stoical, theory of cogni- tion. He advocated a doctrine of probability, or, rather, of a kind of conviction more firm than that resting on probability and yet not reaching perfect certainty; what might, perhaps, in current phrases of to-day be termed "moral certainty," "practical conviction," "in- tuition." His test of truth in ideas was, in other words, the self-evidence that belongs, or is supposed to belong, particularly to ideas of the moral consciousness. Antiochus of Ascalon. — Antiochus, going a step fur- ther, denied that the moral consciousness could be satis- fied with mere probability ; and, accordingly, attempted to refute the Sceptical theory of cognition. He thought that the senses are, when in a healthy condition, trust- GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 251 worthy, that, though suspension of judgment might be necessary in certain individual cases, it is not always required, and that the Sceptical theory was self-contra- dictory in its conviction of the impossibility of convic- tion, and in distinguishing between truth and error, and at the same time practically denying the distinction. In physics he agreed essentially with the Stoics. In ethics he held to a modified Stoicism and was in close sympathy with the Old Academy, placing the goods and virtues of the body along with those of the soul, among the perfect goods and virtues. He is, however, chargeable with what, in view of this, is an inconsistency, viz., the drawing a broad line of distinction between the wise and unwise. He was at one time teacher of Cicero, and of Varro, the great Roman scholar. §24. Later Stoics. — Leading Later Stoics are Boethus, Pancetius, Posidonius, Varro, Cicero, Seneca, Musonius Rufus, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius. Boethus. — Boethus deviated from the doctrine of the original Stoics in that he gave as criteria of knowledge, reason, desire, and science, as well as perception, denied truth to the doctrine of the world-conflagration, denied also that God was the soul of the world, and that proph- ecy and divination were possible. Three of his reasons for the denial of the doctrine of the world-conflagration were the following : the world could not be destroyed by any cause acting within it, nor by any cause without, since there was only void without ; God must become an idle being if the world were destroyed ; " after the complete annihilation of the world [by fire] this fire 252 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. must itself be extinguished for want of nourishment, and then the new formation of the world would be im- possible." PancBtius. — Panaetius (circa 1 80-1 10 b.c), who was "the chief founder of Roman Stoicism," a friend of Scipio Africanus, the Younger, and afterwards head of the Stoic school at Athens, departed more widely than any of the later Stoics from the dogmatic spirit and the tenets of the earlier. He denied divination and the con- flagration-theory. He gave to the soul a dualistic charac- ter, recognizing a vegetable element, to which he claimed that the reproductive function in man belonged, and accommodated the Stoic theology to the popular reli- gion, and the Stoic ethical system to popular sentiment. From him were largely borrowed by Cicero the first two books of the celebrated treatise on Duties (De Officiis). Posidonius. — Posidonius (first half of first century B.C.), another Rhodian who taught the Romans philoso- phy, substituted for the Stoic doctrine that the soul is rational, the Platonic doctrine that the soul is both rational and irrational in its parts. Posidonius held that reason cannot, as the earlier Stoics declared, be the cause of the passions, which, he thought, are by nature, irrational, but that reason and the passions exist side by side in the soul as distinct faculties. He seems to have been led to this position by the common facts of experience, going to show that except in highly cultivated natures mere thought or will is not sufficient to arouse and control passion. By this view Posidonius relaxed the evident strain in the system of the earlier Stoics upon the faith of ordinary conscious- ness in its own immediate presentments. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 253 Varro. — Varro rejected the scepticism of the Acad- emy and Stoic one-sidedness. According to him hap- piness, or the end of life, is virtue plus the external goods conditioning it, and requires for its foundation a principle of positive knowledge. He is accordingly in sympathy with Antiochus and the Old Academy. Cicero: Life. — Cicero (106-44 B.C.) holds a place in the history of philosophy not so much as an original philosophic thinker as one who, by his enthusiasm for noble ideas and his power of expression, and by the fact that he preserved from oblivion and gave form, order, and spirit to many doctrines of older thinkers, contributed to the spread and extended influence of philosophic conceptions and spirit among men. His interest in and study of philosophy, which seems to have had its origin in rhetorical or oratorical studies and ambition, began early and continued, so far as his polit- ical occupation permitted, throughout life, the last two or three years of his life being entirely devoted to the composition, or compilation, of philosophical works. His first teacher in philosophy was the Epicurean Phas- drus, who was lecturing in Rome about the year 88 B.C. Though Cicero " seems to have been converted at once to the tenets of his master," ^ he was soon after led to abandon them. At about the same time he studied dialectic (chiefly) with the Stoic Diodotus, without, how- ever, accepting the Stoic doctrine as a whole. He was more attracted by Philo of Larissa, who came to Rome at this time. Philo, it seems, was a brilliant orator, roused in Cicero the highest enthusiasm for his subject, 1 See Introduction to J. S. Reid's The Academica of Cicero. 254 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. and converted him from Epicureanism to the stand- point of the Academy. The next seven years (after 88 B.C.) were given to the study of philosophy, law, and literature. Two years at a later time were " spent in the society of Greek philosophers and rhetoricians." At this time he heard at Athens the Epicurean Zeno of Sidon, and, also, Phaedrus, whom ten years before he had heard at Rome. He was influenced chiefly by Antiochus of Ascalon, whom he admired for his dialect- ical skill and the pointedness of his style. At Rhodes he met Posidonius, who seems to have been his model among the Stoics as Antiochus was among the Academ- ics. Until quite recently it has been customary to at- tach comparatively little importance to Cicero as a phi- losopher because his philosophical works are, avowedly, chiefly translations and paraphrases of the writings of Greek philosophers ; but there seems to be at the pres- ent moment a growing disposition to give him high praise for his enthusiasm for philosophical culture in an age and country not especially favorable to philosophy, and for preserving from oblivion, and infusing order and spirit into, the dogmas of the later Greek schools of thought. Of the early Greek thinkers, it should be said here, he knew little or nothing; nor was he master of the ideas of either Socrates, Plato, or Aris- totle. He is, rather, a child of the individualistic and subjective thinkers of the later periods of Greek thought. The motive of Cicero's philosophical writ- ing was, if not that of the original truth-seeker, that of the truth-lover and patriot who was desirous that his country should have the benefit, in its own tongue, of the thought of a more cultivated and thoughtful people. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 25$ Cicero's General Conception of Philosophy. — Entirely in accordance with the spirit of the age, and particularly with the spirit of the Roman people, Cicero looked upon philosophy chiefly as a thing having to do with practi- - cal life. Philosophy is the love of wisdom, and wisdom is the knowledge of things divine and human, "which comprehends the fellowship of gods and men, and their society within themselves." Ethics is thus given the first place in philosophy. Logic is recognized as having value because it supplies the method and the criteria of truth, and physics because it raises the mind above mean interests to the contemplation of the divine, and affords it high rational enjoyment. Cicero cannot in this re- spect be charged with anything like Cynic narrowness ; he has a most genuine enthusiasm for science and learn- ing, is indeed far superior to his age in this regard. But the wise and good man, if called upon by a danger threatening his country to make a choice between scien- tific studies and his country's good would, according to Cicero, feel obliged to choose the latter. Theory of Knowledge. — In regard to knowledge as such and the standard of truth, the most impressive fact to Cicero's mind seems to have been that of the wide variety of opinion among men and of doubts that might be easily raised regarding our ability to know our own bodies, our souls, God, nature, etc. Cicero deems the proper attitude of mind to be that of the Academy, viz., doubt, or suspension of judgment, leav- ing room, however, for the acceptance of what seems highly probable. But as Cicero's interest was not, like that of Carneades, polemical, he looks upon doubt less as an end in itself than as a necessary preliminary to 256 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. free undogmatic belief in what seems most probable. He agrees with the Sceptics in holding nothing as ab- solutely certain, but with the dogmatists, also, in holding as firmly as possible to the truth as far as it is, or can be, known by us. In other words, there must be a rational basis for action, and such basis must consist in the probable which is made a ground of decided and decisive belief. The highest probability belongs, ac- cording to Cicero, to the presentments of the moral consciousness, which are innate truth. Nature, he says, bestowed upon man a "mind capable of grasping all virtue, and, apart from any teaching, implanted in him rudimentary ideas of the most important matters, and began, so to speak, and included among his consti- tutional endowments, the groundwork, as we may call it, of the virtues." ^ The senses, also, and the consensus gentium are to be trusted. Physics. — In physics Cicero's chief interest lies in questions relating to God, freedom, and immortality, questions having to him the highest ethical bearing. The ground for belief in God, the immortality of the soul, and the freedom of the will is, that such belief is innate and common to the race. God is the " creator, or, at least, the ruler of all things." " He is free and remote from all mortal mixture, perceiving and moving all things, and endued with eternal motion in himself." He is not declared by Cicero to be immaterial. The human soul has close affinity with God, and has on that account high worth, and high obligation resting upon it. Ethics. — Cicero's position in ethics is indeed Eclectic ; 1 De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum (trans, by J. S. Reid), V. 21, 59. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 257 even somewhat vacillating and inconsistent, but is on the whole, perhaps. Stoical, with a certain leaning towards the position of the Later Peripatetics. To him virtue is the highest, the only unconditional good ; but there is a very evident desire on his part to unite to virtue as a necessary and universal concomitant the "expedient." The perfect austerity of the old Stoic ethics is not an element in Cicero's ethical ideal, argue as eloquently as he may against the allowing of expe- diency to take the place of virtue. The whole of the Second Book of one of his chief ethical works, the De Officiis, is taken up with showing how " the expedient " is to be attained. Virtue, the honestum, is, according to Cicero, one ; but it is of four varieties, — wisdom (the highest virtue), justice, magnanimity (large-souled- ness), and moderation : "sagacity and the perception of truth," "the preservation of society by giving to every man his due and by observing the faith of contracts " ; " the greatness and firmness of an elevated and unsub- dued mind" ; the observing of "order and regularity in all our actions." Cicero's divergence from the old Stoic conception of virtue is greatest in his idea of temper- ance, or moderation. To him this is grace and sweet- ness, polish of manner, as well as regularity and control of appetites ; it is perfect fitness and adaptation of manner and conduct ; it is culture, urbanity. He says that it is more easy to conceive than to express the difference between "what is virtuous " [in the broad sense], which he styles the honestum, and "what is graceful," or the decorum. In this there seems to be the manifes- tation of a tendency to allow the latter to swallow up the former. He finds that the Stoics are sometimes guilty 258 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. of "subverting delicacy," as were the Cynics, and says, " Let us, for our parts, follow nature, and avoid what- ever is offensive to the eyes or ears ; let us aim at the graceful or becoming [^decorum'] whether we stand or walk, whether we sit or lie down, in every motion of our features, our eyes, our hands." The ethics of Cicero is, in short, the Stoic ethics refined, or humanized : pain and pleasure are to him not " indifferent," as to the old Stoics. This refinement, or humanism, also appears markedly in Cicero's conception of friendship, which he places next to wisdom among the things most valu- able to man, and defines as nothing else than a complete union of feeling on all subjects, human and divine, accompanied by kindly feeling and attachment. Cicero did not attain, however, to the conception of a universal love towards men. Seneca:. Life. — The leading Eclectic Stoic of the next century is Seneca (3-65 a.d.). Seneca was educated in the school of the Sextians (a noted though short-lived sect in Rome that united a kind of Cynicism with Pythag- orean rules of life, preaching a moral life and putting forth no speculative doctrines), and thence had in him a strong touch of asceticism, which appears particularly in his doctrine of the soul and its relation to the body. He was teacher and political counsellor of the wicked emperor Nero, and had weaknesses of character that were inconsistent with true philosophy and certainly quite discordant with the principles of Stoicism. Seneca s Philosophy. — In Seneca, philosophy is prac- tically reduced to ethics. He attached no importance to logic, and held to physics (in which he followed closely the Stoics of the Old School) chiefly for its ethi- GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 259 cal bearing. In his doctrine of the nature of the soul, Seneca gives up the simple monism of the Stoics for the dualism of Plato, keenly realizing what the older Stoics had not allowed themselves to recognize, the natural conflict between "passion and reason." "The body, or, as he contemptuously calls it, the flesh, is something so worthless that we cannot think meanly enough of it : it is a mere husk of the soul, a tenement into which it has entered for a short time, and can never feel itself at home, a burden by which it is impressed, a fetter or prison for the loosing and opening of which it must nec- essarily long ; with its flesh it must necessarily do bat- tle ; through its body it is exposed to attack and suffer- ing ; but in itself it is pure and invulnerable, exalted above the body, even as God is exalted above matter. The true life of the soul begins, therefore, with its de- parture from the body."i We have here an echo of Plato's Phcedrus. Seneca was forbidden, by his mate- rialistic conception of the nature of the soul, to posit unconditionally the immortality of the soul. Although giving theoretical assent to the Stoic ideal of the Wise Man, he seems to have felt obliged to doubt (as did most of the later thinkers who were in sympathy with the Stoics, but could not so completely abstract from envi- ronment) that the ideal was one that could be realized. He saw, rather, in the conditions of human life the necessity for self-criticism and internal conflict. Instead of the strong tendency manifest in the earlier Stoic doc- trine to self-complacent individualism, there appears in Seneca a consciousness of human imperfection, which 1 Zeller's Eclectics, p. 222. 26o GREEK PHILOSOPHY. bears fruit in a disinterested regard for men in general. " The real crown of his moral doctrine lies in the uni- versal love of man, the purely human interest which bestows itself on all without distinction, even the mean- est and most despised, which even in the slave does not forget the man; in that gentleness of disposition which is so especially antagonistic to anger and hatred, tyranny, and cruelty, and which considers nothing worthier of a man and more according to nature than forgiving mercy, and benevolence that is unselfish and disseminates happiness in secret, imitating the divine goodness towards the evil and the good ; which, mindful of human weakness, would rather spare than punish, does not exclude even enemies from its good- will, and will not return even injury with injury." ^ It was by virtue of the influence of this mildness and sympathy that the rather heartless theology of the older Stoics became in Seneca a true religion. In Seneca, Stoicism verges upon its opposite. Musonius Rufiis, Epictetus, Marcus Aurelius. — Deserving of mention, though they seem to have con- tributed nothing to philosophy as a science, are Musonius Rufus (latter part of the first century a.d.), Epictetus (about the same time), a Phrygian slave who taught phi- losophy in Rome, and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the Roman Emperor (i 21-180 a.d.). Epictetus was a pupil of Musonius, and Marcus Aurelius a profound admirer of Epictetus ; so that there is a close historical connec- tion between the three. They are also in essential agreement in their spirit and teachings. Completely possessed by the ethical idea, the whole force of their ^ Zeller's Eclectics, p. 240. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 26 1 philosophizing goes toward rendering the individual a, so to say, moral sphere, perfect in itself and without rela- tion of dependence, positive or negative, to others. They teach the doctrine of an all-pervading, over-ruling Provi- dence and of a kind but dispassionate regard for man. They belong to the noble class of conservators and dis- seminators of the ethical spirit. Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius taught a reverence for " the God (haifimv) within." Their philosophy is, of course, of the Stoic type, with a tendency to simple Cynicism. Cynics. — Later came philosophers of the pure Cynical type, who may be looked upon as Stoics reverted to the original prototype of Stoicism, i.e., the Cynicism of Antisthenes and Diogenes, the most fundamental and permanent element of Stoicism being its disguised Cynicism. §25. General Character of the Second Period in the History of Greek Philosophy. — A review of Greek thought from the end of what was designated as the First Period dis- covers a common fundamental characteristic in the (more or less conscious) assumption that truth and reality are contained in reason, (mind, thought, vovi) regarded either as opposed or as indifferent to nature (the primary object of thought in the First Period) or as wholly above and beyond nature and phenomena generally or, finally, as above or higher than nature but embracing or at least constituting the essence of nature and phenomena gen- erally. Hence the designation Rationalism (p. 34) for this period. It is perhaps hazardous to attempt a dog- matic and precise classification of thinkers and schools on 262 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. the basis thus afforded for classification, but some such one as the following appears substantially correct. The representatives of the assumption or view that reason is opposed, or at least indifferent to, phenomena taken in their universal character are the Sophists, Socrates {?), the Cynics, Cyrenaics, the early Stoics (in ethics), the Epicureans, the Sceptics, the Eclectic Stoics, Academics, and Cynics ; of the assumption that reason is wholly above and beyond phenomena, the Megarians ; of the assumption that reason, though higher than nature, embraces it or constitutes its essence, Plato, the leading members of the Old Academy, Aristotle, the Peripatetics, the Stoics (in physics), and the Eclectic Peripatetics, — Plato and Aristotle tending toward a supra-rationalism, and the others toward a kind of rationalistic naturalism, i.e., the identification of reason with nature. The gen- eral tendency of thought may be described as being toward the point of view of the first-named assumption, i.e., toward subjectivism, away from universalism. But because of the contradictory character of the rationalistic standpoint as thus developed by the actual course of thought, a natural step for thought is to abandon this standpoint for another, the supra-rationalistic. The position of the Megarians is allied to the supra-rational- istic in all, perhaps, but as regards name. The One of the Megarians like the Being of the Eleatics was the object of thought, or reason, not of a power above rea- son. In Plato and Aristotle, in the idea of the good which is above science and being, or essence, and the thought of thought, which is above the heavens — we have a distinct suggestion of a higher standpoint than the ordinary use of the term reason in the period covers. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 263 III. SUPRA-RATIONALISM (AND SUPRA-NATURALISM). §26. Standpoint and Schools of the Third and Latest Period in Greek Philosophy. — As a matter of fact it was just this supra-rationalism (and hence supra-naturalism) that became the standpoint of the thinkers and schools of the latest period of Greek thought. Such a standpoint was in part involved even in the common, non-philo- sophical consciousness of the time, — one century b.c. and several centuries afterwards, — which was filled with (supposed) intimations of and with aspirations towards the supra-natural : belief in magic, the existence of "daemons," a prophetic character in dreams, and, of course, in the immortality of the soul, was rife ; ^ and it was but natural that an attempt should be made to find a real warrant, a philosophical basis, for such intimations and aspirations. It was natural also that such basis and warrant should, first of all, be looked for in systems of philosophy already in existence. As a matter of fact, it was found particularly in the systems of the Pythagoreans, Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics ; and cer- tain systems arose that were little more than professed rehabilitations of these systems, and having in common with one another, not only the same general aim but many doctrines, adopted from these systems. To the schools thus arising have been applied the names, Alex- andrian, or Jewish-Alexandrian (Platonic and Aristote- lian), Neo-Pythagorean, Eclectic-Platonic, Neo-Platonic, etc. 1 See an interesting discussion on this point in A. W. Benn's The Greek Philosophers, Vol. II. ch. 4. 264 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. §27. Jewish-Alexandrian Schools. — Of the philosophers of the Jewish-Alexandrian school we speak of Aristobulus (160 B.C.), who appears to have been the first to com- bine Jewish and Greek conceptions, and of Philo Ju- daeus, a (Jewish) theologian of Alexandria, who flour- ished in the first part of the first century a.d., and, hke Aristobulus, combined Jewish and Greek conceptions. Alexandria was at this time a meeting-place for the whole Mediterranean world, and a natural point of syn- cretism, also, for the ideas of that world. Aristobulus. — Aristobulus held that the world is ruled by a divine power (not God but a "potency" of God), and that God is extra-mundane, visible only to reason {yovi). "In interpreting the [Jewish] seven days' work of creation, Aristobulus interprets, meta- phorically, the light, which was created on the first day, as symbolizing the wisdom by which all things are illumined, which some of the Peripatetic philosophers had compared to a torch ; but, he adds, one of his own nation (Solomon, Prov. viii. 22 seq. .') had testified of it more distinctly and finely, that it existed before the heavens and the earth. Aristobulus then endeavors to show how the whole order of the world rests on the number seven." ^ Philo Judceus : General Attitude^ — Philo built up a philosophical system out of material borrowed from the Greek philosophers and treated in the spirit of the Hebrew, or, rather, Oriental conception of God as the I Ueberweg's Hist, of Phil, Vol. I. p. 227. ^ Ritter and Ueberweg. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 26$ sole being and as remotely transcendent above the world. Naturally, therefore, he treats the logic and physics of the earlier philosophers (so far as these divisions of philosophy are concerned with mundane things and are within the general range of human intel- ligence) as of comparatively slight consequence, and converts philosophy into higher theology. Theory of Knowledge. — Philo agrees with the Scep- tics (Academicians) as to- the inability of the human mind to attain to knowledge of the real, but instead of adopting their theory of probability, makes knowl- edge possible as a "gift" from God, a revelation. This knowledge comes to man when in a certain state of soul denominated "enthusiasm," a "reposeful divine rapture," in which the soul, liberated from sense and absorbed in itself, is fructified by God. In such a reve- lation is contained for man the knowledge of the prob- able ground of things : God is too high above human thought to be clearly apprehended by it even in a state of " enthusiasm." Man may by his own effort become capable of such a revelation, worthy of such a gift, through philosophic thought ; the revelation itself is a gift. Philosophy is the highest form of human knowl- edge strictly as such. Other sciences, i.e., grammar, rhetoric, geometry, etc., are but limited in power : they are merely propaedeutic to the higher wisdom. They have value as media between sense and reason, but true knowledge is given not in sense-perception nor in demonstration, but in " immediate intuition," an activity or condition of the soul in which there is no co5peration of bodily activity. Knowledge of the individual object is the lowest form of knowledge, the 266 GREEK PHILOSOPHY. highest form being concerned with the highest genus, being. Of being, however, we only know that it is, which is practic2,lly all that we know of God as he is in himself. God. — According to this theory of knowledge, God is the sole self-existent being, without properties, un- mixed, higher than virtue and science, than beauty and goodness; he has no name, is unknowable, simply is. And yet he is, if we must ascribe to him attributes, immutable, supremely happy, supremely good, universal reason, supra-sensible light ; he is (like the Prime Mover of Aristotle) above and out of the world ; present in it by his power, not by his substance, or essence. The Logos. — The middle term between God and the world, i.e., his power, lies in his energies, or potencies (which, though attributes, are distinct from him), which are emanations from him, and the totality and unity of which is the Logos {^6jo