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CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 092 213 
 
 35 
 
B Cornell University 
 S Library 
 
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 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://archive.org/details/cu31924092213135 
 
THE WOEKS 
 
 HUBEET HOWE BANCROFT 
 
THE WORKS 
 
 HUBERT HOWE BANCHOFT 
 
 VOLUME XVI 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 NOKTH MEXICAN" STATES AND TEXAS 
 
 Vol. n 1801—1889 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO 
 THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 
 
 1889 ^■' 
 
Entered accoraing to Act of Congress in the year 1889, by 
 
 HUBERT H. BANCROFT, 
 In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 
 
 AU Rights Reserved, 
 
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. 
 
 CHAPTEK L 
 
 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES 
 
 1800-1810. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Internal Condition of Texas — Society at San Antonia de Bejar — 
 Colonel Pike — The Provincial Government — Nolan's Inroad — Hia 
 Defeat and Death — Gambling for Life — Bean's Biography — Sale of 
 Louisiana to the United States — The Boundary Dispute — Preten- 
 sions of the United States — Preparations for Hostilities — The Span- 
 ish Troops Cross the Sabine — General Wilkinson Takes the Field — 
 The Spanish Retire — Wilkinson Marches to the Sabine — A Blood- 
 less Campaign — The Neutral Ground Convention — Improved Condi- 
 tion of Texas — Desperadoes Occupy the Neutral Ground — Their 
 Organization 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 INVASION or TEXAS BY AMEEICANS. 
 1811-1814. 
 
 Revolution in Favor of Independence — Zambrano's Counter-revolution 
 — Reestablishment of the Eoyalist Government— Bernardo Gutier- 
 rez — Magee's Scheme of Conquest — The Americans Occupy Nacog- 
 doches — La Bahia Falls into their Hands — Governor Salcedo 
 Besieges La Bahia — Death of Magee— The Battle of Rosillo — 
 Defeat of the Spanish Army —Surrender of San Antonio — A Repub- 
 lican Government Organized — Massacre of Saloedo and Other Pris- 
 oners — Disgust of the Americans — Defeat of Royalists under 
 Elizondo — Toledo Takes Command of the Republican Army^ 
 Approach of Arredondo — Battle of the Medina — Destruction of the 
 Americans — Elizondo 's Executions— Pacification of the Province. , . 17 
 
 (V) 
 
vi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PEIVATEEEIIfO, PIBACT, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 1815-1821. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 The Asylum of Mexican Refugees — Herrera's Privateering Scheme — A 
 Republican Government Established at Galveston — Havoc Inflicted 
 on Spanish Commerce — Arrival of Mina — Aury and Perry — The 
 Descent on Soto la Marina — Parry's March to Te.ras — Destruction 
 of his Band — Aury at Matagorda Bay — He Leaves Texas for Florida 
 — The Pirate of the Gulf and the Barratarians — Galveston Occupied 
 by Lafitte — A Spurious Government — Piratical Depredations — 
 Lafitte Expelled from Galveston — His Biography — Lallemand's 
 Champ d'Asile — Settlement of the Boundary Question — Long's Inva- 
 vasion — Texas Declared a Republic — Destruction of the Expe- 
 dition 33 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAEIO STSTEM. 
 
 1819-1831. 
 
 Spain Relaxes her Exclusive Policy — Biography of Moses Austin — His 
 Colonization Scheme — He Petitions for a Land Grant in Texas — His 
 Sufferings and Death — Internal Affairs of Mexico — Beginning of 
 Austin's Colony — Difficulties, Dangers, and Losses — Stephen Austin 
 in the City of Mexico — Delay and Anxiety — Final Success of his 
 Petition — Discretionary Powers Granted Austin — Progress of the 
 Colony — Austin's Government — Greedy and Discontented Settlers — • 
 Erroneous Idea about Immigrant Criminals — Scattered Settlements 
 — A New Contract — The Empresario System — Colonization Law of 
 Coahuila and Texas — Influx of Immigrants — Empresario Enter- 
 prises — Their Partial Success — Progress of Texas 54 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE STATE OE COAHTTILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 1800-1839. 
 
 Despotism in Coahuila — Internal Government — Resources and Condition 
 of the Province — Character of the People — Coahuila during the 
 War of Independence — Formation of the State of Coahuila and 
 Texas — Organization of a Government — The State Constitution — 
 Election Laws — First Constitutional Congress — Viesca Elected. 
 
CONTENTS, vii 
 
 FAGIS 
 
 Governor — Poverty of the Treasury — Commercial Intruders — Offers 
 of the United States to Purchase Texas — The Slave Question in 
 Texas — The Colonists Angry — Condition of the Mexican Peon — The 
 Emancipation Law — Exception in Favor of Texas — Persecution of 
 Spaniards — Subserviency of the State to the National Government 
 — Administration of Justice — Education and Religion — Monopoly 
 Privileges Granted to Colonists 77 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOITS. 
 
 1826-1832. 
 
 Hayden Edwards' Grant — His Difl5culties and Want of Policy — Mexi- 
 cans versus Colonists — Annulment of Edwards' Contract — John 
 Dunn Hunter — Discontent of the Cherokees — The Fredonian Revolt 
 — Covenant with Indian Tribes — Delusive Hopes — Red Men's Per- 
 fidy — Murder of Hunter and Fields —Failure of the Revolt — Prog- 
 ress and Condition of the Colonies — Mexico's Fears of Losing Texas 
 — Alaman's Propositions — Law of April 6, 1830 — Military Despotism 
 — Establishment of Custom-houses — Ports of Texas Closed — Demon- 
 strations of the Colonists — Bradburn's Outrages — Hostilities at And- 
 huac — The Turtle Bayou Resolutions —Capture of Fort Velasco — 
 Mutiny at Anahuac and Flight of Bradburn — Resolutions of the 
 Ayuntamientos — Nacogdoches Evacuated — Tranquillity Restored 
 in Texas 98 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 PEOPOSED SEPARATION OF TEXAS mOM COAHTTrLA. 
 
 1832-1835. 
 
 Arguments in favor of Separation — The Texan Convention — A Seces- 
 sioual Constitution — Political Affairs in the Mexican Capital — Santa 
 Anna's Craftness — Austin Presents a Memorial to the Federal Gov- 
 ernment — Its Reception — Austin Injudicious — His Arrest for Trea- 
 son — Dragged from Court to Court — His Letter to the Texans — 
 Maillard's Book — Santa Anna Dictator — Affairs in CoahuilEi — Texas 
 Receives Redress — Saltillo versus Monclova — Adjustment of Differ- 
 ences — Santa Anna's Decision on the Texan Petition — Almonte's 
 Report — Population of Texas — Fraudulent Sales of Public Lands — 
 Separatists and Anti-separatists •. 130 
 
viii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EVENTS LEADING TO THE EEVOLT OE TEXAS. 
 
 1835. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Coahuila and Texas Protests — The State Legislature Disbanded — Gov- 
 ernor Viesca Arrested — Tenoria Ejected from Andhuac — Political 
 Fencing — Zavala — Agitators from the United States — Public Meet- 
 ings—Arrest of Zavala and Settlers Ordered — Affair of the Correo 
 and San Felipe — Columbia's Call for a General Consultation — Aus- 
 tin's Return — His Speech at Brazoria — Preparations for War — Gen- 
 eral Cos Arrives at Bejar — A Disputed Cannon — The Affair of 
 Gonzalez — Warlike Enthusiasm — A Permanent Council Established 
 — Austin Takes the Field — Capture of Goliad — United States Sym- 
 pathy^Land Frauds — The Consultation Assembles — Its Labors — 
 Organization of a Provisional Government. , , ,,,,,,,,,,,, 152 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SIBQE AND CAPTURE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR. 
 1835. 
 
 Battle of Concepoion — The Grass Fight — ^Protracted Siege — ^Dissatisfac- 
 tion of the Volunteers — Burleson Succeeds Austin — Orders and 
 Counter-orders — Milam's Call — ^Description of San Antonio — -The 
 First Assault — Steady Advance of the Texans — ^Death of Milam — 
 His Biography — Confusion at the Alamo — Cos Surrenders — Terms 
 of Capitulation — The Volunteers Disband — Affiir at Lipantitlan — 
 The Tampioo Tragedy — Discord in the Government — Financial 
 Matters — Houston's Proclamation — Governor Smith and the Coun- 
 cil — Grant's Scheme — ^Descent on Matamoros Meditated — Smith 
 Suspended — ^The Effect of Discord , , .,,,.,, 175 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE ALAMO AND OOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 January-March 1836. 
 
 Apathy of the Texans — Santa Anna's Preparation and March — Descrip- 
 tion of the ^lamo— David Crockett — The Siege — Storming of the 
 Alamo — The Assault — Hand-to-hand Contests — Death of Bowie — A 
 Holocaust — Victory Dearly Bought — Declaration of Independence 
 — ^Names of the Subscribers — Labors of the Convention — A Provi- 
 sional Government Organized — The Constitution — Fannin's Prepar- 
 
CONTENTS. ix 
 
 PAas 
 ations at Goliad — ^Destruction of Grant's Party — Urrea's Movements 
 . — Capture of San Patricio — ^Fannin's Force — King's Party Shot — 
 Assault on the Mission of Kefugio — Capture of Ward's Command — 
 Houston at Gonzalez — Movements of the Mexican Forces — Fannin 
 Retreats toward Victoria — A Fatal Delay — Battle of Enciual del 
 Perdido — Surrender of Fannin — A Barbarous Massacre — Number 
 of the 'Victims 201 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 1836-1837. 
 
 Houston's Retreat — His Biography — Panic of the Settlers — San Felipe 
 Burned — Santa Anna's Plans and Advance — His Impetuous Move- 
 ments — Removal of the Government to Galveston — Harrisburg in 
 Ashes — Discontent of Houston's Army — Its Advance to the San 
 Jacinto — Santa Anna Burns New Washington — He Marches to 
 Engage Houston — Preliminary Skirmishing — Mexican Carelessness 
 in an Enemy's Front — Discussion on Houston's Tactics — Burning 
 of Vince's Bridge — Preparations for Battle — San Jacinto and 
 Slaughter — Santa Anna's Flight and Capture — Negotiations for 
 Life — Filisola's Retreat — Santa Anna's Dangerous Position and 
 Final Release 238 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 1836-1838. 
 
 Filisola Superseded — Vain Threats— The Texan Navy — Commissioners 
 to the United States — Morfit's Report — General Gaines Crosses 
 the Sabine — Gorostiza's Protest — He Demands his Passports — Pas- 
 sive Character of the War — Return of Austin — The Elections — 
 Political Parties— Houston Chosen President— Meeting of the First 
 Congress — Houston's Inaugural Address — His Cabinet — Legislative 
 Acts of Congress— The National Seal and Flag— Death and Biogra- 
 phy of Austin— Condition of the Republic— Recognition of her Inde- 
 pendence by the United States — Reopening of Congress — The Slave 
 Question— Passage of the Land Law— Its Provisions— Brighter 
 Prospects — Indian Warfare — Financial Operations — Lamar Elected 
 President , ,...,... 279 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 lamae's administeatioi*. 
 1838-1841. 
 
 PASS 
 
 President's Tteirs on Annexation — His Message to Congress — Origin of 
 the Texan Rangers — Financial Matters — Hamilton's Mission to 
 Europe — His Failure to Effect a Loan — Indian Warfare — The 
 Nacogdoches Revolt — Mexican Intrigues — The Mission and Death 
 of Flores — Expulsion of the Cherokees — Fight at San Antonio — An 
 Indian Raid— Massacre of the Comanchea — The Federal Campaign 
 — Battle of Alcantro — Republic of the Rio Grande Proclaimed — 
 Treacherous Allies — Battle of Saltillo — The Santa Fe Expedition — 
 Its Object and Disastrous Result — The New Capital— Recognition 
 by France and England — Ralations with Mexico — English Media- 
 tion Rejected — Houston Reelected President — Condition of the 
 Republic 314 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 END 01' THE TEXAN RBPtTBLlC. 
 1841-1846. 
 
 Houston's Second Admistration— Reduction of Expenses — Vasquez 
 Takes Bejar — Correspondence with Santa Anna — Operations of the 
 Navy — The Archive War — Regulators and Moderators — England's 
 Neutrality — WoU's Inroad — Dawson's Defeat — Somerville's Dubious 
 Conduct— Battle of Mier — Mexican Guile — The Charge on the 
 Guard — A Grievous Mistake — The Death-lottery — The Prisoners at 
 Perote — Snively's Expedition — Robinson's Diplomacy — The Armis- 
 tice — Rivalry of the United States and England — Anson Jones 
 Elected President — Houston's Farewell Message— His Difficult Posi- 
 tion — Annexation — The State Constitution 344 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 TEXAS AS A STATE, 
 
 1846-1859. 
 
 Social Condition of the Texans — Population — Position of Malefac- 
 tors — Simplicity of Households — The Literate Element — Governor 
 Henderson's Inauguration — Texans' Doings in the Mexican War — 
 Wood's Administration — ^Dispute about the Possession of Santa Pe — 
 Governor Bell — The Texan Debt — Pearee's Bill — The Santa Fe and 
 Public Debt Questions — Scaling the Debt — Pease's Administration 
 
CONTENTS. xi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 — Prosperity — ^Indian Depredations — Native Colonies — Prospects of 
 Success — Vicious Indian Settlers — Angry Frontier-men — A Barbar- 
 ous Massacre — Removal of the Indian Colonists — Final Adjustment 
 of the Public Debt — Financial Matters — Hostility to Mexicans — The 
 Cart War — Political Parties — Biography of Rusk — Administration of 
 Runnels — The Sl»very Agitation-^-Houston Elected Governor 389 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 1859-1862. 
 
 The North and the South — Houston's Message — Reports of Committees 
 on Resolutions of South Carolina — Knights of the Golden Circle- 
 Special Session of the Texan Congress Convened — A Convention 
 Illegally Called — Surrender of General Twiggs — Houston's Speech 
 at Galveston — Texas Secedes from the Union — Proceedings of the 
 Convention — Houston Deposed — His Protest — Clark Installed Pro- 
 visional Governor — Indian Settlement on Trinity River — Cortina 'a 
 Insurrection— His Defeat and Flight — List of Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives — Commencement of the Civil War — Military Operations 
 — ^Invasioa of New Mexico— Its Failure , , 427 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PROQEESS AND END OP THE WAE. 
 
 1862-1865. 
 
 Operations of the United States Navy — Recapture of Galveston by the 
 Texans — Military Despotism — Defeat of the Federals at Sabine Pass 
 — Death of General Houston — His Character and Policy — Murrah 
 Elected Governor — Operations of the Federals on the Gulf Coast — 
 Attempt against Texas by Red River — Brownsville Taken by Cor- 
 tina — Administration of Murrah — Financial Matters — The Conscrip- 
 tion Laws — Lamentable Social Condition of Texas — Industrial 
 Progress — Cotton Planters —Reverses of the Confederate Arms — 
 The Last Engagement , , , , , 454 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE REOONSTEtrCTION PERIOD. 
 
 1865-1870. 
 
 GoTernor Hamilton — The Question of Freedmen's Rights — Lawlessness 
 in Texas — Emancipation of Slavery Declared in Texas — Its Eflfect — 
 The State Convention — Throckmorton Elected Governor — A Bold 
 Message — Laws Passed by the Legislature — Discord between Presi- 
 
Kii CONTENTS. 
 
 ■PAGB 
 
 dent Johnson and Congress — A Rigorous Act — Texas under Military 
 Rule — Judicial Districts — Throckmorton's DiflElculties and Removal 
 — His Views on the Position — Pease Appointed Governor — Changes 
 of Military Commanders — Registration Questions — The Reconstruc- 
 tion Convention — Disagreements — The General Election — Amended 
 Constitution Ratified — Dqings of the Legislature 478 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 TEXAS RESTOKED. ' 
 
 1871-1888. 
 
 Administration of Governor Davis — Message to the Legislature — Repub- 
 lican Measures — Party Rivalry — Austin the Permanent Capital — • 
 Repeal of Obnoxious Laws — Condition of the Treasury — Republicans 
 versus Democrats — A Dangerous Crisis — Victory of the Democrats 
 — Coke Elected Governor — Condition of Affairs — The New Consti- 
 tution — Coke's Criticisms — Governor Hubbard — The Salt War — 
 Finance — Governor Roberts' Policy — Indian Affairs — The Boundary 
 Question 501 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 INSTlTtTTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 1835-1888. 
 
 Rapid Progress — ^Population — ^Social Advancement — Decrease of Crime 
 — The State Capitol — The Huntsville Penitentiary — Reform of 
 Abuses — Rusk Penitentiary — Charitable Institutions — Asylum for 
 the Deaf and Dumb — The Institute for the Blind — Insane Asylum 
 —Development of Education — Appropriations for the Establishment 
 of Free Schools — The Public School System — Statistics — Founding 
 of the Texas University — The Agricultural and Mechanical College 
 — First Protestant Churches — Marriage by Bond Legalized — Eccle- 
 siastical Statistics — First Printing Press in Texas — Early News- 
 papers — Texas Editorial and Press Association 528 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 1835-1888. 
 
 Physical Divisions — A Forest Region — The Level Prairies of the Gulf 
 Coast — Central Highlands — A Vast Cattle Region — The Panhandle 
 and Staked Plain — Climate and Rainfall — Cotton Production — The 
 Cereals — Progress of Agriculture — Cattle Statistics — Stock Trails 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 f AGE 
 
 to the North — The Texas Fever — Wire fence Troubles — Sheep and 
 Horses — Minerals — Manufacturing and Mechanical Industries — ■ 
 Foreign Commerce — Imports and Exports — The Postal Service- 
 Railroad Systems — The Oldest Lines— Houston the Natural Centre 
 — Narrow Gauge Lines — Liberality of the State Government — The 
 Strike at Fort Worth , 551 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 CHIHUAHtJA AND DUEANGO. 
 1800-1845. 
 
 Redivision of Provincias Internas — Movements During the War of 
 Independence — Cruz Defends the Royal Cause — Durango Captured 
 by Negrete — Chihuahua and Durango Made Separate States — Party 
 Strife and Revolts — Liberals and Conservatives — Federal Coalitiou 
 in the North — Change of Governors in Durango — Apache Raids in 
 Chihuahua — Decline of Presidio Defences — Indian Warfare — Scalp 
 Hunting — Massacre at Janos —The Central Regime — Federal Oppo- 
 sition — ^Durango Joins Paredes' Revolution 581 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANQO. 
 
 1843-1888. 
 
 Preparations for War with the United States — ^Vidal Defeated by Doni- 
 phan — Battle of Sacramento — Doniphan Occupies Chihuahua — He 
 Marches to Saltillo — Siege and Fall of Rosales — Frontier Defence — 
 Failure of Military Colonies — Indian Raids and Scalp Hunting — A 
 Coalition of States — Sale of the Mesilla Valley — Plan of Ayutla 
 Adopted — Cajen Invades Chihuahua and Durango — Victory of the 
 Liberals — Entry of the French — Juarez flees to Chihuahua — Brin- 
 court Occupies the City — Departure of the Invaders — Durango 
 Opposes the Juaristas — Murder of Patom — Revolution of Porfiria 
 Diaz — Lerdista's Movements— Sierra Mojada Territory Formed— 
 Suppression of Indian Raids 604 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 TJNITBD SONORA AND SINAiOA. 
 1800-1830. 
 
 Progress of Settlements — Invasion by Hermosillo — Capture of Rosario 
 —Defeat of Hermosillo at San Ignaoiode Piastla — Campaign against 
 the Apachea— Last Colonial Rulers— Uprising of the Opatas- The 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Empire Welcomed— Sonora and Sinaloa Neglected — Petition for 
 Reforms — Federalism Favored — Separation of Sonora Ignored — 
 Form of Government — Grievances and Revolt of the Yaquis — Oper- 
 ations of Banderas — Suppression of the Uprising — Expulsion of 
 Spaniards — Hardy's Visit — Separation of Sonora and Sinaloa — 
 Population ,,,,,,,,,,.., .1 ....... i .■.•.■■•■ 1 •■••>.> > 628 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SBPAEATE STATES. 
 1830-1851. 
 
 Sonera's First Legislature— Leading Towns — Indiana versus Whites — 
 Banderas' Scheme — His Defeat and Death — War with the Yaquis 
 — Expeditions against the Apaches — Party Struggles — Governor 
 GSndara — Urrea Proclaims Federalism — He is Recognized by Sina- 
 loa — Gindara's Counter-revolution — The Yaquis Roused by G&ndara 
 — War between Federalists and Centralists — Alternate Successes — 
 Changes of Rulers — ^War with the United States — Guaymas Bom- 
 barded — Americans Take Possession — Mazatlan Captured — Migra- 
 tion from Sonora to California — Troubles with Apaches — Changes 
 in the Administration , 649 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 riLIBTJSTEEING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1852-1854. 
 
 Raousset de Boulbon's Early Career — His Schemes — Pindray's Frontier 
 Colony — Raousset's Grant — Arrival in Sonora — Hostility of Officials 
 — Capture of Hermosillo — Raousset Attacked with Fever — Retires 
 to Guaymas — The Adventurers Capitulate — New Schemes of the 
 Frenchman — The Compania Restauradora — Raousset Goes to 
 Mexico — A Second Expedition Planned — The Return to Sonora — 
 Raousset Duped by Yanez — The Mexican Barracks at Guaymas — 
 Plan of Attack — Assault of the Filibusters — Their Defeat — Disposal 
 of the Prisoners — Execution of Raousset — His Character ..,..,,.,, 673 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 IHENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 1854^1866. 
 
 Efifect of the Gadsden Purchase — Crabb's Colony Scheme — G^ndara's 
 Revolt and Defeat — Crabb's Defeat at Caborca^The AVhole Party 
 Shot — Jecker's Survey and Troubles— Conservative Reaction in 
 
CONTENTS. Tcv 
 
 PAGE' 
 
 Sinaloa — Frequent Revolutions — Triumph of Liberals in Sonora — 
 The French Occupy Guaymas — GSudara's Operations — Sonora Held 
 by Imperialists — Struggles of the Liberals — Departure of the French 
 — Tanori Shot — Sonora Free — Lozadu Besieges Mazatlan — The 
 French Capture the Fort — Victory of Resales — Castagny's Opera- 
 tions — Alternate Successes of Liberals and Imperialists — Loz Aids 
 the Latter — The French Regmbark and Retire ,,,. .,...,,.' . 693 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 BEVOLTJTIONS AND COUNTER-KEVOLUTIONS. 
 
 1867-1887. 
 
 tarty Quarrels — Uprising of the Yaquis — Vega's Piratical Raid on 
 Guaymas — Leyra's Revolution against Juarez —Its Failure — Revo- 
 lution in Sinaloa and Sequel— Contest in Sonora Regarding the 
 Constitution — Mariscal Sent to Restore Order — The Lerdo Election 
 Troubles — Sinaloa Yields to the Porfirists — Mariscal Governor of 
 Sonora — Change of Governors — Appearance of Yellow Fever — Rev- 
 olution in Sinaloa by Ramirez — His Defeat and Death — Marquez de 
 Leon Invades Sonora — Is Compelled to Retire — Withdraws to Cali- 
 fornia — Wars with the Apaches — Their Final Subjugation 700 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 LOWER CALirOKNLA. 
 
 1800-1848. 
 
 Separation from Alta California Decreed — Foreign Trade — Vessels Vis- 
 iting the Coast — Oochrane's Raid on Loreto — More Liberty Granted 
 to Indians — Federal System Established — Political Divisions — Mis- 
 sions Secularized — Party Factions — The Californias Reunited — 
 Frontier Quarrels — Hardy's Pearl-fishing Scheme — United States 
 Designs — Americans Occupy La Paz — Selfridge Takes Mulege — 
 Patriotic Rising at San Jose del Cabo — Calif ornians Attack La Paz 
 — The American Garrison Relieved — San Jose Besieged — Retreat of 
 the Californians — Battle of San Vicente— Burton's Operations^ 
 Expedition to Todos Santos — End of the War — Lower California 
 Eestored to Mesico t . , , ■.•..• 1 1 • '705 
 
 CHAPTER XXX< 
 
 liOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1848-1888. 
 
 New Political Division— A Military Colony Established— Filibustering 
 Designs — Walker— His Plans against Sonora Thwarted— Enrollment 
 
1 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 of Men in California — Descent on Lower California — Proclaims a 
 Republic at La Paz — Walker Retires to Todos Santos Bay — Arrival 
 of ReSnforoements — Capture of Santo Tomas — The Republic of 
 Sonora Proclaimed — Dissension Among the Filibusters — The March 
 into Sonora — Collapse of the Expedition — Political Matters — Con- 
 vict Uprising — Strife for Power — Frontier Troubles — Arrival of 
 French Vessels — Colonization Plans — Orchilla Gathering — Revolt 
 against Governor Divilos — Change of Governors — Marquez' Revolt 
 —Prospects of Progress , , 716 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 INSTITUTIONAL. 
 1800-1888. 
 
 Frontier Military Forces in Colonial Times — War for Independence — 
 Government — Ofl&cers and Districts — Revenue — Chihuahua, Du- 
 rango, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Lower California — Crime and Punish- 
 ment — Fusion of Races — Aboriginal Peoples — Judiciary and Codes 
 — Colonization — Education 740 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 EESOtTECES AND OOMMEKCE. 
 
 Obstacles to Progress of Agriculture — Production and Crops Stock- 
 raising — Mining — Effect of Indians on Development — Districts in 
 Different States — Metals, Minerals, and Precious Stones — Pearl 
 Fishing — Manufactures — Cotton Mills — Trade — Imports and Ex- 
 ports — Smuggling — Coast Trade — Steamer Lines — Roads and 
 Canals — Railways 748 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NOETH MEXICAN STATES 
 AND TEXAS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 1800-1810. 
 
 Internal Condition of Texas — Society at San Antonia de B^jar — Colo- 
 nel Pike — The Provincial Government — Nolan's Inroad— His De- 
 feat AND Death— Gambling for Life — Bean's Biography — Sale of 
 Louisiana to the United States — The Boundary Dispute — Preten- 
 sions OF THE United States — Preparations for Hostilities — The 
 Spanish Troops Cross the SabiKe — General Wilkinson Takes the 
 Field — The Spanish Retire — Wilkinson Marches to the Sabine — 
 A Bloodless Campaign — The Neutral-ground Convention — Im- 
 proved Condition of Texas — Desperadoes Occupy the Neutral 
 Ground— Their Organization. 
 
 With the opening of the nineteenth century Tesas 
 began to emerge from that slough of stagnation in 
 which she had been so long buried. Henceforth she 
 became an object of attention and a field of strife, 
 until finally she rose to the dignity of an independent 
 republic. But her elevation was not due to internal 
 development. It was the effect of external influences 
 and the advent of another race of men; the Anglo- 
 American element gained for her a name in the his- 
 tory of the New World. 
 
 What the population of Texas was at the beginning 
 of this century cannot be definitely ascertained, but 
 according to reports published by the Tribunal del 
 voL.n. L 
 
2 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Consulado, it was estimated to be about 21,000 in 1805, 
 its area being a little over 7,000 square leagues.^ 
 Major Pike, who passed through the province in 1807, 
 says : " The population of Texas may be estimated at 
 7,000. These are principally Spanish Creoles, some 
 French, some Americans, and a few civilized Indians 
 and half-breeds."^ But this number did not include 
 the wild Indian tribes. It was, indeed, a desolate 
 country. The only settlements of any importance 
 were San Antonio de Bejar, with about 2,000 inhabi- 
 tants ; La Bahia del Espiritu Santo — now Goliad — 
 about 1,400;* and 'Nacogdoches, with 500 inhabitants. 
 Scattered in the interior were a few military stations, 
 and here and there a mission still existed,* round which 
 were settled a few miserable Indian proselytes. What 
 little trade there was, was carried on with Mexico by 
 way of Monterey and Monclova, and with New Or- 
 leans through Natchitoches, the latter being contra- 
 band; nor was it until 1806 that Texas was allowed a 
 port, when the Bahia de San Bernardo was opened as 
 a puerto menor by royal order of September 28, 1805.^ 
 The exchange for merchandise was specie, horses, and 
 mules. 
 
 '■ffoc. Mex. Oeog., ii. 20. 
 
 ^Exped., ap., part iii. 33. The author of the pamphlet Pretensiones de 
 los Anglo-Americanos, Mexico, 1820, pp. 7 — and who was probably the gov- 
 ernor Cordero, since, while speaking of affairs in Texas in 1806, he says, ' Yo 
 mandaba entonces la frontera ' — states on page 3 that the Americans assigned 
 less than 6,000 inhabitants to the three settlements of San Antonio, La Bahfa, 
 and Nacogdoches, and their districts. Pap. Var., 157, no. 4. Fernando Na- 
 varro y Noriega gives 3,334 as the number of inhabitants under the govern- 
 ment of Texas in 1810. Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 138. Arispe, Mem. Coah., 12, in 
 Pamphlets, i., gives 7,000 as the number in 1811. 
 
 'Almonte gives these for the year 1806. Not. Estad. Tej., 25. 
 
 ^Cancelada supplies the following list for 1811: Around the capital San 
 Fernando; Mission of la Concepcion, distant 1 1.; San Jos6 de Agayo, 1 1.; 
 San Antonio de B^jar, 2J 1. ; San Juan Capistrano, 3J 1. ; San Francisco de la 
 Espada, 4 1 Around the Presidio oi Espirito Santo: Mission of the Kosario, 
 distant IJ 1.; Refugio, 12 1. There were also 16 ranches, 'que sin dexar de 
 obedecer i las Antoridades no viven en continuasociedad.' 'ihe total popula- 
 tion of all these places is given as 4,000 of both sexes; that of the wild Indian 
 tribes as over 14,000. Ruina de N. Esp., 41. Arispe mentions only four 
 missions as existing in the above-named year; namely, San Jos6, de la Espada, 
 San Bernardo, and el Eefugio. Mem. Coah., in Pamphlets, i. 11. In 1812 
 the missions were suppressed by the Spanish government, and the Indians 
 dispersed. Shea, Hist. Cath. Mis., 87. 
 
 °Dispom. Var., i. f. 132. 
 
SAN ANTONIO SOCIETY. 3 
 
 Most of the inhabitants, even those in the capital, 
 San Antonio, were of roaming inclinations, induced 
 by love of the chase. The buflfalo and wild horse 
 abounded in great numbers, and the pursuit of them 
 was a source of both pleasure and profit. The gov- 
 ernor, Antonio Cordero — who succeeded Juan Bau- 
 tista Guazabal in 1806 — checked, however, in some 
 degree this disposition to lead a wandering life, and 
 compelled attention to agriculture.® Yet in this small, 
 rough community there was not wanting somewhat of 
 the amenities, and even refinement, of civilized society. 
 This was to be found among the Spanish residents, 
 
 *By restricting the buffalo hunts to certain seasons, and obliging every 
 man of family to cultivate so many acres of land. Pike's Ea^., ap., part iii. 
 34. This writer. Major Zebulon Montgomery Pike, of the 6th regiment of the 
 U. S. infantry, was commissioned under instructions of Prea. Jefferson to ex- 
 plore the sources of the Mississippi, in which undertaking he was engaged 
 from August 1805 to April 1806. In July of the latter year he was sent by 
 Gen. Wilkinson to explore the Arkansas and Eed rivers, his party consisting 
 of 23 persons. The commandant of Nacogdoches became iaformed of the 
 projected expedition while Pike was making his preparations at St Louis, and 
 a strong force of 100 dragoons and 500 mounted militia was sent by the gov- 
 ernment at the Mexican capital to intercept him. Pike, however, had got 
 lost, and was undiscovered by the Spanish troops, though they descended the 
 Red Hiver 600 miles. Meantime the explorer had made his way to the Rio 
 Grande, where he and his party were taken by the authorities of New Mexico 
 and conducted to Santa F^. He was thence sent to Chihuahua, where Nemesio 
 Salcedo, the captain-general of the provincias internas, resided. After an in- 
 vestigation into the object of his expedition and some detention, he was sent 
 with a portion of his party to Natchitoches, in Louisiana, then iu possession 
 of the U. S. On his arrival in the U. S. he published, iu the form of a jour- 
 nal, an account of his expeditions, under the title: An Account of Expeditions 
 to the Sources of the Mississippi, and through the, Western Parts of Louisiana to 
 tlie Sources of the Arkansaw, Kans, La Platte, and Pierre Jaun Rivers; per- 
 formed by order of the Government of the United States during the years 1805, 
 1806, amd 1807. And a Tour through the Interior Parts of New Spain, when 
 conducted thromgh these provinces by order of the Captain-Oeneral in the year 
 1807.. Philadelphia, 1810. 8vo, pp. 277, with 3 appendices, pp. 65, 52, 87. 
 Tables. This work was reprinted m London in 1811, in ito, pp. 436, under 
 the title: Exploratory Travels through the Western Territories of North Amer- 
 ica, etc. It was also translated into French in 1811 by M. Bresson, 2 vols, 
 8vo; and into Dutch at Amsterdam ia 1812, 2 vols, 8vo. Pike gives a good 
 description of the countries through which he journeyed, and their resources, 
 as well as of the manners, morals, and customs of their inhabitants. With 
 regard to New Spain, he appears to have been somewhat partial, owing to the 
 kindness and hospitality which he received from the people. He says: 'Those 
 reasons have induced me to omit many transactions, and draw a veil over 
 various habits and customs which might appear in an unfavorable point of 
 view, at the same time that I have dwelt with delight on their virtues. ' Pike 
 was bom at Lamberton, N. J., Jan. 5, 1779; in 1813 he was made brigadier- 
 general, and appointed to command the land forces in the expedition against 
 York — now Toronto. On April 27th he attacked the place, and after carrying 
 one battery, was mortally wounded by the explosion of the British magazine. 
 
4 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 many of whom had come from leading cities in Spain, 
 or from the viceregal court ; and though most of the 
 inhabitants of San Antonio dwelt in miserable houses, 
 with mud walls and grass-thatched roofs, the upper 
 class enlivened social intercourse by dinner-parties and 
 balls, at which refinement of manners was noticeable, 
 and cheerful, bright conversation gladdened the enter- 
 tainments/ The example of this class was not with- 
 out effect. A degree of politeness was infused into 
 the Creoles and half-breeds, modifying the tendency to 
 ruffian bearing and coarseness, which are the products 
 of a wild frontier life and isolation from the world. 
 
 The province of Texas, as also that of Coahuila, 
 was subject to the government of the commandant 
 general of the provincias internas, who resided at Chi- 
 .huahua, and whose powers were independent of the 
 viceroy. Each province was ruled by a military and 
 political governor, who by his delegated powers had 
 cognizance of all causes, being dependent, as regards 
 military matters, on the commandant general. In 
 fiscal affairs he was subject to the intendant at San 
 Luis Potosi, with recourse to the supreme council of 
 finance at the city of Mexico. In regard to his ad- 
 ministration of justice, appeals could be made only to 
 the audiencia of Nueva Galicia.* The consequences 
 of this arrangement are self-evident. So great were 
 the distances of the places where appeals could be 
 made that recourse to these could be had but by few 
 persons; and as the magistrates — generally military 
 men — had no legal adviser, justice could not be prop- 
 erly administered even under the best disposed gov- 
 ernor, while the system afforded every opportunity 
 for the exercise of tyranny. In ecclesiastical matters 
 
 ' Pike regarded San Antonio as cue of the most delightful places that he 
 visited in the Spanish provinces. Id., ap., part iii. 34. 
 
 ^ Arispe, Mem. Coah., 9, in Pamphletn, i. In 1803 Juan Bautista Guaza- 
 bel was appointed governor of Texas, succeeded in 1806 by Antonia Cordero, 
 who had previously been governor of Coahuila. Pike says of this latter prov- 
 ince: ' Mditary and ecclesiastical power is all that is known or acknowl- 
 edged. . .The governor's civil salary is 4,000 dollars per annum.' Exped., ap., 
 part iii. 29. 
 
INCOMING AMERICANS. 5 
 
 the same difficulty presented itself, questions that 
 arose having to be referred to the episcopal chair in 
 Nuevo Leon.^ 
 
 But the time had approached when the first indica- 
 tions of a distant influence that was to bear on the 
 future destiny of Texas were manifested. The spirit 
 of adventure which led Daniel Boone into the wilder- 
 ness of Kentucky was abroad on the margins of those 
 unknown lands that lay beyond the frontiei- settle- 
 ments of the United States, and the Anglo-American 
 race was pushing westward and southward. Bold, 
 restless men, impelled by the fascination of wild adven- 
 ture, made their way into new regions, reckless of 
 danger and hardships. As the settlers in their on- 
 ward course approached the Spanish possessions, it 
 was not likely that these would long remain a closed 
 garden of Hesperides to such spirits. The uncom- 
 promising exclusion of foreigners only served as an 
 incentive,^" and before the close of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury Americans had entered Texas and gained a foot- 
 hold. The contraband trade carried on with New 
 Orleans, and connived at by the Spanish authorities, 
 opened a gateway to these intruders. 
 
 Probably the first of these adventurers was Philip 
 Nolan, an Irishman by birth, who was engaged in 
 this illegal trade between San Antonio and Natchez 
 as early as 1785. Whether it was that this traffic 
 did not yield profits large enough or quickly enough, 
 under the exactions imposed upon it, or whether No- 
 lan really had the secret intention of making discov- 
 eries in reputed gold-bearing regions in Texas, as 
 
 ^ Arispe, Mem. Coah., 9, et seq., in Pamphlets, no. i. Aa this is an official 
 report to the king by the deputy to the Spanish cdrtes from Coahuila it may 
 be regarded aa affording a true representation of the government of these 
 provinces and real grievances. The writer makes suggestions as to what 
 ought to be done for the better administration of them, such as the establish- 
 ment of juntas, courts of appeal, etc. 
 
 '"AH foreigners found on Spanish territory unprovided with passports 
 were arrested and thrown into prison, where they often lingered for years. 
 Eapecial rigor was observed toward American citizens. 
 
6 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 some writers allege," is not certain; but in 1800'^ he 
 organized an armed expedition at Natchez, ostensibly 
 for the purpose of capturing wild horses in Texas. 
 The adventurers, twenty-one in number including 
 their leader, crossed the Mississippi at Nogales — Wal- 
 nut Hills — and having advanced forty miles in the 
 direction of the Washita, they fell in with a patrol of 
 fifty Spanish horsemen sent from the fort on the river 
 to intercept them. The determined bearing of Nolan 
 and his followers, however, deterred them from attack- 
 ing him, and he proceeded without interruption. 
 Avoiding Fort Washita, the party crossed Red River, 
 and continuing their westward course passed the 
 Trinity, and reached the Brazos, spending much time 
 in hunting. On their arrival at the Brazos they 
 erected an enclosure, and penned about 300 wild 
 horses. By invitation of the Comanches they visited 
 the Indian chief Necoroco, whose village was situated 
 at the south fork of the Red River, where they re- 
 mained a month. After their return to camp they 
 were attacked, March 21,'^ 1801, by a troop of 150 
 Spaniards sent against them by Salcedo and coni- 
 ' manded by Lieutenant Musquiz.^* Nolan's outpost 
 of six men — one American and five Spaniards — was 
 captured before daylight, and as soon as morning 
 
 " ' Eatimtilados ' — i. e., Nolan and his followers — ' de las noticias de haber 
 en las moutanas de la provincia de Tejas, muchas y abundantes minas de ora 
 y plata.' Fiiisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tejas, i. 39. Kennedy says it was 
 supposed that the leader of the expedition cherished the secret intention of 
 making discoveries in the reputed gold regions of the Comanches. Texan, 
 i. 237. 
 
 '^ Kennedy, relying upon a manuscript supplied him by Lamar, president 
 of Texas, gives the date 1789, ' or thereabouts. Fiiisola aiso assigns that year 
 to the expedition; but Ellis P. Bean, who accompanied Nolan, and wrote a 
 full account of the expedition and his own subsequent acts, distinctly states 
 that the adventurers left Natchez in October 1800. Yoakum supplies a revised 
 copy of Bean's narrative in appendix no. ii. Hist. Tex. , i. 403-4. 
 
 '^ According to the diary of Musquiz, translated and published in the Texas 
 Almanac, Sept. 1868, 60-4. 
 
 " Bean states that the party at this time numbered only 18, three of the 
 company having been lost at the beginning of the journey while out hunting. 
 Nolan's force at starting comprised 14 Americans, 5 Mexicans, and one negro. 
 Ihe lost men made their way back to Natchez. Bean's Mem., in Yoakum's 
 Hill. Tex., 405, 407. Musquiz, however, says that there were ' 14 Americans, 
 1 Creole of Louisiana, 7 Spaniards or Mexicans, and 2 negro slaves at the log 
 pen when he attacked it. Texas A Imanac, Sept. 1868, 62. 
 
WAR AND DEFEAT. 7 
 
 dawned the Spaniards opened fire with grape from a 
 swivel-gun upon the remaining twelve, who were 
 inside an enclosure of logs, which had been built as a 
 protection against Indians. Nolan fell early in the 
 contest, shot through the head.^^ Bean then took 
 command, and the fight was continued for some time 
 longer, two of the Americans being wounded and one 
 killed. At nine o'clock the besieged effected their 
 retreat to a neighboring ravine, where they stubbornly 
 defended themselves till two in the afternoon, when 
 the Mexicans hoisted a white flag. A parley followed, 
 and the Americans' ammunition having failed, a treaty 
 was made, by which it was agreed that the Americans 
 should be sent back to their own country; that both 
 parties should proceed to Nacogdoches in company ; 
 and that the Americans should not be regarded as 
 prisoners, but should retain their arms. On their 
 arrival at Nacogdoches, however, they were detained 
 a month waiting for Salcedo's order for their return 
 to the United States. His instructions, when they 
 arrived, were the reverse of those hoped for; the 
 adventurers were heavily ironed and sent to San 
 Antonio; thence to San Luis Potosi, where they 
 languished in prison sixteen months. From this city 
 they were removed to Chihuahua and tried, their 
 cases being referred to the crown. After five years 
 of anxious waiting the king's decision arrived. Every 
 fifth man was to be hanged. As the survivors at this 
 time were only nine in number, a single life was 
 deemed sufficient to meet the stern requirement of 
 the royal sentence. The unfortunate captive^ were 
 made to throw dice blindfolded on a drum-head. 
 He who threw the lowest number was to suffer, and 
 Bean, the author of the narrative from which the 
 above account is taken, cast the lowest but one. On 
 
 •* Nolan was killed by a cannon-baU, the Mexican troops having brought 
 up a mountain gun on muleback. After the surrender, the negroes asked 
 permission to bury their leader, which was granted ' after causing his ears to 
 be cut off, in order to send them to the governor of Texas.' Id., 63. 
 
8 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE XJNITED STATES. 
 
 the following day the victim was executed in the pres- 
 ence of his more fortunate comrades. ^^ 
 
 Such was the result of the first inroad by Ameri- 
 cans into Spanish territory in which the invaders 
 sought to sustain themselves by force of arms. Mean- 
 time other Americans had effected a peaceful entrance 
 into this forbidden land, and had settled along the 
 
 ^^ The nine who cast lots, according to Bean, were; E. P. Bean, David Fero, - 
 Tony Waters, Ihomas House, Charles King, Robert Ashley, Joseph Reed, 
 the negro C«sar, and one whose name is not given by Bean. Thrall, without 
 quoting any authority, says the lot fell on Ephraim Blackburn: Ptct. Hist. 
 Tex., 107. Bean, after numerous attempts to escape, which always resulted 
 in his recapture and imprisonment, was offered his liberty when a revolution 
 was in progress in 1811-12, it he would enlist in the royal army. To this he 
 consented, but on the first opportunity he deserted and joined Jlorelos, 
 under whom he fought with distinction, and was in command of the troops 
 that captured Acapulco. In 1814 Bean was sent as republican agent to the 
 U. S., and took part in the battle of New Orleans. Being well known to 
 General Jackson, the command of a battery was given to him in this engage- 
 ment. Concluding that war-time was unpropitious to the Mexican cause in 
 the U.S., Bean returned to Mexico, but in the following year went back in 
 company with Herrera. He again returned to Mexico some time afterward, 
 to find the independent cause all but lost. During his stay in that country 
 on this occasion, he married Anna Gorthas, a, Mexican whose family, once 
 wealthy, had been impoverished by the war. In 1818 he visited Tennessee 
 and spent some time at the place of his birth. He finally settled in Texas as 
 a colonist, and remained there many years. After the termination of the 
 Mexican revolution his wife recovered her property, and the last years of his 
 adventurous life were passed in peace on her estate near Jalapa. Bean ^I'as 
 born in 1783 and died Oct. 3, 184G. Mem., in Yoahums Hist. Tex., i. 415-52; 
 Thrall's Pict. Hist. Tex. , 499-500. Kennedy's account of this expedition is 
 greatly at variance with Bean's narrative. He states that after Nolan's 
 death his followers surrendered at discretion, and were taken to Chihuahua, 
 where with few exceptions they were shot. House and Ashley effected their 
 escape, Bean was pardoned on account of his youth, and Stephen Richards — 
 not mentioned by Bean — was compelled to enter the Spanish army. Texas, i. 
 238. Thrall's statements are equally contradictory. Utsup.jWG-l. Accord- 
 ing to the Texas A Imanac, Sept. 18(i8, 63-4, the following is the list of those 
 who were destined to draw for the death-lot: Luciano Garcia, Jonah Walters, 
 Solomon Cooley, Ellis Bean, Joseph Reed, William Danlin, Charles King, 
 Joseph Pierce, Ephraim Blackburn, and David Fero. But Pierce having 
 died before the royal decree — that each fifth man should be hanged — coidd be 
 carried into execution, the presiding judge, with commendable mercy, decided 
 that one victim would be sufficient. According to the report of the adjutant 
 iusijector, the lots drawn were the following, each gambler for his life throwing 
 in precedence according to his age: ' Blackburn, 3 and 1, making 4; Gai'cia, 3 
 and 4, making 7; Reed, 6 and 5, making 11; Fero, 5 and 3, making 8; Cooley, 
 6 and 5, making 11; Walters, 6 and 1, making 7; King, 4 and 3, making 7; 
 Bean, 4 and 1, making 5; Danlin, 5 and 2, making 7.' jlphraim Blackburn, 
 having thrown the smallest number, was hanged at the Plaza de los Urangas in 
 the town of Chihuahua, on the 11th of November, 1807. ' '1 he diai-y kept by 
 Nolan and many of his letters, which are in my possession ' — J. A. Quintero 
 — 'show conclusively that he was not only a gallant and intelligent gentle- 
 man, but an accomplished scholar. He was thoroughly acquainted with 
 astronomy and geography. He made the first map of lexas, which he pre- 
 sented to the Baron de Carondelet on returning from his first trip. 
 
SETTLEMENT. 9 
 
 San Antonio road, on both sides of Nacogdoches. 
 Among these may be mentioned Captain Dill and his 
 son-in-law, Joseph Darst, Samuel Davenport, and 
 Kobert Barr, all of whom established themselves in 
 Texas at the close of the last century or in 1800.^'^ 
 This privilege had only been obtained by swearing 
 allegiance to the Spanish king. Hitherto neither 
 these settlements nor Nolan's inroad had any political 
 significance ; they were merely the results of private 
 enterprise; but the time was close at hand when 
 throughout the United States attention was drawn to 
 this unknown country. The causes of this were the 
 sale of Louisiana to the government at Washington — 
 which involved a dispute with Spain as to the owner- 
 ship of Texas — and Aaron Burr's conspiracy to in- 
 vade and revolutionize Mexico, exciting thereby a 
 wide-spread interest in this border province. 
 
 When France, in November 1762, ceded Louisiana 
 to Spain in order to prevent it falling into the hands 
 of the English, the western boundary line between 
 the Spanish and English possessions in North Amer- 
 ica was clearly defined by the treaty concluded in the 
 following February. ^^ But in October 1800 Spain 
 ceded back the territory to France in exchange for 
 Tuscany, on the understanding that its extent should 
 be the same as it had been during the former posses- 
 sion of it by that nation. The boundary line, how- 
 ever, between Louisiana and Texas had never been 
 definitely settled, though Spain had always claimed 
 that Red River, or rather its tributary Arroyo Hondo, 
 
 " Barr and Davenport had a settlement two miles east of the Angelina, 
 and later established a large cattle-ranch east of the Trinity. Yoakum, at 
 sup., 136-7; Thrcll, ut sup., 686. 
 
 '* The treaty was signed at Paris, between the kings of Spain and of France 
 on the one side, and the king of Great Britain on the other. In art. 7 the 
 limits were ' fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi, 
 from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence by a line in the middle 
 of that stream and of the lakes Manrepas and Pontchartrain to the sea.' 
 Gayarre's Hist. Louisiana, Fr. Dom., ii. 93; Claiborne, in Mayer's J/e.t., MS., 
 no. 25. 
 
10 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 was the western limit of the French possessions/^ and 
 when, in 1803, Napoleon sold Louisiana to the United 
 States,^" its western limits at once became a ground 
 of dispute with Spain. The government at Washing- 
 ton, in its aggressive policy, claimed all the country 
 east of the Rio Grande,^^ which included the whole of 
 Texas and the best portion of New Mexico — a pre- 
 tension, as far as the Trench were concerned, long 
 obsolete. But for the time the acquisition of Florida 
 was of more paramount importance, and Monroe and 
 Pinckney, ambassadors at the court of Spain, were in- 
 structed, April 15, 1804, to propose to the Spanish 
 government that the territory lying between the 
 Sabine and Colorado rivers should be considered as 
 neutral ground for a period not longer than twenty 
 years, under the stipulation that Florida should be 
 ceded to the United States for a sum not exceeding 
 $2,000,000. This concession of its assumed right 
 to Texas, however, soon appeared too liberal to the 
 United States government, and in July following its 
 representatives were instructed to propose the terri- 
 tory between the Colorado and the Rio Grande as 
 the neutral ground. ^^ These proposals, though long 
 discussed, met with no result. 
 
 " The Arroyo Hondo waa about seven miles west of Katehitoohes. .A con- 
 ventional line seems to have been recognized for many years by both nations. 
 This ran between the rivers Mermento and Carcasien, along the Arroyo Hondo, 
 passing between Adaes and Natchitoches, and terminated in the Red River — 
 a boundary often violated by encroachments of the French toward the Sabine 
 River. Pap. Var., 162, no. i., p. vii. Consult vol. i., Hist. Norrth Mex. States 
 and Texas, this series; Monette's Hist. Val. Mississippi, ii. 460. 
 
 ™ Upon the cession of Louisiana by Spain to the French, it was privately 
 stipulated that the territory should not De sold to the U. S. , and when the 
 sale was effected, Spain, recognizing that a protecting barrier between her 
 American possessions in North America and the U. S. was removed, protested. 
 Overawed by Napoleon, she withdrew her protest. Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 
 119; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Ouerra Tex., i. 43-4; Annals of'Com/., 1804-1805, 
 ap. 1268. A curious story is told by Ashbel Smith, who frequently met the 
 Prince of Peace, Manuel Godoy, in Paris. The latter told him that Charles IV. 
 of Spain bestowed on him the province of Texas, to be an apanage of the 
 house of Godoy. Preparations were made to send thither 2,000 soldiers and 
 a number of females, out the invasion of Spain by Napoleon put an end to 
 the whole scheme. Reminis. Tex. , 27. 
 
 ^^ Founding the claim on La Salle's unsuccessful attempt to colonize Texas. 
 See vol. i., 395-412, this series. 
 
 ^^ Annals of Cong., 1804^1805, ap. 1338-47. 
 
ATTITUDE OF SPAIN. 11 
 
 But Texas had become a land of mark, and enter- 
 prising pioneers kept pushing forward into the disputed 
 territory. Spain's attitude toward the United States 
 and American intruders exhibited a growing hostility, 
 and she showed herself determined to maintain her 
 ancient system of exclusion of foreigners. To oppose 
 the encroachments which she clearly foresaw her ag- 
 gressive neighbor in America would attempt, she made 
 vigorous preparations by the introduction of troops and 
 colonists into Texas,^^ hoping thereby to interpose a 
 powerful state as a protection on the Mexican frontier. 
 Viceroy Iturrigaray, being determined to attack the 
 Americans if they crossed the Arroyo Hondo, took 
 active measures to increase the military strength of 
 Texas. Nacogdoches and other places were fortified 
 and provisioned; companies of militia were moved 
 from Nuevo Leon and Nuevo Santander to San An- 
 tonio, and detachments stationed at Matagorda, the 
 mouth of Trinity River, and elsewhere.^* At the be- 
 ginning of 1806, there were about 1,500 soldiers in 
 Texas, placed under the direction of Simon Herrera, 
 the governor of Nuevo Leon, Antonio Cordero, the 
 newly appointed governor of Texas, being second in 
 command. 
 
 In view of this warlike attitude, the United States 
 government, which, though disinclined to take any 
 step that might preclude a peaceful settlement of dif- 
 ferences, was resolved that the Spanish troops should 
 
 2' John Sibley reported to the tJ. S. sec. of war, in a letter dated Natchi- 
 toches, July 2, 1805, that 500 families had arrived at San Antonio, all settlers, 
 with a strong reenforoement of troops; and Capt. Turner, at Natchitoches, 
 informed General Wilkinson, Sept. 3, 1805, that Comandante General Grima- 
 rest from Spain was ;pre3ently expected to arrive at San Antonio, accompa- 
 nied by seven companies of soldiers; 600 families, coming from Spain to settle 
 Matagorda, had put into the Canary Islands. Id., 1805-1806, ap. 1206-7. A 
 scheme for thfe establishment of military colonies at all important points in 
 Texas was designed, professedly for the purpose of repelling Indians. Real 
 Orden de SO de Mayo de 180\, in Maijer's Mex.,yiB., no. 3, vuelta. Ihe 
 projected colony, placed under the direction of Grimarest, was to have con- 
 sisted of 3,000 persons. It was on the point of sailing from Cidiz, when the 
 capture of the four Spanish frigates took place in 1804; and subsequent hos- 
 tilities rendered the scheme impracticable. Ward^s Mex. in 1827, i. 556. 
 
 ^* President's message of Deo: 6, 1805, in Annals of Gong., 1805-1806, p. 
 18-19; and Id., ap. 1207-9. 
 
12 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 not encroach, beyond the Sabine,.^^ had issued orders 
 November 20, 1805, to Major Porter, commanding at 
 Natchitoches, to repel any such attempt. On receipt 
 of these instructions. Porter required of the command- 
 ant at Nacogdoches an assurance that he would not 
 cross that river, and received, February 4, 1806, his 
 refusal to comply with, such a demand. A detachment 
 of twenty men, under Ensign Gonzalez, had already, in 
 fact, been advanced to the old abandoned post of Adaes, 
 and on the 1st Porter had despatched Captain Turner 
 with sixty men to enforce their withdrawal. This was 
 effected with some little trouble, but without blood- 
 shed.'« 
 
 The news of this forcible ejection, together with the 
 alarm excited at this time in the Mexican capital by 
 reports of a scheme of invasion meditated by Aaron 
 Burr,^' caused the Spanish authorities to push forward 
 their forces to the disputed ground. A reenforcement 
 of 800 militiamen was sent by the viceroy to Herrera,^ 
 and about the 1st of August that commander, at the 
 head of 1,300 men, crossed the Sabine, and advanced 
 to within a few miles of Natchitoches. At this time 
 Colonel Cushing was in command there, and on Au- 
 gust 5th he addressed a communication to Herrera, 
 demanding his immediate retirement to the west side 
 of the Sabine. Herrera replied on the following day, 
 stating that he had crossed the river with orders from 
 his captain-general "to keep the territory from all hos- 
 tile attempts, as belonging, from time immemorial, to 
 the king." 
 
 Meantime Governor Claiborne had called out the 
 Louisiana militia, and arrived in person during the 
 
 2^ President's message of March 20, 1806, in Ammls qf Cong., 1805-lSOG, 
 p. 190. 
 
 ^'^ Annals of Conn., 1806-1807, ap. 913-15. _ 
 
 ^' For references to Burr's proposed raid into Mexican territory, see the 
 index to Amer. State Papertt, xx. Consult also ^)?Hn?s of Cong., 1807-1Sl)S, 
 pp. 386-778; Amer. Reg., ii. 88-90, 91-103; and Eoyal Orders of May 14, 
 Apr. 12, 1807, and Jan. 15, 1808, in Mayer's Jfex., MS., nos 4, 5, and oi. 
 
 '" Of these 600 were undisciplined. The king disapproved of sendingsuch 
 men on an expedition which reqiiired good soldiers. Royal Order of March 
 $i, 1807, in Mayer's Mao., MS., no. 4. 
 
TERRITORIAL BOUNDARY. 13 
 
 last week of August at Natchitoches, with a consid- 
 erable force. Correspondence was now resumed, Clai- 
 borne assuring Herrera that the consequences would 
 be serious if the Spanish forces persisted in their un- 
 just aggressions, and bringing before his notice several 
 acts of outrage and unfriendliness toward the United 
 States lately committed by Spanish troops. ^^ Herrera 
 entered into an explanation with regard to the charges, 
 and assured Governor Claiborne that the Spanish 
 forces would commit no hostility that would frustrate 
 the negotiations pending between the two govern- 
 ments, but at the same time declared his intention, 
 if provoked, to preserve the honor of his troops and 
 fulfil his obligations. 
 
 Shortly after the exchange of this correspondence, 
 General James Wilkinson arrived at Natchitoches with 
 reenforcements, and took command. On September 
 24th he addressed an ultimatum to Governor Cordero, 
 at Nacogdoches, informing him that the United States, 
 pending the settlement of the question, had adopted, 
 "with pretensions far more extensive," the Sabine 
 Paver as the most obvious, natural, and least excep- 
 tionable temporary boundary; and that the presence 
 of Spanish troops on the east side of it was regarded 
 as an actual invasion of their territorial rights, and 
 would be resisted. He then reiterated in decisive 
 tone the demand for the withdrawal of the troops of 
 Spain to the west side of the river, in order to avoid 
 the effusion of blood. This final communication was 
 immediately forwarded to Nemesio Salcedo, the cap- 
 tain-general of the eastern provincias internas, Cordero 
 not feeling himself authorized to decide on so serious 
 a matter. 
 
 Each commander was loath to be the initiatory 
 cause of hostilities, and while Wilkinson remained in- 
 
 ^ Namely, the prevention of a scientific exploration up Red River under 
 Col Freeman; cutting down the American flag in the Caddo Indian village; 
 the seizure of three Americans within 12 miles of Natchitoches; and the asy- 
 lum afforded three fugitive negro slaves at Nacogdoches. li.; Annals ofCotig., 
 1806-1807, ap. 918-19. 
 
14 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 active, awaiting Salcedo's decision, Herrera retired 
 beyond the Sabine. On October 21st the American 
 general wrote to the secretary of war, enclosing a copy 
 of a note received from Cordero, by which all doubt 
 was removed as to the unyielding pretensions of the 
 Spaniards to the disputed territory, and announcing 
 his intention to advance to the Sabine on the follow- 
 ing morning. He moreover stated that he purposed 
 proposing to the Spanish commander that they should 
 respectively withdraw their troops to the point of 
 occupancy at the time of the surrender of Louisiana 
 to the United States.^" 
 
 Accordingly on the 24th the American army took 
 up a position on the left bank of the Sabine, in front 
 of Herrera's forces, which occupied the west side of 
 the river, and Wilkinson without delay opened nego- 
 tiations. It has never been clearly understood what 
 were the motives which induced the Spanish general 
 to accept, on his own responsibility, the proposal of 
 Wilkinson that the territory lying between the Arroyo 
 Hondo and the Sabine should be regarded as neu- 
 tral ground till the boundary question was settled. ^^ 
 Nevertheless such was the case. It is, however, more 
 than probable that Wilkinson so excited the fears of 
 Herrera by exaggerated accounts of Burr's contem- 
 plated invasion, and by representing at the same time 
 that the movement could only be suppressed by the 
 whole power of the American army, that the Spanish 
 general was willing to take the risk of incurring his 
 superior's displeasure.^^ 
 
 ^'' All the correspondence above referred to will be found in /rf., 1806-1807, 
 ap. 915-25. 
 
 '' According to Pike, writing in 1807 at San Antonio, Herrera held a coun- 
 cil of war, ' yet, notwithstanding the orders of the viceroy, the oommandajit 
 general, governor Cordero's and the opinion of his officers, he had the firmness 
 (or temerity) to enter into the agreement with General Wilkinson, which at 
 present exists relative to our boundaries on that frontier.' Expeditions, 270-1. 
 
 '■^ Wilkinson was well informed of Burr's designs against Mexico. While 
 at Natchitoches Samuel Swartwout, a secret envoy from the latter, visited 
 him at the beginning of October and placed in his hands a letter in cipher from 
 Burr. He moreover disclosed to him verbally full particulars of the plot. 
 An interpretation of the letter in cipher and Swartwout's disclosures will be 
 found iu AnnaU qfCong., 1806-1807, ap. 1013-16. It was suspected later 
 
HOSTILITIES ENDED. 15 
 
 Withi regard to Wilkinson's action in taking upon 
 himself the responsibility of making such an agree- 
 ment in face of the instructions he had received to 
 claim positively territory as far as the Sabine, it is 
 not unreasonable to conjecture that he was influenced 
 by the important disclosures made by Burr's emissary. 
 If the whole of his letter of October 21st to the secre- 
 tary of war,^^ and a former one alluded to in it, were 
 published, it would probably be seen that such were 
 the reasons which he gave to the government for his 
 meditated proposal to the Spanish conmaander. 
 
 Having completed his arrangements with Herrera 
 and Cordero, Wilkinson withdrew his forces on the 
 6th of November, and hastened to New Orleans to 
 make preparations to oppose Burr. The agreement 
 entered into met with the approval of both govern- 
 ments.^* 
 
 After the conclusion of this bloodless campaign, 
 owing to the diversion caused by the war in Europe, 
 and Spain's recognition that the flag protected the 
 cargo,^^ the relations between the two governments 
 were marked by an interval of calm. The angry 
 demonstrations that had lately occurred were not 
 without benefit to Texas, and by the temporary con- 
 centration of troops and the introduction of new col- 
 onists an unwonted activity had been awakened, and an 
 improvement in the condition of the country efiected. 
 The American settlers, moreover, were introducing 
 some little agricultural energy, cramped though they 
 were by the suspicious apprehensions which their 
 
 that Wilkinson even succeeded in obtaining a large sum of money from the 
 Spanish commander, on the understanding that he would undertake to frus- 
 trate Burr's designs. For fuller particulars, consult Kennedy's Texas, i. 244; 
 Monette's Hist. Val. Mississippi, ii. 463-5; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 145, note; 
 Martin's Louisiana, ii. 272-5. 
 
 S3 Only an extract of it is given in Annals o/Oong., 1806-1807, '.)24. 
 
 ^Real Orden de 14 de Mayo de 1807, in Mayer's Mex., M.S., no. 4; Presi- 
 dent's Message, Dec. 2, 1806, in Annals of Cong., 1806-1807, 11. Herrera re- 
 ceived the thanks of the viceroy. Pike's Ex/ped., 271. 
 
 '^Spanish men-of-war had till then ravaged the commerce of the U. S. 
 to a great extent, both in the Mediterranean and the West Indian seas. See 
 Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 127, 133-^. 
 
16 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 presence aroused, and consequent oppressive treat- 
 ment.^^ 
 
 An unforeseen evil, however, arose out of the late 
 compact. The neutral territory quickly became the 
 asylum of a large number of desperadoes and maraud- 
 ers, who organized themselves into a commlmity under 
 a system not dissimilar to that of the old buccaneers. 
 These land pirates preyed upon all who came in their 
 way, the traders between the Texan settlements and 
 Natchitoches, where horses and specie were exchanged 
 for merchandise, being their especial mark. They 
 had their rules and regulations, their headquarters, 
 and their outposts. Their bravery and audacity were 
 unsurpassed, and their fidelity to each other was in- 
 flexible.^' Traders were convoyed across the territory 
 of these outlaws by military escorts, which, however, 
 were frequently attacked. The Spanish authorities 
 made every effort to eject them, and twice the forces 
 of the United States drove them off and burned their 
 houses. But these measures failed to suppress them. 
 
 *^ ' The oppressions and suspicions they labour under prevent their pro- 
 ceeding with that spirit which is necessary to give success to the establish- 
 ment of a new country.' Pike's Exped., ap., part iii. 33. 
 
 *' Yoakum relates a striking instance. Two of a gang of 13 robbers, who 
 had attacked an escort and carried off a large amount of treasure, were cap- 
 tured by Lieut Magee in command of some troops from Natchitoches. Ihe 
 men were immediately tied to trees and flogged, to make them disclose who 
 were their associates. As this punishment failed to elicit a word of betrayal, 
 a live coal of fire was passed along their already tortured backs, but still no 
 disclosure could be obtained. Hist. Tex., i. 152. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 INVASION OP TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 1811-1814. 
 
 REVOLtfTiON IN Favor of Independence — Zambrano's Co0Nter-kbvoh;- 
 TioN — Reestabhshment of the Royalist Government — Bernardo 
 Gutierrez — Magee's Scheme of Conquest — ^The Americans Occupy 
 Nacogdoches — La Bahia Falls into their Hands — Governor Salcedo 
 Besieges La Bahia — Death op Magee — The Battle of Rosillo^ 
 Defeat of the Spanish Army — Surrender of San Antonio — A Repub- 
 lican Government Organized — Massacre of Salcedo and Other 
 Prisoners — Disgust of the Americans — Defeat of Royalists under 
 Elizondo — Toledo Takes Command of the Republican Army — Ap- 
 proach of Arredondo — Battle op the Medina — Destruction op the 
 Americans — Elizondo's Executions — Pacification of the Province. 
 
 In 1810 Manuel de Salcedo^ was made governor of 
 Texas, Cordero, whose administration had been emi- 
 nently beneficial, having been appointed to the more 
 populous province of Coahuila. In September of this 
 year Hidalgo raised the standard of independence, and 
 during the long and bloody struggle which followed, 
 Texas, remote though she was from the more active 
 seats of war, was made the scene of deeds as horrify- 
 ing as Hidalgo's massacre of his prisoners, and Ca- 
 ll eja's atrocities at Guanajuato. By January 1811 the 
 revolutionary wave had reached Texas, and on the 2 2d 
 of that month Juan Bautista Casas, a captain of the 
 militia, having seized the persons of the governor, of 
 Simon Herrera — who was still residing at San Anto- 
 nio de Bdjar as comandante of the auxiliary troops — ■ 
 and of other officers, proclaimed in favor of Hidalgo 
 
 ^ Son of Nemesio Salcedo, the oomandante general of the internal prov- 
 inces. Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 153 
 
 Hist, N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 2 < 17 ) 
 
18 INVAiSION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 and constituted himself governor. But Casas soon 
 disgusted many of the revolutionary party by his 
 despotic and disorderly administration, and the cura 
 Juan Manuel Zambrano formed the design of restor- 
 ing the old order of things. Concealing his real in- 
 tention, he hoodwinked those of the dissatisfied whom 
 he approached on the matter, by giving them to 
 understand that his only object was to depose Casas 
 and correct the disorders of the government. He 
 was, moreover, favored in his designs by the oppor- 
 tune arrival of the unfortunate Aldama, who with a 
 large amount of bullion was proceeding to the United 
 States as envoy of the independents, there to solicit 
 aid in arms and men. Zambrano cunningly caused 
 the report to be spread among the lower orders that 
 Aldama was an emissary of Napoleon — a statement 
 the more readily believed on account of his uniform 
 being similar to that of a French aide-de-camp. Noth- 
 ing aroused the indignation of the common people more 
 than the idea of their being surrendered to the French. 
 By casting the gloomy shadow of that danger over the 
 minds of his Indians, Hidalgo had lately caused the 
 Grito de Dolores to be raised and rung through 
 the land;^ and now this wily priest used the same 
 guile in Texas to advance the royalist cause. Thus 
 the populace and many in the ranks of the revolu- 
 tionists in San Antonio, and many inside the barracks, 
 were unwittingly on his side. On the night of ISIarch 
 1st, with only five of those compromised to support 
 him, Zambrano sallied from his house and raised the 
 signal cry. Possession was obtained of the barracks 
 immediately, and before morning dawned Casas was 
 a prisoner, and Aldama confined under guard in his 
 lodging. Zambrano and his party now proceeded 
 with caution, nor did they prematurely let their real 
 design be known. A governing junta of eleven vot- 
 ing members, with Zambrano as president, was elected 
 
 ''See Hidalgo's address to his flock Sept. 16, 1810. Hist. Mex., iv. 117, 
 this series. 
 
EXPEDITION OP GUTIERREZ. 19 
 
 by the principal inhabitants of San Antonio and the 
 vicinity, and measures were adopted to secure the 
 province without creating alarm. The Europeans 
 who had been imprisoned by Casas were released; 
 his appointees were removed from office, a force of 
 500 reliable men was placed in marching order to be 
 ready for any emergency; and captains Jos^ Munoz 
 and Luis Galan were despatched as commissioners 
 to any royalist chief whom they might be able to 
 approach, to solicit aid. In a short time the viceregal 
 government was again firmly established in Texas,* 
 and Salcedo was reinstalled as governor. Aldama 
 was sent to Monclova, in Coahuila; there tried, con- 
 demned to death, and executed. 
 
 An expedition, however, organized in the following 
 year by a young ofiicer in the United States army, in 
 conjunction with a Mexican refugee named Bernardo 
 Gutierrez de Lara, almost succeeded in annihilating 
 the royalist power in Texas. This Gutierrez had fol- 
 lowed the occupation of a smith in the city of Revilla 
 — now Guerrero — and at the outbreak of the rebellion 
 possessed great wealth, owning large estates and other 
 property in the neighborhood, besides an important 
 commercial house. He attached himself ardently to 
 the independent cause, and being a man of much sa- 
 gacity and energy, had been made lieutenant-colonel 
 by Hidalgo, whom he met at the hacienda de Santa 
 Maria, near Saltillo, when that leader was about to 
 start on his ill-starred journey to Monclova. Gutier- 
 rez was, moreover, commissioned as envoy to Wash- 
 ington, whither, in spite of the disasters that shortly 
 afterward befell the independent chiefs, he proceeded 
 by land, performing a journey of four months under 
 
 ' The account of this revolution and counter-revolution is obtained from 
 Oaz. deMex., 1812, iii. 1087-91; Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 96-7, 170-2; Brista- 
 mante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 157-60; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 196. Morelos, in a letter 
 dated Yanhuitlan, Feb. 17, 1813, and addressed to the intendente Ignaoio 
 Ayala, mentions that he had sent two commissioners, David and Tavares, to 
 cede Texas to the U. S. about this time. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 341. The 
 commission, however, failed to reach its destination. Id., 343. 
 
20 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 great difficulties and dangers. But his position in the 
 United States was rather that of a fugitive than an 
 envoy, and his credentials were not recognized by the 
 government. Being a fervent patriot, he went to New 
 Orleans, where he began to organize an expedition for 
 the invasion of Texas, which scheme was facilitated 
 by his former commercial relations with that city.* 
 
 In 1812 Lieutenant Augustus Magee^ was sta- 
 tioned at Natchitoches, and had been employed in 
 breaking up the gangs of outlaws on the neutral 
 ground. Young and romantic, he conceived the idea 
 of conquering Texas by the aid of the banditti whom 
 he had just subdued. These readily listened to his 
 scheme, and having formed his plans and apf)ointed a 
 place of rendezvous, Magee proceeded to New Orleans 
 to obtain supplies and volunteers. Here he met Gu- 
 tierrez,^ and eagerly entered into an arrangement with 
 him to unite their enterprises. Magee noixiinally 
 yielded the command to Gutierrez,'' recognizing the 
 policy of letting the Mexican population believe that 
 the expedition was under the direction of one of their 
 own countrymen. 
 
 Having resigned his commission in the army, June 
 22, 1812, Magee proceeded to act. Gutierrez went 
 in advance to the place of rendezvous, on the east 
 side of the Sabine, where 158 men were assembled. 
 Magee remained at Natchitoches to bring up reen- 
 forcements of volunteers. Gutierrez presently crossed 
 the Sabine, engaged the Spanish forces on the Salitre 
 prairie, and easily defeating them, pursued them to 
 
 ^ Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 329-30; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Giter. Tex., i. 
 50-1; Dice. Univ. Hist. Oeorj., ix. 515; Mora, Mij. y sus Rev., iv. 449; Guerra, 
 Bev. N. Esp., ii. 712, note; Thrall's Pict. Hist. Tex., 548. This last author 
 says that Gutierrez made Natchitoches his home in the U. S. 
 
 * Magee graduated at West Point Jan. 23, 1809, and received the appoint- 
 ment of second lieut of artillery. Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 152, note. 
 
 'Such is Brackenridge's statement. Holley's Texas, 304. Yoakum, i. 153, 
 says that Gutierrez went to Natchitoches, where he met Magee, whom he 
 greatly interested and influenced by his accounts of Jlexico. 
 
 ' Mexican writers regard Gvitierrez as the inspirer and promoter of the en- 
 terprise, which is natural, as all proclauiations were published in his name, 
 and he was appointed comiiiander-iu-chief. It was, however, essentially an 
 American enterprise. See Niles' Reij., iii. 104, v. S7-S. 
 
GOVERNOR SALCEDO. 21 
 
 Nacogdoclaes, which was abandoned on the approach 
 of the Americans, who took possession of the town 
 without firing a shot. The Spanish soldiers fled to 
 the Trinidad station. This took place August 11, 
 1812.^ Magee kept sending reenforcements to the 
 front, and with their numbers increased to nearly 500 
 men,^ the Americans marched to Trinidad, which was 
 evacuated as soon as they appeared in sight. Here 
 they remained till the middle of October. Meantime 
 Magee arrived, and the forces, now numbering nearly 
 800, were organized. In this work he was assisted by 
 Kemper, Lockett, Perry, Ross, and Gaines. Magee 
 was elected colonel, though virtually commander-in- 
 chief; Kemper was chosen major, and the others made 
 captains. 
 
 Governor Salcedo had, however, been making vig- 
 orous preparations to repel the invaders. Assisted 
 by Cordero, who sent him such troops as could be 
 spared from Coahuila, he joined his forces with those 
 under Herrera,^" and took up a position at La Bahia 
 with 1,500 men. The Americans now continued their 
 march, directing their course to that town. When Sal- 
 cedo became aware of their intention to attack him, he 
 marched out with 1,400 of his men, whom he placed 
 in ambush at the crossing of the Guadalupe River ; 
 but Magee, being informed of this movement, changed 
 his course, and crossing the river at a lower point, 
 passed Salcedo by night, reached La Bahla before day, 
 and captured the place without difficulty. The mili- 
 tary chest and a great quantity of stores fell into the 
 hands of the victors. 
 
 After this disaster Salcedo laid siege to La Bahia, 
 
 ^ Called by the Americana Spanish Bluff. 
 
 ' ' Con los cualea ' — American adventurers — ' en mimero de unos cuatro- 
 cientos y cincuenta, ocupd a principios ' de Agosto de 1812, la villa de Nacog- 
 doches.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 408-1. 'Eeunid cerca de quinientos hom- 
 bres.' Filisola, utsup., i. 51. 
 
 '"Herrera, after having been governor of N. Leon for 15 years, was given 
 the command in 1810 of a corps oi observation in 'I'exas. In his absence 
 during his governorship his brother Pedro acted as lieut-gov. Gonzalez, Col. 
 Doc. N. Leon, 153. 
 
22 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 and repeatedly but ineffectually assaulted the fortifi- 
 cations, in the last of which attempts he lost 200 men. 
 During the siege Magee died," and the command de- 
 volved upon Kemper, who was promoted to the rank 
 of colonel. Finding his efforts to storm the place un- 
 availing, Salcedo, having suffered severe loss from the 
 deadly marksmanship of the Americans, was compelled 
 to raise the siege about the end of February, 1813.''^ 
 The invaders, relieved from the extremities to which 
 they had been reduced by a siege of nearly four months, 
 having obtained supplies and received additional reen- 
 forcements,^^ pursued their march toward San Antonio. 
 Viceroy Venegas had in the mean time found means of 
 sending aid to Salcedo, and when the latter received 
 information of the advance of the Americans, he again 
 marched to meet them, in the hope of surprising them, 
 by means of an ambuscade. Taking up a position with 
 a force of about 2,000 men and six pieces of artillery," 
 nine miles from San Antonio, he awaited the enemy's 
 
 " Yoakum, on the authority of a manuscript narrative by Capt. McKim, an 
 old citizen of Texas, who joined Gutierrez at the Sabine and continued in 
 service during the whole campaign, relates the following inexplicable conduct 
 of Magee: Previous to the last assault, a three days' truce had been agreed 
 upon, during which time Magee dined with Salcedo. While in Saloedo's 
 quarters a compact was made by the two commanders, by which Magee 
 agreed to deliver up the fort, the Americans to return home without their 
 arms, but to be supplied with provisions on their march by Salcedo. On his 
 return to the fort Magee paraded the troops, informed them of what he had 
 done, and took their vote for approval. The treaty was unanimously voted 
 down, and Magee retired to his tent. Meantime a note arrived under a flag, 
 from Salcedo, reminding Magee of his honor, and calling attention to the fact 
 that the fort was not surrendered, though the hour agreed upon was long 
 past. The letter was read to the army and the flag sent back without reply. 
 Salcedo then made a furious assault upon the place, but the Americans under 
 Kemper, the next in command, repulsed the assailants with severe loss. 
 Magee died that night, shortly after twelve o'clock, and it was said by his 
 own hand. Hist. Tex., i. 164-5. Col Hall, who knew Magee well, states that 
 there is not a word of truth in all this. Baker's Tex., 227. 
 
 '2 Alaman gives Feb. 1st as the date. iii. 483. Filisola, about the 22d or 
 23d. tA^sifp., i. 54-5; and Yoakum, March 12th. Utsu'p.,i.\6b. Bustamante 
 states that Salcedo lost more than one fourth of his troops, while the loss on 
 the part of the besieged was only fourteen. Cuad. Hist., i. 330. 
 
 "From Nacogdoches 170 recruits, 25 Cooshattie Indians from the old mis- 
 sions, and 300 Lipan and T'wocookana Indians, whom Capt. McFarlaud had 
 obtained as auxiliaries. Id., 165-6. 
 
 "Yoakum says 1,500 regulars and 1,000 militia, with 12 cannon. Id., 
 166. Kennedy gives the number 1,200. Texas, i. 279. Filisola states that 
 Salcedo had nearly 900 men of all arms, with six cannon. Ut sup., 56. Guerra 
 places the figure at 2,000._Hist. Sev. N. Esp., ii. 712, note. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE ROYALISTS. 23 
 
 approach to the Salado creek, a confluent of the San 
 Antonio River. A ridge of high land lies between 
 these streams, and in the dense chaparral which cov- 
 ered the side facing the Salado, Salcedo concealed 
 his men. They were, however, soon discovered by 
 the American sharp-shooters, who were sent along the 
 crest of the ridge, and the invaders having already 
 crossed the Salado, the Spanish general advanced to 
 give them battle on the open ground below, placing 
 his artillery in the centre of his line. Kemper imme- 
 diately made his dispositions for the fight. A select 
 body of riflemen, under Lockett, were directed against 
 the enemy's cannon, with orders to pick off the artil- 
 lerymen ; Kemper and Ross with the remaining Amer- 
 icans occupied the right and left wings respectively. 
 The general order was to fire three rounds, reload, and 
 then charge. The engagement which followed was a 
 one-sided affair. The Spanish artillerymen were shot 
 down before they had inflicted any damage, and their 
 guns captured. All along the line the Spanish troops 
 dropped fast before the unerring aim of the Americans, 
 and when the latter charged, they broke and fled. 
 The victors pursued with relentless eagerness, killing 
 great numbers. In this battle the royalists lost nearly 
 1,000 men in killed and wounded, while the casualties 
 on the side of the invaders were insignificant.^^ The 
 battle of Rosillo, as it has been called^ was fought 
 March 29, 1813.^" 
 
 Gutierrez, who was still nominal commander, now 
 moved on to San Antonio, and demanded an uncon- 
 ditional surrender of the city. Nor was there any 
 alternative; on April 1st the triumphant army took 
 
 '^ Kennedy states that the loss of the Spaniards was 400 killed, a greater 
 number wounded, and 73 taken prisoners; that of the victors, 9 killed and 25 
 wounded. Texas, i. 279. Bustamante and Alaman say that few of the Span- 
 ish troops escaped to San Antonio. Cuad. Hist., i. 330-1; Hist. Mej., iii. 483. 
 These writers depend for their statement on a manifesto published by Gutier- 
 rez in Monterey, 1827; Campaflas de Calteja, 178; Cava, Tres Stylos, iv. 91. 
 Guerra, ut sup., asserts that out of the 2,000 veterans and militiamen, collected 
 from the provinces of Coahuila, N. Leon, and N. Santander, only 300 escaped. 
 
 '* Yoakum calls it the battle of Eosalis, and states that the locality cannot 
 be identified. 
 
24 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 quiet possession of the place, Salcedo and Herrera, 
 with their stafF-ofRcers, yielding themselves as prison- 
 ers of war on condition that their lives should be 
 spared. 
 
 A provisional government was now formed, consist- 
 ing of a junta composed of thirteen members elected 
 by a popular vote, Gutierrez being appointed general- 
 issimo and governor." The first question to be de- 
 cided was the disposal of the prisoners, whose blood 
 was loudly clamored for in expiation of the executions 
 of Hidalgo and his companions, in whose capture 
 Salcedo and Herrera had taken an active part. It 
 was decided that they should be tried by court-martial, 
 and as this was composed of members bitterly hostile 
 to the royalist chiefs, the result was certain. They 
 were all condemned to death. Nevertheless the 
 horror and repugnance with which this sentence was 
 received by the Americans rendered the open execu- 
 tion of it a hazardous proceeding. So secret assassi- 
 nation was resorted to ; under pretext of sending them 
 to Matagorda for shipment to the United States, the 
 prisoners, to the number of seventeen, escorted by 
 seventy Mexicans, were marched out of San Antonio, 
 and about a mile and a half below the town were 
 stripped and bound in the bed of the stream and their 
 throats cut. This butchery took place on the 5th 
 of April. ^^ 
 
 " Two members, Masicot and Hale, 'were Americans, the remainder 
 Mexicans. Filisola, ut sup., 57. 
 
 '' The odium of this atrocity has fallen upon Gutierrez, who endeavored 
 to justify his action in the matter hy explaining that a. popular demonstra- 
 tion against the prisoners was promoted by the intrigues of Jos6 Alvarez de 
 Toledo — of whom more anon — and that they were delivered up by the guard 
 in obedience to an order of the junta, without waiting for his instructions, 
 and indeed, without his knowledge. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 332-3. The 
 American accounts are very different. Gutierrez is charged with having 
 secretly delivered up the captives, and with afterward defending his con- 
 duct by classifying the murderous deed as a just reprisal for the loss of 
 friends and relatives put to death by the royalists. Yoakum, ut sap., i. 169- 
 70. Consult also Foote's Texas, i. 188; Cancdada, Tel. Mex., 455-6; Gon- 
 zalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 259-60, in which last authority a list of the victims 
 is found by Gonzalez among the papers of Alejandro de Uro y Lozano. 
 According to this document the date of the massacre is April 3d, and the 
 number of victims that given in the text, though other less reliable authori- 
 ties state that only 14 were put to death. Foote, followed by Yoakum, falls 
 
rURTHEE, FIGHTING. 25 
 
 When the atrocious deed became known to the 
 Americans, all but the most hardened of the ruffians 
 from the neutral ground were horrified and disgusted. 
 They did not relish fighting in behalf of a people who 
 had no respect for the usages of war, no feelings of 
 common humanity. Kemper and Lockett abandoned 
 the enterprise immediately and returned home, fol- 
 lowed soon afterward by Ross. They were accompa- 
 nied by a considerable number of the better class of 
 volunteers. As for Gutierrez, he was arraigned before 
 a tribunal and deposed. After the departure of Ross, 
 Captain Perry, being highest in rank, took command. 
 The Americans, now greatly reduced in numbers, were 
 unable to continue active operations, and for a time 
 gave themselves up to indolence and all kinds of dis- 
 sipation. From these excesses they were suddenly 
 ai'oused by news of the approach of another army 
 sent against them under command of Colonel Ignacio 
 Elizondo, the renegade who had betrayed Hidalgo. 
 
 In this emergency Gutierrez, whose influence over 
 the Mexican insurgents could not be neglected, was 
 nominally reinstated in his command. Elizondo took 
 up a position on a rising ground in sight of the city 
 and near the little river Alazan. Contrary to the 
 instructions to wait which he had received from Colo- 
 nel Arredondo, who was also hastening up with the 
 intention of operating in combination with Elizondo, 
 the latter advanced against San Antonio alone. His 
 force consisted of 1,500 men, besides a number of 
 irregular troops of the country. Perry, to whom the 
 command was intrusted, decided to attempt a, surprise. 
 Silently marching out of the city on the night of the 
 19th of June, he approached Elizondo's encampment, 
 which had been fortified by earthworks, and broke in 
 upon it just at dawn, while the Spaniards were at 
 
 into an error in stating that Corclero was one of those put to death. His 
 name does not appear in this liat, nor that of Col Navarro — see Yoakum, ut 
 miv., 169, note — which comprises 14 names, 10 only of which correspond 
 with names given by Gonzalez. The truth is, Cordero was in Coahuila at 
 the time, being governor of that province. 
 
26 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 matins. The pickets were surprised, and the works 
 mounted before the alarm was given in the camp. 
 Then, however, a furious contest ensued, in which the 
 Spaniards displayed great firmness and bravery. But 
 the Americans, supported by 700 Mexicans under the 
 command of a native named Menchaca,^' after an 
 obstinate struggle, overpowered them and drove them 
 in flight from the field. In this engagement a large 
 number of Elizondo's men fell, his army was badly 
 dispersed, and he escaped with but a handful of 
 followers. The loss on the side of the victors was 
 small,^" while the spoils in horses, mules, baggage, and 
 munitions of war was very great. After this victory 
 Gutierrez was again deprived of his command, doubt- 
 less owing to the influence of the American officers, 
 though he attributes his disgrace to the intrigues of 
 Jose Alvarez de Toledo,^^ who arrived at San Antonio 
 about this time, and to whom Gutierrez surrendered 
 the command by order of the junta. 
 
 Toledo was born in the city of Santo Domingo, of 
 Spanish parents, and had been a deputy from the 
 island of that name to the Spanish cortes at Cd,diz. 
 His republican principles, however, got him into dis- 
 grace, and he escaped to the United States, where, 
 espousing the patriot cause, he occupied himself in 
 promoting its interests in that country. In July 1813 
 he proceeded to San Antonio, and having been ap- 
 pointed to the chief command, he reorganized the 
 
 "Menchaoa was a man of vigor, bold and resolute, but rude and unedu- 
 cated. He possessed great influence with the natives. 
 
 '■" Bustamante, with the manifesto of Gutierrez before him, says the roysil- 
 ists lost more than 400 men; the revolutionists 22 killed and 42 wounded. 
 Cuad. Hist., i. 331. Yoakum, on the authority of McKim's manuscript, puts 
 the loss of the Americana at 47 killed, and as many more wounded who after- 
 ward died of their wounds. Ut sup., i. 172. 
 
 ^' Bustamante, tit sup., 333-4; 6az. de Hex., 1813, iv. 1145. Gutierrez 
 retired to Natchitoches, and remained about the neutral ground tUl 1816, 
 when he went to New Orleans. Beau saw him at San Cdrlos, Tamaulipas, 
 in 1825. In 1830 he was keeping a small saddlery store at his native town, 
 then called Guerrero. Yoahrni, ut sup. , note. Thrall makes the unwarrant- 
 able statement that Gutierrez captured Iturbide when he landed at Soto la 
 Marina, and executed him in accordance with the decree of congress. Hist. 
 Tex., 548; consult Hist. Mex., iv. 806-10, this series. 
 
ARREDONDO'S MOVEMENTS 27 
 
 junta and restored some degree of order to the civil 
 government. Meantime the American division of the 
 republican army had received considerable reenforce- 
 ments ; for despite the unfavorable impression caused 
 in the United States by the news of the late barbar- 
 ous deed, the signal victories obtained over the enemy 
 did not fail to attract adventurers. Thus the num- 
 bers of the foreign element had been raised to its pre- 
 vious standard, while the ranks of the native Mexicans 
 were largely increased. The invading army was, 
 moreover, amply supphed with weapons, artillery, and 
 ammunition, which had fallen into its hands. Thus 
 the prospects of the enterprise were cheering. But 
 the unseen hand of destruction was already raised 
 in the distance. 
 
 At the time of Elizondo's defeat, Arredondo, who 
 had been appointed by Calleja, then viceroy, pro- 
 visional comandante general of the eastern internal 
 provinces,^^ was at Laredo, whence, on receipt of the 
 news of the late disaster, he issued orders to the dis- 
 comfited commander to collect his dispersed troops 
 and await his arrival. On July 26th he commenced 
 his march from Laredo, and being presently joined by 
 Elizondo with about 400 men, his army amounted to 
 a total of 1,930 men, 735 of whom were infantry, 
 the rest cavalry. He had also eleven pieces of artil- 
 lery.^^ 
 
 When intelligence of Arredondo's movements 
 reached San Antonio, Toledo, whose appointment as 
 commander-in-chief was approved by the American 
 officers, marched out with all his forces to meet him. 
 His army numbered over 3,000 men, and was com- 
 posed of 850 Americans, about 1,700 Mexicans, and 
 600 Indian allies.^ Moving along the road to Laredo, 
 
 22 In 1813 the provincias intemas were again divided into the eastern and 
 western. 
 
 23 Arredondo's report to Calleja, of Sept. 13, 1813, in Own. de Mex., 1813, 
 iv. 1139,1148. Yoakum gives the exaggerated number of 4,000 aa the amount 
 of his force. Ut mp., 174. Filiaola adds to Arredondo's numbers 80 artillery- 
 men, making a total of 2,010. Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex., 67. 
 
 2*/i.; Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 925, 1144. 
 
2S INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 on the 18th of August, he came upon the advance 
 troops of the Spanish army shortly after crossing the 
 river Medina, and the engagement began. 
 
 Now Arredondo was fully informed by his scouts 
 of the enemy's movements, and had leisurely and care- 
 fully formed his plans. Elizondo was sent with a de- 
 tachment well in advance, under orders not to enter 
 into any serious engagement, but by simulating flight, 
 lure the enemy within the Spanish lines, which, in 
 that case, would be conveniently drawn up to receive 
 him. He was to keep Arredondo promptly informed 
 of all that took place in front. The ruse was fatally 
 successful. 
 
 Toledo's position as commander-in-chief was not an 
 enviable one, it would seem. There appears to have 
 been much jealousy and ill feeling displayed toward 
 him on the part of Menchaca, whose influence with 
 the Mexicans was unbounded. Toledo was regarded 
 as a Spaniard, and looked upon with disfavor by the 
 Mexicans, who bore it with ill grace to be commanded 
 by a gachupin. It had been his wish to wait for the 
 enemy on the left bank of the Medina, the advantage 
 of which position was obvious ; but he had been out- 
 ruled by both the Mexican and American ofiicers, 
 who, flushed with their late victories, were eager for 
 the fray. There was thus evidently a want of har- 
 mony and confidence between the general and the 
 native portion of his army, and perhaps this was the 
 cause of his making a grievous mistake in forming his 
 line of battle. Placing the Mexicans in the centre, 
 he divided the Americans, and posted them on his 
 right and left wings, under Perry and Taylor. 
 
 When the opposing forces met, a smart fire of mus- 
 ketry was sustained for a brief time, and then Eli- 
 zondo, according to instructions, began to retreat, 
 sending an aid at once to Arredondo, informing him 
 of the position of affairs. The Spanish commander 
 then sent a reenforcement with two small pieces of 
 artillery under command of the reverend Lieutenant- 
 
DESPERATE BATTLE. 29 
 
 colonel Juan Manuel Zambrano,^^ who, however, re- 
 ceived similar instuctions to confine his operations to 
 decoying the enemy into the net that was being spread 
 for him. Arredondo now drew up his column in line 
 of battle. 
 
 The ground, thickly wooded on each side of his line 
 of march, favored his design, and his position was 
 completely concealed. His troops were disposed in 
 the form of an angle, with the open space presented 
 to the enemy, his wings extending well in front and 
 almost facing each other. ^^ 
 
 When Zambrano arrived on the scene of action the 
 royalists rallied, and for a short time the tide of battle 
 seemed arrested. But they soon gave way again and 
 retreated precipitately, abandoning their guns. The 
 republicans, now confident of victory, and believing 
 that they had engaged the whole royalist force, 
 pressed hurriedly forward in disorderly pursuit. In 
 vain Toledo, rightly fearful of an ambush, had ordered 
 a halt and expressed his apprehensions to Menchaca 
 and the American leaders; his wiser judgment was 
 again oyerruled. 
 
 As the flying troops kept concentrating themselves 
 toward the apex of the ambuscade, the impetuous 
 pursuers were soon drawn well within the fan-shaped 
 lines of the enemy. Then burst forth on right and 
 left of them a blaze of fire, leaping from levelled mus- 
 kets and pointed cannon which struck them down by 
 scores. Erelong most of the Mexicans were in full 
 flight, but not before Menchaca had fallen on the 
 
 2* It seem that Zambrano had this military rank bestowed upon him in 
 recognition of his services in conducting the counter-revolution at San An- 
 tonio in 1811. 
 
 ''■^ Yoakum states that Arredondo threw up a breastwork in the form of 
 the letter V, with the apex in the road and the open end in the direction of 
 San Antonio, and that this defence was concealed from view by an artificial 
 chaparral constructed of branches. Utmp., 174. No allusion to such a pro- 
 tection is made in Arredoudo's report of the battle, nor any Spanish authority 
 that 1 have met with. Bustamante, on the contrary, says that the patriots 
 came upon Arredondo's troops with such impetuosity that they had hardly 
 time to form in liae. Cuad. Hint., i. 348. 
 
30 INVASION OP TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 field. ^' The brunt of the battle was now borne by the 
 Americans and their steadfast Indian allies. And 
 bravely they bore themselves in that death-struggle. 
 It is all very well to call them outlaws, cutthroats, 
 desperate adventurers, and savages, but the blood of 
 their respective races was in them, and they scorned to 
 yield. For four hours they maintained the unequal 
 fight, and strived in vain to turn the enemy's flank. 
 When nearly all were slain, a remnant of the obsti- 
 nate band escaped from the field of slaughter — ^when 
 their ammunition was spent ! Out of the 850 Ameri- 
 cans who entered that gorge of death, only 93 effected 
 their escape to Natchitoches.^ Among those who 
 saved their lives were Perry, Taylor, and Captain 
 BuUard, who had acted as aid to Toledo during the 
 battle.^" The loss on the part of the royalists cannot 
 be accurately ascertained. Arredondo, in his returns, 
 reports 55 killed, 178 wounded, 2 missing, and 175 
 hurt by contusions; but considering the obstinacy 
 with which the Americans maintained the fight for 
 four hours, and their skill in the use of the rifle, I 
 hesitate to accept these numbers as worthy of credit.^ 
 This defeat was a death-blow to the republican cause 
 in Texas, and it was attended with all the horrors 
 ever observed by the royalists on the occasion of a 
 
 ^ American writers fall into many errors by relying too implicitly on the 
 versions of their countrymen on Texan affairs, without consulting Mexican 
 authorities. Young boldly states — Hist. Mex., 97 — that Menchaca — called by 
 him and other American authors Manchaco — at this crisis drew off his men 
 and retired, and that afterward, ' unable to bear the reproaches heaped upon 
 him — or acting upon a concerted plan — went over to the Spaniards with such 
 information relative to the condition of Toledo's force as precluded the possi- 
 bility of attempting to continue the war. ' Now Arredondo, in his report, 
 makes especial mention of Menchaca as one of the dead found on the battle- 
 field. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1143. I call attention to this error as an illus- 
 tration of others committed by him and American historians of Texan affairs, 
 and which are far too numerous to be specially noticed. 
 
 ^* Arredondo says that more than 1,000 corpses were counted on the battle- 
 field, the greater portion being Anglo- Americaois — 'la mayor parte angle 
 americanos. ' lb. 
 
 '^"Yoakum, ut sup., 175. The authorities consulted for the description of 
 this ' battle of the Medina ' are numerous, but more general reliance has been 
 placed on Arredondo's full report of it to the viceroy, copy of which will be 
 found in Oaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1139-51. 
 
 "" Bustamante says: ' Este gefe perdid en muertos y heridos mucha geute.' 
 Cuad. Hist., i. 349. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE AMERICANS. 31 
 
 victory during the war of independence. In the pur- 
 suit every fugitive overtaken was ruthlessly sabred or 
 lanced ; the captured were immediately shot,^^ and for 
 weeks an exterminating persecution was carried on. 
 
 Toledo, badly wounded, made his escape to the 
 United States, where he still endeavored to further 
 the patriot cause, which resulted in his being indicted 
 for attempting to inaugurate another expedition 
 against Mexico. Defeated in other attempts against 
 Spain, he finally submitted to the king, reentered his 
 service, and was appointed ambassador to the court of 
 Naples by Ferdinand VII.^^ It has been charged 
 against Toledo that he had a secret understanding 
 with the Spanish minister at Washington, that the 
 removal of Gutierrez was owing to his intrigues, and 
 that this triumph of the royalists was achieved through 
 his perfidy.^* But Alaman, with more justice, con- 
 siders such accusations groundless, and believes that 
 Toledo acted in good faith. ^* 
 
 When victory had declared itself for the royalists, 
 Elizondo was sent in advance with 200 cavalrymen to 
 occupy San Antonio, whence many of the families had 
 fled on receiving news of the disaster to the republi- 
 can cause. Arredondo entered on the following day, 
 and then despatched Elizondo with 500 men against 
 Nacogdoches, and in pursuit of the fugitives. He 
 held his way as far as Trinidad, whence he sent a de- 
 tachment to Nacogdoches. Having thoroughly swept 
 through the country, capturing and shooting a large 
 number of unfortunates,^'' he commenced his return to 
 
 '^ Arredondo, writing from the field of battle at four o'clock in the after- 
 noon, states that about 100 had been captured and already shot, most of them 
 Americans. Oaz. de Mex., ut sup., 926. 
 
 '^Alamam, Hist. M6j., iii. 491-2. Toledo, before his defection, had been 
 an officer in the Spanish navy. Id. , 487. 
 
 ss'Este triunfo. .. fu6 debido i, la perversidad de aquel malvado' — 
 that is, Toledo. B-Mamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 334. This author evidently did 
 not regard Toledo with favor. See his note on the following page. 
 
 ^Hist. Mij., iii. 488. 
 
 ^^ Elizondo, in his report to Arredondo, states that he shot 71 insurgents, 
 and brought with him 100 prisoners and as many women. Oaz. de Mex., 1813, 
 iv. 1162-3. Bustamante places the number of those shot at 74. Cuad. Hist., 
 i. 349. 
 
32 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS. 
 
 San Antonio, and reached the river Brazos about Sep- 
 tember 1 2th. But the hand of retribution was raised 
 to strike him. The severity of his executions and 
 the frequency of them had so affected the mind of 
 Miguel Serrano, a lieutenant of his troop, that he lost 
 his reason. Possessed of the idea that Elizondo in- 
 tended to shoot him also, on the arrival of the division 
 at the Brazos, he assailed him and his cousin, Isidro 
 de la Garza, while reposing in their tent, killing the 
 latter immediately, and mortally wounding Elizondo. 
 Conveyed in a litter, he reached the river San Marcos,, 
 where he died, and was buried on its banks.^® 
 
 Arredondo remained for several months at San 
 Antonio, his attention being principally directed to 
 the subjugation of hostile Indians. In October, Colo- 
 nel Cayetano Quintero was sent to Nacogdoches 
 against the Lipans, and attacking their A'illage of 
 more than 300 lodges, constructed of hides, routed 
 them, and captured most of their household goods. 
 Successful excursions against other tribes were also 
 undertaken; and Arredondo, having appointed Cris- 
 t6bal Dominguez governor of the province, left there 
 about March 1814, and took up his headquarters at 
 Monterey. For some time, all the other northern 
 provinces having also been pacified, Texas remained 
 undisturbed by revolutionary attempts. ^^ 
 
 '^Ib.; Soc. Mex. Oeog., 2a ep., ii. 630-1. 
 
 3i(?nz. de Mex., 1814, v. 27-31, 37-9, 804-5, 814^16, 820-1. In order to 
 prevent other similar invasions of Texas by U. S. citizens. Gov. Claiborne of 
 Louisiana issued a proclamation at New Orleans, March 23, 1814, prohibiting 
 such illegal proceedings. Id., 871-2. Filisola asserts that Benito Armiuan 
 was made governor. Mem. Hist. Guerra Tej., 79. I have taken Alaman as 
 my authority. Hist. Mej., iii. 493. 
 
CHAPTEK III. 
 
 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AJJD INVASIONS. 
 
 1815-1821. 
 
 The Asylum op Mexican Refttgees — Herreea's Privateerino Scheme 
 — A Republican Government Established at Galveston— Havoc 
 Inflicted on Spanish Commerce — Arrival of Mina — Aury and 
 Perry — The Descent on Soto la Marina— Perry's March to 
 Texas — Destruction op his Band — Aury at Matagorda Bay — He 
 Leaves Texas for Florida — The Pirate op the Gulf and the 
 Barratarians — Galveston Occupied by Lafitie — A Spurious Gov- 
 ernment — Piratical Depredations — Lapitte Expelled from Gal- 
 veston — His Biography — Lallemand's Champ d'Asile — Settlement 
 of the Boundary Question — Long's Invasion — Texas Declared a 
 Republic — Destruction op the Expedition. 
 
 After this rushing blow, the condition of Texas 
 was deplorable. Many of the inhabitants had fled 
 and taken refuge on the frontier of Louisiana, Daven- 
 port^ and other United States settlers had left the 
 country; their crops were destroyed, their cattle car- 
 ried off, and their houses burned. The spirit of in- 
 surrection was suppressed for years, and it was only 
 by the advent of a new race that vitality was again 
 inspired into the province. 
 
 Besides those revolutionists who escaped from Texas, 
 other refugees from different parts of New Spain 
 made the United States their home during their exile, 
 and there tried to further the independent cause, by 
 collecting troops and arms for another invasion. Nor 
 
 ^ In the indulto which was proclaimed Oct. 10, 1813, the settlers Daven- 
 port, Dortolan, and Gerard were excepted, as also 'I'oledo, Gutierrez, and 
 others. The government would reward those who put them to death. Oaz. 
 de Mex., 1813, iv. 1248. 
 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 3 (33) 
 
34 PRIVATEEEINa, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 was the field of these indirect operations an ill-chosen 
 one. A wide-spread sympathy with the patriots in 
 Mexico prevailed in the United States, and but for 
 the vigilance of the government, thousands of volun- 
 teers would have accepted thp invitation of these 
 refugees. Even as it was, there were not wanting 
 numbers of bold men ready to take all risks and en- 
 gage in the illegal enterprise of invading such a land 
 of promise. Conspicuous among them was Colonel 
 Perry, with whom the reader is already acquainted, 
 and who published a proclamation in the New Orleans 
 papers in 1815, to the effect that an expedition was 
 m preparation to invade Texas; that 1,000 men were 
 ready to engage in the enterprise, and setting forth 
 the worthiness of the cause, and the honor and profit 
 that would attach to those who would fight for the 
 Mexican patriots. Of this the United States gov- 
 ernment appears to have taken notice, and September 
 1st of the same year President Madison issued a 
 proclamation prohibiting such unlawful enterprises.^ 
 Although any important undertaking was prevented 
 by the watchfulness of the authorities, Perry escaped 
 their vigilance, and late in the autumn made his way 
 beyond the Sabine with a small party which formed a 
 nucleus. 
 
 At this time Josd Manuel de Hererra, who had 
 been appointed minister to the United States by 
 Morelos, was residing in New Orleans, and in con- 
 junction with other partisans of the revolutionists, 
 conceived the idea of preying upon the commerce 
 of Spain by a questionable system of privateering. 
 Aware of the suitability of Galveston harbor for his 
 purpose, and recognizing the advantages it offered as 
 a rendezvous for future expeditions in aid of the inde- 
 pendent cause, he sailed thither September 1, 1816, 
 
 ' Niles' Reg., viii. 436; ix. 33-4. During the same year also Toledo, Julina 
 Ceesar Amazoni, Vincent Gamble, John Eobinson, Romain Very, Pierre Sseme- 
 80n, and Bernard Bourdin were indicted in the U. S. district court of Loui- 
 siana for attempting to violate the neutrality of the Union. Amer. State 
 Papers, xi. 307. 
 
AUEY AS GOVERNOR. 35 
 
 ■with Luis de Aury,' whom he appointed commodore 
 of the fleet of the republic of Mexico. At a meeting 
 held at Galveston, September 12, 1816, Herrera, by 
 virtue of his office as minister plenipotentiary of the 
 republic of Mexico to the United States, formed a 
 government. Commodore Aury was made civil and 
 military governor of the province of Texas and the 
 new establishment, and took the oath of allegiance to 
 the Mexican republic; the several branches of public 
 administration were arranged ; Galveston was declared 
 the estabhshed port of the republic, and the flag 
 hoisted; and on the 16th Herrera appointed the 
 necessary authorities, and established a treasury. By 
 October the 20th their system of government was 
 completed, Aury being authorized to form regulations 
 for the navy, as well as to move the new establish- 
 ment and his seat of government to Matagorda, or 
 any other more suitable place, in case of necessity. A 
 court of admiralty, moreover, was formed, which adju- 
 dicated in the matter of captured vessels. 
 
 The royalists in Texas were in no position to oppose 
 the proceedings of Aury ; there were not more than 
 200 men stationed in the different posts throughout 
 the province, and the insular situation of the invaders 
 rendered them unassailable. Perry soon joined with 
 nearly 100 recruits, and other reenforcements arriving, 
 the community before long numbered 400 men. The 
 privateers, sent out to cruise in the gulf, inflicted great 
 havoc upon Spanish commerce, and as the prizes were 
 generally richly laden, the adventurers wanted for 
 nothing. General Bernardo Gutierrez, being stationed 
 as their agent at Natchitoches and liberally supplied 
 with money, rendered valuable aid. 
 
 Among the followers of Aury were many of the old 
 
 ' Aury entered the service of the republic of New Granada as lieut of the 
 navy in May 1815, and was appointed commandant general of the naval 
 forces stationed at Cartegena, Aug. 10th of the same year. During the siege 
 and blockade of that place he rendered signal services by saving the lives of 
 nearly 3,000 persons, and a portion of the naval force, by breaking through 
 the royalist squadron, Deo. 6, 1815. 
 
36 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 Barratarian freebooters, who were not always particu- 
 lar as to the nationality of the vessels they attacked. 
 Moreover, no few Spanish slavers were captured, and 
 though the introduction of slaves into the United 
 States was illegal, it was effected by aid of the Barra- 
 tarians — so well acquainted with the outlets of the 
 Mississippi — and the cooperation of citizens in Louisi- 
 ana,* who would repair to Galveston and select and 
 purchase their lots of human merchandise, which were 
 punctually delivered. Many of the privateers which 
 swept the gulf during this period, and brought their 
 prizes to Galveston, were owned by United States 
 citizens. 
 
 In November, Javier Mina ^ arrived with over 200 
 men and supplies of ammunition in three vessels, which 
 increased the fleet to over a dozen sail. The advent 
 of this unfortunate leader was attended with disastrous 
 results to Aury's undertaking, and the shadow of his 
 ill-starred fate fell on many of the adventurers at Gal- 
 veston. But it is invidious to weigh his destiny with 
 those of others. Had the chiefs at Galveston been in 
 accord with him, his enterprise might have succeeded. 
 But jealousy broke out among them. Perry, bold 
 and headstrong, dazzled by the greatness of Mina's 
 undertaking, was ready to join him in the invasion of 
 Mexico, while Aury, who had raised his force for the 
 conquest of Texas, would not yield hearty cooperation. 
 The disagreement between Aury and Perry daily in- 
 creased, till at last the latter, disclaiming the authority 
 of the former, wished to place himself and his company 
 of 100 men under Mina. Bloodshed was threatened; 
 but as Perry's men stood firmly by him, Aury deemed 
 it prudent to yield. 
 
 Four months were passed in organizing and drilling 
 
 * Beverly Clew, the collector at New Orleans, writes to tlie secretary of 
 state, Aug. 1, 1817: 'I deem it my duty to state that the most shameful 
 violations of the slave act, as well as our revenue laws, continue to be prac- 
 tised with impunity, by a motley mixture of freebooters and smugglers, at 
 Galveston, under the Mexican flag.' Id., 347. See also pp. 352, 354-5, 377. 
 
 ''For particulars of Gen. Mina's career, consult Hist. Mex., iv. 659 et seq., 
 this series. 
 
MINA'S OPERATIONS. 37 
 
 the troops, and then, some correspondence having been 
 intercepted on board a Spanish vessel from Tampico, 
 Mina decided, from the information thereby obtained, 
 to make a descent upon Soto la Marina. Having 
 burned down what buildings they had erected, they 
 weighed anchor April 6, 1817.* When they arrived 
 at Soto la Marina, Aury, chagrined at the position 
 which had been imposed upon him, having landed 
 Mina's force, detached himself from the expedition and 
 again turned his prows toward Texas.' 
 
 Soto la Marina fell into Mina's hands without op- 
 position. His future operations down to the time of 
 his capture and execution at Los Remedios have been 
 fully narrated in another volume,^ and as those events 
 are not connected with the history of Texas I shall 
 not repeat them. It may be interesting to the reader, 
 however, to know the fate of Perry. 
 
 When Mina had made every preparation to march 
 into the interior. Perry, convinced of the rashness of 
 making the attempt with a force amounting to only 
 300 men, also abandoned the foredoomed leader, and 
 with his usual recklessness determined to force his 
 way back to the United States by land. With Major 
 Gordon, and about fifty others of his company whom 
 he induced to join him, he commenced his dangerous 
 march, and, incredible though it seems, reached La 
 Bahla in Texas. Though his force was reduced to 
 forty in number, he did not hesitate to demand the 
 surrender of the place. The appearance, however, of 
 a squadron of more than 100 cavalrjrmen, sent in pur- 
 suit of him, compelled him to retire in the direction 
 of Nacogdoches. Being overtaken by the enemy, he 
 
 ^In a memorial addressed to the president of the United States by Vicente 
 Pazos, relating to Aury'a operations, this is the date given. Amer. State Papers, 
 xii. 409. Other authors give March 27th, but Pazos' date is in every proba- 
 bility correct. Consult Zamacois, Hist. Mej. , x. 265, note. 
 
 ' For this account of Mina's arrival at Galveston, the dissensions of the 
 chiefs, and other particulars, consult Alaman, Hist. MiJ., iv. 553 et seq.; 
 RoUnsmi's Mex. Rev., i. 121-5; Gonzalez, Col. Doe., N. Leon, 353-5; Kennedi/s 
 Tex., i. 292-3; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 182-5; Amer. State Papers, xi. 346. 
 xii. 408. 
 
 * Hist. Mex., iv., ch. xxviii., this series. 
 
38 PRIVATEEMNG, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 took up a position at nightfall in a wood called El 
 Perdido, and when summoned to surrender, declared 
 that he and those with him would all die first. At 
 dawn an attack was made. Though surrounded on 
 all sides, the dauntless band twice repulsed the enemy 
 and fought its way to a rising ground on the banks 
 of a stream. And here, when their ammunition was 
 exhausted, they fell, Perry blowing out his brains 
 with a pistol at the end of the fight,^ rather than sur- 
 render to the foe. 
 
 When Aury reached the Texan coast, he put into 
 Matagorda Bay, and throwing up wooden buildings on 
 an islet lying between the isla de la Culebra and the 
 isla del Bergantin, appears to have remained there 
 about two months. During this period he probably 
 sent out cruisers, which from time to time brought in 
 prizes." In July, however, he received news of the 
 undertaking directed by General McGregor against 
 the Ploridas,^^ and decided to cooperate with him. 
 Accordingly, having destroyed seven of his vessels,^^ he 
 returned to Galveston, which port he reached about 
 the middle of July. On the 2 1st of the same month 
 
 ' This account is taken from the report of the encounter to the -viceroy 
 Apodaca, by Antonio Martinez, iu command of the Spanish troops. Martinez 
 states that after the fight was over, 26 men lay dead on the field, 12 were 
 mortally wounded, and 2 were unhurt. These last were shot. He enumer- 
 ates the weapons taken, consisting of 27 muskets, 4 escopetas, 12 bayonets, 
 1 pistol, 4 sabres; also 11 cartridge-boxes; but he makes no mention of any 
 ammunition. As he remarks that all the wounded were 'atravesados de 
 lanza,' it would seem that Perry's men were nearly all killed by the lance 
 after their ammunition had failed. Oaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 787-9. Linn's 
 account of the death of Perry is incorrect; I regard the report of the Spanish 
 commander as conclusive. 
 
 '" Antonio Martinez, who had succeeded Dominguez aa governor of Texas, 
 on the report of Aury's arrival, sent out a corps of observation, and 13 
 vessels were counted anchored in the bay. Id., 1817, viii. 987-8. 
 
 ^^ Amer. State Papers, xii. 409. Sir Gregor McGregor was a general of 
 brigade in the service of the revolted provinces of New Grenada and Vene- 
 zuela. On March 31, 1817, he received his coramisaion to undertake the 
 conquest of the Floridas. Copy of translation wiU be found iu Id., xii. 
 421-2. 
 
 '2 Doubtless his useless prizes. Juan de Castafieda, who had been sent 
 with 30 men to examine the destroyed craft, reported July 21at that all were 
 utterly demolished except two which were dismasted and full of water. One 
 of these was loaded with cotton and dye-wood, and the other with material 
 of war. See the report in Oaz, de Mex., 1817, viii. 987-9. 
 
THE PIRATE OF THE GULF. 39 
 
 he addressed a note to Manuel Herrera — who had 
 long before returned to New Orleans — in which he 
 stated that to make a diversion for the benefit of the 
 cause they were supporting, he had determined to 
 abandon the establishment at Galveston, and that he 
 should take with him the judge of the admiralty 
 court, the administrator of the customs, and all con- 
 stituted authorities. He moreover notified him that 
 all proceedings after July 31st were to be considered 
 as having taken place without his consent and con- 
 trary to his will, and that therefore every transac- 
 tion not signed by Pedro Rousselin, the collector, who 
 would accompany him, was to be held as illegal/' 
 Aury adds that he would have left a lieutenant-gov- 
 ernor and a deputy collector, but he feared that they 
 would not have force suflBcient to maintain order or 
 prevent the commission of acts in violation of the law 
 of nations." A few days after, he spread his sails, 
 bound for the Floridas.^^ He had found the island 
 occupied by Lafitte, the Pirate of the Gulf. 
 
 Jean Lafitte, the eldest of three brothers, is reputed 
 to have been born in Bordeaux, France, about 1780. 
 So varied and contradictory are the accounts given of 
 his early life that no credence can be attached to any 
 of them. It is not untU the smugglers, or pirates, if 
 such you choose to call them, had well established 
 themselves on the island of Barrataria that his career 
 is known with any certainty. This island, formerly 
 called Grand Terre,^* is situated at the mouth of a 
 lake about sixty miles west of the delta of the Missis- 
 
 ^ He addressed a note of the same tenor, July 28th, to Beverly Clew, , 
 collector of customs at New Orleans; and a duplicate of it on the 31st, dated 
 at sea. Amer. State Papers, xi. 355. 
 
 " See copy of letter in Id., xii. 423-4. 
 
 '* After serving the cause of the patriots for some years, A.ury returned to 
 New Orleans, and being a man of fine appearance, married a rich widow, from 
 whom, however, he was separated some time afterward. As late as 1845 he 
 was residing at Habana. Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 194; United Service Journal, 
 
 1852. ,j^ ,, J 
 
 " It received the name Barrataria, derived from ha/rat, an old French word, 
 from which also is derived barratry. 
 
40 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 sippi. About the year 1810 it became the rendezvous 
 of smugglers, freebooters, and desperadoes of different 
 nationalities, who found an easy disposal of their ill- 
 gotten goods at New Orleans. Among these Lafitte 
 soon became preeminent, by reason of his superior tal- 
 ent in conducting their nefarious enterprises, and his 
 power over the other chieftans became almost absolute. 
 Governor Claiborne, in view of the demoralizing effect 
 which the traffic had upon the commercial community 
 at New Orleans — for many large houses were in col- 
 lusion with them — issued, in March 1813, a proclama- 
 tion ordering them to disperse. This had no effect, 
 so he placed a reward of 500 dollars on the head of 
 Lafitte, which the latter treated with such contempt 
 as to offer thirty times the amount for the governor's 
 head. Claiborne then tried force, and again was un- 
 successful. Lafitte surrounded the troops sent against 
 him — and dismissed them, loaded with presents! 
 
 This state of affairs being reported to President 
 Madison, Commodore Patterson of the United States 
 navy was ordered to destroy this hornets'-nest, and 
 in June 1814 he arrived before Barrataria with gun- 
 boats and the schooner Caroline. The pirates, in 
 seven fine armed cruisers and a felucca, manned by 
 nearly 1,000 men, at first made a show of resistance, 
 but finally abandoning their vessels, made for the 
 land and dispersed among the swamps. Patterson 
 took the surrendered vessels and all the spoils of Bar- 
 rataria to New Orleans. 
 
 This broke the backbone of the community, whose 
 leading spirit was the Pirate of the Gulf. But he was 
 still at large, and as the outlying cruisers kept return- 
 ing, business was still carried on secretly. When the 
 British approached New Orleans, in the autumn of 
 this year, overtures were made to Lafitte, with most 
 tempting offers of rank in the British navy and a large 
 sum of money, if he would join the service. Lafitte 
 asked for time to consider, which was granted, and he 
 sent without delay the written proposals Avhich he had 
 
LIFE OF LAFITTB. 41 
 
 received to Governor Claiborne, witli an offer of his 
 services to the United States, on condition that he 
 and his followers should be no further molested. His 
 offer was accepted ; and at the battle of New Orleans, 
 he and his men did such good service, that a pardon 
 was granted them by President Madison." 
 
 Little is known of Lafitte's movements during the 
 next two years. Precluded from carrying on depre- 
 dations with his headquarters on United States terri- 
 tory, he seems to have cruised about the gulf, and 
 endeavored, though unsuccessfully, to establish him- 
 self at Port au Prince.^^ A few days, however, after 
 the departure of Aury from Galveston for Soto la 
 Marina, Lafitte appeared at the island with his pri- 
 vateers. The number of his followers was then about 
 forty, and on the 15th of April, 1817, these freebooters 
 proceeded to establish a government, with the object 
 of "capturing Spanish property under what they called 
 the Mexican flag, but without an idea of aiding the 
 revolution in Mexico, or that of any of the Spanish 
 revolted colonies." ^ It seemed good, however, to 
 imitate the policy of Aury in order that their lawless 
 captures might be introduced into Louisiana with less 
 trouble. Accordingly the captains of the cruisers met 
 and elected the different members of their government. 
 Louis Derieux was made governor and military com- 
 mandant; A. Pironneau, adjutant commandant; J. 
 Ducoing, judge of the admiralty ; Pedro Rousselin,'" 
 collector of customs; Raymon Espagnol, secretary 
 of the treasury and notary public; and Jean Jannet, 
 marine commandant. That no formality might be 
 wanting, the oath of fidelity to the Mexican republic 
 was taken. The governor was first sworn by Luis 
 
 "Dated Feb. 5, 1813. Consult Toalmm's Hist. Tex., i. 186-90; Babi Mar- 
 hols, Hist. Louis., 382-4, Eng. ed.; Kennedy's Tex., i. 288-9; Oayarri, Hist. 
 Louis., Am. Dom., 289-90, 302-6, 312-16, 356-7, 411, 504; Dermcratic Review, 
 vi. 34. 
 
 ^^Amer. State Papers, xi. 351. 
 
 "Raymon Espagnol's testimony, in Id., xi. 359. 
 
 ''" Rousselin was Aury's collector, and had been left by him with an advice 
 boat to report arrivals of privateers to him. 
 
42 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 Iturribarria, and the others then took the oath to the 
 governor.^^ On the 20th of the same month, other 
 craft having arrived, the captains and owners of them, 
 to the number of seventeen, were convened on board 
 the schooner Jupiter. The appointments were con- 
 firmed, and regulations made concerning the disposal 
 of the duties that should accrue from prizes. The 
 proceedings were drawn up and signed by those pres- 
 ent before the secretary pro tem, Lafon. 
 
 Under the auspices of this worthy administration, 
 Galveston soon became the asylum of refugees from 
 justice and desperadoes of every nationality and dye. 
 By the end of the year, Lafitte's followers numbered 
 nearly 1,000 men, and their depredations in the gulf 
 were carried on to such an extent that Spanish com- 
 merce was almost swept from that sea. But this was 
 not all ; the vessels of other nations became the prey 
 of these pirates. The United States government 
 would have broken up the nest but for the opposition 
 of the Spanish minister Onis. The boundary question 
 had not yet been settled, and it was feared that if the 
 government at Washington dispersed the buccaneers 
 from Galveston by armed force, it would retain pos- 
 session of the island. ^^ Thus for years the Pirate of 
 the Gulf remained unmolested. On the site where the 
 city of Galveston now stands he erected a fort, and 
 built himself a house, around which numerous other 
 edifices soon sprung up, forming a busy settlement, 
 which he named Campeachy. On the 9th of October, 
 1819, Galveston was declared a port of entry of the 
 republic of Texas, which had lately been proclaimed 
 by the leaders of another expedition into the country, 
 and Lafitte was made governor of the place. Shortly 
 afterward one of his followers, named Brown, robbed 
 an American vessel near the Sabine, and being pur- 
 
 '^^Id., xi. 358-9, 386-7. It will be noticed that Lafitte's name does not 
 appear. But there is evidence that he was present. Consult Id., xi. 349. 
 He probably did not choose, from policy, to have his najue used. This is 
 Yoakum's opinion. 
 
 ^'' See the objections raised by Onis, Dec. 6, 1817, when informed of meas- 
 ures taken by the president to suppress these marauders. Id., xii. 11. 
 
APPAmS AT GALVESTON. 43 
 
 sued by the United States schooner Ijynx, Captain 
 Madison, he abandoned his boats and escaped with 
 the crews to land. The Lynx sailed to Galveston, and 
 Lafitte summarily hanged Brown. Madison was 
 satisfied with this prompt measure, and with the dis- 
 position shown by Lafitte to bring the other culprits 
 to justice.^ But in the following year another Amer- 
 ican vessel was taken by one of Lafitte's cruisers and 
 scuttled in Matagorda Bay. The government at 
 Washington sent a commission to inquire into the 
 case, and the report being unfavorable to Lafitte, the 
 Enterprise, Lieutenant Kearney, was sent early in 
 1821 to break up the Galveston establishment. 
 Kearney visited the freebooter in his home, where he 
 was hospitably entertained. Lafitte, aware of the in- 
 flexible determination of the United States govern- 
 ment, proceeded to obey its orders. He destroyed 
 his fortifications, paid off and disbanded his men, and 
 on board his favorite vessel, the Pride, sailed away 
 forever from the shores of Texas. ^* 
 
 ^See the correspondence on this matter between Capt. Madison and 
 Lafitte, in Niles' Eeg., xvii. 395-6; also A Day toitk Lafitte, in Democratic 
 Review, vi. 40. 
 
 ^* Lafitte persistently maintained that he only made war on Spanish ves- 
 sels. According to an account given by an officer of the Enterprise, who 
 accompanied Kearney on a visit to Lafitte, the freebooter gave at table the 
 following sketch of his life as a pirate, and the cause of his adopting this 
 career: he stated that 18 years before he had been a, merchant at Santo 
 Domingo, and that having become rich, he wound up his affairs, sold his 
 property, bought a ship, and freighted her with a valuable cargo, including a 
 large amount of specie. Having set sail for Europe with his wife on board, 
 he was captured, when a week at sea, by a Spanish man-of-war, and robbed 
 of everything he possessed. The Spanish captain had the inhumanity to set 
 him and the crew ashore on a barren sand key, with provisions for a few days 
 only. They were taken off by an American schooner and landed at New 
 Orleans, where his wife died in a few days from fever, contracted by hardship 
 and exposure. Lafitte, in desperation, joining some daring fellows, and hav- 
 ing purchased a schooner, declared eternal vengeance against Spain. ^ For 
 fifteen years, ' he said, ' I have carried on a war against Spain. So long as I 
 live I am at war with Spain, but no other nation. I am at peace with aU the 
 world except Spain. Although they call me a pirate, I am not guilty of 
 attacking any vessel of the English or French.' Id., 42. The same writer 
 describes Lafitte ' as a stout, rather gentlemanly personage, some five feet ten 
 inches in height, dressed very simply in a foraging cap and blue frock of a 
 most villanous fit; his complexion, like most Creoles, olive; his countenance 
 fuU, mild, and rather impressive, but for a small black eye, which now and 
 then, as he grew animated in conversation, would flash ia a way which im- 
 pressed me with a notion that " H Capitano " might be, when roused, a very 
 
44 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 After the fall of Napoleon, a number of French 
 officers who had followed his fortunes retired to the 
 United States, where they were kindly received. On 
 the 3d of March, 1817, congress bestowed on these 
 refugees a grant of 92,000 acres of choice land in Ala- 
 bama, on the condition that the settlers should intro- 
 duce the cultivation of the vine and olive. The terms 
 of the grant were so favorable^* as to make it equiva- 
 lent to a gift. Nevertheless, the colonists being mili- 
 tary men failed of success, and most of them sold 
 their portion of land for a mere trifle. Thus the gen- 
 erous intention of the United States congress to ben- 
 efit a number of unfortunate persons and promote 
 their welfare resulted in the enriching of a few spec- 
 ulators.^^ Some of the grantees attributed their failure 
 to the climate, and sought for more genial localities. 
 Among these were generals Lallemand and Rigault, 
 who believed that they would find in Texas all the 
 requirements for the establishment of a successful 
 colony. Having addressed to the court of Spain a 
 note declaring their intention, and having received no 
 reply to their communication, which could only be 
 regarded as imiaertinent,^' they proceeded to carry out 
 their design. 
 
 Accordingly, in March 1818, Lallemand, leaving a 
 younger brother, Dominique, at New Orleans to for- 
 ward supplies, sailed with 120 settlers, and having 
 
 "ugly customer." His demeanor toward us was exceedingly courteous.' 
 Later he remarks: 'He was evidently educated and gifted with no common 
 talent for conversation. ' Lafitte continued to cruise on the Spanish main for 
 several years. Occasionally he visited Sisal, and the island of Jlargarita, 
 near the mouth of the Oronoco. He died in 1826 at Cilim — properly written 
 Dilam, and incorrectly Silan, as in the American Cyclopaedia, sub nom. Lafitte 
 — a town in Yucatan, and was there buried in the campo santo. Yoahim, ut 
 sup., 204; De Bow's iievieii), Oct. 1851. 
 
 ^^ The land was sold to them at $2 per acre, payable in 14 years without 
 interest. Niks' Reij., xiv. 393. 
 
 ''^ One speculator was said to have made between $500,000 and |1, 000,000 
 by these land transactions. Id.: LejChamp d'Asile, 14^15. 
 
 '-" They wrote thus: ' Que si la cour d'Espagne acquiesfait k leurs demande, 
 elle pouvait compter sur leurs services et leur fiilelit^. Que, dans le cas 
 contraire, ils pronteraient du droit que la nature accorde k tout homme de 
 fertiliser des solitudes incultes, et dont personne n'est autorise a lui disputer 
 la possession. . .Qu' enfin ils ^taient d^termin^s, quelque chose qui arrivSt, k 
 Be fixer dans la contr6e du Texas.' Id., 18-19. 
 
COLONIZATION. 45 
 
 entered the bay of Galveston, selected a spot on the 
 Trinity River, about twelve miles above its mouth, 
 and began to fortify the post. On May llth a decla- 
 ration was issued by the colonists, in which they set 
 forth that, having been driven from their country by 
 a series of calamities, they had determined to seek an 
 asylum, and that finding lands unoccupied, they con- 
 sidered that they had the right to establish themselves 
 thereon. They proceeded to state that their inten- 
 tions were peaceable, but that, if persecuted, they 
 would justly defend themselves; the land they occu- 
 pied would see them prosper or bravely die. The 
 colony, to which they gave the name of Champ d' 
 Asile, was essentially an agricultural and commercial 
 one, but for its preservation it would be conducted 
 under a military system.^^ Such were their senti- 
 ments and intentions, but the soldier does not make 
 a good agriculturist. Moreover, a drought set in 
 and rendered abortive their first efforts. Neverthe- 
 less, as game was abundant, they managed to subsist 
 for a time, and established a petty traffic with the 
 Indians ; but when a Spanish force marched against 
 Champ d' Asile, the feeble colony, reduced by priva- 
 tions, was in no condition to resist,^^ and retired to 
 Galveston. Lallemand returned to the United States, 
 but the fate of his followers is unknown. It is prob- 
 able that most of them cast their lot with Lafitte's 
 desperadoes, a few only reaching the United States. 
 
 During the period from 1809 to 1815 no diplomatic 
 relations existed between the United States and Spain. 
 In June of the first-named year Luis de Onis had 
 been appointed envoy extraordinary to Washington 
 by the Spanish suprema junta central, a provisional 
 government which the United States could not ac- 
 knowledge, nor was it until December 1815 that Onis 
 
 28 Copy of declaration will be found in Id., 44-7, and a translation in Niles' 
 Eerj., xiv. 394. , „ „ , 
 
 '^'^BarU Marhok, Hist. Louis., 396-8; Noticmo Gen., Feb 12, 1819, 4. 
 
46 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 was formally recognized.*' Relations having tlien 
 been restored, the Louisiana boundary question be- 
 came a matter of serious consideration. The settle- 
 ment of the dispute between the two powers as to the 
 right of ownership to Texas became involved with 
 the negotiations that had taken place for the cession 
 of the Floridas to the United States, and the two 
 questions were now to be treated in combination. 
 The discussions which ensued were very lengthy, 
 extending over three years, and numerous proposi- 
 tions and counter-propositions were made.^^ 
 
 Terms of agreement were finally arranged, and on 
 February 22, 1819, a treaty was signed by Onis and 
 the American secretary of state, by which the Flori- 
 das were ceded to the United States, and Spain 
 retained possession of Texas. The boundary line 
 between the United States and the Spanish posses- 
 sions, as defined in the third article of the convention, 
 was as follows : it was to begin at the mouth of the 
 river Sabine, continuing north along the western bank 
 of that river to latitude 32°; thence by a line due 
 north to the degree of latitude where it strikes Red 
 River; then following the course of that river west- 
 ward to longitude 23° west from Washington ; crossing 
 said river, it was to run by a line due north to the 
 Arkansas, following the southern bank of that river 
 
 "> Onis, Mem. Negoc., 1-2; Armr. State Papers, xi. 54. 
 
 °' The correspondence and documents relating to the opposing claims to 
 the possession of Texas will be found in Annals of Cong., 1819, ii. 1629-2131. 
 The claims of the U. S. that Texas formed a part of Louisiana were based on 
 the possession taken and establishment made l)y La Salle in 1685 at San Ber- 
 nardo Bay; the charter of Louis XIV. to Crozat in 1712; the geographical 
 authority of De Lisle's map, and more especially that of Tomas Lopez, 
 geographer to the king of Spain, published in 1762; the map of Homann, 
 published at Nuremburg in 1712, and a British official map published by 
 Bowen in 1755, intended to point out the boundaries of British, Spanish, and 
 French colonies in North America; also on geographical works and narra- 
 tives, especially the accounts of Hennepin in 1683; of Fonti in 1697; and 
 of Jontel in 1713— pp. 1757-8. Onis endeavors to show that these supports 
 were without foundation, claiming priority of discovery, and the establish- 
 ment of the province of Texas in 1690. Mem. Negoc., 48-57. A long review 
 of the U. S. claims to Texas, wherein the author seeks to prove that Texas 
 never formed any part of Louisiana, and that the cry of 're-annexation,' 
 raised 20 years later, was an attempt at a ' gross infraction of a previous 
 treaty,' will be found in Orattan's Cen. Amer., 254-82. 
 
TREATY WITH SPAIN. 47 
 
 to its source in latitude 42° north; and thence by 
 that parallel to the Pacific.*^ 
 
 The king of Spain, however, failed to ratify the 
 treaty within the six months prescribed, and when he 
 ratified it, October 24, 1820, the controversy was 
 renewed, the United States being strongly disinclined 
 to recognize the late convention. The treaty . had 
 from the first caused wide-spread dissatisfaction, and 
 there was a strong party which not only regarded the 
 cession of Texas for the Floridas, as the exchange of 
 a valuable territory for an inferior one, but as a vio- 
 lation of the fundamental principle of the United 
 States never to relinquish territory. The demurrers 
 to the treaty, insisting on the justice of the claim to 
 Texas, considered the action of the government in 
 making the convention unconstitutional, and that the 
 equivalent to be given by Spain was inadequate.^* 
 Another year having been passed in profitless discus- 
 sion between the two governments, congress, on the 
 19th of February, 1821, consented to and advised 
 the president to ratify the treaty. On the 28th of 
 the same month John Quincy Adams informed the 
 Spanish envoy that President Monroe had accepted 
 the ratification. 
 
 The reader will not have failed to observe with 
 what signal want of success all attempts to occupy or 
 colonize Texas by force of arms were attended. I 
 have stUl to record another instance of like failure. 
 
 In Natchez the angry feeling aroused by the treaty 
 of February 1819 was exhibited in a practical man- 
 ner, A meeting of the inhabitants was held, for the 
 
 »* Annals of Cong., 1819, ii. 2130 et seq., where a copy of the treaty -will 
 be found. 
 
 8» Henry Clay, a few days before, April 3, 1820, submitted the following 
 resolutions to the house: "ihat the constitution of the U. S. vests in con- 
 gress the power to dispose of the territory belonging to them, and that no 
 treaty purporting to alienate any portion thereof is valid without the con- 
 currence of congress;' and 'that the equivalent proposed to be given by 
 Spain to the U. S. in the treaty. . .for that part of Louisiana lying west of 
 the Sabine was inadequate; and that it would be inexpedient to make a trans- 
 fer thereof to any foreign power, or renew the aforesaid treauy.' Annala of 
 Cong., 1820, ii. 1719. Arguments in support follow. " 
 
48 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 purpose of organizing an expedition in aid of the rev- 
 olutionary party, and James Long*** was appointed 
 leader of the enterprise. Long entered into the un- 
 dertaking with enthusiasm, and in June started from 
 Natchez with about seventy -five followers for Nacog- 
 doches. His numbers were rapidly increased, and 
 soon after his arrival at that place he could muster 
 over 300 men, among whom may be mentioned Ber- 
 nardo Gutierrez and Samuel Davenport. He imme- 
 diately proceeded to establish a civil government, 
 under the control of a supreme council invested with 
 legislative powers. The council was composed of 
 Horatio Biglow, Hamlin Cook, W. W. Walker, Ste- 
 phen Barker, John Sibley, Samuel Davenport, John 
 G. Burnett, J. Child, Pedro Procello, and Bernardo 
 Gutierrez. General Long was chosen president. On 
 June 23d the supreme council declared the province 
 a free and independent republic.^* In the preamble 
 it was set forth that the citizens of Texas had fong 
 indulged the hope that, in the settlement of the boun- 
 dary question, they would be included within the limits 
 of the United States. The recent treaty, however, 
 with Spain had dissipated this illusion, and they saw 
 themselves abandoned to the dominion of the crown 
 of Spain. They had therefore resolved, under the 
 blessing of God, to be free. I must remark that these 
 ' citizens of Texas ' were comprised of a few American 
 settlers, who had gradually encroached upon the ter- 
 ritory and been unmolested. Various laws were next 
 enacted for the organization of the new republic, and 
 the raising of revenue by the sale of public lands. ^® 
 
 '* James Long was bom in Virg nia, and having studied medicine, was at- 
 tached to the medical staff of Carroll's brigade. He was a favorite of Gen. 
 Jackson, and distinguished himself at the battle of New Orleans. Having 
 married Jane H. Wilkiooon, a niece of Gen. Wilkinson, he retired from the 
 army, and after trying agriculture, settled at Natchez as a merchant. From 
 Gen. Mirabeau Lamar's narrative, in Foote's Tex., i. 201-2. 
 
 "'•' Interesting extracts from this declaration of the independence of Texas, 
 which was published in the Louisiana Herald, will be found in Niles' Reg., 
 xvii. 31. 
 
 "" A bill was passed for the sale of lands on the Atoyac and Red rivers, 
 the minimum price for those on the first-named stream, which was an affluent 
 
LONG'S EXPEDITION. 49 
 
 The adventurers, or patriots as they styled them- 
 selves, made military dispositions to occupy the coun- 
 try. David Long, a brother of the general, was 
 despatched with merchandise to the upper crossing of 
 the Trinity to traffic with the Indians ; Johnson was 
 sent on a similar expedition to the Brazos; Major 
 Smith, with forty men, was stationed at the Cochattee 
 village on the Trinity ; and Walker with twenty-eight 
 men fortified a position on the Brazos at the old La 
 Bahia crossing. These arrangements having been 
 completed by the end of September, Long, who had 
 already been in communication with Lafitte, now 
 governor of Galveston under the republic, decided to 
 pay him a visit, in the hope that by a personal inter- 
 view he would be able to induce that chieftain to 
 assist him in his undertaking. Leaving Major Cook 
 in command at Nacogdoches, he therefore proceeded 
 toward Galveston, but on arriving at the Cochattee 
 village, he received tidings, brought in by the Indians, 
 that the royalists were rapidly approaching. A Span- 
 ish force, 700 strong, under Colonel Ignacio Perez, 
 was advancing to drive out the invaders. Long at 
 once sent orders to Cook and his outlying detachments 
 to concentrate at the Cochattee village, and hastened 
 on to Galveston. But Lafitte, though expressing his 
 best wishes for Long's success, regarded the enter- 
 prise as far too hazardous, and so told Long, calling 
 lais attention to the many attempts which had failed 
 through want of the large force necessary for an in- 
 vasion by land. Disappointed at not receiving the 
 desired aid. Long returned without delay to the vil- 
 lage, where he learned that sudden and most ruinous 
 calamity had fallen on the embryo republic. 
 
 Of all the expeditions to Texas, not one experienced 
 a more speedy collapse or swifter ruin than that of 
 Long. Cook was of all men the most unfit to hold 
 
 of the Naohes, being |1 an acre, payaUe one fourth down and the remainder 
 in three annual instalments. The lands on the more distant Red. River were 
 rated at from 12^ to 50 cents an acre. Foolea Tex., i. 205. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 4 
 
50 PRIVATEEEING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS. 
 
 the responsible position in which he had been placed. 
 Of intemperate habits, on the departure of Long from 
 Nacogdoches, he gave way to drunkenness and dissi- 
 pation, and the garrison, following his example, fell 
 into disorder. Meantime the royalist troops, October 
 11th, surprised Johnson's detachment on the Brazos, 
 taking eleven prisoners, and dispersing the rest. 
 Johnson with six others escaped to Walker's fort, 
 which was assailed on the 15th; the republicans were 
 compelled to seek safety in flight, destitute of every- 
 thing. David Long's post at the upper crossing on 
 the Trinity was next attacked. Long was killed, and 
 his men fled to Nacogdoches. Smith at the Cochat- 
 tee village had been joined by Johnson and Walker, 
 with other fugitives; and when Perez approached, he 
 retreated forty miles below the village. But attempt- 
 ing to elude the enemy, a skirmish was brought on, in 
 which several fell on both sides. The republicans 
 were again defeated, and made their way in canoes to 
 Point Bolivar on Galveston Bay, which Long had pre- 
 viously appointed as a place of rendezvous in case of 
 disaster, and had already made preparations to fortify. 
 When the fugitives from David Long's post reached 
 Nacogdoches the wildest confusion prevailed. Not 
 for a moment was a thought of resistance entertained ; 
 the garrison and inhabitants alike hurried out of the 
 place to seek safety on the other side of the Sabine ; 
 and when Long, who had hastened forward at full 
 speed, arrived at Nacogdoches, he found a silent and 
 deserted town. He himself barely escaped capture at 
 the hands of a detachment of royalists which pres- 
 ently came up in pursuit, and succeeded in taking 
 many of the fugitives prisoners before they crossed 
 the saving river. After his escape, Long passed down 
 the Calcasieu and repaired to Point Bolivar, where 
 he found the remnant of the republican forces.''^ 
 
 " The above account of this expedition is taken from the narrative of Gen- 
 eral Mirabeau Lamer, president of 'i exas, and which he placed in the hands 
 of Foote, who gave it to the public in his Texas and the Texans, i. 19S-21ti. 
 
SAD CONDITION OF AFFAIRS: 51 
 
 Recognizing that the expedition was utterly broken 
 up, Long retired to New Orleans, where he appears 
 to_ have formed the acquaintance of the Mexican pa- 
 triots Milam and Trespalacios. In the spring of 
 1821 an expedition was organized by these indepen- 
 dent leaders, and Point Bolivar occupied. Provided 
 with a commission by Trespalacios, who styled him- 
 self lieutenant-general of the Mexican army and pres- 
 ident of the supreme council of Texas,^'' Long landed 
 at the mouth of the San Antonio, and with 51 men 
 marched against La Bahia, which he took possession 
 of without opposition October 4, 1821. He was com- 
 pelled, however, to surrender a few days afterward to 
 Colonel Perez, and was sent as a prisoner with his 
 followers to San Antonio de B^jar. Representing 
 that he had undertaken the expedition in the cause 
 of independence, he and his fellow-captives were 
 treated with leniency.^* Long was conveyed to the 
 city of Mexico, and the independence of which he 
 professed himself a supporter having been achieved, 
 he was granted his liberty. In 1822, wishing to enter 
 the barracks of Los Gallos, and being refused admisr 
 sion, he struck the sentinel, who thereupon shot him 
 de'ad.*" 
 
 Perez was complimented by the king for his success. Gaz, de Mex., 1820, xi. 
 1190. 
 
 ^^mies' Reg., xx. 191, 223-4, 383. 
 
 '' Report of Gaspar Lopez, acting commandant general of the internal 
 provinces, to Iturbide, dated Saltillo, Oct. 19, 1821, in Qck. Imp. Mex., i[ 
 129-32; N lies' Reg., xxi. 375; Alaman, Hut. Mej., v. 239, 478-9. 
 
 ** Tornel y Mendivil, Breve ReseRa, 147; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 85; 
 Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tex., i. 110-11. Foote's account is very differ- 
 ent from that given in the text, and is incorrect. He states that Long held 
 possession of I^ Bahia till the achievement of independence by Iturbide; that 
 he was then invited by the new government to visit the capital, ' that he 
 might receive appropriate honors as one of the champions of civil liberty; ' 
 that he became an object of suspicion to Iturbide, and that secret orders for 
 hia assassination are supposed to have been issued. Being on a visit to a gov- 
 ernment officer, he was shot by a soldier from an adjoining piazza while pro- 
 ducing his passport to the guard at the gate. The reader can form his own 
 opinion as to the probability of an assassination being perpetrated under 
 such circumstances and so openly. Tex., i. 216-17. Kennedy, Texas, i. 301, 
 erroneously states that 180 prisoners were taken at La Bahia and sent to 
 Mexico; and that they were released by the interference of the American en- 
 voy Poinsett. Yoakum also asserts that the men were released and sent 
 home Nov. 11, 1822, at the instance of Poinsett. 'i.his statement is based on 
 
52 PRIVATEEEING, PIRACY, AND DTVASIONS 
 
 The condition of Texas in 1821 was deplorable. 
 After the expulsion of Long in 1819 every intruder 
 who had settled in the country was driven off, his 
 buildings were destroyed, and his cattle driven away. 
 Vast regions were destitute of inhabitants, and the 
 populated districts did not contain 4,000 civUized be- 
 ings/^ Agriculture was almost entirely neglected, 
 and provisions were so scarce even in San Antonio as 
 to be the subject of frequent report by Governor 
 Martinez to the commandant general at Saltillo,*^ 
 while the traveller ran a dangerous risk of perishing 
 by hunger. The north-eastern borders had become 
 the asylum of criminals, and the abode of bands of 
 armed desperadoes engaged in smuggling; villanous 
 gangs of ruffians from Lafitte's piratical establishment 
 drove their troops of Africans with impunity through 
 the land, introducing them into Louisiana for sale ; ** 
 and savage Indians hovered on the outskirts of the 
 interior towns. But this was tlie most gloomy period 
 in the history of Texas — ^the darkest hour of her ex- 
 istence. The dawn was already about to break.** 
 
 a remark made by Poinsett, in hia Notes on Tex., 164^5, with date Nov. 11th, 
 to the effect that he ' had asked and obtained the liberty of 39 men, who were 
 imprisoned in Mexico on charge of conspiring against the governor of lexas. 
 About one half of them are American citizens. ' There is no doubt that these 
 men belonged to Long's expedition. See McHenry's account, in Linns Bem- 
 inie., 68-74. 
 
 " The author of Pretensiones de los Anglo-Americanos, writing in 1820, says, 
 page 7, note 1 : ' En el dia no tiene la provincia cuatro mil almas de.poblacion. ' 
 
 *^The commandant general, writing to Iturbide Oct. 19, 1821, says that 
 Long and his fellow -prisoners were removed from San Antonio to SaltiUo ' en 
 consideracion de ser aquel pueblo ' — San Antonio — * sumamente escaso de 
 reoursos, segun lo que constantemente representa el Sr Gobemador.' G.ic. 
 Imp. Mex., 1. 131. 
 
 ^^Niles' Reg., xxi, 48, 400. 
 
 ** The following authorities have been consulted for the history contained in 
 the preceding chapters: Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 285, 384-5; Gonzaks, Ooleccion 
 N. Leon, 253-60, 353-5; Cancelada, Ruina N. EspaAa, 39-43; Id.., Tel. Mex., 
 432-5, 455-6; Disposic. Varias, i. 132; Gac. de Mix., (1812) iii. 1087-91; (1813) 
 i\'. 925-7, 970-1, 1139-51, 1159-63, 1247-9; (1814) v. 27-31, 37-9, 804^, 814 
 -16, 820-21, 871-2; (1817) viii. 787-90, 807-9, 987-9, 1167-8; (1818) ix. pas- 
 sim; (1819) X. 144, 1363; xi. 1190; Duvallon, Colonic £sp. du Miss., 51-63; 
 Young's HiM. Mex., 93-8, 127-77; Edinh. Eemeto, no. 147, pp. 254-5; (?a.i«es,, 
 Cofre-vfi. sohi-e Paso delSabina, pp. vii.-xv.; Cava, Tres Sifflos, iii. 219; iv. 92- 
 5; Hartmann, Le Texas, 1-24, 45-7, 100-49, 172-236; Giierra, Reo. N. Esp., 
 a. 370, 372, 711-13; Bustamante, Cuad. Hi.'4., i. 123, 262,329-60; iv. 157-60; 
 /:l., Gahinele Mex., ii. 25-6; Id., Campailas de Calleja, 44, 178--85; Ftiisola, 
 Mem. Hist. Ouerra Texas, i. 32-4, 39^0, 44^86, 109-10; Maillard's Mist. Texas^ 
 
AUTHORITIES. 53 
 
 19-27; Mexico in 184£, 154; Pretermones Avglo-Amer., 2-7; Tornel, Tejas 
 y los EE. UU., 21-5, 80-8; Tornd y Mendivil, Hist. Mex., Yil-il; hare, 
 naudiire, Mex. et Ouat., 228-9; Onis, Mem. sobre Negoc, passim; Thrall's 
 Hist. Tex., passim; Moffit's Eejiort, in Thompson's Rec. of Mexico, 176-6; 
 Jay's Mex. War, 10-11, 19-20; Zerec&ro, Rev. Mex., Idd; Suarez y Navarro, 
 Hist. Mex., 84-5; Pinart Coll., Chih. Book, i. 15-24; Benton's Ahr. Debates 
 Cong., vi. 122, 458; Revue Amir., ii. 534, 549; Holley's Texas, 302, 304^9; 
 Velasco, Son., 249; JenMns' Mex. War, 30; Swisher's Am. Sketch Book, vi., no. 
 6, pp. 359-65; Direct. San Ant., 1877-8, 10-28; Gander's Mex. and Ouat., 
 101-17; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 268; ii. 382-3; Pino, Nuevo Mexico, 40-1; 
 Mosaico Mex., i. 80; ii. 270, 419; Guthrie's Univ. Oeog., i. 396; Blanchard et 
 Dauzats, San Juan de Ulua, 527; Willson's Amer. Hist., 624^30, U. S. Oovt 
 Docs, 8th Cong. 2d Sess., Sen. Jour., 413; McCahe's Comprehensive View, 757- 
 8; Meline's ^,000 Miles on Horseback, 234-45; Domenech's Miss. Adv., 20; Id., 
 Jour., 23; Arispe, Memorial, passim; Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 822; Poole's 
 Texas, i. 149-68, 185-217, 392-400; Le Champ d'Asile, passim; Texas Aim. 
 1861, 70-3; Hutchison's Rem., 196-8; Oomez del Campo, Apuntes Hist.; 
 Estrellade Occid., Sept. 4, 1868, p. 4; Pike's Expl. Travels, 364-70, 391-436; 
 Torrente, Revol. Hifp. Am., ii. 101-2; Abad y Queipo, In/orme: Nouv. Annates 
 Voy., xlvii. 6-11, 23; Peterson's Alilit. Heroes, ii. 68; Dice. Univ. Hist. Oeog., 
 ix. 515-17; x. 274-5, 289; ap. i. 139; Almonte, Not. Est. Texas, 13; Amer. 
 State Pap., xx. passim; Oraltan's Civilized Amer., 254r-82; Kennedy's Texas, 
 passim; Soc. Mex. Oeog. Bolet., ii. 6; vii. 138; xi. 90; 2da ^p., ii. 630-1; 
 Hidalgo, Apuntes Hist. Proy. Monarq. en Mix., 33-5. Abney's Life and Adv., 
 83-90, 125-41; Agiieyo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Texas, 437; Oac. de Pan., Aug. 
 11, 1870; Brackenridge's Mex. Letters, i., letter 2; Baker's Hist. Texas, 30-1; 
 Barber's Hist. West. States, 656-7; Falconer's Discov. Miss., 41-52; North Am. 
 Review, xliii. 234-43; Diario Mex., 235; Democ. Review, vi. 33-42; Noticioso 
 Gen., July 23, Sept. 12, Oct. 27, 1817; Nov. 30, 1818; Feb. 12, 1819; Mix., 
 El Virey de N. Esp., 2-5; Id., Apuntes Hist. Ouerra, 6-16; Mora, Rev. Mex., 
 iv. 269-70, 449; Loreto Mission Records, MS., 45-6; Varios Impresos, 2, no. 
 vi. 25-50, 67-8, and table no. 4; L'Hiroine du Texas, 1-118; Murray's Hist. 
 Acct and Discov. in N. Am., i. 479-87; Revista Mexicana, 416, 421-3; Shea's 
 Cath. Miss., 87; Amer. Antiquarian Journal, Oct. 21, 1881; Amer. Reg., ii. 
 88-103; Freeman and Custia' Acct Red River in La, 1-63; Monette's Hist. Dis- 
 cov. and Settlement Valley Miss., ii. 454^84; Papeles Varios, no. ovi., pt 1; no. 
 cxlix., pt 10; no. clvii., pt 4; no. clxii., pt 1; no. ccxv., pt 2; Mayer, MSS., 
 nos 3, 4, 5, 5^, 25, 30; Claiborne, Extract Letter to Sec. of State of U. S., Dec. 
 27, 1803; Real 6rden, 30 de Mayo de 1804; Id., 12 de Abril, 14 y 24 de Mayo 
 de 1807; Id., 15 de Enero de 1808; Robin, Voy. dans la Louisiane, iii. 117-36; 
 Annals of Congress, 1804, p. 1026; 1804-5, app. 1499-1502; 1805, p. 18-19; 
 1805-6, app. 1206-16; 1806, p. 11, 190; 1806-7, index 'Burr,' app. 913-26; 
 1807-8, voUi.-ii., index 'Burr'; 1817, p. 14; 1818, ii. app. 1786-1800; 1819, 
 ii. 1629-2131; 1820, ii. 1719-82; 1820-1, app. 1337-1469; Alaman, Disert., iii. 
 373-5; Id., Mi!., i. 296-7; ii. 96-7, 170-2; iii. 67, 479-94; iv. 553-9, 566-7, 
 693-4, 711-13; V. 478-9; Zamacois, Hist. Mij., vi. 86-8; vii. 194^201, 216-19; 
 viii. 530, 599-600; ix. 85-8, 202-24; x. 251-2, 260-2, 271, 278-80; Yoakum's 
 Hist. Texas, i. 1-208, passim; Mies' Reg., iu. 34, 64, 104, 144, 272, 352; iv. 
 120 248 280, 313; v. 87-8, 104, 152; viii. 436; ix. 33-4; x. 402; xi. 32, 206; 
 xiii. 253, 287-93, 301^, 335, 338; xiv. 65-88, 393^, 408, 424; xv. 6-7; xvi. 
 42-6, 347, 365-6, 384, 440; xvii. 31-2, 175, 208, 240, 304, 352, 395-6; xviii. 
 273; xix. 112, 191, 396-7; xx. 155, 191, 223^, 383; xxi. 48, 375, 400 
 
CHAPTEK IV. 
 
 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAEIO SYSTEM. 
 
 1819-1831. 
 
 Spain Relaxes her Exclusive Policy — Biogkapht of Moses Austin — 
 His Colonization Scheme — He Petitions for a Land Grant in 
 Texas — His Suitekings and Death — Internal Affairs of Mexico 
 — Beginning of Austin's Colony — Difficulties, Dangers, and Losses 
 — Stephen Austin in the City of Mexico — Delay and Anxiety — 
 Final Success of his Petition — Discretionary Powers Granted 
 Austin — Progress of the Colony — Austin's Government — Greedy 
 AND Discontented Settlers — Erroneous Idea about Immigrant 
 Criminals — Scattered Settlements — A New Contract' — The Em- 
 presario System — Colonization Law of Coahuila and Texas — In- 
 flux OF Immigrants — Empresario Enterprises — Their Partial Suc- 
 cess — Progress of Texas. 
 
 If the reader will glance back at tlie history of 
 Texas, he will find that no advance in the colonization 
 of that fertile country was made during the period of 
 Spanish domination. The reason of this, apart from 
 the exclusion of foreigners, lay mainly in the aversion 
 of the Spanish Creoles to agriculture, and the dangers 
 to which settlers were exposed. Enterprise in New . 
 Spain was chiefly directed to the deA^elopment of 
 mines, while the cultivation of the soil was performed 
 for the most part by the passive Indians. In Texas 
 — an essentially agricultural province — the conditions 
 were reversed. There were no mines to be devel- 
 oped, nor were there peaceable natives who could be 
 made to till the ground. It therefore offered no in- 
 ducements to Spanish Americans to migrate from safe 
 and settled districts to a remote region where a few 
 
 (M) 
 
SPAIN'S POLICY. 55 
 
 ill-garrisoned presidios could afford little or no protec- 
 tion to the cultivator against the stealthy attacks of 
 hostile Indians. Thus the colonization of Texas was 
 confined to the establishment of a few settlers in the 
 immediate vicinity of these military posts. Two of 
 these only, San Antonio de Bdjar and La Bahia del 
 Espiritu Santo, developed into towns of any consider- 
 ation. Later attempts of Spain to colonize the coun- 
 try at the beginning of the present century met with 
 no success. The undertaking projected by the Span- 
 ish government and placed under the direction of 
 General Grimarest ^ failed of accomplishment on ac- 
 count of the breaking-out of hostilities between 
 Spain and England ; nor did other settlers who were 
 introduced into Texas about this time effect any ex- 
 pansion of the community. It remained for peaceable 
 innnigrants from the United States to accomplish a 
 work of progress which Spain had proved herself in- 
 competent to perform, and which had been beyond 
 achievement by force of arms on the part of adven- 
 turers. 
 
 I have already related how anxious Spain was to 
 people Texas, immediately after the purchase of Lou- 
 isiana by the United States, and so protect herself 
 against encroachments by occupancy of the country. 
 Her intentions, however, were frustrated by the 
 dreadful wars in which she soon became engaged, and 
 the revolutions which broke out in her colonies. In 
 the emergencies to which she was reduced she relaxed 
 her exclusive policy, and official proclamations were 
 published inviting colonists of all classes and national 
 ities to settle in her American dominions. The treaty 
 of amity of February 22, 1819, having confirmed her 
 in the possession of Texas, Spain felt herself in a 
 position to remove the exclusion of Anglo-Americans 
 as colonists on her territory,^ which hitherto had been 
 
 ^The colony was to have consisted of 3,000 persons, natives of Old Spain. 
 Kennedy, Tex., i. 309. 
 
 ^ Although settlers of other nationalities were admitted as colonists, Anglo- 
 Americans were rigidly excluded from obtaining grants of lands. See Wlute's 
 Col. Laws, ii. 401-3, and Cortes Act. Ord., 1813, i. 404. 
 
56 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAKIO SYSTEM. 
 
 insisted upon in all colonization schemes. At the 
 same time the royalist power at this period seemed 
 to be firmly reestablished in Mexico, the revolution 
 having been wellnigh suppressed, and the pacifica- 
 tion of the country almost consummated. It was 
 reasonable, therefore, to suppose that the Spanish 
 government would give satisfactory assurances to 
 Anglo-Americans who might wish to obtain in a legal 
 manner grants of land in Texas. The first American 
 who availed himself of this new order of things was 
 Moses Austin, who in December 1820 made an ap- 
 plication for permission to introduce a colony of 300 
 families into the province. 
 
 Moses Austin, a native of Durham, in the state of 
 Connecticut, was born about the year 1764. At the 
 age of twenty he married Maria Brown in Philadel- 
 phia, and soon afterward established a commercial 
 house in Richmond, Virginia, in partnership with his 
 brother Stephen, who was at the head of a large im- 
 porting business at Philadelphia. The two brothers 
 a few years later purchased conjointly the Chissel 
 lead mines, on New River, W3rthe county, Virginia, 
 where they established smelting-works and factories 
 for the manufacture of shot and sheet lead. Adven- 
 turous speculation, however, brought reverses upon 
 the houses in Philadelphia and Virginia, and ]Moses 
 Austin, who was a man of enterprise and perseverance, 
 obtained, in 1797, a grant from Baron de Carondelet, 
 governor-general of Louisiana, conferring upon him 
 one league of land, including the INIine-a-Burton, 
 afterward called Potosl, situated forty miles west of 
 St G-enivieve. Having closed his affairs in the United 
 States, he removed thither with his family in 1799, 
 and laid the foundation for the settlement of what is 
 now Washington county, Missouri. Austin resided 
 for many years at Mine-a-Burton, where he Avon the 
 respect of the early settlers by his upright conduct 
 and public spirit. But the very qualities which gained 
 for him the affection of all who knew him occasioned 
 
MOSES AUSTIN. 57 
 
 another reverse of fortune. He had become a large 
 stockholder in the Bank of St Louis, and when, in 
 1818, that institution was involved in ruin, Austin 
 surrendered the whole of his property for the benefit 
 of the creditors. But adversity did not damp his 
 ardor or depress his enterprising spirit, and although 
 now in his 55th year, he conceived the bold idea of 
 undertaking to establish an extensive colony in Texas, 
 of the resources and fertility of which country he had 
 long been aware. 
 
 In turning his attention to the settlement of the 
 wildernesses of Texas, Austin was not moved by the 
 spirit of adventure which had originated previous at- 
 tempts to occupy Texas. His intention from the first 
 was to proceed legally, and after careful inquiry as to 
 the best mode of making application to the Spanish 
 government for a grant of land, having been advised 
 to lay the subject before the Spanish authorities in 
 New Spain, he undertook the long and dangerous 
 journey from Missouri to San Antonio de Bejar with 
 that object. Having taken into council and concerted 
 plans with his son, Stephen Fuller — by which it was 
 arranged that the younger Austin should proceed to 
 New Orleans to make preparatory arrangements for 
 the transportation of emigrants — Moses Austin pro- 
 ceeded on his journey, and arrived at San Antonio at 
 the beginning of December 1820. At first he only 
 met with rebuff and disappointment. Although in 
 1799 he had become a naturalized Spanish subject in 
 upper Louisiana, he had failed to provide himself with 
 the necessary passport before starting on his journey, 
 and when he presented himself before the governor, 
 he was peremptorily ordered to leave the province 
 immediately. In bitterness of heart he left the gov- 
 ernor's house to make preparations for his departure, 
 but on crossing the plaza he met Baron de Bastrop,^ 
 
 * Felipe Henrique Neri, Baron de Bastrop, was a native of Prussia, and 
 served as a, i,i)l(liL:r of fortune under Frederick the Great. Ke aiiterward 
 entered th-5 service of the king of Spain, who sent him on a special mission to 
 Mexico. While Louisiana was under the dominion of Spain, he obtained a 
 
58 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESABIO SYSTEM. 
 
 with whom he had been acquainted many years before. 
 Bastrop interested himself in Austin's undertaking, 
 and by his influence a second interview was obtained 
 with Governor Martinez, who, after some deUberation, 
 forwarded Austin's memorial to Arredondo, the com- 
 mandant general of the eastern internal provinces, 
 with a strong recommendation in its favor from the 
 local authorities of the province. 
 
 Leaving the matter thus pending, Austin started 
 on his return in January 1821. The privations and 
 sufferings which he underwent on this journey were 
 most severe. He was frequently obliged to cross the 
 swollen rivers and creeks by swimming or rafting, 
 and as the country between San Antonio and the 
 Sabine was then a desolate wilderness, all settlements 
 having been destroyed after Long's inroad in 1819, 
 he was pinched with hunger. The exposure, hard- 
 ships, and fatigue broke down his health. He reached 
 Natchitoches in an exhausted condition and afflicted 
 with a cold which had settled on his lungs. After 
 recruiting his strength somewhat, he resumed his 
 journey and arrived at Missouri in the spring. But 
 his constitution was undermined; the cold on his 
 lungs terminated in inflammation; and on June 10, 
 1821, he breathed his last, having received a few days 
 before information that his petition had met with 
 success. He was in his 57th year when he died.* 
 
 In order better to understand the difficulties and 
 
 grant o£ 30 miles square between the Mississippi ajid Red rivers, 400,000 
 acres of which he ceded to Aaron Burr, on whicli the latter intended to plant 
 a colony as a nucleus for his meditated expedition against Mexico. When 
 Louisiana was re-ceded to France, Bastrop became a citizen of San Antonio de 
 B^jar, in which city he was one of the alcaldes when Austin visited it. In 
 1824 he became land commissioner, and iu that year as well as in 1827 he 
 represented 'j.exas in the legislature of the state of Coahuila and Texas. He 
 died in 1828 or 1829. Thrall's Hist. Tex., 498. 
 
 * This sketch of the life of Moses Austin is mainly derived from the account 
 given by his son Stephen iu 1829, to the settlers iu 'Austin's colony,' copy of 
 which, will be found iu White's Col. Laws, i. 559-Gl. Keimedy, having had 
 before him the Bio/jraphicnl Notice qf Moxes Austin, by Mirabeau B. Lamar, 
 supplies some few particulars not noticed by the son. Texas, i. 310-13, 316- 
 18. Mrs HoUey and subsequent writers add nothing of importance to the 
 biography of Moses Austin obtained from the above authorities. 
 
AMEEICANS IN TEXAS. 59 
 
 delays wliich. attended the establishment of this first 
 Anglo- American colony in Texas, it is necessary to 
 glance at the internal affairs of Mexico, and note the 
 various changes of government which occurred dur- 
 ing the next three years. The proclamation of the 
 plan of Iguala by Iturbide, in February 1821, was 
 responded to all .over New Spain by revolutionary 
 patriots and royalist commanders alike, and O'Don- 
 oju's recognition of the independence of Mexico by 
 the treaty of C6rdova, in August of the same year, 
 terminated the long struggle, and freed the country 
 forever from the Spanish yoke. On the occupation 
 of the capital, September 2j'th, by the army of the 
 three guarantees, a provisional government was im- 
 mediately formed, consisting of a 'junta gubernativa,' 
 and a regency which represented the absent monarch 
 — whoever he might be — who was expected to accept 
 the throne of Mexico.^ In five months' time the 
 junta resigned its powers to the national congress, 
 which was installed February 24, 1822, and the gov- 
 ernment of the regency lasted till May 19th follow- 
 ing, when Iturbide was proclaimed emperor by a 
 popular dmeute, which compelled the congress to rat- 
 ify the wishes of the rabble. His empire only lasted 
 till March 1823, when he in turn was forced to abdi- 
 cate by a revolution initiated by Santa Anna. Then 
 followed a republic under a supreme executive power, 
 which in 1824 was changed to a federal system in 
 imitation of the government of the United States. 
 Thus in the space of four years there were no less 
 than four different forms of government. 
 
 When Moses Austin died he left an injunction that 
 his son Stephen, then in New Orleans, should prose- 
 
 * According to the treaty of Cordova, Mexico was declared an independent 
 empire, and princes of Spain were to be invited to reign over it in the follow- 
 ing order: In the first place, Fernando VII., catholic king of Spain; by his 
 renunciation or non-admission, his brother Cirlos; for the same reasons, next 
 after him, his other brother, Francisco de Paula; next Cirlos Luis, a prince 
 of Spain; and in case of his renouncing or not accepting, then such person as 
 the imperial odrtes may designate. Hat. Mex., iv. 728, note 46, this series. 
 
60 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAEIO SYSTEM. 
 
 cute the enterprise. The memorial presented by the 
 father was granted January 17, 1821, by the supreme 
 government of the eastern internal provinces, the 
 grant giving him permission to introduce 300 families 
 into Texas. In energy and perseverance Stephen F. 
 Austin was in all respects his father's counterpart. 
 Having received information of the appointment of a 
 special commissioner by Grovernor Martinez to com- 
 municate the result of the application and conduct the 
 families into the country, Stephen repaired to Natch- 
 itoches, where he met the commissioner, Erasmo 
 Seguin. He then proceeded with seventeen compan- 
 ions and Seguin to San Antonio de Bejar, where he 
 arrived August 10th. He was officially received by 
 the governor, who gave him permission to explore 
 tiie country on the Colorado River and select an ad- 
 vantageous position for the settlement. Accordingly 
 he proceeded to La Bahia, and thence commenced his 
 explorations, which were continued as far as practica- 
 ble up the Colorado and Brazos rivers. Being con- 
 vinced of the fertility of this tract of country, he 
 returned to Louisiana, and published in the papers 
 particulars of the scheme. Austin had furnished a 
 plan for the distribution of land to settlers, which the 
 governor had approved. It was to the effect that 
 each head of a family was to receive 640 acres, 320 
 acres in addition for the wife should there be one, 
 100 acres in addition for each child, and 80 acres in 
 addition for each slave. Each single man also would 
 obtain a grant of 640 acres. The conditions imposed 
 on the grantee, as set forth in the official document 
 of January 17, 1821, were: that the colonists intro- 
 duced should be catholics, or agree to become so, 
 before entering the Spanish territory ; that they should 
 be provided with credentials of good character and 
 habits ; should take the necessary oath to be obedient 
 in all things to the government ; to take up arms in 
 its defence against all enemies; to be faithful to the 
 
TERMS OF SETTLEMENT. 61 
 
 king ; and to observe the political constitution of the 
 Spanish monarchy.^ 
 
 As a fund was indispensable for the establishment 
 of the colony, it was advertised that each settler would 
 have to pay twelve and a half cents per acre for his 
 land, Austin taking upon himself the cost of survey- 
 ing, procuring titles, and all other expenses. The 
 money was to be paid in instalments after receipt of 
 title. A portion of it was also designed for purposes 
 of government, defence against hostile Indians, and to 
 furnish supplies for poor immigrants. He moreover 
 considered that he was entitled to provide means of 
 remunerating himself for his labors and expenses, as 
 well as promote the welfare and prosperity of the 
 colony. Indeed, he had cousulted Governor Martinez 
 on the matter, who could see no reason to suppose 
 that the government would interfere with any private 
 arrangement of that nature. 
 
 The project attracted attention, and was viewed 
 with favor by many persons. In December 1821 
 the first colonists arrived, and the new settlement was 
 commenced on the Brazos River at the Bahia cross- 
 ing; but difficulties, hardships, and much suffering 
 were encountered. During the first few years un- 
 yielding perseverance and forbearance had to be put 
 in practice. Supplies of food, seed com, and imple- 
 ments several times failed to reach their destination. 
 The schooner Lively, from New Orleans, liad been 
 lost at sea in November 1821, and the heavy expense 
 which her fitting-out had caused was of no benefit to 
 the settlement. Another cargo, which reached the 
 mouth of the Colorado, the place of rendezvous, was 
 destroyed by the Karankaways in the autumn of 1822, 
 and the settlers were reduced to great distress, liaving 
 to subsist on the produce of the chase, to provide 
 which was difficult and dangerous, owing to the hostil- 
 ity of the Indians.^ 
 
 « White's Gol. Laws, i. 586-7. 
 
 ' During this period the condition of Texas was so deplorable, owing fa* 
 
62 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESABIO SYSTEM. 
 
 In March 1822 Austin repaired to San Antonio 
 to report progress, and there learned for the first 
 time that under the change in political afikirs he 
 would have to obtain from the Mexican congress a 
 confirmation of the grant conceded to his father by the 
 Spanish government, and receive special instructions 
 relative to the distribution of land, and other details 
 connected with the grant. This was a sore disap- 
 pointment.. He would have to travel 1,200 mUes by 
 land on roads infested by banditti and deserters, and 
 he was ill prepared for such a journey. Nevertheless 
 he did not flinch from the undertaking, but disguised 
 in ragged clothes and a blanket, passed himself off as 
 a poor traveller going to Mexico to petition for com- 
 pensation for services in the revolution. He reached 
 the capital in safety on April 29, 1822. A long 
 delay, however, occurred before Austin could obtain 
 attention to his business. Iturbide was proclaimed 
 emperor soon after his arrival ; then followed the dis- 
 solution of congress, and the establishment of a 'junta 
 instituyente ; ' such political changes were not favorable 
 to despatch. Moreover, several petitions to establish 
 colonies had been presented at this time, and though 
 Austin tried to procure a special law in his favor, a 
 committee was appointed to frame a general coloniza- 
 tion law, which when drawn up was slowly discussed 
 in detail. Then when the congress was dissolved a 
 new committee was nominated by the junta itistitu- 
 yente, and the work was begun again. Finally a law 
 was passed, approved by the emperor, and promul- 
 gated January 4, 1823.* The next step Avas to obtain 
 a recognition of his claim ; and fortunately the minis- 
 ter of relations, Jos^ Manuel Herrera, and the sub- 
 minister, Andres Quintana, were favorable to the 
 immigration of foreigners, besides other influential 
 persons, among whom may be mentioned Anastacio 
 
 the inroads of Indians, that all imports, native or foreign, were made free of 
 duty for seven years. Mex. Quia de Hoc., iv. 21-2. 
 
 » It was suspended, however, a few mouths later, on the fall of Iturbide. 
 
AUSTIN m MEXICO. 63 
 
 Bustamante, then captain-general of the internal prov- 
 inces. The claim, moreover, of Austin was a valid 
 oiie, and he was able to place his petition before the 
 council of state in such strong light that on January 
 the 14th that body reported favorably, and on Feb- 
 ruary 18, 1823, an imperial decree was published con- 
 firming the original grant made in favor of Moses 
 Austin by Spanish authorities. 
 
 When Austin was about to leave the capital, Feb- 
 ruary 23d, he was still further detained by the politi- 
 cal convulsion which terminated in the abdication of 
 Iturbide on the 19th of March, and the congressional 
 decree of April 8th annulling all the acts of his gov- 
 ernment. In consequence of this decree Austin was 
 again compelled to petition congress to confirm the 
 concession granted by Iturbide. That body referred 
 his memorial to the supreme executive power, and at 
 the same time — by decree of April 11th — suspended 
 the colonization law of January 4, 1823. On April 
 14th the supreme executive confirmed the imperial 
 decree of February 18, 1823. Thus after a year of 
 anxiety Austin was enabled to return with his grant 
 confirmed by the Mexican governments which had 
 been in power during that time. 
 
 With regard to the government of the new colony, 
 it was committed, in general terms, to Austin, by the 
 decree of February 18, 1823,^ and on his arrival at 
 Monterey he applied to the commandant general, then 
 Felipe de la Garza, for special instructions. The ap- 
 plication was referred to the provincial deputation of 
 Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Texas, which passed a 
 resolution to the effect that Austin's powers under the 
 above-mentioned decree were full and ample as to the 
 
 'The decree translated reads thus: 'He is authorized to organize the colo- 
 nists into a body of national militia, to preserve tranquillity, rendering an ac- 
 count to the governor of Texas, and acting under his orders, and those of the 
 captain-general of the province; also, until the government of the settlement 
 is organized, he is charged with the administration of justice, settling all 
 differences which may arise among the inhabitants, and perserving good order 
 and tranquillity; rendering an account to the government of any remarkable 
 event that may occur. ' W/iite's Col. Laws, i. 593-4. 
 
64 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAEIO SYSTEM. 
 
 administration of justice, and the civil government of 
 the colony ; that he was empowered to command the 
 militia, with the rank, as a militia officer, of lieutenant- 
 colonel ; that he could make war on the Indian tribes 
 which molested the settlement; could introduce sup- 
 plies by the harbor of Galveston for the colony during 
 its infancy — in short, govern the colony, in all civil, 
 judicial, and military matters, without copies of laws, 
 until the government was otherwise organized and 
 copies of the laws provided. He was to render an ac- 
 count of his acts to the governor of Texas, and be 
 subject to him and the commandant general. The 
 local government was thus committed to him with ex- 
 tensive powers, without specific instructions of any 
 kind, or the guidance of written laws.^" 
 
 Austin now proceeded on his way to Texas, and 
 Luciano Garcia, then governor, appointed, July 17th, 
 Baron de Bastrop commissioner to survey lands for 
 the colonists, and extend, in concert with Austin, 
 titles to them in the name of the government. By 
 an official act, Garcia, on the 26th of the same month, 
 gave the name of San Felipe de Austin to the future 
 capital of the new colony. In August the commis- 
 sioner commenced his duties ; the town was laid out, 
 and the land-office opened. When Austin arrived, in 
 company with Bastrop, he found the settlement almost 
 abandoned in consequence of his long detention in 
 Mexico. Many of the settlers had retired to other 
 localities, and with the immigrants who kept arriving 
 had settled around Nacogdoches, and on the Trinity 
 and Ayist Bayou rivers. Immigration, too, had al- 
 most ceased, while those who abandoned Austin's, 
 colony, having no titles to the lands they had occu- 
 pied, were liable to ejection by the government. 
 
 ^"Austin, To the Settlers, in Id., i. 571-2. The particulars in the above 
 account have been obtained from 3'ex. Translation of Laws, etc., 6-19 — the 
 introduction to which was written by Austin, and is a history of the estab- 
 lishment of his colony. Kennedi/'.i Tex., i. S18-27; Yoakum's Hist. Tea;., i. 211- 
 27; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 25; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex., i. 123-6; 
 Gol. Dec. Sob. Gong. Mex., 110-11; ilex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec, ii. 94;. Holley's. 
 Tex., 284^7; J'exas Almanac, 1859, 157-8; Foote's Tej:as, z. 221-3. 
 
LAND GRANTS. 65 
 
 Nevertheless, in spite of this disheartening state of 
 affairs, the news of his return and the success of his 
 undertaking attracted settlers in such numbers that 
 in 1824 the stipulated 300 families had arrived. ^^ 
 Bastrop's labors having been interrupted by his duties 
 as a member of the deputation of Texas, and a second 
 time in consequence of his having been elected a 
 member of the legislature of the state of Coahuila and 
 Texas. ^^ Gasper Flores was specially commissioned 
 to complete the work. By the end of the year the 
 land titles and surveys were all settled and the colony 
 commenced its prosperous career. 
 
 I have already mentioned that the colonization law 
 promulgated January 4, 1823, was suspended on the 
 fall of Iturbide. Austin's grant had been, neverthe- 
 less, confirmed in conformity with that law, and the 
 new settlers, instead of receiving land in the quanti- 
 ties and proportions as advertised by him, had much 
 larger allotments assigned to them. . Heads of fam- 
 ilies each received one square league, or sitio, of graz- 
 ing land, and one labor of tillage land,^^ in all 4,605 
 acres, while an unmarried man was granted one quar- 
 ter of a square league.^* 
 
 Austin saw that to discharge the duties connected 
 with the civil and judicial administrations, and at the 
 same time manage the colonial land business, was be- 
 yond his power. During his absence the settlement 
 had been divided into two alcalde districts by Josd 
 Felix Trespalacios, then governor of Texas. These 
 Austin continued, and likewise formed additional 
 
 ^' A list of the names of the original 300 colonists introduced by Austin is 
 supplied by Baker, who obtained it from the records of the land-oiEce. Bak- 
 ers, Texas, 557-61. 
 
 '^Coahuila and Texas were formed in one state in 1824. 
 
 '^The square league was a tract 5,000 varas square, and contained 4,428 
 acres. The labor was 1,000 varas square, or one twenty-fifth part of a sitio. 
 It contained 177 acres. Five sitios composed one hacienda. Coloniz. Law of 
 1SS3, in Holley's Tee., 197-8. 
 
 " Dewees' Letters, 49. Dewees, however, makes the square league 4,444 
 acres, which is incorrect, the vara being approximately 33J inches. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 
 
66 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAE.IO SYSTEM. 
 
 ones as occasion required, directing that in such cases 
 the justice should be chosen by popular election. To 
 these alcaldes he gave jurisdiction in civil matters to 
 the extent of $200, the suitors having the right of 
 appeal to himself in all sums over twenty-five dollars. 
 He also drew up a civil and judicial code of provis- 
 ional regulations, which was approved by the gov- 
 ernor. In September 1824 he nominated Samuel M. 
 Williams secretary of the local government, which 
 appointment was also approved, and with his assist- 
 tance opened a book of record, in which all land docu- 
 ments and title deeds were registered.^^ 
 
 But it mattered not how deeply he had at heart 
 the welfare of his colonists, or how drudgingly and 
 gratuitously he toiled in their behalf; it mattered not 
 how great was the responsibility under which he lay, 
 or how often he untied his purse-strings to secure to 
 the penniless immigrant his grant of land and supply 
 his wants — there would be growlers. When the time 
 arrived for the payment of the twelve and a half cents 
 per acre, charged upon the lands by agreement for 
 the formation of a fund, partly to be employed in 
 meeting the expenses of government, and partly in 
 reimbursing Austin for outlays made by him, violent 
 opposition was raised. It was loudly asserted that he 
 was selling the lands to the settlers; that he was ex- 
 acting payments which he had no legal right to claim ; 
 that in fact he was speculating upon the immigrants. 
 Austin considered that he had entered into an equi- 
 table contract with them in a public and open manner ; 
 but from the temper displayed, he saw that to attempt 
 to enforce his claims would jeopardize the object he 
 had in view of colonizing the country. Therefore, 
 although many were willing to complj^ with their en- 
 gagements, he not only desisted from his demands, but 
 declined to accept payment from any unless it Avere 
 made by all. The result was, that under the original 
 contracts he never received a dollar, and the papuents 
 
 '^ Tex. Translation of Laws, etc., 21-2. 
 
LAWS NEEDED. 67 
 
 on land titles were regulated by a fee-bill published 
 by the governor of Texas, May 20, 1824, covering 
 commissioners' fees, surveying expenses, and other 
 costs. 
 
 Then, again, the assistance rendered to poor immi- 
 grants by Austin, who procured for them the means 
 of defraying the fees on their lands, and settling 
 thereon, aroused the jealousy of others, who charged 
 him with partiality, and with making unjust distinc- 
 tions. His extensive and discretionary powers, also, 
 with regard to the reception of settlers, the govern- 
 ment of the colony, and the distribution of land ex- 
 posed him continually to abuse. Every act of his 
 was closely watched by severely scrutinizing eyes. 
 The men he had to deal with were a mixed multitude, 
 ignorant of the language and laws of their adopted- 
 country, and many of them turbulent spirits. With 
 no interpreters among them, they had no means of 
 gaining any information as to the orders of the gov- 
 ernment and the laws, except through Austin and his 
 secretary; and though these indefatigable workers, 
 with infinite toil, supplied them with translations in 
 manuscript, the settlers were suspicious, captious, and 
 uncompromising. They made no allowance for his 
 peculiar position, but expected to find in an infant 
 colony the regularity and organized system which only 
 the experience of a long-established community can 
 develop. Austin was greatly embarrassed by the 
 want of a written code of laws, the exhibition of 
 which in support of his official acts was incessantly 
 demanded with clamorous emphasis. Moreover, while 
 his discretionary powers were regarded with aversion 
 on the one hand, and objected to, they were indorsed 
 and appealed to when avarice could be gratified by 
 the exercise of them. Greedy immigrants, not con- 
 tent with their square league of land, demanded more, 
 and when it was refused, conceived themselves treated 
 with injustice by one who could comply with their 
 wishes if he chose. The greatest patience and for- 
 
68 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM. 
 
 bearance were necessary to deal with such, settlers, 
 and prevent the refractory from producmg a state of 
 anarchy which would have ruined the prospects of 
 the colony. Yet with so much prudence and moder- 
 ation, so much of temperate compliance and firm re- 
 fusal, did Austin manage the affairs, that though on 
 more than one occasion dissension was so violent and 
 popular excitement rose so high as to require his ut- 
 most energy to allay them, no blood was ever shed in 
 civil strife, and as time passed on he gained the gen- 
 eral confidence and esteem of the settlers.^* 
 
 The idea prevailed in the United States and Europe 
 that the early colonists of Austin's settlement were 
 composed of fugitives from justice, and criminals from 
 all countries. This erroneous opinion is rebutted by 
 Austin, who, in 1829, says that naturally some fugi- 
 tives would find their way into the country, but meas- 
 ures were taken at an early day, both by the govern- 
 ment and himself, to shield Texas from that evil. 
 During 1823 and 1824 he banished several from the 
 colony, under the severest threats of corporal punish- 
 ment if they returned, and in one instance inflicted it. 
 The fact that he had no force with which to expel 
 these intruders, except the militia composed of the 
 settlers themselves, proves that the men of that class 
 were very few in his colony. His settlement, he 
 maintained, as regarded morality and the commission 
 of crime, could bear favorable comparison with any 
 county in the United States, however celebrated for 
 its exemption from criminal offences. ^'^ 
 
 1"/^., 26-9. Austin to Edwards, 1825, in Foote's Tex., i. 302-4. Foote 
 writes — hi., 300 — ' It is confidently believed that at the period of the death 
 of this extraordinary personage ... there was not a man, women, or chiLl 
 in all Texas . . . who was not inclined to do hearty homage to the extraordinary 
 wisdom and unsurpassed virtues of this efficient and truly phUanthropio 
 champion of free institutions.' Mrs Holley says: 'Amidst all the slanderous 
 iiTiputatious that have been uttered against him, he finds sufficient consola- 
 tion in the general confidence of all the intelligent and worthy part of the 
 settlers.' Te.xas, 294. 
 
 " Tex. Translation of Lmos, etc., 29. Yet FUisola goes so far as to say 
 that he was robbed of all the fruits of his toil and hardships by a second del- 
 uge of adventurers and criminals; 'los que en realidad le arrebatara despues 
 el nuevo alubion que sobrevino de aventureros y criminales con que se 
 
INCOMING FAMILIES. 69 
 
 Austin's colony was an exceptional one. No speci- 
 fied limits had ever been assigned to his grant, and 
 his immigrants, being of a rambling disposition, had 
 scattered themselves over a large extent of country, 
 each settling in the locality which most pleased him. 
 Although this dispersion at first was attended with 
 inconvenience and additional expense in the matters 
 of government and protection, it was permitted in the 
 belief that, if the settlers could sustain themselves 
 against Indian attacks, the expansion, by afibrding 
 facilities to new immigrants, would be of more ulti- 
 mate benefit to the country than a cluster of coter- 
 minous grants. The advantage of this system in time 
 became apparent, when provisions could be procured 
 in all directions, without the necessity of transporta- 
 tion from places far distant. As all the intervening 
 vacant lands were public domain, Austin now turned 
 his attention to settling them, and in 1824 and 1825 
 made several petitions to the state government with 
 that object. The result was, that on May 20, 1825, 
 permission was granted him to settle 500 families on 
 the unoccupied lands lying within his colony, the 
 limits of which were still undefined. ^^ 
 
 After the Mexican provinces had declared them- 
 selves free, and possessed of sovereign rights, and the 
 federal system had been established, a national coloni- 
 
 aumeutd la poblacion, y que se apoderaron de sus tierraa. ' Mem. Hist. Guerra 
 Tej., i. 137. 
 
 ^^Tcx. Translation of Laws, etc., 20-1. Austin signed the contract June 
 4th, from which date it took effect. He had previously applied for a contract 
 to settle 300 families, which being granted, the number was afterward in- 
 creased to 500. See the contract in White's Col. Laws, i. 610-13. The limits 
 of the colony were thus defined March 7, 1827: 'Commencing on the west 
 bank of the river San Jacinto, at the termination of the ten-league reserve ' — 
 art. 4 of the national colonization law, and art. 7 of that of Coahuila and 
 Texas — ' from the gulf of Mexico, and thence following the right bank of said 
 river to its head, thence due north to the road leading from Bexar to Nacog- 
 doches; thence following said road westwardly, to a point from whence a line 
 clue south will strike the La Baca to within ten leagues of the gulf of Mexico, 
 and thence eaatwardly along the said ten-league line, parallel with the coast, 
 to the place of beginning.' lb.; Report of the gov. of Coah., in 'fornel, Tex. y 
 Estad. Unid., 28. 
 
70 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESABIO SYSTEM. 
 
 zation law was enacted August 18, 1824,^ one of the 
 items of which authorized the legislatures of the dif- 
 ferent states to form colonization laws for the occu- 
 pancy of the public domains within their respective 
 territories, on terms that were not at variance with 
 the federal constitution. Accordingly, the newly 
 formed state of Coahuila and Texas,^" having organized 
 its government, the legislature, on March 24, 1825, 
 decreed such a law.^^ It will be observed by referring 
 to this law, and to the one enacted by the junta insti- 
 tutiva, January 4, 1823, that the policy pursued, in 
 order to procure the settlement of unoccupied terri- 
 tory by foreigners, was to confer tracts of the public 
 domains upon persons who should introduce at their 
 own expense a certain number of immigrant families. 
 This plan is known as the ' empresario system.'^ The 
 regulations with regard to this system of colonization 
 were as follow: The empresario first presented a 
 memorial to the state government asking for permis- 
 sion to colonize certain waste lands which were desig- 
 nated, as well as the number of families he proposed 
 to introduce. To afford ample choice to the settlers, 
 the tract designated and usually conceded by the gov- 
 ernment was greatly in excess of the appropriation to 
 be finally made ; but after the establishment of the 
 settlement and the completion of the allotments to the 
 colonists, and the assignment of the ' premium land ' 
 to the empresario, all surplus land reverted to the 
 state. The distribution of the allotments was under 
 the control of a commissioner,^ appointed by the state 
 
 ^"Translations will be found in White's Col. Laws, i. 601-2; Holley's Texas, 
 202-4. 
 
 2° By decree of May. 7, 1824. Hist. Mex., v. 22, this series; Mex. GoU Leyes 
 Ord. y Decret., iii. 46-7. 
 
 '•" Copy in Spanish and English wiQ be foimd in Coah. Leyes y Decretos, 14- 
 23. 
 
 '''' ' Empresario,' meaning ' contractor.' 
 
 ^ The commissioner was an important functionary. His duties were to 
 examine colonists' certificates; to administer the oath of allegiance to them; 
 to issue the land titles; and appoint the surveyor. He selected the sites for 
 the founding of towns; established ferries; and presided at the popular elec- 
 tions for the appointment of ayuutamientos of new towns, and inducted the 
 officers chosen. All public instruments, titles, or documents were to be 
 
LAND REGULATIONS. 71 
 
 government, but he had no power to make an assign- 
 ment without the approval of the contractor. If the 
 contractor failed to introduce the stipulated number 
 of families within the term of six years, he lost his 
 rights and privileges in proportion to the deficiency, 
 and the contract was totally annulled if he had not 
 succeeded in settling 100 famihes. The premium 
 granted to a contractor was five square leagues of 
 grazing land and five labores of tillage land for each 
 hundred families, but he could not acquire premium 
 on more than 800 families.^* 
 
 With regard to the settlers comprehended in a con- 
 tract, each family whose sole occupation was farming 
 received 177 acres — one labor — of agricultural land; 
 and if it engaged in stock-raising also, a grazing tract 
 sufficient to complete a square league was added. 
 Those families whose sole occupation was cattle-raising 
 received each a square league, less 177 acres. An 
 unmarried man received one fourth of the above 
 quantity. The government of the state alone could 
 increase these quantities in proportion to the size of a 
 family and the industry and activity of colonists. 
 Eleven square leagues was the limit of land that could 
 be owned by the same hands as prescribed by the 
 national colonization law. 
 
 For each square league, or sitio as it was denomi- 
 nated, the colonist paid an emption sum of $30 to the 
 state, $2.50 for each labor not irrigable, and $3.50 
 for one that was irrigable; but these payments were 
 not demanded till after the expiration of six years from 
 time of settlement, and then only in three instalments 
 at long intervals. Contractors and the military were 
 
 written in the Spanish language, and he was required to form and furnish a 
 book of record for each new town. Ooah. Leyes y Decretos, 70-3. His fees, by 
 decree of May 15, 1828, were fixed at $15 for each sitio distributed, $2 for 
 each labor not irrigable, and $2.50 for each, irrigable one. Id., 106. By de- 
 cree of Apr. 1, 1830, the surveyor's fees were rated at $8 and |3 respectively, 
 for the survey of a sitio and labor, and $1.50 for that of a town lot. Id., 146. 
 ^ By art. 12 of the national colonization law, no one could own more than 
 
 11 square leagues, while it was possible for a contractor to own over forty. 
 He was, however, required to alienate the excess by sale or otherwise within 
 
 12 years. Id., 17. 
 
72 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAKIO SYSTEM. 
 
 exempt from this quittance. The incoming settler was, 
 moreover, subject to the payment of the commis- 
 sioner's and surveyor's fees, and to the charges for the 
 sheets of stamped paper on which the order for the 
 survey was granted and his title deed issued. With 
 other minor items, the total cost of a sitio was about 
 $180.'^^ 
 
 It cannot be denied that the terms offered to for- 
 eigners as an inducement to settle in Texas were most 
 liberal. There are, however, two points noticeable in 
 this famous colonization law which manifest a lack of 
 wisdom in the framers ; namely, the requirement that 
 the foreign settlers should take oath to observe the 
 religion prescribed by the federal constitution; and 
 the preference given to Mexicans. In the first case, 
 the condition, if scrupulously carried out, would ex- 
 clude all but Roman catholics, and to a great extent 
 defeat the object of the law. No empresario could 
 have introduced any large number of colonists under 
 such a proviso if strictly adhered to, and few would, 
 have been found to make the attempt ' in face of 
 
 ^* More general regulations contained in the colonization law of Coahnila 
 and Texas, upon which I have drawn for the above details, are the following: 
 All foreigners were not only at liberty to settle in the state, but were 
 invited to do so. Settlers were required to profess the catholic faith, and 
 prove their morality and good habits; they could then project the formation 
 of new towns on vacant lands, and pursue any branch of mdustry they thought 
 proper. No settlement could be formed within 20 leagues of the boundary 
 line between Mexico and the United States, or within 10 leagues of the coast 
 of the gulf of Mexico. In the distribution of lands, preference was to be 
 given to the military entitled to them, and to Jlexican citizens not military. 
 Indians were to be received in the markets of colonial towns without paying 
 duty, for traffic in the products of the country, and if they declared them- 
 selves in favor of the religion and institutions of the country, were to be ad- 
 mitted as settlers on the same terms as the colonists. The government wou.ld 
 sell to Mexicans, and to Mexicans only, such lands as they might wish to 
 purchase, to the extent of 11 sitios. Settlers who failed to cultivate their 
 lands within six years lost their right of possession. A colonist might dis- 
 pose of his land by testamentary will, but no such laud could be held iu 
 mortmain. Foreigners who acquired land by this law became naturalized. 
 During the first ten years, counting from its establishment, a new settlement 
 was to be free from all contributions, except in war time, and all produce of 
 agriculture and industry were to be exempt from every kind of duty. Forty 
 families united might proceed to found a town, and one of not less than 2'J.) 
 inhabitants M'as to elect an ayuntamiento provided no other one had been 
 establi.shed witliin 8 leagues of it. With regard to the introduction of slaves, 
 new settlers were to be subject to existing laws eind those which might be 
 later enacted on the matter. 
 
IMMIGRATION. 73 
 
 almost certain loss. The consequence was, that in 
 practice neither the contractors nor the settlers were 
 at all scrupulous about the matter, and in this jjoint 
 the third article of the decree became almost a dead 
 letter.^^ In the second case, the natural result was 
 the promotion of jealousy and ill feeling between the 
 foreign immigrants and the Mexican settlers, when 
 harmonious coalescence ought to have been the object 
 aimed at. 
 
 After the promulgation of the state colonization 
 law, a tide of immigration into Texas set in from the 
 United States, which in a few years converted her 
 wildernesses and wastes into thriving farms and lucra- 
 tive cattle-ranges ; while town after town, busy under 
 the impulse of progress, sprung up in rapid succession. 
 Empresarios flocked into the country, bringing settlers 
 in their wake, and eager immigrants, in no connection 
 with contractors, moved into Texas at their own ex- 
 pense and obtained land grants. On the 15th of 
 April, 1825, Robert Leftwich and Hayden Edwards 
 obtained contracts, the former to introduce 200 fami- 
 lies,^' and the latter 800. The same year Green 
 Dewitt and Martin de Leon obtained contracts, the 
 former to settle 300 families in the district south- 
 west of Austin's colony, and the latter to found with 
 150 families a villa, to be named Victoria, on the 
 Guadalupe.^ 
 
 During succeeding years numerous other contracts 
 were made, and nearly the whole surface of Texas 
 was parcelled out to different empresarios; though 
 none of these fulfilled their contracts, with the excep- 
 tion of Austin, who was the only thoroughly success- 
 
 ''^ The fifth article calls for a certificate from the authorities of the place 
 whence the settler migrated, vouching for his morality and good habits, and 
 for his being a catholic. 
 
 '" Leftwich 's contract was first applied for in 1822, when Austin was in the 
 city of Mexico. 2'ex. T7-aiisl(iiio:i of Lnms, 12, note. After much controversy, 
 it finally fell into the hands of the Nashville Co. of Tennessee, Leftwich hav- 
 ing been their agent. Deiree-'i' Letters, 116. 
 
 2^/6.; Yoakum's Hint. Tex., i. 234; Dewees' Letters, 115-16, 118. 
 
74 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM. 
 
 ful contractor, some of them partially colonized tlieir 
 land grants. I will mention the principal under- 
 takings under the empresario system. 
 
 Benjamin R. Milam contracted, January 12, 1826, 
 to settle 300 families in the district lying north-west 
 of the San Antonio and the Nacogdoches road, be- 
 tween the Guadalupe and Colorado rivers, and bounded 
 on the north-west by a line parallel with the road, and 
 fifteen leagues distant from it. 
 
 James Powers, June 11, 1826, engaged to form a 
 settlement of 200 families in the country south of 
 Leon's grant, and bounded on the south by the 
 Nueces River. 
 
 McMuUen and McGloin contracted, August 17, 
 1826, to settle, with 200 families, the district lying 
 west of the ten-league reserve as exhibited on Stephen 
 Austin's map of Texas, 1835. 
 
 Joseph Vehlein contracted, December 21, 1826, to 
 introduce 300 families into the district which nearly 
 corresponded with the grants of Zavala and Whelin 
 as shown on the same map. Vehlein's grant, how- 
 ever, was limited by the twenty-league border line on 
 the east, and the ten-league coast reserve on the 
 south. 
 
 David G. Burnett, December 22, 1826, engaged to 
 colonize with 300 families the land grant shown under 
 his name on the map. 
 
 John Cameron contracted, May 21, 1827, to settle 
 100 families on a grant of land located north of 32° 
 latitude and west of 102° longitude. On August 18, 
 1828, he also obtained a large grant south of Red 
 River. 
 
 Stephen Austin obtained a grant of land to the 
 west of Dewitt's colony, November 20, 1827, for the 
 settlement of 100 families; and in 1828 he was per- 
 mitted by the federal government to settle the ten- 
 league reserve of coast land lying between his colony 
 and the sea. In February 1831 Austin, in partner- 
 ship with Samuel Williams, obtained a large grant 
 
ATTITUDE OF MEXICO. 
 
 75 
 
 with the engagement to settle thereon 800 Mexican 
 and other families. 
 
 Lorenzo de Zavala acquired his grant March 6, 
 1829, contracting to colonize it with 500 families. 
 
 General Vicente Tilisola contracted, October 12, 
 1831, to colonize with 600 foreign families, the dis- 
 trict designated under his name on the map.^^ 
 
 Austin's Map of 1835. 
 
 Many other contracts were made, some of which 
 were never carried into effect, and the grants reverted 
 
76 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESABIO SYSTEM. 
 
 to the government, while others were merged in new 
 concessions. But though the empresarios were only 
 partially successful in their enterprises, Texas was 
 steadily progressing. Her population increased so 
 rapidly that whereas in 1821 the number of her in- 
 habitants, exclusive of Indians, did not exceed 3,500, 
 in 1830 it amounted to nearly 20,000;^ and the 
 natural resources of the country were already greatly 
 developed. But the time had arrived when Mexico, 
 by her misrule and jealous apprehensions, alienated 
 these thriving settlements of a free-spirited race, and 
 drove them to take up arms in defence of their 
 rights. ^^ 
 
 ^' The above list of empresarios and their grants is obtained from Deioets' 
 Letters, 115-18, and the report of the governor of Coahuila and Texas to the 
 supreme government, in Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 27-38. The first edi- 
 tion of Austin's map was published in 1833. 
 
 ^ Aitstin, Espos. sobre Tejas, 8, in Pap. Var., 167, no. 10; Mej:. Apunt. 
 Hist. Guerrii, 16; Samsey's Other Side, 18; Almonte, Not. Eitad. Tej., 25, 50, 
 07, aad table no. 4. In 1827 the population was estimated at about 10,0^0. 
 La Oposicdon,! En., 1835, 2; Cor. Fed. Mex., 12 Mar., 1827, 3. 
 
 ^' On the subject'of the colonization of Texas and the empresario system, 
 the authorities that have been consulted are: Tornel, Tejas y los EE. UU., 
 £5-i7; Id., Hist. Mix., 147-58; Zavala, Vhi'/e d los Estados Unidos, 149-52; 
 Id., Rev. Mix., ii. 128-9; Mix. Mem. Helac., 1823, 34; Id., Mem. Belac., 
 1831, 20; Id., Col. Leyes, 1829-30, 102; Id., Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec, ii. 94, 
 183; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Querra Tex., i. Ill, 122-6, 136^1, 553-07; Detoees' 
 Letters from Texas, 23-50, 112-19, 134^1; Kennedys Texa.% i. 270-2, 316-41, 
 359-01, 377; Hunt's Address to People of Tex., 22-4; Swisher's Amer. Sketch 
 Book, vol. iv., no. 2, pp. 154-5; no. 4, p. 201; vol. vi., no. 5, pp. 365-75; 
 Ludecus, Reise, 56-8; Austin, Eiposk. sobre Tejas, 8, 13-14; ArriUatja, Recop., 
 1834, 47-50; Dominech, Journal d'un Miss., 23^; Id., Mi^s. Advent., 20; 
 Holley's Texas, 195-231, 281-300, 309-10; Houston's Ttxas, i. 196-201; JIc- 
 Cabe's Comprehensive View, 759-60; La Oposicion, Jan. 1, 1S35; yHts' S. Ain. 
 and Mex., i. 252-6; Id., Re-j., xi. 207, 380; xxiii. 80; xxvii. 112; xxx. 242; 
 xxxi. 3; Guerra entre Mix. y los Est. Un., 16; Guia de Har. Rep. Me:r., iv. 
 21-2; Mexico in 1843, 6-7; Mex. Coah. and Tex. Colonization Laiu ; Papeles 
 Varios, no. cxi., pt 2; no. clxvii., pt 10; North Am. Revieic, xliii. 244-5; 
 Tex., Address Relatinrj to Galv. Bay and Tex. Land Co., pp. 1-37, and ap. 
 1-C8; Id., Translation of Laivs, Orders, etc. (Columbia, 1837), p. 81; Coah. y 
 Tex., Leyes, 15-23, 70^; EMnh. Rerieic, no. 147, p. 257; La Minei-ra, May 8, 
 1S4.3; Ilockinell's Span, and Mex. Law, 648-52; El Con.i(itucional, March 22, 
 1844; Mi'x., Col. Dec. sob. Con'i'r. Mex., 110-11; Tc.r. Aim., 1858, 145-75; 
 1859, 153-00; 1868, 171-7; White's Coll. Laws, i. 559-622; Modem Travel- 
 ler Mex. and Guat., ii. 29-31; Cor. Fed. Mex., March 12, 1S27; Noticioso 
 Grji., Feb. 14, 1821; Mix., Infornie Comision Pesquisidora, 1874, 9; Id., Reyt 
 Mex. Border Coiiim., 244-5; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1813, i. 404^5; Id , Diaito, 
 xxii., June 18, 1821, pp. 3.V6; Funtc's Te.ca.«, i. 221-9; Thrall's Hist. Texas, 
 147-70, 175-6, 479-82, 498; WdUon's Amer. H,.-</ , 031-3; Blnnrhard et 
 Dauza/s, San ,/iian de IJliia, 529-30; Nouv. Annalcs Vmj., oliv. 357; Hoiritt's 
 lii.st. U. S., ii. 343; Rircrn, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 24-5; Varios Impresos, 2, 
 no. vi., 2i)-l; Bnstamante, Ga'uncle Mix., ii. 15-21; Stiare:: >/ Navarro, Hist. 
 Mij., 242-6, 315-19; 395-406; Hutchinson's Rem.., 194-6; Aimxmte, Not. Est. 
 Texas, 14, 20-5; Larenaudiire, Mex. et Guat, 229. 
 
CHAPTEK V. 
 
 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 1800-1839. 
 
 Despotism ik Coahtjila — Internal Government — Kesoueces and Con- 
 dition or THE Province — Character of the People — Coahuila 
 
 DURING THE WaR OF INDEPENDENCE — FORMATION OF THE StATE OF 
 
 Coahuila and Texas — Organization of a Government — The State 
 Constitution — Election Laws — First Constitutional Congress — 
 ViEscA Elected Governor — Poverty of the Treasury — Commercial 
 Intruders — Offers oj the United States to Purchase Texas — '^he 
 Slave Question in Texas — ^The Colonists Angry — Condition of the 
 Mexican Peon — The Emancipation Law — Exception in Favor of 
 Texas — Persecution of Spaniards — Subserviency of the State to 
 the National Government — Administration of Justice — Education 
 AND Religion — Monopoly Privileges Granted to Colonists. 
 
 Previous to the year 1824 Texas had no political 
 connection with Coahuila, each forming a separate 
 province under the supreme rule of the commandant 
 general of the provincias internas de oriente.^ As the 
 internal administration of both these provinces was 
 identical during the Spanish domination, nothing fur- 
 ther need be said with regard to that of Coahuila, in 
 addition to the description given in a former chapter 
 of the government of Texas, except that Coahuila 
 being a far richer and more populous country, the 
 temptations presented to a practically absolute ruler 
 were greater. Thus corruption and injustice were 
 practised, and tryanny and oppression exercised, on a 
 proportionately larger scale in Coahuila than in Texas.^ 
 
 1 Under the Spanish clomination the province of Coahuila wa3 called Pro- 
 vincia de Niieva Estremadnra. PeiM, in Mayer, MS., no. 19, p. 22. 
 
 '■i ' Unfortunate provinces ! ' — saya Arispe in his memorial to the regency, 
 
 '77) 
 
78 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 Tlie commandant general ruled as it suited him ; and 
 while possessing even superior power to the viceroy, 
 there was really no semblance of a check upon his 
 authority, except the presence of his legal adviser, the 
 auditor de guerra, who generally did nothing more 
 than approve and support his opinions. With regard 
 to internal administration, remoteness from the centre 
 of supreme government rendered the supremacy of the 
 local governors almost as absolute as that of the com- 
 mandant general,' and reduced their responsibility to 
 a mere cipher. Consequently, in the administration 
 of so-called justice, every enormity was practised that 
 enmity or covetousness suggested, and venalty and 
 corruptness made easy of perpetration. Liberty, 
 honor, and property were alike assailed.* 
 
 As in the case of Texas, the number of the inhabi- 
 tants of Coahuila can only be approximately obtained. 
 The Tribunal del Consulado assigned to it a population' 
 of 40,000 in 1803, while Humboldt for the same year 
 places the figures as low as 16,900.° Pike, four years 
 later, states that the population was estimated at 
 70,000 souls, 10,000 only of whom were Spaniards; 
 and this number is indorsed both by Arispe and 
 Guerra.^ Again, Navarro y Noriega calculated that 
 the total number of inhabitants of all races in 1810 
 was 42,937.^ With such varying estimates before me, 
 I shall leave the reader to draw his own conclusion 
 on the subject. 
 
 At this time there were in CoahuUa no less than 
 
 Nov. 1, 1811 — 'I wish not to be personal, but I know that every enormity 
 has been committed there. ' p. 26. This memorial was printed at Cadiz in 
 1812, and a translation of it published in Philadelphia in 1814. 
 
 * ' I am therefore not at all astonished at the excesses of many governors, 
 at their arbitrary and despotic rule; I rather wonder that they have not all 
 been uniformly despots and tyrants.' Id., 27. 
 
 * ' I have many times known respectable and useful citizens suffer such 
 scandalous vexations, aiid even die broken-hearted, at finding it impossible to 
 vindicate their honor, and recover their property of which they had been de- 
 frauded with such scandal and injustice. Id., 31. 
 
 '•Soc. Mex. Oeog., ii. 6; EssaiPolU., 155. 
 
 ^ Pikes Exped., ap. iii. 29; Arispe, Mem. Ooah., 9; Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. 
 E-tp., ii. 370, note. 
 
 'Thus divided: Spaniards, 13,285; Indians, 12,437; Castes, 17,215. Soc 
 Mex. Oeoij., 2a 6p., i. 291. 
 
INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 79 
 
 twelve Spanish towns, the most populous and thriv- 
 ing of which were Saltillo, Monclova, Parras, and 
 Santa Rosa.* The first of these only was governed 
 by a cabildo ; Monclova had two alcaldes and a syndic, 
 and Parras a subdelegado, two alcaldes, and a syndic; 
 all other towns were under the jurisdiction of lieuten- 
 ants of the governor, who could appoint or remove 
 them at his pleasure by a simple official letter. This 
 was a grievous and despotic system of government, 
 and it was not likely that impartial justice would be 
 meted out in Coahuila. Arispe, who was deputy to 
 Spain for this province, vehemently pleaded before the 
 c6rtes for redress of these grievances, and suggested 
 the establishment of a superior executive council for 
 the four eastern internal provinces, of a high court of 
 appeal, and of provincial deputations and local cabildos 
 or municipahties.* 
 
 At Monclova, Santa Rosa, San Fernando de Rosas, 
 and Rio Grande were stationed garrison companies of 
 veteran calvary, whose duties were to protect the 
 frontier, furnish detachments for the missions," escort 
 their own supplies of money and clothing from Sal- 
 
 ^ Pike gives the estimated population of Parras as 7,000; that of Monclova 
 3,500; and that of Santa Rosa, 400. Ut sup., 28. According to Guerra, Sal- 
 tillo in 1811 had about 12,000 inhabitants. Hist. Bev. N. Esp., i. 364. Arispe, 
 1811, gives to the town and district of Parras 10,000 inhabitants, and to those 
 of Monclova 6,000. Mem. Coah., 29. 
 
 'On May 23, 1812, the Spanish cdrtes passed a decree ordering the forma- 
 tion of cabildos. In all towns with a population not exceeding 200 there were 
 to be elected by vote of the citizens one alcalde, two regidores, and one pro- 
 curator sjmdic; in towns with not more than 500 inhabitants, one alcalde, 
 four regidores, and one procurator; in those with not more than 1,000 inhabi- 
 tants, but exceeding 500, one alcalde, six regidores, and one procurator; in 
 towns with a population from 1,000 to 4,000, two alcaldes, eight regidores, 
 and two procurators, the number of regidores to be augmented to twelve in 
 those towns which had more than 4,000 inhabitants. The capitals of prov- 
 inces were to have at least twelve regidores; and should they possess more 
 tlian 10,000 inhabitants, their number was to be sixteen. White's Col. Laim, 
 i. 416-18. Rules for the guidance of alcaldes were decreed Oct. 9th of the 
 same year. Id., 419-20. &. 1813 the cdrtes decreed the establishment of an 
 intendencia at Saltillo, and in 1814, of a provincial deputation, representing 
 Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Sautander or Tamaulipas, and Texas, assigning Sal- 
 tillo as the place of residence. Cdrtes Diarw, 1813, xviii. 423; Cdrtes, Act. 
 Ord., 1814, ii. 266. 
 
 " Arispe mentions 5 Indian missions; namely, Vissarron, Duloe Nombre de 
 Jesus, Peyotes, Juaa Bautista, and Nuestra Seflora de la Victoria. Mem. 
 Coah., 10. 
 
80 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 tillo, and conduct the bimonthly mail to Texas from 
 Monclova, which town was the principal military- 
 depot of the province and the governor's place of resi- 
 dence. 
 
 Under a less oppressive government, the province 
 of Coahuila, with its fertile soil, its genial climate, 
 and pure atmosphere, would have been, as an abiding 
 place, all that the heart of man could desire. There 
 the cultivator could produce in profuse abundance 
 corn and wheat and wine, delicious fruits and deli- 
 cate vegetables. There, too, the cotton-tree thrived, 
 and on the rich pasture lands flocks of sheep and 
 herds of cattle and horses multiplied." But the 
 incubus of commercial and agricultural monopoly 
 pressed heavily on the land. The avaricious mer- 
 chants of San Luis, Querc^taro, and other manufactur- 
 ing cities smothered development in the provincias 
 internas. In Coahuila no factories made busy the 
 population of a town; the hum of machinery was 
 not heard; and the industrious women plied the 
 primitive spindle and distaff to supply their household 
 wants, and produce a few marketable commodities.''^ 
 Thus the people had to depend upon the exportation 
 of their flocks and mules,'^ and raw materials; and 
 their wool and cotton, their hides and wheat, were re- 
 turned to them in manufactured form, charged with 
 the expenses of transportation and alcabala duties, and 
 with the profits of the outside manufacturer, the mer- 
 chant, and the retail dealer. Even the agricultural 
 implements of iron were imported, though the manu- 
 al Arispe says — p. 20 — 'The most interesting branch is the breeding of 
 sheep, to which so much attention is paid that, after furnishing many thou- 
 sand head to the markets of Saltillo, Parras, and other places of the prov- 
 inces, vast numbers are exported to Zacatecas, San Miguel, Queretaro, 
 Mexico, and Fuebla. ' Cotton was produced in such quantity that after sup- 
 plying the four provinces, many thousand quintals were exported to furnish 
 the factories at San Luis Potosl, San Miguel, Zelaya, SUao, Leon, and places 
 in Guadalajara. Id., 19. 
 
 '^ With these simple contrivances, shawls and table-cloths were manufac- 
 tured of such durability and fineness that they never sold for less than eight 
 dollars, and frequently as high as forty or fifty dollars. Id., 21-2. 
 
 "Besides keeping up a stock of 3,000 pack-mules, 2,()00 were ammally 
 exported. Id., 20. 
 
RESOURCES OF THE COUNTRY. 81 
 
 facture of that metal and of wood was tolei-ably well 
 advanced in Saltillo" and Parras. 
 
 One of the most productive industries of Coahuila 
 was the cultivation of the vine, which, despite the pro- 
 hibitions against it, was developed to a considerable 
 extent in the district of Parras/° Combined with 
 this agricultural pursuit was the only manufacturing 
 business that can be rightly claimed for the province. 
 Great quantities of excellent brandies and delicious 
 wines were manufactured yearly and exported to Mex- 
 ico and other parts of New Spain. These two indus- 
 tries afforded employment to the whole population of 
 the district, no other occupation being pursued.^® 
 
 The inhabitants of Coahuila were a thoroughly 
 pastoral and agricultural people, and their character 
 was formed from the nature of their occupations. 
 Here were to be found simplicity and insensibility to 
 intrigue, untiring industry and patience under severe 
 labor, the endurance of privations without miurmur, 
 and a deep-rooted love of liberty. Both the social 
 and political morals of this rural population were of a 
 higher standard than those of the inhabitants of the 
 manufacturing and mining districts of New Spain." 
 
 During the war of independence, Coahuila was 
 little disturbed by the battle-din which shook the 
 foundations of the more southern provinces. A blood- 
 less revolution and counter-revolution at first caused 
 
 ^* At Saltillo the manufacture of cotton was also somewhat advanced, and 
 in 1811 above 40 looms for weaving coarse cloths had been erected. The 
 artisans, however, labored under the want of protection, and were compelled 
 to sell at low prices the production of one week's work in order to procure 
 raw cotton for the next. Id. , 22. 
 
 '*The meaning of Psjras is 'grape-vines.' Pike calls it the 'vineyard of 
 Coahuila. ' At the hacienda of San Lorenzo, three miles to the north of the 
 town, he saw 15 large stills, and a greater number of casks than he had ever 
 seen in any brewery of the U.S. Ut sup. ,28. 
 
 "/6.; Arispe states that the number of inhabitants of this district was 
 10,000. Mem. Coah., 18. 
 
 ^''Arispe, ut sup., 16. 'As we diverged from these parts which produced 
 such vast quantities of the precious metals, the inhabitants became more in- 
 dustrious and there were fewer beggars. Thus the morals of the people of 
 Cogquilla (sic) were less corrupt than those of Biscay or New Leon, their 
 neighbors.' Pihe, ut sup., 29. 
 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 6 
 
82 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 temporary agitation. Governor Cordero, deserted by 
 his troops, falls into the hands of the independent 
 leader Jimenez, and Aranda becomes revolutionary 
 governor. His turn soon arrives, and he is seized by 
 the plotter Elizondo. Then follows the capture of 
 Hildalgo and the other leaders at La Noria, who with 
 Aranda are marched off to Chihuahua, where most of 
 them suffer death, a few only being condemned to 
 long imprisonment.^* From this time to the downfall 
 of the monarchical power in New Spain, Coahuila re- 
 mained in quiet possession of the royalists, unmolested 
 except by the predatory incursions of wild Indians. 
 
 But the people thirsted none the less for freedom, 
 and when the news arrived in 1821 of the proclama- 
 tion of the plan of Iguala, an uncontrollable agitation 
 pervaded the province. Arredondo, the command- 
 ant general, then residing in Monterey, the capital of 
 Nuevo Leon, in vain attempted to arrest the tide of 
 popular feeling. Lieutenant Nicolas del Moral was 
 sent against Saltillo in command of a company of the 
 line grenadiers of Vera Cruz, followed by the whole 
 battalion, under the lieutenant Pedro Lemus. Moral, 
 however, on his arrival proclaimed, July 1st, the in- 
 dependence. The authorities did likewise, and Lemus 
 entered the city, after having administered to his 
 troops the oath to support the plan of Iguala. Arre- 
 dondo, thus abandoned, convoked a general assembly 
 of the authorities of Monterey, at which it was unani- 
 mously resolved to adopt the plan. The commandant 
 general submitted with good grace, and independence 
 was proclaimed July 4th. But he could not win 
 thereby the good-will and obedience of his former 
 sorely pressed subjects. The authorities and forces at 
 Saltillo refused to recognize him, and in disgust he 
 surrendered his command to G-aspar Lopez, the first 
 officer of the trigarante army who approached. Ar- 
 
 " Among the latter was Aranda, who was sentenced with four others to 
 imprisonment for ten years. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 190; Hernandez y Davalos 
 Col. Doc, i. 76. Consult Hist. Mex., iv. 240, 272, this series. 
 
POLITICAL DIVISIONS. 83 
 
 redondo then retired to San Luis Potosl, whence he 
 proceeded to Tampico, where he embarked for Ha- 
 bana.^^ 
 
 The political convulsions which presently occurred 
 in the Mexican capital after the establishment of in- 
 dependence were but slightly felt in the provincias 
 internas de oriente, which, under the empire, were 
 governed as previously, by a political and military 
 chief In 1823, however, after the fall of Iturbide, a 
 junta was convened at Monterey, composed of dele- 
 gates repre.senting Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, 
 and Texas. This junta represented to the provisional 
 government that the four provinces wished to be sepa- 
 rated, and were desirous that the federal system should 
 be adopted.^" That form of government having been 
 proclaimed by the constituent congress, Coahuila, 
 Nuevo Leon, and Texas were formed into one state 
 by the acta constitutiva, promulgated January 31, 
 1824. On May 7th, however, a decree was passed 
 which detached Nuevo Leon and raised it to the 
 rank of an independent state, while Coahuila and Texas 
 were provisionally united until the latter should pos- 
 sess the necessary elements to form a state of itself ^^ 
 This political division was confirmed by the federal 
 constitution published October 4, 1824. 
 
 The new state at once proceeded to form its gov- 
 ernment. A constituent congress was elected, and 
 assembled at Saltillo in August 1824. A provisional 
 governor was appointed,^^ and an executive council 
 created to assist him in his administration.^ By de- 
 
 ^'Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 238-9. 
 
 '^ Bustamcmte, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 177; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 160. 
 
 ^' ' Pero tan luego como esta liltima ' — Texas — ' estuviere en aptitud de figu- 
 rar como estodo per si sola, lo participari al congreso general para su resolu- 
 cion.' Mex. Col. Ord. y Dec, iii. 46, where a copy of the decree will be found. 
 
 ^^ Rafael Gonzalez was provisional governor in 1825, and Victor Blanco in 
 1825-1827. White's Col. Laws, i. 612, 615. 
 
 ''^ Composed of a vice-governor and four members. The council was ap- 
 pointed by congress, and the first one created was by decree of Aug. 31, 1825. 
 The members were Jos^ Ignacio de Arispe, vice-governor ad interim, Juan 
 de Goribar, Jos6 Ignacio Sanchez, Jos^ Ignacio Aloocer, and Jos6 Ignaoio de 
 Cardenas. Goah. y Tex, Leyea y Dec, 32. 
 
84 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 cree of August 28, 1824, the functions of the political 
 chiefs* and the deputation of Texas were declared to 
 have ceased, as had already been the case with respect 
 to the authorities of the same class in Coahuila ; and 
 a few months later a political administrator, styled 
 'chief of the department of Texas,' was provision- 
 ally established.^^ In its first decree, August 15, 
 1824, the constituent congress pledged the state of 
 Coahuila and Texas to sustain at all hazards the su- 
 preme federal powers, and declared its form of gov- 
 ernment to be representative, popular, and federal, 
 divided into the three powers, legislative, executive, . 
 and judicial. 
 
 During the next two years a number of decrees 
 were passed regulating the attributes, restrictions, and 
 duties of the executive and officials, establishing elec- 
 tion laws, creating judges of responsibility, and relat- 
 ing to other matters connected with the internal 
 government of the state. ^* It was not until March 
 11, 1827, that the constitution of the state was pub- 
 lished. Every officer and citizen was required to take 
 oath to sustain it — a regulation which, in view of the 
 third article, must have been acquiesced in with grim 
 dissatisfaction by the enlightened Coahuilan. In that 
 
 ^* Jos6 Felix Trespalacios was the last political and itulitaxy governor of 
 Texas under the old system. Almonte, Not. Esiad. Tej., 14. He •o^as suc- 
 ceeded in 1823 by Luciano Garcia, who served provisionally as such. White's 
 Col. Laios, i. 595. Trespalacios, in April 1823, had pronounced in favor of 
 Iturbide. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 161-2. 
 
 ^* Jos^ Antonio Saucedo, succeeding Garcia in 1824, was the first to bear 
 this title. White's Col. Laws, i. 597-9; Coah. Leyes y Dec, 8, 11. The chief 
 of department was authorized to impose fines from one to one hundred dollars 
 on those who did not obey or respect him; he had also power to make arrests, 
 but only on the express terms that within 48 hours he placed the arrested 
 party at the disposal of a competent tribuueil or judge. He was not to allow 
 any person to appropriate lauds, and was to give circumstantial information 
 to the government with respect to those who had already done so. B^jar was 
 to be his place of residence; he commanded the local militia, and was to pre- 
 side over all popular juntas, as well as over the ayuntamiento of B^jar, or any 
 other place in the department where circumstances might require his presence. 
 At the sessions of ayuntamientos, however, he had no vote, except a casting 
 one in case of a tie. Moreover, he was the sole channel of communication 
 between his subordinates and the government. Id. , 11-14. 
 
 ''"On March 27, 1826, a general amnesty w£is proclaimed, by which aJl 
 political prisoners were released from confinement, and those banished were 
 to be assisted by the government to return to their homes. Id., 34^6, 
 
TERRITORIAL DEPARTMENTS. 85 
 
 article it is set down that "the sovereignty of the 
 state resides originally and essentially in the general 
 mass of the individuals that compose it; but they 
 shall not of themselves exercise any other acts of 
 sovereignty than those indicated in this constitution, 
 and in the form which it prescribes." ^^ Such a restric- 
 tion speaks loudly of the timidity with which the 
 framers of the constitution regarded untrammelled 
 freedom of the people. The state was divided into 
 three departments — namely, those of Saltillo, Mon- 
 clova, and Texas — which number was increased later to 
 four, by detaching Parras from Saltillo.'^ The consti- 
 tutional congress to be presently elected was to consist of 
 twelve members, two of whom was to represent Texas. ^^ 
 These representatives were not elected directly by the 
 people, but by the system of primary and secondary 
 elections adopted elsewhere in . the Mexican republic. 
 In a district which sent up only one deputy, eleven 
 electors were popularly chosen, and twenty-one in 
 those which sent up two or more representatives. 
 These electors appointed by a majority of votes the 
 deputies for their respective departments. The num- 
 ber of deputies was to be increased in proportion to 
 the increase of the population of a department. Other 
 provisions of the constitution were to the effect that 
 the profession of any other religion than the Roman 
 catholic was forbidden; freedom of the press was 
 declared, but subject to existing restrictions, and such 
 future ones as should be established by law; and by 
 the thirteenth article all children born of slave parents 
 on the territory of the state were pronounced free, the 
 introduction of slaves six months after the publica- 
 tion of the constitution being strictly prohibited. A 
 
 " Mex. Col. de Oonstitut., i. 196; in wMch volume a copy of the constitu- 
 tion will be found. 
 
 '''Id., 197. The state was finally divided into seven departments: Sal- 
 tillo, Parras, Monclova, and Rosas in Coahuila, and B^jar, Brazos, and 
 Nacogdoches in Texas. Ahrumte, Not. Estad. Tej., 14. 
 
 ^'By the convocation law of March 23, 1827, the districts of Saltillo, 
 Parras, and Monclova were to elect three deputies each, Texas two, and Rio 
 Grande one. SaltiUo was to send up two suppletories, and each of the other 
 districts one. Coah. Leyes y Dec., 47. 
 
86 THE STATE OF COAHXJILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 candidate for the governorship was required to be a 
 native' of the republic, 30 years of age, and to have 
 been domiciliated in the state five years. The gov- 
 ernor's term of office was four years; he was elected 
 by the people, and had the prerogative of appointing 
 the political chiefs of departments, each appointed 
 being chosen from three candidates nominated by the 
 executive council, the number of whose members was 
 reduced from four to three. 
 
 On March 23, 1827, the convocation law for the elec- 
 tion of the first constitutional congress was published, 
 and on July 1st following, the assembly met in session. 
 On the 4th. the number of the votes cast for the elec- 
 tions of governor, vice-governor, and the executive 
 council was made known, with the following results : 
 Jose Maria Viesca was elected governor; Victor 
 Blanco, vice-governor; and Santiago de "VaUe, Dioni- 
 cio Elizondo, and Jos^ Ignacio de Cardenas councH- 
 lors.^" 
 
 The greatest difficulty with which the new legisla- 
 ture had to contend was the question of finance. 
 Texas, if not an actual burden to the state, was little 
 less. Though yearly increasing in population and 
 wealth, she contributed nothing to the revenue, owing 
 to the exemption of the colonists from taxation, and 
 the privilege granted them of introducing supplies of 
 all kinds free of import duties. To such straits was 
 the government reduced that many offices were sus- 
 pended for want of money to pay the salaries.^^ Every 
 resource was resorted to in order to increase the rev- 
 
 ^^ Id. , 63. Jos^ Ignacio Arispe had been acting as provisional governor. 
 Mex. Col. Constitut., i. 195, 273. In Correo Fed. Mex., 21 Jul., 1827, will be 
 found a list of the names of the deputies from the different departments. 
 
 "' Congress, in view of the embarrassments of the state treasury from want 
 of funds by decree of April 17, 1828, suspended the office of councillor until 
 the state should be" able to defray the expense thereof, the governor being 
 directed to act by himself. The vice-governor was only to receive pay when 
 officiating on account of death, sickness, or absence of the governor. The 
 establishment of a treasury was postponed; and the department and dis- 
 trict chiefs, with the exception of the one in Texas, were temporarily suspended 
 in the exercise of their functions, the ayuntamientos being ordered to com- 
 municate directly with the executive through their alcades. Coah. y Tex. 
 Leyea, 101 
 
REVENUE. 87 
 
 enue. The cock-pits were leased at auction to the 
 highest bidder; billiard-tables were taxed at $24 per 
 annum; and a duty of two per centum was charged 
 on the circulation of money, whether the destination 
 of the coin was to a place within or without the terri- 
 tory of the state ; funds were borrowed from the church, 
 and all persons, females excepted, whether they derived 
 their incomes from rents, salaries, or wages, from 
 business or industrial occupations, were taxed to the 
 amount of three days' income per annum. 
 
 What added to the perplexities of the government 
 during this period was the alarming decline of the in- 
 ternal trade of the state. This was chiefly owing to 
 the influx of foreign dealers, who introduced cotton 
 and woollen goods with ruinous efiect upon the native 
 merchants and retailers. The native business was so 
 paralyzed that congress was under the necessity of 
 legislating on the matter, and thereby gave grievous 
 offence to the Anglo-American colonists in Texas. 
 In April and May 1829, decrees were passed prohibit- 
 ing foreign merchants, of whatever nation, from retail- 
 ing goods or importing coarse cotton or woollen stuflfe 
 not manufactured in the republic.^^ The opening of 
 the port of Galveston by decree of October 17, 1825,^^* 
 afforded facilities to these commercial intruders, while 
 the exemption law in favor of the colonists offered 
 temptations to engage in smuggling which were not 
 very stoutly resisted. 
 
 A breach between the Mexicans and the Anglo- 
 American settlers had indeed already been opened. 
 Apart from the fact that the immigrants brought with 
 them the principles of law, liberty, and religion which 
 prevailed in the country of their birth, and which 
 could not be conducive to amalgamation with the 
 
 '2 They were only allowed to sell at wholesale, and for cash. Id., 117, 126- 
 7. Dewees engaged, in 1826-7, in one of these trading enterprises. Letters 
 from Tex., 55-6. 
 
 ^^Guiade Hoc. Rep. Mex., iv. 308; Mex. Mem. Minest., 13, no. iv. The 
 port of Matagorda, as also that of Matamoros in Tan.aulipas on the Rio 
 Grande, had been opened to trade in 1820. Lerdo de Tejada, Cmnerc. Estad.^ 
 21. 
 
88 THE STATE OF OOAHUILA AND TEXAS, 
 
 natives, their great influx and steady success not only- 
 excited jealousy, but began to be watched with appre- 
 hension by both the state and federal governments. 
 The covetous solicitude to gain possession of Texas 
 ■ evinced by the United States aggravated the anxiety 
 of Mexico and the disfavor with which the colonists 
 Wire being regarded. It was hard for the suspicious 
 Mexican not to believe that the Anglo-Americans 
 within his borders did not secretly cherish the hope 
 that the territory would be eventually annexed to the 
 northern republic. The action of the government at 
 Washington certainly tended to foment such aspira- 
 tion. Only a few years had elapsed after the treaty 
 of 1819 with Spain when the United States pretended 
 to foresee future trouble, and began to express dissat- 
 isfaction at the agreement they had entered into. In 
 March 1825 Henry Clay, in a letter to the envoy, 
 Joel R. Poinsett, spoke of difficulties that might arise 
 from the boundary agreed upon. He considered the 
 line of the Sabine nearer to the great western com- 
 mercial capital of the United States than was desirable, 
 and instructed that minister to sound the Mexican 
 government as to its inclination to the adoption of a 
 new boundary, suggesting as such the Brazos, the Rio 
 Colorado, or the Rio Grande.^* In March 1827 Poin- 
 sett was authorized to make a specific proposition on the 
 matter, by which the United States would agree to pay 
 $1,000,000 if Mexico would consent to the Rio Grande 
 being made the boundary ; ^^ if this were unattainable, 
 half that sum was to be offered for the Colorado line. 
 Neither of these proposals was received by the Mexican 
 government, nor would the congress take into consid- 
 eration a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, 
 on the point of being concluded between the two 
 nations, unless it contained an article which renewed 
 the existence of the treaty celebrated by the cabinets 
 
 '* Congress. Debates, 1837, ii. ap. 125-6. 
 
 '^ The boundary proposed was to begin at the mouth of the Rio Grande, 
 pass up that river to the Rio Puerco, thence to the source of the latter, whence 
 it was to run due north to the Arkansas. Id., 127. 
 
MEXICO SUSPICIOUS. 89 
 
 of Madrid and Washington respecting the territorial 
 limits. This resolution rendered it imperative to settle 
 that question first, and on January 12, 1828, a proto- 
 col was signed by Poinsett on the part of the United 
 States, and S. Comacho and J. Y. Esteva on that of 
 Mexico, by which it was agreed that the dividing line 
 between the two countries should be that fixed upon 
 by the treaty of 1819 with Spain. Nevertheless the 
 United States still persisted in their object. In Au- 
 gust 1829 instructions were sent to Poinsett to open 
 negotiations for the purchase of so much of Texas 
 as Mexico could be induced to cede. Four different 
 cessions were suggested, the corresponding boundary 
 lines beginning respectively at the mouths of the Rio 
 Grande, the Baca, the Colorado, and the Brazos. 
 Poinsett was authorized to offer as high as $5,000,000 
 for the first-named line, and for the others, amounts 
 proportionate to the extent of territory that would be 
 ceded. But Poinsett never received these instruc- 
 tions. His officious meddling with the interna,! affairs 
 of the Mexican republic had gained for him the dislike 
 of the government. His recall was demanded and 
 acceded to, and his successor, Anthony Butler of 
 Mississippi, made no progress in his negotiations for 
 the purchase of Texas. 
 
 Another cause of suspicion, and consequent want of 
 confidence between the Mexican authorities and the 
 settlers, was the temporary freedom of the latter from 
 molestation by the Indians. During the first three 
 or four years of the colony's existence the settlers 
 had been grievously troubled by these savages, and 
 had engaged in numerous conflicts with them.^" The 
 signal punishment, however, which they inflicted upon 
 the aggressors won for them the respect and awe of 
 the wild tribes around them ; and while in the Mexican 
 district of Bejar the Indians even carried their depre- 
 dations with impunity into San Antonio, the Anglo- 
 
 ^° For particulars of fights with Indians, see Dewees' Letters, 37-^2, 50-2 
 54^5; and Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 221-6 
 
90 THE STATE OF COAHXnLA AND TEXAS. 
 
 American colony was left in comparative peace. This 
 exemption, gained entirely by the determination and 
 courage of the settlers, was attributed to a sinister 
 understanding with the, Indians. 
 
 While the jealous fears of the state government 
 that its liberal policy had overshot the mark became 
 more and more confirmed, certain legislative acts, 
 which it was expected would be corrective of past 
 mistakes and preventive of foreshadowed trouble, irri- 
 tated the settlers. The slave laws of 1827, and the 
 prohibitory one of 1829, respecting foreign merchants, 
 caused great offence. By decree of September 15, 
 1827, the constituent congress manifested its intention 
 not only to carry out- strictly the thirteenth article of 
 the constitution, but also to acquire the gradual eman- 
 cipation of slaves already introduced. Ayuntamientos 
 were ordered to keep a list of all slaves in their re- 
 spective municipalities, designating age, name, and 
 sex. A register of the deaths of slaves and the births 
 of slave-born children was also to be rigidly kept. 
 Slaves whose owners had no apparent heirs were to 
 become free immediately on the decease of their mas- 
 ters; and on each change of ownership, even in the 
 case of heirs succeeding, one tenth of the number of 
 slaves inherited was to be manumitted, the individuals 
 being determined by lot. By another decree, of No- 
 vember 24th of the same year, it was provided that 
 any slave who wished to change his master could do 
 so, provided the new owner indemnified the former 
 one for the cost of the slave, according to the bill of 
 sale.^' 
 
 Although the colonists kept themselves aloof and 
 were indifferent to Mexican legislation so long as their 
 own immediate interests were not attacked, their anger 
 rose when a direct blow was struck at their prosperity. 
 Without entering into the moral question of right, 
 there can be little doubt that without slave labor the 
 colonization of Texas would have been retarded for 
 
 3' Coak. y Tex. Leyes, 78-9, 91-2. 
 
SLAVERY AND PEONAGE. 91 
 
 many years. The immigrants would have been limited 
 exclusively to the class of laboring farmers who, by 
 the toil of their hands and the sweat of their brows, 
 would have reclaimed some small portions only of 
 the uncultivated wastes. No capitalist would have 
 engaged in a venture which would reduce him and his 
 family to the condition of laborers. However loudly 
 the Mexican people and outside philanthropists may 
 claim enlightenment for the government of that re- 
 public in proclaiming the abolition of slavery at this 
 early date, it must be borne in mind that such legisla- 
 tion in no wise affected the interests of the landed 
 proprietors of Mexico. A labor system had been de- 
 veloped which was far less expensive than that of 
 slavery, but which practically embraced all its attri- 
 butes. The position of the Mexican laborer, or peon, 
 was one of perpetual servitude and subjection to a task- 
 master. He bound himself to his master by a written 
 contract on entering his service, and immediately be- 
 came his debtor for money advanced, sometimes to 
 the amount of a year's wages.^ His employer kept a 
 debit and credit account with him, and rarely did it 
 show a balance in the peon's favor. If he gave offense, 
 committed a fault, or failed in the fulfilment of his 
 duties, confinement, shackles, or the lash could be 
 legally meted out to him ; and should he desert his 
 master's service, he could, be reclaimed through the 
 alcalde, who had the authority to compel him to re- 
 turn, and punish him. In fact, never out of debt, he 
 was ever a bondman, with but little more liberty than 
 a slave. In name only was he not one. As the peon's 
 wages varied from one to three reales a day, providing 
 for himself, and as his working days were reduced by 
 the numerous church holidays observed in Mexico to 
 about two hundred, the average cost of a peon was 
 about $50 a year. Thus the landed proprietors, under 
 
 '' The congress of the state of Coahuila and Texas, by decree of Sept. 30, 
 1828, provided that no advance could be made by the master to the servant 
 to an amount exceeding one year's wages. Id., 108. 
 
92 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 this system, in which no outlay of capital was required, 
 nor loss by death incurred, reaped all the advantages 
 of absolute slavery without one tithe of its expense. 
 
 Under the above-described system, it was not diffi- 
 cult for the Anglo-Americans to evade the law pro- 
 hibiting the further importation of slaves ; and under 
 the appellation of indentured servants, they continued 
 to introduce them into Texas.'*" But in 1829 more 
 decisive pressure was applied, by the promulgation of 
 Guerrero's decree of September 15th, ordering the 
 total abolition of slavery throughout the Mexican 
 republic/" Now, at this time there were very few 
 slaves in Mexico outside of Texas, and these few were 
 treated with great indulgence by their owners, who 
 regarded them as favorite servants and members of 
 their families.*^ Consequently the decree — which in 
 fact was dictated by a spirit of self-protection against 
 the United States by the establishment of a political 
 barrier between the two nations*^ — met with no oppo- 
 sition elsewhere in Mexico. In Texas, however, there 
 were now over 1,000 slaves, whose manumission would 
 have crippled the colony to a ruinous degree. Strong 
 remonstrances were made to the federal government, 
 setting forth the facts that if the slaves were freed 
 they would become a nuisance, and a hinderance to 
 prosperity; that the tranquillity of the department 
 would be endangered, as the colonists would regard 
 the dispossession of their slaves as a violation of the 
 promises and guarantees by which they had been in- 
 duced to settle in the country; and lastly, that the 
 indemnification would be very heavy, and in the ex- 
 hausted condition of the treasury would remain unpaid 
 
 *' The slave law was evaded by introduoing negroes to serve as apprentices 
 for 99 years. N ties' Reg., xxxiv. 334. 
 
 *<'Mex. Col. Leyes, 1829-30, 149-50; Dublan and Lmano, Legis. Mex., ii. 
 163; Arrillaga, Recap., 1829, 213. 
 
 *'Tornel, Breve ReseilaHist., 85, says; ' Nominalmente eran eselavos, por- 
 qvie sus dueflos los consideraban como dom^stioos favoritos, y aua los tratabaa 
 como k hijos.' 
 
 *^ ' En la abolicion de la esclavitud, ' remarks Tornel, the initiator of the 
 decree, ' se envolvia una mira altamente politica, la de establecer una baxrera 
 eutre Mexico y los Eatados-Uniios. ' lb. 
 
DECREES AND LEGISLATION. 93 
 
 for many years. These representations were of such 
 "weight that on December 2d of the same year an ex- 
 ception was made in favor of Texas.^* 
 
 An examination of the decrees issued during the 
 first five years of the state's existence shows that the 
 congressional assemblies endeavored to legislate with 
 honesty and justice, and many wise laws were enacted. 
 
 ' But inexperience, combined with a dim . perception in 
 regard to civil and individual rights, made it difficult 
 properly to organize a state with free institutions out 
 of a despotically ruled province. Thus a curious mix- 
 ture of liberal principles and conservative prejudices is 
 observable. The restrictions on the sovereignty of 
 the people laid down in the 3d article of the constitu- 
 tion, the intolerance of any religion but the Roman 
 catholic, and the excessive power vested in the chief 
 of the department of Texas, were incompatible with 
 free republican institutions. In strong contrast with 
 the liberality manifested in the state colonization law 
 was the persecution to which resident Spaniards were 
 submitted. By a law passed June 23, 1827,. they 
 were excluded from all civil and ecclesiastical offices 
 until Spain should acknowledge the independence of 
 Mexico, and in November of the same year all Span- 
 iards, except those domiciliated in the state thirty 
 years, were banished; travellers of that nationality 
 could not remain more than three days in any town 
 except in case of sickness or other recognized imped- 
 iment; those who remained were required to present 
 themselves monthly to the local authorities, and were 
 forbidden to carry any arms except those customarily 
 worn for personal defence; and a strict surveillance 
 was kept over their conduct.** When in 1829 Mexico 
 was invaded by the Spanish forces under Barradas,*^ 
 
 the state of Coahuila and Texas displayed its patriot- 
 
 *' Mex. Diet. Com. Just., 1. 1; Mies' Reg., xxxviii. 291. 
 
 " Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 62, 94^5, 105-6. 
 
 **For au account of this invasion, see Hist. Mex., v. 72-5, this series. 
 
94 THE STATE OP COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 ism by exacting a heavy forced loan from the resident 
 Spaniards/* while the property still remaining in the 
 state, of those who had left for other countries, was 
 confiscated. 
 
 It must, however, be borne in mind that the states 
 were under a kind of political thraldom to the federal 
 government, whose decrees they were compelled to 
 indorse, and which dictated their rights under the late 
 constitution to a degree that left their individual inde- 
 pendence decidedly equivocal. In the case of Coa- 
 huila and Texas, it is noticeable that, during the 
 repeated changes of administration in the national 
 capital, the state government was ever anxious to 
 keep on good terms with the dominant party and 
 adopt its policy. The consequences were perplexity, 
 contradictions,*^ and an absence of fixed political 
 principles 
 
 In the administration of justice the legislature en- 
 deavored to insure fair trials. In the criminal courts 
 the accused was tried before the presiding judge, 
 in the presence of two assistant judges, one chosen by 
 the defendant and the other by the plaintiff. After 
 all the evidence had been taken, the three judges in 
 consultation decided upon the case. When two or 
 more defendants were on trial on the same charge, 
 each could nominate two assistant judges, and out of 
 the whole number one was elected by a majority of 
 votes. Every citizen when called upon to sit as an 
 assistant judge was obligated to serve, unless some 
 legal impediment exonerated him.** Simple theft of 
 small amounts was punishable by the infliction of 
 
 *' Unmarried Spaniards and widowers without children were called upon 
 for one third of their capitals; those married without children, and widowers 
 with only one child, for one fifth; and those of both cla.sses with more than 
 one child, for one eighth. Id., 135. 
 
 *' When Guerrero was in power, the congress of Coahuila and Texas 
 ordered his bust to be set up in their hall, but when adversity came upon 
 him, they repealed the order. They then named a to^^Ti after Bustamante, 
 and by a later decree struck out his name. Yoakum's ffist. Tex. , i. 270. 
 
 '^ Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 66, 83, 102-3. Deputies of congress, the governor, 
 vice-governor, councillors, the secretaries of state, military men, and ecclesi- 
 astics could not be called upon to act as assistant judges. 
 
EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT. 95 
 
 fines varying from $10 to $30, or by labor on the public 
 works for from one to three months. When the value 
 of the stolen property exceeded $10 but not $100, the 
 punishment was not less than one year's nor more 
 than two years' such labor. For the third offence the 
 criminal was exposed in the most public place with a 
 placard on his head bearing the inscription ' thief '^^ 
 In case of the impeachment of an authority — as, for 
 instance, the governor, a deputy, or a member of the 
 supreme court — congress appointed four of its own 
 number to sit as a grand jury, one of whom had no 
 vote, but acted as secretary. This jury reported its 
 finding to congress, which then discussed the evidence, 
 and declared whether or not tliere was just cause of 
 action. If congress resolved in the affirmative, the 
 case was transmitted to the corresponding tribunal for 
 trial. ^° 
 
 Education in Coahuila and Texas was at an ex- 
 tremely low ebb. Arispe, in his memorial of November 
 1, 1811, to the Spanish c6rtes, says on the subject of 
 public education: "Only in the town of Saltillo. . . is 
 thei'e a scanty fixed appropriation for the maintenance 
 of a common school-master." " On the great estates, 
 and in the populous districts, where many servants are 
 employed, it is common also to have schools; but I 
 have observed the pains taken to prevent the children 
 of servants from learning to write ; for some masters 
 believe that if they arrive at that important point of 
 education, they may be induced to seek some other less 
 servile mode of gaining their living." The congress 
 tried to remedy this evil, and by decree of May 13, 
 1829, an attempt was made to establish in each de- 
 partment a school of mutual instruction on the Lan- 
 casterian system. By this law it was provided that 
 the teacher should instruct the pupils in reading, 
 writing, arithmetic, the dogmas of the catholic religion, 
 
 "/cZ., 66-8. Reoeivera of stolen goods, agents and protectors of thieves, 
 suflferecl the same punishments on conviction as the latter. 
 ^Mex. Col. ConstituL, i. 229; Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 118. 
 
36 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS 
 
 and Ackerman's catechisms of arts and sciences, each 
 teacher's salary being fixed at $800 per annum, pay- 
 able monthly in advance." But legislation in the 
 matter was more easy than fulfilment, and the project 
 could not be carried into effect. In April 1830 
 another law was passed for the establishment of six 
 primary schools on the same plan, but with no better 
 result. The people were indifferent to educational 
 progress. Among the settlements of Austin's colony 
 a few private schools were established, and in 1829 
 the first protestant sunday-school in Texas was opened 
 at San Felipe de Austin by T. J. Pilgrim of the bap- 
 tist church. It soon, however, met with interruption. 
 A difficulty arose between some Mexican litigants, 
 who visited San Felipe, and some of the settlers ; and 
 Austin, aware that the visitors would not fail to notice 
 the violation of the colonization law, deemed it prudent 
 temporarily to close the school. ^^ 
 
 With regard to religion, the Texan colonists at this 
 early date had neither opportunity nor much inclina- 
 tion to practise it. Dewees, writing in November 
 1831, says : " The people of this country seem to have 
 forgotten that there is such a commandment as ' Re- 
 member the sabbath day and keep it holy.' This day 
 is generally spent in visiting, driving stock, and break- 
 ing mustangs." "I have not heard a sermon since I 
 left Kentucky, except at a camp-meeting in Arkan- 
 sas." °^ Having furnished the required certificate of 
 his catholic faith, the Anglo-American eased his 
 conscience by refraining from any practical expression 
 of it. 
 
 Apart from the causes mentioned of dissatisfaction 
 
 " Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 127-30. 
 
 '^Baker's Texas, 74-5. Hutchinson's Heminis., 213. Another sabbath- 
 school was opened the same year at Matagorda. 
 
 "^Letters from Tex., 137. In 1824 the ReT. Henry Stephenson, of the 
 methodist denomination, preached the first protestant sermon west of the 
 Brazos, near San Felipe. There were four families present on the occasion. 
 The first baptist preacher was Joseph Bays, who preached on Peach Creek, 
 west of the Brazos, iu 1826. He presently removed to San Antonio, where 
 he labored till ordered away by flie Mexican authorities. Hutchinson's Hem- 
 inis., 209, 212-13. 
 
WAR BREWING. 97 
 
 between the state and the colonists, the government 
 showe'd itself otherwise favorably disposed toward 
 them. Hitherto they were left unmolested in the 
 management of their internal affairs, and besides its 
 readiness to extend land grants, the state displayed 
 equal willingness to encourage Anglo-American enter- 
 prises of othex kinds. In October 1827 Leon Alemy 
 obtained the exclusive privilege, for a term of six 
 years, to sink artesian wells; and in February 1828 a 
 like privilege, for twenty-three years, was granted to 
 John L. Woodbury and John Cameron to work iron 
 and coal mines in the state, facilities being afforded 
 them for the introduction of the necessary machinery 
 The same year John Davis Bradburn and Stephen 
 Staples obtained a similar right to navigate for fifteen 
 years the E,io Grande with boats propelled by steam 
 or horse power.''* 
 
 But the federal government was not equally con- 
 siderate ; and with its customary interference in the 
 internal affairs of the states, it presently began a sys- 
 tem of encroachments on the liberty and rights of 
 the settlers, thereby establishing a mine of grievances 
 which the colonists exploded by the outburst of a 
 bloody revolt. 
 
 ^* Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 83-4, 98-9, 100-1, 106-7. Bradburn was not a Texan 
 settler. He had joined Mina's expedition, and afterward, joining Guerrero, 
 rose to distinction in the republican ranks. Uist. Mex., iv. 675-6, this series. 
 Thrall's Hist. Tex., 506. 
 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 7 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 1826-1832. 
 
 Hayden Edwards' Grant — His Difficulties and Want of Policy — Mexi- 
 cans VERSUS Colonists — Annulment of Edwards' Contract — John 
 Dunn Hunter — Discontent of the Cherokees — The Fredonian Re- 
 volt — Covenant with Indian Tribes — Delusive Hopes — Red Men's 
 Perfidy — Murder of Hunter and Fields — Failure of the Revolt 
 — Progress and Condition of the Colonies — Mexico's Fears of 
 Losing Texas — Alaman's Propositions — Law of April 6, 1830 — Mili- 
 tary Despotism — Establishment of Custom-houses — Ports of Texas 
 Closed — Demonstrations of the Colonists — ^Bradburn's Outrages — 
 Hostilities at Anahuac — The Turtle Bayou Resolutions — Capture 
 OF Fort Velasoo — Mutiny at Anahuac and Flight of Bradburn — 
 Resolutions of the Ayuntamientos — Nacogdoches Evacuated — 
 Tranquillity Restored in Texas. 
 
 In the latter part of 1826 the first indication ap- 
 peared of the intention on the part of Anglo-American 
 settlers to resist oppression. It has been already men- 
 tioned that, when Austin was in the city of Mexico, 
 one of the causes of the delay which attended his en- 
 deavors to procure a confirmation of the grant conceded 
 to his father, was the numerous applications that were 
 being made at that time for similar contracts. Among 
 the applicants was Hayden Ed^vards, who after much 
 trouble, eventually succeeded in obtaining from the 
 government of the state of Coahuila and Texas a con- 
 tract to settle 800 families on lands surrounding Na- 
 cogdoclies.^ Edwards thereupon proceeded to the 
 
 'The limits of his grant were as follows: beginning at the angle formed 
 by a line twenty leagues from the Sabine, and one ten leagues from the coast 
 of the gulf of Mexico; thence in a northerly direction, passing the post of 
 Nacogdoches, and in the same direction fifteen Jeagues above; tlience westerly 
 
EDWARDS' PLANS. 99 
 
 United States, and spared no pains or expense in en- 
 deavoring to fulfil his contract, at the same time in- 
 ducing his brother. Major Benjamin W. Edwards, to 
 go to Texas and aid him in establishing his colony.^ 
 
 In October 1825 Hayden Edwards returned to 
 Texas and took up his residence at Nacogdoches. He 
 soon discovered that he had difficulties to contend 
 with that had never troubled Austin. Portions of 
 the lands conceded to him were already occupied by 
 Mexican settlers, some of whom had been driven from 
 their homes after the destruction of Long's expedition, 
 and had recently returned. Nacogdoches had again 
 about 100 inhabitants, and certain of the villanous class, 
 formerly of the ' neutral ground,' had taken up lands. 
 These latter, without regarding Edwards with any 
 particular aversion, were wholly averse to subordina- 
 tion ; while the Mexicans, jealous of his authority, and 
 angry at an American being placed over them, showed 
 marked symptoms of unfriendliness. There were, 
 moreover, among them many turbulent and bad char- 
 acters, and not a few fugitives from justice. The re- 
 sult was, that, as Edwards' immigrants arrived, the 
 colony was quickly divided into two hostile factions. 
 Edwards did what he could to preserve order and 
 
 at right angles with the first line to the Navasoto creek; thence down said 
 creek till it strikes the upper road from B6jar to Nacogdoches; thence east- 
 wardly along the said road to the San Jacinto; thence down said river to 
 within ten leagues of the coast; thence eastwardly along a line ten leagues 
 from the coast to the beginning. Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 462, where a trans- 
 lation of the contract will be found. The la^t line is described as being drawn 
 within only ten miles of the coast. This is evidently an error, and should be 
 leagues. The state government had no power to authorize the establishment 
 of settlements on the ten-league coast reserve. The federal congress alone 
 could grant that privilege. 
 
 '' Foote states that Benjamin Edwards paid a long visit to Austin, and had 
 many conversations with him on the subject of the colonization of Texas. 
 According to this author, Austin and Edwards were of one mind, and had in 
 view ' the firm establishment, in this favored country, of the institutions of 
 civil and religious freedom, and the redemption of a region from foreign rule, 
 which rightfully belonged to the people of the United States, and of which 
 they had been notoriously bereaved by fraudful negotiations. ' They, how- 
 ever, agreed that many grievances would have to be borne before the colonies 
 were strong enough to throw off the yoke. Tex. and the Texans, i. 22. It is 
 diflScult to believe that Austin expressed any such ideas with regard to the 
 fraud practised on the U. S^ 
 
100 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 maintain his authority, but several measures adopted 
 by him were far from politic. 
 
 The second article of his contract provided that all 
 possessions found in Nacogdoches and its vicinity, sup- 
 ported by the corresponding titles, should be respected ; 
 and that in case any of the ancient possessors should 
 claim preservation of their rights, it was the empresa- 
 rio's duty to comply therewith. This afforded a wide 
 loophole through which to thrust in claims to the 
 most valuable lands, and old title deeds were diligently 
 searched for or manufactured.' In order to ascertain 
 the extent of these claims, Edwards, in November 
 1825, called upon all persons holding such land titles 
 to produce them, in order that their legality might be 
 decided upon according to law. In this there was no 
 harm; but he gave further notice that the lands of 
 those who failed to present their titles would be sold, • 
 and that claimants whose titles were just would have 
 to pay for any improvements that had been made on 
 the lands by the present occupiers. This caused in- 
 dignation to the Mexicans, and gave great offence to 
 the authorities, who could but regard his notification 
 in respect to the sale of lands as an assumption of 
 power that had never been given him. 
 
 By the sixth article of the contract Edwards was 
 authorized to raise the national militia within his 
 colony, and was appointed its chief until further dis- 
 position should be made. Accordingly he gave notice 
 for the election of militia officers to take place on 
 December 1 5th of the same year. At the same time 
 he proposed that the people should elect an alcalde. 
 With the election of this magistrate the more serious 
 troubles began. Each party had its candidate for the 
 office; Chaplin, Edwards' son-in-law, being put for- 
 ward by the American colonists, and Samuel Norris, 
 devoted to Mexican interests, by their opponents. 
 The election decided in favor of the former, who took 
 
 ' A Mexican named Antonio Sepillveda was engaged in this nefarious busi- 
 ness. Y oakums Hist. Tex. , i. -3S. 
 
TYRAJSTNICAL GOVERNMENT. 101 
 
 possession of the archives and entered upon the duties 
 of the office. But Sepiilveda, the outgoing alcalde, 
 and his party disputed many of the votes as having 
 been cast by settlers residing outside the limits of 
 Edwards' grant, though under the alcalde's jurisdic- 
 tion. Accordingly, they represented the matter to 
 Saucedo, the political chief at San Antonio. Already 
 offended with Edwards by reason of a report sent in 
 by the latter giving an account of his official acts, and 
 which was not deemed sufficiently respectful, Saucedo 
 decided in favor of Norris, and instructed Septdveda 
 to install him by force of arms if any opposition was 
 offered. No resistance was made, however; on the 
 exhibition of Norris' commission Chaplin surrendered 
 up the archives of the office to him. 
 
 And now commenced a system of petty tryanny 
 and invidious distinctions, which exasperated the col- 
 onists. Americans, who had wrought improvements 
 on their lands, were ousted from them to give place to 
 Mexicans, the favorites of Sepiilvada and the alcalde. 
 A band of regulators was formed, under the command 
 of James Gaines, the brother-in-law of Norris; and 
 backed by these ruffians and the official support of 
 Saucedo, the Mexican party domineered as they liked. 
 Moreover, accusations against Edwards were made to 
 the political chief, who did not conceal his hostility to 
 the empresario.* 
 
 Early in the summer of 1826, Hay den Edwards 
 again returned to the United States, leaving to his 
 brother the management of the colony during his 
 absence. Benjamin Edwards, in his anxiety to over- 
 come existing difficulties and avoid future trouble, 
 sought the advice of Austin, who recommended him 
 
 *Iii hia letter to Edwards dated May 1, 1826, he writes: 'Hitherto, the 
 accnaation against you, which has arrested the attention of the supreme gov- 
 ernment of the union, is the ordinance which you yourself published in Oct. 
 of the past year, proclaiming yourself the military chief of that part of the 
 state, and demanding of the old inhabitants the titles of the lauds which 
 they possess; for which acts the corresponding charges shall be made when 
 the government shall so order. ' Now Edwards had only acted in the matter 
 of the militia in accordance with the provisions of his contract. Id., 241. 
 
102 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 to send to Blanco, the provisional governor of the 
 state, a detailed account of the conduct of both par- 
 ties.^ This was accordingly done ; on September 5th 
 'Benjamin Edwards despatched his letter, in which, 
 after entering into full particulars, he alluded to the 
 charges that had been preferred against his brother, 
 and requested the governor to abstain from taking 
 action until the empresario had an opportunity of 
 defending himself Before the receipt of a reply to 
 this communication, Hayden Edwards returned, and 
 was soon made aware of the reception it had met 
 with, by the rumor which was spread that his contract 
 was going to be annulled. At this the Mexican pop- 
 ulation was jubilant. It was confidently anticipated 
 that, as a consequence, titles to land acquired through 
 him would be revoked, and claims were at once set up 
 to all the most valuable places occupied and improved 
 by Edwards' colonists. The shamelessness of Norris 
 — who was, however, controlled by Gaines — was such 
 that these abominable claims were sanctioned by him. 
 A reign of terror followed. American settlers were 
 dispossessed of their homes ; were arrested at midnight 
 and dragged before the alcalde, to be punished for acts 
 they had never committed; they were fined and im- 
 prisoned; and every contumely and vexation that 
 envy and malice could suggest were heaped upon 
 them. The tyranny exercised was so glaringly out- 
 rageous and intolerable that most of Norris' Ameri- 
 can supporters abandoned him. 
 
 At last the governor's reply to Benjamin Edwards' 
 letter arrived, confirming the prevailing rumor. It 
 was dated Saltillo, October 2, 1826. Blanco, after 
 stating that the communication addressed to him was 
 wanting in respect, continues as follows: "In view of 
 such proceedings, by which Hayden Edwards' conduct 
 is well attested, I have decreed the annulment of his 
 
 ' ' Give him a full statement of facts, and a very minute history of the 
 acts of your principal enemies and their opponents, and their manner of doing 
 business in every particular, both in regard to your brother as well as all 
 others.' Foote'a Tex., i. 269. 
 
CHEROKEE IMMIGRANTS. 103 
 
 contract and his expulsion from the territory of the 
 republic. He has lost the confidence of the govern- 
 ment, I doubt his fidelity, and it is imprudent to admit 
 men who begin by dictating laws as sovereigns." He 
 concludes by informing the two brothers that if these 
 measures were unwelcome or prejudicial to them, they 
 could apply to the supreme government, but not until 
 they had both first evacuated the country, and that 
 he had issued orders to the authorities of the depart- 
 ment relative to their expulsion.^ It was an arbitrary 
 and unjust proceeding thus summarily to inflict a 
 heavy pecuniary loss' on the empresario, and banish 
 him without affording him a chance to defend his line 
 of conduct. And in this light it was viewed by his 
 colonists, and they were determined to remain passive 
 no longer. 
 
 While Hayden Edwards was in the city of Mexico 
 applying for his contract, certain chiefs of a tribe of 
 the Gherokees, which had lately immigrated into Texas, 
 were petitioning at the same time for a grant of land 
 whereon to settle. Among these chiefs was one 
 Fields, a half-breed, who possessed great influence with 
 the Indians. Without receiving any formal assign- 
 ment of territory. Fields, confiding in promises made to 
 him, and a conditional agreement in 1822 with Felix 
 Trespalacios,* then governor of the province, on his 
 return to Texas established a village about fifty miles 
 north of Nacogdoches. Several years passed, how- 
 ever, and still no legal titles' to the lands the Indians 
 had settled upon was given to them. About the year 
 1825 John Dunn Hunter,^ a devoted champion of the 
 
 'Yoakum supplies a copy of all this portion of Blanco's letter. Hist. Tex., 
 i. 243. 
 
 ' Edwards had expended $50,000 in his efforts to establish his colony. Id., 
 244. 
 
 8 This agreement was confirmed by Iturbide, April 27, 1823. Id., 216. 
 
 'This remarkable man was brought up by Indians from his earliest child- 
 hood till he was nineteen or twenty years of age. In 1823 he published a 
 narrative of his captivity, under the title: Manners and Customs of Several 
 Indian Tribes Located West of the Misaimppi, Philadelphia, 1823, 8vo, pp. 
 402; and in the same year a reprint the work in London, entitled: Memoirs of 
 
104 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 rights of Indians, and an earnest laborer for the pro- 
 motion of their welfare and civilization, appeared in 
 the Cherokee village. He soon perceived the flimsy 
 tenure by which the Indians held their lands, and did 
 not doubt that the Mexican government would dis- 
 pense with its promises and provisional agreements ^° 
 whenever it might be deemed convenient to do so. 
 Hunter, therefore, with the consent of the chiefs, 
 undertook a journey to the city of Mexico, for the 
 purpose of representing their case to the supreme gov- 
 ernment, and procuring for them their long-promised 
 title. He arrived at the Mexican capital in March 
 1826, but his endeavors met with no better result 
 than those of preceding representatives of the tribe, 
 and vague promises, as heretofore, were all that could 
 
 a Captivity among the Indians of North America, from CMldlumd to tlie Age of 
 Nineteen, 8vo, pp. ix., 447. In 1824 a third ecUtion was issued with addi- 
 tions, 8vo, pp. xi., 468, London, 1824. Hunter states that he had no recol- 
 lection of his parents, who, he believed, were killed at the time of his capture, 
 but when or where that occurred he could not tell. His skill in hunting when 
 yet a boy gained for him the name of ' hunter ' among the Indians, which 
 he afterward- adopted as a patronymic. He assumed his other names out of 
 respect to John Dunn of Missouri, who treated him with fraternal kindness 
 after his association with white people. Having formed acquaintance with 
 fur-traders, he abandoned his Indian life in 1816, and engaged in trading. 
 During the intervals between the trading seasons, he attended for some years 
 a school near Pearl River, Mississippi, and applied himself assiduously to the 
 study of the English language, writing, and arithmetic, in which he made 
 great proficiency. In 1821 he crossed the Alleghanies, went to New York, 
 and, as he says, began a new existence. He afterward visited England and 
 Europe. During 1823—4 he was lionized by the fashionable world in London, 
 and excited the deepest interest of philosophers and philanthropists, literati 
 and noblemen, not only on account of his romantic life, but also of his project 
 of civilizing the Indiana. This could only be effected, he maintained, by the 
 introduction of civilized habits by a slow and invisible progress, and his plan 
 was to form a settlement in which Indian manners and customs would at first 
 be adopted, but gradually eliminated with time. In the summer of 1824 he 
 left London and went to live with the Cherokees in Texas, over whom he 
 immediately acquired a leading influence. Hunter was denounced by the 
 periodicals of the U. S. as an adventurer who imposed on the credulity of 
 the British public, and the North American Review, 1826, xxii. 101-7, in un- 
 qualified language proclaims him a bold but ignorant imposter. There are 
 many writers, however, who do not regard him in this light, but consider 
 that he brought down upon himself the enmity of many persons in the U. S. 
 on account of his outspoken vindication of the rights of the Indians. Consult 
 Quart. Rev., xxxi. 76-111; Blackwood's Mag., xvi., 639, x™. 56; Literary 
 Oaz., 1823, p. 242, etc.; Ward's Mex., ii. 5S7-S; Foote's Tex., i. 239-47. 
 
 '" The agreement of April 1823 was made with the understanding that the 
 Indians should retire farther into the interior, and that no additionS families 
 should immigrate till the general colonization law was published. Yoakum's 
 Hist. Tex., i. 216. 
 
THREATENED INDIAN OUTBREAK. 105 
 
 be obtained from the cautious government. When 
 Hunter on liis return reported his want of success, his 
 people were terribly exasperated against the Mexicans, 
 who, they considered, were intending to defraud them 
 of lands which they now regarded as their rightful 
 possessions. Driven from their vast hunting-grounds 
 in the United States by the advance of the Anglo- 
 Americans, their past experience had made the Cher- 
 okees watchful and suspicious, and they regarded the 
 white race with no friendly feelings. Without making 
 distinction, therefore, between the colonists and the 
 Mexicans, they meditated avenging themselves by 
 waging an indiscriminate war against the settlements. 
 With this object they associated themselves with other 
 neighboring tribes, which were not unwilling to make 
 reprisals for the punishment they had frequently re- 
 ceived at the hands of the Anglo-Americans.^^ They 
 were, however, diverted from their purpose by the 
 influence of Hunter, who persuaded them to postpone 
 active operations for a time, while he informed him- 
 self of the position of afiairs at Nacogdoches. 
 
 Meanwhile the action of Edwards' colonists had 
 assumed all the features of revolt. Exasperated 
 beyond endurance by the tyrannical acts of Norris 
 and Gaines, they had lately deposed the former, and 
 installed another alcalde in his place. Apprehending 
 that the political chief would send a force to restore 
 the former order of things as soon as he heard of this 
 proceeding, Hayden Edwards and his brother busily 
 occupied themselves in visiting the settlements in order 
 to rouse to action the spirit of independence. At this 
 juncture Hunter paid them a visit, and representing 
 to them the hostile intentions of the Indians with 
 much earnestness, laid before them a proposal that 
 the colonists and Cherokees should enter into a league 
 and alliance for mutual protection. The plan was 
 
 " Benjamin Edwards states in his address to the settlers of Austin's colony, 
 Jan. 16, 1827, that no less than 23 different tribes had allied themselves with 
 the Comanche nation. Footers Tex., i. 262. Ward says that the numerous 
 Indian tribes mustered nearly 20,000 warriors. Ut sup. 
 
106 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 approved by 'the brothers, and Hunter returned to 
 his village to communicate the matter to the Indian 
 chiefs, who were easily induced to follow the advice 
 of their zealous friend. 
 
 A report that the enemy was approaching Nacog- 
 doches caused Benjamin Edwards to hasten thither 
 with all speed. Putting himself at the head of only 
 fifteen men, he prepared a suitable flag — inscribed 
 with the names of the individuals who composed his 
 little band, and with a solemn pledge to stand by each 
 other in the cause of independence — ^and on December 
 16th entered Nacogdoches, where he proclaimed free- 
 dom and independence. He then proceeded to fortify 
 himself in a large stone building in the centre of the 
 town; the settlers flocked to his standard, and his 
 force in a few days amounted to about 200 men. A 
 republic under the name of Fredonia was proclaimed, 
 and a temporary government organized. A committee 
 of independence was inaugurated, justices of the peace 
 were chosen for the different settlements, and Martin 
 Parmer was appointed to the chief command of the 
 military. 
 
 On December 20th Hunter, Fields, and other chiefs 
 of the associated tribes repaired to Nacogdoches, where 
 on the following day a solemn league and confedera- 
 tion was agreed upon and signed by the representatives 
 of the colonists and Indians respectively.^^ By this 
 covenant it was agreed to divide the territory of Texas 
 between the Indians and Anglo-Americans, and wage 
 war against Mexico until their independence was con- 
 summated. The portion assigned to the red men Avas 
 all the territory lying between the United States and 
 
 ''^ A copy of this treaty in Spanish will be found in Cor. Fed. Mex., 18 Feb., 
 1827, p. 3-4. It was made by Benjamin W. Edwards and Harmon B. ilayo 
 on the part of the Fredonians, and Richard Fields and John D. Hunter on 
 the part of the Indians. It was ratified the same day by the committee of 
 Independence and the committee of Red People. The signatures are as fol- 
 low: on the part of the Indians, Richard Fields, John D. Hunter, Nekolake 
 John Bags, and Cuktokeh; on the part of the colonists, Martin Parmer, 
 president, Hayden Edwards, W. B. Legon, John Sprow, B. P. Thompson, 
 Jos. A. Huber, B. W. Edwards, and H. B. Mayo. Foote also supplies a copy 
 of this treaty, vol. i. 253-6. 
 
AUSTIN OPPOSES EDWARDS' PLANS. 107 
 
 a line drawn due west from Sandy Spring near Nacog- 
 doches to the Rio Grande, thence up that river to its 
 source ; all the territory south of this line was to be- 
 long to the Americans. 
 
 The Fredonians had based their project upon the 
 expectation that not only would all the settlers and 
 Indians in Texas support the movement, but also that 
 volunteers from the United States would join the 
 cause. Messengers were accordingly sent with procla- 
 mations to Natchitoches and Austin's colony, appealing 
 for aid in the cause of freedom. But the hopes of the 
 insurgents were soon rudely crushed. Austin, cautious 
 and politic, was not long in deciding that the Anglo- 
 Americans in Texas were quite incapable of success- 
 fully prosecuting a war with Mexico. Any such 
 attempt would inevitably end in the ruin of his colony, 
 and the frustration of his cherished plans to people a 
 lovely land on a firm basis of welfare and happiness. 
 Moreover, he condemned the policy of the Fredonians 
 in associating themselves with barbarous and blood- 
 thirsty Indians, at whose hands his settlers had suffered 
 the only outrages they had as yet experienced. As a 
 counter-effect to Benjamin Edwards' address,^^ he issued 
 a proclamation January 22, 1827, denouncing in strong 
 terms the insurrection. The Fredonians, whom he 
 calls the " Nacogdoches madmen," were, he said, incit- 
 ing the Indians to murder and plunder, and openly 
 threatening the colonists with massacre. He repudi- 
 ated them, pronouncing them base and degraded 
 apostates from the name of Americans, to which they 
 had forfeited all title by their unnatural alliance with 
 Indians ; and concluded by calling the people of the 
 colony to arms en masse, at the same time announcing 
 that 100 men already called out would march against 
 Nacogdoches on the 26th." 
 
 Equally unfavorable was the reception of their ap- 
 peals to the United States for aid. Huber, who had 
 
 "Dated Nacogdoches, Jan. 16, 1827. Copy will be found in Id., i. 260-3. 
 1* Copy Austin's proclamation in Id., i. 266-8. 
 
108 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 been intrusted with that mission, on his arrival at 
 Natchitoches represented, through the medium of the 
 press, the Fredonian enterprise not only as a hopeless 
 one, but also disreputable, and the succor that was 
 confidently expected from that source was withheld. 
 But the death-blow to this wild scheme was the deser- 
 tion of the Indians. Many of the tribes would not 
 join the alliance with a people against whom they were 
 embittered. Mexican emissaries, too, were sent among 
 tliem, who, by promises and threats, allured or alarmed 
 them. When the time for action came they turned 
 against their white allies. 
 
 The rumor of the enemy's approach, which had spread 
 at the latter part of December, was occasioned by the 
 arrival of Colonel Ellis Bean ^° in the vicinity of Na- 
 cogdoches with thirty-five men. Finding the place 
 too strongly defended, Bean retired, and the Fredo- 
 nians, seeing no cause for immediate alarm, dispersed 
 to their homes, leaving Parmer with a few men on 
 guard. Saucedo had, however, set out from San 
 Antonio with about 200 men, under the command of 
 Colonel Mateo Ahumada, and reached San Felipe de 
 Austin by the 1st of January. On the 4th he issued 
 a conciliatory proclamation, offering peace and secure 
 possession of their lands to the subordinates, but his 
 offers were received with contempt.^® On that same 
 day Norris, with about eighty men, some dozen of 
 whom were Americans, entered Nacogdoches with the 
 avowed intention o£ hanging the Fredonians. Of the 
 latter there were only eleven, with eight Cherokees, 
 under Hunter, but they boldly charged the invaders, 
 and quickly put them to flight, with the loss of one 
 killed and ten or twelve severely wounded. The Fre- 
 donians had only one man slightly hurt. It was an 
 
 '' Bean had been made colonel for his services in the war of independence, 
 and also obtained a grant of land in Texas. He was one of the settlers on 
 Edwards' colony. He had lately returned from the Mexican capital, whither 
 he had gone in 1825. Mem. of Cap. W. Shaw, MS. ; Yoakum's Hist. Tex. i. 
 236. 
 
 '°/d., 249; Austin's address, in Foots, ut sup., 260. 
 
WAR INEVITABLE. 109 
 
 insignificant affair, but tlie first blood in strife between 
 the Mexicans and Anglo-American settlers had been 
 shed. 
 
 Active measures were now adopted by Saucedo. 
 The Indians were entirely gained over, and breaking 
 their covenant, joined the Mexicans. Ahumada now 
 marched against Nacogdoches with 200 infantry, 100 
 dragoons, and Austin's reenforcement of colonial mili- 
 tia." A small number of Fredonians had assembled 
 in the town, but their cause was irretrievably lost. 
 Hordes of recreant allies were within a few leagues 
 of them, ready to raise the war-cry and swoop 
 down upon them. Hunter and Fields, who remained 
 stanchly faithful, endeavored in vain to hold their 
 people to their pledge, and were ruthlessly murdered 
 for their fidelity.^* No aid from outside arrived ; the 
 settlers, completely intimidated by the presence of 
 the Mexican forces and the unexpected action of Aus- 
 tin's colonists, submitted without striking a blow, on 
 the promise of pardon for past offences ; and a band of 
 twenty Fredonian regulars was captured. Under 
 these circumstances, the party at Nacogdoches evacu- 
 ated the town in despair on the approach of Ahumada, 
 January 27th, and sought safety in the territory of 
 the United States, which they entered on the Slst.'" 
 Ahumada, yielding to the solicitations of Austin, re- 
 leased his prisoners. This unusual clemency on the 
 part of a victorious Mexican commander elicited from 
 Benjamin Edwards a warm expression of his thanks.^" 
 
 " Tornel, Resefla Hist. Mex., 158; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 85. 
 
 18 Fields was first murdered, and shortly afterward Hunter. The latter, 
 while watering his horse at a creek near the Anadagua village, was shot by an 
 Indian. He was going, with two or three companions only— one of whom 
 killed him— to join the Fredonians at Nacogdoches, having failed to induce 
 the Indians to keep their promises. Fields was an intelligent man, and had 
 joined the York lodge of freemasons while in Mexico. Foote, i. 280; Yoakum, 
 i. 250; Cor. Fed. Mex., 31 Mar., 1827, p. 3. _ 
 
 "Hayden Edwards returned after the Texan revolution, and at one time 
 represented his district in the congress. His brother, in 1836, was engaged 
 in raising a company in Mississippi in aid of Texas, but discontinued his 
 efforts on receipt of the news of the battle of San Jacinto. In 1837 he was 
 candidate for governor of Mississippi, but died during the canvass. Thrall s 
 Hist. Tex., 531-2. , ^ ^^ , . . , 
 
 2» ' Your kind, your friendly, and generous deportment towards my friends 
 
110 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 Thus terminated an insurrection which, as far as active 
 operations were concerned, was a trivial affair, but in 
 its significance was weighty and ominous. 
 
 During the three following years the progress and 
 prospects of Austin's colonies were all that could be 
 desired. His conduct in the late abortive rebellion 
 had gained for him the pronounced confidence and 
 commendation of the supreme government, ^^ and he 
 was able to proceed rapidly with the settlement of the 
 new grants he obtained in 1827 and 1828. Other 
 colonies also showed progress. After the annulment 
 of Edwards' contract the territory included in his grant 
 was divided between David G. Burnett and Joseph 
 Vehlein,^^ and immigrants continued to flow into that 
 portion of Texas. Dewitt, although his first settlers 
 were temporarily driven off by Indians, had laid out 
 the town of Gonzalez ^^ in 182,5, and during 1827 and 
 1828 he succeeded in introducing a considerable num- 
 ber of colonists. In De Leon's grant, the town of 
 Victoria was founded, and La Bahia del Espiritu 
 Santo had developed into a town of such appreciable 
 dimensions, that by the decree of February 4, 1829, 
 it was raised to the rank of a villa, and the high- 
 sounding title of Goliad, or Goliath, given to it.^* On 
 the Brazos a flourishing settlement called Brazoria had 
 also sprung up. 
 
 and fellow-soldiers while prisoners of yours, entitles you and the officers 
 under your command to the expression of my thanks, and has insured to you 
 and them a distinction in our hearts that will ever separate you from the rest 
 of your countrymen who have oppressed us. As a foe to your country, I view 
 you still as a national enemy; but as a man and a philanthropist, you have 
 powerful claims upon my heart.' Edwards to Ahumada, March 25, 1827; 
 Foote, i. 287. ^ 
 
 "' Anastaoio Bustamante, commandant general of the federal forces in the 
 eastern internal states, in hij report to the war office, March 6th, says: 'No 
 pudiendo menos que haoer una particular recommendaoion del gran m^rito 
 que han contraido en esta Tlltima Jornada. , .loa estimables cuidadanos Felipe 
 Austin y Juan A. Williams.' Cor. Fed. Mex., 31 iMar., 1827, p. 3. 
 
 22 Called Whelin on Austin's map. Burnet, Vehlein, and Zavala after- 
 ward sold out to a New York company called 'The G-alveston Bay Co.' 
 Almonte, Not. Estad. Tej., 68. 
 
 2" Named after Rafael Gonzalez, the governor pro tem. of the state. 
 
 2* Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 112. In 1827 the names of several towns in Coa- 
 huila were changed. San Fernando received the name of San Fernando de 
 
MANIFEST DESTINY OF TEXAS. m 
 
 Nevertheless, the attempt of the Fredonians had 
 opened the eyes of the national government to the 
 possibility that the infant giant it had adopted might 
 not prove a very docile member of the Mexican fam- 
 ily, and it began to consider that, in lieu of gentle 
 treatment, a repressive system of education, backed 
 by coercion, would be necessary erelong. The cramp 
 was not immediately applied, it is true. Under 
 the liberal and non-aggressive policy of Guerrero 
 the colonists were left pretty much to themselves, 
 and redress was even vouchsafed to them in the 
 important matter of the abolition of slavery. But 
 when he was overthrown, in December 1829, and 
 Bustamante seized the helm, the recumbent tiger rose 
 and showed his teeth. 
 
 It cannot be urged that there did not exist very 
 forcible reasons for apprehending that Texas would 
 attempt to slip the leash. The designs of the United 
 States were too apparent to admit of a doubt as to 
 their expectations, and the territory was becoming 
 thickly settled by emigrants from them. It did not 
 require much penetration to foresee that this new 
 land would soon be overrun by these aliens if the tide 
 of immigration were not stopped. This increasing 
 population, too, was not only alien in race, but. in 
 political principles, habits, and religion ; while it was 
 bound to the people it had migrated from by the ties 
 of consanguinity, and the prestige of a glorious histor- 
 ical record of a young nation that had rent asunder 
 the bonds of oppression. It was, therefore, natural 
 that Mexico should entertain fears as to the future 
 obedience of the Texan colonists, and it was equally 
 natural that the latter would not tamely submit to 
 the imposition of fetters similar to those which the 
 
 Kosas; Rio Grande that of Guerrero; Saltillo was changed to Leona Vicario; 
 and Estevan de Tlaacala to Villalongin. Id., 65, 85. Filisola — i. 165 — to 
 wrench an anagram out of Hidalgo's name, introduces h into Goliad, spelling 
 it Golhiad. J. C. Beales, in Dec. 1833, describes Goliad as a wretched village 
 containing 800 soiila. The inhabitants, almost without exception, were gam- 
 blers and smugglers. Beaks' Journal, in. Kennedy's Tex. , ii. 35-6. 
 
112 MEXICAK OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 fathers of most of them had helped to break. Yet in 
 its short-sightedness the government, under the des- 
 potic administration of Bustamante, thought to obvi- 
 ate a probable, but not unavoidable contingency by 
 adopting the very measures which were most calcu- 
 lated to provoke a spirit of antagonism. Admitting, 
 as Mexican writers are eager to assert, that a great 
 number of settlers were adventurers who held their 
 lands by no better titles than those of loaded rifles,^ 
 and that there were many advocates of annexation to 
 the United States, it must not be forgotten that Aus- 
 tin's colonists — wlio far outnumbered all the rest 
 together — were not of that class. They were an in- 
 dustrious, respectable people, who had, through dan- 
 gers, trials, and privations, built for themselves homes 
 in the wilderness, and converted wastes, that were 
 valueless to Mexico till their arrival, into -thriving 
 farms and plantations. They had formed a commu- 
 nity which had been welded together in the furnace of 
 hardship and toil, and which had neither interfered 
 nor had been interfered with in political matters. 
 For nearly a decade they had been left alone and had 
 ruled themselves. ^^ No disposition had been made by 
 either the national or state legislature for their gov- 
 ernment other than the provisional one which had 
 vested the political and military administration in 
 Austin. Crime among them was rare, and their 
 morality and other virtues were far above the Mexi- 
 can standards. But they had an uncompromising 
 love of republican freedom, and they had confidently 
 expected that a republic which had based its constitu- 
 tion on that of the United States would put in prac- 
 tice the free institutions it proclaimed. They could 
 not recognize the principles of centralism in face of 
 the constitution of 1824. 
 
 ^^ Rivera, for instance, speaks of ' aventureros de todaa las naciones que se 
 apropiaban por si mismos los terreuos que mas las acomodaban, fuudindose ea 
 la razon del rifle. ' Hist. Jalapa, iii. 25. 
 
 ''" 'Aquellas colouias, que se gobernabau i, su antojo, 6 por leyes norte- 
 ameriuauas.' Id., 27. 
 
MEASURES m MEXICO. 113 
 
 The evil spirit which inspired the Mexican legisla- 
 ture to make the fatal mistake of attempting to curb 
 the designs of the United States, by the exercise of 
 oppressive measures against the Texan colonists, was 
 Lucas Alaman, the minister of relations under the new 
 government. On February 8, 1830, he laid a memo- 
 rial before congress, in which with just reason he calls 
 attention to the danger Texas was exposed to of being 
 absorbed by the northern republic, and to the careless- 
 ness which the government of the state of Coahuila 
 and Texas had shown in its neglect to see that the 
 colonization laws were properly carried out. Orders 
 of June 1827, and April 1828, respectively, providing 
 that no more than the number of families designated 
 in a contract should settle on the corresponding grant, 
 and that colonies near the boundary line should be 
 composed of settlers who were not natives of the 
 United States, had, he said, been without effect; and 
 he expatiated on the fact that a large number of in- 
 truders had taken possession of lands, especially near 
 the frontier, without any pretension of satisfying the 
 formalities of the colonization laws. He then sug- 
 gested measures which he considered would be ade- 
 quate to preserve Texas to Mexico, and which ought 
 to be immediately put in operation. They were, firstly, 
 to increase the Mexican population by making Texas 
 a penal settlement, the criminals transported thither 
 to be employed in the cultivation of the soil ; ^^ secondly, 
 to introduce foreign colonists differing from North 
 Americans in interests, habits, and language ; thirdly, 
 to establish a coasting trade between Texas and other 
 parts of the republic, which would tend to nationalize 
 the department; fourthly, to suspend, as far as Texas 
 was concerned, the colonization law of August 1824, 
 and place the settlement of that department under the 
 direction of the general government; and fifthly, to 
 
 "In 1833 a number of laws were passed with the object of colomizing 
 Texas with crimioals and deserters. The reader can consult Arrillaga Recop., 
 1832-3, 433; 1833, Apr. and May, 89, 132-7; Vail. Doc., ii. 151; Men. Mem. 
 Juetma, 50-1; Jd., 1833, 8-9, in Mex. Mem., 2, doc. 7 
 HiBT, N. Mex. Siaibs, Vol. U. 8 
 
114 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 appoint a commissioner to examine and report upon 
 the condition of affairs in the Texan colonies, as to the 
 number of contracts entered into and families intro- 
 duced, the amount of land occupied, the number of 
 slaves in each settlement and the legality of their 
 importation, and the fulfilment or non-fulfilment of 
 existing contracts.^ 
 
 Alaman's views were responded to by the subservi- 
 ent congress, and on April 6, 1830, a law was passed 
 which prohibited the citizens of nations bordering on 
 Mexico from colonizing any of her states or territories 
 immediately adjacent to them. It also declared that 
 colonization contracts not yet fulfilled, or such as were 
 in opposition to this law, were forthwith suspended; 
 that no foreigner under any pretext whatever would 
 be allowed to enter the northern frontier, unless pro- 
 vided with a passport from the Mexican consular 
 agent at the place of his previous residence. With 
 regard to colonies already established, and the slaves 
 introduced into them, no change would be made, but 
 the further importation of slaves was strictly forbid- 
 den.^^ These provisions were tantamount to the special 
 exclusion, for the future, of Anglo-American settlers, 
 and of them only. The law in itself was obnoxious to 
 the Texan colonists, and this invidious distinction made 
 it doubly so. It was received with out-spoken dis- 
 satisfaction. Grievances of an oppressive character 
 immediately followed. The despotic government of 
 Bustamante did not delay matters. With the year 
 183.0 the exemption from duties that had been con- 
 ceded to the colonists on articles imported for their 
 own use ceased. This privilege had been greatly 
 abused, and it cannot be denied that the settlers availed 
 themselves of it to carry on smuggling to an extent 
 very detrimental to the revenue — a practice which also 
 had to be suppressed. 
 
 ^ Ink. de Ley., in Alaman, Not. Biog., 47-56. 
 
 ^'Articles 9, 10, and 11 of the decree, copy of which will be found in Du- 
 hlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 238-40. 
 
MILITARy DESPOTISM. 115 
 
 Simultaneously -with the promulgation of the law, 
 Manuel Mier j Teran, who had been appointed com- 
 mandant general of the national forces in the estados 
 de Oriente, was instructed to proceed to Texas with a 
 sufficient force and carry its provisions into effect, as 
 well as establish inland and maritime custom-houses. 
 Accordingly, he entered the department with the 1 1th 
 and 12th battalions of regular infantry, the 9th regi- 
 ment of cavalry, the presidial companies, and the 
 militia of the three estados de Oriente, supported by 
 some artUlery. A military despotism was soon in- 
 augurated. Only the colonies of Austin, Dewitt, and 
 Martin De Leon were recognized, aU other concessions 
 being suspended tUl the contracts had been examined 
 and their fulfilments verified ; titles were denied to a 
 great number of settlers already domiciled, and incom- 
 ing emigrants from the United States were ordered 
 to quit the country on their arrival. Military posts 
 were established at the mouths of La Baca and 
 Brazos rivers, at Matagorda, Galveston, and Andhuac, 
 and at Goliad, Victoria, San Felipe de Austin, Tenox- 
 titlan, Nacogdoches, and other places ; custom-houses 
 were established, and a war vessel stationed on the 
 coast. ^^ The soldiery distributed at these posts was 
 for the most part composed of convicts and the worst 
 class of men in Mexico,^^ contact with whom was 
 contamination, arid whose bearing was insolent and 
 outrageous. 
 
 Having completed his dispositions, Teran went 
 to Matamoros, leaving Davis Bradbum^^ at And,huac, 
 
 ^Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 244-6; Rivera, Hist. Jala/pa, iii. 26-7; 
 Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tej., i. 161-5, 169-70; Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1830, 
 p. 3; Kennedy's Tex., i. 375-7, ii. 4^5; La/renaudi^re, Mex. et Ouat., 231; Hunt's 
 Address, 24; Willson's Am. Hist., 635. 
 
 '' In order that the reader may form some idea of the class of men from 
 which the Mexican troopa were drawn, and the means employed to raise 
 recruits, I quote the provisions ou these points laid down by decree of the 
 congress of Coahuila and Texaa dated Sept. 29, 1826. "The ayuhtemientos 
 with the assistance of armed force wiU proceed to make levies; vagabonds and 
 disorderly persons shall be taken in preference for military service, recruits 
 may be obtained by entrapment and decoy.' Articles 4, 5, and 9, in Coah. y 
 Tex. Leyes, 42. 
 
 82 Bradbum was an American by birth, but had served in the revolution- 
 ary war, and had obtained the rank of colonel in the Mexican army. 
 
116 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 at the head of Galveston Bay,^' with 150 men; Colonel 
 Piedras at Nacogdoches, with 350 men; and Colonel 
 Ugartechea at Velasco, the post at the mouth of the 
 river Brazos, with 125 men. Ramon Miisquiz at this 
 time was political chief at San Antonio de Bdjar. 
 Bradburn was by nature a tyrant, and made himself 
 consipcuous as such. A series of outrages was soon 
 commenced by him. The local authorities were set at 
 naught, and military law substituted for civil jurisdic- 
 tion; settlers were dispossessed of their lands and 
 property, many of them were imprisoned, and no re- 
 dress could be obtained for thefts and robberies com- 
 mitted by the rascally troops. 
 
 When the state congress assembled in January 
 1831, it declared that Jose Maria Letona had been 
 duly elected governor, and Juan Martin De Veramendi 
 vice-governor. Urgent applications had been made by 
 numerous settlers for the appointment of a commis- 
 sioner to extend titles to them, and Letona, who could 
 do no otherwise than regard the law of April 6, 1830, 
 . as unconstitutional, and an infringement on the sover- 
 eignty of the state, sent Francisco Madero in that ca- 
 pacity, with Jose Maria Carbajal, as surveyor, to put 
 the inhabitants of the Trinity River in possession of 
 their lands. The commissioner, in accordance with 
 the state colonization law, granted the required titles, 
 established the town of Liberty, and appointed an 
 ayuntamiento. Teran, as uncompromising a centralist 
 and as aggressive as Bustamante himself, seized this 
 opportunity to exercise his despotic power. Declar- 
 ing that the law of April 6th was being contravened, 
 he ordered Bradburn to arrest Madero and Carbajal, 
 who were accordingly cast into prison at Andhuac. 
 Bradburn next dissolved the ayuntamiento at Liberty, 
 established one at And,huac, and assuming the appro- 
 priation of a large tract of country, proceeded to dis- 
 tribute lands. AU these acts were performed without 
 
 " Anihuac was known as the port of Galveston, opened in 1S25. The 
 islajid was uninhabited at this time. 
 
COLLECTION OF REVEmJE. 117 
 
 any authority from the state government; indeed, 
 Bradburn did not condescend even to consult or ad- 
 vise it on the matter. These high-handed measures 
 were complemented by various tyrannical proceedings 
 affecting the welfare of the community at large, and 
 the personal rights of individuals. 
 
 In the collection of the customs, to the payment of 
 which the colonists had lately been made subject, 
 great disgust was caused. Not that they were op- 
 posed to paying legitimate duties, but the offensive 
 steps taken to collect them provoked their ire. The 
 revenue officers were avowedly inimical in their prin- 
 ciples to the interests of the Texans, and their con- 
 temptuous bearing and arbitrary dealing, supported 
 by bands of armed soldiers, were doubly galling. The 
 tariff, moreover, was considered unreasonable. To 
 facilitate the collection of the custom duties and pre- 
 vent smuggling,^* all ports except that of Antihuac, 
 which only vessels of six feet draught could enter, were 
 ordered to be closed. But the indignation aroused at 
 this blow at the commercial interests of Texas, and 
 the attendant inconvenience in other respects, was 
 such that on December 16, 1831, a large and angry 
 meeting was held at Brazoria to discuss the question. 
 Commissioners were sent to Andhuac to demand the 
 withdrawal of the order. Bradburn grumbled and 
 asked that time be allowed him to communicate with 
 Teran; whereupon threats of an attack were uttered, 
 and the port of Brazos was reluctantly allowed to 
 remain open." 
 
 It is not surprising that, under such circumstances, 
 some proceedings which will not bear scrutiny were 
 committed or connived at by the settlers. Arms and 
 war material were introduced into the country from 
 
 8* It is narrated that in July or August 1830, a band of smugglers, in 
 order to carry on their operations unopposed, seized the administrator of the 
 revenue in Matagorda, and placed him in a boat under the custody of ten 
 men. Pinart's Col., Print, no. 214, p. 2. „ „ ,„-« ,«o 
 
 35 Yoakum, i. 281-2; Filisola, ut sup., i. 186; Tex. Aim., 1859. 103. 
 
118 MEXICAN OPPEESSION AM) TEXAN EEVOLTS. 
 
 the United States in spite of the custom-houses. 
 Smuggling greatly increased, and was very defiantly 
 carried on. In December 1831, while the colonists 
 at Brazoria were under great excitement at the clos- 
 ing of their port, the schooners Ticson (sic), Nelson, 
 and Sabine, under the protection of an armed band of 
 colonists on shore, sailed out of the harbor without 
 paying the custom dues they owed; and when an 
 attempt was made to oppose their departure, the 
 Mexican troops were fired at from the vessels and a 
 soldier wounded.^* The administrator of customs at 
 Anjihuac, considering it convenient to remove the re- 
 ceiver's office at the mouth of the Brazos to the town 
 of Brazoria, sent thither, in January 1832, the col- 
 lector Juan Pacho to effect the change. Pacho arrived 
 ofi" Brazoria on the night of the 22d, and remaining 
 on board, sent on shore a soldier to deliver a copy 
 of the ordinance to the authorities. The unfortu- 
 nate bearer was almost beaten to death by the colo- 
 nists, and such hostile demonstrations were made, that 
 Pacho, deeming it unsafe to remain on board, was 
 glad to land during the night and escape to a place of 
 security. On the 29th of the same month the Sabine, 
 holding in contempt Teran's orders to detain her and 
 put her crew on trial if she returned, boldly came to 
 anchor at Brazoria, with a full cargo from New Orleans, 
 and two cannon! Nor were the Mexican troops in 
 sufficient force to interfere with her. Thus mutual 
 aggravation widened the breach. Instances of wrongs 
 inflicted on individuals, and invasions of their personal 
 liberties, were frequent. Servants were inveigled away 
 by Bradburn from their masters, and made to work 
 without remuneration ; the surrender of fugitive slaves 
 was refused, and settlers were arbitrarily arrested and 
 thrown into dungeons. ^^ 
 
 "Filiaola, ut sup., 184-5. Teran's letter to Austin dated Matamoros, 
 Jan. 27, 18.32, in Id., 188-9. 
 
 *' The reader is referred to the following authorities, which have been con- 
 sulted as to the condition of affairs during this period; Kennedy's Tex., ii. 
 5-7; Holla's Tex., 322-3; Yoahum, i. 270-6, 281-2, 290-1; Foote's Tex., ii. 
 
MARTIAL LAW. 119 
 
 On May 15, 1832, Bradburn proclaimed all the coun- 
 try lying within the ten-league coast reserve to be 
 under martial law. In the same month, almost imme- 
 diately after the adoption of this extreme measure, 
 some soldiers of the presidial troops perpetrated a 
 criminal outrage upon a woman in the vicinity of And- 
 huac. The enraged settlers, knowing that no redress 
 could be obtained, seized a worthless fellow of their 
 community, who, if not an actual participator in the 
 deed, had connived at it,^ and tarred and feathered 
 him. While engaged in inflicting this punishment, a 
 troop of soldiers despatched by Bradburn interfered. 
 A scrimmage ensued, in which some shots were fired, 
 and several of the colonists, among whom was William 
 B. Travis— who at a later date gained high renown — 
 were made prisoners. The captives were thrown into 
 dungeons, and treated with great rigor. ^' 
 
 This event and Bradburn's unwarrantable declara- 
 tion of martial law having been duly reported to 
 Teran, who was residing in Matamoros, the latter, on 
 May 31st, instructed Piedras to proceed to Andhuac 
 and take such measures to put an end to the disturb- 
 ances as he might deem opportune. But before the 
 receipt of this order, the angry colonists had taken the 
 matter into their own hands. Many of the settlers 
 on Trinity River and in Austin's colony flew to arms 
 and marched to Andhuac, Francis W. Johnson being 
 chosen their chief in command. The colonies were 
 already ablaze with the spirit of resistance, and were 
 
 8-16; Larenaudiire, Mex. et Quat., 232; Willson's Amer. Hist., 635-6; Ed- 
 wards' Hist. Tex., 186; Maillard's Hist. Tex., 58-62; Filisola, ut sup.,i. 169- 
 74; Teran's Letter to Austin, in Id., 185-9; Rivera, Hist. JaXaipa, iii. 26-8, 81; 
 Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 246-7. 
 
 '* Foote states that this Ainerican committed the outrage himself. Tex., 
 ii. 16. FUisola's version is that a presidial soldier perpetrated the violence, 
 and that the American, who lived close by, made no attempt to succor the 
 woman. Ut swp., i. 193-4. 
 
 2' Yoakum, with reason, remarks that the different accounts given by 
 Foote, HoUey, Kennedy, and Dewees of the events about to be narrated are 
 very conflicting. But these writers, with the exception of the Englishman 
 Kennedy, are Americans, and all derived their information from Texan sources. 
 Reports and letters, however, of TJgartechea, Piedras, and Bradburn, sup- 
 plied by Filisola, i. 205-30, throw much light on these occurrences, and en- 
 able me to present them with greater clearness and correctness. 
 
120 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 ripe for rebellion. A certain John Austin*" was at this 
 time one of the alcaldes of Brazoria. He was a man 
 of great energy, and not being of the type to submit 
 meekly to tyranny, had already obtained prominence 
 by his decided views and spirited conduct. On the 
 10th of June he joined the insurgents with about 100 
 men, having captured on the preceding day Lieutenant 
 Miguel Nieto, and a troop of cavalry sent out to re- 
 connoitre by Bradburn, who was aware of his ap- 
 proach. On his arrival, a demand for the release of 
 the prisoners was made and refused, whereupon the 
 settlers who had entered the town took up a position 
 in the buildings of the plazuela de Malinche. During 
 the next two or three days some desultory firing took 
 place, but before any effective fighting occurred an 
 adjustment was arranged, by which it was agreed that 
 the prisoners should be released if the assailants would 
 previously surrender their captives, and retire six 
 miles away from the town. The colonists were will- 
 ing to keep their part of the compact, and setting at 
 liberty the cavalrymen, Austin retired with a portion 
 of his forces to Turtle Bayou." Bradburn, however, 
 having secured a quantity of ammunition that had 
 been stored in one of the houses, and had escaped dis- 
 covery, threw his stipulation to the winds, opened fire 
 upon the insurgents that had remained in Andhuac, 
 and drove them from the place. 
 
 In January of this year Santa Ann a, had pro- 
 
 *° This Austin was not a relative of Stephen F. Anstio. He was bom in 
 Connecticut, and being of an adventurous spirit, went to sea when quite a 
 youth as a sailor before the mast. Having joined Long's expedition in 1S19, 
 he was sent with other prisoners to Mexico, where he fortunately obtained 
 his release through the intercession of Poinsett. During his stay in the 
 Mexican capital he became acquainted with Stephen F. Austin, and decided 
 to accompany him to his colony. John Austin had great strength of charac- 
 ter, and became an active and useful citizen. He died of cholera in 1833. 
 He would have played a prominent part in the Texan revolution had he lived 
 to see it. Holley'a Tex., 248-50; Thrall's Hist. Tex., 496-7; Edwards' Hist. 
 Tex., 184; Filisola, ut sup., 195. 
 
 *' Kennedy, ii. 8; Demees' Letters, 143; Filisola, i. 200-1. The latter author 
 states that only half of Austin's force was withdrawn. Labadie's and Francis 
 W. Johnson's accounts, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 30-40. 
 
UPRISING OF THE SETTLERS. 121 
 
 nounced at Vera Cruz against the government of Bus- 
 tamante, and the usual war, which in Mexico follows 
 such revolutionary appeals, was in full blast. The 
 colonists were heartily sick of Bustamante's method 
 of administering the laws of the country, and the in- 
 surgents, on their arrival at Turtle Bayou, drew up a 
 list of their grievances June 13th, and passed resolu- 
 tions adopting Santa Anna's plan, and pledging their 
 lives and fortunes to support the constitution, and the 
 leaders who were then fighting in defence of civil 
 liberty. All the people of Texas were invited to co- 
 operate with them in support of these principles.*^ 
 
 When Bradburn's intention not to fulfil his part of 
 the agreement was no longer doubtful, the settlers were 
 determined to enforce compliance. Knowing that it 
 would be impossible to take the fort without artillery, 
 John Austin went to Brazoria to fetch by sea the 
 cannon brought by the Sabine, leaving the main force 
 to blockade Andhuac during his absence. On his 
 arrival at Brazoria a public meeting was held, at which 
 the resolutions of June 1 3th were adopted, and Ugar- 
 techea having refused to allow the vessel bearing the 
 cannon to pass out of the river, it was decided to reduce 
 fort Velasco before making the attack on Andhuac.*^ 
 Accordingly John Austin, having collected 112 men, 
 caused the cannon to be mounted on board the schooner 
 Brazoria, then at that place, and marched to Velasco, 
 At first some negotiations were carried on. Ugarte- 
 chea was apprised of the adoption of the plan of Vera 
 Cruz, and invited to join the settlers in his support. 
 On his refusal the evacuation of the fort was demanded. 
 This summons being also disregarded, Austin made 
 his dispositions to attack. The schooner, which had 
 dropped down the river, was moored on the night of 
 
 *^Holley's Tex., 323; Edwards' Hist. Tex., 185-7. In the last authority a 
 copy of the resolutions will be found. 
 
 *sOn the 11th of May preceding a meeting of the citizens of Brazoria was 
 held, at which it was proposed to attack the fort at Velasco. The proposition 
 was lost by only a single vote. Foote, Tex., ii. 19. 
 
122 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 the 26th close to the shore, in front of the fort, about 
 200 yards off; and forty men, armed with rifles, were 
 placed on board of her and protected by a bulwark of 
 cotton bales. During the same night Austin with his 
 remaining force in two divisions approached to within 
 fifty yards of the redoubt on the land side, and under 
 cover of the darkness, and the diversion caused by the 
 fire from the schooner, threw up a palisade. Though 
 firing was kept up during the night, little harm was 
 done to either side ; but when day broke the affair as- 
 sumed another aspect. Austin's breastworks afforded 
 him little protection, the fire from the fort was galling ; 
 and a violent storm of rain coming on, he was com- 
 pelled to withdraw about 9 o'clock, while the Mexicans, 
 whose only gun was mounted en barbette, suffered 
 severely from the rifles of the besiegers. The schooner, 
 however, kept up the engagement ; almost every man 
 who showed himself at the gun or above the enemy's 
 parapets was struck by the unerring riflemen. The 
 besiegers' artillery, too, did good service, while the 
 Mexicans' piece was so ill-managed in its exposed posi- 
 tion as to do little injury to the Brazoria. Due credit 
 must be given to Ugartechea's personal bravery. Over 
 and over again, as the artillerist held the linstock to 
 to fire the cannon, his exposed hand or arm was shat- 
 tered, and when at last his men flinched from serving 
 the gun, their commandant mounted the bastion and 
 pointed it himself. His courage was appreciated. 
 His foes, respecting his gallant bearing, had the mag- 
 nanimity not to strike him down. After a contest of 
 eleven hours the Mexican commander, having almost 
 exhausted his ammunition, hoisted a white flag, and 
 terms of capitulation were signed the next day, by 
 which Ugartechea was allowed to evacuate the fort 
 with the honors of war, his troops retaining their arms, 
 ammunition, and baggage.** They were, moreover, 
 
 "Yoakum, i. 295, incorrectly, and without authority, states that 'the 
 enemy were deprived of their arms. See Filisola's statement,' i. 215, de- 
 rived from Ugartechea's report of the affair. 
 
SUCCESS OF THE INSURGENTS. 123 
 
 supplied with provisions for their march to Mata- 
 
 moros *^ 
 
 According to American authorities, the loss of the 
 Texans in this engagement was seven killed and 
 twenty-seven wounded ; that of the Mexicans, thirty- 
 five killed and fifteen wounded. Ugartechea, how- 
 ever, only reports seven of his troops killed and 
 nineteen wounded, ten of whom were shot in the 
 hand or arm; Kennedy raises the number on both 
 sides, assigning to the Texans eleven killed and fifty- 
 two wounded, twelve of them mortally, and to the 
 Mexicans about one half killed of the 125 men en- 
 gaged, while seventeen "lost their hands by the fear- 
 ■ ful drilling of the rifle." 
 
 Meanwhile the forces left by John Austin around 
 Andhuac maintained a steady blockade of the place, 
 confining themselves to cutting off supplies and com- 
 munication, without engaging in any active operation. 
 Piedras, the commandant at Nacogdoches, having 
 received Teran's instructions of May 31st, proceeded 
 thither, about the end of June, with a small escort. 
 On his approach he fell into the hands of the revolted 
 settlers, and having heard their statements, promised 
 that the imprisoned citizens should be released, and 
 Bradbum removed. Piedras kept his word. Whether 
 he would have done so under difierent circimastances 
 is open to the gravest doubt;** but he saw plainly 
 
 ** Consult Ugartechea'a report in Id., i. 205-16; Kennedy, i. 8-9; Foote, 
 ii. 20-3; Yoakum, i. 293-5; and Tex. Aim., 1872, 166-70. Dewees' account 
 is not only false in most particulars, but is conspicuous for absurd exagger- 
 ations. He says that Ugartechea's force at Velasoo was 1,000 men, Bradburn's 
 700, and Piedras' 1,300 men; that 700 Mexicans were put to flight at Ani- 
 huao by 100 colonists, and that 1,300 men under Piedras on march to support 
 Bradburn surrendered to 17 'brave Texan lads ' ! Ugartechea, too, was cap- 
 tured, according to this veracious letter- writer, with a large reenf orcemeut on 
 Galveston island by a company of the insurgents; the garrison at Anihuac 
 then surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Letters, 142-3. The partic- 
 ular letter containing this account is dated Colorado River, Texas, Dec. 1, 
 1832, and was consequently written only five months after the occurrences it 
 professes to describe. 
 
 ** In an official letter which he addressed to Bradbum, July 4, 1832, he 
 requested him to continue in command at Anihuac until the resolution of the 
 commandant general was known. At the same time he counselled Bradbum 
 
124 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 that it would be impossible to cope successfully with 
 the insurgents Having entered Andhuac July 1st, 
 he assumed command on the following day, and sur- 
 rendered from durance Travis and his companions, 
 sending them to Liberty to have their cases decided 
 by the judicial authorities at that place. It is need- 
 less to add that they were immediately released. 
 Bradburn, though requested by Piedras before his 
 departure to continue in command, was too offended 
 to comply, and the latter, having appointed Lieuten- 
 ant-colonel Cortina to succeed him, and made other 
 dispositions, returned to Nacogdoches. He had 
 hardly turned his back, however, before the garrison 
 at And,huac mutinied, and pronounced in favor of 
 Santa Anna. Bradburn, at the instigation of the 
 officers, reassumed command, and endeavored to keep 
 the troops to their duty at the post by recognizing 
 their pronunciamiento, and demanded that Cortina 
 should remain their chief. But it was of no use. 
 The troops were determined to abandon the place. 
 On the 1 3th most of them, with their officers, marched 
 for the south ; and at nightfall of the same day Brad- 
 burn — who says, doubtless with truth, that after his 
 surrender of the command his life was in constant 
 danger — slunk out of Andhuac, and in disguise made 
 his way to Louisiana, with a guide as his sole com- 
 panion. On his journey he escaped molestation by 
 saying that he was going to the United States to seek 
 for aid to drive the Mexicans out of Texas.*' 
 
 The opinion current in the south with regard to the 
 revolt in Texas was that the colonists were attempting 
 to separate from Mexico and annex the country to the 
 
 to exercise prudence, and adopt conciliatory measures, until the govemment 
 could send a sufficient force to reduce the colonists to implicit obedience — 
 ' obligar a los colonos a! oumplimiento de las leyes, y reducirlos 4 la mas ciega 
 obediencia. ' Filisola, ut sap. , 222. 
 
 ■" Consult the letters of Piedras and Bradburn 's account in Id., i. 218-30. 
 Bradburn went from New Orleans to Matamoros in the early part of 1833. 
 He entered Texas with Santa Anna in 1836, and being in command in Urrea's 
 rear division, escaped death or capture at San Jacinto. 
 
POLITICAL ACTION. 125 
 
 United States. Colonel Jos^ Antonio Mejfa was, 
 therefore,, sent by Montezuma, the comandante at 
 Tampico, and who had declared in favor of Santa 
 Anna, with a squadron of six ships, having 400 troops 
 on board, to punish the Texan insurgents. Touching 
 at Brazos de Santiago, Mejia entered into a conven- 
 tion with Colonel Guerra Manzanares, of the Busta- 
 mante party, then in command at Matamoros,*^ the 
 object of which was to enable him to prosecute his 
 designs against the Texans without interruption. On 
 June 14th he sailed for the mouth of the Brazos 
 River, taking with him Stephen F. Austin, who was 
 on his return from the state legislature, and came to 
 anchor on the 16th. He immediately addressed a 
 letter to John Austin, enclosing a copy of the conven- 
 tion with General Guerra, which, he said, would in- 
 form him of the motives that iiad brought him to that 
 coast. John Austin's reply, however, showed matters 
 in a different light, and caused Mejia to discard his 
 preconceptions. The alcalde said that the enemies of 
 Texas constantly attributed to the colonists a dispo- 
 sition to separate from Mexico. So far from such be- 
 ing the case, they were not only Mexicans by adoption, 
 but in heart, and would remain so. He then touched 
 upon the causes which had driven them to take up 
 arms.** Mejia and Stephen F. Austin were conducted 
 to Brazoria by a deputation of citizens; there they 
 were received by the committee of vigilance, and the 
 resolutions passed at Turtle Bayou on June 13th were 
 presented to Mejia, 
 
 In order to impress Mejia with a right conception 
 of the sentiments of the colonists, the ayuntamiento 
 of San Felipe de Austin instructed the subordinate 
 officers of the different settlements officially to con- 
 vene the citizens, inform themselves of their political 
 
 *« Teran had engaged Montezuma at Tampico and had been worsted. His 
 want of success preyed on his mind, and he committed suicide at Padilla, 
 June 3d of this year, by falling on his sword. Nist. Mex., v. Ill, this series. 
 Copy of the convention will be found in Filisola, i. 256-9. 
 
 '^Edwards' Hist. Tex., 184-5. 
 
126 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 views, and forward reports thereon to the ayuntami- 
 ento without delay. This investigation made it evi- 
 dent that under no circumstances would jurisdiction 
 by military power be allowed to take the place of the 
 civil authority guaranteed by the constitution. On 
 July 27, 1832, the ayuntamientos in assembly at 
 Austin embodied the sentiments of the colonists in 
 a series of resolutions. After calling attention to the 
 calumnies against Texas circulated by her enemies, 
 and attributing the late outbreak to the tyrannical 
 and illegal acts of Colonel Bradbum, the ayunta- 
 mientos as a body, expressing themselves in accord 
 with the people of the Brazos district, pledged them- 
 selves to adhere to. the principles of the republican 
 party headed by Santa Anna, with no other object in 
 view than to aid in sustaining the constitution, and 
 to support the rights and privileges of the state of 
 Coahuila and Texas, which had been insulted by mili- 
 tary encroachments in the colonies since 1830. They 
 moreover declared that the general and state con- 
 stitutions ought to be religiously observed, and de- 
 nounced a large standing army as a burden to the 
 people and a continual disturber of the public peace, 
 by affording the means of committing despotic acts. 
 Copies of these resolutions were ordered to be pre- 
 sented to Colonel Mejia and the political chief 
 Ramon Musquiz, with requests that they would 
 respectively transmit them to Santa Anna and the 
 governor of the state."" 
 
 Satisfied with these expressions of loyalty, Mejia, 
 after visiting San Felipe and several neighboring set- 
 tlements, sailed from the Brazos for Galveston Bay. 
 On his arrival at the bar he met two or three small 
 vessels from Andhuac, having on board a detachment 
 of the troops that had been stationed there. From 
 Subardn, the officer in command, he heard of the late 
 pronunciamiento in favor of Santa Anna and the flight 
 of Brad burn; whereupon he turned his prows toward 
 
 wCopy of these resolutions in Id., 188-90. 
 
REVOLUTION GAINS STRENGTH. 127 
 
 Tampico, without troubling himself about the forces 
 which had left that post by land." 
 
 While Mejia was in Texas he did not fail to advo- 
 cate the principles of the revolutionary party, and 
 invite the troops, stationed at the outlying posts, to 
 support the plan of Yera Cruz, and hasten to the seat 
 of war. Having no time to waste in Texas, he had 
 hurried his own departure, but the seed he sowed bore 
 fruit. The revolutionary infection spread rapidly. 
 Of the garrison at San Antonio, the greater portion 
 pronounced and marched southward ; the detachments 
 at Tenoxtitlan and other stations did the same; and 
 by the beginning of August, a general exodus of the 
 Mexican forces in Texas was taking place. Piedras 
 at Nacogdoches alone remained true to his party prin- 
 ciples and his post. But he was not to be left unmo- 
 lested. He had made himself obnoxious to the mer- 
 chants in his district, by monopolizing, to his own 
 interest, the more lucrative portion of the trade with 
 New Orleans, and his officers and troops, not holding 
 the same pronounced opinions as himself, were restive. 
 
 As Piedras' opposition to Santa Anna was well 
 known, it was determined to force him to declare for 
 the revolution, or dislodge him. Accordingly, the au- 
 thorities at Nacogdoches, in accord with those at Aes 
 Bayou and other places, collected about 300 men, who, 
 on August 2d, Piedras having refused to submit to 
 their demands, invaded the town. James W. Bullock 
 was in command. When the colonists had advanced 
 to the centre of the town, they were charged by the 
 Mexican cavalry, which delivered its fire and wheeled, 
 receiving a volley in return. Encarnacion Chirino, 
 the .alcalde of the town, was killed by the Mexicans in 
 this skirmish. The Texans now took up positions on 
 the north and east sides of the stone building occupied 
 by the Mexicans to the number of 350, and so galled 
 the latter with their rifles, that Piedras evacuated the 
 
 *' Filisola, ut sup., i. 231-6, 250-61, 265-8. 
 
128 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS. 
 
 place during the night. As the retreating troops 
 were crossing the Anglena stream, they were fired 
 upon by Colonel James Bowie and a small party of 
 Texans who had succeeded in getting in their front. 
 The same night the Mexicans pronounced in favor of 
 the plan of Vera Cruz, and delivered Piedras up to 
 the colonists. Piedras was conveyed to Brazoria, and 
 thence sent to New Orleans, whence he proceeded to 
 Tampico. The troops were allowed to pursue their 
 march to Matamoros. According to Texan accounts 
 the loss sustained by the Mexicans was forty-one killed 
 and as many wounded, that of the colonists being three 
 killed and five wounded. ^^ 
 
 By the end of August not a Mexican soldier re- 
 mained in the Texan colonies, the only force left in 
 the department being a presidial troop of about seventy 
 men stationed at San Antonio, under command of 
 Colonel Antonio Elozua. This hardly sufficed to 
 hold in check the Indians in the vicinity of that town. 
 Thus was a brief period of freedom from oppression 
 procured by the settlers.^* 
 
 ** This account of the capture of Nacogdoches is taken mainly from Yoakum, 
 who had before him a statement of Col A. Sterne, who was in the engagement, 
 Col Bullock's official report, and the journal of Asa M. Edwards, in whose 
 charge Piedras was placed. Hist. Tex., i. 297-9. FUisola's account — ut sup., 
 i. 260-74 — agrees with that of Yoakum in the main particulars. He, how- 
 ever, asserts that the Texans were repulsed at Nacogdoches, and resorted to 
 tampering with the Mexican soldiers, which induced Piedras to evacuate the 
 place. The loss of the Mexicans he places at one captain, Ortega by name, 
 and a few of the soldiers — ' algunos individuos de tropa; ' Kennedy gives the 
 loss of the Texans at three kmed and seven wounded, that of the Mexicans 
 18 killed and 22 wounded. Tex., ii. 14. 
 
 '' Herewith is given a complete list of authorities for the foregoing chapters. 
 Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6j., 85, 244r-7, 314, 395-406; Boa Bdrcena, Recuer- 
 dos, 643-53; Mix.; Col. Dec. Sob. Cong., 172; Id., Col. Corwtitudones, i. 195- 
 273; Id., Col. 6rd. y Dec., ii. 203; iii. 46-7; Id., Mem. Relac, 1827; Id., 
 Mem. Guerra, 1830, p. 3; Id., Mem. Ouerra, 1833, p. 8; Id., Mem. Justida, 
 1831, annex 8; Texas, Coll. Docs, no. 50, ia Pinart, Coll.; Maillard's Hist. 
 Texas, 54-60, 369-71; Austin, Esposic. al Publico, 4; Humholdt, Essai Polit., 
 ii. 155, 822; Id., New Spain, ii. 247; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 45; Torrmde, 
 Eevol. Hisp.-Amer., i. 235-9; Oaz. Imp. Mex., i. 129-32, 268-70, 282-6, 293-5; 
 Filisola, Mem. Hist. Ouerra Tex., i. 127-35, 204-16; Foote's Texas, i. 221-92; 
 ii. 8-26; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 5; Tomel, Breve Reseila Hist., 
 145-6, 171-3; Id., Hist. Mex., 158; Bustamanie, Voz de la PcUria, ii., supl. 
 no. 4; Id., Hist. IturUde, 160-1; Id., Cuad. Hist., viii. 177-8; Arrillaga, 
 Recop., 1829, 73; 1834, 47-50; Kennedy's Texas, i. 307, 361-4, 369^77; ii. 4- 
 10, 444r-68; Arrangoiz, Mij., i. 125-8; ii. 196; Arizpe, Idea Gen., 1-59; Id., 
 Memorial; Pike's Expl Travels, 341, 362-3; White's GoU. Laws, i. 416-548; 
 
AUTHORITIES. 129 
 
 Gac de Mix., 1811, ii. 301-2, 319-21, 359-66, 740-2, 1199-1203; 1812, iii. 
 35-6; 1815, vi. 94-5; 1819, x. 1229-35; Haasel, Mex. und Guat., 208-12; 
 Ramsey's Other Side, 16-17; La Nadon, Oct. 14, 1856; Jay's Mex. War, 12- 
 15; Hays' Life, 2; Beime Am4ricaine, ii. 583-4; Lerdo de Tejada, Oomerc. 
 Est., 21; Larenaudiire, Mex. et Guat., 203, 230-3; Dewees' Letters from Texas, 
 55-72, 119-34; Houston's Texas, i. 206; Guia de Hac. Sep. Mex., iv. 30-1, 
 308; vi. 267-8; Lester's Hcmston, 45-7; Lesur, Ann. last. urdv. pour 1827, 
 570-1; Petva, in Mayer MSB., no. 19, p. 22; Id., Mex. Azt., i. 327; Id., Hist. 
 Mex. War, 43-9; Baker's Texas, 24-34, 69-76; McQlellan's Sepub. in Amer., 
 104; La Palanca, Apr. 23, 1827; Mex., Coah. and Texas, Colonization Law; 
 Guerra, Em. N. Esp., i. 364; ii. 370-2; Gam, Tres Sighs, viii. 327-8; Mexico 
 in 184^, 156-9; La Minerva, May 8, 1845; Mies' S. Am. and Mex., i. 261-3; 
 Id., Register, x. 402-4; xxvii. 270, 334; xxxi. 157; xxxiv. 334; xxxvi. 424; 
 xxxvii. 49, 87, 137, 168, 213, 277, 394; xxxviii. 4, 291; xxxix. 101; Mills' 
 Hist. Mex., 177; Holley's Texas, 233-43, 316, 321-5; Modern Traveller, Mex. 
 and Guat., ii. 28-9; Berlandier, Diario Viaje, 54-9; Semanario Polit., ii. 36- 
 42; Moffit's Rept, in Thompson's Rec. of Mex., 174; Mora, Rev. Mex., iv. 109, 
 145-9, 169, 262-70; Homtfs Hist. U. S., ii. 343; Coali. y Tex., Leyes, passim; 
 Gonzales, Colecdon M Lean, 153, 228-30; Tex. Aim., 1859, 30-40; 1860, 225; 
 1861, 77-82; 1868, 48-9; 1872, 166-70; Papeles Varios, clxvii., pt 10; Cor. 
 Fed. Mex., Jan. 20, Feb. 18, Moh 4, 12, 16, 17, 18, 29, July 21, Aug. 18, 
 Nov. 23, Dec. 8, 1827; Feb. 18, May 2, June 1, 1828; GraUan's Civilized 
 America, ii. 285-6; Blancliard et Dawaats, San Jvan de Ulua, 531; Edinb. Re- 
 view, no. 147, p. 256, 259; Pattie's Narrative, 290-1; Pinart's MSS., no. 7; Id., 
 Col. Doc., MSS., i., no. 248; Id., Print, no. 214, p. 2; El Veraa-uzano Libre, 
 June 14, 1828, pp. 1-2; Smith's Ramin. Texas, 27; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., ap. 
 i. 84; Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 174-7; Pino, Nuevo Mixico, passim; AlaTmin, 
 Notic. Biog., 47-56; Id., Mem. d las Gdmaras, 29-30; Id., Hist. M6j., ii. 26-9, 
 94^9, 165-89, 208, 245-6, 257-8, ap. 34-5; v. 238-9, 701-2; Hutchison's 
 Remin., 208-15; Cdrtes, Adas Ord., 1814, ii. 266; 1812, xiv. 177; 1813, xviii. 
 423; 1820, xi. 29-31; Almonte, Not. Est. Tejas, 14; Escalera y Liana, Mix. 
 hist.-descrk>t., 13; Esplritu P-Hbl, Nov. 24, 1828; Jan. 22, 1829; Museo Mex., 
 ii. 106; Young's Hist. Mex., 220; Ward's Mex., 553, 588-9; Nouv. Annaks 
 Voy., lix. S12-5; Diaz Calmllo, Sermon, 143-6; Domenech's Miss. Advent., 20; 
 Id., Journal d'vm. Miss., 23; Rimera, Hist. Jalapa, 23-8, 81, 262-3, 342; Fournel, 
 Coup d'ceil sur Texas, 9-12; Zamacois, Hist. Mij., vii. passim; ix. 222; Visit 
 to Texas, 214^17, 261-2; Bolet. Geog. Estad. Mex., ii. 20; Hunt's Address, 23-5; 
 Rockwell's Span, and Mex. Law, 641-52; Thrall's Hist. Texas, 158-202, 482-5; 
 Id., Hist. Methodism; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 301-2, 367-74, 383-90; Atleta, 1830, 
 215-16, 225-8, 289; Willson's Amer. Hist., 631-7; Bolet. Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 
 6, 20; vii. 138; ix. 267; Id., 2da epooa, i. 291. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 9 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PROPOSED SEPAKATION OF TEXAS FEOM COAHUILA. 
 
 1832-1835. 
 
 Arguments in Favor or Separation- — The Texan Convention — A 
 Secessional CoNSTirtTTioN — Political Affairs in the Mexican 
 Capital — Santa Anna's Cbaptiness — Austin Presents a Memorial 
 TO THE Federal Govebnment^Its Reception — Austin Injudicious — 
 His Arrest for Treason — Dragged from Court to Court — His 
 Letter id the Texans — Maillard's Book — Santa Anna Dictator 
 — Affairs in Coahuila — ^Texas Receives Redress — Saltillo versus 
 MoNCLOVA — Adjustment of Differences — Santa Anna's Decision 
 on the Texan Petition — Almonte's Report — Population of Texas 
 — Fraudulent Sales of Public Lands — Separatists and Anti- 
 separatists. 
 
 In their first general attempt at resistance, narrated 
 in the previous chapter, the Anglo-Americans were 
 favored by the successful progress of the revolution in 
 Mexico. Had it not been for this, their triumph, if 
 indeed they had gained one, would have been of a 
 more sanguinary character. As it was, the almost 
 unanimous defection of the Mexican troops in favor 
 of Santa Anna precluded the necessity of much fight- 
 ing, and rendered victory easy. On the appearance 
 of Mejla, the colonists were shrewd enough to repre- 
 sent their late action as the practical utterance of 
 political principles identical with those expressed in 
 the plan of Vera Cruz; and that commander, appar- 
 ently satisfied as to their loyalty, left the field to them, 
 being too anxious to return to the seat of the more 
 important struggle. Thus countenanced by a power- 
 ful faction, relieved from the possibility of any imme- 
 diate attempt on the part of Bustamante's government 
 
 (130) 
 
SEPAEATION DISCUSSED. 131 
 
 to chastise them, and hopefully reliant on their own 
 physical strength, they began to aim at the acquire- 
 ment of an independent local administration.^ 
 
 The reader will recollect that, on the formation of 
 the state of Coahuila and Texas, there was a proviso 
 in the decree, to the effect that when Texas possessed 
 the necessary elements to form a separate state, notice 
 should be given to the general congress for its resolu- 
 tion on the matter. This was virtually an admission 
 that the union of the two provinces was only provis- 
 ional, and that the erection of Texas into a state at 
 some future date was contemplated. The Texans 
 considered that the time had arrived when the fulfil- 
 ment of this promise might be expected. This aspi- 
 ration was based on the extraordinary progress made 
 in Texas, on the fact that her interests were entirely 
 distinct from those of Coahuila, and were generally 
 sacrificed or lost sight of by the state legislature, and 
 that beneficial legislation could only be obtained by 
 disunion. In the state congress her representation 
 was greatly in the minority, and though the legislature 
 in some instances showed a disposition to be liberal, 
 its acts had little regard for the welfare of Texas 
 whenever the interests of Coahuila were concerned. 
 In no respect was the want of community of interests 
 more evident than in commercial matters. The geo- 
 graphical position of Coahuila excluded it from mari- 
 time trade, and its commerce was altogether internal, 
 whereas Texas possessed great natural advantages for 
 the development of an extensive commercial business 
 with foreign countries. In climate and industrial pur- 
 suits, also, the contrast was equally marked, and the 
 productions were dissimilar. Pastoral and mining 
 occupations prevailed in Coahuila; Texas was essen- 
 tially an agricultural country, and cotton, sugar, and 
 cereals were being cultivated with most flattering 
 
 ' At a public dinner given to Mejia one of the toasts was: ' Coahuila and 
 Texas— they are dissimilar in soil, climate, and productions; therefore they 
 ought to be dissolved.' Edwards' Hint. Tex., 187. 
 
132 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 prospects. The limit of the production of these com- 
 mercial staples depended only on the future prosperity 
 of the colonies, which was a matter of serious doubt 
 under the existing political arrangement. In other 
 respects, too, Texas labored under grievous disadvan- 
 tages. The remoteness of the higher judicial courts 
 practically excluded the poorer classes from appeal in 
 civil cases, and gave the wealthy opportunities beyond 
 the reach of most litigants; while in criminal cases, 
 the tedious process of the law, and consequent long 
 delays in pronouncing and executing sentence, tended 
 to defeat the ends of justice. 
 
 On the 28th of April, 1832, a state law was enacted 
 embodying the spirit of the obnoxious decree of April 
 6, 1830. The liberal colonization law of March 24, 
 1825, was repealed; Mexicans alone were allowed to 
 become empresarios in future, and to Mexican pur- 
 chasers the prices of lands were reduced; natives of 
 the United States were excluded from becoming set- 
 tlers, while at the same time the rights of colonists 
 were extended.^ Existing contracts, however, were 
 recognized, and in some instances the time for fulfil- 
 ment extended. The legislature, also, with some 
 show of liberality, passed a law creating new munici- 
 palities in Texas, and allowing the people to elect 
 their own municipal officers. 
 
 As soon as the colonists saw Texas cleared of Mex- 
 ican troops, they began to take measures to address 
 the national government on the subject of their aspi- 
 rations. In October 1832 a preliminary convention 
 of delegates from different municipalities was held at 
 San Felipe, and some discussion on the formation of 
 a state constitution took place. Owing to the short- 
 ness of the notice given, delegates from several dis- 
 tricts were not in attendance, and the convention, 
 after a week's deliberation, adjourned. Although 
 the labors of this assembly concluded with no satis- 
 factory result, the convocation of it had neverthe- 
 
 ^Ooah. y Tex. Leyes, Dec. no. 190. 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 133 
 
 less brought the question seriously before the public; 
 and when a second convention assembled April 1, 
 1833, it was prepared to accomplish the work as- 
 signed to it. The number and names of the dele- 
 gates who composed this memorable convention are 
 not known, but among them were some of the most 
 distinguished men in Texan history. Stephen F. 
 Austin, Branch T. Archer, David G. Burnett, Sam 
 Houston, J. B. Miller, and William H. Wharton may 
 be mentioned, the last named being elected to preside. 
 Two important committees were appointed, the one 
 to frame a constitution, and the other to draw up a 
 memorial petitioning the general government to grant 
 the separation of Texas from Coahuila. Sam Hous- 
 ton was appointed chairman of the first, and David G. 
 Burnett of the second. 
 
 The constitution draughted was thoroughly republi- 
 can in form.* It provided for freedom of elections and 
 universal suffrage, secured the right of trial by jury, 
 and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, per- 
 sonal security, the right of petition, and freedom of 
 the press; treason against the state was to consist 
 only in levying war against it or adhering to its ene- 
 mies; elections were to be held by ballot; and the 
 advancement of education was left in the solemn 
 charge of the legislature. Generally the draught was 
 modelled on the constitution of the United States, 
 certain modifications being introduced so as to adapt 
 it to the condition of the Mexican federation. For 
 instance, silence was observed on the subject of re- 
 ligious liberty. Much discussion occurred on the sub- 
 ject of banking; finally, a clause was inserted to the 
 effect that no bank or banking institution, no office of 
 discount or deposit, or any other moneyed corporation 
 or banking establishment, should exist under that con- 
 stitution. 
 
 The memorial to the general government was 
 drawn up by David G. Burnett, and ably set forth the 
 
 3 A copy of it will be found in Edwards' Hist. Tex., 196-205. 
 
134 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 position of Texas. The disadvantages it was laboring 
 under, which I have already mentioned, and the dis- 
 asters attendant upon its union with Coahuila, were 
 forcibly delineated, and the authority of precedents in 
 the formation of New Leon, Chihuahua, and Durango 
 into states was appealed to in support of the petition.* 
 Stephen F. Austin, William H. Wharton, and J. B. 
 Miller were appointed delegates to proceed to the city 
 of Mexico and present the memorial to the supreme 
 government. Austin was the only one of these com- 
 missioners who went to Mexico. On his arrival at 
 the capital he found it the scene of virulent party fac- 
 tion and political confusion. 
 
 Affairs in Mexico had been undergoing the custom- 
 ary vicissitudes and revulsions. No more stability 
 of principle is observable in Santa Anna than in Bus- 
 tamante. Both used the constitution of 1824 as a 
 clap-trap to introduce themselves to power, and then 
 both cast it to the winds. At the end of 1832 these 
 two generals, after much bloodshed, came to terms, 
 and agreed to unite in support of the said constitution. 
 Pedraza, who had been legally elected in 1828, was 
 reinstated and recognized as president till April 1, 
 1833, the date on which his term of office would ex- 
 pire. Early in that year the elections were held, and 
 on March 30th congress declared Santa Anna and 
 Gomez Farias duly elected president and vice-presi- 
 dent respectively. From this time Santa Anna's course 
 is remarkable for subtle intrigue and political crafti- 
 ness, used for the promotion of his ambitious schemes. 
 Never appearing himself as the principal actor, or in- 
 stigated in the strife between federalists and central- 
 ists, he nevertheless manipulated t^e puppet-strings 
 of both parties to serve his own purpose, and ever 
 made use of some cat's-paw to secure the prize he aimed 
 at, namely, dictatorial power. Gomez Farias was the 
 
 * Copy of this excellent memorial will be found in Yoakum, i. 469-82; 
 Tex. Aim., 1869, 40-50. 
 
MOVEMENTS OF SANTA ANNA. 135 
 
 known champion of reform, and Santa Anna, absenting 
 himself from the capital, left it to him to introduce 
 innovations which he well knew would cause great 
 agitation, while he secretly intrigued with the bishops 
 and religious orders. The reform measures attacked 
 the interests of the two powerful elements of the 
 church and army, and indications of the approaching 
 storm were soon plainly visible. Santa Anna now 
 assumed his office as president — May 16, 1833 — but 
 in less than three weeks he again surrendered it, June 
 3d, to Farias, in order to march against an insurgent 
 force that had appeared near Tlalpam under Duran. 
 Ignacio Escalada had proclaimed. May 26th, in favor 
 of the ecclesiastical and military fueros, and called 
 upon Santa Anna to protect them. The wily presi- 
 dent, hoping that in his absence a similar demonstra- 
 tion would be successfully made in the capital, went 
 through the farce of a fictitious capture of himself by 
 his own troops under the command of Arista, who pro- 
 ceeded to proclaim him dictator. But an attempt at 
 revolution in the capital on June 7th failed, owing to 
 the energy of Farias; whereupon this versatile in- 
 triguer effected a pretended escape from his captors, re- 
 assumed his presidential authority, and for a time lent 
 his support to the liberal party in order to reestablish 
 himself in the confidence of the supporters of the con- 
 stitution. Then he took the field again, and finally 
 the revolutionary army surrendered to him October 
 8th, at Guanajuato, and Arista and Daran with other 
 officers were sent prisoners to Mexico. As the only 
 road, however, to supreme power was the conserva- 
 tive highway occupied by the military and ecclesias- 
 tics, Santa Anna now changed his opinions, and 
 showed himself disposed to favor a reaction. Having 
 thus artfully again put progressionists and retrogres- 
 sionists against each other, under the pretext of ill 
 health he retired, December 16, 1833, to his hacienda 
 of Mauga de Clavo, leaving the leaven of his crafti- 
 ness to ferment.^ Such is an outline of the political 
 
 * Consult Hist. Mex., v. 122-36, this series. 
 
136 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 events which were taking place when Austin arrived, 
 July 18, 1833, at the capital. 
 
 The Texan commissioner lost no time in presenting 
 the memorial to the government, laying before it also 
 other matters in connection with his mission, such as 
 the establishment of a weekly mail between Nacog- 
 doches and Monclova, and one between GoHad and 
 Matamoros, the modification of the customs tariff,® 
 and the payment of presidial troops. He was well 
 received by Farias and the ministers, but in the tur- 
 moil of contending parties, August and September 
 passed without anything being done with respect to 
 Texan affairs, except that the petition was referred to 
 a committee of congress. At the beginning of Octo- 
 ber the result of the civil war then raging was ex- 
 tremely doubtful, and Austin considered it his duty 
 to represent in no equivocal language the true position 
 of affairs in Texas, and the strong feelings entertained 
 by the colonists. He therefore, on October 1st, 
 expressed the opinion to Farias, that if some remedy 
 for their grievances were not quickly applied, the 
 Texans would take the matter into their own hands, 
 and tranquillity would be rudely disturbed. '^ This in- 
 timation, though respectfully made, was regarded as a 
 threat, and the government took offence. At the 
 same time Austin addressed a letter, dated October 
 2d, to the ayuntamiento of San Antonio de B^jar, in 
 which, after expressing his hopelessness of obtaining 
 any relief in the paralyzed state of public affairs, he 
 recommended that municipality to lose no time in com- 
 
 ' The petition oonoerning the tariff deserves attention. It requested the 
 national government to grant for three years the privilege of introducing free 
 of duty the following articles: 'provisions, iron and steel, machinery, farm- 
 ing utensils, tools of various mechanic arts, hardware and hollow-ware, nails, 
 wagons and carts, cotton bagging and bale rope, coarse cotton goods and 
 clothing, shoes and hats, household and kitchen furniture, tobacco for chew- 
 ing, in small quantities, powder, lead, and shot, medicines, books, and station- 
 ery.' These articles, indispensable to the prosperity of the colonists, were 
 either prohibited, or subject to duties so high as to amount to a prohibition. 
 Edwards Hist. Tex., 209-10. 
 
 'Austin's corres., in. Edwards' Hist. Tex., 211. 
 
GOVERKMENT MEASURES. 137 
 
 municating with all the other corporations of Texas, 
 and exhorting them to concur in the organization of a 
 local government, independent of Coahuila, under the 
 provision of the law of May 7 - 1824, even if the gen- 
 eral government should refuse its consent." 
 
 On the surrender of Arista at Guanajuato, however, 
 and the termination of the civil war, the government 
 had more leisure to attend to the interests of Texas. 
 Santa Anna convoked a special meeting of the min- 
 isters November 5th, to consider the question of its 
 separation from Coahuila. Austin was present at the 
 deliberation, representing the interests of the Texans. 
 The matter was frankly and fairly discussed, and 
 though the government decided that the time had not 
 yet arrived to erect Texas into an independent state, 
 it expressed itself disposed to favor the pretensions of 
 the colonists, and promote the welfare of the province 
 with that ultimate object. Nor were these idle prom- 
 ises. Several dispositions were made for the benefit 
 of Texas. The state government was urged to adopt 
 measures of reform which would procure for the colo- 
 nists the enjoyment of just rights, both in matters civil 
 and criminal ; suggestions were made as to the means 
 which ought to be employed for the more convenient 
 administration of justice, and even the establishment 
 of the jury system was strongly recommended. Fur- 
 ther interference did not belong to the attributes of 
 the general government, but it showed its friendly 
 inclination by abrogating the 11th article of the law 
 of April 6, 1830, which virtually prohibited the coloni- 
 zation of Texas by Anglo-Americans,^ and took meas- 
 ures to meet the wishes of the colonists regarding 
 other matters already mentioned. 
 
 ^Austin, Espos. Aaunt.- Tej., 18-20. Austin states that his object in so 
 doing was to prevent a popular outbreak, ' queriendo Austin con esta medida, 
 de pura prevencion, evitar las fatales y funestas consecuencias que resultarian 
 de un desenfreno popular.' Id., 20. Copy of Austin's letter of Oct. 2, 1833, 
 in Id., 31. 
 
 ^Id., 27-8. The decree of abrogation was issued Nov. 25, 1833, but was 
 not to take eflfect till six months after its publication. Dublan and Lozano, 
 Leg. Mex., ii. 637. 
 
138 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 Austin, well satisfied with the results attained, and 
 the manifest friendliness of the supreme powers, deemed 
 it politic not to molest the government by over-zeal- 
 ously urging the more particular object of his mission. 
 On the 10th of December, therefore, he left the capital, 
 and arrived January 8, 1834, at Saltillo, where, having 
 presented himself to the commandant general, he was 
 arrested by order of the vice-president, Farias. The 
 cause of this was, that the ayuntamiento of San An- 
 tonio, having received his letter of October 2d, dis- 
 approved of Austin's recommendations, and sent the 
 communication to the central government. Farias 
 had not forgotten Austin's out-spoken utterances at 
 the time when this letter was despatched, and deeply 
 exasperated at the discovery of the commissioner's 
 treasonable designs, as he regarded them, he sent an 
 express to the different governors of the states through 
 which Austin would have to pass, with orders to ar- 
 rest him. 
 
 From Saltillo the unfortunate commissioner was 
 sent back to the city of Mexico, where he was incar- 
 cerated February 13, 1834, in a dungeon of the old 
 inquisition building. Here he was kept in close con- 
 finement and treated with much rigor for three months, 
 not being allowed to communicate with any one, or 
 permitted the use of books or writing materials. '^° His 
 case having been referred to the military tribunal, 
 that court decided that it had no jurisdiction in the 
 matter, and on June 12th Austin was removed to a 
 more commodious prison, where his treatment was less 
 rigorous. His case was next successively submitted 
 to a civil tribunal, and to the federal district judge, 
 but with the same result. Finally, about the middle 
 of August, it was carried to the supreme court of 
 Mexico to decide what tribunal was competent to try 
 him. Thus after eight months' imprisonment Austin 
 
 '" He attributes thia severity to the personal animosity of Farias, which 
 was aroused by the plain language used by Austin at the interview he had 
 with him Oct. 1, 1833. Austins corres., in Edwards' Hist. J'ex., 211. 
 
AUSTIN'S LETTERS. 139 
 
 was still unable to learn by what court his case would 
 be investigated. 
 
 In a letter dated August 25, 1834, Austin states 
 that he had long ago requested to be delivered to the 
 authorities of the state of Coahuila and Texas, and 
 that Santa Anna, who was friendly to Texas and him- 
 self, would have already liberated him, had it not been 
 for representations forwarded by the state government. 
 These representations, it was affirmed, were founded on 
 statements hostile to him, made by influential Anglo- 
 Americans residing in Texas. It appears that Aus- 
 tin's appointment as Texan commissioner to Mexico 
 had met with some opposition, on the ground, as as- 
 serted by his antagonists, that he was "too mild and 
 lukewarm" on the subject of separation, and would not 
 display sufficient independence and firmness in support- 
 ing the petition. That these opponents should attack 
 him, after the course that had been followed by him, 
 he could not understand, and was unwilling to believe. 
 He goes on to state that, in view of the fact that the 
 evils complained of by Texas had been remedied, those 
 who had previously been in favor of separation from 
 Coahuila were now opposed to it, inasmuch as the rea- 
 sons which made separation necessary no longer existed. 
 His motto had always been, "Fidelity to Mexico, 
 and opposition to violent men or measures." Sum- 
 ming up the contradictory views taken of his conduct, 
 he says that at one time he was abused for being too 
 Mexican, and at another was vilified for yielding^ to 
 popular opinion and firmly and fearlessly representing 
 it. Alluding to a letter addressed by him January 
 17, 1834, from Monterey to the ayuntamiento of San 
 Felipe de Austin, in which he earnestly urged sub- 
 mission to the authorities of the state and general 
 governments, and that A public act of gratitude should 
 be expressed for the remedies obtained for many evils 
 which threatened Texas with ruin, he reiterates the 
 advice then given, with the additional recommendation 
 to discountenance all persons "who were in the habit 
 
140 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 of speaking or writing in violent or disrespectful terms, 
 or in language of contempt or defiance, of the Mexican 
 people or authorities." Austin next urges the Texans 
 to keep clear of all political quarrels arising in the 
 Mexican republic, and begs them to recognize Santa 
 Anna, of whose friendly intentions he again makes 
 mention, until he should be constitutionally deposed 
 by the legal vote of the people. Texas, he concludes, 
 "had been so much jeopardized in its true and perma- 
 nent interests by inflammatory men — political fanatics, 
 political adventurers, would-be great men, vain talkers, 
 and visionary fools — that he began to lose confidence 
 in all persons except those who sought their living be- 
 tween the plough-handles." He advises the farmers 
 to adopt the motto he himself had always followed : 
 "The balance of the people, mere demagogues and 
 political fanatics, would disappear before sound public 
 opinion."" 
 
 I have drawn somewhat fully upon the contents of 
 this letter, for the reason that they are pregnant with 
 suggestions. From the statements made by Austin, 
 it is diflficult to avoid the conclusion that Santa Anna, 
 under the mask of friendship to Texas and ostentatious 
 consideration for the commissioner, was practising his 
 usual plan of covert and non-compromising action. 
 The referring of Austin's case from court to court for 
 trial, the charge being that of treason, was trans- 
 parently a trick to gain time, which, supported by fair 
 promises, secured temporary quiet in Texas. ^^ The 
 dictator — for such Santa Anna was at this time — 
 could wait, with his customary patience, for an oppor- 
 tunity to deal with the Texan colonists as his con- 
 venience might require. That Austin was shrewd 
 enough to understand Santa Anna's secret views is 
 much to be doubted. I am inclined to believe that 
 his advice to the Texans was given in all sincerity, and 
 
 '' The reader is referred to a copy of this letter in Edwards' Hist. Tex. , 
 210-20. 
 
 ^'' Yoakum considers that Austin was held as a sort of hostage for the good 
 behavior of Texas. Hist. Tex., i. 324. 
 
ATTITUDE TOWARD MEXICO. 141 
 
 with perfect confidence in Santa Anna's professions. 
 It is true that the tone of his letter displays an appre- 
 hension of foul play at home, and a natural anxiousness 
 to obtain his release ; but to charge him, as Maillard 
 does/^ with having written what he did, solely with 
 the object of effecting his return to Texas, would be 
 an unwarrantable condemnation. Austin had too sin- 
 cerely at heart the welfare of his colonies to allow 
 personal inconvenience to have weight in his judg-- 
 ment when the question to be decided was that of 
 peaceful prosperity or danger of ruin. He believed 
 that he was perfectly justified in offering advice the 
 reverse to that expressed in his letter to the munici- 
 pality of Bdjar, and his having given utterance to it 
 previous to his arrest^* is conclusive evidence that his 
 
 ^^This writer says: 'Col Austin, who was himself the most crafty of the 
 "political fanatics, political adventurers, would-be great men, and vain 
 talkers," wrote in this bland style, solely to escape from the clutches of the 
 Mexican government, and not with a view to restore tranquillity to Texas. ' 
 Hist. Rep. Tex., 73. It would be hard to discover a more prejudiced and jaun- 
 diced author than ' N. Doran Maillard, Esq., barrister at law, of Texas. ' Being 
 in delicate health, he left his native England for Texas, where he arrived Jan. 
 30, 1840, and after a residence there of six months — during which he was for a 
 time editor of the Richmond Telescope, became a member of the Texan bar, 
 studied the character of the Texan government and inhabitants, and spent 
 much time in visiting dififerent parts of the country — he deemed himself com- 
 petent, from his personal observations and some information gathered from 
 public men and official records, to furnish the British public with an unvar- 
 nished account of what Texas and the Texans really were. Accordingly, on 
 his return to England he published Tlie History of the Republic of Texas, from 
 the Discovery of the Country to the present Time; and the Cause of her Sepa- 
 ration from the Republic of Mexico. London, 1842, 8vo, pp. 512. In his 
 preface Maillard states that his object was to present the true origin and his- 
 tory of the Texan rebellion against Mexico, to warn the British government 
 against the ratification of a treaty with a people whose existence as a. nation 
 was owing to their own base treason, and a political juggle of Andrew Jack- 
 son when president of the U. S. , and to prevent more of his own countrymen 
 from sharing in the ruin and wretchedness of too many others who had 
 already emigrated to Texas. If a virulent exposure of all the shortcomings 
 of the Texans, a malicious suppression of everything that he might have said 
 in their favor, a wilful omission of any mention of their many virtues, and 
 frequent abusive epithets applied to them, could gain for Maillard the accom- 
 plishment of his hopes, he must have been eminently successful. His antip- 
 athies are not confined to the Texans, a liberal share of his displeasure being 
 vented upon the United States. In keeping with his unfair treatment of the 
 subject is the partiality he shows to the Mexicans, whom he labors to defend, 
 and whose wrong-doings he hides. In a work written under the influence of 
 such prejudices, it is natural that carelessness as to accuracy and conclusions 
 glaringly false should be found. Maillard, however, does not hesitate to 
 arraign Kennedy on the score of want of carefulness as to facts, and dispar- 
 agingly speaks of his excellent work as ' two well-piiffed volumes. ' 
 
 ^* Consult Aitstin, Espos. Asunt. Tej., 21. 
 
1^ PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 change of opinions was due to change of circum- 
 stances, and not to personal considerations. In other 
 respects Stephen Austin's letter throws light upon 
 the social and political condition of the colonies. We 
 can already realize the influx of a disturbing element 
 which will not rest till the annexation of Texas to 
 the United States has been consummated. We can 
 recognize the fact that a large portion of the popula- 
 tion would be satisfied with receiving redress from 
 time to time for their grievances, and was content to 
 retain possession of the homes they had made for 
 themselves, and peacefully follow their pursuits, as 
 citizens of the Mexican republic; and we can picture 
 to ourselves the work of political agitators, engender- 
 ing a spirit of antagonism to Mexico, and mark the 
 development of a difference of opinions which before 
 the war of independence divided the colonists for a 
 time into two parties. 
 
 But it is necessary to revert to the political events 
 which took place in the state of Coahuila and Texas 
 during this term of Austin's imprisonment, as well as 
 relate other subsequent occurrences which transpired 
 before his release and return to Texas in September 
 1835. 
 
 While Santa Anna was pretending to be recruiting 
 his health at Manga de Clavo, the reactionary party 
 under his secret manoeuvring and encouragement 
 daily gained strength. He was frequently invited to 
 become its leader, with the promise of unlimited power; 
 and considering the fruit of his intrigues at last ripe, 
 he returned to the capital and relieved Farias of the 
 executive power April 12, 1834. On May 23d fol- 
 lowing the plan of Cuernavaca was adopted, which 
 denounced religious reform, proclaimed the fueros, 
 declared that the deputies who had passed the late 
 obnoxious reform laws had lost the public confidence 
 and had forfeited their positions, called upon Santa 
 Anna to uphold the constitutional safeguards, and 
 
AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 143 
 
 assured him of the aid of the miUtary force at Cuer- 
 navaca. Acting on the strength of this demonstra- 
 tion, the president on the 31st dissolved congress by a 
 coup-d'^tat. But he did not rest here; state legisla- 
 tures and ayuntamientos were disbanded, governors 
 were deposed, and adherents to the plan of Cuernavaca 
 placed in the vacant positions. Santa Anna was now 
 indeed dictator, and having played the despot to his 
 heart's content, at the end of 1834 convoked a congress 
 which met January 1, 1835. The privileged classes 
 had triumphed as he had. expected; and having suc- 
 ceeded in converting the country into a chaotic field 
 of party strife, thinking it now convenient to retire, 
 tendered his resignation. The congress refused to 
 accept it, but granted him leave of absence; where- 
 upon he withdrew to his usual retreat, the hacienda 
 of Magna de Clavo, and applied himself to his favorite 
 diversons of cock-fighting and political jugglery." 
 
 In August 1832, after some little excitement and 
 trifling disturbance, the inhabitants and . military of 
 Saltillo had declared in favor of Santa Anna's plan of 
 that year, and their pronunciamiento was approved 
 by the governor, Jos^ Maria de Letona, and the ayun- 
 tamiento.^^ But discord soon broke out in Coahuila. 
 In March 1833 the state congress removed the seat of 
 government to Monclova^^ — a proceeding which gave 
 great offence to the inhabitants of SaltiUo, who were 
 further exasperated by decrees disbanding the civil 
 force of the latter place and annulling the enactments 
 of April and May 1829, and April 1832, which pro- 
 hibited foreigners from retailing goods within the terri- 
 tory of the state. Two bitter factions were developed ; 
 the people of Saltillo revolted, and the legislature at 
 Monclova, in default of a governor, formally invested 
 Francisco Yidaurri with the executive power by de- 
 cree of January 8, 1834. 
 
 '^^ Hist. Mex., V. 136-43, this seriea. 
 ^^Coah., 183£, Pinart Col., no. 248. 
 
 " A decree had been passed as early as Sept. 25, 1828, declaring Monclova 
 the capital of the state. Coah. y Tex. Leyes, lo7. 
 
144 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 Various acts beneficial to Texas were passed by this 
 legislature. The municipalities of Matagorda and San 
 Augustin were created, Texas was divided into three 
 departments, the new one of Brazos with San Felipe 
 as its capital, being organized, the English language 
 was permitted to be used in public affairs, and an addi- 
 tional representative in the state congress allowed; 
 the privilege of purchasing vacant lands was granted 
 to foreigners, laws were passed for the protection of 
 the persons and property of all settlers, whatever might 
 be their religion, and freedom from molestation for 
 political and religious opinions was guaranteed, pro- 
 vided public tranquillity was not disturbed.^* During 
 the same session a decree was passed in April providing 
 for a supreme court for Texas, which was constituted 
 into one judicial circuit divided into three districts; 
 the much desired system of trial by jury was also es- 
 tablished by this law.^* 
 
 These liberal measures had great effect in promot- 
 ing temporary quiet in Texas, but subsequent events 
 rendered them nugatory to prevent the revolt of the 
 colonists. On the last day of April the legislature 
 closed its sessions, and Coahuila lapsed into a miser- 
 able state of confusion. Intelligence of the plan of 
 Cuernavaca caused increased agitation, and an extra 
 session was convoked for August 11th. In July Sal- 
 tillo pronounced against the state government, formed 
 
 ^^See decrees of March 1834. Kennedy, ii. 61, note; Toahum, L 319-20; 
 BaJcer's Tex., 522. 
 
 '* Thomas Jefferson Chambers was appointed superior judge of the circuit. 
 Chambers was a native of Virginia, a lawyer by profession, and highly talented. 
 In 1826 he went to the city of Mexico, where for three years he studied the 
 language, laws, and institutions of the country, making himself a master of 
 them, and obtaining his license to practise law in the Mexican courts. He 
 removed to the state of Coahuila and Texas in 1829, and was appointed sur- 
 veyor-general of Texas by the authorities at Saltillo. Owing to the confusion 
 incident to the approaching revolution, Chambers was unable to organize the 
 supreme and district courts, and in 1836, when Texas was threatened with 
 invasion, he went to the U. S. to obtain money and men to aid iu the war of 
 independence. In June 1837 he reported to the Texan congress that he had 
 sent 1,915 men, and expended $23,621 of his own money, besides selling bonds 
 to the amount of $9,035. His statement was approved by the coujgress, and 
 the auditor directed to settle with him. Chambers was murdered iu his own 
 house in 1865, no clew ever being obtained as to the perpetrator of the crime. 
 Thrall's Hist. Tex., 525-6. 
 
TWO GOVERNMENTS. 145 
 
 one of its own, and appointed Jos^ Maria Goribar as 
 military governor. At the same time all the acts of 
 the state legislature from the 1st of January, 1833, 
 were declared to be null and void.^" On August 30th 
 a decree was passed at Monclova by the permanent 
 deputation, and such members of the congress as could 
 be assembled, setting forth the impossibility of unit- 
 ing sufficient deputies to hold an extra session. Juan 
 Jose Elguezabal was appointed governor in place of 
 Vidaurri, who was unable to act on account of ill 
 health, and the movement directed against the laws 
 of ecclesiastical reform recognized as national, or in 
 other words, the plan of Cuernavaca was adopted, and 
 Santa Anna acknowledged in his new robes of state- 
 craft supremacy. ^^ 
 
 The period designated by the constitution for the 
 elections arrived, and they were held under the dis- 
 puted authority of the two rival and illegitimate gov- 
 ernments, aggravating party animosity, and involving 
 the state in anarchy. Both parties prepared for 
 bloodshed ; but before any serious collision took place 
 a compromise was effected at the beginning of 
 November, and the leaders of the factions agreed to 
 refer the question of their differences to Santa Anna. 
 The dictator willingly accepted the position of 
 arbiter, and on December 2d announced the follow- 
 ing decisions: 1. The seat of government should 
 remain at Monclova; 2. Elguezabal was to continue 
 to act as governor until a new election; 3. A new 
 election for governor, vice-governor, and members of 
 the legislature was to be ordered for the entire state. ^^ 
 
 '^ Edwards' HM. Tex., 220; Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 192. 
 
 "^/ Tiempo, 14 Agosto, and 18 Set., 1834, 172, 309, where will be found 
 copy of decree. This proceeding waa based on the 90th article of the state 
 constitution, which says: 'Si las circunstancias 6 los negocios que han moti- 
 vado la convocacion estraordinaria del congreso fueren tan graves y urgeutes, 
 mientras puede verificarse la reunion, la diputacion permauente unida con el 
 consejo y los demas diputados que se hallen en la capital, tomarS las provi- 
 dencias del momento que sean necesarias, y dara cuenta de ellas al congreso 
 luego que se haya reunido.' Mex. Col. de Constit., i. 226-7. Yoakum con- 
 siders that Vidaurri was deposed, i. 323. 
 
 ^^Copy of the decree in Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 192-5. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 10 
 
U6 PROPOSED SEPARATION, 
 
 This arrangement proved satisfactory and new elec- 
 tions were held. Agustin Yiesca was elected governor, 
 Ramon Miisquiz vice-governor, and the requisite num- 
 ber of deputies chosen.^* But the legislature did not 
 assemble until March 1, 1835, instead of January 1st, 
 and Viesca did not enter office before April. ^* 
 
 It will be remembered that Austin's case was sub- 
 mitted in August 1834 to the supreme court of the 
 nation. That tribunal, however, never declared any 
 decision, nor was Austin ever brought to trial. This 
 anomalous course of proceeding, favorable certainly to 
 the accused, was due to the influence of Santa Anna, 
 who deemed it politic to temporize in regard to settling 
 definitely Texan affairs, and under the cloak of friend- 
 ship secure the commissioner's pronounced apprecia- 
 tion of his good-will. The dictator gained his point, 
 whether Austin was hoodwinked or not,^^ but his con- 
 cealed intentions are made somewhat apparent by the 
 decision he arrived at in October 1834. 
 
 On the 5th of that month he convoked a meeting 
 for the serious discussion of the Texan question. The 
 council was composed of the four secretaries of state, 
 three confidential generals, three representatives to 
 the national congress from Coahuila and Texas, Lo- 
 renzo de Zavala, and Stephen F. Austin. The delib- 
 eration lasted three hours, Austin seriously urging the 
 separation of Texas from Coahuila, and its formation 
 into an independent state, which was as strongly op- 
 
 ''^Id., i. 323, 326; Edwards, 220, 231-2; La Opom-hn, 1 and 11 Mayo, 183S, 
 106-7, 137-S; Pinart Col. , Print, no. 386. Pilisola states that Viesca had been 
 constitutionally elected Sept. 9, 1834, and that this election was ratified by the 
 new congress in spite of the elections ordered by Santa Anna, and Viesca's 
 ineligibility under the convocation issued by Elguezabal, which provided that 
 no one could be a candidate who had been, as Viesca had, a deputy to the 
 general congi'ess within the last two years, ii. 112-13. 
 
 ^'Elguezabal resigned March 12th, and Jose Maria Cantil was appointed 
 go vol nor provisionally until the votes polled in the departments of Brazos and 
 Nacouilochos were known. Pinart Cot, Print, no. 374. 
 
 -■' lu a party circular addressed to the Texans in November 1834 these 
 words occur: 'We assure you that the feelings of the federal government, 
 particularly those of the president, are of the most favorable character 
 towards Texas. We are assured of this fact by our representative (Colonel 
 Austin)- ' Edwards, 2£7. 
 
THE TEXAN QUESTIOK. 147 
 
 posed by the state representatives. Santa Anna 
 finally resolved : 1. That he would meditate maturely 
 the decree repealing the 11th article of the law of 
 April 6, 1830, and, if no objections were presented, 
 would give it his sanction ; 2. That a corps, composed 
 of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, four thousand strong, 
 should be stationed at Bexar, for the protection of 
 the coast and frontier of the country, to be under the 
 command of General Mejia; 3. That proper steps 
 should be taken to have regular mails, and to remove 
 all ol)stacles to the agricultural and other industries 
 of the inhabitants, "who are viewed with the great- 
 est regard ; " 4. That Texas must necessarily remain 
 united with Coahuila, because it had not the elements 
 warranting a separation, nor would it be convenient. 
 And though it might be allowed to form a territory, 
 if the inhabitants called for it, yet the dismembering 
 of a state was unknown to Mexican laws, and he 
 would be at a loss how to proceed. ^^ 
 
 These decisions make it evident that the president's 
 policy was to occupy Texas with such a military force 
 as he might consider sufficient to hold the colonists 
 under control, and compel subjection to whatever 
 change he might choose to make in the liberal meas- 
 ures temporarily adopted. No reference whatever 
 was made to the petition on the subject of the tariff', 
 and the offer to form Texas into a territory was a sop 
 containing more gall than honey. Texas as a terri- 
 tory would assuredly be more subject to the rule of 
 the national government than as a portion of an in- 
 tegral state. Of this the colonists were aware, and 
 they were opposed to a change which would lea^o 
 their interests in a more questionable position.^'' With 
 
 ^' Yoakum, i. 325-6. Victor Blanco to the Omernor of Coalmila nml Texas, 
 October 6, 1834, is quoted by this writer as his authority. Texas Col. Doc, 
 Pinart Col., Print, no. 48. 
 
 " Austin in a letter dated Mexico, March 10, 1835, says: ' The territorial 
 question is dead. The advocates of that measure are now strongly in favor 
 of a state government; and that subject is now before congress. A call has 
 been made upon the president for information on the subject; and I am 
 assured the president will make his communication in a few days, and that 
 
148 PROPOSED SEPARATION. 
 
 regard to the decision that Texas did not possess the 
 elements to warrant its formation into an independent 
 state, it is undeniable that this was a fact, for it was 
 wanting in the most important requisite, namely, pop- 
 ulation. The eleventh article of the constitution of 
 1824 provides that the states shall send to the 
 national congress one deputy for each 80,000 inhab- 
 itants, and for any fraction of that number exceeding 
 40,000.^^ How, then, could the Texans claim that 
 they were properly qualified to constitute a state 
 when their population did not amount to the last- 
 named figures ? ^ 
 
 it will be decidedly in favor of Texas and the state. ' This was regarded as 
 ' agreeable information. ' Edvxirds, 241. 
 
 ''■^Mex. Col. Comtitua., i. 38. It is true that this clanse is added: 'El 
 estado que no tuviere esta poblacion nombrarl sin embargo nn diputado; ' but 
 this had regard only to existing states. It was plainly intended that a terri- 
 tory or province elevated, in the future, to the rank of state should have at 
 least 80,000 inhabitknts. 
 
 ™In the spring of 1834 Col Juan Nepomuceno Almonte was sent by the 
 supreme government to Texas to report upon its condition. He returned in 
 the beginning of November of the same year. Almonte places the civilized 
 population of Texas at 21,000, estimated as follows: the department of Bejar, 
 4,000; that of Brazos, 8,000; and that of Nacogdoches, 9,000. He estimated 
 the number of Indians at 15,300, of whom 10,800 were hostile. His tabular 
 form, no. 4, is interesting, as supplying a list of the municipalities and pueblos 
 existing at that date. The department of B^jar contained four municipal 
 towns, namely, San Antonio, Goliad, San Patricio, and Guadalupe Victoria; 
 that of Brazos contained five, to wit, San Felipe, Columbia, Matagorda, Gon- 
 zalez, Mina, and the pueblos Brazoria, Velasco, Bolivar, and Harrisburg; 
 and that of Nacogdoches four municipalities, Nacogdoches, San Augustine, 
 Liberty, and Johnsburg, with the pueblos Anahuac, Beville, Teran, and 
 Tanaha. In January 1835 Almonte published his report, or such portion of 
 it as was expedient, under the title of Noticia Estadistica sobre Tejas, Mexico, 
 1835, 16mo, p. 96, 4 tables, 2 11. The total amount of the export and import 
 trade of Texas he calculated at $1,400,000, as expressed in the following table: 
 
 Imports. Exports. Totals. 
 
 B(ijar $40,000 §20,000 $60,000 
 
 Brazos 325,000 275,000 600,000 
 
 Nacogdoches 265,000 205,000 470,000 
 
 Approximate value of contraband trade with the interior through 
 
 the ports of Brazoria, Matagorda, and Copano 270,000 
 
 $1,400,000 
 Kennedy, ii. 81, classifies this report as 'brief and superficial;' but he 
 does justice to it as affording ' the proudest testimonial to the fearless and 
 persevering spirits who first rendered the golden glebe of Texas tributary to 
 the enjoyments of civilized man.' This author considered that Almonte's es- 
 timate of the population of Texas was underrated, and that the numerical 
 strength of the Anglo-Texans was probably 30,000, exclusive of 2,000 negroes. 
 Id., 79-80. 
 
LAND FRAUDS. 149 
 
 While the colonists were thus endeavoring to pro- 
 cure a separation from Coahuila, the state legislature, 
 anticipating the possibility of such a result, seems to 
 have resolved to make what profit it could out of the 
 waste lands of Texas. In order to realize quickly, it 
 showed itself alike indifferent, to the value of the lands, 
 the prices obtained for them, and to whom the pur- 
 chasers might be. Numerous sales of immense tracts 
 were made to New York and Coahuilan speculators 
 at extremely low figures, the purchasers having no 
 other view than to resell at a profit. Naturally the 
 Texans regarded such squandering of their unoccupied 
 domains — which, in fact, constituted the future capital 
 of Texas— as an alienation that was simply robbery, 
 and redolent of legislative corruption. But the climax 
 of these fraudulent proceedings was the sale, in March 
 1835, of 400 square leagues for the insignificant sum 
 of $30,000.^° This appropriation of the waste lands 
 of Texas was most distasteful to the supreme govern- 
 ment, which had in contemplation the purchase of the 
 frontier lands for the purpose of establishing thereon 
 Mexican colonies, especially of a military character. ''^ 
 It therefore declared, by decree of April 25, 1835, the 
 sale of those lands, except to the general government, 
 to be null.^^ 
 
 When the result of Austin's mission became known, 
 early in 1834, the desire for immediate separation from 
 
 '" That is at the rate of little more than one cent and a half per acre. This 
 tract of land was an appropriation that had been made by decree, March 26th 
 of the previous year, to provide for a body of militia to prevent Indian depre- 
 dations on the frontier. The militiamen were never called out, and the lands 
 fraudulently sold. Consult Edwards, 232; Yoakum, i. 320-\; Kennedy, ii. S3-4; 
 C'oah. y Tex. Leyes, Dec. no. 272; ia Oposicion, 1835, 242; Cor. Ailant., May 
 9 1835 9. 
 
 »' See decree of Feb. 4, 1834, in ArrillagaBecop., 1834, 47-50. 
 
 '2 Copy of the decree, as well as that of the legislature of Coahuila and 
 Texas, authorizing the sale, will be found in Arrillaga, Secop., 1835, 145-6; 
 Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex. , iii. 42-3; Merairio del pt. de Matamoros sup. , 
 in Tex. Col. Doc, Pinart Col., Print, no. 60; Pinart Col, Print, no. 389. Some 
 writers regard these land frauds and land jobbing as the ground-work of all 
 the troubles which befell the colonists, and were meide the first excuse for re- 
 volt. See Jay's Mex. War, 17-18; Quart. Rev., Ixi. 333-6, 340-1; Maillard'a 
 Hist. Tex., 77. 
 
150 PROPOSED SEPABATIOK 
 
 Coahuila was generally allayed, but the anarchical 
 prostration into which Coahuila fell soon strengthened 
 the separatists, while Austin's subsequent letters had 
 a softening counter-effect. Thus there were among 
 the Anglo-Texans two political parties, one of which 
 advocated sejDaration at all hazards, the other being 
 favorably disposed to maintain the union under a 
 federal system of government. When, however, the 
 party strife in Coahuila left the state absolutely with- 
 out a government, a number of influential Coahuilans 
 met in council with the inhabitants of B^jar, October 
 13th. The overthrow of the federal constitution and 
 the distracted state of Coahuila were discussed, and an 
 address issued to the inhabitants of Texas, exhorting 
 them to deliberate with those of Bdjar as to the best 
 means of rescuing the country from the chaos of con- 
 fusion which overwhelmed it. The majority of the 
 Texans were still ready to unite with the Coahuilan 
 constitutionalists in the reconstruction of the state 
 government, but the more eager separatists thought 
 the time propitious to call upon the people to adopt 
 an independent government. Accordingly, under the 
 auspices of the political chief of Brazos, an address was 
 issued, October 20th, urging the Texans to organize — • 
 not without a hint at total independence as the ulti- 
 mate object — to avoid the "threatened labyrinth of 
 anarchy, military misrule, and final ruin," and leave 
 "her unnatural sister" to "quietly enjoy the blessings 
 of anarchy." Let the separation caused by the "wil- 
 ful and unlawful " acts of Coahuila be perpetual. 
 
 The grand central committee — which had been, it 
 appears, established by the convention for the purpose 
 of guarding the people of Texas from danger — replied 
 to this inflammatory appeal by issuing a counter-ad- 
 dress early in November. The answer sets forth that 
 the publication of the political chief of Brazos was 
 revolutionary in its character, by proposing "a separa- 
 tion in a manner contrary to the letter and spirit of 
 the state and federal constitutions," and would draw 
 
ADDRESSES. 151 
 
 down upon Texas the wrath of both governments. 
 Austin's letter, akeady quoted, had not been without 
 effect, and his exhortations to peace are repeated with 
 a recital of the measures that had been adopted by 
 both the national and state legislatures for the especial 
 benefit of Texas. As a further inducement to refrain 
 from disturbing the present prosperity and content- 
 ment of the mass of the people, Austin's position in 
 Mexico is brought forward, and his constituents are 
 exhorted not to throw obstacles in the way of their 
 agent's release from durance, or endanger his life by 
 creating further difficulties. Referring to obnoxious 
 laws, " when have the people of Texas," it is asked, 
 "called upon the government for any law to their ad- 
 vantage, or for the repeal of any law by which they 
 were aggrieved, but what their requests have been 
 complied with ? " Tardily, it is admitted, but the great 
 distance from the capital, the state of war in the coun- 
 try, and the uncertain communication explain the 
 causes of this delay. ^^ This address counteracted the 
 effect of the inflammatory appeals of the separatists, 
 and the differences between Saltillo and Monclova 
 having been adjusted soon after, the agitation sub- 
 sided. Tranquillity followed, and for a brief period 
 confidence seemed restored in Texas. 
 
 ** Copies of these addresses ia Edwards, 220-31. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 1835. 
 
 COAHUILA AND TEXAS PkOTESTS — ThE StATE LeGISLATUIIE DISBANDED — GOV- 
 ERNOR ViESCA Arrested — Tenorio Ejected from AsijHUAO — Politicai, 
 Eenctng — Zavala — Agitators from the United States — Public 
 Meetings — Arrest of Zavala and Settlers Ordered— Atf air of the 
 
 CORBBO AND SaN FeLIPE — COLUMBIA'S CaLL FOR A GENERAL CONSULTA- 
 TION — Austin's Return — His Speech at Brazoria — Preparations for 
 War — General Cos Arrives at BferAR — A Disputed Cannon — The 
 Affair at Gonzalez — War-like Enthusiasm — A Permanent Council 
 Established^-Austin Takes the Field — Capture of Goliad — ^United 
 States Sympathy — Land Frauds — The Consultation Assembles — Its 
 Labors — Organization of a Provisional Government. 
 
 When it became evident that the party now in 
 power intended to establish a central form of govern- 
 ment, attempts at opposition were made by the feder- 
 alists in several of the states, but the centralists 
 triumphed on each occasion. CoahuUa and Texas 
 and Zacatecas alone resolved to adhere to the consti- 
 tution of 1824. In April 1835, the legislature of the 
 former state addressed an energetic protest to the gen- 
 eral congress against the course that was being pur- 
 sued by it. Citing the 47th, 48th, 49th, and 50th 
 articles of the federal constitution, which clearly define 
 the powers of the general congress,^ the state ' ' protests, 
 in the most solemn manner, that, having been received 
 into the confederation by virtue of the fundamental 
 compact, and on the principles therein established, it 
 does not, nor ever will, acknowledge the acts emanating 
 
 ^Mex. Col. Constitut., i. 48-53. 
 
 (152) 
 
AFFAIRS AT SALTILLO. 153 
 
 from the general congress which are not in strict con- 
 formity witli tlie express tenor of the above-cited arti- 
 cles ; nor will it admit other reforms of the constitution 
 than those made in the manner therein prescribed ; on 
 the contrary, it will view as an attempt against its 
 sovereignty every measure in opposition to these 
 legal dispositions."^ 
 
 Meanwhile, Zacatecas had been declared to be in a 
 state of rebellion. Her attitude was sufficiently de- 
 fiant. On March 31st a decree was passed by the 
 federal congress, ordering the states to reduce their 
 militia to the ratio of one militiaman to each 500 in- 
 habitants and disband the remainder. The national 
 government would take possession of the surplus arms, 
 paying the owners indemnity for them.^ Such a law 
 carried into effect would place the states entirely at 
 the mercy of the government. Zacatecas flatly re- 
 fused to obey, and immediately flew to arms. It was 
 necessary to chastise her, and in April Santa Anna, 
 at the head of between 3,000 and 4,000 men, marched 
 against the rebellious state. On May 10th a sanguin- 
 ary battle was fought near the state capital, and the 
 Zacatecans completely crushed. 
 
 At this time General Martin Perfecto de Cos was 
 commandant general of the eastern internal provinces, 
 and received orders to take action about the late 
 fraudulent land sales. Coahuila was again a house 
 divided against itself. Saltillo, in February or early 
 in March, had resumed the old quarrel with Monclova 
 and revolted, petitioning the general government to 
 declare null elections which had not been conducted 
 in conformity with the plan of Cuernavaca.* The 
 decree of March 14th authorizing the sale of the 
 lands affording a pretext, the Saltillo deputies retired 
 from the legislature, protesting against the passage of 
 it. Governor Cantii called out the militia, and pre- 
 
 "' Kennedy, Tex., ii. 85-7; Foote, Tex., ii. 57. 
 " Copy of decree in Diihlau ami Lozaiio, Leg. Mex. , iii. 38. 
 * Cor. Jtlant., June 6, 1835, 42. It wouLl appear from this that the eleo- 
 tiona ordered by Santa Anna had not been legally conducted. 
 
154 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OE TEXAS. 
 
 pared to enforce obedience. Cos, being appealed to, 
 supported Saltillo, and declaring that citjr provision- 
 ally the capital, ordered a company of presidial troops 
 stationed at Saltillo to enforce his decision and dis- 
 band the militia at Monclova. When the legislature 
 heard of this, it issued a decree, April 7th., authoriz- 
 ing the governor to oppose the entry of the presidials 
 into the city. Matters were assuming a serious as- 
 pect, but on the 14th Viesca entered office as gov- 
 ernor, and recognizing the gravity of the situation — 
 which now involved a contest with federal troops — ^he 
 induced the legislature to revoke the decree, and dis- 
 banding the militia, allowed the company from Sal- 
 tillo to enter Monclova.^ 
 
 The action of the legislature had roused the anger 
 of General Cos, and he issued an address denouncing 
 it for alienating the public lands, and refusing quar- 
 ters to government troops ; he regarded the maintain- 
 ing a permanent local militia as an indication of a 
 meditated insurrection, and threatened to put down 
 by force the 'revolutionists,' as he called them, if 
 they did not speedily reform their 'criminal acts.'^ 
 Viesca's action precluded the necessity of carrying 
 his threat into execution. The legislature, after de- 
 creeing that the seat of government might be changed 
 to such place as the governor might select, adjourned 
 April 21st, but not before it had framed the above- 
 mentioned protest. "Thus closed forever," says Yoa- 
 kum, "on the 21st of April, 1835, the legislature of 
 Coahuila and Texas."' 
 
 Viesca, disregarding the threats of General Cos, 
 with the object of reducing Saltillo to obedience, 
 again called out the militia, but was immediately 
 ordered in peremptory terms not only to disband them, 
 but to disarm them. He decided to move the seat of 
 government to Bdjar, and instead of obeying orders, 
 
 ^ Filiaola, Mem. Hist. Chier. Tej., ii. 111-13. 
 
 ° Kennedy, ii. 89; Tex. Col. Doc, Pinart Col., Print, no. 64. 
 
 ' Hist. Mex., i. 335-6, this aeries. 
 
THE GOVERNMENT QUESTION. 155 
 
 left Monclova May 25th, with the archives, escorted 
 by 150 militiamen and about twenty Anglo-Texans. 
 Having proceeded as far as the hacienda de Her- 
 manas, he was alarmed at hearing that orders had 
 been sent to the military commander at the presidio 
 of Rio Grande to oppose his crossing the river; and 
 thoroughly disheartened, he returned to Monclova, 
 disbanded the militia, and decided to await events. 
 But his fears got the better of him, and in company 
 with Colonel Milam, Doctor John Cameron, and some 
 officers of the state government, he attempted a secret 
 retreat to Texas. The party was captured in a moun- 
 tain pass by the forces under Cos, and sent prisoners 
 to Monterey. Here Milam escaped. Orders having 
 arrived to transfer the captives to the dungeons of 
 San Juan de Ulua, they were fortunate enough to 
 effect their escape on their transit to Saltillo, and 
 eventually reached Texas. The state authorities 
 were deposed by the general government, and all the 
 decrees of the late session annulled. Those members 
 of the legislature who remained in Coahuila were 
 arrested and banished.^ Jos^ Miguel Falcon was 
 appointed governor, but was removed August 8th, 
 and succeeded by Rafael Eca y Muzquiz.® 
 
 The questions which the Texans had to decide, 
 now that the legislature had been deposed, was 
 whether to submit to Santa Anna and the rule of a 
 governor appointed by him, or establish a govern- 
 ment of their own. Opinions on the subject were 
 divided, and at first the peace party dominated. In 
 different municipalities committees of vigilance and 
 safety were established, and meetings held to dis- 
 cuss the position of affairs. But these steps were 
 only of a preliminary character. In June an event 
 occurred which complicated matters, and by affording 
 
 "Filisolo, ut sup., ii. 115-17; Kennedy, ii. 89, 90; Yoahim, i. 336; lioa 
 Bdrcena, Recuerdog, 12; Tm-nel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 55; Edwards, 232-3. 
 » Texas, Col. Doc, Pinart Col, MS., no. 43. 
 
156 EVENTS LEADING TO THE EEVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 the Mexican government just ground for taking de- 
 cided measures, hastened the approaching crisis. 
 
 Captain Tenorio with twenty Mexican soldiers had 
 been stationed for some time at Andhuac to guard 
 the port against smuggUng, and afford protection to 
 the collectors of the customs. He had often been 
 annoyed and harassed by the opposition offered by 
 the merchants of that place to the payment of the 
 high duties upon imports, and riotous demonstrations 
 had lately occurred. To such an extent had these 
 disturbances arrived, that on June 1st the ayunta- 
 miento of Liberty issued an order enjoining observ- 
 ance of the peace, and calling upon all officers, civil 
 and military, to aid in sustaining the revenue officials 
 at Andhuac and Galveston. But this order had no 
 effect. Shortly afterward William B. Travis and 
 about fifty armed Texans attacked and disarmed 
 Tenorio and his men, who being driven from the 
 town retired to San Felipe. This high-handed pro- 
 ceeding was condemned by the municipality of Lib- 
 erty and the central committee.^" 
 
 Cos meantime had addressed from Matamoros a 
 conciliatory circular, dated June 12th, in which he 
 maintained that the government in its views with 
 respect to Texas was guided by justice and paternal 
 regard ; but at the same time a courier was despatched 
 to the commandant at Andhuac, informing him that 
 a strong force would shortly be sent to Texas. The 
 despatch was intercepted," and its contents excited 
 public feeling to a high degree. 
 
 On June 2 2d a meeting of the war party was held 
 at San Felipe. The news of Yiesca's capture had 
 lately arrived, and it was proposed to effect his rescue 
 and expel the Mexicans from Bejar. This bold prop- 
 
 ^' Edwards' Hist. Tex., 235-8, 240; Tex. Col. Doc, Piiiart Col, nos 16, 
 21, 28, and 42, MS. Edwards, page 238, states that Tenorio and his men 
 were ordere<l ' to be seen in San Felipe as soon as God would let them. ' They 
 were well treated at San Felipe and assisted on their way to Bi5jar, their arms 
 being restored to them. Yoakum, 337, 341. 
 
 " rra. Col. Doc, Pinart Col, nos 37, 38, 44, and 62, MS.; Edwards, 240; 
 Filisola, Mem. Hist. Ouerra Tej., ii. 127. 
 
WAR THREATENED. 157 
 
 osition not meeting with the favor of the peace party, 
 another, equally audacious, was made. Ramon Miis- 
 quiz, the ex-vice-governor, was at B^jar, and expressed 
 himself ready to act as governor if the colonists would 
 sustain him. It was proposed to take possession of 
 that town and install Musquiz, who was to appoint 
 land commissioners to extend titles to the settlers. 
 Several municipalities supported these views, while 
 others denounced the proceedings of the meeting as 
 tending to plunge the people into a hopeless civil 
 war.^^ When this revolutionary step became known 
 to General Cos, he issued a proclamation, July 5 th, 
 declaring that the inevitable consequences of the war, 
 which would result from any attempt to disturb the 
 public peace in favor of the state authorities lately 
 deposed, would be visited upon the persons and prop- 
 erty of the disturbers of tranquillity.^^ About the 
 same time, July 15th, an address of a soothing tenor 
 appeared from Colonel Ugartechea, then in command 
 at Bejar with 500 men." Ugartechea possessed many 
 good qualities, was not unpopular among the Anglo- 
 Texans, and would have averted the coming storm. 
 Referring to false information which had been spread, 
 to the effect that it was the intention of the govern- 
 ment to send troops to dispossess the colonists of their 
 lands, he states that the object of the authors of the 
 reports was no other than " to prosper by means of a 
 revolution ; " and he assures the settlers that " they 
 have nothing to fear from the introduction of troops ; 
 as this measure would have no other object than that 
 of placing them as detachments at the ports, to pre- 
 vent the smuggling trade which is carried on with 
 impunity by adventurers, and likewise to prevent the 
 incursions of the Indians." ^^ 
 
 12 roahum., i. 339^0; Tex. Ool. Doc.', nos 18, 31, MS., and no. 47, print. 
 
 "/£?., no. 17, MS.; Edwards, 245. 
 
 " He had been sent to B^jar with this force by Cos, ostensibly to collect 
 the revenue, but Thrall, page 200, is in error in stating that he arrived in July. 
 See Yoakum, 338. 
 
 '* Proclamation in Edwards, 246-7. 
 
158 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 Nor can it be denied that any means were omitted 
 by the war party to fan the flame of rebellion. _ The 
 majority of the settlers were still peaceably inclined, 
 and would have remained so but for the excitement 
 aroused by inflammatory addresses and exaggerated 
 representations, hard to controvert, of the dire enmity 
 of the government. The finger of warning was pointed 
 to the spectre of despotism and oppression, not only 
 by their own countrymen, but by prominent Mexicans. 
 Many of the fugitive authorities from Coahuila were 
 among them; Lorenzo de Zavala, late governor of the 
 state of Mexico, had fled from the tyranny of Santa 
 Anna and sought an asylum in Texas ;^^ and Yiesca, 
 just before his fall, had addressed the Texans in such 
 words as these : " Citizens of Texas, arouse yourselves, 
 or sleep forever ! Your dearest interests, your liberty, 
 your property — nay, your very existence — depend 
 upon the fickle will of your direst enemies. Your de- 
 struction is resolved upon, and nothing but that firm- 
 ness and energy peculiar to true republicans can save 
 you."" The war party was not slow to take advan- 
 tage of such language and the impression it made. 
 Agitators preached about liberty and patriotism, op- 
 pression and ruin, spreading alarm with one breath, 
 and rousing the spirit of resistance with the next. 
 Now, these agitators represented outside interests, 
 
 '° Zavala arrived in Texas early in July. He was born in Merida, Yucatan, 
 1781, where he was educated and practised as a physician tUl 1820, when he 
 was elected deputy to the Spanish cdrtes. On his return he was first made 
 deputy, and then senator, in the Mexican congress. In March 1827 he was 
 
 fovernor of the state o£ Mexico, which ofiEioe he held till the revolution of 
 alapa in 1830, which forced him to leave the country. In 1833 he was again 
 elected to congress, and also governor of the state of Mexico, the house pass- 
 ing a unanimous resolution permitting him to hold both positions. Zavala 
 was appointed minister to France in the following year, but resigned his posi- 
 tion as soon as he perceived the direction toward centralism which the party 
 in power was taking. He was too liberal a republican and too honest in his 
 principles to take part in the overthrow of the federal constitution. He served 
 his country faithfully, but on his retirement to Texas he was stigmatized as 
 a traitor and vagabond. Zavala was the author of two works, Ensaifo Histo- 
 rico de las Sevoluciones de Mexico, and Viage d los Estados Unidos, mention of 
 which has been made in another volume — Hist. ilex. , v. 88, this series. Pre- 
 fixed to the latter work will be found his biography, written by Justo Sierra 
 of Merida. Zavala died at Lynchburg, Texas, Nov. 15, 1836. 
 " Edwards, 234, 
 
PARTY MEASURES. 159 
 
 those of land speculators in the north of the United 
 States, and those of the slave-holders in the south ;^^ 
 and when it is borne in inind how tenaciously both 
 classes pursued their object, and what powerful allies 
 they had in their work of wresting Texas from Mex- 
 ico — the antipathy of race, the contempt of the Ano-lo- 
 American for the Mexican, and the jarring relations 
 between the two races in the social, civic, and indus- 
 trial phases of life — it is not to be wondered that the 
 firebrands thrown broadcast by their agents lighted 
 the blaze of rebellion. And so it was. Before long 
 all the colonists deeply compromised themselves ; so 
 far, indeed, that the only alternative was war or an 
 abject submission to an oflfended power. The liberty- 
 loving Anglo-Texans were not likely to choose the 
 latter. 
 
 The war party naturally expected that any insub- 
 ordinate act would be regarded by the government in 
 the light of a general expression of feeling ; but both 
 the peace party and the Mexican commanders rec- 
 ognized the fact that if a revolt occurred it would 
 be more the result of operations directed from the 
 United States than actual inclination on the part of 
 the mass of the colonists.^* Yet the loss of Texas, 
 
 '^The reader is referred to a pamphlet of 32 pages, entitled, The Origin 
 and True Causes of the Texas Insurrection, Commenced in the Year 1835, repub- 
 lished in Phil, in 1836 from the Phil. National Oazette. The author, who 
 writes under the nom de plume of Columbus, states that the easy terms on 
 which lands were obtained in Texas, and the liberal exemption from duties 
 granted to the colonists, were abused and made avail of as a means of smug- 
 gling. Many foreigners took up lands exclusively for the purpose of supply- 
 ing the natives with contraband goods. When the time approached for those 
 who had taken up large grants to fulfil the condition of colonizing them or 
 giving them up, great efforts were made to throw any kind of population into 
 the districts. The establishment of an independent government for Texas 
 would be an effectual way of legalizing all grants, and strenuous efforts were 
 made to obtain it. When this failed, the colonists, feeling themselves too 
 weak to compete with the power of the republic, declared for the constitution 
 of 1824, in the expectation that Coahuila and the contiguous states would 
 unite with them. The writer goes on at some length to show that a number 
 of the grievances set forth in the Texan declaration of independence did not 
 exist, but his main object is to prove that the revoU was not so much the 
 deed of the actual settlers as of the land speculators and slave-holders in the 
 U. S. 
 
 '' Gen. Cos, in a letter to the gef e politico of the department of Nacog- 
 doches, July 12th, attributes the disturbances in Texas to the acts of aliens 
 
160 EVENTS LEAEING TO THE REVOLT 07 TEXAS. 
 
 already foreshadowed, was feared by the Mexican 
 government, and in its anxiety it took the very steps 
 to alienate the peace party and hasten the crisis. 
 
 During the month of July the agitation increased. 
 The inhabitants could no longer doubt that Santa 
 Anna's intention was to establish a military yoke in 
 Texas, and numerous meetings were held, both of a 
 conciliatory and contrary spirit. Committees of safety 
 were organized in all the municipalities during this 
 and the previous month, and these now applied them- 
 selves with ardor to the discharge of their duties. 
 On July 17th representatives from the jurisdictions 
 of Austin, Columbia, and Mina met in council at San 
 Felipe to discuss the condition of affairs.^" The in- 
 clination of this convention was pacific ; and a concili- 
 atory letter, denouncing the late outrage at Andhuac, 
 was addressed to Ugartechea; but at the same time 
 the opinion was expressed that, if troops were sent 
 into Texas in any great number, a union of all parties 
 would be the consequence, and a fierce civil war fol- 
 low. Very different were the meetings held on the 
 19th at Rio Navidad and Guadalupe Victoria, at 
 which warlike resolutions were passed, and Santa 
 Anna's arbitrary acts condemned. ^^ 
 
 Thus at this time the balance was still somewhat 
 equally poised ; but the scale soon turned. When the 
 Mexican authorities heard of Zavala's arrival in Texas 
 an order was issued for his arrest. ^"^ But it was not 
 the intention of the authorities to stop here : they 
 
 and political intrigants. Tex. Col. Doc., MS., no, 36. See also the procla- 
 mation of Wylie Martin, the politioeil chief of Brazos, counselling moderation 
 and peace. Id., no. 35, and Arrillaija Hecop., 1835, 574-6. 
 
 '" The delegates from Columbia were John A. Wharton, James F. Perry, 
 Stirling McNeil, James Knight, and Josiah H. Bell; from Austin: A. Somer- 
 vills, John R. Jones, Wylie Martin, Jesse Bartlett, and C. B. Stewart; from 
 Mina: D. C. Barrett. Wylie Martin was chosen president, and Stewart 
 secretary. Yoakum, i. 340. 
 
 ^' Tex. Col. Doc., nos 10 and 17. These resolutions were sent to the 
 political chief of Brazos. 
 
 ''' Cap. Tenorio presented it July 24th to Wylie Martin, political chief of 
 Brazos, who refused to comply with it, on the ground that having received no 
 order from the government, his civil capacity did not admit of hia doing so. 
 Yoakum, i. 344. 
 
COS' PROCEEDINGS. 161 
 
 wanted also to lay their hands on the ringleaders of 
 the hostile party, and on those who had taken a lead- 
 ing part in the affair at Andhuac. On July 31st 
 Ugartechea issued a circular order to the alcaldes of 
 the municipalities to make every effort to secure the 
 persons of Johnson, WiUiamson, Travis, Williams, and 
 Baker; at the same time he threatened to send a suffi- 
 cient force to effect their capture if those officers failed 
 to execute the order. Yet fail they did; and a report 
 being spread of the departure of the prescribed persons 
 for the United States, the matter rested. When this 
 demand for the arrest of prominent colonists became 
 known, a far more bitter feeling was developed in the 
 peace party, and the war party was strongly reenforced. 
 Events were occurring at Andhuac, too, which aggra- 
 vated the spirit of war. 
 
 When Cos became aware of Tenorio's ejection from 
 that port, he sent thither in July the schooner Gorreo, 
 Captain Thompson, to protect the revenues. Thomp- 
 son was somewhat of that buccaneering stamp for 
 which Galveston Bay had previously been famous, and 
 his main object was to make a fortune. ^^ Accordingly, 
 he proceeded in a high-handed manner, and in violation 
 of orders. He bullied the citizens and traders at 
 Andhuac, threatened to burn the town, and in August 
 captured the American brig Tremont, engaged in the 
 Texan trade. Such action intensely exasperated the 
 settlers. He now kept a sharp look-out for the San 
 Felipe,^* Captain Hurd, expected at Brazoria from 
 New Orleans. On September 1st Hurd arrived off 
 the mouth of the river Brazos, and the Gorreo at eight 
 o'clock in the evening came up, and without warning 
 
 ^' He was an Englishman by birth, and of unprepossessing appearance. 
 Washingtbn Stiles, in the trial of Thompson at New Orleans for piracy, swore 
 that Thompson said that if he could capture two American vessels, the Ti-e- 
 numi and the San Felipe, his fortune would be made, and he would stop. 
 Winthrop, Report oj the, Trial of Thomas M. Thompson, 3, 16. Stiles was one 
 of the crew of the Trenumt. 
 
 " Yoakum, i. 356, states that this vessel was purchased and armed at New 
 Orleans expressly to capture the Correo — a questionable assertion. 
 Hist. Texas, Vol. II. 11 
 
162 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 fired into the San Felipe. An engagement followed, 
 which lasted for three quarters of an hour, when 
 Thompson drew off. In tlie morning the San Felipe, 
 taken in tow by a small steamboat, the Laura, went in 
 pursuit of the Gorreo, which was almost becalmed 
 about six miles oif. The Mexican captain surrendered 
 without further fighting. The vessel was sent to New 
 Orleans, where Thompson was tried for piracy. ^^ 
 
 At the convention held at San Felipe, July 17th, 
 Wharton had proposed to call a general council of the 
 people of Texas ; but the motion had been voted down, 
 inasmuch as such a step could not fail to be regarded 
 by the Mexican government in a rebellious light. On 
 August 15th a great meeting was held at the town of 
 Columbia, and a committee of fifteen persons appointed 
 to prepare an address to all the municipalities of Texas, 
 urging them to cooperate in the call for a consultation 
 of all Texas. The address was drawn up and sent to 
 every jurisdiction. It requested that each one would 
 elect five delegates, and that the consultation should 
 convene October 15th at the town of Washington, 
 situated on the Brazos River some miles above San 
 Felipe. But stirring events occurred before that date. 
 
 Early in September Austin, so long absent from 
 the colonies, returned to find them, as he describes it, 
 " all disorganized, all in anarchy, and threatened with 
 immediate hostilities." ^^ He had been released through 
 the intervention of Santa Anna,^"" who, after his vic- 
 
 ^'This account of the affair between the Smi. Felipe and the Correo is 
 mainly derived from Meport of the Trial of Thomas M. Thompson, for a Pirati' 
 cal A ttack upon the A merican Schooner San Felipe. By John Wiuthrop, A. M. , 
 counseller at law. N. Orleans, 1835. 8vo, pp. 44. The jury could not agree, 
 and Thompson was remanded to prison, but finally released. He had been 
 in the Mexican service some years. Edwards, pages 248-9, states that Thomp- 
 son was sent to N. 0. as a pirate, because he could show no document to sup- 
 port the official character he had assumed. He certainly was unable to 
 produce his commission at the trial, though he was sustained by his govern- 
 ment. 
 
 *" See his speech in Foote's Tex. , ii. 60. 
 
 '" After bemg liberated from prison under bonds, amnesty weis granted him, 
 and he was allowed to return to Texas through the friendship of Santa Anna. 
 
AUSTIN'S SPEECH Kig 
 
 tory over the Zacatecanos, had returned to Mexico, 
 and who doubtless believed that Austin would be in- 
 strumental in restoring order in Texas. On Septem- 
 ber 8th he was entertained at a public dinner given 
 in his honor at Brazoria, where a great concourse o^ 
 settlers had congregated to greet him. On this occa- 
 sion he delivered a speech to a large assembly,^ ex- 
 plaining his conduct while in Mexico, and discussing 
 the position of Texas. He recognized the critical 
 state of affairs, and the almost inevitable result. 
 While informing his hearers that the federal constitu- 
 tion would be overthrown and a central government 
 established, he deemed it his duty to relate the 
 friendly messages of Santa Anna, his wishes for the 
 prosperity of Texas, and his intention to use his in- 
 fluence to give to its people a special organization 
 suited to their education, habits, and situation. Aus- 
 tin had advised the president not to send troops to 
 Texas, expressing his decided opinion that war would 
 be the inevitable consequence, and concluded his speech 
 with these words : " The crisis is such as to bring it 
 home to the judgment of every man that something 
 must be done, and that without delay. The question 
 will perhaps be asked. What are we to do ? I have 
 already indicated my opinion. Let all personalities, 
 or divisions, or excitements, or passion, or violence, be 
 banished from among us. Let there be a general 
 consultation of the people of Texas as speedily as 
 possible, to be convened of the best, and most calm, 
 and intelligent, and firm men in the country, and let 
 them decide what representation ought to be made to 
 the general government, and what ought to be done 
 in the future." He then gave this toast : " The con- 
 stitutional rights and the security and peace of Texas 
 
 Tornel, TeJ. y Eatad. Unid., 53. Filisola, ut sup., ii. 140-1, states that Aus- 
 tin embarked at Vera Cruz, proceeded to New Orleans, and there provided 
 himself with arms and munitions of war, with which he returned to Texas in 
 September. 
 
 28 Foote says, ii. 60, more than a thousand Anglo-Americans listened to him 
 for nearly an hour with unbroken delight. 
 
lU EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 — they ought to be maintained ; and, jeopardized as 
 they now are, they demand a general consultation of 
 the people."^' It is evident that Austin regarded the 
 preservation of peace as hardly possible, and anxiously 
 though he hoped for it, and deeply distressed though 
 he was at the critical situation of his colony, he would 
 not see the settlers' rights invaded or their future 
 welfare imperilled without a struggle. The effect of 
 his discourse was beneficial. The high opinion in 
 which he was held caused his views to be generally 
 adopted, and henceforth more harmony of spirit and 
 unity of purpose prevailed among the colonists. 
 
 Indeed, at this time war was no longer doubtful. 
 In the latter part of August a further demand had 
 been made for the surrender of Zavala and the pro- 
 scribed settlers,^" the list of the latter being greatly 
 enlarged,^^ and positive information had been received 
 that Cos, with a large reeforcement, was on his march 
 to Bejar, with the intention of breaking up the foreign 
 settlements in Texas. Preparations for the impend- 
 ing struggle were at once commenced. Austin, who 
 had been appointed chairman of the committee of 
 safety of the jurisdiction which bore his name, issued 
 a circular, ^^ September 19th, in which that committee 
 recommended that the people should insist on their 
 rights under the federal constitution of 1824, and that 
 every district should send members to the general 
 consultation, with full powers to do whatever might 
 be necessary for the good of the country, organize its 
 
 ^' See copy of speech in Foote, ii. 60-65, and in Kennedy, ii. 97-102. 
 
 '"Letter of Ugartechea to Edward Gritton, dated August 17th, in Tex. 
 Col. Doc, no. 14. 
 
 '' Yoakum supplies a copy m Spanish of Ugartechea's list. The names 
 appearing in it are Johnson, Williamsons Travis, Williams, Baker, John H. 
 Moore, J. McCarvajal, and Juan Zambrano, besides those who opened the 
 oflScial correspondence, the names of whom are not given. Hist. Tex i 360 
 The list bears the date of Sept. 3, 1835. 
 
 '' At San Felipe there was a printing-press which greatly facilitated the 
 rapid and extensive circulation of addresses to the colonists. The Texa-t: Tele- 
 graph, the first permanent newspaper in Texas, and devoted to the revolu- 
 tionary cause, as it was considered, began to be published weekly at San 
 Felipe; the editors were Gail Borden and Mosely Baker. Foote, ii. 66-7; 
 Thrall, 502. Edwards states that the public press was in Brazoria, the only 
 one then in Texas. Hist. Tex, , 249. Baker was one of the proscribed. 
 
PRKPARATIONS FOR WAK. 165 
 
 militia, and raise volunteer companies. The commit- 
 tee concluded by stating that it was their duty to say 
 that conciliatory measures with Cos and the military 
 at Bejar were hopeless. "War is our only resource. 
 There is no other remedy. We must defend our 
 rights, ourselves, and our country by force of arms." 
 
 The country was now all astir ; committees of safety 
 were active ; volunteers hastened to enroll themselves ; 
 and a marked enthusiasm displayed itself. The in- 
 tention was to oppose the entrance of Cos into Texas ; 
 but a diversion occurred which left his movements 
 uninterrupted ; and having landed at Matagorda with 
 500 men, he proceeded to La Bahia, or Groliad, where 
 he arrived October 2d, and continuing his march on 
 the 5th, reached Bejar on the 9th.'' 
 
 Cos was allowed free passage to B^jar, owing to a 
 demand made by Ugartechea for a cannon which had 
 been given four years before to the town of Gonzalez, 
 on the east bank of the Guadalupe, for the purpose of 
 defence against Indians. The alcalde refused to com- 
 ply, and the inhabitants, satisfied that the demand had 
 been made only to get a pretext to attack the place 
 and plunder the district, made application to the com- 
 mittee of safety at Mina for assistance. This was not 
 only immediately responded to, but the communica- 
 tion of the people of Gonzalez was also sent to the 
 committee at San Felipe.^* 
 
 As soon as Ugartechea received the refusal to de- 
 liver up the cannon, he despatched Lieutenant Fran- 
 cisco Castaneda, with about 100'^ of the presidial 
 troops, to take possession of it. Having arrived on 
 the west bank of the Guadalupe Castaneda, finding 
 that the ferry-boat and every means of crossing had 
 been removed to the other side, encamped about half 
 
 ^^Filiaola, utsup., ii. 144-5, 151, 156. 
 
 SI Consult Austin's letter of Sept. 29th, in Foote, ii. 69-70. 
 
 3* Filisola, ii. 145, says 80. Anglo-Texan accounts exaggerate the number 
 of the Mexicans, Macomb placing it at 200. Foote, ii. 98. Kennedy, ii. 107, 
 gives the same number. Yoakum is more impartial, and states that the Mexi- 
 can force was 100 cavalry, i. 361. Thrall, p. 207, says 'with about 150 men." 
 
166 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 a mile from the ferry. This was on September 29th. 
 Meantime volunteers from the Colorado and Brazos 
 rivers were hastening to the point of danger, and by- 
 October 1st nmnbered 168 men, 50 of whom were 
 mounted. They now decided to attack the enemy, 
 who had moved his camp about six miles away ; and 
 having organized, John H. Moore being elected colo- 
 nel, and J. W. E. Wallace lieutenant-colonel, crossed 
 the Guadalupe that evening, taking with them the 
 disputed piece, a brass six-pounder. Having formed 
 line, they silently commenced their march about eleven 
 o'clock, with the intention of attacking the enemy 
 next day. 
 
 Day broke with a dense fog, under cover of which 
 the Texans advanced to within 350 yards of the 
 enemy. The Texan scouts, having approached, deliv- 
 ered their fire and fell back, pursued by a small body 
 of Mexicans. Fire was now opened with the six- 
 pounder, whereupon Castaneda sounded a parley. A 
 conference took place, but no adjustment was arrived 
 at. The Texans would not deliver up the piece, nor 
 would Casteneda surrender. He was evidently pro- 
 crastinating in the expectation of reenforcements. 
 When the leaders retired to their respective lines, the 
 Texans fired their gun, which was loaded with grape, 
 and charged ; upon which the Mexicans ignominiously 
 fled, and hurried at full speed to B^jar, the Texans 
 returning to Gonzalez.'* 
 
 In this trivial engagement the Mexicans lost a few 
 men, while the Texans had not a single man killed ; 
 but insignificant though it was in the matter of blood- 
 shed, it was to the Anglo-Texans what the afiair at 
 Lexington was to the American colonists. 
 
 '"Consult the account given by 'an old soldier,' who was personally pres- 
 ent in Tex. Aim., 1861, 60-2; Macomb's account in Foote, ii. 98-102; Kennedy, 
 ii. 105-9; Yoakum, i. 361-4; FUisola, ii. 145-6. This last author stigmatizes 
 Castaileda's conduct. He says, ' regrisd a B^jar tray endo consigo una maii- 
 cha que labar, una nueva ofensa 5. las armas nacionales que vengar, y un 
 crimen que perseguir y escarmentar . . . en vez de haber vuelto con el canon. ' 
 Linn states that Castafleda had only '2ri men, and that not a man was killed 
 on cither side.' Reminis. Tex., 107-8. 
 
COMMITTEES FORMED. 167 
 
 The die was cast; there was no longer room for. 
 hesitation; all must now be up and doing, for all 
 would be held to account. To the farthest settlements 
 news of the affair at Gonzalez was speedily borne, 
 awakening a warlike enthusiasm. The ayuntamiento 
 of Nacogdoches had already, September 5th, passed a 
 resolution to obey no orders but those emanating from 
 the legitimate authorities of the state ; and on the 21st 
 of the same month a great public meeting had been 
 held on the road between the Neches and Trinity 
 rivers, at which changes in the Mexican constitution 
 had been vehemently denounced. Thus the people of 
 that department were not disposed to lag behind in 
 the coming contest. On October 10th the committee 
 of safety of the town of Nacogdoches called on the 
 ayuntamiento to adopt at once an active course,^^ and 
 private individuals displayed their earnestness in the 
 cause by pecuniary contributions.^* At San Augus- 
 tine a spirited meeting was held October 5th, and a 
 company of volunteers raised then and there to march 
 to the south-west. Sam Houston, Thomas Jefferson 
 Rusk,*" and the proscribed Johnson were present, and 
 hastened without loss of time to the scene of action. 
 Zavala also left his retreat on the San Jacinto ** and 
 
 " Tex. Col. Doc., MS., nos 24, 39, 41. 
 
 '^A. McLaughlin & Bros gave the committee of safety $500, Oct. 11th. 
 Id., MS., no. 26. 
 
 "Rusk was bom Dec. 5, 1803, in South Carolina, his father being an emi- 
 grant from Ireland, and following the occupation of a stone-mason. Through 
 the interest of John C. Calhoun, on whose laud the family lived, young Rusk 
 was placed in the oflSce of William Grisham, clerk for Pendleton district, 
 where he made himself familiar with the law, to the practice of which he was 
 soon admitted. He afterward removed to Clarksville, Georgia, where he 
 married the daughter of Gen. Cleveland. Here he obtained a lucrative prac- 
 tice, but unfortunately engaging in mining speculations, was swindled out of 
 nearly all his earnings. The agents of the company in whose stock he had 
 invested absconded, and he pursued some of them to Texas. He overtook 
 them west of the Sabine, only to find that they had squandered and gambled 
 away his money. This was in 1834. Rusk proceeded to Nacogdoches, where 
 he located himself, being determined to make Texas his home. At the meet- 
 ing mentioned in the text he delivered an eloquent address to the people, ap- 
 pealing to their patriotism, and volunteered to be one of a company to march 
 at once to the seat of war. Tex. Aim., ' j58, 105; Thrall's Hist. Tra., 607. 
 
 "Zavala, possessed a grant of land in Texas — consult Austin's map — 
 and had taken up his residence on the San Jacinto River. 
 
168 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 repaired to San Felipe, where he was warmly received 
 by Austin." 
 
 In a circular addressed by Austin, October 4th, 
 to the committees of safety of Nacogdoches and San 
 Augustine, it is boldly proclaimed that war was de- 
 clared against military despotism, and that one com- 
 mon purpose animated every one in the department 
 of Brazos; namely, to take Bejar and drive the Mex- 
 ican troops from Texas. On the 8th a general appeal 
 was issued by him and distributed broadcast through 
 the land, calling for volunteers, and appointing Gon- 
 zalez as the present headquarters of the army of the 
 people.*^ Nor were these appeals slowly responded 
 to. The people were aroused, and in a few days such 
 numbers of volunteers flocked to Gonzalez that Ugar- 
 techea, who after Castaneda's disgrace had prepared 
 to march against the rebels with 500 men of all arms, 
 desisted from his purpose. There were more men, 
 indeed, than arms. A leader was required for the 
 assembled forces, and the wishes of all pointed to 
 Austin. In order, therefore, to relieve him from his 
 position at San Felipe, a permanent council, composed 
 of one member from each committee, was appointed, 
 R. R. Royall being elected president. Austin now 
 proceeded to Gonzalez, where he was made com- 
 mander-in-chief On October 13th the army, about 
 350 strong,*^ commenced its march, and advancing 
 to the San Antonio River, took up a temporary posi- 
 tion about eight miles below the town. Here Austin 
 waited for reenforcements. 
 
 While these movements were being made, a bold 
 
 *' Austin's circular of Oct. 4, 1835, in Foote, ii. 84. 
 
 "/(?., ii. 84-90; Ter. Col Doc, Print, no. 59. 
 
 " The intention had been to march again at B^jar with 500 men, but a 
 detachment under captains Benjamin Fort Snuth and Allen had been sent to 
 protect Victoria on the Guadalupe, where a body of Mexicans had been com- 
 mitting acts of violence. Foote, ii. 108-11. Austin wrote to the committee of 
 safety at San Felipe, Oct. 11th, urging it to press on volunteers, begging them 
 ' to hurry on by forced marches, and not to stay for cannon or for anything ' 
 Id., ii. 119. 
 
CAPTURE OF GOLIAD 169 
 
 design to capture Goliad was successfully carried out 
 by Captain George Collingsworth.. With about forty 
 planters from the neighborhood of Matagorda and the 
 banks of the Caney, he had gone in pursuit of the 
 Mexicans marauding at Victoria, and determined to 
 attempt the capture of Goliad. The company arrived 
 below the town at midnight on the 9th of October, 
 and sent two or three of their number to reconnoitre 
 the place. While these scouts were thus engaged 
 Colonel Milam was discovered in a thicket by a 
 party who had got separated from their comrades. 
 The wayworn man, after his escape from prison at 
 Monterey, had made his way alone through the 
 country, riding night and day to reach Texas. He 
 heartily volunteered to assist in the enterprise. 
 When all were reunited, their number, including 
 Milam and one or two others who had joined them, 
 was forty-eight. Guided by settlers acquainted with 
 the town, they attacked the quarters of Lieutenant- 
 colonel Sandoval. The sentinel discharged his piece, 
 and was instantly struck dead with a rifle-ball. The 
 door was battered in with axes, and Sandoval taken 
 prisoner. The garrison, summoned to surrender, laid 
 down its arms after a slight resistance. One Mexican 
 soldier was killed and three wounded. The Texans 
 had one man slightly wounded. This was an impor- 
 tant capture, $10,000, two pieces of artillery, and 300 
 stands of arms falling into the hands of the victors.** 
 
 Preliminary meetings of some of the members of 
 the consultation had been held at San Felipe and 
 Washington, and on October 16th thirty-two members 
 assembled at the former place. As this number did 
 not form a quorum, the consultation was adjourned 
 till November 1st, and a letter having been received 
 from Austin, inviting the members to assist person- 
 ally in the capture of B^jar, a large portion of them 
 repaired to the army. It was, however, necessary to 
 
 "/d., ii. 112-18; Kennedy, ii. 117; Yoakum, i. 368-9 
 
170 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 organize a government, as well as provide ways and 
 means for carrying on the war; and after some delib- 
 eration they returned to San Felipe to take their 
 places in the coming consultation. 
 
 There was no longer any want of unanimity among 
 the colonists. Even the jurisdiction of liberty, op- 
 posed though it was to a rupture with Mexico,** and 
 the last to cast peace aside, on the news of the fall of 
 Goliad joined the revolution with a corresponding 
 firmness, and sent assistance to the army. Every- 
 where the committees of safety were tireless in their 
 exertions to send men and provisions to the front, and 
 raise subscriptions. At Nacogdoches and San Au- 
 gustine, the committees, aided by the central council, 
 took measures to conciliate the civilized Indians, who 
 were in no amiable mood on account of the neglect 
 with which their claims had been treated. A depu- 
 tation was sent to confer with them, and arrangements 
 made that they should have a representative at the 
 consultation. To keep the wild tribes in check, 
 mounted rangers were sent to the confines of the 
 districts which they occupied. Sam Houston was ap- 
 pointed to command the eastern volunteers. As re- 
 ceivers of contributions and public moneys, committees 
 were appointed by the central council; J. L. Hood, 
 Jacob Garrett, and Peter J. Menard composed that 
 for the jurisdictions of the department of Nacogdo- 
 ches, and R. R. Royall and Gail Borden that for other 
 jurisdictions. Appeals, too, were made to the citizens 
 of the United States, and not in vain. On October 
 7th a public meeting had already been held at Natchi- 
 toches, at which the warmest sympathy was expressed, 
 and a resolution enthusiastically carried to support the 
 people of Texas. *^ This friendly disposition was dis- 
 played elsewhere in the United States. In New Oi- 
 leans two companies were quickly formed, the Grays, 
 
 ** See the address of the committee of safety of Oct 24, 1835, in Tex. Aim. 
 1868, 39-40. The document is signed by Edwai-d Tanner, David G. Buraelt, 
 William Hardin, Jesse Devone, B. M. Spinks, and Henry W. Farley 
 
 « Te.v. Col. Doc, MS., no. 34. 
 
LAND FRAUDS. 171 
 
 one of which left October 17th by w^ay of Natchito- 
 ches, and the other on the 19th by the gulf route. 
 
 It was not until November 3d. that the general 
 consultation assembled. Hitherto the council, com- 
 posed of one member from each committee, had acted 
 and been recognized as a temporary kind of govern- 
 ment. An important measure taken by this council 
 was one touching the extension of land titles. Ugar- 
 techea had addressed, September 3d, an order to 
 the political chief at Nacogdoches to suspend the 
 functions of the land commissioner, so that no more 
 titles should be granted till the receipt of instructions 
 from the supreme government. The committee of 
 safety, however, decided that Ugartechea Jiad no con- 
 trol over the civil authorities, and his order was disre- 
 garded. Unfortunately, this action afforded opportu- 
 nity for the perpetration of outrageous land frauds by 
 the commissioner, and extensive tracts were alienated 
 by titles in the names of fictitious persons and those 
 who had left the country. The central council, to 
 prevent further robberies of this nature, ordered all 
 land -offices to be closed, and prohibited surveying.*^ 
 The labors of this council, during its brief existence, 
 were extremely arduous, but were rendered less irk- 
 some by the general harmony of feeling and the will- 
 ing spirit of cooperation everywhere displayed. On 
 October 3d the central system of government was 
 established in Mexico by decree.^ 
 
 When the consultation met at San Felipe on the 
 day above mentioned, fifty-five members were present, 
 whose names I give below. *^ Branch T. Archer hav- 
 
 « Yoakum, i. 359, 377. 
 
 *^Dublan and Lmano, Leg. Mex., iii. 75-8. 
 
 *' According to the convocation, a meeting had taken place Nov. lat, but 
 suflGlcient members were not present to form a quorum. The names of the 
 delegates are the following: For the municipality of Austin: Wylie Martin, 
 R. Jones, Jesse Burnam, William Menifee. Nacogdoches: Sam Houston, 
 James W. Robinson, William Whitaker, Daniel Parker, William N. Sigler. 
 Washington: Philip Coe, E. OoUard, Jesse Grimes, Asa Mitchell, Asa Hoxey. 
 Harrisburg: Lorenzo de Zavala, C. C. Dyer, John W. Moore, M. W. Smith, 
 
172 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 ing been duly elected president, and P. B. Dexter 
 secretary, the former delivered an address, in which 
 he sketched out the duties to be performed by the 
 consultation and the measures which it would be ad- 
 visable to adopt/" The first matter attended to was 
 the preparation of a declaration, or bill of rights, set- 
 ting forth the causes which had driven the Texans to 
 take up arms. John A. Wharton was commissioned 
 to draught the bill, and a committee of five — Harris, 
 Barret, Martin, Barnell, and Wharton — was ap- 
 pointed to draw up and submit a plan of a provisional 
 government. On November 7th Wharton laid his 
 draught of the declaration before the consultation. 
 It caused a lengthy discussion ; a large number of the 
 delegates were in favor of a declaration of indepen- 
 dence, whereas the one submitted to them announced 
 adherence to the constitution of 1824.^^ Policy, how- 
 ever, overruled; none doubted that independence 
 would be the ultimate outcome, and the declaration 
 was adopted. 
 
 The ordinance establishing the plan and powers of 
 
 David B. Macomb. Liberty: George M. Patrick, William P. Harris, Henry 
 Millard, J. B. Woods, A. B. Hardin. Gonzalez: W. S. Fisher, J. D. Qe- 
 ments, Geo. W. Davis, James Hodges, William W. Arlington, Benjamin 
 Faqua. Tenehaw: Martin Parmer. Columbia: Henry Smith, John A. Whar- 
 ton, Edwin Waller, John S. D. Byrom. San Augustine: A. Houston, WiUiam 
 N. Sigler, A. E. C. Johnson, A. Horton, A. G. Kellog. Mina: D. C. Barret, 
 J. S. Lester, R. M. Williamson. Matagorda: R. R. Royall, Chas Wilson. 
 Bevil: S. H. Everitt, John Bevil, Wyatt Hanks. Viesca: Saml T. Allen, A. 
 G. Perry, J. G. W. Pierson, Alexander Thompson, Jas W. Parker. Jeffer- 
 son: Claiborne West. Journals of tJw Consultation, 50. 
 
 ^ Copy of Archer's speech will be found in Id. , 6-9, and Foote, ii. 144-7. 
 
 *^ The declaration set forth that the federal constitution having been over- 
 thrown by Santa Anna, the social compact which existed between Texaa and 
 the other members of the Mexican confederacy was dissolved; that the Texans 
 had taken up arms in defence of their rights and liberties, which were threat- 
 ened; that they offered their assistance to such states as would take up arms 
 against military despotism; that they did not acknowledge the right of the 
 present Mexican authorities to govern in Texas, and would not cease to carry 
 on war against them as long as their troops remained within its limits; that 
 during the disorganization of the federal system they withdrew from the 
 union, but would continue faithful to the Mexican government as long as the 
 nation was governed by the constitution of 1824; Texas would be responsible 
 for the expenses of the armies in the field, and was pledged for the payment 
 of debts contracted by her agents; she would reward by donations of land 
 volunteers who offered their services in the struggle, and would receive them 
 as citizens. Journnh of the Omimlt., 18-19, 21-2. Copy of the declaration 
 also in HoUey's 2V,i-., 235-6, and Kennedy, ii. 488-9. 
 
PKOVISIONAL GOVERNxMENT. 173 
 
 the provisional government was passed November 
 13tli. It comprised twenty-one articles, and pro- 
 vided for the creation of a governor, lieutenant- 
 governor, and general council, to be elected from the 
 consultation — one member from each municipality. 
 The governor and lieutenant-governor were ap- 
 pointed by the consultation. The former in con- 
 junction with the council was authorized to contract 
 loans not exceeding $1,000,000, hypothecating the 
 public lands if necessary; to treat with the Indian 
 tribes concerning their land claims, and secure their 
 friendship ; to establish a postal service, and exercise 
 the functions of a high court of admiralty. They 
 were invested with the power to create and fill the 
 necessary offices of government, and organize the 
 regular forces according to emergencies. A provis- 
 ional judiciary was to be constituted in each juris- 
 diction; all land commissioners, empresarios, and 
 surveyors were to be ordered to cease their opera- 
 tions during hostilities, and all grants and sales of 
 lands in Texas fraudulently made by the state of 
 Coahuila and Texas were declared null. All per- 
 sons, widows and minors excepted, who should leave 
 the country during the existing crisis would forfeit 
 their lands. An army ordinance was also passed, 
 providing for the creation of a regular army of 1,120 
 men, rank and file, to be governed by the rules, regu- 
 lations, and discipline observed in the army of the 
 United States during time of war, the commander- 
 in-chief, with the rank of major-general, being ap- 
 pointed by the consultation.'^ 
 
 Henry Smith was appointed governor, and James 
 W. Robinson lieutenant-governor. Sam Houston was 
 elected commander-in-chief,^^ a commission of three 
 persons, Austin, Branch T. Archer, and William H. 
 
 *2 Journal, mt sup., 43-9. A full copy of these ordinances will be found in 
 Kennedy, it. 489-97. 
 
 *' Austin had previously expressed his -wish to resign the command, as his 
 attention had never been directed to military matters, and had urged Hous- 
 ton to assume it. Yoakum, i. 371-2. 
 
174 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS. 
 
 Wharton, was appointed to proceed to the United 
 States and promote the interests of Texas in that 
 country, and the general council elected. The mem- 
 bers of this council, whose duties were to devise ways 
 and means, and advise and assist the governor in the 
 discharge of his functions, were : A. Houston, Daniel 
 Parker, Jesse Grimes, A. G. Perry, Claiborne West, 
 D. C. Barret, Charles Wilson, Henry Millard, Mar- 
 tin Parmer, J. A. Padilla, J. D. Clements, Wylie 
 Martin, W. P. Harris, John A. Wharton, and W. 
 Hanks. ^* On November 14th the consultation, hav- 
 ing completed its labors, adjourned to meet on the 
 1st of March following. It never reassembled, how- 
 ever, as on that date a convention was held of dele- 
 gates chosen at the general election of February 1836. 
 
 ** Jowrnal of the Gen. Council, 3. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF SAN ANTONIO DE B^JAR. 
 
 1835. 
 
 Battle of Concepcion — The Grass Fight — Pbotracted Siege — Dissatis- 
 faction OF THE Volunteers — Burleson Succeeds Austin — Orders 
 AND Counter-orders — -Milam's Call — Description op San Antonio — 
 The First Assault — Steady Advance of the Texans — Death of 
 Milam — His Biography — Confusion at the .^lamo — Cos Surkendbbs 
 . — Terms of Capitulation — The Volunteers Disband — Affair at 
 Lipantitlan — The Tampico Tragedy — Discord in the Government — 
 Financial Matters — Houston's Proclamation — Governor Smith and 
 the Council — Grant's Scheme — Descent on Matamoros Meditated — 
 Smith Suspended — The Effect of Discord. 
 
 Austin having reached the Salado creek, some 
 skirmishing took place, in which the Texans were in- 
 variably victorious. On October 27th he sent for- 
 ward Colonel James Bowie ^ and Captain James W. 
 Fannin, with a detachment of ninety-two rank and 
 file, to reconnoitre the old missions above Espada, 
 and select a suitable position for the army. Having 
 reached the mission of La Purisima Concepcion, about 
 one mile and a half from San Antonio, Bowie en- 
 
 > James Bowie was a native of Georgia. His brother Kezin was the inven- 
 tor of the knife which bears the family name. While Lafitte occupied Gal- 
 veston, the three brothers, James, Rezin P., and John, engaged in buying 
 African negroes of Lafitte's men, conducting them through the swamps of 
 Louisiana for sale. They are said to have made $65,000 by this traffic. 
 James Bowie was connected with Long's expedition in 1819. In October 
 1830 he became a naturalized citizen of Saltillo, and soon after married a 
 daughter of Vice-governor Veramendi, of San Antonio de B^jar. Nov. 2d, 
 1831, he fought a remarkable battle with Indians on the San SabA River, in 
 which, with his brother Rezin, nine other Americans, and two negroes, he 
 defeated 164 Tehuacanas and Caddos, the Indians losing nearly half their num- 
 ber, while the Anglo-Texans had only one man killed and three wounded. 
 When hostilities broke out, he attached himself to the Texan cause. Thrall, 
 502-5. 
 
 (175) 
 
176 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR. 
 
 camped in a bend of the river pointing southward, and 
 when morning broke, found himself almost surrounded 
 by about 400 Mexicans. Perceiving that tJiere was 
 no chance of escape, he withdrew his men into the 
 river bottom, nearly 100 yards wide, and protected 
 by a bluff from six to ten feet high, affording an ex- 
 cellent position for defence, since the men could fire 
 from a natural covert without being much exposed. 
 The position was further strengthened by a skirt of 
 timber around the bend and below the bluff, to which 
 retreat could be made if necessary. Bowie divided 
 the command into two parties, which respectively oc- 
 cupied the upper and lower arms of the bend, Fannin 
 being in charge of the latter. Before them stretched 
 an open plain. 
 
 A heavy fog for some time prevented the opponents 
 from seeing each other, but when it rose, the Mexicans 
 advanced to within 200 yards of Fannin's right, and 
 poured in a heavy fire, every volley being marked in 
 the yet gloomy light by a blaze all along their line. 
 It was ineffective, however; while the rifles of the 
 Texans, more deliberately discharged, and with deadly 
 aim, wrought havoc. In order to avoid striking each 
 other, Bowie now wheeled his detachment round the 
 bend and stationed himself on Fannin's left. Pres- 
 ently the Mexicans pushed forward a brass six-pounder 
 to within about eighty yards, and opened with grape, 
 at the same time sounding the charge. The attempt 
 was attended with disaster. The fire of the Texans 
 was more fatal than ever ; each man after dischai'ging 
 his rifle dropped out of sight to reload while another 
 took his place. Three times the piece was cleared of 
 the gunners, and three times the charge repulsed. On 
 the last occasion the Mexicans fled in disorder, leav- 
 ing the cannon in the hands of the victorious Texans. 
 It had only been fired five times. According to Colonel 
 Bowie, the Mexicans lost nearly 100 men, of whom 67 
 were killed. The Texans had one killed and no one 
 
BATTLE OF CONCEPCION. 177 
 
 wounded.^ About an hour after the engagement the 
 main body of the army came up, and the camp was 
 estabhshed near the city. 
 
 The extraordinary success which attended this en- 
 gagement, called the battle of Concepcion, induced a 
 general desire in the Texan forces to assault the town 
 at once ; but Austin, anxious to avoid the loss of valu- 
 able lives, deemed the enterprise too hazardous, though 
 his army now numbered over 1,000 men. Moreover, 
 he was entirely without siege cannon, his artillery 
 consisting of only five small field-pieces. He there- 
 fore held a council of war, at which it was decided 
 that in view of the fortifications of San Antonio, it 
 was too strong to storm without battering guns. At 
 the same time Austin was doubtful of being able to 
 keep the army together long enough to await the 
 arrival of such aid.^ 
 
 Cos meanwhile, little anxious to risk a general en- 
 gagement, confined himself to strengthening his posi- 
 tion, by barricading the streets, erecting batteries, and 
 adopting other means of defence. Ugartechea, more- 
 over, was despatched with 100 presidials to bring up 
 from Laredo 400 or 500 convict soldiers.* 
 
 The operations of the besieging army were now 
 very tedious to brave and eager volunteers ready to 
 take desperate hazards, and many began to leave for 
 homa On November 2d Austin broke camp, and 
 passing by the garita,^ took up a position on the east 
 bank of the river, near its source, on the north side of 
 the town, a constant patrol being kept up, which was 
 very effective in cutting off supplies. A demand for 
 the surrender of the place was made a few days later 
 and promptly refused; whereupon the besiegers ad- 
 vanced nearer to the town and occupied an eminence 
 
 2 Bowie's account in Kennedy, ii. 121-2, and Footn, ii. 121-5. Deweea, who 
 frequently exaggerates, says: ' Over 104 of the Mexicans lay stretched in death 
 on the bloody field.' Letters, 157. 
 
 ^Austin to Capt. Dimit, Nov. 2d, inFoote, ii. 125; Id., to committee at San 
 Felipe (orig.), in Tex. Col. Doc., no. 15; Morphia, Hist. Tex., 108. 
 
 *Filisola, ut sup., ii. 186. 
 
 * See plan elsewhere in this volume. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. IL 12 
 
178 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BtJAR. 
 
 immediately above the old mill, which was situated 
 about half a mile from the enemy's pickets. Skir- 
 mishes of slight importance occasionally took place, 
 and attempts were made to draw the Mexicans from 
 their fortifications ; but Cos, though straightened for 
 provisions, pertinaciously declined an engagement, 
 and waited for his reenforcements. He had at this 
 time about 800 men. 
 
 On November 25 th Austin, having been informed 
 of his appointment as commissioner to the United 
 States, resigned his command and returned to San 
 Felipe, where he arrived on the 29th. He was suc- 
 ceeded by Colonel Edward Burleson, who was elected 
 without opposition to fill his place on the field. 
 
 On the following day a severe skirmish took place. 
 It has been called the 'grass fight,' and again proved 
 the superiority of the Texans in the field. The 
 arrival of Ugartechea was now daily looked for, and 
 it was expected that he would bring with him a large 
 sum of money. Scouts were accordingly sent out to 
 watch for his approach. On the 26th Cos despatched 
 a body of 100 men on the old presidio road to cut 
 grass for his famished horses. On their return with 
 their pack-mules loaded they were discovered by the 
 scout Deaf Smith," who, supposing them to be Ugarte- 
 chea's advance guard with the silver, reported them 
 as such at headquarters. This news caused great 
 excitement in camp. Bowie with 100 mounted men 
 galloped off" at once, and the rest of the army has- 
 tened to follow. About a mile from the to^mi Bowie 
 intercepted the foragers, who took up a position in a 
 ravine. Bowie prepared to attack them, but his 
 
 ^ Erasmus Smith, known as Deaf Smith on account of his defective hear- 
 ing, was a celebrated guide and scout. He was horn in New York April 19, 
 1787, visited Texas in 1817, and became a permanent citizen in 1821. A few 
 years later he married a Mexican woman of San Antonio, by whom he had 
 several children. His coolness in danger was unsurpassed, and during the 
 war he did eminent service on the Texan side. Smith was much given to 
 solitude, was remarkable for his gravity, and seldom spoke except in mono- 
 syllabic answers to questions. He was severely wounded in the shoulder at 
 the storming of San Antonio,presently to be narrated. He died at Richmond, 
 Fort Bend, Nov. 30, 1837. Thrall, 620-1; roakum, i. 251-2. 
 
DISGUSTED VOLUNTEERS. ny 
 
 movements having been observed from San Antonio, 
 a strong force was sent out in aid of the grass-cutters, 
 which compelled him to change his front. Almost 
 simultaneously the main body of the Texans came up, 
 and a running fight was maintained till the Mexicans 
 reached the town. Their loss was about fifty killed 
 and some wounded, while the Texans had only one 
 wounded and one missing. The mule-packs which 
 the enemy left behind, on examination, were found 
 to be filled, not with silver as was hoped, but grass, 
 whence the name given to the enga.gement.'' 
 
 But these occasional conflicts were not sufficient to 
 avert the impatience which the general inactivity pro- 
 voked, and the dissatisfied volunteers kept returning 
 to their homes. For more than a month they had 
 been hanging, around San Antonio, and its capture 
 seemed no nearer accompUshment than at first. By 
 the middle of November the besieging force was re- 
 duced to less than 600 men. Fortunately about this 
 time the two companies of New Orleans Grays ar- 
 rived, under the command respectively of Captain 
 Robert C. Morris and Captain Breece ; also a company 
 from Mississippi, Captain Peacock, and one from east- 
 ern Texas, Captain English. Yet the army dwindled 
 day by day, so that even with these reenforcements it 
 barely numbered 800 men at the end of the month. 
 
 It is not to be wondered that the United States vol- 
 unteers became disgusted, and affairs looked serious 
 when 200 of them declared their determination to 
 leave Bdjar on the last day of November and march 
 against Mafcamoros, where they expected to be joined 
 by from 5,000 to 8,000 men from the United States. 
 Their ultimate intention, they said, was to proceed 
 into the interior of Mexico. A rumor that an attack 
 
 'M, n. 17-18; Tex. Aim., 1860, 37; Taylor's account, ia Baker's Tex., 92; 
 Thrall, 216; Swisher's Am. hketch Book, vi., no. v. 378. Mrs HoUey, pp. 
 340-1, followed by Kennedy, ii. 133, gives a different account of this fight, 
 confusing it with an affair which took place on the 8th, occasioned by the 
 death of one House, who broke his neck by a fall from his horse. A party 
 went out to bring in the body, and was attacked by a superior body of Mexi- 
 can cavalry, which was driven off with some small loss. 
 
180 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BilJAR. 
 
 was being planned prevented them, however, from 
 carrying out their purpose. 
 
 On December 3d three Texans, Holmes, Smith, 
 and Maverick, appeared in camp. They had been 
 detained by Cos in San Antonio as suspected persons 
 after the affair at Gonzalez, and having escaped, 
 brought encouraging information relative to the gar- 
 rison and defences of the town. It was decided to 
 assault it just before daybreak on the following morn- 
 ing. All was now bustle and preparation; but dur- 
 ing the night one of the scouts, Arnold by name, was 
 missed, and it was supposed that he had gone over to 
 the enemy and informed him of the meditated attack. 
 After a serious deliberation in Burleson's headquar- 
 ters he countermanded the order for assault. The 
 volunteers were now furious and insubordinate ; many 
 companies refused to turn out at the morning parade ; 
 and when Burleson, later in the day, issued orders to 
 raise the siege, it was feared by some that blood would 
 be shed. At this juncture Arnold returned, and bet- 
 ter still, a deserter, a lieutenant in the Mexican army, 
 arriving in Camp, stated that the garrison was in con- 
 fusion, that the enemy had no knowledge of the in- 
 tended attack, and that the strength of the place was 
 greatly exaggerated. Enthusiasm was again aroused, 
 and Colonel Milam, who after the capture of Goliad 
 had followed the fortunes of the Texan army, enlisting 
 in the ranks, urged Burleson to seize the opportunity 
 and storm the place. Burleson assented, and author- 
 ized Milam to proceed with the enterprise. Stepping 
 in front of the commander's tent, the intrepid old sol- 
 dier, waving his hat, cried out, " Who -svill go with me 
 into San Antonio V"^ A ringing shout was the reply ; 
 volunteers for the assault fell promptly into line, and 
 Milam was elected their leader on the spot. The men 
 were ordered to rendezvous that night soon after dark 
 at the old mill. 
 
 'The w^ords as reported by Foote, ii. 165, were: 'Who will join old Ben 
 Milam in storming the Alamo ? ' According to Yoakum, ii. 25, who doubtless 
 quoted from the State Oazette, 1849, Sept. 1, 8 15, they were; ' Who will go 
 with old Ben Milam into San Antonio ? 
 
THE BATTLE-FIELD. 
 
 181 
 
 San Antonio de Bdjar — called indiscriminately San 
 Antonio and Bejar — is situated on the San Antonio 
 River, the San Pedro Creek lying on its southern 
 
 San Antonio and Environs. 
 
 A. Old Mill. 
 
 B. House of Veramendi. 
 
 C. House of Garza. 
 
 D. Main Square, or Plaza de la Constitucion. 
 
 E. Military Plaza. 
 
 F. Powder-house, or Garita. 
 
 G. Eedoubt. 
 
 H. Quinta. 
 
 I. Priest's House. 
 
 J. House of Antonio Navarro. 
 
 K. Zambrano Row. 
 
 L. Mexican Redoubt. 
 
 side. To the north-east, on the opposite side of the 
 river, was the fortified mission of the Alamo. The 
 ground is generally level in the neighborhood, some- 
 
182 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BlfejAB. 
 
 what more undulating on the west, and a number of 
 irrigating ditches afforded some defence to the town, 
 the principal buildings of which were of thick stone 
 walls, and strong. The town proper is of oblong form, 
 but on its eastern side it extends into a curious bend 
 of the river. It contains two squares, one the old 
 military plaza, and the other the plaza de la Constitu- 
 cion, laid off in 1731. These are separated by the 
 • church and other buildings. On the north side of 
 L^ these squares runs the main street. The accompany- 
 ing plan will enable the reader to understand the rela- 
 tive positions and operations of the combatants. 
 
 At the appointed time and place 300 volunteers 
 appeared with two field-pieces, a twelve-pounder and 
 a six-pounder, and provided with crow-bars to break 
 through the walls of the houses. Burleson retained the 
 remainder of the forces as a reserve, a portion of them 
 under Colonel Neill being despatched at three o'clock in 
 the morning across the river, with a piece of artillery, 
 to create a diversion by a feigned attack on the Alamo. 
 The plan of operations meantime was arranged by the 
 storming party. Two divisions were formed, one un- 
 der Milam, assisted by Colonel Nidland Franks of the 
 artillery, and Major Morris ^ of the Grays, Maverick, 
 Cook, and Arnold serving as guides. The second 
 command was led by Colonel Frank W. Johnson, as- 
 sisted by colonels James Grant and William J. Aus- 
 tin, and Adjutant Bristow. Deaf Smith and John 
 W. Smith acted as guides.'" 
 
 A little before dawn, on the morning of December 
 5th, the storming columns moved rapidly but silently 
 forward, Milam directing his course to Acequia street, 
 and Johnson to that of Soledad, both of which led 
 directly to the main plaza, where, at the entrance of 
 
 ° Morris was raised to the rank of major on Ms arrival on the field. 
 
 " The 1st division consisted of portions of the companies of captains York, 
 Fatten, Llewellyn, Crane, English, and Landram, with the two pieces of ar- 
 tillery and 15 artillerymen. The 2d division was drawn from the companies 
 of Cook, Swisher, Edwards, Alley, Duncan, Peacock, Breece, and Placido 
 Venavides. Johnson's report, in Tex. Aim., 1861, 52, 
 
THE MEXICANS SURPRISED. 183 
 
 these streets into it, breastworks had been erected and 
 batteries planted.^ As they advance, Neill is heard 
 battering at the Alamo. The Mexicans are taken by 
 surprise, and without trouble Milam gains possession 
 of Garza's house, and Johnson that of Veramendi, 
 each about 100 yards from the square. A sentinel 
 having fired his piece, the alarm is given, and a tre- 
 mendous cannonade opened. But the assailants are 
 already under cover, and it produces no effect more 
 serious than preventing a communication between the 
 two divisions. The twelve-pounder was, however, 
 dismounted, and the smaller piece was of little or no 
 service for want of a cover. But when the light came, 
 the rifle did its usual deadly work, and during the day 
 the enemy's guns within range were several times 
 abandoned. On this day the Texans had one killed, 
 and two colonels, one first lieutenant, and twelve 
 privates wounded. 
 
 All through the night the volunteers, though a 
 ceaseless fire was kept up against them, labored at 
 strengthening their position, by opening trenches to 
 secure a safe communication. Nor had the besieged 
 been idle. At dawn the assailants discovered that 
 the roofs of the houses in their front were occupied 
 by sharp-shooters, who during the day kept up a 
 brisk fire of small-arms. The 6th passed, however, 
 with few casualties, only five men being wounded, 
 while a detachment of Captain Crane's company, 
 under Lieutenant William McDonald, gallantly took 
 possession of a house in front and to the right of 
 Garza's dwelling, thus extending the line toward the 
 military plaza. 
 
 At daylight on the 7th the Mexicans opened a 
 brisk fire of small-arms from a trench which theyhad 
 made during the night on the east side of the river, 
 and a heavy cannonade from a battery planted on the 
 cross-stroet leading to tlie Alamo. But these new 
 positions were of no avail ; by eleven o'clock the fire 
 from them was silenced. About mid-day anothf 
 
184 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR. 
 
 building, situated directly in front of the first division, 
 was captured by the Texans. This feat was accom- 
 plished by Henry Cams, of York's company, who 
 effected an entrance with a crow-bar, under a heavy 
 fire. The company followed and held the position. 
 Keeping well under cover, the casualties of the 
 Texans were extremely few ; but this day was marked 
 by the fall of one whose memory will ever be grate- 
 fully cherished. MUam, while crossing from his own 
 position to the Veramendi house, was struck by a 
 rifle-ball in the head and instantly killed. He fell in 
 the gateway of the building, and was buried by his 
 comrades in arms within a few feet of the spot. His 
 remains were subsequently removed to the protestant 
 burial ground at San Antonio, where they stiU rest. 
 His loss was deeply deplored.^^ 
 
 On the death of Milam a meeting of the officers 
 was held, and the chief command conferred upon 
 Johnson. At ten o'clock that night captains Llewel- 
 lyn, English, Crane, and Landram, with their com- 
 panies, gained possession of the house of Antonio 
 Navarro, situated close to the square. Connected 
 with it was a row of buildings known as the Zambrano 
 Row. The Mexicans endeavored to expel the volun- 
 
 '^ Kennedy, ii. 149; Thrall, 592. Benjamin R. Milam was a native of Ken- 
 tucky, bom of humble parents, and having little education. He distinguished 
 himself in the war between the U. S. and England in 1812-15, and afterward 
 engaged in trading with the Indians at the head waters of the Texan rivers. 
 Later he joined Mina in his disastrous expedition in aid of the revolutionary- 
 cause in Mexico, and being one of those who escaped death, rendered valuable 
 services. When Iturbide proclaimed himself emperor, Milam was among the 
 first to join the party that opposed him. For this he was cast into prison, 
 where he languished till Iturbide 's dethronement, when he was released. 
 For his services in the republican cause he received in 1828 a grant of eleven 
 square leagues of land in Texas. It seems, however, that he located it by 
 mistake in Arkansas, and applied to the government of the state of Coahuila 
 and Texas for and obtained an empresario grant. He was in ilonclova at the 
 time of Viesca's deposal, and hia capture in company with him has already 
 been narrated in the text. MUam escaped from his prison at Monterey by 
 winning the confidence of his jailer; and being supplied with a fleet horse and 
 a little food by a friend, he travelled alone 600 miles, journeying by night and 
 and concealing himself by day, till he reached the vicinity of Goliad almost 
 exhausted. After the capture of that place he enlisted in the ranks. MUam 
 was about 45 years of age when he fell. Holley's Tex. , ^iMrS; Tex. Aim., \86\, 
 84-5; Thrall, 590-2; Niks' 8. Am. <fc Mex., 283-4; CorcUma's Tex., 144-5; 
 Ward's Mex., i. 556. 
 
MOVEMENTS OF THE TBXANS 185 
 
 teers from Navarro's house by firing through loop- 
 holes made in the roof, but they were soon dislodged ; 
 the Texan rifles were pointed at the same loop-holes 
 by quicker hands than theirs, and with more certain 
 aim. 
 
 The morning of the 8th was cold and wet, and op- 
 erations on both sides flagged; but at 9 o'clock, the 
 partition wall being pierced, an attack was made on 
 the Zambrano Row. As wall after wall was broken 
 through, the Mexicans were successively driven out 
 of their several rooms, till the Texans held possession 
 of the entire row. That evening certain information 
 was received that Ugartechea during the attack had 
 succeeded in entering the town with a strong reen- 
 forcement,^^ but the news did not daunt the stormers. 
 The companies of Swisher, Alley, Edwards, and Dun- 
 can were sent to reenforce the holders of Zambrano 
 Row, and shortly after ten o'clock, under cover of the 
 darkness. Cook and Patton, with a company of the 
 Grays and one of the Brazoria companies, by a quick 
 rush made their way up to the priest's house. Break- 
 ing through the surrounding wall of the yard, they 
 soon dislodged the Mexicans, gained possession of the 
 house, and barricaded and loop-holed it, ready for 
 rifle practice in the morning. But the capture of this 
 strong building, situated on the north side of the 
 main square, and commanding every part of it, was 
 the crowning work. 
 
 For some hours after, on every house held by the 
 Texans and all along the line of their intrenchments, 
 a furious cannonade was kept up, while the fire-flashes 
 from volley after volley of small-arms illumined the 
 darkness and the smoke. But this display of gunnery 
 was only a ruse. Cos, during the night, retired to 
 
 '2 This force consisted of 500 convicts, guarded by 100 regulars. Yoahirn, 
 ii. 31. FiUsola, ii. 199, particularizes it thus: 47 Morelos infantry, 14 artil- 
 lerymen, 150 presidial cavalry, and 400 substitutes, that is, convicts. He 
 states that a large convoy of provisions was expected with these troops, and 
 that wlieu they arrived without any, the discontent was general. They had 
 better have not come at all than by their arrival hasten the consumption of 
 the little food that was left. 
 
186 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE B^AR. 
 
 the Alamo with the intention of making a general 
 assault upon Burleson's camp, and the garrison and 
 guns were gradually withdrawn from the plaza, with 
 the exception of one piece and a company of the 
 Morelos battalion. But desei-tion began to manifest 
 itself,^* and insubordination was abroad. Cries of 
 " Treachery ! treachery ! " were raised, the impression 
 being that the deserters had gone over to the enemy. 
 The scene of confusion at the Alamo, whither half- 
 starved women and children had flocked by hundreds, 
 is indescribable. There was a perfect panic; it was 
 believed that the soldiers withdrawn from San An- 
 tonio had been utterly routed. Soldiers and citizens 
 hustled each other in one common crowd, while many 
 of the former were seen making hurried preparations 
 for a speedy flight. Cos in vain attempted to allay 
 the commotion ; his voice was unheard in the din, and 
 his person maltreated in the darkness.^* Nothing 
 was left for him to do but surrender. Accordingly, 
 Adjutant-inspector Jose Juan Sanchez was sent at 
 dawn with a flag of truce. 
 
 During the period of the attack on San Antonio, 
 Burleson had kept vigilant watch over the operations, 
 ready to aid with reenforcements, or frustrate any 
 strategical movement of the enemy. On the 8th, 
 about fifty men from the Alamo attempted to create 
 a diversion by approaching the camp and opening fire 
 upon it ; but a six-pounder being brought to bear upon 
 them, they were soon made to retire. The same day 
 captains Cheshire, Lewes, and Sutherland, with their 
 companies, were sent as reenforcements to the assail- 
 ants. When advice was received from Johnson that 
 
 '^ Captains Juan Galan and Manuel Barragan marclied off with their com- 
 panies to the Rio Grande, taking with them 18 of the company of La Bahia; 
 and Juan Jos6 Elguezabal, inspector of Coahuila, left with 23 soldiers of the 
 1st company of Tamaulipas; in all 175 mounted men, six being oflBcers. Id., 
 ii. 201; Tex. Aim., 1860, 41. 
 
 " ' Los intempestivos gritos de traicion ... no solo apagaran la voz del 
 aflijido general, sino que confundido entre la multitud por la oscuridad de la 
 noche . . . f u^ atropellado y maltratado de una manera brutal. ' Filisola, ii. 203. 
 
SURRENDER. 187 
 
 a flag of truce had been sent in, Burleson proceeded 
 to the town. 
 
 After a long discussion regarding the terms of sur- 
 render, the commissioners that had been appointed ^^ 
 on each side agreed upon a treaty, which was signed 
 on the 11th. The conditions were as favorable as Cos 
 could possibly have expected. He and his officers 
 were allowed to retire with their arms and personal 
 effects, under parole of honor not to oppose the rees- 
 tablishment of the constitution of 1824; the convict 
 soldiers were to be conveyed by G-eneral Cos with 100 
 regular infantry, and the cavalry beyond the Eio 
 Grande ; the troops might follow their general, remain 
 in Texas, or go elsewhere as they might deem proper, 
 in any case, however, retaining their arms and effects ; 
 public property and war material were to be delivered 
 to G-eneral Burleson; General Cos was to depart 
 within six days after the signing of the capitulation, 
 and was to be provided with provisions sufficient for 
 his journey as far as the Rio Grande, at the ordinary 
 price. The sick and wounded were permitted to re- 
 main.^® 
 
 On December 14th Cos, with 1,105 men and a four- 
 pounder, according to stipulation, moved from the 
 Alamo to the mission of San Jos6, and on the fol- 
 lowing day continued his march to the Rio Grande. 
 What his losses were has never been ascertained;^' 
 those of the Texans, according to Johnson's report, 
 
 '* Those appointed by Gen. Cos were J036 Juan Sanchez, Ramon Mdsquiz, 
 and Lieut Francisco Rada. Gen. Burleson nominated Col Johnson, Major 
 Morris, and Capt. Swisher. Tex. Aim., 1861, 54-5. 
 
 '*Copy of capitulation in Tex. Aim., 1861, 54^5. 
 
 "Thompson, ii. 151, considers the estimate 200 killed and 390 wounded 
 as an exaggeration. Yoakum, ii. 31, thinks that the number of killed did 
 not exceed 150. Filisola states that he does not know the number, but gives 
 that of the men who left with Cos as more than 800, including the convicts. 
 ii. 208. Burleson estimated the number of effective men at the time of the 
 surrender at not less than 1,300, 1,105 of whom left with Cos. If these num- 
 bers are correct, it would only leave 100 as the total of killed and wounded, 
 for Cos had only about 800 men before the arrival of Ugartechea with 600 from 
 Laredo. If Filisola's figures are correct, and Cos left with no more than be- 
 tween 800 and 900 men, the loss in killed and wounded would be between 300 
 and 400. 
 
188 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE B^AB. 
 
 were two killed and twenty-six wounded, one half of 
 them severely. Twenty-one pieces of artillery, 500 
 muskets, with ammunition and other appurtenances, 
 fell into the hands of the victors/^ On the 15th Bur- 
 leson returned to his home, leaving Johnson with a 
 sufficient force stationed at the Alamo, destined ere- 
 long to become the scene of tragical events. The 
 citizen volunteers of the army dispersed. 
 
 With the departure of Cos no Mexican soldier 
 remained in Texas. What troops were stationed 
 elsewhere had been compelled to retire during the 
 siege. After the capture of Goliad, Captain Philip 
 Dimit was placed in command there, and reenforce- 
 ments having been sent from Bay Prairie and the 
 Nueces, his force was presently raised to nearly 100 
 men. Dimit thereupon detailed, November 4th or 
 5th, about forty of them, under Captain Westover, on 
 an expedition against the town of Lipantitlan on the 
 Nueces River." Lieutenant Nicolas Rodriguez was 
 in command of the place, and was causing much an- 
 noyance by detaining traders and travellers on their 
 way eastward. While Westover's force was on the 
 march, Rodriguez, leaving a few soldiers at Lipanti- 
 tlan, proceeded, according to orders from Cos, against 
 Goliad. The Texans, avoiding him, crossed the river 
 a few miles below San Patricio, and advanced to 
 Lipantitlan, which surrendered at the first sum- 
 mons.^" Rodriguez, meantime, aware of the situa- 
 
 ^* The above account of the capture of San Antonio is mainly derived from 
 the reports of Gen. Burleson and Col Johnson, in Tex. Aim.., 1861, 50-4, and 
 Foote, ii. 165-73, and the authors quoted. Other authorities that have been 
 consulted are: Newell' s Rev. in Tex., 67-71; Thompson's Mex., 176-7; Dame- 
 neck's Miss. Advent., 21; Maillard's Hist. Te.r., 93-5; Young's Hist. 2Iex:, 
 250; Gregory's ffist. Mex., 5^-4,; Holky's Tex.,Z'il-44:; Deicees' Letters, \SJ-S; 
 Crockett, Life, 369-70; Niles' Reg., xlix. 313, 365, 396; Id., S. Am. & Mex., i. 
 287-96; Tex. Aim., 1860, 38-41; Sioisher, Am. Sketch Book, vi., no. v., 379-83; 
 Stistamante, Voz de la Pat., MS., x. 136 et seq.; Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 
 63. 
 
 •' Linn was one of the party, and due weight has been given to his account 
 on pp. 119-23 of his Reminiscences, as also to those of Filisola, ii. 187-8; 
 Yoakum, ii. 19-20; Kennedy, ii. 132-3, and other authorities. 
 
 2' Two four-pounder cannon, eight old Spanish muskets, and a few pounds 
 
THE TAMPICO TRAGEDY. 189 
 
 tion of affairs, retraced his steps and took up a posi- 
 tion a few miles to the north of the Texans, who 
 having remained a day at Lipantitlan were on their 
 return to GoHad. While Westover was crossing the 
 Nueces in the afternoon, Rodriguez advanced against 
 him. Throwing the captured cannon into the river, 
 the Texans prepared for action, and a sharp engage- 
 ment of half an hour ensued, from which the Mexi- 
 cans retired with a loss of about twenty men in killed 
 and wounded. The Texans had only one man 
 wounded. The captives taken at Lipantitlan had 
 been released under the condition that they would 
 not bear arms against Texas. Rodriguez retired to 
 Matamoros. 
 
 On the day that Cos moved his troops from the 
 Alamo, a terrible tragedy was being enacted at Tam- 
 pico. On November 6th a schooner named the Mary 
 Jane cleared the custom-house at New Orleans for 
 Matagorda. There were, about 130 emigrants on 
 board, most of whom, confidently believing in the as- 
 surances that had been made them, expected that they 
 were bound for Texas. They were deceived, however, 
 and entrapped. A vile scheme had been got up by 
 General Mejia to make a descent upon Tampico, and 
 induce the passengers, inveigled on board by fair 
 promises, either by persuasion or compulsion to take 
 part in the enterprise. He sailed in the same vessel 
 with them, but it was not until the sixth day out that 
 the majority of them was aware that a Mexican gen- 
 eral was on board, and that Tampico was their desti- 
 nation. When the Mary Jams arrived off the bar of 
 that port, the whole matter was explained, and about 
 fifty of the emigrants, supposed to have had a previous 
 understanding about the expedition, joined Mejia'.s 
 standard. The rest were driven below, and the ves- 
 sel presently struck on the bar and was wrecked. A 
 
 of gunpowder composed the spoil. The fort was a simple embankment mis- 
 erably constructed. 
 
190 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAE. 
 
 landing having been eflfected at great risk, the fort at 
 the north of the harbor surrendered through the 
 treachery of the officer in command. On Sunday 
 the 15th arms were put in the hands of those who had 
 previously refused to serve, and an attack directed 
 against the town. Mejia had expected that the Mex- 
 icans would rally to his standard; but he was soon 
 undeceived by the unanimous cries of "Viva Santa 
 Anna ! Death to foreigners ! " which greeted him in 
 the streets. The attack on the plaza was a wretched 
 failure ; but Mejia and most of his force escaped in 
 a small merchant vessel to the Brazos. Thirty-one 
 unfortunate victims, however, were captured, of whom 
 three died of their wounds in the hospital; the re- 
 maining twenty-eight were shot December 14th.^^ 
 
 While the events above narrated were taking place, 
 the provisional government was far from adequately 
 active. The position was a difficult one, but alas! 
 dissension between the governor and the council pro- 
 duced embarrassments which imperilled the probabili- 
 ties of success for the Texan cause. Money was badly 
 wanted. Little coin had the colonists at this period ; 
 their wealth consisted in their lands, their cattle, and 
 the produce of their toil — property not readily convert- 
 ible into specie, and in most instances only sufficient 
 to supply their wants. The richer settlers, it is true, 
 contributed freely, but they were few in comparison 
 
 ^^ Wisher's Memorials, ■passim. Edwards' Hist. Tex., 260-9. Among the 
 documents supplied b" the writer is the last petition of the victims, with 
 a list of their names, ^jarge sums of money were offered for the lives of the 
 sufferers by sympathizers; even $5,000 for any individual, and ^100,000 as a 
 ransom for all. These offers were sternly refused. Consult FiUsola, ii. 188- 
 92. Mejia on his return to Texas endeavored to interest the provisional gov- 
 ernment in an expedition which he meditated into the interior of Mexico. 
 The council, contrary to Gov. Smith's advice, were disposed to help him, but 
 requested him to operate with the forces besieging B^jar. Mejia declined 
 and the council withdrew its aid, whereupon he took his departure. Mejia's 
 account of the expedition against Tampico will be found in Fisher's Memorials, 
 praying the Texan congress for relief in favor of those who took part in the 
 expedition. These memorials, which furnish a large number of documents on 
 the subject, were printed in pamphlet form at Houston in 1840. Fisher was 
 secretary to the expedition. 
 
POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 191 
 
 with those who had nothing to offer but their services 
 in the field. These latter enthusiastically responded 
 to the call for volunteers, but a long campaign would 
 necessarily disperse them. During their absence their 
 fields and workshops were abandoned, and their fami- 
 lies in many cases reduced to distress. Such troops, 
 however brave and patriotic they might be, could not 
 be depended on as a standing army in a protracted 
 war. Moreover, they had to be provided with food 
 and clothing, arms and munitions of war. The first 
 necessity, therefore, was money, and only in the 
 United States could the government hope to raise 
 funds. 
 
 Immediately after its inauguration the council ^'^ 
 proceeded to appoint special committees to attend to 
 the immediate work required to be done in connection 
 with the diflerent branches of government. Accord- 
 ingly, the army and navy, financial, Indian, and state 
 aft'airs, were assigned to respective committees for 
 their reports thereon. ^^ The first symptoms of dis- 
 agreement between Governor Smith and the council 
 occurred November 24th, occasioned by the latter hav- 
 ing appointed Thomas F. McKinney special agent to 
 negotiate a loan of $100,000. The governor con- 
 sidered that this appointment was an interference 
 with the duties assigned to the commissioners already 
 appointed, and who were about to proceed to the 
 United States. He therefore vetoed the bill; but 
 it was passed nevertheless by a constitutional majority 
 in the council. 
 
 On November 27th the financial committee pre- 
 sented its report. The domains of Texas were esti- 
 mated at 250,000 square miles, 10,000,000 acres only 
 of which, or 15,625 square miles, were considered as 
 appropriated, and on these it was suggested that a 
 tax of one cent per acre be levied. The population 
 
 ^* The members of the council were being continually changed, and some 
 men of doubtful capacity and integrity were installed during these changes. 
 Tex. Aim., 1860, 43. 
 
 '^ Journal oj Ocn. Comal, 17-18. 
 
192 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE B:6jAB. 
 
 was calculated at 50,000. A tax of one doUar per 
 caput on slaves was also recommended, as well as a 
 duty on foreign tonnage, one of one quarter of a cent 
 per pound on the exportation of cotton, and another 
 of from 15 to 30 per centum on imports.^ But re- 
 ceipts derived from such sources would be slow in 
 coming in, and the negotiation of a loan was evidently 
 the only means of speedy relief from the pressing 
 wants of the government. 
 
 When Austin arrived at San Felipe, N^ovember 
 29th, he found that his instructions had not even yet 
 been prepared by the council, and it was not until 
 December 6th that Governor Smith was authorized 
 to give them. Shortly after that date, the commis- 
 sioners, Austin, Wharton, and Archer, left for the 
 United States, accompanied by A. Huston and John 
 A. Wharton, appointed by General Houston, at the 
 suggestion of the commissioners, as agents to procure 
 arms, ammunition, and provisions at New Orleans. 
 
 General Houston, as commander-in-chief, had re- 
 mained at San Felipe to aid in the organization of the 
 army. Under his guidance a number of measures 
 were framed and passed providing for the establish- 
 ment of a regular army of 1,120 men, of local militia 
 companies, and a corps of rangers. On December 
 12th he issued a proclamation,^^ appealing to the 
 patriotism of the people, and setting before them the 
 condition of affairs. Santa Anna's letters had been 
 intercepted, he said, and his plans for their destruction 
 were known. An invading army of 10,000 men had 
 been already ordered to Texas to exterminate the 
 Anglo-Americans, or drive them from the land. A 
 force of 5,000 volunteers was wanted to oppose the 
 invasion. To all who would enlist in the regular army 
 a bounty of $24 and 800 acres of land would be given ; 
 
 '^'Oonge's Fisc. Hist. Tex., 32-3; Journal o/t?ie Council, 63 et seq. 
 ^Copy of which will be found in Morphts, Hist. Tex., 126-31, aad Yoakum, 
 ii. 450-2. 
 
GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL. 193 
 
 and to those who tendered their services for a term 
 of two years, or for the war, as soldiers in the auxiliary 
 volunteer corps which it was the design of the govern- 
 ment to raise, 640 acres would be given. But Hous- 
 ton's efforts were fettered by the rupture between the 
 governor and the council, and the unfriendly spirit 
 shown by the latter and their supporters toward him- 
 self He bitterly complained December 17th that 
 more than a month had elapsed since the adjournment 
 of the consultation, and yet the army was not organ- 
 ized. He even expressed his belief that the chairman 
 of the corresponding committee was interposing every 
 obstacle in his way. Nor did the evil rest here ; its 
 baneful influence affected the foreign volunteers; 
 Houston, by order of the governor, removed his head- 
 quarters, December 25th, to Washington, on the 
 Brazos ; and on reporting his arrival, mentions that he 
 found there two companies, lately from Alabama and 
 Kentucky, who did not conceal their mortification at 
 the dubious position in which they found themselves, 
 and showed a disposition to abandon the cause.^* 
 
 The breach between the governor and council wid- 
 ened daily. Incessant changes in the latter caused 
 its members to be carelessly indifferent as to their 
 duties and responsibilities, and their action was guided 
 more by the spirit of opposition than by that of pa- 
 triotism. The proceedings of this provisional govern- 
 ment present a page in the history of Texas painful 
 to read. At a time when her vitality depended upon 
 the harmonious working of all her members, they were 
 at variance. Recriminations, ribald abuse, and mutual 
 reproaches were bandied between the opponents, and 
 as each side had its supporters, two strong factions 
 were developed. Governor Smith on divers occasions 
 considered it necessary to exercise the veto; but it 
 mattered not, his vetoes were always overruled. 
 The office of judge-advocate-general was created by 
 the council, and D. C. Barret, a member of that 
 
 2« Houston to Gov. Smith, in Id., ii. 448-50, 453-5. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 18 
 
194 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR. 
 
 body, was elected to fill the position. Edward Grit- 
 ton was at the same time appointed collector of rev- 
 enue at the port of C6pano. Smith refused to ratify 
 the appointments, and in his message of December 
 17th, gave his reasons. Gritton's past record, he said, 
 was not satisfactory; he had been the secretary of 
 Almonte, who had been sent by Santa Anna to report 
 on the condition of Texas, and the governor regarded 
 Gritton as a spy. Barret, he asserted, had forged 
 an attorney's license in North Carolina, and he de- 
 nounced him as a passer of counterfeit money, and for 
 having embezzled funds that had been furnished to 
 him and Gritton when sent a few months before on 
 an embassy to General Cos. The council neverthe- 
 less sustained their member.^' 
 
 A plan for the capture of Matamoros brought mat- 
 ters to a climax. The scheme originated with a cer- 
 tain Doctor Grant, a man of wealth, and possessing 
 large estates at Parras in Coahuila. Grant had 
 assisted at the capture of San Antonio, had fought 
 bravely there, and was severely wounded. But his gal- 
 lantry was displayed for the promotion of his personal 
 interests, and not in support of the Texan cause. He 
 was an active federalist, and having been a member of 
 the dispersed legislature at Monclova, had taken refuge 
 in Texas. His object now was to restore the old 
 order of things, and regain possession of his estates. 
 It was he who, by his highly colored descriptions of 
 the interior of Mexico, had excited among the foreign 
 volunteers before San Antonio a desire to marcli 
 against Matamoros ; and after the fall of the former 
 place the ardent victors, elated at their triumph, 
 listened still more eagerly to his representations, and 
 were ready to engage in any adventurous undertaking. 
 Besides, he assured them that the inhabitants of 
 Matamoros and the interior Avere opposed to Santa 
 
 " Yoakum in narrating this quarrel had before him the original message, 
 which was read in secret session, and ordered to be placed on file, and not 
 entered on the journals of the house, ii. 44-5. 
 
RESTLESSNESS OF THE VOLUNTEERS. 195 
 
 Anna and the central system, and would rally round 
 their standard on their approach. Application was, 
 therefore, made to the government for its approval of 
 the scheme. The council readily granted it ; but the 
 governor and Houston were already proceeding in the 
 same direction, and making preparations for the com- 
 ing campaign. 
 
 After the fall of San Antonio, the foreign volunteers 
 there, in number over 400, showed a restlessness at 
 the inaction which followed, while at the same time 
 others kept arriving from the United States;^** in 
 order to retain them, it was necessary to engage in 
 some enterprise. Early in December Captain Dimit, 
 in command at Goliad, had warmly urged the govern- 
 ment to make a descent on Matamoros, and it was 
 doubtless in consequence of his representations that 
 Houston, in obedience to instructions from Governor 
 Smith, on December 17th, directed James Bowie, then 
 at Goliad, to organize an expedition against that place. 
 If the reduction of Matamoros was not practicable, he 
 was to secure the most eligible point on the frontier 
 and hold it. Under any circumstances, tlie port of 
 Copano was to be secured.^® At the same time Hous- 
 ton issued orders that volunteers who should arrive 
 at the Brazos should proceed to C6pano, and ordered 
 several detachments to repair to Goliad and Refugio, 
 which he designated as places of rendezvous. In- 
 structions were sent to the agents at New Orleans 
 regarding the shipment of provisions and munitions of 
 war, with directions to store them at Matagorda and 
 C6pano, and colonels William B. Travis and J. W. 
 Fannin were stationed at San Felipe and Velasco, 
 respectively, on recruiting service. Thus Governor 
 Smith and the commander-in-cliief had already formed 
 their plan and discountenanced any other. 
 
 28 On Deo. 20th there were about 400 men at B^jar, 70 at Washington, 80 
 at Goliad, and 200 at Velasco, 750 in all, besides several companies on the 
 march to different places of rendezvous. Id., ii. 46. These numbers doubtless 
 include the few citizen volunteers who still remained in service. Consult 
 R. R. Brown's account, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134. He estimates the number of 
 U. S. volunteers at San Antonio at about 460 men. 
 
 ^'Houston to Bowie, in Id., 454; Morphis, Hist. Tex., 133. 
 
196 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BJSJAR. 
 
 Colonel Johnson was in favor of the plan proposed 
 by Grant, and repaired to San Felipe, where he 
 readily obtained the approval of the government 
 and the necessary order for the expedition. Grant 
 left San Antonio de B^jar soon after, in the latter 
 part of December, with about 400 volunteers, leaving 
 Colonel James C. Neill in command of the Alamo 
 with a force of little over sixty men.^" Grant appro- 
 priated the clothing, ammunition, and provisions in- 
 tended for the garrison as its winter supplies. 
 
 Colonel Neill at once informed the commander-in- 
 chief of the destitute and defenceless condition in 
 which San Antonio had been left. Houston, by 
 despatch of January 6th,^^ transmitted the report to 
 the governor, who on the perusal of it lost all control 
 of his temper. On January 9th he sent in to the 
 council a message couched in most intemperate lan- 
 guage. He stigmatized Grant's expedition as preda- 
 tory and piratical, and charged the council with 
 conniving at it. " Instead of acting," he said, " as 
 becomes the counsellors and guardians of a free peo- 
 ple, you resolve yourselves into low, intriguing, cau- 
 cusing parties." He applied the terms "Judas," 
 " scoundrels," " parricides," and " wolves " to a por- 
 tion of the members ;P and having heaped all the 
 abuse upon them that his power of language was capa- 
 ble of, he declared the council adjourned till March 1st, 
 
 3«R. R. Brown's account in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134; F. W. Johnson, in 
 Baker's Tex., 80-1. 
 
 *' Copy in Yoakum, ii. 457-8. 
 
 ^2 Full text of this extraordinary document will be found in Journal of the 
 Oen. Council, 290-3. I quote the following extracts: 'I know you have hon- 
 est men there, and of sterling worth and integrity; but you have Judas in the 
 camp — corruption, base corruption, has crept into your councils — men who, 
 if possible, would deceive their God. ' ' I am now tired of watching scoun- 
 drels abroad and scoundrels at home.' 'Look around upon your flock; your 
 discernment will easily detect the scoundrels. The complaint: contraction 
 of the eyes; the gape of the mouth; the vacant stare; the hung head; the 
 restless, fidgety disposition; the sneaking, sycophantic look; a natural mean- 
 ness of countenance; an unguarded shrug of the shoulders; a sympathetic 
 tickling and contraction of the muscles of the neck, anticipating the rope; a, 
 restless uneasiness to adjourn, dreading to face the storm themselves have 
 raised.' ' Let the honest and indignant part of your council drive the wolves 
 out of the fold.' 'They are parricides, piercing their devoted country, al- 
 ready bleeding at every pore.' 
 
GOVERNOR SMITH DENOUNCED. 197 
 
 unless it immediately " made the necessary acknowl- 
 edgments to the world of its error, furnishing ex- 
 presses to give circulation and publicity in a manner 
 calculated to counteract its baleful effects." 
 
 The council considered itself grossly insulted, and 
 was proportionately exasperated. The message was 
 referred to a committee, which reported on it January 
 1 1th. Smith was denounced as a man whose language 
 and conduct proved "his early habits of association to 
 have been vulgar and depraved." His charges against 
 the council were indignantly repelled, and his style 
 and language condemned as " low, blackguardly, and 
 vindictive." The committee, therefore, advised the 
 return of the paper, and that resolutions be passed 
 declaring that the council was the representative of 
 the people ; that it would sustain the dignity of the 
 government; and that Governor Henry Smith be 
 suspended from the exercise of his functions. The 
 report, having been read, was unanimously adopted.^* 
 Lieutenant-governor Robinson was called to fill the. 
 office of acting governor, and the secretary of the 
 executive was notified that he would be held responsi- 
 ble for all records, documents, and archives of his 
 office. A proclamation explaining their action to the 
 people of Texas was also issued. 
 
 This resolute attitude astonished Smith, and he made 
 a half-apologetic attempt at reconciliation. While 
 still requiring the council to acknowledge its error, he 
 says : " Believing the rules of christian charity require 
 us to bear and forbear, and as far as possible to over- 
 look the errors and foibles of each other, in this case I 
 may not have exercised towards your body that de- 
 gree of forbearance which was probably your due ; " 
 and he expresses the hope that the " two branches of 
 government would again harmonize, to the promotion 
 
 ^^Id., 294^. Copy of it will be found in Dewees' Letters, 161-3. The 
 committee was coniposed of R. R. Royall, chairman, Alexander Thomson, 
 Claiborne West, J. D. Clements, and John McMuUin. One of the charges of 
 Smith against the council was that it passed ' resolutions without a quorum, 
 predicated on false premises. ' 
 
198 SIEGE OF SAN AJSTTONIO DE B^JAR. 
 
 of the true interests of the country." ^* But the coun- 
 cil was not in a mood to practise christian forbearance : 
 it refused to revoke its resolutions; Robinson became 
 acting governor; while Smith resisted all efforts to 
 obtain from him the executive records. He retained 
 his seal of oflSce and the archives, threatening, when 
 they were demanded of him, to defend them by force, 
 and in retaliation called for certain papers, with the 
 menace that unless his demand was promptly complied 
 with, he would order the arrest of the members of the 
 council and send them to Bejar for trial by court- 
 martial. '' And thus this miserable contention went 
 on, at a time when Santa Anna was making prepara- 
 tions to invade Texas with an overwhelming force. 
 The two parties surfeited the public with explanations 
 of their conduct, and caused no small disgust and 
 lukewarmness. One conclusion only was arrived at, 
 namely, that the council and executive having been 
 created by the consultation, neither had the power to 
 suspend the functions of the other. From January 
 18th the council never had a quorum, and the shadow 
 of its existence disappeared shortly after the meeting 
 of the convention on March 1, 1836.^^ 
 
 But this lamentable discord was productive of con- 
 fusion and its subsequent evils. A lethargy seemed 
 to settle upon the Texans. At the time when they 
 ought to have been in the field by thousands, citizen 
 volunteers were wanting, and the brunt of the first 
 onsets was borne by hundreds of brave men who had 
 left their homes in the United States to fight for 
 Texas, and whose blood was poured upon her soil.^^ 
 The efforts of the commander-in-chief were paralyzed. 
 At a most momentous crisis he found that the 
 
 ^^ Journal, itt sup., 308. 
 
 '*A full account of these quarrels will be found in Id., 296-309, 312-13, 
 319-28, 338-9, 351-2. 
 
 "^See the entries in the Journal, 347-63. 
 
 " ' Los soldados de Travis en el Alamo, los de Fannin en el Perdido, los 
 rifleros del Dr Grant y el mis mo Houston y sua tropas de San Jacinto con 
 pooas es cepciones es notorio que vinicro de Nueva Orleans, y otros puntos de 
 la republioa vecino.' Santa Anna Monif., in Paip. Var., 149, no. 15, p. 12. 
 
CIVIL AND MILITARY OFFICERS. 199 
 
 council had appointed, on January 7th, J. W. Fannin 
 military agent to raise and concentrate all volunteers 
 who were willing to take part in an expedition against 
 Matamoros, empowering him at the same time to call 
 upon all public agents for provisions and supplies of 
 all kinds. This was clearly an encroachment upon 
 the commander-in-chief's prerogatives; the organic 
 law of November 13th declared that the major-general 
 should be commander-in-chief of all the forces called 
 into public service during the war.^^ Houston had 
 left Washington on the 8th, arrived at Goliad on the 
 14th, and thence proceeded to Refugio, where he had 
 an interview, on the 21st, with Colonel Johnson, who 
 had just arrived from San Felipe, empowered by the 
 council to undertake the expedition against Mata- 
 moros. Johnson informed Houston of the authority 
 granted him; and sliowed him the resolutions of the 
 council suspending Governor Smith. When the com- 
 mander-in-chief became aware of the action taken by 
 the council, he recognized its intention to supersede 
 him. He immediately denounced the proposed ex^ 
 pedition as unwise and unauthorized, in a speech 
 addressed to the volunteers assembled there; and con- 
 scious that if he remained with the army every mishap 
 would be ascribed to him, returned to Washington, 
 having been elected by the citizens of Refugio their 
 delegate to the convention, and on January 30th re- 
 ported matters to Smith.^^ 
 
 Houston, Forbes, and Cameron had been appointed 
 by the governor and council as commissioners to 
 treat with the Indians. When Houston returned 
 he received a furlough from Smith till March 1st, 
 with instructions to proceed on his commission. Ac- 
 cordingly he and Forbes went to Bowl's village, and 
 entered into a treaty with the Indians, February 23, 
 
 ^* See article ii. of the declaration defining the military regulations. Ke-n- 
 nedy, ii. 496. 
 
 '»» Houston to Gov. Henry Smith, Jan. 30, 1836, in Toahum, ii. 460-70; 
 ij, H. Browns Account, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134. 
 
200 SIEGE OF SAN AI^TONIO DE B^JAR. 
 
 1836, in accordance with tlie 'solemn decree' of the 
 consultation.*" 
 
 *" On Nov. 13, 1835, the consultation had issued a ' solemn decree,' declar- 
 ing that the Cherokees and their 12 associate tribes had derived just claims to 
 lands, and defined the boundaries to be the San Antonio road and the Neches 
 on the south, and the AngeUne and Sabine rivers on the east. It guaranteed 
 to them the peaceable enjoyment of their rights to their lands. All grants 
 and locations within the bounds mentioned were declared nuU; and that it 
 was the sincere desire of the consultation that the Indians should remain 
 friends of the Texans in peace and war. The public faith was pledged for the 
 support of these declarations. Journals of the Consult., 51-2. The treaty was 
 subsequently rejected by the Texan senate. Tex. Aim., 1860, 45. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE iLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 Januaby-Mabch 1836. 
 
 Apathy of the Texans — Santa Anna's Preparations and March — 
 Description of the ^lamo — David Crockett — The Siege — Storm- 
 ing OF THE Alamo — The Assault — Hand-to-hand Contests — Death 
 OF Bowie — A Holocaust — Victory Dearly Bought — Declaration 
 of Independence — Names of the Subscribers — Labors of the Con- 
 vention — A Provisional Government Organized — The Constitu- 
 tion — Fannin's Preparations at Goliad — Destruction op Grant's 
 Party — Urrea's Movements — Capture of San Patricio — Fannin's 
 Force — King's Party Shot — Assault on the Mission op Eepugio 
 — Capture of Ward's Command — Houston at Gonzalez — Movements 
 OF THE Mexican Forces — Fannin Retreats toward Victoria — 
 A Fatal Delay — Battle of Encinal del Perdido — Surrender op 
 Fannin — A Barbarous Massacre — Number of the Victims. 
 
 The meditated descent on Matamoros, by its diver- 
 sion, was the cause of disaster at Bdjar. Recognizing 
 that no adequate force could be sent for the defence 
 of that place, Houston, on the receipt of a letter 
 from Colonel Neill informing him that 1,000 men 
 were on the march against it, had despatched from 
 Goliad Colonel Bowie with a small force, on January 
 17th, with instructions to destroy the fortifications 
 and bring off the cannon.^ Neill, however, was un- 
 able to remove the artillery from want of teams, and 
 therefore did not demolish the defences. When ad- 
 vised of this, and of the fact that there were only 
 about 80 men in the place. Governor Smith sent 
 thither Colonel Travis with another small force, and 
 
 ^Houston to Smith, Jan. 17, 1836, in Yoakum, ii. 458. 
 
 (201) 
 
202 THE ^LAMO AND GOUAD MASSACRES. 
 
 Neill shortly afterward returned home, leaving Travis 
 in command. Travis now called for money, provisions, 
 clothing, and a reenforcement of 500 men — supplies 
 beyond the power of the commander-in-chief to fur- 
 nish. The recruiting service had been sadly unsuc- 
 cessful. Apathy seemed to have settled on the 
 people ; and in painful contrast with the zeal and en- 
 thusiasm displayed in the previous year was the 
 disregard now shown to the call for recruits. The 
 quarrel between the governor and council, disbelief in 
 the reports that an invading army was approaching, 
 rumors that great numbers of volunteers were con- 
 stantly arriving or were on their way from the United 
 States, and the toils of the late campaign and the 
 privations undergone by the families of those who 
 took the field, combined to cause this fatal indiffer- 
 ence. In regard to funds the government was almost 
 destitute. Although the commissioners to the United 
 States negotiated, January 8th, a conditional loan for 
 $200,000 in New Orleans, the sum of $20,000 only 
 was immediately realized, and it was applied to the 
 purchase of army supplies. Another loan of $50,000 
 was obtained, January 18th, and devoted to the same 
 purpose.^ Thus the garrison at Bejar was left to 
 its fate.^ 
 
 Meantime active preparations had been made by 
 Santa Anna to invade Texas with an overwhelming 
 force. Having completely suppressed all opposition 
 in Mexico, he proceeded to San Luis Potosi, where 
 he arrived at the beginning of December 1835, and 
 
 '^Austin to Houston, Jan. 7, 1836, and to D. C. Barret, Jan. 17, 1836, in 
 Foote, ii. 194-7; Yoahim, ii. 62. The remainder of the first loan was never 
 realized, the stockholders objecting to modifications made by the executive 
 government in the original agreement. The loan was negotiated on a sale of 
 lands with the condition of the exclusive right of immediate location. This 
 was regarded as unfair to the volunteers in the field, who would only be able 
 to locate after the termination of the war. A donation of 32 leagues of land 
 was offered the stockholders if they would relinquish their right of priority 
 of location, but they unanimously voted against the modified contract. 
 BurnHl'n Message, Oct. 4, 1836; Gouge, Fi.^eid Hist. Tex., 50. 
 
 "Particulars of the destitute condition of the garrison are given iu Travis' 
 letter of Feb. 14, 1836, to Gov. Smith. Original in Pinart's Tex. Col., no. 2. 
 
SANTA ANNA'S MOVEMENTS. 
 
 203 
 
 remained for some time making his final arrangements. 
 His force was composed of three brigades, numbering 
 over 6,000 men, the flower of the Mexican army. 
 General Pilisola was appointed second in command. 
 The first brigade, under General Sesma, was imme- 
 diately sent in advance to relieve Cos, then besieged 
 
 
 Santa Anna's March. 
 
 in Bejar. His surrender, however, was known shortly 
 afterward, and at the end of the month the second and 
 third brigades, under generals Tolsa and Gaona, and 
 a portion of the artillery, under General Ampudia, 
 marched for Saltillo, the cavalry commanded by Gen- 
 eral Andrade following January 1, 1836. On the 2d 
 
204 THE AlAiAo AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 Santa Anna left for the same place, and remained 
 there nearly a month organizing his troops. From 
 Saltillo General Jos^ Urrea was despatched to Mata- 
 moros with 200 cav^dry, to unite with forces that had 
 been concentrated at that place. On the 25 th of the 
 same month Santa Anna held a review of his army, 
 at which his force was found to be about 5,000 men, 
 exclusive of Sesma's and Urrea's commands.* In the 
 beginning of February the army marched for Mon- 
 clova, from which place Santa Anna, having left in- 
 structions to his generals relative to their advance, 
 proceeded with his staff and fifty horsemen to join 
 Sesma, who was at the town of Rio G-rande. 
 
 The distance from Monclova to Rio Grande is eighty 
 leagues, through a desert country almost destitute of 
 resources for either man or beast ; from Rio Grande to 
 Bdjar it is nearly 100 leagues, through a region still 
 more desolate. There, little water could be found, and 
 no produce of human hands. On the march to Texas 
 half-rations only were dealt out to the troops, who 
 were reduced to the extremes of hunger, thirst, and 
 fatigue. Sickness and exhaustion struck them down ; 
 the gun-carriages and artillery wagons became loaded 
 with helpless soldiers picked up on the way, and num- 
 bers perished.^ Nevertheless, through storms of rain 
 and snow, beaten by icy blasts or scorched by a fiery 
 sun, the soldiers accomplished their painful march, and 
 on February 23d the advance brigade which left Rio 
 Grande on the 16th took possession of Bejar without 
 opposition, Travis having retired on the approach of 
 the enemy to the Alamo, with 145 men.^ Santa Anna 
 
 *Caro, Verdad. Idea, 2, 4-5; Santa Anna, Manif., 8, in Pap. Var., 149, 
 no. 15. Arroniz, Hist. Mex., 21(i, states that Santa Anna organized at S. Luis 
 Potosl an army of 8,000 men. Bustamemte says that the Mex. army in Texas 
 did not exceed 10,000 men. Hist. Invas., i. 6-7. 
 
 ''Garo, Verdad. Idea, 7; Filisola, ut sup., ii. 347-62. The animals were 
 attacked with the diseases known as the mal de lengua and the tdele. The 
 former was an inflammation of the tongue, caused by eating dry pasturage, and 
 want of water; the latter was a fever produced by heat, and drinking stagnant 
 water heated by the sun. Id. , 352-3. 
 
 ^ This is the number given by Travis in a letter dated March 3d, in which 
 he says: ' With 145 men I have held this place ten days against a force vari- 
 
MISSION, FORT, AND PSTSON. 205 
 
 arrived soon afterward with liis staflf, and immediately 
 demanded an unconditional surrender of the place and 
 its defenders. His summons was replied to by a can- 
 non shot, whereupon he hoisted a blood-red flag on 
 the church in token of no quarter, and commenced a 
 bombardment and cannonade from two howitzers and 
 two long nine-pounders/ 
 
 The Alamo, though built for a mission, was a strong 
 enough place for defence except against siege artillery. 
 Its surrounding walls were of masonry from two and 
 a half feet to one vara thick, and eight feet high. 
 The main area, or square of the mission, was 154 yards 
 long by 54 wide, though it was not a perfect parallel- 
 ogram, being somewhat narrower at the southern than 
 at the northern extremity. On the south-east of it 
 was the old church with walls of hewn stone four feet 
 thick, and twenty-two and a half feet high. It had 
 never been completed, and was roofless, but was made 
 serviceable -as a magazine and for soldiers' quarters. 
 From the north-eastern corner of the chapel attached 
 to it, a wall extended northward 186 feet, thence 
 westward at right angles to the convent enclosing the 
 yard of the convent. This was a two-story adobe 
 building, 191 feet long and 18 feet wide. It was 
 divided into apartments, and was used as an armory 
 and barracks. The prison was of one story, 1 1 5 by 
 17 feet, and from its south-eastern corner a diagonal 
 ditch, surmounted by a strong stockade, with an 
 entrance in the centre, extended to the south-west 
 corner of the church. The whole area of the different 
 enclosures was between two and three acres, and a 
 plentiful supply of water was obtained from two aque- 
 ducts, one touching the north-west corner of the main 
 
 ously estimated from 1,500 to 6,000.' R. M. Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 32; 
 Yoakum, ii. 79. Caro, utmp., 8, gives the number 156 as supplied to him 
 by the citizens of B^jar. Potter indorses these figures. Santa Anna grossly 
 exaggerated the number of the defenders, reporting them as over 600. See his 
 report of March 6, 1836, in Filisola, Mem. Tej., 1849, i. 16. 
 
 ' Travis to fellow-citizens, Feb. 24, 1836, and to the president of the con- 
 vention, March 3, 1836, in Foote, ii. 218-22; Dewees' Letters, 179-80, 184r-7. 
 
206 
 
 THE iCLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 area, and the other running close to the eastern wall 
 of the church. 
 
 Though the Alamo had neither redoubt nor bastion 
 
 Ground-plau of the Alamo. 
 
 A. Entry of the Mission. D, Church, Chapel, and Vestry. 
 
 B. Carcel or Prison. E Walls, 33 inches thick. 
 0. Convent. F. Stockade. 
 
 G, H, 1 Places where Travis, Crockett, and Bowie, respectively, fell. 
 
 to command the lines of the fort, fourteen guns were 
 mounted at different points, presenting a formidable 
 obstacle to approach. Of these, three heavy pieces 
 had been planted with much labor upon the walls of 
 
ARRIVAL OF THE ENEMY. 207 
 
 the church by General Cos, respectively pointing 
 north, south, and east. Two pieces protected the 
 entrance by the stockade; two more defended the 
 gateway and prison; on terre-pleins one gun was 
 mounted at the south-west angle of the main square, 
 two on the western wall, one on the north-west angle, 
 two on the northern wall, and a single piece on the 
 north-east angle. ^ 
 
 Travis seems to have been extremely careless about 
 informing himself of the movements of the enemy by 
 means of scouts.'' The foe's arrival was so sudden 
 and unexpected at last that Travis had not even time 
 to throw a few provisions into the Alamo, a precau- 
 tion which it is a matter of surprise that he did not 
 take on receipt of the first intimation of Santa Anna's 
 approach. In his letter of February 24th he wrote : 
 " When the enemy appeared in sight, we had not 
 three bushels of corn. We have since found in de- 
 serted houses eighty or ninety bushels, and got into 
 the walls twenty or thirty head of beeves." ^^ His 
 supply of ammunition, too, was small; but under all 
 the unequal circumstances with which he was beset, 
 not for one moment did he or his heroic band think 
 of surrender. The men who cast their lot with him 
 were as dauntless as ever handled warlike weapon in 
 any age. Among them were such spirits as James 
 Bowie, his second in command, David Crockett, ^^ 
 
 ^ This description of the Alamo and its garniture is derived from Filisola, 
 ii. 182-5; Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 33, 38; Thrall, 239-41; Yoaimm, ii. 
 75-6. The latter derived his information from a letter of Gr. B. Jameson, 
 dated Jan. 18, 1836, and containing a description and plan of the place. 
 Yoakum is astray as to measurements. 
 
 ' Potter considers that the neglect of scouting indicates a great lack of 
 subordination, and that Travis had little control over his men, who were will- 
 ing to die by him, but not ready to obey him. Tex. Aim., 1868, 37. 
 
 ^'Foote, ii. 219. 
 
 '' Crockett was born in Tennessee Aug. 17, 1786, his father, John Crock- 
 ett, being of Irish descent. In education, character, bearing, and training he 
 was a thorough frontier man. Tall, powerful, active, and accustomed to the 
 use of the rifle from childhood, he was a mighty hunter and a fearless soldier. 
 During the war of 1812 he fought bravely for his country. His hospitality, 
 honesty, and humorous sayings gained for him not only numerous friends, 
 but wide-spread popularity, and in 1823 he was elected to the state legisla- 
 
208 THE jCLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 whose fearlessness of soul was equalled only by his 
 simple integrity, and the chivalrous J. B. Bonham of 
 South Carolina. Victory or death was their battle- 
 cry ; so they hoisted their flag/'^ determined to die 
 before the enemy should pull it down. 
 
 On the 24th Travis sent an appeal to his fellow- 
 citizens for assistance, declaring that he would never 
 surrender or retreat. The bombardment was vigor- 
 ously maintained, and day by day, as Santa Anna's 
 forces kept arriving, the investment of the place was 
 drawn closer, and more batteries brought to bear upon 
 it.^^ Yet strange to say, up to March 3d, though 200 
 shells at least fell inside the works, not a single man 
 was injured. The cannonade, too, had little effect on 
 the thin walls, as the enemy had no siege train, but 
 only light field-pieces. Many Mexicans, however, fell 
 
 ture. In 1827 he became a candidate as member of congress for Tennessee. 
 Possessed of a deep fund of original humor, of generous impulses and un- 
 swerving integrity, while his lively phraseology was peculiarly adapted to 
 captivate the voters of that pioneer state, hia canvass was a great success, 
 and he was again reelected in 1829. But electioneering and legislation were 
 two different matters, and Crockett did not find it so easy to rise and impress 
 tlie house with his convictions as to deliver stump-speeches, seasoned with 
 jokes and amusing stories, to audiences of backwoodsmen and cotton-growers. 
 Nevertheless, politics had their fascination for him, and he was anxious again 
 to be returned. But his opposition to President Jackson had brought down 
 upon him the anger of the administration, and no effort was spared to prevent 
 his reelection. He was consequently defeated, and, bitterly disappointed, 
 determined to seek other kind of excitement in fighting for the cause of 
 Texas. Accordingly, he went thither at the beginning of 1836. Having 
 arrived at Nacogdoches, he there became a citizen, and took the oath of alle- 
 giance to any future republican government; he refused to do so, however, 
 until the word ' republican ' was inserted between ' future ' and ' government ' 
 in the document. That being done, he signed the instrument and proceeded 
 to B6jar, where he arrived a few weeks before the siege of the Alamo. 
 Crockett was twice married, having two sons and one daughter by his first 
 wife. lAfe of Col David Crockett, written by Himself. Comprising his Early 
 Life,. . .To which is added an account of Col Crockett's glorious Death at the 
 Alamo, while Jighting in defence of Texan Independence. By the Editor. Phila- 
 delphia, 1859, 12mo; Kennedy, ii. 189-93. 
 
 " The tri-colored Mexican flag with two stars, designed to represent Coa- 
 huila and Texas. This is mentioned in Almonte's manuscript journal of the 
 campaign, found on the battle-field of San Jacinto by Anson Jones. Kennedy, 
 ii. 180-1. It must be borne in mind that independence was not yet declared, 
 and that the heroes of the .^lamo fought under the federal flag of 1824. 
 
 " On the night of the 25th two batteries were erected on the other side of 
 the river in the alameda of the Alamo. Id., 182-3. Intrenched encampments 
 were formed in B^jar, 400 yards west; in La Villita, 300 yards south; at the 
 garita, or powder-house, 1,000 yards south by east; on the Algino ditch, 800 
 yards north-east; and at the old mill, 800 yards north. Travis' letter of March 
 Sd, in Foote, ii. 219-28. 
 
THE SIEGE. 209 
 
 before the rifles of the besieged, who, economizing their 
 small supply of ammunition, only fired when the assail- 
 ants came well within range. On the night of the 
 25th the former burned some houses of wood and straw 
 in the vicinity, which had furnished a cover to the 
 enemy, and on the 26th sallied out for wood and water 
 without loss, firing at night more houses near a bat- 
 tery on the Alamo ditch. The siege continued, and 
 sun after sun rose and set upon the beleaguered fort- 
 ress. Occasional skirmishing occurred by day and 
 frequent alarms by night, harassing the garrison by 
 the necessity of unremitted watchfulness, and the 
 ceaseless expectation of assault. Yet the investment 
 was not so complete as to preclude all communication 
 with the outside. On March 1st thirty-two gallant 
 men from Gonzalez, conducted by Captain J. W. 
 Smith, safely eflected their entrance into the Alamo at 
 three o'clock in the morning; and on the 3d J. B. 
 Bonham, who had been sent to Goliad for aid before 
 the approach of the enemy, arrived without mishap." 
 During the siege the defenders were actively em- 
 ployed in strengthening the walls, by throwing up 
 earth and intrenching on the inside. 
 
 On March 4th picked companies of Santa Anna's 
 3d brigade arrived by forced marches, and the Alamo 
 was surrounded by at least 5,000 men.^^ A council 
 of war was now held by Santa Anna on the ques- 
 tion of assaulting the place. Almonte says: "Cos, 
 Castrillon, and others were of opinion that the Alamo 
 should be assaulted after the arrival of two twelve- 
 pounders expected on the 7th instant. The j^resi- 
 
 ^* Ih. Caro erroneously states that 25 men from Gonzalez entered in open 
 daylight. Verdad. Idea, 9. 
 
 '^ These figures are nearly correct. The whole of Gaona's brigad& had not 
 yet come up. On Feb. 29th at midnight Gen. Sesma left camp with the cavalry 
 of Dolores and the infantry of AUende to meet Fannin, who was supposed to 
 be on his march from Goliad with 200 men to the relief of the Alamo. Find- 
 ing no trace of the enemy, Sesma returned on the following day. A Immite's 
 Diary, in Kennedy, ii. 183. Fannin, in fact, did leave Goliad with 300 men 
 and 4 guns, Feb. 28th, having received a letter from Travis on the 25th; but 
 being short of provisions, and not having sufficient teams, he held a council of 
 war, at which it was decided to return to Goliad. Fannin to Lieut. Gov. Robin- 
 son, Feb. 29, 1836; Yoahum, ii. 78. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 14 
 
210 THE iLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 dent, General Ramirez Sesma, and myself were of 
 opinion that the twelve-pounders should not be waited 
 for, but the assault made." ^® On the 5th Santa 
 Anna decided to act according to his own opinion, 
 formed his plan, and issued his orders for the attack. 
 The storming columns were four in number ; the first 
 was commanded by Greneral Cos, who had dishonor- 
 ably broken his parole ; the second by Colonel Fran- 
 cisco Duque, with General Castrillon as his successor ; 
 the third by Colonel Jose Maria Romero, with Colo- 
 nel Mariano Salas; the fourth by Colonel Juan Mo- 
 rales, with Colonel Jose Minon. The reserve was com- 
 manded by Santa Anna, and placed under the orders 
 of Colonel Agustin Amat. All the columns were pro- 
 vided with ladders, crow-bars, and axes. The attack- 
 ing force numbered about 2,500 men, while the cavalry 
 were ordered to be stationed at suitable points so as 
 to cut off all possibility of escape.^'^ The sharp-shoot- 
 ers were withdrawn from their positions during the 
 night, and the artillerj' ceased its fire. 
 
 At four o'clock on the morning of the 6th the 
 storming columns silently took up their positions, 
 one on each side of the Alamo, awaiting the signal 
 of the bugle to assault. ^Meantime the besieged Avere 
 on the alert, and had made preparations to receive 
 their assailants.^* It was the sabbath day, and at 
 the first glimmer of light the fatal bugle-blast broke 
 the silence of the hour, followed by the tramp of the 
 columns as they rushed to the assault. They were 
 met with a terrible discharge of artillery and rifles, 
 and recoiled at the slaughter inflicted upon them. 
 Colonel Duque, whose column was directed against 
 the northern wall, fell grievously wounded, and his 
 men were thrown into utter confusion. Those also 
 directed against the western and eastern sides came 
 
 ^^ Almonte's Diari/, Jd sup. 
 
 " Copy of the general order in Filisola, Mem. Tej., 1849, 1, 7-9. 
 
 " Santa Anna claims that he would have surprised the garrison but for 
 the imprudent shouts raised by one of the columns when the signal was 
 given. Mamfieato, 10, \i\ Pap. Var., 182, no. 8. 
 
SANGUINARY CONFLICT, 211 
 
 to a disorderly halt. But the officers urged them 
 on, and driven forward by those behind, these two 
 columns gained the foot of the walls. Unable to 
 scale them, they moved by the right and left to the 
 northern side, and uniting with Duque's column, 
 formed one dense mass. Again the assault was made, 
 and again repulsed. The carnage was horrible. B.ut 
 what could the feeble garrison avail against a multi- 
 tude, when 1,000 men would barely have manned the 
 defences ? After the first two shots the artillery was 
 useless against a foe crowded below the range of fire. 
 Travis fell dead, shot through the brain, while work- 
 ing the gun at the north-western an^e ; ^° a small 
 breach, too, had been made in the wall by the can- 
 nonade during the siege. A third time, animated by 
 the example and courageous bearing of General Juan 
 Valentin Amador, the stormers returned to the attack, 
 scaling the parapet, and pouring in through the breach 
 faster than rifles could be loaded. While this was 
 occurring on the northern side, the column under colo- 
 nels Morales and Mihon had under similar circum- 
 stances gained an entrance through the opening in the 
 stockade and captured the gun. The outer walls had 
 now to be abandoned, and the devoted defenders re- 
 tired to the rooms of the long barracks and to the 
 church. And now commenced a series of consecutive 
 death-struggles. There was no connection between 
 the apartments, and each group of heroes fought and 
 died in quick succession. For a short time, from win- 
 dows and loop-holes, their rifles crack fast and vicious- 
 ly, and the hissing bullets strike down the foe. But 
 their own artillery is quickly directed against them, 
 and cannon-balls crash through door and wall, while 
 volleys of musketry are poured in at every opening. 
 
 1' ' On the north battery of the fortress lay the lifeless body of Col Travis 
 on the gun-carriage, shot only in the forehead. ' Account of Francisco An- 
 tonio Ruiz, in Tex. Aim., 1860, 80-1. Ruiz was alcalde of Sau Antonio de 
 B^jar, and was on the ground immediately after the fall of the Alamo. The 
 stories that Travis committed suicide, and that he as well as Crockett was 
 one of the captives put to death, are utterly unworthy of credence. Yoakum, 
 ii. 81; Ocmld, Alamo, Oit. Cfuide, 21; Tex. State Reg., 1878, 30. 
 
212 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 Then follows the bayonet charge, and fierce resistance 
 with clubbed rifles and sharp-pointed knives. In 
 room after room furious hand-to-hand contests are 
 fought out to the death, till all those gallant men are 
 stretched lifeless on the ground. 
 
 The church was the last point taken. One of the 
 guns mounted on it had been brought to bear upon 
 the Mexicans when they gained the large square, and 
 did great execution, but after a few discharges all 
 those who manned it fell under the heavy fire of the 
 enemy. Then the church was carried by a coup-de- 
 main, the defenders within it fighting till the last man 
 was slain. Crockett fell between the church and the 
 long two-story barrack. His corpse was seen by the 
 wife of Lieutenant Dickenson'" — her life having been 
 spared ■ — lying mutilated on the spot indicated. ^^ 
 Bowie had been injured by a fall from a platform, and 
 was ur^able to move from his bed. He was lying in 
 an upper room at the south-eastern extremity of the 
 long barrack, and was bayoneted as he lay ; not, how- 
 ever, before having killed several of the enemy with 
 his pistols. Bonham fell while working a cannon. 
 In less than an hour after the bugle sounded, all was 
 over.'^ During this time Santa Anna remained at 
 the south battery, while the bands of the whole army 
 played the air of the murderous degllello.^ When ail 
 danger was past he proceeded to the Alamo. Half an 
 hour after, five captives who had secreted themselves 
 were dragged from their hiding-places and brought 
 
 ™ Dickenson commanded a gun on the east platform of the church. The 
 story that he endeavored to escape with his child, when all was lost, by leap- 
 ing from a window, hut was riddled by bullets before he struck the ground, 
 Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 35, 37, is not worthy of credence. Mrs Dickenson, 
 later Mrs Hanniug, stated to Morphis that her husband rushed into her room 
 in the church, exclaiming, 'AH is lost! If they spare you, save my child.' 
 He then rushed out into the strife. Morpliis, Hi.ft. Tex., 176. 
 
 ^' Mrs Dickenson's account in Id., 177. In 1876, Mrs Dickenson, then 66 
 years of age, visited the scene of this tragedy, and pointed out the spot where 
 the last man, a gunner named Walker, feU. Linn's Reminis., 141-4. 
 
 ''"'■ The writer of the glowing description of the f aU of the Alamo, in Put- 
 nam's Monthly Mag., iii. 179-80, is unfortunately incorrect in nearly all his 
 details. 
 
 '^ Meaning throat-cutting; it signified no quarter. 
 
THE FUNERAL-PYRE. 213 
 
 into his presence by General Castrillon. Castrillon 
 had some feehngs of humanity, and hoped that their 
 lives would be spared; but his Excellency was of a 
 more tigerish nature. Severely reprimanding him, 
 he angrily turned his back, whereupon the soldiers, 
 though already drawn up in line, fell upon the un- 
 armed men and despatched them.^* Of all those who 
 had been besieged in the Alamo, the lives of six were 
 spared. Mrs Dickenson and Mrs Albury of Bejar, 
 with their two children, a negro servant-boy of Travis, 
 and a Mexican woman, were not slain. Mrs Dicken- 
 son was supplied with a horse and allowed to depart, 
 the bearer of a proclamation from Santa Anna. The 
 negro was placed under guard, but escaped.^'^ 
 
 The right of burial was denied the fallen Texans. 
 Their bodies were piled in layers, with wood and dry 
 brush between; on this funeral-pyre more fuel was 
 heaped, and then it was set on fire. The number of 
 corpses burned in this holocaust was 182.^^ On Febru- 
 
 '* Caro was an eye-witness to this atrocity, and can be relied upon as to 
 the number of the victims, and the particulars of their slaughter. He says: 
 ' Todos presenciamos este horror que reprueba la humanidad, pero que os una 
 verdad evang^lica.' Verdad. Idea, 11. Gen. Houston, in a letter of the 
 11th, erroneously states that seven men were thus put to death. Tex. Aim., 
 1868, 36. 
 
 ^Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 36; Caro, Verdad. Idea, 11; Mrs Dickenson's 
 accounts in Mon-phis, ut sup., 176, and Linn, 144. Mrs Dickenson was fired 
 at and wounded while passing out of the .^lamo, escorted by a Mexican officer. 
 The escaped negro was met by her lurking in the bush a short distance be- 
 yond the Salado. It should be mentioned that a Mexican, named Anselmo 
 Bogarra, who was with the garrison to the last, escaped, and leaving B^jar 
 on the evening after the fall of the Alamo, reported the event to Gen. Houston, 
 then at Gonzalez, iirere, 141; Tex. Alm.,\S(>S,36. In 1878 an aged Mexican, 
 named Brigido Guerrero, applied to the county court of B^jar county for a 
 pension as a survivor of the Alamo. His story was that he was one of the 
 soldiers under Travis, and when the enemy had gained the enclosure, entered 
 the room occupied by the women, who concealed him under some bedding, 
 where he remained till night, when he made his escape. His veracity was 
 doubted by many of the early inhabitants, but he oflfered the court such strong 
 evidence that he was placed on the pension list. Gould, Alamo City Ouide, 22. 
 '^^ Account o_f Buiz, ut sup. 'I was an eye-witness, for, as alcalde of San 
 Antonio, I was with some of the neighbors collecting the dead bodies and 
 placing them on the funeral -pjrre.' Mrs Dickenson also states that the num- 
 oer of the Texans was 182. Morphis, 176. There is some doubt as to the 
 exact number of the garrison before its destruction. Yoakum and Potter 
 say it was 188, though the latter appears to be in doubt. Caro, utsup., states 
 that the enemy numbered 183 at the time of the assault. It is not improba- 
 ble that during the siege several couriers were sent out by Travis and cut off 
 by the enemy. Capt. John W. Smith was the bearer of his letter of March 3d 
 
214 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 ary 25, 1837, the ashes and a few remaining bones were 
 collected by Colonel Seguin and his command, were 
 placed in a coffin, and interred with military honors 
 near the spot where the ' heroes of the Alamo ' fell. 
 In after years a small monument was made from 
 stones taken from the ruins of the fortress, and placed 
 in the entrance to the state-house at Austin. On it 
 are inscribed the names of 166 of the slain. 
 
 What the loss of the Mexicans was wiU never be 
 accurately known. Santa Anna, to magnify the glory 
 of his dearly bought victory, reports it as 70 killed 
 and about 300 wounded ;^'^ General Andrade's official 
 returns give 60 killed and 251 wounded.^ But these 
 figures are utterly unreliable. Much more trustworthy 
 are those supplied by Ramon Martinez Caro, who was 
 Santa Anna's secretary. He states that over 300 
 Mexicans lay dead on the ground, and that probably 
 100 of the wounded died.^^ Alcalde Ruiz, who super- 
 intended the burial of the dead, asserts that there 
 was not room sufficient for them in the grave-yard, 
 and that he ordered some of them to be thrown into 
 the river, which was done. " Santa Anna's loss," he 
 says, "was estimated at 1,600 men." Anselmo Bogarra, 
 who left San Antonio on the evening after the occur- 
 to the president of the convention. Gould, Alamo City Guide, IS. Oould 
 states that Travis proposed on March 4th to surrender on condition that the 
 lives of himself and comrades should be saved, and that Santa Anna replied: 
 'You must surrender at discretion without any guarantee, even of life, 
 which traitors do not deserve.' p. 19. This is in accordance with FUisola's 
 statement, who, however, only mentions it as a report. ' Se dijo que Travis 
 Barnet . . . por medio de una muger hizo propuestas al general eu gef e, que ren- 
 diria las armas yel fuerte,' etc. Mem. Tej., 1849, i. 9. 
 
 " He shows such contempt for the truth as to assert that more than 600 
 Texans were slain, and that the attacking force was only 1,400 in number. 
 Copy of his official report in Id., i. 15-17. His equal in lying is ilaillard, 
 who asserts that the garrison numbered 430 men. Hist. Rep. Tex. , 101-3. 
 I ^* Filisola, ut sup. , 12. 
 
 ^' Yerdad Idea, 10. Speaking of Santa Anna's report that over COO 
 Texans fell, he says: 'I must state that I myself drew it up, putting down 
 the number ordered by his Excellency, ' adding, ' pero ahora se habla la verdad, 
 y en consequencia no fueron mas que los citados ciento ochenta y tres.' 
 p. 11. Doctor Barnard, who afterward tended on some of the wounded, 
 about 100, mentions that he saw in the streets 200 or 300 more who were 
 crippled, and that citizens informed him that 300 or 400 had died of their 
 wounds. Linn's Rem., 177. The Mexican surgeons informed him that 400 
 men had been brought into the hospitals on the morning of the assault. 
 
INDEPENDENCE URGED. 215 
 
 rence, reported to General Houston -that 521 Mexicans 
 were killed and as many wounded. Potter considers 
 that this number : probably represented the total cas- 
 ualties. General Bradburn was of opinion that 300 
 men were lost in this action to the service, including 
 those who died of their wounds and the permanently 
 disabled. Whatever the loss was, there can be no 
 doubt that it far exceeded in number the defenders. 
 While these events were occurring, the convention 
 had assembled and the independence of Texas was 
 declared. 
 
 Separation from Mexico had gradually taken a firm 
 hold on the minds of all The question had even 
 been put to the vote at the consultation, and though 
 lost by a large majority,^" the necessity of the step 
 became daily more apparent. A decided move in the 
 direction of independence had been made as early as 
 December 20, 1835, by the troops and citizens at 
 Goliad, headed by Captain Dimit, who on that date 
 attached their signatures to a formal declaration of 
 independence, drawn up in a spirited proclamation.^^ 
 As such declaration could only be made by a popular 
 representation of the people, the action was premature 
 and unwarranted, but it aroused general attention. 
 Moreover, Austin writing from New Orleans in Jan- 
 uary 1836, urged that the independence of Texas 
 should be proclaimed,^^ and other leaders were equally 
 decided on the matter. ^^ 
 
 ^'Ayes, fifteen; noes, thirty-three. JonmnU of the Consult., 18-19. 
 
 ^'The number of signers is 91. On the 22d a committee was appointed to 
 attend to the printing and circulation of the proclamation. Full text will be 
 found in Tex. Aim., 1860, 7G-9. It was taken from the State Gaz., 1852, 
 which copied it from the Texas Sepublicon, published at Brazoria, Jan. 13, 
 1836, andTsaid to have been the only copy in existence. 
 
 '^ In a letter to Gen. Houston, dated Jan. 7th, he says : ' Were I in the 
 convention I would urge an immediate declaration of independence; ' aud 
 again, in one of Jan. 17th to D. C. Barret, chairman of the council, he 
 writes; 'The whole nation of all parties is against us; they have left us but 
 one remedy — independence. It is now necessary as a measure of self- 
 defense.' Foote, ii. 195-7. 
 
 '' Houston said that he felt confident that but one course was left for 
 Texas to pursue, and that was an unequivocal declaration of independence. 
 Letter to John Forbes, Jan. 7, 1836; Yoakum, ii. 55. 
 
216 THE jClAMO AJSTD GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 Thus the delegates to the convention when they 
 assembled, March 1st, were unanimous in their opin- 
 ion ; nor did they lose time. The convention having 
 organized, Richard Ellis being chosen president, and 
 H. S. Kimball secretary, on the 2d it solemnly de- 
 clared political connection with the Mexican nation 
 forever ended, and that the people of Texas consti- 
 tuted a free, sovereign, and independent republic, 
 fully vested with all the rights and attributes prop- 
 erly belonging to independent nations. This dec- 
 laration of independence was signed by fifty-eight 
 delegates, three only of whom — namely, Antonio 
 Navarro, Lorenzo de Zavala, and Francisco Ruiz — 
 were Mexicans.** The statement of grievances was 
 based upon the changes made in the government by 
 Santa Anna, and the establishment of a combined 
 despotism of the sword and priesthood, in the place of 
 the constitution under which the immigrants had set- 
 tled in Texas. Particular instances of tyranny and 
 of failure to provide for the welfare of Texas are 
 enumerated. The rejection of the petition for a sepa- 
 rate state government; the imprisonment of Austm; 
 the failure to establish trial by jury and a public sys- 
 tem of education ; arbitrary acts of oppression on the 
 part of military commandants; the dissolution by 
 force of arms of the state congress of Coahuila and 
 Texas, thereby depriving the people of the right of 
 
 ^ The following were the signers, Stephen W. Blount; K Ellis; C. B. 
 Stewart; James Collinsworth; Edwin Waller; A. Brigham; John S. D. By- 
 rom; Francisco Ruis; J. Antonio Navarro; William D. Lacy; William Menifee; 
 John Fisher; Matthew Caldwell; William Motley; Lorenzo D. Zavala; George 
 W. Smyth; Stephen H. Everett; Elijah Stepp; Claiborne West; William B. 
 Leates; M. B. Menard; A. B. Hardin; Jolm W. Bunton; Thomas J. Gazley; 
 R. M. Coleman; Sterling C. Robertson; George C. Childress (Childers); Bailey 
 Hardiman; Robert Potter; Charles Taylor; John S. Roberts; Robert Hamil- 
 ton; Collin McKinuey; A. H. Latimore; James Power; Sam Houston; Ed- 
 ward Conrad; Martin Palmer; James Gaines; William Clark, Jr; Sydney 
 0. Pennington; Samuel P. Carson; Thomas J. Rusk; William C. Crawford; 
 John Turner; Benjamin Briggs Goodrich; James G. Swisher; George W. 
 Barnet; Jesse Grimes; E. 0. Legrand; David Thomas; S. Roads Fisher; 
 John W. Bower; J. B. Woods; Andrew Briscoe; Thomas Barnett; Jesse B. 
 Badgett; H. S. Kimble, secretary. Tex. Law Hep., 1838, i. 6-7. In Niles' 
 Reg,, Ixiii. 195, the list of names is supplied with the place of nativity of each 
 individual; but Samuel A. Maverick and J. W. Moore appear in the places of 
 Thomas Barnett and Samuel P. Carson. 
 
ARMY ORGANIZATION. 217 
 
 representation ; piratical attacks on Texan commerce ; 
 the denial of religious tolerance ; invasion of the coun- 
 try for the purpose of driving the colonists from their 
 homes ; and inciting savages to massacre inhabitants 
 on the frontiers, were set forth as the prominent 
 causes of separation. ^'^ 
 
 The invasion of Texas by Santa Anna necessitated 
 immediate attention to the formation of an army. On 
 the 4th Houston was unanimously reappointed com- 
 mander-in-chief, with authority over all regulars, 
 volunteers, and militia in the field, the point of his 
 lieadquarters being left to his own discretion. All 
 able-bodied males between seventeen and fifty years 
 of age were made subject to military service, and an 
 official was appointed for each municipality to form a 
 list of all such within its district. Names were to be 
 drawn by lot till the number called for at any time 
 was filled, and the men so drafted were to serve for a 
 term not exceeding six months. In order to retain 
 and attract foreign volunteers, lands to an increased 
 extent were promised. To those already in service, 
 and who should so continue till the end of the war, 
 1,280 acres were granted; 640 acres for six months' 
 service, and 320 acres for three months' service. All 
 those who sliould thereafter volunteer and serve dur- 
 ing tlae war would receive 960 acres.®® Moreover, an 
 appeal for sympathy and aid was sent to the people 
 of the United States. 
 
 Executive ordinances were adopted March 16th, 
 preliminary to the establishment of the constitution 
 which the convention had been diligently occupied in 
 draughting. These provided for the organization of a 
 provisional government, with plenary powers in aU 
 matters save legislative and judicial acts. This gov- 
 
 '* Copies of the declaration will be found in Id., 1. 99-100; Holley'a Tex., 
 236-41; Sen. Doc, 24th coug., 1st ses., vi., no. 415, pp. 3-18; Tex., Address of 
 W. H. Wharton, 49-53; Tex., Laws Rep., 1838, i. 3-7. The Mexican gov- 
 ernment in a manifesto to the Mexicans, July following, calling upon them to 
 unite in subjugating Texas, denied her right to separate, and charged her 
 people with black ingratitude. Mex. Manif. del Cong., 1836, sm. 4to, pp. 20. 
 
 '"Ordinances of the Cong., March 12 and 17, 1836. 
 
218 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 ernment was to consist of a president, vice-president, 
 a secretary of state, and one for each of the depart- 
 ments of war, the navy, and the treasury, and an 
 attorney-general, all of whom were to be elected by 
 the convention. It was authorized to negotiate a 
 loan not exceeding $1,000,000, and appropriate the 
 funds of Texas to the defence of the country; also 
 to issue writs of election for members of congress, 
 to enter into negotiations and treaties with foreign 
 powers, and to appoint commissioners to the same.^^ 
 Forthwith David G. Burnett was elected president; 
 Lorenao de Zavala, vice-president ; Samuel P. Carson, 
 secretary of state; Thomas J. Rusk, Robert Potter, 
 and Bailey Hardiman, secretaries of war, the navy, 
 and the treasury, respectively; and David Thomas, 
 attorney-general. Having taken the oath of office, 
 the members of the government at once entered upon 
 their respective duties. On the I7th the constitution 
 was adopted and signed by the delegates. The con- 
 vention then adjourned sine die. I append below a 
 synopsis of the constitution,^ in which the reader will 
 
 '''Exec. Ord., in Kennedy, ii. 502-4. 
 
 '* Copies of the constitution will be found in Id., ii. 505-22; Tex., Laics 
 Hep., i. 9-25; Tex., Repealed and Obsolete Laws, 5-14. It divided the powers 
 of the government into the usual three departments of the legislative, execu- 
 tive, and judicial, the first being vested in a congress composed of a senate 
 and house of representatives. The powers of the executive and congress were 
 defined and rules laid down for their government. The judicial power was 
 vested in one supreme court, and inferior courts established by congress from 
 time to time; the republic w!i3 to be divided into convenient counties; and 
 conp'ess was to introduce by statute the common law of England, with such 
 modifications as circumstances might require. In criminal cases tlie common 
 law was to be the rule of decision. Slaves for life were to remain in like state 
 of servitude. Congress could have no power to emancipate slaves, nor could 
 any slave-holder manumit his slaves without the consent of congress. No 
 free African could reside permanently in the republic without similar consent; 
 the importation of Africans or negroes into the republic, excepting from the 
 U. S., was prohibited, and declared to be piracy. Head rights were defined, 
 to each head of a family who had not received his portion of land one league 
 and a labor being assigned, and to every single man of 17 years and upwards, 
 one third of a league; additional grants were to be made in favor of colonists, 
 married and single, already settled, so as to raise the quantity of land received 
 by them to the above standards respectively. The land system was to be 
 suspended tiU those serving in the army had a fair and equal chance with 
 those remaining at home to select and locate their lands, and a general laud- 
 office was to be established. The constitution was made subject to amend- 
 ments proposed by congress, which were to be submitted to the people for 
 approval. The document concludes with a declaration of political and civil 
 
EFFECT OF HOUSTON'S SPEECH. 219 
 
 not fail to notice the stringent regulations laid down 
 for the firm establishment of slavery in Texas — meas- 
 ures strikingly in contrast with the more enlightened 
 legislation of the Mexican government on the same 
 question. 
 
 Houston's speech at Refugio, mentioned in the last 
 chapter, produced such an impression upon the vol- 
 unteers that most of them abandoned Grant and 
 Johnson, whose force was thereby reduced to little 
 over sixty men.°* Indeed, to persevere in a descent 
 on Matamoros would have been madness, as it was 
 presently known that considerable forces of the 
 enemy were concentrated at that place. It was now 
 a question of self-defence, and Colonel Fannin, who 
 arrived at Groliad soon after Houston's departure, 
 actively engaged himself in preparing to resist the 
 expected invasion. He at once proceeded to organize 
 the troops, who were almost to a man volunteers 
 from the United States,*" and on February 7th an 
 election was held for the appointment of colonel and 
 lieutenant-colonel, Fannin and Major Ward of the 
 Georgia volunteers, respectively, being almost unan- 
 imously elected. The erection of a fortress called 
 Defiance at Goliad was commenced, and was expected 
 to be completed by March 3d. Writing on the 1st of 
 that month, Fannin says: "I have 420 men and as 
 many spare muskets, but no men to back them." 
 
 rights. Religious tolerance, freedom of speech and the press, and personal 
 rights were guaranteed. In criminal prosecutions the accused was to have 
 the right to be heard. No titles of nobility or hereditary privileges could 
 ever be granted. The right of trial by jury was to remain inviolate, and the 
 privilege of habeas corpus was not to be suspended except in cases of rebellion 
 or invasion. No person could be imprisoned for debt in consequence of in- 
 ability to pay; treason was defined; and perpetuities and monopolies were not 
 to be allowed. 
 
 ^R. R. Brown's Account, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134. Brown accompanied 
 Grant to the time of his death, and I consider his statements reliable. F. W. 
 Johnson, in Baker's Tex., 81. 
 
 *" Fannin bitterly complains in his letters to the government of the disin- 
 clination of the citizens of Texas to muster in the ranks, and the destitute 
 condition of the U. S. volunteers, many of whom were naked and barefoot. 
 Writing on Feb. 14th, he says that he could find but some half-dozen citizens 
 of Texas in the ranks. Foote, ii. 202, 207. 
 
220 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 Meanwhile disaster fell upon Grant and Johnson. 
 These leaders proceeded to San Patricio with a force 
 of less than, 100 men, where they received informa- 
 ation from Fannin, then at Matagorda Bay preparing 
 for the expedition against Matamoros. This was in 
 January, and the undertaking had not yet been 
 abandoned. At Velasco was a large number of vol- 
 unteers, and Fannin was attending to their trans- 
 portation to Refugio. Being instructed by him to 
 collect as many horses as possible, Johnson and 
 Grant divided their command into two parties, one of 
 which, under the latter, proceeded toward the Rio 
 Grande in quest of horses, while Johnson remained at 
 San Patricio with the other. When about sixty 
 miles from San Patricio, Grant's party captured Cap- 
 tain Rodriguez and sixty-six Mexican soldiers, who 
 were in charge of 300 or 400 horses collected for the 
 forces at Matamoros. The prisoners were released 
 from confinement under parole ; they decamped, how- 
 ever, on the first opportunity. The horses were 
 taken to San Patricio. Grant, with Johnson in com- 
 pany, started on another scouting expedition almost 
 immediately; when near Sal Colorado the command 
 divided, Johnson returriing, while Grant pushed his 
 way to the Rio Grande in pursuit of a large band of 
 horses driven by fifty Mexicans. Having taken a 
 considerable number of the animals at the river, 
 Grant returned on his way back to San Patricio, and 
 arrived at the Agua Dulce, within twenty miles of 
 the place, unmolested. Making an early start on the 
 morning of March 2d, the party had not proceeded 
 far before it was suddenly surrounded by several 
 hundred Mexican dragoons, commanded by Urrea in 
 person, that issued from two belts of timber between 
 which Grant was passing. Nearly all his men were 
 shot down or lanced. Grant and Reuben R. Brown in 
 a few minutes considering themselves the only sur- 
 vivors. The firing stampeded the captured horses, 
 which broke the line of the dragoons, and Grant 
 
A KACE FOR LIFE. 221 
 
 and Brown following in their wake, endeavored to 
 escape. The race for life was continued for six or 
 seven miles, till at last, overtaken and surrounded, 
 the pursued men dismounted, determined to sell their 
 lives as dearly as possible. Grant fell pierced by 
 several lances, after having shot dead a Mexican who 
 had lanced Brown in the arm. A moment after, 
 the latter was lassoed and dragged to the ground. 
 Brown was conveyed to San Patricio, then in pos- 
 session of the Mexicans, where his life was saved by 
 the interposition of a priest and a Mexican woman. 
 Thence he was sent to Matamoros, where again he 
 was spared through similar intercession. On both 
 occasions he had been led forth for execution. He 
 eventually succeeded in escaping, through the assist- 
 ance of outside friends, in the latter part of December 
 of the same year, and arrived at Guadalupe Victoria 
 about the 1st of January, 1837.*^ 
 
 As already stated, San Patricio had fallen into the 
 hands of the enemy before the destruction of Grant 
 and his party. Urrea had arrived at Matamoros on 
 January 31st. There he remained till February 18th, 
 when, having already passed his forces over the river, 
 he proceeded on his march to meet the Texans, of 
 whose intentions against Matamoros he was well in- 
 formed. His command consisted of the infantry 
 battalion of Yucatan, in number 350 men, about the 
 same number of dragoons drawn from Cuantla, Tam- 
 pico, Durango, and Guanajuato, and several companies 
 of permanent mditia; in all between 900 and 1,000 
 
 *' This aocoant of Grant's raid and death is taken from Brown's narrative 
 in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134-7, and that of P. W. Johnson in Baker's Tex., 80-2. 
 Brown's statement regarding Grant's death is corroborated by Urrea, who 
 says that Grant and 41 riflemen remained dead on the field. Diarm, Camp, de 
 Tej., 10. The absurd story told by Yoakum, that Grant was wounded, and 
 taken prisoner to San Patricio, where, after ministering to the wounded of 
 the enemy for three weeks, he WM tied Mazeppa-like to the back of a wild 
 mustang and mangled to death, is an instance of the most confiding credulity 
 on the part of that author. Hist. Tex., ii. 84-5. Brown mentions the escape 
 also of Plicido Benavides, a Mexican, and Johnson that of Plaude and Wil- 
 liam Innlock. Their accounts are the most reliable ones of this event, and 
 hear every mark of truthfulness. 
 
222 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 men/^ about 200 of whom were left at Matamoros to 
 follow later. Though ill supplied with provisions, he 
 pushed forward toward San Patricio, the weather 
 being very severe, and causing much suffering.*^ At 
 three o'clock in the morning of the 27th, he arrived 
 at San Patricio, and half an hour afterward, in the 
 midst of a storm of rain, assaulted the barracks, which, 
 after an obstinate resistance on the part of the gar- 
 rison, commanded by Pierce, was carried,- and the 
 defenders to the number of forty put to death or shot, 
 afterward. Johnson with three companions, Daniel J. 
 Toler, John H. Love, and James M. Miller, escaped. 
 The house which they occupied was surrounded, and 
 they were ordered to make a light. A few minutes 
 afterward firing opened in front, and the Mexicans in 
 the rear of the house moved away; whereupon John- 
 son and the others escaped by the back door and made 
 their way to Pefugio. A Frenchman, who had se- 
 creted himself, was granted his life.** 
 
 After the destruction of Grant's command, Urrea 
 returned to San Patricio, and on March 7th he was 
 joined by the troops that had been left at Matamoros. 
 On the 13th he marched against Goliad, and on the 
 following day, having learned that the mission of 
 Refugio was occupied by a strong detachment of Fan- 
 nin's force, turned aside to attack the place. Refugio 
 was distant from Goliad between twenty and thirty 
 miles, and a few days previously Fannin had sent 
 Captain King and his company*^ thither to bring oflF 
 
 " These figures are supplied by Potter, who was in Matamoros at the time 
 and counted the troops. Te.r. Aim., 1868, 31-2. Filisola, ii. 402, says 600 
 men. Urrea states that his force was 320 iafantry and 230 dragoons. Diario, 
 Camp, de T<j., 7. 
 
 "On the night o( the 25th an icy wind blew, but Urrea kept his troops on 
 tlie march, and six of the Yucatan soldiers died from thecoldT Id., 8. 
 
 *^ Johnsons Account, vt siep. Urrea states that 16 of the defenders were 
 killed and 24 made prisoners. His own loss was one dragoon killed, and four 
 wounded! Dtario, Camp, de Tcj., 9. 
 
 ** Fannin's force at this time was about 500 men, consistinc of volunteers 
 from Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, Mobile, and New Orleans. 
 It was divided into two battalions, the Georgia and the La Fayette. The first 
 consisted of Ward's and Wadsworth's company, and Capt. Ticknor's company 
 
ASSAULTS ON THE MISSION. 223 
 
 some families there who were in much alarm at the 
 appearance of Mexican troops in the vicinity. King's 
 force numbered in all only twenty-eight men, and at 
 the mission he was confronted by a strong body of 
 the enemy. Whereupon he sought protection in the 
 church, a strong stone building, and sent an express 
 to Goliad for a reenforcement. Ward was accordingly 
 sent with 120 men to his assistance, and reached the 
 mission on the day before Urrea's assault upon it. 
 It appears that King and Ward had a dispute as to 
 who should command, the former claiming the priority 
 on the ground of his having been sent first, and that 
 Ward had been despatched to him as a reenforcement. 
 The result was, that King, with his company and 
 eighteen of Ward's men, withdrew early on the 14th,*® 
 and took up a position in a wood, where he was cut off, 
 attacked, and himself and nearly all his men killed, or 
 captured and shot during that and the following day.*' 
 Meantime three fierce assaults were made upon the 
 mission, but were repulsed with great slaughter, the 
 besieged reserving their fire until the enemy ap- 
 proached within close range.** These repeated attacks, 
 
 of Montgomery, Alabama, about 250 strong. The second battalion consisted 
 of the New Orleans Grays, Capt. Pettis; the Mustangs of Kentucky, Capt. 
 Duval; Mobile Grays, Capt. McManeman; Louisville and Huntsville, Tennes- 
 
 see, volunteers, Capt. Bradford; Capt. King's company; and the Red Rovers 
 from Alabama, Capt. Shackleford. There was also a part of Capt. Horton's 
 company, and a regular company of artillery, Capt. Westover. ShcuMeford's 
 Account, in Foote, ii. 228, 235, 244; S. T. Brmon's Account, in Tex. Aim., 1860, 
 84; Telegraph and Texas Register, 1836, in Id., 88-91. 
 
 **This is Brown's statement. Id., 85. See also Baker's Tex., 144; Linn's 
 Rem., 199. Another version — also by a participator in the events — is that 
 King was sent forward to reconnoitre, preparatory to commencing the return 
 inarch. Foote, ii. 249. 
 
 " All but two, who made their escape, were shot. Hardaway's Statement, in 
 Id., 256. According to Kennedy, ii. 201-2, the captives were shot by order of 
 Urrea; Thorn saw their mangled remains. Col Francisco Garay states that 
 in the attack five men were killed and two taken prisoners, and that on the 
 following day 36 more of the band were captured, their ammunition having 
 been exhausted. Ftlisola, ii. 412-13. This author states that Urrea caused 
 about 30 prisoners to be shot, and defends his action. Id., ii. 418-19. An- 
 other statement — by E. N. Hill, an eye-witness — is to the eflect that King's 
 company with a few of Ward's men remained at the mission and surrendered 
 on tlie morning after Ward's departure. They were all shot with the excep- 
 tion of one man, on the road to Bejar, about a mile from the mission. Tex. 
 Aim., 1860, 72. 
 
 ■" The loss on the part of the Mexicans was severe, but is greatly exag- 
 gerated by Texan accounts. Brown says that between 400 and 500 of their 
 
224 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 however, almost exhausted the ammunition of the 
 Americans, and Ward, having received a despatch 
 from Fannin ordering him immediately on its receipt 
 to return to Goliad at all risks, *" effected his escape 
 through the enemy's lines during the night, and di- 
 rected his course to Victoria. In his retreat Ward 
 marched through woods and swamps where cavalry 
 could not pursue him. On the 19th the Americans 
 crossed the San Antonio and proceeded toward Vic- 
 toria, where they expected to find Fannin. The town, 
 however, was already in possession of the enemy, and 
 on their approach they were attacked by a force of 500 
 or 600 cavalrymen. Firing their last three rounds of 
 ammunition, they retreated into the Guadalupe swamp, 
 where they passed the night. On the next day, 
 March 2 2d, not having a shot left, they surrendered 
 as prisoners of war,°° against the advice of Ward, who 
 even in these desperate circumstances would have 
 preferred to take the chance of escape to trusting to 
 the faith of a perfidious foe. But the vote of the 
 companies decided the question by a large majority, 
 and the prisoners were marched to Goliad, there to 
 increase the number of victims soon to be sacrificed 
 by order of the inhuman Santa Anna. Fannin and 
 his command had fallen into the hands of the enemy I 
 
 Houston, on March 2d, had issued a proclamation 
 announcing the declaration of independence, and call- 
 ing on the citizens of Texas to rally, as war was raging- 
 dead were left upon the field. Tex. Aim., 1860, 85. Another eye-witness 
 states that ' the acknowledged Mexican loss was 400 killed and wounded;' and 
 a third, that it was believed to be not less than 200. Foote, ii. 252, 256. Au- 
 thorities on the other side go into the opposite extreme. Urrea gives his loss 
 as 11 killed and 27 wounded; Filisola indorses this statement, remarking that 
 Garay's assertion that there were 13 killed and 43 wounded is incorrect, ii. 
 412, 414. The Texans had none killed, but three men were severely 
 wounded. 
 
 *" This despatch was intercepted by Garay, but the courier was allowed to 
 proceed with it in order that Ward might leave his position. Id., ii. 413-14; 
 Tex. Aim., 1860, 85. 
 
 '"' Brotvn's Statement, in Id., 85-6. Urrea asserts that Ward surrendered 
 at discretion. Diario, 19-20. 
 
EFFECT OF THE ALAMO SLAUGHTER. 225 
 
 on the frontier/^ Appointing Gonzalez as the point 
 of headquarters of the army, he hastened thither and 
 arrived on the 11th. Including a company of Ken- 
 tucky volunteers, nearly 400 soldiers had assembled, 
 but they were without organization, and inadequate to 
 oppose the enemy, who was already moving into the 
 interior of the country. 
 
 News of the slaughter at the Alamo reached Gon- 
 zalez on the day of Houston's arrival, and orders were 
 sent forthwith to Fannin, instructing him to fall back 
 to Guadalupe Victoria, and place it in a state of de- 
 fence.^" On the 12th Mrs Dickenson reached the 
 place, and confirmed the mournful tidings, adding 
 many terrible details of the event. The inhabitants 
 were panic-stricken. There was hardly a household 
 in the town that had not to mourn the loss of a father, 
 a son, a brother, or other relative. Not less than 
 twenty widowed mothers bemoaned their husbands' 
 deaths. The families of the citizens who had fallen 
 abandoned themselves to grief and despair, and the 
 inhabitants began to flee. The panic was contagious, 
 and many who had assembled in arms returned to their 
 homes to provide for the safety of those whom they 
 had left behind.''^ With no force capable of repelling 
 the enemy, Houston decided to retreat, and having 
 thrown his artillery, consisting of two brass 24-pound- 
 ers, into the river, began his march just before mid- 
 night of the 12th. On his departure the town was 
 set on fire and reduced to ashes. ^* 
 
 Santa Anna, having received aespatches from 
 Urrea, informing him of the capture of San Patricio 
 and the destruction of Grant's party /^ regarded the 
 
 *' Copy in Foote, ii. 265-6. 
 
 '2 Copy in Yoahum, ii. 472. 
 
 ^ Capt. Sharpe's Statement; Foote, ii. 268; Thrall, 256; ffotiston's Letter to 
 Collingworth, Mar. 15, 1836, in Yoakum, ii. 475-6. 
 
 *' There is little doubt that Houston gave verbal orders to burn the town, 
 that it might not afford shelter to the Mexicans. His defenders claim that 
 he did not do so, but the evidence tends to a contrary conclusion. Consult 
 Slimye's Narrative, in Foote, ii. 268. 
 
 *^He received the despatches on the 3d and 7th of March, respectively. 
 Almonte's Journal, in Kennedy, ii. 184, and Filisola, Represent., 8-9. 
 Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. II. 15 
 
226 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 war as ended, believing that no further opposition 
 would be made by the Texans. He accordingly made 
 his dispositions to occupy the country with his army. 
 On March 1 1th generals Sesma and WoU, with the 
 battalions of Aldama, Matamoros, and Toluca, and 
 fifty cavalrymen, in all 725 men, supported by two 
 pieces of artillery, were sent to take possession of San 
 Felipe, and thence proceed by Harrisburg to And,huac. 
 On the same day Colonel Morales, with the battalions 
 of San Luis and Jimenez, a twelve and an eight 
 pounder, and a mortar, marched for Goliad. Owing 
 to information received from Sesma and Urrea, rela- 
 tive to the forces of the enemy, on the 16th General 
 Tolsa was despatched, with two more battalions and 
 forty horse, as a reenforcement to Sesma ; and Colonel 
 Cayetano Montoya, also with two battalions and a 
 twelve-pounder, to aid Urrea. 
 
 Fannin received Houston's despatch on the morn- 
 ing of March 14th,^^ and at once made preparations 
 for his departure. An express was sent to Ward, 
 ordering his immediate return, as we have seen; an- 
 other was despatched to Colonel A. C. Horton at 
 Matagorda, instructing him to join the main body 
 as soon as possible; and a third to Captain Samuel 
 A. White, calling upon him to hasten up carts and 
 wagons, and order a supply of ammunition to be sent 
 up the Colorado for the army." All these letters 
 were intercepted; nevertheless Horton arrived at 
 Goliad on the 16th with twenty-seven mounted men. 
 The guns were dismounted, and such as were not 
 transportable were buried. And now occurred a fatal 
 delay. Fannin waited for the return of Ward and 
 King, not for one but several days. Courier after 
 courier was sent with instructions, but still no news 
 
 *" ' On the morning after Ward left Goliad . . . Col Fannin received Gen. 
 Houston's order to evacuate Goliad and fall back on Victoria. ' Hhacklrford's 
 Statement, in Foote, ii. 229. Shackleford errs, however, in saying, page 228, 
 that Ward was sent to King's relief on the night of the 14th, Ward left 
 Goliad on the 1 3th. 
 
 " TranskUiona in Spanish, in Urrea, Diario, 57-8. 
 
FANNIN'S FATAL MISTAKE. 227 
 
 was received of the detachment. The message all 
 fell into the hands of the enemy. On the 16th a 
 fourth messenger was despatched, and still Fannin 
 lingered, so great was his anxiety to learn the fate of 
 Ward and King, and his unwillingness to abandon 
 them in their dangerous position. His yielding to 
 this generous impulse was a fatal mistake. On the 
 17 th Horton was sent to reconnoitre in the direction 
 of San Antonio, and returned to report that a large 
 force was advancing slowly and in good order upon 
 Goliad. It was Morales sent by Santa Anna from 
 Bdjar. Not till the 17th did Fannin obtain any inti- 
 mation that Ward's detachment had been hopelessly 
 cut off,^ and on the 18th the enemy appeared in forci, 
 on the opposite side of the river, near the old mission, 
 Horton, being sent across with what mounted men he 
 could collect, made a furious charge, and drove the 
 Mexicans into the timber, where they were supported 
 by a strong body of infantry. He then fell back in 
 good order. The same day Urrea joined his forces 
 with those of Morales, numbering 500 men. His 
 position was about a league to the north of Goliad, on 
 the Arroyo de la Manahuilla.'^* At last Fannin de- 
 cided to retreat, and began so doing on the following 
 morning. Two roads led from Goliad across the San 
 Antonio River, the lower one being that to Victoria. 
 This was reconnoitred by Horton, and reported clear 
 of the foe. The march began very early, a dense fog 
 concealing the movement. At the ford much time 
 was lost in passing over the artillery, which consisted of 
 nine pieces; nevertheless, the retreat was unobserved, 
 and the Americans, in number about 300 men,''" ad- 
 vanced unmolested to within about five miles of the 
 Coleto River, the banks of which were well timbered. 
 
 ^* Captain Frazer volunteered on the 16th to ascertain the state o affairs. 
 He returned with the news late in the afternoon of the 17th. Doctor Bar- 
 nard a Acctmni, published in the Ooliad Ouard, 1875, and transcribed by Linn 
 in his Reminiscences, 148-82. 
 
 *' Urrea, Diario, 13. Urrea's force now amounted probably to 1,200 men. 
 
 * Shackleford in Foote, ii. 234, says Fannin's force did not exceed 275 
 effective men. This number did not include Horton 's cavalry. Urrea states 
 that he took about 400 prisoners — an exaggeration. Diario, 18. 
 
228 
 
 THE Alamo and goliad massacres. 
 
 Fannin, though a brave and intrepid officer, was 
 deficient in caution, and had too much contempt for 
 the Mexicans, whom he could not believe would dare to 
 follow and attack him. Unfortunately, his low appre- 
 ciation of the foe was too generally shared in by his 
 men, and as the teams were weary and weak for want 
 of food, he halted for an hour to refresh them. The 
 
 Austin's Map. 
 
 march was then continued four miles farther, the road 
 lying through an oval prairie skirted by belts of tim- 
 ber. In front, not more than a mile and a half distant, 
 was the Coleto, the goal of safety, with its sheltering 
 woods, and on right and left, four or five miles away, 
 was the forest. And now, from a skirt of timber two 
 miles distant toward the west, the enemy's cavalry 
 emerged, and rapidly took up a position on the front 
 and right, while from the same quarter his infantry 
 
A CRITICAL SITUATION. '229 
 
 presently issued, and deliberately deployed on the 
 left and rear. The Americans were completely sur- 
 rounded. 
 
 Urrea, unconscious of the enemy's movements, had 
 leisurely prepared to lay siege to Port Defiance. 
 When, however, he discovered that it had been evac- 
 uated, he hastened to repair his mistake, and went in 
 pursuit with his cavalry, and a portion of the infantry, 
 instructing Colonel Garay to occupy the fort, and then 
 send forward the artillery and the remainder of the 
 troops. The pursuit began at eleven o'clock, and be- 
 fore two in the afternoon the Americans were over- 
 taken and their advance intercepted. 
 
 The enemy closed around so quickly that Fannin 
 had to abandon the attempt to reach the timber in 
 front, and make immediate disposition for battle. He 
 formed his men into a hollow rectangle, the artillery 
 being advantageously placed. Unfortunately, in try- 
 ing to reach a commanding eminence, the ammunition 
 wagon broke down, and they were compelled to take 
 up a position in a depression in the prairie six or seven 
 feet below the surrounding plain. The companies 
 which composed Fannin's force at this crisis were the 
 Red Rovers, the New Orleans Grays, the Mustangs of 
 Kentucky, the Mobile Grays, and the regular artillery. 
 Horton had been sent forward with his cavalry to 
 examine the Coleto crossing, and was unable to rejoin 
 the main body when the engagement began. *^ 
 
 Some time was occupied in preparing for the battle. 
 Though Urrea had no artillery, he decided not to wait 
 for it, but attack at once. The Jimenez battalion, 
 and some companies under Colonel Salas, were sent in 
 front. Morales was placed on the left flank of the 
 Americans, and the grenadiers and San Luis compa- 
 nies on the right, A strong body of cavalry was 
 
 ^^ Some censure was cast upon Horton for not making an attempt to cut 
 through the enemy. But his men failed him, and most of them rode off to 
 Victoria, leaving him no choice but to follow. Shackleford does him justice, 
 and says that with his whole force he could never have cut his way through 
 such an immense number of ilexican cavalry. Foote, ii. 236. 
 
230 THE jClAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 stationed in the rear. The Red Rovers and New Or- 
 leans Grays formed the front hne of the Americans; 
 Duval's Mustangs occupied the rear; and the other 
 companies were stationed on the sides. 
 
 The attack was begun about three o'clock in the after- 
 noon by a simultaneous assault on the two sides of the 
 square, which was somewhat protected by a barricade 
 formed of the baggage and wagons. When the ad- 
 vancing foe had come within easy range, the Americans 
 being ordered to withhold their fire, the volunteers 
 opened upon them with rifle and artillery, causing 
 great havoc in their ranks. Nevertheless the Mexi- 
 cans pressed on with persistency, and attempted to 
 charge with the bayonet. But the Americans had an 
 abundant supply of weapons, and each man was pro- 
 vided with two or three rifles or muskets. Before 
 their withering volleys the charge was stopped, and 
 the baffled troops were ordered to lie down within 
 range and only rise above the grass to fire. Urrea 
 now attempted a charge on the rear with his cavalry, 
 which he led in person. But men and horse were 
 swept down by canister and rifle-bullet; the troop 
 was thrown into confusion, halted, and retreated in 
 disorder. The artillery was now directed against the 
 infantry, which was compelled to retire beyond range. 
 After this the cannons were of little service, having 
 become too hot to load, there being no water with 
 which to sponge them out. 
 
 As soon as Urrea could restore order in his ranks, 
 he made a third assault. On this occasion he sought 
 to overwhelm the devoted band by assailing it on all 
 sides at once. His officers succeeded in urging on 
 their dispirited troops to within fifty or sixty yards of 
 the Texan lines, and again the bayonet charge and 
 cavalry onset were attempted, only to be repulsed as 
 before. An eye-witness thus describes the discom- 
 fiture: " The scene was now dreadful to behold ; killed 
 and maimed men and horses were strewn over the 
 plain, the wounded were rending the air with their 
 
DESPERATE FIGHTING. 231 
 
 distressing moans; while a great number of horses 
 without riders were rushing to and fro back upon the 
 enemy's lines, increasing the confusion among them; 
 their retreat resembled the headlong flight of a herd 
 of buffaloes, rather than the retreat of a well-drilled 
 regular army."*^ The contest lasted till sunset, and in 
 the dusk of the evening trained Indian sharp-shooters, 
 concealed by the tall grass, crept to within easy range 
 of the Texans, and for some time kept up a well-directed 
 and telling fire. It was only when the darkness ren- 
 dered the flashes of their fire-arms visible that the 
 Texans could reply with effect. ^^ Then the assailants 
 were withdrawn, and the Mexican general disposed 
 his forces around, taking every precaution to prevent 
 escape during the night. 
 
 In this action, known as the battle of the Encinal 
 del Perdido, and also of the Coleto, the Americans 
 lost seven killed, several mortally and sixty badly 
 wounded," Fannin being among the latter, having 
 received a shot in the thigh early in the fight. As in 
 the case of all engagements fought with Mexicans, it 
 is impossible to arrive at any accuracy with regard to 
 their loss. Mexican generals invariably reported their 
 casualties as far less in number than those really sus- 
 tained, while Texan authorities as often exaggerate in 
 the other direction. On this occasion Urrea's state- 
 ment, that in the several severe contests — for he de- 
 scribes them as such — he had only eleven killed and 
 fifty-four wounded, cannot be believed ; nor are the 
 assertions even of some American participators in the 
 engagement worthy of more credence. They do not 
 hesitate to state that many hundreds, one eye-witness 
 saying 600, of the Mexicans were killed and wounded. ^'^ 
 
 ^'^ Kennedy, ii. 205-6. 
 
 '^The sharp-shooters caused more loss to the Texans than they had sus- 
 tained during all the previous fighting. An eye-witness states that they 
 wounded fifty and killed four in the space of an hour. Id. , ii. 206. 
 
 "'These are Shackleford's numbers. Foote, ii. 234. Urrea says 27 were 
 killed and 97 wounded. Diario, 18. Barnard writes: 'We had 7 men killed 
 and 60 wounded, about 40 of whom were disabled.' Linn's Rem., 158. 
 
 ^ Shackleford's A ccount, in Foote, ii. 235; Kennedy, ii. 207. Doctor Barnard, 
 who was present at the engagement, shows his good judgment in refraining 
 
232 THE iCLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 Indeed, if Texan statements as to Urrea's losses are 
 accepted, that general would have lost over 1,000 men 
 since he left Matamoros. The same tendency to mis- 
 represent the numerical strength of the Mexican army 
 is observable on both sides. The Texan authorities 
 quoted, with the exception of Doctor Barnard,^ swell 
 bhe numbers to 1,900 and 2,000 men, while Urrea 
 would lead us to suppose that he fought the battle 
 with only 360 infantry and 80 cavalry.*' 
 
 Both sides were vigilant all through the night. 
 The Texans suffered much from thirst, but labored to 
 strengthen their position by running, as best they 
 could, a shallow ditch around it, and forming a barri- 
 cade with the carcasses of the animals, most of which 
 had been killed or had strayed off during the conflict. 
 Urrea's troops kept wakefuUy alert, and on every side, 
 at short intervals of time, the bugle signals rung 
 through the night air all along the cordon of cavalry- 
 men that encircled the doomed Americans. 
 
 The dismal night ended at last and day dawned. 
 It was Sunday, March 20th ; and before it was well 
 light, a strong reenforcement was seen coming up to 
 join the enemy. The position of the Americans was 
 now perilous in the extreme. They numbered little 
 more than 200 effective men, and these were worn out 
 by the incessant toil and exertion they had undergone 
 since the previous morning. Moreover, the Mexicans 
 
 from exaggeration. He says : ' The loss of the enemy I could never learn 
 with precision. They had above a hundred wounded badly, that we [the sur- 
 geons] were afterwards obliged to attend to. Fifteen of their dead were 
 counted within a few hundred yards of our intrenchment early in the morn- 
 ing, besides an officer who died shortly after. The accounts of the Mexicans 
 themselves, of whom I subsequently inquired, varied iu their statements of 
 their dead from forty to four hundred.' Linn's Hem., 163. 
 
 *^ This writer not only strives to be impartial in his statements, but shows 
 great correctness in his estimates. He calculated the force of the enemy to 
 be 1,300 on the morning after the engagement. He judged it to be about 500 
 strong when the attack began, and not less than 1,000 at the end of the day, 
 while in the morning a reenforcement of 300 or 400 men arrived. Id., 157, 
 160. These numbers are nearly correct, although probably still too high. 
 Assuming that Urrea left Matamoros with 1,000 men, his total strength with 
 Morales' contingent would l)e 1,500; and beai-ing in mind that he had left de- 
 tachments at San Patricio, Refugio, and Goliad, besides incurring losses, it 
 is not likely that he had more than 1,200 men on the 20th. 
 
 '^ Viario, 14. 
 
SURRENDEE. 233 
 
 were now provided with two pieces of artillery, and 
 presently began to fire grape and canister. The men 
 were still confident that they could fight their way 
 through the foe to the timber, but in that case the 
 wounded would have to be abandoned, and honor and 
 humanity forbade their being left to the mercy of the 
 enemy, who had so lately shown such barbarity by 
 the massacre of King's party and the defenders of 
 San Patricio. The question of surrender was there- 
 fore agitated, and submitted to the companies by their 
 respective officers after they had consulted. It was 
 generally agreed that if an honorable capitulation 
 could be obtained, they would lay down their arms 
 as prisoners of war. A white flag was accordingly 
 hoisted, and Colonel Salas, Lieutenant-colonel Holsin- 
 ger, and Adjutant Jos^ de la Luz Gonzalez were sent 
 by Urrea to confer with Fannin, who met them mid- 
 way between the hostile lines. The result was that 
 the surrender was made. It has been denied by 
 Urrea and Holsinger that the former signed any 
 capitulation, but the survivors of the band tell but 
 one story, namely, that every one understood at the 
 time that articles of capitulation were signed.*^ 
 
 On the same day such of the Americans as were 
 able to march were sent to Goliad, the wounded arriv- 
 ing at the same place on the 2 2d. The prisoners were 
 confined under a strong guard in the church, which 
 was so crowded ,that on the 23d all except the Mexi- 
 can wounded were removed, the well ones to the 
 fort, and the wounded to barracks on the west wall. 
 Meantime Urrea marched to Victoria, and on the 2 2d 
 captured Ward and his command, as already nar- 
 rated. He also made dispositions for the occupation 
 of C6pano ; and on the 23d Major Miller, with eighty- 
 two volunteers just arrived from Nashville, was made 
 
 ^Coiault Hist. Mex., v. 170-1, this series; also Holsinger's letter to 
 Wharton of June 3, 1836, in Ca/ro, Verdad. Idea, 73-8; Urrea, Diario, 17, 
 23, 58, 128-33; Doctor Barnard's Account, ut mp., 161-3; Sha/:kleford's Ac- 
 count, in Foote, ii. 237-9; Kennedy, Tex., ii. 208-10; Yoakum, ii. 514^16; 
 Santa Anna, Manif., 49. 
 
234 THE iLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 prisoner by Colonel Vara at that place on landing. 
 All were sent to Goliad, Ward's command being 
 brought in on the 25th. 
 
 On the outbreak of hostilities, the supreme govern- 
 ment, in view of the notorious preparations carried on 
 in the south of the United States, to enlist volunteers 
 in the Texan cause, passed a law December 30, 1835, 
 to the effect that all foreigners landing in the republic 
 with arms in their hands should be considered pirates, 
 and punished as such.*^ When Santa Anna was in- 
 formed of the capture of Fannin and his command, he 
 determined that this Draconian measure should be car- 
 ried out to the letter. He despatched an order to Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Nicolas de la Portilla, the commandant 
 at Goliad, commanding him immediately to execute 
 the prisoners, and expressing his surprise that the law 
 had not already been carried into effect. The despatch 
 reached Portilla's hand at seven o'clock on the night 
 of the 26th. The Americans, unconscious of their 
 impending fate, were cheerful and buoyant with the 
 hope of soon being sent back to their homes. Shackle- 
 ford narrates that several of them on that evening 
 played in concert on their flutes the air of "Home, 
 sweet home." 
 
 Portilla passed a restless night, and not tiU morning 
 dawned did he decide to carry out the barbarous but 
 imperative order. The whole garrison was drawn up 
 under arms, the prisoners were aroused from their 
 sleep, formed into three divisions, and marched out of 
 the town in different directions. Their questionings 
 were satisfied with various explanations ; the victims 
 in one band were told that they Avere going to Copano 
 to be sent home ; of another, that they were wanted 
 to slaughter beeves ; and the third, that room in the 
 fort was required for the reception of Santa Anna. 
 Four doctors and about a dozen others were not called 
 out. It was Palm Sunday. Each line marched in 
 
 ^^ Copy in Dublan and Lozano, iii. 114-15. All foreigners also who landed 
 arms and ammuuitiou for the use of the rebels were to be similarly dealt with. 
 
MOST VILLANOUS TREACHERY. 235 
 
 double file, with a guard of soldiers on either side. 
 Half a mile from the fort the order was given to halt ; 
 the file of soldiers on the right passed through the 
 prisoners' line, and in a moment after, the whole guard 
 poured in a voUey upon them. Nearly all fell ; a few 
 survivors only escaped into the long grass of the 
 prairie, some of whom, eluding their pursuers, gained 
 the river. The first division to suflfer was that which 
 had been led out on the road to the lower ford, but 
 the sound of distant volleys in other directions soon 
 after told those at Goliad that the murderous work 
 was being consummated elsewhere. For an hour 
 after the first firing, the ring of intermittent shots 
 smote on the ear, producing in the listener's mind a 
 terrible picture of the flight and chase, of the hunter 
 following his unarmed prey through the tall grass and 
 dark weeds, of the fiendish eagerness of the one to 
 kill and the desperate struggles of the other to escape. 
 Over 300 victims were put to death in this cold- 
 blooded butchery, without a warning, without a mo- 
 ment in which to prepare for death, send home a 
 farewell, or even utter a prayer ! Twenty-seven only 
 escaped. Miller's company was not included in the 
 first massacre. The wounded were dragged from the 
 barracks an hour later and shot. Fannin was reserved 
 till the last, and met his fate with a soldier's calmness 
 and bearing. He gave his watch to the officer in 
 command of the firing platoon, with a request not to 
 be shot in the head, and to be decently buried. He 
 was shot in the head, nevertheless, nor was he in- 
 terred, his corpse being cast among the bodies of the 
 other dead. Ward faced his death with stern anger. 
 When commanded to kneel, he refused, and being told 
 that by so doing his life might be spared, he still would 
 not bend his knee. "You have killed my comrades in 
 cold blood," he indignantly exclaimed; "I have no 
 wish to live." A few moments later he had ceased to 
 breathe.^" When the slaughter was ended, the dead 
 
 ™ This description of the massacre of Fannin's command has been derived 
 from the most reliable of sources, namely, the accounts of Shackleford and 
 
236 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES. 
 
 were stripped of clothing, and the naked corpses col- 
 lected into heaps; then brushwood was piled upon 
 them and set on fire. Even this heathenish disposal 
 of the dead was badly done, and days afterward many 
 hands and feet unscathed by the flames were seen by 
 Shackleford, whose eldest son and two nephews were 
 among the victims. 
 
 The odium of this horrible deed rightly rests on 
 Santa Anna. The officers more directly concerned 
 showed some feelings of humanity. Their chief had 
 none. Urrea recommended the prisoners to mercy, 
 and received a sharp reprimand. ^^ Portilla hesitated, 
 and afterward expressed his horror and disgust at 
 having been compelled by his duty as an officer to 
 execute the hateful task.''^ But Santa Anna's order 
 
 Barnard, and S. T. Brown, the last being one of the Americans who escaped 
 from the first division of prisoners. Shackleford and Barnard at the time 
 were in Colonel Garay's quarters outside the fort, were in part spectators of 
 of the cruel scenes, and derived further particulars from eye-witnesses. Ihe 
 narratives of all three have been previously referred to. With regard to the 
 number of those put to death in this massacre, Mexican and Texan authoritiea 
 approximately agree. Captain Kennymore, one of the survivors, supplied to 
 the Tex. Aim. of 1860, pp. 82-91, a muster-roll of Fannin's command, which 
 he looked upon as correct, and also Brown's narrative. According to Kenny- 
 more "s table, the command numbered 444 men, of whom 33 were detained for 
 medical and other services, 26 escaped, and 385 killed on different occasions, 
 including 20 of King's company, and 21 of Horton's. According to an extract 
 from PortUla's diary, supplied in Urrea, Diario, 61-2, the number of prison- 
 ers amounted to 445, or 363 after deducting Miller's compajiy, which, not 
 having been taken in arms against the republic, he reserved for further in- 
 structions. Deducting from the latter figures 27, the number of those who 
 escaped, according to Shackleford's list of their names, Foote, ii. 244, and 10 
 doctors and others who were retained in Goliad, it would appear that 3£3 
 were put to death on the morning of the 27th. This number very nearly tr.l- 
 lies with Kennymore's figures. For if 41 of Horton's and King's commanus 
 be taken from his list of killed, there remain 344, showing a difference of 'Zi 
 men, which may be explained by the deaths occasioned by the battle of tl.a 
 Coleto, and the loss sustained by "Ward at Refugio, and during his retreat to 
 Victoria. Brown, who was with Ward's command, says: 'At the time of the 
 surrender we had only 85 men, the others having left us on the route from 
 the mission to Victoria. ' Tex. Aim., 1860,86. Yoakum, ii. 100, gives the num- 
 ber of killed as 330, but he only puts down eight as the number of surgeons 
 and attendants saved. 
 
 '^ ' La respuesta de S. E. i, la recomendacion del Sr de Urrea, fu§ una 
 reconvencion bastante fuerte, manifestandole su desagrado, y al misma 
 tiempo, que no manchaae sus triunfos con una mala entendida compasion.' 
 Caro, Verdad. Idea, 13. Holsinger, in his letter to AMiartou, intimates that 
 Urrea did not intercedo for the prisoners' lives, at any rate neglected to in- 
 form Santa Anna of the personal promises made to Fajmin. Id. , 76-7. But 
 it must be remembered that Holsinger was endeavoring to exculpate Santa 
 Anna, who was then a prisoner of Houston's. 
 
 '■^ See his diary and letter to Urrea of March 27, 1836, in Urrea, Diario, 
 62-3; Democratic Review, iii. 144-5; and Yoahum, ii. 519-20. 
 
SANTA ANNA, THE FIEND. 237 
 
 was peremptory, and did not conceal his angry im- 
 patience; still Portilla saved Miller's company from 
 destruction. Colonel Garay displayed his humanity in 
 a still more practical manner. Assuming a dangerous 
 responsibility, he withdrew doctors Shackleford, Bar- 
 nard, Field, and Hall, with some others, from the hos- 
 pitals, and sent them with Miller's company to his own 
 quarters, where he had two other men already concealed 
 in a tent. The Senora Alvarez also concealed and 
 saved a few of the officers.^' But no ray of mercy or 
 of pity illumined the dark and cruel soul of the gen- 
 eral-in-ohief He was the incarnation of an inhuman- 
 ity at once revengeful and cowardly. The slaughter 
 of his troops at the Alamo still rankled in his mind, 
 and he would not have spared a single life. Miller 
 and his men would also have been put to death but 
 for the representations of an officer who presumed to 
 plead for them.'^* 
 
 '^ See Barnard's and Shackleford's narratives, in Linn's Rem., 168, 171-3, 
 and Foote, ii. 244-5. Barnard says the name of Sefiora Alvarez deserves to 
 be recorded in letters of gold. Shackleford speaks of her as an angel of 
 mercy. This was not the first or last time that she showed kindness and 
 humanity to her country's enemies. 
 
 '* When their case was referred to Santa Anna, he instructed his secretary, 
 Caro, to draw up the order for their execution. This was done; but Captain 
 Savariego, the bearer of the despatch from Goliad, had the courage to address 
 Santa Anna on the subject of mercy, and received a sound rating for his pre- 
 sumption. ' Pero ap^na/S hubo hablado, cuando recibid por respuesta tan amar- 
 gas reprensiones, que salid confundido. ' Caro, Verdad. Idea, 15. Santa Anna, 
 however, withdrew his order and postponed his decision till he had investi- 
 gated the matter. By this accidental interposition the lives of the company 
 were saved. 
 
CHAPTEK XI 
 
 SAJS'TA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 1836-1837. 
 
 Houston's Retreat — His Biography — Panic ot the Settlers — San Fe- 
 lipe BtTENED — Santa Anna's Plans and Advance — His Impetuous 
 Movements — Removal of the Government to Galveston — Hareis- 
 BURG in Ashes — ^Discontent op Houston's Army — Its Advance to 
 THE San Jacinto — Santa Anna Burns New Washington — He 
 Marches to Engage Houston — Preliminary Skirmishing — Mbxicas 
 Carelessness in an Enemy's Front — Discussion on Houston's Tactics 
 —Burning op Vince's Bridge — Preparations for Battle — San Ja- 
 cinto AND Slaughter — Santa Anna's Flight and Capture — Negotia- 
 tions POR LiPE — Filisola's Retreat — The Treaties — Santa Anna's 
 Dangerous Position and Final Release. 
 
 News of the fall of the Alamo reached Washington 
 on March 1 6th, and on the 1 8th the government moved 
 its seat to Harrisburg. A proclamation, however, 
 was issued by the president, in which it was stated 
 that this step was not taken through apprehensi^^n 
 that the enemy was near, but had been resolved upon 
 as conducive to the public good before any such report 
 was in circulation.' 
 
 Meanwhile Houston pursued his retreat to the 
 Colorado, where he intended to make a stand, having 
 sent his aide-de-camp, William T. Austin, to the mouth 
 of the Brazos for cannon and ammunition. His force 
 at this time was about 400 men, but as fresh troops 
 kept joining him, the army soon numbered 700. But 
 the removal of the government to Harrisburg,'' Hous- 
 
 ' The same express which brought intelligence of the fall of the Xiamo 
 also reported that Houston was in rapid retreat from Gonzalez Tex Aim 
 1860, 51. 
 
 " Houston, in a despatch to Thomas J. Rusk, the secretary of war, dated 
 
 /288) 
 
SAMUEL HOUSTON. 239 
 
 ton's necessary retreat, and successive reports of dis- 
 asters raised the panic in the country to the highest 
 pitch. The settlers abandoned their homes, fleeing in 
 all directions before the retreating army, or accom- 
 panying it for protection. Thus, many brave men 
 were absent from the field, engaged in conveying their 
 families to places of security. On March 14th, the 
 commander-in-chief encamped near the Navidad, and 
 on the 17th reached Burnham's place on the Colorado. 
 Here he remained two days, which were spent in put- 
 ting the families which had cast their lot with the 
 army across the river. The troops having then passed 
 over, he proceeded to a noted point on the left bank, 
 called Beason Crossing, where he remained till the 
 26th, waiting for the artillery, ' 
 
 As the Texan commander-in-chief is now about to 
 enter upon a career during which his action has been 
 severely criticised by his enemies, but which was ulti- 
 mately crowned with extraordinary success, and won 
 the independence of Texas, it will be proper to place 
 before the reader some account of his parentage and 
 previous life. 
 
 Samuel Houston was born on March 2d, 1793, at a 
 place called Timber Ridge Church, in Rockbridge 
 county, Virginia, and by a singular coincidence forty- 
 three years after the independence of Texas was 
 declared, on his natal day. Both his father and 
 mother were descended from ancestors who emigrated 
 to the north of Ireland from the Hiarhlands of Scot- 
 land in the troublous times of the reformation in that 
 country during the sixteenth century. After the 
 
 March 29, 1836, writes: 'Your removal to Harrisburg has done more to in- 
 crease the panic in the country than anything else that has occurred in Texas, 
 except the fall of the iilamo. Copy in Yoakum, ii. 485-6 
 
 ' On March 23d, Gr. W. iiockleyj inspector-general of the army, wrote by 
 order of Houston to Secretary Rusk, ' We have now upward of 700 men . . . 
 all in good spirits and anxious to meet the foe. ' But this number does not 
 represent the force with which Houston continued his retreat from the Colo- 
 rado, for on the same day he himself writes to Rusk, ' Mou are flocking to 
 camp, and I expect in a day or two to receive 200 volunteers and regulars.' 
 'In a few days my force will be highly respectable.' Copies in Id., ii. 480-4. 
 
240 SANTA AISTNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 siege of Londonderry, in 1690, in which they took 
 part, they crossed the Atlantic and settled in Pennsyl- 
 vania, the two families seemingly following each other 
 in their migi'ations, till, at the close of the eighteenth 
 century, we find them established in Virginia. Hous- 
 ton's father was possessed of only moderate means, 
 and died in 1807, when the future founder of the 
 Texan republic was thirteen years of age ; he was a 
 man of powerful frame, undaunted courage, and was 
 swayed by a strong passion for military life. The 
 mother was highly gifted with intellectual qualities, 
 was of a most benevolent disposition, and possessed 
 of a fortitude which the dangers that a life on the 
 frontiers was ever exposed to could not shake. Hous- 
 ton inherited the qualities of both his parents. 
 
 After the death of her husband, Mrs Houston with 
 her family of six sons and three daughters crossed 
 the AUeghanies and settled near the Tennessee river, 
 which was then the boundary line between the Cher- 
 okee Indians and the white race. Young Houston 
 thus far had received little or no education, having 
 displayed an aversion to attending school during such 
 intervals as he could be released from labor on the 
 farm ; and now he was more than ever confined to 
 hard work. Nevertheless he attended for a short 
 time an academy established in that part of Tennessee, 
 and obtained possession of several books which greatly 
 attracted his attention. They were translations of 
 Latin and Greek authors, and among them was 
 Pope's Iliad. The perusal of these works excited in 
 him an ardent desire to acquire a knowledge of the 
 original languages, and when his ajDplication to be in- 
 structed in them was refused by his teacher, he in- 
 dignantly left the institution. At home his elder 
 brothers exercised a kind of fraternal tyranny over 
 him, and at last compelled him to enter a merchant's 
 store, from which he presently disappeared. Axter 
 much fruitless search, the family learned at last that 
 he had taken up his abode with the Ciierokees. No 
 
HOUSTON'S BIOGRAPHY. 2^1,1 
 
 persuasion could induce the scapegrace to abandon his 
 wild life, and he remained with the Indians till he 
 was eighteen years of age, spending his time in chas- 
 ing wild game and self-education to which he diligently 
 applied himself 
 
 Having contracted some small debt in purchase of 
 articles for his Indian friends, he considered himself 
 bound to make an effort to pay it. He accordingly 
 lefb the native village and opened a school, overcom- 
 ing the many difficulties which opposed him at the 
 start. When his debt was paid he returned to his 
 former teacher, but soon coming to the conclusion 
 that he would never make a scholar, entered a store 
 in Kingston, Tennessee, as clerk. In 1813 Houston, 
 who had grown into a powerful man, over six feet 
 high, enlisted as a recruit in the ranks of the United 
 States' army, and was presently marched off to the 
 Creek War. In the hard-fought battle of the 
 Horse Shoe bend of the Tallapoosa, he displayed 
 rare courage and fortitude. Having been appointed 
 ensign, when the assault was made on the Indian for- 
 tifications he mounted the defences, colors in hand, 
 and having been struck by a barbed arrow in the 
 thigh, compelled, with his uplifted sword and threats 
 of death, a soldier to pull the missile out. Though 
 carried to the rear, he presently returned to the fight, 
 and received two rifle balls in the right shoulder 
 which completely disabled him. His recovery from 
 these wounds was long doubtful, but his strong con- 
 stitution saved him. The intrepidity which he dis- 
 played in this battle won for him the lasting regard 
 of General Jackson, and he was made lieutenant for 
 his gallantry. 
 
 When peace was restored Houston was appointed 
 sub-agent to the Cherokee nation, which position he 
 held till about 1819, when he was removed on account 
 of a controversy in which he became involved with 
 Calhoun, the secretary of war. He then went to 
 Nashville and studied law, obtaining a license to prac- 
 
 Hist. Tex., Vol. II. 16 
 
242 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 tise after about eight months of assiduous study; was 
 presently elected attorney-general of that district; 
 and in 1821 was chosen major-general of the militia. 
 In 1823 he was elected to congress, and reelected in 
 1825. While member of congress Houston fought 
 a duel which caused much excitement in the United 
 States at the time. In 1826 while in Nashville he 
 preferred some charges against the postmaster of that 
 town, who sent him a challenge by the hands of Col- 
 onel John T. Smith, a notorious duelist from Missouri. 
 Houston's second, Colonel McGrregor, refused to re- 
 ceive the challenge through such hands, and Smith 
 retired. The postmaster's communication had been 
 offered and rejected in the presence of a large number 
 of persons, among whom was General WUliam White, 
 who could not refrain from remarking that he did not 
 think proper courtesy had been extended to Smith. 
 Houston overheard the remark and expressed himself 
 ready to give White, if he had any grievances, any 
 satisfaction he might demand. The result was a chal- 
 lenge from White, and the meeting took place in Simp- 
 son county, Kentucky, September 23, 1826. White 
 was dangerously wounded, being shot through the body 
 just above the hip. He, however, recovered ; Hous- 
 ton was untouched.* 
 
 In 1827 Houston was elected governor of Tennessee 
 by a large majority. But ere long a domestic ca- 
 lamity changed the whole tenor of his future life. In 
 
 *Tlie partioulara of this duel are derived from the account by Col Wil- 
 loughby Williams, of Temiessee, published in the Louisville Cornier Journal, 
 andreproduced ia the San Francisco Post, Apr. 17, 1S78. Major Framan, 
 in his Field of Honor, 28't-5, states that AMiite brought the challenge, and 
 it not being accepted insulted Houston: hence the duel. This ■writer relates 
 as authentic the followiag story. At the house where Houston was staying 
 during the week precediag the duel were a game-cock and a pugnacious little 
 dog named 'Andrew Jackson,' both of which he greatly admired and petted. 
 Early in the morning of the meeting he was awakened by the barking of 
 'Andrew Jackson.' Houston arose and began to mould buUets for the occa- 
 sion. As the first bullet fell from the mould he was greeted by the crowing 
 of the game-cook; whereupon he marked one side of it for the dog and the 
 other for the fowl, determining that that particular ball should lie the first 
 to be fired by him at his opponent. The bullet was U3ed, and ^Miite fell. 
 After the duel Houston assumed a gaine-cock and a dog as a coat-of arms. 
 Id., 529-30. 
 
APPROACH OF THE MEXICANS. 243 
 
 January 1829, lie espoused a daughter of a wealthy 
 and influential family in Tennessee. For a reason, 
 into the explanation of which Houston never conde- 
 scended to enter, the husband and wife shortly after 
 their marriage separated forever. There is little 
 doubt, however, that Houston discovered that his af- 
 fection was not reciprocated ; yet with true magna- 
 nimity, he fully exonerated his wife from all blame in 
 the matter, regarding it as a misfortune and not as a 
 fault of hers. But the blow struck hard. Houston 
 sent in his resignation of the governorship to the sec- 
 retary of state by Colonel Williams, and in disguise 
 left the country, a self-exiled man. Ascending the 
 Arkansas river he again sought a home among the 
 Cherokees, who by this time were in an eastern por- 
 tion of what is now Indian territory. He was kindly 
 received, and in October 1829, was admitted to all the 
 rights and priyileges of that nation. In 1832 he went 
 to Washington to remonstrate against frauds prac- 
 tised by the United States' Indian agents, which re- 
 sulted in the removal of five of them. This involved 
 him in personal quarrels, and a rencounter occurred be- 
 tween him and W. R. Stansbury, a representative in 
 the house from Ohio. Stansbury was severely 
 beaten. Houston was arrested, tried for assault, and 
 fined $500 The sentence, however, was not enforced 
 by the court, and President Jackson afterward re- 
 mitted the fine. In December of the same year 
 Houston went to Texas and, as the reader is aware, 
 was one of the delegates to the convention which as- 
 sembled April 1st, 1833, at San Felipe. Such was 
 the previous career of the man whom the fates now 
 called upon to guide the destiny of Texas.' 
 
 Almost simultaneously with Houston's arrival at 
 
 ^Lester's Houston and his Eep., 8-47; Tex. Ahn., 1859, 119-25; Oordma's 
 Tex., 178-9; Houston, Life of, 17-70; Qvai-terly Rev., v. new ser., 317; IK/- 
 son, Rem. ly a " Mier Prisoner's" Widow, 12; Thrall, 555 et seq. ; Oakland 
 Ti-mes, Cal., Apr. 17, 1878; Amer. Cyclop, ix. svl> mm.; The Centmy, Aug., 
 1884; Baker's Tex., 255-7. 
 
244 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 Beason Crossing, generals Ramirez y Sesma and WoU, 
 with, a force variously estimated at from 600 to 800/ 
 reached the Colorado and took up a position in a bend 
 of the river about two miles above the Texans. On 
 the approach of the Mexicans, Captain Cames had 
 been sent with, five men to reconnoitre, while to pre- 
 vent Sesma from passing across the river, Colonel 
 Sidney Sherman and Captain Patton were despatched 
 with 150 men to Dewees crossing.' Cames fell in 
 with twelve of the enemy, and in the skirmish which 
 ensued, killed one of them and captured another. 
 Sherman's detachment was presently increased to 
 from 350 to 400 men. For six days the opposing 
 armies remained in their respective positions within 
 striking distance without either side making any hos- 
 tile demonstration. * Houston's army by the 25th had 
 received such accessions that it was over 1400 strong,' 
 and the men were all eager to engagg the enemy. 
 There is evidence that at one time he intended to 
 cross the river and give Sesma battle ;" but on the 
 
 ^The real number was 725. Filkola Mem, Tej., i. 20. 
 
 ' Tex. Aim., 1S60, 56. Yoakum calla it Robertson's crossing, ii. 112. 
 
 ^ Sesma was ordered by Santa Anna not to attempt to cross the river, un- 
 less the enemy retired. Filisola, Mem. Guerra Tej., li. 441. 
 
 'It is impossible to find out the exact number of men under Houston at 
 this time. Ex-president Anson Jones says that on the day of the retreat 
 from the Colorado their number was over 1500 — ' I think 1570 '; Col Ben 
 Fort Smith, 1360; Col Amasa Turner says, 1468, besides 105 men who 
 joined the next day. Col Tarlton gives the number 1800; Calder thought 
 the muster-roll showed 1400; Franklin says upward of 1400 men; Heard 
 considered the numerical force to be from 1500 to ICOOmen, because the issu- 
 ing commissary told him that rations for 1600 had been drawn. Tex. Aim., 
 18G0, 136. Foote considers that at least 1400 soldiers were present on the 
 25th, and in a note gives his authorities. Tex., ii. 274. The Mexican gen- 
 eral, Sesma, placed the number of the Texans at 1200. See his despatch to 
 Santa Anna of March 25, 1836, in Filisola, Mera. Tej., i. 41. Houston in 
 his speech in the Senate of the U. S., Feb. 28, 1859, states that his efficient 
 force never exceeded 700 troops at any one point. Congressional Globe, 1859, 
 p. 1438. Copy of same speech in Tex. Aim., 1860, 18-35. This assertion is 
 somewhat contradictory to the statement in his letters of March 23, 1836. 
 
 " Foote- — ii. 278-9 — states that he is comTnced that Gten. Houston, up to 
 the 25th of March, contemplated a struggle with the enemy in the neighbor- 
 hood of the Colorado, and from a mass of documents, quotes one which he 
 considers conclusive. 'Capt. Shape says: Gen. Houston told me to tell 
 the people not to run any farther . . . there would be no more retreating; and 
 that the next news they would hear from the army would be of a battle, the 
 result of which no one could doubt.' The same author also supplies copy of 
 Army Orders of March 21st, in which Houston's intention is evident. 'In <\ 
 
HOUSTON'S INTENTIONS. 245 
 
 25t]i news was brought by Peter Kerr of the capture 
 and massacre of Fannin's command. This was a 
 death-blow to his plans. It would be madness to as- 
 sail under these circumstances, allow Urrea to gain 
 his rear, and let himself be surrounded by over- 
 whelming forces." Accordingly he decided on a fur- 
 ther retreat to the Brazos, and on the evening of the 
 26th fell back five miles and encamped on the margin 
 of a lake in the prairie. This movement increased 
 the prevailing consternation, and caused the greatest 
 dissatisfaction to both the officers and troops of his 
 army. The fiery spirits of which his force was com- 
 posed were longing to strike the foe which had dealt 
 so savagely with their relatives, comrades, and coun- 
 trymen, and in their rage could not perceive the pru- 
 dence practised by their general. It is true that he 
 might have struck Sesma hard, had he attacked him; 
 but it must be borne in mind that while the Mexican 
 commander had two pieces of artillery,^'' Houston had 
 none, and it was for his cannon that he reasonably 
 waited so long. But it never arrived, and he did not 
 dream of such a blow as the destruction of Fannin and 
 his command, who, he supposed, were safe at Victoria, 
 as would have been the case had Fannin obeyed his 
 orders. As soon as General Houston's intention be- 
 came known. Captain Heard and a number of other 
 substantial planters on the banks of the Colorado 
 asked for and obtained furloughs to enable them to 
 remove their families to places of security, and in the 
 subsequent retreat, as elsewhere intimated, the army 
 was soon reduced to half its original strength by the 
 departure of men bent on the same errand. 
 
 Meanwhile the government had been exerting itself 
 
 few days, ' he says, ' I liope to have force sufficient to capture the enemy 
 before he can reach the Guadalupe.' 
 
 '1 Moreover if he fought a battle, he had no means of transporting his 
 wounded. Houston's Speech ut swp. 
 
 ^'- ' Dos piezas de S 6 con sus correspondientea dotaciones de artilleros y 
 municioues.' MUsola, Mem. Tej., i. 20. 
 
246 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION 
 
 to send reenforcements, war material, and supplies to 
 the front. Two thirds of the militia had been called 
 out, and measures were adopted to arrest the panic 
 and flight of the inhabitants toward the Sabine. Pres- 
 ident Burnet, on March 18th, issued a proclamation 
 tending to allay the public consternation, exhorting 
 the people not to abandon their homes, thereby de- 
 priving their country's defenders then in the field of 
 additional strength. But this proved ineiFectual. As 
 soon as the fate of Fannin's command was known, and 
 that Houston was in retreat, the wild hurry to escape 
 of the fleeing people rose into a panic, which erelong 
 reached Trinity, whose inhabitants fled. Samuel P. 
 Carson, the secretary of the navy, writing to President 
 Burnet, says, " Never till I reached Trinity have I 
 desponded, I wiU not say despaired." " It was as if a 
 hurricane of terror was sweeping over the land- 
 Houston retired rapidly toward the Brazos, reach 
 ing San Felipe on the 28th. Here the dissatisfaction 
 of the troops displayed itself in a spirit of insubordina- 
 tion. Objection was raised to marching up the river, 
 it being maintained that the principal settlements were 
 situated below. The commander-in-chief decided to 
 move up, whereupon two companies, one commanded 
 by Captain Mosely Baker, and the other by Wjdie 
 Martin, refused to come into line," and he was fain to 
 order Baker to remain behind, with 120 men, to 
 guard the crossing at San Felipe, and to grant the re- 
 quest of Martin's company to go down to the crossing 
 at Fort Bend, or Old Fort. These arrangements 
 having been made, on the 29th Houston moved up 
 the river with the main body, now reduced to 520 ef- 
 ficient men, crossed MiU creek, and on March 31st 
 encamped in the Brazos bottom opposite Groce's plan- 
 tation. Here he remained till April 13th, detained 
 
 '* Letter of April 4th, in Yoakum, ii. 119. 
 
 ^^Labadie, in Tex, Aim., 1859, 44. Houston makes mention of only one 
 company as mutinous. Honston's Speech, tUsup., 1435, also in Tex. Aim., 1860, 
 23. 
 
MEXICAN ADVANCE. 247 
 
 by tlie high waters of the riVer from any active opera- 
 tion. The rains were unusually heavy this season; 
 the Brazos rose to a height not known for years, and 
 his camping ground was at one time converted into an 
 island by the floods. Provided with no tents, and 
 but little covering of any kind, the sufferings of the 
 soldiers from wet and exposure were severe, and sick- 
 ness naturally followed. 
 
 In the evening of the day on which Houston left 
 San Felipe, the town was burnt to the ground by 
 Baker. This severe measure was adopted on account 
 of a report brought in by his scouts that they had seen 
 the Mexican advance guard within a few miles of the 
 place, which they would probably reach before day- 
 light. Unfortunately, the scouts had mistaken a drove 
 of cattle for a squadron of cavalry, and the untimely 
 burning of San Felipe caused the destruction of an 
 immense quantity of goods which might otherwise 
 have been saved." 
 
 On March 24th, General Tolsa arrived at the Colo- 
 rado with his command, .raising Sesma's division to 
 1,400 men of all arms," and this general, on the re- 
 treat of Houston, at once proceeded' to pass his troops 
 over the river on rafts. The Colorado was much 
 swollen, but in four days after the departure of the 
 Texans, he succeeded in placing a considerable portion 
 of them on the other side, and a few days later crossed 
 over with the remainder. When Santa Anna became 
 aware of the large Texan force concentrated on the 
 Colorado, he changed his intention of returning to 
 Mexico, and decided to take the field in person. In- 
 deed, he changed all of his plans. Gaona was ordered 
 to cross the Colorado at Bastrop, and march to San 
 Felipe as a support on Sesma's left, and Urrea was 
 
 '* Foote, ii. 283. This author, in his account of this occurrence, quotes 
 ' the very words of the last number of the San Felipe Telegraph, the accuracy 
 of which there is no reason to question.' 
 
 1* These are Sesma's own figures, according to his despatch to Santa Anna 
 dated March 25, 1836, in FiUaola, Mem. Tej., i. 41. 
 
248 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 instructed to move from Victoria against the same 
 place. Colonel Amat was sent forward to Gonzalez 
 with 600 men, two eight-pounder and two four-pounder 
 cannon, and a seveurinch mortar, taking with him 
 rations for one month. Having made these arrange- 
 ments, and leaving General Juan Jose Andrade in 
 command at Bdjar with most of the cavalry and some 
 piquets of infantry, the Mexican dictator left, March 
 31st, with his staff and General Filisola. On April 
 2d he reached Gonzalez, and finding the waters of the 
 Guadalupe so high that it would be necessary to con- 
 struct rafts for the passage across of Anaat's brigade, 
 such was his impatience that he hurried forward with 
 his staff and an escort of about forty dragoons, leaving 
 Filisola to direct the crossing of the troops, artillery, 
 and wagons. On the 5th he reached the Colorado, 
 and with Sesma's and Tolsa's commands pushed for- 
 ward with the same impetuous haste to San Felipe, 
 where he arrived April 7th." 
 
 Santa Anna in the plenitude of his self-confidence 
 considered that he had an ample force with which to 
 crush the retreating Texans without the assistance of 
 Urrea's division, and on April 6th countermanded his 
 instructions to that general, ordering him to take pos- 
 session of Matagorda, and carry out the operations 
 previously assigned to him." This proved to be a 
 fatal mistake. Urrea crossed the Colorado, and on 
 April 13th entered Matagorda, which he found evac- 
 uated. He then directed his march to Brazoria, tak- 
 ing possession of the place on the 2 2d without oppo- 
 sition, a large quantity of goods of all kinds falling 
 into his hands. '^ "While Urrea was thus far away from 
 the future field of action Gaona failed to arrive at 
 San Felipe at the time expected. In fact he had lost 
 his way in the desert region lying between Bastrop 
 and San Felipe, which place he did not reach till 
 
 ^T Filisola, Mem. Tej., i. 41-51; Id., Represent., 12-13; Caro, Verdad. Idea, 
 17-18; Almonte's Journal, in Katiomal Banner, July 13, 183S. 
 '*Copy of despatch in Filisola, Mem. Tej., 50-1. 
 '°/d., Mem. Cfuerra Tej., ii. 446-9; Uiiea Diario, 24r-7. 
 
CROSSING THE RIVER. 
 
 249 
 
 April I7tii.''° These two circumstances, combined 
 with, the impetuosity and presumptuous self-reliance 
 of Santa Anna greatly conduced to the catastrophe 
 which ended in his overthrow and capture. 
 
 Sbctionai Map of 1835. 
 
 Meantime Santa Anna, finding Baker's detachment 
 opposed to him on the opposite side of the river, made 
 no attempt to cross, but on the 9th moved down the 
 
 '^Caro Verdad. Idea, 22; Filkola, Mem. Guerra Tej., ii. 449-50. 
 
250 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 Brazos ■with, the chosen companies and reached Old 
 Fort" on the 11th. Sesma was left at San Felipe 
 with 489 men, being instructed to place himself un- 
 der Filisola's orders when he should arrive." The last 
 named general had reached the Colorado on the 10th, 
 and moving forward arrived at the ruins of San 
 Felipe on the 14th, and at Old Fort on the 16th. 
 From the latter place Santa Anna sent instructions, 
 as soon as he arrived, for Sesma and Filisola to join him 
 there as speedily as possible. Sesma came up on the 
 1 3th, and on the following day the commander-in-chief, 
 without waiting for the arrival of Filisola, having ob- 
 tained possession of a flat boat " and two canoes suc- 
 ceeded in crossing the river by a ruse. At Old Fort 
 there were two crossings, the upper and lower, and as 
 Wylie Martin's force was not sufficient to guard both, 
 he was kept occupied by a demonstration at the 
 upper ferry, whUe the Mexicans efifected their pas- 
 sage across at the lower one. Martin thereupon pro- 
 ceeded up the river and joined Houston who by this 
 time was also on the east bank of the river. Taking 
 with him 700 infantry with a six-pounder and 50 
 cavalrymen, Santa Anna hurried off to Harrisburg, 
 leaving Sesma with the remainder of the division at 
 Old Fort. 
 
 The cause of all this haste was the receipt of news 
 that the Texan government had its seat at Harris 
 burg and the Mexican commander-in-chief hoped, by- 
 a forced march, to capture the president and other 
 members. He arrived at the place in the night of 
 the 15th," only to find three printers in it, the gov- 
 
 ^'Also called Fort Bend, Thompson Ferry, and Orozimbo — ^now Rich- 
 mond. 
 
 '^'' See Sesma's note to Filisola of Apr. 9, 1836, in Id., Menu Tej., i. 64; 
 Id., Represent., 13. 
 
 ''^ Houston states in the speech already quoted that he had ordered every 
 craft on the river, to be destroyed but by a ruse the enemy obtaiaed the 
 only boat that was in that part of the country where a command was sta- 
 tioned. They came and spoke English. Consult Yoakum, ii. 1'21. 
 
 ^*At this date the positions of the Mexican divisions were as follows: 
 Urrea was at Matagorda, 30 leagues distant from Sesma, and 40 from Filisola; 
 Gaona was lost in the desert between Bastrop and San Felipe; Filisola was 
 
TEXAN MOVEMENTS. 251 
 
 ernment and inhabitants having left for New Wash- 
 ington, whence they crossed over to Andhuac, and 
 from there to Galveston island in the steamer Cayuga, 
 the government making the latter place its seat." 
 
 At Harrisburg Santa Anna learned from the print- 
 ers that Houston was at Groce crossing with 800 
 men. He then sent forward the cavalry to New 
 Washington mider Colonel Almonte, who presently, 
 from information there received, reported that Hous- 
 ton was marching for the Trinity by way of Lynch's 
 ferry. Having set fire to Harrisburg,'" the Mexican 
 general moved, on the l7th, to New Washington, ar- 
 riving there on the 1 8th, having previously despatched 
 a courier post haste to Filisola ordering him to send 
 General Cos with 500 picked troops to join him by 
 forced marches." And here, for the present, we will 
 leave him to follow the movements of the Texan army. 
 
 The impatience of the troops at the Fabian policy 
 of General Houston was so great that the expression 
 of it bordered on mutiny, and it is an undeniable fact 
 that while they were in camp on the Brazos several 
 meetings were openly held at which the question was 
 discussed of appointing another leader. ^° On April 
 4th, Thomas J. Rusk, the secretary of war, arrived 
 at the camp, and it appears that at his suggestion an 
 understanding was arrived at that the army should 
 
 16 leagues distant from Sesma, and Santa Anna at Harrisburg 20 leagues 
 distant. 
 
 ^ Pres. Burnet was nearly captured by a squadron of Mexican cavalry 
 on the morning of the 17th, at New Washington, escaping to the steamer in 
 a small boat only a few minutes before the enemy reached the shore. Toa- 
 Icum. ii. 136-7. 
 
 '^^ Santa Anna denies this, stating that the town was on fire before he en- 
 tered it, and that he was told by the printers that the fire was accidental. 
 Mamfiesto 17, in Pap. Var., 182, no. 8; also in Filisola, Mem. Ouerra Tej-, ii. 
 458. But Colonel Pedro Delgado in his diarjr says that Santa Anna ordered 
 him to set fire to the place. Id., Mem. Tej., i. 84. 
 
 '" Cos had been ordered to proceed with 500 men to the month of the 
 Brazos and take possession of Velasco. Copy of despatches in Id. , i. 68-77. 
 Santa Anna's countermanding his orders so repeatedly caused much annoy- 
 aiice to his generals, whose suggestions or advice he would not listen to. 
 
 '■^'Houston says, 'mutiny and sedition were rife in camp,' Tex. Aim., 
 1860, 35. 
 
252 
 
 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 march to Harrisburg, the seat of the government, and 
 there make a stand."' Two six-pounders having ar- 
 rived on the 11th from Harrisburg/" Houston made 
 preparations to cross the river. On his arrival at the 
 Brazos, a spacious steamboat, the Yellowstone, hap- 
 pened to be at Groce's landing, loading with cotton. 
 This vessel he embargoed, and placing a guard on 
 
 Routes of Armies. 
 
 board thus secured the means of passing the river at 
 any time without trouble. Thus at length the opera- 
 tions were fairly commenced, and indeed had they 
 been much longer delayed it is impossible to foresee 
 the results that might have followed, with mutiny 
 and insubordination openly threatened in his camp, 
 for many of his followers now attributed his hesita- 
 tion to incompetence, timidity, or indeed to any cause 
 except the right one. On the 12th he began to 
 
 ''^ Foote says that Houston's plan was to retire to the Sabine, and there 
 get up an army of 5,000 Anglo-Americans. On the other hand, it was an- 
 nounced to him by Maj. Wharton and others that the soldiers would not 
 leave the central region of Texas to go north on any consideration whatever. 
 Foote, ii. 2".1'2. Houston asserted in his speech before the U. S. senate that 
 he was resolved never to pass the Trinity. Tex. Aim., 1860, 33. 
 
 ^o These two small guns constituted all the artillery of the Texan's army. 
 They were presented to the patriots by the citizens of Cincinnati, and were 
 afterward christened the Twin Sisters. Iil., 23; Foote, ii. 2ilo-6, where wll 
 be found copy of President Burnet's letter acknowledging the receipt of the 
 
RAPID MOVEMENTS. 253 
 
 pass the troops across, and by the 14th the whole army 
 was placed on the other side. The next day, the 
 companies of Moseley Baker and Wylie Martin ar- 
 rived. Both officers were in a sullen humor, and the 
 latter proved so refractory that Houston ordered him 
 to march directly to the Trinity and protect the women 
 and children in case the Indians should prove turbu- 
 lent." 
 
 The army was now put in motion, and after a march 
 of extreme difficulty and fatigue over the boggy 
 ground,^' arrived at Buffalo bayou, opposite Harris- 
 burg, on the 18th, and there encamped. The ever- 
 active scout. Deaf Smith, and other spies were sent 
 across the bayou, and in the evening brought in two 
 captives, one of whom proved to be the bearer of de- 
 spatches from Filisola to Santa Anna, and others from 
 Mexico. From these papers Houston learned for the 
 first time that the Mexican president in person was in 
 command of the advance division of the enemy. 
 
 Houston now determined to cross the bayou, and on 
 the morning of the 19th, after having addressed a 
 spirit-stirring speech to the troops," in which he in- 
 formed them that Santa Anna himself was before 
 them, moved about two miles lower down the bayou, 
 with three days' rations, leaving in the rear the bag- 
 gage and sick," with a sufficient guard. The passage 
 
 ^'- Tex Aim., 1860, 24. Martin died at Fort Bend coimty in 1842. At the 
 time of his death he was a member of the Texan congress. He was born ia 
 Georgia in 1776. Thrall's Hist. Tex., 588. 
 
 ^'' ' The prairies were quagmired. The contents of the wagons had to be 
 carried across the bogs, and the empty wagons had to be assisted in aid of 
 the horses. No less than eight impediments in one day had to be overcome 
 in that way.' Houston's Speech, in Tex. Aim., 1860, 24. 
 
 ^'Labadie, who accompanied the army, writes thus: 'He said [that is, 
 Houston]: "The army will cross, and we will meet the enemy. Some of us 
 may be killed and must be killed; but soldiers, remember the iilamo ! the 
 Alamo! the Alamo! " Maj. Somen'ille remarked; "After such a speech, but 
 damned few will be taken prisoners — that I know. " Col Rusk then made a 
 most eloquent speech ... in the midst of his speech he stopped suddenly, say- 
 ing: "I have done," as if it had just occurred to him that it was a waste of 
 words to talk to men who had been so long impatient for the very coufliot 
 that was now about to take place.' Tex. Aim., 1859, 49. 
 
 ^* Yoakum makes the extraordinary statement that 200 or 300 sick and 
 non-efifectives were left behind, ii. i;;4. Labadie, who surely ought to know, 
 says, ' Phelps having been left to attend to some ten or twelve who were sick 
 
254 SANTA AlWA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 of the main body was effected witliout misliap, but not 
 without trouble, as the only means of crossing consisted 
 of a boat in bad repair and a raft that had been con- 
 structed on which to pass over the cannon and ammu- 
 nition-wagon. The horses were made to swim across, 
 and by nightfall the whole force had gained the other 
 side. The army then moved down the bayou till mid- 
 night, when the men were so utterly exhausted — some 
 even falling down from fatigue — ^that a halt was or- 
 dered, and the weary soldiers threw themselves on the 
 wet ground and bivouacked without supper, exposed 
 to a cold north wind which increased their discomfort. 
 At daylight the march was resumed, and the indomi- 
 table troops pressed forward without breakfast toward 
 the junction of Buffalo bayou with the San Jacinto. 
 After a march of two hours, the order was given to 
 halt for breakfast, but while the hungry men were 
 preparing it, the scouts galloped into camp and 
 reported that the enemy was moving from New 
 Washington toward Lynch's ferry. The march was 
 immediately continued, and the eager soldiers hurr)-- 
 ing onward halted, about ten o'clock on the morning 
 of the 20th, within half a mile of the ferry, in a fine 
 belt of timber on the elevated bank. At the ferry a 
 new flat-boat, loaded with provisions, was captured. 
 It had been sent by Santa Anna from New Washing- 
 ton, and the supplies were intended for the troops with 
 which he was going, as he thought, to take possession 
 of Andhuac. 
 
 From New Washington Santa Anna sent Captain 
 Barragan on the 19th with a detachment of dragoons 
 to reconnoitre the movements of Houston, and on the 
 20th prepared for his march to Lynch's ferry, by burn- 
 ing the warehouse on the wharf and setting fire to 
 the town. When everjrthing was ready for the march 
 Captain Barragan, at eight o'clock in the morning, en- 
 
 ■with the diarrhoea, the Red Land company, consisting of some 40 men, also 
 remaining to guard the camp,' Tex. Aim., 1859, 49. 
 
A WILD GENERAL. 253 
 
 tered camp at full speed reporting that Houston was 
 close on the rear and had captured some of the 
 stragglers. A scene of confusion ensued which de- 
 fies adequate description. The excitement of the 
 Mexican general amounted to frenzy; and his con- 
 duct, utterly lacking in that calmness and dignity 
 essential to a successful commander on occasions of 
 emergency, had a terrifying effect upon his troops. 
 The exit from New Washington was by a narrow 
 lane, a mere mule-track, through a dense wood, and 
 the troops and pack animals were already filing along 
 it toward the open prairie beyond. Mounting his 
 horse, Santa Anna rushed down this lane crowded 
 with men and animals, wildly gesticulating and scream- 
 ing out, at the top of his voice, that the enemy was 
 at hand. The disorder was terrible. By knocking 
 down and riding over his men like a madman, the 
 commander succeeded in forcing his way through to 
 the prairie, where in spite of the trepidation he had 
 caused and his contradictory orders, a column of attack 
 was formed." But no enemy was in sight, and the 
 army in some proper array moved forward toward 
 LjTich's ferry. About two o'clock in the afternoon 
 Houston's pickets were descried, and some firing took 
 place between them and the Mexican skirmishers. 
 When Santa Anna arrived on the ground with the 
 main body, his first intention was to attack at once, 
 and a column of infantry was directed against the 
 enemy ; but being received with a discharge of grape, 
 while the Texans kept themselves well concealed in 
 the wood, it was withdrawn. The Mexican general 
 had occupied an island of timber on a small elevation 
 in front of Houston's right; he now deployed the 
 Toluca company as skirmishers, with the object of 
 discovering the position of the Texans, and opened 
 fire with his cannon. This demonstration was re- 
 
 '^Col Delgado'a Diary, in FiUsola, Mem. Tej., i. 84r-6. Translation of the 
 same in Tlie Battle of San Jacinio viewed from both an American and Mexican 
 standpoint. Its Details and Incidents as officially reported hy Major-Oeneral Ham. 
 Houston. Austin, Texas, 1878; also in Linn's Seminis., 225^6. 
 
256 
 
 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 sponded to by tlie enemy's artillery — Captain Urrizia 
 being severely wounded — and an interchange of small 
 arms occasionally took place. The artUlery continued 
 to fire for some time, and Colonel Neill, on the Texan 
 side, was wounded by a grape shot. Just before sun- 
 set a demonstration was made by the Texan cavalry, 
 under Colonel Sherman, against the Mexican left, 
 whereupon Santa Anna ordered his own cavalry to 
 face the enemy without gaining ground. The Texans 
 charged upon the dragoons and came to close quart- 
 ers, but were compelled to retire, before much harm 
 was done,''" by the advance of several companies of 
 
 Plajj of Battle-field. 
 
 Mexican infantry. This skirmish closed the opera- 
 tions of the day. Meantime Santa Anna had selected 
 his ground and encamped with his whole force along 
 the margin of San Jacinto bay, his right flank occu- 
 pying the extreme point of a skirt of timber." The 
 
 ^^ The Texans had two men severely wounded, one of whom died a. few 
 days afterward. Tex. Aim., 1860, 64. Santa Anna says that one dragoon on 
 his side was grievously wounded. Manijiesto, 64^5. 
 
 5' The disposition of Santa Anna's force was as follows: three chosen 
 companies guarded tlie wood on his right; the Matamoros battalion of regu- 
 lars occupied the centre; and on his left was planted the cannon, protected 
 
A SLEEPY ARMY. 257 
 
 two armies were about three-quarters of a mile apart. 
 At daybreak on the 21st, Santa Anna caused a 
 breastwork, about five feet high, to be thrown up on 
 his left, constructed of pack-saddles, baggage, sacks 
 of hard bread, etc., and having an opening in the 
 centre in which was placed the gun. A weak barri- 
 cade of branches extended along its front and to the 
 right. At nine o'clock, a. m., General Cos arrived 
 with 400 men of his reenforcement, and as they had 
 been marching all night they were ordered to stack 
 their arms, divest themselves of their accoutrements, 
 and take their rest in the adjoining grove. *° Santa 
 Anna seems to have had no intention of fighting that 
 day, though in his representation to the Mexican 
 government he would have it appear otherwise.'' Be 
 his intention what it might, the hours dragged on ; 
 morning was succeeded by afternoon, and evening 
 approached. Most of the soldiers were sleeping ; 
 some few were eating ; while others were scattered in 
 the wood procuring boughs wherewith to construct a 
 shelter for the night. The cavalry-men were riding 
 bare-back to and fro as they watered their horses, and 
 an indifferent watch was kept by the drowsy piquets. 
 His excellency, fatigued with his morning ride and 
 excitement, slumbered in his tent. His staff, too, 
 was fast asleep. 
 
 While the doomed army was thus unsuspicious of 
 danger, the trap was being set by the enemy. Hous- 
 ton still displayed what seemed to his impatient troops 
 
 "by the cavalry and a column of picked companies, which also fonued his 
 reserve. Scmta Anna, Mamif., 65, in Pap. Var., 182, no. 8. 
 
 '^ Santa Anna, in his account of the campaign, addressed from Manga 
 de CJlavo, March 11, 1837, to the Mexican minister of war, states that Cos 
 informed him that he had marched so rapidly that the men had neither eaten 
 por slept for 24 hours. He also states that only 400 men arrived with Cos, 
 because 100 men had been left with some baggage at a bad crossing near 
 Harrisburg. Tb. Delgado says about 500 men arrived in camp. Filisola, Mem. 
 Tej., i. 90. Oaro does not believe 100 men were left behind. Verdad. Idea, 
 38, but there is no doubt that Santa Anna's statement is correct as it is cor- 
 roborated by Filisola. Mem. Chierra, Tej., \i. 473, and Mem. Tej., i. 120. 
 
 ''See the dispositions made by him. Id., 65-6. 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. IT 
 
258 SAI-7TA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 an unnecessary delay in commencing hostilities, and 
 about noon a council of war was held," at which colo- 
 nels Burleson and Sherman, lieutenant-colonels Mil- 
 lard, Somerville, and Bennett, Major Wells, and Rusk, 
 the secretary of war, were present. The question put 
 to the council was, "Whether they should attack the 
 enemy in his position, or await his attack in theirs." 
 The two last named officers were in favor of attacking ; 
 the four seniors and Rusk voted in favor of receiving 
 the attack, since they deemed their situation admirably 
 adapted for defence, whereas to charge across an open 
 prairie with raw militia, without bayonets, and assault 
 an enemy in position would be a most hazardous ex- 
 periment. The council was then dismissed, no opinion 
 having been expressed by Houston. 
 
 It is much to be regretted that many bitter contro- 
 versies arose in after years relative to Houston's method 
 of conducting this campaign, and that so much ani- 
 mosity should have been displayed between men who, 
 apart from their unfiiendly feelings toward each other, 
 bore a noble part in this desperate struggle for inde- 
 pendence with a vastly superior power. The state- 
 ments of the opposing parties are so utterly at variance 
 and so thoroughly contradictory that it is impossible 
 to arrive, with any degree of certainty, at a decision 
 which could be claimed as unquestionably correct.*' 
 I shall therefore confine myself to the narration of 
 facts, without entering into a discussion as to the mer- 
 its of the claims set up by either part}', especially as 
 they unhappily merged in personal enmity, recrimina- 
 tions, and abuse. I cannot, however, refrain from 
 making a few remarks bearing upon the difficult posi- 
 
 ■"> ' The commander-in-chief was waited on by several of the officers, sug- 
 gesting a council of war.' Yoakum ii., 140; Tex. Aim., 1860, 65; Houston, in 
 Id., 25-6. 
 
 *' One of the most grievous charges against Houston was that he allowed 
 Sherman to make the cavalry charge in the evening of the 20th under the 
 promise that he should be supported by infantry, wliich support was not given. 
 Houston maintained that Sherman disobeyed orders in engaging with the 
 enemy, as he had been strictly enjoined only to reconnoitre, and by no means 
 to approach within gunshot of the enemy's line. Id., 25, 27, 64; Id., 1859, 
 52-3; Poote, ii. 298-305. See Yoakum's remarks on this afife,ir, ii. 139-40. 
 
AT VnsrCE'S BRIoaE. 259 
 
 tion in wMcli the commander-in-chief stood with 
 regard to his army. After his departure from the 
 Colorado, Houston's plan, though entailing great self- 
 sacrifice on the part of the settlers, seems to have been 
 the only one on which he could securely rely for ulti- 
 mate success. His object appears to have been to 
 retreat to the Redlands, luring the foe after him away 
 from supplies ; then, when the families of the Te:;!:ans 
 had been placed in safety beyond the Sabine, he 
 doubted not that he would be able to raise from 4,000 
 to 5,000 men burning to avenge their sufferings and 
 losses. With such a force, he could have annihilated 
 the Mexican army. But Houston was a man who 
 kept his own counsel, and the impetuous and angry 
 men under him, not penetrating his designs, and little 
 practised in subordination, attributed his retreat to 
 fear of the enemy, and were not slow to express their 
 opinion. When the brave but unruly nature of those 
 with whom the general had to deal is taken into con- 
 sideration, and when it is borne in mind that from the 
 beginning to the end of his retreat he met with ever- 
 increasing opposition, murmurings, and dissatisfaction, 
 giving place to contemptuous language uttered within 
 his hearing, and mutinous proceedings, we cannot fail 
 to admire the nerve and courage of the man who, in 
 the face of such opposition, persevered in the plan 
 which he deemed most conducive to the success of his 
 adopted country. 
 
 Soon after the council was dismissed, Houston de- 
 spatched Deaf Smith with some others to destro}'^ 
 Vince's bridge, about eight miles oflp,*" the accomplish- 
 
 *'^ This bridge wag built over a creek of the same name wluch crossed the 
 road to Harrisbiirg, the only way by land to the Brazos. By its destruction 
 Santa Anna was cut oflf from the rest of his forces. The demolition of this 
 bridge was another subject of controversy, it being claimed that the idea of 
 destroying it originated in Deaf Smith, who made the proposition to Houston, 
 while the latter maintained that such was not the case. It is a matter of 
 no material importance. The bridge was destroyed, and by Houston's orders, 
 whether prompted by Smith or not. But the general-in-chief was accused 
 by his opponents of appropriating to himself all the glory of San Jacinto, 
 and no charge, however trivial, was omitted to be brought to bear against 
 him. The accounts also of the destruction of the bridge are various and con- 
 
260 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 ment of which would prevent the arrival of additional 
 reenforcements and cut off all means of escape for 
 Santa Anna in case of his defeat. When he deemed 
 sufficient time had elapsed for the destruction of the 
 bridge, Houston caused the general opinion of the 
 captains of the different regiments to be taken on 
 the question of engaging with the enemy at once, or 
 just before daybreak on the 22d. The votes were 
 greatly in favor of immediate attack, and the com- 
 mander-in-chief thereupon gave the order to parade 
 and prepare for action." 
 
 Under cover of the islands of timber in front the 
 battle array was formed unseen by the enemy. Col- 
 onel Burleson with the 1st regiment of Texas volun- 
 teers occupied the centre ; the 2d regiment of volun- 
 teers, under Colonel Sherman, formed the left wing ; 
 on the right was placed the artillery, sustained bj' 
 four companies of regular infantry under Lieutenant- 
 colonel Henry Millard. The line was completed by 
 the cavalry which was posted on the extreme right. 
 There was no noise, but along the ranks a low whis- 
 pering might be heard, and a keen listener might have 
 caught the word. Alamo ! On each man's counte- 
 nance stern determination was depicted under various 
 expressions. Some were pale ; others were smiling in 
 
 tradictory. Some say it was burned; Houston asserts that it was cut down; 
 Labadie states that Deaf Smith told him that he first fixed it, but it would 
 not burn; he then cut away a few timbers and made it fall into the bayou. 
 There is, however, conclusive evidence that it was burned. Santa Anna, 
 speaking of his arrival at the creek, says, ' cuyo puente en contre quemado. ' 
 Manijiesto, vt sup., 67. Houston says that two men — Deaf Smith and his 
 comrade, Reeves — were secretly despatched to accomplish the work; Foote 
 states that there were four men. Smith, Carnes, Lapham, and another; 
 Aylsbury, who claimed to be one of the party, asserts that seven men, in- 
 cluding Smith arid himself, were employed; the names of the others were 
 Denmore Rives — or Reeves — John Coker, E. R. Rainwater, John Garner, 
 and Moses Lapham. Id., ii. 141; Foote, ii. 305-6; Tex. Aim., 1859, 53; Id., 
 1860, 26, 65-6; Id., 1861, 55-8, 65; Balcer's Tex., 98-101; Thrall's Hist. Tex., 
 265. 
 
 *'Capt. R. J. Calder, referring to Gen. Houston's reluctance to fight, 
 writes thus: ' I think he wished, in case of failure or disaster, an apology, to 
 wit, that he fought against his own judgment, and suffered himself to be 
 controlled by the opinions and clamor of his officers and men. ' The same 
 officer did not believe that Houston felt a positive reluctance to fight. Tex. 
 Aim., 1861, 66. 
 
THE TEXAN S VICTORIOUS. 261 
 
 anticipation of revenge ; but deep in the eyes of all 
 was a tigerish glare which occasionally flashed out 
 from beneath their brows. They were self-restrained, 
 however, and only waited for the word. It was 
 about 4 o'clock in the afternoon when the command 
 was given to advance The Texans moved silently 
 forward through the timber in double file, and pushed 
 rapidly on across the prairie toward the foe. When 
 within 300 yards of the enemy's camp the Mexicans 
 opened fire, and the pace was increased to double 
 quick; but not a shot was fired by the Texans till 
 they were within point-blank range. Then, with a 
 deafening shout of Remember the Alamo I striking 
 terror into the hearts of their foes," they poured in 
 their volley, and rushed to the charge. Sherman's 
 regiment, which had advanced under cover of the 
 island of timber on the Texan left front, was the first 
 to break into the Mexican camp; Burleson's com- 
 mand almost immediately afterward pierced the cen- 
 tre. The cavalry had been first advanced in front of 
 the enemy's left to draw off attention, and the Twin 
 Sisters had been run rapidly forward to within 200 
 yards of the breastwork in the same part of the field, 
 and had opened fire upon it. 
 
 No more complete surprise could have been effected. 
 The conflict even at the breastwork lasted only a few 
 moments. In the short hand-to-hand contest en- 
 gaged in, the Texans clubbed their rifles, and the 
 Mexican bayonet proved a useless weapon against the 
 superior strength and fierce valor of their antago- 
 nists." In less than twenty minutes after the Texans 
 
 "Writes Capt. Calder; 'I am by no means certain that our shot was 
 more effective in creating confusion and panic in the ranks of the enemy 
 than this tremendous yell, preceded, as it had been, by almost perfect silence, 
 and a steady advance under their fire. ' 
 
 ** ' Our riflemen used their pieces as war-clubs breaking many of them 
 off at the breech. ' Houston's Official Beport of the Battk of San Jacinto. This 
 report was filed in the records of the repuljlio of Texas, and was probably 
 destroyed by the fire that consumed the adjutant-general's office in October, 
 iSaS. A correct copy, however, was fortunately preserved, for in the same 
 year in which the battle was fought the document was published in pamph- 
 let form at the Bulletin office in New Orleans. The publication was doubtless 
 
262 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 burst into tlie camp, carrying terror in their battle- 
 front, the trained soldiers of Mexico were in head- 
 long flight, a panic-stricken herd. In vain the brave 
 Castrillon endeavored to restore order ; he could not 
 stay the tide of fleeing men. His gallantry cost hiin 
 his life ; while slowly retiring he was struck by sev- 
 eral rifle balls and fell." And now followed the pur- 
 suit which was continued to the site of Vince's bridge. 
 The Texans spared not, and the carnage did not cease 
 till night interfered." At a small creek, not wide 
 but deep, in the rear of the Mexican right and be- 
 hind the timber belt, the slaughter was terrible, while 
 numbers of the fugitives were drowned in their efforts 
 to cross it. At the close of day Almonte, who by 
 his coolness and intrepidity had succeeded in keep- 
 ing together a column of some 400 or 500 strong, 
 and was retreating beyond the morass in the rear 
 of the Mexican camp, formally surrendered. Santa 
 Anna and Cos escaped for the time. 
 
 In this engagement the aggregate force of the 
 Texans was 783 men, that of the Mexicans, accord- 
 ing to Houston's report of killed, wounded, and miss- 
 ing was double that number. " The figures representing 
 
 made in deference to the request of General Houston, Trho urged it * as an 
 act of justice to the individuals ' who participated in the engagement. The 
 above information was supplied by V. O. King of the department of Insur- 
 ance, Statistics, and History, in 1878, in which year a copy of it was pub- 
 lished at Austin, Texas. Linn's Jiemims., 223. Besides this copy which bears 
 the title of The BaitleofSan Jadnto Viewed Jrom an American and Mexican 
 Standpoint, copies are supplied in Linn, ut sup., 203-9; Yoahim, ii. 498-502; 
 Kennedy, ii. 222-7, besides other authors. 
 
 ^Castrillon was a European Spaniard. At San Jacinto he displayed 
 singular coolness and bravery. Rusk writes: 'Gen. Castrillon was 
 standing on the ammunition boxes behind the piece exposed from head to 
 foot. He used every effort to keep his men to the gun; when he found that 
 to be impossible, he folded his arms, stood and looked sullenly, and without 
 moving, upon our troops . . . He was about fifty yards in the rear of his re- 
 treating men when he turned round deliberately and walked slowly off. He 
 had proceeded some thirty or forty steps when he was shot and felL I 
 examined him, after the battle, and found that several rifle balls had passed 
 directly through his body.' Foote, ii. 309. 
 
 " See Taylor's description of the merciless slaughter of the Mexicans 
 during the pursuit, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 43^. 
 
 ** According to statements of Santa Anna and his officers his force could 
 barely have amounted to 1,300 men. Col Delgado says that his excel- 
 lency started for Harrisburg from the Brazos with about 600 men. Dim-if, ut 
 sttp., 3], and Filisola, Man. Tej., i. 82, "where this author remark i tliat there 
 
RESULT OF THE BATTLE. 263 
 
 the enemy's loss given by the Texan commander are : 
 630 killed, 208 wounded, and 730 prisoners, showing 
 a total of 1 568 men accounted for." A large quantity 
 of arms, several hundred mules and horses, all the 
 baggage and camp equipage, and the military chest, 
 containing $12,000, fell into the hands of the victors. 
 The loss of the Texans was 6 killed on the field and 
 25 wounded, two of whom died.'" Among the 
 wounded was General Houston, who, while gallantry 
 encouraging his men to the attack, received a shot in 
 the ankle, in front of the infantry, and when within a 
 few yards of the enemy, his horse also being shot in 
 two or three places. He did not, however, leave the 
 field till the Mexicans were routed and in full flight. 
 
 Meantime Santa Anna, who had been one of the 
 first to flee, made every effort to save himself Mounted 
 on a splendid charger supplied him in the confusion 
 by Colonel Juan Bringas, he fled at full speed toward 
 Vince's bridge, hotly pursued by the Texan cavalry. 
 Finding the bridge destroyed, he did not pause, but 
 plunged down the steep descent into the water, where 
 his horse stuck fast in the mud. Nevertheless, fa- 
 vored by the approaching night, he managed to con- 
 were more than 800, a statement somewhat contradictory to that made in 
 his Bepreseniackm, 13, where he says that Santa Anna, ia his impatience, 
 marched to Harrishurg with a little over 700 men and a six-pounder cannon. 
 Santa Anna himself states that his original force consisted of 700 infantry 
 and 50 calvary. Manifiesto, 63. Assuming the largest number, over 800 men, 
 these added to the 500 men brought up by Cos only make a total of some- 
 thing over 1300, men. 
 
 *" Among the Mexican slain were Gen. Castrillon, cols Batres, Peralta 
 Treviflo, Jose M. Romero, and lieutenant-colonels Manuel Aguirre and 
 Luehno, besides 5 captains and 12 lieutenants. Houston's Seport, tit sup., 9; 
 Caro, Verdad. Idea, 43. Yoakum, ii. 146, gives the names of^ Col Mora and 
 Lieut-col Castillon. Among the prisoners, besides Santa Anna and Cos, 
 captured later, were colonels Almonte, Bringas, Cespedes, Portilla, and 
 De^ado. 
 
 *The names of the killed are: William Motley, aid-de-camp to the sec- 
 retary of war; 1st lieut J. C. Hale, 2d lieut Lamb, and Ist sergt Thomas 
 P. Fowl, 2d regiment Texas volunteers; privates Lemuel Blakely, J. Tom, 
 B. R. Brigham, and A. R. Stevens of the Ist named regiment. Olwyn J. 
 Trask of the cavalry, wounded on the 20th, died a few days afterward. 
 Official return in ^ottfeo/iSaraJ'adnto, 11, 12, and in Tex. Aim., 1859, 160-1, 
 in both of which authorities will be found a nominal list of all the men en- 
 gaged in the battle. Yoakum, ii. 146, supplies a list of killed differing some- 
 what from the above. 
 
264 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 ceal himself, crossed the creek later and continued 
 his way on foot. In an abandoned house he found 
 some clothes, and doffing his uniform, assumed the 
 garb of a soldier. Clad in a blue cotton jacket and 
 linen trowsers, with a leather cap and red worsted 
 slippers," he sought to hide his identity, and crawled 
 away through the grass and mud in the direction of 
 the Brazos. But on the following morning, detach- 
 ments of horsemen were sent out to scour the country, 
 and by one of these a mud-bespattered abject-looking 
 creature was seen standing on the bank of a ravine. 
 The object was brought into camp, and its iden- 
 tity recognized by the ejaculations of the other 
 captives, who uttered the words, Santa Anna, and El 
 presidente." He was conducted to headquarters, and 
 the Mexican dictator, and the director of the massa- 
 cres at the Alamo and Goliad stood in the presence 
 of his victor, who motioned him to a seat. 
 
 His trepidation was great, for his life, he knew, was 
 in imminent danger. Yet he retained his presence of 
 mind, and having swallowed some opium that Avas 
 given to him at his request, somewhat regained his 
 composure. There was not much dignity about the 
 man as he sat on a box, with bowed head, in front of 
 Houston ; he was ready to sell his country if only he 
 could get back to his hacienda of Manga de Clavo, 
 and he proposed to negotiate for his liberation. In 
 his defence, he laid his late murderous proceedings to 
 the charge of the congress; he had only acted, he 
 said, in accordance with the congressional decree, and 
 did not consider himself responsible for the weight of 
 punishment inflicted on those who were classified 
 therein as pirates. In reply to Santa Anna's propo- 
 sition to negotiate, Houston informed him that he had 
 no power to act in a matter of that nature, and that 
 
 '•''^ Ddgado's Dkm-y, vtmp., 38; Santa Anna, Man!/., 67. 
 
 *^The namea of the party which captured Santa Aima were Joel N. Rob- 
 inson, Miles, Sylvester, Thompson, and Vermilion. There was another man 
 whose name is forgotten. Tex. Aim., 1859, 166; Id., 1868, 43-5. 
 
FILISOLA'S MOVEMENTS. 265 
 
 it must be referred to the civil government. Tlie 
 captive was no Regulus ready to die for his country, 
 no self-sacrificing Morelos, and to secure his personal 
 safety for the present, he eagerly entered into an ar- 
 mistice, or convention, with the Texan general, by 
 which he was not ashamed to agree that the Mexican 
 forces should retire pending negotiations with the 
 government. That same day he sent despatches to 
 Filisola, ordering laim to withdraw to Bejar, and to 
 instruct Gaona to retire to the same place and Urrea 
 with his division to Victoria. Filisola was further- 
 more instructed to cause the prisoners at Goliad to be 
 set at liberty, and to provide that no damage should 
 be done to the property of the inhabitants during the 
 retreat. ^^ On the 24th General Cos was brought 
 prisoner into camp, having been captured within a 
 short distance of the woods on the bottom-lands of 
 the Brazos." 
 
 Filisola received news of the disaster about three 
 o'clock in the afternoon of the 2 2d. He had already 
 been joined by Gaona, and a large portion of this gen- 
 eral's troops had been put across the Brazos, prepara- 
 tory to marching against Nacogdoches ; but when the 
 fatal tidings arrived, Filisola immediately gave orders 
 that they should be brought back to the right bank 
 of the river, and despatched couriers to General Ur- 
 rea at Brazoria and Lieutenant-colonel Jose Mariano 
 de Salas at Columbia, ordering them to join him at 
 Old Fort with all their forces as speedily as possible.'* 
 
 *^ Copy of these despatches in his Mamfiesto, 87-8. A son of Lorenzo de 
 Zavala acted as interpreter at the interview betsveen Houston and Santa 
 Anna. Jd., 71. 
 
 ** Santa Anna, in his despatch to Filisola, called the agreement he made 
 with Houston an ' armistice, ' but the capture of Cos on the 24th, Col Romero 
 on the 25th, and Lieut-col Gonzalez on the 26th, proves that Houston had 
 entered into no such truce, and that Santa Anna ordered the withdrawal of 
 his troops merely through fear for his life, and obtained no conditions bear- 
 ing upon the operations of the Texan army. See Caro, Verdad. Idea, 44-5. 
 
 ^The despatch addressed to Urrea bears date of April 23, 1836, 3 p. m., 
 which is a clerical error. It should be April 22, 1836. Urrea points out 
 this mistake, and states that he received the despatch between 9 and 10 A. M. 
 
26G SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 As the magnitude of the catastrophe was impressed 
 upon his mind by the reports brought by the few who 
 escaped from San Jacinto, and who variously esti- 
 mated the enemy's strength at from 1,200 to 2,000 
 men — numbers which he did not consider impossible 
 if the Texans had concentrated — he deemed it prudent 
 to retreat at once to a better military position, and on 
 the 23d marched with his whole force to Mrs Powell's 
 place, on the road to Victoria, about fifteen miles from 
 Old Fort. On the following day he was joined by 
 Urrea, and on the 25th a council of war was held by 
 the generals. Considering the destitute condition of 
 the army, both with regard to provisions and clothing 
 — for the long march had exhausted the supplies, and 
 the clothing of the soldiers was worn out — it was 
 unanimously decided to retreat beyond the Colorado 
 and await instructions and assistance from the gov- 
 ernment.'"' Filisola's whole force on this date was 
 2,573 men of all arms, according to the tabular state- 
 ment in his representation to the government in de- 
 fence of his action." 
 
 On the 26th, the army commenced its retreat, and 
 ia the afternoon of the 27th, Deaf Smith arrived with 
 Santa Anna's despatches,** the army being then en- 
 camped on the main source of the San Bernardo, 
 which was rendered impassable by the heavy rains. 
 The generals immediately met in council, and thougjh 
 
 of the 23d. Diano, Camp. Tej., 28, ia whioh will be found copy of the de- 
 spatches on p. 64-5, as also in FiUsoJa, Mmi. Tej., i. 118-19. 
 
 '^ Urrea states that he was opposed to this decision, but had to submit to 
 thegeneral-in-chief. Diario,3l. Klisola repudiates this assertion. jRepresetit. , 
 34-5. FiUsola wished to resign the command to Sesma, Tolsa, or Urrea, 
 each of whom declined to accept it. Particulars in Id., Mem. Tej., i. 176-209. 
 
 S'/d., 36. There were, besides, 1505 men stationed in detachments at 
 different places, 1,001 of whom were at Bejar, 174 at Goliad, and 189 at 
 Matagorda. 
 
 *8 Yoakum — ii. 163 — following Filisola, says that Smith arrived on the 
 28th. But Filisola misdated his despatch to Santa Anna; Urrea dates a note, 
 on the same occasion, April 27th, and corrects a mistake made by Filisola as 
 to the day on which the army encamped on the San Bernardo, where Smith 
 overtook the army. Diario, 31-2; FiUsola, Represent. , 45-6. Moreover, in /(/., 
 jl/em. Tej., i. 215-16, it is, distinctly stated that Santa Anna'3 despatches ar'- 
 rived on April 27th. 
 
THE RETREAT. 267 
 
 the retreat had already been decided upon, it was re- 
 solved that it would be good policy to send a reply to 
 the effect that the army was retiring in obedience to 
 Santa Anna's orders, thereby not only obtaining for 
 him and the other prisoners considerate treatment, but 
 a safeguard against attack during the retreat. It was 
 also decided to send General WoU to Houston's camp, 
 who, under the pretence of informing himself of the 
 particulars of the armistice, was to take careful note 
 of the number, armament, and resources of the enemy. 
 Accordingly, a despatch to that effect was written, 
 and WoU left for the San Jacinto on the foUowins" 
 morning. ' On his arrival at the Texan camp, he was 
 allowed free intercourse with the prisoners, but was 
 detained as a prisoner pending the negotiations, and 
 in consideration of the fact that the enemy's forces 
 were known to have concentrated. 
 
 The army continued its retrograde movement ; and 
 seldom has a retreat been conducted under greater 
 hardships and difficulties. All the streams overflowed 
 their banks and flooded the adjacent lands, while the 
 whole country was converted into a swamp. The 
 roads, where not inundated, were knee-deep in mud. 
 On one occasion the half-famished soldiers waded a 
 whole day's march through water, after standing all 
 night in water;" and when this was passed, floun- 
 dered through the mire, day after day, in pitiless rain- 
 storms. The pack-mules sank up to the belly in mud, 
 and the ammunition wagons were mired above the 
 axles. All along the line of march to the Colorado 
 baggage, wagons, cannon, and animals were aban- 
 doned. Filisola describes the situation as horrible. 
 The men were half naked, their arms of all kinds were 
 ruined, the ammunition was spoiled, and the horses 
 and mules in the most wretched plight, numbers of 
 
 ^'Pull particulars and copy of the despatch will be found in Id., i. 218-24; 
 Urrea, Diario, 33-3. 
 
 " ' El ejercito paso la noche en una laguna sin tener donde sentar un pie 
 que no f uere agufi. ' Filisola, Hepresent. , 50. 
 
268 SANTA AKSA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 them perishing. Finding it impossible to retreat to 
 Bdjar, on the 28th Urrea was sent in advance, with- 
 out incumbrances, to secure the Atascosito crossing of 
 the Colorado on the road to Victoria, and construct 
 rafts for the passage of the army. He arrived there 
 on the evening of the 29th but it was not tUl May 
 9th that the last division under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Ampudia crossed the river. Thenceforward the dif- 
 ficulties of the march were somewhat modified, and 
 on May 13th the storm-beaten troops, exhausted 
 with fatigue and gaunt with hunger, entered Victoria." 
 
 On April 26th the Texan government, then assem- 
 bled at Galveston, addressed an order to Houston in- 
 structing him, in case he deemed it inexpedient to 
 risk an engagement with the enemy and considered a 
 retreat inevitable, to march for Galveston. But the 
 great victory had been already won, and on the 27th 
 the joyful tidings were received by the government, °' 
 together with a request from Rusk that President 
 Burnet would repair to the camp at San Jacinto. 
 Accordingly Burnet, with his cabinet, proceeded 
 thither, arriving about the 1st of May.^^ He was 
 made acquainted with the convention entered into 
 by Houston and Santa Anna, and found the latter in 
 a very pliable mood — quite ready to purchase his life 
 at his country's expense. His position, certainly, was 
 not an enviable one. The army was clamorous for 
 his execution as a retaliatory act of justice ; but 
 though some turbulence of spirit was displayed, no 
 violence was resorted to, and the captive wastreated 
 by Houston with all proper consideration. That 
 commander knew well that his humbled jDrisoner was 
 a great power in the land of his birth, and that as 
 
 *'A full account of thia retreat will be found in FiUsola, Mem. TeJ., i., 
 225-56; Id., Represent., 46-56. Consult also Uii-ea, Diai-io, 34^6. 
 
 "^ Burnet states that the news was not received earlier on account of the 
 inclemency of the weather. Tex. Aim., 1861, 32. 
 
 ^ Caro states that Burnet arrived April 27tli, Venhul. Idea, 48. The 
 date in the text is that given by Burnet. Tex. Aim., 1861, 33. 
 
TERMS OF TREATY. 269 
 
 long as his life was spared, peace was guaranteed to 
 Texas. 
 
 The preliminaries to a treaty — ^the sine qu4 non of 
 which was to be the absolute independence of Texas — 
 were discussed in the camp at San Jacinto. Rusk, 
 the secretary of war, drew up a protocol which served 
 as a basis of the treaties subsequently signed. Gen. 
 Houston's wound having incapacitated him for active 
 service, Rusk was appointed to the command of the 
 army with the rank of brigadier, his predecessor pro- 
 ceeding to New Orleans on the schooner Flora, sail- 
 ing from Galveston. He arrived at his destination 
 May 28th. In a few days the government," with 
 San Anna and most of the Mexican officers, em- 
 barked on the steamer Yellowstone,^^ and went to 
 Galveston, whence, for want of accomodation, they 
 removed to Velasco. Here on May 14, 1836, two 
 treaties — one public and the other secret — were 
 signed, by the first of which Santa Anna agreed not 
 to take up arms or use his influence to cause them to 
 be taken up against the people of Texas during the 
 present war of independence; all hostilities on land 
 and water were to cease ; the Mexican troops were to 
 evacuate the territory of Texas ; no property was to 
 be taken by the retreating army without indemnifica- 
 tion, and captured private property was to be restored ; 
 the Mexican army was to prosecute its march without 
 delay ; the agreement was to be immediately sent to 
 
 ^ Some changes in the members of the administration took place at this 
 time. Samuel P. Carson, the secretary of state, had retired on account of 
 delicate health, and was succeeded by James Collingsworth, and Peter W. 
 Grayson accepted the office of attorney -general, which had become vacant by 
 the death of David Thomas. Ool M. B. Lamar was appointed secretary of 
 war, in the place of Rusk. Burnet's address published in the Teletjraph and 
 Texas Register, Sept. 13, 1836; extract in Tex. Aim., 1861, 33-4. The attor- 
 ney-general, Thomas, had been wounded in the leg by the accidental dis- 
 charge of a pistol on board the Cayuga, on the removal of the government to 
 Galveston, and died three days after. lAnn's Reminis. 261. 
 
 ** After Houston's departure -from the Brazos, the TeUowstone steamed 
 down the river. As she passed the Mexican lines at Fort Bard, her smoke- 
 stack was riddled with bullets, and attempts were made to capture her with 
 lassoes. Her helmsmen being protected by cotton-bales, she ran the gaunt- 
 let in safety and went to Gralveston. Id., 26; Green's Journal. Exped. Mier, 
 93. 
 
270 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATIOX. 
 
 Generals Filisola and Rusk, that they might exchange 
 engagements to comply with the stipulations ; pris- 
 oners were to be mutually released in corresponding 
 numbers, rank and file ; the excess of Mexican cap- 
 tives to be treated with humanity ; and finally Santa 
 Anna was to be sent to Vera Cruz as soon as it should 
 be deemed proper. 
 
 In the secret treaty the same stipulations were re- 
 iterated, and in the third article Santa Anna solemnly 
 pledged himself so to prepare matters in the cabinet 
 of Mexico that the mission that would be sent thither 
 by the government of Texas, should be well received, 
 and that by means of negotiations all differences 
 might be settled, and the independence that had been 
 declared by the convention might be acknowledged. 
 The fourth article provided that a treaty of comity, 
 amity, and limits should be established between 
 Mexico and Texas, the territory of the latter not to 
 extend bej^ond the Rio Grande.'" 
 
 Colonel Benjamin F. Smith and Captain Henry 
 Teal were sent as conraiissioners to Filisola with the 
 public treaty and full authority to ratify it on the 
 part of General Rusk. The Mexican army had 
 moved from Victoria to Goliad, and thence continued 
 its retreat toward Matamoros. The Texan commis- 
 sioners overtook Filisola at the little stream called 
 Mugerero, between Goliad and San Patricio, and on 
 its bank the treaty was ratified. May 26, 1836, Gen. 
 Tolsa and Colonel Amat acting as commissioners on 
 the part of Filisola."' 
 
 These treaties were not made without opposition 
 in the cabinet. Robert Potter, secretary of the nav}', 
 
 ""The secret treaty contaiumg these pledges was made at the suggestion 
 of Santa Anna, who represented that it would be prudent that the stipula- 
 tions relating to the recognition of the independence of Texas and her 
 boundaries should not be promulgated until the Mexican president should 
 be enabled to reinstate himself in power and secure its final ratification. 
 Tex. Aim., 1861, 34. Copies of the treaties will be found in Id., 35-7; 
 ToaJcum, ii. 52&-8; Maillard's Tex., 112-4; Niks' Beg., 1. 413-4; Id., icfe. 
 98; Saraa Anna, Biog., 29-32; Filisola, Represent., 68-70; Biistamante, Mem. 
 Hist. Mex., MS., vi. 36-8. Democratic Revieuo, iii. 316-7. 
 
 •" Copy of the Mexican ratification in Filisola, Represent., 70-1. 
 
TEXAN NAVY. 271 
 
 and Mirabeau B. Lamar, secretary of war, were 
 strongly opposed to entering into any negotiations 
 with Santa Anna, who, they considered, had forfeited 
 his life. On May 12th Lamar addressed a long letter 
 to the president and cabinet in which he expressed 
 his views on the subject of the disposition of the 
 Mexican president and the other prisoners of war. 
 He repudiated the idea that Santa Anna, if released, 
 would ever adhere to any engagement he pledged 
 himself to ; indeed, he did not believe that he would 
 have the power to do so, and he suggested that an 
 exchange of prisoners should be made, according to 
 rank and number, and that the balance of Mexican 
 captives should remain in custody of the government 
 till the conclusion of the war. But in the case of 
 Santa Anna, he urged that no mercy should be ex- 
 tended to him, but that his punishment should be 
 read from the code of Draco."* When milder meas- 
 ures, however, were finallj' adopted. General Lamar 
 acquiesced in them, and was one of the most zealous 
 vindicators of his colleagues in the cabinet, when 
 they were shortly afterwards bitterly assailed by 
 popular clamor on the subject of Santa Anna's re- 
 lease. 
 
 It is time that the reader should be made ac- 
 quainted with some particulars in connection with the 
 Texan navy and its operations. Early in the year, for the 
 purpose of carrying out the ordinance for the estab- 
 lishment of a navy, two schooners, the Invincible and 
 Idberty,^^ were purchased and equipped by McKinney 
 and Williams, merchants of Quintana, opposite 
 Velasco. Captain J. Brown was placed in command 
 of the former and Captain William. Brown of the 
 
 ""Copy in Foote, ii. 321-32. 
 
 *"The Liberty was the same vessel which had been fitted out by the citi- 
 zens of Matagorda and retook the stranded Hannah Elizabeth, captured by the 
 Mexican war vessel Bravo, in Nov. or beginning of Dec, 1835. She then 
 sailed under the name of William Rohbins. Xoahim, ii. 39; Tex. Ahn., 1860, 
 162; Linn's Remims., 259. 
 
272 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 latter. The Invincihle, of 125 tons burden, carried 
 eight guns and was a fast sailer ; the Liberty, of sixty 
 tons burden, had four guns, was of stout construction 
 and of ordinary speed. Two other vessels, the Brutus, 
 Captain Hurd, about 130 tons and carrying eight 
 guns, and the Independence, Captain Hawkins, of 
 nearly the same size and metal, were purchased about 
 the same time. These vessels were of great service 
 in cutting off supplies for the enemy. Off the coast 
 were the Mexican war vessels Montezuma and Bravo, 
 charged with the importation of troops and supplies 
 for the invading army. Early in April 1836, the In- 
 vincible fell in with the Montezuma off Brazos, San- 
 tiago, north of the mouth of the Rio Grande, and 
 after an engagement of two hours crippled her and 
 drove her ashore. The Invincible only sustained some 
 injury to her rigging, which was soon repaired. 
 Standing out from shore. Captain Brown fell in with 
 the American brig Pocket, bound from New Orleans 
 to Matamoros, and loaded with provisions for the 
 Mexican forces. She was captured and brought into 
 Galveston as a prize ; her freight was of great assist- 
 ance to the victors of San Jacinto who, with the large 
 number of prisoners on their hands, were reduced to 
 some straits for provisions. 
 
 General Rusk, with 350 men, had proceeded from 
 San Jacinto in the direction of the retreating Mexi- 
 cans, not with hostile intention, but with the object 
 of observing whether the terms of the armistice were 
 strictly carried out. Toward the close of May he 
 was stationed at Victoria ; and when the army re- 
 ceived intelligence of the treaties which had been 
 made, and that under its provisions Santa Anna would 
 obtain his liberty, great indignation prevailed. The 
 retreating Mexicans had not adhered to the strict 
 letter of the public treaty, but had committed several 
 acts of violence, and it was confidently believed that 
 preparations were being made for the re-invasion of 
 
DISSATISFACTION WITH THE GOVERNMENT. 273 
 
 Texas, which, would be carried into effect as soon as 
 it was known that Santa Anna had been released. 
 On May 26th a letter signed by nearly all the officers 
 of the Texan army, was addressed to President Bur- 
 net, in which, after setting forth the privations of the 
 army and the want of provisions, charging the presi- 
 dent with neglect in this matter, expressing the ex- 
 asperation of the troops and peremptorily demanding 
 to be immediately furnished with a sufficiency of sup- 
 plies and clothing, they insisted that Santa Anna " be 
 safely secured and placed at the disposition of the 
 coming congress." '° This letter was received in the 
 afternoon of June 4th. 
 
 In fulfilment of their engagements, the Texan au- 
 thorities on June 1st placed the dictator and his suite, 
 consisting of Colonel Almonte, Colonel Nunez, and 
 his Secretary, Ramon Martinez Caro, on board the 
 Invincible for their transportation to Vera Cruz^ 
 Vice-president Zavala and Bailey Hardiman, secre- 
 tary of the treasury, had been appointed commission- 
 ers to accompany Santa Anna to Mexico, and as 
 some time was spent in furnishing them with instruc- 
 tions and in preparing for their voyage, the vessel 
 had not yet sailed on the 3d. On June 1st the 
 steamer Ocean had arrived from New Orleans with 
 230 volunteers," many of them of the roughest and 
 lowest class to be found in that city. Generals Men- 
 nican Hunt, Thomas J. Green, and Colonel J. Pinck- 
 ney Henderson were in command. The feelings of 
 the citizens of Velasco with regard to Santa Anna's 
 release, were those of intense dissatisfaction, but no 
 violent demonstration had been made. When, how- 
 ever, the New Orleans volunteers landed and became 
 informed of the action taken by the government, their 
 exasperation knew no bounds. Public meetings were 
 
 " Yoakum, ii. 172-3; Foote, ii. 332-4. Copy of the letter and Burnet's 
 reply in Tex. Aim., 1861, 39-42. 
 
 "Both Santa Anna and Caro give 130 as the number. Verdad, Idea, 56, 
 102; Santa Anna, Mamf., 75. The figures in the text are those given by Gen. 
 Green. Jom-nal, Mscped. Mier, 484. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 18 
 
274 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 held and inflammatory speeches made. The more 
 violent threatened to put Burnet to death as a traitor, 
 and tear Santa Anna to pieces. In the popular fury 
 the executive was charged with treason and venality. 
 He had accepted a large bribe, it was said, for the 
 release of the Mexican murderer. The clamor was 
 overwhelming, and it was seriously proposed at a 
 cabinet council to make a simultaneous surrender of 
 the government to the people. Burnet, however, 
 was opposed to the adoption of such an extreme 
 measure, and consulted General Thomas J. Green, 
 who, while pledging his honor to shield the president 
 and his cabinet from violence, expressed his opinion 
 that the overwhelming will of the public should be 
 obeyed, and Santa Anna remained on shore. Ac- 
 cordingly the president issued an order to Captain 
 Brown to send the prisoners ashore. Santa Anna 
 emphatically refused to obey, and Green, Bailey Har- 
 diman, Hunt and Henderson, were deputed to go on 
 board the Invincible and bring him off. The dictator 
 gave way to an agony of terror, and it was necessary 
 to employ the threat of force, to induce him to de- 
 bark. In the afternoon of the 4th the captives were 
 landed, to ensure their better security from violence, 
 at the village of Quintana, opposite Velasco, where 
 Santa Anna regained his composure." On the 9th 
 he addressed a protest to the government, proclaim- 
 ing against the infraction of the treaty on the part of 
 Texas, and appealing to the judgment of civilized na- 
 tions. On the following day he received Burnet's re- 
 ply, in which the Texan president, while deprecating 
 Santa Anna's assertions of his ill-treatment as a pris- 
 oner, felt compelled to make the humiliating confes- 
 sion that the government, owing to " the influence of 
 a highly excited popular indignation," had been con- 
 strained to deviate for a season from the terms of the 
 treaty." Thus the treaty — inadmissible under repub- 
 
 ''^ Green's Journal, Meped. Mkr, 484r-7! Scmta Anna, Manif., 75, 98-100; 
 Caro, Verdad. Idea, 56-7, 126-9; Tex. Aim., 1861, 38-43. 
 '* Copy of protest and Burnet's answer in Foote, ii. 345-9. 
 
PROPOSED COURT-MAHTIAL. 275 
 
 lican rules of government — was broken. 
 
 With the object of dismissing Santa Anna from 
 Texan soil, I shall somewhat anticipate events. He 
 was placed in the custody of Captain Patton, sent 
 from Victoria to hold and guard his person, by whom 
 he was removed to Velasco, and thence on June 1 1th 
 to the neighborhood of Columbia, where on the 27th 
 he was shot at through the window of the house in 
 which he was confined, by a drunken " American." " 
 Meantime Stephen Austin returned from the United 
 States and on July 1st visited the " illustrious cap- 
 tive." By his advice Santa Anna addressed a letter, 
 dated July 4th, to Andrew Jackson, president of the 
 United States, in which he honestly stated the events 
 in connection with his re-confinement, and appealed to 
 him for his interposition, on the grounds of humanitj-, 
 expressing the wish that, by means of political nego- 
 tiations, an end might be put to the war by the mutual 
 recognition by the United States and Mexico of the 
 independence of Texas." While at Yelasco, a young 
 Spaniard named Bartolome Pages concerted a plan 
 to eifect the escape of Santa Anna, and visited him 
 at Columbia; but the scheme was detected.'" The 
 effect of this discovery was that the army determined 
 to cause Santa Anna to be conducted to headquarters 
 and tried by court-martial. Matters had proceeded 
 so far that a captain with his command was sent to 
 Columbia to conduct the prisoners to Goliad, where it 
 was intended that the execution should take place on 
 the spot where Fannin had been put to death. 
 Houston, cured of his wound, had meantime returned, 
 
 '* ' El 27 de dicho mes, muy de manana se preaentd un Americano ebrio 
 pregimtando por "el general Santa- Anna, " . . . repentinamente se acercd d 
 una pequefia ventana de nuestra liabitacion, y . . . descargd el tiro de una 
 pistola que llevaba oculta.' Caro, vi mp., 58. 
 
 '* 'Entablemos mtituas relaciones para que esa nacion' — the U. S. — 'y la 
 mexicana eatrechen la buena amistad, y puedan entrambas ocuparse amiga- 
 blemente, en dar ser y estabilidad i. un pueblo que desea figurar en el mundo 
 politico, y que con la proteccion de las dos naciones, alcanzar^ su objeto 
 en pocos aflos.' Santa Anna, Mamif., 102-3. 
 
 'Tor Caro's particulars about this plot see his Verdad. Idea, B7-69. 
 Santa Anna charges Caro with having betrayed the scheme. Mam/., 76. 
 
276 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION, 
 
 and was then at Aes Bayou. When made aware of 
 the fact he protested against proceedings alike adverse, 
 impolitic, and oppugnant to humanity. The argu- 
 ments employed were too sound to be resisted. Texas, 
 by Santa Anna's execution, he said, would lose all 
 the advantage she had gained by his capture. Her 
 future position among the nations of the earth would 
 be gauged by her ability to deal humanely with a 
 captive ; by so doing she would gain respect ; by the 
 other course of action she would become classed with 
 savages. Policy, apart from other considerations, 
 ought to have weight. With past experiences as a 
 guide, the army could not fail to recognize that by 
 taking Santa Anna's life, the Texans in captivity 
 would be placed in the highest degree of danger. The 
 attention of the United States being attracted to 
 Texas, it would be disrespectful to that nation if ex- 
 treme measures were adopted, thereby endangering 
 the safety of Americans in Mexico. By this inter- 
 ference on the part of Houston, Santa Aiina was not 
 molested. He was, however, removed to Orazimbo 
 and confined in irons." He received Andrew Jack- 
 son's reply, dated September 4, 1836, in which the 
 president of the United States, while disclaiming the 
 intention of that government to interfere — inasmuch 
 as the Mexican government had notiBed him that so 
 long as he was a prisoner, no act would be regarded 
 as binding by the Mexican authorities, — ^he expressed 
 the pleasure it would give him to offer his good ser- 
 vices, if Mexico would signify her willingness to avail 
 herself of them. Houston, having been elected to 
 the presidency of the Texan republic, released Santa 
 Anna from his fetters, and being convinced that a 
 further detention of the prisoner would not conduce 
 to the interests of Texas, sent him with his own con- 
 sent, accompanied by Almonte, under custody of 
 George W. Hockley, inspector general of the army, 
 
 " He states that he and Col Almonte were kept in such durance for 
 fifty-two days. 
 
AUTHORITIES, 27.7 
 
 to Washington, the capital of the United States." 
 Santa Anna arrived there January 17, 1837, and had 
 several interviews with President Jackson, who re- 
 ceived him with great consideration. On July 26th 
 he left that city and embarked at Norfolk, on board 
 the Pioneer, for Vera Cruz, where he arrived about 
 the 23d of February. Thence he retired to his estate 
 of Manga de Clavo. At the presidential election of 
 Mexico, March 1, 1837, he was ignominiously de- 
 feated, Bustamante being chosen by a large majority," 
 which event was so signal a mark of his unpopularity, 
 that he signified his design of retiring to private life.'" 
 
 '^ In the New Orleans Standa/rd, it was stated that the Texan congress 
 passed a resolution providiag that Santa Anna and Almonte should not be 
 released without concurrence of the Senate, Houston vetoed the resolution, 
 and congress thereupon passed it hy a constitutional majority of two-thirds. 
 Houston then pronounced the resolution unconstitutional, and a usurpation 
 of the executive authority and set Santa Anna free, in defiance of the con- 
 gress. Niks' Seg., li. 321; Oreen's Journal, Exped. Mkr, 18. 
 
 "Bustamante had fifty-seven votes out of sixty-eight east; Santa Anna 
 had only two. Hist. Mex., v. 179-80, this series. 
 
 ^ For his future career consult vols. v. and vi. Hist. Mex. this series. 
 
 The authorities consulted for the five preceding chapters are the follow- 
 ing: Filisola, Mem. Gwirra Tex., i., ii., passim; Id., Rep. Sup. Gob ,o, 
 1-82; Foote's Texas, ii., passim; Toahums Hist. Tex., i., ii., passim; 
 AlmorUe, Not. Estcid. Tex., 20-88; Wilson's Amer. Hisf., 637-65; Young's 
 Hist. Mex., 239-62; Thrall's Texas, 168-651, passim; Niles' Register, xxxix- 
 lii., inclu. See indices under Tex. and Mex., Ixiii. 145, 194^5; Kennedy's 
 Tex., ii., passim; Tex. Almanac, 1858, 1859, 1860, 1861, 1868, 1869; Tex. Col. 
 Doc., MS. and Print, Nos. 1, 2, 8 to 11, inclu.; 13 to 15, inclu., 17, 18, 20 to 
 51, inclu., 59 to 62, inclu., 64; Morphis, Hist. Tex., passim; Arrangoiz, Mej., 
 ii. 232-278; Arrmiz, Hist. Mex., 270-1; Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, 430; 1832-33, 
 105; 1833, 89, 132-7, 433; 1834, 47-50; 1835, 100-7, 145-6, 191-5, 574^-6; 
 1836, passim; Baker's Hist. Tex., 35-101; Newell's Rev. Tex., passim; Niles 
 S. Am, and Mex., i. 200-365, passim; Pap. Var., 55, No. 17; 75, No. 14; 99, 
 No. 22; 111, No. 2; 141, No. 12; 143, No. 19; 149, No. 15; 152, No. 13; 182, 
 No. 8; 167, No. 10; 213, No. 2; Urrea, Diario Gampa ., Tex.; Caro, Vcrdad. 
 Idea, Democratic Remew, iii. 132-45, 305-20; Dewees, Letters frmn Tex., 157- 
 217; Doc. sobre Mex., No. vi., vii.; Dvhlan and Lom.no, iii. 64-5; vi. 660; 
 Edinburgh Rev., No. 147, 251, et. seq.; U. S. H. Jour., Cong. 24, Sess. 1, 
 1091, llOO-l; Sen. Doc, Cong. 24, Sess. 1, vi., No. 415; H. Ex. Doc, Mess. 
 and Doc, Cong. 29, Sess. 2, No. 4, 9-18; Tomel, Tej. y Estad. TJmd., 1-98; 
 El Tiempo, Aug. 14, Sep. 18, 1834; Thompso'iis Recol, Mex., 70-3, 174-7; 
 Swis/icrs Am. Sketch Book, v. No. 6; vi. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5 and 6; Fournel, Goup 
 d'Oeil, 12-44; Stale Gaz., 127-8, 139^1; Santa Anna, Biog. del Gen.; Id. 
 Tex. Camp., pp. 108; Id., Vindicacion, p. 8; Id. Apelacion al huen ciiterio; 
 Rockwell, Span, and Mex. Law, 623-7; Roa B rcena, Reciterdos, 538-41, 
 653-61; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 263-4, 272-84, 313-14; Quarterly Rev., Ixi. 
 333-41; Pinart's Col, Print Nos. 248, 374, 386, 389, 450, 457; La Oposicion, 
 Jan. 6, Ap. 25, 28, May 1, 5, 11, June, 1835; North Am. Rev., xliii., 233^, 
 244^53; Mex. Sec. Estad., 1835, 38; Id., 1830-32, Doc. 1; Mex. Mem. 
 Mimst. Just., 1833, 8-9, 50-1; Id., Relaciones, 1832, Annex, 1, 5-6, 13-4; 
 1833, 6-9; 1835, 37-8; Id., Interior, 1838, 19; Id., Guerra, 1839, 5, 11; Mex. 
 
278 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION. 
 
 Mamjieslo del Cong., 1836; Pap. Var., 182, No. 4; Id., Infarrm, Ccmia. Peaq., 
 1874, 10; Id., Col. de Ley., Ord. 1853, v. 4; Id., Legia. Mej., 1853, 89-90; 
 Id., Col. de Ley. y Decret., 1840, 260-1, 768-9; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 320-21, 
 329-30; Maillard's Hist. Tex., passim; Linn'8 Remms., passim; Lwrenaudiire, 
 Mex. et (hat., 231-9; Hunt's Address, 1-29; Gregorys Hist. Mex., 53-6; 
 Lester's Homton, 46-140; Patton's Hist. U. 8., 686-9; McCabes' Co/mp. View, 
 760-8; JevMn's Mex. War, 35-7; Jay's Mex. War, 16-8; Honey's Tex., 233- 
 410, passim; Alamam, Mej., v. 873-5; Ouerraemtre Mex. y Estad. Unid., 16- 
 20; Gutierrez, CartayOpin., 13; Hist. Doe. Cat., i. 211; Bnstamante, Van de 
 laPairia, v. Sup. No. 2; x. MS. 136; xi. MS. 22-9; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., 
 MS., ii., 86-90, vi. 35-8; Id., Hist. Invasion, i. 6-8, 43-4; Id., GaUnete Mex., 
 ii. 15-39; Dmnenech, Hist, du Mex., ii. 138-54; Id., Mis. Adventures, 20 et 
 seq.; Oamhoa, Impugnadtm, 7-11; Goulds Alamo City Guide, 5-23, 31-2; Aus- 
 tin, Espos. sobre Tej., p. 32; Andrade, Doc. Eoac. Bijar, 1-24; Amiga del 
 Pueb., Oct. 18, 1845; U. S., liepub. of, 57-8, 118-22, 218-26; Varios Iw- 
 presos, 2, No. vi., passim; Valkjo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS.,i., No. 73; ValleJoDoc, 
 ii. 151; Howitt's Hist. IT. S., ii. 344^-5; WMte's Col. Laws, i. 514-5, 523; Bar- 
 reiro, 1-36; Houstcm's Message, May 22, 1838, p. 23; Villa-Amor, Biog. 
 Samta Anna, 14-6; Pinart, Col. ; Green's reply to Houston, 7-15, 52-6, 63-4; 
 Hmistm's Tex., i. 214^-54; Gilbert's AUUne Rep., 3d An. Edit., 116; Mex. 
 Axmnt. Hist. Guerra, 16-29; Ripley's War Mex., i. 33-6, 40-1; Woodman's 
 Guide to Tex., 13-6, 67-701, 97-115; Suarezy Navarro, Hist. M§., 247; Fish- 
 er's Memar., 3-87; Tems Repealed, 1-15; Id., in I84O, 219-20; Id., Laujs Rep. 
 Tex., i. 3-7, 9-25; Id., The War in, instigated by slaveholders, etc., 1836, 
 p. 56; Id., Address rel, Galv. Bay, 22; Id., Address of Wharton, 47-53; Id., 
 Battle San Jacinto, Austin, 1878, pp. 45; Id., Insurrection; Jones' Repub. of 
 Tex., 129-160; iro55s' Wild Life in Far West, 32-45; Fd-wards, Hist. Tex., 14- 
 17; Crockett, Lifeof, 369-70, 383-405; Ceballos, Vind. de Mex., 43-68; Cabal- 
 lero. Hist. Ahn., 13; McCalVs Letters from Front., 296-9; London, Geog. Soc. 
 Jour., xiii. 202; Payne's Hist. Europ. Col, 310-11; Hvlchimon, Rem., 205-8; 
 Willard's Last Leaves Am. Hist., 21-33; Tejas Lit). Irnlir. Usurp., 7; Comi. 
 Debates, 1836-7, xiii. 524^5; Sen. Doc, Cong. 24, Sess. 2, No. 84, 1^; Hays 
 Life, 1; Napa County Reporter, Ap. 14, 1877, Ap. 5, 1878; Cordova's Tex., 
 102, 144-5; Cor. Atlant., May 9th, June 6, 1835; Baker's Rept. , Disposal qf 
 Santa Anna, Columbia, 1836, p. 17; Tex. Misc. Pamph., No. 16; Hanford's 
 Tex._ State Reg., 1878, 29-30; Santa Maria, Expos, y Protext., No. iii. 13; Mnis- 
 sin, in Bkmchard's, S. Juan de Ullua, 531-2; Crane's Hist. Washington, Tex.. 
 15-8, 21-3; Rosa, Ensayo, 31; The United Service, Aug. 1885, 108 et seq.; San 
 JosA Argus, Ap. 14, 1877; San Rafael Jour., Dec. 18, 1879; Stoclcton Iivh- 
 pendent, Ap. 21, 1877; Mariposa Giz., Ap. 7, 1877; Falconer's Discern. Missi.-<^., 
 53; McClellan's Republicanism in Amer., 105; Dunbar's Amer. Pioneer, 1.5; 
 Mextcanische Zustimde aus den Jcdiren, 1830-2, i. 77; Milhlenpfordt, versuch 
 einuget., ii. 508; Oratton's Civil Amer., ii. 291; Perez, Die. Geog. Estad., i. 
 267-72; Americam, Aim., 1837, 277; Robert's Descrip. Tex., 17-21; Winthrop, 
 Report of the trial of Thomas M. Thompson, etc., 'Sew Orleans, 1835, p . 44; 
 Mex. Pamph., ii. No. 9; Zarco, Hist. Cong., i. 107-8; Peterson's MiVt. Heroes, 
 ii. 24; Roivhand, Regions Nouvelles, 27; Putman's Month Mag., iii. 178-80; 
 Reoist. Espa ., May 26, 1836; Sfiea's Catholic Mis., 87. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 1836-1838. 
 
 FlLlSOLA SUPEKSBDED — VAIN THREATS — The TeXAN NaVY — COMMISSION- 
 ERS TO THE United States — Mokfit's Rbpoet — Geneeal Gaines 
 Cbosses the Sabine — Gorostiza's Protest — He Demands his 
 Passports — Passive Character of the Wab — Return op Austin — 
 The Elewions — PoLrncAL Parties — ^Houston Chosen President — 
 Meeting op the Eirst Congress — Houston's Inaugural Address — 
 His Cabinet— Legislative Acts op Congress — The National Seal 
 AND Flag — Death and Biography op Austin — Condition of the 
 Republic — Recognition op her Independence by the United 
 States — Reopening op Congress — The Slave Question — Passage of 
 THE Land Law — Its Provisions — Brighter Prospects — Indian War- 
 fare — Financial Operations — Lamar Elected President. 
 
 On the 15th of May, 1836, the Mexican govern- 
 ment received a despatch from Filisola conveying the 
 news of the disaster in Texas. On the same date 
 Tomel, the secretary of war, sent two official commu- 
 nications to that general, in the first of which he in- 
 structed him to address the Texan commander-in-chief 
 with the object of procuring Santa Anna's release, or 
 at least the consideration due to his high dignity. 
 FUisola was also directed to make every effort to save 
 the remainder of the army by concentrating it at a 
 point convenient for the receipt of supplies. The pre- 
 servation of Bdjar was absolutely necessary. With 
 regard to the prisoners he was authorized to propose 
 an exchange, and for that purpose to preserve the 
 lives of Texan prisoners then in his power, and also 
 of such as might be taken in future. The so-called 
 armistice agreed to by Houston and Santa Anna was 
 
 (279) 
 
280 THE REPUBLIC OP TEXAS. 
 
 the subject of the second despatch. Filisola's action in 
 observing it was approved by the government ; at the 
 time he was reminded that Santa Anna being a pris- 
 oner had not been a free agent in the matter. The 
 government, therefore, wished Filisola to act with the 
 greatest prudence, and while endeavoring not to com- 
 promise in any way the life of the illustrious captive, 
 he was to avoid pledging the honor of the nation. 
 Under no circumstances was the recognition of the 
 independence of Texas to be taken into consideration, 
 as the nation would never agree to it.' 
 
 When Filisola received these despatches, May 28th, 
 Bejar had already been evacuated, Andrade having 
 demolished the fortifications of the Alamo and joined 
 him at Victoria ; the public treaty with Santa Anna 
 had been ratified by him ; and the whole Mexican army 
 had already crossed the Nueces. On the 1 9th of May, 
 the government having recovered from the first effects 
 of the 'blow, Tornel addressed another despatch to 
 Filisola in which he urged upon him the obligation of 
 endeavoring to preserve the conquests already ac- 
 quired, instructed him to discontinue his retreat, 
 secure all sustainable points, and await reenforce- 
 ments, as the government was already occupied in 
 organizing a division of 4,000 men, which would em- 
 bark at vera Cruz for Matamoros.' But these m- 
 structions arrived too late; Urrea was already at 
 Matamoros,' and Filisola was approaching that city. 
 The change of the government's intentions placed the 
 commander-in-chief in a dilemma. He assembled 
 the generals in council and laid before them the new 
 orders he had received, expressing his readiness to 
 countermarch if they considered the movement prac- 
 ticable. It was unanimously agreed that, in view of 
 
 ' Copy of the despatches in Filisola, Sepi-eseM., 66-8. 
 
 2 Copy of this despatch and Filisola's reply in Id., 76-7 and 62-6. 
 
 ^He had been sent in advance from Victoria, which place he left May 
 14, reaching Matamoras May 28th. Before his departure from Victoria he 
 had in vain urged Filisola not to retreat further. Diario, 36. Henceforth 
 there was discord between the two generals. 
 
RESULT OF MEXICAN INVASION. 281 
 
 the deplorable condition of the troops and the want 
 of resources, such a movement was impossible. Fili- 
 sola, therefore, contiaued his retreat, and June 12th 
 received from the Mexican government a despatch 
 instructing him to resign the command to General 
 TJrrea, and assigning Monterey, Leona Vicario, or 
 Matamoros as his place of residence according to his 
 choice. Filisola immediately halted the troops then 
 on the march, drew them up in line and, in the ab- 
 sence of Urrea, resigned the command to General 
 Andrade ad interim.* On the following day he started 
 for Leona Vicario, and Andrade, in spite of orders 
 from Urrea to return to Goliad continued to march to 
 Matamoros. On June 14th he received a despatch 
 from Urrea, commanding him to halt the army imme- 
 diately on its receipt, place General Gaona in com- 
 mand, and report in person at Matamoros. But the 
 salvation of the troops depended on their reaching 
 their destination. Not a day passed but some of 
 them perished on the way, and Andrade, in defiance 
 of orders, pushed forward reaching Matamoros, June 
 18th. Thus ended Santa Anna's invasion. Not a 
 Mexican soldier remained on Texan soil, and of the 
 imposing array with which the would-be oppressor 
 of the Anglo- Texans entered the country, barely 
 4,000 troops, in most wretched plight, re-crossed the 
 Rio Grande. 
 
 Meantime the treaty dropped through. A few 
 prisoners appear to have been released on the part of 
 the Mexicans ; and it is curious to observe that while 
 the Texans even detained WoU,* and do not seem to 
 have released any of their captives, captains Carnes 
 
 * Filisola, Mem. Tej., i. 330-41; Id., Mem. Chierra Try., ii. 505-9. It 
 appears that Urrea as early as May 11, 1836, had despatched a commuuioa- 
 tion from Victoria to the government reflecting upon Filisola 's course of 
 action. This despatch induced the government to remove Filisola from the 
 command, and the answer to it bears the same date, May 31, 1836, as that 
 addressed to Filisola informing him of his removal. Mem. Tej., i. 343-51; 
 Urrea, Diario, 108-111. 
 
 * He rejoined the Mexican army on the day on which Filisola surrendered 
 the command. Filisola, Mem. Tej., i. 340. 
 
282 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 and Teal were sent as commissioners to Matamoros, 
 to inform themselves respecting the restoration of 
 slaves and property belonging to Texans. In re- 
 prisal for the treatment extended to WoU on their 
 arrival early in June, they were confined in prison, 
 whence, however, they soon escaped through the aid 
 of outside friends, but not before they had created a 
 false alarm in Texas by reporting that the Mexicans 
 were making vigorous preparations for a second and 
 early invasion/ The fact is, the Mexican government 
 would fain have continued hostilities, and on May 
 21st an act was published setting forth that it was 
 the intention of the government to prosecute the war 
 with vigor, and declaring that all treaties and stipu- 
 lations made by Santa Anna while in captivity would 
 be regarded as null.' But the political condition of 
 the country prevented any serious demonstration. 
 Centralism was in peril; the states were beginning to 
 proclaim in favor of federalism ; and in the confusion 
 of affairs, the threatened invasion of Texas was im- 
 practicable. The 4000 troops were never sent from 
 Vera Cruz, and the ill-conditioned soldiers at 
 Matamoros, under Urrea, constituted all the force 
 arrayed against the revolted province. Nevertheless 
 the Texans made preparations to resist invasion and 
 before long over 2000 men, mostly volunteers from 
 the United States,' were in the field, and minor hos- 
 tilities were carried on. 
 
 Mayor Isaac Burton with twenty mounted rangers, 
 while scouring the coast, received news of the arrival of 
 a suspicious looking craft in the bay of Copano. On 
 the 3d of June he ambushed his men near the beach, 
 seized the crew of a boat sent ashore, and manning it 
 with sixteen of his rangers, captured the vessel, which 
 
 ^ Urrea, Diario, 44-5, 100-1; Tex. Aim., 1860, 74-6; Id., 1861, 45. 
 
 ' Copy of act and of others relative to the action taken by the govern- 
 ment in ArriUaga, Secop., En. — Jun., 1836, 430-7. 
 
 * Early in June, Pres. Burnet made a contract with Gen. Mennican 
 Hunt, to introduce from the U. S., a division of 4,000 men. Hunt's success 
 was but partial. Tex. AM., 1861, 44. 
 
MOVEMENTS OF VESSELS. 283 
 
 proved to be the Watchman, loaded witli provisions 
 for the Mexican army. The vessel was ordered to 
 Velasco, but was detained by contrary winds. On 
 the 17th, the Comanche and Fanny Butler anchored 
 off the bar. The captains were decoyed on board the 
 Watchman, and their vessels being captured, were 
 found to be similarly freighted. All three were sent 
 to Velasco and condemned. Their cargoes, worth 
 $25,000, were of great service to the Texan army." 
 Henceforth Burton and hie rangers became known as 
 the 'Horse-marines.' 
 
 Nor was the Texan navy inactive. The Invincible, 
 after bemg taken by a United States man-of-war, at 
 the mouth of the Mississippi, on the charge of piracy, 
 and acquitted by the judicial courts, made a cruise on 
 the Mexican coast, visiting Matamoros, Tampico, 
 Vera Cruz, and Tabasco. Returning to Velasco, she 
 was sent in September to New York for repairs. In 
 March, 1837, this vessel returned to Galveston, and 
 some time afterward captured the Mexican schooner 
 Avispa.^' 
 
 On August 25th of the same year, the Invincible, 
 in company with the Brutus, arrived at Galveston bar 
 with a Mexican schooner in tow. The Brutus crossed 
 in safety with the prize, but the Invin/nble, unable to 
 get in, was attacked on the following day by two 
 armed brigs of the enemy. In going out to her aid, 
 the BrutuiS ran aground, and the Invincible, being over- 
 powered, in endeavoring to escape struck on the 
 breakers near the southeast channel. The crew gained 
 the land, but the vessel went to pieces during the 
 night. The schooner Liberty had been sent to New 
 Orleans, and was there sold to defray her expenses. 
 
 graph, Aug. 2, 1836; Toahrni, ii. 180-1; Morfit in his report to the 
 U. S. government places the value of these veBa,els' invoices at about $20, 192. 
 jEhxc. Doc, cong. 24, sess. 2, No. 35, p. 29. 
 
 '"CaUed by Yoakum — ii. 213 — AMspa, and thus copied by Swante Palm 
 in Baker's Tex., 18. Tb« Tex. Aim., 1860, 164, gives Obispo as the name of 
 the vessel; but it is probable that as b and v are frequently used for each 
 other in Spanish America, the I in Yoakum is a misprint for b, and that the 
 right name of the schooner was Avispa, the Wasp. 
 
284 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 The Independence, in April 1837, fell in with two 
 Mexican brigs-of-war, the Vencedor del Alamo and 
 the LibertadoT, and being overpowered, was taken into 
 Brazos Santiago, whence the captives were removed 
 to Matamoros. Thus the Brutus was the last re- 
 maining vessel of the old navy, and she was lost in 
 Galveston harbor during the severe equinoctial gale 
 of 1837, which, besides destroying shipping to the 
 number of fourteen or fifteen vessels, flooded nearly 
 the whole city. In April of this year, the Champion 
 and Julius Cassar, freighted with provisions for the 
 Texan army, were captured by the enemy." 
 
 In the United States, the interest felt for Texas 
 was great, and much material aid was furnished to the 
 struggling republic. Public discourses were delivered 
 at different places by the commissioners, Austin, 
 Wharton, and Archer, who succeeded in enlisting the 
 sympathy of the people. Appeals were made for 
 moral support, and the object of the Texans declared 
 to be independence as a new republic or annexation to 
 the United States." After the battle of San Jacinto, 
 the desire for annexation became widely spread ; and 
 on May 30th, President Burnet, in view of the gen- 
 eral wish, appointed James Collingsworth and Peter 
 W. Grayson as commissioners to Washington to ask 
 for the friendly mediation of that government in pro- 
 curing from Mexico the recognition of the indepen- 
 dence of Texas, to endeavor to obtain a like recognition 
 from the United States, and to state that it was the 
 opinion of the Texan government that the annexation 
 of the new republic to the American union would be 
 most acceptable to the people of the former. When 
 the commissioners reached Washington, congress had 
 
 ^'/o!., 1860, 163-6, where will be found a list of officers who served in the 
 Texan navy from 1835 to 1837 inclusive. Yoakum, ii. 212-13, 216-17; BaJcej-'s 
 Tex., 77-80. 
 
 '^See Austin's address to the people of Louisville, Kentucky, March 7, 
 1836, in Holhy's Tex., 252-80; and his letter to Houston of June 16, 1836, in 
 Yoakum, ii. 177; also Wharton's address in N. York, Apr. 26, 1836, in Tex. 
 Mi.ic. Pamph., no- 14, 
 
THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 285 
 
 adjourned, but there was among its members a general 
 feeling in favor of the recognition of the independence 
 of Texas." Nothing was immediately accomplished 
 beyond the formal presentation of the matter to the 
 authorities at Washington; but President Jackson 
 sent Henry M. Morfit as a commissioner to Texas, to 
 inform himself, and report on the military, political, 
 and civil condition of the people. The date of Mor- 
 fit's first despatch is August 13, 1836, that of his last, 
 September 14th of the same year. His report is 
 pretty full. He assigns a population to Texas of 
 nearly 58,500 souls." He expresses surprise that 
 Texas has carried on a successful war so long with so 
 little embarassment to her own citizens or treasury, 
 and estimated that the probable total amount of her 
 outstanding debts did not exceed $1,250,000/^ 
 
 The deep interest taken by the United States in 
 the success of Texas was naturally displeasing to the 
 Mexican government. During the period from 
 March 9 to October 15, 1836, the Mexican minister, 
 Gorostiza, maintained a correspondence with the de- 
 partment of state relative to the ambiguous neutrality 
 observed by the United States during the Texan 
 revolution. In his letters he complains of measures 
 
 '3 The two houses, acting separately, passed resolutions ' that the inde- 
 pendence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the U. S. whenever satisfac- 
 tory information should be received that it had in successful operation a civil 
 government, capable of performing the duties and fulfilling the obligations of 
 an independent power.' Exec. Doc, cong. 24, sess. 2, no. 35, 1, where will be 
 found copy of Morfit's despatches. 
 
 "Anglo-Americans, about 30,000; Mexicans, 3,470; Indians, including 
 8,000 northern Indians from the United States, about 20,000; and 5,000 ne- 
 groes. Id., 12-13. Yoakum's figures, ii. 197, derived from the same source 
 and copied by Thrall, Hkt. Tex., 286, are incorrect. But Morfit himself is 
 somewhat contradictory. 
 
 '*Thus exhibited in Morfit's report of Sept. 4, 1836, «< mp.: 
 Treasury orders already issued and debts under consideration of the 
 
 auditor's office |309,280 
 
 Estimate of supplies exclusive of the amount audited 250,000 
 
 Loans 100,000 
 
 Amount due navy, exclusive of the amount audited 60,000 
 
 Amount due army, exclusive of the amount audited 412,000 
 
 Amount of civil contingent expenses, exclusive of amount andited. . 118,720 
 
 11,250,000 
 
286 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 in progress for recognizing the independence of Texas, 
 of the entrance of armed bands from the United 
 States into that country, especially of the occupation 
 of Mexican territory, by United States forces, and 
 enumerates several instances of violation of the neu- 
 trality laws. 
 
 The particulars connected with the occupation 
 oi" Texan territory by United States troops are 
 as follow: It was well understood that the Ind- 
 ians in the eastern and northern regions of Texas 
 were assuming a hostile attitude, having been visited 
 by Mexican agents, who strove to persuade them to 
 take up arms. On January 23, 1836, General Ed- 
 mund Gaines was appointed to the command of the 
 United States troops on the western frontier of 
 Louisiana. His instructions were that, in view of the 
 war between Mexico and Texas, strict neutrality was 
 to be observed, and none of the contending parties 
 were to be allowed to cross into territory of the 
 United States. Hostile incursions of Indians, how- 
 ever, directed either against the Mexican or Anglo- 
 American states were to be prevented by force. 
 Gaines replied March 29th; and after referring to 
 scenes of barbarism in Texas added that, in case he 
 noticed a disposition on the part of Mexicans to 
 menace the frontier, he should deem it his duty to 
 cross the boundary and meet the marauders. Under 
 date of April 25th the secretary of war, while averring 
 that it was no wish of the president to acquire any 
 portion of Mexican territory, nevertheless approved 
 of Gaines' suggestion; but, in no case, was he to 
 advance further than Nacogdoches. Gaines on April 
 8th had called upon the governors of Louisiana, Mis- 
 sissippi, Alabama, and Tennessee for reenforcements, 
 but recalled his requisition soon after, believing from 
 later information that the troops would not be 
 wanted. On the 14th of the same month, informa- 
 tion was received by him from General Mason, com- 
 mandant at Nacogdoches, to the effect that a large 
 
MEXICO ALARMED. 287 
 
 number of Mexicans and Indians were concentrated 
 with hostUe intentions about sixty miles from that 
 town. It appears that Irvin, the alcalde of Nacog- 
 doches, made this statement to Mason on April 12th 
 — a statement which was found to be greatly exag- 
 gerated. Gaines consequently ordered up the 
 squadron of United States dragoons and six com- 
 panies of infantry from Fort Gibson to Fort Towson, 
 on Red River, went in person with fourteen com- 
 panies, namely, the sixth regiment and four companies 
 of the third United States infantry, to the Sabine 
 River, and there encamped. Owing to the victory of 
 San Jacinto, and the retreat of the Mexicans, the 
 Indians, whatever might have been their original in- 
 tentions, now showed a disposition favorable to the 
 white men, and there does not seem much reason for 
 Gaines' remaining on the bank of the Sabine. Never- 
 theless, in their excited state, it was not unlikely that 
 the Indians would commit depredations, and on May 
 19th a large body of them appeared before Fort 
 Parker, on the head waters of the Navasota. There 
 were only six men and some women and children in 
 the place. Attempts at conciliation were made in 
 vain; several of the men were killed, the fort was 
 plundered, and some of the women and children were 
 carried into captivity.'" On June 28th Gaines re- 
 ceived a letter from Rusk, then at Victoria, stating 
 that the Mexicans, 7,000 strotig, were advancing from 
 Matamoros, their motto being, "Extermination as far 
 as the Sabine, or death." These circumstances com- 
 bined, induced Gaines to consider the frontier again 
 in danger. Accordingly on the day on which he re- 
 ceived Rusk's letter, he repeated his requisition — which 
 this time was disapproved by the president — and sent 
 a detachment of regular troops under Colonel Whistler, 
 to take post near Nacogdoches, instructing him July 
 11th to occupy that town and fortify it with a small 
 breast- work and block-houses. 
 
 " Full aocount of this massacre in Shield's FaU of Parker's Fort, MS., 
 fols. 18. 
 
288 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 When Gorostiza became aware that an actual vio- 
 lation of Mexican territory on the part of the United 
 States had occurred, he reiterated his representations; 
 and not satisfied with the assurances of the govern- 
 ment at Washington, that the measures adopted were 
 of a temporary and purely defensive character, hy 
 letter of October 1 5th he declared that he considered 
 his mission at an end, and asked for his passports, 
 which were sent to him on the 20th of the same 
 month, diplomatic relations between the two countries 
 being thus broken off. Gaines was relieved of his 
 command by Brigadier General Arbuckle, who was 
 instructed, under date of October 10th, to report on 
 the condition of affairs. Nevertheless similar direc- 
 tions to those sent to Gaines were given to Arbuckle, 
 to whose discretion the retaining possession of Nacog- 
 doches was in a great measure left. He was informed 
 by the secretary of war that it was not in the power 
 of the department, with its limited information, to 
 give any positive order in regard to the further occu- 
 pation of the post, but he was instructed to withdraw 
 the troops stationed there, unless he had in his pos- 
 session information satisfying him that the main- 
 tenance of it was essential to the protection of the 
 United States frontiers, and to the due execution of 
 treaty stipulations." 
 
 Viewed in an impartial light, the action of the 
 United States government cannot be regarded as 
 
 '"House Rep., cong. 24, sess. 1, No. 256, 1-61; PtiJ. Doc, 1835-6, Vol. vi; 
 Gong. Debates, 1835-6, xii. 3511-48; Tex. Carres., in Pap. Var., iii. No. 1; 
 Exec. Doc., cong. 24, sess. 2, No. 2, 1-101, 105; Cotitj. Debates, 1837, xiv. 176- 
 249; .ff. Mx. Doc, cong. 25, sess. 2, Vol. iv. No. 190, 1-120; Jlex. Corrct. solfreel 
 Paso del SaUna, 122; Niles' Seg., 1. 162, 207-9, 364-5, 377, 384^6, 402- LI 
 li. 21, 33, 87-8, 97, 113, 129, 194, 369, 378, 385, 409-12; MarpJm, 333, 353^'; 
 Jay's Mex. War, 23-30. The government at Washington considered that 
 they were authorized to send troops into Mexican territory by the 33d ar- 
 ticle of the treaty between the two nations, which required both the con- 
 tracting parties to prevent by force all hostilities and incursions on the part 
 of the Indian nations living within their respective boundaries, so that the 
 United States will not suffer their Indians to attack the citizens of the 
 Mexican states, nor will the Mexican states suffer their Indians to attack 
 the citizens of the United States. As the Indians west of the supposed 
 boundary were assuming a warlike attitude, and Mexico had no troops on 
 the ground to keep them (juiet, the U. S. considered themselves justified in 
 assuming an advanced position temporarily in their own defence. 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES. 289 
 
 other than subterfuge, and unfair to a neighbor from 
 which it desired to steal territory. While making the 
 strongest assurances that neutrality should be ob- 
 served, and issuing orders to that effect, it cannot be 
 denied that the latter were easily evaded, and the 
 former counterbalanced by the moral support secretly 
 extended to Texas. At the same time it must be 
 observed that the Mexican government in its future 
 conduct in regard to the revolted province showed 
 neither prudence nor foresight, and rendered the war, 
 on her part, with Texas a farce. Mexican patriotism 
 was excited, and the Texan war used as a pretext for 
 levying contributions; henceforth it assumed a pas- 
 sive character, and became a rallying cry of political 
 parties as a means of their advancement. Says a 
 Mexican historian of repute, "With the failure of 
 Santa Anna's expedition against Texas, and consider- 
 ing the intentions of the United States, the Mexican 
 government ought to have rid itself of that province 
 by a convention with the United States, as did Spain 
 in the case of Florida in 1818, endeavoring thereby 
 to form a nation between Mexico and the United 
 States, which in time would counterbalance the pre- 
 ponderance of the north; but the government and its 
 enemies made the reconquest of Texas an object of 
 charlatanism, and a party weapon, both sides urging 
 the continuation of the war as necessary for the vin- 
 dication of the national honor, though they had 
 neither the will nor the power to carry it on.'" 
 
 By July the Texan army had increased to 2,300 
 strong, and General Rusk experienced much difficulty 
 in preventing confusion. Houston was at this time 
 at Nacogdoches, and according to Yoakum addressed 
 several communications during that month to Gaines, 
 which may have had some influence on his decision 
 to occupy Nacogdoches. About the first of the month 
 the government appointed Colonel Mirabeau Lamar 
 
 ^^Bivera, Hist. Jalxupa, iii. 290-1. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 19 
 
290 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 major-general of the army, who on his arrival at 
 head-quarters on the 14th found so strong a feeling 
 expressed against the right of the cabinet to super- 
 sede General Houston that he was constrained to put 
 to the vote of the troops the question, whether the 
 army were willing to receive hun as commander-in- 
 chief. This being done, only 179 votes were found 
 to be in his favor. Nevertheless Lamar began to act 
 as commander-in-chief, which caused such dissatisfac- 
 tion that many of the men began to leave the camp. 
 Whereupon Lamar called a meeting of the officers, 
 the discussion at which resulted in his retiring." 
 
 As the Mexicans were unable to carry out their 
 meditated re-invasion, a,nd the rumors of such having 
 proved deceptive, it was proposed on the part of the 
 Texan leaders to make a descent upon Matamoros, 
 and with that object detachments were sent to Bejar 
 and San Patricio on the river Nueces. Two mounted 
 companies were despatched to the former place, while 
 500 men, also mounted, were stationed at San Patri- 
 cio, under Brigadier-General Felix Houston, who had 
 lately arrived from the United States with a consid- 
 erable force. Owing, however, to the want of means 
 to cooperate by sea, the project was abandoned. 
 
 Early in July the commissioners, Austin, Archer, 
 and Wharton returned, having accomplished much in 
 arousing sympathy in the United States for Texas. 
 On the 23d of the same month, tranquillity for the 
 time assured by the political confusion in ^Mexico, 
 President Burnet issued a proclamation for the elec- 
 tions of president, vice-president, and senators and 
 representatives in congress. The first INIonday in 
 September was appointed election day, and the sena- 
 tors and representatives were to assemble at Colum- 
 bia on the first Monday in October following." The 
 
 '° Lamar argued that Houston hail forfeited his position as commander- 
 in-chief, by leaving Texas without a furlough. See Gen. Felix Huston's 
 account of this aflfair in Yoakum, ii. 183-8; Tex. Aim., 1861, 46. 
 
 ^'Copy of proclamation iu Id., 1861, 48-9. It provided that in the pre- 
 
ELECTION". 291 
 
 managers of the elections were to ask each voter 
 whether he was willing to clothe his senators and 
 representatives with conventional power to revise and 
 amend the constitution ; also whether he was in favor 
 of the adoption of the constitution as it stood, or of 
 its rejection, or revision and amendment by the con- 
 gress. Moreover as it was important for the inter- 
 ests of the country that the people should determine 
 whether they were in favor of annexing Texas to the 
 United States, the managers were required to put 
 the question direct to each voter, and make a return 
 of the number of votes for and against it. 
 
 Three candidates were nominated for the presidency, 
 Stephen F. Austin, Sam. Houston, and the late gov- 
 ernor Henry Smith. Houston at first was unwilling 
 to accept his nomination, but was induced to do so on 
 the consideration that there being two political parties 
 in Texas, known as the Austin and Wharton parties 
 — the ostensible head of the latter being Governor 
 Smith — he became impressed with the belief that were 
 either Smith or Austin elected, the opposition to the 
 administration would be such as to be most detrimen- 
 tal to the interests of the young republic. The situ- 
 ation required the united efforts of all, and as he was 
 identified with neither party, he was of the opinion 
 that in case of his election he would be able to har- 
 
 cinct of Austin there should be elected one representative to congress; in 
 Brazoria, two; Bejar, two; Colorado, one; Sabine, one; Gonzalez, one; Jeff- 
 erson, one; Goliad, one; Matagorda, one; Mina, two; Nacogdoches, two; 
 Red River, three; Victoria, one; San Augustine, two; Shelby, two; Refugio, 
 one; San Patricio, one; Washington, two; Milan, one; and Jackson, one. 
 From the senatorial district of Bejar, there should be elected one senator; 
 from San Patricio, Refugio and Goliad, one; from Brazoria, one; from Mina 
 and Gonzalez one; from Nacogdoches, one; from Red River, one; from 
 Shelby and Sabine, one; from Matagorda, Jackson and Victoria, one; from 
 Austin and Colorado, one; from San Augustine, one; from Milan, one; from 
 Jasper and Jefferson, one; from Liberty and Harrisburg, one; and from 
 Washington, one. In consideration that a large number of persons were 
 serving m the army, and might thereby lose their right of sufferage, it was 
 ordained that all such persons entitled to vote might do so by holding an 
 election, and sending the returns to the managers of the election at the 
 capital of the precinct of which they were citizens; the name of each voter 
 being taken down in writing and forwarded with the returns. The same 
 rule applied to persons absent from precincts that had been temporarily 
 abandoned. 
 
292 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 monize the two factions, and organize a government 
 that would triumph over all difficulties." Houston's 
 popularity at this date is evidenced by the result of 
 the polls. He was elected president by a large 
 majority, Mirabeau B. Lamar being chosen vice- 
 president." The constitution was adopted almost 
 unanimously, as also the proposition of annexation. 
 
 On October 3d, the first Texan congress met at Co- 
 lumbia, and on the following day President Burnet 
 delivered his message. It is a somewhat lengthy doc- 
 ument, but represents too truthfully the events con- 
 nected with his administration and the condition of 
 the country. He describes the state of the army and 
 navy, and calls attention to the defectiveness of the 
 military organization and the want of more war ves- 
 sels. The judicial department, he stated, was in a 
 very imperfect state, and the land question was one 
 which would require serious consideration. He trusted 
 that the titles of the early settlers would not be en- 
 croached upon, and that the present congress and all 
 succeeding ones would promptly and decisively put 
 the &eal of their reprobation upon all sinister and 
 unrighteous speculations in the public domain. He 
 concluded by urging the members to banish from their 
 council all party spirit and political intrigue." 
 
 After using his best endeavors to concUiate the 
 Indians, Houston left Nacogdoches for Columbia, 
 where he arrived on October 9th. By a provision of 
 the adopted constitution, he could not enter upon the 
 duties of his office before the second Monday in De- 
 cember next succeeding his election," but both Presi- 
 dent Burnet and Vice-president Zavala were equally 
 willing to retire from office, and on the 2'2d of October 
 
 21 See his letter to Guy M. Bryan of Nov. 15, 1852, quoted in Yoakum, ii. 
 193-4. 
 
 '"' Houston received 4,374 votes. Smith 743, eind Austin 587, the total num- 
 ber of votes cast being 5,704. Lamar had a majority of 2,699. ThraWs Hist. 
 Tex., 287. 
 
 '^ Copy of Burnet's message will be found in Mies' Reg., li. 189-91. 
 
 * Art vi., sec. 2., of the constitution, in Laws of the Hepicblic of Texas, voL 
 i 15. 
 
HOUSTON AND LAMAR. 293 
 
 sent in their resignations. The congress considered 
 that there was no radical obstruction to the premature 
 installation of the new president, and on the same day 
 Houston was inducted into office. 
 
 In his inaugural address, Houston referred to the 
 relations of the coordinate departments of the govern- 
 ment as peculiarly delicate and important, maintaining 
 that if he failed to obtain the cooperation and support 
 of the congress, wreck and ruin would be inevitable. 
 If, therefore, he failed in the attainment of the great 
 objects in view, it would be the duty of the house to 
 correct his errors and sustain him by its superior wis- 
 dom. The administration, he said, was fraught with 
 perplexities, but zeal and a spirit of patrotism would 
 surmount all difficulties. He recommended that the 
 friendship of the Indians should be obtained by treaties 
 of peace and a strict maintenance of good faith with 
 them ; and urged abstinence from all acts of aggression, 
 the establishment of commerce with the different 
 tribes, even-handed justice to be ever maintained with 
 them. He contrasted the barbarous mode of warfare 
 practised by the enemy with the humanity and for- 
 bearance displayed by the Texans in the hour of vic- 
 toiy. The moral effect of such conduct had done more 
 toward the liberation of Texas than the defeat of the 
 army of veterans. Her cause had received the warm- 
 est sympathy and manly aid of friends in the land of 
 their origin. Lastly, he dwelt upon the question of 
 annexation with the United States, a consummation 
 unanimously wished for the Texan people, who were 
 cheered by the hope that they would be welcomed 
 into the great family of freemen." General Lamar, 
 in his two-fold capacity as vice-president of the re- 
 public and president of the senate, also delivered 
 addresses in which, breathing a spirit of patriot- 
 ism, he deprecated party antagonism and contro- 
 versy. 
 
 ^ Copy of the address in Pease's Hist. View Tex. , in Niks' South Amer. and 
 Mex., i. 357-60. 
 
294 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 Congress having authorized the president to appoint 
 his cabinet, his selection proves his anxiety to weld 
 together in harmony the two opposing factions by an 
 impartial appointment to office of the separate leaders. 
 Stephen F. Austin was made secretary of state, Henry 
 Smith, secretary of the treasury'', Thomas J, Rusk, of 
 war,'° S. Rhodes Fisher, of the navy, Robert Burr, 
 postmaster-general, and J. Pinkney Henderson, attor- 
 ney-general. On November 1 6th, congress passed an 
 act empowering the president to appoint a minister to 
 the United States to negotiate with that government 
 for the recognition of the independence of Texas, and 
 her annexation to that republic. Houston accordingly 
 appointed William H. Wharton to the position." 
 
 Another of the first acts of the congress, dated 
 November 18th, authorized the president to issue 
 bonds of the republic in sums of $1,000 each, to an 
 amount not exceeding $5,000,000. These bonds were 
 to bear interest not exceeding ten per centum, and 
 be made redeemable in thirty years from the day of date. 
 Two commissioners were to be appointed to negotiate 
 them in the United States or Europe, the commis- 
 sioners being authorized to sell bonds to the amount 
 of $2,000,000, redeemable in not less than five years. 
 Holders should have the privilege of purchasinof 
 public lands of the republic at the lowest government 
 price payable in bonds. In regard to volunteers from 
 the United States the congress displayed great liber- 
 ality, extending by a joint resolution on the 23d the 
 same pay and bounties in lands to those who entered 
 
 ''' The command of the army was given to General Felix Houston. 
 
 '^' Linn, page 273, narrates that Wharton was not pleased with the ap- 
 pointment, and remarked that the president was sending him into honorable 
 exile to get him out of some one else's way. Houston did not hear of this 
 till some months after, when three commissioners were to be named by him 
 whose duties were the purchase of a navy. John A. 'VATiarton, brother of 
 William Wbarton, was one of the candidates, and to the surprise of many, 
 was not appointed. Meeting the latter after his return from the U. S., the 
 president could not refrain from delivering a home-thrust. 'I did not ap- 
 point John A. Wharton,' he said, 'one of the three naval commissioners be- 
 cause I did not wish to drive any more of the Wharton family into exile.' 
 
CONGRESSIONAL MEASURES. 295 
 
 the service after July 1st as to those who had entered 
 it prior to that date." 
 
 The duties of the congress were not Hght, and dur- 
 ing its first session, which lasted to the close of De- 
 cember, numerous laws were passed for the organization 
 of the government and promotion of the public weal. 
 Provisions were made for the increase of the navy by 
 the purchase of a 24-gun sloop of war, two armed 
 steam vessels, and two 11 -gun schooners; rules and 
 articles were established for the government of the 
 navy and army, the latter of which the president was 
 authorized to reorganize ; and measures were adopted 
 for the protection of the frontier, and for the national 
 defence by the organization of militia. The judiciary, 
 moreover, was fully organized, a supreme court, courts 
 of justice, and inferior courts being established, and 
 their powers and jurisdictions defined. '^ Enactments 
 were also passed for the raising of a revenue by im- 
 port duties; establishing the salaries of the president 
 and government officers ; '" for the creation of a gen- 
 eral post-office ; and for the establishment of a general 
 land-office." 
 
 A national seal and standard for the republic were 
 adopted December 10th. The former consisted of a 
 single star with the letters Republic of Texas circular 
 on the seal, which was also circular. The national 
 flag was to have an azure ground with a large golden 
 star central, and to be dominated the national stan- 
 
 ^The president vetoed this act, but it was passed by a constitutional 
 maiority in both houses. Tex. Laws, i. 34. 
 
 ■^'President Burnet had created a district judge for the district of Brazos, 
 conferring the appointment on Benjamin C. Franklin, who was the first 
 judge in Texas invested with common law and maritime jurisdiction. Niks' 
 Meg., li. 190. 
 
 * The salary of the president was fixed at $10,000 a year, of the vice- 
 president $3,000; that of each member of the cabinet at $3,500; of the 
 attorney-general $3,000; of the postmaster-general $2,000, and other civil 
 officers in proportion. Congressmen received each $5 a day, and were 
 allowed a mileage of $5 for every 25 miles, going and coming. Tex. Laws, i. 
 69-70. 
 
 2'Thisact was vetoed by the president, but passed by a constitutional 
 majorily in both houses Dec. 22, 1836. The above synopsis of the labors 
 of the first congress is derived from Id. , i. 27-227. 
 
296 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 dard of Texas. Tlie flag for the naval service was to 
 be the same as that adopted by President Burnet at 
 Harrisburg, April 9, 1836, its conformation being 
 union blue, star central, with thirteen stripes pro- 
 longed, alternate red and white.'" 
 
 Congress, however, did not display the highest 
 wisdom in all its legislative acts. On December 16th 
 a bill was passed to incorporate the Texas Railroad, 
 Navigation, and Banking Company, with a capital 
 stock of $5,000,000, and the privilege of increasing it, 
 when the welfare of the company should require it, 
 to $10,000,000. The enactment granted to the com- 
 pany the right of connecting the waters of the Rio 
 Grande and the Sabine by means of internal naviga- 
 tion and railroads, with the privilege also of con- 
 structing branch canals and railroads in every 
 direction. As soon as the bank went into operation, 
 which it could not do until a specie capital of $1,- 
 
 ^'' On Jan. 23, 1839, an act was passed adopting as the national arms a, 
 white star of five points on an azure ground, encircled by an olive and live 
 oak branches. The national flag was to consist of a blue perpendicular stripe 
 of the width of one third of the whole flag with a white star in the centre, 
 and two horizontal stripes, the upper white and the lower red. The origin 
 of the lone star flag is somewhat obscure. It is claimed by the Savannah 
 Georgian that it was first unfurled within the present limits of Louisiana in 
 1810, by a gallant band of Americans, who fell suddenly upon the fort at 
 Baton Rouge, drove out the Spaniards, and raised the lone star flag in place 
 of the banner of old Spain. Tex. Aim., 1861, 75. The date of its first ap- 
 pearance in Texas is also in dispute. Guy M. Bryan in a speech before the 
 Texan veterans delivered May 14, 1873, says: 'The first lone star flag that 
 I can find any account of was made at Harrisburg and presented to the 
 company of Capt. Andrew Robinson in 1835. The lone star was white, five 
 pointed, and set in ground of red.' Bahr's Tex., 195. Lewis Washington, 
 an assistant in the office of the Galveston JS'etos, in 1854, states that it was of 
 plain white sUk, bearing an azure star of five points on either side. On one 
 side was the inscription Liberty or Death! and on the other the Latin motto 
 XJbi Libertaa habitat, ibi nostra patri est. This flag was unfurled at Velasco 
 Jan. 8, 1836. Oen. McLeod of Galveston asserted that it was the work of 
 Miss Troutman of Knoxville, Georgia. A correspondent of the Central 
 Texan denies the claim of Georgia, and insists that the first lone Btar flag 
 unfurled in Texas was the one raised in Harrisburg in 1 835. Tex. Aim., 1861, 
 75-7. Thrall makes the curious statement that the lone star emblem was a 
 fortunate accident. Gov. Smith, for want of a seal, used one of the large 
 brass buttons of his coat, which bore the impress of a five-pointed star. 
 The Mexican government in a circular of Jan. 28, 1836, describes the Texan 
 rebel flag as consisting of stripes like that of the U. S., but instead of the 
 blue square containing the stars, the Texan flag had a white square with n 
 cross and the number 1824. Arrillaga, Recap., En. — Jun., 1836, 234. The 
 'flag of independence,' says one, first hoisted at Goliad, bore a blood-red 
 sword grasped by a hand. Te.c. Aim., 1861, 76. 
 
BOUNDARY. 297 
 
 000,000 was paid in, a bonus of $25,000 was to be 
 paid into the Texan treasury; but in the event of 
 said sum not being paid within eighteen months after 
 the passage of the act, the charter, which was to con- 
 tinue in force for forty-nine years, was to be forfeited/" 
 This act was regarded by many with great disfavor 
 and denounced by Anson Jones as corrupt, and 
 tending to render the public lands worthless if the 
 scheme had been practicable/* The necessary capital 
 of $5,000,000 was subscribed by eight individuals and 
 firms, but the payment of $1,000,000 in specie before 
 the bank could commence operations, was a stumbling- 
 block which fortunately overthrew the project/'' 
 
 With regard to the territorial extent of the infant 
 republic, congress was not backward in defining 
 the boundaries. By an act of December 19th it was 
 declared that the civil and political jurisdiction of 
 Texas extended from the mouth of the Sabine to tlie 
 mouth of the Rio Grande, thence up the principal 
 stream of the latter river to its source ; thence due 
 north to the forty-second degree of north latitude, 
 thence along the boundary line as defined in the treaty 
 between the United States and Spain to the be- 
 ginning. The president was authorized and required 
 to open negotiations with the government of the 
 United States to ascertain the boundary line as 
 agreed upon in said treaty. These boundaries in- 
 cluded the greater and best portion of New Mexico, 
 to which Texas had not the shadow of a right. But 
 it is more easy to make a claim than substantiate it, 
 as Texas found to her cost at a later date, on the 
 occasion of the Ul-conducted expedition to Santa Fe. 
 
 ^ Tex. Laws, i. 128-32. 
 
 "^ He writes : ' The company would have been the great feudal landlord 
 of the whole, and held them by a feudal tenure. ' He attacked the scheme 
 severely in an article signed Franklin, published in a Matagorda paper. His 
 opposition gained for him many lasting enemies. Repub. Tex. , 18-19. 
 
 ^ Gouge states that even as it was, some people made money out of the 
 scheme. None of the subscribers paid anything. One of them sold his in- 
 terest to a speculator of New York for $30,000. Another disposed of his 
 interest for three leagues of lanc(, which he subsequently sold for |2.50 per 
 acre. Fiscal Hist, Tex., 60-1. 
 
298 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 After two months of assiduous labor, during which 
 the members of both houses appear to have been 
 guided by a spirit of patriotism and singleness of 
 purpose/congress closed its session, and adjourned tUl 
 the first Monday in May, 1837, when it was to meet 
 at the newly founded town of Houston, on Buffalo 
 Bayou, which by act of December 15th was declared 
 to be the seat of the government till 1840/* 
 
 Toward the close of the year Texas was bereaved, 
 not only of one of its most prominent patriots, but of 
 its father and founder as a great state. On November 
 15th Lorenzo de Zavala, whose health had been for 
 some time past failing, died at his residence on the 
 San Jacinto, near Lynchburg, fifty-five years of age. 
 The biography of this true friend of Texas, previous 
 to his exile from his native country, has already been 
 given. His arrival in Texas was hailed with joy; 
 and the appreciation in which his worth and love of 
 liberty were held, is shown by the important ap- 
 pointments which were conferred upon him by men 
 of a different race. His name wUl ever be cher- 
 ished among Texans as a champion of freedom. 
 
 Within little more than a month after the loss of 
 this patriot, Stephen Fuller Austin breathed his last at 
 Columbia. He had contracted a cold, which was suc- 
 ceeded by an attack of pneumonia, and died December 
 27th, at the comparatively early age of forty-three 
 years — father and son being thus victims of the same 
 disease. His remains, followed by the president and 
 his cabinet, both houses of congress, officers of the 
 government, and a large concourse of citizens, were 
 placed on board the Yellowstone, and conveyed to 
 Peach Point, Brazoria county, where they were in- 
 terred with funeral honors. His place in the cabinet 
 was filled by R. A. Irwin. 
 
 Stephen Fuller Austin was born November 3, 1793 
 
 ^' Anson Jones denounces the location of Houston as the seat of gov- 
 ernment, as being an unblushing speculation by members of the legis- 
 lature. Bepub. Tex., 18-19. 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF AUSTIN. 299 
 
 at Austinville, Wythe county, Virginia. In 1804, he 
 was sent to Colchester academy, in Connecticut, and 
 having remained there one year, he removed to an 
 academy at New London. At the age of fifteen, he 
 became a student of Transylvania University, Ken- 
 tucky, where he completed his education. When 
 twenty years of age, he was elected a member of the 
 territorial legislature of Missouri, and was regularly 
 reelected till 1819, in which year he went to Little 
 Rock, Arkansas, where he was made circuit judge of 
 that territory. Thence he moved to New Orleans, 
 in order to cooperate with his father in the projected 
 colonization scheme. On the death of Moses Austin, 
 his son, in obedience to his wishes, determined to carry 
 out the enterprise. His efforts, trials, and final suc- 
 cess in that undertaking are already before the reader. 
 Stephen Austin was eminently adapted as a leader 
 of settlers in an unknown country. Nurtured in his 
 childhood in the wilds of a frontier state, he imbibed 
 a familiarity with the wilderness and a fearlessness of 
 its dangers which never deserted him, while the liberal 
 education which he received well fitted him to occupy 
 the position of ruler, diplomatist, or commissioner. 
 As a commander of an army, he himself admits his 
 want of competency, and with eager willingness he 
 resigned his military appointment on the occasion of 
 his being chosen commissioner to the United States. 
 With regard to his character, I cannot do better than 
 transcribe his own words, which, however, make no 
 mention of his noble qualities, but reveal only his 
 weaknesses. Writing to Edwards, the Fredonian 
 leader, in 1825, he says: "My temper is naturally 
 hasty and impetuous; the welfare of the settlement 
 required that I should control it effectually, for one 
 in my situation, falling suddenly into a fit of passion, 
 might do hurt to the interests of hundreds. My dis- 
 position is by nature, also, open, unsuspecting, confid- 
 ing, and accommodating almost to a fault. I have 
 been, therefore, subject in a peculiar manner to impo- 
 
300 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 sition. Experience has enlightened me as to this 
 latter deficiency, I fear, almost too late, for I am ap- 
 prehensive of having fallen somewhat into the opposite 
 extreme." " 
 
 It was true as he says, that under the most trying 
 circumstances, and assailed by enemies, he exercised a 
 strong control over his impulses, fearful of inflicting 
 injury on others. He made self-assertion subordinate 
 to the public weal. But other traits of his character 
 remain to be added. His sense of equity and his con- 
 stancy, his perseverance and fortitude, his intelligence, 
 prudence, and sagacity, and lastly, his endurance 
 under persecution, benevolent forgiveness of injuries, 
 and far-reaching philanthropy mark him as no common 
 person, and place him on the pedestal of great men. 
 He was never married. During the first years of his 
 residence in Texas, his home was the house of S. Cas- 
 tleman, on the Colorado. Later, when his brother- 
 in-law, James F. Perry, removed to the colony, he 
 lived, when in Texas, with his sister, at Peach Point 
 plantation, in Brazoria county. Besides this sister, 
 he had a younger brother, named James Brown Aus- 
 tin, who was well known in Texas. ^^ 
 
 It cannot be said that at the opening of the new 
 year the situation of the young republic was flattering. 
 It is true that she was temporarily relieved from in- 
 
 '' Copy of an extract from this letter, which well describes his difficnlt 
 position with regard to decisions about land grants, and is marked by candor 
 and the frank admission on the part of the writer that he had committed 
 errors, wiU be found in Foote, i. 300-5. 
 
 ^^Tex. Aim., 1859, 153-60. From this article I quote the following ex- 
 tract: ' Sometimes the voice of detraction and obloquy was heard. Some- 
 times curses were heaped upon him by men whom he had served with 
 conscientious fidelity. But these are things which come to most men who 
 act a principal part in what is transpiring around them, and in Austin's case 
 these things were more than counterbalanced. The great body of his colo- 
 nists loved him, and he knew it. They had tried him, and had found him 
 to be true to them and to their interests. ' Thrall, Hht. Tex., 480-97; Kennedy, 
 ii. 270-2; Baker's Tex., 253-4; Yoakum, ii. 202-3. Linn, in his Remmis., 362, 
 says of Austin: 'He made many personal sacrifices of his own comfort and 
 property in the interest of his colonists, and was in return repaid by ingrati- 
 tude by too many of them. He had the patience of Franklin, and was a man 
 of solid rather than of brilliant parts. ' 
 
CONDITION OF THE COMMONWEALTH 301 
 
 vasion ; but the enemy still threatened, and there was 
 no certainty that a powerful army would not before 
 long be put in motion against her. Although in an 
 agricultural point of view, she had somewhat recov- 
 ered from the wide-spread desolation to which she had 
 been the victim, much land still remained abandoned, 
 and the people were universally impoverished. The 
 army, which it was still necessary to keep on foot to 
 the number of nearly 1,000 men,^' was reduced to a 
 destitute condition for want of food and clothing. The 
 government was overwhelmed with claims ; the treas- 
 ury was empty, and no immediate prospects of pecu- 
 niary relief could be expected. 
 
 But the year was not destined to pass without 
 Texas meeting with some outside encouragement. 
 The recognition of her independence had been the 
 subject of much discussion in the congress of the 
 United States, and many memorials from different 
 parts of that nation were addressed to the government 
 in behalf of it. In the north, however, considerable 
 opposition was brought to bear by the anti-slavery 
 party, which, foreseeing annexation as the ultimate 
 result, was strongly opposed to the adoption of a 
 measure that would create additional slave territory. 
 Apart from the question of slavery, there were others 
 of a commercial nature which also had weight. In 
 case Texas maintained her independence, she would 
 be able to open a market for English manufactures, 
 which would prove detrimental to the interests of the 
 United States. Again, if she were admitted into the 
 union, the anti-tariff party would gain preponderance 
 over that which sought to procure a monopoly for 
 American goods by protective duties. On December 
 22, 1836, a message of President Jackson, on the 
 suljject of the recognition of Texas was laid before 
 congress. At its conclusion he makes use of these 
 
 "Yoakum states that at the close of 1836 the Texan army consisted of 
 about 700 men enlisted for the period of the war, and 80 who had still six 
 months to serve, Hist. Tex., ii. 205. 
 
;i0'2 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 words: "Pruaence, therefore, seems to dictate that 
 we should still stand aloof, and maintain our present 
 attitude, if not until Mexico Itself or one of the great 
 foreign powers shall recognize the independence of 
 the new government, at least until the lapse of time 
 or the course of events shall have proved, beyond cavil 
 or dispute, the ability of the people of that country to 
 maintain their separate sovereignty, and to uphold 
 the government constituted by them." " 
 
 But it was well known that Jackson was in favor 
 of the recognition of the independence of Texas. On 
 January 11, 1837, "Walker, senator from Mississippi, 
 submitted a resolution to the senate to the effect that 
 the independence of Texas should be acknowledged, 
 urging as a reason that the threatened invasion of 
 that country had proved abortive, that the army of 
 General Bravo " had been reduced by desertion and 
 other causes to a very small number, that Bravo had 
 consequently resigned, and the invasion in all proba- 
 bility would be abandoned. After several efforts on 
 the part of Walker — who expressed himself convinced 
 that the president would cheerfully unite with con- 
 gress in recognizing the independence of Texas — ^to 
 bring his resolution to the vote, on March 1, 1837, it 
 was called up, and after some discussion, passed by a 
 vote of twenty -three to nineteen." On the following- 
 day a motion was made to reconsider the vote, but 
 was lost by a vote of twenty -four to twenty -four." 
 The negotiations, however, for the annexation of 
 Texas were not listened to by the United States gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Shortly after the passage of this resolution the 
 Texan minister in Washington was duly recognised, 
 and Alcee Labranche appointed by Jackson as charge 
 
 *'H. Ex. Doc, cong. 24, seas. 2., No. 35, p. 4. 
 
 *' Bravo had been appointed to the command in the place of Urrea, who 
 was removed on account of his leaning toward federalism. 
 
 ■*" Not as Yoakum states, — ii. 207 — twenty-three to twenty-two. 
 
 ^^Cong. Debntex, 1836, 1837, xiii. 360, 527,797,986, 1010-13, 1018. It 
 must be remarked that on March 1st, when the resolution was passed, six 
 members of the senate were absent. 
 
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 303 
 
 d'affaires to the new republic, the house of repre- 
 sentatives having made an appropriation for a diplo- 
 matic agent to that government. 
 
 It has already been mentioned that on April 17, 
 1837, the Independence was taken by two Mexican 
 brigs-of-war. On the vessel was William H. Wharton 
 who was on his return from the United States. He 
 was conveyed to Matamoros with the other captives, 
 and confined in prison. His brother. Colonel John 
 H. Wharton, having obtained permission and a flag, 
 proceeded thither with thirty Mexican prisoners, in 
 the hope of eflecting his release, but on his arrival he 
 was seized and thrown into a dungeon. William 
 Wharton in the meantime, by the aid of Captain 
 Thompson of the Mexican navy, escaped and reached 
 home. His brother, after an imprisonment of six 
 days, also succeeded in escaping and returned to 
 Texas. Thompson, who had agreed to desert the 
 enemy's ser\ace, had previously left Matamoros, his 
 departure being hastened by information given against 
 him to the authorities. 
 
 On May 1, 1837, congress reassembled at the town 
 of Houston, and on the 5th the president read his mes- 
 sage. Referring to the recognition of their independ- 
 ence by the United States, he said: "We now occupy 
 the proud attitude of a sovereign and independent re- 
 public," and toward the close of his address, remarked 
 that Texas, confident of her power to sustain the 
 rights for which she had contended, was not willing 
 to invoke the mediation of other powers. With re- 
 gard to the financial position of the government, it 
 could hardly have assumed a much worse state. On 
 account of the unfavorable condition of the money 
 market in the United States, no portion of the 
 $5,000,000 loan had been realized, and the land scrip" 
 
 *■' In order to raise means to meet the most pressing wants until some 
 portion of the $5,000,000 loan could be realized, the president had been 
 authorized by acts of December 10, 1836, to borrow $20,000, and to sell land 
 scrip to the amount of 500,000 acres, at a price not less than 50 cents per 
 
304 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 had produced nothing, owing to the questionable ac- 
 tion of the agents at New Orleans, who would render 
 no account of their transactions to the executive, and 
 dishonored drafts drawn upon them by the latter. 
 Speaking of the land-bUl, of December 22, 1836, 
 which had been vetoed by the president, but passed 
 by a constitutional majority — Houston stated that his 
 views on that question had undergone no change. He 
 considered that the bill was not adapted to the situa- 
 tion," inasmuch as no provision was made for section- 
 izing the public domain; and he recommended that 
 some plan should be devised that would ascertain all 
 the located lands of the country, by which method 
 the vacant lands would be readily indicated. Unless 
 some such precaution were adopted endless litigation 
 would be the consequence. On the subject of the 
 boundary question with the United States, he believed 
 that all trifling difficulties that had previously- existed 
 would be obviated by reference to tlae treaty of 1819 
 between Spain and that nation. In connection with 
 this question he called attention to a treaty recently 
 made by the government of the United States with 
 the Caddo Indians on the north-eastern frontier, by 
 which the latter ceded certain lands to the former. 
 The Caddo Indians, he said, were the principal ag- 
 gressors on the Texan frontiers, and showed a dispo- 
 sition to amalgamate with the wild tribes undoubtedly 
 within the unquestionable boundary of Texas. Urgent 
 remonstrances had been made to the government of 
 the United States by the Texan representatives at 
 Washington on the subject of the condition and dis- 
 position of these Indians. The army of Texas had 
 never been in a more favorable condition, and its im- 
 provement since the last session of congress was con- 
 spicuous. It had been successfully reorganized, and 
 
 acre. Thia scrip was issued to Toby and Bros, of New Orleans and David 
 White of Mobile, who were appointed agents for the government. Tex. 
 Laws, i. 76-7; 6ouge,ui sup., 62, 64 
 
 **The constitution provided that 'the whole territory of the republic 
 should be sectionized, in a manner hereafter to be prescribed by law.' Gen- 
 eral provisions sec. 10. Tex. Laws, i. 21. 
 
SLAVERY. 305 
 
 a system of discipline and subordination established. 
 By the reduction of the number of supernumerary 
 officers, its expenses had been diminished to $229,032 
 per annum." A similar favorable report could not be 
 made with regard to the navy, the insufficiency of 
 which required the serious consideration of congress. 
 A confidential officer had been despatched to the 
 United States for the purpose of purchasing such 
 vessels as would enable Texas to keep command of 
 the gulf The weak condition of the navy had not 
 been without injurious result upon commerce, which 
 had suffered to some extent. President Houston 
 next makes remarks upon the African slave trade, and 
 in conformity with the constitution" denounced it as 
 an unholy and cruel traffic. It being known that 
 thousands of Africans had lately been imported into 
 the island of "Cuba with the design of introducing a 
 portion of them into Texas, the ministers of the re- 
 public had made the matter a subject of representa- 
 tion December 15, 1836, an act was passed appropriating $700,000 to 
 defray the expenses of the army for the years 1836 and 1837; $150,000 those 
 of the navy; and $150,000, those of the executive and civil departments of 
 the government — in all $1,000,000. In case there should be no moneys in 
 the treasury when these demands were made upon it, according to law, the 
 secretary was authorii:ed to issue scrip to persons lawfully entitled to the 
 same. Id., i. 85-6. 
 
 *' In the general provisions of the constitution, sec. 9, the importation or 
 admission of Africans or negroes into the republic, excepting from the U. S. of 
 America, was forever prohibited, and declared to be piracy. The phrase- 
 ology ' excepting from the U. S. ' may seem at first sight singular. But it 
 must be borne in mind that most of the settlers in Texas came from the 
 , slave-holding states of the northern union; that those states were the stanch 
 allies of Texas, and by immigration from them she expected to increase her 
 population, strength, and prosperity. Unless future settlers were allowed 
 to bring their slaves it was weU known that they would be very few in 
 number. Moreover, the scarcity of labor and the abundance of rich land 
 made the tolerance of slave labor an impoVtaut item in the future progress 
 of the country. Thus, though Texas properly denounced the traifio in 
 African slaves, her vital interests required that she should not refuse to ad- 
 mit a system legalized in the states from which most of her immigrants 
 can-e, by allowing them to bring their property with them, and employ it 
 profitably alike to themselves and the republic. But her law on the sub- 
 ject was stringent. By act of Deo. 21, 1836, all persons convicted of intro- 
 ducing African slaves, with the above exception, were to sufifer death, with- 
 out benefit of clergy; the same penalty was to be inflicted upon persons who 
 should introduce any slave or slaves from the U. S., except such as had been 
 previously introduced and held in slavery in that republic, in conformity 
 with the laws of that government. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 20. 
 
306 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 tion to the government at Washington, to enable it 
 to devise means of preventing the landing of slaves 
 in Texas, which the insufficiency of her own navy- 
 precluded her from doing. This last consideration 
 should be a sufficient reason to redeem the republic 
 from the suspicion of connivance, and induce both 
 England and the United States to employ such a 
 portion of their force in the gulf as would arrest the 
 traffic. England, he believed, would not regard the 
 prosperity of Texas with unkind feelings. A corres- 
 pondence with the Mexican consul at New Orleans 
 had been opened, containing propositions for the ex- 
 change of prisoners. No official response had been 
 received from that government, but nevertheless 
 Houston was of opinion that all the prisoners should 
 be released and allowed to leave the shores of Texas 
 as soon as they could do so." 
 
 The most important question which occupied con- 
 gress during 1837 was that of the land bill. During 
 the two sessions held this year," the matter was 
 brought up again and again, and several acts amend- 
 ing the original one were passed. One difficulty arose 
 from the requirement, by the provision of the consti- 
 tution, that the public domain should be sectionized, 
 instead of being laid off in leagues and labors after the 
 Spanish land system. The older settlers were opposed 
 to this new plan, and, as seen, it was not adopted. It 
 was no easy matter to solve this problem of the dis- 
 posal of the public lands. There were many knotty 
 points involved in it. On the closing of the land- 
 offices in November 1836, hundreds of land titles, 
 many of them corruptly issued by the legislature of 
 Coahuila and Texas, or fraudulently obtained by land 
 speculators, were lying incomplete in the commission- 
 
 <'The Mexican prisoners were first placed under guard on Galveston 
 Island where their privations were very severe. On August 10, 1836, they 
 were removed to AnShuac, and thence to Liberty. On April 25, 1837, they 
 were finally released. Delgado's Diary; Linn's Hemiiiis., 246. 
 
 " The president called a special session of congress in Sept. 25th, which 
 merged into the regular session. 
 
LAND MATTERS. 307 
 
 ers' offices. The grants to empresarios and titles de- 
 pending thereon had to be considered. To distinguish 
 legitimate claims and guard against fraud was a most 
 difficult matter ; and to frame a bill that would defeat 
 the ingenuity of land-stealers without violating the 
 rights of citizens of Texas, justly acquired under the 
 legislations of Mexico, of Coahuila and Texas, and 
 even of Texas herself, was almost an impossibility. 
 Again, land bounties had been granted to the volun- 
 teers who had so valiantly stepped forward to aid 
 Texas in her direst need, and land scrip had been sold 
 in the United States. To protect the soldier and 
 colonist in the priority of choice of location against 
 unprincipled speculators, who supported their prior 
 claims by perjury," was no easy matter. Head-rights 
 of individuals were purchased by numbers of persons 
 who never intended to make Texas their home ; names 
 of natives — to whom exceptional privileges as to ex- 
 tent of grants were extended — were used to substan- 
 tiate claims, and in fault of this recourse, fictitious 
 names were supplied, and head-rights under them ob- 
 tained. No legislature has ever had the task of un- 
 ravelling a more complicated entanglement of just 
 with unjust claims, or has been called upon to devise 
 a law that could discriminate between rights almost 
 equipoised in the scale of justice. When the decree 
 of November 1835 was passed, many old settlers and 
 many soldiers entitled to the land bounty were in the 
 field, and continued in service long afterward. By 
 opening the land-office and recommencing the distri- 
 bution of grants, these men, in tlieir absence, would 
 be deprived of their just right to prior choice of loca- 
 tion. This was one of Houston's reasons for opposing 
 the passage of the land law of December 22, 1836. 
 The law was to have gone into effect June 1, 1837, 
 
 *' Speaking of the land law of 1838 — of which mention will be made in the 
 text — Anson Jones, who voted in favor of it, says: 'The greatest fault, after 
 all, that can be found with this bill is that it did not stop perjury; for aside 
 from perjury, which no law can stop, few evils have grown out of it. The 
 law itself possesses every possible safeguard against fraud.' Bepub, Tex., 20. 
 
308 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 but the opposition to it caused it to be suspended till 
 October 1st of that year; and on September 30th, in 
 consideration of the president's statement that prepa- 
 rations were being made to run the boundary line 
 between Texas and the United States, which would 
 doubtless increase the limits of the former's civil and 
 political jurisdiction, a joint resolution was adopted to 
 suspend the operation of the land-office until the fur- 
 ther action of congress. Knally, on December 1 4th, 
 the several acts being amended, were reduced to one 
 act, and a general land law adopted." Under this 
 law, a commissioner of the general land-office, with a 
 salary of $3,000 a year, was to be appointed by the 
 president, with the advice and consent of the 
 senate. For each county a surveyor was to be ap- 
 pointed, and a board of commissioners, whose duty it 
 was to investigate claims for head-rights, and grant 
 certificates upon proof of right being established. 
 Persons advancing claims under the old colonization 
 laws were required to take oath that they were resi- 
 dent in Texas at the time of the declaration of inde- 
 pendence, that they had not left the country during 
 the campaign of the spring of 1836, and prove by two 
 or more creditable witnesses that they were actually 
 citizens of Texas at the date of the declaration of in- 
 dependence. In this provision, widows and orphans 
 were excepted. Conflicting claims were to be tried 
 before the nearest justice of the peace and six disin- 
 terested jurors. Empresario contracts having ceased 
 at the date of the independence, all vacant lands in- 
 cluded in such grants were declared the property of 
 the republic. Surveyors' field-notes, with county 
 commissioners' certificates, were to be sent to the 
 commissioner of the general land-office, who, on their 
 being found to be correct, and the locations therein 
 described situated on vacant lands, was authorized to 
 issue patents signed by the president and countersigned 
 
 *' This law was also vetoed by the president, but was speedily passed in 
 both houses by a constitutioual majority. 
 
GENERAL CONDITION AND PROSPECTS. 309 
 
 by himself. Each county was declared to constitute 
 a section, and each surveyor was required to make out 
 a map of his respective county, on which the plots of 
 deeded lands were to be fairly shown. Lastly, audited 
 claims against the government were made receivable 
 in payment of public dues on lands for a quantity not 
 exceeding two leagues and two labors for any one in- 
 dividual. 
 
 The land office was to be opened for old settlers and 
 soldiers on the first Thursday in February, 1838, and 
 for other claimants six months later. Though the 
 law was defective, and under it many fraudulent 
 claims were passed through the formalities necessary 
 to secure titles, it was the best that could be secured 
 at that time, without conflicting with rights acquired 
 under former legislations. Early in 1838 a large 
 number of claims were presented and decided upon, 
 old Spanish grants being generally sustained, owing 
 to the conflicting interests in the Texan legislature, 
 which had the power to set aside grants only on the 
 ground of non-performance of conditions. 
 
 Among the acts of congress in 1837, mention must 
 be made of one which was passed June 12th, pro- 
 viding for the sale of Galveston and other islands 
 belonging to the republic, in lots of from ten to forty 
 acres. Anson Jones denounced this action; but it 
 must be observed that, while affording some relief to 
 the government in its financial straits, it gave a great 
 impulse to the growth of the new town of Galveston, 
 which soon became the most important seaport of 
 Texas. 
 
 During the last session of the congress in this year, 
 much attention was paid to incorporating towns, to 
 defining the boundaries of old counties and creating 
 new ones." Having remained in session from Sep- 
 
 ^^The towns of Shelbyville, Brazoria, Richmond, San Felipe de Austin, 
 Lagrange, San Antonio, Victoria, Gonzalez, Matagorda, Mina, Houston, 
 Washington, Crockett, Refugio, Columbia, Clarksville, Lexington, Milam, 
 Goliad, San Patricio, and Jonesborough, were all incorporated during this 
 session. The new counties of Montgomery, Fayette, Fannin, Robertson, 
 
310 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 tember 25th to the end of December, it adjourned till 
 May, 1838. 
 
 The prospects of the republic now held out prom- 
 ises of permanency and success. The crops of 1837 
 had been unexpectedly good; immigrants were flock- 
 ing into the country, whereby the imports were 
 increased, and the revenue from tariff dues propor- 
 tionately augmented ; lands were rising in price ; and 
 commerce was assuming a prosperous condition. 
 From Mexico, Texas had nothing to fear for the 
 present, as that nation was embroiled with France, 
 whose navy blockaded her ports in April, 1838, to 
 enforce the payment of certain claims against her, 
 made by the French government. Relieved from the 
 presence of the, enemy in the gulf, trade was not only 
 safely carried on with New Orleans, but was extended 
 to eastern cities of the United States, while the 
 western frontier enjoyed rest from war. 
 
 Though military operations during these two years 
 may be said to have ceased, considerable trouble was 
 caused by Indians in the frontier portions of the 
 republic. In search of the best lands, locaters 
 pushed forward into regions regarded by the Indians 
 as their hunting grounds, and the latter, instigated by 
 Mexican agents, opposed these encroachments, not 
 unreasonably believing their assertions that the white 
 people would deprive them of their lands. A number 
 of murders were committed by the savages, and a 
 special corps was organized to suppress their depreda- 
 tions. Several conflicts of minor importance were 
 
 and Fort Bend were created. Tex. Laws, ii. 12-122 passim. The original 
 counties, according to a list supplied by TiiraU, Hist. Tex. 2S7, were: 
 Austin, Brazoria, Bejar, Sabine, Gonzalez, Goliad, Harrisburg, Jasper, 
 Jeflferson, Liberty, Matagorda, Miua, Nacogdoches, Red River, Victoria, 
 San Augustine, Shelby, Refugio, San Patricio, AYashington, Milam, Jackson, 
 and Colorado. It should be remarked that some of the towns above men- 
 tioned had been incorporated in the previous session by act of June 5th, 
 whicli declared Nacogdoches, San Augustine, Texaua, Washington, Brazoria, 
 Columbia, Velasoo, Richmond, Matagorda, Columbus in Colorado county. 
 Independence in Washington coxmty, Houston, Bejar, Nashville, Sarahville, 
 AnShuac, Bevilport, and Harrisburg, were aU declared incorporated towns, 
 as was abo Liberty two days later. 
 
INDIAN DIFFICULTIES. 311 
 
 engaged in, which did not always result in victory for 
 the Texans. The fight most disastrous to the white 
 men took place in Navarro county, in the fall of 1838. 
 Captain William M. Love, with a party of twenty- 
 four men, while engaged in a land-locating expedition, 
 met a large number of Indians, who declared their 
 intention to kill them if they did not desist from their 
 survey. Love, with another man, at this juncture, 
 returned for a compass to supply the place of one 
 which had got out of order, leaving urgent injunctions 
 to his comrades to desist from their work and join the 
 Indians in buflfalo hunting until their return. Love's 
 advice was neglected ; the Indians, true to their word, 
 attacked the Texans and killed seventeen of them. 
 The Indians lost three times that number. Tliis en- 
 gagement became known as the fight of Battle Creek.'*' 
 On October 25th of the same year, Colonel Ned en- 
 gaged in a fierce battle at Jose Maria village, later 
 Fort Graham, with the Comanches, General Rusk 
 having a few days previously, at the head of 200 
 men, fought with a combined force of Indians and 
 Mexican marauders at the Kickapoo town, near Fort 
 Houston, on the Trinity. In both these conflicts the 
 savages were defeated. 
 
 According to the report of the commissioner-general 
 of the land-office, 10,890 certificates had been issued 
 by the different county boards up to November 1, 
 1838, representing 26,242,199 acres, whde the secre- 
 tary of war reported that up to October 15th, 2,990,000 
 acres had been distributed to soldiers as land boun- 
 ties." The issues of land scrip amounted to 2,193,000 
 
 '^ An account of it is given in Tex. Aim., 1868, 52-3. Further particulars 
 •with regard to Indian affairs, will be found in Niles' Reg. liii., index, p. vii., 
 Id., iv. 19, 65, 69, 98, 178, 198, 215; Houston's Mess. Ind. Aff., INov. 19, 1838; 
 Pinmt's Tex. Col. Doc., Nos. 19, 65, MS. Filisola, Mem. Ouerra Tex., ii. 131-5; 
 Tex. Misc. Pamph., Nos. 11, 13. 
 
 *' Owing to defect in the laws regulating bounty lands, many instances 
 had occurred of a soldier claiming twice the amount it was intended that he 
 should receive. Enlisting for a definite period, he obtained his discharge 
 and received his land; then reenlisting, he claimed the same amount again. 
 Heport of Sec. of War, in Tex, Misc. Pamph., no. 7, p. 13-14, 28; Oouge, 
 Fisc. Hist. Tei-., 82-3. 
 
312 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. 
 
 acres, of which scrip to the amount of 870,000 acres 
 had been returned by the agents, and a portion repre- 
 senting 60,800 acres had been funded. 
 
 In a financial point of view, the outlook was bad. 
 The public debt had been increased, and the credit of 
 the republic was well-nigh exhausted. On June 7, 
 1837, an act was passed for funding the debt, by the 
 provisions of which the government stock thereby 
 created should bear an interest of ten per centum a 
 year, and be redeemable at the discretion of the gov- 
 ernment at any time after September 1, 1842. Two 
 days later, another act authorized the president to 
 issue promissory notes to the amount of $500,000, 
 which were made receivable in payment of dues to 
 the government. From the report of the secretary 
 of the treasury, November 3, 1838, it appears that 
 the funded debt amounted to $427,200, consisting of 
 military scrip in the sum of $396,800 and land scrip 
 of $30,400. With regard to promissory notes, a bill 
 was passed through both houses early in May author- 
 izing the issue to be increased to $1,000,000. This 
 act the president vetoed, and in his message on the 
 subject urged as his main reason the depreciation 
 which such notes had already suffered in the money 
 market." Another bill was then introduced, author- 
 izing the president to reissue the promissory notes as 
 they returned into the treasury, and leaving the ques- 
 tion of increasing the issue to $1,000,000 to his discre- 
 tion. After some discussion the bill was passed, Mav 
 18th, and approved by Houston. The amount of 
 promissory notes in circulation at the end of Novem- 
 ber 1838, according to a communication from the sec- 
 retary of the treasury to the senate, was $739,739.** 
 As the unpaid audited claims amounted to over 
 $775,000, it appears that the indebtedness of the re- 
 
 '^ ' A^Hien the first issue reached New Orleans last autumn, it was passed 
 at a slight discount, but as the Quantity increased in that market, the depre- 
 ciation increased, until the value of the paper was reduced to forty cents ou 
 the dollar.' HovMnn's iVcisage, May 12, 1838, in Tex. Mhc. PampL, no. 10. 
 
 '"The communication bears the date of Nov. 29, 1838; copy in Id., no. 9. 
 
riNANCIAL AFFAIRS. 313 
 
 public at the close of 1838 was nearly $1,942,000." 
 Notwithstanding this debt and the diminution of in- 
 come by making the promissory notes receivable in 
 payment of public dues, the prospects of relief were 
 not wanting. A deep interest was taken in Texan 
 securities by persons in the United States; from im- 
 port duties, up to September 1838, the net receipts 
 had amounted to $278,134, and this source of revenue 
 was expected proportionately to increase with the rap- 
 idly increasing population and commerce. Gouge, in 
 his Fiscal History of Texas, sneers at the financial op- 
 erations of the new government; but it is difficult to 
 conceive by what other methods it could have main- 
 tained itself during this period of poverty and neces- 
 sity. 
 
 By a provision of the constitution, the term of office 
 of the first president was limited to two years, without 
 his being eligible to reelection; succeeding presidents 
 were to hold their office for three years. Houston's 
 term consequently expired on the second Monday in 
 December 1838. The elections were held on Septem- 
 ber 3d, the candidates being Mirabeau B. Lamar, 
 Peter W. Grayson, James Collingsworth, and Robert 
 Wilson. Before the election, Grayson and Collings- 
 worth put an end to their lives, the former at Bean's 
 station in Tennessee, and the latter by throwing him- 
 self from a steamer into Galveston Bay.'* Mirabeau 
 B. Lamar was chosen president almost unanimously,'^" 
 and David G. Burnet, vice-president. 
 
 *'The exact amount for the fiscal year ending Sept. 30, 1838, was 
 11,886,425. Sec. of Treasury's Repcn-t, Nov. 3, 1838; Yoakum, ii. 249. Consult 
 Gouge, ut»up., 115. 
 
 ^ The canvass was a very bitter one, and the Texan newspapers abounded 
 in recriminations and abuse in the political discussion. Yoakum., ii. 245, itO; 
 Thrall, 300, 528, 546. John A. Wharton, member of congress from Brazoria, 
 also died this year. 
 
 69The votes cast were: for Lamar, 6,995; for Wilson, 252. Id., 300. 
 
CHAP PER XIII. 
 
 LAMAB'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 1838-1841. 
 
 Presidents' Views on Annexation — His Message to Congress — Origin 
 OF the Texan Kangers — Financial Matters — Hamilton 'b Mission to 
 Europe — His Failure to Effect a Loan — Indian Warfare — The 
 Nacogdoches Revolt — Mexican Intrigues — The Mission and Death 
 of Flores — Expulsion of the Cherokees — Fight at San Antonio — Ajj 
 Indian Raid— Massacre of the Comanches — The Federal Campaign — 
 Baitle of Alcanteo — Republic of the Rio Grande Proclaimed — 
 Treacherous Allies — Battle of Saltillo — The Santa Fe Expedition — 
 Its Object and Disastrous Result — ^The New Capital — Recognition 
 BY France and England — Relations with Mexico — English Media- 
 tion Rejected — Houston Re-elected President — Condition of the 
 Republic. 
 
 President Lamar delivered his inaugural address to 
 congress on the 9th of December. The most note- 
 worthy portion of it is that in which he expressed 
 his views in regard to annexation to the United 
 States. On that subject he said: "I have never 
 been able myself to perceive the policy of the 
 desired connection, or discover in it any advantage 
 either civil, political, or commercial, which could pos- 
 sibly result to Texas. But on the contrary, a lono- 
 train of consequences of the most appalling character 
 and magnitude have never failed to present themselves 
 whenever I have entertained the subject, and forced 
 upon my mind the unwelcome conviction that the 
 step once taken would produce a lasting regret." He 
 then ermmerates the rights which Texas would have 
 to give up with the surrender of her independence, 
 and draws a bright picture of her possibilities as a 
 sovereign nation, remarking that he could not 
 "regard the annexation of Texas to the American 
 
 (314) 
 
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 315 
 
 union in any other light than as the grave of all her 
 hopes of happiness and greatness.'" 
 
 On December 21st he submitted his message to the 
 two houses. It is a lengthy document and sets forth 
 unreservedly the president's future line of policy. He 
 advocated the speedy adoption of measures to provide 
 for a system of public education, and urged congress 
 to promote a general diffusion of knowledge and in- 
 dustry by the appropriation of lands for educational 
 purposes and the establishment of a university. The 
 municipal code, which embraced a portion of two 
 systems discordant in their provisions required 
 reforms. 
 
 With regard to the frontier question, he said, that the 
 outlying settlers were continually exposed tp predatory 
 aggression on the part of Mexican banditti and the 
 barbarous warfare waged by hostile Indians; that 
 moderation extended to the natives had been followed 
 by the perpetration of atrocious cruelties; a merciful 
 policy had only acted as an incentive to savage tribes 
 to persevere in their barbarities, and it was time that 
 an exterminating war was opened against them, 
 which would " admit of no compromise, and have no 
 termination except in their total extinction, or total 
 expulsion." He did not consider that the government 
 was under any moral obligation to carry out the con- 
 ditions of the " solemn decree" passed November 13, 
 1835, by the consultation,'' and the treaty made con- 
 sequent upon it in February, 1836, inasmuch as the 
 Indians had repeatedly violated its provisions. 
 Friendly tribes should be allowed to occupy suitable 
 portions of land. For the protection of the frontiers, 
 he proposed the establishment of a line of military 
 posts, and as a general protection of the country 
 against possible invasion by Mexico, the organization 
 of a militia, and the encouragement of volunteer asso- 
 ciations. 
 
 ^ Lamar, Inmig. Address, in Tex. Misc. Pa/mph., no. 12, 
 '■' See note 40, chap, ix, this volume. 
 
316 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 Lamar discussed at length the subject of finance. 
 Though opposed to levying burdensome taxes on a 
 people still struggling to repair the desolation caused 
 by the war, or laboring under the embarrassments 
 incident to new settlements, the exigency of the times, 
 nevertheless, urgently required that the land tax 
 should not be abated. Lands, however, ought to he 
 more equally and uniformly assessed. While admitting 
 the same necessity for continuing the tariff laws, under 
 the existing straitened circumstances of the govern- 
 ment, he expressed his decided bias for free trade. 
 "I look forward," he says, "to a period, I hope near 
 at hand, when we shall be able, and will find it to be 
 our interest, to invite the commerce of the world to 
 our free and open ports." "The radical policy cf 
 Texas is anti-tariff, because its commercial commodities 
 are of raw material which fears no impost rivalrj', and 
 paying no contributions to manufactories." The im- 
 mediate adoption of free trade would, however, 
 exhibit a recklessness and imprudence, which would 
 not fail to affect the credit of Texas abroad. 
 
 He then proposed the establishment of a national 
 bank to be "the exclusive property, and under the 
 exclusive control of the republic," branches of which 
 were to be established at every convenient point. 
 Such a bank, he maintained, would be supported by 
 the triple security of the hypothecation of a com- 
 petent portion of the public domain, the guarantee of 
 the plighted faith of the nation, and an adequate 
 deposit of specie in its vaults." With regard to 
 the deposit of specie he remarks: "It is evident, 
 that a bank so constituted, the exclusive property of 
 a stable and popular government, and combining the 
 three guarantees, of land, specie, and the public fiiitli, 
 would not require to retain in its vaults as large a 
 proportion of dormant capital as is acknowledged to 
 
 * He does not, however, state where the specie was to come from. See 
 the remarks of Gouge on this illusory scheme, which, if carried out, would 
 have entailed untold evils on the people of Texas. Fisc. Hist. Ttx., 87-92. 
 
MILITAKY AND FINANCE 317 
 
 be indispensable to the safe conduct of a private insti- 
 tution.'' 
 
 In order to follow consecutively the financial policy 
 whicli ruled during the administration of Lamar, it 
 will be necessary to furnish the reader with the most 
 important particulars down to the end of his term. 
 On December 21, 1838, it was enacted that a regi- 
 ment of 840 mounted men, rank and file, should be 
 raised for the protection of the frontiers, their term 
 of service to be three years; and that $300,000 in 
 promissory notes of the government should be appro- 
 priated for that purpose. On the 29th it was pro- 
 vided that this force should be increased by another 
 regiment consisting of 472 mounted volunteers, rank 
 and file, for which an appropriation was made of 
 $75,000. These volunteers were called to serve foi 
 six months, and to these corps is ascribed the origin 
 of the famous Texan Rangers who, drawn to a great 
 extent, from the frontier settlers, formed a bulwark 
 to the interior settlements as very successful Indian 
 fighters.'* On January 26, 1839, 112 additional rang- 
 ers were ordered to be raised, a sum of $1,000,000 
 having been appropriated two days previously for the 
 protection of the frontier and general military pur- 
 poses. 
 
 As a Texan navy no longer existed, on January 
 10th a contract made by agents of the republic 
 with General James Hamilton for the purchase of 
 the steam-ship Zavala for the sum of $120,000 was 
 sanctioned by act of congress; and on the 26th 
 $250,000, in promissory notes of the government, 
 were appropriated for the payment of the price of an 
 aighteen-gun ship, two war brigs of twelve guns each, 
 and three schooners of six guns each. 
 
 *Wliich is equivalent to saying that the establishment could be main- 
 tained by paper money of the public credit without anxiety about the 
 amount of metallic deposits. A bill to incorporate the Bank of the Republic 
 of Texas was read a second time, January 21, 1839, and then laid on the 
 table. 
 
 ^Marey, Thirty years of Army Life, 63; Hay's Life, 7-11, 17, 33. 
 
318 LAMAB'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 A supplementary act was passed, January, 22d, 
 bearing upon the $5,000,000 loan authorized to be 
 raised by act of May 16, 1838. By provisions of 
 the first mentioned enactment the pledges of security 
 were strengthened. The president was authorized to 
 affix the seal of the republic to bonds or certificates 
 of stock issued, and when the government should 
 deem it expedient to sell the public lands, $300,000 
 of the proceeds were to be annually set apart, and a 
 sinking fund formed for the redemption of the loan. 
 On the same day the president was authorized to 
 issue bonds to the amount of $1,000,000, at eight per 
 centum per annum. 
 
 The IJnited States had lately passed through a 
 crisis in banking speculations. All reliable banks 
 were extremely cautious at this time, and Texan 
 securities were not regarded by their managers as 
 worth investing in. It was, therefore, necessary to 
 look to some other country for relief Accordingly, 
 General James Hamilton, of South Carolina, who 
 had shown himself a warm friend of Texas, was 
 offered the appointment as commissioner to Europe 
 to procure the loan. He accepted the position and 
 his mission being known in the United States a loan 
 was obtained of $280,000, dependent on his eventual 
 success. But of this amount little more than $62,000 
 was received in the treasury, the balance being in- 
 vested in arms and supplies for the forces now en- 
 gaged in opposing the serious inroads of the Indians. 
 Hamilton went to London and Paris, but while his 
 negotiations were being conducted with every proba- 
 bility of success — having reported, February 4, 1840, 
 that he had "concluded a contract with the bank of 
 Messrs J. Lafitte & Company for the Texan loan" — 
 a quarrel occurred between M. D. Saligny, and the 
 French minister to Texas, ° and an hotel-keeper in 
 
 ^ It is necessary to state that France recognized the independence of 
 Texas, and signed, Sept. 25, 1839, a treaty of commerce and independence. 
 Foumel, 21; Barky, Tex., 5; Kenmihj, ii. 346-8. Consult Niks' Re(j., liv. 
 321; Ivii. 1, 66, 120, 132, 150, 256; also fd., box. 404:-5, regarding corres- 
 
PUBLIC INDEBTEDNESS. 319 
 
 which the Texan minister of state became involved. 
 Saligiiy was the brother-in-law of the French minis- 
 ter of finance, and as the protection of French gov- 
 ernment had been procured for the negotiation of the 
 loan in France, the representations of Saligny were 
 sufficient to upset previous arrangements. Owing to 
 this ridiculous personal quarrel ' Hamilton failed. He 
 was equally unsuccessful in England. 
 
 Meantime treasury notes had been issued and re- 
 issued as fast as they came in in payment of import 
 dues. The credit of Texas now became exhausted. 
 Bad as was her financial condition at the beginning 
 of Lamar's presidency, when the end of his term 
 arrived it was infinitely worse. Gouge states that as 
 far as it can be ascertained, the public debt increased, 
 during his three years of service, from $1,887,526 to 
 $7,300,000, and the securities, which at the time of 
 his entry into ofiice were at from sixty-five cents to 
 eighty-five cents per dollar, were not worth more than 
 fifteen to twenty cents." 
 
 Though Lamar's administration, in a financial point 
 of view, cannot be looked upon as a success, consider- 
 ation must be allowed for his position. The greatest 
 difficulty which he had to contend with at home was 
 the hostile and aggressive attitude of the Indians on 
 
 poudenoe between the U. S. minister at Paris and the French minister of 
 foreign affairs regarding Texas. A protest was entered by Mexico against 
 the above recognition. Mex. Mem. Gwirra, 1840, 4G-9; Mex. Mem. Relac. 
 Exter., 1840, in Diario del Gob. Mex., May 20, 1840, in Mex. Mem. Min. Rel, 
 i. Doc. 12. 
 
 'See Gouge, utsup., 108-11. 
 
 ^ Consult Mennican Hunt's Address, Nov. 30, 1848, 4^6, in which he remarks 
 in a foot-note that ' the large appropriations and issues of treasury notes 
 under Lamar's administration were made in anticipation of the $5,000,000 
 of bonds which were authorized by one law, and the §1,000,000 of bonds 
 authorized by another. Gouge's statement with regard to Texan securities 
 is at variance with Pres. Houston's assertion that promissory notes had de- 
 preciated to forty cents on the dollar. This assertion was made in his mes- 
 sage of May 12, 1838. It is not easily to be understood how the government 
 scrip, after an increase of issue, could ever have doubled its value. From 
 the first issue of the treasury notes the credit of Texas declined. Finding 
 her paper obligations had no effect in raising it, and during the period of 
 her republican existence, the financial operations of her government were 
 never successful. 
 
320 LAMAK'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the frontier. New-comers were very careless about 
 making encroachments, and frontier-men were fearless 
 of risks. Provided that they could obtain rich land, 
 they were prepared to take the chance of holding it 
 against the savages. A great immigration into Texas, 
 after the battle of San Jacinto and Santa Anna's sub- 
 sequent pledges, had taken place ; speculators invested 
 in the government scrip, and settlers flocked into the 
 country in such numbers that their influence overpow- 
 ered that of the pioneers. The new-comers, in their 
 greediness to grasp the best lands, pushed forward 
 into domains occupied , not only by friendly Indians, 
 but by hostile tribes. The speculator with his sur- 
 veyor penetrated into districts which hitherto had 
 been admitted to be the hunting-grounds of the native 
 race. It is not diflScult to draw the conclusion. Though 
 Texas was relieved from fear of invasion by her na- 
 tional foe, her borders became subject to ceaseless ir- 
 ruptions made by Indians. It is beyond the scope of 
 this work to enter into details of this frontier warfare, 
 or describe the many atrocities committed, the hard- 
 contested struggles, and the numerous exhibitions of 
 personal courage on both sides. Many a household 
 was made desolate, women and children being carried 
 into captivity worse than death. Many a time the 
 rangers fought and beat thrice their number, and 
 many a deed of individual heroism remains unrecorded. 
 The narration, however, of the main events cannot 
 be omitted. During the latter part of 1838, a revolt 
 occurred, which has been called the ISTacogdoches re- 
 bellion. In August of that year the Mexican settlers 
 assembled in considerable numbers on the banks of 
 the Angelina, and being joined by 300 Indians, by 
 the 10th their force amounted to 600 men, under the 
 leadership of Nathaniel Norris, Vicente C6rdova, and 
 others. President Houston, who was then at Nacog- 
 doches, received a communication from these leaders, 
 disclaiming allegiance to Texas ; the malecontents then 
 directed their march to the Cherokee nation. A 
 
INDIAN WARS AND REVOLUTION. 321 
 
 requisition for men having been made, General Rusk 
 was sent forward with the main body toward the 
 headquarters of Bowles, the Cherokee chief, while 
 Major Augustin, with a detachment of 150 men, fol- 
 lowed the trail of the malecontents. Rusk presently 
 discovered that the Mexican leaders had gone to the 
 head-waters of the Trinity river, his followers had 
 dispersed, and many of them returned to their homes 
 without any blood being shed.' The object of this 
 curious attempt at revolution has never been fully 
 explained, but the leaders soon recognized the hope- 
 lessness of it. 
 
 Cordova had been in correspondence with the enemy 
 at Matamoros, and appears to have held a commission 
 from Filisola '" to raise the Indians as auxiliaries to 
 the Mexican army. Early in 1839, Filisola was suc- 
 ceeded by General Canalizo, who, on February 27th, 
 issued instructions to the captains and chiefs of the 
 friendly nations, incitiag them to wage incessant war 
 against Texas, and laying down a plan of campaign 
 for their guidance. Mexico, he said, being engaged 
 in war with France, could not at present resume oper- 
 ations against the revolted province, but the friendly 
 tribes had it in their power to prevent the enemy from 
 taking advantage of fortunate circumstances. They 
 were, however, cautioned not to advance too near the 
 frontier of the United States, but should occupy the 
 line of San Antonio de Bejar, about the Guadalupe,, 
 and from the heads of the San Marcos to their mouths. 
 This position would have the advantage of keeping 
 the enemy in front, and a friendly nation in the rear, 
 besides cutting off the enemy's commerce with the in- 
 terior of Mexico, and furnishing abundant spoil. They 
 were "not to cease to harass the enemy for a single 
 day; to bum their habitations; to lay waste their 
 fields, and to prevent them assembling in great num- 
 
 ' Houston issued a proclamation, Aug. 8th, requiring them to return to. 
 their homes, under penalty of being declared enemies of the republic. R(dt~ 
 Imidcr, Sept. 1838, in Yoaleum, ii. 245-6. 
 
 1" Filisola had been reinstated in his command on the Rio Grande 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 21 
 
3'2l' LAiXAR'S ADMINISTEATION. 
 
 bers, by rapid and well-concerted efforts." In case 
 they should succeed in uniting in a considerable num- 
 ber, they were to be harassed day and night, and oper- 
 ations to be directed with the greatest vigor against 
 distant points." 
 
 Such was Canalizo's plan to launch against Texas a 
 thunderbolt of desolation. Manuel Flores was ap- 
 pointed commissioner to the Indians, and provided 
 with letters of a like tenor to the principal chiefs and 
 Cordova, who was instructed to concert with him in 
 conducting the proposed operations. Happily for 
 Texas, an event occurred which warned her of her 
 danger, and prevented the dire plot from being carried 
 into effect. Flores started on his mission, and on 
 May 14th passed between Bexar and Seguin with a 
 party consisting of twenty -five Mexicans and Indians. 
 Having committed several murders, they were pur- 
 sued by Lieutenant James O. Rice, with seventeen 
 men, and were overtaken about fifteen miles from 
 Austin. In the engagement which followed, Flores 
 and two of his marauders were killed, the rest being- 
 put to flight. By this fortunate result, Canalizo's 
 correspondence and instructions fell into the hands of 
 the victors, and the whole plot was revealed to the 
 Texan government. A considerable quantity of am- 
 munition and over 100 mules and horses were also 
 captured.'^ 
 
 Lamar's Indian policy, as the reader is aware, 
 was the very reverse of that of the previous ad- 
 ministration. But conciliatory measures were no 
 longer possible; pioneers would push forward into 
 lands occupied by native tribes, and the Indians 
 would take their revenge. Texas was no exception to 
 the rule that wherever the aboriginal American and 
 the European came in contact, the former had to give 
 
 '^ Copy of these instructions will be found in U. S. Sen. Doc. , cong. 32, 
 sess. 2, no. 14, 31-2. 
 
 '■^ Some of the intercepted letters were addressed to the chiefs of the Cad- 
 does and Seminoles, and to Big Mush and Bowles of the Cherokees. Id. , 27, 
 35; Yoahim, ii. 257-60. 
 
CHEROKEES. 323 
 
 way The lands occupied for many years by the 
 Cherokees became subject to similar invasion. Their 
 title had never been disputed. They had been recog- 
 nized by the Mexican authorities, had never intruded 
 on the whites, and in a great measure had become an 
 agricidtural tribe. But their territory "in point of 
 richness of soil, and the beauty of situation, water, 
 and productions would vie with the best portions of 
 Texas." '' 
 
 Their lands were consequently encroached on, and 
 the usual retaliatory murders followed. When, how- 
 ever, the papers of which Manuel Flores was bearer 
 to the chiefs of the Cherokees came into the posses- 
 sion of the government, it was determined to remove 
 the tribe. Colonel Burleson, from the Colorado, 
 Colonel Landrum, with his regiment from eastern 
 Texas, and General Rusk, with the Nacogdoches 
 regiment, were ordered to invade the territory, and 
 accordingly took up positions near the Cherokee vil- 
 lage about the middle of July. The whole force, 
 about 500 men, was placed under the command of 
 General Douglass. Negotiations for the peaceable 
 removal of the tribe to Arkansas whence they 
 had migrated, having failed, on July 15th Douglass 
 advanced against the Indian camp, on arriving at 
 which he found that the Indians had retreated higher 
 up the river. Being pursued the Cherokees took up 
 a position in a ravine from which they were driven at 
 night-fall, with the loss of eighteen killed, the Texans 
 having three killed and five wounded. On the follow- 
 ing day the pursuit was continued, and the Indians 
 were overtaken in the afternoon, having strongly 
 posted themselves in a ravine protected in the rear by 
 a dense thicket. A well contested engagement of an 
 hour and a half ensued, but the Cherokees, after los- 
 ing about 100 men in killed and wounded, were dis- 
 lodged from their position and put to flight, taking 
 
 '^ Thus writes Gen. Douglass in his reports referred to in the secretary of 
 war's report, Nov. 1839; Yoakum, ii. 270. 
 
324 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 refuge in the thickets and swamps of the Neches 
 bottom. Among their dead was the famous chief 
 Bowles. The Texan loss was five killed and twenty- 
 seven wounded. About 800 Indians were engaged in 
 these two contests." Thus were the Cherokees 
 driven from their homes and cultivated fields ; more- 
 over, the crops of other civilized Indians were de- 
 stroyed, under the natural belief that they were being 
 raised in order to cooperate with the Mexicans." But 
 the expelled owners did not all leave the country; 
 Cherokees were encountered on the western bank of 
 the Colorado; and depredations on the frontier con- 
 tinued. The nativb tribes were deeply exasperated 
 against the Texans. 
 
 The most hostile and troublesome Indians were the 
 Comanches, and their depredations exceeded those of 
 all other tribes. In February, 1840, they showed a 
 disposition to make a treaty of peace, and on ^larch 
 1 9th twelve of their principal chiefs met the Texan 
 commissioners in council at Bejar, where General H. 
 D. McLeod was in command. It was known that 
 the Comanches had thirteen white captives in their 
 power, and the release of these was demanded. The 
 Indians produced only one, a little girl. After a brief 
 discussion, in which the Indians displayed a defiant 
 demeanor, an order was sent to Captain Howard, to 
 bring his company into the council-room, and as soon 
 as the men had taken their position, the chiefs were 
 informed that they would be detained as prisoners 
 until the captives were surrendered. A terrible con- 
 flict ensued. The twelve chiefs, who were fully 
 armed, were killed in the council-room, while the 
 warriors in the yard outside maintained a desperate 
 fight. All were finally slain, either there or in the 
 pursuit. Thirty-two Indians were killed and twenty- 
 
 "M, ii. 267; Kennedy, ii. 341-4. 
 
 '^Gen. Douglass says: The Cherokees, Delawares, Shawnees, Caddoes, 
 Kickapoos, Biloxies, Creeks, Ouchies, Muskogees, and some Seminoles, had 
 cleared and planted extensive fields of corn, beans, peas, etc., preparing 
 evidently for an efficient co-operation with the Mexicans in a war with this 
 country, Sec, of War's Report, Nov. 1839. 
 
COMANCHES. 325 
 
 seven women and children made prisoners. The 
 Texans had seven killed and eight wounded." 
 
 Maddened by the loss of so many of their chiefs, 
 and what they deemed an infamous act of treachery, 
 the Comanches returned to their homes to prepare for 
 revenge. On August 4th, a body of them, 600 strong, 
 , suddenly appeared at Victoria, surrounding the town 
 before their presence was known. Their attack was, 
 however, repulsed, and they then turned their at- 
 tention to driving off the horses and stock, and mur- 
 dering all those who fell into their power, A second 
 attack on Victoria also failed, and on the 8th they 
 crossed the Guadalupe and sacked and burned Linn- 
 ville, most of the inhabitants escaping on a lighter in 
 the bay. Having thoroughly raided the neighborhood 
 of Victoria and Linnville, and killed twenty-one 
 persons, the Comanches retired toward their homes, 
 with a large number of horses and an immense quan- 
 tity of booty. Meantime their trail, as they had 
 passed down the Guadalupe, had been discovered, and 
 a force, quickly raised at Gonzalez, was in hot pursuit. 
 On the 9th, the Texans — ^who had proceeded to 
 Victoria — came up with the Indians, and a slight 
 skirmish took place. But the Comanches declined a 
 general engagement and continued their retreat. The 
 news of their inroad, however, had spread through 
 the settlements, and a large number of volunteers was 
 posted at Plum Creek," to intercept them on their 
 return, General Felix Houston in command. On the 
 12th the approach of the Comanches was reported by 
 the scouts and preparations were made to recieve 
 them. In the conflict which followed the Indians 
 were completely routed, and scattering, were pursued 
 for fifteen miles, up to the San Antonio road, leaving 
 from fifty to eighty dead on the line of their flight. 
 Several hundred horses and mules with packs and 
 
 i^From Gen. McLeod's official report, Baker's Tex., 154-5. 
 " Plum Greek, a tributary of the San Marcos, was some distance beyond 
 the settlement of Gonzalez, 
 
326 LAMAR'S ADxMINISTBATlON. 
 
 baggage were recovered by the victors. " 
 
 The Texan government now determined dire revenge 
 on the Comanches. On October 5 th Colonel John 
 H. Moore, with ninety Texans and twehe Lipan 
 Indians, were sent up the Colorado in pursuit of 
 those who escaped at Plum Creek. Pursuing a 
 devious course for many days in search of the trial-, 
 he at last found it on the Red Fork of the Colorado, 
 and on October 23d his Lipan spies discovered the 
 Comanche village. At daybreak on the following 
 morning the Texans made their attack. The Indians, 
 unprepared to fight, fled to the river on their approach, 
 a murderous fire being opened upon them. Many 
 were shot or drowned in the stream, while those who 
 succeeded in crossing it met their death at the hands 
 of a detachment that had been sent across under 
 Lieutenant Owen. Lamar's system of extermination 
 was well carried out. Men, women, and chUdren 
 alike were put to death. The work of annihilation 
 in the village lasted half an hour, and the pursuit was 
 continued about four miles. Having killed 128 of 
 both sexes, the Texans, who had only two wounded, 
 spared the lives of thirty-four captives. When the 
 massacre was ended the village was burned to the 
 ground, and Moore, having collected 500 horses, re- 
 turned to Austin, where he arrived November 7th, 
 one of his men having died on the road." 
 
 Although the revolutionary movements of the fed- 
 eralists were one of the causes which secured for 
 Texas so long an interval of peace, she was not left 
 entirely out of the influences of them, extending as 
 they did to the states bordering on the Rio Grande. 
 General Canalizo's force at Matamoros at the end of 
 this year did not exceed 1,500 men," and they were 
 
 ^^ Linn's Seminis., 298-9, 338-44; Yoakum, ii. 29e-30-t. These writers are 
 not in accord as to the exact date of the attack on Victoria. Linn was 
 present at Victoria in that town on the occasion, and I consider his account 
 in all respects reliable. 
 
 " Moore's report, Nov. 7, 1840. Yoakum, ii. 304^5. 
 
 ^ 'En Matamoros solamente se eucontraban 1,500 hombres almando del 
 general Canalizo.' Rivera, Hint. Jalapa, iii. 429. 
 
BATTLE OF ALCANTKO. ;t27 
 
 principally occupied in holding the federalists in check. 
 In the spring of 1839 General Anaya, who was 
 looked upon as the chief of the federalist party, visited 
 Texas in person, and made certain propositions to the 
 government on condition that permission were granted 
 him to convey arms for the federalists through the 
 territory and raise troops therein." Both requests 
 were refused ; but there is little doubt of the anxious- 
 ness on the part of the northern federalists to enter 
 into a coalition with Texas, from the fact that they 
 deputed Francisco Vidaurri, governor of Coahuila, 
 to make overtures of alliance between Texas and the 
 states of Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Chihua- 
 hua, New Mexico, Durango, and the Californias, 
 and separate from the rest of the Mexican states. "" 
 Though these overtures were not accepted by the 
 Texan government,''^ many people in Texas were in 
 favor of the formation of such a republic. 
 
 Some time later General Antonio Canales, Colonels 
 Jose Maria Gonzalez, and Antonio Zapata, who were 
 engaged in revolutionizing the northern towns, estab- 
 lished themselves for safety at the town of Lipantitlan 
 on the Nueces river, with a number of followers. 
 There Canales issued a proclamation inviting the 
 Texans to join him. Having united a number of 
 Mexicans, and about 180 Texans under Colonels Reu- 
 ben Ross and S. W. Jordan, on September 30, 1839, 
 with a force of 600 men, he crossed the Rio Grande, 
 and marched against Guerrero, then occupied by Gen- 
 eral Pavon with 500 regulars and four pieces of artil- 
 lery. Pavon, however, retreated toward Mier and 
 
 ''■^Id., iii. 427-8. The recognition of the independence of Texas was 
 doubtless promised by Anaya in case centralism was overthrown. The 
 periodical, La Enaena, published in the Mexican capital, urged it, and a large 
 number of Mexicans, recognizing that reconquest was impossible, was in favor 
 of the same. 
 
 ^2 Taken from the Houston Telegraph, in Niks' Reg., Ivii. 19. 
 
 ^ Perhaps there was some truth in Rivera's remark that the Texans had 
 no wish to mix themselves up in the domestic quarrels of Mexico, but while 
 strengthening themselves leave her to grow weaker. Hist. Jalajpa, iii. 428. 
 He nevertheless states that the Texans wished to form a North-Mexican 
 republic. 
 
328 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATIOK. 
 
 Canales occupied the town October 1st. On the 3d 
 Pavon, who had taken up a position about twelve 
 miles southwest of Mier, offered battle. In the en- 
 gagement which ensued, nothing could restrain the 
 impetuosity of the Texans who, in defiance of the 
 orders of Ross and Jordan rushed within point-blank 
 range of the enemy, and opened fire, while their Mex- 
 ican allies coolly looked on. Whereupon Ross and 
 Jordan gave the order to charge. In twenty minutes 
 the Texans had carried everything before them, and 
 the centralists were in full flight. The victory cost 
 them fourteen in killed and wounded, while the 
 enemy's loss was about 150 in all. This engagement 
 is known as the battle of Alcantro. Pavon, owing 
 to the confusion and incapacity of Canales, made good 
 his retreat to a stone rancho five miles distant ; but on 
 the following morning, being without water or pro- 
 visions, surrendered to the Texans. The artillery 
 and 350 prisoners fell into the hands of the federalists. 
 
 The advantages of this achievement were en- 
 tirely lost by Canales, who after remaining inactive 
 at Mier for forty days marched against Matamoros, 
 his force having increased to over 1,000 men. On 
 December 12th he laid siege to the place which 
 was defended by 1,500 men and 18 pieces of artil- 
 lery. Of course he effected nothing, and on the 
 16th declared his intention of raising the siege. This 
 decision disgusted both the federalists and Texans, the 
 latter of whom offered to lead as a forlorn hope in 
 storming the place. The proposal was rejected and 
 Ross with fifty Texans returned to their homes. 
 
 Canales then directed his course to Monterey where 
 General Arista commanded. On December 23d, hear- 
 ing that the centralist general had received a large 
 reenforcement, he entrenched himself within six miles 
 of the city, and in the morning was confronted by 
 Arista with an army of about 2,000 men. A few 
 insignificant skirmishes took place, but Arista seems 
 not to have been anxious to draw on an engaafement 
 
EEPUBLIC OF THE RIO GRANDE. 329 
 
 while the Texans were in the opposing ranks. He 
 succeeded, however, in detaching by intrigue most of 
 Canales' troops. Compelled to retreat, he recrossed 
 the Rio Grande with the Texans and a few faithful 
 Mexicans, January 7, 1840, when forty -five of the 
 former returned to their homes. 
 
 The force of Canalea was now very small, yet he 
 issued a proclamation calling a convention of dele- 
 gates to organize the republic of the Rio Grande. 
 This was done, January 18th, Jesus Cardenas being 
 chosen president and Canales commander-in-chief. 
 Having received some addition to his force Canales 
 proceeded to Guerrero, where he remained till Febru- 
 ary 18th, and then went to the old presidio of Rio 
 Grande. Here Jordan, with sixty Texans, displeased 
 at his refusal to march to the Nueces for reenforce- 
 ments, left him, and returned to Texas. After this 
 Canales advanced to Morales where he sustained, 
 March 15th, a severe defeat at the hands of Arista 
 and barely escaped into Texas. 
 
 After these disasters and his repeated exhibitions 
 of bad generalship, it is astonishing that he should 
 have met with any more encouragement in Texas. 
 Nevertheless, having fixed his headquarters at San 
 Patricio, and raised the banner of the Republic of 
 the Rio Grande, by June he was again joined by 
 Jordan with 110 volunteers, by Colonel William S. 
 Fisher with 200, and Colonel John N. Seguin with 
 100. These, with 300 Mexicans, raised his force to 
 710 men. He now set out on a third expedition, 
 Jordan with his command and 150 Mexicans under 
 Colonels Lopez and Molano being sent in advance of 
 the main army. What his object was in thus divid- 
 ing his force, and especially the Texans, is inexplicable. 
 I can only suppose that he was influenced by Lopez 
 and Molano, whose treachery became evident by sub- 
 sequent events. 
 
 Jordan, unconscious of any design to destroy him, 
 successively occupied Laredo, Guerrero, Mier, and 
 
330 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Camargo. Induced by the representations of Lopez 
 and Molano he then pushed rapidly forward into the 
 interior, leaving Camargo June 26th. Tula, Morallo, 
 and Linares were in turn occupied, and on August 
 17th the federalists entered Victoria, the capital of 
 Tamaulipas, where they were received with demon- 
 strations of joy. Here a new state government was 
 established and some time was spent in recruiting. 
 Reports having arrived that Arista was approaching 
 with a strong force, Lopez and Molano decided to 
 retreat to the mountains, a movement so strongly 
 opposed by the Texans, that the army was halted 
 three miles from Victoria and took up a position in 
 which it remained for a week without the enemy ap- 
 pearing. It then proceeded to Jaumare, a mining 
 town in Sierra Madre, and a counsel of war having 
 been held, it was decided to march against Saltillo. 
 The route was unknown to the Texans, and Lopez 
 and Molano were really conducting them toward San 
 Luis Potosi. Fortunately all the Mexicans were not 
 so treacherous, and Jordan was secretly informed by 
 Captain Peiia of the direction in which they were 
 marching, whereupon the Texans insisted upon their 
 course being altered. In twelve days they arrived at 
 the hacienda del Potosi, one day's march from Saltillo, 
 where Jordan received an express from a friend at 
 Victoria informing him that he was betrayed, and 
 that the Mexican leaders for a sum of money had en- 
 gaged to place the Texans in such a position that they 
 would be overwhelmed by the enemy. They now 
 prepared for the worst, and on October 23d set out 
 for Saltillo. Three miles south of the city the enemy 
 was discovered entrenched on a hill; whereupon the 
 federalists took up a position on an eminence sepa- 
 rated from it by a ravine. 
 
 The centralist army was 1,000 strong, with two 
 nine-pounders; that of the federalists, 335 strong, 
 consisting of 110 Texans, 150 mounted rancheros, and 
 75 infantrv. At one o'clock in the afternoon the 
 
FEDERALISTS AND CENTRALISTS. 33 r 
 
 centralists under generals Vasquez and Montoya pre- 
 pared to attack. The Texans, convinced of the in- 
 tended treachery of their allies, at once moved rapidly 
 along the ravine and took possession of an old haci- 
 enda within 150 yards of the enemy's entrenchments. 
 The infantry being ordered to occupy a stone house 
 on their left, unhesitatingly marched over to the 
 enemy. And now the centralists opened fire with 
 their artillery upon the position of the Texans. At 
 the first shot, Lopez rode over to them with the ran- 
 cheros under his command, taking with him the am- 
 munition of the federals. The situation of the Texans 
 was desperate. Yet, deserted as they were, and with 
 no more ammunition than that which they had on 
 their persons, they determined to fight to the death. 
 For some time the enemy's guns played upon them, 
 but, crouching low behind the old walls, they suffered 
 no harm. At four o'clock the centralists advanced to 
 the assault. Hitherto the Texans had not fired a shot 
 • — they had no powder to waste in long range practice. 
 When, however, the assailants had advanced to within 
 thirty yards of the walls, they rose, and with a shout 
 of defiance poured into them a dreadful volley, every 
 bullet striking its human mark. But the enemy 
 fought well. The inhabitants of Saltillo, informed 
 that the triumph of the centralists was certain, had 
 sallied forth, men, women, and children, to witness 
 the combat, and column after column, encouraged by 
 their cheers, advanced to the attack, only to be suc- 
 cessfully repulsed by the withering fire of the Texans. 
 At length the centralist ranks became disordered and 
 demoralized. A panic followed, and the soldiers fled 
 to Saltillo, with thousands of frantic spectators, in the 
 utmost confusion. They left 408 men dead on the 
 field — few were the wounded on that day — their two 
 guns, and a great quantity of small arms and ammu- 
 nition. The Texans had five killed and seven wounded. 
 Jordan, after this victory and experience in Mexican 
 good faith, wisely took up his retreat to Texas. On 
 
332 LAMARS ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 tis route, he encountered a body of the enemy's cav- 
 alry, 400 strong, which charged him on an open plain. 
 But the rifle soon put them to flight, and he and his 
 heroic band reached the Rio Grande without mishap. 
 Meantime, Canales had effected nothing. After the 
 departure of Jordan, he crossed the Rio Grande and 
 marched against the small town of San Marino, in 
 eastern Tamaulipas. Finding that a centralist force 
 was near that place, he retreated to Camargo, where 
 having remained for some months in comparative in- 
 activity, he finally entered into a capitulation with 
 Arista, in November, by which he submitted to the 
 government and surrendered up his arms and ammu- 
 nition. He stipulated, however, for the lives and lib- 
 erty of his Texan auxiliaries." 
 
 Thus ended the attempt to establish the Republic 
 of the Rio Grande, a scheme which, wholly ignored 
 by the Texan government, may be regarded as a 
 chimerical aspiration of the northern federalists. It 
 nevertheless decoyed into their ranks a number of 
 adventurous Texans, and was undoubtedly of service 
 in keeping the Mexican forces occupied, thereby pre- 
 venting invasion. 
 
 It has already been mentioned that Texas claimed 
 the Rio Grande to its main source as her boundary 
 line. The claim was a thoroughly arbitrary one, nor 
 had any attempt been made by the government to 
 establish jurisdiction over that portion of New Mexico 
 lying within the limits defined by the act of December 
 19, 1836. But in 1841 an expedition to Santa Fe 
 was projected, which, it was hoped, would lead to the 
 acquirement of that territory. Congress not having 
 made an appropriation for the regular army, it was 
 disbanded, and many adventurous men, thus thrown 
 on their own resources, were very anxious to take 
 
 ^'' Pratt's Notes of the Federal Campaign of 1839-40, closely followed by 
 Yoakum, ii. 274-9, 288-97; Bustamante, Manif, in Pap. Var., 185, no. 1; 
 Rivera, Hist. Jakvpa, iii. 440, 441-2, 465-6; Thrall, 307-10; Niks' Reg., lix. 
 225-6. 
 
EXPEDITION TO SANTA FE. 333 
 
 part in such an enterprise. The project was recom- 
 mended by the secretary of war, who propo&ed the 
 opening of a military road from Austin to Santa Fe, 
 and it was regarded with especial favor by Lamar. 
 An extensive trade had been carried on for many years 
 between the latter place and the United States through 
 St Louis, and it was expected that it would be di- 
 verted and take a direction through Texas if that as- 
 sumed portion of her territory could be conciliated 
 and united by the bonds of commercial interests. The 
 scheme was an ill-digested one. Between the settled 
 districts of the two sections extended a region 600 
 miles in width, uninhabited except by roaming hordes 
 of savages; the population of Santa Fe was entirely 
 Mexican, under Mexican rule, and the governor, whose 
 power was autocratic, would not be likely to sanction 
 any change that would affect his petty sovereignty. 
 
 In the spring of 1841, active preparations were 
 made for the expedition, which was organized on a 
 military basis. The friends of the movement intro- 
 duced a bill into congress which, if passed, would have 
 authorized it and provided a portion of the necessary 
 outfit. The bill, however, was rejected in both houses. 
 The responsibility of the undertaking, which thus 
 wanted the sanction of law, rests therefore upon La- 
 mar," who officially supported it, and addressed a 
 proclamation to the authorities at Santa Fe setting 
 fortla the object of the expedition. If they were will- 
 ing, he said, to submit to the laws of the Texan re- 
 public, and acknowledge her jurisdiction, arrangements 
 would be made to extend the laws over that territory ; 
 but in case the people were averse to changing their 
 allegiance, then he wished to establish friendly com- 
 mercial relations with New Mexico. The instructions 
 given to the commander of the expedition prohibited 
 him from attempting the subjugation of the country 
 if the people were unwilling to submit. The military 
 
 2!* Lamar had obtained permission from congress to absent himself, and 
 the government was being administered by Burnet at this time. 
 
334 LAMAE'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 organization of the expedition was only for the purpose, 
 of self-protection against the savages. 
 
 On June 20th, 1841, the expedition started from. 
 Brushy creek, about twenty miles from Austin, li 
 consisted of five companies of mounted infantry, and 
 an artillery company, which had one brass six- 
 pounder, in all 270 soldiers. They were accompanied 
 by about fifty other persons — traders, teamsters, and 
 adventurers. William G. Cooke, R. F. Brenham, 
 and J. A. Navarro, were appointed as commissioners, 
 and charged by the president with the execution oi 
 his instructions. The expedition was placed under 
 the command of Brigadier-General Hugh McLeod. 
 From the first start difficulties were encountered. 
 The wagons were overloaded, and much delay occurred 
 therefrom; the guides were ill-acquainted with the 
 route, and finally lost their way in the Washita moirn- 
 tains. The distance to Santa Fe had been greatly 
 under-estimated, and having started too late in the 
 season, both grass and water were sadh^ wanting. 
 After great sufiferings and losses, exposed to at- 
 tacks by Indians, who cut off" all stragglers, the expe- 
 dition arrived August 11th, at a point which was 
 supposed to be about seventy -five or eighty miles from 
 San Miguel. Here three of the party, Howland, 
 Baker, and Rosenbury were sent in advance to that 
 place to procure provisions and consult with the inhab- 
 itants as to the probable reception of the expedition. 
 
 The main body, slowly continued its march, men 
 and animals gaunt and feeble with hunger. A few 
 days after the departure of Howland, Lieutenant 
 Hull and four men, being in advance, were killed by 
 Indians, and their bodies mutilated. The 31st of 
 August, after a consultation, it was decided to divide 
 the command, and send in advance those best able to 
 travel. Accordingly ninety-nine men were detached 
 and, under Captain Lewis, left the main body for San 
 Miguel." 
 
 '■"'Keudall, the historian of the expedition says: 'However impolitic if 
 
IGNOMINIOUS FAILURE. 335 
 
 The final disaster now approached : Howland, 
 Baker, and Rosenbury had made their way to San 
 Miguel, where, as soon as their mission was known, 
 they were arrested and sent to Santa Fe. General 
 Manuel Armijo, governor of New Mexico, was the 
 last man in the world to allow his authority to be in- 
 terfered with. He was a tyrant, and hated by the 
 greater portion of the people ; if the Texans reached 
 Santa Fe and the inhabitants became aware of 
 Lamar's invitation, he knew well that they would turn 
 against him, and he determined to crush the invaders 
 before they reached the capital. Proclaiming to the 
 people that the Texans were approaching to kill and 
 destroy, he marched out of Santa Fe with a strong 
 force to attack them. Meantime Captain Lewis and 
 his command had reached the Rio Gallinas where they 
 found settlements and flocks of sheep, which supplied 
 them with abundance of food. From this place Lewis, 
 with four others, one of whom was Kendall, were sent 
 forward September 14th to San Miguel, with a letter 
 to the alcalde, informing him that a trading party was 
 approaching, and taking with them a number of copies 
 in Spanish of Lamar's proclamation. Before reaching 
 their destination, however, they were made prisoners 
 and sent to Santa F^. Meeting Armijo on the way, 
 they were brought back by him to San Miguel, where 
 they witnessed the execution of Howland and Baker. 
 These unfortunate men with their companion, had 
 effected their escape, but were recaptured after a des- 
 perate resistance, Rosenbury being slain on the spot. 
 
 Events now followed quickly. Lewis proved a 
 traitor, and by his representations the advance troops, 
 then under Colonel Cooke, one of the commissioners, 
 were induced to lay down their arms and surrender to 
 Salazar, who had almost surrounded them with 600 
 men. This was on the l7th. On the following day, 
 
 may be considered to divide a command, in this instance such a course 
 could not be avoided. We were completely lost, and without power of 
 moving forward; our provisions, which had for weeks been scanty, were now 
 almost entirely exhausted.' Tex. Santa Fi' Expr'!., i. 211. 
 
336 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Armijo came up with the rest of his forces. By his 
 orders the prisoners were tied together in companies 
 of four, six or eight, according to the different lengths 
 of the lariats with which they were bound, and sent 
 forthwith to Mexico. He then marched against the 
 main body under McLeod, which had painfully ad- 
 vanced to Laguna Colorado, about thirty-five 
 miles from Rio Gallinas. Most of the horses had 
 perished ; many of the men, in desperation induced 
 by famine and exhaustion, had thrown away their 
 arms, and few of them had strength enough to fight. 
 Upon assurances being given that they should receive 
 good treatment, the Texans surrendered ; wjiich was 
 no sooner done than they were plundered, bound to- 
 gether in batches, and marched off to San Miguel, 
 where the last of them arrived October 12th. From 
 that place they were sent on the same long journey 
 on which their companions-in-arms were toiling in 
 advance of them. 
 
 Such was the miserable end of this foolishness," 
 from which so much had been expected. The miseries 
 of the captives during their march were almost insup- 
 portable. On their arrival at the Mexican capital, 
 they were thrown into noisome dungeons, some in 
 Mexico, and others in Puebla and Perote. Fortunate 
 were those who could prove themselves citizens of the 
 United States or subjects of European nations; the 
 representatives of their respective countries strenuously 
 interested themselves in their behalf, and obtained 
 their release'* in the spring of 1842. On the 13th 
 of June, 119 prisoners were released by the clemency 
 of Santa Anna, who had again risen to the supreme 
 power, on the celebration of his birthday." But the 
 
 ^' Gen. Jackson in a letter to Houston, of May 25, 1842, writes; ' The 
 wild-goose campaign to Santa Fe was an ill-judged affair; and their sur- 
 render without the fire of a gun has lessened the prowess of the Texans in. 
 the minds of the Mexicans. ' Yoakum, ii. 329. 
 
 ^*See Dubkm and Lmmrn, Leg. Mex., iv. 154, 198. 
 
 ''^ Kendall's Narrative of tM Texan Santa Fi Expedition, New York, 1844, 
 2 vol., pp. 405,406; Yoakum, ii. 321-31, 336, 341-3; Tliotnpson's Kecol. Mex., 
 52-3, 77-9, 92-3, 155, 279-81; Derecho, Intern. JIe.c.,, pte 3 a 237; Bustamante, 
 
SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. 337 
 
 unfortunate commissioner, Navarro, having incurred 
 the special hatred of the tyrant, was incarcerated first 
 in the capital and afterward in a dungeon in San Juan 
 de Uliia, where he languished for fourteen months, 
 finally escaping from Vera Cruz in January, 1845/' 
 
 It soon became evident that the situation of Hous- 
 ton was not such as to entitle it to become the per- 
 manent seat of the government. On January 14, 1839, 
 an act was passed by congress appointing five commis- 
 sioners to select a site for the future capital. The 
 commissioners were Albert C. Horton, Lewis P. Cook, 
 Isaac W. Burton, William Menifee, and J. Campbell, 
 who made choice of the location where Austin now 
 stands. Although at that date the new town, which 
 was immediately laid out, was situated on the extreme 
 frontier of the settlements, the commissioners showed 
 their wisdom in the selection. They aimed at estab- 
 lishing a permanent capital, which would occupy a 
 central position when Texas had become a thickly 
 populated country; and though the government and 
 congress would be withm striking distance of hostile 
 Indians," Austin as their seat would draw westward 
 
 Hist. Santa Anna, MS.', iii. 8-9; Id., Diario Mex., MS., xliv. 81, 169; xlv. 71; 
 U. S. H. Ex. Doc, 27 cong., 2 sess., vol. v.. Doc. 266. 
 
 '"Jose Antonio Navarro waa bom in San Antonio de Bejar, Feb. 27, 
 1795, his father being a native of Corsica, and an ofl&cer in the Spanish 
 army. He was a stanch federalist and a foe to mihtary depotism. In 
 1834-35 Navarro was land commissioner for Bejar district; a member of the 
 convention in 1836, and a member of congress in 1838-39. He was con- 
 demned by Santa Anna to imprisonmant for life, though during his captivity 
 he was several times oflfered pardon, liberty, and high-office, if he would 
 abjure forever Texas, his country. These propositions were rejected with 
 scorn. In Dec. 1844, just before the fall of Santa Anna, he was removed from 
 San Juan de Ultia and allowed to remain a prisoner at large in Vera Cruz, 
 whence he escaped Jan. 2d, arriving at Galveston, Feb. 3, 1845, after an 
 absence of more than three years and a half. On his return he was elected 
 delegate to the convention held that year, to decide upon the question of 
 annexation, and was afterward senator from Bejar district in the state 
 congress. He died in his native city in 1870. Cordova's Tex., 145-53: 
 ThraU, 596. 
 
 ''Nor did the Indians fail to strike. I copy the following from the memo- 
 ramda of Anson Jones for the year 1840: 'Austin, March 13th. Woke up at 
 night with the alarm of Indians. The suburbs of the tovni were plundered 
 of all the horses, and Ward and Hedley killed and scalped; heard the cries 
 of the latter while under the hands of the Indians. April 6th. Constant 
 alarms of Indians and Mexicans. Our wise government has resolved upon 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 22. 
 
338 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 settlers, who would populate that portion of the coun- 
 try, and serve as a protection to an ever-extending 
 frontier of civilization. In August, the town-lots of 
 the new capital were sold, buildings were soon erected, 
 the offices of the government were transferred thither, 
 and in November congress assembled in a hall sur- 
 rounded by the wilderness.'' 
 
 During the administration of Lamar, the relations 
 of Texas with European powers wore as favorable an 
 aspect as could possibly be expected. While Houston 
 was president. General J. P. Henderson had been sent 
 as commissioner to London and Paris to obtain an 
 acknowledgment of her independence. The British 
 government was kindly disposed toward the new re- 
 public, inasmuch as it was plainly foreseen that 
 Texas, being chiefly an agricultural country, her people 
 would become large consumers of foreign manufactures, 
 while her capacity for the production of raw material, 
 especially cotton, England's great demand, was im- 
 mense. Moreover, the known tendency of the Texans 
 to free-trade principles was another inducement for 
 that great power to hold out the hand of friendship 
 to an infant nation that would grow robust in time. 
 Great Britain desired to find in Texas a market for 
 her merchandise, "without having to climb over the 
 United States tariff."" Henderson therefore experi- 
 enced no difficulty in making a commercial treaty in 
 1838 with the British government, under the reserva- 
 tion, however, that until that power formally recog- 
 nized Texas, it would consider her as a part of Mexico. 
 In November of the same year, a similar treaty was 
 made with France, but without the reservation; and 
 
 fortifications at Austin. June 12th. Stood guard over the town all night.' 
 iBep. Tex., 38. 
 
 '^ Austin did not retain her eminence as the capital of Texas without a 
 struggle. In 1872, however, that city was proclaimed by popular vote the 
 permanent capital of the state, Austin receiving 63,297 votes, Houston 35, 188, 
 and Waco 12,776. Tlirall, 306. 
 
 '* These are Lord Aberdeen's words to Ashbel Smith, the^exaii"miiuster 
 to England and France in 1842. Smith, Remnis. Tex. Rep., 36. 
 
TREATIES, 339 
 
 in September 1839, the treaty was ratified, and the 
 independence of Texas acknowledged by the French 
 government. Owing to the ridiculous affair before 
 mentioned,'* diplomatic intercourse was soon afterward 
 suspended between the two nations until 1842, when 
 friendly relations were resumed. 
 
 When General Hamilton arrived in London as the 
 Texan representative, he negotiated a convention with 
 the British government, in which it was stipulated 
 that Texas should assume £1,000,000 of the debt due 
 by Mexico to English holders of her bonds. This 
 convention, as well as the commercial treaty, as finally 
 agreed upon, was signed in London November 13, 
 1840; both were ratified by Texas in February 1841. 
 The treaty, however, met with much opposition by 
 the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, which 
 urgently remonstrated against its being ratified by 
 the English government. Ashbel Smith, the Texan 
 minister to London, arrived in that city April 1842, 
 bearing the ratified copies of both agreements, which, 
 after some delay, were exchanged with Lord Aber- 
 deen in face of opposition, a treaty granting the recip- 
 rocal right of search for the suppression of the African 
 slave trade having been first exchanged.''' The inde- 
 pendence of Texas was thus recognized by two of the 
 greatest powers of Europe. It remains to be added 
 that Holland and Belgium recognized her independence 
 
 2* The particulars are as follows: The horses o£ M. Saligny, the French 
 representative in Texas, were fed on com. The pigs belonging to Mr Bullock, 
 a hotel-keeper, intruded into the stables to pick up the corn which the horses 
 let fall to the ground. One of ^M. de Saligny's servants killed some of the 
 pigs. Bullock whipped the servant. This enraged M. de Saligny, and Bul- 
 lock was arrested for assault, and bound over to answer at the next term of 
 the district court. Affronted soon afterward by Bullock, Saligny demanded 
 his immediate punishment, and a warm correspondence between him and the 
 Texan sec. of state followed. Not obtaining the satisfaction he wished, the 
 exasperated Frenchman demanded his passports and [leit his post. Gouge's 
 Fisc. Hist. Tex., 110-11; SmUh's Remms. Tex. Sep., 32. Saligny returned to 
 Texas in 1842. Id., 34. 
 
 ^M., 33, 38; MaiUard's Hist. Sep. Tex., 180-92, 411-29; Mies' Reg., Ix. 
 33, 177; Ixii. 337, 384; Kennedy, ii. 353-4; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 515-16; 
 Bustamcmte, GoMnete Mesc., ii. 7-14; Id., MS., ii. 158-70, 183-5; Biveiro, Mex. 
 m 184^, 118. 
 
340 LAMAH'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 in 1840, a treaty of commerce with the former country 
 being signed at The Hague September 18th of that 
 
 36 
 
 year. 
 
 While Texas was thus successful in obtaining the 
 acknowledgment of her independence by foreign na- 
 tions, aU her efforts to secure the same from Mexico 
 failed. In 1839, the Texan government, entertaining 
 some expectation that Mexico would be inclined to 
 listen to proposals for peace, sent Bernard E. Bee, as 
 diplomatic agent to that government. Bee arrived 
 at Vera Cruz in May, where he remained for ten 
 days, pending the decision of the government, with 
 regard to the question of his reception. He was 
 courteously treated by General Victoria, governor of 
 Vera Cruz during his stay in that city. The Mexican 
 authorities finally decided not to receive him, and he 
 embarked on the French frigate, La Oloere, bound for 
 Habana." Texas, however, had a secret agent in the 
 Mexican capital who, in 1840, under the auspices of 
 Packenham, the English minister in that city, suc- 
 ceeded in submitting to the government the basis of 
 a treaty of peace. Packenham, moreover, offered to 
 act as mediator. The treaty and the offer were alike 
 rejected by Mexico. In 1841 the British government, 
 without waiting for the exchange of ratifications of the 
 mediation convention, officially instructed Packenham 
 to bring before the Mexican authorities the proffer of 
 Great Britain, to mediate between that power and 
 Texas, and Mr Burnley, provided with a letter of in- 
 troduction to him from Lord Palmerston, proceeded 
 to Mexico as negotiator on the part of Texas.'^ But 
 
 ^'^The Mexican minister o£ foreign relations found fault with Holland for 
 not having previously advised the Mexican government of her intention. 
 Mex., Mem. Min. Bel, i. doc. 13; Diario del C/ob. Mex., Jan. 24, 1&41, p. 2. 
 
 " Bee's letters in Mles\ Reg. , Ivi. 242, 259, 273-^. Victoria was instructed 
 to say to Bee, that he might represent to him the object of his mission in 
 writing, not in any public character, but as a commissioner of the revolted 
 colonists of Texas. If the object was to ask the recognition of the inde- 
 pendence of Texas, Bee was to be immediately required to reembark. 
 Mivera, Hist. Jalapa, 418-19; Bastamante, OaUnete Mex., ii. 7-8. 
 
 "8 James Webb was also sent from Texas as commissioner, to open and 
 conduct the negotiations. He was not received, and immediately returned. 
 Yoakum, ii. 318. 
 
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 341 
 
 Mexico paid no more heed to the British nation than 
 she had done to her diplomatic agent. She mihesi- 
 tatingly declined any such mediation, refused to en- 
 tertain the question of peace, unless Texas resigned 
 her claim to independent sovereignty, and prepared 
 for war.^° 
 
 In September 1841, the presidential election was 
 held, by which General Houston was a second time 
 chosen president, receiving 7,915 votes against 3,616 
 cast for David G. Burnet, Edward Burleson was 
 elected vice-president with 6,161 votes, his compet- 
 itor, Mennican Hunt, having received 4,336. 
 
 When congress met in November, Lamar opened 
 his message with congratulations upon the prosperity 
 of the country. The relations with Mexico were such 
 that he advised hostilities, and stated that he had 
 made arrangements to send the Texan navy to coop- 
 erate with the government of Yucatan, which had 
 lately declared her independence of Mexico. He was 
 opposed to a military invasion of the enemy's country, 
 but advised the establishment of military posts west 
 of the Nueces, for the protection of that portion of 
 Texas. He recommended congress to take into con- 
 sideration the traffic conducted by the people of the 
 western frontier — a trade of which he highly approved; 
 and spoke in glowing terms of the probable results of 
 the Santa Fe expedition. In his sanguine hopes, he 
 already saw the rich ' resources of the commerce of 
 New Mexico pouring wealth into the coflfers of 
 Texas ! 
 
 But Lamar, distinguished though he was for his 
 courage, unquestioned integrity, and pure patriotism, 
 utterly failed as a ruler; and when he retired from 
 the presidency, the republic was in a dilapidated con- 
 dition. The public debt had been increased nearly 
 four-fold, and the public credit had fallen to zero ; by 
 
 ''^Oorostka, Dictamen, 1840, in Pa^i. Var., 212, no. 8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
 iii. 440; Bnstamante, OaUnete Mex., ii. 11-12; Id., MS., iv. 17; Mies' Heg., 
 lix. 195, 257; Ycmif/s Hist. Mex., 305; Otero, Obras, MS., i. 313-7; ii. 1-4; 
 Tex. Cot. Doc, no. 5, in Pinart's Col. Smith's Seminis., Tex. Pep., 38. 
 
342 LAMAH'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 his savagism as displayed in the extermination creed, 
 the Indians had been driven to the highest degree of 
 exasperation ; the balance of trade was heavily on the 
 debit side;" and his last pet scheme, the Santa Fe 
 expedition, ended in a climax of disaster. 
 
 During Lamar's administration, the question of an- 
 nexation to the United States lay in abeyance. As 
 the reader is aware, he was violently opposed to such 
 a union, and in Texas the subject, though sometimes 
 alluded to, was apparently dropped. In the United 
 States, however, it was not only discussed by the 
 press, but was brought from time to time before 
 congress. The application for admission into the Union 
 had been peremptorily refused. On August 4, 1837, 
 Mennican Hunt, the Texan envoy to Washington, 
 addressed a letter to Forsyth, the American secretary 
 of state, making a proposition for annexation. For- 
 syth replied on the 25th, rejecting the overture in 
 decided terms, and the subject was dismissed without 
 reserving it for further consideration. The govern- 
 ment at Washington justly maintained that so long as 
 Texas was at war with Mexico, and the United States 
 at peace with her, annexation would constitute a 
 breach of treaty with Mexico, not only dishonorable, 
 but also certain to involve the United States in war 
 with that nation." 
 
 The labors of office and the animadversions to 
 which he was exposed, induced Lamar to apply to 
 
 * The following table of imports and exports is obtained from Gov{ie's 
 Fisc. Hist. Tex., 84, 128: 
 
 IMPORTS. EXPORTS . 
 
 Year ending Sept. 30, 1838 11,740,376.87 §183,323.00 
 
 Year ending Sept. 1, 1839 1,506,897.67 274,518.09 
 
 Year ending Sept. 1, 1840 1,378,568.98 220,401.15 
 
 14,625,843.52 §678,242.24 
 Showing a balance of trade for these three years against the republic of 
 13,947,600. 
 
 *' Copy of correspondence in HukHs Address, 21-43; U. S. H. Ej: Doc, 
 25 cong., 1 sess., Doc. 40; and Cong. Debates, 1837, xiv., app. 117-22. For 
 further discussions on the subject in the U. S. congress, see H. Ex. Doc, 
 vol. iv., 25 cong., 2 sess., Doc. 196; U. S. Sen. Doc, 25 cong., 2 sess.. Doc. 
 50; Congress Globe, 1837-8, p. 12, 25, app. 555; Id., 1838-9, p. 18; /(/., 
 1839-40, p. 274, 281, 541. 
 
EURNET, ACTINa GOVERNOR. 343 
 
 congress for permission to absent himself; and his 
 request being granted, during the last year of his 
 term, the government was administered by Vice- 
 President Burnet," 
 
 *2 ThraM, 317. Prom Deo. 15, 1840 to Eeb. 3, 1841, the acts of congress 
 are approved by David Or. Bumet, after which date no signatures are at- 
 tached to the acts passed in the copy of Tlie Laws of the Republic of Texas in 
 my possession, only the word 'approved,' with the date, being nsed. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 END OF THE TEXAN KEPUBLIO. 
 
 1841-1846. 
 
 Houstok's Second Administration — ^Reduction oe Expenses — Vasqubz 
 Takes Bejar — Coekespondence with Santa Anna — Opeeations ot 
 THE Navy — The Archive War — ^Regttlators and Moderatop-s^- 
 England's NBtrrRAiiTY—WoLL's Inroad — Dawson's Defeat— Someb- 
 ville's DuBiotts Conduct — ^Battle oe Miee — Mexican Guile — Thb 
 Charge on the Guard — ^A Grievous Mistake — The Death-lottert 
 —The Prisoners at Perote — Sntvely's Expedition — ^Robinson's 
 Diplomacy — The Armistice — Rivalry op the United States and Eng- 
 land — Anson Jones Elected President — Houston's Faeewell Mes- 
 sage — His Difficult Position — Annexation — The State Consti- 
 
 TUTION. 
 
 President Houston sent in his message to congress 
 December 13, 1841. He did not conceal the fact 
 that his administration would be guided by a pohcy 
 diametrically opposite to that of his predecessor. He 
 deprecated the interference on the part of Texas in 
 the revolutionary movements in Mexico, and recom- 
 mended that kindness should be extended to that 
 people, and an armed neutrality maintained. As all 
 overtures for peace had been rejected by the Mexican 
 government, no further eflfbrt would be made in that 
 direction. On the subject of relations with the Ind- 
 ians, he declared his policy would be different from 
 that lately pursued. He urged the establishment of 
 trading-posts on the frontier, each protected by a 
 garrison of twenty -five men, and recommended that 
 treaties should be made with the savages. This sys- 
 tem, he believed, would conciliate them, and could be 
 carried out at an expense of less than one quarter of 
 the appropriations that had been made in the attempt 
 
 (344) 
 
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 345 
 
 to exterminate them/ With regard to the deplorable 
 financial condition of the republic, he remarked that 
 there was not a dollar in the treasury ; the nation was 
 "not only without money, but without credit, and for 
 want of punctuality, without character." The amount 
 of liabilities had not been ascertained, but he advised 
 a total suspension of the redemption of the national 
 debt until such time as the government could redeem 
 in good faith those liabilities which it ought to redeem. 
 To sustain the government, the president recommended 
 the reduction of taxes by one half, and that all taxes 
 and customs should be paid in specie or paper at par 
 value. He then expressed himself in favor of a new 
 issue of exchequer bills to the amount of $350,000, for 
 the redemption of which he proposed that 1,000,000 
 acres of the Cherokee country should be reserved. He 
 also suggested raising a loan of $300,000 on the public 
 domain. 
 
 Acting upon the president's suggestion, congress, 
 on January 19, 1842, authorized him to issue exche- 
 quer bills to the amount of $200,000, the law further 
 providing that only gold, silver, and such bills should 
 be received in payment of duties and taxes, and that 
 when the bills returned to the treasury, they should 
 be cancelled. But this paper soon suffered the same 
 fate as the treasury notes, or red-backs as they were 
 called from the color of the paper. The same act 
 declared that the treasury notes were no longer re- 
 ceivable in payment of public dues, and no one could 
 assert that congress would not adopt a similar meas- 
 ure with regard to the new issue. The consequence 
 was that the bills sank rapidly to thirty-three cents, 
 and before the end of the year to twenty -five cents.'' 
 
 As long as Texas had been able to borrow, she bor- 
 
 ' See note 6, this chapter. 
 
 ^ A special session of congress was convened June 27, 1842, and on July 
 23d an act was passed requiring the collectors of revenue to receive exchequer 
 bills only at the current rate at which they were sold in the market. Tex. , 
 Laws Rep., 1842, 4. This measure, however, did not cause them to rise much 
 in value. Consati, Oould's Fkc. Hist. Tex., 116-19. 
 
346 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 rowed, and as long as her paper was of any value at 
 all, she issued it and lived on the proceeds, no matter 
 how ruinous the rate. But at the close of Lamar's 
 administration, the treasury notes had sunk to fifteen 
 and twenty cents in the dollar,' and though economy 
 was regarded with no high favor by the Texans, it 
 became evident that retrenchment was the only re- 
 course left. Under the first administration of Hous- 
 ton, the salaries of the president and all members of 
 the government had been fixed exorbitantly high, 
 while a great number of superfluous ofiices had been 
 created. To do away with this extravagance — ^ridic- 
 ulous in a nation whose Anglo-Saxon population did 
 not amount to 100,000* — congress passed a law De- 
 cember 11, 1841, abolishing many offices, and reducing 
 salaries to less than one half* This was striking at 
 the root of the evil, and produced efifect. The system 
 of economy, moreover, was practised in all branches, 
 as is evidenced by the fact that, according to the best 
 accounts to be gathered, the payments made by the 
 treasurer during Lamar's administration amounted to 
 $4,855,215, while during the three years of Houston's 
 second term, they only amounted to $493,175, and 
 $17,907 disbursed on account of mail service and tax 
 
 ^The passage of the Exchequer Bill act deprived them of what little value 
 they had. They rapidly fell to ten, five, four, and two cents in the dollar, 
 till finally no price at all could be obtained for them in many parts of Texas. 
 
 * Kennedy, ii. 390, who published his work in 1841, while admitting the 
 difficulty of forming a close estimate, fixed the average of the Anglo-Ameri- 
 can population at 200,000. Foumel gives 480,000 as the total population in 
 1840. Both of these estimates are far beyond the mark. Coup d'Odl, 41. 
 MaiUard, who, as Ashbel Smith says, ' published a voluminous libel of 500 
 or 600 pages on Texas, its climate, its productions, and its people, ' Bern. Tex. 
 Hep., 38, places the number of the Anglo-Ajuerioans at about 54,088; that of 
 the Indians at 80,000; and of the negroes at 10,000 to 12,000; in all, 146,088. 
 IIi.st. Hep. Tex., 202-4. Thrall, page 316, says the whole population was 
 less than 50,000 at this time. In 1847 the first census was taken, showing a 
 total of 135,775, exclusive of Indians. Of that number, 100,508 were whites, 
 35,267 slaves, and ten free negroes. 
 
 ^The president's salary was reduced to |5,000per annum; vice-president, 
 to $1,000; members of the cabinet, to $1,500; att'y-gen., to|l,000; com. gen. 
 land-office, to $1,200; treasurer, comptroller, and auditor, to $1,000. The 
 chief justice was to receive $1,750 instead of $5,000 as heretofore; and so on 
 in proportion. Tex. Laws Rep., 6 oong., 13-14. Consult act of Deo. 9, 1836, 
 Id., i. 69-70, and chap, xii., this volume. 
 
ANNEXATION. 347 
 
 collecting." It is true that the limit of credit had 
 been reached, and that Houston could not obtain the 
 money to spend which his predecessor had commanded ; 
 but it is equally true that Lamar carried his paper- 
 money principle to the height of extravagance, and 
 rode his horse to death. 
 
 One of the arguments used by the advocates of 
 annexation was the failure of Mexico to attempt to re- 
 conquer Texas. For six yea,rs, they said no hostile 
 army had invaded the territory, and the war might 
 be considered as virtually ended, though no formal 
 recognition had been made by Mexico, her inactivity 
 displayed an indifference which had all the appearance 
 of a tacit acknowledgment that she considered re- 
 conquest impossible. In order, therefore, to main- 
 tain her claim, it became necessary to make some 
 military demonstration, and at the close of 1841 prep- 
 arations were made to invade Texas. On January 9, 
 1842, General Arista issued a proclamation from his 
 headquarters at Monterey, to the inhabitants of 
 Texas, in which he stated that the Mexican nation 
 
 ^ Gouge, ut sup., 126-7. Yoakum, ii. 34ft-l, supplies a comparative state- 
 ment of the salaries paid the officers employed at the seat of government in 
 the years 1840-2, made out by James B. Shaw, comptroller, Dec. 16, 1842. 
 As the figures show an astonishing retrenchment, I reproduce them: 
 
 1840 $174,200 
 
 1841 17.3,506 
 
 1842 32,800 
 
 The same comptroller exhibited a statement dated March 20, 1854, showing 
 the expenses incurred by the republic in protecting her frontier against the 
 Indians during the years 1837-44 inclusive. Yoakum, ii. 282, compiled the 
 following table from it: 
 
 1837 ) XT J. ' J! 4. J. i * 20,000 
 
 1838 \ Houston s first term j jyoioOO 
 
 $190,000 
 
 1839 \ ( $1,430,000 
 
 1840 y Lamar's term 4 1,027,319 
 
 1841 I [ 95,000 
 
 ) f $1,4 
 
 y Lamar's term -! 1,0 
 
 $2 
 J- Houston's second term ■! 
 
 $104,092 
 
348 END OP THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 would never consent to the separation of the territory, 
 and that it was only owing to the civil wars in 
 Mexico, that revolutionary men had compelled them 
 to constitute themselves as an independent nation. 
 He solemnly declared that Mexico was determined to 
 recover her rights through the only means left her, 
 namely, persuasion or war. After stating that hos- 
 tilities would only be directed against those who sus- 
 tained and fought to maintain the Texan nationality, 
 he called upon the people to reflect and consider their 
 own interests, and to return to their allegiance.' 
 
 On March 5th, General Rafael Vasquez appeared 
 before San Antonio de Bejar, at the head of 500 men.' 
 The Texan force stationed there was too small to cope 
 with the enemy, and evacuated the town when the sur- 
 render of it was demanded. Having taken possession 
 of the place, hoisted the Mexican flag, and declared 
 the Mexican laws to be in force, Vasquez on the 7th 
 departed." About the. same time small forces of 
 Mexicans occupied Refugio and Goliad, but likewise 
 soon retired. 
 
 This inroad, which was intended as nothing more 
 than a mere demonstration by Mexico in support of 
 her rights, thoroughly roused the Texans. On the 
 10th of March, Houston issued a proclamation calling 
 upon all citizens subject to military duty, to hold 
 themselves in readiness to repair to the scene of ac- 
 tion in the event of a formidable invasion ; and on 
 the 21st of the same month he addressed a letter to 
 Santa Anna, which was extensively circulated in 
 Europe and the United States, and even published 
 in Spanish in Yucatan, whence copies found their 
 way into Mexico." Houston was instigated to ad- 
 
 ' Tranalation of proclamation in Kikx' liec/., Ixii. G7. 
 
 'Yoakum says about 700 men, — ii 349, — but Arista reporting to the 
 comaudante general at Chibualiua, gives the number in +he text. Voto de 
 Son., April 15, 1842, i., no. 9, p. 34. 
 
 ^ Bvstamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 49-50; Id., Diario Hex., MS., 109, 127; 
 .BZ <?«>;&), xix., March 30, 1842; Diario, Gob. Max., March 19, 1842; Yoahtm, 
 ii. 349-50. 
 
 '"Besides being published in pamphlet form it is reproduced raid., ii. 
 544-58; Houston, Life of, 211-24; and elsewhere. 
 
MEXICO INDIGNANT. 349 
 
 dress the Mexican president by tlie perusal of certain 
 correspondence which had lately passed between 
 Santa Anna, and Bernard E. Bee and General Ham- 
 ilton, and to which his notice had been called. These 
 agents of Texas had written to Santa Anna on their 
 own responsibility. Bee's main object was to pro- 
 cure good treatment of the Santa Fe prisoners; but 
 he urged that that expedition afforded an opportunity 
 of again discussing the question of a treaty of peace 
 with Texas, and somewhat imprudently asserted that 
 Mexico would never be able to conquer Texas except 
 in defiance of the United States and of the law of na- 
 tions. All the inhabitants of the valley of the Mis- 
 sissippi, he said, would march upon Texas as soon as 
 they heard that she was invaded. Hamilton's com- 
 munication contained a proposal that a treaty of peace 
 and limitation should be entered into, on the basis of 
 an indemnification of $5,000,000 being paid to Mexico, 
 and $200,000 to the secret agents of the Mexican 
 government. Santa Anna was professedly very in- 
 dignant at these letters, especially that of Hamilton." 
 In no measured terms he expressed his profound dis- 
 gust that a proposition should be made to him for 
 "the sale of Texas and the acquisition of infamy." It 
 was a miscalculation, he said, and an audacity ; and 
 the offer of $200,000 for the secret agents of the 
 Mexican government was "an insult and infamy un- 
 worthy of a gentleman." Having thus given vent to 
 his virtuous indignation, Santa Anna asserted that 
 Mexico would not vary her hostile attitude until she 
 had planted her eagle standard on the banks of the 
 Sabine. Santa Anna had but lately emerged from 
 his retreat, and again won his way to the chief 
 magistracy of the nation. Hamilton's proposal af- 
 forded him a convenient weapon with which to 
 destroy the bad impression caused by his previous 
 conduct with regard to Texas, and deaden his coun- 
 trymen's remembrance of his readiness to barter that 
 
 •'Copy of the qorrespondence will be found in Niks^^Reg., Ixii. 48-51. 
 
350 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 province for his life. Nor did he fail to make use of 
 it. Though Hamilton's letter was marked confiden- 
 tial, he caused it to be published, together with his 
 reply, February 18, 1842. 
 
 Houston, in his letter above alluded to, says: "You 
 appear to have seized upon the flimsy pretext of con- 
 fidential, communications, unknown to the officers of 
 this government, and unknown to the world until di- 
 vulged by you for the purpose of manufacturing popu- 
 larity at home." He recapitulates the circumstances 
 under which the Anglo-Americans were invited to 
 settle in Texas, and the causes which had led them to 
 assert their freedom. Having contrasted the enormi- 
 ties of Santa Anna with the clemency experienced by 
 him at the hands of the Texan authorities, and calling 
 attention to the desire for peace which Texas had 
 shown, he adds: "You continue aggression; you will 
 not accord us peace. We will have it" ; and concludes 
 with a piece of counter bombast: "Ere the banner of 
 Mexico shall triumphantly float on the banks of the 
 Sabine, the Texan standard of the single star, borne 
 by the Anglo-Saxon race, shall display its bright folds 
 in liberty's triumph on the isthmus of Darien." 
 
 On March 26th, the president issued a proclama- 
 tion declaring all the Mexican ports on the eastern 
 coast from Tabasco, including the mouth of the Rio 
 Grande and the Brazos Santiago, to be in a state of 
 blockade. And here it is necessary to give some ac- 
 count of the condition of the Texan navy and its op- 
 erations. 
 
 It will be remembered that the first congress 
 authorized " the purchase of a certain number of war 
 vessels. A contract was made, November 1838, with 
 Frederick Dawson of Baltimore, who, in the months 
 of June, August, and October 1839, delivered to the 
 Texan government the schooners San Jacinto, San 
 
 '^ Nov. 18, 1836; does not seem to have been acted upon, as another one 
 was passed Nov. 4, 1837, providing for the purchase of a 500-ton ship mount- 
 ing 18 guns, two 300-ton brigs, 12 guns each, and three 130-ton schooners, 5 
 guns each. Tex. Laws Rep., li. 13-14. 
 
THE NAVY. 351 
 
 ATiionio, and San Berimrd, each mounting 5 guns; the 
 sloop-of-war Austin, 20 guns, and the brigs Colorado 
 and Doll)! an. General Hamilton also purchased for 
 the government, in March of the same year, the 
 steamship Zavala, mounting 8 guns/' In June 1840, 
 this naval force, with the exception of the Colorado, 
 was sent to the coast of Yucatan, which state, and 
 that of Tabasco, had revolted against the central gov- 
 ernment. The Texan authorities were therefore de- 
 sirous of ascertaining the feelings of these states toward 
 Texas. After their visit to Yucatan, the vessels were 
 ordered to cruise about the eastern coast of Mexico 
 and annoy her commerce. As the Mexican navy had 
 been destroyed by the French, the Texans at this 
 time were masters on the sea, and Houston was justi- 
 fied in proclaiming the blockade. In May 1841, Yu- 
 catan proclaimed her independence, and in September 
 sent Colonel Martin Francisco Peraza as envoy to 
 Texas to arrange a treaty of friendship and alliance 
 against Mexico. Arrangements were soon concluded, 
 Texas engaging to furnish a naval squadron for the 
 protection of the coast and commerce of Yucatan, 
 while the latter agreed to pay its expenses in part 
 during the time it operated against the common 
 enemy." In the autumn of that year, the greater 
 portion of the Texan navy sailed to Yucatan. The 
 vessels returned in May 1842, and were ordered to 
 New Orleans and Mobile to undergo repairs, prepara- 
 tory to enforcing the blockade. While in the Missis- 
 sippi, a mutiny occurred on board the San Antonio, 
 and several of the ringleaders were hanged at the 
 yard-arm. In August of the same year, that vessel 
 was sent to Yucatan to collect dues from the govern- 
 ment of that seceded state, but was never heard of 
 afterward. It is believed that she foundered at sea 
 
 1' The cost of this navy was nearly $800,000, which were paid in govern- 
 ment bonds. Report of Sec. oftlw Navy, Nov. 8, 1839; Yoakum, ii. 272. 
 
 "ijjwera, Hist. Jala/pa, iii. 440-1, 514-15; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, 42-5; 
 Yuc. Mamjksto, 16-37; Niks' Eecj., Ixi. 66, 131, 196. 
 
352 END OF THE TEXAN REPaBLIC. 
 
 and all hands perished. After the president had is- 
 sued his proclamation of blockade, he sent instructions 
 to Commodore Moore to sail to Galveston for orders. 
 Moore failed to report, and Houston sent a message 
 to congress, which having been discussed in secret 
 session, an act was secretly passed, January 16, 1843, 
 authorizing the sale of the navy. Moore, however, 
 refused to deliver the vessels up to the commissioners 
 sent to receive them, and went with the Austin and 
 Wharton — originally named the Dolphin — on a cruise 
 off the coast of Yucatan, with the consent of the com- 
 missioner. Colonel Morgan, who accompanied him. 
 The president thereupon issued, March 23d, a proc- 
 lamation declaring Moore suspended, and his future 
 actions piratical. The naval officers of all friendly 
 governments were requested to seize him and the two 
 vessels, and bring them with their crews into the port 
 of Galveston. This proclamation created a great sen- 
 sation in Texas, and the press passed numerous com- 
 ments on it, most of which were unfavorable to 
 Houston and violent in language.'' The fact is, that 
 the popular sympathies were with the suspended 
 commodore, who had assumed responsibilities with 
 regard to the expenses of the navy incurred at New 
 Orleans. Moore pledged himself not to leave that 
 port until he could pay for provisions and repairs. 
 When the Texan government failed to furnish him 
 with funds, he considered that in honor he was bound 
 not to leave until the debts were paid, and conse- 
 quently disregarded repeated orders from his govern- 
 ment to proceed to Galveston. On the arrival of the 
 commissioners, James Morgan and William Bryan, 
 the former was so impressed with Moore's explanation 
 that when the government of Yucatan offered pecu- 
 niary aid on the understanding that Moore should 
 repair to the port of Campeachy, and afford relief to 
 the revolutionists, who were then besieged by a Mex- 
 ican army, he not only consented that the commodore 
 
 's See Niks' Reg., Ixiv. 229-31. 
 
THE ARCHIVE WAR. 353 
 
 should sail thither before going to Galveston, but also 
 accompanied him. The operations of the Texan navy 
 before Campeachy were crowned with success, the 
 enemy's land batteries being destroyed, and his war- 
 vessels damaged, and driven from that water. Moore 
 then sailed to Galveston, whose people presently be- 
 came greatly exasperated when it leaked out that 
 congress had passed an act for the sale of the navy. 
 Popular feeling was so strong that the sale was not 
 attempted, and the act was repealed February 5, 1844, 
 and authority given to the secretary of war and marine 
 to lay the vessels up in ordinary." When the annex- 
 ation was effected in the following year, the remaining 
 vessels, four in number, were transferred to the navy 
 of the United States, and in March 1857, an appro- 
 priation was made for the pay granted the surviving 
 officers for five years from the time of annexation,, 
 provided that all claim to any position in the United 
 States navy was relinquished." 
 
 When Vasquez occupied San Antonio, much alarm 
 was felt for the safety of Austin e nd the government 
 archives, especially the records of the general land- 
 ofiice. The president, to the indignation of the in- 
 habitants of that city, removed his cabinel; to Houston, 
 where congress held the special session convened June 
 27, 1842. But the exasperation of the people of Aus- 
 tin was so great that they determined to hold pos- 
 session of the archives. A vigilance committee was 
 formed, the records were encased in boxes, and a guard 
 placed over them. A force, moreover, was organized 
 at Bastrop to patrol the roads, and prevent the pas- 
 sage of any wagons containing government archives. 
 
 '^ The navy at that time consisted of the Austin, the WJuwtxm, Archer — 
 formerly the Colorado — and the Sam Bernard, the other vessels having been 
 wrecked. Tex. Laws Rep., 8 cong., 115; Niles' Reg. Ixiv., 1, 18, 51, 97, 117, 
 131, 146, 160-1, 192, 208-10, 229-31, 256, 260-1, 293, 320, 336, 339, 354, 384, 
 404; Mex. Mem., Ouerra y Mar., 1844, 15-16, 98; Robinson's Mex., 259-61j 
 ThraU, 339-40. 
 
 " Cmg. Gbbe, 1856-7, app. 427; U. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 35, sess. 1, ii, doc 
 132. 
 
 Hist. Mex. Statis, Vol. II. 23. 
 
354 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 On December 10, 1842, Houston gave instructions to 
 Captain Thomas I. Smith to raise a company secretly, 
 and bring the most necessary books and documents to 
 Washington, where congress was to convene in regu- 
 lar session that month. Smith, having avoided the 
 patrols by taking a circuitous route, entered Austin 
 in the night of December 30th, and succeeded in load- 
 ing three wagons with archive matter. This step on 
 the part of the president was a surprise to the inhabi- 
 tants of Austin, and Smith hastened back, after hav- 
 ing been fired upon without effect by Captain Mark 
 B. Lewis, who having rallied a volunteer company, 
 and procured a cannon from the arsenal, fired it at 
 the intruders. Having reached Kinney's fort, on 
 Brushy creek, Smith encamped, but on the following 
 morning discovered that Lewis, with his cannon 
 pointed, had taken a position in front. After some 
 parley. Smith agreed to take back the wagons to Aus- 
 tin. This affair has been called the Archive War. 
 No further attempt was made to remove the records ; 
 the people of Austin retained possession of them till 
 1845, when, on the occasion of the annexation con- 
 vention being summoned to meet in July, they deliv- 
 ered them over to the administration of Anson Jones, 
 on condition that the convention should assemble at 
 Austin.'' 
 
 During the second administration of Houston, Texas 
 was greatly agitated by what has been called the war 
 of the Regulators and Moderators. The first out- 
 break occurred in 1842. The reader will not fail to 
 remember that in the early years of the nineteenth 
 century the "neutral ground" became the asylum of 
 adventurers and desperate men, who can only be classi- 
 fied as marauders and fugitives from j ustice. Although, 
 in the course of events, these land buccaneers had been 
 suppressed with regard to their banditti organization," 
 
 «/<;., 322-6; MarpJm, Hist. To:., 435-7. 
 ^See pages 16 and 20 of this volume. 
 
REGULATORS AND MODERATORS 355 
 
 their social element still prevailed on the northeastern 
 border. As immigrants flocked into Texas, ill-feeling 
 was developed, which culminated in hostilities. The 
 county of Shelby was the main scene of action. The 
 land commissioners in that county found a profitable 
 business in issuing forged "head-right" certificates, 
 and it became a focus for such illegal operations in the 
 surrounding districts. The holders of such certificates 
 were not men inclined to give up land which they had 
 settled upon. In 1842, one, Charles W. Jackson, a 
 fugitive from justice, arrived in Shelby county from 
 Louisiana, and offered himself as a candidate for the 
 Texan congress. Being defeated, he undertook to 
 expose the land frauds, declaring that his defeat was 
 owing to the opposition of the party connected with 
 them. Having notified the general land-office of the 
 illegal proceedings which had taken place, Jackson 
 received an intimation from Joseph Goodbread that, 
 if he did not desist from interfering, his life would be 
 taken. Whereupon the former, while presenting his 
 reply, shot the latter dead in the town of Shelbyville. 
 Great excitement followed ; Jackson was called to trial ; 
 the court was thronged by armed men, and the judge 
 failed to appear. The fugitive from Louisiana now 
 organized his party, and formed a society which as- 
 sumed the name of Regulators. The operations of 
 this society were somewhat arbitrary, and there is no 
 doubt that many honest men lost their lands, and the 
 prospective fruit of their industry. Opposition there- 
 fore appeared. A society which styled itself the 
 Moderators was organized, and a kind of vendetta 
 warfare was carried on for three years. Matters 
 finally assumed so serious an aspect that the two fac- 
 tions drew up in battle-front against each other. The 
 executive now interfered. The country was threat- 
 ened with civU war, and Houston ordered General 
 Smith to raise a militia force, and put a stop to this 
 internecine struggle. With about 500 men, Smith 
 marched to the scene of action, finding the opposing 
 
356 END OF THE TEXAl^ REPUBLIC. 
 
 forces in front of each other. By the exercise of 
 prudence and good judgment, he induced the belliger- 
 ents to lay down their arms, and submit to the laws 
 of the republic;" but for some years afterward, the. 
 spirit developed by this clash of interests found ex- 
 pression in many a homicide. 
 
 In August, 1842, the British government declared 
 its intention to remain neutral during the struggle of 
 Texas for independence, and prohibited English sea- 
 men from serving in the cause of Mexico. In April 
 of the same year, Ashbel Smith, minister to England 
 and France, discovered that two heavily armed war- 
 ships were being constructed in England for the Mexi- 
 can government, the Guaxkdwpe and the Montezuma. 
 On representations, forcibly expressed by the Texan 
 representative, these vessels were forbidden to leave 
 port in an armed condition, or carrying ammunition of 
 war. British officers, captains Cleveland and Charle- 
 wood of the English navy, had been appointed to 
 command them, and the vessels were principally 
 manned by British seamen. With some tardiness the 
 British government yielded to the energetic remon- 
 strances of Ashbel Smith," caused the vessels to dis- 
 charge their recruits and armament, and notified the 
 above-mentioned captains that if they took part in 
 operations against Texas their names would be stricken 
 from the rolls of her Majesty's service. The Monte- 
 zuma and Guadalupe sailed to the Mexican coast, and 
 were roughly handled by Commodore Moore off the 
 shore of Yucatan. 
 
 ™ Further particulars of this war of the Regulators and Moderators will 
 be found in Yoakum, ii. 437-40, where notice wiU be found of Moorman kill- 
 ing Bradley at the church door of San Augustine at the close of divine ser- 
 vice, in the summer of 1844. During the hostilities at tliis time, about 50 
 persons were killed or wounded. Moorman was killed by Burns two or three 
 years afterward as he was crossing the Sabine. Id. , Defensor Integ. Nac. Oct 
 23, 1844, 3; Todd's Sketcli, MS. 
 
 '^By act 59, George III., discretionary powers were conferred on the 
 privy council relative to British naval officers entering the service of a for- 
 eign power. For general particulars considt Smith, Bern. Tex. Rep., 34-5, 
 39^0; Hansard's Pari Becord, Ixv. 964-5. 
 
AFFAIRS WITH MEXICO. 357 
 
 President Houston, in his message to congress in 
 June 1842, did not take the responsibility of advis- 
 ing an invasion of Mexico. Though he did not be- 
 lieve that any formidable invasion would ever be 
 accomplished by Mexico, he felt convinced that every 
 impediment would be interposed to the peace and 
 prosperity of the frontiers, and urged congress to 
 adopt measures for their protection. Congress, how- 
 ever, passed a bill authorizing an offensive war against 
 Mexico. As the carrying out of such a measure 
 would require at least 5,000 troops, and it was im- 
 possible to devise means for the payment of so large 
 a body, the president vetoed the bill, — a proceeding 
 which brought out strong feeling against him. Early 
 in July General Davis on the Nueces was attacked 
 by Canales with 700 men, 500 of whom were cavalry. 
 The former, however, repulsed the enemy, though he 
 had only 192 volunteers. Two months later General 
 WoU took possession of San Antonio, September 
 11th, after some resistance on the part of the Anglo- 
 Texan citizens. After some parley the Texans, fifty- 
 two in number, surrendered on condition that they 
 should be treated with all the consideration of prison- 
 ers of war. WoU's force was nearly 1,000 men, 
 twelve of whom were kUled and twenty-nine wounded. 
 The Texans sustamed no casualties whatever." 
 
 When it became known in Gonzalez that Bejar was 
 again occupied by the Mexicans, a force of about 220 
 men, under Colonel Mathew Caldwell assembled in 
 the Salado bottom, about six miles east of the town. 
 A good position was taken up in a thick wood, and 
 Captain John C. Hayes sent forward with his mounted 
 company to draw out the enemy. The ruse was suc- 
 cessful, a strong body of cavalry advanced upon 
 
 ^2 Green's Journal, 29-30. WoU in his report says, that his loss was one 
 killed and 20 wounded, that of the Texans 12 killed, 3 wounded, and 52 
 prisoners. Eiopedic. hechien Tijas, 15, 35; also 20-1, where a list of the names 
 of the prisoners will be found, and among them those of the district judge, 
 of lawyers, physicians, surgeons, and other civilians. According to WoU a 
 Jiumber of combatants escaped. 
 
358 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 Hayes who retreated toward the main body. WoU 
 presently came up with the remainder of his forces 
 and maintained a fight for about an hour, losing many 
 men in killed and wounded. Meantime a company of 
 53 Texans, from Fayette county under command of 
 Nicolas Dawson, hastened to the assistance of Cald- 
 well, and being perceived by the enemy on their 
 approach, were presently surrounded. The enemy, 
 however, kept well out of range, and bringing up 
 a light field-piece poured showers of grape upon the 
 exposed Texans. In a short time two thirds of them 
 had fallen, and nearly all of their horses were killed. 
 Dawson now hoisted a white flag, but several of his 
 men continued to fire and were put to death. By the 
 exertions of the Mexican officers the lives of fifbeen 
 were spared; five of these prisoners were wounded. 
 
 Two men only made their escape. After this affair, 
 which took place September 18th, WoU returned to 
 San Antonio having lost, according to his own state- 
 ment, 29 killed and 58 wounded."' He took with him 
 67 prisoners who, as usual, were sent on foot to the 
 city of Mexico. On the 20th he departed for the Rio 
 Grande, while Caldwell, whose force was now over 
 500 men, followed close upon his heels, and on one 
 occasion engaged in a skirmish with his rear guard. 
 For some reason that is not clear the Texans failed to 
 attack," and after a pursuit of thirty or forty miles 
 returned. 
 
 When the news of this second invasion became 
 known the demon of war was aroused, Houston hav- 
 ing issued a proclamation, September 16th, calling for 
 
 2^ Among the killed ■ was Vicente Cordova, the Mexican agent at 
 Nacogdova. 
 
 ^* General Thomas Green says: ' Much has been said against Caldwell and 
 others for not so doing, and the blame has been charged upon several; ' but 
 he regarded it a, mischance in war rather than the want of bravery. 
 Journal, 35. Besides the authorities on Well's campaign already quoted, 
 see Pap. Var., 162, no. 4; Joseph C. Kobinson's account in Tex. Aim., 1868, 
 45-8; La Minerva, May 15, 1845, 3; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 539-41; Busta- 
 ■mrnite. Hist. 8. Anna, 83-4; Diario del Oob., June 1, 1842, and Feb. 8 and 9, 
 1843, inM; Diario Max., MS., xlv. 53, xlvi. 77, 87; Mies' Seg., Ixiii. 177-8, 
 338; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 177-8; Yoahtm, ii. 363-6. 
 
RESULT OF INVASION. 359 
 
 volunteers to cross the Rio Grande, and assigning 
 Bejar as the place of rendezvous, a considerable 
 number of troops was soon in motion toward that 
 place. General Somerville had been sent by Hous- 
 ton, from Matagorda, to take command, an appoint- 
 ment which did not meet with the favor of the militia 
 men drafted, who wished to be led by General Burle- 
 son. On arriving at Columbus, on the Colorado. 
 Somerville found between 200 and 300 men collected. 
 When he learned that Burleson had been sent for, 
 and was expected to arrive presently, he forthwith dis- 
 banded the men and returned to Matagorda. Never- 
 theless, on October 13th, a special order was issued 
 to General Somerville, instructing him to organize 
 and drill such volunteers as would be obedient to 
 orders, and to establish his camp some distance from 
 Bejar. On his arrival there, he found about 1,200 
 militia men and volunteers encamped in the vicinity at 
 six or eight different points, at distances varying from 
 one to ten mUes. Much discontent soon manifested 
 itself, owing to want of provisions, ammunition, and 
 clothing, and disorder was occasioned by the insubor- 
 dinate tendencies of some persons and the aspirations 
 of others to the chief command. Somerville's indif- 
 ference, moreover, and want of interest in the cam- 
 paign, caused much murmuring, and gave encourage- 
 ment to these ambitious malecontents. The result was 
 that a large number of the volunteers returned home. 
 On November 18th, however, Somerville, with 750 
 men, commenced his march to the Rio Grande and 
 reached Laredo on the Texan side of the river, De- 
 cember 8th. 
 
 That Somerville had no control over his troops is 
 apparent. But it must be borne in mind that the 
 men under him were bent on invading Mexico, a 
 movement contrary both to the executive's secret 
 wishes who saw reasons to change his previous views," 
 
 ^ Somerville's instructions were : ' When the force shall have assembled, 
 if their strength and condition will warrant a movement upon the enemy, it 
 is desirable that it should be executed with promptness and efficiency.* 
 
360 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 and to the inclinations of Somerville. On the day 
 after entering Laredo, which was evacuated on the 
 approach of the Texans, Somerville moved down the 
 river instead of crossing as was expected by the 
 troops. This movement was regarded as an indica- 
 tion on his part to return home. About 300 men 
 marched to Loredo and plundered the town ; but the 
 spoils, for the most part, were restored to the owners. 
 On the 10th a council of war was held, the general 
 addressed the troops with regard to the question of 
 crossing the Rio Grande or returning home, stating 
 his readiaess to lead them if it was still their desire to 
 pursue the enemy. About 200 voted to return, and 
 were permitted to do so. 
 
 The Texan force was still some 550 stroi^, but 
 Somerville's generalship disgusted the men. He 
 caused them to march through thick chaparral down 
 the left side of the Rio Grande, and arriving opposite 
 Guerrero, December 14th, crossed the river on that, 
 and the following day, and made a requisition on the 
 town. This was very indifferently complied with, 
 and Somerville, instead of enforcing it, recrossed the 
 river, the passage being greatly facilitated by the use 
 of six large flat-boats found near Guerrero. This 
 retrograde movement increased the contempt for the 
 general, now openly expressed. On December 19th 
 he issued an order of march, to the effect that the 
 army would proceed to Gonzalez, and there be dis- 
 banded; whereupon captains Cameron, Eastland, 
 Reese, Pierson, Ryan, and Buster, supported by their 
 companies, refused obedience, declaring it their in- 
 tention to march down the river and accomplish 
 something that would redeem the expedition from 
 contempt. Somerville, with about 200 men, mostly 
 drafted militia, returned to Bejar, leaving 300 vol- 
 
 M. C. HarmUmi, Sec. qf War, to A. Somerville, Got. 13, 1842; Yoakum, ii. 
 367-8. Green asserts that the president never intended to pnuish the 
 enemy, and therefore, maintained Somerville in command, knowing that if 
 Burleson was appointed according to the wish of the army, an invasion of 
 Mexico would follow. Jourval, 40. 
 
ARMY MOVEMENTS. 361 
 
 unteers to operate against Mexico as they pleased.'* 
 On the departure of Somerville, Colonel William S. 
 Fisher was elected commander, and it being decided 
 to descend the river to Mier, a portion of the force 
 was embarked with baggage and provisions, on board 
 the flat-boats, which were placed under the direction 
 of General Green." The flotilla and land force pro- 
 ceeded in company until December 21st, when the 
 troops encamped together on the left bank of the Rio 
 Grande, about seven mUes above Mier. On the fol- 
 lowing morning, a council of war being held, it was 
 decided to march into the city, and make a requisition 
 on it for supplies. A sufficient number of men having 
 been detailed for a camp-guard, Fisher, with the main 
 body, crossed over, entered the town, and made the 
 requisition, the alcalde promising to deliver the stores 
 demanded on the next day at the river. Fisher then 
 returned to camp, taking with him the alcalde as 
 security. On the 23d the army was moved down 
 stream to a point opposite the town, where the sup- 
 plies were to be sent. Nothing transpired till the 
 25th. The requisition had not been filled, nor had 
 any intelligence of the approach of the enemy been 
 brought in by the scouts. But on that day a Mexican 
 was captured, who gave the information that General 
 Ampudia, and the former federal leader. Colonel 
 Canales had entered the town with 700 men, pre- 
 
 ^Id., 41-69; Stapp's Prisoners of Perote, 22-30. Both this author and 
 Gen. Thomas J. Green accompanied the expedition, and were fellow-pris- 
 oners at Perote. They published their narratives from journals kept by 
 themselves. Alexander Somerville was a native of Maryland, and migrated 
 to Texas in 1833, where he followed his business as a merchant at San Felipe. 
 In 1835 he participated in the operations around San Antonio, and on the re- 
 organization of the army, early in 1836, was made lieutenant-colonel. After 
 the battle of San Jacinto, in which he took part, he became senator in the 
 Texan congress in 1836-7. After his return from the ill-conducted expe- 
 dition to the Rio Grande, he was made collector of customs at Saluria. 
 Somerville was accidentally drowned in 1854. Yoakum, ii. 368; Thrall, 622. 
 Both of these authors write 'Somervell.' 
 
 2' The author of the Journal of the Texan Bbypedition against Mier New 
 
 York, 1845, 8vo. pp. 487. Green was an opponent of Houston's, and in his 
 Seply to the Speech of Oeneral Sam Hoitston in the Senatu of the United States, Aug. 
 1, 1854, makes use of a style of vituperation which coidd only have been en- 
 joyed by Houston's bitterest enemies. 
 
362 
 
 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 vented the performance of the alcalde's promise, and 
 taken up a position on the river two miles below. 
 The Texans decided to cross the river and engage 
 the Mexicans, Captain Baker with his spy company 
 being sent in advance. Ampudia, however, on the 
 approach of the army retreated into the town. 
 
 The Texans now marched in the direction of the 
 city, and at 7 o'clock in the evening, took up a posi- 
 
 RouTBS OF Armies. 
 
 tion on the left bank of the Alcantro,''^ a small stream 
 flowing into the Rio Grande, after describing a semi- 
 circle round the northern portion of the town. The 
 night set in very dark. At the lower ford the Mexi- 
 can cavalry was stationed, and a constant fire was 
 kept upon them by Baker's company, distracting at- 
 tention while Green succeeded in discovering a cross- 
 ing some little distance above. Having crossed with 
 some difficulty — ^the bluff being about forty feet above 
 the water's edge, and very steep — the Texans having 
 fired into a picket, advanced into a street leading to 
 the principal square and protected by a cannon. From 
 this thoroughfare they turned to the right and took 
 possession of some stone houses, where they main- 
 
 ■^* Called by Ampudia, in his report, the ^lamo. Dlario del Gob. J/cr., 
 Jan. 19,1843. 
 
HARD FIGHTING. 363 
 
 tained themselves till morning. Thus lodged, the 
 Texans ceased their fire, husbanding their ammunition 
 for the coming conflict. The Mexicans kept up a 
 continuous but useless fire for the rest of the night. 
 
 When morning dawned the artillery of the enemy 
 was soon silenced by the rifles of the Texans, and the 
 Mexicans had recourse to the house-tops, from which 
 they poured down volleys of musketry at the win- 
 dows and loopholes of the buildings occupied by the 
 Texans. But while the fire of the former had little 
 efiect, that of the unerring Texan marksmen was 
 deadly. Several times the enemy charged the in- 
 vaders, but was repulsed with slaughter. Thus the 
 contest was carried on tUl noon. 
 
 Captain Berry on the previous evening had fallen 
 down a precipice and broken his thigh. He was re- 
 moved to a hut some little distance from the place of 
 his accident, and Doctor Sinnickson and a guard of 
 seven men were detailed to attend upon him. About 
 this time the men with Berry attacked and routed a 
 troop of the enemy's cavalry, and were presently sur- 
 rounded by a strong body of horsemen. In attempting 
 to fight their way through, two Texans only suc- 
 ceeded in joining their comrades engaged in the town; 
 three were made prisoners, and three kUled; while 
 Captain Berry was killed in his bed. Captain Cam- 
 eron had lost three men killed and seven wounded, 
 and some little confusion for the first time showed 
 itself in the Texan command. It was soon, however, 
 suppressed; and the men were well prepared to resist 
 another charge momentarily expected, when a flag of 
 truce arrived from the enemy's line borne by Sinnick- 
 son, — one of the captives just taken by the Mexican 
 cavalry, — ^who was unaware of the heavy losses sus- 
 tained by the Mexicans, and the shattered condition of 
 the force. 
 
 Yes, the Mexican commander had recourse to the 
 old ruse of the white flag ; and again the Texans were 
 hoodwinked by their crafty and treacherous foe. 
 
364 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 Sinnickson " was directed to state to Fisher that the 
 Mexican regular force in the city was 1700 strong, 
 and that a reenforcement of 800 more troops was 
 hourly expected from Monterey. Ampudia, there- 
 fore, in the cause of humanity, offered the Texans an 
 honorable surrender, promising them that they should 
 be treated as prisoners of war, and should not be sent 
 to Mexico. An hour was allowed them to choose 
 between capitulation and death. Much discussion 
 followed the arrival of the flag." Most of the men 
 were not disposed to become dupes, and wished to 
 hold their position till night and then retreat ; but 
 still there were many, who in view of the supposed 
 superior numbers of the enemy, the diminished supply 
 of their own ammunition, and the apparent hopelessness 
 of retreat, were willing to surrender. Among the 
 latter was Fisher, who believed that a retreat would 
 involve the loss of two-thirds of the force. Ad- 
 dressing the troops, he recommended them to accept 
 the terms offered. One half of the force thereupon 
 marched into the square and delivered up their arms, 
 followed by the rest, furious with indignation. 
 
 In this engagement the aggregate force of the 
 Texans was 261 men, 42 having been left on the east 
 bank of the Rio Grande as camp-guard. These latter 
 returned home in safety. The loss of the invaders 
 was 16 killed or mortally wounded, 17 severely, and 
 several slightly wounded." The number of Mexicans 
 engaged was over 2,000;" what their loss was can 
 
 ^ Sianickson's part has been severely condemned. See Stapp, Prisoners 
 ofPerote, 101-2. 
 
 ™ Ampudia states in his official report, that the Texans sent in the flag of 
 truce, and that he dictated his terms to them. Diario del Gob. Mex. , Jan. 
 19, 1843. The fact is he was preparing to retreat in case the white flag was 
 not received. 
 
 ''list of those engaged at Mier, who were killed and mortally 
 wounded will be found m Oreen, id sup. , 437-43. In Ampudia's official re- 
 port, as above quoted, a list of the prisoners, 248 in number, and their avo- 
 cations in Texas will also be found. The Mexican general states that the 
 Texans had 38 killed, and 56 wounded. 
 
 '2 The army was composed of the battalion of zapadores; a company of 
 regular artillery; several companies of the 7th infantry; several companies 
 of the Yucatan infantry; the 3d cavalry regiment, and some companies of 
 citizen defenders — ' def ensores. ' 
 
ESCAPE OF PRISONERS. 365- 
 
 only be conjectured; but it was probably about 600 
 in killed and wounded/" 
 
 After their surrender the Texans were closely con- 
 fined in crowded and filthy apartments till December 
 31st, when Ampudia, leaving behind the more seri- 
 ously wounded of the Texans, took up his march to 
 Matamoros, where he arrived with his footsore pris- 
 oners to the number of 235, January 9, 1843. The 
 unfortunate captives, who already realized the mis- 
 take that had been made in relying upon Mexican 
 veracity, were started on the 14th, under a strong 
 cavalry guard, on their journey to Mexico. Their 
 hardships and privations on the road were similar to 
 those suffered by the Santa Pe prisoners, but at the 
 large towns, especially at Monterey, they received 
 kind treatment. Moreover Colonel Barragan, an 
 accomplished and humane officer, took command of 
 their escort at this city. But the deception that had 
 been practised upon them added gall to the bitterness 
 of captivity, and they determined to strike for free- 
 dom. Preparations were made to charge the guard 
 at the hacienda of Rinconada, but the plan was frus- 
 trated by the vigilance of the commanding officer, 
 whosuspected the plot. Having passed SaltUlo and 
 reached the hacienda del Salado, forty leagues be- 
 yond, on the evening of the 10th, it was determined 
 no longer to defer making the attempt to escape. 
 The prisoners having matured their plans, Captain 
 Cameron was appointed to give the signal next 
 morning. 
 
 Between daylight and sunrise their breakfast was 
 
 ^ Green, page 108, says between 700 and 800 killed and wounded. Stapp, 
 ut sup., 37, considered that upward of 600 were slain, and that the number 
 of wounded was unknown. But he places the Mexican army at the high 
 number of over 3,200. Ampudia reported his loss to be 33 killed and 65 
 wounded; and that 22,000 musket cartridges had been expended in the battle, 
 besides 900 double-shotted ones, and a quantity of artillery ammunition. 
 These figures do not agree with Green's statement on page 109. He says, 
 according to the official report to the war department, 900 cannon cartridges, 
 43,000 musket cartridges, and 300 rockets were expended. Mexican ac- 
 counts of the Mier expedition will be found in El Sigh XIX., Jan. 11, 1843; 
 Sustamante, Hist. Samta Arnm, 110-12; Mivera, Hist. JcUapa, iii. 571-2. 
 
S66. END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 dealt out to the captives, who were confined in a large 
 corral surrounded by high walls. The cavalry were 
 picketed outside, and the infantry occupied a quad- 
 rangular stone court and the buildings connected with 
 it. A large doorway opened from the court into the 
 corral. Cameron carelessly lounged up to the doorway, 
 the eyes of all his fellow-prisoners intensely fixed 
 upon itiim. Suddenly, shouting out the signal cry, he 
 seized one of the sentiaels and disarmed him. S. 
 H. Walker dealt similarly with the other. The 
 Texans rushed like unleashed hounds into the court, 
 and seizing the muskets stacked against the walls 
 drove out the infantry after a few shots. But while 
 arming themselves a company of infantry and some 
 cavalrymen rallied outside, and prepared to receive 
 them. There could be no hesitation now. Doctor 
 Brenham and Patrick Lyons ^' leading the way, the 
 Texans rushed through the gateway. Brenham and 
 Lyons immediately fell, and several others were 
 wounded. But the Mexicans had too much dread of 
 Texans with firearms in their hands, and fled after a 
 feeble resistance. The loss of the victors was five 
 killed and five wounded;'* that of the Mexicans 
 probably not many more. By this bold charge, so 
 suddenly and successfully executed, the Texans ob- 
 tained possession of 160 muskets and carbines, a 
 dozen swords and pistols, three mule loads of ammu- 
 nition, and nearly 100 mules and horses. 
 
 To the number of 193,°° the fugitives, at 10 o'clock 
 A. M., started for home. Leaving Saltillo on their 
 right, they struck the road to Monclova, about thirty- 
 five miles north of the former place. Thus far, all 
 
 " 'Both released Santa Pe prisoners.' Stami, ut sap., 58. Brenham was 
 one of the foremost to counsel a charge upon the guard. Id., 56. 
 
 ^The names of the killed were: Brenham, Lyons, Rice, Capt. Fitzgerald, 
 and John Hagerty; of the wounded Captain Baker, and privates Hancock, 
 Harvey, Sansbury, and Traheru. Id., 59. 
 
 '^ The wounded were left behind with about 20 others, who refused to ac- 
 company them. Stapp, 59. Col Fisher and Gen. Green, with some others, 
 had oeen started in advance that morning before the charge was made and 
 could not take part in it. 
 
RECAPTURE AND DECIMATION. 367 
 
 Tiad gone well; but on February 14th, Cameron, who 
 had been chosen commander, was induced by the ob- 
 stinacy of the more timid of the party to abandon the 
 road and take refuge in the mountains. This was 
 contrary to the urgent advice of a European friend, 
 who had met them on the way, and assured them 
 that if they kept on the road to Monclova, no detach- 
 ment could immediately be sent in pursuit large enough 
 to recapture them. The step taken was fatal; they 
 entered a barren and waterless mountain region. Hag- 
 gard with hunger, crazy with thirst, having killed 
 some of their animals for food, and abandoned the 
 rest, they wandered on till the 18th, when the main 
 body, scattered and exhausted, surrendered, without 
 show of resistance, to a body of cavalrymen. Cameron, 
 with about fifty of the stronger men, had preceded 
 the rest, and been already recaptured. During the 
 following days, stragglers were continually brought 
 in, till the number of prisoners retaken amounted to 
 182." On March 25th, the forlorn captives, heavily 
 fettered, reentered the hacienda del Salado, the scene 
 of their former desperate achievement. Here they 
 were presently informed that orders had been received 
 from Santa Anna to decimate them. No time was 
 lost. The same evening 159 white beans and 17 black 
 ones'* were placed in an earthem crock, and the pris- 
 oners made to draw one consecutively, a black bean 
 signifying death. Cameron was made to draw first, 
 but escaped the fate it was hoped would fall upon him. 
 Three fourths of the beans were drawn before the urn 
 yielded up the last fatal lot ; then the irons were struck 
 off the victims, and at sunset they were led forth to 
 die. Seated upon a log near the eastern wall, they were 
 blindfolded, and fired upon till they ceased to breathe.'" 
 
 " According to Qreen, 165-8. The same author states that 5 men died in 
 the mountains; 5 were left there, and were supposed to have perished; and 
 4 effected their escape to Texas. Id., 444, 446. There is therefore a discrep- 
 ancy of three between the original number 193 and the latter figures given by 
 this writer. 
 
 ^ Representing 176 prisoners, the sick having been left on the road. Stapp 
 says the number was 174. 
 
 39 Their names were: John S. Czish, James D. Cocke, Major Robert Dun- 
 
368 
 
 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 The survivors were marched to the city of Mexico, 
 several dymg on the way. At Huehuetoca, about six 
 leagues from the capital, Captain Cameron, who had 
 escaped the death-lottery of March 25th, was exe- 
 cuted, April 25th, by order of Santa Anna, The re- 
 mainder of the prisoners were put to work at road- 
 making. In September, the greater portion of them, 
 were sent to the fortress of Perote, where they found 
 
 Fortress or Pekotb. 
 
 most of the B^jar prisoners. General Green, Colonel 
 Fisher, and some others had been sent direct to this 
 stronghold, and on July 2d, Green and seven other 
 captives effected their escape, having tunnelled'through 
 the foundations of the fortress. Through the inter- 
 ham, Captain William M. Estland, Edward E. Este, Robert Harris, Thomas- 
 L. Jones, Patrick Mahan, James Ogden, Charles M. Roberts, William Rowan, 
 James L. Shepherd, J. M. N. Thompson, James N. Torrey, James Turnbull, 
 Henry Whaling, M. C. Wing. Shepherd being struck in the face at the first 
 fire, the ball inflicting only a bad flesh-wound, fell forward and feigned 
 death. When night came on, he crawled away to the mountains, but com- 
 pelled by hunger, after wandering for several weeks, surrendered himself, 
 was taken to Saltillo, recognized, and shot in the public square. Id., 74;. 
 Tlirall, 331. 
 
PELEASE OF PRISONERS. 369 
 
 cession of General Waddy Thompson, the last of the 
 Bejar prisoners, to the number of thirty-eight, were 
 released in March 1844." 
 
 On the subject of the release of the Mier prisoners, 
 much correspondence was carried on between the gov- 
 ernments of Texas and those of the United States and 
 Great Britain, through their representatives. The 
 expedition xmder Fisher was conducted without the 
 sanction of the Texan government, and in direct de- 
 fiance of General Somerville's order to march home. 
 By the United States and Great Britain it was re- 
 garded as a marauding incursion, and those powers 
 remonstrated with Texas, when it sought their inter- 
 position in behalf of the prisoners. The defence of 
 the Texan government, however, was based on reason- 
 able grounds. Admitting, said the executive, that 
 they went without orders, and were thereby placed 
 beyond the protection of the rules of war, yet the 
 Mexican officers, by proposing terms of capitulation 
 to the men, relieved them from the responsibility 
 which they had incurred." 
 
 *" Tkompson, Recol. Mex., 77-9. Particulars as to the fates of the 67 
 Bejar prisoners are supplied by Green, pp. 447-8. 
 
 Number of those who escaped July 2, 1843 5 
 
 Released by Santa-Robinson, his commissioner 1 
 
 Released through the intercession of U. S. minister 3 
 
 Released through the intercession of Gen. Jackson 1 
 
 Killed at Salado 2 
 
 Died in prison in Mexico 8 
 
 Escaped from Mexico 3 
 
 Released from Perote 38 
 
 Number of prisoners of whom there is no knowledge, but who are presumed 
 to have perished 6 
 
 Total 67 
 
 *iOn this subject, see Yoahim, ii. .'595-8. The opposition papers of the 
 time charged the president with endeavoring to prejudice Santa Anna against 
 the prisoners by admitting that the movement across the Rio Grande had 
 been made on their own responsibility. On Jan. 10, 1846, Gen. Green pub- 
 lished an address to the people of Texas in which he holds Houston respon- 
 sible for the decimation of the Mier prisoners March 25, 1843, on the ground 
 that he begged the mercy of the Mexican government for them, ' though they 
 had entered Mexico contrary to law and authority. ' Copy will be found in 
 Green's Reply, ut sup., 29-36 et seq. Green, in his Journal of the. Texan Expe- 
 dition against Mier, expressed himself very bitterly against Houston, and 
 brought forward charges against him which the latter considered so serious 
 that he denounced them, Aug. 1, 1854, as calumnies before the U. S. senate, 
 of which he was then member from Texas. Houston dealt equally severely 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 24 
 
370 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 Meantime the captives were kept in confinement, 
 and most of them made to do servile labor. From 
 time to time a few escaped; eleven were released 
 through the intercession of the United States and 
 British ministers, and no small number of them died 
 under their privations. Finally the remainder, 107 
 in number, were liberated by Santa Anna, September 
 16, 1844, in commemoration of Mexico's national 
 day." 
 
 Both the Santa F^ and Mier expeditions prove 
 that Texas was in no condition to carry on an offen- 
 sive war against Mexico. 
 
 with Green, and considered that his book should receive the attention of the 
 chairman of the committee of the library of congress, and be condemned. 
 Houston's speech elicited a reply from Green, who in scathing terms assailed 
 his opponent. Cong. Olohe, 1854, app. 1214-18; Id., 1855, 742; Green's Meply 
 to Houston, Feb. 15, 185.5, p. 67. 
 
 ^'^ Drfensor Iriteg. Nac., Sept. 25, Oct. 5, 1844; the names of the released 
 prisoners being given. Three of them were released from the Santiago 
 prison in the capital, and the remaining 104 from Perote. Rivera, Hht. 
 Jatofpa, iii. 633. ^rom Green's Journal I gather the following particulars 
 relative to the Mier prisoners. 
 
 Number Texans who fought at Mier 261 
 
 Number of killed in battle 10 
 
 Nnmber of men who died of wounds 6 
 
 Number of men who escaped from Mier 2 18 
 
 Number of prisoners 243 
 
 KUled at Salado, Feb. 11, 1843 5 
 
 Texans shot at Salado, March 25, 1843 17 
 
 Captain Camero, shot Apr. 25, 1843 1 
 
 Texans who died ia the mountains .... 5 
 
 Texans left in the mountains 5 
 
 Texans who escaped from the mountains 4 
 
 Texans left wounded at Mier and who escaped 8 
 
 Texans who died in Mexico (1843) 35 
 
 Released through intercession of U. S. min 7 
 
 Released through intercession of H. B. M.'s min 4 
 
 Released by Santa Anna voluntarily 3 
 
 Escaped from the city of Mexico 9 
 
 Escaped from Perote, July 2, 1843 3 
 
 : from Perote, March 25, 1844 9 115 
 
 Number of captives remaining 128 
 
 Released in September 1844 107 
 
 21 
 Orlando Phelps was released by Santa Anna on the arrival of the prisoners 
 at the capital — Thompson's RecoUec. Mex., 75-6 — and W. P. Stapp — author 
 of The Prisoners of Perote, Philadelphia, 1845, p. 164 — was liberated May 
 16, 1844, and five other captives a few weeks previous to the final release. 
 Green, 477. Thus 14 prisoners are vmacoounted for, it being presumable that 
 they may be added to Green's list of those who died of sicfcaess and priva- 
 tions during their incarceration. 
 
ANOTHER Uli-FATED APFAIR. 371 
 
 One more unsuccessful expedition has to be re- 
 corded. In 1842 information was received in Texas 
 that a richly laden Mexican caravan would start on 
 its return to Santa F6 from Missouri in the spring of 
 1843. On application to the government, Colonel 
 Jacob Snively was authorized to organize a force for 
 the purpose of intercepting it, as it crossed territory- 
 claimed by Texas, south of the Arkansas river, and 
 through which the Santa Fe trail ran. At the end 
 of May, Snively, with about 180 men, reached the 
 Arkansas and encamped on the right bank, 25 miles 
 below the point where the caravan route crossed the 
 river. Here they learned, through their scouts, that 
 a Mexican force of 500 or 600 men was in the neigh- 
 borhood waiting to escort the caravan when it arrived. 
 On June 17th the Texans received news of its ap- 
 proach, and moreover, that it was guarded by 200 
 U. S. dragoons under Captain Philip St George 
 Cooke. On the 20th they fell in with a large ad- 
 vance party of the Mexican force; an encounter en- 
 sued, seventeen of the enemy were slain, and eighty 
 taken prisoners, the Texans obtaining a good supply 
 of provisions and horses. After this feat, dissension 
 divided the command into two parties, one of which, 
 about seventy in number, abandoned the enterprise 
 and elected Captain Chandler as their leader to con- 
 duct them home. Snively's camp was discovered by 
 Cooke, June 30th, who thereupon sent for the Texan 
 leader and informed him that he was on United 
 States territory. Snively protested ; Cooke refused 
 to listen to any explanation, crossed the river with his 
 dragoons, and compelled the Texans to give up their 
 arms. Snively's party numbered only 107 men, and 
 Cooke had brought two pieces of artillery to bear upon 
 them. The United States' officer allowed them to 
 retain ten muskets for self-protection! They were 
 600 miles away from home, with Mexicans on one 
 side and hostile Indians on the other. Fortunately 
 Chandler's party was still not far off and had escaped 
 
372 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 the observation of Cooke, who offered to escort to 
 Independence, Missouri, as many of Snively's men as 
 might choose to go thither. About 50 Texans ac- 
 cepted the invitation ; the rest united with Chandler's 
 command. Some attempt was stUl made to go after 
 tlie caravan, but the adventurers, fearing they would 
 be overpowered, abandoned the project, and turned 
 their steps homeward. After two encounters with 
 Indians, in which four of their number were killed, 
 the Texans reached Bird's Fort, on the Trinity, 
 August 6th, and there disbanded." 
 
 One of the Bejar prisoners confined in the fortress 
 of Perote was J. W. Robinson, lieutenant-governor 
 of Texas in 1835. Probably with no other intention 
 than that of gaining his liberty, he addressed, Janu- 
 ary 9, 1843, a letter to Santa Anna, then in retire- 
 ment at Manga de Clavo, stating that he believed, if 
 a personal interview were granted him, that he 
 could furnish Santa Anna with important information, 
 and lay before him a plan for the reunion of Texas 
 with Mexico, the details of which it would be impos- 
 sible to explain by letter. He proceeded to state that 
 the Texans were anxious for peace, but its establish- 
 ment could not be effected without first entering into 
 an armistice; that if this were done great benefits 
 would result to Mexico. The Texan people, he said, 
 discontented with the administration of Houston, 
 would become disposed to a reunion, and he did not 
 hesitate to assure his excellency that Texas would 
 agree to reunion under the following nine conditions : 
 that there should be an amnesty for the past; that 
 
 « Yoakum, ii. 399^05; TlirdU, 332-6. Both these authors consulted 
 various manuscripts, written by persons who accompanied the expedition, 
 among which may be mentioned, S. A. Miller's Journal, and the account by 
 Colonel Huyh F. Young, of San Antonio. The U. S. afterward recognized 
 that the Texans were not on U. S. soil, and finally paid §18.50 for each fire- 
 arm taken. When Gen. Houston was Senator in the congress at Washing- 
 ton he declared that tlie expedition was unauthorized, but Yoakum quotes 
 from the letter of instructions from the sec. of war, and Young — according 
 to Thrall — states that he saw one signed Sam Houston. 
 
INTERPOSITION INYOKED. 373 
 
 Texas should recognize the sovereignty of Mexico; 
 that Texas should have a separate government ; should 
 defend herself against hostile Indians, and assist 
 Mexico in reducing them to obedience; should send 
 representatives to the Mexican congress ; would pay 
 her contingent of Mexico's national debt ; contribute 
 her quota toward the expenses of the general govern- 
 ment; in cases of litigation Texas should have the 
 right of appeal to the supreme court of Mexico ; and 
 that Mexicans who had taken part in the Texan revo- 
 lution should not lose their rights. 
 
 This precious communication was sent by Santa 
 Anna to Jose Maria Tornel, the minister of war, re- 
 questing him to lay it before the substitute president, 
 Nicold,s Bravo; if that functuary gave his approval, 
 Santa Anna would grant Robinson an interview. 
 Bravo did approve, and the government authorized 
 the retired dictator to negotiate with Robinson as he 
 might think proper. The result was that the Bejar 
 prisoner was released, appointed commissioner by 
 Santa Anna, and despatched, without loss of time, 
 with instructions to propose, on the part of Mexico, 
 the reincorporation of Texas, on the basis appended in 
 the note below." 
 
 Of course the proposition was not entertained for a 
 moment ; in fact it was scoffed at by the people. But 
 all the world might laugh while Robinson had the 
 satisfaction of having gained his liberty. 
 
 In the meantime the Texan government had applied 
 
 ** Mexico, desirous of terminating the war, offered to grant an Tinre- 
 stricted amnesty to all whom it might concern; the security of person and 
 property would be guaranteed; the inhabitants of Texas should lay down 
 their arms, and acCnowledge the sovereignty, laws, rules, and orders of 
 Mexico, without the slightest modification; this fundamental basis being 
 admitted, Texas might appoint her functionaries and authorities, military 
 and political, in accordance with the constitution; Mexican troops should not 
 be sent into Texas while Texas should provide for her own security on the 
 frontiers; with regard to the legislative power, laws considered proper for 
 the good government of Texas, might be proposed to the general congress 
 for approval; and lastly Texas should conform in all other matters to regu- 
 lations that might be established for the other departments of the republic. 
 El Sigh XIX, July 12, 1843, in which the whole official correspondence on this 
 matter is published. 
 
374 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 to the three powers, the United States, Great Britain, 
 and France, invoking their joint interposition, to out 
 an end to the war." 
 
 The British government, however, while signifying 
 its readiness to mediate alone, declined to act jointly 
 with the United States, believing that the relations 
 between the latter power and Mexico, were such as 
 would not tend to advance the object aimed at by the 
 proposed representation. But Great Britain, none 
 the less, proffered her good services to Mexico singly." 
 That a more narrow than usual self-interest guided 
 England's policy with regard to Texas cannot be 
 denied. She would gladly have seen the young nation's 
 independent sovereignty acknowledged by Mexico, 
 and lastingly maintained; and was correspondingly 
 unwilling to witness the aggrandizement of the United 
 States by the annexation of Texas. When, therefore, 
 the annexation question was again agitated in the 
 cabinet at Washington early in 1843," Percy Doyle, 
 the British representative at Mexico, mediated so suc- 
 cessfully that Santa Anna, secretly disposed to treat, 
 agreed to an armistice. Doyle was authorized to in- 
 form President Houston, through Charles Elliot, 
 British charge d'affairs to Texas, that he would give 
 immediate orders for the cessation of hostihties, and 
 would be ready to receive commissioners from Texas, 
 to treat on the terms of peace proposed by him. 
 Doyle's courier was taken by the British sloop-of-war 
 Sylla, to Galveston, arriving there June 9th. Houston 
 accepted the proposal, and on the 15th of the same 
 month issued a proclamation, ordering a cessation of 
 hostilities pending negotiations for peace between the 
 two countries.** 
 
 ** Copy of Houston's address to the Great Powers, dated Oct. 15, 1842, 
 is supplied ia Lester's Houston and las Sep., 163-7. 
 
 *^ Smith's Rem. Tex. Rep., 44. 
 
 " Tyler and his cabinet were favorable to annexation. On Feb. 10, 1S43, 
 Van Zandt, the Texan charge d'aflfairs at Washington, was informed by his 
 government that he was authorized to intimate to the U. S. gov't, ,if the 
 matter were brought up, that in case any advance were made on its part, 
 Texas would renew the proposal for annexation. Yoahun, 407 
 
 48 Copy in Niks' Reg., Ixiv,, 307, 
 
COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED. 375 
 
 Negotiations were conducted slowly. Texas was in 
 no haste in the matter. The longer the interval of 
 peace, the better would it be for her interests in every 
 point of view. Communications were interchanged 
 through the medium of the British representatives in 
 the two countries, relative to various matters prelim- 
 inary to the appointment of commissioners, such as 
 the question of the reciprocal release of prisoners — ^the 
 Mexican government complaining that all the pris- 
 oners captured at San Jacinto had not been liberated — 
 the recalling of the forces under Snively, and the 
 killing of Mexicans lately on the south-western 
 border. All these matters were successively settled 
 by Houston, who stated that all San Jacinto prisoners 
 had been set at liberty in 1 837, that Snively had been 
 recalled, and that the Mexicans killed on the borders 
 were banditti, who assumed either nationality as 
 suited their marauding purposes. 
 
 On September 26th, George W. Hockley and 
 Samuel M. Williams were appointed the commissioners 
 on the part of Texas, to meet those of General WoU, 
 who had been authorized by Santa Anna to treat 
 with Texas concerning the terms of the armistice. 
 The appointees of WoU were Senores Landeras and 
 Jaunequi. The instructions given to Hockley and Wil- 
 liams indicate the desire of the Texan government to gain 
 time. They were to endeavor to establish a general 
 armistice pending negotiations for a permanent peace, 
 and for such further period as they could agree upon, 
 requiring due notice to be given by either party dis- 
 posed to resume hostilities, through the minister of 
 Great Britain, near the corrbsponding government, 
 six months previous to any act of hostility. They 
 were also to agree that Texas should appoint com- 
 missioners, clothed with full powers, to meet at the 
 capital of Mexico, to negotiate for the adjustment of 
 difficulties and the establishment of a permanent 
 peace. 
 
 The United States and Great Britain were watch- 
 
376 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 ing each other's action as bearing upon the future of 
 the young repubhc, with jealous eyes; and now the 
 government of the former nation showed its intention 
 no longer to look quietly on. President Tyler's views 
 with regard to annexation were no secret, nor was it 
 a matter of doubt that the question would be brought 
 before the house when congress met in December 
 1843. The Mexican government, accordingly, in 
 August of that year, declared that the passage of any 
 act by the congress at Washington to incorporate 
 Texas with the United States would be considered 
 equivalent to a declaration of war." Tyler, in his 
 message to congress December 5, 1843, regarded this 
 threat on the part of Mexico as extraordinary, and 
 after remarking that since the battle of San Jacinto 
 the war had consisted for the most part of predatory 
 incursions, stated that the United States had an im- 
 mediate interest in seeing that an end be put to the 
 state of hostilities existing between Mexico and Texas ; 
 that such a system of warfare, by weakening both 
 powers, rendered them subjects of interference on the 
 part of more powerful nations ; that the United States 
 could not be expected to permit such interference to 
 their own disadvantage, and that the government was 
 bound, by every consideration of interest and sym- 
 pathy, to see that Texas should be left free to act, 
 unawed by force, and unrestrained by the policy of 
 other countries. 
 
 The language is plain, and the intention evident. 
 Mexico was not to wage war with Texas, nor were 
 European powers to interfere by mediation in the ad- 
 justment of the difficulties between the two nations, 
 or endeavor to establish peace between them. While 
 the preliminary negotiations for the armistice were 
 going on, England invited France to join her in the 
 mediation, and these powers did not fail to comment 
 severely upon the ill-advised remarks of President 
 
 ^'Bocanegra to Waddy Thompsmi, in U. 8. H, Ex. Doc, 28 cong., 1 sess., 
 no. 2, 26-7. See correspondence on the subject in Id., 27-30, 35, 38-9, 41-8. 
 
AKNEXATION AND SLAVERY. 377 
 
 Tyler, made at a time when a cessation of hostilities 
 had actually occurred, and without considering in any 
 degree what might be the wishes of the people of 
 Texas or the decision of her government on matters 
 touching her own welfare. But the United States 
 were greatly agitated by the idea that a blow was be- 
 ing aimed by England, through Texas, at one of their 
 own institutions. It was believed by the entire mass 
 of the southern people, and a large portion of the in- 
 habitants of the northern states, that a plan was being 
 formed in Great Britain to abolish slavery in the 
 south."* Opposed as were the people of the north to 
 slavery, they were not going to tolerate the interfer- 
 ence of a foreign power in the settlement of the 
 nation's domestic concerns. Texas was, therefore, no 
 longer to be regarded unfavorably by them, as had 
 hitherto been the case, and a tolerably strong party, 
 friendly to annexation, sprung up among them. As 
 for Mexico, when she became aware of the steps 
 which were being taken in the United States and 
 Texas to procure the incorporation of the latter, her 
 indignation knew no bounds. 
 
 Meantime the peace commissioners met at Salinas" 
 
 ^ It ■was considered in the U. S. that the leading motive of England in 
 taking such an active interest in the aflfairs of Texas was her design to effect 
 the abolition of slavery in that country. Yoakum takes this view, and goes 
 so far as to state that ' Mr Doyle, the British charge d'affaires, had been in- 
 structed to propose to Mexico a settlement of her difficulties with Texas, based 
 upon the abolition of slavery in the latter. ' This is untrue; and Ashbel Smith, 
 Texan minister in London at the time, takes the trouble to correct this ' grave 
 error ' as he calls it. ' Mr Doyle,' says he, ' was not so instructed; he was not 
 instructed at all on these matters. Rem. Tex. Rep., 58. The fact of the 
 matter is that it was the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society in London, 
 and not the English cabinet that caused the hubbub, and produced the exas- 
 peration in the U. S. against Great Britain. It was the meddlesome mem- 
 bers of this society that hastened the annexation; and the same author 
 expresses his belief that the British government had no sympathy with or 
 respect for them. Consult, on this subject, Id., 49-58. Anson Jones says — 
 Mem., 1850, p. 52, in Thrall, 347 — 'the subject of domestic slavery, about 
 which so much alarm existed in 1844-5, was never so much as mentioned or 
 alluded to by the British minister to the government of Texas, except to 
 disclaim, in the most emphatic terms, any intention on the part of England 
 ever to interfere with it here. ' See also Nilca' Reg. , Ixiv. 404. On the diplo- 
 matic negotiations with Great Britain see Smith, ut sup., 59-64. 
 
 51 Not, as Yoakum has it, Sabinas, ii. 421; Thrall, p. 337, seems to have 
 copied this error. See Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 624. 
 
378 END OF THE TEXAK REPUBLIC. 
 
 on the -west side of the Rio Grande. After some 
 difficulties the proceedings were hastened by the agi- 
 tation which prevailed, owing to the news from the 
 United States, and on February 15, 1844, the armis- 
 tice was signed, the arrangements being made that 
 hostilities should cease pending negotiations for peace, 
 the duration of which was not to be extended beyond 
 May 1st, unless peace was probable. Houston refused 
 to ratify it, as it referred to Texas as a department of 
 Mexico, and on June 16th, WoU instructed by Santa 
 Anna, sent in a manifesto to Houston announcing 
 that Mexico had resumed hostilities." But during 
 the short remaining existence of the Texan republic 
 her foe confined her hostile intentions to menaces and 
 preparations for war. 
 
 At the election held September 2, 1844, Anson 
 Jones was chosen president, and Kenneth L. Ander- 
 son, vice-president. No more important election had 
 yet been held in the republic, inasmuch as it repre- 
 sented at that date the feelings of the people on the 
 great question of incorporation into the United States. 
 Edward Burleson was Jones' competitor and an an- 
 nexationist. The total number of votes cast was 
 12,752, of which Jones polled 7,037, and Burleson 
 5,661, the remaining 54 votes being scattering." 
 Jones was supposed to be an anti-annexationist. 
 
 The , ninth congress having met and organized, 
 December 3d, President Houston delivered his fare- 
 well message. He represented the foreign and do- 
 
 ^2 Assigning as the reason, the failure of the commissioners to proceed to 
 Mexico, according to the 4th art. of the armistice, to regulate differences. 
 Copy in Niks' Reg., Ixvi. 382. Relative to this armistice and English rela- 
 tions with Texas the reader can consult, Id., Ixiv. 307, 404; Ixv. 34, 178, 
 212; Ixvi. 96-8, 113, 280, 382; Ixvii. 113-14; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 600-1, 
 623-7; Bustamante, Hist. S. Anna, 112-16; De Bow's Encyc, 1844, 2d ed. 
 265-9. 
 
 ^ The number of counties was 36, which sent up 61 delegates to the con- 
 vention of 1845, 35 of whom were anti-annexationists, and 26 annexationists. 
 In Mies' Reg., Ixviii. 249, will be found a tabular form, giving the names 
 of the counties, the number of votes cast in each, and the number of 
 delegates sent by each. Only five counties, namely, Harris, Harrison, 
 Nacogdoches, Red River, and Washington sent three delegates; Mont- 
 gomery sent four; eighteen counties sent one delegate, and thirteen sent two. 
 
ANSON JONES, PRESIDENT. 379 
 
 mestic relations of the republic to be in a prosperous 
 condition. Treaties of amity, navigation, and com- 
 merce had been exchanged with several of the German 
 states. The most important part of the message 
 refers to the subjects of the proceeding pages of this 
 chapter. "The governments of Great Britain and 
 France," he says, "still maintain towards us those 
 sentiments of friendship and good feeling which have 
 ever marked their intercourse with us, and which it 
 should continue to be our studious care, by every 
 proper manifestation on our part, to strengthen and 
 reciprocate. There is no ground to suspect that the 
 late agitation of international questions between this 
 republic, and that of the United States, has in any 
 degree abated their desire for our continued pros- 
 perity and independence, or caused them to relax their 
 good offices to bring about the speedy and honorable 
 adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico. That 
 they should evince anxiety for our separate existence, 
 and permanent independence as a nation is not only 
 natural, but entirely commendable." And he adds, 
 that they were too well acquainted with the history 
 of the Texan republic's origin, to suppose that she 
 would surrender one jot of liberty and right of self- 
 government. "They will not ask it, they do not ex- 
 pect it, we would not yield it." " Such were the 
 words of the president some ten months before the 
 popular vote proclaimed almost unanimously in favor 
 of annexation. But Houston had some reason for 
 expressing himself thus. On June 8th the United 
 States senate, after continuing in secret session till 
 9 o'clock p. M., discussing the treaty of annexation, 
 which had been brought before it by a joint resolution 
 of the house, rejected its ratification by a vote of 35 
 to 16." Politically, Texas was not in an enviable 
 position at this time. She was, unwittingly, the 
 shuttlecock of stronger powers. Influenced by agi- 
 
 ^ Niks' Reg., Ixvii. 272. 
 
 ^Cang. Olobe, 28 cong., 1 sess., xiii.; pt 1, p. 692. 
 
380 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 tators from the United States, which used England 
 as their bugbear, her people rapidly changed their 
 feelings against annexation. Rather than occupy the 
 position of a minor nation, she consented to throw 
 down the sceptre of individual sovereignty under the 
 shield of her powerful sister, while saving her own 
 dignity by waiting to be invited to do so. 
 
 On retiring from office, Houston was surrounded by 
 stanch friends and bitter enemies, who were not choice 
 in the language they made use of in denouncing each 
 other's policy. But it is not my purpose to record 
 the many unseemly recriminations, the numerous 
 personal insults, which at this time and later,*' were 
 bandied to and fro between the parties," or to con- 
 stitute myself a judge. But an unbiased observer 
 cannot ignore facts. Houston, by the close of his 
 second administration, had again, by a pacific policy, 
 brought the Indians to terms of peace;** by his sug- 
 gestions the expenses of the government were so re- 
 
 ^^ Consult, Qreiris Jowmal, Mier Meped., passim. Houston's Speech, Aug. 
 1, 1854, in Cong. Globe, 1854, append. 1214-18. Id., 1855, 742. Green's Reply to 
 Houston, Feb. 15, 1855, p. 67. 
 
 *' On the question of annexation. Branch T. Archer — formerly a member 
 of Lamar's cabinet — came out with a letter in which he considered that he 
 proved that Houston and Jones ' pledged themselves to the Brittsh govern- 
 ment that they were opposed to annexation.' Id., Ixviii. 374. How utterly 
 at variance vrith this assertion are Anson Jones' remarks ! In his Memor- 
 anda for 1850, under date of Feb. 1st, we read: 'The annexation of Texas 
 is an event, the resulting consequences of which are too vast to be yet rea- 
 lized or calculated. Of this measure I was the architect. I saved it subse- 
 quently from the destructive violence of some potent enemies, as well as of 
 its best friends in the United States and Texas, who, like the boys ia chase 
 of the butterfly, would have crushed it iu their imprudent and impatient 
 grasp. I'he exciting and balancing of the constantly acting and re-acting 
 rival influences of England, France, Mexico, and the United States, and 
 conveying them aU to tlie one point, with the view, and for the purpose of 
 effecting my object, was a labor, in which for five years I did not give sleep 
 to my eyes or slumber to my eyelids, and in which I was finally successful.' 
 lipp. Tex., 44r-5. The course adopted by Jones gave mortal offence to 
 Houston. 
 
 *^ A treaty of perpetual amity was concluded Sept. 28, 1843, with ten 
 tribes, viz: the Tiwaheones, Keachies, Waooes, Caddoes, Anadalikoes, Ironies, 
 Cherokees, Boloxies, Dela wares, and Chickasaws. Miles' Eeg. , Ixv. 195. The 
 celebrated Texan ranger. Col John C. Hays, says: 'Before the annexation 
 of Texas the Indians in that part of the country were pretty well whipped 
 out, and they retreated far back into the interior with their families, and 
 mostly ceased their depredations upon the whites.' Hays' Life a/nd Adven., 
 MS., 11. The Comanones are, doubtless, referred to by the coloud. 
 
CHARACTER OP" HOUSTON. 381 
 
 duced that the revenue was adequate to meet them ; 
 and both in an agricultural and commercial point of 
 view Texas thrived under his non-hostile policy. 
 
 Houston was a singular man. Gifted with no ordi- 
 nary abiUties and well educated, he was fully capable 
 of guiding the helm of government. His great fail- 
 ings were vanity and its companion — -jealousy. More- 
 over, he clothed himself in a robe of mystery, thereby 
 causing oflPence. The student of history cannot fail 
 to be impressed with his achievements in the cause of 
 Texas. Mistakes he made, but they were more in 
 the direction of giving offence to opponents than 
 measures detrimental to the solidity and vitality of 
 his adopted country, whose interests he had ever at 
 heart. Houston had hard men to deal with — fiery 
 spirits, all anlbitious of fame. During the struggle 
 for independence, the most enterprising and the boldest 
 men flocked into Texas from the United States — men 
 prominent alike by their physical and mental capabilities. 
 Texas offered a field on which they might win renown. 
 Thus it was that high position in the army was ever 
 a contested prize, and each aspiring officer sought to 
 be the leader. With such aspirants, it is not to be 
 wondered that every move and every act of the gen- 
 eral-in-chief were taken notice of and criticised un- 
 favorably by those who thought they could do better. 
 His Fabian policy in his famous retreat from Gonzalez 
 caused much murmuring and ill-will among his impa- 
 tient followers. But his principle was sound in the 
 highest degree. To lure the enemy to the banks of 
 the Sabine, far from his base of supplies and source 
 of recruits, and give him battle on a broader land, 
 where the Texans could confidently expect military 
 aid from the United States, was matchless strategy. 
 This engagement with the foe at San Jacinto was 
 doubtless brought about, to some extent, by pressure. 
 But, if Houston had not had a clear perception of 
 every probability of victory, he never would have 
 fought that battle. His moral courage was para- 
 
382 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 mount to insubordinate dictation. His troubles, also, 
 with regards to immigrants were not light. Every 
 incomer was determined and ready to sustain his 
 claim to the land on which he settled, whether hold- 
 ing a forged or legal certificate of "head-right.' The 
 fact that Houston maintained himself at the head of 
 such a community proves his ability and worth. 
 
 In his inaugural address President Jones stated 
 that his object would be the maintenance of public 
 credit ; the reduction of the expenses of government ; 
 the abolishment of paper issues; the revision of the 
 tariff law; the establishment of a system of public 
 schools ; the attainment of speedy peace with Mexico, 
 and friendly and just relations with the Indians on 
 the frontier; the introduction of the penitentiary sys- 
 tem ; and the encouragement of internal improvement. 
 Not a word was said on the subject of annexation. 
 
 Jones' administration was destined to be short. On 
 February 28, 1845, a joint resolution of the two 
 houses in favor of the incorporation of Texas into the 
 union was passed in the United States' congress. On 
 March 1st President Polk signed the document, and 
 to Texas was left the decision of accepting or not the 
 invitation. President Jones on May 5th issued a 
 proclamation for the election of delegates to a gen- 
 eral convention to consider the proposition passed by 
 the United States' congress. On July 4th the con- 
 vention met at Austin, and appointed a committee to 
 which the question was referred to be reported upon. 
 The committee drew up an ordinance in the form of a 
 joint resolution in favor of annexation, recommending 
 its adoption by both houses of congress. Only one 
 member voted against the ordinance," which was 
 
 '' Richaxd Bache, a grandson of Benjamin Franklin, representative for 
 Galveston. Thrall, 350. Copy of the joint resolution of the U. S. congress 
 submitted to Texas will he found in U. S. Charters and Comtii., ii. 1764^5. 
 By the terms of it all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports, and 
 harbors, navy and navy-yards, docks, magarines, arms, and armanent were 
 to be ceded to the V. S., while Texas was to retain possession of all her 
 public lands. 
 
CONSTITUTION AND ADMISSION. 383 
 
 submitted, together with a new constitution/" framed 
 and adopted by the convention, to the decision of the 
 people. On October 13th both the ordinance and the 
 constitution were ratified by an almost unanimous 
 vote. President Polk, December 29, 1845, approved 
 the joint resolution of the United States congress 
 that Texas should be admitted into the union," and 
 on February 19, 1846, President Jones surrendered 
 the executive authority to the newly elected governor, 
 J. Pinckney Henderson. °^ The lone star of Texas 
 sank below the horizon to rise again amidst a constel- 
 lation of unapproachable splendor. 
 
 ™ According to this state constitution, the legislature was to meet 
 biennially; senators were to be chosen for four years, one-half biennially; 
 ministers of the gospel were not elegible to the legislature; bills for raising 
 revenue were to originate in the house of representatives; the governor's 
 veto to any bill could be nullified by a subsequent two-thirds' vote of both 
 houses in its favor; after 1850 a census of the free white population was to 
 be taken every eight years for the apportionment of representation. The 
 judiciary was to consist of one supreme court, district courts, and inferior 
 courts; the judges of the supreme and district courts were appointed by the 
 governor, with consent of two thirds of the senate, and hold office for six 
 years; the supreme court had appellate jurisdiction only, and in criminal 
 cases, and in appeals from interlocutory judgments, it was regulated by 
 the legislature. The district courts had original jurisdiction in all criminal 
 cases, and if the punishment was not specifically determined by law, the jury 
 were to determine it. County courts for probate business were established 
 and held in each county. The governor was chosen by plurality of votes 
 for two years, and was only elegible for four years out of six; he could hold 
 no other office, civil or military One-tenth of the annual revenue by taxa- 
 tion was to be appropriated to free public schools. No corporation with 
 banking privileges was to be chartered. The aggregate of state debt con- 
 tracted in future was not to exceed $100,000. Family homesteads, not ex- 
 ceeding 200 acres, and in value $2,000, were exempted from forced sale. 
 Amendments to this constitution, after having been agreed to by two-thirds 
 of each house, were to be submitted to the people; if then approved by a 
 majority of the voters, and subsequently by two thirds of each house of the 
 next legislature, they became valid parts of the constitution. Fisher and 
 CoV/y's Amer. Statis. An., 1854, 394-5. 
 
 «! U. S. H. Misc., vol. 19, doc. 45, pt 4, 122-4. 
 
 ^2 For fuller particulars on the subject of the Texan annexation see Hist. 
 Mex., V. -322-38, this series; Mies' Reg., bcxii. 222-3, 267-8, 287; Ixxiii. 11, 
 31, 47, 147, 235-9, 280-2, 398^11; Ixxiv. 105-6; U. S., Rejmh. of, 62; Galla- 
 tin's Pence with Mex., 7-9; Otero, Comun. Negoe. Dip., in Pap. Var., 87, no. 14. 
 
 William Kennedy, Texas : Tlie Rise, Progress, and Prospects of the RepuljUc 
 oj Tems. London, 1841, 8vo, 2 vols., pp. lii, 378, and vi. 548; 2 maps. The 
 author of this valuable work served in 1838, under Lord Durham, Governor- 
 General of Canada, as assistant commissioner for enquiring into the munici- 
 pal institutions of Lower Canada. Lord Durham's abrupt resignation having 
 Drought the commission to a permature close, Kennedy took the opportunity 
 of visiting a large portion of the U. S., and extended his journey to 'iexas. 
 During his residence there circumstances were so favorable to his acquiring 
 
384 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 information on the political condition of the country, as to induce him to 
 undertake the task of publishing the result of his enquiries and observations. 
 His work contains a comprehensive history of all important events in Texas, 
 from 1690 to 1840, and suppUes a vast amount of information on every 
 subject included in the 'rise, progress, and prospects' of a new country. 
 Kennedy was a keen observer; and better still, his observations were eon- 
 ducted without prejudice, and are correct; his reflections were deeply 
 thoughtful, and, though evidently regarding with favor the Anglo-American 
 colonists, and vindicating them in their action with regard to Mexico, his 
 conclusions are just. His style is particularly graceful, felicitous, and at- 
 tractive, rising frequently to eloquence; and the different topics and subjects 
 of his work are well and carefully combined. Two good maps accompany 
 it, one of which, facing p. 336, vol. 1., indicates the grants of land conceded 
 under the empresario system of Mexico. Another edition was published in 
 N. Y. in 1844. 
 
 H. Yoakum — History of Texas from its first settlemevt in 1685, to its Annexa- 
 tion to tlie United States in I846. New York, 1856, 8vo, 2 vols., pp. 482, 576. 
 lUust. and maps. This is a work which may be considered as one oif the 
 best, if not the best, history of Texas. No other production of the kind in 
 English supplies a more complete account of Texan events, the author hav- 
 ing had the advantage of preceding works of importance, such as those of 
 Kennedy, Foote, and other writers. His account of the early missionary 
 labors and the founding, system, and decline of the missions is good, though 
 brief; as also the information which he gives about the Indian tribes and 
 their wars against the whites. Yoakum certainly made many mistakes, 
 and has been frequently corrected by subsequent writers ; he was an in- 
 timate friend of General Houston, and displays his admiration of him in his 
 work; but this does not warrant Richardson, in saying that Yoakum's 
 partiality was carried to an extreme of adulation, and habitually ignored 
 the sanctity of truth. The same writer considered that there was no doubt 
 that Yoakum received his data and voluminous documents from Houston, in 
 spite of the latter's assertion that the work was one with which the com- 
 mander-in-chief had no connection. This may be true to some extent, but 
 when he goes on to say, ' we entertain no doubt that there are, in that book, 
 letters, despatches, and documents, which were concocted for the book, and 
 long posterior to the events they refer to,' — Tex. Aim., 1860, 36 — such a 
 remark is not only reckless, as Richardson does not produce a shadow of 
 proof, but bears the mark of enmity and malice. Yoakum supplies a large 
 number of documents in his appendices, among which mention must be made 
 of the copy of an old record in the archives of Bejar, bearing the date of 
 1744, and which contains much information on the early history of Texas; 
 and of a memoir written by Col. Ellis P. Bean, about the year 1816, in 
 which an account of Nolan's iaroad is given, and of Bean's subsequent 
 romantic career in Mexico, first as a prisoner, and afterward as a soldier 
 fighting in the cause of the independence. 
 
 Henry Stuart Foote — Texas and the Texans. or Advance qft?ie Angh-Ameri- 
 mns to the South-West, etc., etc. Philadelphia, 1841, 12mo, 2vdls., pp. viii. 
 314, and v. 403. This author opens his work with a review of the leading 
 events in Mexico, from the conquest by Cortes to the termination of the 
 war of independence. He then enters upon Texan matters, and describes 
 the numerous expeditions into Texas from the U. S. Of the Fredonian war 
 he gives a very full account, preceded by a sketch of the progress of Austin's 
 colony. The second volume is devoted to the Texan war of independence, 
 and the causes which led to its outbreak. In a postscript some informa- 
 tion is given concerning the claims of the U. S. to 'iexas, at different periods 
 after the purchase of Louisiana, and the efforts to confirm a title to the ter- 
 ritory. Foote had at his disposal much valuable material, and supplies 
 copies of a number of important documents. He had been invited while in 
 Texas, he informs us in his preface, ' to undertake a History of the War of 
 Texan Independence, by more than twenty of the most conspicuous actors in 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 385 
 
 that war.' This may explain his strong one-sidedness, but is no excuse for 
 his frequently indulging in contemptuous and undignified expressions when 
 speaking of the Mexicans. His work, however, is a valuable contribution to- 
 lexan history. 
 
 Mary Aiistin HoUey, Texas. Lexington, Ky., 1836. I2mo., pp. viii. 410; 
 Map. This authoress published a few years previously, Texas, Observations, 
 Historical, Geographical, and Descriptive, in a Series of Letters vmtten during a 
 Visit to Austin's Colony, with a View to a Permanent Setthmeni in that Country, 
 in t?ie Avtumn of 1831. Baltimore, 1833, 12 mo., pp. 167. The work under 
 consideration is an enlargement of the former issue, and contains a very 
 correct description of the physical features of Texas, besides a large amount 
 of historical matter, which is supported by copies of important documents. 
 Mrs HoUey concludes her narrative with a brief recital of the battle of San 
 Jacinto, furnishing a list of the killed and wounded on the Texan side, as 
 also Houston's Army Orders of May 5, 1836. Attached" is an appendix 
 containing ' The Constitution of the Mexican United States, ' and ' Constitu- 
 tion of the Republic of Texas,' with a list of the signers of the 'Declara-* 
 tion of Rights. In The QuaHerly Review, vol. Ixi. p. 332, a slighting remark 
 is made, charging the authoress with giving the moat favorable prospect of the 
 new country for the purpose of inducing the immigration of settlers from the 
 U. S. — the writer of the article sarcastically printing her name 'Austin ' in 
 italics. But the whole tone of his article is stamped with a lack of appreciat- 
 ing what a struggle for free principles against despotism really is. With 
 regard to Mrs HoUey 's style I quote the following passage from The NorthAmer- 
 ican Review, vol. xhii., no. xcii. p. 257. 'Mrs HoUey has given an agreeable 
 account of her visit, in her own femininely graceful style, yet by no means 
 destitute of expression and force; and her statements, as to the natural 
 features of the country, are, in substance, correct.' This remark refers to 
 her earlier work. 
 
 W. B. Dewees — Letters from an Early Settler of Teaxts. Compiled by Cara 
 Cardelle. LouisviUe, Ky., 1852, 12mo. pp. viii. 312. There is internal evi- 
 dence that his work is not what it purports to be. The compUer states in 
 her preface that she ' chanced to find, among the papers of a worthy friend„ 
 a large pile of letters from Texas, some of them bearing an early date in 
 the history of that country. ' Interested in the perusal of them she professes, 
 to have obtained leave from Dewees to pubUsh them, and remarks, ' I give 
 them as they are, from the pen of the author, lest by revising and correct- 
 ing, some gem should be lost or beauty marred.' The first letter is dated 
 'Long Prairie, Ark., March 1, 1819,' and the last 'Columbus, Texas, Feb. 
 3, 1852,' being in answer to the compiler's request that Dewees would write 
 her ' concerning the prosperity of your country, from the date of your last 
 letter (January, 1850) up to the present time; ' that is, Jan. 15, 1852. Now 
 without discussing the many extraordinary historical mistakes scattered 
 through the volume, attention is caUed to that in the third letter dated June 
 10, 1821. The writer says, on pp. 20-22, ' Nacogdoches is an old Spanish 
 town, situated on the San Antonio and Louisiana road, about sixty miles 
 west of the Sabine river, in the state of Coahuila and Texas; ' and ajgain: 
 'During my stay in Nacogdoches, I learned that Mr Moses Austin, of 
 Missouri, had received permission from the Mexican government to estab- 
 lish a colony in the state of Coahuila and Texas.' Here is a glaring anach- 
 ronism that could not have been perpetrated by Dewees; the state of Coa- 
 huila and Texas was not formed till May 7, 1824 — see iadex this volume. 
 That at least some of these letters are spurious there is incontrovertible 
 evidence. In the 19th letter, dated Columbus, Texas, May 15, 1836, the 
 writer has not scrupled to copy almost verbatim from Mrs Jlolley's Texas, 
 pp. 354^5. 1 quote a few passages. Dewees writes 'Colonel Travis, on 
 whose head a price was set, when wounded and dying was attacked by a 
 Mexican officer who seemed intent on strihing the body q/'the dead; ' Mrs HoUey 
 has, ' who, m imitation of the western savage seemed desirous of striking tlie 
 body of the dead, the other portion of the passage being identical. Dewees, 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 'Si. 
 
386 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 has, ' Travis met and plunged his sword m the breast of the savage 
 Mexican, and they fell, the victor with the victim, to rise no more. ' Mrs 
 Holley writes, "Travis met and plunged his sword in the breast of the 
 advancing enemy, and fell, the victor with the victim, to rise no more. ' 
 Again the following passage is almost word for word, the same as the corres- 
 ponding one in Mrs Holley's work. ' Immediately after the fall of the 
 Alamo, Gen. Santa Aima sent Mrs Dickenson and Col Travis' servant to 
 <}en. Houston's camp, accompanied by a Mexican, with a flag, who bore a 
 note from Santa Anna offering the Texans peace and a general amnesty if 
 they would lay down their arms and submit to his government. Gen. 
 Houston's reply was "True, sir, you have succeeded in killing some of our 
 brave men, but the Texans are not yet whipped. " ' Now Mrs HoUey pub- 
 lished in her work, which was issued in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1836, 
 Army Orders of Gen. Houston, dated May 5, 1836, and it was impossible 
 that Dewees could have had the work before him at the time when his letter 
 is pretended to have been written. The conclusion that the letters were 
 "written long after the dates assigned to them is indisputable. With regard 
 to their matter, they contain numerous accounts of fights with Indians, and 
 of the distressed condition of the early settlers. In historical matters they 
 are marked by inaccuracies and exaggeration. 
 
 Anson Jones — Memoranda and Official Correspondence relating to t/i£ Republic 
 of Texas; its History and Annexation. Including a brief Atctolnography of the 
 Author. New York, 1859, 8vo, pp. 648. The author of this work went to 
 Texas in 1833, and fought against the Mexicans as a soldier in the ranks. 
 After the independence of Texas, he was successively representative, sena- 
 tor, secretary of state, minister, and president. His book consequently con- 
 tains a vast amount of information; as he gives in it not only his private 
 memoirs, but all his official correspondence, especially during 1841 to 1844. 
 It is divided in 'Private Memoirs,' 'Memoranda,' in the form of a journal. 
 and 'Letters, etc.,' among which appear extracts from a number of Texan 
 and U. S. newspapers. The work contains extensive information on all 
 political afiairs in Texas, from the time of his arrival, to within a few weeks 
 of his death, Jan. 7, 1858. Especially valuable are his remarks on the cam- 
 paign of 1836, the annexation question, and the schemes of England. During 
 Jones' presidency Gen. Houston became estranged from him and, according 
 to his own statement, page 520, assumed a hostile attitude toward him, 
 both politically and personally. Doctor Jones was subject to paroxysms of 
 gloom, and in a fit of despondency took his own life on the above mentioned 
 date. 
 
 An elaborate volume by Homer S. Thrall, — A Pictorial History of Texas, 
 from tlie Earliest Visits of European Adventurers, to A. D., 1879, etc, etc, St 
 Louis, Mo. 8vo, pp. xix, and 861, map, — supplies extensive information re- 
 garding Texas, the author having had access to many official documents, 
 and the opportunity of perusing a large number of histories, pamphlets, and 
 addresses bearing upon his subject. He has, therefore, been able to place 
 before his reader, in a condensed form, a vast accumulation of historical 
 events, and in all main features, it is safe to say that he is generally 
 correct. Toward the close of the period which ThraU's work covers, he is 
 scanty and very delicate about expressing any views of political matters. 
 The works comprises all matters connected T^ith the history of the state. 
 Lists of the executives and the personnel of the different departments will 
 be found in the notes, and brief descriptions, in alphabetical order, of tlie 
 counties are supplied, as also accounts of charitable and educational insti- 
 tutions and churches. Information is given on agricultural industries, rail- 
 ways and commerce, population and the growing wealth of the state. 
 Perhaps the most valuable and interesting portion of the book is that 
 devoted to biographical notices of prominent Texans, of whom he furnishes a 
 list of over 200, their names arranged alphabetically. The work is so com- 
 prehensive in details, and methodical in construction, that it may be regarded 
 as a miniature cyclopedia rather than a history of Texas. 
 
FULLER REFEEENCE. 387 
 
 The following is a list of the principal authorities consulted in the preced- 
 ing chapters: U. S. government documents, notably Cong. Debates; Id. Globe; 
 Sen. Doc.; Sen. Miscel. Doc.; Sen. Sep.; H. Ex. Docs ; H. Miscel. Docs; H. 
 Com. Rep.; H. Jour.; Charters and Constitutions ; Sen. Jour.; to the respective 
 indices of which the reader is referred for Texas affairs; Hules and Articles 
 for Govt Armies, Houston, 1839, 20 pp.; Texas Sepealed, passim; Texas State 
 Gaz., iv. app.; Laws of Rep. of Texas, for the years 1838^5; Texas, Message 
 ofPres., Houston, 1838, 32 pp.; Laying Corner-stone New State Capital, Aus- 
 tin, 1885, 43 pp. ; Tex. Almanacs, for the years 1858-61, 1867-9, see indices; 
 Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex., vols i. and ii.; Kennedy's Tex., vols i. and ii.; 
 Baker's Tex., passim; Cordova's Tex., 3-6, 102-53; Jay's Mex. War, 20-106; 
 Holley's Tex., passim; Houston's Letter to Sania Ana; Id., Life of, 211-24; Id., 
 Message, May 12th, Houston, 1838, 9 pp.; Id., Mess. Relative to Ind. Affairs, 
 Houston, 1838, 13 pp.; Foote's Tex., passim; Mex. Manifest del Gong. Gen., 
 Mex., 1836, 20 pp.; Id., Rel. Exter., 1838, 12-14, 18; Id., Mem. Hoc., 1838, 
 7; Id., Col. Leyes, 1829--30; Thrall's Tex., 18-701; Rivera, Jalapa, iii., passim; 
 Young's Hist, of Mex., 262-606; Gray's Outline Hist., 1-16; Linn's Reminis., 
 65, 225-312; U. S. Repub., 58-268; Burnett's Address to the Sen., Houston, 
 1838, 8 pp. ; Lester's Houston and Ms Repub., 45-201; Dublcm and Lcaamo, Leg. 
 Mex., ill. 141-88; iv. 154, 198; v. 17; Roberts' Descript. Tex., i.-iv.; Willson's 
 Amer. Hist., 665-72; Gum's Memoirs, MS., 2-4, 249-55; Potter's Texas Revol, 
 27 pp.; Tex. Coll. Docs, nos 3-7, 19, 53-8, 65; Hansm-d's Pari. Rec., Ixv. 
 964-5; Ixxiv. 1227, 1330; Id., Pari. Deb., xxxvii. 191-202; Hay's Ufe, MS., 
 3, 7, 11-33; Nihs' Register, covering the period, see indices; Federadon y 
 Texas, 39 pp.; Dewees' Letters frrnn Tex., 223-98, 304r-8; PaUcm's Hist. U. 8., 
 686-91; Domenech, Hist, du Mex., 177-8, 187-96; Id., Jamr. Missionaire, 10, 
 25, 325-442; Falconer's Discern. Miss., 34-52; Hist. Doc. Cal, i. 72; ii. 21, 36; 
 Fry's Life of Taylor, 71-86; Gallatin's Peace with Mex., 7-9, 15-23; Green's 
 Journal, passim; Id., Reply to HovMon, 29-66; Id., Speech in U. S. Sen., 3-67; 
 Gratton's Civ. Amer., ii. 261-5, 278-311; Hooton's St Louis Isle, Lond., 1847, 
 204 pp.; Jenkins' Mex. War, passim; Id., Life of Polk, 120-33, 236-45; Peiroe's 
 Rough Sketch, MS., 93-8; Id., Jour., MS., 100-9; Varios Impresos, 2, no. vi. 
 1-96; Giddings' Speeclies, 97-118; Smith's Reminis. Tex., Galv., 1876, 82 pp.; 
 Barley, Tex.; Benton's Deb. in Cong., xii. 650-2, 805; xiii. 802; xx. 673-4; 
 Id., Tliirty Years' View, ii. 581-624, 665-76; Bustamante, Diario Mex., MS., 
 xliv. 81, 109, 127, 169; xlv. 53, 71, 168; xlvi. 31, 77, 87; Id., GaMnete Mex., 
 MS., i. 5, 23-4, 45; ii. 7-14, 158-70, 183-5; iv. 17; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., 
 ii. 46-50, 61-2, 71-6, 90-3, 166-7; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 5-6, 42-50, 110-16, 
 301; Cebcdlos, Vind. de Mex., 43-50, 1S-7; Channing's Letter to Clay; Complaint 
 of Mex.; BtmneWs Desvrip. Tex., 117-50; KendalVs Narr. of Tex., Santa Fi 
 Exped., ii. 11-406; Kennedy's Sveech in U. S. Sen.,; Blanchard's S. Juam, 522- 
 6, 543-72; Ahnonte, Notic. Estadist. Tex., 5-10, 51, 68-70, 76-7; Adams, Dis- 
 curso del Ex-presidente, Mex., 1836, 22 pp.; Rep. Mex. Border Oommiss., 245 
 efcseq.; Tomel, Tejas Estad. Unid., 1-98; Mies' S. Amer. and Mex., 1.250-69, 
 356-69, 372; Ramsey's Other Side, 21-4; Cranes Wash. Co. Tex., 25-9, 33; 
 Tex., Dictamen de Comis Unidas, 24 pp.; Texas, History of, or Emig. Guide to, 
 N. Y., 1844, 275 pp.; Fournel, Coup d'Oeil, 20-1, 38, 41, 53-6; Tejas, Exped. 
 hedia en, 1-56; Id., Com. Agreg. Estad. Unid., 3-30; Porter's Rev. Mex. War, 
 9-35; Mex. Comunic. Agreg. Tex., 7-30; Mansfield's Mex. War, 9-19, 22-4; 
 Amer. State Papers, vi. 412-27; Arrittaga, Recap., 1836, 234, 331-3; 1837, 40, 
 86-7, 268-9, 398, 596-7; 1838, 187, 212-13; Austin Directory, 1877-8, 1-33; 
 Tex. in I84O, 23-8, 61-7, 209-22, 248-56; Marcy's Army Life, 63, 356-90; 
 Texas Ccm.fram Sec. oftU Treas., Houston, 1838, 16 pp.; Goodrich's Hist. N. 
 and S. Amer., 268-70, 810-61; Dickenson's Speeches, 1. 127-59; Larenaudikre. 
 Mex. y Gnat., 239-40; Lamatr's Letter on Annex, of Tex.; Id., Inaug. Address, 
 Houston, 1838, 11 pp.; Rivero, Mex. en 18J0, 118, 223; Guerra entre Mex. ylos 
 Estad. Unid., 17, 21-2; Yuc. Manifest Gob. Prov., 16-37; Peeler and Maxey's 
 Mercer Colony Case; McOahe's CompreMnsive View, 761-2; Thompson's Recol 
 Mex., passim; Ohmtcd's Journey, 472-4; Sumner's Orations, ii. 107-16; Robin- 
 son's Mex., 256-61; Ripley's War Mex., i. 58; I'exan Revolution; MacOregor's 
 
388 
 
 END OF THE TEXAN KEPUBLIO. 
 
 Progress of Amer., ii. 1036, 1256; Baqueiro, Bnsayo Yuc., i."42-5; Barreiro, 
 Resuamn, 36 pp.; Hutchison's Reminis., 198-208; War in Texas, 64 pp.; Rejim, 
 Orecendo Justijicacion, 1-35; HunCs Address to People of Tex., 21-43; Id., Pvh- 
 lic Lcmds and Debt of Tex., 16 pp.; PaladoLeyes, 1844-6, 115-17; Otero, Obras, 
 MS., 1. 313-17; ii. 1^; Tex., UU. Comunic., Max., 1846, 22 pp.; Derruocratic 
 Rev., 1839^5; Pap. Var., 75, no. 14, 85, no. 15, 106, no. 7, 111, no. 1, 143, 
 no. 19, 149, no. 12; Mayer's Mex. War, 54-66, 74^5; Id., Mex. as It Was and 
 Is, 312; Rouliam, Regions Nmmelles, 27; Land. Geog. Soc. Jour., xiii. 202-44; 
 Fislier's Memorials, 3-87; De Sow's Stat. View, 32-168; Edinburgh Rev., no. 
 147, p. 266, no. 157, p. 180-2; NoHhAmer. Rev., xliii. 251-7; Hvm^s Merck. 
 Mag., ii. 264^5; iv. 564; xvi. 486, 557; xviii. 504; Amer. Rev., 75-81; Gauge's 
 Fiscal Hist. Tex., 54-102, 292-318; Gould's Alamo CUy Guide, 23-7; Putnam's 
 Monthly Mag., iii. 183-94; iv. 639-44; HohVs Wild lAfe in Far West, 18-32; 
 Reid's Tramp, 42-5, 52; Payne's Hist. European Colonies, 310-11; Hardman's 
 Frontier Life, 197-248; Muller, Reisen en Mex., iii. 315-17 In connection 
 with the preceding, a large number of newspaper authorities have been ex- 
 amined. 
 
 Seal of Texas. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 184&-1859. 
 
 ■Social OoNDrrioN of the Texans — Population — Poamoif of Maie- 
 PACTORS — SiMPLicrry of Households — The Literate Element — Gov- 
 ernor Hendekson's Inauguration — Texans' Doings in the Mexican 
 Wab — Wood's Administration — Dispute about the Possession of 
 Santa Fi — Governor Bell — The Texan Debt — ^Pearcb's Bill — The 
 Santa Fe and Public Debt Questions — Scaling the Debt — Pease's 
 Administration — Prosperity — Indian Depredations — Native Colo- 
 nies — Prospects op Success — ^Vicious Indian Settlers — Angry 
 Frontier-men — A Barbarous Massacre — ^Removal of the Indian 
 Colonists — Final Adjustment of the Public Debt — Financial 
 MAinrEKS — Hostility to Mexicans — ^The Cart War — Political Par- 
 ties — Biography of Rusk — Administration op Runnels — The 
 Slavery Agitation — Houston Elected Governor. 
 
 Texas now entered upon a new phase of existence. 
 She had presented to the world the extraordinary 
 spectacle of a nation voluntarily surrendering its na- 
 tionality, of a sovereign people laying down their 
 sceptre of autonomy. But her gain was not small. 
 No longer had she to support an army and navy, or 
 bear the expenses of a diplomatic corps and postal 
 service. With regard to her internal condition it had 
 greatly improved. Agricultural productions had in- 
 creased, and by 1845 the exports nearly equalled the 
 imports.' Having arrived at a distinctive period of 
 
 ' For the year ending July 31, 1844, the importa amounted to $686,503, 
 and the exports to $615,119, showing a balance of trade against the re- 
 public of $71,384. In 1839 the corresponding balance was $1,232,379, or 
 more than 17 times as much. Gouge, in his Fiscal Hist., 128, supplies these 
 figures, and points out the effect of excessive issues of paper currency in en- 
 couraging importa and discouraging exports. Though there is some truth in 
 his remark, he fails to take notice of the fact that the production of raw 
 material in Texas was rapidly increasing, and would naturally affect the 
 balance of trade. 
 (389) 
 
390 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 Texan history, it will not be out of place to take a 
 retrospective glance at the social condition of those 
 extraordiijary men who wrested from a powerful 
 nation this fair portion of her territory. 
 
 It is impossible to arrive at any certain estimate as 
 to the number of the Anglo-Texan population before 
 the year 1847, when the first census was taken, show- 
 ing the number of that race to be 100,508." A cal- 
 culation based upon the number of votes cast in Sep- 
 tember, 1844, at the presidential election, gives the 
 figures 51,008 ;' but when it is considered how widely 
 the population was dispersed, and the consequent 
 probability that no small number of the country 
 voters would be unable to appear at the polls, these 
 figures may be regarded as too low. The Mexican 
 element at this time numbered about 4,000 souls. 
 These, with the exception of the Mexicans resident at 
 Bejar, Goliad, and Nacogdoches, were scattered 
 among the settlements. Some few European immi- 
 grants, for the most part English, Irish, and Germans, 
 were also to be found.'' San Patricio, which was es- 
 sentially an Irish colony, contained quite a number of 
 that race. English settlers, also, shortly before the 
 annexation, were constantly arriving, some of whom 
 engaged in raising sheep, bringing with them flocks 
 of the best bred wool-producers in Great Britain. 
 
 When it is borne in mind from how many states of the 
 northern union the early settlers of Texas proceeded, 
 that descendants of the pilgrim fathers, and Hollanders 
 from the north, of the old Virginia cavaliers, and 
 of the ancient Huguenots who settled in South Caro- 
 lina, that hunters from Kentucky and Tennessee, and 
 illitera;te frontier farmers all flocked to this land of 
 promise, it will be recognized how motley was the 
 
 ' Consult note 4, chapter xiv. 
 
 'The number of votes was 12,752, and each voter is estimated to repre- 
 sent four persons, including himself. 
 
 * In 1845 a German colony wai foimded by Prince de Solms, on the Guad- 
 alupe river. At first these settlers suffered much from sickness, but their 
 county capital, New Braunfels is now a thriving place. Linn's Rem., 348. 
 
ELEMENTS OF SOCIETY. 391 
 
 community at this time. But on their arrival, 
 previous rivalries and jealousies, arising from dif- 
 ferent origins and local interests, to a great extent 
 disappeared. They had met in a new land under a 
 common name, and were ready to aid each other 
 and live in friendship, but as yet no national 
 character distinguished the people of Texas. Neither 
 in manners, customs, nor dress, did they display uni- 
 formity ; and each new-comer, finding no general 
 model, retained the habits he had brought with him. 
 In their intercourse with each other and with strang- 
 ers, they exhibited a freedom, and a want of the tinsel 
 of politeness — so often the cloak of insincerity — whick 
 might not always have pleased the transient traveller; 
 but if he possessed ordinary common sense, he soon 
 discovered the virtues of frankness, truthfulness, and 
 hospitality in the Texan settler. 
 
 With regard to the criminal element, the murderers 
 and fugitives from justice of which the people were 
 said to be largely composed, I fail to find these hasty 
 assertions verified. Either the Texans were intention- 
 ally maligned, or else they were introduced to the 
 world by writers who had no personal knowledge of 
 them. That numbers of malefactors found their way 
 into Texas cannot be denied; but they were in so 
 small a minority that they possessed no influence ; and 
 it may justly be said that in respect to this social 
 detriment, Texas suffered no more than the settle- 
 ments in all the frontier states of the union.' Over 
 the class of people which is the subject of these re- 
 marks a vigilant watch was kept by the community, 
 and an immigrant guUty of crime, who had made 
 
 * Unbiassed travellers recognized this. Consult Pwrher's Trip to tlie Went 
 cmd Tex., 169-70; Texas, A Visit to, heinff tJie Jovmal of a Traveler, 214^16; 
 Texas, A History of, or the Emigrants' Gwde, 230. These works, published re- 
 spectively in 1835, 1834, and 1844, contain much excellent information, and 
 are evidently reliable. Jake Johnson, a native Texan, and son of an old 
 pioneer who in early days was a stock-raiser and farmer in Gonzalez county, 
 writing in 1886, says, 'The reason Texas has such a bad name>is that 
 when the lawless of other portions of the country commit depredations, they 
 come to Texas, and thus give the state a bad name. ' Bace Horses in Tex. ,, 
 MS., 1. ^ 
 
392 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 Texas his place of refuge, was generally careful not to 
 repeat the offence which had caused his expatriation. 
 To suppose that no murders, or no violence occurred 
 in Texas, would be to imagine a millennium. Many 
 abominable crimes were perpetrated; but they were 
 not in greater proportion than every newly settled 
 country in the United States has been subject to; 
 whUe at the same time theft and burglary were car- 
 ried on to a much less extent. In manners and 
 morals the conduct of the Anglo-Texans would bear 
 comparison with those of any new country. 
 
 In most of the towns could be found a billiard 
 room, and in the suburbs a. race-course. The amuse- 
 ments derived from these sources were greatly in 
 vogue among the Texans. Though the legislature 
 attempted to suppress gambling,* this vice was greatly 
 practised in private. With regard to the use of in- 
 toxicating liquors the Texans could not be charged 
 with too strict temperance. 
 
 In the older settlements some comfortable frame- 
 houses could be seen at this date, and occasionally a 
 few of brick. In these might be found good imported 
 furniture and articles of luxury, such as pianos, sofas, 
 and bureaus. But the dwellings of most of the set- 
 tlers, especially in the country, were of logs, with 
 furniture of the simplest kind, generally made on the 
 spot out of materials at hand. A few boards with 
 supports roughly put together, constituted the house- 
 hold table, and chair frame-works were covered with 
 raw hides. The female part of the community per- 
 formed nearly all the household duties; and refined 
 as were the wives of many immigrants, they were not 
 exempt from severe toil unless they held slaves. 
 
 Food was of the simplest kind, except in the towns 
 and the better class of country establishments. Corn- 
 meal bread, meat, and sweet or Irish potatoes consti- 
 
 ^ On May 26, 1837, an act was passed making all games of chance, played 
 by persons holding banks for the purpose of inviting betters thereto, penal 
 offences. Lmm Repuh. Tex., i. 228-9. This law had the effect of suppressing 
 gambling in public only. 
 
HENDERSON, FIRST GOVERNOR 393 
 
 tuted the principal viands in the outly'ng districts. 
 The corn was frequently left standing in the field, and 
 gathered only as it became wanted.' The chief ex- 
 ports were cotton, sugar, live-stock, and peltries. 
 Indeed, the agricultural productions as yet were very 
 few, and confined to those of the first necessity. 
 
 A large portion of the settlers at this time was 
 composed of illiterate men, drawn from the class of 
 industrious husbandmen whose tastes and avocations 
 precluded the acquirement of an education. But, 
 nevertheless, among the early immigrants into Texas 
 were many highly cultured persons. The various 
 professions were represented by numerous indi- 
 viduals who displayed great intelligence and skill in 
 their particular callings ; many were gifted with con- 
 versational powers and versed in literature and science. 
 During the last years of the republic, gradua,tes from 
 half the colleges in the United States could be found 
 in Texas. ^. 
 
 On the 16th of February, 1846, the inauguration 
 of J. Pinckney Henderson," the first governor of the 
 
 'Parker — writing, however, a decade before the annexation — aays: 'It 
 used to amuse me, when we rode up to a house at night and called for a 
 meal, to hear the women sing out to a boy, " Run to the field and bring two 
 or three ears of com, I want to make some bread for the gentlemen's supper. ' " 
 Utsup., 130-1. 
 
 " Texas, A Hist, of, 230-1. 
 
 'Henderson was born in Lincoln county, N. C, March 31, 1809. For 
 several years he studied at the university of Chapel HUl, and having adopted 
 the profession of law was admitted to practise in N. C. at the early age of 
 nineteen. His intense application while preparing for his profession injured 
 his constitution. He want to Texas in 1836, and in 1837 was appointed 
 minister from the republic of Texas to England and France, where he suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining a recognition of the independence of Texas. He married 
 Frances Cox, in London, in October, 1839. On his return to Texas in 1840 
 he practised his profession till 1844, when he was appointed minister pleni- 
 potentiary to act in concert with Colonel Van Zandt, the charge d' affairs of 
 , Texas to the United States, to negotiate a treaty of annexation. The treaty 
 was, however, rejected by the U. S. senate. In the war with Mexico, Hen- 
 derson signalized himself, especially at the capture of Monterey, and was 
 one of the commissioners appointed by Taylor to treat with Ampudia for 
 the surrender of that place. On his return to Texas he declined a renomi- 
 nation as candidate for the govemship, and resumed the practise of his pro- 
 fession. He died in June, 1858, at the federal capital, having proceeded 
 thither to fill the vacancy in the U. S. senate occasioned ])y the death of 
 Senator Rusk. Tex. Aim., 18G8, 55-8; T/irall, 551; Cong. Olohe, 1858, 899; 
 Tex. State Oaz., iv. app., IGl-G. 
 
394 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 new state took place. By the constitution whicli had 
 been drawn up by the convention and ratified by pop- 
 ular vote the year before,'" the governor's term of 
 office was fixed at two years, the power of veto being 
 granted him. He also had the privilege of nominat- 
 ing the justices of the supreme court, and the judges 
 of the eight judicial districts which were formed by 
 the legislature. His nominations were to be con- 
 firmed by a vote of two thirds of the senate, and the 
 appointees were to hold office for six years. 
 
 When the joint resolutions of the United States 
 congress, in favor of annexation, were officially pub- 
 lished, March 7, 1845, General Almonte, the Mexi- 
 can minister at Washington, denounced the proceeding 
 in a vehement protest, and demanded his passports. 
 As there could now be no doubt of war with Mexico 
 — a result which the United States was really playing 
 for — General Taylor, who, pending negotiations, had 
 been stationed on the Sabine with a strong force of 
 United States troops, was ordered to establish his 
 headquarters at Corpus Christi, at the mouth of the 
 Nueces. This significant movement was effected at 
 the end of June. The Mexicans were, however, 
 making vigorous preparations for war, and were mass- 
 ing troops at Matamoros, evidently the first point to 
 be attacked if the enemy invaded Mexican territory. 
 
 As the events of the Mexican war are fully nar- 
 rated in another volume," I shall not, of course, enter 
 into particulars here; yet it would be an injustice to 
 the Texan volunteers, who bore a noble part in that 
 struggle, that in the history of their country, no 
 mention of their achievements should be made. 
 
 As soon as hostilities seemed inevitable, the Texan 
 legislature passed a bill authorizing Governor Hen- 
 derson to take command of the Texans who might be 
 mustered into the service of the United States. On 
 
 ^It was approved by the people on the second Monday in Oct. 1846. 
 " Bht. Mex., V. 346-548, this series. 
 
THE MEXICAN WAH. 
 
 395 
 
 May 2, 1846, a requisition for two regiments of in- 
 fantry and two of cavalry was made on Texas. On 
 May Sth and 9th, the battles of Palo Alto and Re- 
 saca de la Palma were fought, but it does not appear 
 that many Texan s took part in them,''' and it is prob- 
 able that Henderson did not join Taylor with his 
 command until the army had reached Camargo. The 
 limited means of transportation, and uncertainty with 
 regard to supplies, induced Taylor, while on his march 
 
 Crrr op MoNiBREr. 
 
 against Monterey, to leave a large number of volun- 
 teers on garrison duty in towns on the Rio Grande. 
 Thus, the 1st and 2d regiments only of the Texan 
 division accampanied the army on that memorable 
 campaign. In the attack upon Monterey, the 1st 
 regiment mounted volunteers under Colonel John C. 
 Hays, the celebrated ranger, was detached and sent 
 with General Worth to make a demonstration on the 
 western side of the town, while Taylor assaulted on 
 the east. 
 
 '''Capt. Samuel H. Walker, of the Texan Rangers, however, performed 
 eminent service as a scout. He was afterward killed at Huamautla, while' 
 serving in Gen. Lane's command. 
 
396 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 The city, which was strongly fortified and garris- 
 oned, was assailed by Taylor September 21st. The 
 attack lasted three days, on the last of which Hender- 
 son led in person the 2d regiment of Texans, who, 
 dismounting, acted as infantry. Being cut off from 
 his men by a murderous fire, he narrowly escaped 
 death. 
 
 Meanwhile Worth, making a detour, had gained 
 the other side of the town. On the 21st, he engaged 
 a body of Mexicans 1,500 strong, and it was mainly 
 owing to the strategy of Hays, and the deadly fire of 
 the Texan Rangers, who were in advance, that a 
 furious cavalry charge was repulsed and a victory 
 gained. 
 
 On the western side of Monterey lie two fortified 
 heights, one on each side of the river on which the 
 town is situated. These strongholds, known by the 
 names of La Federacion and Cerro del Obispado, 
 commanded the approach to the place. That after- 
 noon a force of 300 men, half of them Texans, stormed 
 and occupied La Federacion on the south side ; and 
 before daylight on the following morning 200 Texans 
 led by Hays and Walker, with three companies of the 
 artillery battalion and three companies of the 8th in- 
 fantry, scaled in two columns, under cover of a mist, 
 the almost perpendicular, height of El Obispado, and 
 well nigh reached the summit before the alarm was 
 given. Then a volley was poured down upon them. 
 But the work was soon carried, and as fresh troops 
 arrived in support, the strong fort of El Obispado was 
 assaulted and taken. The Texans, however, had to 
 mourn the death of Captain Gillispie, whose loss was 
 deeply lamented. 
 
 The investment of the city on the west side was 
 complete ; and during the next two days the Ameri- 
 cans so successfully pushed their way into the city — 
 the Texans bearing a prominent part in the struggle 
 — that on the 24th Ampudia capitulated, General 
 Henderson being appointed by Taylor one of the com- 
 
TEXAN HEROES. 397 
 
 missioners to treat about the terms of surrender. 
 
 All through the war the Texans distinguished 
 themselves. Hays' regiment, of which the old rangers 
 formed the nucleus, and among whom were such 
 spirits as Benjamin McCuUoch, Major Mike Chevalie, 
 Samuel A. Walker, McMuUen, Kit Acklin, J. B. 
 McGowan, and others, after serving in Taylor's cam- 
 paign on the Rio Grande, was transferred to Scott's 
 command. The efficiency of these mounted troopers 
 was marked wherever the army marched. Serving 
 equally as well on foot as on horseback, they would 
 storm a height or charge the enemy's cavalry with 
 the same indifference, intrepidity, and success. On 
 the road they were the terror of the guerrilla bands, 
 and in the towns objects of dread to antagonists, and 
 of awe to non-combatants. Their uncouth, wild, and 
 fierce appearance, their strange garb, and their repu- 
 tation for contempt of every form of danger, gained 
 for them in Mexico the belief that they were more 
 than human — ^that they were beings intermediate be- 
 tween man and devil. In the city of Mexico, some 
 of these brave, single-hearted; and patriotic men fell 
 beneath the knives of assassins, and the smouldered 
 remains of many others lie buried in Mexican soil all 
 the way from Vera Cruz to the capital." 
 
 While Governor Henderson was alssent in command 
 of the Texan volunteers, his place was filled by Lieu- 
 tenant-governor Horton. On December 21, 1847,. 
 George T. Wood" was inaugurated as the second 
 governor of the state, and John A. Greer as lieuten- 
 ant-governor. During Wood's administration, a con- 
 troversy arose between Texas and the United States 
 which could not fail to make the former reflect some- 
 what seriously upon the surrender of her separate 
 
 ^ Hays' Ufe, MS., 39-60; Tex. Aim., 1868, 58-9; Thrall, 358-9; Mor^hy, 
 450-1. 
 
 "Wood was a native of Georgia; came to Texas in 1836, and m 1846 
 raised a regiment for the Mexican war, in which he served with distinction. 
 He died in Panola county in 1856. Tlirall, 635. 
 
398 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 nationality. When war was formally declared be- 
 tween Mexico and the United States, General Kearney 
 took possession of Santa Fe in the name of the latter 
 power; and when, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 
 February 22, 1848, New Mexico was ceded to the 
 United States, Colonel Munroe was placed in com- 
 mand there. As the reader is aware, Texas laid 
 claim to all that portion of New Mexico lying east of 
 the Rio Grande; and in 1848 the state legislature 
 passed an act extending her jurisdiction over it, and 
 Judge Beard was sent to hold the district court. 
 Colonel Munroe ignored the Texan judge, and ordered 
 the election of a territorial delegate to the United 
 States congress. The controversy assumed a serious 
 phase. Governor Wood threatened force, a menace 
 which the cabinet at Washington met by notifying 
 the bellicose governor that if the Texans attempted 
 to take forcible possession of New Mexico they would 
 be treated as intruders. This question, which not 
 only deeply concerned Texas but threatened a serious 
 breach between the northern and southern states 
 owing to the sympathy of the latter with Texas, was 
 finally combined with that regarding the settlement of 
 the public debt. 
 
 At the election of 1849, P. Hansborough Bell" 
 was chosen governor, and John A. Greer reelected 
 lieutenant-governor. Governor Bell was inaugurated 
 in December of the same year, and on the expiration 
 of his term, was reelected. His administration was 
 marked by the settlement of the two absorbing ques- 
 tions of the boundary line and the public debt. 
 
 On the incorporation of Texas into the union, the 
 United States' government, of course, acquired the 
 revenue derived from the customs. These receipts, 
 however, had been pledged by the late republic as 
 
 ^'' Was a native of Virginia; landed at Velasco in March 1836, and f ouglit 
 ag a private at San Jacinto. In 1845 he became a captain of rangers, and 
 during the Mexican war was colonel of volunteers. He served two terms in 
 the DT S. congress, and then settled in N. C. According to Thrall, 501, he 
 was still alive in 1879. 
 
INDEBTEDNESS AND BOUNDAKY. 399 
 
 security for the payment of a certain portion of her 
 debt ; and when they were passed over to the federal 
 government, the bond-holders clamorously maintained 
 that the United States had become responsible for the 
 liabilities of Texas/" and pressed for a speedy settle- 
 ment. This matter, as well as the boundary question, 
 was discussed at great length in both houses, and on 
 January 29, 18,50, Henry Clay introduced among 
 other " compromise resolutions," one designed to solve 
 the perplexing questions of dispute with Texas." 
 
 Meantime the excitement with regard to the 
 question of ownership of that part of New Mexico 
 lying east of the Rio Grande increased both in Texas 
 and the United States. To show her serious deter- 
 mination not to yield her claim, a joint resolution 
 was passed, February 11, 1850, by the legislature 
 of the new state, not only asserting her right 
 to the disputed ground, but declaring her intention to 
 maintain the integrity of the territory.'* The several 
 resolutions of Clay's bill were slowly discussed, and 
 on August 5, 1850, James A. Pearce, senator from 
 Maryland, introduced a bill making definite proposi- 
 tions to the state of Texas relative to her boundary 
 and the payment of her public debt. They were to 
 
 '*That portion of the debt, however, for which the revenue from customs 
 was specially pledged, only amounted to $868,000, ostensible value, or $611,- 
 784.50 par value. Hunt's Merck. Mag., xxiv. 111. 
 
 " ' Resolved, that it be proposed to the state of Texas, that the U. S. 
 will provide for the payment of all that portion of the legitimate and bona 
 fide public debt of that state contracted prior to its annexation to the U. S., 
 and for which the duties on foreign imports were pledged by the said state 
 
 to its creditors, not exceeding the sum of $ , in consideration of the 
 
 said duties so pledged having been no longer applicable to that object, after 
 the caid annexation, but having thenceforward become payable to the U. S., 
 and upon condition, also, that the said state of Texas shall, by some solemn 
 and authentic act of her legislature, or of a convention, relinquish to the 
 U. S. any claim which it has to any part of New yieidco.,' Benton's Alridg. 
 Debates, Cong., xvi. 388, 391. 
 
 ^ ' Resolved by the legislature of the state of Texas, that all that terri- 
 tory which lies east of the Rio Grande, and a line running north from 
 the source of the Rio Grande to the forty-second degree of north 
 latitude, and south of the forty -second degree of north latitude and west and 
 south of the line designated in the treaty between the U. S. and the late 
 republic of Texas, of right belongs to the state of Texas, is included within 
 her rightful civil and political jurisdiction, and the state of Texas will main- 
 tain the integrity of her territory.' Tex., General Laws, iii., pt 1, 207-8. 
 
400 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 this effect : Texas was to agree that her boundary on 
 the north should commence at the point at which the 
 meridian of one hundred degrees west from Green- 
 wich is intersected by the parallel of thirty-six de- 
 grees and thirty minutes north latitude, and should 
 run from that point due west to the meridian of 103° 
 west from Greenwich; thence the boundary line 
 should run due south to the 328 of north latitude, 
 thence on the said parallel to the Rio Grande, and 
 thence with the channel of that river to the gulf of 
 Mexico. Texas was to cede to the United States all 
 her claim to territory outside of these limits, and to 
 relinquish all claim on the United States for liability 
 for her debts, or compensation for the surrender of 
 her ships, forts, custom-houses, custom-house revenue, 
 public buildings, etc. The United States, in consid- 
 eration of the establishment of said boundary, and 
 relinquishment of claims, would pay to Texas $10,- 
 000,000," in stock bearing five per centum, and re- 
 deemable at the end of fourteen years. No more 
 than $5,000,000 of said stock was to be issued until 
 the creditors of the state of Texas had filed at the 
 treasury of the United States releases of aU claims 
 against the United States on account of Texan bonds. ^° 
 This bill passed the senate, August 7th, by a vote of 
 thirty yeas and twenty nays, and on September 4th 
 following, passed the house by a vote of 108 against 97. 
 The president having signed the bill, which was 
 called the Boundary Act, it was forwarded to Gov- 
 ernor, Bell, who forthwith called an extra session 
 of the legislature. The propositions met with 
 violent opposition. Bell in his message advised the 
 occupancy of Santa Fe with a military force, suggest- 
 ing, however, that the vacant lands of that district 
 might be sold to the United States provided that 
 Texas retained jurisdiction over it. Apart from the 
 
 i» Benton had proposed, Jan. 16th, that $15,000,000 should be paid Texas 
 for similar considerations. Cong. Globe, xxii., pt 2, 1262. 
 
 ^'Copy of the bill will be found in Benton's Abridg. Debates^ Conq., xvi^ 
 590. 
 
TEXAS CLAIMS. 401- 
 
 unwillingness to yield territory on a general principle, 
 there was one feature in the bill especially repulsive 
 to the Texans, and that was the retaining half of the 
 $10,000,000 in the United States' treasury until the 
 creditors of Texas were paid. This self-protective 
 condition imposed by the United States was regarded 
 as a reflection on Texas, since it seemed to insinuate 
 that she would not be disposed to meet her liabilities 
 promptly if she obtained possession of the whole 
 amount. Then again, agreement to the propositions 
 was required to be given on or before December 1, 
 1850, a proviso which, taken with the general tone of 
 the document, and the unconditional assent expected, 
 was regarded as a symptom of domination to which a 
 sovereign state ought not to be subject. The ques- 
 tion having been discussed with much warmth and at 
 great length, the propositions of the United States 
 were finally accepted, November 25 th, and a law 
 passed to that effect." By this act Texas waved her 
 fictitious claim to about 98,380 square miles of the 
 territory of New Mexico." 
 
 21 After reciting the provisions of Pearoe's bill, it is declared in the act, 
 ' 1st. That the state of Texas hereby agrees to and accepts said propositions; 
 and it is hereby declared that the state shall be bound by the terms thereof, 
 according to their true import and meaning; 2d. That the governor of this 
 state be, and he is hereby requested to cause a copy of this act, authenti- 
 cated under the seal of the state, to be furnished to the president of the U. 
 S., by mail, as early as practicable.' Gouge, Fisc. Hist. Tex., 179. 
 
 22 The claim of Texas to Santa Fe and district was as unwarrantable as 
 the earlier claim of the U. S. that the Rio Grande was the boundary line of 
 Mexico. Yet Texans and Texan writers still regard it as a legitimate one. 
 Thrall, page 367, says: 'It will be seen that Texas sold 98,380 square miles, 
 equal ,to 56,249,640 acres. Had Mr Clay's bill passed, we should have lost 
 much more.' It is not easy to perceive how Texas could lose what she 
 never had. On the boundary question consult Miles' Beg., lii. 241; liii. 180, 
 306; Hv. 180-5; Iv. 118, 304; Ivii. 1, 65, 280; Iviii. 99, 227, 274; Ixxv. 156-7; 
 U. &'. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 25, sess. I, doc. 42; Mex. Treaties, i. no. 6; Ccmg. Globe, 
 1838-9, 98-9, 109-10, 219; U. S. Mepub. of, 269; Mayer's Mex. A^., i. 334^6; 
 Gallatin's Peacewiih Mex., 15-25; Hunt's Merch. Mag , xix. 328; RusKs Speech, 
 1850; Mason's Speech, May27,1850; McLean's Speech, June 5, 1850; GrattowsCiv. 
 Amer.,ii. 269-70; Thrall, 361-7. It may be argued that the U.S. seemed to recog- 
 nize to some extent the claim of Texas to the eastern half of New Mexico. Such 
 was not the case; the speakers in the debates on the boundary bill generally 
 disclaimed all right of Texas to the territory of Santa Fe. Moore of Pennsyl- 
 vania expressed the general opinion when he said that not one dollar would 
 he vote as a remuneration for the territory which Texas claimed; but that 
 that state having been annexed to the U. S., which took all her means of 
 revenue, they were responsible for her debts. Gouge, lit sup., 177-8. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 26 
 
402 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 This matter having been settled, the $5,000,000 
 was paid into the state treasury in February, 1852. 
 The amount of the indebtedness of the late republic 
 had been determined previously by the state. Ac- 
 cording to the report of the auditor and comptroller, 
 dated November 12, 1851, the ostensible indebted- 
 ness of Texas was $12,436,991, including interest. 
 But the state, in view of the low price at which a 
 large portion of the bonds issued by the republican 
 government had been sold, did not consider itself 
 bound to pay their full face value. It is here neces- 
 sary to take a retrospective glance at the action taken 
 by the state government in this matter. 
 
 The first legislature met at Austin, February 16, 
 1846, and gave its attention to the subject of the 
 public debt. A select committee was appointed, and 
 sent in its report March 1, 1846. This committee 
 stated that there was no other means of paying the 
 public creditors than by the sale of the public lands, 
 and recommended that these be sold to the United 
 States' government. So much with regard to the 
 question of means at that date ; respecting the amount 
 to be paid, however, the committee were of opinion 
 that Texas should only be bound to return to her 
 creditors what, according to just average, they had 
 paid for her securities, with interest at the rate stip- 
 ulated in the bond. On March 24th a committee 
 of the state senate made a report in favor of selling 
 thQ public lands to the federal government, but ex- 
 pressed the opinion that there should be a legislative 
 classification of all debts against the extinct republic 
 of Texas, and that each creditor should be awarded 
 relief and payment according to the merits of his 
 case." The committee accordingly sent in the drafb 
 of an act to classify the liabilities of the republic of 
 
 ^ ' For your committee cannot consent that tlie parties who have ad- 
 vanced cash and important service to Texas shall be placed on equal footing 
 ■with those who hold the liabilities of the republic of Texas, for which they 
 have paid not more than twenty cents on the dollar, and for which Texai 
 received perhaps a less amount, as it is notoriously and universally admitted 
 
AUDITORS REPORT, 403 
 
 Texas and of another entitled an act for the dis- 
 charge of the public debt of the republic of Texas, 
 in which the scaling principle was to operate. 
 
 The stand taken by the first legislature that a dis- 
 tinction should be made between the original and final 
 holders of Texan bonds was maintained by the second 
 legislature, which assembled at Austin in December 
 1847. On March 20, 1848, an act to provide for 
 ascertaining the debt of the late republic of Texas 
 was approved." This a,ct required the auditor and 
 comptroller of the state to reduce all claims to the 
 actual par value which was realized by the republic. 
 Accordingly on December 27, 1849, the auditor and 
 comptroller sent in their report with the scale of re- 
 ductions as estimated by them, and a more thorough 
 one November 12, 1851.'* According to their show- 
 ing the claims filed of all descriptions, including in- 
 terest up to the latter date amounted to $9,647,253, 
 which amount was scaled down to $4,807,764. The 
 claims not filed, including interest, amounted to 
 $2,789,738, and were scaled down to $2,019,514. 
 Thus the total debt with interest, including filed and 
 unfiled claims, was $12,436,991, which amount was 
 scaled down to $6,827,278." In January, 1852, the 
 
 that a great portion of the liabilities now in circulation were issued and 
 paid out at about sixteen cents on the dollar.'* Extract from committee's 
 report in Gouge, vt sup., 153. 
 
 ^*A supplementaiy act was passed Feb. 8, 1850, extending to the first 
 Monday in September, 1851, the time within which creditors were required 
 to present their claims against the late republic. Tex. Oen. Laws, iii. pt i., 
 144. 
 
 ^ John M. Swisher was auditor and James B. Shaw comptroller. The 
 latter was appointed comptroller, under the republic, in 1840, and continued 
 to hold that office till Nov. 1, 1858. Shaw was a native of Ireland, emi- 
 grated to Texas in 1837, and served as a private in the army. His knowl- 
 edge of the financial affairs of the republic was of great service in the ad- 
 justment of the public debt. Cordova's Tex., 102; Tex. Col. Doc, no. i, 3, 
 pp. 48, 62. 
 
 2°The claims were divided into three classes: Ist class consisted of 
 audited or ascertained claims, $8,587,132; 2d class, of claims sufficiently 
 authenticated to admit them to audit under the laws of the late republic, 
 $962,445; 3d class, claims not sufficiently authenticated to authorize their 
 being audited, $97,675. The following table will be found useful as showing 
 the different issues of bonds by the republican government, and the scale on 
 which their face values were reduced: 
 
404 
 
 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 legislature passed a law by which the state recognized 
 and adopted the rate of payment and classification 
 assigned to each class of debt by the auditor and 
 comptroller in their last report. The bill was sent to 
 Governor Bell on the 23d of the same month, and 
 on the 29th he returned it on the ground that he 
 considered that there existed cases of individual hard- 
 ship to which an application of the general basis 
 would not render justice. Nevertheless, in spite of 
 the governor's veto the bill was passed in the senate 
 by a vote of 29 to 5, and in the house by a vote of 
 47 to 12. Thus the state finally decided the amount 
 of her indebtedness by repudiating to the extent of 
 one half the liabilities which she had engaged to meet 
 according to the face of her bonds. 
 
 At the September election in 1853, Elisha M. 
 Pease" was chosen governor, and David C. Dickson 
 
 Ten per cent, bonds under act of June 7, 1837 
 Ten per cent, bonds under act of .Tune 7, 1837) 
 
 for relief of Swartout ) 
 
 Ten per cent, funded debt, under act of Feb. ( 
 
 5, 1840 1 
 
 Eight per cent, funded debt, under act of Feb. ) 
 
 5, 1840 ) 
 
 Eight per cent, treasury bonds, under act of ) 
 
 Feb. 5, 1840 S 
 
 Ten per cent, treasury notes^ under act June) 
 
 9, 1837 ) 
 
 Ten per cent, treasury notes, second issue ... . 
 Treasury notes, without interest, under act) 
 
 of Jan. 19, 1839 f 
 
 Ten per cent, bonds, for loan of TJ. S. Bank. , 
 Ten per cent, bonds, for purchase of Steamer) 
 
 Zavala j 
 
 Ten per cent, bonds, for purcliase of naval i 
 contract with F. Dawson f 
 
 OSTENSIBLE 
 VALUE 
 
 632,526 
 7,970 
 
 754,000 
 
 24,280 
 
 766,800 
 
 41,630 
 
 331,371 
 
 1,828,192 
 
 457,380 
 195,907 
 
 280,000 
 
 70cts. 
 1.00 
 
 .30 
 
 .30 
 
 .20 
 
 1.00 
 .50 
 .25 
 .8745 
 .50 
 
 .50 
 
 PAE VALUE 
 
 442,768 
 7,970 
 
 226,200 
 
 7,284 
 
 153,360 
 
 41,630 
 165,685 
 457,048 
 
 400,000 
 97,953 
 
 140,000 
 
 The above figures represent values without interest. A copy of the report 
 will be found in Oouge, 304-11. 
 
 '" A native of Connecticut, born in 1812, and a lawyer by profession. In 
 1835 lie went to Texas, and wer- appointed secretary of the executive council 
 at San Felipe. During 1836-7 he held several positions under the govern- 
 ment. Resigning the comptroUership of public accounts in the latter year, 
 he began to practise his profession in Braaoria county. He was a member of 
 the house of representatives of the 1 st and 2d legislatures, and was trans- 
 ferred to the senate of the tliird legislature. At the end of his second admin- 
 
GOVERNOR PEASE. 405 
 
 lieutenant-governor.'' Pease was reelected in 1855, 
 thus holding office for four consecutive years. In his 
 first message to congress, he recommended that meas- 
 ures should be adopted to provide adequately and 
 permanently for the support of public schools, "" and 
 for the establishment of a state university. He also 
 advised the establishment of asylums for lunatics, or- 
 phans, and for the education of deaf-mutes and the 
 blind. 
 
 The period of Pease's administration was one of 
 great prosperity. After the annexation, emigrants 
 from the United States flocked into the country, and 
 the war with Mexico having decided forever the posi- 
 tion of Texas, and secured the prospect of uninter- 
 rupted peace, every branch of industry thrived ; wealth 
 and population rapidly increased, and progress in com- 
 merce and internal development was marked in an 
 unprecedented degree 
 
 The only interference to this steady advance was 
 occasioned by Indian depredations on the frontiers. 
 Though the main body of each border tribe professed 
 friendship, the outlying settlements sustained consid- 
 erable damage, especially on the western frontier. 
 These depredations were committed for the most part 
 by the Comanches, who, while showing no disposition 
 to attack the Texan settlements directly, made fre- 
 quent inroads into Mexico, and on their journeys to 
 and from that country could not desist from foraging 
 in Texan territory, and pillaging settlements. On 
 
 istration, he took up his residence at Austin, and in 1867 was appointed 
 governor by Gren. Sheridan on the removal of Gov. Throckmorton. In 1874, 
 he was appointed collector of customs for Galveston, which oifice he did not 
 accept. In 1879 he was reappointed to the same position, and took charge 
 of the custom-house Feb. 1st of that year. Thrall, 598; Cordova's Tex., 101-2. 
 
 ^The total number of votes cast was 36,152, of which Pease received 
 13,091, W. B. Ochiltree 9,178, George T. Wood 5,983, Lemuel D. Evans 
 4,677, T. J. Chambers, 2,449, J. W. Daney 315, and 459 were scattered. 
 Gov. Bell having been elected to the U. S. congress, the executive chair was 
 filled by J. P. Henderson for a short time at the close of his term. Thrall, 
 368. 
 
 29By the constitution, ratified by the people Oct. 13, 1845, one tenth of 
 the annual revenue by taxation was to be appropriated for the maintenance 
 of public schools. 
 
406 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 several occasions, white men were killed and captives 
 taken. The military being unable to afford protection 
 all the roads leading from Bejar to the Rio Grande 
 were unsafe. On the northern frontier, the Texan 
 Indians were all friendly, but that portion of the state 
 was exposed to hostUe incursions made by Indians 
 from the Choctaw and Chickasaw United States' re- 
 serve, north of Red River. The Kickapoos were es- 
 pecially troublesome, and from time to time crossed 
 into Texas and committed depredations. In the 
 spring of 1854 a band of this tribe killed the special 
 agent, Steia, and a Mr Lepperman of Ohio, near Fort 
 Belknap. The special Indian agent at San Antonio 
 de Bejar invoked the action of the commissioner for 
 Indian affairs at Washington, touching this condition 
 of affairs.^" 
 
 Owing to the advance of the white race, and the 
 diminution of the buffalo and other game from which 
 the native tribes mainly derived their subsistence, the 
 Texan Indians were in danger of being reduced to a 
 state of destitution. This condition applied to all 
 Indians of the plains, and was regarded as the main 
 cause of the outrages committed by roving bands 
 within the borders of Texas. 
 
 As a remedy for this evil, a system of colonization 
 was applied, means being furnished by the United 
 States government to aid and instruct Indian settlers 
 in the cultivation of land. In pursuance of this policy 
 in the spring of 1855 two Indian colonies were es- 
 tablished in Texas, on reservations granted by the 
 state in Young county," one of which, consisting of 
 eight leagues of land, was located on the Brazos 
 river, below the junction of Clear Fork and Main 
 Brazos, about fifteen miles from Fort Belknap. This 
 
 ^"Robert S. Neighbors, the agent, considered that the Kickapoos were 
 not under the charge of the Choctaw agent, but existed as renegades, and 
 were under no control. Ind. Aff. Bepi, 1854, 158-66; Id., 1855, 10-11, 185-6. 
 
 '* Twelve leagues of land, or 55,728 acres, were set apart for this purpose 
 by act of the legislature, to be reserved to the U. S. for the benefit of the 
 Texan Indians exclusively, Tex. Aim., 1859, 130; Id., 1858, 92, 
 
INDIAN AFFAIRS. 407 
 
 reservation was called the Brazos agency. The other 
 settlement was located on Clear Fork, about forty- 
 five miles above its confluence with the main river. 
 It comprised four leagues of land. The first colony 
 was composed of Anadahkos, Caddoes, Tahwaccorroes, 
 Wacoes, and Tonkahwas, numbering in all 794 souls. 
 On the reservation on Clear Fork, 277 northern 
 Comanches were settled. The reports of the agents 
 at these reservations held out every prospect of 
 success. The Indians of the Brazos settlement, in 
 good behavior, morality, and industry, surpassed the 
 most sanguine expectations. They voluntarily ab- 
 stained from the use of ardent spirits, and drunken- 
 ness was unknown among them. By the end of 
 August public buildings had been erected — store- 
 rooms, houses for agents and employes, and a black- 
 smith's shop. Two farmers with assistant laborers 
 were employed to instruct the Indians, and 295 acres 
 of land had been ploughed and planted with corn. On 
 tht reservation on Clear Fork farming operations had 
 not been commenced, owing to the season being too 
 far advanced when the Comanches were located 
 thereon, but from the disposition evinced by them, 
 the agents looked confidently forward to the success 
 of the settlement.''' 
 
 Nor were these expectations without realization. 
 Within three years' these settlements attained a 
 high degree of prosperity, especially that of the Brazos 
 agency. ' The Indians tilled their land, tended and 
 garnered their crops, and possessed stocks of cattle, 
 horses, and hogs. They erected comfortable dwell- 
 ings, had school-houses," and were steadily pro- 
 
 32 Reports of agents, R. S. Neighbors and G. W. Hill in Id., 1855, 177-85. 
 
 3' The Comanches did not make the same progress as the Indians on the 
 Brazos reserve, owing to their not having had tlie same experience in the 
 manners of the white race. They were not more indolent than the other 
 tribes, — but whereas the latter had long lived near the white settlers, the 
 Comanches had hitherto been outside of all friendly intercourse. Tex. Ahn., 
 1859, 130. 
 
 3' According to the reports of the teachers, Aug. 18, 1858, the school in 
 the Comanche settlement was attended by 37 students, 25 male and 12 
 female, Oa Sept. 7, 1858, the teacher of the school at the Brazos agency, re- 
 
408 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 greasing in civilization, peaceably pursuing their agri- 
 cultural occupations. Moreover, they afforded no 
 little protection to the frontier, from fifty to one 
 hundred warriors being employed in ranging service. 
 In the spring of 1858 this band went out with the 
 Texan rangers, on an expedition against the Coman- 
 ches, and fought gallantry, thereby winning the 
 praises of their Anglo-American neighbors. Had 
 they been allowed, and a proper forbearance been ex- 
 tended to them, they would have developed into 
 thriving and self-supporting communities.'* But they 
 were doomed to be driven from the homes they had 
 made for themselves, deprived of the lands they had 
 put under cultivation, and removed, in almost a desti- 
 tute condition, beyond the borders of Texas. The 
 aggressive nature of Anglo-American settlers would 
 not let them rest in peaceful possession of their small 
 domains ; and a persistent hostility to these Indians 
 and their agents soon exhibited itself 
 
 In 1858 the number of these natives thus reclaimed 
 from barbaric life was 1,483. Among this number it 
 cannot be denied that there were many, particularly 
 in the Comanche reservation, who were addicted to 
 horse-stealing, and who associating with wild bands 
 of their tribe, or with the Elickapoos beyond Red 
 river, took part in predatory incursions, and after- 
 ward, by circuitous routes, reentered the reservations. 
 There was, moreover, a set of villainous white men, 
 scattered from the Rio Grande to Kansas, who made 
 robbery their pastime, and horse-stealing their busi- 
 ness. These wretches leagued themselves with the 
 worthless Indians, instigating them to commit depre- 
 dations from which they reaped a profit. Positive 
 
 ported the number of his scholars at 60, 47 of whom were boys and 13 girls. 
 
 U. S. Iml. Aff. Sept., 1858, 178-9, 183. 
 
 *°The U. S. gov't expended on account of these Indian settlements s 
 
 For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1856, *!101,430; 1S57, §89,658.50; 
 
 1858, $91,707.50; 1859, 161,655.25; total, i?844,4ol.25. 
 
 The estimate for the year ending June 30, 1860, was 862,186.50; Id., 
 
 18 "1.5-1 858 inclu., where full information on the progress of these colonies 
 
 will be found. 
 
MASSACRE OF NATIVES. 409 
 
 proof was adduced that Indians from the reserves 
 during this year killed cattle and hogs belonging to 
 citizens, and the strongest circumstantial evidence 
 seemed to show that the practice of horse-stealing 
 had been extensively carried on by these vicious 
 members/^ But the large majority of the community 
 were faithful to the white inhabitants. Nevertheless, 
 the crimes of the few were visited on all. In the 
 counties adjoining the reserves the mireasonable 
 opinion was expressed by a portion of the settlers 
 that all depredations were committed by the Indian 
 colonists. In fact it was determined to get rid of 
 them by some means, and an organized conspiracy 
 against the Indian policy of the general government 
 seems to have been formed for the purpose of break- 
 ing up the Texan reservations. 
 
 The Indians had been in the habit of making hunt- 
 ing excursions outside their reservations under permits 
 issued by the agents. But designing men so preju- 
 diced the public mind against the reserve Indians, by 
 attributing to them the depredations of the unsettled 
 Comanches and other native tribes, that under threats 
 of extermination they had been compelled to confine 
 themselves during 1858 strictly to the reservations. 
 In the autumn of that year, however, several hunting 
 parties ventured beyond the limits. And now was 
 planned and perpetrated as cold-blooded and brutal a 
 massacre as ever disgraced a civilized people. In a 
 bend of the Brazos, just above the mouth of Keochi 
 creek, a party of Indians, men, women, and children, 
 encamped. Here they remained for several weeks, 
 engaged in hunting, conducting themselves peaceably, 
 and offering no molestation to the white settlers, who 
 visited their camp on several occasions. On Decem- 
 ber 21st, between forty and fifty men, mostly of Erath 
 county, assembled in conclave on Bosque river to con- 
 sult upon a general extermination policy. A com- 
 
 ^^Report of Peace Commissioners to the governor, June 27, 1859. Id., 
 1859, 297-303. 
 
410 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 mittee was appointed, whicli proceeded to organize a 
 company, the command of wliich was given to Peter 
 Garland." Then the order was issued to kill any 
 Indians found south of Cedar creek. The company 
 proceeded to the Indian camp on the Brazos, which 
 contained eight men, eight women, and eleven chil- 
 dren. Having stealthily approached, at early mom 
 of December 27th, while their victims were sound 
 asleep, they poured into them a volley of buckshot 
 and rifle-balls. Seven were killed outright, of whom 
 three were women ; three men, two women, and three 
 children were severely wounded, and nearly all the 
 rest more or less injured. One warrior, after being 
 struck by a bullet, seized his gun, and rushing outside 
 of his tent, shot Samuel Stephens dead, to fall himself 
 almost at the same moment, struck through the brain. 
 Tlie wounded succeeded in escaping to the reservation. 
 On their return, as the murderers passed through 
 Golconda, in Palo Pinto county, they told the citizens 
 of that town that "they had opened the ball, and the 
 people there should dance to the music." 
 
 This atrocity naturally caused great excitement. 
 The exasperated Indians threatened vengeance on the 
 perpetrators ; a proclamation issued by the governor, 
 denouncing tlie act, and warning all persons against 
 joining organizations for hostilities against the friendly 
 Indians, was without effect. The press published 
 biased accounts and inflammatory articles on the 
 subject, and meetings of citizens were held at various 
 frontier towns, resolutions being passed that the Ind- 
 ians must be removed. °* In the surrounding counties 
 
 ^'The names of the others, doomed to immortal infamy, ■were Daniel 
 Thornton, J. Hightower, E. Fireash, T. Wilie, W. E. Motheral, W. W. 5Ic- 
 Neal, Robert Duval, J. P. Harris, W. Fitzgerald, A. L. Braw, R. Dupuy, 
 W. J. F. Lowder, W. Wood, J. Barnes, H. Highsaw, J. R. Waller, George 
 Harden, Samuel Stephens, and one Dalton. 
 
 ^^ An idea of the spirit that prevailed at these meetings may be formed 
 from a resolution passed by the citizens of Weatherford, June 24, 1859. After 
 stating that they ' believed ' that certain outrages had been perpetrated by 
 the reserve Indians, they pledged themselves to act in concert with sister 
 counties in any action necessary for the removal of them, ' whether the same 
 be over Jordan or Red River. ' 
 
CRUELTY TO INDIAi^S 411 
 
 bands of armed citizens were organized, and scouted 
 round the reservations. Tame Indians found outside 
 the limits would not, it was declared, be known from 
 wild ones, but would be killed. The removal was 
 peremptorily demanded, under threats of extermina- 
 tion. In vain the agents endeavored to avert the 
 blow; their action caused offence to the citizens of 
 the frontier, who, on April 25, 1859, boldly demanded 
 their immediate resignation. All they could do was 
 to postpone the exodus for a time, aided by the pres- 
 ence of a detachment of the United States troops. 
 On May 23d, Captain Baylor, the ex-agent, at the 
 head of 250 armed men, marched upon the Brazos 
 reservation with the avowed intention of attacking 
 the Indians. Captain Plummer, 1st infantry, warned 
 him to leave the reservation, and he departed the 
 same day. A skirmish occurred with the Indians, 
 and several on both sides were killed and wounded.'' 
 That the Indians could not remain in Texas was no 
 longer a matter of doubt; and on the representations 
 of the agents, and the pressing instance of the state 
 authorities, the department at Washington, in order 
 to avoid bloodshed, issued an order to break up the 
 reservations as soon as the standing crops could be 
 harvested. But this did not satisfy the frontier men ; 
 they peremptorily demanded the immediate removal 
 of the Indians, and at the urgent request of the super- 
 vising agent, R. S. Neighbors, permission was given 
 him to conduct them at once beyond Red river. The 
 evU passions of the white people, however, were thor- 
 oughly aroused. One hundred men of the state 
 troops had been sent by the governor to the Brazop 
 reservation to preserve order, but these even displayed 
 an attitude hostile to the Indians, while the bands of 
 armed citizens threatened to attack them on their 
 march. It became necessary to call in the aid of the 
 United States army, and on July 30th and August 
 1st, the unhappy exiles from both reservations, under 
 
 ^^ U. S. Sen. Mc. Doc, cong. 36, sess. 1, ii. 372-3. 
 
412 TEXAS AS A STATE 
 
 strong escorts of infantry and cavalry, and accompan- 
 ied by the agents, left their homes for the new loca- 
 tion which had been assigned to them on Washita 
 river. On August 8th, they crossed Red river, and 
 on the 16th arrived at their destination. The number 
 of Indians thus removed by the pressure of a popular 
 outbreak, fomented to a great extent by the unreason- 
 able clamor raised by unprincipled men, was 1,415, of 
 whom 380 were Comanches." Owing to the unre- 
 mitted persecution on the part of their white foes, the 
 exiles were compelled to leave their cattle behind, it 
 being impossible even to collect them. As a climax 
 to this practical illustration of Lamar's principle of 
 expulsion or extermination, Superintendent Neighbors, 
 having returned to Texas in September, was waylaid 
 on the 14th near Fort Belknap by a man unknown 
 to him, and shot. He died in twenty minutes after 
 being fired upon, and it was believed that the crime 
 was perpetrated on account of the free opinion ex- 
 pressed by Neighbors relative to the killing of a reserve 
 Indian some time previously." 
 
 During the administration of Governor Pease a 
 final adjustment of financial questions between the 
 state and the federal government was arrived at, and 
 a settlement made with the creditors of the old re- 
 public. The bond-holders had not been satisfied with 
 the terms offered them under the state law of Janu- 
 ary, 1852, and little or nothing was done toward the 
 liquidation of their claims before 1855. Matters be- 
 came still more complicated by an additional claim 
 raised by Texas against the federal government. By 
 
 *' According to the census rolls, there were, in the May preceding, 1,492 
 souls on the two reservations, viz.: 25S Tonkahuas, 204 Tahwacearos, 171 
 Wacos, 244 Oaddoes, 235 Anahdalikoes, and 380 Comanches. U. S. Iml. Affairs 
 Eept, 1850, 267. 
 
 ■"The official correspondence and full particulars relative to the removal 
 of the Texan Indians will be found in /(/., 1859, 5-6, 22()-:i34. and U. S. Mixn. 
 and Dor., cong. 36, sess. 1, pt i. 5SS-702. In June 1860, a law was passed 
 appropriating .$45,650 for the expenses of reooloni/.ing these Indians dm-ing 
 the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861. Cong. Globe, 1859-60, app. 486. 
 
FINANCES. 413 
 
 the terms of an old treaty the United States were 
 under the obligation to prevent Indians making pre- 
 datory incursions into Mexican territory." On the 
 strength of this treaty it was claimed that the United 
 States was responsible for the expenses incurred dur- 
 ing the days of the republic in protecting the frontier 
 against inroads by savages from United States' terri- 
 tory. It was argued that Texas at the time this 
 treaty was made was a part of Mexico, and that 
 although she separated from that country soon after- 
 ward by revolution, that fact did not obliterate the 
 obligations of the treaty. In July 1854 Thomas J. 
 Rusk, senator from Texas, brought this view of the 
 case before the senate, maintaining that as more than 
 one half of debt of Texas had been expended in pro- 
 tection against Indians, the United States ought to 
 provide a sum sufficient to pay off the debt in full. 
 After quoting extracts from diplomatic correspondence 
 in support of the views taken by Texas, he intro- 
 duced a statement made out by James B. Shaw, 
 comptroller, showing that the late republic had ex- 
 pended from December 5, 1836, to February 1, 1845, 
 the sum of $3,815,011 exclusive of interest, in pro- 
 tecting the frontier from incursions of Indians be- 
 longing to the United States. 
 
 Meantime the creditors of Texas had appealed to 
 the United States for payment of their claims, alleg- 
 ing that the general and not the state government 
 was liable. Under these circumstances the United 
 States' "government intervened. The scale of reduc- 
 tion adopted by the state law was cast aside, and a 
 bill passed by congress was approved February 28, 
 1855, by which it was provided that $2,750,000 
 should be added to the $5,000,000 lying in the treas- 
 ury pertaining to Texas, and that the whole sum of 
 $7,750,000 should be apportioned pro rata among the 
 creditors; any portion of the debt that had been 
 
 *2 Thirty-third article of the treaty with Mexico of April 5, 1831. Cong. 
 Globe, xxviii., pt iii., p. 1808-9. 
 
414 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 already paid by the state of Texas should be refunded 
 to her; no payment would be made until the claimant 
 filed a receipt in full releasing forever the United 
 States from all claim against them. The act was 
 not to take effect until it had been assented to by the 
 legislature of the state of Texas, and until the same 
 legislature passed an act abandoning all claims and 
 demands against the United States, growing out of 
 Indian depredations or otherwise." 
 
 By this pro rata system of payment each creditor 
 would realize seventy-eight cents on the dollar." 
 Three classes of bonds, as scaled by the state's law, 
 would have yielded more than this,** and the holders 
 were consequently dissatisfied." By the people of 
 Texas the bill was received with great disfavor, and 
 when called upon by proclamation of the governor 
 to vote upon it, out of 45,000 voters 19,573 refused 
 to cast their votes; 13,818 voted against accepting the 
 bill, and 11,609 voted for it." It was, however, 
 finally passed by the state legislature, and the credi- 
 tors, who were secured by a pledge of the import 
 duties of the extinct republic, on filing their receipts 
 in the treasury department of the United States re- 
 ceived their pro rata payments. The sum of $299,602 
 was refunded to the state in consideration of Texas' 
 having already paid that portion of the debt. 
 
 ^ Copy of the act will be found in HuTit's Merch. Mag., xxm. 485. 
 
 «Tct. Journal Sen., 1857, 140. 
 
 ^ Namely, 10 per cent bonds, June 7, 1837 (Swartout), allowed at face 
 par, 10 per cent bonds for loan from U. S. Bank, scaled at ^.8745; and 10 
 per cent treasury notes, June 7, 1837, allowed at face par. In Td., xxxiii. 
 89, a tabular form is supplied exhibiting tlie rate of adjustment established 
 by Texas and the rate proposed in the above act of the United States con- 
 
 fress. It should be remarked that the state legislature passed an Eict 
 'ebruary 11, 1850, declaring that all liabilities of the late republic should 
 ' cease to draw interest from and after the first day of July, 1850. Oouge, vt 
 sup., 168. Interest, therefore, was only calculated to that date. 
 
 •i^Goveriior Pease in his message to congress, Nov. 2, 1857, recommended 
 that the state should, out of the sum refunded to Texas by the U. S., pay 
 these creditors the difference between the amounts which they received under 
 the above act of congress, and those at which their claims were rated and 
 classified by the state law, in all §123,217. The committee appointed to 
 consider the question reported unfavorably to the proposition. Hunt's Merch. 
 Mag., xxxviii. 468; Tex. Journal Sen., 1857, 17-18, 139-42. 
 '« TItrall, 371. 
 
REVENUE. 415 
 
 The reader, doubtless, will wish to learn how the 
 $5,000,000 in United States' bonds paid into the state 
 treasury were employed. In order to dismiss this 
 subject, once for all, it will be better to give a succint 
 account of the financial condition of the goremment 
 up to the time of the final exhaustion of those funds 
 m 1861. 
 
 From 1852 to 1858 nine tenths of the taxes col- 
 lected were remitted to the several counties to enable 
 them to build court-houses and jails; the remaining 
 tenth being set apart by the constitution for the sup- 
 port of schools was paid into the treasury. The 
 rapid progress that was being made in Texas during 
 this period will be perceived by a comparison of the 
 amount of taxes collected in the two consecutive 
 years 1856 and 1857. In the first named year the 
 valuation of the property assessed was $161,304,025, 
 which produced $242,964 in taxes; the poll tax 
 yielded $22,413; and those on occupations and sales 
 of merchandise $28,993, making a total of $294,370. 
 The net proceeds received, after deducting the ten 
 per centum for the school fund and the expenses of 
 assessing and collecting, amounted to $229,289. The 
 corresponding figures for 1857 were: assessments of 
 property, $183,594,205; taxes on the same $276,663; 
 poll tax $24,463; other taxes $26,940. The net 
 yield after making the same deductions was $255,044, 
 showing an excess of more than $25,000 net, over the 
 proceeds of the previous year. Had the incomes 
 not been relinquished to the counties, they would 
 have about covered the ordinary expenses of the 
 government." As it was the expenses had to be 
 paid, during the period from 1852 to 1858 inclusive, 
 out of the $5,000,000 United States bonds. 
 
 As the bonds bore an interest of five per centum, 
 the state received up to January 1861, interest to 
 
 « Comptroller's report for 1856 and 1857 in Cordmn's Tex., .S36-7. Com- 
 pare governor's message in Tex. Journal Sen., 1857, 14-16; Thrall, 375, where 
 will be found an extract from Pease's message of Nov. 1855. 
 
416 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 the amount of $1,625,441, making the total receipts 
 of principal and interest, $6,625,441, which sum is 
 thus accounted for. By act of February 16, 1852, 
 $36,000 were transferred to the school fund to reim- 
 burse it for state bonds destroyed. By act of Jan- 
 uary 31, 1854, $2,000,000 were donated to the same 
 fund,*' and at subsequent dates interest and premium 
 on the bonds were paid to the amount of $653,619. 
 Again by act of February 11, 1856, $100,000 were 
 transferred to the university fund, and interest paid 
 on the same up to January 1861, amounting to $9,- 
 472. Besides these sums, $1,425,296 were disbursed 
 in payment of certain debts of the late republic — for 
 it must be borne in mind that the state had other 
 liabilities than those assumed by the United States, 
 which only became responsible for claims that were 
 secured by a pledge of the impost and tonnage duties 
 of the late republic. The remaining $2,401,054, to- 
 gether with the premium derived from the sale of the 
 bonds, were used for the general expenses of the gov- 
 ernment from 1852 to 1861 inclusive, appropriations 
 being made for the establishment of an insane asylum, 
 and institutions for the education of the blind, and the 
 deaf and dumb. In 1858 and 1859 the receipts from 
 taxation were not sufficient to meet the expenses of 
 the s^tate government, and United States bonds were 
 expended to the amount of $443,000. The remainder 
 of the bonds were used in 1860 and 1861, besides 
 $100,000, transferred from the university fund/' 
 
 The general feeling toward the Mexican population 
 was one of intense animosity in those counties where 
 they were more thickly congregated. The inhabi- 
 tants of that race were mostly of the lower orders, 
 and were charged with associating with the slaves, 
 
 *'By a law of 1856 the ten per centum of taxes set apart for school pur- 
 poses was blended with the $2,000,000, and one general school fund formed. 
 
 *' Comptroller Clement R. Johns' report of Sept. 1, 1859, No. 3 in Tex. 
 Col. Doc, No. 1; Governor's Message oi June 10, 1879, app., 18-19. Treas- 
 urer's report of Aug. .31, 1860, in Tex. Aim., 1861, 24S-9; Tex. Sept Camp- 
 irolkr, Aug. 31, 1876, 6-7. 
 
ANIMOSITY TOWARD MEXICANS. 417 
 
 and frequently stealing horses and carrying off negro 
 girls to Mexico. In the autumn of 1856 a dangerous 
 negro conspiracy was discovered in Colorado county, 
 which, contemplated a simultaneous insurrection, and 
 the massacre of the white population, with the ex- 
 ception of their young women, who were to be made 
 captives. The slaves had formed an organized plan, 
 adopted secret signs and passwords, and provided 
 themselves with bowie-knives and some fire-arms. 
 Their intention was, after having accomplished the 
 first part of their plot, and obtained possession of the 
 horses and arms of their intended victims, to fight 
 their way into Mexico, or the "free state," as they 
 called that country. On the detection of the con- 
 spiracy more than 200 negroes were severely pun- 
 ished with the lash — ^two being whipped to death — 
 and three prominent ring-leaders hanged on September 
 5th. It was maintained that every Mexican in the 
 county was implicated in this intended uprising, and 
 they were ordered to leave and never return, under 
 penalty of death. In Matagorda county, also, a 
 popular meeting was held, and every Mexican ordered 
 to leave." 
 
 In 1857 much trouble was caused by the perpetra- 
 tion of numerous acts of violence by Texan wagoners 
 on Mexican cartmen. In the transportation of goods 
 from ' the sea-ports to San Antonio, the freight rates 
 charged by the latter were so low as practically to- 
 drive the Texan teamsters from the field of compe- 
 tition. As the Mexicans were thoroughly trust- 
 worthy, and generally made better time than their 
 rivals, the merchants naturally employed them in 
 preference to paying higher rates to carriers of their 
 own race. This gave umbrage to the Texan drivers, 
 who proceeded to form secret organizations for the 
 purpose of ousting their competitors from the road. 
 A system of the most outrageous persecution followed. 
 
 *i Extracts from the Oalveston News, and Tme Issue, in OlmMed's Jov/i-ney,. 
 502-4. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 27. 
 
418 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 Bands of masked men way-laid the Mexican wagon- 
 trains, destroyed the wheels, drove off the oxen, mur- 
 dered cartmen, and often pUlaged the freight, carry- 
 ing off valuable cargoes. This practice was carried 
 on to such an extent that General Twiggs, the United 
 States' commander at San Antonio, was compelled to 
 protect with a military escort trains transporting 
 government supplies. About the end of July, a train 
 was attacked by night and three Mexicans wounded ; 
 in September following the cartmen of another train 
 were fired upon by masked men, one man being kiUed 
 and three wounded; and again on November 21st 
 two more were killed. 
 
 In October the Mexican minister at Washington 
 addressed the United States government on the 
 matter, stating that he had been assured that the 
 number of men thus murdered was no less than 
 seventy-five, and that the persecution diTected against 
 Mexicans had compelled many to abandon their 
 homes in San Antonio and elsewhere, and seek refuge 
 on Mexican territory in a state of destitution. On 
 November 11th and 30th, Governor Pease addressed 
 special messages to the legislature on the subject, in 
 which after making particular mention of the three 
 cases above mentioned, and denouncing such acts of 
 violence, he remarked that it was evident that there 
 was no security for the lives of citizens of Mexican 
 origin engaged in the business of transportation, 
 unless : they were escorted by a military force. As 
 the counties in which these deeds were perpetrated, 
 took no trouble to put a stop to them, he invited the 
 legislature to consider whether their citizens should 
 not be compelled to pay a heavy penalty, which would 
 arouse them to the necessity of preserving the public 
 peace. 
 
 The senate referred the matter to the committee on 
 state affairs, which on December 1st reported the 
 necessity of a bill to establish a penalty, and provide 
 for the punishment of those who unlawfully combined 
 
THE CART WAR. 419 
 
 to prevent people from engaging in lawful employ- 
 ments, and that such a bill was being prepared by the 
 committee. It does not appear, however, that any 
 further action was taken. Meantime the governor 
 had called into service a volunteer company, which 
 proceeding was approved by the legislature. This 
 force proved inadequate to suppress the lawlessness, 
 and other means were brought to bear upon the male- 
 factors. When the road was abandoned by the 
 Mexican cartmen, and booty became scarce, they 
 began to commit depredations on the property of citi- 
 zens. However indifferent the people had been to 
 outrages perpetrated on Mexicans, they now energeti- 
 cally took the matter in hand. Lynch law was vig- 
 orously applied, and in the neighborhood of Goliad 
 the passing traveller would see many a corpse sus- 
 pended from the boughs of the black oaks. The dia- 
 bolical organization was thus speedily broken up, and 
 this system of murder and robbery — ^which was 
 dignified by the name of the Cart War — was brought 
 to an end." 
 
 Political parties, strictly so called, were first organ- 
 ized in Texas during Pease's administration. The 
 party factions opposed to each other in the days of 
 tlie republic were of a personal rather than of a politi- 
 cal nature. Being in reality the offspring of the ri- 
 valry between prominent men, they did not originate 
 from differences in political opinions, but merely sup- 
 ported their respective leaders in their candidateship 
 for office, without being materially influenced by prin- 
 ciples of policy. When, however, Texas was annexed 
 to the union, under the auspices of the democratic 
 party, she soon became involved in the political antag- 
 onism which prevailed in the United States. Her 
 constitution was framed on the principles of democracy, 
 and during the first years of her existence as a state, 
 
 ^Id., 1857, 82, 96, 145-6, 154-5, 158-60, 171-2, 186; Mex. InforrmOmms. 
 Pesq., 1873, 73-4; Unn's Rermnis., 352-4; Thrall, 372. 
 
420 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 candidates for office were elected on personal consid- 
 erations. When the disruption of the great national 
 whig party occurred in 1854, the abolitionists of the 
 north gained thereby large reinforcements, which were 
 supplemented by defections from the democratic ranks 
 of members who thought they had cause to be dis- 
 pleased with President Pierce's administration. At 
 this time what was called the "native party" whose 
 principles were opposed to naturalized foreigners hold- 
 ing office, was in a moribund condition; but it was 
 now resuscitated, and undergoing a kind of metempsy- 
 chosis, developed into the know-nothing party. By 
 this later organization, the creed of the old native 
 party was enlarged, and made to include proscription 
 of Roman catholic citizens, whUe the opposition to 
 naturalized aliens was intensified. The know-noth- 
 ings cast over their proceedings a cloak of mystery. 
 They constituted, in fact, a secret political society; 
 applied tests of a religious character, and endeavored 
 to pit the different races against each other. All 
 these principles were contrary to the constitution of 
 the United States. In Texas, the know-nothings 
 for a short time acquired considerable influence. Nu- 
 merous lodges were organized, and in 1855 L. D. 
 Evans was returned by the party to congress from 
 the eastern district. On the reelection of Pease the 
 same year, he was opposed by their candidate, Dick- 
 son, who obtained no less than 17,968 votes, being 
 between 4,000 and 5,000 more than had ever before 
 been cast for governor. . However, on their failure to 
 elect their candidate, the career of the know-nothings 
 in Texas was brought to a close. The unconstitution- 
 ality of their doctrines, and the violence to civil and 
 religious liberty entailed in their intolerant principles 
 were denounced by their more enlightened opponents r" 
 
 ^' Prominent among their opponents was Anson Jones, who states that he 
 'wrote upwards of fifty articles for the Ranger, and other Texan newspapers, 
 in opposition to know-nothingism, and the various isms associated with it, 
 omitting no opportiinity to strike at the hydra which offered.' Letters, etc., 
 520-42. Consult also, Thrall, 376-7; Linn's Semims., 354-5. 
 
RUSK AND HAMILTON. 421 
 
 •the democratic party called upon the people in the 
 name of liberty and the constitution to discountenance 
 the secret organization, and their influence rapidly 
 waned. 
 
 In 1857, Texas was called upon to mourn the loss 
 of two men conspicuous for their services during the 
 revolutionary struggle — Thomas J. Rusk and James 
 Hamilton of South Carolina. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson Rusk, whose earlier biography 
 has been already given," migrated to Texas in 1834, 
 and having distinguished himself in the war of inde- 
 pendence, subsequently held the command of various 
 expeditions against hostile Indians. In 1839, he was 
 appointed chief justice of the republic, but soon re- 
 signed that position, retired to Nacogdoches, and 
 resumed his practice as a lawyer. In 1845, he was 
 chosen president of the annexation convention, and on 
 the incorporation of Texas into the union was elected 
 at the first session of the state legislature to the 
 United States senate. This position he held till the 
 time of his death in 1857. In 1856, Rusk lost his 
 wife, while he was in Washington engaged in his sen- 
 atorial duties. This bereavement deeply affected him, 
 and on his return to his home he was prostrated by a 
 serious illness, his recovery from which was slow. 
 Enervated in mind and body, and afflicted by a tumor 
 on his neck which probably affected the brain, he took 
 his own life at Nacogdoches, July 30, 1857. 
 
 Rusk was a man of rare qualities, and took a prom- 
 inent part in the United States senate. He was a 
 statesman of a high order, energetic, and possessed of 
 a mind of great clearness and strength. Of remark- 
 ably sound judgment, supported by wide experience, 
 he had an accurate and extensive knowledge of ■ man- 
 kind. And his wisdom and talents were equalled by 
 his virtues — courage, honesty, and truth being his 
 marked characteristics. Insensible to adulation, he 
 never stooped to flattery. In his intercourse with 
 
 ■■* See note 39, chap. viii. , this vol. 
 
422 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 men, he did not affect dignified importance, but was ■ 
 accessible to all; and it was a habit of his to converse 
 with men in the humblest stations in life as freely as 
 with those in the highest, while, his sympathy for the 
 unfortunate or oppressed, and his love of justice and 
 candor won for him the respect and affections of 
 every class. Uninfluenced by selfish motives and by 
 personal ambition, he labored in the senate for the ag- 
 grandizement of the nation at large, and the promotion 
 of its general welfare. In just recognition of his loss, 
 and as a mark of respect, the United States congress 
 wore the usual badge of mourning for thirty days." 
 
 General James Hamilton was a native of South 
 Carolina, of which state he was governor. In the 
 struggle of Texas for independence he boldly advo- 
 cated her cause, and gave both his services and means 
 in her support. As member of the senate of South 
 Carolina he powerfully upheld the purity of the revo- 
 lutionists' motives, and devoted himself to the inter- 
 ests of the new republic. He secured the treaty with 
 Great Britain, and negotiated one with the kingdom 
 of the Netherlands. In recognition of his services 
 he was vested with the rights of Texan citizenship 
 by a special act of congress. While engaged, how- 
 ever, in his service as diplomatic agent of Texas in 
 Europe he became involved in embarrassments which 
 eventually ruined him. In 1857 Hamilton sailed 
 from New Orleans for Galveston in the steamship 
 Opelonsas, in the hope of obtaining indemnification for 
 his losses and of retrieving his fortune in the country 
 for which he had done so much. The vessel was 
 wrecked on her passage by a collision with the 
 steamer Galveston, and Hamilton was one of the vic- 
 tims of the disaster. The state congress went into 
 mourning out of respect to his memory." 
 
 65COJW7. Globe, 1857-8, pti., 331-8; Tex. Aim., 1858, 105-9; Cordma'sTa:, 
 165-7; Thrall, 607-11; Gov Pease's message of Nov. 2, 1857, in Tex. Jom-- 
 ml Sen., 1857, 38. 
 
 <^Id., 121-2; Tlirall, 549; Tex. Aim.., 1861, 82-3. 
 
GOVERNOR RtnSTNBLS. 423 
 
 On December 21, 1857, Hardin R. Runnels'" — the 
 successful democratic candidate — was inaugurated 
 governor, having defeated his competitor, Sam 
 Houston, by a poU of 32,552 votes against 23,628 
 cast in favor of the latter. 
 
 When Runnels entered office, symptoms had already 
 made their appearance that the time was rapidly ap- 
 proaching of the great national disruption, which a 
 few years later tore asunder the United States, and 
 deluged the coimtry in blood. On the admission of 
 Missouri into the union as a slave state, Henry Clay 
 introduced' into the United States senate, in 1820, a 
 compromise measure which provided that the institu- 
 tion of slavery should be thereafter excluded from all 
 territory lying north of latitude 36° 30', that line be- 
 ing the southern boundary of Missouri. The adop- 
 tion of this bill, known as the Missouri compromise, 
 gave rise in time to bitter controversies between the 
 free and slave states, the latter regarding it as an en- 
 croachment on the part of the federal government on 
 the constitutional right of future sovereign states to 
 arrange their own domestic affairs. 
 
 In 1850 the same statesman submitted to the sen- 
 ate other compromise resolutions designed for the pur- 
 pose of arranging amicably the controversies between 
 the free and slave states on the subject of slavery. 
 These resolutions declared that congress in establish- 
 ing territorial governments should impose no restric- 
 tions on the people of such territories with respect to 
 slavery. A very memorable discussion followed, 
 which resulted in the passage of bills admitting Cali- 
 fornia into the union as a free state, and in the orga- 
 nization of the territories of Utah and New Mexico 
 without restriction as to slavery. The fugitive slave 
 law was enacted at the same time. Again in 1854, 
 on the establishment of Kansas and Nebraska as ter- 
 
 '' Runnels migrated to Texas in 1841 from Mississippi, and engaged in 
 cotton planting on Red river. He represented Bowie county in the legisla- 
 ture for eight years. During 1853-5 he was speaker in the house. He died 
 at his home in Bowie county in 1873. Thrall, 607. 
 
424 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 ritories, Senator Douglas, from Illinois, introduced 
 into the bill brought before congress on that occasion, 
 an amendment which virtually repealed the Missouri 
 compromise. The principles of non-intervention by 
 congress with the institution of slavery in the states 
 and territories had clearly been recognized by the legis- 
 lation of 1850. Supported by the compromise acts 
 of that year Senator Douglas maintained that con- 
 gress had no right to legislate in the matter of slav- 
 ery, and that the people of any state or territory 
 should be allowed to decide for themselves questions 
 of their domestic institutions.*^ Both Kansas and 
 Nebraska would have been free territories under the 
 Missouri compromise, but the bill was passed with 
 the amendment. May 25, 1854. 
 
 Nevertheless it met with great opposition. Reso- 
 lutions were passed by the legislatures of various 
 states denouncing it; memorials from abolitionist 
 societies were addressed to congress ; and clergymen 
 petitioned for its repeal. Moreover, it was soon ap- 
 parent that the introduction of slavery into Kansas 
 from the south would meet with violent opposition on 
 the part of the people of that territory. Intense 
 sectional agitation prevailed; and it was regarded as 
 a foregone conclusion that Kansas would be admitted 
 into the union only as a free state, miless some action 
 ■were taken by the combined south. 
 
 Governor Rmmels addressed a message, January 
 20, 1858, to the legislature calling attention to the 
 aspect of affairs in Kansas, and clearlj- advocating 
 the doctrine of secession. On the 8th of the same 
 month a democratic state convention had been held 
 at Austin, at which it was resolved that there 
 were grounds for the serious apprehension that the 
 doctrine of non-intervention was in danger of being 
 repudiated by the United States congress ; and a re- 
 quest was made to the state legislature to provide 
 for the appointment of delegates to a convention of 
 
 ^Coim. Ohbe, xxviii. pti., 175, 221-':, 239-40, 275, 
 
PRECAUTIONARY MEASURES. 425 
 
 the southern states on the occasion of one being as- 
 sembled. But bolder resolutions than these were 
 offered. T. J. Chambers proposed that it should be 
 resolved that any action on the part of the congress 
 of the United States tending to embarrass, delay and 
 defeat the admission of Kansas as a member of the 
 union, under any pretext referable to the question 
 of slaverj^ would be a usurpation of power and a 
 ^dolation of the compact of the union; that in case 
 of such an event, the representatives of Texas in the 
 United States congress were requested to give notice 
 of the intention of the state to resume her independ- 
 ence and withdraw from the union. Sister states "at- 
 tached to the benign domestic institution of slavery" 
 were to be invited to join her in that measure. '^^ 
 
 In response to the governor's message the legisla- 
 ture of Texas, having submitted the subject to the 
 committee on federal relations, passed on February 
 16, 1858, a joint resolution. In the preamble it was 
 set forth that a violent determination existed on the 
 part of a portion of the inhabitants of the .territory 
 of Kansas to exclude by force the citizens of slave- 
 holding states from a just, equal, and peaceful partici- 
 pation in the use and enjoyment of the common prop- 
 erty and territory of the confederacy. Whereas this 
 determination, owing to the state of political feeling 
 in the northern states, operating upon the federal 
 government, might become effectual, and the exclu- 
 sion perpetual, it was resolved that the governor 
 should be authorized to order the election of seven 
 delegates to meet delegates appointed by the other 
 southern states in convention, whenever the executives 
 of a majority of the slave-holding states should ex- 
 press the opinion that such convention was necessary 
 to preserve the equal rights of such states in the 
 union. An appropriation of $10,000 was made to 
 defray the expenses of the delegates, and the governor 
 
 ^^ Id., cong. 35, sess. 1, 1858, app. 63-4. Governor's message in Tex. 
 JowrmlSen., 1857-8, 373-8. 
 
426 
 
 TEXAS AS A STATE. 
 
 was authorized, in case an exigency arose, in which 
 it would be necessary for Texas to act alone, to call a 
 special session of the legislature to provide for a state 
 convention/' 
 
 During Runnels' administration Texas continued to 
 progress. Population steadily increased by the ad- 
 vent of new settlers, and with the exception of troub- 
 les connected with Indians, as previously narrated, 
 peace reigned within her borders, and the inhabitants 
 pursued their avocations in security. Toward the 
 close of his term a Mexican named Juan N. Cortina 
 began to commit depredations on the lower Rio 
 Grande ; but as they were continued at intervals dur- 
 ing the administration of his successor, it will be con- 
 venient to defer for a time the relation of them. 
 
 At the election held in September, 1859, the same 
 two candidates competed for the executive office. 
 Runnels being nominated by the democratic party, 
 Houston ran as an independent candidate, and was 
 elected by a majority of 8,757 votes over his oppo- 
 nent." 
 
 ™ Cmg. Ghhe, 1857-1858, p. 1000; Tex. Rept Admis. Kansas, no. 2, in 
 Tex. Col. Doc., no. 1. 
 
 '''The number of votes cast was 64,027, of which Houston obtained 
 36,257, and Runnels 27,500. Thrall, 379; Tex. Aim., 1861, 215. 
 
 Jeff Davis Mkdal. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 1859-1862. 
 
 The North and the South — Houstoh's Message — Repoets op Committebs 
 ON RESOLtmoNS OP South C^kolina — Knights op the Golden Ciecle 
 — Special Session op the Texan Congress Convened — A Convention 
 Illegally Called — Sderender op General Twiggs — Houston's 
 Speech at Galveston — Texas Secedes from the Union — ^Proceedings 
 op the Convention — Houston Deposed — His Protest — Clark In- 
 stalled Provisional Governor — Indian Settlement on Trinity 
 River — Cortina's Insurrection — His Defeat and Flight — List of 
 Senators and Representatives — Commencement op the Civil War — 
 Military Operations — Invasion of New Mexico — Its Failure. 
 
 The election of Houston to the executive chair was 
 a victory of the unionist party in Texas over the confed- 
 erate party. At this time the majority of the Texans 
 were opposed to separation from the union; and 
 though the late governor had been elected by the 
 maneuvering of the democratic party, which won 
 the confidence of the people by its crusade against 
 the know-nothings, they presently became alarmed at 
 the development of the secession intentions of the 
 democratic leaders. In 1858 a vacancy occurred on 
 the supreme bench, and the democrats nominated 
 Buckley, who bore no enviable character, and was of 
 well-known disunion proclivities. He was defeated by 
 an overwhelming majority by Bell, an avowed unionist. 
 In the canvass of 1859 the democratic convention 
 met at the town of Housto ' confederate sentiments 
 were expressed in it, and the A.frican slave-trade was 
 held in favor. ' The democratic party had thrown off the 
 
 ^Neweomh, Hist. Seces. Tex., 4r-6. James P. Newcomb was the editor of 
 the Alamo Express published in San Antonio. He opposed disunion, and 
 (427) 
 
428 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 mask, and the result was the defeat of their candidate 
 by a large majority. 
 
 Houston took his seat at a time when intense 
 political excitement prevailed all over the United 
 States. The measures' adopted by the legislation in 
 1850 and 1854, so far from producing harmony, only 
 aggravated political hostility. However conciliatory 
 they might have been to the southern states, they 
 only embittered the feelings of the free-soil party in 
 the north. The non-prohibition of slavery in New 
 Mexico and Utah was regarded by the latter as im- 
 politic and unjust, while the fugitive slave-law, which 
 stringently provided for the arrest and return of es- 
 caped slaves, was denounced as unconstitutional and 
 cruel. The Kansas-Nebraska bill of 1854 roused the 
 indignation of the free states, and the ranks of the 
 anti-slavery party thenceforth gained strength daily. 
 By the close of 1859 the opposing factions were un- 
 compromisingly arrayed against each other, and the 
 fire of disruption was already being kindled. Im- 
 mediately after the passage of the bill of 1854 Kansas 
 became a field of strife between the free-soil and pro- 
 slavery parties, and emigrants from Missouri and the 
 south engaged in deadly contest with settlers from 
 the northern states. The polls were taken possession 
 of by armed bands, and elections were carried by ille- 
 gal voting. Counter-constitutions were promulgated 
 in turn by antagonists, and for several years the 
 condition of the territory was anarchical. Finally, in 
 July 1859, a constitution prohibiting slavery was 
 adopted by a convention which met at Wyandotte, 
 and was ratified by popular vote October 4th fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 This defeat, aggravatec" by the raid of John Brown 
 on Harper's Perry dur' f the same month, exasper- 
 
 •H-heii the secession of Texas was declared, rather than be compelled to sacri- 
 fice his principles, he determined to leave the country, and did so in July 
 1S61, proceeding to Cal. by way of Monterey and Durango. He published 
 hia little work, consisting of 12 and 33 octavo pages, at San Francisco in 
 1S63. 
 
GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 429 
 
 ated the soutliern states, and in December 1859, both 
 branches of the legislature of South Carolina, passed 
 unanimously startling resolutions on the subject of 
 federal relations. Affirming, in the preamble, the 
 right of the state to secede from the confederation, and 
 asserting that for the last seven years assaults upon 
 the institution of slavery, and upon the rights and 
 equality of the southern states, had continued with in- 
 creasing violence, the legislature resolved that it was 
 their deliberate judgment in general assembly, that 
 the slave-holding states should immediately meet, and 
 adopt measures for united action; that the resolutions 
 should be communicated by the governor to all the 
 slave states, with the earnest request that they would 
 appoint deputies, and adopt measures to promote said 
 meeting ; and that for the purpose of preparation for 
 an emergency, the sum of $100,000 should be appro- 
 priated for military contingencies.^ 
 
 On the receipt of these resolutions. Governor 
 Houston in January, 1860, addressed a message on 
 the subject to both houses of the state congress. 
 The document is somewhat lengthy, comprising six- 
 teen Svo pages, and is an able exposition of arguments 
 against the doctrines of nullification and secession. 
 Houston entered his unqualified protest against the 
 principles enunciated in the resolutions. To nullify 
 constitutional laws would not allay the existing dis- 
 cord. Separation from the union would not remove 
 the unjust assaults made by a class in the north upon 
 the institutions of the south; "they would exist from 
 like passions, and like feelings under any government." 
 "The union," he remarks, "was intended as a per- 
 petuity. In accepting the conditions imposed prior 
 to becoming a part of the confederacy, the states 
 became part of the nation. What they conceded 
 comprises the power of the federal government; but 
 over that which they did not concede, their sover- 
 
 ^Oopy of these resolutions -will be found in Tex. State Oaz., iv., App. 178- 
 9; Houston's Message on a. C. Resol, 1860, No. 1, in Tex. Col. Doc., No. 2. 
 
430 CI'VIL WAR. 
 
 eignty is as perfect as is that of the union in its ap- 
 propriate sphere." With regard to the position of 
 Texas, he says: "In becoming a state of the union, 
 Texas agreed 'not to enter into any treaty, alliance, or 
 confederation, and not, without the consent of con- 
 gress, to keep troops or ships of war, enter into any 
 agreement or compact with any other state or foreign 
 power.' All these rights belonged to Texas as a 
 nation. She ceased to possess them as a state." 
 After quoting the language of Washington, Jefferson, 
 Madison, Jackson, Clay, and Webster, with regard to 
 the necessity of preserving the union, he called atten- 
 tion to the effect of secession and disunion in Mexico, 
 where "a disregard for a constitutional government 
 had involved that country in all the horrors of civil 
 war, with robbery, murder, rapine, unrestrained." In 
 the event of disruption of the United States, to aU 
 these evils would be added the combined efforts of 
 the powers of tyranny to crush out liberty. In con- 
 clusion he recommended "the adoption of resolutions, 
 dissenting from the assertion of the abstract right of 
 secession, and refusing to send deputies for any present 
 existing cause, and urging upon the people of all the 
 states, north and south, the necessity of cultivating 
 brotherly feeling, observing justice, and attending to 
 their own affairs." 
 
 This message, with which the resolutions of the 
 general assembly of South Carolina were transmitted, 
 was referred by the senate to the committee on state 
 affairs, and by the house of representatives to the 
 committee on federal relations. The former commit- 
 tee was unanimous in the opinion that the union and 
 constitution should be preserved and defended, but it 
 was divided as to the form of the joint resolutions to 
 be submitted to the senate. Those reported by the 
 majority, while expressing the firm resolution to de- 
 fend the constitution of the United States and support 
 the union, at the same time maintained the doctrine 
 of state defence against aggressions. It was further 
 
STATE BIGHTS AND WRONGS. 431 
 
 declared that the statutes of several of the non-slave- 
 holding states nullifying the fugitive slave laws, and 
 the purpose of the dominant political party in the 
 northern states, called the black republican party, to 
 use, if it could get possession of the federal govern- 
 ment, all the powers of that government for the ex- 
 termination of slavery, were all in violation of the 
 spirit and principles of the constitution. In view of 
 this danger, Texas appealed to the people of the other 
 states to prove, in the ensuing state and federal elec- 
 tions, their devotion to the constitution and the union, 
 and to the sovereignty and equality of states. In 
 case the appeal should be disregarded, the subject of 
 present and probable exigencies was commended to 
 the consideration of the people of Texas, to devise 
 ways and means of maintaining the rights and liber- 
 ties of the states. 
 
 The joint resolutions reported by the minority of 
 the committee on state affairs were far more definite. 
 It was resolved that the state did not admit the con- 
 stitutional right of a state to secede; that secession 
 was a voluntary act, and could only be justified by 
 oppressive infractions of the constitution by the gen- 
 eral government; that nothing, as yet, had been done 
 by that government to justify such revolutionary ac- 
 tion, and Texas therefore held the resolutions of South 
 Carolina to be premature and unnecessary, and de- 
 clined to appoint deputies; that the people of Texas, 
 however, solemnly warned their northern brethren 
 against the fanaticism of the abolitionists and black 
 republicans. Whenever an assault was made upon 
 slavery by those wielding the powers of the federal 
 government, Texas would resist such aggression by 
 every means in her power. Whenever the federal 
 government became powerless to protect the rights of 
 the states, it ceased to answer the purpose for which 
 it was instituted, and the union would no longer be 
 worth maintaining. In the event of such being the 
 case, "Texas would again raise the revolutionary 
 
432 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 standard, as in the struggle of 1835 and 1836, when 
 the Mexican confederation became the corrupt repre- 
 sentative of mere forms of constitutional liberty. In 
 such a contest, the people would act with those who 
 opposed a common danger, holding an aggression on 
 the rights of any one of her sister states as an aggres- 
 sion upon her own ; but rather than submit to a vio- 
 lation of their constitutional rights, they would, if 
 necessary, single-handed and alone, again unfurl the 
 banner of the Lone Star."° 
 
 Majority and minority reports were also submitted 
 to the house of representatives by the committee on 
 federal relations. In the former, it was resolved that 
 whenever one section of the union presumed upon its 
 strength for the oppression of the other, the constitu- 
 tion became a mockery; that Texas would neither 
 violate any federal right, nor submit to any violation 
 of her rights by federal authorities ; that she would 
 not submit to the degradation threatened by the 
 black republican party, but would sooner reassert her 
 independence, and again enter upon a national career ; 
 that Texas pledged herself to any one or more of the 
 states to cooperate with them, should it become neces- 
 sary, to resist federal wrong. 
 
 The report of the minority was similar in spirit to 
 that presented by the minority of the committee on 
 state affairs. It was denied that any of the alleged 
 evils were ascribable to the legitimate operations of 
 the federal government, but were chargeable to the 
 disloyalty of those who, by obstructing the laws and 
 authorities, were themselves, designedly or undesign- 
 edly, enemies of the union. The dissolution of the 
 union would cure no evils, but on the contrary, would 
 be the source of unnumbered evils ; the minority dis- 
 sented from the doctrines of secession and nullification ; 
 they deemed it inexpedient to send deputies to a con- 
 vention of the slave-holding states, as invited by South 
 Carolina, and it was their opinion that there was no 
 
 ^ Copy of joint resolutions proposed in Tw. State Oaz., iv., app. 177-S. 
 
SECRET ORGANIZATION. 433 
 
 sufficient cause to justify Texas in taking the incipient 
 steps for a dissolution of the union.* 
 
 It will be perceived that, with the exception of the 
 majority report of the committee on federal relations, 
 the sentiments expressed were in all main points in 
 harmony with Houston's views. But the year 1860 
 was one of unprecedented agitation, caused by the 
 excitement over the canvass for the presidential elec- 
 tion. A great national crisis was at hand. By the 
 platform adopted by the republican national conven- 
 tion, which met at Chicago on May 16th, it was 
 denied that the authority of congress or of a territo- 
 rial legislature could give legal existence to slavery 
 in any territory of the United States. The ballots 
 resulted in the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, who 
 was elected president by a large majority of the elec- 
 toral college's votes.' 
 
 Meantime in Texas the democratic confederate 
 leaders had not been idle after their defeat at the 
 polls. They now had recourse to a secret organiza- 
 tion, and the same men who had denounced the know- 
 nothing society availed themselves of the services of 
 a secret organization, known as the Knights of the 
 Golden Circle, which had been formed some years 
 before with the object of establishing an empire, the 
 foundation of which was to rest on the institution of 
 slavery. The boundary of this visionary empire was 
 to be the circumference of a golden circle, as it was 
 called by the projectors, having for its centre Habana, 
 in Cuba, and a radius of sixteen geographical degrees. 
 It would extend to the isthmus of Panamd, on the 
 south, and the Pennsylvania line on the. north, and 
 include the West Indies, the islands of the Caribbean 
 sea, and the largest portions of Mexico and Central 
 America. Under the auspices of this society, all the 
 filibustering movements during the period from 1850 
 and 1857 were undertaken, but on the failure of 
 
 *Copy of reports in Id., 166-7. 
 
 'liucoln obtained 180 votes, Breckeuridge 72, Bell 39, and Douglas 12. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 28 
 
434 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 Walker's expedition in Nicaragua, the organization 
 was partially broken up. The more persistent of its 
 members, however, still devoted their energies to the 
 accomplishment of disunion, and the baffled secession- 
 ist party in Texas turned to them for assistance. In 
 1860, two members of the order, George W. Bickley 
 and his nephew, were employed to organize "castles," 
 or lodges, in Texas, receiving as remuneration for 
 their work the initiation fees paid by incoming mem- 
 bers. Such castles were soon established in every 
 principal town and village in the state, and among 
 the knights of this order were many members of the 
 legislature and prominent politicians. It became a 
 power in the land. By its influence the sentiments 
 of the people were revolutionized ; from its fold were 
 drawn the first armed rebels in Texas, under the fa- 
 mous ranger, Benjamin McCuUough ; it furnished 
 the vigilance committees ; and to its members were 
 charged murders and incendiary acts committed dur- 
 ing the war. So says Newcomb/ 
 
 No sooner was it known that the majority of elec- 
 tors chosen on November 6th were in favor of Lin- 
 coln than South Carolina took the initiative, and 
 called for a convention of tlie southern states, to meet 
 at Columbia, December I7tli. Heavy pressure, too, 
 was brought to bear upon Houston to force him to 
 call a special session of the legislature, to which he 
 finally yielded, much against his will, appointing Jan- 
 uary 21, 1861, as the day for its assembly. His pre- 
 vious views were now slightly modified, though he 
 was still as strongly opposed to secession as ever. In 
 his message to congress, when it met at the appointed 
 time, he stated that he felt the necessity of the slave- 
 holding states' taking action to secure to the fullest 
 extent their rights, but he could not reconcile his 
 mind to the idea that safety demanded an immediate 
 separation from the federal government before having 
 
 ^Utswp., 6-7; Lossinn's Hist. Civ. War, i. 187; Greeley's Amer. Conflict, i. 
 350. 
 
CHANGE OF OPINIOK. 435 
 
 stated their grievances and demanded redress. While 
 deploring the election of Lincoln, he, nevertheless, did 
 not yet see in that event any cause for the secession 
 of Texas. He believed, however, that the time had 
 arrived when the southern states should cooperate, 
 and take counsel together. Such a convention as 
 that contemplated by the joint resolution of February 
 16, 1858, would, he believed, soon be held, and desir- 
 ing that the people of Texas should be represented in 
 it, he had ordered an election for that purpose to be 
 held on the first Monday in February 1861. Since 
 the issue of his proclamation, four of the southern 
 states had declared themselves no longer members of 
 the union.' The interests of Texas, he said, were 
 identified with those of the remaining states, which, 
 as yet, had taken no action. If by joining her coun- 
 sels with theirs such assurances could be obtained of 
 a determination on the part of the northern states to 
 regard the constitutional rights of the south as would 
 induce the states which had seceded to rescind their 
 action, the end attained would silence the reproaches 
 of the rash and inconsiderate. He also called atten- 
 tion to the necessity of providing against Indian hos- 
 tilities, and for the wants of an empty treasury. 
 
 Houston thus stood to his principles. He still 
 hoped that disunion might be avoided by temperate 
 representations of a convention of the southern states. 
 But the operations of the knights of the golden circle 
 had already had dire effect in Texas. The voices of 
 the unionists were silenced by threats, by the spec- 
 tacle of the corpses of outspoken advocates of free- 
 state principles hanging from the trees,* and by tlie 
 destroying flames of incendiary fires. The legislature, 
 
 ' These states were South Carolina, which seceded on Dec. 20, 1860; 
 Mississippi, on Jan. 9, 1861; Florida, Jan. 10th; and Alabama, Jan. 11th. 
 
 'On Deo. 4, 1860, Senator Clingman from North Carolina, after remark- 
 ing that the senator from New York was reported to have said that Texas 
 was excited by ' free debate,' made use of these words in the senate: 'Well, 
 sir, a senator from Texas told me the other day that a good many of those 
 debaters were hanging up by the trees in that country! ' Con/;. Ohhe, 1860-1, 
 pt i., 4. The senators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T, WigfalL 
 
436 CIVIL WAE. 
 
 too, was packed with members of the order. Ignor- 
 ing the governor's proclamation, the knights proceeded 
 to hasten matters, and on January 8th sixty of them 
 issued a call for a state convention, to meet at Austin 
 on the 28th of that month, the chief justices of the 
 counties being recommended to order the opening of 
 the polls at the different precincts for the election of 
 delegates to said convention. The election was held 
 January 8th, polls being opened by the knights of the 
 golden circle wherever judges, loyal to the union, re- 
 fused to obey the call. By the mass of the people, 
 the proceeding was regarded as irregular, and out of 
 the whole number of voters in the state not more 
 than 10,000 appeared at the polls.' Barely half of 
 the counties were represented by the people. 
 
 But the confederate party had the upper hand, and 
 was determined to push matters to a crisis. The 
 legislature by a joint resolution recognized the infor- 
 mally elected delegates, and declared the convention 
 a legally constituted assembly." Houston's veto was 
 overruled, and on the appointed day the convention 
 met at Austin. On February 1st the ordinance of 
 secession was passed by a vote of 167 to 7, subject to 
 ratification or rejection by a vote of the people on the 
 23d. Without waiting till the result was known the 
 convention proceeded to appoint a "committee of 
 public safety" to, which secret instructions were given. 
 It, moreover, appointed delegates" to the confederate 
 convention at Montgomery, Alabama, and having 
 thus assumed the power to act before the will of the 
 people was expressed, adjourned to March 2d. 
 
 The committee of safety precipitated events in a 
 still more arbitrary manner. It usurped the powers 
 
 ' Thrall, page 381, does not represent the opinions of the Texajis in their 
 true light with respect to this matter. He says, ' the people, by common 
 consent, on the 8th of January, elected delegates to a state convention. ' 
 
 •" In the house the resolution passed with little opposition. In the senate 
 a substitute resolution was offered by one of the members, to the effect that 
 an election should be held for a convention to meet on March 4th following; 
 it was lost by a vote of 20 nays to 10 yeas. 
 
 " Namely, John H. Reagan, Lewis T. Wigfall, John Hemphill, William 
 S. Oldham, John Gregg, and W. B. Ochiltree. Thrad, 408. 
 
COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. 437 
 
 of the executive, and appointed three commissioners, 
 Thomas J. Devine, P. N. Luckett, and S. A. Mave- 
 rick, to treat with General Twiggs, in command of 
 the United States forces in Texas, fur the surrender 
 of his army and the national posts and property. 
 Twiggs was already in communication with the con- 
 federates, and when in January Governor Houston 
 had inquired of him confidentially as to what disposi- 
 tion would be made of the public property in Texas, 
 he evasively replied, on the 2 2d, that he had re- 
 ceived no instructions from Washington in regard to 
 the disposition of the public property or of the troops, 
 in the event of the state's seceding. "After secession," 
 he wrote, "if the executive of the state makes a de- 
 mand on the commander of the department he will 
 receive an answer." In his communications with the 
 commissioners, Twiggs required of them to support 
 their demand with some show of force, and on Feb- 
 ruary 16th Ben McCuUough," with a party of be- 
 tween 300 and 400 men, took possession of the main 
 square of San Antonio, the Alamo having been cap- 
 tured that morning by a body of the knights. On 
 the 18th, an agreement was entered into, and Twiggs 
 surrendered the national forces stationed in Texas, to 
 the number of 2,500 men," all the forts, arsenals, and 
 military posts," and the public stores and munitions 
 of war valued at $1,200,000, cost price. 
 
 ^'' He was a native of Temiessee, went to Texas during the time of the 
 revolution, and commanded a cannon in the battle of San Jacinto. After 
 the independence of Texas he was captain of a company of rangers. Dur- 
 ing the war of secession he was appointed brigadier-general in the confederate 
 army, and was killed in the second day's fight at Pea Eidge, Arkansas, 
 March 24, 1862. Tlirall, 589. 
 
 ^ By the terms of the agreement the U. S. troops were to leave the soil 
 of the state by the way of the coast, being allowed to retain their arms. 
 While in Matagorda Bay, 450 of these soldiers under Major Sibley, on 
 board of two schooners for transportation, were captured, April 24, 1861, 
 by the confederate officer, Major Earle Van Dorn, who then proceeded with 
 1,500 men to San Antonio, where he made prisoners of 300 more, under Col 
 Keeve on May 9th following. This was an infraction of the agreement. 
 Newcomb, wt sup., 10-12; Loesing, ut sup., i. 265-73; U. S. Sen. Misc. Doc, 
 cong. 37, sess. 1, no. i. 19-20. 
 
 " The military posts and ports in Texas occupied by the U. S. troops at 
 this time were as follows: Camp Cooper, Fort Chadboume, Camp Colorado, 
 Fort Bliss, Fort Quitman, Fort Mason, Fort Stockton, Fort Lancaster, Fort 
 
438 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 A few days before the popular vote was taken 
 Houston delivered a speech from the balcony of the 
 Tremont House, in Galveston, to the excited public 
 on the question of secession. His personal friends, 
 fearing that violence would be oflPered, entreated him 
 to remain quiet. But he was not to be stopped by 
 any apprehension of danger. He stood erect before 
 the people, and in prophetic language pictured to 
 them the dark future. "Some of you," he said, 
 "laugh to scorn the idea of bloodshed as a result of 
 secession, and jocularly propose to drink aU the blood 
 that will ever flow in consequence of it ! But let me 
 tell you what is coming on the heels of secession: 
 The time will come when your fathers and husbands, 
 your sons and brothers, will be herded together like 
 sheep and cattle at the point of the bayonet, and 
 your mothers and wives, and sisters and daughters, 
 will ask, Where are they ? You may, after the sacri- 
 fice of countless millions of treasure, and hundreds of 
 thousands of precious lives, as a bare possibility, win 
 southern independence, if God be not against you; 
 but I doubt it. I tell you that, while I believe with 
 you in the doctrines of state rights, the north is de- 
 termined to preserve this union. They are not a fiery 
 impulsive people as you are, for they live in cooler 
 climates. But when they begin to move in a given 
 direction, where great interests are involved, such as 
 the present issues before the country, they move with 
 the steady momentum and perseverance of a mighty 
 avalanche, and what I fear is they wiU overwhelm the 
 south with ignoble defeat." He expressed the belief 
 that the existing difficulties could be solved by peace- 
 able means. Otherwise, he would say, "Better die 
 freemen than live slaves." Whatever course Texas 
 
 Davis, Camp Hudson, Camp Verde, Camp Ives, Camp Wood, Fort Clark, 
 San Antonio Barracks, Fort Inge, Fort Duncan, Fort Mcintosh, Ringgold 
 Barracks, Camp Palo Alto, and Fort Brown. DistumelVs U. S. Register, 1861- 
 62, 62-3; Tex. Aim., 1860, 144^6. hi U. S. Mess, and Doc, 1860-61, 218-21, 
 three other camps appear on the list, situated on the Rio Grande below Fort 
 Ringgold. 
 
HOUSTON'S DEPOSAL AND PROTEST. 439 
 
 should determine to pursue, his faith in state suprem- 
 acy and state rights would carry his sympathies with 
 her. As Henry Clay had said, "My country, right 
 or wrong," so said he "my state, right or wrong." ' 
 
 On February 23d the polls were opened. Houston 
 had been right in saying that bloodshed was not an- 
 ticipated. By most Texans the possibility of war was 
 not thought of, and his warnings fell on heedless ears. 
 Austin, the capital, San Antonio, and other western 
 towns, as well as counties, gave union majorities; the 
 German colonists, too, were for the union ; but in the 
 other portions of the state the A'^ote was confederate. 
 Out of 70,000 legal voters," 53,256 cast their votes. 
 Of this number 39,415 were in favor of secession and 
 13,841 against it. 
 
 This result was known March 5th, and then the 
 convention, which had reassembled on the 2d, forth- 
 with assumed the powers of the government. It in- 
 structed its delegates at Montgomery, to ask for the 
 admission of Texas into the southern confederacy that 
 had just been formed ; it sent a committee to Governor 
 Houston to inform him of the change in the political 
 position of the state ; it adopted the confederate con- 
 stitution; and appointed representatives to the con- 
 federate congress." 
 
 Houston in his reply to the convention considered 
 that it had transcended its powers, and stated that he 
 would lay the whole matter before the legislature 
 
 1* North's Fwe Tears in Texas, 88-95. The author of this little work was 
 present on the occasion of this speech, and supplies a portion of it. His 
 book contains a good description or Texas, at this time, of the social elements, 
 and the different political parties, some historical events, which took place 
 during the years 1861-5, being interspersed. 
 
 isNewcomb, page 8, places the number of legal voters at over 80,000, 
 which seems too high. The yearly influx, however, of settlers was great,, as 
 will be seen by a comparison of the number of votes cast at the guberna- 
 torial elections in the years 1855, 1857, and 1859, which were respectively 
 46,339, 56,180; and 64,027. 
 
 "During the confederacy, Lewis T. Wigfall and William S. Oldham, 
 represented Texas in the senate; and John A. Wilcox, C. C. Herbert, Peter 
 W; Gray, B. F. Sexton, M. D. Graham, William B. Wright, A. M. Branch, 
 John R. Baylor, S. H. Morgan, Stephen H. Darden, and A. P. Wiley in the 
 house. Thrall, 408. 
 
440 CIVIL WAB, 
 
 which was to assemble on the 18th; whereupon the 
 convention defied his authority, and passed an ordi- 
 nance requiring all state oflScers to take the oath of 
 allegiance to the new government. Houston and E. 
 W. Cave, secretary of state, refused to take the oath; 
 they were both deposed by a decree of the convention, 
 and Edward Clark, the lieutenant-governor, was in- 
 stalled as the executive. Houston then appealed to 
 the people, and, when the legislature met, sent in a 
 message protesting against his removal, at the same 
 time stating that he could but await their action and 
 that of the people. If driven at last into retirement, 
 in spite of the constitution of the state, he would not 
 desert his country, but his prayers for its peace and 
 prosperity would be offered up with the same sin- 
 cerity and devotion with which his services had been 
 rendered while occupying public station. 
 
 In his address to the public two days previously, 
 he denounced the usurpations of the convention. It 
 had elected delegates, he said, to the provisional 
 council of the confederate states before Texas had 
 withdrawn from the union ; it had created a com- 
 mittee of safety, a portion of which had assumed exe- 
 cutive powers, by having entered into negotiations 
 with federal officers, and caused the removal of the 
 United States troops from posts in the country ex- 
 posed to Indian depredations; it had deprived the 
 people of the right to know their doings, by holding 
 its sessions in secret; it had appointed military offi- 
 cers and agents under its assumed authority ; it had 
 declared that the people of Texas ratified the consti- 
 tution of the provisional government of the confederate 
 states, had changed the state constitution, and estab- 
 tablished a test oath of allegiance ; and it had over- 
 thrown the theory of free government by combining 
 in itself all the departments of government and exer- 
 cising the powers belonging to each. Nevertheless 
 Houston was far from wishing that his deposal should 
 be the cause of bloodshed. " I love Texas," he de- 
 
FRONTIER TROUBLES. 441 
 
 clared, "too well to bring civil strife and bloodshed 
 upon her. To avert this calamity, I shall make no 
 endeavor to maintain my authority as chief executive 
 of the state, except by the peaceful exercise of my 
 functions. When I can no longer do this I shall 
 calmly withdraw from the scene, leaving the govern- 
 ment in the hands of those who have usurped its 
 authority, but still claiming that I am its chief execu- 
 tive." He then entered his formula : "I protest in 
 the name of the people of Texas against all the acts 
 and doings of this convention, and declare them null 
 and void. I solemnly protest against the act of its 
 members, who are bound by no oath themselves in 
 declaring my office vacant, because I refuse to appear 
 before it and take the oath prescribed." 
 
 The legislature, however, in face of appeal, protest, 
 and message, sanctioned the proceedings of the con- 
 vention; and Clark, who had already been sworn in 
 on the 16th, assumed the functions of provisional 
 governor on the 21st." Houston soon after left the 
 capital and retired to private life. 
 
 During the last two years Texas had been unusu- 
 ally harassed by depredations committed on her fron- 
 tiers. After the removal of the Indians from the 
 reservations in Young county, the hostility of the 
 native races was intensified, and the northern and 
 western borders were subject to all the horrors of 
 savage warfare. The United States' troops and 
 Texan rangers engaged in frequent conflicts with 
 these subtle enemies, and many wearisome expe- 
 ditions were undertaken in pursuit of bands which had 
 accomplished successful raids, leaving behind them 
 devastation and death. For hundreds of miles along 
 the frontier, numerous small parties of from six to 
 fiftebn warriors simultaneously attacked settlements, 
 and generally escaped without punishment." Some 
 
 ^^Newamh, utsup., 8-9; Lossiny, ut sup., i. 188-90; Thrall, 385-9, 566-7. 
 I'Gov. Houston reported, March, 12, 1860, that during the last four 
 
442 OrVIL WAR. 
 
 savages were occasionally killed in these encounters, 
 but many of the troops employed in this tedious and 
 desultory service — so aggravating to the soldier — 
 also fell/' 
 
 At this epoch the native tribes, with one exception, 
 no longer occupied the lands within the settlements. 
 The more savage had been driven to the distant, and 
 as yet unsettled, borders of the state, while those 
 of peaceable habits and industrious disposition had 
 been expelled. The exception alluded to was a band 
 of emigrants from the Creek nation, which, early in 
 the century, considering the contest with the white 
 race as hopeless, sought a home in Texas, and settled 
 near Alabama creek on land lying between that stream 
 and Trinity river. These Indians were principally 
 Alabamas and Coashattas, a few Muscogees only be- 
 ing united with them. From the time of their arrival 
 they persistently pursued a peaceful policy, content 
 to cultivate their clearings, tend their flocks and 
 herds, and when their crops were garnered, indulge 
 in their passion for the chase. When Texas began 
 to be settled by Anglo-Americans, they still remained 
 steadfast to their peace policy, and ever showed them- 
 selves faithful to the new-comers. Though abstain- 
 ing from giving offence, their loyalty was often sorely 
 
 months, 51 persons had been murdered, and probably as many wonnded and 
 made prisoners. U. S. H. Ex,. Doc, cong. 36, sess. 1, No. 52, 139-42. 
 
 2» Consult XJ. S. Mess, and Doc, 1860-61, 18-51, 193-205. By an act 
 of congress, April 7, 1858, the president was authorized to receive into the 
 service of the U. S. a regiment of mounted volunteers for the protection of 
 the Texan frontier. U. S. H. Jour., cong. 36, sess. 1, 238. On June 21, 1860 
 an act was approved, providing for the repayment, to Texas, of moneys 
 advanced in payment of volunteers caUed out by competent authority 
 since Feb. 28, 1855, for the defense of the frontiers, provided that the 
 amount did not exceed $123,544. Cong. Olobe, 1859-60, App. 489. Claims 
 for indemnity for spoliations by Indians were made by Texas against 
 the U. S. government. Id., 1859-60, 2046, 2167, 2186, 3139. U. S. H. 
 Com. Rept, cong. 36, sess. 1, iv., no. 535. In an expedition in 1859 
 for a topographical reconnoissance between the Pecos river and the 
 Rio Grande, conducted by Lieut. F.dward L. Hartz, 24 camels were em- 
 ployed to test their usefulness as a means of military transportation. Lieut. 
 Hartz sent in to the government an interesting report in the form of a diary, 
 extending from May 18 to Aug. 7, 1859. Mess, and Doc, cong. 36, sess. 1, 
 pt ii. 422-41. Though the report was not unfavorable as to the usefulness 
 of these animals, the employment of them was soon discontinued, 
 
MEXICAN OUTRAGES, 443 
 
 tried by outrages committed by unprincipled men, 
 who from time to time would rob them of their crops 
 and cattle. Their patience under these wrongs was 
 exemplary; they abstained from reprisal when no re- 
 dress could be obtained, and were gratefully thankful 
 when justice was meted out to them. These Indians 
 thus won many friends ; public opinion sustained them, 
 and the legislature of Texas took them under its pro- 
 tection, and purchased a tract of land for them. They 
 were a docile, hospitable, warm-hearted people, easily 
 restrained from over-indulgence in spirituous liquors, 
 cheerful and humorous, generous and unselfish; and 
 what is a special mark of their kindly nature, their 
 women were treated with a degree of consideration 
 not to be observed among other savage tribes." 
 
 While the northern and western frontiers were 
 depredated by the stealthily conducted forays of sav- 
 ages, the southern borders on the Rio Grande were 
 subjected to more open hostilities, carried on by out- 
 laws and banditti under the leadership of Cortina." 
 This border ruffian and his gang, in pursuit of their 
 business as dealers in stock, had long been notorious 
 for their frequent robbery of cattle, and depredations 
 committed on Texan territory. Connected with this 
 organization was a number of Mexican citizens, who, 
 crossing the river, took part in marauding expeditions, 
 and with their companions removed their booty to 
 Mexican soil, evading all attempts to punish them. 
 As for Cortina, he made either country his asylum in 
 
 '•" The above account of this settlement is obtained from an article in the 
 Tix. Aim., 1861, 126-31, the writer of which states that his estimate of the 
 cliaracter of these Indians was based on 20 years' observation. See also Id. , 
 186P, 157, where his views are indorsed. The number of the Indians in 1869 
 was considered to be less than 500. 
 
 2^ Juan Nepomuceno CoHina was a native of Camargo, but spent his early 
 life on a rancho owned, by his mother on the Texan side of the Rio Grande, 
 about nine miles above Brownsville. In 1847, he was employed by a Mr 
 Somerville to buy mules, and having purchased a band, started with Somer- 
 ville for the interior. When nine miles distant from the river, he murdered 
 his employer, and sold the animals to the U. S. govt at Brazos Santiago. 
 Though indicted for this crime, he escaped arrest. Henceforth he led a 
 vicious life, associated himself with robbers, and engaged in horse and cattle 
 stealing. U, S, Sen. Doc, cong. 36, sess. 1, vol. ix., no, 21, 9, 13, 
 
444 CIVIL WAE. 
 
 turn, claiming American and Mexican citizenship 
 alternately, according to the vigor with which efforts 
 were made from time to time to arrest him. Sur- 
 rounded, however, by a band of about seventy despe- 
 radoes, he was generally able to defy the authorities. 
 In 1859, this leader's proceedings began to assume a 
 political character. The reader is already aware of 
 the deep feelings of hostility which existed between 
 the Anglo-Texans and the Mexican-Texans. Of the 
 latter race, Cortina suddenly stood forth as the cham- 
 pion, not so much from philanthropy as from a re- 
 vengeful desire to prosecute a private feud in which 
 he had involved Jtiimself with certain individuals resid- 
 ing in Cameron county. 
 
 On July 13, 1859, he entered Brownsville with some 
 of his companions, and as it happened, a Mexican, who 
 had formerly been his servant, was arrested by the 
 city marshal, Adolph Glaevecke, for disturbing the 
 peace. Cortina interfered, fired upon the marshal, 
 wounding him in the shoulder, rescued the prisoner, 
 and escaped with him on horseback to Matamoros, 
 defying the authorities to arrest him. This flagrant 
 act aroused the indignation of the people of Browns- 
 ville, and an attempt was made to raise a suflScient 
 force to capture him, but failed. Several of those 
 most active on the occasion were known to Cortina, 
 who marked them as his enemies, and determined to 
 take revenge. 
 
 At the head of a mounted body of men, variouslv 
 estimated at from forty to eighty in number, early in 
 the morning of September 28th, he entered Browns- 
 ville, and took possession of the unprotected city. 
 Constable Morris and a young man named Neal were 
 killed," as also Johnson, the jailer — who refused to 
 deliver up his keys — arid two Mexicans, in whose 
 house he had taken refuge. Johnson defended him- 
 
 2^ Both these men were murderers, Deing known to have killed several 
 Mexicans in cold blood, and had deadly enemies in Cortina's band. V. S. H. 
 Ex,. Doc, cong. 36, sess. 1, viii., no. 52, 65; Id., xii., no. 81, 4. 
 
CABRERA AND CORTDfA. 445 
 
 self obstinately, killing one of Cortina's men, and 
 severely wounding another before he was slain. 
 Cortina now liberated the prisoners, paraded the 
 town, and demanded that Glaevecke and other per- 
 sons whom he named should be delivered up to him. 
 No attempt, however, was made to plunder the city, 
 and he was finally induced by the representations of 
 the Mexican consul, Manuel Tresino, General Cara- 
 vajal, and influential citizens of Matamoras to abandon 
 it. He retired with his followers to his mother's 
 hacienda, the rancho del Carmen, which he converted 
 into a military camp. 
 
 On the 30th of the same month, he issued his first 
 proclamation, in which he declared that his object 
 was to protect those who had been persecuted and 
 robbed on account of their Mexican origin, and that 
 an organization had been formed for the purpose of 
 chastising their enemies, and delivering them from 
 the machinations of a multitude of lawyers and others, 
 who were bent upon despoiling Mexican-Texans of 
 their lands. 
 
 It was claimed that Cortina was aided by Mexican 
 money and arms. That he found favor in the eyes of 
 the public and some officials is more than probable; 
 but this was not the case with the Mexican authori- 
 ties. In response to an appeal for protection made 
 by the inhabitants of Brownsville, the commander at 
 Matamoros sent over a detachment of his troops on 
 September 30th, and they were not withdrawn till all 
 danger of a renewal of hostilities seemed over. But 
 about the 12th of October, Cortina having by that 
 time retreated across the Rio Grande, his second in 
 command, Cabrera, was captured at the rancho del 
 Carmen by the sheriiF. Cortina threatened to lay 
 Brownsville in ashes unless he was released; a prom- 
 inent merchant of Matamoros passed over at the re- 
 quest of the most influential men in that city, and 
 tried, though inefifectually, to persuade the people to 
 comply with the demand ; Captain Tobin's company 
 
446 . CIVrL WAR. 
 
 of rangers arrived a few days afterward, and on the 
 night of their arrival Cabrera was found hanged. 
 
 Cortina now proceeded to act. He returned to the 
 rancho del Carmen, where the number of his followers 
 rapidly increased. His movement was very popular 
 with the Mexican-Texans, whose cause met with much 
 sympathy south of the Rio Grande. The people of 
 Brownsville again asked the authorities at Matamoros 
 to aid them in repelling the threatened attack, and a 
 company under Colonel Loranco was sent over. 
 
 On October 24th a combined force of Mexicans and 
 Americans with two pieces of artUlerj''" attacked 
 Cortina and compelled him to retreat into the chapar- 
 ral. An attempt to dislodge him failed; one gun 
 became bogged and was dismounted on being dis- 
 charged. The advance fell back; the other gun was 
 abandoned, and an ignominious flight followed, the 
 Mexicans, however, bringing up the rear. The guns 
 remained in the possession of Cortina. 
 
 About November 18th Lieutenant Littleton with 
 thirty men fell into an ambuscade and sustained a 
 loss of three men killed and one wounded, and one 
 taken prisoner. On the 23d of that month Cortina 
 issued a second proclamation in which, after recount- 
 ing to the Mexicans in Texas the grievances suffered 
 by them, he calls on them to join him in his enter- 
 prise. He informed them that a society was orga- 
 nized in the state for the extermination of their 
 tyrants ; that the veil of impenetrable secrecy covered 
 "the great book" in which the articles of the society's 
 constitution were written, but that no honorable man 
 need have cause for alarm ; and that the Mexicans of 
 Texas reposed their lot in the governor elect, General 
 Houston, trusting that he would give them legal pro- 
 tection within the limits of his power. In conclusion 
 
 2* Major Heintzelman, lat regt U. S. infantry, says in his report, 'The 
 Mexican troops had but from 8 to 12 rounds of ammunition, and they did 
 not retreat until it gave out. They are accused, but I think unjustly, of 
 having fired blank cartridges, and that tlae cap squares were loosened to dis- 
 mount the gun,' Id., xii., no. 81, 5. 
 
DESPKRATE POINGS. 447 
 
 this reprobate cattle-stealer appealed to tlie good in- 
 habitants of Texas to look upon Mexicans as broth- 
 ers, "and keep in mind that which the holy spirit 
 saith : Thou shalt not be the friend of the passionate 
 man; nor join thy self to the mad man, lest thou 
 learn his mode of work and scandalize thy soul." " 
 
 Meantime more volunteers arrived, and Captain 
 Tobin collected about 250 men at Santa Rita, seven 
 miles from Brownsville. On November 24th he ad- 
 vanced against Cortina who was now well intrenched 
 and protected by the captured cannon. Tobin's force 
 was a disorganized crowd, and after receiving and re- 
 turning the fire of the enemy, he gave the order to 
 fall back and wait for a 24-pounder howitzer, which 
 he had left with sixty men at Santa Rita. The whole 
 force, however, retreated to that place; a misunder- 
 standing occurred and some of the men returned to 
 Brownsville. On the following day he again ad- 
 vanced, but again fell back, deeming it imprudent to 
 attack. 
 
 Cortina's force kept rapidly increasing, and he soon 
 had between 400 and 500 followers, a number of whom 
 were criminals who escaped from the prison at Vic- 
 toria, and had joined him in spite of the efforts of 
 the Mexican authorities to prevent them." 
 
 On December 5th Major Heintzelman, 1st regi- 
 ment U. S. infantry, arrived at Brownsville with 122 
 ofiicers and men, where he was joined by Captain 
 Rickett's company, 1st artillery, of 48 men, and Major 
 Tobin with 150 rangers. On the 14th he attacked 
 the enemy with 165 officers and men of the regular 
 
 '^ Copy of proclamation in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 36, seas. I, viii., no. 
 52, 79-82. 
 
 28 The Texans charge the Mexican authorities with wilfiilly making no 
 endeavor to prevent Cortina receiving such recruits. This was not the case. 
 Considering the nature of the country and the willingness on the part of the 
 Mexican people to aid fugitives, the authorities did all that was possible. 
 A force was sent from Matamoros to guard the fords of the Rio Grande, 
 and other measures were taken to arrest the criminals. The report of the 
 Mexican investigating committee of May 15, 1873, contains a very fair ac- 
 count of Cortina's insurrection, and the position of Mexico in regard to it. 
 Mex. In/orme Comis, Peag., 1873, 71-85, 
 
448 CIVIL WAH. 
 
 army and 120 rangers, and captured one of Cortina's 
 principal camps without difficulty. The insurrection- 
 ary leader now concentrated his forces and retired up 
 the river, devastating the country on his march, as 
 far as Rio Grande City, which place he took posses- 
 sion of as well as of Fort Ringold. Heintzelman 
 started in pursuit of him on the 21st and on the 27th 
 attacked his camp, which was situated about half a 
 mile outside of Rio Grande. Cortina sustained a 
 complete defeat, losing his guns, ammunition and 
 baggage. His force was between 500 and 600 men 
 of whom 60 were killed, or drowned in the river. 
 The Americans had sixteen wounded, most of them 
 only slightly. The routed leader with his followers 
 took refuge in Tamaulipas. The devastation which 
 he had caused was serious. Major Heintzelman in 
 his report already quoted says : " The whole country 
 from Brownsville to Rio Grande City, 120 miles, and 
 back to the arroyo Colorado, has been laid waste. 
 There is not an American, or any property that could 
 be destroyed, in this large tract of country. Busi- 
 ness as far as Laredo, 240 miles, has been interrupted 
 or suspended for five months. The amount of claims 
 for damages is $336,826. There have been fifteen 
 Americans and eighty friendly Mexicans killed. Cor- 
 tina has lost 151 men killed ; of the wounded I have 
 no account."" 
 
 In June 1860 Cortina was put to flight by Mexican 
 troops, which were kept for six months in the field to 
 operate against him, and succeeded in capturing many 
 of his lawless followers. Having found a refuge in the 
 mountains of Burgos, in May, 1861, he thence again 
 invaded Texas and burned Roma, but was again de- 
 feated. This was the closing event of his insurrec- 
 tionary movements against Texas. ^° 
 
 " Detailed particulars of this insurrection will be found in 76.; XJ. 8. S. 
 Ex. Doc, Cong. 36, seas. 1, ix., no. 21 and 24; H. Mm. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 
 1, v., no. 38; ff. Ex. Doc, cong. 42, sess. 3, vii., no. 39, where on pp. 43-4, 
 tlie claims for damages will be seen to amount to $1,906,619: Id., cong. 36, 
 sess. 1, viii., no. 52, xii., no. 81. 
 
 ** He afterward revolutionized Tamaulipas, became gov., and intrigued 
 
EFFECT ON TEXAS. 449 
 
 By proclamation of April 15, 1861, President Lin- 
 coln declared the states of South Carolina, Georgia, 
 Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas 
 in rebellion, called out 75,000 of the militia, and 
 summoned congress to assemble on the 4th of July 
 following. On the 11th of that month, senators 
 Hemphill and Wigfall, having failed to take their 
 seats, were declared expelled from the senate of the 
 United States. "" together with certain members from 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, 
 and Arkansas, by a vote of 10 nays against 32 yeas.^' 
 
 The great civil war began, and fortunate it was for 
 Texas that her geographical position placed her out- 
 side the cyclone of that Titantic strife. While the 
 whirlwind of destruction and death swept for years 
 over the unhappy south, she was only disturbed by 
 the commotion raised on the edge of the dreadful 
 
 both with the confederates and the U. S. officials. In 1871 he was a general 
 under Juarez, and in 1875 mayor of Matamoros and gen. in the Mexican 
 army. For refusiag to obey orders he was arrested and sent prisoner to 
 Mexico. Mex. Inforrm Gam. Pesq., 1873, 83-5; Thrall, 528-9. 
 
 The following is a list of the senators from Texas previous to the secession. 
 
 Thomas F. Rusk from 1845 to 1857 
 
 Samuel Houston from 1846 to 1859 
 
 Piokney J. Henderson from 1857 to 1859 
 
 Matthias Ward from 1858 to 1859 
 
 John Hemphill from 1859 to 1861 
 
 Lewis T. WigfaU from 1859 to 1861 
 
 Henderson and Ward in succession completed the unexpired term of Rusk. 
 Texas up to 1861 was entitled to two representatives in the lower house, cor- 
 responding to the eastern and western districts. From the eastern district 
 they were: 
 
 David S. Kaufman from 1846 to 1851 
 
 Richardson Scurry from 1851 to 1853 
 
 O. W. Smyth from 1854 to 1855 
 
 Lemuel Dale Evans from 1856 to 1857 
 
 John H. Reagan from 1858 to 1861 
 
 The western district was represented by 
 
 Timothy PiUsbury from 1846 to 1849 
 
 Volney E. Howard from 1850 to 1853 
 
 P. H. Bell from 1854 to 1857 
 
 Guy M. Bryan from 1858 to 1859 
 
 Andrew J. Hamilton from 1860 to 1861 
 
 Population in Texas had increased so rapidly that in the apportionment 
 of representation of the states ia the house, of July 1861, Texas was 
 allowed four representatives. U. S. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 37, sess. 1, no. 2. 
 
 ^U. 8. Sen. Jour., cong. 37, sess. 1, 25, 29-30; Cong. Olohe aiid App.„ 
 1861, 1. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 29. 
 
450 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 storm. Her territory, in all its length and breadth, 
 did not become a battle-field, and agriculture met not 
 with the same destruction, as in some other sections. 
 It is true that many places were abandoned and 
 became desolate, and thousands of acres under culti- 
 vation were left to weeds and thistles; but the flail 
 of famine did not fall upon the land. Her commerce 
 naturally suffered much, but even in this respect the 
 detriment to Texas was less than that felt by any other 
 of the southern states. She had the advantage of being 
 the solitary portion of the territory of the confederacy 
 bordering on a foreign nation, and found in Mexico a 
 market for her cotton, and a source from which she 
 could procure supplies of the most necessary commo- 
 dities. Her numerous posts on the gulf, too, afforded 
 her better facilities for running the blockade which 
 was established than those possessed elsewhere by 
 the south. Thus, comparatively speaking, Texas, 
 locally considered, suffered less than any other con- 
 federate state. Nevertheless a stop was put to her 
 progress; internal improvement and immigration 
 ceased, and thousands of her sons perished in the war. 
 For she did not flinch from taking her full share in 
 the struggle, and in many a hard fought battle her 
 ilag was borne in the thickest of the fight. 
 
 Within one month after the installation of Clark, 
 hostilities broke out. On April 14, 1861, Fort Sum- 
 ter was evacuated by Major Anderson, and on the 
 following day Lincoln's proclamation was issued. 
 Enlistment for service was at once commenced in 
 Texas, and early in May, Colonel W. C. Young, 
 crossing Red river, captured Fort Arbuckle and 
 other military posts of the United States in the 
 Indian Territory, the federal soldiers retreating to 
 Kansas. Colonel Ford, also, assisted by an expedi- 
 tion which sailed from Galveston, took possession of 
 Fort Brown, opposite Matamoros, without meeting 
 with resistance. Captain Hill, in command, had re- 
 fused to obey the order of Twiggs to evacuate it, but 
 
GOVERNOR LUBBOCK. 451 
 
 found that he could not possibly hold it with his small 
 force. 
 
 On June 8th Governor Clark issued a proclamation, 
 announcing that a state of war existed, and shortly 
 after the ports of Texas were blockaded by a squadron 
 of the gulf fleet. The Texans had never been lag- 
 gards in hastening to the field of action, and now, 
 after an interval of nearly twenty-five years of almost 
 uninterrupted peace, their warlike spirit was again 
 aroused. Military districts were formed, a system of 
 instruction in evolutionary movements and the use of 
 arms was established, and great numbers enlisted in 
 the cause to which Texas had pledged herself By 
 November 15,000 men were enrolled in the service of 
 the confederate army. 
 
 The election of 1861 showed a majority in favor of 
 Francis R. Lubbock," for governor, who defeated 
 Clark by only 124 votes.^" He was inaugurated 
 November 7, 1861. 
 
 In July of this year Lieutenant-colonel John R. 
 Baylor had occupied Fort Bliss, on the Rio Grande, 
 and crossing the river took possession of Mesilla on 
 the 25th. Major Lynde, 17th U. S. Infantry, in 
 ■command at Fort Fillmore near by, having failed to 
 dislodge Baylor, surrendered his whole command of 
 about 700 men. Lieutenant-colonel Canby was at 
 this time in command of the department of New 
 Mexico, and made preparations to meet the invasion. 
 Meantime Major Sibley of the United States' Army, 
 
 51 He was bom in Beaufort, S. 0., Oct. 16, 1815, and migrated to Texas 
 Dec. 1836, settling in the town of Houston, where he opened a mercantile 
 busineas house. £i 1838 he was comptroller of the treasury, and from 1841 
 to 1857 held the oflSce of clerk of the district court for Harris county. In 
 the last named year he was elected lieut-gov., and in 1860 was appointed 
 delegate to the Charleston convention. At the close of his term as gov., he 
 entered the confederate army as an adjutant-general on the staff of President 
 Davis, was captured with him in 1865, and imprisoned in Fort Delaware. In 
 1866 he resumed busiaess ia Houston, and two years later removed to Gal- 
 veston. Lubbock, in 1876 was elected to the office of state treasurer, and re- 
 elected in 1880. Bwhe's Tex. Aim., 1882, 154; Cordova's Tex., 102, 168-70. 
 
 5' The total number of votes oast was 67,343, of which Lubbock obtained 
 121, 854; Clark, 21,730; and T. J. Chambers, 13,759. John M. Crockett was 
 -elected lieut-gov. ThraU, 391. 
 
452 CIVIL WAB. 
 
 had joined the confederates, and with the rank of 
 brigadier-general was ordered in July to proceed to 
 Texas, and organize an expedition for the purpose of 
 driving the federal troops out of New Mexico. Sibley 
 reached El Paso with his force about the middle of 
 December, and issued a proclamation, inviting his old 
 comrades-in-arms to take service in the confederate 
 army, an appeal which met with no response. 
 
 Colonel Canby, early in 1862 made Fort Craig, 
 on the Rio Grande north of Mesilla, his headquarters, 
 and on February 21st, after some maneuvering, and 
 a skirmish on the day before, crossed the river and 
 engaged the Texans. Canby's force aggregated 3,810 
 men, but of these only 900 were regulars, the re- 
 mainder, consisting of volunteers and New Mexican 
 militia, were of little service. Sibley reported the 
 number of his force to have been 1,750. The en- 
 gagement, called the battle of Valverde, took place in 
 the afternoon, and resulted in the discomfiture of the 
 federals, who retreated to the fort, leaving six pieces 
 of artillery in the hands of the enemy. 
 
 Sibley now marched to Alburquerque, and from 
 that place sent a detachment to occupy Santa Fe, 
 which having been evacuated by the federal officer in 
 command. Major Donaldson, was entered by the 
 Texans March 23d. Fort Union, on the Santa Fe 
 route, was the next point to which Sibley directed his 
 march, but on the 28th of the same month his ad- 
 vance, under Colonel W. R. Scurry, became engaged 
 at the eastern mouth of Apache Canon, with a federal 
 force over 1,300 strong, with eight pieces of artillery, 
 under Colonel Slough, who had advanced against the 
 invaders from Fort Union. Slough detached about 
 500 of his men, under Major Chivington, by a difficult 
 and dangerous mountain trail, to assail the enemy's 
 camp in the rear, while he engaged the main body. 
 The maneuvre was successful; the camp with all the 
 supplies of every kind was taken by the enemy, and 
 though Slough's column was repulsed after a fierce 
 
HEAVY LOSSES. 453 
 
 fight of five hours, Scurry sent in a Hag of truce, and 
 after burying his dead retreated to Santa Fe. 
 
 Slough's loss was one officer and 28 men killed ; two 
 officers and 40 men wounded, and 15 men taken pris- 
 oners ; that of Scurry, four officers and 32 men killed, 
 and 60 wounded. 
 
 This check stopped further advance. Early in 
 April Santa Fe was evacuated, and the Texans re- 
 treated down the Rio Grande. On the 15th they 
 were attacked ' at Peralta by Colonel Canby, and an 
 indecisive engagement took place. In the night the 
 Texans resumed their retreat, and on May 18th, 
 Canby reported' ' them as scattered along the Rio 
 Grande between Dona Anna and El Paso. On July 
 6, 1862, the last of the confederates crossed into Texas. 
 It was a bootless campaign, in which the devoted sons 
 of Texas lost by sickness and in killed, wounded, and 
 prisoners, over 500 men. New Mexico, with its 
 rugged mountain ranges, desolate regions, and water- 
 less deserts, was not a desirable country in which to 
 undertake military expeditions. General Sibley, writ- 
 ing to Richmond from Fort Bliss expressed the con- 
 viction that the territory was not worth a quarter of 
 the blood and treasure expended in its conquest, and 
 that his men had manifested an irreconcilable detes- 
 tation of the country and the people."* 
 
 ^^ The above particulars are mainly derived from the account of thia in- 
 vasion by A. A. Hayes, in Moug. Amer. Hist., Feb. 1886, 171-84. The writer 
 had access to valuable official documents, visited New Mexico in 1879, and 
 ' devoted much time to inquiries from those who took part in the campaign. ' 
 
CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 PROGRESS AND EMD OT THE WAR. 
 
 1862-1865. 
 
 Operations op the United States' Navy — Recaptbkb op Galveston ey" 
 
 THE TeXANS — MiLITAET DESPOTISM — DEFEAT OF THE FEDERALS AT 
 
 Sabine Pass — Death op General Houston — ^His Chajractbe and 
 Policy — Murrah Elected Governor — Operations of the Federals 
 on the Gulf Coast — ^Attempt against Texas by Red River — 
 Brownsville Taken by Cortina — Administration of Murrah — 
 Financial Matters — The Conscription Laws — ^Lamentable Social 
 Condition of Texas— Industrial Progress — Cotton Planters — 
 Reverses of the Confederate Arms — The Last Engagement. 
 
 In May 1862, the surrender of the city of Gal- 
 veston was demanded by Commodore Eagle in com- 
 mand of the blockading squadron. No attention was 
 paid to the summons, and as the commodore had no 
 troops at the time to enforce his demand, no attempt 
 was made to occupy the place till October 4th, when 
 Commander Renshaw, of the United States' steamer 
 Westjield, with the Harriet Lane, Owaseo, and Clifton, 
 captured the defences of the harbor and city after a 
 mere show of resistance on the part of General He- 
 bert, who withdrew his troops to Virginia Point, on 
 the mainland. 
 
 Meantime, about the middle of September, Lieu- 
 tenant J. W. Kittredge, with his vessel, the Arthur, 
 and the steamer Sachem, took possession of Corpus 
 Christi, captured several vessels, and necessitated the 
 burning of others by the confederates. Subsequently 
 Kittredge, while on shore, was captured with his 
 boat's crew. Somewhat later Francis Crocker, com- 
 manding the steamer Kensington, with the schooners 
 
 (464) 
 
GENERAL MAGRUDER, 455 
 
 Rachel Seaman and Henry Janes, captured the 
 defences of Sabine city. He then proceeded to Cal- 
 casieu river, and took or destroyed several blockade- 
 runners/ 
 
 So incensed were the people at the abandonment 
 of Galveston by General Hebert, that they petitioned 
 for his removal, and he was superseded in November 
 1862 by General Magruder, who forthwith made 
 preparations to recapture the island. On Buffalo 
 Bayou, a few miles below the city of Houston, he 
 transformed four river steamers into gun-boats, pro- 
 tecting their sides with compressed cotton-bales. The 
 return of Sibley's brigade from New Mexico, gave him 
 an efficient force of men already experienced in war, 
 and he had also at his disposal 5,000 Texans, who had 
 been called into service for the protection of the coast. 
 Galveston was occupied by the 4 2d Massachusetts 
 volunteers; the Harriet Lane was lying at the wharf, 
 and five other United States' vessels were stationed 
 off the shore toward the pass.^ 
 
 Magruder's plan was to assault the enemy simul- 
 taneously by land and water. His preparations were 
 conducted with the greatest secrecy, his intention be- 
 ing known only to himself and staff. On December 
 29th, he proceeded to Virginia point with the land 
 forces, sending the gun-boats Neptune, Bayou City, 
 Lucy Gwinn, and John F. Garr to the head of the 
 bay, with instructions to commence their attack when 
 the moon went down, on the night of the 31st. At 
 the appointed time, about 4 A. m., on January 1st, the 
 land forces, which had silently and un perceived crossed 
 over to the island, assaulted the position of the fed- 
 erals. The gun-boats, delayed by a low tide, could 
 not reach the scene of action in time to cooperate in 
 the opening of the attack, and victory began to seem 
 doubtful. At this crisis they fortunately arrived, and 
 
 "^Cong. Globe, 1862-63, app. 14. 
 
 2 Namely, the Westfield, Clifton, Oimsco, SacJiem, and GorypJiem, the last 
 two having joined the squadron two days before the attack. U. S. H. Ex^ 
 Doc, cong. 38, sess. 1, iv., doc. 1, app. 312. 
 
456 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR. 
 
 attacked the Harriet Lane. The Neptmie was soon 
 struck by a shell below the water-line, and sunk, but 
 the Bayou City, steaming up, ran into the enemy's 
 vessel, and became entangled in her rigging. The 
 Texans leaped on board, and a hand-to-hand conflict 
 ensued, in which Commander Wainwright, of the 
 Harriet Lane, and Lieutenant-commander Lea were 
 slain. On their fall the ship surrendered. The West- 
 field, in trying to leave the harbor, ran aground, and 
 in order to prevent her falling into the hands of the 
 Texans, it was determined to blow her up. The ex- 
 plosion took place prematurely, and Commander Ren- 
 shaw with fifteen men perished. All the other vessels 
 escaped. Meantime, the efforts of the confederate 
 land forces were crowned with success ; the federals 
 surrendered, and Galveston island was again in pos- 
 session of the Texans,^ who retained their hold of it 
 till the termination of the war, though the port con- 
 tinued to be blockaded. 
 
 At the outbreak of the war, and during the earlier 
 part of Lubbock's administration, it was confidently 
 believed by the mass of the people in Texas that the 
 establishment of the confederacy would be accom- 
 plished. It is true that after the passage of the se- 
 cession ordinance the unionists began to organize 
 secret leagues, with the object of controlling the gen- 
 eral election to be held in August following ; but the 
 attack on Fort Sumter, and the destruction of an^' 
 lingering hope that the question could be settled oth- 
 erwise than by an appeal to arms, paralyzed the effort. 
 A feeling of helplessness and consequent apathy took 
 possession of the imionist leaders, while a general en- 
 thusiasm pervaded the people at large, and the ranks 
 of the confederates proportionately gained strength. 
 Stringent laws and orders that were issued, being re- 
 garded as measures necessary to success, were at first 
 submitted to with promptness and cheerfulness, and 
 
 "Id., 309-18; Tkrall, 395-6; North's Five Ymrs in Tex., 106-11. 
 
LUBBOCK'S ADMINISTRATION. 457 
 
 calls for volunteers were liberally responded to by the 
 Texans. But presently they began to perceive that 
 they had placed their necks under the yoke of a mili- 
 tary despotism. On April 28, 1862, martial law was 
 proclaimed by General Bee, in command at San An- 
 tonio, over the western military district, and on May 
 30th following, General Hebert proclaimed that it was 
 extended over the whole state. Every white male 
 person above the age of sixteen years was required, 
 when summoned, to present himself before the provost 
 marshal, and have his name, residence, and occupa- 
 tion registered ; aliens were made to take an oath to 
 maintain the laws of the state and the confederacy ; 
 persons disobeying orders and summonses issued hj 
 the provost marshal would be summarily punished; 
 and any attempt to depreciate the currency of the 
 confederate states was declared to constitute an act of 
 hostility.* 
 
 On November 21st, an order was issued forbidding 
 the exportation of cotton, except by the agents of the 
 government, and in February 1863 further restrictions 
 were made on the exportation of the same article 
 across the Rio Grande. These and similar measures 
 were condemned as interfering with trade, and de- 
 priving the people of the means of procuring many 
 necessary supplies. 
 
 Moreover, after the first excited rush of volunteers 
 into the service had subsided, the stern law of con- 
 scription was passed, and in Texas was enforced to 
 the utmost. AH males from eighteen years of age to 
 forty-five were made liable to service in the confeder- 
 ate army, with the exception of ministers of I'eligion, 
 state and county officers, and slave-holders, the pos- 
 session of fifteen slaves being the minimum number 
 entitling an owner to exemption. Governor Lubbock 
 was an extremist in regard to this system. In his 
 message to the legislature in November 1863, he 
 suggested that every male person from sixteen years 
 
 * Copy of proclamation in Thrall, 398. 
 
458 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR. 
 
 old and upward should be declared in the military 
 service of the state ; that no one should be permitted 
 to furnish a substitute, and that the right to do so 
 should be abolished, both by the state and confederate 
 governments. In the same message he informed the 
 legislature that 90,000 Texans were already in the 
 confederate service. When it is borne in mind that 
 the greatest number of votes ever polled in the state 
 was little over 64,000, it will be seen what a tremen- 
 dous drain had been made on the strength of the 
 country. 
 
 Again, the confiscation act,° and the law authoriz- 
 ing the banishment of persons still adhering to the 
 union, ^ were scrupulously enforced. Many persons 
 who had spent their lives in Texas thus lost their 
 property, and even temporary absentees in the north, 
 who would have found it difficult, if not impossible, 
 to return, were likewise deprived of their possessions. 
 But still more unfortunate were persons of union 
 proclivities who yet remained in the country. Under 
 authority of the banishment act, the settlers in the 
 western counties, and the German colonists, who stUl 
 held to their anti-slavery propensities, were severely 
 punished. After the proclamation of martial law in 
 Texas, no household of anti-confederate ideas in those 
 districts was permitted to dwell in peace, just as was 
 the case in regard to confederates in the northern 
 states, the feeling of loyalty to country being in Texas 
 somewhat intensified. Many unionists attempted to 
 escape to Mexico. The earlier fugitives were mostly 
 successful, but of those who followed in their wake 
 the greater portion was captured and put to death.' 
 
 ^Passed by the confederate congress Aug. 31, 1861. It provided that all 
 property within the limits of the confederacy belonging to union men who 
 did not proclaim their allegiance to the confederacy, or had left it, should be 
 confiscated. 
 
 ^This law was passed Aug. 8, 1861. By it every male over 14 years of 
 age who adhered to the U. S. govt was made subject to banishment from the 
 limits of the confederate states, and the courts of justice were ordered to 
 arrest and treat as alien enemies all union men who did not tender their al- 
 legiance or leave the confederacy within 40 days. 
 
 ' Lossing quotes from the San Antonio Herald, an organ loyal to the con- 
 federacy, as follows: 'Their bones are bleaching on the soil of every county 
 
FEDERAL REVERSES. 459 
 
 By the close of Lubbock's administration the tide 
 of opinion was changing. The confederate arms had 
 met with serious reverses, and the dark shadow of 
 the impossibility of an independent south had already 
 cast a gloom around over the country. After the capt- 
 ure of Galveston island no other operation of importance 
 occurred in 1863 until September, when an attempt, 
 with the object of invading Texas, was made to effect 
 a lodgment at Sabine City, where was the terminus 
 of a railroad leading into the interior. It was be- 
 lieved by General Banks, to whom the conduct of the 
 expedition was entrusted, and to whom discretionary 
 power was given, that, by gaining possession of this 
 point, he could concentrate an army of 15,000 men at 
 Houston, and thereby gain control of all the railroad 
 communications in Texas. 
 
 It appears that in January, 1863, the blockade of 
 Sabine pass " was not considered effective by General 
 Magruder, and on the 21st of that month he issued a 
 proclamation inviting neutral nations to resume a 
 commercial intercourse with that port.' The fact is 
 that on the morning of that day the United States 
 squadron sustained a reverse, and the blockade of 
 Sabine Pass was temporarily destroyed by the cap- 
 ture of the Morning Light and the Velocity by two 
 confederate cotton-clad steamboats, the Josiah Bell 
 and the Uncle Ben. The engagement was fought out- 
 side the bar, and after a hot conflict of two hours the 
 federal vessels surrendered." The blockade, how- 
 ever, was soon resumed, and on April 18th of the 
 
 from Red river to the Rio Grande, and in the counties of Wise and Denton 
 their bodies are suspended by scores from the Black Jacks. ' Hist. Civ. War, 
 ii. 536. See his account, page 537, of the massacre of about 40 German colo- 
 nists, Aug. 10, 1862, on the Nueces river, out of a party of sixty who were 
 endeavoring to make their way to Mexico. 
 
 * J. J. Jarvis, hanker and stock raiser, residing at Fort Worth, Texas, 
 says: 'Sabine Pass, perhaps, has superior natural advantages for a seaport 
 city to any other point on the gulf coast of this state; deep water might be 
 obtained there perhaps with smaller appropriations than any other point on 
 the coast of Texas.' Observ. Agric., MS., 8. 
 
 ' TI. S. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 28, seas. 1, iv., no. 1, 3.31-3. 
 
 "Reports of Surgeon Sherfy and Acting Master Dillingham, in Id., cong. 
 38, sess. 2, vi., no. 1, 493-8. 
 
4GU PROGRESS AND END OF THK WAR. 
 
 same year, a skirmish took place in which Lieuten- 
 ant-Commander McDermot of the federal gun-boat 
 Cayuga, who was reconnoitring the enemy's position, 
 was killed and several men severely wounded. Since 
 this time the confederates in Sabine city had been 
 unmolested, and they erected a fort defended by a 
 formidable battery of eight heavy guns, three of 
 which were rifled. 
 
 General Banks, in pursuance of his plan for the 
 conquest of Texas, placed 4,000 men under the com- 
 mand of Major General Franklin, with instructions 
 to effect a landing at Sabine Pass, with the coopera- 
 tion of the navy. The necessary transports were 
 provided, and the steamers, Clifton, Sachem, Arizona, 
 and Granite City, under Lieutenant Frederick Crocker, 
 were assigned to support the movement. On Sep- 
 tember 8th these gun-boats with the transports crossed 
 the bar. It had been intended to effect a surprise, 
 and to make the attack at early dawn on the morning 
 of the 7th ; but this plan seems to have been discon- 
 certed by want of unity of action, and the expedition 
 appeared for twenty-eight hours off the pass before 
 it moved against the enemy, who thereby became 
 aware of the threatened danger. 
 
 Franklin, moreover, failed to follow his instruc- 
 tions, by which he was ordered to land his troops be- 
 low the pass. Instead of doing so he arranged with 
 Crocker that the gun-boats should first bombard the 
 fort, expel the garrison, and drive off, or capture two 
 cotton-clads of the enemy stationed in the river. 
 This accomplished, the troops were to land and take 
 possession. Accordingly the federal vessels steamed 
 up and opened fire, which was not returned till they 
 were abreast of the fort. There a heavy cannonade 
 was directed against them, and the Clifton and Sachem 
 were soon disabled, being struck in their boilers or 
 steam-pipes. The Clifton ran aground, and in a. short 
 time both vessels hauled down their colors. This 
 disaster decided the affair, which resulted in ignomin- 
 
DEATH OF HOUSTON. 461 
 
 ious defeat on the part of the federals. The Arizona 
 and Granite City backed out of the contest, and the 
 transports being left unsupported, Franklin made no 
 attempt to land. On trying to cross the bar the 
 Arizona grounded, but succeeded in getting afloat at 
 flood-tide. The transports also passed safely outside, 
 and the expedition then returned to New Orleans, 
 having lost two gun-boats, mounting fifteen rifled 
 guns, and over 100 men in killed and wounded, besides 
 at least 250 prisoners." The garrison of the fort 
 consisted of only 200 Texans, of whom no more than 
 42 took part in the action. These were presented by 
 President Davis with a silver medal, the only honor 
 of the kind known to have been bestowed by the 
 confederate government.'^ 
 
 On the 26th of July 1863, General Houston, the 
 soldier and statesman, the architect of Texan inde- 
 pendence, breathed his last at his home in Huntsville, 
 Walker county. His health had been declining for 
 some time, and with a broken spirit he had watched 
 for the last two years from his place of retirement, 
 the current of the events which he had predicted. 
 The spirit of the loyal south had pervaded even his 
 own family, and his son Sam, who had enlisted early 
 in the confederate ranks, had been wounded, and was 
 a prisoner. This embittered the last days of the 
 steadfast old patriot. 
 
 Though the ex-governor offered no active opposi- 
 tion to the victorious party after his deposal, his views 
 as to the revolution and the possibility of its success 
 underwent no change. Nor was he merely a silent 
 and uninterested spectator; his voice was raised, from 
 time to time, against the arbitrary proceedings of mili- 
 
 ^^ The confederates reported having buried 28 of the federals. Id. , 365-8, 
 390-5; Lossing, ut mp., iii. 221-2. According to the report of the secretary 
 of the navy, the killed, wounded, and missing amounted to 107. U. S. //. 
 Ex. Doc, cong. 28, aess. 2, no. 1, 491-3, 495-6. 
 
 '2 It was made of a thin plate of silver, with the words ' Davis Guards ' 
 and a Maltese cross stamped on one side, and the place and date of the 
 achievement on the other. 
 
462 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR. 
 
 tary despotism. When martial law was proclaimed 
 by General Hebert, he addressed a strong protest to 
 Governor Lubbock, denouncing the proclamation. 
 The general, he said, abrogated thereby all the powers 
 of the executive, ignored the bill of rights, the consti- 
 tution and the laws of the state, and arrogated to 
 himself undefined and unlimited powers. The docu- 
 ment was not published till many months after ; but 
 when it did appear, it produced a profound impression. 
 At a later date when confederate paper was made 
 the currency, Houston, in a public speech at Bren- 
 ham, disapproved of the resolutions passed to force 
 those who had lent their gold to receive in payment 
 depreciated treasury notes ; yet this is exactly what 
 the men of the north were doing. 
 
 General Houston was endowed with great natural 
 abilities, and gifted with no ordinary physical strength. 
 His intuitive quickness of perception; his foresight 
 and far-reaching mental grasp; his penetration and 
 ready comprehension of the drift of parties, and his 
 sagacity and tact in devising means wherewith to ac- 
 complish ends, were indeed exceptional. In self- 
 possession and confidence in his own resources, he was 
 unrivalled ; his influence among the masses was ex- 
 traordinary ; and as a speaker, his power over a Texan 
 audience was magical. Yet, as a public man, whether in 
 a military or civil capacity, no leader had more bitter 
 enemies, but at the same time none had warmer friends. 
 
 As president of the republic his administration was 
 marked by economy, by a pacific policy in relation to 
 the border Indian tribes, and by a defensive and not 
 an aggressive attitude toward Mexico. He would 
 rather feed Indians than kill them ; was ever ready to 
 ward off threatened invasion, and adopt protective 
 measures against predatory incursions on the frontier, 
 but not to organize such undertakings as the Santa 
 F^ expedition. The enterprise attempted by Colonel 
 Fisher and his followers in their attack on Mier was 
 never contemplated by Houston. 
 
A GREAT MAN. 463 
 
 In the senate of the United States, where he rep- 
 resented Texas for well nigh fourteen years, he was 
 persistently conservative, attaching himself to the old 
 democratic party. But when his associates began to 
 drift toward secession, he could not follow them. His 
 leniency toward the north first displayed itself in 
 1848-9. He voted against the extension of the Mis- 
 souri compromise line to the Pacific coast, the non- 
 passage of which bill virtually excluded slavery from 
 the territories newly acquired south of 36° 30'. 
 Moreover, he voted for the Oregon territorial bill with 
 the slavery exclusion clause. For this he was as- 
 sailed ; but his constituents sustained him, as Texas, 
 by virtue of the articles of annexation, was in no way 
 affected by the measure. When, however, he voted 
 against Douglas' Kansas and Nebraska bill, intro- 
 duced into the senate in 1854, in which the doctrine 
 of squatter sovereignty was upheld, giving territorial 
 legislatures the right to decide on the question of 
 slavery within their respective territories, Houston 
 was abandoned by his southern adherents. Yet his 
 support of the Missouri compromise on this occasion 
 .proved his unerring foresight. He contended that if 
 the bill were passed, those territories would in any case 
 exclude slavery. The north, with its large population, 
 would pour into them a tide of emigrants which would 
 inevitably make them free-soil states. And such was 
 the result. 
 
 About this time, also, Houston became affiliated 
 with the know-nothing party. He did not believe in 
 his country being flooded with paupers and felons, 
 with the scum and refuse of Europe. Pie was indig- 
 nant that such an outcast class of aliens, after a few 
 months' residence in the United States, should be ad- 
 mitted to all the rights and privileges of native-born 
 Americans, crowding to the wall the true patriots, — 
 the men of wealth and intelligence, and those who 
 had shed their blood for their country. In a speech 
 delivered at Nacogdoches, in December 1855, he 
 
464 PROGRESS AN! J END OF THE WAR. 
 
 vehemently inveighed against the bill for the naturali- 
 zation of foreigners, which allowed every alien the 
 right to vote after six months' residence in the country. 
 Was it, he asked, by such means as these that slavery 
 was to be ingrafted upon Kansas? The south had 
 given way to the evil, but his voice should never be 
 raised in favor of allowing the vote of the foreigner, 
 who had been but six months on United States' 
 soil, to weigh against the vote of a native or natural- 
 ized citizen, in moulding the' institutions of a sover- 
 eign state of the union. 
 
 Houston's know-nothing tendencies, and his oppo- 
 sition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise, 
 naturally alienated many of his old democratic friends, 
 and his popularity waned. At the election in 1857" 
 he was defeated by Runnels, a propagandist of dis- 
 union sentiments, and an advocate of the re-opening 
 of the African slave-trade; and though in 1859 he 
 gained the victory at the polls, the majority of the 
 legislature was opposed to him. His steadfast oppo- 
 sition to the confederacy worked his downfall. 
 
 The victor of San Jacinto was a truly great man. 
 If Austin laid the foundation stone, Houston erected 
 the edifice. Apart from his high intellectual capa- 
 bilities, he possessed many of the noblest qualities 
 that adorn the human character. His courage, his 
 kindness, his scrupulous honesty in everv official 
 station which he occupied, and the open expression of 
 his sentiments regardless of personal consequences can 
 never be questioned. His enemies accused him of 
 cowardice, because he had the firmness not to jield to 
 hot-headed individuals, who would have driven him, 
 if they could, to engage Santa Anna piematurely, 
 and thereby have placed in jeopardy the indepen- 
 dence of Texas; and because he scorned to resent 
 with brute force the abuse that was heaped upon him 
 by political and personal enemies, seeking his blood. 
 His career is before the reader, who will be able to 
 decide for himself this question of bravery. In both 
 
GOVERNOR MUERAH. 468 
 
 of the battles in whicli he was engaged he was 
 wounded while leading on his men ; moreover, it 
 cannot be said that Andrew Jackson was a person 
 likely to bestow his regard upon a poltroon. But 
 Houston was not blood-thirsty; and he possessed 
 that higher kind of courage which enabled him to 
 brave the contempt of a community which still held 
 to the savagism that insults should be wiped out 
 with blood. 
 
 In private life he was affable and courteous, kind, 
 and generous. When thwarted, however, he became 
 harsh, and not unfrequently vindictive. He never 
 failed to repay with compound interest, sooner or later, 
 any insinuation or coarse attack, and those who 
 crossed his political pathway were chastised with a 
 scathing invective which they never forgot. Acts of 
 friendship and of emnity were equally retained in his 
 memory, and met with corresponding return. Majes- 
 tic in person, of commanding presence, and noble 
 countenance, he was a striking figure in public and in 
 private. Sorrow for the miseries of his country, 
 poverty in his household, and a broken down consti- 
 tution, saddened the days, as, shattered and worn — ^to 
 use his own words" — he approached the narrow isth- 
 mus which divides time's ocean from the sea of eter- 
 nity beyond. So straightened were his means that his 
 family were often stinted for the necessaries of life. 
 Some years after settling in Texas Houston again 
 married, and at his death left a widow and seven 
 children, the eldest of whom had not yet attained the 
 age of majority." 
 
 On November 5, 1863, Pendleton Murrah," the 
 
 13 In his last public speech, delivered March 18, 1863, in the city of Hous- 
 ton, in Tlirall, 567. 
 
 ^^ Lester's Houst(m amd his Rep., passim; Thrall, 400, 555-68; Baker's Tex., 
 255-7; Linn's Eemirm., 258, 272-7; Green's Reply, passim; Kennedy, ii. 159-60; 
 Harper's Mag., xxxii. 630-5; The Century, Aug. 1884; 8. F. Bulletin, Apr. 11, 
 1866, sup.; Tex. Aim., 1859, 119-25; CdrdovcCs Tex., 178-9. 
 
 i» Murrah was a native of South Carolina, a lawyer by profession. In 
 early life he went to Alabama, whence he migrated to Texas, settling ia 
 Hist. Mkx. States, Vol. II. 30 
 
466 PROGRESS AOT) END OB" THE WAR. 
 
 governor elect, was inaugurated, Fletcher S. Stock- 
 dale being lieutenant-governor." 
 
 After the failure of the expedition against Sabine 
 city. General Banks determined upon another to get 
 possession of the Texan ports, break up the trade 
 that was being carried on with Mexico through 
 Brownsville and Matamoros, and put a stop to the 
 evasion of the blockade by vessels sailing to and frona 
 the Rio Grande. Being the boundary between the 
 United States and Mexico, this river was open to the 
 navigation of both countries and could not be block- 
 aded. Numerous schemes were projected to take ad- 
 vantage of the facilities thus offered, and under the 
 disguise of neutral trade, Matamoros had become a 
 great commercial mart for the Texans and European 
 speculators." 
 
 Late in October, 1863, Banks, supported by a 
 naval squadron under Commander Strong, sailed with 
 6,000 troops from New Orleans for the Rio Grande, 
 the immediate command, however, being given to 
 General Napoleon Dana. On November 2d the 
 soldiers were landed at Brazos Santiago, and Browns- 
 ville was taken possession of on the 6th. The occu- 
 pation of Corpus Cliristi, of the confederate works 
 at Aransas pass, and of Cavallo pass, and Fort Esper- 
 anza, at the entrance of Matagorda bay, speedUr fol- 
 lowed. By the end of December, Indianola and the 
 Matagorda peninsula were in possession of the federals, 
 only a faint show of resistance being made by the 
 Texan^, who withdrew from the coast defences west 
 of the Colorado. At the beginning of 1864 the only 
 places on the gulf coast of importance that remained 
 in their possession wero at the mouth of the Brazos 
 
 Harrison County. In 1857 he represented that county in the state legisla- 
 ture. On the surrender of the confederate armies in 1865, Mnrrah left the 
 country and sought refuge in Mexico. He died in Monterey in July of the 
 same year. Thrall, 408, 596. 
 
 '^The votes polled for governor were: for Murrah, 17,511; T. J. Cham- 
 bers 12,455; scattering 1,070 — making a total of 31,036. 
 
 " Report of the secretary of the navy, Dec. 7, 1863. U. S. H. Doc., 
 cong. 38, sesa. 1, no. 1, p. viii. 
 
f ACTION OF TEXANS. 467 
 
 and Galveston island, both of which were too strongly- 
 defended to admit of the enemy making any attempt 
 against them. The occupation of Brownsville effect- 
 ually stopped the extensive trade carried on by the 
 Texans through Matamoras, and on February 18th, 
 President Lincoln, by proclamation, relaxed, condi- 
 tionally, the blockade of that port. This possession 
 of the forts of Texas was of short duration. After a 
 few months' occupation the military forces were with- 
 drawn, with the exception of a detachment left at 
 Brazos Santiago, and the duty of guarding that coast 
 henceforth devolved upon the navy, which succeeded 
 in capturing several confederate vessels.'* 
 
 Banks' expedition having failed, so far as its ulti- 
 mate object, the repossession of Texas, was concerned, 
 another plan was formed for the recovery of that 
 state by an invasion on the north-east by the line of 
 the Red river. The first object of this enterprise, 
 which was conducted by generals Banks and Steele, 
 was the capture of Shreveport, and the dispersion of 
 the confederates in that region, which, being once 
 accomplished, would open the road into Texas. This 
 undertaking also failed. After occupying Alexandria, 
 on March 23d, Banks directed his march toward 
 Shreveport. A number of battles were fought, and 
 at Sabine Cross Roads the federals sustained a serious 
 defeat, which their subsequent victories at Pleasant 
 Grove and Pleasant Hill could not repair. The ad- 
 vance of the national army was effectually checked. 
 Banks retreated to Alexandria, and Steele to Little* 
 Rock. In these engagements the Texans played a 
 prominent part. At the disastrous battle of Pleas- 
 ant HUl, Sweitzer's regiment of Texas cavalry, about 
 400 strong, in making a desperate charge upon the 
 enemy's line, was almost annihilated." 
 
 ''Report of sec. of the navy, Dec. 5, 1864, in Id., cong. 38, sess. 2, vi., 
 no. 1, pp. vi.-vii. 480-7, 489-90, 498-9, 508-9; Loamng, iii. 223-4. 
 
 1' ' He was met by one of the most destructive fires known in the anuala of 
 war. Of his regiment, not more than ten escaped death or wounds, ' An eye 
 witness said that the federal infantry retained their fire till the cavalry were 
 
468 PROGRESS AOT) END OP THE WAR. 
 
 In September, Brownsville was captured by her old 
 enemy, Cortina, under somewhat peculiar circum- 
 stances. A Trench force about 5,000 strong took 
 possession of Bagdad, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, 
 with the object of capturing Matamoros, where Cor- 
 tina was then in command. Brownsville was occupied 
 by Colonel Ford with a considerable force of Texan 
 cavalry, and Brazos Santiago was still held by the 
 federals. On the 6th, the French force began to 
 move up the right bank of the river, and their ad- 
 vance became engaged with Cortina, who had marched 
 with 3,000 Mexicans and 16 pieces of artillery from 
 Matamoros to meet them. There seems to have been 
 some understanding between Ford and the French 
 commander; for during the engagement, the former 
 appeared on the other side of the Rio Grande with a 
 large herd of cattle for the use of the invading army, 
 and immediately crossing the river took part in the 
 conflict by attacking Cortina's rear. The Mexican 
 commander, however, succeeded in both repulsing 
 Ford and driving back the French, who retreated to 
 Bagdad. Cortina now turned his attention to Ford. 
 On the 9th, he passed over his whole force, with the 
 artillery, drove the Texans from Brownsville, and 
 took possession of the town for the United States. 
 The federal flag was hoisted, the commander at Brazos 
 Santiago was informed of the event, and the town 
 placed at his disposal." 
 
 Governor Murrah did not find his position a sine- 
 cure. It was fraught with anxiety and care, trouble 
 and annoyances, while the salary attached to it was 
 paid in a currency which was only worth from three 
 to four cents on the dollar. The functions of the 
 
 within forty yards, and then the 14th Iowa emptied nearly every saddle as 
 quickly as though the order had been given to dismount. Lossing, iii. 201. 
 
 '' Vm de Mej., Sept. 22, 1864. The aocovmts of this afiFair are somewhat 
 confusing, but agree in the above main particulars. It does not appear that 
 the officer in command at Brazos Santiago sent troops to the mainland to 
 occupy Brownsville. Nor is it likely that he could do so with his small force. 
 
HURRAH'S ADMINISTRATION. 469 
 
 three branches of government were usurped. Mili- 
 tary orders and congressional acts set aside state laws, 
 and denuded him of his authority as the executive. 
 As he was a firm believer in state rights and state 
 sovereignty, he was soon involved in a labyrinth of 
 difficulties. In the hope that some means might be 
 devised to mitigate financial perplexities, harmonize 
 conflicting interests, and promote cooperation between 
 the state and the confederacy in the protection of in- 
 dustrial enterprises, the success of which would be of 
 equal benefit to both, he convened the legislature to 
 meet in extra session on May 11, 1864. 
 
 From his message of that date, a clear perception 
 of the condition of Texas can be gained. In the pre- 
 ceding regular session, the legislature, for the purpose 
 of sustaining the confederate currency, had made all 
 appropriations in it, and authorized all taxes as well 
 as state obligations to be paid therewith. The state 
 government had discontinued the issue of treasury 
 warrants to prevent them from being paid out in con- 
 nection with confederate notes, and at the same de- 
 preciated rates. But the congress of the southern 
 states had recognized the fact that the confederate 
 currency was almost worthless, and had provided for 
 its withdrawal from circulation. As a large accumu- 
 lation of the worthless paper already existed in the 
 state treasury, the future financial policy of Texas was 
 a question of the gravest importance. The state could 
 not afford to hold such currency and fund it in bonds, 
 and the possibility of its being exchanged for the new 
 issue was a matter that demanded immediate inquiry. 
 Moreover, a revolution had taken place in the views 
 of the general government and of the people. Specie 
 was being recognized as the standard by which to de- 
 termine the value of confederate paper money. From 
 Richmond to San Antonio, the currency was treated 
 as depreciated in every-day transactions, and the 
 question arose whether Texas alone should continue 
 to receive it at par with specie. While sustaining as 
 
470 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAB. 
 
 far as possible the confederate currency by making all 
 reasonable sacrifices, nevertheless it was an object of 
 the deepest importance to maintain the credit of the 
 state. The resources and isolated position of Texas 
 would enable her to carry a very large debt, and the 
 preservation of her credit was important to the whole 
 trans-Mississippi department. The regular payment 
 of the interest on outstanding bonds ought to be made, 
 and this could be done, provided that the state was 
 unembarrassed, by the judicious purchase and sale of 
 cotton. 
 
 The governor suggested that the collection of taxes 
 under the existing regulation should be arrested. 
 They might be collected, he said, in state treasury 
 warrants, coupons of state bonds at par, specie, and 
 confederate currency at the market value. Treasury 
 warrants could be substituted for the coupons as they 
 were paid into the treasury, and provision made for 
 funding the warrants in six per cent bonds. The fact 
 that the coupons were received in payment of taxes 
 would probably increase their value, and at the same 
 time diminish the cost of their redemption in specie. 
 The legislature, however, either through inability, or 
 through unwillingness to recognize the depreciation of 
 confederate currency, devised no plan of relief, and all 
 it did was to provide for exchanging its bundles of old 
 confederate notes for the new issue. 
 
 The next matter which Governor Murrah brought 
 under consideration was the complication which had 
 arisen with regard to conscription. At the last ses- 
 sion provision had been made for the organization of 
 a state military force embracing all capable of bearing 
 arms between the ages of eighteen and forty -five 
 years not liable to confederate service, and also those 
 between the ages of forty-five and fifty. This organi- 
 zation was never completed, and became a subject of 
 disagreement between the executive and General 
 Magruder, the military chief in command of Texas. 
 The time for which those already in the service had 
 
STATE TROOPS. 471 
 
 been drafted had not yet expired, and February 20, 
 1864, was mutually agreed upon between Murrah and 
 Magruder as the day for the reorganization ; the gov- 
 ernor issued, January 23d, an order continuing those 
 troops in service, and announcing to them that Feb- 
 ruary 20th had been appointed as the day for their 
 reorganization. This caused great discontent, and 
 many of them left their posts; Magruder began to 
 act independently, in face of the governor's orders, 
 and an effort was made to enroll into the confederate 
 army state soldiers between eighteen and forty-five 
 years of age whose terms of service had not yet ex- 
 pired. The men enrolled in the state service had not 
 been given to understand that, when their term 
 expired, they were liable to conscription into the con- 
 federate army, and were consequently refractory. 
 However, the governor and general came to an ar- 
 rangement by which it was agreed that all state troops 
 should be permitted at their option to form new or- 
 ganizations to serve for the war in the confederate 
 army, and elect their own officers, or join existing 
 organizations in that service; and that all who did 
 not join either should be reorganized on February 20th 
 as state troops, under the late state law. An order 
 to this effect was issued February 4th, with the noti- 
 fication that all men liable to conscription would be 
 allowed to remain in the state troops for the period 
 of six months, at the expiration of which they would 
 be transferred to the confederate service. 
 
 This difficulty was thus satisfactorily overcome; 
 the state troops and conscripts rendezvoused at the 
 headquarters of the respective military districts, and 
 the reorganization of the companies was effected. But 
 in the mean time, another and far more serious matter 
 of dispute arose. The confederate congress had re- 
 cently passed a new and sweeping act of conscription, 
 and on its publication in Houston, about the middle 
 of March, General Magruder refused to receive the 
 newly organized state troops as state troops, although 
 
472 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR. 
 
 tendered to him, expressing his determination to rely 
 solely upon the congressional law for troops. It will 
 be observed that the position assumed by Magruder 
 involved the assumption that the laws of congress 
 annulled state laws, and that confederate military 
 officers had authority to break up an organization 
 formed under an enactment of the legislature. Gov- 
 ernor Murrah opposed any such views, and insisted 
 that the Texans should go to the field as state troops 
 until the legislature should meet and dispose of the 
 embarrassing question. Magruder, however, was 
 unyielding, and the governor considered himself under 
 the necessity of disbanding the state troops, and by 
 proclamation of April 12th called upon all those liable 
 to conscription under the recent act of congress to 
 volunteer, and organize in conformity with the con- 
 federate law, but as to ordering them to do so, he had, 
 as he said, no authority. Thus, the state was without 
 any military force, and this at a time when the enemy 
 was threatening Texas on the north and northeastern 
 frontier; the coast defenders had been mostly with- 
 drawn to meet the foe in Louisiana ; in no county was 
 there a sufficient police force that could efficiently con- 
 trol the slave population, and prevent them from be- 
 ing tampered with, while in many portions of the 
 country murders, robberies, and outrages were being 
 daily committed. Under these circumstances, the 
 governor was of opinion that minute companies should 
 be thoroughly organized in the counties of all men 
 between the ages of fifty and sixty j^ears, and those 
 exempt from service under the laws of the confederate 
 congress. This system would supply an efficient po- 
 lice force, strengthen the local organization for the 
 defence of the state, and retain a reserve of laborers 
 that could give time and attention to domestic in- 
 terests. 
 
 The governor then calls attention to the " fearful 
 demoralization and crimes prevailing thioughout the 
 state." The picture which he draws of the social con- 
 
SOCIAL CONDITION. 473 
 
 dition of Texas during this period is truly frightful. 
 Let his own words speak: "In some sections, society- 
 is almost disorganized ; the voice of the law is hushed, 
 and its authority seldom asserted. It is a dead letter 
 — an unhonored thing upon the unread pages of the 
 statutes. Murder, robbery, theft, outrages of every 
 kind against property, against human life, against 
 everything sacred to a civilized people, are frequent 
 and general. Whole communities are under a reign 
 of terror, and they utter their dreadful apprehensions 
 and their agonizing cries of distress in vain. The rule 
 of the mob, the bandit, of unbridled passions, rides 
 over the solemn ordinances of the government. Foul 
 crime is committed, and the criminal, steeped in guilt, 
 and branded by his own dark deeds with eternal in- 
 famy, goes unwhipped of justice. Not even a warrant 
 is issued for him — no effort made by the sworn offi- 
 cers of the law, or by the community, to bring him 
 to punishment. Too often the deed is excused; the 
 community is divided in opinion as to the guilt, and 
 the criminal is screened from justice, unless his offend- 
 ing chances to touch some particular influence or pre- 
 vailing notions, and then, without trial, and without 
 the forms of law, he is hung by a mob." " This really 
 worthy governor then remarks that the law was not 
 at fault, and that if the officers and people would 
 earnestly cooperate to root out these evils, the law 
 would again become the "harmony of society, and se- 
 cure it against this fearful confusion, and these fearful 
 dangers." He exhorts the . judiciary and all other 
 officers to faithfully discharge their duties, and boldly 
 declares that the severest penalties should be provided 
 for the civil officer who neglected his sworn obligations. 
 In spite of this lamentable condition of Texas in a 
 social point of view, her industrial prospects were far 
 from unfavorable. Numbers of refugees from Louisi- 
 ana, Arkansas, and Missouri, after the abolition of 
 
 ''^ Message of Gov. P. Murrah to the extra session, May 11, 1864, no. 2, 
 p. 14, in Tex. Col. Doc, no, 2, 
 
474 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR. 
 
 slavery, sought an asylum in Texas, which that law 
 failed to reach, bringing with them their slaves. The 
 consequence was that the year 1863 was marked by 
 an unprecedented production of cotton and corn. 
 Looms were supplied in ample abundance, great 
 quantities of cloth were manufactured, and industrial 
 enterprises undertaken on an extensive scale. Capital 
 was employed by associations and chartered companies 
 for the manufacture of iron and other articles for home 
 consumption and the use of the army, and machinery 
 for manufacturing purposes were introduced. But the 
 producers were called upon to make sacrifices so great 
 that their patience became exhausted. The demand 
 for cotton, both by confederate officers and the state 
 military board, was imperative, and the planter was 
 called upon to sell one half of his staple for state 
 bonds bearing seven per centum interest. Means of 
 transportation to the Rio Grande were scarce and ex- 
 pensive, and it was generally conceded that the cost 
 of transferring cotton thither from any distance in the 
 interior was equal to one half of its value, losses and 
 wastage being considered. ^^ Moreover, serious embar- 
 rassments occurred between the confederate and state 
 authorities, and cotton transported under the state 
 regulations was interfered with on the Rio Grande. 
 Horses and mules were impressed for the use of the 
 army, and all surplus corn was appropriated. A 
 gloomy sentiment began to prevail. Many terrible 
 battles had been fought, and it was felt that the end 
 was drawing near. 
 
 The latter part of 1864 was disastrous to the con- 
 federate arms, and during the first six months of the 
 following year the catastrophe came. After the sur- 
 render of generals Lee, Johnston, and Taylor, in 
 
 ^2 The system adopted by Gov. Murrah was as follows: The vendor trans- 
 ported his cotton to tlie Rio Grande at his own expense and risk. One half 
 of it he retained for his own use, and for the other half he received state 
 bonds at its specie value. He had, moreover, to pay the tithe imposed by 
 the confederate congress, and the export duty. Qmi. Murrdlis Mes 16 no 
 2, in Tex. Col. Doc, no. 2. ' 
 
THE LAST SHOT. 475 
 
 April and early in May, a battle was fought in Texas, 
 where the struggle was still prolonged. General 
 Kirby Smith addressed, April 21, a proclamation to 
 his soldiers. "You possess the means," he said, "of 
 long resistance. Protract the struggle, and you will 
 surely receive the aid of nations who already deeply 
 sympathize with you." In Texas public meetings were 
 held and resolutions adopted to continue the war. A 
 large federal force was set in motion against Texas under 
 Sheridan; but on May 26th Kirby Smith surrendered 
 his command to General Canby, before the unionists 
 had reached their destination." 
 
 Meantime on May 13th, the engagement above 
 alluded to, the last in the war, was fought near the 
 old battle-field of Palo Alto, the scene of Taylor's vic- 
 tory over Arista. The confederates were stationed at 
 Palmetto, and Colonel Theodore H. Barrett who was 
 in command at Brazos Santiago, sent on the 11th 
 300 men under Lieutenant-Coloael Bronson to attack 
 them. Early in the morning of the 12th Bronson 
 assaulted the enemy's camp, drove him from it, and 
 captured a number of horses and cattle. He then 
 fell back, and on the 13th was joined by Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Morrison with 200 men. The confed- 
 erates had again assembled at Palmetto rancho in 
 force, and were commanded by General J. E. Slaugh- 
 ter. Colonel Barrett now took command of the fed- 
 eral force in person, and advanced against the foe, 
 who was again driven from his position. About four 
 o'clock in the afternoon, however, the federals were 
 assailed in front by a strong body of infantry with 
 six 12-pounders, while a squadron of cavalry suc- 
 ceeded, under cover of the chaparral, in flanking 
 them. Barrett's position was critical, and retreat was 
 his only alternative. For three hours a running fight 
 was maintained without the confederates being able 
 to break the federal line, and at sunset they retired." 
 
 22 Report of the see. of war, in Mess, and Doc, Abridrj., cong. 39, sess. 1, 
 702-3. Generals Magruder and Smith surrendered formally the Trans- 
 Mississippi department on May 6th. Thrall, 407. 
 
476 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR. 
 
 The last shot in the great civil war had been fired. 
 
 ^* Col Barrett reported his loss in this expedition to be four officers and 
 111 men in killed, wounded, and missing. Loeaing, iii. i79-80. 
 
 The reader will find in the following a more extended list of authorities 
 consulted. Those having an official character are: V. S. Laws; U. S. Stai- 
 ■utea; Cong. Globe.; Sen. Ex. Docs.; Sen. Jour.; Sen. Miscel. Docs.; H. Jour.; 
 H. Ex. Docs.; H. Miscel. Docs.; H. Com. Rep.; Census Reps.; Mesa, and Docs.; 
 Acts and Res.; Ind. Affair Rep.; Sec. Int. Repa.; Charters and Constitutions; 
 Sec. War Reps.; to the indices of which reference is made for Texan afiairs 
 during the period. Texas state documents are State Gaz.; Legial. Jour's.; 
 Houston' a Mess, cm S. C. Resolutions; Id., on Secession; Mess. Govs.; Tax Laws, 
 Constituiion; Comptroller's Repa.; Penal Code; Land Office Reps; Adjt-Gen. 
 Reps.; Code Crim. Proced.; Rep. Com. Pvh. Safety; Tex. vs Maney, 92 pp.; 
 Tex. vs Cooper, 190 pp.; Tex. vs Newcomb, 102 pp.; Tex. vs Scott, 179pp.; 
 Houston City Charter, 1871, 140 pp.; Tlirochnorton's Final Rep.; Galveston; 
 Act to Incorp., 1876, 44 pp. The following are works of a non-official char- 
 acter. Cdrdova's Tex., passim; JenJdn's Mex. War; Id., Life of Polk, 263-386; 
 Tex. Almanac, 1857-61, 1868, see indices; Kennedy's Tex.; Lossing's Civ. War, 
 i. 62-273; iii. 221-i, 251-69, 579-80; Ilouaton's Tex., i. 255-314; ii. 88-258; 
 Id., Life of, 17-402; HoUey's Tex., 125-50; U. S. Repmb., 62-269; Peterson's 
 Mil. Heroes, ii. 29-80; Henry's Campaign Sketches, 75-115; Murray's Hist. U. 
 S., 468-99; Momtgomery'a Life of Taylor, 60-373; Olmstead's Joramey, 42, 
 463-516; Pattmi's Hist. U. 8., 691-704, P(yrter'a Reio. of Mex. War, 52-79; 
 Ramsey' a Other Side, 24r-57; Morji's Hist. Tex., passim; ThraXCs Tex., passim; 
 Ripley's War Mex., 16-29, 100-2; Taylor and lus Staff, 23-36; Furber's Volun- 
 teers, 120-87, 241-6; Jones' Repub. of Mex., 23-648; Willson's Amer. Hist, 
 619-68, Miallard's Tex., passim; Harrison's Battle Fields, 339-46; Imermore's 
 War with Mex., 187-200; Prairiedom, 19-166; Tliorpe's Army on Rio Grande, 
 73-111; Mayer's Mex. A'a., i. 330-9; Id., Mex. War, 87-149; Niles' Reg., see 
 indices during the period; Harper's Monthly Mag., xxvi., 557; xxxii., 630-5; 
 Jay's Mex. War, 121^3; Linn!s Reminis., 348-54; MtCatts Letters, 429-56; 
 Mansfield's Mex. War, 19-43; Hunt's Address to the Petyple of Tex., 1-83; Id., 
 Merch. Mag., vols. xix. toxl., see indices; Putnam's Mag., iii. 170-80, 252-60, 
 365-78; Bustamante, Mem. Hiat. Mex., MS., iv. 200-51; v. 64-5; Lond. Geoj. 
 Soc. Jour., xiii. 199-226; Moore's Descrip. Tex., 8-14, 38-41; Toung's Hist. 
 Mex., 289-91, 341-58, 380, 436; Taylor's Rough and Ready Aim., 7-20; Cuba, 
 Battles of, 17-30; Domenech'a Miss. Advent., 8-243; Id., Hiat. du Mex., 207-10; 
 DistumelVs U. S. Reg., 1861-2, 61-4, 83; De Bow's Rev., xiiL 53-6; xvi. 
 473-6; xvii. 168-9; xix. 157-8, 201-5, 578-87; NoHh'a Five Yeara in Tex., 
 92-154; Cremony's Life among Apaches, 13-34; Kendall's Narr. of Tex. and 
 Santa F^ Exped., i. 13-173; Dewees' Letters from Tex., 148-52, 247-51, 298- 
 303; Edward's Tex., 41-53; Foumel, Comp. D'Oeil, 23-57; Dodge's Plains Gt 
 West, 48-52, 131, 152, 391^, 403-4; Hmoard's Speech U. S. H. Rep., Jime 
 11, 1850; Fry's lAfe of Taylor, 97-195; McCabe's Comp. View, 158-9, 763; 
 D'Orbigny, Hist. Gen. des Voy., iii. 358-62; Mason's Speech U. S. Sen., May 
 27, 1850; Fisher and Colby's Amer. State Annual, 1S54, 394-9; Lester's Hous- 
 ton and his Repub., 155-85; Gouge's Fiscal Hist. Tex., passim: Frost's Mex. 
 War, 10-24, 51^; Id., Pict. Hist. Mex., 194^253, 467; Guei-ra entre Mex. y 
 Estad. Unid., 31-46; Tejas Diet, de la Comis.; Cutt's Conquest Cal. andN. ilex.; 
 Democratic Rev., xvi. 419-28; Grafton's Civ. Amer., ii. 269-78; Pnrier'a Notes; 
 Semmes' Service Afloat, 62-74; Ross' Tex. Brigade, Louisville, 1881, 185 pp.; 
 Rodenbough's 2d Dragoons, 102-13, 514^16; Graliam's Mag., xlvii., 369-70; 
 xlviii. 174; Gallatin's Peace vMh Mex., 15-23; Barby, Tex., 10-13; Freeman's 
 Speech in Cong., Aug. 13, 1850; Robertson's Reminis. Camp in Mex., 49-55; 
 Pap. Var., 99, no. 2, 20; 106, no. 7; 107, no. 2, 10; 167, no. 10; 173, no. 19; 
 Filisola, Rep. al Sup. Gob., no. iii., 16-21; Id., Hist. Gueri-a Tex., ii. 232-9; 
 Thompson's Recol. Mex., 70-3; Froebel's Cent. Amer., 424^7, 442-50; Mosquito 
 Kiiste und Tex., 39-65; Monette's Val. of tlie Miss., ii. 579-95; Tex. Bus. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 477 
 
 Direc., 1878-9, 279-89; Tex. UU. Oomunic., 3-22; BonneWs Top. Descrip. Tex., 
 7-122; Husk's Speech, 1-14; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 515-16; Bv/rhe's Tex. 
 Aim., 1878, 1882, 154; Smith, Notice swr la Oeog. du Tex., Paris, 24 pp.; 
 Peeler and Maxey Hist. Mercer Colony, 104-6; Pena y Pena, Comunic. Gust. 
 Tex., 44 pp.; Meoc' War; Complete Hist., 19-27; Mission. Life in tJie 19th Cen- 
 tury, 208-16 ; Corbett's Leg. Manual, 282; Oleason's Hist. Calh. Churcli, ii. 
 158; Benton's Deb. in Cong., xvi. 590; Marcy's Army Life, 170; McCkan's 
 Speech in Cong., June 5, 1850; MoUiausen, Tagelmch, 104-71; Hanford's Tex., 
 State Reg., 1876-9, see indices; Rocks' S. W. Tex., 21-37, 242, 249, 260-1; 
 Sleeper and Hutchins' Waco, Waco, 1876, 171, pp.; Merrick and Duramt's Mem., 
 Austin, 1879, 57 pp.; Mercantile Agency An., 1871, 136-7; Tex. and Iter Capo- 
 bilities, 15-16; Maxey's Speech Ind. Affairs, Wash. 1876, 15 pp. Numerous 
 Mexican and American newspapers have been examined. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 1865-1870. 
 
 GoTEBNOE Hamilton — The Question of Freedmen s Rights — IiAwlessness 
 IN Texas — Emancipation of Slavekt Declared in Texas — Its Effect 
 — The State Convention — Throckmorton Elected Govbrnok — ^A 
 Bold Message — Laws Passed by the Legislature — Discord between 
 President Johnson and Congress — A Rigorous Act — Texas uxder 
 Military Rule — Judicial Districts — ^Throckmorton's Difficulties 
 AND Removal — His Views on the Position — Pease Appointed Gov- 
 BENOR — Changes of Military Commanders — Registration Questions 
 — The Reconstruction Convention — Disagreements — The General 
 Election — Amended CoNSTrruTioN Ratified — ^Doings of the Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 After the formal surrender of Smith and Magruder, 
 Governor Murrah retired to Mexico, and on Jime 19 
 1865, General Granger, of the United States army, 
 assumed temporary command. On the l7th of that 
 month President Johnson, in pursuance of his plan of 
 reconstruction, appointed Andrew J. Hamilton ' pro- 
 visional governor of Texas. As a preliminary step to 
 the reorganization of the subdued states, the president 
 had removed, on April 29th, certain commercial re- 
 strictions, and on May 29th issued a proclamation 
 granting an amnesty, with certain exceptions, to 
 persons who had been engaged in the rebellion, on 
 condition of their taking an oath of allegiance. 
 
 The provisional governor arrived at Galveston at 
 the end of July. He was clothed with the power to 
 
 1 Hamilton was a native of Alabama, and came to Texas in 1846. Was 
 attorney-general in 1849, and later a member of the state legislature. In 
 1859 he was elected to congress, where he opposed secession. Dnring the 
 war he left Texas. He died at Austin in April 1875. Thrall, 549-50. 
 (47S) 
 
PROVISIONAL GOVERNOR. 479 
 
 reorganize the state government, assemble a conven- 
 tion of citizens who had taken the amnesty oath, and 
 provide for the election of representatives to the na- 
 tional congress. Accordingly boards of registration 
 were established in the different counties, with au- 
 thority to administer the oath, and register all 
 persons who, from their loyalty to the United States, 
 would be allowed to vote. State, district, and county 
 officers were appointed, and under the circumstances. 
 Governor Hamilton gave general satisfaction. But 
 confederate principles and hopes were as yet far from 
 dead in Texas, and the anti-union portion of the com- 
 munity began to grow anxious as they watched the 
 action of the president. It was soon feared that 
 Hamilton was more an agent of Johnson than the 
 real governor of Texas, and that the easy manner in 
 which confederates, known to be still hostile to the 
 union, were registered as voters, would enable such to 
 control the state. 
 
 The all-absorbing question was the future condition 
 of the freedmen. Were they to enjoy the rights of 
 citizenship, and the elective franchise, or to be re- 
 garded merely as aliens? On January 31, 1865, the 
 house of representatives had adopted the thirteenth 
 amendment of the national constitution," which had 
 already passed the senate during the preceding ses- 
 sion, and there was no doubt that future legislation 
 would be directed toward securing to the freedmen 
 all the rights of citizenship. 
 
 President Johnson displayed a leniency toward the 
 subdued confederates, and an attitude that could only 
 be regarded as friendly to them by the clear-sighted 
 observer. Profuse with his pardons,' many promi- 
 
 ^The following is a copy of the amendment: 
 Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun- 
 ishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall 
 exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- 
 priate legislation. 
 
 ' During the years 1865 and 1866 pardons were extended to over 600 
 Texans included in the classes of exemption under the amnesty proclama- 
 tion. H, Com. Bept, cong. 40, sess. 1, no. 7, 1029-43. 
 
480 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 nent and influential secessionists were placed in the 
 same rank with unionists ; and he showed an inclina- 
 tion hastily to secure the return of the revolted 
 states into the union, before any further provision 
 in favor of the freedmen's franchise could be made, in 
 order that their pressure might be felt in congress. 
 
 With regard to the unionists in Texas they were 
 placed in a peculiar position. After the confederate 
 troops were disbanded, the men with union sympa- 
 thies were looked upon as traitors to their country, and 
 many outrages were committed by disbanded soldiers 
 and banditti. Toward the union troops quartered in 
 the towns an intense hatred was felt by most of the 
 citizens. The military force which occupied Texas 
 was not adequate to suppress the lawlessness which 
 prevailed in many parts of the country, and it was 
 only in the vicinity of the garrisoned towns and posts 
 that security of person and property was sustained. 
 In the courts justice was warped to favor those 
 who had fought for home and country in the south.* 
 
 At the beginning of the war there were about 
 275,000 slaves in Texas, and during its progress 
 about 125,000 were sent thither from the southern 
 states in order to secure them from the federal forces. 
 Thus at the close of the war there was a slave popu- 
 lation of 400,000 in the country, distributed for the 
 most part on the plantations situated on the Sabine, 
 Neches, Trinity, Brazos, and Colorado rivers. As 
 soon as General Granger took military possession of 
 Texas he proclaimed the emancipation of the slaves, 
 and at once a great surging movement of the hitherto 
 servile population took place. The negroes could not 
 fully realize that they possessed their freedom with- 
 out practical proof that such was the case. They 
 
 *Gen. Custer testified, March 10, 18G6, before the ' Reconstmction Com- 
 mittee, ' thus : ' Since the establishment of the provisional government in Texas 
 the grand juries throughout the state have found upwards of 500 indict- 
 ments for murder against disloyal men, and yet not in a single case has 
 there been a conviction.' Report Joint Co.n. Becons., cong. 39, sess. 1, pt iv. 
 75. 
 
FREEDMEN. 481 
 
 left the plantations on which they had toiled so long^ 
 and roamed in crowds from place to place in asser- 
 tion of their new right; they flocked to the freed- 
 men's bureau * for registration ; and a tide of black 
 men who had been brought into Texas during the 
 war, set in toward Louisiana in search of their old 
 liomes to which they were anxious to return. Dur- 
 ing their journey they met with much suffering. A 
 deep bitterness was entertained toward them by their 
 former masters, who tried to constrain them to remain 
 on the plantations, and numbers of them were killed.'' 
 
 Nevertheless, when the excitement subsided, they 
 returned to work, and by the beginning of 1866 it be- 
 gan to be seen that free labor would soon prove a 
 success in Texas. The plantation owners were com- 
 pelled to yield to necessity, and offered them terms 
 which promised to ensure steady labor.' 
 
 As regards the disposition of Texas toward the 
 union, it is safe to say that the feeling was less bitter 
 here than in any other part of the confederacy. A 
 large portion of the population, whose voices had 
 been hushed during the long struggle, were still union- 
 ists at heart; the German inhabitants, estimated at 
 40,000, had ever been for the union, and no small 
 proportion of the secessionists themselves, having 
 fought the fight and lost, were ready to accept their 
 defeat and the new order of things. The refractory 
 
 * An act establishing a bureau, in the war department, for the relief of 
 freedmen and refugees was approved March 3, 1865. Gong. Globe, 1864^5, 
 ap. 141. Branches of this department were established in Austin and other 
 places in Texas, as elsewhere in the other southern states. On the same 
 day an act to incorporate the Freedmen 's Savings and Trust Company was 
 approved. 
 
 'Gov. Hamilton stated that he had information of the dead bodies of 
 freedmen being found here and there throughout the state — some in the creeks, 
 others floating down streams, others by the roads — amounting in all to about 
 260 up to the middle of Jan. 1866. Testimony of John T. Allen, in BepoH, 
 lit sup., ptiv., 88. 
 
 ' Wages $20 a month, or § the cotton or J the corn crops. G. W. Little- 
 field, a resident of Austin, and a cotton grower under both the slave and 
 free systems of labor, says: 'After the war closed we used the same labor 
 on the plantations by paying a percentage of the crop raised. Under good 
 management at that time we calculated to make from J to 4 bale of cottoiiu 
 per acre. Remarks, Cattle and Agric., MS., 1-2. 
 Hist. Mex. Statks, Vol. II. 31. 
 
482 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 spirit manifested during the days which succeeded 
 the occupation of Texas by the victors was due, in a 
 great measure, to the fact that her territory had never 
 been made the seat of war. The people could not 
 brook the restraint which was now imposed upon 
 them ; while it must be admitted that the conduct of 
 the federal officers in the discharge of their duties, 
 especially in the treasury department, afforded just 
 grounds for irritation and complaint/ 
 
 On January 8, 1866, an election was held for dele- 
 gates to a state convention to form a new constitution. 
 There was no excitement, and little interest was 
 shown. Governor Hamilton in his message to the 
 convention, which met on February 10th, declared 
 that the apathy of the people filled him with deep 
 concern, and stated that there was reason to believe 
 that less than half the voters had participated in the 
 recent election. 
 
 Having elected J. W. Throckmorton president, and 
 W. L. Chalmers secretary, the convention proceeded 
 with its labors, and the new constitution was com- 
 pleted by April. In it every measure that was de- 
 manded as a prerequisite for readmission into the 
 union was adopted. The abolition of slavery was 
 recognized,' and freedmen were allowed the right to 
 make contracts ; to sue in the courts ; to acquire and 
 
 ^ It was a common practice of the agents of the treasury ilepartment to 
 seize cotton on the pretext that it belonged to the late conf-!!' ate states; 
 to refuse to -give the party who owned the cotton a paper ^jignating the 
 weights of the bales, and subsequently return the claimant the same num- 
 ber of bales taken from him after abstracting a portion of the cotton. In 
 other cases permits to ship cotton were not respected, and bribes exacted 
 before it was allowed to be shipped. Again, permits were often refused, 
 and persons employed to purchase the cotton at reduced prices. Such con- 
 duct afforded a pretext for sedition and turbulence. Testimony of T. J. 
 Mackay, May 18, 1866, in Id., 157. 
 
 " 'Art. Vin. African slavery, as it heretofore existed, having been ter- 
 minated within this state by the gov. of the U. S. by force of arms, and its 
 reestablishment being prohibited by the amendment to tlie constitution of 
 the U. S., it is declared that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
 cept as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
 victed shall exist in this state. ' Copy of the amended constitution will be 
 found in U. S. charters and constitutions ii., 1784-1801. 
 
CxOVERNOR THROCKMORTON. 483 
 
 transmit property; and to testify as witnesses in civil 
 and criminal cases. The convention, moreover, passed 
 ordinances declaring the act of secession null; repu- 
 diating the war debt of the rebellion; proclaiming 
 the permanency of the union, and the supremacy of 
 the laws of the United States; and assuming the 
 direct tax levied upon the state by the United States. " 
 The amended constitution was submitted to the people 
 and ratified June 25th." On the same day the 
 general election was held, and J. W. Throckmorton" 
 was chosen governor and G. W. Jones, lieutenant- 
 governor." 
 
 On August 18th, Governor Throckmorton, having 
 been duly inaugurated, sent in his first regular mes- 
 sage. After alluding to the outrages perpetrated by 
 lawless characters following the disbandment of the 
 confederate army, and congratulating the country 
 upon their end, he supplies the legislature with a 
 financial statement of the condition of the treasury, 
 the available funds in which amounted to $90,028, of 
 which f 3 1,399 were in specie, and the balance in 
 United States currency. He then calls attention to 
 
 '" During Hamilton's administration a tax of 12^ ots on the $100 was col- 
 lected. Thrall, 411. 
 
 '•For the amendments 28,119 votes were cast, and 23,400 against them. 
 Tex. Aim., 1867, 262. 
 
 ^'^ Throckmorton was bom in Tenn. in 1825, and migrated to Texas in 
 1841 with his father's family; was in the legislature from 1851 to 1856 when 
 he was elected to the senate where he remained till 1861. He was a mem- 
 ber of the secession convention, and was one of the seven who voted against 
 secession. He was true to Texas, however, when the die was cast, and rais- 
 ing a company joined the confederate army. Hu took part in the battle of 
 Elk Horn, and afterward served under General Dick Taylor. In 1864 (Jov. 
 Murrah assigned to him, with the rank of brig. -gen., the command of the 
 northern frontier. In 1865, Gen. Kirby Smith appoiated him general Indian 
 agent, and he made a treaty with numerous tribes very favorable to Texas. 
 In 1866 he was elected a member of the first reconstruction convention, and 
 chosen president of that body. Thrall, 625-6. 
 
 "For gov., Throckmorton obtained 48,631 votes against 12,051 cast for 
 E. M. Pease. S. Crosby was elected commissioner of the general land office; 
 W. L. Robards, comptroller; and M. H. Royston, treasurer. The votes 
 cast for amendments to state constitution were 28, 1 19 and against them 
 20,400. Tex. Aim., 1867, 278. The white population of Texas at this time 
 was probably about the same in number as in 1860, which according to the 
 census was 420,890. Estimating the number of voters at one-fifth of the 
 population it will be noticed how many absented themselves from the polls. 
 
484 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 the alarming loss of life, which had occurred within 
 the last three months, along the entire frontier line, 
 owing to inroads made by the Indians, and to the fact 
 that a considerable number of children had been car- 
 ried into captivity. The legislature, he urges, should 
 appropriate a sum of money for the redemption of 
 these captives, and devise some means for the pro- 
 tection of the frontier, in the event of a failure to 
 get the necessary assistance from the United States 
 government. 
 
 In order to ensure a future supply of labor on 
 which the prosperity of the country depended, he 
 recommended that laws should be passed, carrying 
 out the objects of the ordinance "authorizing the ap- 
 pointment of a commissioner of statistics, for the 
 promotion of immigration." With regard to the 
 freed blacks, he remarked that every effort should be 
 made to impress upon them that their labor was de- 
 sirable ; and that laws should be passed carrying out 
 the intention of the eighth article of the constitu- 
 tion, in securing to them protection of person and 
 property. He adds: "It is desirable that aU military 
 force, and the agents of the freedmen's bureau should 
 be withdrawn from the interior of the state. The 
 most certain way to effect this object will be the en- 
 actment of just laws for the protection of the blacks, 
 and their rigid enforcement." 
 
 But considering the position of affairs, no part of 
 the message is more striking and pregnant with future 
 trouble than that which touches upon the amend- 
 ]nents to the constitution of the United States. Sub- 
 mitting a copy of the joint resolution of congress, 
 proposing to the several states a thirteenth article to 
 the federal constitution,'* the governor remarked that 
 the article, having been already ratified by the requi- 
 site number^ — three fourths — of states, had become a 
 law of the land, and being no longer an open ques- 
 tion, he did not consider it necessary that the legisla- 
 
 " Abolishing slavery. See note 2 this chapter. 
 
THE THIRD SECTION. 485 
 
 ture should take any action upon the matter. He 
 also enclosed an attested copy of a resolution of 
 congress, proposing to the legislatures of the several 
 states a fourteenth article to the constitution, deeply 
 affecting the status of the late seceders. With re- 
 gard to this amendment he does not hesitate to ex- 
 press his unqualified disapproval, it being, in his 
 opinion, unwise and unjust. " To say nothing of its 
 harshness," he continues, "the effect of the adoption 
 of the third section ''^ of the article will be to deprive 
 the state, for nearly a quarter of a century, of the 
 services of her ablest and best men; at a time and 
 amidst circumstances which render these services 
 more important than at any period of her history. I 
 recommend the unqualified rejection of the proposed 
 fourteenth article." 
 
 The legislature acted on Throckmorton's suggestion, 
 having submitted the separate questions to special 
 committees, which endorsed his opinions. The first 
 named amendment was respectfully returned to the 
 secretary of state, without any action being taken 
 upon it, and the fourteenth amendment was rejected 
 by a vote of 67 nays against five yeas. 
 
 Numerous laws for the internal improvement of the 
 state were passed at this session, which continued dur- 
 ing the months of August, September, October, and 
 November. For the protection of the frontier, an act 
 was passed providing for three battalions of Texan 
 Rangers, eacli consisting of five companies, each 100 
 strong. County courts were organized, and the sala- 
 ries of the judges and officials connected with them 
 assigned. A general apprentice law provided that 
 
 •^ It is as follows: ' Sec. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative 
 ill congress, or elector of president or vice-president, or hold any oflftce, civil 
 or military, under the U. S., or under any state, who, having previously 
 taken an oath as a member of congress, or as an officer of the U. S., or as a 
 member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any 
 state, to support the constitution of the IT. S., shall have engaged in insur- 
 rection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
 thereof. But congress may, by a vote of two thirds of each house, remove 
 such disability. 
 
 '"Copy of Gov, Throckmorton's message in no. 3 of Tex, Col. Doc, no. 2. 
 
rt86 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 minors could be bound as apprentices witli the con- 
 sent of the parents or guardians, or without their 
 consent if the minor agreed in open court to be so 
 bound. Another enactment granted a lien on crops 
 and stock for advances made to assist in producing the 
 crop. Other laws provided regulations with regard 
 to labor contracts, and for the punishment of persons 
 tampering with laborers or apprentices, or enticing 
 them away from work. Income, salary, and license 
 taxes were established, and the rates defined. Va- 
 grancy was defined," and punishment proscribed. An 
 act, called the Stay Law, was passed, regulating the 
 collection of debts, '^ and another regulating the duties 
 of assessors and collectors. The judicial districts were 
 changed, and the number of them, which had previ- 
 ously been twenty, was reduced to fifteen." Provision 
 was made for the education of indigent white children ; 
 fines were imposed upon any person laboring or hiring 
 others to work on the sabbath, engaging in horse- 
 racing or games, selling spirituous liquors, gambling, 
 hunting game, or carrying on trade on that day. 
 
 Nor did the legislature fail to adopt such measures 
 as were deemed conducive to the progress of the 
 country. Skilled labor and capital were invited into 
 the country ; acts were passed for the benefit of exist- 
 
 1' Under this head the act ranked fortune-tellers, exhibitors of tricks in 
 public without license, prostitutes, professional gamblers, beggars not afflicted 
 by physical malady, drunkards who did not support their families, and per- 
 sons strolling about without employment. The laws of the 11th legislature, 
 in a condensed form, will be found in Tex. Aim., 1867, 244-71. 
 
 '8 This act provided that on all judgments rendered prior to Jan. I, 1867, 
 the debtor should have 12 months thereafter within which to pay the plaintiff 
 one fourth part of the judgment and costs. If within that time the debtor 
 paid the amount specified, then he should have 24 months from Jan. 1, 1867, 
 within which to pay one third of the remainder; and so on, by similar instal- 
 ments and extensions of time, till the whole debt was paid. 
 
 "The judicial districts were reorganized for the express purpose of legis- 
 lating out of office judges who were stanch unionists. Ashbel Smith of 
 Houston, one of the leading men of the house, as well as other speakers, 
 stated that the districts had been so reorganized as to legislate out of office 
 Stribling and Bacon, whom he denounced as radicals, and regret was erpressed 
 that the districts could not be so arranged as to exclude Judge Noonan. AH 
 three were union men. U. S. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 4, sess. 1, no. 20, 90-2, 
 where will be found a list of the judges, and the judicial districts as they 
 stood before the passage of this act. 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE PRESIDENT. 487 
 
 ing railroad companies, granting extensions of time to 
 complete their contracts, and sections of land to assist 
 them in their undertakings; and other companies, 
 engaged in a variety of enterprises, were incorporated." 
 In relation to the United States troops stationed 
 in Texas, a joint resolution set forth that their pres- 
 ence was not only unnecessary, but the source of much 
 evil," and as the people of Texas had returned to their 
 allegiance, the governor was requested to use all 
 proper means to obtain the removal of said troops 
 from the towns to the frontier, for the protection of 
 which they were greatly needed. 
 
 Under the plan pursued by President Johnson, 
 state governments had now been established in all the 
 confederate states. But congress was not in accord 
 with the president. The former considered that as 
 those governments had been set up without its au- 
 thority, they had no constitutional validity; they 
 were under the control, it was maintained, of unre- 
 pentant leaders of the secession, and afforded no ade- 
 quate protection for life or property. On March 2, 
 1867, an "act to provide for the more efficient gov- 
 ernment of the rebel states," was passed by congress 
 over the veto of the president. By this act the ten 
 
 ^' Among which may be mentioned the Houston and Harrisburg Turnpike 
 CO., capital stock $500,000; the Eureka T lanufacturiagco. , for the manufac- 
 ture of cucton and wool, capital «tock, $250,000; the Houston Direct Navi- 
 gation co., capital 0150,000, witha lihorityto increase the stock to U, 000,000; 
 and the Texas Land, Labor, and Immigration co., capital stock ^1,000,000. 
 Id., 264r-T. No less than ]' I acts of incoiTorcition w-ie passed, of which 30 
 were of manufacturing companies, 17 cf ra.iroad companies, 16 of cities, 16 
 of academies, colleges, etc., Vl of club^, literary societies, etc., and 70 of 
 companies for insurance, building canals, bridges, and wharves, navigation, 
 deepening channels, gas, cotton-presses, telegraphs, and including about 20 
 petroleum companies. Tex. Aim., 1GC7, 271. 
 
 ^^ lU feeling continued between the U. S. troops and the inhabitants, the 
 former on many occasions conducting themselves in an overbearing manner. 
 On the evening of Sept. 7, 1866, owing to trouble caused by some drunken 
 soldiers, a scrimmage took place between them and the citizens of Brenham, 
 in which two of the former were wounded by pistol-shots. At a later hour, 
 a number of soldiers entered the town, and set fire to the store of one of the 
 merchants. The conflagration spread, and a portion of the town was reduced 
 to ashes. The losses incurred amounted to $131,026. U. S. II. Ex. Doc., 
 oong. 41, sess. 3, xii. no. 145. 
 
488 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 states were divided into five military districts,'' and 
 made subject to the military authority of the United 
 States. The power with which the commander of each 
 district was vested was extremely ample — so much 
 so that the president in his veto, classified it as that 
 of an absolute monarch." He could organize military 
 tribunals to try offenders, and all interference of state 
 authority was pronounced null and void. In all re- 
 spects the act was severely stringent. It was declared 
 that no state under the ban would be entitled to rep- 
 resentation in congress, until it had formed a consti- 
 tution of government in conformity with the consti- 
 tution of the United States, framed by a convention 
 of delegates elected by citizens of whatever race, color, 
 or previous condition, except such as were disfranchised 
 for participation in the late rebellion. Such constitu- 
 tion was to provide that the elective franchise should 
 be enjoyed hj all persons, irrespective of race or color. 
 It was made compulsory for a state, by a vote of its 
 legislature elected under that constitution, to adopt 
 the amendment to the constitution of the United 
 States, known as article fourteen; and until the 
 people of the rebellious states were admitted to repre- 
 sentation in congress, any civil government would be 
 deemed provisional only, and subject to the paramount 
 authority of the United States at any time to abolish, 
 modify, control, or supersede it. 
 
 General Sheridan was appointed to the command 
 of the fifth district, and before long over 4,000 soldiers 
 Avere distributed in the towns and military posts of 
 Texas," under General Griffin, with headquarters at 
 Galveston, to whom the reorganization of the state 
 was entrusted. 
 
 22 Virginia constituted the first district; N. Carolina and S. Carolina the 
 second; Georgia, Alabama, and Florida, the third; Mississippi and Arkansas, 
 tho fourth; and Louisiana and Texas the fifth district. Copy of the act in 
 U. S. Acts and Besol, ]8(itj-1867, 60-2. 
 
 2S A copy of the veto will be found in Cong. Globe, 1866-67, pt 3, 1969--72. 
 
 " The different places and number of troops stationed at each will be 
 found in U. S. Report Sec. War, i. 470-2; cong. 40, sess. 1. 
 
GOVERNOR AND GENERAL. 489 
 
 In view of Governor Throckmorton's expectations, 
 as indicated in his message, and the action taken by 
 the legislature, this change in affairs was bitterly un- 
 palatable, more humiliating in some respects than the 
 war itself. Nevertheless, he hastened to assure 
 General Sheridan, by date of March 30, 1867, that 
 though the people, with very little division of senti- 
 ment, regarded the terms imposed upon them as 
 onerous and oppressive, they were yet determined to 
 abide by the laws and comply with them. At the 
 same time he expressed his intention to lend a prompt 
 assistance, when in his power, to carry into effect the 
 prerequisites for representation, and advise the people 
 to participate in the reorganization with good feeling." 
 But Throckmorton was a marked man. As early as 
 March 28th Griffin advised his removal. "I cannot," 
 he said, "find an officer holding position under the 
 state laws, whose antecedents will justify me in re- 
 posing trust in him in assisting in the registration." 
 He states that he had again and again called the 
 notice of the governor to outrages perpetrated on 
 union men, but knew of no instance in which the of- 
 fender had been punished. At a later date he explains 
 that efforts were made to exclude union men from the 
 jury boxes, to prevent which he issued a circular 
 order, prescribing a form of oath, which virtually ex- 
 cluded every person that had been connected with the 
 confederacy, from serving as a juror." 
 
 Much dissatisfaction and injustice being caused by 
 the late act of the legislature, reducing the judicial 
 districts from twenty in number to fifteen, whereby 
 justice could not be properly and promptly adminis- 
 tered, an order was issued reestablishing tliem as 
 
 2* See his letter to Gen. Sheridan in his Final Report, no. 11, p. 71-2, in 
 Tex. Col. Doc, no. 2. 
 
 ^^Copy of the order in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong 40, sess. 1, no. 20, 73-4. 
 This circular order, no. 13, was seized upon by some state officials, who at- 
 tempted to make it appear that the courts were closed by the enforcement of 
 it. The form of oath prescribed was that of 1862 copy of which is given 
 elsewhere- 
 
490 THK KEOONSTKUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 they existed before the passage of the objectionable 
 ordinance." 
 
 Governor Throckmorton complains to General 
 Griffin, April 5th, that certain papers were "filled 
 with columns of abuse of himself and other officers," 
 and states that, though he did not feel called upon to 
 reply to those slanderous attacks, he would be grati- 
 fied to exhibit all his official acts to the authorities of 
 the general government. But differences arose be- 
 tween the governor and the military commander at 
 every move. Nevertheless it is evident that the 
 former was really desirous of adjusting himself and 
 the state to the new system of reconstruction adopted 
 by congress in opposition to President Johnson's 
 views. '* 
 
 The important question of registration, the appoint- 
 ment of registrars,'''' the election of judges and high 
 
 -' The districts were as follow: District No. 1, Fayette, Colorado, Whar- 
 ton, Fort Bend, Brazoria, Matagorda, and Austin; No. 2, Travis, Hays, 
 Guadalupe, Caldwell, and Bastrop; No. 3, Washington, Brazos, Burleson, 
 and Milam; No. 4, Comal, Kendall, Kerr, Blanco, Gillespie, and Bexar; No. 
 5, Newton, Jasper, Sabine, Shelby, San Augustine, and Nacogdoches; No. 6, 
 Wood, Upsher, Harrison, Panola, and Rusk; No. 7, Walker, Grimes, Harris, 
 Montgomery, and Galveston; No. 8, Red River, Bowie, Davis, Titus, Hop- 
 kins, Marion, and Lamar; No. 9, Houston, Cherokee, AJnderson, Smith; No. 
 10, Victoria, Jackson, La Vaca, Dewitt, Gonzales, Calhoun; No. 11, Presidio, 
 El Paso, and Worth; No. 12, Cameron, Hidalgo, Starr, Zapata, Webb, 
 Kenney; No. 13, Madison, Robertson, Falls, Limestone, Hill, Freestone, 
 Leon, and Navarro; No. 14, San Patricio, Lve Oak, Karnes, Goliad, Bee, 
 Refugio, Nueces; No. 15, Chambers, Liberty, Polk, Trinity, Tyler, Hardin, 
 Jefferson, Orange; No. 16, Ellis, Johnson, Parker, Dallas, Tarrant, Kauf- 
 man, and Van Zandt; No. 17, Bumet, Llano, Mason, Menard, McCulloch, 
 San Saba, Browne, Lampasas, and Williamson; No. IS, Atascosa, Bandera 
 Uvalde, Medina, ^Vilson, Maverick, and Kenney; No. 19, Bell, Coryell, 
 Hamilton, Comanche, Palo Pinto, Erath, Bosaue and ilcLeman; No. 20, 
 Collins, Denton, Hunt, Wise, Jack, Fannin, Young, Throckmorton, Archer, 
 Clay, Montague, Cooke, Grayson. 
 
 '^* Consult his address to the people of the state no. 11, 70-103 in Tex. Col. 
 Doc, no. 2. 
 
 ^'Throckmorton submitted a list of persons who, he considered, were 
 eligible to the appointments of assessors and collectors. The applications 
 were returned endorsed with the remark that the governor had recommended 
 so many as qualified to take the oath and act as registrars, that Gen. Griffin 
 decided not to appoint any to vacancies who could not take the oath of 1862, 
 The oath reads thus: 'I, A. B., do solemnly swear (or affirm), that I have 
 never voluntarily borne arms against the U. S. since I have been a citizen 
 thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or en- 
 couragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have 
 neither sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the functions of any 
 office whatever, under any authority or pretended authority in hostility to the 
 
GOVERNOR PEASE 491 
 
 officials, and the dismissal of prosecutions against 
 certain persons by order of the military chief, be- 
 came matters of misunderstanding, and the governor 
 on more than one occasion deemed it necessary to 
 communicate with the president in reference to the 
 matters in dispute." The breach widened day by 
 day, and on July 30th, General Sheridan issued a 
 special order of which the following is an extract: 
 "A careful consideration of the reports of Major- 
 General Charles Griffin, United States Army, shows 
 that J. W. Throckmorton, governor of Texas, is an 
 impediment to the reconstruction of that state, under 
 the law; he is, therefore, removed from that office. 
 E. M. Pease is hereby appointed governor of Texas, 
 in place of J. W. Throckmorton, removed. He will 
 be obeyed and respected accordingly." 
 
 Early in August the deposed governor sent in his 
 final report of his administration. It contains the 
 treasurer's report, showing the receipts to have been 
 $626,518, and the expenses $625,192; a statement of 
 Indian depredations from 1865 to 1867," and his ad- 
 dress to the people containing copies of official cor- 
 respondence explanatory of his conduct. In review- 
 ing this correspondence Throckmorton remarks that 
 every fair minded person will be satisfied that the 
 reports of General Griffin were made without any 
 foundation in fact, and were not supported by any 
 public or private act of his ; and that the imputation 
 that Throckmorton was an impediment to the recon- 
 
 U. S. ; that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended govern- 
 ment, authority, power, or condition within the U. S. , hostile and inimical 
 thereto. And I do further swear (or affirm) that, to the best of my knowl- 
 edge and ability, I will support and defend the constitution of the U. S. 
 against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and 
 allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental 
 reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and faithfully dis- 
 charge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter, so help me 
 God.^ Copied from Cong. Olohe, 1861-62, ap. 385. 
 
 ^» Circular order, no. 13, and the reinstallation of judges Stribbling and 
 Bacon was among the matters reported to the president. No. 11, 81-2, 84-7, 
 in Tex. Col. Doc, no. 2. 
 
 ^' From which it appears that during two years 162 persons were killed; 
 43 carried into captivity; and 24 wounded. Id., 39, 41, 95. 
 
492 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 struction of the state, showed the sinister influences 
 which surrounded Griffin and his proclivity to error. 
 In examining the facts Throckmorton proceeds to call 
 attention to the fact that he tendered the cordial 
 cooperation of the state authorities to aid in the exe- 
 cution of the laws of congress ; that he called upon 
 the civil authorities for such information as would 
 conduce to that end; and that he advised the people 
 to a cheerful and prompt compliance with the terms. 
 But extraordinary impediments to the proper, exe- 
 cution of the acts of congress, had been thrown in 
 the way. First the circular order, no. 13, relative 
 to jurymen's qualifications, filled the country with 
 consternation, and impressed the minds of the people 
 that they were not to have the benefit of the laws ; ^' 
 second, by refusing to fill vacancies in state offices 
 except by such persons as could take the test oath ; 
 third, by delay in appointing boards of registration 
 in many counties. Again, no persons except those of 
 one political party were selected as registrars, wbUe 
 negroes notoriously incompetent were appointed to act 
 on such boards ; such persons as sextons of cemeteries, 
 auctioneers, members of police, under-wardens of 
 workhouses, school-directors, jurymen, overseers of 
 the roads, and many other classes had been excluded 
 from registration ; ^^ and finally a manifest disinclina- 
 tion had been shown on the part of the military au- 
 thorities to believe in the sincerity of the state officials, 
 and the people when declaring their desire to comply 
 with the acts of congress. Such were some of the 
 impediments. 
 
 But apart from impediments, many acts, he said, 
 had been committed which were violations of the law. 
 The property of citizens had been used without com- 
 pensation, not in a few, but in many cases; the freed- 
 man's bureau had exercised powers not conferred upon 
 
 '2 The oath prescribed would in fact exclude the majority of the people, 
 except the freedmen, from serving as jurors. 
 
 '" See copy of instructions secretly given by Grifiiu to the boards of regis- 
 tration. Id., 88-90, 
 
GENERAL HANCOCK. 493 
 
 it, its agents having made arrests and imposed penal- 
 ties not justified by law; the town of Brenham had 
 been set on fire by United States' soldiers, and a large 
 amount of property destroyed ; this deed was perpe- 
 trated almost in his presence, yet no effort was made 
 to prevent it, or to punish the offenders; judgments 
 and decrees of the courts had been ordered to be set 
 aside, and judges required to dismiss suits in a number 
 of cases. Freedmen indicted for crimes had been pro- 
 tected from arrest, and laws of the state had been set 
 aside ; the frontier was a scene of Indian devastation, 
 and yet the troops were scattered in the interior where 
 the civil authorities were able to maintain order, and 
 no sufficient number of them had been sent to the 
 frontier. Such were the views expressed by Throck- 
 morton as to the position of Texas under military 
 government. 
 
 In the early days of August, Elisha M. Pease for 
 the third time became governor ; '* but affairs were 
 sadly changed since the prosperous and happy period 
 of his first administration. The partisan feeling in 
 Texas, not without cause, continued bitter, and in no 
 other of the confederated states did the work of recon- 
 struction prove more difficult, evidence of which is 
 the fact that she was the last of the ten to be read- 
 mitted into the union. On August 26, 1867, Sheri- 
 dan, whose administration of the fifth military district 
 gave great dissatisfaction to President Johnson,^'' was 
 removed, and the command assigned to General Han- 
 cock. The latter's views differed considerably from 
 those of Sheridan, and he was even unwilling to sub- 
 mit civil offenders to trial by the military tribunals. 
 With regard to the unreasonably rigid rules issued to 
 the boards of registration by Griffin, by which num- 
 bers of men entitled to become voters were excluded," 
 
 ^ For his biography see note 27 of chap. xv. 
 
 35 See the president's letter of Aug. 19, 1867, to Gen. Grant. H. Ex. Doc, 
 cong. 40, seas. 2, vii., no. 57, 4^6. 
 
 ^* For the satisfaction of the reader, I give a synopsis of these secret in- 
 
4&t THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 Hancock, on January 11, 1868, declared them to be 
 null and of no eflfect, and ordered the boards of regis- 
 tration "to look to the laws, and to the laws alone, 
 for the rules which were to govern them in the dis- 
 charge of the delicate and important duties imposed 
 upon them." 
 
 But Hancock gave as little satisfaction to congress 
 as his predecessor had given to the president ; and the 
 want of harmony between the executive and legislative 
 powers at Washington was the cause of frequent 
 changes of military commanders in the south. Not 
 long after the order setting aside General Griffin's in- 
 structions to the registrars. General Hancock was re- 
 mo-ved from the command of the fifth district, and 
 was succeeded by General Reynolds. 
 
 The business of registration having at last been 
 completed, the election for the convention was held 
 in February. Each voter was required to register, 
 and present his certificate of registration at the poUs. 
 The election occupied four days, and resulted in 
 44,689 votes beiag cast in favor of the convention 
 beiag held, and 11,440 against it." 
 
 On June 1, 1868, the convention, consisting of 63 
 
 atructions, described aa ' Memoranda of disqualifications for the guidance of 
 the hoards of registration under the military biU passed March 2, 1867. 1, 
 every person who has acted as senator or representative in congress; 2, all 
 who have acted aa electors of president and vice-president; 3, every perso» 
 who held any position in the army or navy of the U. S. ; 4, all persons who 
 held any position under the U. S. in which they were required to take an 
 oath before they entered upon the duties of the office; such as officers in the 
 custom-house, clerks, judges, and others; 5, all who have held any office in 
 any state under the constitution and laws of such state in force prior to Feb. 
 1, 1861.' Then follows a long list of disqualified persons, among whom are 
 included 'tax collectors, coroners, police jurors, auctioneers, county record- 
 ers, notaries public, municipal officers, including members of the board of 
 health, wardens and underwardens of prisons and work-houses, school direc- 
 tors, city surveyors and deputies, inspectors of tobacco, flour, beef, etc., 
 weighers and measurers, directors of the asylum for deaf and dumb, blind, 
 and lunatic, and sextons of cemeteries.' '6, all who, in 1862 and 1864, regis- 
 tered themselves as aliens, or obtained protection papers from the represen- 
 tatives of foreign powers. Any person who at any time held any of the 
 above offices, and who afterward engaged in the rebellion against the U. S ' 
 No. 11, 88-9, in Tex. Col. Doc, no. 2. 
 
 ^'According to TJirall, 420, 56,678 white voters registered, and 47,581 
 black ones. From these figures it appears that little over half the number of 
 voters appeared at the polls. 
 
AB INITIO, 495 
 
 delegates, met at Austin, and organized by electing 
 Edmund J. Davis president and W. V. Tunstall, sec- 
 retary. Though composed of loyal republicans, it 
 soon became manifest that it was divided into two 
 parties, entertaining widely different views, and such 
 as were not to be readily reconciled. Shortly before 
 Governor Pease entered office. General Griffin had 
 been petitioned by a number of persons to declare by 
 military order all acts of legislation since February 1, 
 1861 — ^the date of the secession ordinance — ^to be null, 
 ab initio. This expression supplied a name for one of 
 the political parties in the convention. Griffin died 
 of yellow fever a, tew weeks after receiving the peti- 
 tion, which thereby was not acted upon, and Pease, 
 in a proclamation, recognized the constitution and laws 
 of 1866, under certain exceptions, as rules for the 
 government of the people of Texas and the officers of 
 the civil government. Those members of the conven- 
 tion who believed that all enactments since the passage 
 of the secession ordinance should be null were called 
 Ab Initios. Another point of disagreement was the 
 question of suffi:age, a portion of the convention dis- 
 playing much intolerance towards those who had sus- 
 tained the confederate cause, while the more liberal 
 were in favor of enfranchising all good citizens of the 
 state. 
 
 For three months the opposing factions argued and 
 wrangled on their respective views, and but little 
 progress was made toward the framing of the consti- 
 tution. On August 31st, the convention adjourned 
 to reassemble on December 7th. When it again met, 
 the differences appeared to be more irreconcilable 
 than ever, and much bitterness of feeling was shown. 
 Finally, the more liberal party prevailed, the late 
 governor, Hamilton, having submitted a generous 
 substitute on the right of suffrage for the report of 
 the committee, which was marked by rigorous dis- 
 franchisement.'' The substitute having been put to 
 
 '^ Hamilton's substitute constituted art. vi. of the constitution, and reads 
 
496 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 
 
 the vote, it was carried, February 3, 1869, by 37 yeas 
 against 26 nays. 
 
 The constitution was now all but completed; but 
 on the 4th, the ab initio members entered a protest 
 against it, signed by 22 members, among whom was 
 the president, Davis. The objection raised against it 
 was that it was based upon the assumption that the 
 constitution of the United States and the accepted 
 constitution of Texas of 1845 had not been continu- 
 ously the supreme law of the land. With regard to 
 the article on the right of suffrage, the disapproving 
 members solemnly protested against it as extending 
 the franchise to all those who voluntarily became the 
 public enemy of the United States. "The majority 
 of the convention," they said, "has deliberately re- 
 moved from the constitution every safeguard for the 
 protection of the loyal voter, white or black. They 
 have stricken from that instrument the whole system 
 of registry ; they have repudiated the oath of loyalty 
 contained in the reconstruction laws; they have 
 spurned the test of equal civil and political rights, 
 and we do most solemnly call upon the registered 
 voters of Texas to vindicate the national honor, and 
 the cause of right and justice by their votes." 
 
 This session of the convention did not terminate in 
 a very dignified manner. Without waiting for a 
 formal and orderly adjournment, many members forth- 
 with returned to their homes, and at the meeting on 
 
 thus: 'Every male citizen of the U. S., of the age of 21 years and upward, 
 not laboring under the disabilities named in this constitution, without dis- 
 tinction of race, color, or former condition, who shall be a resident of this 
 state at the time of the adoption of this constitution, or who shall thereafter 
 reside in this state one year, and in the county in which he oflfers to vote 60 
 days next preceding any election, shall be entitled to vote for all officers 
 that are now, or hereafter may be, elected by the people; and upon all ques- 
 tions submitted to the electors at any election; provided, that no person 
 shall be allowed to vote or hold office who is now, or hereafter may be, dis- 
 qualified therefor by the constitution of the U. S. , until such disqualification 
 shall be removed by the congress of the U. S. ; provided further, that no per- 
 son, while kept in any asylum or confined in prison, or who has been con- 
 victed of a felony, or is of unsound mind, shall be allowed to vote or hold 
 office. IT. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 41, sess. 2., doc. 77, 20; U. S. Cliarters mid 
 Constii., ii., 1814, in both of which authorities a copy of the amended consti- 
 tution will be found. 
 
GENERAL OANBY. 497 
 
 tlie 6th, no quorum was present. On February 11th 
 General Canby, who had succeeded Reynolds in the 
 preceding December, addressed a letter to the chief 
 of the staff at Washington, in which he says that a 
 committee had been appointed by the members that 
 were left to consult him. On finding that a large 
 portion of the records of the convention was in an 
 unfinished condition, the journal not being made up, 
 and other work of the secretary and clerks incom- 
 plete, he advised that the members present should 
 finish the ministerial work, and then adjourn in a 
 formal and orderly manner. He describes the feel- 
 ings of the two parties as growing more intense, each 
 distrusting the other, and apprehending that the 
 records would be lost or destroyed. He urged upon 
 the president, Davis, the importance of his party 
 uniting with the other ; at least let them adjourn in 
 a decorous manner, if they could do nothing else. 
 Davis, accordingly called a meeting, at which less 
 than half a dozen members were present, and Canby 
 finally agreed to take charge of the records. He ex- 
 perienced, however, no little difficulty in collecting 
 them, as the secretaries and clerks of the convention 
 had become imbued with the spirit of the members, 
 and had taken away a part of the records in their 
 keeping. Having finally succeeded, he set a large 
 clerical force to work to complete them from the 
 rough copies and minutes.'" From the above account 
 the reader will be able to form a tolerably correct 
 idea of the disorder which prevailed in the reconstruc- 
 tion convention, and the ill-feeling which was mani- 
 fested between the conflicting parties. 
 
 By the election declaration of the convention, the 
 first Monday in July 1869 was appointed as the day 
 on which the amended constitution should be sub- 
 mitted to the voters for ratification, and a general 
 election held for state officers and members of the 
 
 ™ Consult Gen. Canby's correspondence in U. 8. H. Ex.. Doc, cong. 40, 
 sess. 3, xiii., no.. 97. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 82. 
 
498 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 legislature. But President Grant did not see fit to 
 approve so early a date, and deferred it till Novemlaer 
 30tli, following. Accordingly on that, and the three 
 following days, the election was held under the direc- 
 tion of Reynolds, who had been reappointed to the 
 command in Texas, 72,366 votes being cast for the 
 constitution, and 4,928 against it, showing a majority 
 of 67,438 in favor of it. At the same time Edmund 
 J. Davis was elected governor; J. W. Flanagan, 
 lieutenant governor; A. Bledsoe, comptroller; G. W. 
 Honey, treasurer; and Jacob Knechler, land office 
 commissioner; and G. W. Whitmore, J. C Conner, 
 W. T. Clark, and Edward Degener were chosen rep- 
 resentatives to the United States congress. Mem- 
 bers of the legislature were also appointed, and on 
 January 11, 1870, an order was issued by the military 
 commander, summoning the legislature to assemble 
 at Austin on February 8th following." 
 
 Governor Pease by no means enjoyed the position 
 in which he found himself The mixture of civil and 
 military rule was most distastful to him, especially as 
 he did not meet with that cooperation and assistance 
 on the part of the commander of the fifth district," 
 which he was entitled to expect. On September 30th 
 he resigned, and during the interval between his resig- 
 nation and the accession of Governor Davis, a period 
 of more than three months, the executive department 
 of Texas was administered by an adjutant in charge 
 of civil affairs. 
 
 Governor Davis entered office January 18, 1870, 
 and on the appointed day the legislature assembled at 
 the capital. It promptly ratified by joint resolutions 
 the amendments to the constitution of the United 
 States," appointed senators to congress, and having 
 
 "Sen. Misc. Doc, cong. 41, sesa. 2, no. 77, 30-6; Bept. Sec. War., cong. 
 41, sess. 3, i., pt. ii., 41. 
 
 ** Confined at thia time to Texas, as Louisiana had already been reorgan- 
 ized, and her representatives admitted to congress. 
 
 *' Namely Articles xiii, xiv, and xv, the first abolishing slavery; the 
 
A REIGN OF TERROR. 499" 
 
 transacted the business imposed upon it by the recon- 
 struction laws as a provisional body, it adjourned on 
 February 24th. 
 
 Texas had now drained the bitter cup to the dregs, 
 and forgiveness was at last vouchsafed to her. On 
 March 30, 18 70, the U. S. president approved the con- 
 gressional act readmitting her into the union, and on 
 the following day, senators M. C. Hamilton and J. 
 W. Flanagan," the oath prescribed by law having 
 been administered to them by the vice-president, took 
 their seats in congress. On the same day the four repre- 
 S3ntatives to which the state was entitled were sworn 
 in, the members being those elected at the general 
 election held November 30th to December 3, 1869." 
 
 The reconstruction period extended over five years, 
 during which time Texas was a prey to lawlessness 
 and violence almost in a degree inconceivable. The 
 breath of the demon of homicide seemed to have 
 passed over the land, and the efforts of the military 
 commanders to arrest its deadly influence were at- 
 tended with little success. It is impossible to ascer- 
 tain how many persons were the victims of fierce 
 passion and malevolence during these five years, nor 
 u it a pleasant subject to dwell upon. But that the 
 reader may arrive at some idea of the excessive crime 
 and the loss of life, let him listen to what General 
 Reynolds says on the subject in a letter to the war- 
 ofiice, dated October 21, 1869. "The number of 
 murders in the state during the nine months from 
 January 1, 1869, to September 30, 1869, according to 
 the official records, necessarily imperfect, is 384, be- 
 ing an average of about one and a half per day. 
 
 second declaring all persona born or naturalized in the U. S. to be citizens 
 thereof; and the third declaring that the right of citizens to vote should not 
 be denied or abridged on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
 slavery. A military board wa? appointed to inquire into the eligibility of the 
 members of the legislature with the power to administer oaths. 
 
 "J. W. Flanagan had been elected lieut-gov., but the legisl ture ap- 
 pointed him to the U. S. Senate. 
 
 **H. Jour., cong. 41, sess. 2, 548, 1387; Mens, and Doc, 1870-1, War 
 Dept., pt. i., 41; S. Jour., cong. 41, sess. 2, 434, 1517; H. Jour., cong. 41, 
 sess. 3, 6; S. Misc., cong. 41, sess. 2, doc. 77, p. 35; Cong. Ohbe, cong. 41, 
 sess. 2, pt. 3, 2328. 
 
wo THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD. 
 
 From this statement it appears that with the partial 
 breaking up of bands of desperadoes by military aid 
 the number of murders is diminishing from month to 
 month."" 
 
 *^ Eept of sec. of war, Cong. 41, sess. 2, i. 145. Gov. Pease in his message 
 to the convention, June 1, 1869, says that during the six preceding months 
 206 homicides had been committed in 67 of the 127 organized counties of the 
 state, while but a small number of the perpetrators had been arrested and 
 punished by the process of law. Thrall, 428. 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 1871-1888. 
 
 Administration of Goveenor Davis — Message to the Legislature — 
 Republican Measures — Party Rivalry — Austin the Permanent 
 Capital — Repeal of Obnoxious Laws — Condition of the Treasury 
 • — Republicans versus Democrats — A Dangerous Crisis — Victory 
 of the Democrats — Coke Elected Governor — Condition of Affairs 
 — The New Constitution — Coke's Criticisms — Governor Hubbarb 
 —The Salt War — Finance — Governor Roberts' Policy — Indian 
 AFFAiBa — The Boundary Question. 
 
 It was tlie irony of liberty, equality, and the re- 
 publican form of government— the thrusting at this 
 juncture into legislative halls and offices of honor and 
 trust, the thick-lipped, curly-haired, stolid-brained 
 black man, sometime from the jungles of Africa, late 
 the slave, now the ruler of the pale-faced intellectual 
 European! What a sensible, statesmanlike, wise, 
 and politic thing was it for our Yankee demagogues, 
 carpet-baggers, political hacks, hucksters, and trick- 
 sters, after the extinguishment of the savagism slav- 
 ery, to take this black African beast and set him up 
 as a god to rule over us, to make laws for us, to set 
 an example for us in the ways of intellectual culture 
 and refinement! It is the greatest and most lasting 
 disgrace the people of the United States ever have 
 or ever can bring upon themselves. No wonder it 
 was a galling sore to the south, ever open, ever fresh. 
 It was wholly unworthy of the American people, an 
 insult to their own intelligence, to their own institu- 
 tions, a prostitution of what they should hold most 
 
 (601) 
 
602 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 high and holy — the privilege of suffrage, of self- 
 government from an intelligent and progressive 
 stand-point. There is one consolation in it all, how- 
 ever, and that is that this black republicanism, which 
 foisted upon the nation this monstrous iniquity, 
 gained nothing by it — nothing but ignominy and 
 retribution. It was a cowardly thing to do, a base 
 ignoble revenge; an act retroactive in its effect, 
 bringing also its curse upon its perpetrators. 
 
 Thouo;h Governor Davis assumed the executive 
 office in January, he was only acting in a provisional 
 capacity. When, however, the president signed the 
 bill restoring Texas to her rights as a sovereign state 
 of the union, Davis issued a proclamation, April 2d, 
 announcing the fact, and signing himself governor of 
 Texas. On the 16th of the same month, General 
 iReynolds remitted to the civil authorities the powers 
 that had been conferred upon the military commander 
 by the reconstruction laws, and the troops were with- 
 drawn from the various posts in the interior and sent 
 to the frontier. Small detachments, however, were 
 retained at Jefferson, Austin, and San Antonio, the 
 latter point being the principal distributing depot and 
 the future headquarters of the department. The 
 legislature assembled again on the 26th, and on the 
 28th the governor was duly inaugurated. 
 
 In his inaugural address Governor Davis remarked 
 that what might be termed the second annexation of 
 Texas had been consummated; but the Texas of 1845 
 was very different from that of 1870. The former 
 brought into the union with her single star also 
 thousands of slaves; the latter knew no bondman on 
 her soU. Alluding to the late war he considered 
 that few on either side at the beginning of the 
 struggle had either calculated or desired the full result 
 attained at its close. While the one side sought to 
 sustain a structure of which the very corner-stone was 
 a denial of the truth of the declaration, "that all men 
 are created equal," the other grasped the SAvord mainly 
 
GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 503 
 
 to preserve a glorious nationality. It required years 
 of misfortune to point out the foundation of the 
 trouble. "Let us," he said, "accept the result as an 
 indication and lesson that there is no safe neutral 
 ground for human judgment between right and wrong. 
 Let us be wholly right." ' 
 
 On April 29th, the governor sent in his message. 
 He first called attention to the necessity of providing 
 measures for tho suppression of crime, and recom- 
 mended the passage of a law for the efficient organi- 
 zation of the militia, and the establishment of a police 
 system which would embrace the whole state under 
 one head, so that the police, sheriffs, and constables 
 of the different cities should be made a part of the 
 general police, act in concert with it, and be subject 
 to the orders of the chief He next made mention of 
 a class of criminals which consisted of mobs of lawless 
 men, who assembled and operated in disguise in carry- 
 ing out some unlawful purpose, generally directed 
 against the freedmen. The immunity from arrest of 
 such offenders gave reason to suppose that they were 
 protected or encouraged by the majority of the peo- 
 ple. In suggesting measures to suppress this evil, 
 Governor Davis advocated conferring upon the exec- 
 utive the power of temporarily establishing martial 
 law under certain contingencies. He, moreover, con- 
 sidered that the frequency of homicides was attribu- 
 table to the habit of carrying arms, and recommended 
 the legislature to restrict that privilege, which it would 
 be able to do under the amended constitution.^ 
 
 On the subject of education, the governor remarked 
 that the establishment of a good system of schools 
 would in time operate in diminishing crime, and re- 
 minded the legislature that the provisions of the con- 
 stitution made it "the imperative duty" of that body 
 to provide for the education of all children of scholas- 
 
 ^No. 4 in Tex. Col. Doc, no. 2, is a copy of the inaugural address. 
 
 2 Section xiii. of the Ijill of rights reads thus: ' Every person shall have 
 the right to keep and bear arms in the lawful defence of himself or the state, 
 under such regulations as the legi3lature may prescribe. ' i 
 
so* TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 tic age. A perpetual school fiind was provided for by 
 the constitution, and he produced a summary of the 
 means then disposable for the purposes of education.* 
 
 Other matters brought before the notice of the 
 legislature were the questions of internal improvement, 
 subsidizing private enterprises, the public works, and 
 iiiunigration. With respect to the first, Davis cau- 
 tioned the legislature against affording aid to specula- 
 tors who, proposing schemes for private advantage 
 under the name of internal improvements, were in the 
 habit of calling upon the state for aid; he was of 
 opinion that, beyond a liberal charter, there was no 
 necessity for state aid to insure the success of any 
 honest and feasible enterprise. With regard to immi- 
 gration, he hoped that when such respect for law and 
 order had been established as would relieve new-comers 
 of all apprehensions for their personal safety, the cheap 
 and fertile lands of Texas would attract immigrants. 
 It was necessary that the immigration bureau author- 
 ized by the constitution should be organized at once 
 on a liberal basis, and a complete geological survey 
 undertaken in order to ascertain the capacity of the 
 state, both in an agricultural and mineral point of 
 view. 
 
 He next calls attention to the condition of the asy- 
 lums for the deaf and dumb, the blind, and insane, 
 and the penitentiary at Huntsville. The lunatic asy- 
 lum was far too small to admit even all such patients 
 as came within the limited requirements of the law, 
 and many had to be denied admittance; a liberal pro- 
 vision should be made for the increased wants of the 
 state in this respect. As to the penitentiary, owing 
 to bad management it had been, until quite lately, a 
 heavy expense, the excess of expenditures over receipts 
 up to November 16, 1869, being $107,645. The num- 
 ber of convicts, according to the last report of Febru- 
 
 ' Namely, cash in specie |58,979, currency $54.3; in 5 per cent bonds un- 
 der act of Nov. 12, 1866, $82,168; principal and interest due to the school 
 fund from railroad companies $2,7^,198. Governor's message, no. 5, 5-7, in 
 Id. 
 
INDIANS AND FINANCES. 605 
 
 ary 10, 1870, was 489 confined within the walls, and 
 in April following 181 were laboring on the railroad. 
 The governor deprecated the system of employing the 
 convicts on the railroads, both as demoralizing and 
 affording facilities of escape. He recommends that 
 the penitentiary be enlarged, and the outside convicts 
 returned to it. 
 
 In speaking of the depredations committed by Ind- 
 ians, he remarked that from time immemorial the 
 hostile tribes had afflicted the country with their 
 murderous visits ; that no treaty or concession could 
 appease them, or stay their hands ; and that the only 
 result that could be permanently effectual was exter- 
 mination, or total conquest and submission. The 
 measures adopted by the military commander were 
 all that could be done with his limited resources.* 
 
 The legislature would, it was hoped, encourage in 
 every reasonable way the growth of every kind of 
 manufacture and industry. One of the mo?t impor- 
 tant interests of Texas was cattle-breeding, but unfor- 
 tunately the laws for the protection of tlae stock -raiser's 
 property were defective, especially in regai'd to herd- 
 ing, branding, and selling cattle. Practices had be- 
 come common in these respects which almost destroyed 
 the safety of that kind of property. 
 
 Financial matters were the last topic discussed in 
 the message. The governor was of opinion that ex- 
 penditures would amount to about $1,500,000. The 
 amount of cash on hand September 3, 1867, was 
 $20,232; receipts from that date to April 16, 1870, 
 were $1,384,191, and the expenditures during the 
 same period $1,024,851. The amount of cash in the 
 treasury, exclusive of school and special funds, was 
 $2,953 in specie and $413,747 in currency. Deduct- 
 ing appropriations made by military orders since 
 March 1st, there remained $2,953 in specie and 
 
 * Reynolds urged the establishment of a military telegraph line along the 
 frontier, and recommended that the department commander should be au- 
 thorized to equip and employ frontiersmen in co-operation with the U. S. 
 troops. Hept. Sec. War, cong. 41, sess. 3, i. 41. 
 
506 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 $368,426 in currency. The debt of the state was 
 small. Under act of November 12, 1866, five per 
 centum state bonds, to the amount of $82,168, were 
 issued to the school fund, and $134,472 of similar 
 bonds to the university fund. If the act was to be 
 respected, the state was so much indebted to the 
 above-named funds. The only other indebtedness 
 was that of ten per cent warrants issued before the 
 late war, but the amount could not be considerable. 
 The governor remarked that the whole system of col- 
 lection of revenue would have to be revised and made 
 more effective. 
 
 This message represented very fairly the condition 
 and requirements of Texas, on her people resuming 
 self-government. The legislature,* with a large ma- 
 jority of them republicans, accepted the governor's 
 views in all important points. The militia was or- 
 ganized," and divided into two classes, namely the 
 state guard, composed of volunteers and the reserve 
 military, which included all persons liable to service, 
 not enrolled in the state guard. All the troops were 
 placed under the control of the governor, who was 
 also empowered to declare martial law in any county 
 or counties, and call out, in cases of emergency, such 
 portion of the militia as he might deem necessary fcr 
 the maintenance of the law. Other bills authorized 
 him to organize twenty companies for the protection of 
 the frontier, and establish a state police, under the 
 system suggested by him in his message. An elec- 
 tion law was passed requiring voters to register, and 
 laying down stringent rules for conducting elections; 
 the judicial districts were re-organized and their 
 number was raised to tliirty-five, and a bill was 
 passed establishing a system of public free schools 
 
 "According to Thrall, page 429, the legislature politically considered 
 stood thus: in the senate 17 republicans, two of them Africans, 7 conserva- 
 tives, and 6 democrats; in the house, 50 republicans, 8 being Africans, 19 
 conservatives, and 21 democrats. 
 
 "The act of eongres prohibiting the organization of the militia, was re- 
 pealed July 15, 1870, Cong. Globe, 1869-70. Ap. 738. 
 
PARTY ISSUES. 507 
 
 throughout the state. The session was a long one, 
 and numerous enactments were passed ; nor was it till 
 August 15th that the legislature adjourned. 
 
 Though the great civil war had ended years 
 ago, contention had not ceased. In the political 
 arena- republicans and democrats — respectively repre- 
 senting the old unionists and secessionists — carried on 
 the strife, and displayed toward each other feelings as 
 bitter and hostile as had ever been entertained by 
 federals and confederates in their conflicts on the 
 battlefield. Governor Davis had been a general in 
 the federal army, while the larger portion of the 
 people of Texas had been confederates. His election 
 to office, as well as that of the members of the legisla- 
 ture, had not been an expression of the will of the 
 majority, but was due to the pressure of the recon- 
 struction laws. Party spirit, therefore, was violent, 
 and the action of the republican party in power was 
 watched with critical scrutiny, by the democrats 
 whose rivalry was intensified by the humiliation of 
 defeat. The provisions of the militia and police bills, 
 and especially that authorizing the governor to pro- 
 claim martial law, gave dissatisfaction to both con- 
 servatives and democrats. A large portion of the 
 police force was drawn from the black race; and the 
 reader will doubtless correctly estimate the passion- 
 ate indignation of the white man, on being interfered 
 with in his conduct by a low, impudent negro.' 
 
 ' Collisiona consequently occurred. In Jan. 1871, there was a serious 
 affair in Huntsville. A negro, an important witness in a criminal case, was 
 killed, and persons implicated in the murder were arrested. Friends aided 
 them to escape, and the captain of police who held them in charge, was 
 wounded in the scrimmage. Martial law was proclaimed by the gov. , Jan. 
 20, and a military company sent from an adjoining county to enforce the 
 law. The supremacy of the civil law, however, was soon restored. An- 
 other difficulty occurred at Groesbeck, in September, one Applewhite being 
 killed in the streets by three colored policemen. A serious disturbance took 
 place, the whites and negroes lieing arrayed against each other. On Oct. 
 10, Gov. Davis proclaimed martial law in Limestone and Freestone counties. 
 The order was revoked Nov. 11th, but the people were assessed for a consid- 
 erable sum to defray expenses. In HiU county also martial law was en- 
 forced for a short time. Tlirall, 431. 
 
508 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 The growing strength of the democratic party, 
 however, — or rather its natural strength when re- 
 leased from coercion — showed itself in time. In 
 ISTovember, 1872, from the 5th to the 8th inclusive,* 
 a general election was held for electors of president 
 and vice-president of the United States, for members 
 to congress, to fill vacancies in the state senate, for 
 representatives to the 13th legislature, for district at- 
 torneys, and for county officers. The late constitution 
 having provided that the governor should hold office 
 for the term of four years, the election for the execu- 
 tive did not take place tiU December 1873. The 
 result of the election of 1872 was that the democrats 
 returned to congress the six representatives to which 
 Texas was now entitled, and a majority in the state 
 legislature. 
 
 At the same election, according to a provision of 
 the constitution, the vote of the people was taken for 
 the permanent location of the seat of government, the 
 city of Austin being chosen by a large majority as 
 the capital.' 
 
 Moreover, an amendment to the 6th section. Ar- 
 ticle X. , of the constitution " was proposed, and ac- 
 cepted by a vote of 57,611 for, and 35,076 against it. 
 
 The thirteenth legislature met January 14, 1873, 
 and the democrats at once exercised their controlling 
 majority, by causing obnoxious laws to be repealed. 
 The militia bill passed by the last legislature, was so 
 changed as to deprive the governor of his power to 
 declare martial war; the objectionable state police 
 force was disbanded, and material changes were ef- 
 fected in the election laws. Measures also were 
 adopted to reduce the expenses of government. 
 
 ^According to the provision of the constitution, the polls at elections 
 were to be opened for four days. 
 
 "Votes east for Austin, 64,277; for Houston, 35, 147; for Waco, 12,777; 
 Tex. Off. Returns, Oen. Elec. 1872, 18. 
 
 1* Reading thus: ' The legislature shall not hereafter grant lands to any 
 person or persons, nor shall any certificate for land he sold at the land office, 
 except to actual settlers upon the same, and in lots not exceeding 160 acres.' 
 
ITNAIilCTAL AFFAIRS. 509 
 
 Governor Davis in his annual message called atten- 
 tion to the unsatisfactory condition in which he found 
 the state treasury. It appears that the treasurer had 
 vacated his office under circumstances that led to the 
 suspicion that transactions of a doubtful nature had 
 taken place in the department during his management. 
 Public comments reaching the governor's ears com- 
 pelled him to investigate the matter, and he came to 
 the conclusion that profits had been made by the late 
 treasurer to the amount of $30,000; accordingly he 
 directed the attorney-general to sue him and his 
 securities for that amount." On his suggestion, too, 
 a select joint committee was appointed by the two 
 branches of the legislature to examine into the con- 
 dition of the offices of the comptroller and the treas- 
 urer and report upon it. From the report of this 
 committee, sent in June 2, 187S, it appears that there 
 had been much irregularity; that the books in the 
 comptroller's office were kept in an inaccurate and 
 confused manner, and with such a reckless disregard of 
 system as to render any attempt to obtain from them 
 a correct statement of the state's finances extremely 
 difficult ; and that a deficit in the treasury actually ex- 
 isted. 
 
 The legislature having thus effected many desirable 
 reforms the democrats next determined to reform the 
 government. The governor was a stanch republican, 
 and there was a republican majority in the senate ; 
 but the democrats readily perceived that the thumb- 
 screw of obstruction would compel their opponents to 
 yield to a measure which would overthrow them, and 
 the house refused to vote money to carry on the gov- 
 ernment until it had succeed in the scheme planned 
 by it. It was a well-conceived political stratagem. 
 Confident that at the polls the democratic majority 
 would be overwhelming, the house decided to procure 
 a new election, though it would thus be legislating 
 itself out. An act was accordingly passed April 24, 
 
 iiDavia' testimony in T&v. Sept Com. Invest. Compt., June 2, 1873, 17. 
 
510 TEXAS KESTORED. 
 
 1873, making a new apportionment of the state and 
 changing the senatorial districts, which change neces- 
 sitated a new general election. On May 26th, fol- 
 lowing, another act was forced through the legislature, 
 prescribing that the election should be held on the 
 first Tuesday in December,'" the day on which the 
 election for tlie new governor would take place. 
 
 On the appointed day the election was held, and 
 in all three branches the democrats were triumphant. 
 But the republicans were not disposed to yield with- 
 out a struggle. The constitutionality of the law 
 under which the election had been held was brought 
 before the supreme court which decided that it was 
 unconstitutional, and Davis, on January 12th, issued 
 a proclamation prohibiting the new legislature from 
 assembling. In defiance of this interdict, however, 
 it met on the following day and organized. Much 
 alarm was entertained that a collision would take 
 place between the two parties. And not without 
 some cause. The two branches of the legislature 
 occupied the upper story of the capitol with a com- 
 pany of the militia as guard ; at the same time Davis 
 and the other executive officers held possession of the 
 lower story with a company of colored soldiers under 
 the adjutant-general." President Grant was appealed 
 to but refused to sustain Davis. Fortunately moder- 
 ation prevailed and no conflict took place. J. P. 
 Newcomb, the secretary of state, permitted, under 
 protest, the election returns to be delivered to a com- 
 mittee of the legislature. The votes having been 
 counted, Richard Coke" was declared elected gov- 
 
 ^2 See Tex. Oen. Laws, 13 leg., 43, et seq. 
 
 '^ Gov. Coke in his annual message of Jan. 1876, page 4, makes this as- 
 eertion: 'The floors of the halls in ■which you now sit had been examined 
 by the conspirators, and it had been ascertained that the armed forces en- 
 trenched in the basement beneath, could piece them with their missiles if 
 necessary to attack you.' 
 
 "Coke was bom at Williamsburg, Va., March 13, 1S29; was educated at 
 William and Mary college, and havmg studied law was admitted to the bar 
 when 21 years of age. In 1650 he removed to Waco, McLennan county, 
 Texas. He served in the confederate army, first as private and aftem-ard as 
 cap;ain; was district judge in June 1S56, and in 1806 was elected by the 
 
LEGISLATIVE MEASURES. 511 
 
 ernor by a majority of 50,000, and Richard B. Hub- 
 bard, lieutenant-governor. For some days the public 
 was agitated by doubt and apprehension as to the 
 probability of a peaceful solution of the dispute, but 
 on the 19th Governor Davis vacated the executive 
 office without making a formal surrender." Governor 
 Coke took undisputed possession, and the excitement 
 was allayed. Thus terminated this contest for suprem- 
 acy between the republican and democratic parties, 
 happily without bloodshed. But it was a critical 
 point in the progress of affairs. The least spark of 
 fire would have exploded the magazine of animosity 
 harbored on both sides. Thus the city which had so 
 lately been declared the permanent capital of the state 
 narrowly escaped being baptized in blood. 
 
 During the first session of the 14th legislature, no 
 extraordinary measures worthy of especial mention 
 were adopted," with the exception of granting pen- 
 democratic party judge of the state supreme court, but was removed in 1807 
 by Sheridan as an 'impediment to reconstruction.' U. 8. Sen. Miscel, cong. 
 42, sess. 2, no. 8, pt i., 71. 
 
 1* Davis in a speech made to the citizens of Travis county, Oct. 4, 1880, 
 alludes to this affair, and speaks of the democrats as having ' seized the state 
 government, in January, 1874.' Davis, Speech, 3, with Gray, Hist. Austin. 
 Gov. Coke's view of the situation was different. In his message mentioned 
 in note he says: 'Forebodings of danger to popular liberty and representa- 
 tive government caused the stoutest and most patriotic among us to tremble 
 for the result. A conspiracy, bolder and more wicked than that of Cataline 
 against the liberties of Rome, had planned the overthrow of free govern- 
 ment in Texas. The capitol and its purlieus were held by armed men under 
 command of the conspirators; and the treasury and department offices, 
 with all the archives of the govt, were in their possession. Your right to 
 assemble in the capitol, as the chosen representatives of the people was de- 
 nied, and the will of the people of Texas sooffi3d at and defied. ... The pre ji- 
 dent of the United States was being implored to send troops to aid in over- 
 throwing the government of Texas, chosen by her people by a majority of 
 50,000. The local and municipal offirirs throughout the state in sympathy 
 with the infamous designs of these desperate and unscrupulous revolutionist!, 
 taking courage from the boldness of the leaders at the capitol, were refusing 
 to deliver over to their lawfully elected successors, the offices in their pos- 
 session. A universal conflict of jurisdiction and authority, extending 
 tbrough all the departments of government, embracing in its sweep all 
 the territory and inhaljitants of the state, and every question upon which 
 legitimate government is called to act, was imminent and impending. ' 
 
 i^It should be mentioned that an act was passed April 10, 1874, author- 
 izing the gov. to organize a battalion of six companies, each 75 strong, for 
 defence of the frontier against Indians. The companies were organized June 
 4th following, and placed under the command of Maj, John B, Jones. 
 
512 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 sions to revolutionary veterans, and the reorganization 
 of the supreme court, the number of judges being 
 increased to five by an amendment to the constitution, 
 which had provided that the court should consist of 
 only three members. But there was manifested a 
 growing discontent in regard to the constitution, 
 which had been, as it were, thrust upon the people of 
 Texas, and when the legislature met, in January 1875, 
 on the occasion of its second session, Governor Coke 
 recommended it to make provision by appropriate 
 enactment for assembling a convention to frame a 
 constitution of government for Texas. The existing 
 constitution, he said, was by general consent admitted 
 to be a defective instrument ; many of its provisions 
 were incongruous and repugnant ; its restrictions were 
 so many, and descended so much into legislative de- 
 tail, as to present incessant embarrassments; and 
 while some provisions were oppressive or inconvenient, 
 others were positively obstructive to legislation. Ne- 
 cessity, he added, forced it on the people of Texas, 
 and prudence and policy prompted submission to it. 
 But no reason existed for submitting to it any longer. 
 The causes which a year before had rendered it im- 
 prudent to call together a constitutional convention 
 had ceased to exist ; federal interference was no longer 
 feared, and the popular mind was free from passion 
 and excitement. "For twelve months past," he said, 
 "the thinking men of the state have been studying 
 and investigating the subjects to be dealt with in 
 framing a constitution, and are now prepared to act."" 
 The governor's message is a lengthy document 
 comprising 92 octavo pages, and he enters fully into 
 every subject to which he calls the attention of the 
 legislature. All internal matters are considered, and 
 some space is devoted to statements touching the con- 
 dition of the frontier in connection with inroads made 
 by Indians, and Mexican border troubles. He re- 
 marked that, in nine cases out of ten, the Indians 
 
 "rex. Mm. Gov., 14th legis., 2d sesa., 1875, 8-9. 
 
GOVERNOR COKE. SIS 
 
 that devastated the frontier of Texas came from the 
 reservations on the northern borders. Governor Coke 
 was in favor of applying severe measures, and holding 
 the Indians to a rigorous accountability. " Lenity, ' 
 he said, "to their murderous and thieving propensities 
 is atrocious cruelty to the whites." With regard to 
 depredations committed by Mexican marauders, he 
 informed the legislature that during the spring and 
 early summer of the past year they had greatly ex- 
 ceeded in magnitude and atrocity transactions of that 
 character for a number of years past. The complaint 
 of the people of the districts exposed to these preda- 
 tory inroads was universal. The expense to which 
 the state was put, owing to the inadequacy of the 
 United States' military establishment, was very oner- 
 ous, and the governor recommended the legislature to 
 memorialize congress, setting forth the losses of life 
 and property on the Mexican border, and asking that 
 the obligation of the general government to protect 
 Texas against foreign enemies be redeemed, and that 
 the money expended by the state in defence of her 
 people be refunded." 
 
 According to the report of Governor Coke of Jan- 
 uary 1874, and that of the comptroller of February 
 10th, following, the public debt was $1,668,131. In 
 the present message, the governor states that the en- 
 tire public debt of Texas, up to January 1, 1875, ac- 
 cording to the comptroller's report, was $4,012,421, of 
 which $976,988 represented the floating debt, leaving 
 a bonded debt of $3,035,433. He then explains how 
 so large an increase in figures appears in the report. 
 He says; " The increase in the public debt since the 
 report in January 1874, is represented by the bonds 
 and certificates granted to the revolutionary veterans 
 of Texas, by act of April 1874, amounting to $899,- 
 389, and a few thousand dollars of miscellaneous in- 
 
 " Memoriala to this effect were laid before congress by the 14th legislature, 
 and also by the constitutional convention held in the autumn of 1875. Tex.. 
 Mess. Oov., legis. 15, sess. 1, ap. 1876, 58-9. 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 33 
 
514 TEXAS KESTOBED. 
 
 debtedness. The remainder was incurred before 
 January 1874, and is due to school teachers and 
 others for services in 1873, and in the confusion of 
 the records when the last report was made, was not 
 noted, and in fact much of it was not reported until 
 subsequent to that time." 
 
 With regard to the pensions granted to veterans, it 
 is necessary to explain that by an act of August 13, 
 1870, it was briefly provided that the surviving 
 veterans "of the revolution which separated Texas 
 from Mexico, including the Mier prisoners," and no 
 others should have certain pensions. Comptroller 
 Bledsoe, however, misapprehended the law, and ex- 
 tended its provisions to persons not properly entitled 
 to the benefit of it. At least such was the reason 
 given by Governor Davis, May 19, 1871, on the occa- 
 sion of his vetoing two items of appropriations to pay 
 claims of veterans; by which act he exposed himself 
 to the attack of his democratic enemies, who charged 
 him with entertaining hostile feelings toward the 
 veterans. By act of April 21, 1874, the legislature, 
 however, extended the list of classes entitled to pen- 
 sions," and by the end of the year, the governor 
 became reasonably alarmed at the rapidly increasing 
 number of claims;^" in his message, he urged the 
 immediate repeal of the act, which, if left on the 
 statute book, afforded an opening for the perpetration 
 of frauds on the state. The act was repealed March 
 13, 1875. 
 
 In March, also, provision was made for submitting 
 the all absorbing question of a constitutional conven- 
 tion to the people, and an election was ordered to be 
 
 '"Under the act of 1870, a person entitled to the pension would receive 
 ^50 if not wounded, and $500 if wounded, commencing from Jan. 1, 1871. 
 Gov. Davis considered that there were not at that time 100 persons in the 
 state justly entitled to the pension, yet Comptroller Bledsoe, under his con- 
 struction of the act, soon found 283 claimants. Speech ofEx-gov. Davis, Oct. 
 4, 1880, p. 13, in Otm's Hiat. Austin. 
 
 * Davis says that Darden and Coke, in the course of a year or so, issued 
 $1,115,000 worth of bonds in pension. ' Some 1,100 persons had turned up 
 as veterans of the struggle between Texas and Mexico. ' 
 
NEW CONSTITUTION. 515 
 
 held for that purpose, and for delegates on August 
 2d. On the appointed day 69,583 votes were cast for 
 the convention, and 30,549 against it. The delegates " 
 having been duly elected, the convention assembled at 
 Austin, September 6, 1875, and completed its labors 
 November 24th, on which day it adjourned. The 
 constitution which it framed was submitted to the 
 people for ratification February 17, 1876, when 136, 
 606 votes were cast in favor of it, and 56,652 against 
 it. A general election was held on the same day, and 
 the regular democratic state ticket elected. Coke was 
 reelected governor, by a majority of over 102,000 
 votes, having polled 150,418 against 47,719 cast for 
 William Chambers. ^^ 
 
 Some very striking changes are noticeable in the 
 constitution of 1876. In the bill of rights, the pro- 
 visions of the constitution of 1869 that declared seces- 
 sion a heresy, and that the constitution and laws of 
 United States are the supreme law of the land, are 
 stricken ouf With respect to the legislative de- 
 
 '''The names of the delegates, with their places of residence and nativity, 
 as also their occupations, will be found in Walsh and Pilgrim's Direct. Oonstit. 
 Convert. , 1-3. The 30 districts sent up eighty-nine delegates, of whom 75 were 
 democrats and 14 republicans, four of whom were negroes. The greater 
 portion of the delegates were natives of the southern states, there being only 
 four native Texans. 
 
 ^■' U. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 47, sess. 2, i., doc. 8, 71; Thrall, 437. 
 
 ^ For the purpose of comparison, I copy the preambles and corresponding 
 provisions in the two constitutions. 
 
 Constitution of Texas, 1869: We, the people of Texas, acknowledging 
 with gratitude the grace of God in permitting us to make a choice of our 
 form of government, do hereby ordain and establish this constitution. Art. 
 I. BiU of Rights. That the heresies of nullification and secession, which 
 brought the country to grief, may be eliminated from future political dis- 
 cussion; that public order may be restored, private property and human 
 life protected, and the great principles of liberty and equality secured to us, 
 we declare that: Sec. I. The constitution of the United States, and the laws 
 and treaties made and to be ma,de in pursuance thereof, are acknowledged 
 to be the supreme law; that this constitution is framed in harmony with, and 
 in subordination thereto, and that the fundamental principles embodied 
 herein can only be changed subject to the national authority. 
 
 Constitution of Texas, 1876: Preamble. Humbly invoking the blessing 
 of Almighty, the people of the state of Texas do ordain and establish this 
 constitution. Art. I BiE of Rights. That the general, great, and essential 
 principles of liberty and free government may be recognized and established, 
 we declare: Sec. I. Texas is a free and independent state, subject only to 
 the constitution of the United States; and the maintenance of our free insti- 
 tutions, and the perpetuity of the union depend upon the preservation of the 
 
616 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 partment, provision was made to increase the number 
 of members of the house of representatives to 150, at 
 the rate of one additional member for each 15,000 in- 
 habitants at each fresh apportionment. The number 
 of senators was permanently fixed at thirty-one. The 
 legislature was to meet every two years, and when- 
 ever especially convened by the governor. The 
 governor's term of office was reduced to two years, 
 and his salary from $5,000 to $4,000. All vacancies 
 in state or district offices were to be filled by ap- 
 pointments of the governor, with the consent of two- 
 thirds of the senate. The judicial power was vested 
 in one supreme court, consisting of a chief justice and 
 two associate justices, a court of appeals composed of 
 three judges, and district, county, and other courts. The 
 state was divided into twenty-six judicial districts, and 
 the office of district attorney was abolished. Article 
 VI. of the constitution of 1869, respecting the right of 
 suffrage, was stricken out, and another substituted, in 
 which no mention is made of "race, color, or former 
 condition." Provision was made that separate schools 
 should be provided for the white and colored children ; 
 and foreign immigration was discountenanced." 
 
 The 15th legislature met in April 1876, and the 
 formality of the reinauguration of the governor and 
 lieutenant-governor was observed. In his message to 
 the legislature, G-overnor Coke criticised the new con- 
 stitution, and pointing out defects, recommended that 
 the legislature propose the necessary amendments 
 which it was empowered to do."* The judiciary arti- 
 
 right of local self-governmeut unimpaired to all the states. Sec. II. All 
 political power is inherent in the people, and aU free governments are 
 founded on their authority, and instituted for their benefit. The faith of 
 the people of Texas stands pledged to the preservation of a republican form 
 of government, and subject to this limitation only, they have at all times 
 the inalienable right to alter, reform, or abolish their government in such a 
 manner as they may think expedient. Copies of both constitution wiU be 
 found in U. 8. Gliart. and Gonstit., ii., 1801-56. 
 
 ''^ Sec. 56 of Art. XVI., reads thus: ' The legislature shaU have no power 
 to appropriate any of the public money for the establishment and main- 
 tenance of a bureau of immigration, or for any purpose of bringing immi- 
 grants to this state. ' 
 
 ^^ Art. XVII. provided that by a vote of two-thirds of all the members 
 
DEFECTS IN CONSTITUTION. 517 
 
 cle occupied his special attention. He considered the 
 system framed in it so faulty, inefficient, and expen- 
 sive, that in his judgment it would be better not to 
 attempt to amend it, but to substitute an entirely 
 new article. He describes its prominent faults in the 
 following words : " It provides for two high courts of 
 last resort, giving supremacy to neither, a<id leaves 
 the country to be vexed with uncertainty as to what 
 is the law when conflicting opinions are announced by 
 these tribunals. It established county courts, con- 
 ferring on them extensive general and statutory juris- 
 diction, and prescribes no qualification for the judges, 
 thus submitting at least half of the litigation of the 
 country, and the administration of the laws to judges, 
 many of whom are utterly uninformed of the laws 
 they must administer, leaving suitors no remedy for 
 inevitable injustice, except an expensive appeal to a 
 distant court. It abolishes the office of district at- 
 torney, heretofore filled by men of learning, ability, 
 and experience, and substitutes that of county at- 
 torney, most frequently to be fiUed by inexperienced 
 men, leaving many counties without prosecutors at 
 all, where they are most needed, thereby paralyzing 
 the efficiency of the laws, exempting criminals from 
 punishment, and inviting an increase of lawlessness 
 and crime, so difficult to repress under the most rigid 
 enforcement of the laws." Moreover, it extended the 
 jurisdiction of justices of the peace over matters and 
 rights too important to be submitted to the judgment 
 of men usually unlearned in the law ; it failed in some 
 instances to provide for appeals ; it provided insufficient 
 salaries for district judges ; and surrendered the peo- 
 ple, in a considerable portion of the state, "to the 
 domination of uneducated and ignorant suffrage," in 
 three-fourths of their litigation. 
 
 On the subject of taxation he calls attention to the 
 
 elected to each house, the legislature might propose amendments to the con- 
 stitution, which were to be published and submitted to the people for ratifi- 
 cation. 
 
618 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 glaring inconsistency in the rates assigned to cities 
 and towns of 10,000 inhabitants and less, and those 
 containing more than 10,000 inhabitants. Sections 
 4 and 5, article XI., provided that the maximum rate 
 of taxation for the support of the municipal govern- 
 ment of the former should never exceed one-fourth 
 of one per centum, and for the latter two and one 
 half per centum. The enormous difference between 
 these rates, he remarks, the utter inefficiency of the 
 one, and the excessiveness of the other, are suggestive 
 of inadvertence or mistake. His views with respect to 
 the constitutional prohibition upon the encouragement 
 of immigration were condemnatory. He regarded it as 
 unwise and contrary to the plainest dictates of a proper 
 policy. No amendments of the constitution in con- 
 formity with his suggestions have hitherto been made. 
 
 While the governor was able to report a greatly 
 improved condition of affairs on the Indian frontier, 
 and that the predatory incursions of the savages were 
 becoming rare, he could not make a similar favorable 
 statement with regard to the Mexican border troubles. 
 Unfortunately the depredations of Mexican robbers 
 on the east side of the Rio Grande had continued 
 almost without interruption, and with increasiag bold- 
 ness and audacity. Murder, robbery, and conflagra- 
 tion had marked the track of their raids ; the energies 
 of that portion of the country were paralized, its 
 wealth was destroyed, and the terror under which 
 people lived threatened depopulation. 
 
 On May 5tli Coke was elected senator to the United 
 States' congress, but continued to exercise the func- 
 tions of executive till December 1st whea he re- 
 signed,'" and Lieutenant-governor Hubbard succeeded 
 to the office." 
 
 *^The executive officers during Coke's administration were the following: 
 S. H. Darden, coinptroUer; A. J. Dorn, treasurer; J". J. Groos, land com- 
 misaiouer; A. W. DeBerry, secretary of state; O. >f. Holliugsworth, supt 
 pub. instruction; William Steele, adjutant-general; Geo. Claj-k, attorney- 
 general, also H. H. Boone; Jerome B. Robertson, supt. bureau of immigra- 
 tion. Wahli, and Pilgrim's Direct. Gonstit. Ciyiiven., 4; TJirall, 437. 
 
 ■" Rioiiard B. Hubbard was born in Georgia in 1834; graduated at Mercer 
 
SALT LAKES RIOT. 519 
 
 During Goveraor Hubbard's administration a seri- 
 ous trouble arose between the Texan and Mexican 
 citizens of El Paso county. The particulars are as 
 follow: In December, 1877, a riot occurred at San 
 Elizario, arising from interference with the right of 
 Mexican citizens of Texas to the free use of the 
 Guadalupe salt lakes, lying 90 miles east of that 
 town. The anger of the people was aggravated by a 
 personal feud existing between two leading inhabi- 
 tants, Charles H. Howard, and Louis Cardis, who 
 was extremely popular with the Mexicans. Howard, 
 having located certain salt deposits, endeavored to 
 establish a private occupation of them, and the right 
 to exact pay for salt taken therefrom. Cardis insti- 
 gated the Mexican citizens of El Paso county to re- 
 sist this encroachment upon their rights, ^° and when 
 Howard with the county judge and a justice of the 
 peace, endeavored to force noatters by attempting to 
 arrest certain parties engaged in the business at San 
 Elizario, they themselves were seized by a mob of 
 Mexicans who threatened to take Howard's life. 
 Through the efforts of Cardis and Pierre Bourgade, 
 the priest of the parish, they were released, Howard 
 being compelled to sign a bond for $12,000 with sure- 
 ties, engaging to leave the county and not return. 
 This occurred at the end of September, 1877, and 
 Howard retired to New Mexico. 
 
 But at the beginning of October, notwithstanding 
 his pledge, he returned to El Paso where, on the 10th 
 of the same month, he shot and instantly killed Cardis 
 without a word of warning. Cardis, though an 
 
 university in 1851, and at Harvard law school in 1852. In the following 
 year he migrated to Texas and settled at Tyler, Smith county. He was ap- 
 pointed U. S. district attorney in 1856, and was representative for his dis- 
 trict in the legislature in 1858. When the civil war broke out he com- 
 manded the 22d regiment Texas infantry, and was promoted later to the 
 command of a brigade. In 1872 he was elector on the Greeley ticket. 
 
 28 Both under the Spanish and Mexican govts the free use of these salt 
 deposits had been granted to the citizens of towns on both sides of the Rio 
 Grande. The Texan citizens of Mexican descent maintained that the treaty, 
 by which the territorj' wherein the salt lakes lie was transferred to the U. S., 
 did not extinguish the right of the public to them. 
 
620 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 Italian, by birth, possessed the entire confidence of 
 the Mexican population, being regarded as a friend 
 and champion; indeed he had been elected to repre- 
 sent their interests in the legislature. His death ex- 
 cited the most angry feelings, and a determination to 
 take vengeance on the murderer whenever an oppor- 
 tunity might present itself Howard, after the perpe- 
 tration of the deed, went back to New Mexico. 
 
 The exasperation of the Mexican inhabitants of 
 San Elizario displayed itself in the beginning of 
 November, when about 200 men collected with vio- 
 lent demonstrations against Howard's bondsmen, from 
 whom they demanded payment of the $12,000, and 
 whose lives they threatened to take. Major John 
 B. Jones, of the frontier battalion of Texan rangers 
 opportunely arrived, and by his representations the 
 malecontents were prevented from proceeding to vio- 
 lence and agreed to disperse. 
 
 On November 16th, Howard returned to El Paso 
 where he surrendered himself, and was admitted to 
 bail on a bond for $4,000. Somewhat later a train 
 of wagons left San Elizario for the salt deposits, and 
 were expected to return by December 12th. When 
 Howard, who was at Mesilla, heard of this he deter- 
 mined to enforce his rights, and on the evening of 
 that day, with about 25 Texan Rangers, under Lieu- 
 tenant J. B. Tays, entered San Elizario for the pur- 
 pose of assisting the sheriff to execute writs of at- 
 tachment on the cargoes of salt. Whereupon the 
 Mexican population rose in arms, being presently 
 joined by a number of Mexicans from the other side 
 of the river. Howard and John G. Atkinson, one of 
 his bondsmen, took refuge in the rangers' quarters, 
 but Charles E. Ellis, another bondsman, while en- 
 deavoring to do the same, was killed in the streets. 
 On the following morning Sergeant C. E. Mortimer 
 was shot while within 100 yards of the quarters, 
 which were forthwith laid siege to by the rioters, and 
 firin'r commenced. 
 
PERFIDIOUS MEXICANS. 521 
 
 The besiegers repeatedly demanded the surrender 
 of Howard, which was as often refused, their intention 
 to kUl him being well known. On the 1 7th, however, 
 it appears that the position of the assailed was con- 
 sidered so desperate that Lieutenant Tays and How- 
 ard went out to confer with the rioters, who promised 
 the latter his life if he would relinquish all claim to 
 the salt lakes. As there was no one to interpret for 
 them, Atkinson was sent for, and on his arrival some 
 arrangement was made by him with the insurgents,''" 
 upon which the rangers surrendered, whereupon 
 they were immediately disarmed and confined. 
 
 A meeting was now held by the ring-leaders, at 
 which it was decided to put to death Howard, Atkin- 
 son, and Sergeant McBride, a ranger who had made 
 himself very obnoxious to the Mexican element. 
 Thereupon these men were led out and shot, Howard 
 first. Had it not been for the influence of Chico Ba- 
 rela, the chief leader of the mob, all would have been 
 killed ; as it was, the rangers were permitted to depart, 
 stripped of their arms and equipments. The store 
 and mill of Ellis were sacked, and other robberies 
 committed, as usual on such outbreaks. 
 
 Meantime the United States' district commander, 
 Colonel Edward Hatch, hastened with troops to San 
 Elizario, where he arrived on the 2 2d. He made 
 such a disposition of his soldiers at Socorro, Ysleta, 
 and Franklin as to stop all further violence, and restore 
 order and confidence. Most of the principal actors in 
 this tragedy escaped into Mexico, while several per- 
 sons resisting arrest were killed by rangers sent after 
 them by the sheriff. The Mexican authorities on the 
 opposite side of the river seem to have been powerless 
 to prevent their people from taking part in this riot. 
 A large gathering had collected at El Paso, Mexico, 
 to attend the annual fair held there December 12th, 
 
 ■■'5 According to the account given by an eye-witnesa to the MemUa Inde- 
 pendent, N. Max., Atkinson gave $11,000 in specie, currency, and drafts, on 
 condition that he, Howard, and the rangers should be permitted to depart 
 •without molestation. 8an Josi Pioneer, Aug. 24, 1878. 
 
622 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 and it was impossible to control the great number of 
 bad characters that had assembled in the vicinity." 
 
 At the election held November 5, 1878, Oran M. 
 Roberts was chosen governor, Joseph D. Sayers lieu- 
 tenant-governor, S. H. Darden comptroller, F. R. 
 Lubbock treasurer, and W. C. Walsh land commis- 
 sioner. George McCormick, George F. Moore, and 
 M. H. Bonner were respectively elected attorney- 
 general, chief justice, and associate justice. All these 
 successful candidates were nominated by the state 
 democratic convention, which had met at Austin in 
 July. 
 
 On retiring from the executive office, January 14, 
 1879, Governor Hubbard, in his message of that date, 
 supplies the legislature with a succinct and clear ac- 
 count of the financial condition of the state during the 
 period from August 31, 1876, to September 1, 1878, 
 from which it appears that the total receipts were 
 $3,306,059.82 currency, and $81,297.10 in specie; the 
 disbursements for all expenses of the government, in- 
 cluding public schools and frontier defence, amounted 
 to $3,227,362.55 currency, and $49,880.77 )ecie, 
 leaving a balance in the treasury of $78,697. z,/ cur- 
 rency and $31,416.33 specie. With regard to the 
 public debt, he reported that it amounted to $5,086,783, 
 of which $5,034,109 were bonded," and $52,674 float- 
 ing, showing a decrease of $123,290. Indeed, the 
 financial condition of the state was very favorable, her 
 
 ** Fuller particulars will be found in U. S. H. Ex, Doc, cong. 45, sess. 2, 
 xvii., nos 84 and 93. See also J. P. Hague's Acct, MS., and San Josi Pkmeer, 
 ut sup. The Mexicans were finally obliged to submit to the tax, paying 81 
 per fanega — about 2^ bushels. M. Misc. Doc, cong. 47, sess. 2, ii. 1025. 
 This affair is known as the Salt war. 
 
 '1 Portions of the pubHc debt had been bonded at intervals from Nov. 19, 
 1866. On July 6, 1876, an act was passed to provide for the payment of the 
 bonds due and returnable in the years 1876 and 1877, and to make provisions 
 for the iloating indebtedness of the state, and to supply deficiencies in the reve- 
 nue by the sales of these bonds of the state, and to make an appropriation to 
 carry into efiect the provisions of the same. Under this act the governor 
 was authorized to dispose of bonds to the amount of $1,675,000, payable 30 
 years from July 1, 1876, in gold coin, and bearing 6 per cent interest. Mes- 
 sage, Jan. 14, 1879, 8. 
 
GOVERNOR ROBERTS. 523 
 
 credit being such that her bonds, bearing an interest 
 of six per centum, sold in New York at a premium of 
 two and a half per centum. 
 
 _ The policy of Governor Roberts," as expounded in 
 his inaugural address, aimed at important changes. 
 He objected to positive laws limiting judicial discre- 
 tion from fear of abuse of power; he deprecated the 
 present system of procrastination in the sale of the 
 public lands, thereby burdening the present genera- 
 tion with taxes for the doubtful benefit of future gen- 
 erations; and he advocated the disposal of the public 
 lands at a fair value as soon as practicable, so as to 
 meet the obligations of the government, increase the 
 school and other funds, and relieve the present gen- 
 eration from an onerous taxation, imposed for the dim 
 prospect of a future good which would never be realized. 
 On January 27th he sent a special message to the 
 legislature on the judiciary, in which, like Coke, he 
 advocated amendments of the constitution, one of 
 which savored somewhat of a dislike to the utter 
 overthrow of everything in the form of centralism. '' 
 He recommended that district attorneys should be 
 appointed by the governor, and be removable at his 
 pleasure. His reasons were not without some force. 
 "The district attorney," he said, "is peculiarly an 
 
 '^Oran M. Roberts was bom, 1815, in S. C, and educated at the univer- 
 sity of Alabama. Selecting law as his profession, he commenced practice in 
 1838 in that state, but in 1841 migrated to Texas. Having settled at San 
 Augustine, he became district attorney in 1844, and district judge the year 
 following. After annexation, he resumed the practice of his profession, 
 which he continued until 1857, when he was elected one of the associate jus- 
 tices of the supreme court. In 1861, he was chosen president of the secession 
 convention, assembled at Austin, and in that capacity, acting under its au- 
 thority, proclaimed Texas a free and independent state. In 1862, Roberta 
 raised a regiment for confederate army, and was attached to Gen. Walker's 
 division, but was afterward elected chief justice of the state. He was in the 
 first reconstruction convention in 1866, and the ensuing legislature elected 
 him to the U. S. senate, but he was not allowed to take his seat. He then 
 resumed the practice of his profession. In 1874, the supreme court having 
 been reorganized, he was restored to his position as chief justice, and was 
 re-elected in 1876. Hartford's Tex. State Reg., 1879, 127; Om. Inaug. Ad., 
 Jan. 1879, 11. 
 
 '^ Gov. Coke also considered that the rebound from centralism had been 
 too excessive. He wished the power of the executive not to be so much cur-- 
 tailed. 
 
524 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 executive officer, representing the state; and, as the 
 governor is required by the constitution to see that 
 the laws are executed, he should be given full control 
 of the attorney for the state to enable him to do it, 
 and then he may be justly held responsible for it. 
 As it is now, every district attorney and county at- 
 torney in the state is an independent executive 
 officer." " He was, however, unsuccessful in his 
 attempt to have the constitution amended. 
 
 On June 10, 1879, Governor Roberts convened an 
 exta session of the legislature, and submitted no 
 less than 39 different matters for its action thereon. 
 The most important were : to make an appropriation 
 for the annual payment of the interest on the public 
 bonded debt, and for a sinking fund for the ultimate 
 discharge of that debt; to provide for the sale of the 
 public lands and those pertaining to the university, 
 the free schools, and the asylums ; apd to make ap- 
 propriations for the support of those institutions, out 
 of the interest of the state bonds and railroad bonds, 
 at that time amounting to over $3,000,000. Other 
 matters were the amendment of old laws and the pas- 
 sage of new ones for the better government of the 
 country generally. 
 
 The system of removal or extermination as applied 
 to the Indians in Texas, has been thoroughly carried 
 out. For many years after the removal of the Indian 
 colonists in 1859, the frontier suffered from devasta- 
 tions committed by wild tribes, which found a safe 
 retreat in uninhabited regions of the United States 
 and Mexico. '"* The Comanches and Kickapoos proved 
 themselves conspicuously troublesome, the former 
 claiming the country as their own, and the right to 
 make raids into it. and the latter declaring themselves at 
 
 '*Gov. Roberts' Message to the 15th Leflis., 1879, 13. 
 
 " In 1866 permission was granted by the Mexican aathorities to Capt. 
 Brotherton, to cross the frontier in pursuit of Indian marauders, ^ea;. Col. 
 Leg., D. C, 63-7, iii. 3-6. 
 
BOUNDARY. 52§ 
 
 war with Texas, though not with the United States. 
 Within the territory of the state itself few Indians 
 remained, since it appears that in 1870 there were 
 only 500 Tonkawas and Lipans, and a few years later 
 Texas was relieved from the hostile incursions of the 
 Kickapoos, who were removed to a reservation on 
 Indian Territory.'" Since that time all hostile Indians 
 have been subdued, and by 1882 the remnant of 
 harmless natives within the borders of the state had 
 been reduced to 108 souls, men, women, and children." 
 
 Under the terms of the annexation treaty of 1845, 
 Texas retained possession of all vacant and unappro- 
 priated lands within her boundaries ; but from that 
 time to the present the boundary has not been defi- 
 nitely settled. A dispute has occurred, arising out of 
 the old treaty with Spain of February 22, 1819,'' in 
 which the Red river is made the boundary between 
 the 94th and 100th degree west longitude from Green- 
 wich. At the date when this treaty was made but 
 little information had been obtained respecting the 
 region extending along the upper portion of Red 
 river, nor was it known that the river was divided 
 into two branches — now called the north and west 
 forks — between the 99th and the 100th meridians. 
 As late as 1848 all maps described Red river as a 
 continuous stream, the north fork not being laid down 
 upon them. By an exploration, however, made in 
 
 '^ By act of congress, June 22, 1874. A portion of the Kickapoos refused 
 to leave Mexico, where they had made their new home. A promise was 
 given by the Mexican authorities to locate them on a reservation at such a 
 distance from the border line as to prevent, with the supervision that would 
 be exercised, any further disturbance from them. Prior to the civil war 
 this tribe was located in Texas. U. 8. Sen. Misc., cong. 45, sess. 2, i., no. 23. 
 
 ^' They were located in the vicinity of Fort Griffin, Shackelford county. 
 They had no reservation, and were dependent to a, great extent upon the 
 whims of the land owners of the surrounding country; had no stock, and 
 lived in brush-houses and topees. They had always been friendly to the 
 whites and were weU contented. An insufficient appropriation for their 
 support was annually made by the U. S. government, and the citizens of 
 Texas had assisted them from time to time. Sec. Interior Sept., 1882, 207, 
 400, 430; Id., cong. 41, sess. 2, 835, 893; U. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 41, sess. 2, 
 doc. 136, 17, 21; H. Ex. Doc, cong. 47, sess. 2, xxi., no. 77, 64. 
 
 =»Seepp. 46-7 this vol 
 
526 TEXAS RESTORED. 
 
 1852 by captains Marcy and McClellan, under the 
 direction of the war department, it was discovered 
 that there were two main branches to the river 
 proper; but, probably owing to the inaccuracy of 
 their instruments, the explorers located the 100th 
 meridian below the junction. In 1857 the commis- 
 sioner of Indian affairs, who wished to know the 
 boundary between the Choctaw and Chickasaw coun- 
 tries, caused an astronomical survey to be made for 
 the purposes of ascertaining the true meridian, which 
 was found to be 80 miles west of the junction of the 
 two forks, the surveyors designating Prairie Dog 
 Fork, that is South Fork, as the main branch. Texas 
 at once questioned this designation, and congress 
 passed an act, approved June 5, 1858, authorizing the 
 president in conjunction with the state of Texas to 
 mark out the boundary line. Commissioners on both 
 sides were appointed who proceeded to do their work 
 in 1860. No agreement, however, could be arrived 
 at, and Texas, adopting the report of her commis- 
 sioner, established the territory in dispute — about 
 2,000 square miles in area — as a county under the 
 name of Greer.'" In 1882 a biU was before congress 
 seeking to establish the North Fork as the true 
 boundary, but hitherto no settlement of the question 
 has been attained. Meantime complications have 
 arisen, through persons claiming to exercise rights on 
 the disputed land under the jurisdiction of the state 
 of Texas; conflicts have taken place, and blood has 
 been shed, owing to procrastination in the adjustment 
 of the disputed claim." 
 
 On the 16th of January 1883 John Ireland, having 
 been chosen governor, assumed office and was suc- 
 ceeded, in January 1887, by L. S. Ross. No state 
 in the Union has passed through more political vicissi- 
 
 5' In an act of congress of Feb. 24, 1879, 'to create the northern judicial 
 district of the state of Texas,' etc., Greer county is included in the district 
 U. 8. Statutes, 1878-9, 318. 
 
 ^'The question having been agitated for so many years the references re- 
 specting it are very numerous. The above sketch is derived from Sec 
 Interior Sept, 1882, 15; Cf. S. H. Septs, cong. 47, sess. 1, v., no. 1282. 
 
MANY FURNACE FIRES. 527 
 
 tudes than Texas. During the present century her 
 people have fought and bled under no less than five 
 different national flags, representing as many different 
 governments. First we find her with a sparse popu- 
 lation among which might be found some few indi- 
 viduals of the Anglo-American race, under the royal 
 standard of Spain, ruled by monarchical laws; next 
 the eagle of the Mexican republic dictates the form 
 of government, and exasperates by oppression the free- 
 spirited settlers from the United States ; then follow 
 revolt and a short but sanguinary struggle for inde- 
 pendence, terminating in the establishment of the 
 Texan republic with its emblematic lone star flag. 
 After a brief existence, however, as a sovereign nation, 
 Texas was content to repose beneath the standard 
 of the stars and stripes, which in turn she threw 
 aside to fight under the confederate banner. Such 
 is the outline of her career. The land which was 
 once the abode of savages has been converted into a 
 civilii^ed country which will prove a center of human 
 development. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 INSTITXJTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 1835-1888. 
 
 Rapid Progress — Population — Social Advancement — ^Decrease or 
 Crime — The State Capitol — The Huntsvillb Penitentiaiit — Re- 
 form OP Abuses — Rusk Penitentiary — Charitable Institutions — 
 Asylum fob the Deaf and Dumb— The Institute por the Blind — 
 Insane Asylum — Development of Education — Appropriations for 
 THE Establishment op Free Schools — The Public School System — 
 Statistics — Founding of the Texas University — The Agricultubal 
 AND Mechanical College — First Protestant Chukches — Marriage 
 by Bond Legalized — Ecclesiastical Statistics — First Printing 
 Press in Texas — Early Newspapers — Texas Editorial and Press 
 Association. 
 
 Short as has been lier life, the commonwealth of 
 Texas has had a varied experience ; first as the border- 
 land of contending colonies, then a lone republic, as 
 member of the great federation, member of the south- 
 ern confederacy, and finally reinstated as one of the 
 still unbroken union. The annals of her past career, 
 as we have seen, are replete with stories of romantic 
 events, and persevering struggles to shake oflF the 
 leaden weight of impeding influences, and elevate her- 
 self to the proud level of advancing civilization. Her 
 future is bright; she has entered the broad highway 
 of universal progress, and henceforth her march will 
 be one of unprecedented prosperity. A marvellous 
 rapidity has already marked her onward course to 
 wealth and happiness. Probably there never was a 
 country which entered upon the long and brilliant 
 progressional career which we may confidently look 
 forward to in this instance, under more favorable 
 
 ( (528 ) 
 
DEVELOPMENT. 529 
 
 auspices than this state. Although older than any 
 of the more northern Pacific states, it has developed 
 more slowly, and has avoided many of their mistakes. 
 The great curse of California is not here entailed. 
 The people are still freemen, and the law-makers and 
 public officials are their servants. There is little or 
 no public debt; their public lands are their own, and 
 they have not all fallen into the hands of sharpers 
 and speculators; they rule the railroad companies 
 instead of being ruled by them; unjust and oppressive 
 monopolies are not permitted. Here are the seeds of 
 life instead of the elements of disease and death. 
 With her vast area of tUlable and grazing lands, a 
 people rapidly increasing in numbers, wealth, and re- 
 finement ; with young and healthy institutions resting 
 on honest republican foundations; with a determina- 
 tion on the part of the people to admit within theu" 
 borders no species of despotism, no form of tyranny, 
 there is no height of grandeur to which this common- 
 wealth may not reasonably aspire. 
 
 Indian depredations on the frontier have ceased, 
 and cattle-raiding on the Rio Grande border-land will 
 soon be a trouble of the past ; lawlessness and crime 
 are yielding to fearless administration of justice and 
 the application of the laws, and order is sweeping 
 from her path the refuse that for decades obstructed 
 the progress of large portions of the state. 
 
 The advancing strides made by Texas since the 
 civil war, toward the goal where lofty aspirations will 
 win the prize of unalloyed prosperity, are strikingly 
 exhibited by official statistics on population, agricul- 
 ture, commerce, industries, and developing enterprises. 
 According to the census returns of the United States, 
 the total population of Texas in 1860, was 604,215; 
 in 1888 it could not be far short of 3,000,000. From 
 the same source it appears that in 1860, there were 
 51,569 farmers, 2,576 stock-raisers, 2,223 merchants, 
 and 1,502 school teachers. In 1880 there were 200,- 
 404 farmers and planters, 14,031 persons engaged in 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 84 
 
530 
 
 INSTITUTIONAIi AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 stock-raising, including drovers and herders, 10,964 
 traders and dealers, exclusive of clerks and employes 
 in stores, and 4,334 teachers.' In connection with 
 this extraordinary increase of population, due mainly 
 to immigration, it will be proper to compare the 
 social and political condition of the people with what 
 it was quarter of a century ago, — as described in 
 chapter XV of this volume — and just subsequent to 
 the war. 
 
 During the reconstruction period the condition of 
 the people of Texas, from all points of view, may be 
 considered to have reached its lowest ebb. The 
 sudden elevation of the freedmen to the rights of citizen- 
 ship and suffrage, overwhelmed for a time the white 
 population at the polls, and the colored inhabitants 
 with their partisans, the "black leaguers," carried 
 their candidates for all state offices. As a result of 
 this abrupt change from slavery to political equality 
 with the whites, not only was a conflict between the 
 two races inaugurated, but the debased negroes, no 
 longer debarred the use of spirituous liquor, under its 
 influence incessantly, engaged in frays among them- 
 selves, which generally terminated in bloodshed. The 
 number of murders committed during this period was 
 unparalleled in any epoch of Texan history, as I have 
 
 'The folio-wing table, made from the U. S. census returns, will enable 
 the reader to mark the rapid increase in population: 
 
 
 1850 
 
 I860 
 
 1870 
 
 1880 
 
 White 
 
 154,034 
 58,558 
 
 420,891 
 
 182,921 
 
 403 
 
 564,700 
 
 253,475 
 
 379 
 
 25 
 
 1,197,237 
 
 Black 
 
 393,384 
 
 Indian 
 
 992 
 
 Chinese 
 
 136 
 
 
 212,592 
 
 604,215 
 
 818,579 
 
 1,591,749 
 
 According to the state bureau of statistics, the population in 1884 was 
 2,215,700, sliowing an increase at the rate of over 155,000 a year. 
 
 W. 0. Hamilton, representative in the legislature from Comanche and 
 Brown counties, has lately introduced among other important bills, one to 
 provide for the taking of a state census, with a strong probability of its be- 
 coming a law. Hamilton was born in Georgia, June .SO, 1854, ^vas admitted 
 to the bar in 1879, in which year he went to Texas and settled in Comanche 
 county. In 1880 he was elected county attorney, and iu Nov. 1884, to the 
 legislature, Biog,, MS. 
 
SOCIETY. 531 
 
 shown,' and what was worse, the judiciary was inade- 
 quate to punish. Intimidation ruled the law courts, 
 party spirit swayed the jury boxes, and local public 
 passion dictated verdicts. Hence lynch law was 
 more operative than the penal code. But this chaos 
 was not destined to endure. The flood of immigra- 
 tion which set in from the states and all parts of 
 Europe after the war, soon turned the scale. It mat- 
 tered not whence the immigrant came, he was ready 
 to support the white race against the black leaguers. 
 A "white league" started into existence, and in 18 7 4 
 was triumphant. The short-lived supremacy of the 
 black league was destroyed forever in Texas. 
 
 Since that victory, hundreds of thousands of new 
 settlers have made Texas their home, and their ad- 
 vent has tended, more than any other cause, to sup- 
 press lawlessness and crime, and build up an orderly 
 and law-abiding community. Drawn from countries 
 where the rigid laws of monarchical governments 
 compelled obedience and secured order, or proceeding 
 from older states where well-regulated society had 
 developed under the more liberal principles of repub- 
 licanism, they brought with them an abhorrence of 
 savagism and a love of social fraternity. They wished 
 to pursue their industrious and progressive vocations in 
 peace, and turbulence found no encouragement among 
 them. Thus it was that, under the new constitution 
 of 1876, a code of laws, as stem in the punishment of 
 crime as those prescribed in any civilized country, has 
 been framed; and more than this, in Texas to-day, 
 the laws against criminals are enforced with a degree 
 of vigor and undeviating justice observable in no other 
 
 2 Hep-worth Dixon writing in 1875 saya: 'We learn on good anthority, 
 that there were 3,000 murders in Texas last year, and that nearly all these 
 murders were committed by negroes on their brother blacks. ' White Conquest, 
 i. 331. It is to such superficial enquirers and writers as Dixon, who are apt 
 to accept and put into print any wild information supplied to them, that 
 Texas is indebted for much of the bad reputation which she gained at one 
 ti m e. But if this gross exaggeration were true ; if indeed, all the African voters 
 had killed each other, instead of only 3,000; and if the low Irish voters had 
 done likewise, the world would still turn round, and United States politics 
 would be as pure as it now is. 
 
532 
 
 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTEKS. 
 
 state of the union.' Nevertheless, the people are still 
 ready to take the law into their own hands. Mur- 
 derers caught red-handed, horse-stealers, and ravishers 
 of women are apt to have justice summarily dealt out 
 to them by a crowd of indignant citizens, who, when 
 the case is clear, are too impatient to tolerate the 
 slow process of the criminal courts.* Under the in- 
 fluence of this judicial spectre, threatening immediate 
 punishment, and the prompt and reliable application 
 of the laws in the tribunals, crime in Texas is decreas- 
 ing in a marked degree.* 
 
 ' For instance: the punishment for rape is death. On July 5, 1883, a man 
 ■was hanged for this crime in Ysleta, El Paso county. He was a discharged 
 soldier, on his way through the country to the eastern states. 
 
 * During the six months ending June 30, 1885, no less than 31 persons 
 were lynched in Texas. The number of scoundrels thus executed in all the 
 states and territories during the same period was 99, Texas heading the list, 
 followed by Tennessee and the Indian Territory, each with seven. Of the 
 total number thus put to death, 58 were white and 41 black. The crimes 
 they suffered for were: murder 44, horse-stealing 31, rape 14, incendiarism 
 3, train-wrecking 2, murderous assault 2, unknown reasons 2, and 1 for bur- 
 glary. S. F. Bulletin, July 23, 1885, copied from CMcatjo Trilmne. 
 
 ^ By consulting the following tables of criminal statistics for the four years 
 succeeding the adoption of the new constitution, the reader will be able to 
 form a comparative estimate of the proportionate decrease of crime as regards 
 increased population, and the increase of convictions, thereby showing the 
 growing efficiency of the tribunals. 
 
 INDICTMENTS 
 
 Murder . . 
 Theft .... 
 Arson . . . . 
 Perjury.. 
 Rape . . . . . 
 Eobbery . 
 Forgery . . 
 Burglary . 
 
 Totals. 
 
 CONVICTIONS 
 
 Murder . . 
 Theft.... 
 Arson . . . . 
 Perjury. . 
 
 Eape 
 
 Robbery . 
 Forgery . . 
 Burglary . 
 
 Totals . 
 
 1877 
 
 1878 
 
 1879 
 
 398 
 
 549 
 
 344 
 
 2,260 
 
 2,371 
 
 2,081 
 
 26 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 82 
 
 90 
 
 79 
 
 53 
 
 53 
 
 34 
 
 51 
 
 49 
 
 47 
 
 85 
 
 256 
 
 155 
 
 175 
 
 154 
 
 183 
 
 3,130 
 
 3,546 
 
 2,942 
 
 
 
 115 
 
 71 
 
 122 
 
 471 
 
 558 
 
 651 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 24 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 19 
 
 58 
 
 61 
 
 82 
 
 641 
 
 799 
 
 907 
 
 1880 
 
 259 
 
 1,758 
 
 23 
 
 74 
 
 44 
 
 99 
 
 131 
 
 204 
 
 2,592 
 
 88 
 
 483 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 36 
 
 94 
 
 738 
 
 From the above showing, it appears that whereas in 1877 there were 3,130 
 indictments with only 641 convictions, in 1880 the indictments had decreased 
 to 2,592, and the convictions increased to 738. This shows that a healthy 
 
HOSPITALITY AND REFINEMENT. 533 
 
 In other respects progress in Texas is equally- 
 marked. The log huts have given way to comfortable 
 frame buildings on well-fenced farms, while villa resi- 
 dences of wealthy agriculturalists adorn the country, 
 and in the cities fine edifices and spacious public 
 buildings have been erected. The state capitol at 
 Austin, when completed, will rival in dimensions and 
 magnificence any other edifice of the kind in the 
 United States, with the exception of the national 
 capitol at Washington. ° 
 
 With all this advancement in wealth and elevation, 
 the former characteristics of the Texans still prevail. 
 Hospitality is yet a prominent virtue, and the respect- 
 able stranger or visitor is received with a genuine 
 welcome. He may be called upon to give some ac- 
 count of himself, but inquiries leading to such infor- 
 mation — ^necessary as a provisional safeguard consid- 
 ering the condition that Texas has emerged from — 
 are never impertinently made or inconsiderately 
 pressed. The example set by the southern element 
 in hospitality and other virtues is not without effect 
 
 judicial tone has been inaugurated, but that there is still room for improve- 
 ment. 
 
 * By a provision of the constitution of 1876, art. xvi. sec. 57, 3,000,000 
 acres of the public domain were appropriated for the purpose of erecting a 
 new capitol and other necessary buildings at the seat of government, the 
 lands to be sold ixnder direction of the legislature. The lands appropriated 
 by legislative act, approved Feb. 20, 1879, amounted to 3,050,000 acres, and 
 are situated in the section known as the Panhandle of Texas, being included 
 in the counties of Dallam, Hartley, Oldham, Deaf Smith, Parmer, Castro, 
 Bailey, Lamb, Cochran, and Hockley. In reply to an advertisement of Nov. 
 20, 1880, for plans and specifications, eleven designs were sent in, that of E. 
 E. Myers, architect, Detroit, Michigan, being adopted. The form of the 
 building is that of the Greek cross, with a rotunda and dome at the intersec- 
 tion. Its length is 562 feet, exclusive of porticos, and its greatest width 274 
 ft. Besides the basement and dome, it will comprise three full stories. Ac- 
 cording to the contract, work was to commence on or before Feb. 1, 1882, 
 and the edifice to be completed and delivered on or before Jan. 1, 1888. The 
 contractor, Mattheas Schnell, of Rock Island, 111., engaged to erect the build- 
 ing according to the plan and specifications for the 3,000,000 acres of land. 
 The additional 50,000 acres appropriated by the legislature were set apart to 
 defray the expenses of surveying. Conveyances of lands are made to the 
 contractor by instalments, as the specified requirements as to time and work 
 done are complied with. The original contract has imdergone various modi- 
 fications. The comer-stone was laid March 2, 1885, being the anniversary 
 of the independence of Texas. Tex. Eept Cap. Building Com., Jan. 1, 1883, 
 and 1885. 
 
534 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 on immigrants from foreign climes. While imitating 
 these high principles the latter bring with them a 
 tranquillizing influence, steadily operating in the 
 direction of a higher order of civilization. A na- 
 tional character is gradually being developed by amal- 
 gamation, objectionable distinctions are gradually van- 
 ishing, and refinement is taking the place of coarse- 
 ness.' The day is not far distant when the white 
 people of Texas will be a community homogeneous in 
 feelings, principles, and aspirations. Texas has passed 
 through the furnace of an ill-considered problem ; has 
 been worsted in the argument conducted by bayonet, 
 sword and cannon, and has accepted the result. No 
 spot on earth is more favored with all the resources 
 needed for an advanced condition of progressive devel- 
 opment than is Texas, and her people have long since 
 settled down to their pursuits amid the enjoyment of 
 permanent tranquillity. 
 
 With reference to the criminal statistics given 
 above, it is proper to make some mention of the state 
 penitentiaries. The first provisions for the establish- 
 ment of such an institution was made by the legisla- 
 ture in 1846. In the following year work was com- 
 menced at Huntsville, and 11,000 square yards were 
 in time inclosed with a brick waE. and buildings erected 
 containing 240 cells, the first convict being incarcer- 
 ated October 1, 1849. During the following decade 
 only 412 malefactors were committed, and on Sep- 
 tember 1, 1860 there were no more than 200 convicts 
 in prison. 
 
 The system adopted by the state government was 
 to make the penitentiary self-supporting by convict 
 labor, and in 1856 machinery and suitable buildings 
 were erected for the manufacture of cotton and woolen 
 goods, work commencing in the factory in June of 
 that year.° From this time to the close of the civil 
 
 ' Said an English settler to Hepworth Dixon more than ten years ago, 
 '•we drink less liquor, and invoke more law.' WUte Conr/., i. 336. 
 
 8 Provision -was made for the establishment of this factory by the legisla- 
 
STATE PRISON. 535 
 
 war the income derived was greatly in excess of the 
 expenditure. ' 
 
 During the reconstruction period the number of 
 convicts so increased that there was neither room nor 
 employment for them within the walls of the peniten- 
 tiary/" and recourse was had to employing the sur- 
 plus on the railroads — a system strongly deprecated 
 by Governor Davis." Moreover, the annual expenses 
 began to exceed the income at a gradually increasing 
 rate, and on July 5, 1871, the penitentiary was leased 
 to Ward, Dewey & Co. for the term of fifteen years." 
 This was neither a humane nor enlightened policy, 
 the convicts being submitted to systematic maletreat- 
 ment. They were ill fed, badly clothed, hard worked, 
 and much abused. The charges of inhumanity be- 
 came so repeated that in April, 1875, the govern- 
 ment appointed a committee to investigate and report 
 upon the condition and general administration of the 
 penitentiary. The result was that a mandatory law 
 was passed by the fifteenth legislature requiring the 
 governor to resume possession of the Huntsville peni- 
 tentiary, and on April 2, 1877, the lessees surrendered 
 the control of it to Governor Hubbard. After this 
 lamentable failure of the lease system it is surprising 
 that the government should have persisted in it ; yet 
 the penitentiary was again leased December 16, 1877, 
 to E. H. Cunningham, of Bejar county. 
 
 ture in 1854. All possible labor such as brickmaking ■was performed by the 
 convicts, by whom also most of the work was done in the erection and ex- 
 tension from time to time of the penitentiary. 
 
 ° For the 23 months ending Aug. 31, 1859, goods were manufactured to 
 the amount of |169,365, yielding a profit of 114,849. This was the produc- 
 tion of 40 looms. During the war additional machinery was set up, and the 
 superintendent, Thomas Caruthers, in his report to the legislature of Aug; 
 31, 1863, states that in 21 months 2,233,587 yds of Osnaburgs, 405,025 yds 
 cotton jeans, and 322,890 yds Kersey and other goods had been manufac- 
 tured. The income amounted to $1,521,687, far exceeding the expenditures. 
 
 ^^ In 1865 the number of convicts was 118; in 1870 it was 489 and 994 in 
 1871. 
 
 " See his message of Apr. 29, 1870, no. 5 in Tex. Gol. Doc, no. 2. 
 
 '2 The leseees were to pay the state annually |5,000 during the first five 
 years; |10,000 during the next five years, and |20,000 during the last 
 quinquenniunL, 
 
536 nSTSTITUTIONAl, AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 It had long been evident that additional institu- 
 tions of the kind were necessary, as the existing one 
 contained accommodation for little more than one 
 fourth of the convicts.'' In 1875, therefore, provis- 
 ion was made for the establishment of two others, 
 one east of the Trinity, and one west of the Colorado. 
 The first was established and located near Rusk, 5,000 
 acres of land having been purchased in the vicinity of 
 that town, and the necessary buildings erected. The 
 Rusk penitentiary was completed in January, 1879; 
 it contains 528 cells, has attached to it a library and 
 epidemic hospital, besides the general hospital, and 
 cost the state $160,000. 
 
 This additional means for the confinement of pris- 
 oners has done much toward the suppression of crime 
 in Texas. There is no longer an avenue of escape 
 open to the majority of convicted criminals as was 
 the case before the erection of the Rusk penitentiary, 
 and the risk which malefactors tabs of meeting with 
 their deserts, without chance of evasion, is so largely 
 increased that it constitutes one of the factors which 
 regulate the decreasing ratio of crime to population. 
 With regard to the administration of these institu- 
 tions, owing to the enlightened policy of Bamett 
 Gibbs" and his supporters in the legislature, the sys- 
 tem of leasing the penitentiaries has been done away 
 with. On April 18, 1883, an act to provide for the 
 more efficient management of the Texas state peni- 
 tentiaries was approved, the third section of which 
 enacts that "no lease of the penitentiaries, or either 
 
 ^^On Jan. 1, 1876, the total number of convicts was 1723, of which only 
 443 were employed in and immediately around the prison, tlie remainder 
 were laboring on farms, railroads, and in saw mills. From Sept. 1, 1874, 
 to Jan. 1, 1876, 266 convicts escaped and 28 were killed in attempting to 
 escape. Gov. Coke's Mm., Apr. 1876, 42. 
 
 '■' He was born in Yazoo city. Miss., May 19, 1851, his father being Judge 
 Hugh D. Gibbs, and his grandfather Gen. Geo. W. Gibbs, both prominent 
 in that state. Bamett Gibbs graduated at the university of Virginia in 
 1871, and also at the Lebanon Law College in 1873, when he went to Texas 
 and settled in Dallas, where he was elected city attorney in 1873 and twice 
 reelected in 1877 and 1879 respectively. In 1SS3 he was chosen senator to 
 the state legislature from that county, and in Nov. 1884 was elected lieuteu- 
 ant-gov, by a majority of 132,000 votes, Biog. Shtcli, MS. 
 
DEAF MUTES AOT) BLIND. 537 
 
 of tliem, shall hereafter be made, and the state shall 
 resume control thereof" The law was to take effect 
 after passage." 
 
 Enactments were passed in August, 1856, for the 
 establishment of charitable institutions. The appropria- 
 tions were sufficiently liberal for the requirements at 
 that time, an endowment of 100,000 acres of land 
 and $10,000 being granted for support to each asylum 
 to be erected for the deaf and dumb, the blind, and 
 for orphans.'" For a lunatic asylum $50,000 of 
 United States bonds were appropriated for the erec- 
 tion of the buUding, a similar quantity of land being 
 also donated. 
 
 The institution for the deaf and dumb was opened 
 January 2, 1857, I. Van Nostrand, of New York, be- 
 ing appointed the first principal. Instruction com- 
 menced with only three pupils which number had 
 increased to seventy-one by October 31, 1880, and 
 John S. Ford, the superintendent, in his report of 
 that date, believed that the future annual increase 
 would be nearly 100 per centum. Under an act of 
 the fourteenth legislature the experiment of teaching 
 the deaf mutes the printer's art was made and pro- 
 duced most favorable results. The pupils soon proved 
 themselves apt scholars in type-setting and press 
 work, and Ford considered that if allowed to finisli 
 their education in this branch they would success- 
 fully compete with the best practical printers. Other 
 mechanical arts taught in this asylum are mattress- 
 making, book-binding, cabinet-making, shoe-making, 
 and some others. 
 
 A similar system of instruction is pursued in the 
 education of the blind, but these unfortunate beings 
 labor under greater disadvantages than the deaf and 
 
 1^ Tex. State Pmiten. Rules, 1883. The lease to Cunningliam expired Jan. 
 1, 1884; consequently since that date the penitentiaries have been under the 
 control of the government. 
 
 '" In regard to an orphan asylum, in 1868 such an institution was opened 
 at Bayland, Harris county, by the Rev. Mr Preston. In 1873 the legislature 
 donated to this institution a portion of the land set apart in 1856 for an 
 orphan asylum. Thrall, 736. 
 
538 ESrSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 dumb; progress is slower, and most mechanical occu- 
 pations are beyond their requirement. Nevertheless 
 they soon become proficient in making baskets, 
 brooms, and chairs; they are also taught music and 
 telegraphy, in the former of which they make especial 
 progress. This institute went into operation in 1858, 
 with ten pupils in attendance, a commodious house 
 being rented in Austin until the state building was 
 completed. In that year the legislature added $6,500 
 to the supporting fund, and appropriated $12,500 for 
 the purchase of a site and the erection of the build- 
 ing, which was finished by December 1860. During 
 the war means were wanting for the successful opera- 
 tion of this establishment, but $9,600 were expended 
 in 1867 in repairing the building, and the sixteenth 
 legislature appropriated $7,500 for the erection of 
 additions thereto. In January 1879, sixty-eight blind 
 persons were in attendance ; since that time the insti- 
 tute has progressed in proportion to the necessity for 
 providing for the relief of this helpless class. Both 
 this institute and that for the deaf and dumb are 
 situated in the vicinity of Austin. 
 
 The site selected in 1857 for the lunatic asylum lies 
 three miles north of Austin. The plan adopted for the 
 construction of the building was such as to admit of 
 additions being made to it from time to time without 
 marring the symmetry of the whole. Glasscock and 
 Miller, of Austin, obtained the first contract by which 
 they engaged to erect three sections for the sum of 
 $47,514. The first superintendent was C. G. Keenan, 
 who held office from 1858 to 1862 when Dr Stein er 
 succeeded him. During that period 67 patients had 
 been admitted, of whom 49 were males and 18 
 females. After the abolition of slavery in Texas 
 additional premises were required for the admission 
 of freedmen, and in 1867 what is known as the Cross 
 property was purchased and improved at a cost of 
 135,000, The completion of the original plan of the 
 building having been prevented by the civil war. 
 
SCHOOL LAND GRANTS. 539 
 
 $20,000 was appropriated in 1870 for the erection of 
 the remaining sections. In that year the inmates 
 were 83 in number, which by August 31, 1878, had 
 increased to 275." With the growth of population 
 the necessary additions have been made to accommo- 
 date the increasing number of applications for admis- 
 sion into the asylum. 
 
 It may be asserted without cavil that previous to 
 the independence education was a dead letter in 
 Texas," and in their statement of grievances in the 
 declaration of independence, the colonists made the 
 failure of the Mexican government to provide means 
 of instruction, which had been promised for their 
 children, one of the many grounds of complaint. No 
 sooner, however, was the victory won than the Texans 
 in their constitution of 1836 declared that it should 
 be the duty of congress, as soon as circumstances 
 would admit, to provide by law a general system of 
 education. 
 
 Accordingly, in January 1839, the congress of the 
 new republic assigned three leagues of land to each 
 organized' coimty, and in the following year an addi- 
 tional league, for the purpose of establishing primary 
 schools. By the same act, fifty leagues of land were 
 devoted to the establishment of two colleges or uni- 
 
 "The total resident number of lunatics during the fiscal year ending 
 Aug. 31, 1878 was 370, thus exhibited: 
 
 Patients discharged restored 58 
 
 Patients discharged improved 21 
 
 Patients discharged unimproved 4 
 
 Patients died 12 
 
 Remaining 275 
 
 370 
 
 Gov. Hubbard's Mes., Jan. 14, 1879, 37. 
 
 1' Almonte, in his report of Jan. 1, 1835, states that a school had existed 
 in Bejar, supported by the ayuntamiento, but it had been closed from want 
 of funds; that there was a private one near Brazoria with 30 to 40 pupils, 
 which was supported by subscriptions; and that there were three primary 
 schools respectively at Nacogdoches, San Agustin, and Jonesburg. He re- 
 marks that those colonists who could afford the expense preferred to send 
 their children to be educated in the U. S. ; those who could not, cared little 
 about instructing their sons in matters other than felling trees and hunting 
 wild game. JVot. Estad. Tej., 40, 64^5, 76. 
 
540 INSTITXJTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 versities, to be thereafter created. In February 1840, 
 a law was passed making the chief justice and two 
 associate justices in each county a board of school 
 commissioners, whose duty it was to organize their 
 county into school districts, inspect schools, examine 
 teachers, and give certificates of qualification and 
 character to deserving applicants. Under this basis, 
 it seems that schools were established in the more 
 settled counties." 
 
 But a thorough system of general education in 
 Texas was of slow growth, owing at first to sparseness 
 of population, and later to set-backs caused by the 
 disorders created by the war with Mexico, and that 
 of the secession. When Texas entered the union, it 
 was provided by the new constitution of 1845 that the 
 legislature should, as early as practicable, establish 
 free schools throughout the state, and furnish means 
 for their support by taxation on property ; that not 
 less than one tenth of the annual revenue of the state 
 derived from taxation should be set apart as a per- 
 petual fund for the same purpose ; and that the lands 
 already granted for public schools should not be alien- 
 ated. But the confusion which presently set in pre- 
 vented anything from being done till January 1854, 
 when an act to establish a system of schools was ap- 
 proved, and $2,000,000, in five per cent United States' 
 bonds, were set apart as a school fund. Under this 
 act, a system was organized," which continued in 
 operation till the civil war broke out, when again 
 confusion prevailed, most of the public schools being 
 closed during that period. 
 
 On emerging from the civil strife, Texas found her- 
 
 ^'The U. S. census of 1850 shows that 349 public schools were reported 
 as existing ia Texas, with 360 teachers and 7,946 scholars. 
 
 2" According to the U. S. census of 1860, there were 1,218 public schools 
 in Texas at that time, with 1,274 teachers and 34,611 scholars. The school 
 income amounted to ^14,168, of which $6, 743 were derived from endow- 
 ments, $15,847 from taxation, and $58, 394 from public funds, making i?S0,984, 
 leaving $333, 184, which doubtless came from tuition fees paid by the parents. 
 The schools, therefore, were not yet free schools, properly speaking. 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS. 541 
 
 self without resources, and her school fund wasted ; " 
 but she devoted herself at once to the task of repair- 
 ing the evil. Under the constitution of 1866, all 
 funds, lands, and other property previously set apart 
 for the support of the free school system were rededi- 
 cated as a perpetual fund. It furthermore devoted 
 to that fund all the alternate sections of land reserved 
 out of grants to railroad companies and other corpora- 
 tions, together with one half of the proceeds of all 
 future sales of public lands. The legislature was de- 
 prived of the power to loan any portion of the school 
 fund, and required to invest the specie principal in 
 United States bonds, or such bonds as the state 
 might guarantee ; and it was authorized to levy a tax 
 for educational purposes, special provision being made 
 that all sums arising from taxes collected from Afri- 
 cans, or persons of African descent, should be exclus- 
 ively appropriated for the maintenance of a system of 
 public schools for the black race. Provision for the 
 university was renewed; a superintendent of public 
 instruction was directed to be appointed by the gov- 
 ernor, who, with him and the comptroller, should con- 
 stitute a state board of education, and have the general 
 management and control of the perpetual fund and 
 common schools, under regulations thereafter pre- 
 scribed by the legislature. 
 
 The constitution of 1868 did not materially alter 
 these provisions, except in one marked particular, and 
 that was in the significant omission of the provision 
 appropriating the taxes paid by colored persons for 
 
 2' Nearly all the $2,000,000 in U. S. bonds appears to have been lost by 
 injudicious loans to railroad corapanies before the outbreak of the war. Gov. 
 Throckmorton, in his message of Aug. 18, 1866, says: 'There is also in the 
 treasury, due the school fund, $1,753,317, interest-bearing bonds of railroad 
 companies, with interest due upon said bonds up to March 1, 1866, amount- 
 ing to $300,209.89. I am unable to form an opinion as to the probability of 
 the payment of this interest.' Gov. Davis, in his message of Apr. 28, 1870, 
 includes in the school fund $2,742,198, principal and interest, due from rail- 
 road companies. He remarks: ' I suppose upwards of two millions of the 
 total due by the railroads could be realized with certainty.' He recommends 
 % sale of all the roads indebted to the school fund. 
 
542 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 the support of schools for their children. The schools 
 were made free to aW^ 
 
 Under this constitution a law was passed August 
 13, 1870, directing the governor to appoint a superin- 
 tendent of public instruction, to serve until the next 
 general election, and ordering that thenceforward that 
 official should be elected by the people, to serve for a 
 term of four years ; each organized county was made 
 a school district, and each county court a board of 
 school directors, which, subject to the direction of 
 the state superintendent, were charged with the duty 
 of dividing it into sub-districts. The schools were to 
 be open at least four months in the year, and the di- 
 rectors were to see that all children between six and 
 sixteen years were to attend, unless instructed else- 
 where. One-fourth of the annual state revenue from 
 taxation, an annual poll-tax of one dollar, and the in- 
 terest on the perpetual fund, were set apart for the 
 support of the schools. 
 
 In April and November 1871, amendments were 
 made to this law. The state superintendent was 
 directed to appoint for each judicial district a super- 
 visor of education ; and the board of education — ^the 
 attorney general now taking the place of the comp- 
 troller — ^was directed to apportion anew the territory 
 of the state into educational districts not exceeding 
 twelve in number ; all existing supervisors were to be 
 retired, and one for each of the twelve districts ap- 
 pointed, whose duty it would be to examine teachers, 
 and re-subdivide the counties in his jurisdiction into 
 districts, appointing for each five school directors, 
 with the approval of the state superintendent. These 
 directors might levy taxes not exceeding one per 
 centum, for the erection of school-houses. A penalty 
 of $25 for non-attendance at school was ordered to be 
 
 ^^ Art. ix., sec. 1, of the constitution reads thus: It shall be the duty of 
 the legislature of this state to make suitable provisions for the support and 
 maintenance of a system of public free schools, for the gratuitous instruction 
 of all the inhabitants of this state between the ages of six and eighteen. 
 U. S. Glvirt. and Constit., pt 2, 1814. 
 
SCHOOL STATISTICS. 543 
 
 collected from the parents of non-attending children. 
 Under this system schools began to increase rapidly 
 in number." 
 
 During the years 1S73 to 1875 inclusive, consider- 
 able changes were again made. The government was 
 now democratic. The state superintendency and 
 county boards of directors were retained, while the 
 state board of education and supervisors of large dis- 
 tricts were suppressed, and the trustees of each school 
 district were ordered to be elected by the voters of 
 the district. Under this reformed system, the control 
 of the schools, management of the funds, the adoption 
 of the method of education, and other matters connected 
 with free tuition were placed in the power of the 
 people, who elected their immediate agents. The en- 
 rollment in the scholastic year 1874-5 was 124,567 
 pupils, under 3,100 teachers in 2,924 schools. 
 
 By the constitution of 1876 some changes were 
 again effected, both as regards the perpetual fund and 
 the system. Instead of one half of the proceeds of 
 sales of public lands being set apart for the fund, it 
 was directed that one-half of the public domain should 
 be donated to it ;" all lands granted to counties for the 
 support of schools were made the property of the 
 counties respectively to which they were granted," 
 and the proceeds when sold were to be held in trust 
 
 ^Jn Dec. 1871 there were 1,324 schools, with 1,578 teachers, and 63,504 
 scholars. The report for the following year showed 2,000 schools, with 127,- 
 672 enrolled scholars under 2,233 teachers, ff. Ex. Doc, cong. 44, sess. 2, 
 iv., pt 2, 385-6. 
 
 2* This change was introduced by A. T. MoKinney, who was a member of 
 the constitutional convention of 1875. McKinuey was bom, March 18, 1838, 
 in Randolph county, lU. His father, who was president of West Tennessee 
 College, migrated with his family to Texas in 1850. The son graduated at 
 Princeton in 1'858, and was admitted to the bar in 1861. He served as a 
 private soldier in the confederate army for two years, and on his return to 
 Texas settled in Huntsville, and there practised his profession. In 1882 he 
 was appointed regent of the university of Texas; was elected to the house of 
 representatives, taking his seat in Jan. 1883. In the 18th legislature he in- 
 troduced the measure which endowed the state university with 1 ,000,000 acres 
 of land. MoKinney has made various suggestions, recommending a new pla,n 
 for the government and control of the puWic school system. 
 
 2* By the constitution of 1868, the public lands given to counties were 
 placed under the control of the legislature, and when sold the proceeds were 
 to be added to the public school fund. 
 
544 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 by the counties, for the benefit of public schools 
 therein. Separate schools were to be provided for 
 the white and colored children, and impartial pro- 
 vision made for both ; and the board of education was 
 restored to be composed of the governor, comptroller, 
 and secretary of state/" 
 
 Under these provisions laws were enacted for the 
 carrying out of the same. At a specially called ses- 
 sion of the legislature, January 1884, improvements 
 in the system were effected. The office of state sup- 
 erintendent was reaffirmed, the superintendent being 
 made the official secretary of the board of education; 
 boards of examiners of teachers were provided ; and 
 colored school communities were given the right to 
 have trustees of their own race for their schools." In 
 1884 county school affairs were superintended by 
 county judges, and in cities and towns the boards of 
 aldermen had the exclusive power to regulate and 
 govern the free schools within their limit. Austin, 
 Gralveston, Houston, and the larger cities have school 
 superintendents. 
 
 The system of free schools in Texas has firmly fixed 
 itself in public esteem. According to Spaight's offi- 
 cial map of December 1, 1882,^* the principal of the 
 perpetual school fund amounted to $4,166,383, in cash 
 and bonds ; the amount of land pertaining to the same 
 was 33,000,000 acres, besides 4,002,912 acres given to 
 
 2' By the school law of 1883, this board was authorized to appoint a secre- 
 tary with a salary of $1,800 a year. U. S. Sept. Com, Educ, 1883-4, 262. 
 Benjamin E. Baker, was made secretary in Jan. 1883, and held that oflSce 
 for 18 months; the office of state superintendent of public instruction was 
 then created by act of the 18th legislature in extra session, and in Nov. 
 1884, Baker was elected to it by a majority of 181,016 votes. He prepared 
 the public school law in force at the time of writing, 1886. Baker was born 
 in Russell county, Alabama, Jan. 20, 1851, migrated to Texas at the age 
 of 18, practised law in the town of Carthage, and in 1876 was elected to the 
 15th legislature, was reelected, and served during the 16th and 17th legisla- 
 tures, when he declined reelection and moved to Decatur. 
 
 " The f ramer of this law was A. J. Chambers, who was born in Missis- 
 sippi in 1835, and went to Texas in 1853, where he was engaged in school 
 teaching for ten years. In 1882 he was elected to the ISth legislature, and 
 served to Jan. 1885. 
 
 2' In Tex. Resources, Soil, and Climate, being the report of A. W. Spaight, 
 the commissioner of insurance, statistics, and history, for the year 1882. 
 
UNIVERSITY. 545 
 
 the counties; and the apportionment for tne scholastic 
 year 1882-3, to counties, cities and towns was $1,086,- 
 273. Yet as late as 1884, the expenditure was not 
 wholly covered by the public school fund, some 
 amount being paid teachers from private sources,"" 
 At Huntsville is established the Sam Houston 
 Normal Institute, which offers a three-year's course 
 of strictly professional training, aiming to furnish com- 
 petent teachers for the public schools. 
 
 Although provision was made for the establishment 
 of a university as early as 1839,'" nothing was done 
 till 1881, when at the election held September 6th, 
 Austin was selected as the location." Steps had 
 been taken by the legislature on March 30, 1881, 
 when an act was passed providing for the organiza- 
 tion of a board of regents and appropriating $150,000 
 for the building, and $40,000 for the purchase of 
 library and furniture. In September 1883 the uni- 
 versity was opened,'^ yoimg men and women being 
 
 "In the scholastic year 1883-4, the expenditure for public schools was- 
 $1,661,476 against |1, 150,332 for the preyious year. The net available 
 school fund estimated for the year beginning Sept. 1, 1885, was $2,232,272. 
 The foUowiag statistical summary is derived from reports sent from only 125 
 counties out of 166. The failure of so many county judges to report school 
 statistics, — according to the explanation given by the superintendent — is 
 owing to the fact that those officers had not time for such duties. 
 
 
 NO. OF SCHOLAES. 
 
 NO. OF SCHOOLS. 
 
 NO. OF TEACHKEIS. 
 
 
 White. 
 112,569 
 148,639 
 
 Colored. 
 
 White. 
 
 Colored. 
 
 
 1882-63 
 
 40,473 
 56,160 
 
 3,996 
 4,399 
 
 1,181 
 1,432 
 
 5,037 
 
 1883-84 
 
 6,369 
 
 
 Prominent among the colored teachers is Prof. I. M. Terrill, the principal 
 of school No. 6, at Fort Worth. TerriU is the son of a freedman, and was 
 bom at Anderson, Grimes county, Jan. 3, 1859. Educated in the common 
 schools of Anderson, he entered Strait's University at N. Orleans, from- 
 which he graduated in June 1881. The children in his school take the same 
 grade, and pass examinations equal to those passed by white children. E,. 
 E. Moore, the principal of the Keller academy, considers that the public 
 schools of Texas have taken a high position, and will continue to improve 
 yearly. He believes that a compulsory law — not existing at present — would 
 be highly beneficial. Maoris Oiser., MS. 
 
 80 By the constitution of 1876, 1,000,000 acres of land were set apart, in 
 addition to the 50 leagues previously appropriated, to conntitute a perpetual 
 university fund. The total number of acres appropriated was 1,219,906^. 
 Tex. Univer. VoteSoc, 1882, 6. 
 
 *i The number of votes cast in favor of Austin was 30,913, Tyler having 
 18,974. At the same time Galveston received the majority of votes for the 
 location of the medical department. 
 
 82 The board of regents consisted of Ashbel Smith, president; T. M. Har- - 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 36. 
 
S46 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 admitted on equal terms, tuition free. The academic 
 department comprises instruction in literature, sci- 
 ence and the arts,"'' the course extending over four 
 years. In June 1885, the number of students was 
 206, of whom 55 were law students; of the remaining 
 151 nearly one third was represented by females." 
 
 Special mention must be made of the Agricultural 
 and Mechanical College, located four miles from 
 Bryan, Brazos county. It was incorporated by an 
 act of the legislature approved April 17, 1871, con- 
 gress having granted November 1, 1866, 180,000 
 acres in land scrip for its foundation. The fund 
 derived from this donation amounted in 1872 to 
 $174,000, which were invested in bonds of the state 
 bearing 7 per centum in gold. By successive appro- 
 priations, made by the state, aggregatiag $187,000, 
 suitable buildings were erected, and the institution 
 Tvas opened in October 1876, there being sis pupUs 
 in attendance. The increase in the number of stu- 
 
 TTOod, T. D. Wooten, E. J. Simkins, M. W. Garnett, James B. Clarke, M. L. 
 Crawford, and B. Hadra; A. P. Wooldridge, secretaiy. Tex. XTmver., sesa. 1, 
 1883-84, 2. One of the members of the board in 1886 was Geo. Thos Todd, 
 who was chairman of the committee of education, in 1881, which framed the 
 bill to establish and organize the university. Todd, when only four years of 
 age, was taken to Texas by his father who moved thither in 1843. He was edu- 
 cated by his mother, whose maiden name was Eliza Ann Hudgins, and who 
 originated and conducted for many years a female educational institute at 
 Clarksville, Texas. He completed his education at the university of Vir- 
 ginia, and on his return practised law in Jeflferson; on the outbreak of the 
 civil war volunteered in the 1st Texas regiment, and after served in Hood's 
 Texas brigade. 
 
 ^' Leading to the degrees of bachelor of arts, master of arts, bachelor of 
 letters, bachelor of science, and bachelor of laws. 
 
 ^ From the reports sent in to the U. S. com. of education, 1884, it appears 
 that the other colleges and universities in Texas at that time were as fol- 
 lows: St Mary's university, Galveston; Southwestern university, George- 
 town; Baylor university, Independence; Mansfield, male and female college, 
 Mansfield; Salado college, Salado; Austin college, Sherman; Trinity univer- 
 sity, Tehuacana; Waco imiversity, Waco; Marvin coUege, Waxahatchie; 
 and Add Ban college. Thorp's spring. Five of these insititutions admit 
 young men only, the other five are open to both sexes. The collegiate insti- 
 tutions exclusively for young women are: Dallas Female college, Dallas; 
 Ursuline academy, Galveston; the Ladies' Annex of Southwestern univer- 
 sity, Georgetown; Baylor Female coUege, Independence; Woodlawn Female 
 college, Paris; Nazareth academy, Victoria; and Waco Female college. 
 All these are authorized by law to confer degrees. There are also the Austin 
 Female institute, Bryan Female institute, and Soule college. U. S Beat 
 Com. Educ., 1883-4, 264r^. 
 
RELIGION. 547 
 
 dents was so rapid that the directors" in their report 
 of January 1879, mention that in June 1878, there were 
 250 students, and that 416 applications for admission 
 had been filed, all of whom could not be received on 
 account of want of room. At the present time the 
 income derived from the United States grant amounts 
 to $14,280, the fund having increased by the accumula- 
 tion of interest previous to the opening of the college. 
 A separate branch of this institution has been estab- 
 Ushed in Waller county, exclusively for the use of 
 colored students. It is known as Prairie View school, 
 and in March, 1882, was attended by 51 students." 
 
 As the reader is aware, religious intolerance pre- 
 vailed in Texas down to the time of her independence. 
 Previous to this, a few attempts had been made by 
 clergymen of the baptist denomination to organize 
 congregations, but their efforts had met with violent 
 opposition on the part of the authorities." In 1837, 
 however, a baptist church was organized at Washing- 
 ton, Z. N. Morrell being chosen pastor, and money 
 was subscribed to build a house of worship. ^° The 
 
 ^ The management of the college was placed in the hands of a board of 
 directors, composed of the gov. who was pres. of the board, the lieut-gov. , 
 the speaker of the house of representatives, and six other members. Later 
 a board of trustees was formed, the pres. of which at the time of writing 
 is George Pfeufifer, who has done much by his able administration to raise 
 this institution to a high position, having secured for it ample endowments 
 and npoessary appliances. Pfeuffer was born in Bavaria in 1830, migrated 
 to Texas in 1845, and settled at Corpus Christi, whence he removed 14 years 
 later to New Braunf els. He was chairman of the senate com. on education. 
 
 ^"U. 8. DepaH of Agnc, 1871, 329; 1872, 384; 1875, 52; II. Ex. Doc, 
 cong. 42, sess. 2, vii., no. 327, 329; Tex. Gov. Mm., 1876, 1879; Tex. Repl 
 Prairie View School, 1882. By an act of the legislature, March 1881, it was 
 provided that three students from each senatorial district should be ap- 
 pointed by the senators and representatives, and maintained and instructed 
 free of charge. To state students a course of study is assigned; paying 
 students make their own selection. In 1882 127 students were reported as 
 taking the full course; in 1884 only 108 were reported. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 
 47, sess. 1, vol. 12, 249-50, 610; Bept Com. Educ, 1883^, 265, 663. 
 
 ^' In 1826, Elder Joseph Bays preached at the house of Moses Shipman, 
 on the Brazos, and afterward moved to San Antonio. In 1829, Elder 
 Thomas Hanks also preached in Shipman's house. During the same year, 
 the first Sunday-school in Texas was organized by T. J. Pilgrim. Morreltg 
 Flowers and Fruits, 72-3. 
 
 '"^ Morrell remarks that this was the first church ever organized in Texas 
 on strictly gospel principles, having the ordinances and officers of ancient 
 order. Of course he means a baptist church. 
 
648 INSTITUTIONAL AOT) EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 first protestant episcopal church was established in 
 1838 at Matagorda by Caleb S. Ives, who collected 
 a congregation, established a school, and built a church. 
 During the same year R. M. Chapman organized a 
 parish in Houston. ° 
 
 In early days, the Anglo-Texans cannot be said to 
 have exhibited much sentimentalism on the score of 
 religion ; indeed, they may be considered as forming a 
 somewhat godless community ; but with the great in- 
 flux of immigrants since the war of secession, Texas 
 has proved a fair field for evangelical enterprise. Many 
 denominations in 1888 were well represented in the 
 state. According to the United States' census of 
 1880, the number of methodists was 157,000, of cath- 
 olics 150,000, of baptists 125,000, and of presbyterians 
 13,000. 
 
 The first printing-press in Texas was put into oper- 
 ation at Nacogdoches, early in July 1819. It was 
 brought into the country under the auspices of Gen- 
 eral Long, who established a provisional government 
 and a supreme council, which issued a declaration 
 proclaiming Texas an independent republic. The 
 printing-office was placed under the management of 
 Horatio Biglow, and was used for the publication of 
 various laws enacted and proclamations issued by that 
 ephemeral government. 
 
 Ten years afterward, the first regular newspaper 
 made its appearance. It was published at San Felipe, 
 and bore the title of The Cotton Plant, Godwin B. Cot- 
 ten being editor and proprietor. This publication was 
 
 ^ The marriage ceremony in Texas had been little resorted to up to this 
 time. Marriages before the independence were illegal unless performed by 
 priests, who were offensive to the Anglo-Texans, and moreover, exacted a 
 fee of .$25. A custom grew into vogue of the parties simply signing a bond 
 in the presence of witnesses, and then becoming husband and wife. By an 
 act of congress, approved June 5, 1837, provision was made to legalize these 
 marriages by bond by allowing parties so connected to take out a license in 
 due form, and be married before an ordained minister of the gospel, a judge 
 of a district court, a justice of a county court, or a justice of the peace, all 
 of whom were so authorized. Lavis Sepub. Tex., i. 233-5. In the autumn of 
 the same year, Morrell performed the rite under the new law. Flmvers and 
 Prvits, 78. 
 
NEWSPAPERS. 549 
 
 issued under the above name during the four years 
 ending 1832, when it was called The Texas E&pvhlicam,. 
 
 The second paper was the Texas Gazette and Brazoria 
 Advertiser, which was published in Brazoria in 1830; 
 in September 1832, it was merged in the Constitutional 
 AdyocaM and Texas Public Advertiser, D. W. Anthony 
 being editor and proprietor, on the death of whom by 
 cholera, in July 1833, the paper ceased to be issued. 
 
 Next in order was the Texas Republican, published 
 at Brazoria by F. C. Gray, of New York, December 
 17, 1834. It was printed on the old press introduced 
 by Gotten, and in January 1835, was the only paper 
 published in Texas. In August 1836, the issue was 
 discontinued." 
 
 The fourth paper is of historic interest, being the 
 Telegraph, which was started by Gail and Thomas H. 
 Borden and Joseph Baker at San Felipe in August 
 1835. When that town was abandoned by the gov- 
 ernment, in April 1836, on the approach of the Mex- 
 icans, the press was conveyed to Harrisburg, and 
 while the twenty-second number was being printed, 
 the forces of Santa Anna entered the town. Six 
 copies only had been struck off when the printers, 
 press, and type were seized by the Mexicans. The 
 material was thrown into Bray's Bayou." In the 
 following August, the Bordens, having bought a new 
 press and material, revived the Telegraph at Columbia, 
 and subsequently moved to Houston, where the paper 
 was published for many years under the title of the 
 Houston Telegraph." 
 
 After the independence, the number of newspapers 
 increased rapidly," the first daily paper ever published 
 
 *' Gray's wife was a shrewd womaa, and was charged with intriguing to 
 effect the escape of Santa Anna. Her husband fell under suspicion, and he 
 removed to California, where he became wealthy. Subsequently he returned 
 to N. York, and committed suicide. Tex. Edit, and Press Assoc, 1875, no. 2, 2. 
 
 " One at least of the six copies is still in existence. The paper was pub- 
 lished in quarto form. 
 
 *^ In 1875 it was the oldest newspaper in the state. Letter of John Forbes. 
 
 " Mention must be made of the Texas PlarUer, published at Brazoria, in 
 1837, by T. Leger and A. P. Thompson; the OimUan, established by Hamilton 
 Stuart in 1838 at Galveston; the Austin City Oasxtte, started in Oct. 1839 by 
 
560 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS. 
 
 in Texas being the Morning Star, by Cruger and 
 Moore of the Telegraph, from about 1840 to 1844. 
 Previous to this time papers were issued weekly, bi- 
 weekly, or tri- weekly, according to circumstances." 
 According to the census of 1880, 280 newspapers 
 and periodicals were published in Texas, which num- 
 ber, by 1888, was considerably increased. On Septem- 
 ber 10, 1873, the Texas Editorial and Press Association 
 was organized, and formally incorporated AprU 5, 
 1875, under the act of the legislature approved April 
 23, 1874, entitled, "An act concerning private corpo- 
 rations."" 
 
 Samuel Whiting; and the Texas Sentinel, at Austin, in Jan. 1840, by Jacob 
 W. Cruger and G-eo. W. Bonuell. The first paper published at GalTestou 
 was the Times, edited and owned by Ferdinand Pinkard; and as early as 
 1835 a paper was established at Matagorda by Simon Mussina, and published 
 for about three years. At San Luis, on San Luis island, west of Galveston, 
 was published in 1840 the Advocate, which, during its brief existence, was 
 the largest, handsomest, and ablest paper of its time in Texas. T. Robinson 
 and M. Hopkins were the principal editors and managers. Both city and 
 paper have long since passed out of existence. In 1839 the Gazette was started 
 at Richmond on the Brazog, R. E. Handy, one of Gen. Houston's volunteer 
 aids at San Jacinto, being editor. 
 
 ** Kennedy, however, makes mention of a daily paper being published as 
 early as June 1839. He fails to supply the names. Tex., ii. 393. 
 
 •^The association had power to buy, hold, and sell property; to maintain 
 and defend judicial proceedings; to make contracts; to borrow money on the 
 credit of the association, each stockholder being only liable to creditors for 
 the unpaid portion of his stock; and to make proper and needful by-laws. 
 Capital stock $10,000, to be divided into shares of §25, and capable of being 
 increased to $50,000. Tex. Ed. Press Assoc., charter, etc., nos 1, 3, and 4. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 1835-1888. 
 
 Physical Divisions— A Forest Region — The Level Prairies of the" 
 Gulf Coast — Central Highlands — A Vast Cattle Region — The 
 Panhandle and Staked Plain — Climate and Rainfall — Cottok 
 Production — The Cereals — Progress of Agriculture — Cattle 
 Statistics — Stock Trails to the North — The Texas Fever — ^Wirb 
 Fence Troubles — Sheep and Horses — Minerals — MANUFAcrURiNa 
 AND Mechanical Industries— Foreign Commerce — Impoet.s and Ex- 
 ports — The Postal Service — Railroad Systems — The Oldest Lines 
 — Houston the Natural Centre— ^Nabrow Gauge Lines — Liber- 
 ality of the State Government — ^The Strike at Fort Worth. 
 
 Texas, which comprises 226 counties, of which 176 
 were organized by January 1886, is naturally divided, 
 in an agricultural point of view, into six grand divis- 
 ions, differing in physical features and in the charac- 
 ter of their soils, most of which, however, are of 
 extraordinary fertility/ 
 
 The first of these divisions is known as east Texas, 
 and includes the territory lying between the Sabine 
 and Trinity rivers, and that portion of the state situ- 
 ated between the Sabine and Red rivers. The soil 
 varies in character, but a distinctive class is that 
 
 ' C. A. Weatbrook, a prominent land owner and improver of stock, states: 
 that the Brazos bottom land is considered superior to any otlier in Texas.. 
 He was bom in North Carolina, Jan. 1, 1838, and arrived in Texas in 1858. 
 The estimates of the area of Texas, and the apportionments thereof majr 
 vary considerably. The Texas Farm, Jan. 15, 1886, gives the following fig- 
 ures: prairie, 110,423,160 acres; forest, 15,000,000; improved, 25,000,000; 
 cultivated, 8,000,000; and covered with water 11,676,040; the unavailable 
 land being 11,676,040 acres, making a total of 170,099,200 acres. By the 
 Texas Review, Jan. 1886, 310-11, the following statistics are supplied: area 
 176,000,000 acres of which 111,179,785 are prairie lands; 46,302,500 timber 
 land, the remainder covered with water. About 13,000,000 acres are im- 
 proved, of which about 7,000,000 are in cultivation. 
 
 (5f)l) 
 
552 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 known as the red lands, which extend through severq,! 
 counties from that of Houston to the Sabine. East 
 Texas is a great timbered region and produces a 
 variety of forest trees, of which the principal are the 
 pine, attaining an enormous growth, the white oak, 
 white and red cypress, magnolia, hickory, pecan, and 
 cedar. Many saw-mills are in operation, preparing 
 the timber supplied from these forests, the number 
 greatly increasing along the railroad lines. With 
 regard to the magnolia, large tracts are found 
 occupied exclusively by woods of this beautiful tree, 
 the timber of which is very hard, fine-grained, and 
 takes a polish like satin. In the cultivated dis- 
 tricts of eastern Texas cotton and com are the staple 
 crops, though sugar is cultivated in some counties on 
 the bottom lands of the Trinity. Fruit trees thrive 
 especially on the red lands, the peaches produced 
 thereon being famous for their flavor and size. 
 
 South Texas is that portion of the state which lies 
 along the gulf of Mexico, extending from 20 to 100 
 miles into the interior. It is a vast prairie plain ris- 
 ing imperceptibly to the hilly regions of central Texas. 
 The great prairies of which this division is composed 
 ^re intersected by innumerable rivers and streams, 
 and are for the most part treeless, timber being only 
 found along the margins of the streams which are 
 densely wooded, and in isolated groups of elms and 
 live-oaks, called "islands" or "motts. " The soil is 
 unsurpassed in richness, being of alluvial origin, sup- 
 plemented by sedimentary deposits of the receded 
 waters of the gulf and decayed vegetable matter. 
 The depth of the soil in the river valleys is very 
 great ; it has been examined to the depth of 30 feet, 
 where it shows scarcely a perceptible difference from 
 the surface soil. On the prairies the land is hardly 
 so ridh; the soil is of a black tenacious nature, while 
 that of the valleys is of a chocolate color. The staple 
 products are sugar-cane, cotton, and corn ; vegetables 
 of all kinds flourish exceedingly well ; and many 
 
NATURAL DIVISIONS. 55.3 
 
 tropical fruits, such as the orange, banana, and guava 
 can be successively cultivated in certain localities. 
 
 Central Texas extends from the Trinity to the Colo- 
 rado and the 99th degree west longitude, and from 
 the southern alluvial plain to the 3 2d degree north 
 latitude. Its physical features are of a hilly charac- 
 ter, displaying gentle undulations as it rises from the 
 southern plain, gradually developiag into highlands 
 and valleys which assume, as the traveller journeys 
 inland, a somewhat mountainous aspect. The soils 
 in this region are loams of various colors, black, brown, 
 red, and chocolate, but all containing sand in such 
 proportion as to render them easy of tillage. A large 
 portion, probably one fourth, is timbered ; and as this 
 division is composed of hills and valleys, rolling prai- 
 ries,^ and forests, the landscape scenery is indescrib- 
 ably beautiful. Cotton, corn, oats, and other cereals 
 are here produced, and the northern portion is a 
 favorite wheat-growing region. Immense herds of 
 swine are raised in the vicinities of the post-oak for- 
 ests, and sheep, horses, and cattle by thousands thrive 
 on the prairies and hill sides. 
 
 Situated on the north of this division and west of 
 eastern Texas is north Texas, terminated on the west 
 by the 99th meridian. It is a region composed of 
 forests and prairies, the soil being a loam of three 
 varieties, namely the dark sandy loam of the forests, 
 
 '' Mention must be made of the ' hog-wallow ' prairies, situated in the 
 northern portion of this division. They are so called from the multitudes of 
 small depressions in the surface. The soil in these prairies are as black as 
 tar, and after a rainfall as sticky and cloggy. The following explanation of 
 the origin of these wallows is given by S! B. Buckley in the Pirst Annual 
 Beport of the Geological and Agricultural Survey of Texas, 1874, 112. 'The 
 past summer was unusually dry in many parts of the state, and large cracks 
 were made in all soils abounding in wallows. Big rains came, flooding 
 many parts of the country. Afterwards in passing where the hog-wallows 
 prevailed, we could see plainly how they were made. The holes made by the 
 cracks were being filled in part by the washing in of loose earth, made loose 
 on the edges of the cracks by the rain, and there not being sufficient earth 
 to fill the very deep cracks depressions were made. These things were re- 
 peatedly seen by the members of our party, and left no doubt in the mind of 
 any one as to the cause of wallows. ' The soil successfully resists the severest 
 drouths. If deeply plowed the crops will be green and flourishing when 
 tho.se around them are perishing for want of moisture. 
 
654 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 the sticky black of the prairies, and the alluvial of 
 the valleys. With the exception of the pine the 
 forests contain varieties of timber similar to those of 
 east Texas and the northern portion of central Texas. 
 A new tree, however, here appears, the Osage orange, 
 or bois d' arc, which attains a large size, and is in 
 ffreat demand for railroad ties on account of its abil- 
 ity to resist decay. The staple products are the same 
 as those in north central Texas, especially wheat.' 
 
 Western Texas comprises that extensive territory 
 lying south of the 3 2d parallel of latitude, and west 
 of the 99th meridian to the Colorado, thence extend- 
 ing on the west and south of that river, to the gulf of 
 Mexico. This is the most sparsely populated portion 
 of the state. It contains every variety of soU and 
 physical formation. Level and rolling prairies, 
 deserts, dense forests, high table-lands, valleys, deep 
 canons, and rugged mountains, are found to succeed 
 each other as the traveller moves from the sea-board 
 
 ^ N. M. Buford, of Dallas county, speaking of northern Texas, says that 
 the adjustment of the difficulties which once existed in connection with the 
 old Peter's colony marked an epoch in the history of northern Texas. By 
 the terms of the contract between the colony company and the republic of 
 Texas each family introduced was to receive 640 acres of land, and each 
 single man 320 acres. The convention which framed the first constitution 
 of the state of Texas in 1845, among other acts passed an ordinance declar- 
 ing that the company had failed to carry out their contract, and was not 
 entitled to any land. Thus both the company and many immigrants, who 
 had been introduced, had no titles to their lands. The contract expired July 
 1 , 1848, and settlers kept arriving till that date. Great excitement was the 
 consequence of this doubtful possessory right to their farms and homes, and 
 the trouble continued till 1852, when the legislature passed a law granting 
 to each head of family 640 acres, and to each single man 320 acres, upon 
 proper proof being produced, of settlement prior to July 1, 1848. The com- 
 pany was compensated for their services in introducing colonists by a grant 
 of 700 sections of land located west of the settled portions of colony. Gov. 
 Bell appointed Col Thomas W. Ward commissioner for the purpose of deter- 
 mining who were entitled to lands and issuing certificates. Since that time 
 there has been little trouble in that portion of the state with regard to land 
 titles. Buford was bom in Tenn., June 24, 1824, migrated to Texas in 1846, 
 and settled in Dallas county in 1848, having been admitted to the bar in 
 1845. He served as dist atty and dist judge of the 16th judicial dist, and en- 
 tered the confederate army in 1861 as a private under Gen. Ben McCulloch, 
 being made col of the I9th Texas cav. in April of the following year. In 
 the spring of 1865, Buford resigned, and was elected to the state legislature 
 in 1866, and later again filled several judicial offices. Injan. 1 854 he married 
 Mary Knight, daughter of an old pioneer of Dallas county. A^oteu on Petfr't 
 OoL, MS. 
 
C0NM6UKATI0N AND CLIMATE. 556 
 
 on a curvilinear route trending northward. This 
 vast region is the peculiar feeding ground of immense 
 herds of cattle and flocks of sheep, especially along the 
 Rio Grande. In the central and northern portions 
 wheat and other cereals are cultivated, but farming is 
 generally neglected, agriculture being a secondary 
 consideration to the great industry of stock-raising. 
 Of the region lying west of the Pecos river, much 
 still remains to be known. It has hardly any popula- 
 tion, except in the small towns on the Rio Grande, 
 in El Paso county, and in the vicinity of the United 
 States military posts. The same is the case with 
 Tom Green and Crockett counties, two of the largest 
 in the state, lying on the north-east of the Pecos 
 river/ 
 
 The sixth and last natural division has acquired the 
 name of the panhandle of Texas. It includes the ter- 
 ritory lying north of the 34th parallel of north lati- 
 tude, and west of the 100th meridian. The greater 
 portion of this region consists of prairies, which are 
 intersected by large tracts of broken country con- 
 taining rugged hills and gorges. Sandy deserts, too, 
 are met with, and the great Llano Estacado, or 
 Staked Plain, extends along the south-western portion 
 of it.° The prairies and staked plain are covered 
 with a variety of rich grasses, among which may be 
 mentioned the mesquite and gamma, blue-stem, bunch 
 sedge, and buffalo grass. This portion of Texas is 
 well adapted to grazing and stock-raising, the belief 
 that it was generally deficient in water being exploded 
 by later investigations. The panhandle is intersected 
 by innumerable ravines, in most of which small 
 streams and pools are found; in the prairies, also, 
 depressions frequently occur, which, filled by the rains 
 
 *The four largest counties, are, Presidio, 12,955 sq. miles: Tom Green, 
 12,579; Pecos, 11,379, and Croclsett, 10,029 sq. miles. SpaigM's Official Map, 
 1882. 
 
 * This immense plain extends in a geological point of view, from the 
 northern point of the state, southward, nearly to the northern boundaries of 
 Kinney, Uralde, and Medina counties, west of San Antonio. Tex. Geohg. 
 Agric. Survey, second annual report, 1876, 31. 
 
966 nroUSTRIES, COMMERCK, AND UAIXROADS. 
 
 hold water during the greater part of the year, evea 
 in seasons of severe drought. This impervious quality 
 of the soil authorizes the assertion that artificial 
 reservoirs can be successfully constructed, capable of 
 supplying large herds of cattle and a considerable 
 population with water all the year. 
 
 The climate of Texas varies from moderately tem- 
 perate to semi-tropical according to altitude and 
 locality. At Eort Davis in Presidio county, 5,000 
 feet above the sea level, in January 1873 the ther- 
 mometer was once 15° below zero, and, in the northern 
 portion of the state,, snow and ice and extremely cold 
 weather are experienced in the winter; but the cold 
 is never protracted, the weather during the larger 
 portion of that season being mild and pleasant. In 
 the central part snow and ice are seldom seen, and in 
 the extreme south are of very rare occurrence. The 
 rain-fall in Texas is as varied as the climate. Never- 
 theless the 100th meridian may be regarded as a 
 dividing line between two regions subject to rain-falls 
 widely differing in quantity and regularity. East of 
 that line the rains are abundant and rarely fail ; west 
 of it they are irregular, droughts frequently occur, 
 and the quantity is greatly diminished. 
 
 ^ The panhandle is the 43d representative district, and sends to the legis- 
 lature only one representative, who, in 1886 was J. W. Browning of Wieeler 
 county. Browning came to Texas at the age of 16, and settled in Shackel- 
 ford county in 1867, beginning life as a cowboy. He found time, however, 
 to study law at intervals, and was admitted to the bar in 1876. Having 
 served as justice of the peace and county attorney for Shackelford county, 
 in 1881 he was appointed district attorney of the new judicial district then 
 formed. He was elected to the lower house of the legislature in 1882. He 
 was opposed to leasing the public lands to cattlemen. The above description 
 of Texas is mainly derived from the reports of S. B.- Buckley, already 
 quoted; Texas; Her Resources mid Capabilities, issued by the South-western 
 Immigration company in 1881; and Spair/ht's Resources, Soil, Clim. Tex., 
 1882. 
 
 ' The average annual rainfall east of the 100th meridian may be set down 
 at from about 30 inches, southern Texas exceeding, and central and northern 
 Texas falling short of this average. The fall in the western portion of the 
 state is much below this. With respect to this region, particulars are some- 
 what deficient; but some estimate of an average may do derived from the 
 mean annual rainfall at the following places, as supplied in Spaight's official 
 map of 1882. Eagle pass, Maverick county, 26.06 inches; El Paso, 13.12j 
 Fort Davis, Presidio county, 22.45; Fort McKavett, Menard county, 22.71; 
 and Fort Elliot, Wheeler county, 16.47. The rainfall is, however, increasing. 
 
AGEICULTUIiE. 657 
 
 The cause of this difference lies in the fact that the 
 prevailing winds along the coast and the eastern in- 
 terior of Texas are southerly and south-easterly, and 
 coming from the gulf, the atmpsphere is heavily 
 charged with vapor, whereas, the winds which sweep 
 from the south and south-west, over western Texas, 
 are robbed of their humidity in their passage over 
 the Cordilleras of Mexico, and the dry arid regions iii 
 the north of that republic. 
 
 Among the agricultural productions of Texas, cotton 
 takes the lead, exceeding in value that of all others 
 put together, excluding Indian corn. In 1879, the 
 culture of this plant extended over 2,178,435 acres, 
 which had increased inl882to2,810,113 acres, yield- 
 ing 674,427,120 pounds of cotton, and it is to be ob- 
 served that the yield per acre is greater in Texas 
 than in any other state.' The value of the yield for 
 1882 was nearly $60,000,000. 
 
 Of cereals Indian corn is more extensively culti- 
 vated than any other. In 1879, 2,468,587 acres were 
 sown with this grain, yielding 29,065,172 bushels; in 
 1881 a crop of 33,377,000 bushels, worth $33,043,230 
 was produced on 2,803,700 acres; and in 1882 the 
 number of bushels amounted to 63,416,300. Next in 
 value follow oats, the productions of which in bushels 
 for the same three years are represented respectively 
 by the figures 4,893,359, 8,324,000, and 9,239,600, 
 the last amount being estimated. The value of the 
 crop of 1881 was $5,077,640. 
 
 Wheat was introduced into Texas by the early set- 
 tlers merely as an experiment, in the endeavor to 
 furnish flour for home consumption in those districts 
 which were remote from a market. For many years 
 it was cultivated only to very small extent," and in 
 
 owing to the increasing area of land put under cultivation, and the increased 
 growth of trees on the prairies. 
 
 *Iu the last mentioned year Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas produced 
 the greatest yield per acre, the respective figures, showing the proportion, 
 heing 240, 235, and 233. The figures for all other cotton growing states were 
 below 200. U. S. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 47, sess. 1., vol. 26, 67a-4. 
 
 ' According to the census of 1850, the total production of the state was 
 only,41,729 bushels, 
 
058 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 early days the belief prevailed that the soil of Texas 
 was not adapted to its culture." But these impres- 
 sions yielded to more careful attention to the selection 
 of suitable land. It was discovered that a great belt 
 suitable for the most successful cultivation of wheat 
 extends through northern and central Texas, and 
 further developments have proved wheat-producing 
 land is not limited to that region. In 1879 there 
 were 373,612 acres sown with this cereal, yielding 2,- 
 567,760 bushels; in 1881, 3,339,000 bushels were 
 produced on 263,200 acres, valued at $4,674,600 ; the 
 estimate for 1882 being 4,173,700 bushels." 
 
 Other grains, barley, rye, and buckwheat are only 
 cultivated to a small extent." Experiments have 
 been made with rice, but have not been sufficiently 
 encouraging to hold out the expectation that it will 
 ever become a staple production. Tobacco culture 
 receives little attention, as also that of the sugar-cane. 
 Viticulture is assuming some importance, some kinds 
 of grapes thriving well in most of the settled portions 
 of the state. The wine produced, however, is mostly 
 manufactured for home consumption, its exportation 
 not being so profitable as other productions. The El 
 Paso grape is one of the finest in the world, and the 
 wine made from it has long been in great repute. 
 
 In 1860 the number of farms in Texas was 42,891 
 comprising 25,344,028 acres; in 1870 there were 61,- 
 125 farms with 18,396,523 acres; and in 1880, 174,- 
 184, with 36,292,219 acres, valued at $170,468,886. 
 The relative percentages of unimproved land for these 
 years are respectively represented by the figures, 
 89.5, 83.9, and 65.1. The size of these farms varied 
 
 '" Parker writing in 1834-5 says: ' Wheat will not grow in this country. 
 The stalk will run up rank, but the ear wUl not fiU with plnmp kernels.' 
 Trip to ilix. West and Tex., 141. 
 
 '^ The above statistics are taken from the report of the commissioner of 
 agriculture for 1881-2, in U. S. H. Ex. Doc, oong. 47, seas. 1, vol. 26, 577- 
 676 passim. 
 
 '^ James A. Reddick gives the following average yield per acre of cereals 
 in Texas: wheat, 20 buah.; oats and barley, 70 bush.; corn from 25 to 40 
 bush. Reddick was born at La Grange, Fayette county, and served througt 
 the confederate war. 
 
STOCK RAISING. 
 
 559 
 
 from less than three acres — of which there were very 
 few — ^to over 1,000 acres, the averages for the same 
 years being respectively, 591,301, and 208 acres. In 
 1880 the total amount of improved land taken up as 
 farms was 129,65,314 acres, and of unimproved 23,- 
 641,905 acres, including 15,851,365 acres of woodland 
 and forest. The number of persons engaged in all 
 the occupations of agriculture during the same year 
 was 359,317, of whom 330,125 were males. The 
 number of male laborers is represented by the figures 
 119,295, and of female laborers by 24,517. The total 
 number of farmers and planters was 200,404, of whom 
 4,562 were females, the balance of the number, 359,- 
 317 being represented by stock-raisers, herders, gar- 
 deners, vine-growers and others." 
 
 Agriculture in Texas occasionally suffers both from 
 droughts and floods. Grasshoppers and locusts " have 
 also assailed the crops, but their visits are of rare oc- 
 curence. Where formerly the buffalo roamed in 
 countless numbers,'" immense herds of cattle now find 
 their pasture grounds. Before the civil war almost 
 the entire area of Texas was one vast feeding ground 
 for cattle, horses and sheep, but during the last 
 twenty years great changes have been effected by the 
 influx of immigrants, who have taken up large quan- 
 tities of lands, previously ranged over by stock, and 
 
 '^ U. 8. Census, 1880, vol. 1. The following table, taken from the report 
 of the commissioner of agriculture, represents the fluctuations in the average 
 rates of monthly wages paid farm laborers, with and without board, in five 
 years, during the period from 1866 to 1882. 
 
 1 1806 
 
 1869 
 
 1875 
 
 1879 
 
 1882 
 
 Without board 
 
 With board 
 
 $19.00 
 12.72 
 
 118.83 
 13.21 
 
 119.50 
 13.37 
 
 $18.27 
 11.49 
 
 S20.20 
 14.03 
 
 " Grasshoppers made their first appearance in 1848, the swarms coming 
 from the north with the October winds. They again appeared in 1856 and 
 1857, from the same quarter. Tex. Aim., 1861, 138. 
 
 '*The buffalo is now extinct in Texas, but as late as 1876 great numbers 
 were to be found in the panhandle. W. C. Koogle, a large cattle-raiser 
 was once engaged in huutmg them in that region, and remarks that though 
 1,000,000 of them were needlessly killed, their destruction did more than 
 any other thing to civilize the country, inasmuch as it compelled the savages, 
 who mainly depended on them for food and covering, to seek other hunting 
 
 f rounds. Koogle was bom in Maryland in 1849, and settled in the pan- 
 andle in 1876. Remarks on Tex., MS. 
 
660 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 converted them into cultivated farms. In this part of 
 the state, comprising the greater portion of eastern, 
 northern, central, and southern Texas, cattle are 
 raised mostly as domestic animals. Consequently the 
 great ranges are now to be found in the region west 
 of the 98th meridian, and south of a line extending 
 from San Antonio to Matagorda; in the southern 
 portion of this extensive region probably more cattle 
 are raised than in any other division of the state. '^ 
 The panhandle, however, is admitted to be, without 
 exception, the best stock country in Texas; it is com- 
 paratively a new country, but the staked plain is 
 being gradually recognized to be as fine a grazing 
 region as can be found in the United States." During- 
 the last decade the increase in the number of stock 
 has been enormous, as will be evident to the reader by 
 referring to the table below, showing the statistic for 
 the last six years only." 
 
 '°It was estimated in 1885 that there were fully 2,500,000 head of cattle 
 in the south of Texas. U. S. Bureau of Statistics, Report, Cattle Business, 
 May 16, 1885, 108. 
 
 ^'The panhandle was first partially stocked in 1876. In Nov. 1877 
 Charles Goodnight located a herd of 2,200 head of cattle. According to the 
 reports there were 225, 857 head in July 1880. U. 8. H. Misc., cong. 47, sess. 
 2, vol. 13, pt 3, gen. fo. 972. G. W. Littlefield established a rancho in 
 Oldham and Potter counties, and sold it in June 1881 to a Scotch syndicate 
 for $253,000. lAttUfield's Remarks on Cat. and Agric., MS. 
 
 ' '8 1880 I 1881 i 1882 | 1883 | 1884 | 1885 
 4,894,600 I 5,104,300 | 5,535,200 | 6,088,700 | 6,592,500 | 9,000,000 
 
 The above figures, with the exception of those for 1885, do not reach 
 the actual numbers. This is explained by Geo. B. Loving, of Fort Worth, 
 in his letter of Jan. 20, 1885, to the chief of the U. S. bureau of statistics. 
 He states that according to the comptroller's report, the assessment rolls of 
 the state showed that on Jan. 1, 1884, there were at least 7,000,000 head of 
 cattle in the state, and that the actual number of cattle in Jan. 1885 was about 
 9,000,000; the discrepancy arises from the fact that but few, if any, of the 
 largest ranchmen render the full number of cattle owned by them for taxa- 
 tion. V. S. Bureau Stat., ut sup., 102; Wood Bros., Live Stock Movement. It 
 is, indeed, impossible to give any other tlian approximate numbers, as statis- 
 tical tables compiled by diflerent individuals show extraordinary differences. 
 For instance the tables supplied in Proceedings of the First National Convention 
 of Cattle Orowers of the United States, held in St. Louis, Mo., Nov. 1884, pp. 
 12-3, give 5,060,715 as the number for 1883, and 4,894,692 for 1884; and 
 these figures are supposed to include all cattle on farms, ranches, and ranges. 
 One of the latest cattle owners in Texas is Col. C. C. Slaughter, of Dallas 
 county. In Howard, Borden, Dawson, and Martin counties he owns 220,000 
 acres of land in fee-simple, and has 340,000 acres under lease. In 1882 he 
 refused f 1,000,000 for his cattle interests alone. He also owns half interest 
 
THE CATTLE BUSINESS. 531 
 
 In a country so productive of increase, cattle-dealing 
 has become a great business, and yearly hundreds of 
 thousands of animals are driven northward to ranges 
 in Nebraska, Dakota, Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, 
 and Idaho, where cattle, as experience has proved, 
 increase more rapidly in weight than if raised for 
 market on the Texas ranges. This business has 
 grown up chiefly during the last fifteen years, the 
 movement varying year by year." Latterly, the great 
 markets for driven cattle have been Dodge City, 
 Kansas, and Ogalalla, Nebraska, which are reached 
 by regular cattle trails, the drovers having been 
 crowded away, farther and farther west, from the old 
 main route by the rapid settlement of Kansas. The 
 railroads, also, now transport stock in great numbers. 
 It is considered that the establishment by the United 
 States' congress of a great national cattle trail leading 
 northward would conduce greatly to the cattle-raising 
 interests in Texas. The fact that the main line, 
 known as the Fort Griffin and Dodge City trail, is 
 
 in a rancho of 100, 000 acres in the panhandle. He was born in Sabine county, 
 Feb. 9, 1837, was a captain of rangers, and in 1885 was elected president of 
 the Cattle Association of West Texas. Slaughter's Notes on Tex., MS. Col. 
 W. Crawford Young is another man of enterprise. He was bom in Kentucky, 
 Dee. 9, 1820; served in the confederate army, and in 1879 settled in Garza 
 county, Texas. In 1883 he formed the Llano Cattle co., selling 80,000 
 acres of land. He owns 15,000 head of cattle and believes that the Hereford 
 breed is the best adapted to the climate of that section of the country. Young's 
 Statements, MS. L. B. Collins, who went to Texas in 1865, considers that the 
 best class of stock for the country is the Durham; though he says the Hereford 
 cattle are excellent to cross with the native Texas animal. The Burmuda 
 stock is also good for crossing. L. B. Collins was bom in Louisiana, April 
 22, 1848. Rernarlcs on Stock, MS. N. C. Baldwin remarks that with care, 
 imported stock do very well in Texa3, and little loss need be feared. Baldmn's 
 Remarks on StocJe, MS. John S. Andrews, of Dallas county, is a prominent 
 stock-raiser, and has been engaged in that business along the western border 
 for many years. Biog. Sketch, MS. 
 
 " U. S. Bureau of Statistics, tit sup., 23-4. John B. Slaughter, brother of 
 C. 0. Slaughter, has been engaged largely in this business, which is very 
 profitable. His first venture was made in 1873, when he paid $7 for yearlings 
 and |10 and $12 respectively for animals two years and three years old. He 
 drove them to Kansas, and after wintering them, sold the beeves at tlie rate 
 of $20 a head; the yearlings he kept till the spring of 1875, when they real- 
 ized $32 a head. Slaughter, Oattle-deaUng, MS. John Sparks was the first 
 cattle-dealer who imported the long-horned Texas steers into the state of 
 Virginia. He was born in Mississippi, Aug. 30, 1843, and went with his 
 father's family to Texas in 1857. He realized a considerable fortune in the 
 business, and has an interest in large cattle ranches in Nevada and Idaho. 
 Sparks' Notes, MS. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 36. 
 
562 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 being gradually forced westward, has led to the appre- 
 hension that eventually no way will be open through 
 the country where a sufficient supply of water at 
 necessary intervals can be found. On January 17, 
 1885, James F. Miller, of Texas, introduced in the 
 house of representatives a bill to establish a quaran- 
 tined live-stock trail through Indian Territory to the 
 southwest corner of Kansas, thence over the unap- 
 propriated public lands, on the most practicable route, 
 to the north boundary of the United States." 
 
 That the reader may understand the requirement 
 that Texas cattle should be made subject to quaran- 
 tine, it is necessary to explain that an extraordinary 
 and destructive bovine disease is generated in that 
 state, known as the Texas fever; also called splenic 
 fever and Spanish fever. It is endemic rather than 
 epidemic, the cause of it being yet unknown. The 
 lowlands on the gulf of Mexico are admitted to be tlie 
 locality of its origin, and the infected area is believed 
 to embrace more than half of the state." It is a re- 
 markable fact that the cattle of southern Texas do not 
 themselves suffer from this disease, but communicate 
 it when they are driven north to the cattle of more 
 northern latitudes, the infection being the result of 
 the latter walking over or feeding upon the trails along 
 which the former have passed." 
 
 2' It was proposed that this trail should be of any practicable width not ex- 
 ceeding six miles, and the quarantined grazing-grounds should not exceed 12 
 miles square at any one place. U. S. Bureau of Statistics, ut sup., 27, 160. 
 The approximate number of cattle driven north from Texas during the period 
 from 1866 to 1884 inclusive, is 5,201,132, the greatest ' drive ' being in 1871, 
 and numbering 600,000. The 'drive' of 1884 was 300,000, which, at S17 a 
 head, amounted to §5,100,000. 
 
 ^' Its northern limit is supposed to be bounded by an irregular line extend- 
 ing in a southwesterly direction from the northeast corner of Grayson county 
 to long. 100°; thence westerly to El Paso county; thence northwest to 
 the border of N. Mexico. 
 
 22 The generally accepted theory is that the disease exists in a latent 
 state in the cattle of southern Texas, under conditions of food and climate 
 which prevent impairment of the health of the animal; during the migration 
 northward the latent cause of disease passes off in fecal matter, and is inhaled 
 or taken into the stomachs of the northern animals when they feed on ground 
 passed over by Texas cattle. To animaU thus infected the disease is fatal 
 Experience proves that it is never communicated north of South Platte river 
 The committee of the Wyoming Stock-growers' Association, appointed ttt 
 
SHEEP AXD HORSES. 563 
 
 During late years, sjoidicates of cattle-raisers have 
 been formed, which have acquired large tracts of land 
 in western Texas. These extensive properties have 
 been surrounded by wire fences, which have occasioned 
 much trouble between agricultural settlers and the 
 cattlemen. When farmers found their roads to the 
 nearest towns closed, they proceeded to open them by 
 cutting the fence wires. This action was resisted, 
 and not a few lives were lost in the quarrels which 
 ensued. The right of road question became so serious 
 from the determination of the farmers to insist upon 
 their really just demand for convenient lines of transit 
 to and from their farms, that Governor Ireland con- 
 vened a special session of the legislature in December 
 1883, to legislate on the matter. 
 
 As the reader is aware, cattle raiding on the Rio 
 Grande frontier has been carried on for many years. 
 These depredations, however, are diminishing yearly 
 in magnitude, owing, in a measure, to the organiza- 
 tion of cattlemen's associations for the mutual protec- 
 tion and benefit of stock owners. 
 
 In sheep raising Texas takes the lead of all other 
 states of the union in almost as marked a degree as 
 in cattle breeding.'^ The number of horses also is 
 in excess of that of any other state except Illinois. 
 The subjoined table gives the comparative figures for 
 
 investigate the subject, reported at the annual meeting, April 1885, that 
 cattle Drought from southern Texas are only dangerous for about 60 days 
 from the time of leaving their native ranges. The cause of the disease is 
 eliminated while on the trail. On March 12, 1885, a quarantine law was 
 passed by the state of Kansas, prohibiting cattle being driven into the state 
 from south of the 37th parallel of north latitude during the months from 
 March 1st to Deo. 1st; a similar law was passed March 20, 1885, by the state 
 of Colorado, assigning the 36th parallel as the quarantine line, the prohibition 
 period being from March 1st to Nov. 1st. In New Mexico, Nebraska, and 
 Wyoming quarantine laws are in force. They are less rigid, however, and 
 their application is left to the decision of executive officers, whose duty it is 
 to determine when quarantine regulations shall be enforced and when dis- 
 continued. Id., 31-5, 134^7. 
 
 23 0. H. Rogers of Nueces county remarks that, since the country has 
 been fenced, there is a' disposition on the part of sheepmen to change 
 their business to that of cattle and horse breeding; not that the sheep busi- 
 ness will not pay, but that they believe cattle and horses will pay better on 
 inclosed ranges than sheep. Remarks on Stock Saising, MS. 
 
564 
 
 ESTDUSTEIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 the four leading states in each of these industries for 
 five years." 
 
 In 1858 the legislature passed a law authorizing a 
 geological and agricultural survey of the state, and 
 the appointment of a state geologist. B. F. Shur- 
 nard commenced work in 1859, but only accomplished 
 superficial and partial reconnoisances of small portions 
 of the state, and was superseded in the following year 
 by Francis Moore. The civil war and the subsequent 
 confusion which prevailed in Texas interrupted opera- 
 tions for many years, and it is only during the last 
 decade that information of value has been obtained 
 relative to the mineral resources of the state. 
 
 It has been ascertained that immense coal deposits 
 exist in rich veins found in a wide belt extending from 
 Clay and Montague counties in the north to Webb 
 county in the south. Little enterprise, however, has 
 hitlaerto been displayed in the exploitation of this 
 mineral wealth, and the principal mines opened are 
 chiefly worked by the railroad companies for locomo- 
 tive fuel.'* 
 
 
 1880 1881 
 
 1882 
 
 1883 
 
 1884 
 
 Texas 
 
 5,940,200 
 
 6,850,000 
 
 7,877,500 
 
 7,956,200 
 
 8,035,700 
 
 California 
 
 5,727,300 
 
 6,265,000 
 
 5,907,600 
 
 6,203,000 
 
 6,352,300 
 
 N. Mexico 
 
 2,990,700 
 
 3,950,100 
 
 3,960,000 
 
 4,435,200 
 
 4,479,500 
 
 Ohio 
 
 4,902,400 
 
 4,951,500 
 
 5,050,500 
 
 5,000,000 
 
 4,900,000 
 
 HORSES. 
 
 Texas..., 
 Illuioig. . , 
 Missouri . 
 Iowa .... 
 
 896,000 
 
 1,125,300 
 
 859,700 
 
 836,700 
 
 947,500 
 
 1,134,900 
 
 861,300 
 
 842,300 
 
 1,023,500 
 
 1,141,100 
 
 871,800 
 
 883,900 
 
 1,038,100 
 
 1,151,300 
 
 896,600 
 
 9.39,100 
 
 1,095,100 
 
 1,159,700 
 
 948,900 
 
 990,700 
 
 Numerical exactness in statistics of this kind is impossible, but the above 
 figures are as approximately correct as can be attained. The quantity of 
 wool produced in Texas in 1880 was 6,928,019 lbs at the spring oMp; in 1883 
 the clip was estimated at 31,000,000 lbs. U. S. Bureau of Stat., no. 4, 1883-4, 
 545-6; Wood Bros Live Stock Momment. Attention is being paid to improve- 
 ment in the breed of horses. J. Johnson had a fine horse called Blue 
 Bird which beat, Nov. 16, 1885, Lela B., the winner of a race for 
 $30,000 at Sacramento, Cal., in the previous September. Johnson, Mace-horses 
 in Tex., MS. The number of hogs in Texas increased from 1,900,000 in 
 1880 to 2,153,000 m 1884. 
 
 * In 1885 the principal mines worked were those in Palo Pinto, Parker, 
 Webb, Maveric, and Presidio counties, and in the Eagle mountains in the 
 extreme west of Texas. It is estimated that the coal fields in Texas extend 
 over an area of 30,000 sq. miles. Bept Sec. Int., cong. 41, sess. 3, 195; Land 
 and Thompson's Galveston, 39-42. 
 
MINES AliTD MANUFACTURES. B65 
 
 The iron vein enters Texas from the northeast in 
 Bowie county, and the ore is found in abundance in 
 the eastern counties, and in the mountainous districts 
 of the upper Colorado and its tributaries. In Llano 
 county there is a massive hill of iron ore, 30 feet high, 
 800 long, and 500 wide. The ore has been tested and 
 found to yield 70 per cent of pure iron.'* As yet the 
 development of this mining industry, like that of coal, 
 is only in its infancy. It does not appear that any 
 enterprise in iron smelting was engaged in before the 
 civil war. During that period three small furnaces 
 were erected- 
 
 Another metal which Texas yields in great abun- 
 dance is copper,the belt of which extends from Wichita 
 county southward, with some interruptions, and a 
 westerly bend to Pecos and Presidio counties. A 
 company was chartered in 1885 to work copper mines 
 in Archer county, which may be considered as the 
 first serious step taken toward the establishment of 
 this industry in the state. Silver-bearing ores, prin- 
 cipally argentiferous galena, crop out in Llano county 
 and can be traced to San Saba and Burnett counties 
 where old Spanish mines are still to be seen, as also 
 along the Pecos river. Lead is found in El Paso, 
 Presidio, Gonzales, and Gillespie counties. 
 
 Valuable deposits of salt are found in Gregg, Hi- 
 dalgo, Van Zandt, El Paso and many other counties. 
 Along the Rio Grande it is found in inexhaustible 
 quantities, the salt lakes of El Paso being famous. 
 Equally so is the Sal del Rey in Hidalgo, which is a 
 large body of salt water about one mile in diameter 
 and nearly circular in shape. From this lake the 
 people of Texas was supplied with salt during the 
 civil war. Building stone of every description exists 
 throughout the state, and Burnett, Llano, and San 
 Saba counties contain beautiful varieties of marble of 
 
 28 Geo. T. Todd narrates that in early days wagoners on the roads lead- 
 ing into Jefferson used flat iron rocks on which to bake their bread, and beat 
 the same into horse-shoes without the trouble of smelting the ore. Jefferson 
 Iron News, Feb. 10, 1886. 
 
566 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 different colors, white, black, flesh color, and clouded. 
 
 The manufacturing and mechanical industries are 
 but slightly developed in Texas. It is essentially an 
 agricultural country, and the yarious industries en- 
 gaged in under the above two general heads are not 
 pursued to an extent adequate to meet the home de- 
 mand. According to the United States census of 
 1880 the total value of all such products for that 
 year was only $20,719,928, employing a capital of 
 $9,245,561 and 12,159 hands, 11,645 being males 
 above 16 years of age. The wages paid during the 
 same period amounted to $3,343,087, and the value 
 of the materials used to $12,956,269, showing net 
 proceeds to the amount of $4,420,572. The value of 
 similar products in California for the same year was 
 $116,218,933. The subjoined table exhibits the prin- 
 cipal industries, namely all those on which a capital 
 of over $100,000 was employed." In 1870 the value 
 of the corresponding products was $11,517,302, which 
 compared with the figures for 1880 exhibits an in- 
 crease of $9,202,626 for the latter year. 
 
 The foreign commerce of Texas, previous to her re- 
 
 a^ 
 
 
 No. of 
 
 
 Value of 
 
 Value of 
 
 1880 
 
 Capital. 
 
 work- 
 
 Wages. 
 
 
 
 
 
 men. 
 
 
 Materials. 
 
 Products 
 
 Blacksmithing 
 
 $ 299,645 
 
 707 
 
 1 180,502 
 
 f 247,464 
 
 $ 727,079 
 
 Boot and shoes 
 
 100,152 
 
 235 
 
 87,223 
 
 140,043 
 
 372,810 
 
 Brick and tile 
 
 18.3,530 
 
 1,185 
 
 204,499 
 
 105,074 
 
 448,418 
 
 Carriages and wagons. . 
 
 150,700 
 
 211 
 
 92,014 
 
 139,000 
 
 301,800 
 
 Flour and grist mills . . 
 
 3,082,952 
 
 2,609 
 
 368,683 
 
 6,371,606 
 
 7,617,177 
 
 Foundryandmaoh. shop 
 
 365,350 
 
 360 
 
 149,212 
 
 228,151 
 
 532,778 
 
 
 342,500 
 
 86 
 
 46,855 
 
 45,485 
 
 176,000 
 456,600 
 
 Lumber, planed 
 
 143,000 
 
 191 
 
 73,775 
 
 295,640 
 
 Lumber, sawed 
 
 1,660,952 
 
 3,186 
 
 732.914 
 
 2,096,775 
 
 3,673,449 
 
 Oil, cotton-seed and cake. 
 
 202,000 
 
 158 
 
 36,272 
 
 192,441 
 
 276,450 
 
 Printing and publishing 
 
 447,900 
 
 414 
 
 232,924 
 
 207,438 
 
 605,000 
 
 Saddlery and harness . . 
 
 286,925 
 
 270 
 
 110,576 
 
 325,579 
 
 587,871 
 
 Sash, doors and blinds . 
 
 106,400 
 
 82 
 
 49,800 
 
 305,200 
 
 416,500 
 
 Slaughter'g&meatpack'g 
 
 202,200 
 
 132 
 
 49,800 
 
 280,220 
 
 486,400 
 
 Tin, copper, and iron ware 
 
 236,730 
 
 217 
 
 105,174 
 
 259,300 
 
 491,420 
 
 Totals, 
 
 $7,810,936 
 
 $10,043 
 
 $2,520,223 
 
 $11,240,416 
 
 $17,169,752 
 
 H. Miac. Doc, cong. 47, sess. 2, ii. 189-90, gen. fol. 
 
IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. 
 
 567 
 
 admission into the union, was very limited, the imports 
 rarely exceeding half a million dollars, and the exports 
 being proportionately small/* With the year 1870, 
 however, foreign trade assumed a vigor which marked 
 the beginning of an era of prosperity, and a rapidly 
 increasing development. In that year the exports of 
 domestic merchandise from Galveston amounted to 
 $14,869,601, and in 1881 to $26,685,248, the increase 
 being attained through spasmodic fluctuations.'" The 
 total amount of domestic merchandise exported from 
 all the ports of Texas for the year ending June 30, 
 1883, was $33,400,808, over $29,000,000 representing 
 cotton. Nearly nine tenths of the commerce with 
 foreign countries is conducted through the port of 
 Galveston, as will be seen by reference to the subjoined 
 table, showing the commercial statistics for the year 
 ending June 30, 1883." 
 
 ^' The value of the imports, including coin and bullion, at Galveston in 
 1856 was $92,259; in 1860, $533,153; in 1866, $111,357; 1868, $579,966; and 
 18C9, $266,517. The values of the exports from the same port for the same 
 years were respectively $1,252,925, $5,772,158, $1,288,926, $5,829,110, and 
 19,616,153. U. H. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 47, sess. 2, xviii., p. lix.-lx. 
 
 ^'The following table indioa.tes the fluctuations: 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 1870. 
 1871. 
 1872. 
 1873. 
 1874. 
 1875. 
 1876. 
 1877. 
 1878. 
 1879. 
 1880. 
 1881. 
 1882. 
 
 I 509,231 
 1,255,003 
 1,741,000 
 2,426,626 
 1,432,255 
 1,218,034 
 1,335,605 
 1,411,594 
 1,081,201 
 871,938 
 1,107,241 
 3,106,669 
 3,022,274 
 
 $14,869,601 
 13,764,384 
 12,211,774 
 17,629,633 
 19,135,951 
 15,876,632 
 15,245,041 
 15,160,394 
 12,177,540 
 16,393,877 
 16,712,861 
 26,685,248 
 15,515,094 
 
 Id. 
 
 So 
 
 imports. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 Galveston 
 
 $1,511,712 
 801,447 
 100,084 
 711,787 
 
 $29,627,898 
 
 Brazos de Santiago 
 
 Saluria 
 
 1,102,861 
 871,068 
 
 Corpus Christi 
 
 1,798,981 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 $3,125,030 
 
 $33,400,808 
 
 U. S. li. Ex. Doc, cong. 48, sess. 1, xvii. 134^5, 276-7. The growth of mer- 
 
568 INDUSTBIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 As the increase of the tonnage of vessels employed 
 in the carrying trade is necessarily proportionate to 
 the increase of commerce, some information with re- 
 gard to the former may be interesting. In 1856, 
 when the exports from Galveston amounted in value 
 to $1,252,925, the tonnage of vessels entered at that 
 port was 10,846 tons; in 1860 it was 32,263; in 1870, 
 31,555 tons; in 1880, 117,972 tons; and in 1883, 
 153,614 tons. At the date of June 30, 1883, there 
 were documented in the state of Texas 274 vessels, 
 with an aggregate tonnage of 10,672 tons, of which 
 36 were steamers, aggregating 3,308 tons. There is 
 but little ship-buUding in Texas. During the year 
 ending June 30, 1883, nine small sailing vessels were 
 launched, aggregating only 96 tons, and two steamers 
 aggregating nearly 65 tons. Internal transportation 
 is carried on by river steamers of light draft,^' and 
 along the systems of railroads that have been estab- 
 lished. During late years measures have been adopted 
 for the improvement of rivers and harbors. Consid- 
 erable sums of money are being expended in projects 
 to deepen the channels over the bars at the entrances 
 of the bays and at the mouths of the principal rivers.'^ 
 
 In early days the high-roads leading through Texas 
 were, as Kennedy remarks, "of nature's construction," 
 
 cautile operations in individual cities is illustrated by the success of Sanger 
 Bros, wholesale merchants and dealers. This firm does business in Waco to 
 the amount of nearly $500,000 worth of goods annually, and in Dallas to 
 nearly three times that amount. Allien they first opened their house in 
 Waco, they employed only two clerks; now they employ 65 clerks in the 
 same estalSlishment. This result was attained in less than a dozen years. 
 Sanqer's Statement, MS. 
 
 ^'In 1850-1, a canal was constructed by the Galveston and Brazos Xavi- 
 gatiou Co., connecting Galveston and Brazos river, at a cost of s.'^40,000. The 
 cutting is 8 miles in length, 50 feet wide at the surface, and 3J feet deep; the 
 remainder of this transportation line is 30 miles in length, and passes through 
 the slack waters of the Oyster Bay and AVest Bay. U. S. H. 2Ihc. , cong. 4y , 
 sess. 2, xiii. 754^5, gen. fol. 
 
 ^2 Improvements are being effected at Sabine pass and Blue Buck bar, on 
 the Sabine, Neches, and Trinity rivers; at the entrance to Galveston harfjor, 
 and on a ship-channel in the bay; on Buffalo bayou; the channel over the bar 
 at the mouth of the Brazos; at Pass Cavallo inlet to Matagorda bay; Aransas 
 pass and bay, up to Rockport and Corpus Christi; on the harbor at Brazos 
 Santiago; and in the protection of the river bank at Fort Brown on the Rio 
 Grande. U. S. H. Ex. Doc, cong. 48, sess. 1, vol. iv. 1047-97. 
 
ROADS Am) MAILS. 569 
 
 and in the dry season no difficulty was encountered, 
 except at the rivers, in journeying from the Rio 
 Grande to the Sabine in carriages ; ^^ during the rainy 
 months travelling was very toilsome and expensive. 
 The postal service along such routes was irregular and 
 deficient, but as the country became more settled, a 
 greater degree of efficiency was attained. In 1857, 
 an overland mail route was established between San 
 Antonio and San Diego, California," under a contract 
 entered into with the government by James E. Birch. 
 Referring to the postmaster-general's report of De- 
 cember 4, 1858, it will be found that the annual cost 
 of mail transportation, including route and local 
 agents and mail messengers, for the years ending June 
 30, 1857 and 1858, was respectively $232,138 and 
 $359,300, the estimate for the year ending June 30, 
 1859, being $604,363. This great increase is due to 
 a large number of new service routes being established. 
 From this time the service has developed in propor- 
 tion to the increasing requirements of the state. Ac- 
 cording to the postmaster-general's report of November 
 19, 1883, it appears that in the years ending June 30, 
 1882 and 1883, the number of post-offices in Texas 
 was respectively 1,438 and 1,448. The aggregate 
 length of the mail routes for the latter year was 
 
 ^ Almonte says: 'Desde Mexico hasta los Estados-Unidos se pueds viajar 
 en carmage, die menos seis meses del aflo, prinoipiando en mayo d junio.' 
 ^ot. Estad. Tej., 44. See also Var. Impresos, 2, no. vi., 44^5, 65-88, table no. 
 7, 96. 
 
 ^* On the more northern overland mail route to California, Adam Rankin 
 Johnson, in 1855, bought the Staked Plains station, the most dangerous point 
 on the line. He also acquired other stations, but was compelled to give 
 them up on account of the difficulty he experienced in obtaining laboring 
 men, owing to the hostility of the Indians. Johnson was born in Kentucky 
 Feb. 8, 1834, and settled in Burnett county, Texas, in 1844. He served with 
 distinction in the confederate army, doing most important scouting service. 
 He organized the Breckenridge guards, and was made a general of brigade by 
 Morgan. At the engagement at Grabbs' cross-roads, near Cumberland, 
 Johnson received a shot in the right eye, the ball passing in rear of the left 
 eye, and through the left temple. Both organs were instantly destroyed. 
 Being taken prisoner, he was exchanged March 26, 1805, and returned in 
 that year to Texas, where he took up his abode on a small rancho in Loland 
 CO. Starling's Bioj. of A. R. JoJiiison, MS. Particulars of the two great over- 
 land mail routes will be found in U. S. Sen. Doc, cong. 35, sesa. 2, iv. 739- 
 52. See aho Tex. Aim., 1859, 139-50. 
 
570 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 1S,S71 miles, the mails being transported over 5,371 
 miles by rail, and 492 miles by steamboat, the bal- 
 ance of 13,008 miles representing routes designated 
 as "star routes," irregular proceedings in contracts for 
 which have been repeatedly exposed." The total an- 
 nual transportation is represented by distances aggre- 
 gating 8,948,035 miles, at a cost of $718,516." 
 
 Railroad systems have been developed in an extraor- 
 dinary degree in Texas during the last ten years. In 
 1870, there were less than 300 miles in operation, and 
 in 1876 only about 1,600 miles, while in 1885 over 
 7,000 miles had been completed. During the repub- 
 lic numerous charters for railroads were granted, but 
 none were acted upon, and it was not until 1852 that 
 the first road was commenced. A brief account of 
 the oldest line in the state will not be uninteresting. 
 
 In the above-named year, a preliminary survey was 
 made, and some work done, on what was then called 
 the Buffalo Bayou, Brazos, and Colorado road, start- 
 ing from Harrisburg with a westerly direction, and 
 in tiie same year the whistle of the first locomotive on 
 Texan soil was heard at Harrisburg, being also the 
 second put in motion west of the Mississippi. The 
 company was organized June 1, 1850, at Boston, 
 Massachusetts, by General Sidney Sherman, who 
 may be regarded as the father of railroad systems in 
 Texas. The work progressed slowly, and the Colo- 
 rado was not reached till 1859, when the line was 
 open to Eagle lake, 65 miles from its initial point. 
 In 1866, it had been extended to Columbus, the river 
 being bridged at AUeyton. By an act of the legisla- 
 ture the charter was changed in 1870, and San An- 
 tonio made the objective point. Since that time it 
 has been called the Galveston, Harrisburg, and San 
 Antonio railway, perhaps better known as the "Sun- 
 set route." On January 15, 1877, the road reached 
 San Antonio, the citizens of Bejar county having voted, 
 
 '* This remark does not apply individually to the Texas mail service, but 
 to that of tne U. S. generally. 
 
 5" U. S. H. Ex. Doc, oong. 48, sess. 1, ix. 108, 133. 
 
EAILWAYS. 571 
 
 January 1876, $300,000 in county bonds to secure the 
 speedy completion of the line. In the same month 
 the passenger terminus was changed from Harrisburg 
 to Houston by a line from Pierce junction. Follow- 
 ing the setting sun, it has since been extended to El 
 Paso, where it connects with the Southern Pacific, 
 into which system it has been incorporated, though it 
 is still under the control of its own managers. At 
 that point it also connects with the Mexican Central. 
 The length of the main line is 848 miles, and no rail- 
 road in Texas has had more influence in the settlement 
 and development of the country. The branches con- 
 nected with it are the La Grange from Columbus, 31 
 miles, the Gonzales from Harwood, 12 miles, and the 
 branch to Eagle Pass, on the Rio Grande, where con- 
 nection is made with the Mexican International. At 
 Spoflbrd junction, a few miles from San Antonio, the 
 main line is crossed by the International and Great 
 Northern, which connects at Laredo with the Mexi- 
 can National. Thus it will be seen that access is 
 given to all points in the Mexican republic that have 
 railroad communications." 
 
 The next railroad commenced in Texas was the 
 Houston and Texas Central. The original charter 
 was granted in 1848, by which the company was in- 
 corporated under the title of the Galveston and Red 
 River Railroad company, the object being to construct 
 a line from Galveston to the northern boundary of 
 the state. Work was begun in 1853 at Houston, 
 instead of Galveston, by the original incorporator, 
 Ebenezer Allen, his action being confirmed by the 
 legislature, which, on February 7th of that year, 
 granted the charter for the road under consideration ; 
 thenceforth the line assumed its present name. The 
 rivalry existing between Galveston and Houston was 
 arranged by a compromise, under which the two cities 
 
 3' Tliratt, 618-19, 766-7; Tex. Aim., 1859, 219-20; 1860, 202; 1861, 228; 
 1867, 185-6; 1868, 122-6; Burke's Tex. Aim., 1882, 216; 1883, 72; Land and 
 Tli<ympson'e Galveston, 49-50; Tex. Indust. Houston, 1884-5, 33. 
 
572 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 were connected by the Galveston, Houston, and Hen- 
 derson road, whicli was begun at Virginia point, and 
 completed in 1865, a junction being effected with the 
 Houston and Texas Central. In 1859, a bridge was 
 constructed across the bay by the city of Galveston. 
 The main line was slow in progress, having only been 
 advanced about 80 miles when the civil war broke 
 out. Then an interruption occurred, and it was not 
 until March 1873 that it reached Denison city, Gray- 
 son county, where a junction was formed with the 
 Missouri, Kansas, and Texas road, thus opening com- 
 munication by rail with St Louis. The distance from 
 Houston to Denison is 341 miles. Branch lines are 
 from Hempstead to Austin, 115 miles; from Brenham 
 through Waco to Albany, Shackelford county, 231 
 miles, which northwestern division is to be extended 
 through the panhandle to New Mexico and Colorado ; 
 and the northeastern division, already constructed 
 from Garrett, Ellis county, to Roberts, 51 miles, and 
 intended to reach the southern contiguous corners of 
 Indian Territory and Arkansas. There is also a 12- 
 mile branch from Garrett to Waxahatchie. 
 
 Houston is the natural railroad centre, no less than 
 ten different lines converging to it from as many points 
 in the four quarters of the compass. Three of these 
 have been already mentioned; the remaining roads 
 are the International and Great Northern, opened to 
 Longview, Gregg county, distant 232 miles from 
 Houston. From Palestine, Anderson county, ex- 
 tends the Laredo branch to the Rio Grande, 415 
 miles. This railroad is the result of the consolida- 
 tion of the International, chartered August 17, 1870, 
 and the Houston and Great Northern, chartered 
 October 22, 1866. Houston Tap and Brazoria Rail- 
 way was completed in 1860, purchased in 1871 by 
 the Houston and Great Northern company, and now 
 forms part of the International and Great Northern 
 system. Its direction is due south to Columbia, Bra- 
 zoria county. The charter was granted September 1 , 
 
RAILWAYS. 573 
 
 1856, and the line completed about August 1859, its 
 length being 50 miles. The Texas and New Orleans 
 railway extends from Houston to Orange city, near 
 the Sabine river. It is 106 miles in length and was 
 opened in 1861. It now forms part of the Southern 
 Pacific system. Connection is formed by it with 
 Morgan's Louisiana and Texas railroad, which com- 
 pletes communication from San Francisco, California, 
 to New Orleans. 
 
 In May 1873, the Gulf, Colorado, and Santa Fe 
 line was chartered. This was a Galveston enterprise, 
 the intention being that the road should start from 
 that city, and passing up the valley of the Colorado 
 be carried on to Santa Fe, New Mexico. The origi- 
 nal plan, however, was changed, the line turning up 
 the valley of the Brazos to Cameron, thence to Tem- 
 ple junction, Lampasas, and Coleman, a total distance 
 of 351 miles already constructed. This is the main 
 line known as the Santa Fe division, and when com- 
 pleted will pass through the panhandle to that city. 
 The Fort Worth division, already completed from 
 Temple junction to that point, is intended to pass 
 through Montague county, and be extended through 
 Indian Territory to Fort Dodge, Kansas. Construc- 
 tion was commenced at Virginia Point in May 1875, 
 and the road opened to traffic as far as Richmond in 
 1878. Branch lines have been built from Alvin to 
 Houston, 24 miles ; from Cleburne to Dallas, 54 miles ; 
 and from Somerville to Montgomery, 53 miles in 
 length. 
 
 The Houston, East and West Texas narrow gauge 
 railway extends northward from Houston, and is 
 already constructed beyond Nacogdoches. This road 
 was chartered in March 1875, and was intended to 
 reach Red river in Bowie county, connecting with 
 the entire systems of railroads in eastern Texas and 
 southwestern Arkansas. The western division, as 
 projected, was to extend from Houston to Victoria, 
 Goliad, and Beeville, and thence to Laredo on the 
 
574 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 Rio Grande, liaving a branch to Corpus Christi bay. 
 This system was an enterprise of the citizens of Hous- 
 ton, its promoter being Paul Bremond of that city. 
 Another narrow gauge railway is the Texas Western, 
 the objective point being Presidio del Norte, on the Rio 
 Grande, 900 miles due west of Houston. Construc- 
 tion on this line, to any great extent, was for some 
 time delayed Connection, however, was made at 
 Seaby, 53 miles from Houston, with the Gulf, Colorado, 
 and Santa Fe road. The Texas-Mexican line is now in- 
 corporated with the Mexican National. It was orga- 
 nized in 1875 under the appellation of the Corpus 
 Christi, San Diego, and Rio Grande railway. The 
 branch line from Houston will connect with the main 
 trunk line at San Diego, Duval county, Galveston 
 will also be connected by another main branch. The 
 division extending from Corpus Christi to Laredo is 
 already completed, and construction is progressing 
 rapidly on aU other divisions. This, also, is a narrow 
 gauge line. 
 
 Besides these systems which all centre in Houston, 
 mention must be made of the . Fort Worth and Den- 
 ver City railway, crossing the panhandle from its 
 south-eastern to its north-western corner. Work is 
 progressing rapidly on this line, about 400 miles be- 
 ing already completed. Fort Worth,'* in fact, is an- 
 
 '' The growth of this city, which was incorporated in 1S73, was extraordi- 
 nary. B. B. Paddock states that when the first railroad reached the town in 
 1876 there were not more than 1,600 inhabitants; it has, in 1888, a popula- 
 tion of over 30,000. Within the corporate limits there are over 200 artesian 
 wells. Paddock went to Texas in 1872, and is connected with the Fort Worth 
 and Rio Grande R. R., the charter for which was granted in July, ISSo. Notes 
 on Fort Worth, MS. The first mayor was AViUiam P. Burts, bom in Tennes- 
 see, Dec. 7, 1827. He went to Fort Worth in 1858 and was the first practi- 
 tioner there. In 1874 Burts resigned, and Giles H. Day was elected the 
 second mayor, serving in that capacity till 1878, when he was succeeded by 
 R. E. Beckham, followed by John T. Brown. In 1882 John Peter Smith, 
 an able officer, was elected, and reelected in 1884. Smith was bom in 
 Kentucky, Sept. 16, 1831, and settled in Fort Worth in 1853; at that time 
 there were not more than halt a dozen families in the place. Smith taught 
 in the first school established in Fort Worth. Burts' Biog., MS.; Day's Biog., 
 MS.; SmWi's Fart Worth, MS.; L. L. ShoH's Biog., MS.; The Texas Special, 
 Oct. 20, 1885. A. P. Ryan of Fort Worth, gives some account of the fine 
 agricultural capacities of that portion of the country, and of the thriving 
 condition of that city. He was born in Wayne county, Kentucky, in 1837; 
 
HAILWAYS. 575 
 
 other great railroad centre, nearly a dozen lines, com- 
 pleted or in course of construction concentrating in 
 that city. 
 
 Many other lines are also projected to connect with 
 the above-named system, on which more or less work 
 was done, while the construction of others will be under- 
 taken according to the transportation requirements of 
 this progressive state. In the above brief account of 
 the railroads in Texas I have confined myself to the 
 main systems in operation within her boundaries; 
 but the reader will apprehend that numerous local 
 lines connect communication between them and most 
 of the principal towns, and that the whole net-work 
 is connected with the great transcontinental and main 
 roads of the United States, and also with the Mexi- 
 can systems — of still greater magnitude if, in some 
 future time, they be connected with stupendous 
 trunk lines reaching into South America, — a consum- 
 mation already conceived by projectors. 
 
 Railroad enterprises, from the first initiative steps 
 taken to introduce into Texas this means of transpor- 
 tation, have met with most liberal assistance from the 
 state government. Charters have been granted on 
 easy terms, enormous sums of money — principally 
 from the school and university fund — have been 
 loaned, and a large amount of public funds has 
 been donated to such companies as have fulfilled their 
 contracts, extensions of time having been granted 
 whenever the petitions for such were reasonable. It 
 is to this liberal action of the state that Texas is in- 
 debted in a great measure for her late rapid develop- 
 ment and increase of population. Texas did not 
 escape being affected by the trouble caused by the 
 serious strike of railroad employes in the spring of 
 1886. On April 3d of that year a train which left Fort 
 Worth on its way south was fired into at the junction 
 of the Fort Worth and New Orleans Railroad, two miles 
 
 went to Texas in 1858; and served in the confederate army during the whole 
 of the civil war. Observations, MS. 
 
57G INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AMD RAILROADS. 
 
 from the city. Deputy Sheriffs Townsend and Sneed, 
 and Police Officer Fulford were severely wounded, 
 the former dying the next day. Great excitement 
 prevailed throughout the state, and military compan- 
 ies were rapidly hurried to Fort Worth. The ener- 
 getic measures adopted by the governor and the 
 authorities of many principal towns fortunately pre- 
 vented further bloodshed.'' 
 
 ^^ The Dallas Morning News, Ap. 4 and 5, 1886' The strike commenced 
 in the work-shops of the Texas and Pacific R. R., at Marshall, Harrison 
 county, owing to the discharge of C. A. Hall, a foreman in the car-shop 
 there. Hall was a prominent officer in the Knights of Labor, who regarded 
 his dismissal as an attack upon their order. The strike extended to the 
 Missouri Pacific system. The authorities that have heen consulted on the 
 industries of Texas, are the following. 
 
 Stephen M. Blount was in 1888 the only living sipier of the declara- 
 t'ou of the independence of Texas. He was bom m Georgia, Feb. 13, 
 1808, and moved to Texas in July 1835, settling at San Augustine. In 1836 
 he was elected a member of the convention that declared the independence 
 and nominated General Houston for the position of commander-in-chief of 
 the Texan forces. Blount was a close personal friend of Houston, whom he 
 regards as having been a grand man. In 1837 Blount was elected clerk of 
 San Augustine county, holding that position for four years. His whole life 
 has been one of activity, having served, previous to his arrival in Texas, in 
 several official capacities in Georgia. He was commissioned colonel of the 
 8 th regiment Georgia militia, and was aide-de-camp both to Brig. -Gen. 
 Robert Tootle and Maj.-Gen. David Taylor during 1832-4. Col Blount 
 married in 1839 a Mrs Lacey whose family name was Landon, and his family 
 consists of six children. Biog. Sketch, MS. 
 
 Doctor Sherwood A. Owens was bom July 22, 1824, in Log£in county, 
 Kentucky, and graduated at Kemper College, Missouri, in 1843. In 1848 
 he took his degree in the medical department of that state university; prac- 
 tised in New Orleans until Feb. 1849, when he made preparations to go to 
 California by the overland route via Salt Lake, and arrived at Sacramento 
 July 2d of the same year. There he followed his profession often making 
 $500 a day. In 1851 he removed to San Francisco, but in the following year 
 sailed for Melbourne, Australia, and was nearly ship-wrecked on the passage. 
 At Melbourne the doctor was offered the position of surgeon on the British 
 fleet ordered to the Baltic; went to Chronstadt and Sevastopol, where he re- 
 signed in preference to becoming a, British subject, a requisite required by 
 that government in view of the existing war. He then returned to San 
 Francisco, arriving there in Dec. 1855. After further travelling he finally 
 married Lucy J. Thurman, of Jefferson, Missouri, went to Texas, and settled 
 at Waco in the autumn of 1857. During the civil war he was surgeon in 
 the confederate army, and was present at several important battles. He is 
 a zealous mason, and has been eminent commander of his commandery 
 Biog., MS. 
 
 Isaac Van Zandt was bom July 10, 1813, in Franklin county, Tennessee; 
 feeble health prevented him from receiving a thorough education. Having 
 engaged in mercantile pursuits in Mississippi for several years he abandoned 
 that vocation; engaged in the study of law; and in 1839, having migrated 
 to Texas, commenced practice at Marshall, in Harrison county. In tlie fol- 
 lowing year he was elected representative to the lower hou<ie of the Texan 
 congress and reelected in 1841. His next official position wai that of chargo 
 d' affairs to the United States, which he resigned in 1844. Having returned 
 to Marshall, he was elected in 1845 a delegate to the convention that com- 
 
BIOGRAPECY. 577 
 
 pleted the annexation of Texas to the United States, and framed the first 
 constitution of the new state. In 1847 he became a candidate for the office 
 of governor of the state, and while engaged in an active canvass for that 
 position he died of yellow fever Oct. 11th at Houston. Van Zandt was a 
 man of rare natural abUitiea, and from his probity and amenity of conduct, 
 was respected and revered by all who knew him. Five out of six children 
 bom to him were living in 1888, namely Louisa, widow of Col J. M. Clough, 
 who fell in the defence of Fort Donnelson; Kleber M., born November 7, 
 1836, admitted to the bar in 1858, and removed to Fort Worth in 1865, 
 where he engaged in mercantile business until 1874, when he turned his 
 attention to banking, and became president of Fort Worth Bank; Lycurgus, 
 a practising physician, born Jan. 5, 1840; Fanny, bom May 15, 1842, wife 
 of Doctor Ehas Beall, of Fort Worth; and Ida, bom May 20, 1844, the wife 
 of J. J. Jarvis, a lawyer and farmer of Tarrant county. Van Zandt, Memoir, 
 no. 1, MS.; M, no. 2, MS. 
 
 E. D. Linn, a son of John J. Linn, the author of Reminiscences of Fifty 
 Years in Texas, was bom in that state in 1848, and received his education in 
 the private schools. He is a prominent member of the committee on educa- 
 tion, and has been a member of the 14th to 19th legislatures inclusive. He 
 wa,3 the originator of the bill to fund and pay the public debt of Texas. Is 
 editor and proprietor of the Victoria Advocate, and one of the trustees of the 
 New York and Texas railway. His father was a member of the general 
 consultation which organized at San Felipe Nov. 3, 1835, declared against 
 the central government of Santa Anna, and established a provisional govern- 
 ment. J. J. Linn was also a member of the committee of safety, quarter- 
 master-general during the revolution, and afterward elected to the 1st and 
 2d Texan congress. Linn, Biog. Sketch, MS. 
 
 Captain Marcus D. Herring was bom October 11, 1828, and educated in 
 Mississippi and Louisiana. Before he was 20 years of age, he was licensed 
 to practise law. In Texas he resided in Austin from 1853 to 1856, when he 
 removed to Waco, where he practised very successfully his profession. Dur- 
 ing the last three years and nine months of the civil war he served in the 
 confederate army. Capt. Herring is a royal arch mason, and belongs to the 
 I. 0. O. F., being the founder of the widows' and orphans' house of that so- 
 ciety. Biog., MS. 
 
 Col John C. McCoy was born Sept. 28, 1819, at Clark county, Indiana; 
 was educated at Charleston and Wilmington academies, and admitted to the 
 bar in 1842. On Jan. 1, 1845, he arrived at Galveston as an agent for the 
 Peter's colony. In 1851, he married a niece of Ex-gov. Porter of Pennsyl- 
 vania. During the war of secession, he held various positions, such as quar- 
 termaster, enrolling officer, and provost marshal. Col McCoy is a prominent 
 mason, having become a member of that order in 1848. He has filled every 
 possible position, and in 1883 was placed as R. E. Grand Commander of the 
 Grand Commandery, K. T. ; is now chairman of the committee of correspon- 
 dence of the Grand Commandery, K. T. Texas Biog., MS. 
 
 T. C. Cook, A. M. , M. D. , is a prominent member of the house of repre- 
 sentatives of the 19th legislature, representing Colorado county. Was born 
 at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, September 19, 1836. He received his degree of 
 M. D. at the university of Pennsylvania in 1859, and that of A. M. at the 
 university of Alabama in 1860, in which year he migrated to Texas. During 
 the civil war, he was surgeon of the 1st regiment of heavy artillery of the 
 confederate army. Biog., MS. 
 
 J. W. Swain was bom in Kentucky in 1839, and arrived in 1859 in Texas. 
 He served in the confederate army till the surrender of Johnson's army, and 
 on his return gave his attention to fanning, which avocation he pursued for 
 five . He then adopted law as his profession; has served both as repre- 
 
 sentative and senator in the state legislature. In 1883, he was elected for a 
 second term as comptroller, with the extraordinary majority of 190,000 votes. 
 As a member of the state board of education. Swain is anxious for the adop- 
 tion of text-book uniformity. Texas Biog., MS, 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 87. 
 
578- INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 J. W. Baines, secretary of state, and an active member of the state board 
 of education, is a great supporter of public schools, and strongly in favor of 
 uniformity in text-books and method. Texas Biog., M.S. 
 
 Among periodicals may be mentioned Street's Monihly, a literary and ma- 
 sonic publication. J. K. Street, the proprietor, was bom in Tennessee in 
 1837; went to Texas in 1854, and has for many years been engaged in enter- 
 prises connected with the press. Street's Biog. Sketch, MS. 
 
 Samuel Bell Maxey was bom in Monroe county, Kentucky, March 30, 
 1825, and graduated at West Point in 1846, and served through the Mexican 
 war. He resigned in 1849, and was admitted to the bar iu 1850. In 1857 
 he settled at Paris, Texas, and was elected state senator in 1861, but resigned 
 and took service in the confederate army, at the close of which he was a 
 brigadier-general. Was elected to the U. S. senate in 1875, and reelected in 
 1881. Statement, MS. 
 
 W. S. Pendleton, a member of the 19th legislature, was bom in Tennes- 
 see Feb. 7, 1850, and graduated at Manchester college iu 1869. Afterward, 
 having studied law, he was admitted to the bar, and iu 1873 settled in Tar- 
 rant county, Texas, where he engaged in practice. In 1878, he was elected 
 district attorney of that county, being twice reelected to the same office. In 
 November 1884, he was elected to the house of representatives, where, among 
 other measures, he introduced that known as the jury bill, inserting new 
 causes of challenge, and making provisions by which professional jurymen 
 are excluded, and allowing intelligent men, who read the papers and keep 
 themselves informed, to sit as jurors, though they may have formed opinions 
 from what they have read. Biog., MS. 
 
 George Clark was born iu Alabama in 1841; served through the civil 
 war, iu which he took part in many battles, being wounded on three several 
 occasions, and went to Texas in January 1867. In 1868 he settled at Waco, 
 which has since that year been his place of residence. Was a member of the 
 democratic state executive committee of 1872, and attorney -general of the 
 state iu 1874; this office he held till April 1876. Somewhat later, he was 
 appointed one of the commissioners to codify the laws, and served in that 
 capacity till Oct. 1, 1878. In 1879, he was appointed judge of the court of 
 appeals, continuing in office till Oct. 1, 1880. Since that time he has pur- 
 sued his practice as a lawyer at Waco. Biog. Sketch, MS. 
 
 The first county judge elected under the new constitution was W. B. 
 Plemous of Clay county, no less than 16 counties being attached to the one 
 named for judicial purposes. 
 
 Jackson Bradly settled in Dallas county in 1851, but afterward moved to 
 what is now Johnson county, where he was justice of the peace for 10 years. 
 In 1861, he was commissioned by Governor Lubbock a captain in the state 
 militia. During the civil war, he served as a lieutenant in the confederate 
 army. Bradly was born in 1816 iu South Carolina. Biog., MS. 
 
 One who has seen 10 years' service with the rangers is C. L. Neville. 
 During that period he was captain of six different companies. He was bom 
 in AlAama, and became sheriff of Presidio county. Biog. , MS. 
 
 The following is a more complete list of authorities consulted in the pre- 
 ceding chapters: Those of an official character are, Cong. Globe; H. Jours.; 
 H. Ex. Docs.; H. Miscel. Docs.; H. Com. Seps.; Sen. Jours.; Sen. Ex. Docs.; 
 Sen. Miscel. Docs.; Sen. Com. Heps.; Mess, and Docs.; Census Bejps.; U. S. 
 Laws; Sec. Interior Seps.; Agric. Reps.; Education Heps.; Campt. Currency 
 Reps.; Postmaster-gen. Reps.; Coast and Geodetic Surveys. To the respective 
 indices of which the reader is referred for matter relating to Texas. Texas 
 state documents are, State Gaz.; Gov's Messages; Treas. Reps.; Compt. Reps.; 
 Supt. Pub. Instruc. Reps.; Attorney Oen. Reps.; State Engineer Reps.; Texas 
 Repealed; Deaf and Dumb Asylum Reps.; I/unaMc Asylum Reps.; State Peniten. 
 Reps.; Capitol Building Com. Reps. 
 
 The following are works of a non-official character.- Cordova's, Tex.; 
 Tex. Aim., 1857-61, 1868; Foote's Tex., i. 218-63; ii. 186-92, 339-41; HoUey'a 
 Tex., 55-72, 175-82; Hanfyrd's Tex. State Reg., 1876, 1878-9, passim; Olm- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 579 
 
 stecCs Jcyarwy, 43-480; Id., Cotton Kingdom, i. 357-76; ii. 5-29; Moore's 
 Descrip., Tex., 14-15, 42-137; DistumeU's U. S. Rey., see indices; Morji's 
 Hist. Tex., passim; Kennedy's Tex., ii. 195, 256-8, 344-5, 392-3, 400-19; 
 Baker's Tex., 253-301; Burke's Tex. Aim., 1878, 200 pp.; 1882, passim; Rock's 
 S. W. Tex., 42-192, 201-50; Id., Tex. Guide, 7-17; Thrall's Tex., passim; 
 Id., Hist. Methodism, 13-180; Dewees' Letters from Tex., 235-8, 309-12; 
 Dodge's Plains 6t. West, 405-19; Frost's Mex. War, 299-307; Industries o) 
 Houston, 1-146; Dixon's White Conquest, i. 325-56; Hay's Life, MS., 1-2, 33-9; 
 Frobel, aus Amerika, ii. 293-333, 337-68; Sweet's Tex., N. Y., 1871, 160 pp.; 
 Oreen's Reply to Houston, 11-17, 48-9; Ooddard's Where to Emigrate, 492-517; 
 Dornenech's Mission. Advent., 10-12, 60-2, 82-4; Id., Deserts ofN. Amer., 133- 
 51; North's Five Years in Tex., 196-209; De Bow's Rev., see indices; Id., In- 
 dustrial Res., ii. 544-53; Id., Eneye. Sd Ed., 331-41; Id., Stat. View, 169-89; 
 313-9; Texas in 18Jfi, ^Z-1; Barhey's Tex., 11, 16-22; Museo Mexicano, ii. 
 522-4; Overkmd Mail Co. Mem., 1860; Mex. War and its Heroes, i. 208-11; 
 McCabe's Camp. Views, 150-5; Almonte, Not. Est. Tex. 11-12, 40-65, 76, 82-3; 
 Address to Memh. MempTiis Conven.; Tex. Veterans, Proceedings, 1883, 80 pp. ; 
 Linn's Remirds., 65-7, 283, 322-4; Hunt's Merch. Mag., xii. to xlv., see indices; 
 Newell's Revol. in Tex., 157-65; Overland Monthly, i. 157-64, 367-71; ii. 369- 
 74; vi. 555-61; vii. 270-7; Land amd Thompsons Galveston, Galv. 1885, 151 
 pp. ; Spaight's Res., Soil and Climate Tex., Galv., 1882, 360 pp.; Hillard's Life 
 of McGlellan, 41-59; Hist. Mag., iii. 204-6; Maillard's Hist. Tex., 343-52; 
 Niles' Reg., txii. to Ixxii., see indices; LougliihorouxjKs Pac. Telegraph; Sioisher' 
 Amer. Sketch-book, v., no. 6, 339-54; vi., no. 2, 85-100; no. 3, 201-13, no. 6, 
 428-34; Pecos Valley Cattle Growers' Association, 15 pp.; Id., Land and Irrig. 
 Co., Charter, 1885, 11 ^-g.; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., ii. 1257-61; Swasey 
 and Melton's Ft. Worth Direct, 1877, 92 pp.; Bentley and Pilgrim's Tex. Leg(d 
 Direct., 1876-7, 110 pp.; Potter's Tex. Revol, 16-26; De Ryee's Tex. Album, 
 passim; Havens Our Next Door Neighbor, 418-23; Huglies' Gone to Tex.; 
 RoweU lis Co.'s Gazetteer, 135-7; Long's Amer. and West Ind., 194-5; McP/i/iil's 
 Tex. Freemason, ii., no. 10, 12; Amer. Sketch-book, 7-11; Nouv. Annnl. Voy, 
 cliv. 345-6; Newell's Revol. in Tex., 171-3; Appleton's Guide, 397; Putnam's 
 Mag., ii. 151-4; Bancroft's Footprints of Time, 511-12; Bustamante, GaUncte 
 Mex., MS., i. 23-^; Colorado and Brazos Cattlemen's Assoc. Proceedings, 1880- 
 4, 47 pp.; Howard's Speech on Pac. R. R., 6-9; Crane's Hist. Wash. Co. Tex., 
 30-2; MarsIiaU's Christian Missions, ii. 244-50; Shepard's Land of the Azt., 
 193-204; Gould's Alamo City Guide, N. Y., 1882, 151 pp.; National R. R. 
 Conv., Proceedings; Proceedings 1st Nat. Conv. Cattlemen, 12-13; Tex. and Her 
 Capabilities, 17-61, Gilbert's Abilene Reporter Sd An. Ed., Abilene, 18S4, 116 
 pp.; Pilling's Bib. of N. Amer. Lang., nos. 1402, 2910; Industries of Ati.itm, 
 Austin, 1885, 108 pp.; MuTiguia Clement Pastorales, no. ii. 18-20; Peeble's Ex- 
 pose; In'lwitries of Sam Antonio, San Antonio, 1885, 136 pp.; Western Tex., 10- 
 99; Wafo, The Emig. Guide, Waco, 32 pp.; Wood Bros. Live Stock Movement; 
 Pap. Var., 74, no. 16; 143, no. 19; 167, no. 18; 185. no. 1; Corbett's Legh. 
 Manual, 302, 306; Gidding's, Case of, 1-37; Tex. Pac. Railway, Arguments, 4- 
 16; Calhcnin's Navarro Co., 1885, 32 pp.; Visit to Tex., 322; Varios Impresos, 
 2, no. vi. 35-40,44-5, 56, 60-5, 76, 79-81, 84-8; Indusliies of Dallas, Dallas, 
 1885, 138 pp.; Velasco, Noticias Son., 297-8; Tex. Editorial and Press Assoc., 
 Cliarter. etc.; Coke's Speech on Reagan Bill, Wash., 1885, 23 pp.; Thompson's 
 Recol Mex., 97-8; Minutes of Memphis Conv. ; Tex. Col Docs.; Gillette's A Few 
 Historic Records, N. Y., 1885, 131 pp.; McCulloch's Defense, Austin, 1879, 46 
 pp.; Ft. Worth Commercial Club, Charter, 1885, 12 pp.: Terrell's Address on 
 Private Corp., Austin, 1885, 32 pp.; Ft. Worth and New Orleans R. R. Co., 
 Cliarter, Memphis, El Paso and P. R. R. Hist., 8-20 47-62; Semmnario Indus- 
 tria, Mex., no. ii. 325; Carter, Wynne and De Berry's Tex. Laws Relating to 
 Col of Debts, 1885, 16 pp.; McFarlane's Coal Regions of Amer., 502-4; Austin 
 Direct., 1877-8, 9-10; Moran Bros. Mem., 1879, 37 pp.; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., 
 xi. 902; Mercantile Agency Annual, 1871, 154, 157, 159. In addition to the 
 preceding, an immense mass of newspapers have been examined, which lack 
 of space forbids mentioning in detail. Names are given of a few. Waco Ex- 
 
580 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS. 
 
 aminer, Dallas Mercury; Id., News; Id., Herald; AvMin Stateamam; Ft. Worth 
 Tex. Spedai; Id., Gazette; El. Paao Lone Star; Id., Times; AUlene Tex. Re- 
 porter; Colorado Clipper; all published in Texas. The Call, Atta, Chromcle, 
 mxammer. Post, and BuUetin, published in San Francisco, Cal. Mo. Republi- 
 can and Qldbe Democrat, published at St. Louis, Mo., and the Inter Oceaai at 
 Chicago, 111. Nuneroua manuscript statements, comprising much valuable 
 data, from prominent citizens and pioneers of the state of Texas, have also 
 been examinedt 
 
CHAPTER XXIL 
 
 CHIHUAHUA AND DUBAJSTGO. 
 
 1800-1845. 
 
 Redivision of Provincias Internas — Movements Dceino the War or 
 Independence — Cruz Defends the Rotal Cause — Durango Cap- 
 tured BY Negebtb — Chihuahua and Durango Made Separate 
 States — Party Strife and Revolts — Liberals and Conservatives 
 . — Federal Coalition in the North — Change of Governors in 
 Durango — Apache Raids in Chihuahua — Decline of Presidio De- 
 fences — Indian Warfare — Scalp Hunting — Massacre at Janos — 
 The Central Regime — Federal Opposition — Durango Joins Pare- 
 DEs' Revolution. 
 
 The objections that had in 1785 led to the division 
 of the provincias internas, forced themselves more 
 strongly than ever upon the home government as the 
 complication of duties increased with growing popu- 
 lation and resources. In 1804, accordingly, came a 
 royal decree ordering a redivision of them into two 
 districts, the Occidente and Oriente, the Califomias 
 and the southern portions of Nuevo Leon and Nuevo 
 Santander, below the line between Soto la Marina 
 and Parras, being left to Mexico.' The new com- 
 andante general of each district was to exercise the 
 same authority as the existing commander.'' 
 
 Political changes interfered with the observance of 
 this order, till the war of independence made its exe- 
 cution in 1812 a military necessity. Viceroy Vene- 
 
 'The Bolson de Mapimi falling to the eastern district. The eastern bor- 
 der followed Rio Pilou. See i. 638, et seq., this series, for previous extent. 
 
 2The subaltern chief's salary was to be .$2,000, while the governor and 
 comandante general was to receive $10,000, a reduction of .|5,000. The 
 Oriente commander had to organize forces to promote the colonization of 
 Texas. Text in Seal Orden, May 30, 1804; Mayer's MSS, iii. 
 
 (581) 
 
582 CHIHUAHUA AND DURAN-GO. 
 
 gas thereupon appointed to the command of the 
 Occidente section, the brigadier Alejo Garcia Conde, 
 governor of Sonora and Sinaloa, a deserviag soldier 
 nearly half a century in the royal service/ 
 
 The Oriente division was offered to the Mariscal 
 de campo, Felix Calleja, and he, declining to accept 
 the position presented it to Simon Herrera, governor 
 of Leon, who was slain by insurgents before accept- 
 ance, whereupon Colonel Arredondo received the 
 position.* Nava, who ruled the united provinces at 
 the opening of the century, was replaced in 1804 by 
 Colonel Pedro Grimarest,* and he soon after by Briga- 
 dier Nemesio Salcedo y Salcedo, who was presently 
 recalled to Spain. 
 
 The troops under Sara's command consisted in fact 
 of only some four liundred and fifty men, many of 
 whom were filibusters from the United States; but 
 with this slender force he invaded Texas in 1812, 
 and took possession of several cities, driving back the 
 forces of Salcedo and Hererra. Warned of this dan- 
 ger, Arredondo, whose forces had been quartered in 
 the valley del Maiz, at once marched against the 
 enemy, collecting men and material on his way through 
 Nuevo Santander. Meanwhile, Colonel Elizondo, who 
 had been sent in advance, had allowed himself to be 
 drawn into an engagement, and was totally routed. 
 A few weeks later, however, Arredondo himself in- 
 flicted a crushing defeat on the insurgents, now under 
 the command of Alvarez de Toledo, who had sup- 
 planted Sara. Many of the prisoners were executed, 
 including all the filibusters who fell into the hands 
 of the Mexicans, and thus ended all hope of aid from 
 the United States to the cause of the revolution. 
 
 ' The register says 47 years, (luring eight of which he occupied the latter 
 grade; decorated with mirito de guena and other distinctions. The order 
 for the division, dated May 1, 1811, was confirmed in 1812. Text iu Pror. 
 Intern. Heal Orden, ISII; Mayer's MSS, nos. 6-7, refer to the Sonora chapter 
 concerning Garcia Conde. 
 
 *See Hist. Mex., iv. 541-.S, this series. 
 
 *0f the 3d l)<ittalion of Estremadura infantry. Real Orden, May 30, 
 1804; Mai/er's MSS, no. 3. 
 
E.EVOLUTIOKARY MOVEMENTS. 583 
 
 The changes thus made were due less to the increase 
 of population, and the development of the material 
 resources of these provinces, than to military reasons, 
 and with a view to the suppression of revolutionary 
 movements. In the north-west the only troubles to 
 be encountered were the usual hostilities with Indians, 
 but toward the east the revolution had again assumed 
 alarming proportions. In 1811, Bernardo Gutierrez 
 de Sara, a citizen of Revilla, and a strong supporter 
 of the revolutionary movement, had taken refuge in 
 the United States after the suppression of the insur- 
 rection in Nuevo Santander, and there sought assist- 
 ance in behalf of his cause. The welcome accorded to 
 him by the people, and the well-known intentions of 
 the United States government with regard to the 
 Texan frontier, had given rise to no little uneasiness 
 in Mexico, and this was further increased by a report 
 that he was already on his march at the head of a 
 large army, to support the fortunes of the insurgents. 
 
 Salcedo had filled the office satisfactorily enough, 
 while availing himself of the many opportunities pre- 
 sented by remoteness, and the disorders attending the 
 war for independence, to accumulate a large fortune.® 
 When this conflict broke out in the south he exerted 
 himself most commendably by adopting measures to 
 exclude it from his own territory, and by appealing 
 to his purse-strings and patriotism in behalf of his 
 sovereign/ While failing to achieve anything note- 
 
 " His position embraced the oflSoes of inspector of troops, subdelegado of 
 the finance and mail depts. He returned with the spring fleet of 1814. 
 Alaman, Mej., iv. 37; Diario Cortes, xix. 234; Estrella Occid., Sept. 4, 1868. 
 Pike met him in 1807. Trav., 285, 421-8; Pino, N. Mex., 21, 45; Oac. Mex., 
 xi. 274; XV. 40, 903; xvi. 812. 
 
 'He urged the bishop to exert himself. Loreto, Miss. Rec, MS., 7-11. 
 Watch was also kept by French agents. Cal. Prov. iSt. Pap., xix. 30-32. 
 Appeal of subordinates in Pap. Var., xviii. pt 27; xxxvi. pt 68; clxi. pt 12. 
 The people responded with similar warmth both in money and prayers and 
 'juroron solemnement i, Fernando VII. for Rey.' Gac. Mex., xv. 902; Id., 
 XV. 195-6, 838-9; xvi. 832; xxii. 6.3-6; xxviii. 879-84. etc. At the beginning 
 of these appeals, during divine service, an ominous incident occurred. The 
 church at Tapacolmes, near Chihuahua, caught fire from the altar April 8, 
 1808, and burned with such rapidity that over 300 persons perished,, 200 
 within the building, and 100 of injuries. Diario, Ma:., viii. 523-4. 
 
584 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 worthy in the field against the insurgents, he had 
 the unenviable satisfaction of superintending the trial 
 and execution of their great leader, Hidalgo, and his 
 chief officers, in the course of May to July, 1811.° 
 
 Nueva Vizcaya was not left wholly intact by the 
 war, and some feeble local efforts were made by ardent 
 patriots. A month before Hidalgo's capture, a num- 
 ber of insurgents were secured, and the opening of 
 1812 was marked by a conflict at San Francisco be- 
 tween several hundred men.° Toward the close of 
 1814, Trespalacios and Caballero planned an outbreak 
 at Chihuahua, but the plot was revealed to Garcia 
 Conde, who now controlled the Occidente section from 
 this point, and promptly nipped the movement by ar- 
 resting the principals." This comparative exemption 
 was mainly due to the watchfulness of the authorities, 
 including the clergy, who exercised most effectively 
 the pardoning power." Brigadier Bernardo Bonavia 
 y Zapata," governor intendente of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 and his lieutenant at Durango, the asesor, Angel Pi- 
 nilla y Perez, ^^ were conspicuously zealous in the royal 
 cause. Chihuahua had its usual Apache raids to 
 meet, and Durango suffered in 1820 brief irruption 
 from rebellious Opatas, which was quelled without 
 any serious bloodshed.^'' The visit of the explorer, 
 
 * As fully related in Hist Mex., iv. 276 et seq., this series. A monument 
 was erected on the spot of execution by decree of July 19, 1823, a plain 
 pyramid surrounded by circular steps. Escudero, Chih. , 88-9; IHcc. Univ. , ii. 
 693. Allowances were granted for annual ceremonies thereat. Con-eo Fed 
 Mex., Aug. 27, 1872. 
 
 'The royalists numbered 413, and claimed to have killed 300, besides 
 securing 325 male prisoners and a crowd of women. The heads of the latter 
 were shaved. Gac. Mex., iii. 24-8; ii. 1136. 
 
 " On Nov. 4, 1814. The betrayer was J. M. Ameta, who had served 
 Hidalgo as colonel. The leaders were condemned to ten years in presidio. 
 Trespalacios escaped from Habana, and Caballero was pardoned in Spain. 
 Alaman, My., iv. 206-8. 
 
 " Bishop Castaiiiza obtained this privilege from the viceroy, and delegated 
 it to the priests, the ' bando sobre indulto. ' Gac. Mex. , viii. 539-42. 
 
 '^ Of 54 years' service in 181 2, 15 being as brigadier. Id. , xii. 341 ; Mayer's 
 MSS., no. vii., 2; Doc. Mex., no. iv., 23. 
 
 '^ He was presented by the citizens with a gold medal, ' por singular ser- 
 vicios.' Noticioso Gen., tit. 23, 1818; Dmiirso, in Pap. Var., xviii., pt 27. 
 
 "Of whom 240 were captured. Noticioso Gen., Dec. 20, 1820. 
 
CRUZ AND NEGRETE. 585 
 
 Pike, and tlie momentary reestablishment of Jesuits, 
 in 1819," caused a temporary excitement. In 1812, 
 the provinces were cheered by receiving the liberal 
 constitution conceded to the colonies by Spain, with 
 the prospect of an audiencia." Although the consti- 
 tution was suspended soon after by the viceroy, Nueva 
 Vizcaya managed to elect a representative to the c6r- 
 tes," till its revival, in 1820, provided also an assem- 
 bly and provincial deputations. 
 
 Loyalty to Spain was most pronounced at the open- 
 ing of this third decade — so much so that when Itur- 
 bide turned against his viceregal master," General 
 Cruz, ruler of Nueva Galicia, and the second power 
 in the country, went to Durango to make a final effort 
 in behalf of the tottering cause of Spain. He entered 
 that city July 4, 1821, attended by officials from Za- 
 catecas and other points, with a few hundred soldiers." 
 Negrete, Iturbide's lieutenant, followed in pursuit, and 
 laid siege to the city early in August, with about 
 3,000 men. The defence was maintained for over 
 three weeks, with brisk firing and occasional sorties, 
 varied by assaults, which involved severe losses.'" 
 Negrete finally planted a battery against a vulnerable 
 point, and on the 30th gained a decided advantage. 
 By this time defection had assisted to undermine the 
 zeal of the royalist. A truce was accepted," and on 
 
 ^ They entered Durango on Palm Sunday to reopen their college. They 
 had to leave again hy decree of 1821. Pap. Var., clxv., pt 17. On Desamor- 
 tizadon Eccks., eee 8oc. Mex. Oeog. BoL, i. 494^5. 
 
 ^^Cortes, Diario, xv. 289: xvii. 109; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1814, ii. 159-60. 
 
 "J. J. Guerefia, native of Durango. He was curate of S. Miguel, Mexico; 
 subsequently canon doctoral at Puebla, and prominent in spreading vaccina- 
 tion. According to Alaman, Mej., iv. 218, he died at CSdiz on Oct. 13, 1813, 
 during the epidemic, yet Cortes, Diario, xix. 238, alludes to him as acting in 
 1820. 
 
 '^Tlie provincial deputation hastened, in March 1821, to assure the vice- 
 roy of its devotion, and Bishop Castaniza warned his flocks against the per- 
 fidious acts of Iturbide. Gac. Mex., xii. 391-2, 402. 
 
 ''The total force at Durango was now placed at about 1,000 men. Gac. 
 Chiad., Aug. 1, 1821. Cuevas, Poroeni, i. 106, reduces it to barely 800. 
 Licmga, Ai&a. y Jiect., 462. 
 
 ™ Especially tlie sorties of Aug. 6th, 15th, and 30th. On the latter occa- 
 sion, a ball struck Negrete in the mouth, knocking out three teeth, and com- 
 pelling his temporary retirement. Licen/ja, Adic. y Red., 462-3. 
 
 2' During which, troops' on both sides fraternized. Gac. Guad., Sept. 1, 
 1821. 
 
586 CHIHUAHUA Am) DURANGO. 
 
 September 3d the garrison surrendered, with the 
 honors of war, and permission to retire with Cruz to 
 Spain/'' M. Urrea was installed as gefe poh'tico, 
 while Antonio Cordero, who had governed at Du- 
 rango as civil and military governor for the last three 
 years, was rewarded for prompt adhesion with the 
 comandancia general of the Occidente section, in place 
 of Garcia Conde, who had delayed. 
 
 In the following year the empire was received with 
 the acclamation usually accorded to success, and Chi- 
 huahua and Durango were gladdened with the pros- 
 pect of separate comandancias de armas/^ When 
 shortly after the federalists rose against Iturbide, 
 Chihuahua joined with equal readiness in the cry, 
 after a momentary objection from Janos." In 
 Durango measures were at first taken against the 
 movement, but on March 5, 1823, the troops de- 
 clared in favor it it," followed by the people. Com- 
 andante general Cordero resigned, however, as did 
 Brigadier I. del Corral, civil and military governor at 
 Durango, whereupon the diputacion provincial declared 
 the intendente Juan Navarro successor to the latter, 
 and Jaspar de Ochoa, colonel of the pronouncing 
 garrison, as commander in place of Cordero, 
 
 By decree of July 19, 1823, the supreme congress 
 decreed the division of Nueva Vizcaya into two 
 provinces, to be known as Chihuahua and Durango, 
 respectively, the capital of the former receiving the 
 title of city and becoming the seat of a diputacion 
 provincial." The act was just to Chihuahua, to 
 
 22 Text ia Id., Sept. 15th. The officials took the oath on Sept. 9th. Pap. 
 Var., 1. 50. The people and authorities began to vie in honoring Iturbide. 
 6ac. Imp., i. 249-51, 389. 
 
 ^Mex. Mem. Guer., 1823, 25; Pop. PoUt., ii., pt 15. 
 
 2* Whose garrison objected to the proclamation of the Casa Mata plaji at 
 Chihuahua, on March 12th, and marched xipon this city. Negotiations soon 
 brought these troops over. Pinart, Doc. CJdh. MS., i. 27-38, 90, 93. 
 
 2* Commandant Ochoa at Durango pronounced for it. The diputacion 
 provincial recommended the new order to the people in July. Vallcjo, Doc 
 Mex., i., pt viii. 1-7. Vaca Ortiz, deputy for Durango and cast into prison 
 by Iturbide, was now honored. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 97. 
 
 2^ Chihuahua to extend from Rio del Norte to Rio Morido, and Durango 
 continuing to its original southern boundary. Mex. CoU Ord y Dec. , ii. 147-8. 
 
INTERNO DEL NORTE. 587 
 
 ■which. WAS already conceded a population of over 100,- 
 000, with requirements that made necessary a separate 
 administration from that residing at the distant and 
 uncongenial Durango. Nevertheless, a party per- 
 suaded the chamber to reunite the two provinces, in- 
 cluding New Mexico, under the appellation Estado 
 Intemo del Norte, with capital at Chihuahua." Du- 
 rango, however, raised objections. She demanded 
 that her chief city be retained as capital, or that she 
 be made a separate state or territory,^* on the ground 
 of her large population, with resources far superior to 
 those of Chihuahua and of several existing states. 
 The appeal found hearing, and on May 2 2d and July 
 6, 1824, the separation was affirmed. New Mexico 
 being declared a territory of the federation." In the 
 following year the two states, issued their constitution, 
 in accordance with the federal organic law of the re- 
 public.^' 
 
 Chihuahua established only one legislative chamber 
 of not less than eleven deputies, while Durango in- 
 dulged also in a senate of seven members,^' thereby 
 supplying additional food for the party feuds which 
 quickly began to unfold. In the constituent legisla- 
 
 2'Deeree of Jan. 31, 1824. On Feb. 4th waa issued a law creating a legis- 
 lature for this state, assigning to Chihuahua and Durango five deputies 
 each, and to New Mexico one. Mex. Col. Ord y Dec, iii. 25-6, 18. 
 
 28 This appeal was made by the diputacion itself. It was shown that 
 population and resources were sufficiently abundant for a separate existence. 
 Pinart, Doc Ghih., MS., ii., no. 1. 
 
 29 The decree of May 22d applied only to Durango, so that the claim by 
 Chihuahua hung in the balance till July 6th, when she also was declared a 
 state, with approval of deputies elected in May; the eight proprietary mem- 
 bers joining with the three suplentes to form the legislature. Mex. Col. Ord 
 y Dec, iii. 50, 54-5. Her limits were Paso del Norte on one side and the 
 hacienda de Rio Elorido on the south, 'con su respectiva pertenencia.' The 
 Durango legislature which met on June 30th, had eight proprietary members, 
 and President Escarzaga, yet for the following legislature eleven were 
 elected, at the rate of one for 11,000 souls, the estimated population being 
 120,000. Dur. Col. Tej., 30-2. The federal constitution of October, con- 
 firmed the separation. 
 
 So Durango on Sept. 1st, and Chihuahua on Dec. 27th; the provisional con- 
 stitution of the former appeared as early as July 29, 1824, and 1-11, 38-65; 
 Mex. Col. Constit., i. 156-94, 274^319. This will be considered in a separate 
 chapter. . .. - 
 
 "Her voting in 1825 is given in Pa/p. Var., xxxi., pt xvu. 1-5. 
 
588 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 ture or convention, the escoces and yorkino, or con- 
 servative and liberal, elements'" already asserted 
 themselves in a marked degree, for a time under the 
 localized nicknames of Chirrines and Cuchas/' Soon 
 the military entered as a third party to watch their 
 opportunities for spoil. The elections for the first 
 regular legislature were disputed," and it was not till 
 May 1, 1826, that the body was installed *' in not fully 
 complete form. The triumphant liberals controlled 
 it and failed not to direct blows against the clericals, 
 who responded by fomenting a conspiracy for 
 August 4th. This was promptly stopped with the 
 aid of informers, and more strenuous measures were 
 taken against the party, to which end extra powers 
 were conferred upon the governor, Santiago Baca 
 Ortiz, deputy to the first national congress, and leader 
 of the yorkino party. ^* The result was that the op- 
 ponents had recourse to fresh plots, one of which in 
 November met the same fate as the preceding ;" an- 
 other took place in March 1827, when Lieutenant J. 
 M. Gonzalez proclaimed himself comandante general, 
 arrested the governor, dissolved the legislature, and 
 terrified the Hberals generally, assisted by women, 
 
 ^2 The rise and development of which are treated in Hist. Mex., v., this 
 series. 
 
 ^ The former denoting pretenders to learning and greatness, and as they 
 embraced besides Churchmen and Spaniards, the students and youth, the 
 term ' partido de los muchachos ' was also applied by the Cuchas, a name sig- 
 nifying buSFoMis and beggars, who gained their bread by creating merriment 
 among the people. Ramirei, Not. Dur., 62-3. The Chirrines unfurled a, 
 green standard, with the watchword Viva la Religion Catolica; hence abo 
 the appellation Catholics. The latter split after 1848 into Atalayas, or new 
 men, who objected to the extreme conservatism of the other faction. See 
 also Zavala, Rev. Mex., 277 et seq. 
 
 ''Arguments for both sides, in Alcalde, Espos.; Mex., Observ. al Congreso, 
 1-2; Esto viene muy al caso, 1-2; Pap. Var., xxxi., pts 18, 22, Ixix., pt 11, 
 with remonstrance against divisions of the constituent committees. 
 
 '^ Under the presidency of J. J. de EscSrzaga, in the senate, and J. M. 
 de Arrieta, in the house. J. de Matos had been president of the constituent 
 convention. Son., Actus Conff., i. 220. 
 
 ^^ The legislature elected the governor, hence this selection. His suffer- 
 ings as one of the deputies imprisoned by Iturbide had earned liim great 
 sympathy, which he justified by an energetic and able administration. 
 Ramirez, Not. Dur., G4. 
 
 *' It was fomented by Canon Zubirla. More than 200 had joined the plot 
 when it was divulged. Correo Semanario, i. 68-73, 123-4:. 
 
POLITICS. 589 
 
 who felt it a duty to sustain their confessors." The 
 general government took prompt steps to check the 
 movement, by sending General Parras, whose mere 
 presence sufficed to dissipate it, for Gonzalez' men 
 passed over and their leader fled.°° Comandante 
 general J. J. Ayestaran was replaced by Jose 
 Figueroa. 
 
 The following elections proved as unsatisfactory as 
 the preceding, until finally the supreme government 
 interfered, and effected a settlement for the moment," 
 in favor of the yorkino interest, this party having 
 carried the day at Mexico, by electing Guerrero to 
 the presidency." Disorders at Mexico in 1828, pro- 
 duced a corresponding ebullition between the fac- 
 tions in the north, and the installation of the new 
 legislature did not take place until the middle of the 
 following year. Even then it was quickly dissolved 
 by Governor Baca, who replaced it by one of more 
 pronounced yorkino type. Guerrero's liberal admin- 
 istration being overthrown in December, Colonel 
 Gaspar de Ochoa pronounced in favor of the rebellious 
 vice-president Bustamante, and in February 1830, 
 mustered a rabble in opposition to the new governor, 
 F. Elorriaga, whom he arrested with other prominent 
 yorkinos. He then summoned the legislature which 
 had been dissolved by Baca. The civil and military 
 authorities were now headed by J. A. Pescador and 
 Ochoa. 
 
 The general features of the preceding occurrence ap- 
 plied also to Chihuahua, although in a modified form. 
 
 '^Dofia D. Pacheoo de Arenas marched through the streets and enlisted 
 followers. Tornel, N<m. Mej., 273-84. 
 
 s'lhe expulsion of Spaniards was a cause for the revolt. Suarez y 
 Navarro, Hist. M6j., 82-3; Ward's Mex., i. 313-14. See also CorreoFed, 
 April 12th, May 2, 1827. An amnesty was granted to the rebels. Arrillaga, 
 Reayp., 1829, 44. 
 
 " Obliging acceptance of the divisions made by the electoral conventions 
 of June 25-30, 1827. Torml, Nac. Mej., 27.3-84. For names of senators see 
 Mex. Ool. Leyes, 1829, 18, 33-4. 
 
 " The legislature sent its congratulations and contributed $10,000 to the 
 general treasury. Cmreo Fed., Jan. 30, Feb. 12, 18, June 8, 1828, sup., 
 ■while Chihuahua gave three times as much. 
 
590 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 The first person elected under the new constitution of 
 1825, was Simon EHas Gonzalez, who being in Sonora, 
 was induced to remain there, J. A. Arce taking his 
 place as ruler in Chihuahua. In 1829, however, 
 Gonzalez became comandante general of Chihuahua, 
 his term of office on the west coast having expired. 
 
 Arce showed himself a less thorough yorkino than 
 his confrere of Durango. Although unable to resist 
 the popular clamor for the expulsion of the Spaniards,*' 
 he soon quarreled with the legislature, which declared 
 itself firmly for Guerrero, and announcing his support 
 of Bustamante's revolution, he suspended, in March 
 1830, eight members of that body, the vice-governor, 
 and several other ofiicials, and expelled them from the 
 state. The course thus outlined was followed by 
 Governor J. I. Madero, who succeeded in 1831, as- 
 sociated with J. J. Calvo as comandante general, 
 stringent laws being issued against secret societies, 
 which were supposed to be the main spring to the 
 anti-clerical feeling among liberals. This feeling was 
 wide-spread, and at the first symptom of reaction 
 against the government at Mexico, Durango displayed 
 active approval. In May 1832, Jose Urrea, a rising 
 officer, undertook to support the restoration of Presi- 
 dent Pedraza, and on July 20th, Governor Elorriaga 
 was reinstated, and the legislative minority overthrown 
 together with Baca was brought back to assist in 
 forming a new legislature, which met on September 
 1st." Chihuahua showing no desire to imitate the 
 revolutionary movement, Urrea prepared to invade 
 the state. Comandante-general Calvo threatened to 
 retaliate, and a conflict seemed imminent when the 
 entry of Santa Anna into Mexico put an end to the 
 
 *2 Which manifested itself strongly in 1826. La Palanca, Sept. 14, 1826. In 
 1827 the legislature opposed the expulsion bill by eight votes against two. 
 Mora, Obras Suclta^, ii. 255; but in vain, for three score were expelled out 
 of eight score entered on the list. Mex. Mem, Estad., 1829, doc. 1; Correo 
 Fed., Jan. 2, 1828. 
 
 ''' Under the presidency of M. Castafieda in the lower house, and of F. 
 Bomo in the senate. Pinart, Col. Doc, no. 251; 2an:acois, Hist. Mex., xi. 
 902. 
 
LEGISLATURE AND GOVERNORS. 
 
 591 
 
 dispute." A new legislature met at Durango in Feb- 
 ruary 1833, and B. Mendarozqueta succeeded as gov- 
 ernor, both ready to cooperate in the liberal measures 
 
 DURAKGO AND SlNAlOA. 
 
 of Farfas, whom President Santa Anna had left in 
 
 ** Correapondence between the respective governors and commanders in 
 Sept.-Oct., in Pinart, Doc. Chili., ii. 11-22; Id. Coll., 1832, 1-2; Bustamante, 
 Voz. Patria, MS., iii. 193-5, reproduces some lofty epistles from Calvo. 
 
592 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 charge of the administration to feel the public pulse, 
 while he kept safely in the background till the turn 
 of affairs should become clear. One step was the 
 banishment of Bishop Zubiria for resisting the law 
 relating to curas and other encroachments on the 
 church;" another joined the western states in a short- 
 lived coalition for sustaining the federal system." 
 
 No sooner, however, had Santa Anna turned upon 
 his colleague in alarm at the imposing efforts of the 
 clerical party, than legislature as well as governor fol- 
 lowed the example by adopting, in July 1834, his plan 
 of Cuernavaca, which put a check to reforms. But 
 such was their lukewarmness in enforcing it that the 
 commanding officer, Colonel J. I. Gutierrez, on Sep- 
 tember 3d, at the head of the garrison, aflSrmed the 
 plan, and at the same time declared the term of the 
 legislature and governor expired." At a convention 
 of citizens called by himself to select a new provisional 
 ruler, he naturally obtained the vote, with P. J. Es- 
 calante for his deputy, and a council to guide the 
 administration." Considering it for his interest to 
 discountenance such radical dispositions of state au- 
 thorities, Santa Anna ordered the reinstatement of 
 Mendarozqueta, associated with Ochoa as comandante 
 general. Gutierrez humbly yielded, but Escalante 
 refused to surrender office, midst riotous demonstra- 
 tions, whereupon troops were summoned from Zacate- 
 cas. Their approach gave force to the mediation of 
 the returned prelate, and the change was effected 
 without bloodshed." 
 
 *'' Correspondence in Zvhiria, Docs, 1-27; Pap. Var., Ixxiii. pt 8. Tl-.e 
 bishop departed quietly by night, on May 9th, to obviate an emente among 
 his devoted flock. 
 
 "The supreme govt approved the object in Oct. 1833; the federal feature 
 came to naught; but the germ was left for a defensive alliance against savage 
 inroads from the north. Documents iu Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 21, 31-2, 41; 
 Id., Coll., nos. 97, 266, 297-8, 318. 
 
 " Text in Pinart, Coll., no. 326. Midst cries from the mob of Mnera la 
 Federacion ! y Viva Santa- Anna I Ramirez, Not. Dm: , 15. 
 
 « Names in Tiempo, Sept. 22, 26, Oct. 8, 26, 1834. 
 
 *^Oj)osicion, Oct. 8, 22, 29, Nov. 20-2, 1834. Gutierrez wrote a long dis- 
 culpation, showing that he had merely given effect to popular desire, and 
 obeyed every order from Mexico. Indeed, his moderation procured wide ap- 
 proval in Durango, Dm: Examen Orii., 30-44. 
 
INDIAN AFFAIRS. 593 
 
 The ensuing election brought a new legislature/' 
 with governors conforming to the change of aspects. 
 Nevertheless, in September 1835 political influence 
 brought in as ruler Jos^ Urrea, of federalist tenden- 
 cies, whose different revolutionary efforts had brought 
 him to the grade of brigadier, with an ambition to 
 gain further distinction." 
 
 In Chihuahua, where the reaction under Farias 
 had found less active response, the Cuernavaca plan 
 was adopted in July 1834, with quiet deference to the 
 national decision. At the same time the old favorite, 
 Simon Elias Gonzalez, lately comandante general, 
 was nominated governor, while the supreme authori- 
 ties conferred the military command upon Colonel J. 
 J. Calvo," whose firmness had earned well-merited 
 praise. The state was in the midst of a war with the 
 Apaches, which required the concentration of all en- 
 ergies and resources for defence. After a review of 
 the situation, Elias declared that the interests of the 
 territory would be best served by uniting the civil 
 and military power, at least while the campaign lasted. 
 Opposition being made, he firmly insisted, and re- 
 signed." This exemplary abnegation was not lost, 
 for in 1837 he was renominated with acclamation." 
 
 The advance of settlement in these northern prov- 
 inces, as described in a preceding volume, had been 
 contested step by step by the aboriginea, till sword 
 and cross succeeded in bringing the less roaming 
 
 ^ With J. M. Aarinaoto for governor, who was replaced by J. M. del Re- 
 gato in the beginning of 1835. Dur. Gac. Ooh., Jan. 25, 1835. 
 
 *i Although styled also comandante general in Pirmrt, Coll., no. 440, El 
 Tiempo, Oct. 13, 1834, proclaims G. Ochoa as appointed to this position on 
 Sept. 22d, in order to neutralize the bent of the other, 
 
 ^'3. M. Echavarria was declared vice-governor. Id., Aug. 7-8, Sept. 6, 
 1834. Governor Madero's term was about to expire. For deputies, etc., see 
 Id., Sept. 19th; PinaH, Doc. Chih., MS. ii. 25-30. 
 
 ^' This was represented by the Sol de Mayo as an act by the legislature, 
 but El Fanal of Chihualiua explained the truth. Omskion, Apr. 30, May 13, 
 June 13, 1835. Calvo was accordmgly recognized also as governor. Arrillaga, 
 Recop., 1835, 549; Hist. Doe. Cal, i. 166. Echavarria acted at times for him. 
 Cal. St. Pap. (Sao.), xiii. 5. 
 
 "And likewise for Sonora. Oandara, Eapos., 9-10; Pap. Fan, cliii., ptlO. 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 88 
 
594 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 tribes under subjection, and driving the rest into the 
 mountains beyond the Rio Bravo and the lines of 
 presidios skirting it. Among these intractable bands, 
 designated by the general terms of Apaches and Co- 
 manches, hunting was practically the only occupation. 
 Closely allied to it was warfare, fostered during this 
 long struggle till it became a second nature, and stim- 
 ulated by the brooding idea that their hunting-grounds 
 had been taken from them by white invaders. Right, 
 as well as vengeance, therefore, urged them to retalia- 
 tion by entering this domain bequeathed by their fore- 
 fathers, and wresting a share of its produce in fat cattle 
 and fleet steeds, with scalps for trophies. The ordi- 
 nary chase fell into comparative disrepute beside 
 this ready source of supply, made glorious by daring 
 feats and bloody achievements. 
 
 The colonial government tried one measure after 
 another in the effort to check the terrible raids, which 
 between 1771 and 1776 resulted in the slaughter of 
 1674 persons in Nueva Vizcaya alone, not counting 
 soldiers, travellers, or captives, while vast districts were 
 laid desolate. In 1786 Viceroy Galvez proposed a war 
 without cessation or mercy against every tribe until 
 it should be forced to sue for peace— a peace to be 
 based on mutual interest, by encouraging the Indians 
 with regular or occasional gifts while undermining 
 their health with subtle distribution of fiery liquor, 
 and creating a desire for luxuries that could be obtained 
 only in peaceful intercourse with settlers. Any in- 
 fringement of treaties was to be relentlessly punished, 
 and wars of extermination suscitated among the tribes. 
 
 This Machiavellian policy was pursued with great 
 success, although subjected to modifications by differ- 
 ent commanders, for during the remainder of this 
 century and the beginning of the following one no 
 serious outbreaks are recorded. With the changes and 
 administrative corruption attending the entry of 
 Viceroy Iturrigaray came a degree of laxity, which 
 encouraged the insolence and daring of the Apaches. 
 
RAIDS AOT) DEPREDATIONS. 595 
 
 Two chiefs, Rafael and Jos^ Antonio, proved especially 
 troublesome in their raids, which extended, during 
 half a dozen years, from Rio Bravo to within the 
 borders of Durango, and resulted in the murder of 
 300 persons, the kidnapping of more than two 
 score, besides heavy losses in property/'^ Sonora 
 suffered also. The death of these two savages in 
 1810 procured a lull,'" which was broken by no very 
 severe outrages, save in 1813-14, when Sonora bore 
 the brunt. Yet petty depredations were of constant 
 occurrence. 
 
 The transformation of the colony into a republic, 
 with its rapid development of party strife and male- 
 administration, led in the north to indifference and de- 
 sertion among the unpaid or neglected soldiers, and to 
 a reduction of the presidio- garrisons so as to render 
 several of them of little service. The ever chang- 
 ing comandantes and comandantes generales had been 
 prompted by pledges or zeal to reorganize or improve 
 the garrisons, but the lack of funds and means had 
 ever proved insuperable. Assignments of funds were 
 frequently procured from state and general govern- 
 ments, only to be set aside for other preferred credi- 
 tors, or to be absorbed by revolutions which were often 
 started solely to obtain possession of such moneys. 
 The sums allowed served for momentary propitiation, 
 to secure the small portion of the force; others re- 
 ceived only partial pay. The immense arrears were 
 no longer hoped for either by soldiers, or by settlers 
 from whom the former had been obliged to extort 
 supplies on credit." 
 
 *In Doc. Mex., ser. 4, iii. 1-88, is given a detailed account of 137 raids 
 by them, and the chief Chinche who perished in 1806, resulting in 298 killed, 
 53 wounded, and 45 captives. Extracto o Sudnta Belacum, by Ruiz de Busta- 
 mante. 
 
 ^^ Rafael was of Opata descent, and educated, according to some accounts, 
 by a Sonorau priest. This enabled him to acquire useful guidance, through 
 the robbed mail, for his depredations. He had for a wife a Mexican captive, 
 whose love indued her to fight by his side. When he fell, she refused to 
 surrender, and killed several soldiers before her spirit fled to join her warrior 
 hero. Froehel, ii. 246; Pvtmim's Mag., iv. 412. 
 
 *' Over a million was owing to the few existing troops of Sonora alone 
 according to Velaeco, Son., 90-2; Soc. Mex. Genj., Bol, viii. 392-4. 
 
596 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 For a while the colonial presidio system was left 
 unmolested to prompt the diminishing garrisons to a 
 certain maintenance of order among the surrounding 
 tribes, by energetic pursuit and punishment of marau- 
 ders, in which expeditions they were sustained to 
 some extent by the local guards, although these were 
 seldom provided with better arms than bows and 
 lances/* Soon, however, the spirit slackened, partly 
 because the raids were not sufficiently severe to rouse 
 the people, partly from political preoccupation and 
 from the causes above enumerated. The Indians 
 were not slow to perceive the change, and as the lack 
 of means became perceptible in diminishing presents 
 and allowances, they felt an additional motive for re- 
 suming the long deferred inroads. In 1831 the upris- 
 ing began, '*' extending gradually into Sonora. The gov - 
 ernment of Chihuahua took prompt steps by sending 
 troops in different directions, one party under Captain 
 Ronquillo penetrating to the Gila. Nevertheless the 
 peace proposals of the wily savages were entertained 
 in 1832 with such readiness that the stolen cattle and 
 other booty were conceded to them." 
 
 The effect of such leniency, in marked contrast 
 with the extermination policy, was to encourage the 
 Indians to renewed inroads on a larger scale. In fact, 
 the state capital itself was threatened that year, and 
 their ravages reached such an extent that one settle- 
 ment after another was abandoned. 
 
 The method of the marauding tribes was well cal- 
 culated to inflict the greatest possible damage with 
 the minimum of exposure. After leaving a small 
 band to provide for the safety of the women and 
 camps, the rest of a tribe, to the number of perhaps 
 200 or 300, would approach the selected raiding 
 
 ^8 And few could majiage the bow adds the Oposicitm, May 13, 1835. 
 
 ''Due to a lack of policy and circumspection, aays Ccaide, Soc. Mex. 
 Oeoc/., Bol, V. 313, which meant the withholding of rations, etc., and the 
 attempt, as Escudero adds, Not. Chih., 249-50, to force them into a more 
 civilized life. 
 
 ^ The cattle were actually branded so as to prevent dispute. 
 
SYSTEMATIC STEALING. 597 
 
 ground, and dividing into small parties, overrun it at 
 different points, thus ensuring more booty, while dis- 
 tracting the settlers from effective pursuit. The entry 
 generally took place during moonlight nights, the day 
 being passed in hidden retreats, guarded by sentinels. 
 If travellers or caravans became the object, ambus- 
 cades proved the best means for entrapping them. A 
 determined resistance, however, readily obliged the 
 assailants to retreat. For the capture of stock, stam- 
 peding devices were much in vogue. In retreating 
 with the booty, the party often divided into still 
 smaller bands, in order to secure at least a portion of 
 the plunder, a fleet rear guard being left in observa- 
 tion to give warning or to misdirect pursuers. Occa- 
 sionally a larger number would unite to check the 
 troops, so as to give time for the captured stock to be 
 hurried off. If closely pressed, the Indians preferred 
 to spear the animals rather than leave them for a later 
 descent. At the rendezvous chosen before departure, 
 the bands met to divide the spoil, whereupon each re- 
 turned to its home, there to celebrate success with 
 dances and other entertainments, to which the posses- 
 sion of scalps lent special eclat. Women and children 
 were captured for adoption, the latter being reared 
 as warriors. Indeed, some of the fiercest and most 
 formidable fighters and chieftains have been assigned 
 to this origin. °' Although averse to the risk of open 
 battles, the Apaches nevertheless offered and accepted 
 it on many occasions, displaying tactics fully equal to 
 those of the troops, with due coordination of cavalry 
 and infantry, of bowmen and lancers."^ 
 
 Under the Galvez system, each presidio had to send 
 out every month a reconnoitring party. In time of 
 danger, settlers as well as soldiers kept horses and 
 
 *^ Additional details on their habits and warfare maybe found in Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Bol, v. 315-17; xi. 92, 115 et seq. ; Velasco, Son., 253-4; Escudero, Son., 
 74-6. 
 
 *2 Pike refers to this as early as 1806. A Spanish officer ' spoke of his 
 cavalry breaking their infantry as a thing not to be thought of.' Trav., 339- 
 40. In my NaUve Races, i. 493 et seq., their weapons, methods of warfare, 
 etc., are described. 
 
598 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 supplies ready for instant march. The decline in 
 strength and discipline among the garrisons involved 
 the total or partial abandonment of this cordon of 
 observation. Latterly, the skillful and daring maneu- 
 vres of the Indians rendered these flying excursions of 
 less value. Moreover, the small parties ordinarily 
 detached for such duty were now exposed to greater 
 danger, owing to the ever-increasing efficiency of Ind- 
 ian armament, in muskets and powder obtained from 
 United States traders in exchange for cattle and other 
 stolen effects. The large proportion of forced recruits 
 in the republican army tended to diminish still more 
 its value, for these unwilling soldiers were little inclined 
 to expose their lives. °' 
 
 As the danger increased, a general call to arms was 
 made ; the governor received extra power, and a loan 
 of $80,000 was decreed to wage war upon the sav- 
 ages." Yet nothing availed. Whenever a band was 
 closely pressed, it accepted the too readily offered 
 peace, thus obtaining an opportunity to dispose of its 
 booty and replenish its store of ammunition. This 
 effected, it stood prepared to join other bands, which 
 had meanwhile been extending their ravages in less 
 protected districts. And so the devastation contin- 
 ued ; settlements were deserted, °' and famine followed 
 in the wake. 
 
 Repeated appeals were made to the general gov- 
 ernment for aid ; but the struggle carried on through- 
 out this decade between conservatives and liberals, in 
 
 ^ Gregg declares that three or four Apaches would venture within sight 
 of Chihuahua to ravage with impunity. The troops sent in pursuit would 
 generally keep well beyond range, or retreat before obtaining a view of the 
 Foe's main body. Yet the local journals were filled with accounts of prodi- 
 gious feats. Com. Prairies, 294-7. Formerly 25 soldiers could rout 100 Ind- 
 ians; now they face equal numbers. Velasco, Son., 248. 
 
 •» Every month $9,000 were to be furnished. GJiili. Mmuf., 1-2. The mil- 
 itia was placed at disposal of the sup. govt. Arrillaga, Recap., 1834, 469. It 
 was difiicult to collect the loan; some persons contributed in effects. Pinart, 
 Doc. Chih., ii. 24^7. 
 
 "* At first the partidos of Galeana, Aldama, Rosales, and Paso suffered 
 most. CSrmen was reduced to half its population; other places declined still 
 more; 'no produceu ya ni la ootava parte de lo que antes.' Escudero, ChUi., 
 125. 
 
SCALP-HUNTrNG. 599 
 
 every direction, diverted troops and funds, so that 
 little could be granted for the relief of these provinces. 
 Besides, complaints from that quarter had been too 
 frequent and exaggerated to create much attention. 
 Soon, however, came a bitter affirmation. Encouraged 
 by the impunity enjoyed by the Apaches, the Coman- 
 ches joined more freely in the raids,"" giving them 
 "wider proportions, and the Indians penetrating fur- 
 ther and further into the interior, until they overran 
 Durango, and penetrated into Zacatecas."' Then 
 came a clamor that revealed the serious nature of the 
 danger and roused the government to at least a spas- 
 modic effort. The suggestions from deputies and 
 commandants for protecting the frontiers were sub- 
 mitted to committees charged to frame reports on the 
 matter. Meanwhile some money and troops were 
 sent to cooperate with the state forces, which suc- 
 ceeded in driving back the invaders, or rather induc- 
 ing them to withdraw. This accomplished, the troops 
 returned to the political arena, and the Indians re- 
 newed their operations."' 
 
 In their despair the states placed a price upon the 
 heads of the marauders, offering $100 for every male 
 scalp and half that amount for that of a female." 
 With this inducement foreigners and friendly Indians 
 joined in the human hunt, notably a man named Kirker, 
 who organized a regular company for seeking scalps." 
 
 ^ In May 1835, 600 or 700 entered the Btate and several engagements 
 followed. Opoaidon, June 23-5, 1835; Cava, Tres Sighs, iii. 82. 
 
 "In 1840 the Comanches came within four leagues of Durango city, 
 which lies apparently remote from such visitors. Mex. Mem. Ouer., 1841, 36. 
 That same year the Apaches entered the centre of Sonora for the first time 
 within memory. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol, xi. 92-3. The incursion into Zaca- 
 tecas was marked by the slaughter of hundreds of victims. Mex. Informe 
 Pesguis., 12-14, 26, 37. This authority ascribes the Comanche raid to the 
 treaties concluded with them about this time by Mason and Chouteau in the 
 U. S. Markets, maps, arras, and other aid were freely supplied from that 
 quarter. 
 
 •^Velasco, Son., 103-4, declares that the defences were even more 
 neglected in 1845 than during the preceding decade. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 
 viii. 399^00. 
 
 '' And yet more infamous, $25 for a child. It was in 'operation but a 
 few weeks says Gregg, Cmm. Prairies, i. 299-300. 
 
 '" Hobbs, who joined the party, states that James Kirker was a Scotch trap- 
 
600 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 His first success, in surprising an Indian camp, proved 
 so great that only a portion of the promised funds 
 was paid. Jealousy also assisted in suspending the 
 project. The result had been a marked diminution of 
 ravages, but these now increased once more in mag- 
 nitude, till "barely a horse remained in all the state,"'* 
 the marauders penetrating to the centre of Durango, 
 slaughtering in one week of September, 1845, 100 
 persons, and in October 50 persons in the Cuencame 
 region alone." Troops and volunteers were massed 
 and sent forth, and reports came of victories and of 
 Indians expelled, to be followed by others of fresh 
 outrages and of disastrous defeats, till the minister of 
 interior affairs himself cried out that the state was 
 in desolation." 
 
 In Chihuahua, Governor Garcia Conde had recourse 
 in 1842 to the pusillanimous and dangerous expedient 
 of buying peace." This, as often demonstrated, 
 proved only an incentive to further hostilities. Sonora 
 protested loudly against the conclusion of such 
 treaties, which temporarily secured certain portions of 
 Chihuahua, at the expense of the adjoining state, 
 which was raided by bands which took refuge m Chi- 
 huahua, selling the acquired booty there under cover 
 
 per, captured some time before by Apaches, associated with them as a leader. 
 Tired of tlie life Kirker ran off with the money secured for sold Apache 
 booty, and now appeared to fight his former comrades. Wild Life, 81-3. 
 Americans, Shawnees, and Mexicans united, forming a party of 200, accord- 
 ing to Mies' Reg., Ivii. 19. Hobbs, 93, 98-9, says most of the Americans 
 left after failing to receive full payment for the yield of the first hunt, which 
 brought 182 scalps and 18 captives. 
 
 "As Bustamante puts it. Oabinete, il. 105-9. For raids, see Id., IHar. 
 Mex., MS., xliv. 59, 127. 
 
 ''' Amiga del Puebh gives some harrowing details, Oct. 18, 23, Nov. 4, 6, 
 27, Dec. 18, 1845. Aheja is very full about these raids, especially in the Oct. 
 and Nov., 1844, issues. Bol Notic, Jan. 11, 1845. 
 
 "He charged U. S. officers with directing these inroads. Pinart, ColL, 
 no. 851. See also Young's Hist. Mex., 378. 
 
 '"•Conde, in Album, Mex., i. 22; Rivera, Hist. Jal, iii. 541; Conde, Vinilic. 
 1-8; Pap. Var., clvi., pt 23. The people, however, endorsed him, and ia 
 1845 a general clamor called for his restoration to the governship from which 
 he had been removed. Repres. or Cliih., in Miscel, iii. 5; Biistamnnte, Ditr. 
 Mex., MS., xliv. 59, 81, 127, with account of raids. It was openly advo- 
 cated to grant certain bonds monthly rations, $5,000 a year, and, moreover 
 the right to sell their stolen booty. Piimrt, Doc. CIdh., MS., ii. 32. 
 
CENTRALIZED GOVERNMENT. 601 
 
 of the agreement. In their exasperation, the Sonorans 
 on one occasion quietly followed some bands to their 
 encampments round Janos, and when they appeared 
 for their stipulated rations, fell upon them, slaughtering 
 more than a hundred men, and carrying off nearly as 
 many women and children. Deeds like these are said 
 to have been not infrequent in past days, and to have 
 done more to inflame the Indians than encroachments 
 upon their hunting grounds. 
 
 All measures failing to avert the tempest, the ter- 
 rible man-hunting is again resorted to, and Kirker 
 once more engages in scalp-taking. But the Apache 
 is fleet and cunning, and the chase soon becomes un- 
 profitable. But if hostile scalps cannot be had there 
 are plenty in the peaceful rancherias. And so the 
 hunters pounce upon many an innocent band, render- 
 ing the surprise and massacre yet safer to themselves 
 by sending beforehand kegs of liquor to over-power 
 the warriors." 
 
 The overthrow of the federal system in 1836 for a 
 centralized form of government " reduced the states 
 to departments, under governors appointed by the su- 
 preme authority." The change tended to calm for a 
 time the political factions, and the ensuing war with 
 France united opponents. Nevertheless, the federal 
 feeling was not extinct in Durango, and in 1837 both 
 governor and assembly appealed to the president in 
 favor of the constitution of 1824, declaring the central 
 government to be too remote to properly understand 
 the wants of the province." In 1839, a feeble move- 
 
 '* These unscrupulous proceedings were naturally kept as quiet as possible. 
 Ruxton heard of several instances, and states that neither age nor sex was 
 spared. Adven., 158-9. See BaHlett, Marr., i. .322-3. ItwI. Iff. Rept, 1871, 
 43-4. Hall, Son., MS., 171-2, adds that settled Tarihumaras and even 
 Mexicans were frequently mistaken (!) for Apaches, and more murders com- 
 mitted in a month than Apaches could have done in a year. 
 
 '^See Hist. Mex., v. 144 et seq., this series. 
 
 " From the 'tema,' three candidates, proposed by the departmental as- 
 sembly. 
 
 ''^Dur. Mspos., in Pap. Var., xxxix., pt 2. This was supported by local 
 appeals, as Dur. Jtepres. de Victoria, 1-10. 
 
602 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 ment" was made in sympathy with the federalist re- 
 volt which Urrea had maintained in the northwest 
 and east for two years, and in 1841 the comandante 
 general, J. A. Heredia, joined the Guadalajara pro- 
 nunciamiento by Paredes, which, demanding a reformed 
 constitution, brought about a dictatorship under Santa 
 Anna/" This opportune movement procured for him 
 the governorship," but his remissness in seconding the 
 revolution of the same leader against the dictator, at 
 the close of 1844, lowered his prospects somewhat. 
 The return now to a federal system brought B. Men- 
 darozqueta into his place/* 
 
 In Chihuahua, both the assembly and governor, 
 General J. M. Monterde,"' sought to resist the move- 
 ment against Santa Anna, and failing in this, the lat- 
 ter placed in charge of the administration Deputy Luis 
 Zuloaga. The character and abuses of this man pro- 
 voked loud protests," and in June 1845, Commandant 
 Ugarte compelled him and several obnoxious assem- 
 blymen to resign, whereupon Angel Trias was installed 
 as governor/* Neither this governor nor the civil 
 authorities of Durango favored the uprising of Gen- 
 
 " By Capt. Rosa and some artillerists on May 3d. Com. -gen. Heredia 
 promptly suppressed it. Bustcumante, Gahinete, i. 187. M. Castafieda was 
 governor at the time. P. de Ochoa had acted in 1837, and before him Pena 
 and Esparza. Pop. Var., clxxx., pt vii., 10. 
 
 ^ Hist. Mex., V. 227 etseq., this series. Heredia's proclamation, in Va- 
 llejo, Doc. Mex., ii., pt 464, 13-14. The bishop of Durango protested against 
 the power given the congress by the organic law of 1843 as compared with 
 that of the church. Dm: Ocur. Prelado, in Pap. Var., clvi., pt 4. 
 
 81 In which he was confirmed in 1844, although failing to obtain a decisive 
 majority in the primary local election. Comtitimorml, Feb. 27, Mar. 1, 1844. 
 Mendarozqueta and Zubiria had acted previously. 
 
 82 He still held the power in 1847, although F. Elorriega acted in 1845 and 
 1846. Mem. Hist., Feb. 1, 1846. 
 
 83Who succeeded F. Garcia Conde in 1843. Tlie latter had, in 1840, by 
 general request, succeeded the deceased gov., J. M. Irigoyen, who had shortly 
 before replaced Elias Gonzalez. M. Andrade, Manif., was appointed in 
 1839, but set aside before taking possession. Pap. Var., Lxxx., pt 7. See 
 Id., Hepres. de. Alknde, and pt 8, for successors. Conde, Vhidic., 5; Cliih. 
 Mem. Hoc., doc. 1, Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol, xi. 193. 
 
 *' A widely signed petition appeared for his removal for gambhng and 
 dishonesty, together with other members of the assembly, of which he was 
 the eldest. Eepres. contra Assamhlea, 1-18; Miscel, iii. 
 
 8* J. Bustamante acting for a while. Amigo Pueb., July 8, 12, 15, 1845. Jus- 
 tiniani is mentioned as com. -gen. early in 1845. Bol. Notic, Feb. 13, March 
 11, 1845. 
 
PAREDES AND GARCIA CONDE. 603 
 
 erel Paredes at the close of the year, but the general 
 succeeded in gaining possession of the power, one re- 
 sult being the installation of Irigoyen in Trias' place. 
 In Durango, the troops resolved to proclaim Paredes, 
 and Heredia took advantage of it to gain control ; but 
 Garcia Conde made a resolute stand at the head of 
 the militia, and persuaded the governor to join with 
 him in submitting to the new president, whereupon 
 order was restored. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 1843-1888. 
 
 Preparations for War with the United States — Vidal Defeated bt 
 Doniphan — Battle or Sacramento— Doniphan Occupies Chihuahua — 
 He Marches to Saltillo — Sibge and Fail of Rosales — Frontier 
 Defence — Failure of Military Colonies — Indian Raids and Scalp 
 Hunting — A Coalition of States — Sale of the Mesilla Valley — 
 Plan of Avutla Adopted — Cajbn Invades Chihuahua and Dukango 
 — Victory of the Liberals — Entry of the French — Juarez Flees 
 TO Chihuahua — Brincourt Occupies the City — Departure of the 
 Invaders — Durango Opposes the Juaristas — Mukdeb of Patom— 
 Revolution of Porfirio Diaz — Lerdista Movements — SiEiuaA Mo jada 
 Territory Formed — Suppression of Indian Raids. 
 
 A CAUSE for the comparative lull in political strife 
 in these provinces, as contrasted with the agitation 
 in the republic generally, lay hi the relations with the 
 northern republic, which since 1841 had become 
 strained. In 1843 the prospect of war was enter- 
 tained, and the government began to give serious 
 attention to frontier defences, a measure which 
 appeals for protection against savages, had failed to 
 evoke. Arms were sent with which to increase the 
 the efficiency of the presidios and to equip the militia, 
 and a regiment of defensores de la Frontera was or- 
 dered to be organized in each of the three frontier 
 divisions.' The people joined enthusiastically in the 
 defence preparations, and aided in sending 500 men to 
 
 1 To consist of light cavalry, in four escuadrones of two companies each, 
 with a force of ?14 men and 42 officers, to cost $160,603 a year. Additional 
 companies were granted to the east and west provinces and to Tamaulipas. 
 Details in Mex. Mem. Ckif.r., 1844, does. 3, 22-4. The expenses were to 
 receive preference at the treasury. Palacio Leyes, 18 44 1 6, 19. The three 
 frontier divisions were Sonora and Sinaloa, Chihuahua and Durango, Coahuila 
 and Texas. 
 
 (604) 
 
THREATENED INVASION. 605 
 
 New Mexico, against the expected invasion." They 
 even submitted for a while to the interruption of the 
 overland caravan with the United States, sprung up 
 of late years with great advantage to these settle- 
 ments, so remote from the market centres of the re- 
 public' 
 
 As the prospects of war increased, troops were or- 
 dered into these central sections of the frontier,* mod- 
 ified by subsequent operations.^ Governor Irigoyen 
 not displaying a zeal commensurate with the eager- 
 ness of the ascendant war party, was forced to resign 
 in favor of the energetic Trias, who stood conspicuous 
 for anti-American sentiments. The change was op- 
 portune, for he gave a decided impulpe to preparations, 
 by seeking a loan among his people," with which to 
 equip and organize the numerous volunteers.' This 
 self-reliance was the more needful as the promised aid 
 from the republic diminished to a small contribution 
 of arms, and a few troops from Zacatecas and Du- 
 rango, brought by the little esteemed Heredia." In 
 the latter department equal zeal was exhibited, with 
 a mustering of some 3,000 volunteers. 
 
 After the invasion of New Mexico by the United 
 States troops, a corps of 12,000 men was sent to the 
 
 2 Of whom 300 remained. Bustaimante, Hist. Scmta Anna, MS., iii. 46. 
 Specimens of the alarm notices may be consulted in Oone^tadonal, April 23, 
 1844. 
 
 ' Yet in March 1844 the frontier custom-houses were declared open again. 
 Dublan and Lomno, Leg. Mex., iv. 752-3. 
 
 * Filisola was first appointed commander of forces in Zacatecas. Durango 
 and Chihuahua, strengthened with 1,000 men from San Luis Potosi, bringing 
 ten battery pieces. The national guards could in case of need be called upon 
 to serve outside of their respective states. Text in Escudero, Mem. Chih. , 45; 
 Pop. Va/r., Ixxxvii. pt 13. 
 
 *0n July 11th the Chihuahua assembly decreed the raising of 6000 men. 
 Sonorense, Aug. 7, 1846. In Guadalupe 60 of the leading citizens joined as 
 volunteers. Bestaurador, Aug. 11, 1846. 
 
 "Subsequently a forced loan was assessed among the towns. Iris Esip., 
 Feb. 13, 1847. 
 
 ' Wislizenus, Tour, 48, adds that a cannon foundry was erected. 
 
 8 Only 1,000 muskets were sent. Apantes (hurra, 139-40. In estimating 
 for the republican war fund, the bishop of Durango was assessed $80,000. 
 Mex. Col. Ley., 1844-46,537, 544. Momt. CtmstU., April 22, 1845; Mem. Hist., 
 Jan. 26, 1846. Col. Cuilty left Durango on Nov. 27th for Chihuahua with 500 
 men and 4 guns. Iris.Esp., Dec. 12, 1846. » 
 
606 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 frontier to clieck their' advance into ChUiualiua, 
 Lieutenant-colonel Vidal " being in commmand. 
 Eager to meet the enemy, this body passed beyond 
 El Paso, and A. Ponce, who had been sent forward 
 
 CiUUUAHlTA, 
 
 with 500 cavalry, 70 infantry, and a howitzer," came 
 December 25th, suddenly upon the enemy carelessly 
 
 'To reconquer New Mexico, says Buatamante. Mem. Hist, v. 241. 
 
 •' Col Cuilty of Durango having fallen sick. 
 
 "Americans place the detachment at from 1,100 to 1,220, including 
 militia. U. 8. Gov. Doc, cong. 30, sess. 1, H. Ex. Doc, i. 498; and Buata- 
 mante, Jf«m Hist., vi, 27, implies the same. 
 
DONIPHAN'S EXPEDITION. 607 
 
 encamped at Brazitos." This formed a main body of 500 
 men under Colonel Doniphan, who had been ordered to 
 proceed from Santa Fe to Chihuahua, to reinforce 
 Wool's column, which was expected to be in posses- 
 sion of that town." So complete was the surprise 
 that the Americans had not time to saddle and mount 
 their horses. But Ponce lost his opportunity by 
 wasting time in drawing out his force in formal battle 
 array, which being carefully completed, he sent in a 
 black flag with a summons to surrender, the alterna- 
 tive being an attack without quarter. The Ameri- 
 cans, however, had recovered from their confusion, 
 had seized their arms, and formed in line. Doniphan's 
 answer was an emphatic invitation to charge," where- 
 upon the Mexicans bore down upon the enemy, deliv- 
 ering a noisy but ineffectual fire at long range. After 
 three volleys, the cavalry, with Ponce at its head, 
 charged, but when within range the Americans, who 
 had hitherto withheld their fire, began a deadly rifle 
 fire which threw the enemy into great disorder. 
 Doniphan's rear column now appeared hurrying for- 
 ward, and the repulse was converted into full flight, 
 the Mexicans abandoning their howitzer, and leaving 
 about two score dead on the field.'* Yidal retreated 
 to Chihuahua, and on the 27th the enemy occupied 
 El Paso. 
 
 Learning that Wool had not advanced into Chihua- 
 hua, Doniphan remained for some weeks at the latter 
 place, awaiting the arrival of his cannon, which came 
 up early in February 1847, to the number of six 
 pieces. On the 8th of that month he resumed his 
 
 12 Twenty miles from El Paso, on the Rio Bravo. 
 
 '^ See Hist. Mex. , v. 405, et seq. , this series. 
 
 1* He writes in his report: ' The reply was more abrupt than decorous — 
 to charge and be damned. ' AIot. Wm. Doniphan was a lawyer of Missouri, 
 and long a brigadier of militia, about 39 years old, and upward of six feet in 
 height. Biography in Hughes' Daniplum's Exped., 13-20. He had been left 
 in command at Santa Fe on Kearney's departure for California. When Col. 
 Price came to relieve him, he first compelled the turbulent Navajos to con- 
 clude a treaty and then marched toward Chihuahua. 
 
 '* Doniphan places their dead at 73, and the wounded at 150. His own 
 loss was one killed and 7 slightly wounded, U. S. Gov. Doc, ut sup., 498. 
 
608 LATER HISTORY OF CHimJAHDA AND DURANGO 
 
 march, his force now numbering 924 effective men, 
 chiefly Missourians. Under its escort was a train of 
 315 wagons of the long delayed trade caravan for 
 Chihuahua. Thus hampered, Doniphan's march was 
 slow along the arid route, affording the Chihuahuans 
 ample time to prepare for defence. Twenty miles 
 north of the capital the mountain ranges on the east 
 and west unite by a series of hills, through which the 
 pass of Sacramento affords an opening for the road 
 to El Paso. Two eminences, the Cerro del Sacramento 
 on the west, and another northeast of it, command 
 the entrance. Here Comandante-General Heredia, 
 in accord with the governor, took his stand against 
 the invaders, sustained by a force of about 2,000 
 well-armed men,'° and protected by a system of re- 
 doubts" with ten pieces of artillery. 
 
 On the 28th of February the Americans were seen 
 approaching. The strength of Doniphan's force was 
 well known, and so confident were the Chihuahuans of 
 destroying it, that preparations were made in the city 
 to celebrate the expected triumph." But of what 
 avail of enthusiasm without efficiency against the 
 fatal rifles of the enemy and his well served artillery ? 
 A slight reconnoissance revealed to Doniphan that 
 the system of redoubts could be readily turned on 
 the west. On arriving, therefore, within a favorable 
 distance he suddenly diverged to the right and gained 
 an elevated plateau." Recognizing their blunder the 
 
 wjn Apuntes Ghierra, 143-5, are given some details with which Roa Bar- 
 cena, Beaierdos, 125, Bustamante, Invasion, ii. 105-6, and Mansfield, Mex. 
 War, 105, nearly agree. Doniphein, in the report previously quoted, p. 501, 
 says: 'The force of the enemy was 1,200 cavalry from Durango and Chihua 
 hua with the Vera Cruz dragoons, 1,200 infantry from Chihuahua, 300 artil- 
 lerists, and 1,420 rancheros badly armed with lassoes, lances, and machetoes, 
 or corn-knives; ' making a total of 4,120 men. The Senoren-9e, Mar. 25, 
 1847, enumerates 2,100, and understands that 2,500 will be massed for the 
 fight. Iris,Esp., Mar. 20, 1847. Heredia was assisted in the command by 
 Conde, Trias, Justiniani, and Ugarte. 
 
 1' Doniphan gives the number at 27. 
 
 ^^ Afuntes, Ouerra, 145, 149. Brooks, Hist., 274, relates that cords had 
 been prepared with which to tie Doniphan and his men and send them to 
 Mexico. 
 
 '" ' Spoiling our plans, ' exclaims Bustamante, in a tone as if expecting 
 
SOME FIGHTING. GOjr" 
 
 Mexicans endeavored to counteract the movement hy 
 advancing their cavalry. The movement was not 
 effected with sufficient promptness, for the enemy 
 unlimbered their guns and opened so destructive a 
 fire upon the men that, unaccustomed to artillery, 
 they has-tily fell back behind the entrenchments. 
 The Americans continued to advance, and planted 
 two twelve-pound howitzers, well supported by cavalry, 
 against the line. The fire from these pieces was very 
 effective, while the Mexican artillery was rendered 
 almost useless through a misunderstood order for 
 moving a portion of it to the Cerro del Sacramento." 
 As they came to close range the Missourians dis- 
 mounted and plied their rifles with unerring aim.. 
 Redoubt after redoubt was gained ; the eastern height, 
 cannonaded in reverse by the six-pounders, was soon- 
 carried ; and the battery on the Cerro del Sacramento, 
 which, during the engagement maintained a harmless, 
 fire, was taken by assault. The Mexicans fled in 
 every direction, leaving on the ground 300 killed and 
 about the same number wounded. Forty prisoners, , 
 ten pieces of artillery, and a large quantity of stores 
 fell into the hands of the victors, who acknowledged 
 the loss of two men, besides a few wounded." 
 
 Trias retired with the authorities and remnants of 
 the army to Parral, leaving Doniphan an undisputed 
 
 the enemy to walk straight into the side trap set for them. Invasion, ii. 
 106-7. 
 
 ^ All the pieces in the redoubts were hurriedly thrown out of battery and 
 put in motion toward the Cerro del Sacramento, while the infantry actually 
 began to move in the same direction. Though Heredia endeavored to cor- 
 rect the mistake, it proved fatal; no effort could allay the confusion. 
 
 2' Only one fell on the field. U. S. Gov. Doc, cong. 30, sess. 1, H. Ex. Doc, 
 i. 501, 502-1.3; Id., sess. 2, 76-7, 113-36, with supplementary reports. 
 Hug'ies, Doniplmn's Eoaped., 313-15, adds to the capture $6,000 in money, 
 50,000 sheep, etc. See also Furber's Volunteer, 446-52; Ediocurds' Campaign, 
 17-184; Hobbs' Wild Life, 139-57; Pattm, Hkt. U. S., 741-3; Willard's Last 
 Leaves, 70-6; Petemon's Mil. Heroes, 70; Samsey's Other Side, 167-78; Nik^" 
 Reg., Ixxii. 102, 144, 171-5; Frosts Pict. Hist. Mex., 423-9; Id., Mex. War, 
 220. Bustamante ascribes the defeat to the incompetence of the leaders, so 
 well known in Mexico that defeat was predicted. Invasion, ii. 107-8. Inc. 
 this MS. of this work he expresses unutterable shame over the affair. Coxitis'"' 
 Diary, 37; Id., cong. 84^6; Uipky, War Mex., i. 458-69. 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 39. 
 
610 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 entry into Chihuahua." The position of the latter 
 was somewhat embarrassing : in the midst of a hostile 
 country, several hundred miles distant from other 
 sections of the army, his men composed of volunteers 
 unfit for garrison duty, without clothes or pay, and 
 with term nearly expired. Many interests urged him 
 to remain, yet he had orders to join Wool. Hear- 
 ing that the latter was at Saltillo, a message was de- 
 spatched, March 26th, to obtain his instructions. 
 These were to proceed to that point. On April 25th, 
 accordingly, Doniphan set out by way of Mapimi and 
 Parras, and reached Saltillo on May 22d." 
 
 After the departure of the Americans, affairs re- 
 sumed their course, under the combined efforts of 
 governor and assemblymen, who had already joined 
 those of other departments in favor of restoration of 
 the federal constitution, now that the weakness of the 
 supreme government afforded opportunity," and for 
 staying the seizure of mortmain property for war pur- 
 poses. The appeal against this proceeding came from 
 Durango, which had shown greater respect for eccle- 
 siastical property than the sister state.''* With the 
 progress of the war, and the prospect of another inva- 
 
 '''' Strict orders were issued for maintaining discipline and protecting prop- 
 erty. Hobhs' Wild lAfe, 132. The citizens eagerly welcomed the trade cara- 
 van, and many looked upon the American entry as liberation from Indian 
 ■wars and exactions. Bustamante, Invasion, ii. 108. Formal possession was 
 taken on March 1st, in the name of the United States. 
 
 ^ Suffering much hardship from dust and scorpions and lack of water. 
 Not far from Parras, Capt. Eeid intercepted and defeated a band of 65 Co- 
 manche raiders, with a loss to them of 17 men, and the recovery of 9 captives 
 and 1,000 head of animals. Brooks' Hist., 281; Coutts' Cong., 87-8. The peo- 
 ple of Parras voted thanks. The regiment was sent on to Monterey, and 
 ordered home, arriving at New Orleans on June 15th, after making a circuit 
 of 4,000 miles within 12 months. Santa Fi, Cong., 35-7; Hughes' Dmiphan's 
 Exped., 367-70. Doniphan was voted a sword by the congress. Cono Ohbe 
 1847-8, 327, 337, 433, 459; Braclett's U. S. Cavalry, 104-7. Parkman, cd 
 Trail, 415-17, praises the order and efficiency of the volunteers. And so in 
 U. S. Gov. Doc, ubisup., 54-5, 495-513. 
 
 "The representative in the congress had, in Jan. 1847, been instructed to 
 advocate a reform of the 1824 organic law, and a number of changes bene- 
 ficial to the state. Consult Escudero, Mem. CWi., IZ-i. Escudero, as a 
 member of the congress, protested against the seizure of mortmain property 
 for war purposes; this should be made to contribute only its share. 
 
 ^The governor, indeed, had refused to publish the decree for seizing 
 innrtmain estates. Bustamante, Mem. Hist, MS., vi 57. 
 
PRICE'S ASSAULT. 6U 
 
 sion, preparations for defence were resumed," the pre- 
 sidio companies being reduced to the character of 
 militia. News of peace negotiations tended to abate 
 these efforts; then came suddenly the announcement 
 of General Price's approach with a large force." A 
 messenger was sent with a flag of truce to the Sacra- 
 mento pass to protest against the advance, on the 
 ground that peace had already been concluded. Price 
 regarded this as a mere subterfuge, and pushed for- 
 ward, whereupon Trias retreated with a few hundred 
 men, chiefly militia.''* The American van entered 
 Chihuahua March 7th, and hastened on the following 
 day in pursuit, only to find Trias strongly entrenched 
 at Rosales. While waiting for the arrival of the re- 
 maining troops. Price invested the place, and opened 
 negotiations for surrender. On the 16th, the Ameri- 
 can general was in condition to present his ultimatum. 
 Trias having received re'enforcements, and made good 
 use of the interval for strengthening his position, de- 
 clined to entertain it, whereupon fire was opened upon 
 his camp with six pieces of artillery. The governor 
 responded with great spirit, and directed, moreover, 
 such an effective cavalry charge against the enemy's 
 rear as to compel a change of front and a withdrawal 
 of the pieces. This success proved only momentary, 
 however, as the horsemen were quickly dispersed, and 
 the siege operations resumed. Toward sunset Price 
 ordered an assault. Preceded by a well-directed vol- 
 ley, the Americans penetrated the outer lines, and 
 forced their way to the plaza. Seeing that nothing 
 more could be done, Trias surrendered. He could do 
 
 ''^ Decreto Guerra, in Pap. Var., xcix. ; Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 61; Mex. CoL 
 Ley., 1847, 265. A quarrel rose between the governor and comandante gen- 
 eral, Arlegui, of Durango, concerning the right to control the militia. Mazina- 
 dor, Aug. 21, 1847; Democrata &nA Sonormse, July 2, 1847; Gorrto Nac., Oct. 
 26, 1847, Jan. 29, 1848. 
 
 '■" Price set out from Santa Fe on Feb. 8th with a comp. of Missouri horse 
 for El Paso, where the concentration had been ordered of three comps U. S. 
 dragoons, six comps of Missouri horse, two comps Miss, infantry, Walker's 
 three comps of Santa Fe Jiorse, and one of light artillery. TJ. 8. Gov. Doc, 
 cong. 30, sess. 2; ff. Ms. Doc, i., pt i., 113-15. 
 
 '^Apuntea Chierra, 399, gives him some 400 men and eight pieces. 
 
612 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 this without hesitation, for his men had fought with 
 a determination that shed a redeeming lustre over 
 former encounters, even beyond the Hmits of Chihua- 
 hua. This was the closing battle of the war." 
 
 The Americans remained in occupation for about 
 three months before the official confirmation of peace 
 called them away. Their presence served to rouse 
 anew the fear of a possible cession of the state, 
 against which repeated protests had been made." 
 Then followed apprehensions that the approach of the 
 neighboring republic, to the Rio Bravo, would result 
 in it driving the hostile Indians into Chihuahua. The 
 supreme government had relieved its conscience on 
 these points by a clause in the treaty, and might have 
 troubled itself little more about the danger incurred 
 by the settlers. But, a formidable power having now 
 stepped across the intervening space, the safety of 
 the republic became concerned, and demanded consid- 
 eration. 
 
 The result was a decree of July 19, 1848, for es- 
 tablishing eighteen military colonies along the entire 
 frontier, to serve in lieu of presidios as nuclei for civil 
 settlements, and consequently as an ever growing bul- 
 wark against foreign invasion as well as savage irrup- 
 tions." 
 
 '^' Needless, since peace had been arranged, although Price did not think 
 it prudent to credit the report. The Americans acknowledged the loss of 3 
 killed and 19 wounded, while placing the Mexican killed alone at 238. U. S. 
 Oov. Doc, utsup., 113-36; Ripley's War Mex., ii. 611-13. The Mexican gar- 
 rison was estimated at 700 men, with 1 1 guns, independent of the column 
 which attacked in the rear; the besiegers must have numbered at least 550. 
 Outrages are, as usual, charged to the invaders. J/cr. Mem. Bel., 1875, app. 
 i., 51-2. Price shared with Doniphan the honor of receiving a sword from 
 the congress. Cong. Globe, 1847-8, 327, 337, 433, 459. 
 
 "At the close of 1847. Razanador, Dec. 4, 1847; Arcolrk., Dec. 26, 1847. 
 Jilscmlero, Mem. Cldh., 90-7. 
 
 ''To this end the northern line was divided into three sections: Oriente, 
 Chihuahua, and Occidente, the first embracing Coahuila and Tamaulipas; the 
 second. Chihuahua alone; and the Occidente, 8i_inora, and Lower California. 
 Chiliuahua and Sonora were to receive five colonies each, the peninsula one 
 and the Oriente seven, each with a fair proportion of the total of 2426 troops 
 assigned, of which 1751 cavalry, the annual pay list of which was placed at 
 $717,572. After six years, service the recruits might retire as civil settlers 
 on the land to which their term entitled them. Further details in Hist. Mex., 
 V. 573 et seq., this series. 
 
MILITIA. 613 
 
 Owing to the chronic lack of funds, the colonies did 
 not receive the necessary impulse either in men, set- 
 tlers, or implements, the report for 1851 indicated 
 less than half the stipulated force, with only a portion 
 of the settlements in a fair way of development.'^ 
 Subsequent revolutions diverted attention from the 
 frontier, and the colonies declined to a shadow within 
 a few years. In 1868 orders were issued for their 
 revival, but no steps were taken to raise the necessary 
 funds. Lately a committee reported adversely on 
 such colonies, combining military and agricultural 
 duties — and recommended instead the erection of 
 garrisoned posts wherever needful. '' No haste was 
 shown to act upon the suggestion, partly because 
 Indian raids, the main cause for the necessity of such 
 method of defence, had been practically checked. 
 
 As a partial substitute for regular troops, reduced 
 under the economic reconstruction of 1848, was the 
 militia, now reorganized and made to embrace every 
 able Mexican between the age of 18 and 55, with the 
 requirement for six per mille of the population to serve 
 in the mobile division, liable to be called beyond the 
 state for short periods." This laudable measure met 
 with a serious check, from the lack of public spirit 
 .among the classes from which the best example and 
 .support should have come. Indolence and race feel- 
 ing are too strong for certain elements to overcome 
 
 *^ The Oriente line being less exposed to Indians, the most easterly colonies 
 Tvere not founded, but those of Chihuahua and the Occidente were either 
 definitely or provisionally established, the former by 334 soldiers, with 38 
 oflftcers, and 322 settlers, possessing 78 houses, 18 wagons, and 100 yokes of 
 oxen; the last by 345 soldiers, 38 officers, and 200 settlers, with only 4 
 houses, 4 wagons and 50 yokes. Mex. Mem. 6uer., 1851, doc. 3-5. See also 
 references in Hist. Mex., v. 574, this series. The report for 1852 gave the 
 Chihuahua colonies 347 men, with 95 horses. Mex. Mem. Chmr., 1882, 5 doc. 2. 
 
 33 This was still under consideration in 1882-3. Mex. Mem. Gaer., 1881, 
 136, 1882, p. ii. 
 
 3* For particulars, see Hist. Mex., v. 571-2, this series. In the northern 
 states a special mobile force of 34 companies was decreed exclusively for 
 Indian warfare, of which eight were for Durango, and 4 each for Chihuahua 
 and Sonora, to be enrolled and equipped by the states at federal expense, the 
 cost of each company being calculated at |18,252 a year, with |1575 for 
 equipment. Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon and Zacatecas had 4 comps each, 
 .Coahuila 6. Ma. Leyis., 1849, 218-22. 
 
614 LATER HISTORY OP CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 their inertia or repugnance to stand side by side witli 
 the humble Indian. Hence a disgraceful shirking of 
 duty, facilitated by criminally indulgent officials/" 
 
 During the American invasion savage inroads were 
 less frequent, but in 1848 they were resumed to such 
 an extent that the Mexican authorities were influenced 
 to fvame the military colony project, appropriating- 
 $200,000 to aid the states in this campaign,'" and ap- 
 pointing a committee of congressmen from the in- 
 invaded region to report on the best measures to be 
 adopted for joint action against the tribes." Mean- 
 while several of the states, including Chihuahua an<i 
 Durango, had recourse to scalp-hunting, assisted 
 by American riflemen; but notwithstanding the stimu- 
 lating prize of $200 for each token,'* the hunters 
 failed to obtain much profit, or leave any marked im- 
 pression on the savages, while from the southern states 
 not so afflicted, came a howl of indignation against 
 such blood contracts."' But almost any measure was 
 permissible under circumstances so distressing, when 
 a large part of Chihuahua lay desolate, and the east- 
 ern half of Durango was overrun, and thousands of 
 families being ruined, and thousands more in daily 
 apprehension of a similar fate." 
 
 ^'Rubi in Sin. Mem. Gob., 10, 27, shows that the guardia nacional of 
 Sinaloa in 1867 was 7,387, with 11,835 exempts, who to agreat extent avoided 
 paying exemption fees by pretending absence, etc. For amount see also 
 Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 228. Comments in OMh. Mem. Gob., 1850, 8-10. 
 
 ^^Mex. Col. Ley., 1848, 458-9; Correo, Mac., Oct. 1, 1848. 
 
 ^' Many views were submitted. Plan para defensa de hs Estados Irwadidos, 
 1-28; Dictamen, Id., 1-20; Pop. Var., Ixxxix. The decree calling this com- 
 mittee is dated Apr. 24, 1849. The government claimed the right to sup- 
 press the comandanciaa generals, and dispose of 4,000 guardias nacionales, 
 ^ex. Legis., 1849, 80-2. 
 
 ^^Or $250 for each warrior brought in alive. Universal, June 21, 1849.- 
 Several contracts were made with Americans and Mexicans, but they couldi 
 jiot be relied upon when most required, even after advances of money emd 
 arms had been made. OJiih. Mem. Oob., 1S50, 11-13. Kirker lost so many of 
 his men as to fail; Glanton massacred a friendly tribe. Mex. Scraps, i. 15;. 
 Froebel, Cent. Amer., 350; Sonorense, Aug. 22, Sept. 14, 1849; several sharp con- 
 flicts occurred between the hunters and the Indians. Universal, Sept. 18, Oct. 
 4, 9, 26, 1849; the former rescuing a number of captives. They had some 
 trouble in obtaining payment for their services. Polynesian, vii. 152; vi. 139. 
 
 '^See Hist. Mex., v. 579, this series. A law of Durango for safely dispos- 
 ing of Indian captives was annulled by the congress. Ctnreo, .Mac., Sept. 23, 
 ]348. 
 
 ^° Scalp-hunting continued for many years, even after the French ex- 
 
CONTEDEUATION OF STATES. 615 
 
 With the aid of the government a large number of 
 troops opened the campaign of 1850, with the resolve 
 to grant no peace to Indians coming from the United 
 States." The chief operation was directed toward 
 Laguna de Jaco, the savages yielding, as usual, to the 
 pressure, either by evacuating the country, or by sub- 
 mission on the part of those claiming it as their home. 
 Watchfulness, with regard to the observance of agree- 
 ments, was trusted to the newly established military- 
 colonies, one station being located within the borders 
 of Durango." Political turmoils leaving the states 
 once more to their own devices, a coalition project 
 came into operation; Jalisco, Zacatecas, San Luis 
 Potosf, and Tamaulipas joining by sending in sub- 
 scriptions. The general government also promised 
 subsidies; but soon this union of states, to which 
 rumor had already ascribed a desire for independ- 
 ence " created alarm, and steps were taken to break up 
 the arrangement." One result of this was an increase 
 of raids and devastation, until Chihuahua in 1856 ap- 
 pealed for aid " to Durango, although the latter was 
 then writing under the same affliction. Three of her 
 
 pulsion in 1867, although the superior governments sought to oppose it. Cldlu 
 Mem. Gob., 1850, 6-7. For details of outrages see Universal, June, Aug. 11, 
 Sept. -Nov. 1849, Jan.-Nov. 1850. Hayes' Scraps, Inds, iii. 11-67. A writer 
 in Pvinam'a Mag., iv. 415-16, refers to entire valleys devastated. U. S. 
 Om. Doc, cong. 31, sess. 2, H. Ex. Doc., i. pt ii. 18-67; Heraldo, Oct. -Deo. 
 1848, Jan. -Mar. 1849; Sonoreme, 1848-50, passim. 
 
 *^Mex. Mem. Ouer., 1851, 15-16, doc. 2; Pinart, Doc. ddk, MS., ii. 43. 
 
 *'At Pelayo, at a cost of |25,000. It was hinted that commanders 
 profited by furnishing supplies. Atalayaa,nd8cMorense,'Sov. 3,184,8. Among 
 plans for obtaining and assuring peace is Castafleda's Plan Defensa, 1-27. 
 See also 8. F. Pac. News, Dec. 7, 1850; Mex. Legis., 1849, 80-2; Arrillaga, 
 Recop., 1849, 125-6. 
 
 *^ Dictamen Coalicion; Pap. Var., ccvi. pt4; Mex. Informe Pesquis., 80-1. 
 
 " Chihuahua deputies objected in Oct. 1852 to the coalition on the ground, 
 that it would create another centre of government. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1852,, 
 48-52; Universal, Aug. -Dec. 1852. The committee on frontier defences saw- 
 no danger or prospect of excesses through contracts, with due supervision. 
 Mex. Oomis. Guer., Dictamen, i. 3-14; ii. 3-8. Nevertheless the CenMnela, 
 Sept. 29, 1855, and other journals raised an outcry against the slaughter of 
 peaceable Indians by scalp hunters. U. S. Ind. Aff.; Joint Com. Rapt, 1867, 
 328. In Durango a joint stock comp'y was formed to hunt scalps. Universal, 
 Oct. 9, 1852. In 1863 Chihuahua paid $500 for a chief's scalp, and |200 for 
 ordinary ones. Estrella Occid., June 5, 1863. This prize was publicly oflfered_ 
 in 1867. Oociilental, Aug. 4, 1869; U. S. Cmnmerc. Pel, 1867-S, 726. 
 
 *^DianoAi}ia., Jan. 10, 1857; Eco Nat:., Jan. 10, 1857. 
 
.616 LATER HI8T0IiY OF CHfHUAHUA AND DUPANGO. 
 
 partidos alone reported at this time 102, 68, and 34 
 murders respectively, with robberies and ravages in 
 proportion." 
 
 The extent of the desolation may be readily under- 
 stood when it is borne in mind that the district of 
 Papasquiaro, though in the centre of the western 
 lialf of Durango, was repeatedly visited, and that 
 every scalp secured was at the cost of many lives.'" 
 The state authorities can hardly be blamed for buying 
 a precarious peace from different tribes, although 
 aware that it would be broken the first opportunity." 
 The ubiquitous robbers took advantage of the disorder 
 t;o exact their share of the spoils, especially in Du- 
 rango, appearing disguised as Indians, and more 
 frequently in the safer garb of political guerrillas." 
 Shortly after the American invasion drought and 
 cholera came to swell the evil,*' while the gold excite- 
 ment in California lured away a large number of the 
 anost desirable citizens." 
 
 ^^ Cuenoame district reported in 1856 68 murders, and the destruction of 
 S2 ranches; Papasquiaro, 34 murders and 12 ranchos destroyed, while El 
 Ore claimed the greatest suffering. Nackm, Nov. 6, 1856; Estandarte, Nac., 
 Peb. 23, 25, Mar. 4, 1857; Espanol, Sonorense, anAMco JSTac., Mar. 7-9, 1857; 
 Correo, Esp., Feb. 21, 1855; FroebeVs Cent. Amer., ii. 214^24, 283-4. This 
 last author gives a harrowing account of the devastation; and alludes to 
 "wanton destruction of live stock by Indians, and to mutilated bodies of 
 -women and children in revenge for defeats. Consult also Mex. Scraps, i. 15; 
 AUa Cal., Oct. 18, 1853; Von Tempshj, MUla, 77-105. In Feb. 1857, 48 
 persons were killed in a northern district of Durango. Diario At;is., Mar.- 
 ilay, 1857; Tiempo, Aug. -Sept. 1857; I?azon, Jan. 9, 1858; Paz, Jan. 8, 
 1858. 
 
 ■" ' For every fifty soldiers killed but one or two Indians die, ' says a 
 ioreigu writer. Mex. Scraps, i. 39. Yet it was boasted that 16 Comanche 
 chiefs had fallen between Sept. 1853 and Feb. 1854. Eco Esp., March 4, 11, 
 April 22, 1854. 
 
 *^ A treaty in April 1855, for instance, with a. tribe of 288 Apaches was 
 ■procured for rations to'the value of $8,724 annually. Correo Esp., June 9, 
 1855. ' A criminal and imbecile action,' rails the Mex. Informe Pesquis., 86, 
 for the tribes contiaued to plunder with greater security. 
 
 *^ Correo Esp., Jan. 10, 1853; Estandarte, JVoc, Aug. 26, 1857; Eco Nof., 
 Diario Avis and Tiempo, especially in 1857-8. Yet the terra robber is fre- 
 quently applied by political parties to any opponent. 
 
 ^In Durango the famine gave rise to several riots. Sivera, Hist. JaL, iv. 
 236, 267; Voz Mej., Feb. 21, 1878. Cholera broke out at Durango in July 
 1849, and carried oflf by Sept. 2,498 victims, or fully 50 per cent, of the 
 stricken. Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol., v. 46. Details iu Sonorense and Universal, 
 July-Nov. 1849. Small-pox followed in Nov. Id., Deo. 14, 1850. Samirez, 
 Jlist. Diir., 36. 
 
 °' Exploring expeditions from the U. >S. at first tended rather to promote 
 
BEVOLUTION. 617 
 
 The frontier provinces had entertained great ex- 
 pectations from the restored federal system under 
 Herrera and Arista, only to be disappointed. The 
 military colonies were allowed to fade away, and the 
 presidios wereleft in a worse condition than ever. This 
 in itself sufficed to sour loyalty. The revolution in Ja- 
 lisco, reestablishing the dictatorship under Santa Anna, 
 found therefore ready endorsement in Durango as 
 well as Chihuahua, where Trias himself gave the 
 .signal by deposing tlie not very popular Governor 
 Cordero" in December 1852, and reassuming the 
 gubernatorial power; as did M. Morett, the military 
 «hief of Durango.^^ The sale, however, to the United 
 States of Mesilla Valley, to which Chihuahua had a 
 certain claim, turned the current of good-will. When 
 Governor Lane of New Mexico announced his preten- 
 sions to that strip of territory, Trias bravely marched 
 to the front with a respectable force, but was obliged 
 to submit to the formal transfer, and to a narrowed 
 limit of state lands." 
 
 Both states rallied promptly in favor of the plan of 
 Ayutla, and issued federal constitutions in 1855. 
 That of Durango was threatened with certain modifi- 
 cations, by the claims of Sinaloa and Coahuila, to 
 certain tracts on either side." The ensuing war of 
 reform, so called, in behalf of the new constitution, 
 
 this exodus. Ool Hays, IA% MS., 60-9, sought to open a route by way of 
 Presidio del Norte. U. S. officers explored the Rio Bravo in 1850 for navi- 
 
 fation. oOi;. ulex. Geog., Bol., iii. 38; Hayes' Scraps, Ind., iii. 324-9; and 
 lieut Couch made a geographic and botanic tour in 1852-53. Smitlisanian 
 Rept, 1854, 86-7. 
 
 '2 Who had succeeded Trias upon his resignation in 1850. Universal, May 
 10, June 6, July 5, Dec. 9, 1850. 
 
 ^' Governor J. M. del Begato being deposed. Universal, Dec. 4, 6, 22, 28, 
 Dec. 1852. 
 
 ^*The correspondence between the two governors is given in Universal, 
 April, May, 1853; Sivera, Hist. Jal, iv. 402-3. Domenech points out that 
 little benefit was derived from the $7,000,000 passed through Santa Anna's 
 lianda. Hist. Mex., ii. 262-6. Trias went to the frontier with 500 men and 
 6 or 8 guns. This second encroachment rankled in the hearts of the citizens, 
 who came to blows more than once, with settled and travelling Americans. 
 Naeim, Feb. 12, 1857. AUa Oat, Oct. 18, 1853. 
 
 =^5 The former claiming Tamazula, the latter the mining region of San 
 Juan. Pensamiento Nac, April 26-30, 1856. 
 
ei8 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 extended throughout the north. Chihuahua suffered 
 less, owing to the wide prevalence of liberal senti- 
 ments. The conservative movement of 1858 failed, 
 though L. Zuloaga, a brother of the great leader at 
 Mexico, occupied the state capital, in June of the fol- 
 lowing year deposing the governor. Two months 
 later, however, he was forced to seek refuge" in Du- 
 rango. There the plan of Tacubaya, one of the con- 
 servative reactions against the constitution," had been 
 adopted in April 1858 by General Heredia. He re- 
 placed the vacillating J. de la Bdrcena " as governor, 
 and held out against the liberals till July, when 
 E. Coronado captured the city, assumed the chief 
 magistracy and retaliated upon the clero-conservative 
 faction by imposing heavy contributions." 
 
 The contest continued in the interior, aided in 
 part by the fugitive Zuloaga, and in 1859 the 
 conservatives and liberals alternately rose to the 
 summit, signalizing the occupation of the capital and 
 other towns by executions and plunder. Toward the 
 close of the year Cajen entered from Jahsco with a 
 large force. After a brief campaign in Chihuahua, 
 which resulted in a temporary reestablisment early in 
 1860 of the conservatives, he advanced upon Durango, 
 routed the liberals under Ortega and Patoni, and took 
 possession of the capital, as governor.™ Toward mid- 
 
 ^^Zuloaga marched from Corralitos at the head of 1000 men and occupied 
 Chihuahua and Parral. He failed to obtain a footing in Sonora. In 
 August his army, partly equipped at hia own expense, yielded to an inferior 
 force under Orozco, doubtless because it was liberal at heart. Details in 
 Diario Ams, Dec. 1, 1858, Jime 24, July 23, Sept. 22, 1859, etc.; Eco Nou:., 
 Feb. 12, 1858; AUa Cal., June 9, July 16, 1859. 
 
 °'See Hist. Mex., v. 722, etseq., this series. 
 
 '^Elected under the new constitution in June 1857, as successor to 
 Heredia. See vote in Estarularte Nac., July 12, 1857. Weidner Cerro Mercado, 
 3. Bdrcena at first declared for the plan and then wavered. He was 
 charged with American sympathies. Heredia created a council and reorgan- 
 ized the court. Diario Aois.. .Ian. 23, Jlarch 6, Jlay 16, 1858; Eco Nac,, 
 April 26, May 2, 1858. 
 
 ''See above journals, June-Aug. 1858, passim. VcaSon., Aug. 13, 1858. 
 The bishop was imprisoned for refusing to assist in collecting the $40,000 
 clerical share of $116,000 forced contribution. 
 
 "^According to Diario Avis., March 13, 21^, 1860, the defeat at Gallo re- 
 sulted in the death of 74 liberals and the capture of 134, out of a force placed 
 
EFFECT OF FRENCH INTERVENTION. 619? 
 
 summer lie found it expedient to seek fresh forces in 
 Chihuahua, in order to meet the gathering liberals. 
 He gained, indeed, a few advantages ;" but his defeat 
 soon after in Sinaloa, and death by treachery' *' has- 
 tened the triumph of the opposite party. "' The victors 
 of Durango as well as Chihuahua hastened to clip 
 the wings of clerical power, by enforcing the confisca- 
 tion of their enormous wealth, as decreed by the 
 president. °' This measure drove the opposite party 
 to protract the struggle, although with little success, 
 and General Patoni was rewarded for his success by 
 being confirmed, in 1861, in the position he had as- 
 sumed at Durango as governor," while in Chihuahua 
 General Luis Terrazas was chosen.^" 
 
 Supremacy was not long continued however, for in 
 the following year the French intervention infused 
 fresh spirit into the conservatives. Their first efforts 
 were not encouraging, for the entry of foreign armies 
 stirred the liberals to greater zeal. As the danger 
 increased, the energetic Patoni was invested with the 
 civil as well as military command of the more exposed 
 Durango," and subsequently given control also over 
 the forces in Chihuahua. At the same time a 
 supreme decree of April 1864 proclaimed martial law 
 
 at 2000. In combination with S. Ramirez, Cajeu overcame the column of 
 P. Hinojosa, killing nearly 400, as he claimed, and taking 150 prisoners, but 
 was in turn checked by M. Campos. This revived the spirits of the liberals. 
 Entrella Ocdd., July 13, Aug. 3, 1860. Herrera was ordered in from Sinaloa. 
 CucUlro Sinop., 5, in Vega, Doc. 
 
 'i' Some of his partisans carried banners witn the inscription, ' sangre, 
 eaterminio y robo. Coalidon Cliih., June 30, 1860. 
 
 ^^ At the hand of one whom he had spared and befriended. Opinion Sin., 
 and Estrella Ocdd., Feb. 1, 1861. 
 
 ^ Potoni assumed control in Durango. Herrera, Firerfzc, p. xxxiii. 
 
 "In Chihuahua, J. E. Mufioz carried out the decree, and applied a portion 
 of the funds to the amortization of copper coinage. 
 
 '^ Bimnrostro, Hist. Prim, y Lerj., cong. 435, 261. B. Silva acted a while in 
 1862-3; Vega, Doc, i. 85; Trait d'lTmon, Jan. 15, Sept. 23, 1861. 
 
 '^Id., Feb. 16, Nov. 17, 1861. He also had to continue the task of sup- 
 pressing guerrillas. Bol. Notic., Feb. 14, 1861, Estrella Ocdd. , April 12, 1861. 
 Rivera, Hist. Jat, v. 434, indicates that the guerrillas were growing more 
 numerous, baffling all efforts at suppression. 
 
 ^Partly owing to a revolutionary movement by Col Borrego in the 
 spring of 1863. Mex. Col. Ley. Dec, i. 47. 
 
620 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURAKCK). 
 
 in this state, and appointed J. J. Casavantes, gov- 
 ernor. Tlie legislature objected so strenuously to the 
 removal of their favorite, Terrazas, that Patoni felt 
 bound to march with a force to sustain the president's 
 order. The local authorities yielded, and the com- 
 mander-in-chief prudently made a partial concession 
 by installing the popular Trias as governor and as his 
 military second.** 
 
 By this time the French had overrun the central 
 provinces of the republic, and prepared to conquer the 
 north, and drive out the fugitive liberal government 
 then at Saltillo. To this end General L'Heriller ad- 
 vanced with his brigade from Zacatecas into Durango, 
 occupied the state capital on July 3d unmolested, and 
 entrusted the administration to Prefect B. Sarabia, 
 whose efforts for the recognition of Emperor Maxi- 
 milian met with a most flattering response.*' Detach- 
 ments were thereupon sent out to extend possession, a 
 task facilitated by the engagement at Estanzuelas on 
 September 21st, wherein the combined forces of 
 Patoni and other leaders, under direction of Ortega, 
 received a check that compelled them to retreat 
 northward." The supreme government, which in 
 August had been driven from Saltillo into the district 
 of Nazas, was therefore obliged to retreat into Chi- 
 huahua. Juarez was received with the most loyal 
 demonstrations by the people, headed by Governor 
 Trias." Chihuahua on October 15th was declared 
 the provisional capital and steps were taken to collect 
 fresh resources and men." 
 
 <^Mex. Col. Ley., 1863, ii. 50-1; Bstrelh Occid., June 3, JiUy 22, 1864: 
 FozJfti., Aug. 20, 1864 
 
 ^ Acting governor Mascareflas on July 1st jilaced the city under martial 
 law, supported by Gen. Ochoa; but Patoni failing to come up, resistance 
 was connidered useless. Estrella Occid., and Period. Imp. Mix., Aug. -Sept. 
 1864, are most complete on campaign operations for their respective sides, 
 during this and the following years. Corona was surprised in July 19th. 
 
 "Details in Hist. Mex., vi., this series. 
 
 "He had indignantly rejected a proposal to join the imperialists from 
 Langberg, a Dane, formerly a general in republican service. EstreUa Occid., 
 Aug. 12, 1864. He had been equally firm in 1861, when rumors came of 
 confederate advances or invasions. Trait d' Union, April 26, Dec. 4, 1861. 
 
 '''^Castro Cuestion Estrangera; Mex. Col Ley., 1863-67, ii. 124-5. In im- 
 pressing men some outrages were committed. Id., 159-62. 
 
JUAREZ IN THE KORTH. 621 
 
 In November the French had penetrated to Rio 
 Florido," but the diversion of troops into Sinaloa pre- 
 vented them from sustaining the advance. In May 
 1865 Patoni began to advance, and shortly after 
 Carbajal ventured to besiege Durango." Their hopes 
 were frustrated, however, by the arrival of reenforce- 
 ments under Brincourt, who moreover had orders to 
 enter Chihuahua, and drive the republican president 
 from this his last state capital. The French moved 
 forward 2,500 strong, pressing back the liberals, and 
 leaving detachments at Rio Florido, AUende, Parral, 
 and Santa Rosalia. The bodies commanded by Ruiz, 
 Aguirre, Villagran, and Ojinaga offered no opposition 
 and the republican authorities fled to El Paso." Brin- 
 court took possession of Chihuahua on August 15tli, 
 and appointed T. Zuloaga, prefect. 
 
 It would have been easy to continue the march and 
 oblige Juarez to cross the frontier, but fearing a col- 
 lision with United States troops, Bazaine had ordered 
 the French to return to Durango after advancing not 
 further than a day's march beyond Chihuahua city. 
 Brincourt asked permission to retain 1,000 men, with 
 which the state could readily be held. The orders 
 were repeated, however, and the invaders departed on 
 October 29th. The republican government reoccu- 
 pied the capital, and conciliated the popular Terrazas 
 by restoring to him the governorship. This had just 
 been vacated by the death of Ojinaga, a valiant gen- 
 eral who fell in August while endeavoring to suppress 
 an Indian revolt at Guerrero." Maximilian was 
 deeply incensed on hearing of Brincourt's abandon- 
 
 " Their cavalry obtained some advantages at Guadalupe, but Quesada 
 approaching, they fell back. Voz Mij., Jan. 28, Mar. 24, 1865. Col Borrego 
 claimed a victory at San Juan del Rio. Estrella Occid., Oct. 14, Dec. 23, 1864. 
 
 '* Marquez de Leon states that he was appointed governor of Durango 
 about this time, and prepared to organize forces. Then Juarez gave the post 
 to Carbajal, and Marquez retired in disgust, objecting to his rival as a robber 
 chief. Mem. Pol., MS., 24.3-6. 
 
 '5 Juarez carried away .1400,000, 'sacados de Chihuahua,' says Rivera, 
 ffi«t. Jal, V. 654. 
 
 '* Ojinaga was collecting contributions there, which gave rise to a tumult 
 in which he was shot. VczMij., Dec. 2, 9, 12, 1865. 
 
622 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 ment of an expedition on which hopes had been 
 founded of driving Juarez from Mexican soil, and 
 Bazaine ordered 500 men under Billot, to reoccupy 
 the capital, which they did on December 1 1th. 
 
 Juarez returned to El Paso," while his officers fell 
 back to harass the enemy's communications. Aguirre 
 hovered in the desert to the south-east, and Villagran 
 created enthusiasm on the western side by the defeat 
 of a French detachment at Parral." This served to 
 sustain the ardor of the liberals, and when the 
 men".cing attitude of the United States induced 
 the French to concentrate their forces for retreat, the 
 patriotic spirit cast aside the last restraint to join in 
 pursuit. No sooner had the foreigners turned south- 
 ward, early in February 1866, than the republicans 
 fell upon the scanty conservative columns left in pos- 
 session of Chihuahua and other leading points. In 
 March the imperialists were compelled to evacuate 
 the capital,'' and although their remnants still strug- 
 gled awhile, they yielded to the pressure, and followed 
 close upon their foreign allies, who slowly fell back 
 from one point to another." 
 
 In the middle of 1866 the liberals were able to de- 
 clare Chihuahua free of enemies, and now joined their 
 brethren of Durango, who had maintained the struggle 
 under circumstances even more adverse. Corona, 
 from Sinaloa, assisted Patoni and other leaders to 
 harass the imperialists, and even ventured to threaten 
 the capital, capturing in January 1866, the impor- 
 tant base at Nazas, after defeating Aymar." 
 
 " He was greeted with festivities, which displayed at least a cheering 
 devotion to his cause. Legac. Mex. , Circul. , 443-4, 455-7. 
 
 " On Aug. 8th. It consisted of 66 men under Lieut Pyot, who fought 
 desperately, and lost 17 killed and 24 prisoners. The Juarists lost Gen. 
 Meoqui. Iglesias Interv., iii. 466. Billot inflicted some blows, however, and 
 Gomez and Casabantes were routed in Jan. 1366, near Guerrero. Diario imp., 
 Feb. 22, Mar. 8, 1866. 
 
 "Half the garrison pronouncing for the liberals. Voz Mij., Mar. 31, May 
 5, 24, 1866, estimates its total at 700; a sortie shortly before had proved 
 disastrous. Diario Imp., of Mar. 20, 1866, still claims a victory at the close 
 of Feb., for Carraneo. 
 
 **The last position abandoned by the French in Chihuahua was ParraL 
 
 "Who fell in the battle. Voz Mij., Feb. 1, 1866. For fuller details on 
 the northern campaign see Hist. Mex., vi., this series. 
 
POLITICAL AFFAIRS. an 
 
 In July the French abandoned the Nazas Une, and 
 •on November 15th the city of Durango was evacuated, 
 every point beyond having been seized by the repub- 
 licans. On the 17th Colonel Perez entered the city, 
 and in the following month Juarez arrived from Chi- 
 huahua, making a triumphal entry on the day after 
 Christmas.'' At the general election of IS67, this 
 resolute supporter of the liberal cause received an 
 overwhelming majority of votes, especially in Chi- 
 huahua. Durango showed less devotion, partly be- 
 cause of her stronger clerical faction, and partly 
 through the influence of Patoni, who favored General 
 Ortega's aspirations to the presidency, after Juarez's 
 term expired in 1865. To avert trouble during the 
 heat of election, Patoni and Ortega were arrested. 
 Nevertheless party spirit displayed itself on more 
 than one occasion, ''' but was counteracted by Governor 
 Zdrate and his successor, P. G. Palacio.'* Luis Ter- 
 razas was confirmed as ruler by the people of Chi- 
 huahua.** 
 
 The Juarist administration received another blow 
 in this quarter by its supposed implication in the 
 murder of Patoni by the military chief. General 
 Canto, in August 1868.*^ The growth of this feeling 
 was revealed in the following year, by an outbreak of 
 so widespread a nature, that the government prepared 
 to suspend the constitutional guarantees." Hostili- 
 
 ^ Durango became the national capital for a while. DuhUm and Lezano, 
 Leg. Mex., ix. 750. 
 
 *•' Indications of a pronunciamento by T. Borrego, led to hia arrest at 
 Durango on Nov. 1, 1867; yet his followers made an attack on the govern- 
 ment officers. Estrella, Occid., Dec. 13, 1867; Diario, Ofic, Nov. 28, 1867. 
 They were punished for it. Estado, Siji., Nov. 15, 1867. 
 
 8*M. Balda, J. M. Pereyra and Olvera acted in 1868-69. GaUardo, Cvadfo 
 6-7. 
 
 ^Ib., see also Derecho, iv. 38, for judges. 
 
 ^ Who caused him to be dragged from his house at Durango, and sum- 
 marily shot at Analco on Aug. 18. Carreo, Pac., Aug. 26, 1868; Estrella Ocdd., 
 Sept. 1, Oct. 2, 1868. Canto was arraigned and his command transferred to 
 D. Guerra. He was condemned to death, but the sentence was changed to 
 ten years easy confinement. Details in Reqen. Sin., Aug. 21, 25, Sept. 11, 
 1868; Nayarit, Puehbs del, 12; Derecho, i. 12, 57; ii. 59, 336-7; Mex. Mecop., 
 iii. 200-8, 343-4; Diario, Ofic., Aug. 24, 1868, Nov. 5, 1869. 
 
 ^' To which the governor objected. Monit. Sep., June 16, 1869. Other 
 details in Ocadenta^ Ma.T.-Ma.y, 1869. The conservative feeling was dis- 
 
624 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 ties were maintained during the following years, until 
 the reelection of Juarez in 1871, which, being declared 
 to be fraudulent, gave rise to pronunciamientos in 
 favor of the revolution started by Porfirio Diaz, the 
 popular candidate. The movement proved successful 
 at first, under the leadership of Donato Guerra, who 
 overran Durango and gained the mastery in Chihua- 
 hua; but the death of Juarez in the middle of 1872 
 caused adherents to fall off; Diaz relinquished his 
 aim, and peace was restored/* In Durango the suc- 
 ceeding period of repose was inaugurated by Governor 
 Carrillo; and in Chihuahua, where Terrazas had re- 
 signed in 1872, A. Ochoa assumed the control." 
 
 The elections of 1875 again afforded just cause for 
 the Porfiristas to renew hostilities." The well-known 
 leader Trias headed this new movement at Chihuahua 
 in June 1876, and held his ground till September, 
 when the government partly gained possession of the 
 capital and captured Donato Guerra, leader of the 
 revolution in the north, who was seeking to join his 
 brothers in arms, having been driven from Sinaloa." 
 In Durango also the Porfiristas succeeded no better 
 at first; but in November 1876, a diversion wa& 
 made by Carrillo, who proclaimed Iglesias president, 
 and himself governor of the state. The ousted Gen- 
 eral Fuero, successor to Hernandez y Marin, recov- 
 ered the command, however, but was obliged to sub- 
 played by the persecution of protestants by mobs. Segen. Sin. , June 19, 1869. 
 The revolution was stiU active in 1870. Diario Ofic., June 13, 1870; Congtit., 
 Mar. 29, 1868. 
 
 **See Hist. Mex., vi., this series. 
 
 89 He entered upon office in Nov. 187B. Federal, Nov. 18, 1873. Carrillo- 
 did so a year earlier. Fenix, Oct. 24, 18,72. Terrazas had been urging elec- 
 toral reforms. Mex. Mem. Gob., 1871, a'pp. v. 62; Momt. Rep., May 18, 1872. 
 
 '"The Chihuahua election was brought before eongre-ss as fraudulent. 
 Diar. Debates, cong. 7, iv. 10, 38; con^. 8, i. 46-56; cong. 9, i. 766-71. In 
 October numerous points were occupied by rebels, yet the government 
 claimed shortly after to have practically mastered the situation. Diario Ofic , 
 Nov. 25, 1875. 
 
 " Guerra is said to have been killed by the guard at the camp at Avalos 
 where he was imprisoned, during an attack made on it by Trias. Diario Ofie, , 
 Sept. 29, Oct. 1, Nov. 7, 1876; June 20, 1878. The capiUl fell Sept. 18. 
 Diar. Debates, Constit., 8, iii. 116-19. An American banker complained 
 that 13 forced loans had been exacted from him within six months. Diario 
 Ofic, March 17-18, 1879. 
 
REVOLUTION. 625 
 
 mit in the following January to the victorious Porfirio 
 Diaz ; whereupon the people elected General J. M. 
 Flores ruler. Caamaiio of Chihuahua had also to 
 yield, and Trias was rewarded for his staunch though 
 not very successful struggle by election to the vacated 
 post."" The northern states had still to endure a final 
 though feeble attempt made by the expiring Lerdist 
 party, manoeuvred from their retreat in the United 
 States. It resulted in a little more, so far as Chihua- 
 hua was concerned, than a temporary armed occupa- 
 tion of El Paso, in the middle of 1877.°' Partial 
 failures of crops also supervened during the following 
 years in both states, creating such distress that a 
 serious riot took place at Durango.'* 
 
 The opposition availed itself of the feeling for politi- 
 cal purposes, Trias being accused of misdirection of 
 funds and other maladministration, and Flores of 
 holding office in violation of certain requirements of 
 the state constitution. The result was revolution, 
 headed in Chihuahua by G. Casavantes, who in 
 August 1879, from Guerrero, proclaimed the removal 
 of Trias, and succeeded, after a brief campaign, in 
 gaining possession of the capital. The approach by 
 request of federal troops under Trevino, brought 
 about his ready surrender ; yet he achieved his aim, 
 for Trias was impeached and deposed. Terrazas was 
 called in November to replace him,"* and ruled till 
 1884, when General Fuero received the popular vote. 
 The leader in Durango, J. Valdespino, succeeded in 
 
 ^ Munoz holding the office prior to election. Voz Mi'j. , March 24, Apr. 
 14, June 18, 1877; Diar. Debates, cong. 8, i. 28. 
 
 »By Machorro. Diario Offic, June 18, 20, July 4, 1878; Revista Cat, 1877, 
 302. 
 
 ^ In which a few of the mob were shot. The legislature offered relief Ijy 
 reducing the price of corn from six to two cents per pound. Von Mij. , May 
 16, Aug. 27, 1878. The supreme government granted aid in money, reduc- 
 tion of duties, and purchase of grain and seed. Mex. Eecop., xxvii. 815-17; 
 Diar. Debates, cong. 9, iv. 397; cong. 10, iii. 868. Aid was also given to 
 sufferers from floods. 
 
 '^Reports of plans and movements in Mex. Mem. Gob., 1879-80, 27-8, 83- 
 6; VmM^., Sept. 23, Oct. 7, 12, Dec. 5, 21, 1879; Diario Offc., Oct. 10, Nov. 5, 
 1879. Observations of IT. S. counsel in U. S. Gov. Doc., cong. 46, seas. 2; 
 H. Ex. Doc., XXV., pt i. 427. Id,, sess. 3, i., pt i., 722-4. Casavantes met 
 with several reverses before he gained the capital and captured Trias. 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 40. 
 
•826 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO. 
 
 stirring a more troublesome outbreak, whicli after its 
 practical suppression early in 1880, with the aid of 
 Trevino, gave more than one disturbing throe,'" until 
 the assumption of office by the able P. Gomez del 
 Palacio brought a lull." 
 
 Meanwhile disputes had arisen between the two 
 states, as well as with Coahuila concerning border 
 tracts. In the latter case water rights proved a 
 feature of the quarrel which manifested itself in 
 virtual invasion, and obliged the interference of federal 
 troops.'^ In order to settle the trouble, which as re- 
 gards Sierra Mojada, with its late gold development, 
 affected also Chihuahua, it was proposed to form here 
 a federal territory. Durango's claims received such 
 support, however, as to overrule this plan. Finally 
 an amicable arrangement was effected." 
 
 Under the more energetic efforts of the govern- 
 ment of Diaz, and the cooperation of the United 
 States, raids by savages were for the most part 
 abated. The United States proposed more than once 
 a joint campaign against hostile Indians, as well as 
 an agreement to the effect that troops of both repub- 
 lics might cross the boundaries in pursuit. This 
 course Mexico hesitated to adopt, as the object of the 
 northern republic was more the chastisement of Mexi- 
 can cattle-stealers than Indian marauders. The gov- 
 ernment could not allow foreigners to deal with her 
 
 '* It had not the same success as the Casavante movement. The legisla- 
 ture in 1878 rejected a proposed impeachment of Flores. Voz Mi'j., Oct. 2(i, 
 1878. Details of movements in Diario Ofic., Oct. 8-15, -22, Nov. 10, 29, 1879, 
 Aug. 18, 31, 1880. Plan and official comments in Mux. Mem. Oob., 1879-80, 
 28-9, 88-91. 
 
 " In 1883 Flores assailed Palacio's administration, to which end El Tra- 
 buco journal was issued on Nov. 29, 1883. He succeeded in 1885 to the gov- 
 ernment. Meanwhile Zubiria had acted temporarily from Nov. 1882 till 
 Feb. 1883, and during 1884 Pereyra, Flores and Parra administered the 
 state. 
 
 ™ The Rio Nazaa question, or that of Santa Rosa dam, so-called, was appar- 
 ently settled in 1878, Diario Ofic, .Tuly 2, 10, 1878, but rose again in 1879, 
 also in connection with Sierra Mojada mines, and continued to agitate the 
 people for several years. Id., Sep. 10, 1879, June 10, 14, July 8, 1881. Mex. 
 Mem. Guer., 1883, 29-31. 
 
 ''Chihuahua protested in 1880 against the favor showiv to Durango. Vm 
 Mi}., May 27, 1880, Mar. 8, 1879. Diano Ofic, Oct. 13, 28, 1879. 
 
INDIAK DIFFICULTIES. 627 
 
 offending citizens, while the exaction of a similar 
 privilege in pursuing Texan robbers would have 
 created difficulties."" This hesitation reacted on 
 Mexico's claims for damages by injured settlers in 
 Texas, continuing to increase and having to be finally 
 recognized,"" while Indians found a convenient refuge 
 on the other side."" 
 
 Mexico in vain proclaimed against the culpability 
 of the United States in not guarding better their 
 Indian reservations from which the raiders mostly 
 sallied of late years. Finally she was induced, in 
 1882, to agree to the mutual introduction of troops, 
 her neighbor being restricted to the pursuit of Indians 
 only. Joint campaigns were also arranged, with 
 speedy effect in reducing the number of outrages. 
 Durango had for some time been almost relieved of 
 the scourge, and Chihuahua regarded herself as hav- 
 ing passed the crisis, with every prospect of extending 
 settlements into the hitherto desolated regions east 
 and north. Indeed, schemes for colonizing such dis- 
 tricts in both states were being rapidly formed, fos- 
 tered by a stimulating extension of railroads. 
 
 "* The U S. pressed the matter with such determination on Diaz' first 
 accession to the presidency, that there was a prospect of war. See Hist. Mex., 
 vi., this series. 
 
 "' For awards made by the joint commission, see indexes. 
 
 ^"^Mex. Iiiforme Pesquis., 1874, is a detailed inquiry into ravages com- 
 mitted between 1848 and 1873. See also Mex. Mem. Set, 1875, 25-69; Voz 
 Mi)., 1877-83 passim, and Diario Ofic, Id., PinmrtCol, MS., no. 1196. Mom- 
 .tor Sep., and La RepubUca. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 1800-1830. 
 
 Progress or Settlements — Invasion by Hermosillo — Capture or 
 RosARio — Defeat of Hermosillo at San Ignacio de Piastla — Cam- 
 paign AGAINST THE APACHES — ^LaST COLONIAL RtjLERS — UPRISING OF 
 
 THE Opatas — The Empire Welcomed — Sonora and Sinaloa Neg- 
 lected — Petition for Reforms — Federalism Favored — Separation 
 of Sonora Ignored — Form of Government — Grievances and Revolt 
 OF the Yaquis — Operations of Banderas — Suppression of the Up- 
 rising — Expulsion of Spaniards — Hardy's Visit — Separation of 
 Sonora and Sinaloa — Population. 
 
 The opening of the century was marked by the ex- 
 tension of settlements toward the northern regions of 
 Sonora, entailing the more rapid absorption and sub- 
 jugation of the Indian element, under the joint efforts 
 of presidio forces and ecclesiastics. At the same time, 
 however, encroachments and other abuses roused dif- 
 ferent tribes to a more or less hostile attitude, while 
 the development of resources attracted the marauding 
 Apaches, Seris, and cognate Indians. The Seris had 
 a retreat on Tiburon island;^ and as the security there 
 served to encourage other tribes, it was found 
 necessary for the military commander to bestir him- 
 self and inflict a lesson.^ Mexican military com- 
 manders, as a rule, were not very active in their 
 operations against the savages when there was noth- 
 ing to be gained by it. 
 
 'On more than one occasion, notably in 1802 and 1807, expeditions were 
 projected against this robber band, but were frustrated by circumstances 
 arising out of tho war of Spain with England and France. Initnic Vireyes, 
 187-8; Velasco, S(m., 132. 
 
 '■'In 1810 the governor congratulated the people on the conclusion of peace 
 with the Seris, Tiourones, Tepocas, Coyote Apaches, and Yumas. Gac. Mex., 
 1811, 390-3. 
 
 (628) 
 
MAP OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 629 
 
 Map op Sonoea and Sinaloa. 
 
630 UNITED SONOEA AND SINALOA. 
 
 The constant measure of revolt and irruption nat- 
 urally confined progress to narrow bounds, as did the 
 policy of exclusiveness against foreign intercourse, 
 settlers being expected to buy at exorbitant prices 
 the limited range of supplies brought through the 
 southern provinces from Spain. The eifect was to 
 check production, discourage industry and enterprise, 
 and lower the social standard. Nevertheless, the 
 temptation held out by foreign traders could not be 
 wholly resisted, and the government was obliged to 
 permit occasional dealings in order to secure a portion 
 of the revenue sacrificed by strict exclusion.' 
 
 But the colonial regime was soon to end. The 
 scene of Hidalgo's exploits lay too near not to create a 
 ripple, and the intendente Alejo Garcia Conde, sent his 
 brother and Sub-Intendente Merino with some troops 
 toward Guadalajara to join the royalists; but they 
 were surprised on the way by the revolutionists, and 
 carried prisoners to San Miguel el Grande.* So en- 
 couraged were the victors that they followed up the 
 advantage by an invasion. 
 
 The leader of the uprising in Nueva Galicia, J. A. 
 Torres, had, at the close of 1810, gained control of the 
 entire province, and turned his attention to the north, 
 assisted among others by Gomez Portugal, who 
 planned an expedition into Sinaloa. The command 
 was offered to Jose Maria Gonzalez Hermosillo, asso- 
 ciated with the Dominican, Francisco de la Parra, 
 who was the directing mind, though keeping himself 
 in the back-ground,' and assisted by J. A. Lopez, 
 
 'Viceroy Marquina informs his successor that a strange vessel sold its 
 cargo at Guaymas in 1802 for $300,000 in bullion. Instruc. Vireyes, 181. An 
 American ship touched at the same port in August 1804. Cal. Prov. Sec, 
 viii. 64-5. Capt. Little visited it in 1808, in the Dromo, and traded by per- 
 mission, paying 15 per cent duty on |140,000 sales. Calicoes sold at from 
 $4 to $7 per yard. Irish linens at $80 or more per piece. L\fe on Ocean, 110- 
 14. The chief article of exchange at first was gold and silver, and later 
 hides, tallow, cheese. Pikers Mcplor., 358. 
 
 *Oac. Mex., 1811, 390-3. 
 
 ''Indeed, Hidalgo, who had reached Guadalajara in Nov., appointed him 
 brigadier and commander of the party, but as the friar objected to put)- 
 licity, Hermosillo figured as the chief. Documents in Hernandez v Davalos 
 Cnl. Doc, i. 379. 
 
REVOLUTION. 631 
 
 lately in the royalist service/ The expedition left 
 Guadalajara on December 1st, with 1600 infantry and 
 200 cavalry, a force which was swelled on the way by 
 large numbers.' 
 
 On the 17th the revolutionists arrived before the 
 mining town of Rosario, occupied by Colonel Villaes- 
 cusa with 1,000 men and 6 guns/ After reconnoit- 
 ring it was resolved to carry the place by assault, 
 which was effected on the following morning by two 
 columns of 1,000 men each. The royalists, driven 
 from the entrenchments into the houses, surrendered 
 unconditionally late in the afternoon.' Hermosillo 
 then occupied San Sebastian and Mazatlan, and col- 
 lected funds, especially by seizure of property belong- 
 ing to European Spaniards," in order to advance upon 
 Cosald. 
 
 Now came a turn in affairs. Villaescusa had been 
 generously released on parole, but breaking his word 
 he fortified himself in San Ignacio de Piastla, with 
 the aid of loyal inhabitants," and there awaited the 
 arrival of the intendente with troops from Sonora. 
 Hermosillo promptly advanced upon the stronghold 
 before the reenforcements should reach it, his com- 
 mand by this time being increased to 4,125 infantry 
 and 476 cavalry, strengthened with the acquisition at 
 Rosario of artillery and arms." He came in sight of 
 Piastla on January 29, 1811, and took up position on 
 
 ' Ensign of militia cavalry, and soon made col in this new service. Zmrvxi' 
 cois. Hist. Mex., vii. 271. 
 
 ' The first body had only 68 muskets and 40 pair of pistols. At Magda- 
 lena, Parra joined with 500 men, of whom 140 were cavalry, with 36 mus- 
 kets and 100 pistols. They had some artillery, however. 
 
 ^Villaescusa was captain of the presidio San Carlos de Buena vista of 
 Sonora and brev. col. Alaman, Mej., ii. 91. 
 
 •Villaescusa is said to have shed tears on appeaoring before Hermosillo, 
 who, moved by compassion, let him depart. Bustwmante,CuadroHiat.,i. 177-8. 
 Hermosillo was promoted to a full colonelcy, and promised a brigadiership if 
 he should take CosalS, where large funds were expected. Alaman, ut mp. 
 
 " Hidalgo received a portion. He acknowledged the receipt of fourteen 
 marks of gold by letter of Jan. 14, 1811. 
 
 " Most of the royalists captured at Rosario are sau to have rejoined him. 
 Conde had been advised of the danger. 
 
 " He counted 900 muskets and 200 pairs of pistols. The body included 
 the mulatto garrison of Mazatlan. Ileminulev. ij Davaloa, Cot Doc, i. 381. 
 
632 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 a hill commanding it, on the southern bank of the 
 river," till a ford could be found. While searching 
 for this, the friar, Parra, was surprised and captured, 
 and taken in irons to Durango. Fortunately he had 
 been able to destroy the compromising documents 
 which he carried, and aided, moreover, by brethren of 
 the robe, he managed to escape." 
 
 Hermosillo discovered a ford half a league from 
 camp, and crossing with his men and artillery, Feb- 
 niary 8th, advanced to the assault in three columns, 
 wholly unaware that the intendente had just arrived 
 with the reenforcements.^'' These troops, moreover, 
 had been posted in ambuscade along the line of the 
 left column, which was permitted to approach into 
 the outskirts of the town, while the other two columns 
 were checked by well-directed batteries. At an op- 
 portune moment the ambuscaded party open fire 
 upon the unsuspecting left with such withering effect 
 as to place three hundred revolutionists hors de com- 
 bat within a few minutes. The rest fell back in dis- 
 order upon the main line, creating a confusion which 
 Hermosillo could not overcome. As it was evident, 
 besides, that the garrison had been strengthened, he 
 thought it prudent to retreat. The royalists followed 
 up the advantage by capturing the neglected camp, 
 with its baggage and stores, and pressed the pursuit 
 so closely as to regain possession of the entire prov- 
 ince, including Mazatlan and Rosario, and to awe the 
 larger proportion of the fugitives to surrender, and 
 sue for pardon. The rest dispersed on learning of 
 Hidalgo's defeat in Nueva Galicia, which crushed for 
 
 '* A conflict occurred on the bank between some detachments, and Villaes- 
 cusa claims that 40 men fell. Oac. Mex., 1811, 1172-8. During a parley be- 
 tween them, the insurgent lieut was assassinated. ATaman, Mej., ii., app. 64. 
 
 " Under cover of a pass, to which had been forged the name of the inten- 
 dente, Bona via Herrumdez y Davalos, Col. Doc. , i. 383. 
 
 '^ Villaescusa states that his own force numbered only 283 men. Gac. Mex. , 
 1811, 1176-7. Conde is said to have brought 400 Opatas, well armed with 
 muskets and lances. Velasco, Son., 152, places his men at over 1,000. Ala- 
 man assumes that he had not over 600 men at Piastla, with 5 four -pounders. 
 Mej., ii. 147. 
 
OPATA OUTBREAK. 633 
 
 years every revolutionary aspiration in this quarter.'" 
 Although these provinces were thus spared further 
 ravages by war, they escaped not altogether its bur- 
 dens, for they were frequently called upon to contrib- 
 ute toward the support of the royalist cause," and to 
 pay besides a special war tax, while industries suffered 
 from the interruption of traffic and supplies, '° and the 
 settlements continued to be threatened by Indians. 
 In 1813-14, Captain Narvona and other officers car- 
 ried on a regular campaign against the Apaches, and 
 claimed to have inflicted considerable chastisement," 
 yet the readiness with which peace was proffered and 
 leniency shown served only to encourage hostilities," 
 and the campaign continued with brief intermissions," 
 under the direction of the successive intendentes, 
 Alejo Garcia Conde, Echegaray, and Cordero, who 
 ■closed the line of colonial governors. 
 
 More startling than these chronic irruptions was an 
 uprising of the Opatas, the most civilized of the 
 Sonora tribes, and also the most loyal." Their sub- 
 
 '* Among the earliest to accept pardon was Lopez, Hermosillo's lieut. The 
 royalists pursued their opponents into Acaponeta. Garcia Conde's report in 
 6ac. Mex., nos 24, 27, 28, 1811, p. 1136. Alaman is followed by Zaniacois, 
 Hist. Mex., vii. 267-71, 393-4, 593, Arrangoiz, Mex., i. 122, and most other 
 writers; yet several of his statements and dates are disproved by the docu- 
 ments collected in Hernandez y Davahs, Col. Doc, i. 376-83, with reports 
 from Parra and Lopez, as weU as letters from Hidalgo. 
 
 ^''Loreto Miss. Bee, MS., 12-15, 24; Piiiart, Doc., Hht. Son., i., no. ix. 22; 
 Noiic. Gen., Aug. 26, 1816. The northern part of Sinaloa did not altogether 
 escape the revolutionary infection, for Capt. Pidalla reports the defeat of a 
 band in March, near Charay, capturing 44 and killing 49 out of 200 to 300. 
 Oac. Mex., xxiv. 1197. 
 
 '^ Quicksilver being kept back, for instance, to the detriment of mining. 
 PinaH, Doc. Son., i., no. xxvi., 18. The war tax decree appeared Aug. 7, 
 1813. Id., no. xiv., 22. 
 
 " In one of the numerous encounters, 29 Apaches were killed. Get/:. Mex. , 
 1815, 196-7. 
 
 20 In 1817, the noted chief, Chiquito, was taken. The intendente treated 
 him with great consideration, and other chiefs coming at the time to arrange 
 for peace, he at once released the prisoner. The party thereupon killed the 
 guard, and ran off with some weapons. Velasco, Son., 241-2; Soc. Mex. Geoy., 
 Bol, xL 85. 
 
 2' In April 1818, the intendente at Arizpe reports naving driven the sav- 
 ages beyond the rivers Salado and Colorado, peace being also made with sev- 
 eral tribes. Oac. Mex., xxxvii. 550, 623. 644; xxxix. 568; xl. 950; Notk. Gm., 
 June 14, 1819. 
 
 22 For an account of this brave and interesting people I refer to my 
 NaMm Races, i. ; Escudero, Not. Son., 140-3; Zuniga, Mem., 1835. This chief 
 
634 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 missiveness was due greatly to want of harmony 
 among themselves which the government fostered, 
 while employing them as soldier and frontier guards. 
 They had frequently complained of the loss of privi- 
 lege by their vassalage, but little heed was given to- 
 them. 
 
 In 1820, about thirty of them returning from ser- 
 vice found their families neglected and their own pay 
 withheld. Their denunciations became so threatening, 
 that the commandant sent them under guard to 
 Durango. On the way they killed the sentinel, 
 routed the escort, and returned to rouse their breth- 
 ren."" A few hundred joined them to descend for 
 pillage upon San Antonio de la Huerta and adjoining 
 settlements. Those who resisted were killed, and 
 several detachments sent against them were defeated," 
 notably one under .Colonel Lomban, at Toniche, said 
 to have numbered 1500 men, while they mustered 
 not over 550. Aided by Chihuahua a force of over 
 2,000 men was raised against them, and a battle was 
 fought near Arivechi. Finding themselves over- 
 matched, the Opatas, reduced by losses and desertion, 
 withdrew to the church, where they held out for two 
 days, and surrendered only when their last shot had 
 been fired. The two leaders Doraine and Espiritu 
 with seventeen adherents were condemned to be shot, 
 the rest being released.^'* 
 
 The measures taken to suppress Indian rebels after 
 Hermosillo's defeat, checked any active participation 
 
 received an allowance from the government, with the title of general of the 
 nation. 
 
 ® One account refers to them as revolted presidio soldiers sent to Durango 
 for punishment. Cal. Ardibish. Arch., iv. pt i. 26-7. 
 
 " Capt. Simon, who led one, was captured; at Arivechi they annihilated 
 Capt. Moreno with 60 men in the church. Velasco, Son., 117-19. 
 
 25Consult&c. Mex. Oeog.,:x. 705-7; Gac. Mi:e., 1820, 1230, 1821, passim; 
 Zuniga, Son., 5; Pap. Var., 168, no. 13; Smi. Faecion., 9, in Pinart's Col.; 
 Gal. St. Pap., Sac, vi. 24, 36; Esatdero, Not. Son., 140-3. The usual 
 difference with regard to numbers and particulars is observable in these 
 authorities. Steps were taken to remove the cause for similar outbreaks by 
 checking the arbitrary conduct of officials. Pinart Col., Doc. Son., MS., 
 i. no. xii. 40, no. lix. 25. 
 
THE INDEPENDENCE. 635 
 
 in the war of independence, and it was only when the 
 Spanish yoke was thrown off that Sonora and Sinaloa 
 joined quietly in the revolution. A fore-runner of 
 the change appeared in 1820, in the new liberal con- 
 stitution granted by Spain. Sonora and Sinaloa ob- 
 tained under it their diputacion provincial, which was 
 installed at Arizpe, thence to hold sway also over the 
 Californias. " Ayuntamientos were also established, 
 and deputies were sent to the c6rtes in Spain." 
 
 Not long after, in September 1821, independence 
 was celebrated throughout the provinces;''' yet not 
 under the supervision of Brigadier Cordero, who with 
 other aims in view had departed for Chihuahua, leav- 
 ing his subordinates to manage the different depart- 
 ments," till an order came from Bustamante y Velasco, 
 chief of the treasury, to assume his duties, and pre- 
 pare for the election of members to the national con- 
 gress," as well as to observe that the privileges of 
 local self-rule were duly enjoyed even by the natives." 
 In the following year the people welcomed the empire 
 in paying eager homage to Iturbide. 
 
 The attention evoked by this fervor amounted to little 
 more than to cause the creation of a comandancia de 
 armas , or military department, with the same limits as 
 
 2* The latter being annexed to the intendencia at Arizpe. Cortes, Diario, 
 1820, 22-3. 
 
 2' Quiros y MiUan and Delgado del Fuerto. Among the deputies provin- 
 ciales are named Eapinosa de los Monteros and Marcelino de Batia. Gac. 
 Mex., xlii. 1289. A deputy to the cdrtea had been chosen in 1810, in the 
 person of M. M. Moreno. 
 
 2* At Arizpe on Sept. 6th, at Guaymas on the 27th, and in the south of 
 Sinoloa, somewhat earlier. Quad. Qac. Gob., Oct. 3, 20, 31, Nov. 7th. An 
 order had arrived from Generalissimo Iturbide to conform to the new 
 imperial army plan. Pinart, Doc. Son., MS., i. nos. 68-9, 28-9. 
 
 *'Capt. Narvona as military gov., who signs the independence proclama- 
 tions, Raf. Morales as political ruler, and Ig. Bustamante as mmister of 
 finance. Gtmd. Gac. Gob., Oct. 20, Nov. 7, 1821; Mex. Mem. Bel., 1823, 58. 
 
 *• The choice fell on the presbyter Salido of Alamos and F. de Iribarren 
 of CosaM, with Riesgo as suplente. Gac. Mex., xliii. 522. The latter was 
 called to sit for the absent proprietary, and was chosen to write out the 
 declaration of independence. He figured aa an obsequious flatterer of Itur- 
 bide. When his term expired he obtained a lucrative appointment. Busta- 
 maiaJte, Hist. Iturbide, 21. 
 
 " Certain judges, justicias constitucionales, were ordered to be replaced 
 by newly elected men from among the Indians. Pinart, Doc. Son., MS., i. no, 
 Ixvi. 27. 
 
630 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 the intendencia, yet subject to the comandante general 
 at Chihuahua/'^ This neglect roused the hitherto defer- 
 ential deputy, Monteros, to an attack upon the central 
 government, for ignoring many reforms proposed. He 
 raised objections to so large a region being ruled by 
 an intendente residing in the distant Durango. The 
 audiencia was also too far removed, and he urged 
 that Sonora and Sinaloa should be separated, an 
 audiencia being established at Alamos to serve for 
 both provinces, while diputacion provincial should be 
 accorded to each." 
 
 Monteros' words were the echo of a wide-spread 
 discontent with the centralized administration which 
 savored too strongly of the colonial system. The idea 
 of a republic embracing a federation of states with 
 distinct local governments had become too firmly 
 rooted during the revolutionary war, especially among 
 the out-lying provinces, which cared not to be ruled 
 from a distance by men who were only too ready to 
 sacrifice them to private aims. The pronunciamiento 
 of Santa Anna against the empire in December 1822 
 was based on this provincial desire for semi-indepen- 
 dence, and the hitherto passive north-west depart- 
 ments rallied quickly in support of it,'* General Eche- 
 varri pronouncing on February 1st, at Durango, in 
 favor of a sovereign congress. ''^ The bishop of Sonora 
 exerted himself openly against the movement, but the 
 agitation in Sonora for separation from Sinaloa pro- 
 voked a strong feeling in favor of the revolution, and 
 its success was warmly greeted. 
 
 The new authorities, however, had weightier con- 
 siderations in mind than the wishes of a remote 
 border population, and it was not untU a menacing 
 agitation was exhibited that they deigned to give at- 
 
 ^•'Mex. Mem. Ouer., 1823, 25; Pap. PoUt., ii. doc. xv. 140. 
 
 "'To reside at Culiacan and Arizpe, respectively. Monteros, Elxpos. S(m., 
 9-18; Pap. Var., cxl. pt xiv., cxli. pt 6. 
 
 '* For an account of this revolution I refer to Hint. Mex., iv. 788 et seq., 
 this series. 
 
 ^Phiart. Doc. Son., MS., i. nos. 85-6. 
 
ESTADO INTERNO DE OCCIDENTE. 637 
 
 tention to Monteros' bill for separation,'^ which de- 
 manded also a number of concessions, such as the es- 
 tablishment of a mint at Alamos, a tobacco factory 
 and treasury at Culiacan, an assay office at Arizpe, 
 and the restoration of the Jesuits for the purpose of 
 promoting education and controlling unruly tribes." 
 On July 19, 1823, the separation was decreed with 
 diputaciones provinciales, to meet at Culiacan and 
 Ures respectively, the latter residence not being obli- 
 gatory. This measure was hasty, however, and 
 ignored. A decree of February 4th of the following 
 year, alluding to the two provinces under the title of 
 Estado Interno de Occidente, ordered the formation 
 of a joint constitutional legislature, composed of six 
 members for Sinaloa, and five for Sonora, which should 
 convene at Villa del Fuerte,"* and there discuss the 
 project before submitting it to the people. The 
 deputies dallied over it ; the Yaqui revolt, which fin- 
 ally drove the assembly from Fuerte to Cosald, made 
 the Sonorans less eager for the severance, as they 
 needed the aid of the wealthier Sinaloa. This aided 
 the decision in favor of maintaining the union, and a 
 constitution was prepared in accordance October 31, 
 1825, the Occidente state, as its title now appeared, 
 being divided into five departments, Arizpe, Horcasi- 
 tas, Fuerte, Culiacan, and San Sebastian."' 
 
 '* During the agitationa the archives at Arizpe were to a great extent de- 
 stroyed; hence the many gaps in history which cannot be satisfactorily cov- 
 ered. There were also troubles at CosalS. Bise, in Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 62-3;. 
 Son. Notic. OJlc. , 7 et seq. 
 
 =' Project presented Feb. 29, 1823; text in Monteros, Expos. Son., 36-9; 
 Pap. Var., cxl. no. 14. 
 
 ^* At Fuerte the alcalde was to join the first four legislative members and 
 preside at the preparatory meeting. Id. , iii. 25-6. In the federal Acta Con- 
 stitutiva of Jan. 31, 1824, Sonora and Sinaloa are termed provinces,' of the 
 estado interno de Occidente, and this union is affirmed in the constitution of 
 Oct. 4. Sinaloa was called by many Baja Sonora. 
 
 ™The constitution, which is considered elsewhere, covers 319 arts, with 
 numerous sub-divisions. It was signed at Fuerte by M. Escalante y Arvizu, 
 as president. L. Martinez de Vea, 0. Espinoza de los Monteros, F. de Or- 
 rautia, I. T. de Escalante, F. Dominguez Escobar, and I. F. Velasoo and A. 
 Fernandez Rojo, secretaries. Governor Nic. Mand Gaxiola, and secretary 
 Ig. Lopez, countersign on Nov. 2. Col. ConMit, iii. 1-103. Both legislature 
 and governor issued congratulatory addresses. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. nos. 9, 
 15, 19, 40. A supplementary election law appeared Nov. 8th in 75 arts, cov- 
 
638 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 The first governor under this constitution was 
 Simon Elias Gonzalez, a most popular man, who was 
 elected simultaneously for Chihuahua and Sonora. 
 His family residing at the time in the former state, 
 he preferred to remain there, but was finally per- 
 suaded to come to Fuertes," vice-governor F. Iriarte 
 was soon called upon to act for him, and in 1827 fig- 
 ures Nicolds Maria Gaxiola," the predecessor of Gon- 
 zalez, who continues in charge during the following 
 years. The first regular legislature met at Fuerte in 
 March 1826,*' and a month later the supreme court 
 was installed." The state had now its special coman- 
 dante general, in Jose Figueroa, residing at Arizpe." 
 His force consisted of nine cavalry companies num- 
 bering about 45 officers and 747 rank and file, costing 
 nearly $200,000 per annum. They garrisoned the 
 nine presidios of Tucson, Fronteras, Santa Cruz, 
 Altar, Buenavista, Horcasitas or Pitis, Bacoachi, Ba- 
 bispe, and Tubac, besides a few other points, as Guay- 
 mas. Alamos, Fuerte, while at the escuadron de 
 Mazatlan guarded the district of that name. Two 
 other companies of active militia in Sonora could be 
 called upon when required. Of local militia ver}" few 
 bodies were organized." 
 
 ering all voting. Deputies were to receive §3,000 a year and mileage. A 
 decree of Jan. 13, 1830, fined absent electors $25 to SIOO. Persons who had 
 neglected to take the oath to the federal constitution, or to illuminate in 
 honor of the event, were fined $5. The title senoria was accorded to most 
 of the higher officials, and to the vice-governor that of excellency. Pres. 
 Escalante is praised for his services, in Budna Comp. , 109. 
 
 *'He had received four-fifths of the votes, and the legislature voted 81,- 
 500 for bringing his family from Chihuahua. Acla-i Cong. Con-^fiL, i. 58-61; 
 PinaH, Doc. Chih., ii. 6-7. 
 
 *'In Pinart, Doc. Son., i. no. 62, the name is written Jose llaria, while 
 Nic. Maria is classed in Id., no 52, as treas. gen. Suelna, Comp., 109. I. M. 
 Almada appears in 1828 as vioe-govemor. 
 
 *2With deputies Thomas Escalante, Jose Esquero, Ignacio Arriola, 
 Mariano Pando de la Granda, who failed to be recognized, Ig. Verdugo, 
 Juan Elias Gonzalez, Jesus Gaxiola, and Jose Manuel Estrella. Actas Coiuj. 
 Constit., i. 58. 
 
 ** Under Mig. Dominguez, as president. Rules issued in 1828. Pinart, 
 Doc. Son., no. 130. The circuit court which opened at Rosario had jurisdic- 
 tion over the Californias. Ma: Menu Sec. Estad., 1828, 14. Actas Cong. 
 Constit. , i. 49. The district court at Guaymas also covered the Californias. 
 
 " Actas Cong. Consul., i. 74-5. His pay was §4,000 and his adjutant in- 
 spector, a lieut-col, received $3,000. 
 
 ** For further details see the special chapter on this and cognate topics. 
 
INSURRECTION OF THE YAQUl'w. 6;!9 
 
 While the organization was progressing, a serious 
 affliction fell upon the state. The independence of 
 the country had been hailed by the Yaquis with de- 
 light, in the expectation of privileges to be gained, 
 such as equality, with the right to participate in 
 elections, and the enjoyment of independent local gov- 
 ernment. All this proved a delusion. The local ad- 
 ministration was unchanged, remaining in the hands 
 of padres and alcaldes controlled by the state authori- 
 ties. Moreover, exclusion of intruders was no longer 
 enforced, and settlers began to encroach upon their 
 rich soil. Nor were they even exempted from the 
 payment of taxes as heretofore; and when, in 1825, 
 assessors made their appearance to measure land and 
 value property for taxation, their patience gave way. 
 
 A representation was sent to the authorities, based 
 on immemorial exemption, the answer to which was 
 the arrival of troops to enforce the assessment. At 
 Rahum the Yaquis fell upon the soldiers, and drove 
 them off, with the loss of seven men." Then they 
 proceeded to wreak vengeance upon obnoxious persons, 
 among whom was Father Argiielles, of Torin, who 
 was murdered, together with several citizens. A de- 
 scent was next made on the adjoining districts, attended 
 with pillage, and all the horrors of a savage outbreak. 
 
 Their leader was Juan Ignacio Juzucanea, usually 
 called Banderas, from a banner carried by him. which 
 he had obtained from a church, and represented as 
 belonging originally to Montezuma. Although small 
 of stature and unprepossessing in face, he wielded an 
 immense influence by means of rare eloquence and 
 decided administrative ability. But for his persuasion, 
 the outbreak would probably have assumed no impos- 
 ing form, owing to the lack of unity among the tribe, 
 
 *^ Garcia Cvhas, Escrit. Diver., 15. The cura of Cocori urged them to re- 
 sist. Velasco, Son., 80. The dereated force, under Capt. Mier, Soc. Mex. 
 Oeog. Bol., viii. 301-2, is said to have numbered 200 men. luifca;. Mem. 
 Minl'ltd., 1827, 13, the first outbreak is said to have been suppressed in be- 
 ginning of 1825. Tlie comandante-general was on his way with 400 men to 
 explore the mining region when he was recalled to fight the greater uprising. 
 Eardla Ocdd., Oct. 19, 1860. Col. Dept. St. Pap., Ivii. 18-19. 
 
640 XmiTED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 fostered by the intrigues of religious and political oflB- 
 cials. Indeed, some of the Yaquis were induced to 
 side with the whites," and the Mayos, the adjoining 
 tribe on the south, held aloof. Banderas went to the 
 latter, and harangued the chiefs of their sixteen vil- 
 lages with such effect that they allowed a large num- 
 ber of their tribe to enroll under his standard." Hi» 
 success so far, especially in the matter of booty, 
 proved, perhaps, the main inducement, while not a 
 few felt impressed by his claim to being inspired for 
 his acts by the virgin herself." 
 
 The alarmed legislature invested the governor with 
 extraordinary power, and steps were taken to organize 
 militia forces to support the troops, for which reen- 
 forcements were demanded from Chihuahua." The 
 Pimas and other tribes were likewise enrolled, partly 
 for local defence, partly for campaigns," while the mis- 
 sionaries received special injunction to soothe the 
 natives to the north and east, for it was rumored that 
 the Yumas and Papagos, among others, had shown a 
 hostile disposition. 
 
 Meanwhile the Yaquis and Mayos had jointly over- 
 spread the territory southward to Fuertes, and north 
 toward Ures and Guaymas, routing several detach- 
 ments, such as Guerrero's at San Vicente. Banderas 
 himself led a force of three hundred men, armed 
 mostly with clubs, slings, and bows, and raided one 
 hacienda after another, sending back cattle and other 
 booty to enrich his villages." 
 
 Arriving at Santa Cruz, held by a strong body 
 
 *' The people of Tepagui and Batacora joined the govt troops to chastise 
 their kindred. Soc. Mex. Geog. , Bol. , xi. 91 . 
 
 <*In May 1826, according to the Cort-eo Fed., Mar. 10, 1827. 
 
 ■"The most noted of the Mayo chieftains was Mig. Estevan, astute and 
 audacious, who subsequently assumed the leading place in a war among the 
 whites. Velasco, Son., 76, 83. 
 
 *• Those failing to respond to the temporary militia enrollment were to be 
 condemned to serve for the full term fixed by law. Pinart, Doc. Son. , i. no. 32. 
 
 " At Cieneguilla alone, 159 men gathered. More than 200 Yaquis offered 
 their services, and Pimas joined readily. Pinart, Doc. Son., no. 27. 
 
 ^'^ He passed through Caxon, Bacatete, and Punta de la Agua, through 
 Coyotes, the reales de San Marcial and San Jose de los Pimas, the villages 
 of Chibato and Subiate, and through Los Angeles and Tepague, near Pitic, 
 
MOVEMENTS OF BANDERAS. 641 
 
 under the Indian chief Cienfuegos, he worked so per- 
 suasively upon the garrison that when the chief issued 
 orders for defence, he was beset and compelled to 
 flee, severely wounded. Shortly after, hearing of the 
 execution of some captured Yaquis at Alamos as rebels, 
 Banderas retaliated by court-martialing and condemn- 
 ing to death a number of prisoners in his power, as 
 abettors of tyranny, and usurpers of Montezuma's 
 authority, a formal notice of their execution being 
 sent to the comandante general, Figueroa, with a 
 warning to avoid unnecessary cruelty, and the inti- 
 mation that he himself would be guided by the exam- 
 ple set him by Christians. 
 
 Early in August, 1826, Banderas arrived before 
 Pitic, the headquarters of the comandante general 
 Figueroa, who was advancing from Alamos. On the 
 6th a battle was fought between San Lorenzo and 
 Santa Rita, which was hotly maintained till night 
 intervened. Banderas then departed in quest of 
 reenforcements, leaving the chief Guiscamea to hold 
 the ground. The absence of the leading spirit proved 
 fatal to the Yaquis, who were defeated on the follow- 
 ing morning, with a heavy loss in prisoners and dead. 
 Those who fled encountered Captain Mier, who 
 speadily scattered them with additional slaughter."' 
 
 The Yaquis, however, soon reunited, and Banderas 
 was again in the field with fresh forces. The mer- 
 chants of Guaymas, believing that the enemy was 
 hemmed within their own territory sent into the in- 
 terior for the long delayed caravans ; but Banderas 
 surprised the Pitic consignment, valued at fully 
 thirty thousand dollars. A series of successful raids 
 now followed, in numerous directions, all attributed 
 by rumor to the personal direction of Banderas. 
 
 ^' Figueroa reported that this episode, which took place at rancho de la 
 Mesa, Aug. 18th, resulted in the death of 300 Yaquis and the capture of 
 200 women and children, besides the recall of 90 citizens, who had been 
 taken prisoners. Pmari, i)oc. Son., i. MS., no. 23. Mier had 300 men. The 
 loss to the Yaquis in the encounter with Figueroa is placed at 130 dead for 
 the two days. Palanca, Sept. 21, 1826. All exaggerated as may be supposed. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 41. 
 
642 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 Dismay spread over the country, and had he followed 
 up his advantages by attacking the larger towns it is 
 difficult to say what may have been the result ; " but 
 he confined himself chiefly to petty raids and attacks 
 on the smaller detachments, sustaining by this seem- 
 ing forbearance the declaration that he desired only 
 to obtain redress for his people. To this end also he 
 sent a commission to the government, offering to dis- 
 band his men whenever their grievances received 
 attention." 
 
 Meanwhile he relaxed his ravages, only to direct 
 his efforts to preparations for renewing hostilities; 
 notably in making powder, preparing arms, drilling 
 men, and in seeking further alliances, a number of 
 white soldiers being secured to aid in disciplining and 
 leading the Yaquis. These doings greatly alarmed 
 the. inhabitants, and his force, which amounted to 
 about two thousand, was swelled by rumor to ten and 
 twenty times the number. *° The legislature and 
 other authorities had fled in affright from Fuerte 
 and sought refuge at Cosald, and General Figueroa 
 began to be abused as inefficient." The house of 
 representatives had meanwhile been considering the 
 appeal, and after lengthy discussion an act was passed 
 offering amnesty and granting some aid to reestab- 
 lish order.*^ Moreover strong reenforcements arrived 
 from Chihuahua, and as the late inaction of Banderas 
 had cooled the war spirit of many followers, Figueroa's 
 
 "* Hardy maintams that he could readily have captured any of the towns. 
 Trav., 397-400, 409. 
 
 '" The commissioners were sent on to Mexico and treated with an impres- 
 sive attention. Palanca, May 10, 1827. 
 
 '"Among his plans, says Esoudero, S'oi. Son., 136-8, was to crown him- 
 self king and combine the different tribes, under a native govt, for war upon 
 whites. The tribes were not in accord, however, and his messages failed. 
 
 '' Unless reenforcements came all Sonora would be lost was the cry. 
 Palanca, Oct. 19, 1826. 'No estaban muy tranquilos,' observes Bustamante 
 quaintly, Vm Patria, ii. no. 17, p. 4, invaded as Sonora was by seven tribes 
 of savages. 
 
 *^ On Nov. 30th. Pardon to be granted ' con las circumstancias que cree 
 convenientes. ' Ramirez, Col. Doc, 205-6. Prisoners were to be clothed and 
 their travelling expenses paid. Oac. Mex., Oct. 17, 26, 1826; Oorreo., Fed., 
 Nov. 9, 17, 1826. Governor's appeal to congress in May, etc Actas Cong. 
 Constic, i, 116-17. 
 
EXPULSION OF THE SPANIARDS. 643 
 
 overtures with partial concessions found hearing. 
 The less tractable were awed into submission, among 
 them Banderas, who on April 13, 1827', came with 
 two hundred men to renew his fealty,^' though some 
 held out a while longer. A few lawless members re- 
 tired to the mountains, the rest being satisfied with 
 what they had secured in arms, cattle, and merchan- 
 dise, all of which they were permitted to retain, the 
 weakness of the government being displayed in the 
 concessions granted." Among the steps taken to 
 appease as well as obtain control over them was a 
 law of September 1828, by which Indians were con- 
 firmed in their rights as citizens, with obligation to 
 organize into militia bodies, to educate children and 
 distribute land among individuals. Official intrigue 
 and neglect as usual reduced the law to little more 
 than a dead letter." 
 
 No sooner was the Yaqui affair settled than another 
 threatened to arise from the edict declaring the ex- 
 pulsion of all Spaniards in the republic, including 
 nearly all the padres. More than two thirds, how- 
 ever, of that nationality were CAcmpted, owing to 
 relationship by marriage with natives, and to services 
 rendered;" but ere this became known the excite- 
 ment ran high, aggravated by rumors of a Spanish 
 invasion. The missions displayed an attitude so 
 threatening that military steps were taken."' Noth- 
 
 "As early as Dec. 1826, a number of Yaquis had come to plead for par- 
 don, and in Jan. large numbers laid down their arms. Correro, Fed., Jan. 23, 
 Feb. 7, 1827. Padre DSvalos exerted himself as mediator, to judge by his 
 letters in Pop. Var., 141, no. 11, p. xviii.-xx. 
 
 "The war cost 3, 000 victims. EstreUa, Ocdd., Oct. 19, 1860. A number 
 of the escaped Yaquis under the leader of Virgin, an Opata, kept Arizpe in 
 alarm during Feb. 1827. Virgin, however, was captured and shot with a 
 dozen followers. Correo, Fed., May 9, 1827. Apache inroads had continued 
 and the Papagos were complained of. Soc. Mex. Oeog., x. 708-9; Pinart, Doc. 
 Son., i. 32. 
 
 *^ Text with rules in Pinart, Doc. Son. , nos. 121-3. 
 
 ^ Under law of Ap. 25, 1826, 37 were expelled and 7 more under art. 9. 
 By the state 65 were exempted and by the gen. -govt 51. Mex. Mem. Sec. 
 Estad., 1829, doc. 1. Those who had rendered service to the Spanish cause 
 in 1821, were especially seized upon. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. nos. 70, 221. 
 
 ^ In April 1828, several orders were issued to detachments and local au- 
 thorities. Priests who abetted the niovomcnti were to te expelled. 
 
644 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA, 
 
 ing came of it, save an increased stringency toward 
 foreigners with regard to passports and surveillance." 
 Among notable visitors of late years had been 
 Lieutenant Hardy, who in 1826 made explorations 
 from Guaymas along the gulf shores, and far up the 
 Colorado, for pearl beds and gold."* The latter at- 
 tracted in the same year Colonel Bourne, who in- 
 spected the chief mining camps of the two provinces. "° 
 
 Although the union of Sonora and Sinaloahad been 
 decided upon in 1825, the divisionists continued to 
 agitate their project, and gain adherents by different 
 manoeuvres, such as the choice of capital, which ex- 
 cited rival towns in no small degree. Arizpe natur- 
 ally claimed its long preeminence, and resisted with 
 armed force the removal of the deputies to Ures, in 
 accordance with the separation decree of 1823. In 
 order to stop the quarrel the legislature met at 
 Fuerte, which might be considered a border town. 
 This encouraged the Sinaloans to strive for a still 
 greater advantage, and Culiacan pressed her claim, 
 rousing the jealous Sonorans to vigorous counter- 
 efforts which resulted in a decree of October 26, 1827, 
 declaring Concepcion de Alamos the capital.*' 
 
 These proceedings added fuel to the party-spirit 
 which became so violent in the legislature, that the 
 assembly was for a time virtually in a state of dissolution. 
 Vice-governor Iriarte made himself so conspicuous by 
 advocating division that the unionists succeeded in 
 passing a decree December 20, 1828, declaring him 
 removed and ineligible for reelection.*^ Both sides 
 
 «* Circulars of Jan. 20, 1827, July 21, 1828. A list had to be kept of 
 foreign residents or visitors. 
 
 '®In the vessels Wolf ajad. Bruja, during July ajid August. Hardy's Travels 
 in Mex. 
 
 ™ Three years later the English war vessel Sapphire came to gather infor- 
 mation on trade and condition, Combier, Voy„ 184-90, 345-64, and the Filide 
 traded here in 1829-30. Binard, in Soc. de Oiog., xvi. 36-40. 
 
 " All officials being ordered to meet here on Jan. 10, 1828. The congress 
 ordered the necessary public buildings to be erected. Decree of Feb. 12, 
 1828. Pap. Var., no. Ixvii. 117; no. Ixviii. 119. 
 
 ■"See JVojiv. Annales Voy., xliv, 352-4; debate in Adas Cong, Gonstit,, i; 
 
PRONUNCIAMIENTOS. 645 
 
 appealed to the supreme congress, which declared in- 
 valid the decree against Iriate. The legislature and 
 Governor Gaxiola, nevertheless, failed to obey the 
 decision,^' whereupon several districts in Sonora and 
 Sinaloa, pronounced against them "" in March 1829. 
 
 This movement was over-awed for a time by a 
 counter-pronunciamiento at Pueblo de los Seris, sup- 
 ported by Yaquis and Opatas;" but the decided posi- 
 tion assumed by the militia colonel, Escalante, in Au- 
 gust, at Buenavista, gave fresh courage to the ces- 
 sionists, especially as the comandante genei'al held 
 aloof, alike unwilling to disobey the supreme govern- 
 ment or to proceed against the state authorities," 
 and consequently evoking sharp comment from all 
 quarters. 
 
 Appeals for the consideration of dividing the state 
 became so strong that the legislature gave it serious 
 attention." Their committee reported adversely, on 
 the ground that it was a party measure, centring 
 upon a strife for disposing of the revenue. Neither 
 province had sufficient income to support a distinct 
 existence. Separation would weaken Sonora, and 
 expose it to fiercer savage irruptions than ever, to the 
 danger also of adjoining territories. Union was alone 
 identified with progress." The report failed to satisfy; 
 
 Pinart, Doc. Son., no. xxxiv. 68 et seq. Velasoo, in Soc. Mex. Omg., Bol, 
 viii. 286. 
 
 ^^Arrillage, Becop., 1829, 42-3. Heated discussion of the decree in the 
 legislature, Son. Acta Sedan, 3-11. 
 
 '" In Sinaloa, Culiacan, CosalS, and San Xavier, which had been roused 
 greatly by the removal of the capital to Sonora; and in the upper province, 
 Guaymas, Hermosillo, Horcasitas, Oposura, and Mocteuzoma. Pinart, Doc. 
 Son., i. 147-8, 167-78. 
 
 "To the number of 700 men on June 13th. Opin Pub. Occid., July 9, 30, 
 1829. 
 
 '2 He appealed to both parties in behalf of peace, proclaimed his impar- 
 tiality, and offered to appeal to Mexico. Id. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. nos 48-50, 
 and pp. 165-74. 
 
 " The merchants of Hermosillo represented the paralyzing efifect of the 
 disturbance, and urged that the feelings of the majority be ascertained. 
 Son. , Peticion Ciud. , 1-8. 
 
 "Ihe revenues for 1825, 1826, and 1827 had been $104,212, $186,310, and 
 $108,814 in Sinaloa, and $23,895, $52,065, and $37,028 in Sonora. June 24, 
 1829, Son., Matiif. de la Comvdmi sobre Division, 1-52. Some of its statements 
 are doubtful. Comments in Espir. Pub., Jan. 7, 1829; Correo, Fed., Mar. 9, 
 1828. 
 
646 IXNITED SONORA AKD SINALOA. 
 
 and in August the legislature, convoked in extra ses- 
 sion, agreed so far as to issue a general amnesty, and 
 to request tiie resignation of Governor Gaxiola, add- 
 ing subsequently that the division question should be 
 entertained and Iriarte reinstated.'" This result was 
 mainly due to the spread of Escalante's movement, 
 with whom Figueroa now concluded a treatj^" 
 
 In January 1830, the decree for division was passed, 
 and a coinmission was appointed to carry it out," 
 while congress considered the subject. After several 
 promptings," an approval of the division was issued, 
 on October 13th," and in the following month appeared 
 the proclamation for elections for legislatures, which 
 were to be installed in March 1831.^" The boundary 
 between the states was drawn through the Mesquite 
 rancho, eighteen leagues south of Alamos, on the 
 road to Fuerte, and down Rio Alamos to the gulf, 
 presenting a breadth of territory of forty leagues. 
 Rio de las Canas remained, as heretofore, the border 
 for Jalisco, while Sonora stretched to the Colorado 
 and Gila. The eastern line was less satisfactory, 
 owing to the extension of Chihuahua and Durango 
 
 '^ J. M. Almada, assumed Gaxiola's place when he obeyed the order to 
 resign. Son. , Oogas por un Tapado. 
 
 '*0u Sept. 17th, in 8 arts, whereby Figueroa offered to instate Iriarte by 
 force if necessary. Pirmrt, Doc. Son., i. 194-5, 204. 
 
 " It had also to make inventories of furniture and other public effects for 
 division. Decrees 180-1, in Id., i. 211. 
 
 '*0n Aug. 3, 1830, the diputaeion permanente sent an appeal. Dissatis- 
 faction arose with Deputy Monteros, and on June 7th his powers were 
 revoked. An extra session of the legislature was resolved on Aug. 2d for 
 promoting the division and electing a senator. 
 
 " And on the following day were issued rules for the act. General assem- 
 blies were to be convoked as soon as possible at Pitie and Culiacan. Ihe 
 three departments of San Sebastian, Culiacan, and Fuerte, forming Sinaloa, 
 were assigned three electors each; those of Arirpe and Horcasita?. forming 
 Sonora, four and five respectively. The junta general of Sonora should des- 
 ignate eleven deputies to form its state congress, Sinaloa likewise, and they 
 should proceed to frame election laws, and choose senators. Decree in 19 
 arts, in Du'ilan and Lozano, Leq. ^Irx., ii. 291-3. Arrillaga adds the election 
 acts from the Occidente constitution of 182.5, Reriyp., 1830, 499-513; Mex. 
 Col Ley., 1829-.30, 127-9; S. Mirpiel, Rep. Mn.,5; Hernandez, Gm.j. Son., 24. 
 ^ Pinart, Doc. Son., i. no. 228-33. Some difficulties occurred, which re- 
 quired legislative orders to smooth with fresh election decrees, and an am- 
 nesty appeared on Dec. 20th. The final date of installation was to be March 
 ]3th. Provisional regulations were issued for the treasuries. Comisario 
 Gen. Riesgo found a strong opposition from Hermosillo, 
 
OCCIDENTE AFFAIRS. 647 
 
 over a wide tract along the western slope of the sierra 
 which, by position and intercourse, pertained to the 
 Occidente." The population of the new states was 
 estimated at one hundred thousand each,"' with the 
 prospect of a rapid natural growth for the compara- 
 tively protected and peaceful Sinaloa, and a strong 
 counter-attraction for Sonora, against Apache raids, 
 in the mines, and in the wide area, which should 
 bring immigration. Indeed, in 1839, the population 
 of this state was reported to be one hundred and 
 twenty-four thousand, °^ from which a formidable mil- 
 itia could be formed for defence against irruptions if 
 the local authorities would only enforce the decree 
 passed for this purpose." The last acting governor 
 of Occidente was Leonardo Escalante, a powerful 
 promoter of the separation/' 
 
 "■ Velasco, Son., 15-16. In colonial times, Sinaloa extended from Rio 
 Rosario to Rio Fuerte; Ostimuri, really belonging to it, continued to Rio 
 Mayo, and then Sonora. Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 295-7. In Cortes, Diario, 
 1820, xi. 25, Sinaloa is said to extend even to the Yaqui, and Monteros 
 stretches Sonora hence to lat. 36. Espos., Son., 5. The name Sonora being 
 applied also to Sinaloa, as Baja Sonora. Soc Max. Oeog., Bol, viii. 214-15; 
 Cabalkro, Estad. Son., 4; Pap. Var., cxl., pt 14. 
 
 82 By official report. Mex. Mem. Sec. Estad., 1832, doc. i. 9. Yet Riesgo, 
 Mem. Estad. , i. 96, placed the population of Occidente in 1828 at considerably 
 more than 200,000, while Caballero estimated it in 1825 at 179,316. Estadiat. 
 Son., 4, with details on p. 15. 
 
 ^ Mex, Mem. Min. Rel, 1847, 112, and so far the preceding year in the 
 estimates of Cortina and others. Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol., ii. 6, 19; vii. 138-9; 
 ix. 272. Stone seeks a partial cause in the Altar mining excitement of 1837. 
 Hist. Mag., Y. 164. Muhlenpfordt, Mej., ii., pt ii., 419, allows only 101,900 
 for 1833. Humboldt gives the intendencia of Sonora 121,400 in 1803. Essai 
 Pol,']i. 155, 300. Navarro raised it to 135,385 seven years later, 38,640 
 being Spaniards, 35,766 mixed, and 60,855 Indians. Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol., 
 ep. 2, i. 291. In Cortes, Diario, xi. 26, it was then made 130,000. Cancelada 
 assumed 144,640 for Sonora alone in 1808. Ruina N. Esp., 73. Velasco, who 
 excludes the uncivilized Indians, has only 58,396 for Sonora in 1828. See, 
 also. Ward's Mex., i. 583; ii. 606; Mills' Hist. Mex., 190. The Yaquis alone 
 numbered about 12,000, and beyond Arizpe lived few whites. 
 
 *' As late as June 5, 1830. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 213-14. Official appoint- 
 ments had to be made under recommendation from municipalities. The 
 exemption fees, modified by decree of Dec. 14, 1830, were liberal enough to 
 allow of wide evasion. 
 
 8° Pres. P. Sanchez issued in Feb. 1831 the congratulatory address to the 
 new states on behalf of the dissolving legislature. F. Esoobosa acted as gov. 
 in the earlier part of May 1830. Bttelna, Compend., 109. Lack of funds 
 caused the suppression of the subordinate jefes politicos in April. Accounts 
 for settlement were still pending between the two states in 1834. 
 
 Lieut R. W. H. Hardy, R. N. Travels in the, Interior of Mexico in 1SS5, 
 , i8^, and 18^8, London, 1829, 8vo, pp. xiii. and 540. Illust, with map. 
 
648 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 This writer was engaged in the capacity of a commissioner by ' the General 
 Pearl and Coral Fishery Association of London, ' and was occupied for some 
 time in exploring the gulf of California in search of pearls. His work con- 
 tains a great deal of valuable information, not only as regards matters con- 
 nected with the object of his visit, but also on historical events which occurred 
 at that time. Being in Sonora when political schisms were rife, he is able to 
 supply many interesting particulars as regarded by a foreigner, among which 
 may be mentioned his description of the panic which prevailed in Fuerte on 
 the occasion of a false alarm oeing given that the Yaquis were approaching, 
 pp. 188-92. Hardy, moreover, supplies much information about the habits, 
 customs, and character of the Mexican people at that time, as well as con- 
 cerning the Indians of Lower Cal. The Quarterly Review charges this author 
 somewhat too severely with indulging in ' a certain allowance of stale jokes, 
 bad puns, and small wit '; but in view of the really valuable and varied in- 
 formation he affords, he may readily be pardoned this weakness. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 1830-1851. 
 
 Sonora's First Legislature — Leading Towns — Indians versus Whites — 
 Bandera's Scheme — His ' Defeat and Death — War with the Yaquis 
 — Expeditions against the Apaches — Party Struggles — Governor 
 Gandara — Urrea Proclaims Federalism — He is Recognized by 
 Sinaloa — Gandara's Counter-Revolution — The Yaquis Rouss. ey 
 Gandara — War between Federalists and Centralists — Ali£E- 
 nate Successes — Changes of Rulers — War with the United 
 States — Guaymas Bombarded — Americans Take Possession — Mazat- 
 LAN Captured — Migration from Sonora to California — Troubles 
 WITH Apaches — Changes in the Administration. 
 
 In 1831 was installed the new legislatures ' of 
 Sonora and Sinaloa, with Manuel Escalante y Arviga 
 as governor ^ for the former, and Agustin Martinez de 
 Castro for Sinaloa. A bond still remained between 
 the states in the office of comandante general which 
 embraced both, though located at Arizpe, as the best 
 centre of military operations. In 1835, however, the 
 president created a separate officer of this denomina- 
 tion for Sinaloa.^ Another reminder existed in the 
 constitution of both states which differed little from 
 that adopted in 1825.* The capital, as designated by 
 
 'Under protection of N. Sra. de Guadalupe, as patron saint. Plnart, Doc. 
 Son., ii. 31, 65. Deputies were to receive $3,000 per annum and mileage. 
 
 ^ Escalante represented as a kind-hearted and accomplished young man, 
 and the qualities of Castro approved by reelections to office. £uelna, Comp., 
 110; Velasco, Son., 71; Cal. Dep. St. Pap., iii. 62. An auditing office was es- 
 tablished in May 1834. All public employes were to be held responsible. 
 PinaH, Doc. Son., ii. nos. 289, 301. 
 
 ^ Lower Cal. remained under Sonora in military matters. Cal. Dep. St. 
 Pap., iv. 51-5. The pay was $4,000. The final military separation of 
 Sonora and Sinaloa took place in 1842. Duhlan y Lamno, Laij. Max., iv. 115. 
 
 * That for Sinaloa, adopted Dec. 12, 1831, contained an art. against prop- 
 erty being held in mortmain. The gradation of tribunals, with courts of 
 
 (649) 
 
650 SONORA AND SINAIOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 the separation decree, was Hermosillo, lately known 
 as Pitic/ and formerly as Horcasitas presidio, a town 
 with a population of about eight thousand inhabitants. 
 It owed its progress to the proximity of Guaymas, 
 which made it the point of distribution for central 
 and northern Sonora,,^ or about a third of this popu- 
 lation. Alamos ranked as the most prosperous city 
 in the south owing to the proximity of mines.' 
 
 Culiacan, the capital of Sinaloa, was one of the 
 oldest settlements in the state, an episcopal seat, with 
 a population of about 11,000. Next to it ranked in 
 importance the mining towns of Cosald, and Rosario, 
 tlie latter being made a city in 1827.° 
 
 Many of the rising towns were ex-missions, for 
 secularization had been steadily practised since colo- 
 nial days. The change from this fatherly regime to 
 republicanism led to unscrupulous inroads upon the 
 remaining missions, until only a few missionaries were 
 left to witness the rapid decadence of their charge in 
 ruined buildings and dispersing congregations. This 
 applies rather to Sonora. One way of spohation was 
 to purchase or seize as loans cattle and other effects, 
 
 first instance in canton to"wiis, courts with asesores in departmental head 
 towns, and a superior court at the capital, of nine judges, was never 
 strictly followed. Comments in Buelna, Gomp., 14; Mex. Zustaride, i. 231-3. 
 Press restrictions appeared in Sinaloa in 1833. Decree of Dec. 6, in Pinart, 
 Col, no. 272. 
 
 * Name changed by decree of Sept. 5, 1828. 
 
 ^ On the east side of the town is a lime-stone hill, called La Campana from 
 the bell-like sound emitted when struck near the summit. Ward's Mex., i. 565, 
 ii. 595. Most of the opulent merchants resided here. Hardy's Trav., 95; 
 Pinart, Doc. Son., i. no. 424. 
 
 ' For descriptions of the leading towns I refer to Piesgo y Valdes, Man. , 
 passim; Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 104-12, 145, 107, etc.; Combier, Voij., 173-6 
 204^9, 216-32; Velasco, Son., 17 et seq. By decree of July 5, 1830, "each city 
 was entitled to two leagues of land on every quarter, and villas, one league 
 and a half. Piimrt, i. 220. Several changes of name were made in course 
 of these years. In 1837 the state was divided into four districts; Arizpe, 
 Horcasitas, Hermosillo, and Loreto. Id. 83. The harbor of Guaymas was safe, 
 although vessels drawing more than fifteen feet had to anchor some 500 yards 
 from the landing. Nouv. Annates Voy., xcv. .S07-8, 316. 
 
 ^Mazatlan was almost unknown till 1818, when a presidio was established 
 there. In 1824 a customhouse was added, and after 1838 a decided impulse 
 was given to the port. Description of this and other towns in Pitsgo y 
 Vnhlez, Mem., 45 et seq.; Ward's Mex., i. 559-60, 583-6; ii. 607-8; Monlfros, 
 EspoK. Sotu y Sin., 15; Pap. Var., cxl. pt 14; Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 92 et seq.; 
 Buelna, Gomp., 31-3; Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol, ep. 2, iv. 65-6. Mazatlan suffered 
 frequently from storms, notably in 1839, and 1855. 
 
MISSIONS AND PRESIDIOS. 651 
 
 and then withhold payment.' The decline of the 
 presidios, also, hastened that of the northern missions, 
 and the special securalization decree in 1833 almost 
 completed the destruction. By this time missions that 
 a decade before could sell 8,000 head of cattle in one 
 lot had a mere remnant left. Of the eight Queretaro 
 Franciscan missions, and some under Jalisco Francis- 
 can management only a few had resident ministers. 
 With such poverty, and exposure to irruptions by 
 savages, there was little inducement for curates to ac- 
 cept the charges offered, and about half the population 
 received no regular religious care. As far back as 1822 
 there were only 74 priests in the state, each required 
 to tend an average of from three to four establish- 
 ments, embracing over 450 square leagues." On the 
 frontier the districts were four times larger, and the 
 consequent neglect by ministers had led to a partial 
 relapse into paganism. 
 
 The relapse among the aboriginal tribes was the 
 more dangerous, as they lived in comparative isolation, 
 which fostered the prejudice against the whites. True, 
 a large proportion of the natives came to serve in the 
 white settlements, and so maintained a bond of inter- 
 course. The numerous Pimas were more scattered, 
 and the advance of settlers tended to keep them under 
 control ; but the Seris kept aloof on the west to foster 
 their marauding instincts, and the Opatas, to the 
 east, while ever the most loyal, and the very bulwark 
 against Apaches, frowned at any encroachment upon 
 their rich tracts. The Yaquis and Mayos were more 
 restless owing to their position along the very highway 
 of the obnoxious whites, occupying, as they did, the 
 lower course of Aie rivers bearing the same names." 
 
 °To the Pimeria Alta missiona alone were owing in 1829, $4, 456 by pre- 
 sidio companies, |27,000 by private persona, and |30,000 by the govt, in 
 stipends. Vdasco, Son., 147-9; Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 30-1. 
 
 '■'Mex. Mem. Sec. Estad., 1831, app. 8. According to Id., Hac, 1832, 
 Doc. N., the eight Queretaro misaions were suppoaed to receive .1^2,800 in 
 stipends, while the 29 Jaliaco misaions in Sonora, Nayarit, and Tarahumara 
 obtained $9,400. 
 
 "For an account of the different tribes, I refer to my Native Races, i., iii. 
 
652 SONOEA AKD SESTALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 The success of the Yaquis in the revolt of 1825-7, 
 and their subsequent practical independence, had not 
 failed to raise their self-importance, and to make them 
 disloyal on the least pretence. They had imbibed a 
 taste, also, for easily acquired spoils, and it needed, 
 therefore, only a slight provocation to rouse them anew. 
 This came in a decree suppressing the offices of gen- 
 eral,^' which affecting the leader of the late revolt, 
 Banderas, brought him at once to his feet. He had 
 made good use of his authority by maintaining the 
 efficiency of his people as warriors, and acquiring 
 arms, and dreamed of a vast Indian confederation in 
 Sonora, with himself as king, to which end he had 
 sent messengers to different tribes to gain support, 
 particularly from the brave Opatas. The latter gave 
 promises that satisfied Banderas, who thereupon, to- 
 ward the close of 1832, marched at the head of nearly 
 1,000 warriors toward their territory, whence he pro- 
 posed, strongly reenforced, to fall upon Ures and ad- 
 joining towns, in conjunction with Pima allies. His 
 preparations did not escape the whites. Leonardo 
 Escalante, promptly headed a body of citizens from 
 Hermosillo, which strengthened by accessions from 
 other towns enabled him to meet the Yaquis at So- 
 yopa with about 400 men. Either this promptness, 
 or second sober thought, had caused the Opatas to 
 hold back, a few alone joining. Banderas, neverthe- 
 less, accepted battle, which, after three hour's obsti- 
 nate fighting, resulted in the total rout of the tribe, 
 and the capture of the chief himself He was quickly 
 tried and shot at Arizpe." The Yaquis had gained 
 too much confidence, however, from former achieve- 
 passim. See also Zumiga, Son., 40 et seq. ; Pap. Var., clxviii. pt, 13; Nmco. 
 Annales Voy. , xciii. ; Biesgo, Menu &t<u!. , 1-6. 
 
 i^Oot. 30, 18.30. The eight Yaqui pueblos were ruled by one director, one 
 alcalde mayor, one capt.-gen., two lieut-generals, and one regidor for each 
 pueblo. Nearly the same system applied to the nine Mayo pueblos. Escudero, 
 Son., 100-1. The Yaqui population was about 12,000. The captain-general 
 had been granted an allowance after the former revolt. Bie^ijo, Mem., 27; 
 I'inart, Doc. Sou., i. 85, 223. 
 
 "By decree of Jan, 23, 1833. Pinart, Doc. Son., MS., ii. no. 59. 
 
INDIAN TROUBLES. 653 
 
 ments to be disheartened Toy this defeat, and aided by 
 tlie Seris, continued the struggle, nor was it until 
 after nine months, with varying success, that the 
 local authorities managed to restore peace. Insa Ca- 
 meca, the successor of Banderas, seems to have been 
 in sympathy with the reforms which followed," for 
 when a revolt occurred at Tori, in 1834 he suppressed 
 it with great firmness, declining Mexican aid. '** 
 
 The watchful Apaches never neglected such oppor- 
 tunities for pursuing their inroads. Most dreaded 
 were the Coyoteros and Pinaleros, in southern Ari- 
 zona, who, joined frequently by the Chiricagiiis, Gi- 
 leiios, and Mescaleros, made devastating inroads, 
 killing, robbing, and driving off herds of cattle through 
 the difficult passes of Conejos, Batavi, Papera, Turi- 
 cachi, and Las Animas, while their tactics of dispers- 
 ing in small bodies and drawing attention from the 
 bands carrying off booty, made pursuit of little avail, 
 and the recovery of stolen property generally impos- 
 sible. The result was the gradual depopulation of the 
 northern portion of the state, the disappearance of the 
 missions and settlements, and the abandonment of 
 the mines which had attracted thousands.'^ The 
 raids extended beyond Arizpe, and around Ures and 
 HermosiUo. 
 
 When the Yaqui outbreak was suppressed, expedi- 
 tions were sent against the marauders, only to meet 
 with disastrous repulse, the main bodies being sud- 
 denly assailed while hampered by the difficulties of 
 hard mountain passes. The savages were well provided 
 with good fire-arms, in the use of which they were far 
 
 ^* It was sought to ensure peace by restricting the sale of liquor, by en- 
 forcing the distribution of land, so as to reduce the community spirit, while 
 promoting the desire for order that springs from increased possessions. Pro- 
 tectores were appointed to watch over these enactments. Pinart, Doc. Son. , 
 ii. 26-7, 64-6. All Indians to be made land-holders in their towns. 
 
 '^Because he prided himself on his authority, says Zufliga. Nouv. Annales 
 Voy., xciii. 241. 
 
 ^"Over 100 ranches and pueblos have been abandoned, says Escudero. 
 Sonora, 76-7. 
 
654 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 more expert than the Mexicans. Following up their 
 advantages, the Indians advanced close to Arizpe, 
 spreading consternation through the state. The peo- 
 ple were now roused by very fear to greater exertion ; 
 inducements were offered to volunteers, a coalition of 
 the northwestern states was formed, and by the 
 autumn of 1834, several victories had been gained 
 over the Apaches, who had grown over-confident by 
 their recent successes. The famous chief, Tutije, was 
 captured, and executed at Arizpe. After this, a large 
 portion of the volunteers returned home, leaving five 
 hundred men to pursue the scattered bands. This 
 being a less successful system, peace negotiations were 
 opened, at the instance of Comandante Mora, which 
 met with disapproval on the part of the civil authori- 
 ties," who maintained that extending peace to such 
 treacherous foes was only giving them time to recup- 
 erate for fresh inroads, while the governor informed 
 Mora that he might conclude treaties, but the citizens 
 would again go forth and exterminate every Apache 
 found with arms in hand. 
 
 The legislature approved his determination, and on 
 September 7, 1835, proclaimed a war of extermination, 
 a prize of one hundred dollars being off'ered for each 
 scalp taken. '° A campaign of fierce determination 
 followed, which lasted till August 1836, when the 
 ardor of the volunteers having at length abated, peace 
 was once more concluded, to last, as heretofore, only 
 till the Indians felt themselves strong enough to renew 
 their raids." The general government had given 
 little heed to appeals for aid, the disorder in the cen- 
 tral states, and the Texas question, which arose at 
 this time, being too absorbing to admit of border 
 districts obtaining much consideration. 
 
 " Correspondence on the subject in Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 49-56. For par- 
 ticulars of these campaigns, see Id., i. 235; ii. 18-19, 26; Id., nos 305, 315, 
 345, 373: Amltac/a, Recop., 1830, 310-11; Cal. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., C. <fc T., 
 iii. 63; Velasco, Son., 112. 
 
 ^'Bartlett'sNari:, i. 322-3; Foster's Angeles, MS., 12-14. 
 
 '"In Sept. and Oct. 1836, several raids already took place. Pinart, Col, 
 no. 480, 
 
POLITICAL STRUGGLES. 655 
 
 Notwithstanding the agitation caused by Indian 
 troubles, Sonora did not escape the curse arisino- from 
 the struggles between political parties. The plan of 
 Zavaleta caused turmoil, and after several minor pro- 
 nunciamientos, the people of Arizpe, in August 1833, 
 proclaimed against it, whereupon the comandante- 
 general, Arregui, marched with four hundred men to 
 suppress the revolution. The legislature, moreover, 
 issued decrees inflicting death upon those who joined 
 Arizpe, decrees which were fulminated by the general ; 
 yet Hermosillo and Horcasitas did not hesitate to 
 denounce the legislature. Arregui was personally 
 obnoxious to the troops, and deputations from the pre- 
 sidios having met at Arizpe, he was deposed Septem- 
 ber 30, 1833, and J. M. Elias Gonzalez installed in 
 his place.'" 
 
 The agitation found further encouragement in the 
 great struggle of the conservatives and clergy against 
 the liberal principles advanced under federal rule."' 
 The legislature declared its position by assuring the 
 people that no reforms attacking religion would be 
 countenanced."'' Though Santa Anna was recognized 
 by the popular spirit, pronunciamientos at Vera Cruz 
 and other points aflfirmed, as it were, the dawning 
 centralism, under which relief was hoped for from 
 growing evils. A change might remedy the existing 
 disregard of the authorities for the frontier districts, 
 especially in the way of satisfying the troops with 
 more regular pay." 
 
 The new era was marked by the transformation of 
 
 '"A list of charges with documents wag forwarded to Mexico. Son. 
 Repres., \-iA. Gonzalezwaalieut-col and adjutant inspector. The governor 
 recommended him to the legislature. Soti., Contest., hahida, 642; Pinart, 
 Doc. San., ii. 3-14, 68-73, 80, 181-96; Oal. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., C. and T., 
 ii. 51^, 59. 
 
 '^^ Consult Hist. Mex., v., this series. In this connection see also Oposicion, 
 Dec 25, 1834; Tiempo, Aug. 15, 1834; Bustamante, Voz Patria, M8., viii. 
 483-8. 
 
 's' Proclamations of July 8, 15, and Oct. 24, 1834, in Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 
 38-45. 
 
 ^ Some of the troops were in actual revolt on this account. The state 
 authorities were charged with absorbing the funds applied for defence. 
 Official statement in Cal. Sup. Gov., St. Pap., xxi. 9-10. 
 
036 SONORA AOT) SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 the state into a department, with four prefecturas," 
 Manuel M. Gdndara being the first governor. Gen- 
 eral Jose Urrea was made comandante-general. The 
 appointment of Urrea was singular. He was recog- 
 nized as a stanch federalist, and his appointment was 
 due only to President Bustamante's personal regard. 
 No sooner had he arrived at his headquarters, 
 Arizpe, then he proclaimed, December 26, 1837, the 
 restoration of the federal system, and secured from 
 the Guaymas custom-house over one hundred thou- 
 sand dollars. '* Disappointed in the prospects of amelio- 
 ration, and caught by the very magnitude of the 
 project, troops and citizens responded in different 
 directions, notably at Arizpe, Ures, Hermosillo, Topic, 
 Mazatlan, and Culiacan, till Urrea not only had men 
 enough to meet the departmental government, but 
 was able to send bodies to oppose the central corps 
 advancing upon him from Sinaloa, and support the 
 pronunciamiento made in Mazatlan. Gdndara joined 
 the movement, was declared provisional governor, and 
 a congress was convened to reform the federal constitu- 
 tion in furtherance of the self government of the 
 states. On March 14, 1838, the congress assembled, 
 Urrea being governor-elect and L. Escalante vice- 
 go^'ernor. The legislature confirmed Urrea as com- 
 andante-general, general of the federal army, and 
 protector of Sonora and Sinaloa," conferring upon 
 him full powers to raise armies, and form alliances." 
 This privilege he quickly availed himself of by offer- 
 ing lands, pensions, and other inducements to attract 
 
 2* The pay of the prefects was from |1,800 to $2,000. M':x. Mem. Har., 
 
 1838, pt 2. 
 
 ■^^It is related that the house of Ifligo provided the first fvtuds to start 
 the movement on condition of being favored at the custom-house; where- 
 upon the firm ordered a cargo of goods from Europe, which arrived in Feb. 
 
 1839, after Urrea had been ousted. Charges were brought against the gov- 
 ernor for complicity in fraud. Ccmde y Hcrrem, Bcpres., 1-38; Pap. Var., Iv. 
 no. 2, Ixxviii. no. 8. 
 
 ''<^Sm. Farcinn., 106-7; Restaurador ferf., Jan. 30, Mar. 13, 1838. Urrea's 
 name with appropriate inscriptions was ordered to be placed on public build- 
 ings. Farias and Viezca were oflFered an asylum with land. Pinart, Doc 
 Son., ii. 133-^, 139-40. 
 
 2' Plenipontentiaries were to be sent tt> other states to form a. coalition, 
 
PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 
 
 657 
 
 followers, the legislature assisting him in different 
 ways, notably in issuing a provisional constitution/' 
 In Sinaloa the formal pronunciamiento was first 
 
 Map of Sinaloa. 
 
 25 On March 27th; after which the body closed the session, and left a 
 comision permanente to act from the 27th. An amnesty to opponents was 
 passed. Lucero Sin., Nov. 24, 1837. Tamasula hastened to petition for.- 
 the federal system. Pinart, Col. , no. 472. 
 Hist. Mex, Btate.s, Vol. II. 4*2 
 
668 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 made on January 12, 1838, at Culiacan, by Colonel 
 Cuevas, seconded by Orrantia, acting governor." 
 This was followed by the capture of Rosario and 
 Cosald,*" while Urrea came down with a Sonoran force 
 in April in two vessels, and took possession of 
 Mazatlan, which added greatly to his resources by 
 . sea and land." These were not of much avail how- 
 ever. By this time the government had been able 
 to take steps to check the movement. On the 20th 
 General Paredes appeared before Mazatlan with a 
 strong column, and reminded the garrison that its first 
 duty was to join in opposing the French, who were 
 then threatening the republic. This appeal to 
 patriotism shook the allegiance of several of Urrea's 
 officers, so that Paredes found little difficulty in car- 
 rying the town by assault on May 6th.*' Urrea fled 
 to San Bias, and failing to rouse this place, headed 
 the campaign in the interior of Sinaloa. This, how- 
 ever, languished, owing to the call for Urrea's presence 
 elsewhere, and a small force sufficed to give the final 
 blow to the movement. 
 
 Meanwhile Gdndara changed his veiws with re- 
 gard to the expected political formation and fell back 
 upon his former position as centralist governor, as- 
 suming the lead in the counter-revolution which was 
 promoted at Horcasitas. He proclaimed it his duty 
 to suppress the movement in favor of the federal sys- 
 tem, and profited by the reaction of fear among wav- 
 
 *' Who on the 16th recognized Urrea as protector of Mejcican liberty and 
 T)laced the resources of the state at his disposal. Restaurador Fed., Feb. 6, 
 March 6, 1838. A cause for this lay in the dissatisfaction with the govern- 
 ment for closing Mazatlan to foreign trade at the close of 1837, on the 
 ground of smuggling. Sin. Propos., 3-20. Changes in Comerc. de Guad., 
 Mspos., 1-8; Pap. Var., Ixxvi. pt 10. The port was ordered to be reopened 
 by decree of Feb. 22, 1838. Arrillaga, Recap., 1838, 61; and now again 
 closed on account of rebellion. 
 
 * By Cuevas and Carrasoo, the latter sacking CosaU taking at least 
 $50,000 in silver bars, besides jewels, etc. Btielna, Comp., 14; Pinart, Doc 
 Son., ii. 119. 
 
 '^^DiaHo, Cfob., June 21-22, 1838; Lmemttm, Mex., 401, 424^30. Busta- 
 mante writes that of $70,000 duties and other effects, seized partly at Guay- 
 mas, he sent 170 silver bars to New Orleans in his own name. Oabtneta, i. 60-1. 
 
 "'He took the place in quarter of an hour. Id., 59-60; Buelna, Gomp., 14; 
 Mien' Reg., Uv. 336. 
 
CIVIL WAR. 659 
 
 eriag federalists to obtain recruits. Not content with 
 these, he appealed to the Yaguis, his former foes, and 
 to still worse northern tribes; nor did he scruple to 
 pander to their propensities for plunder, which re- 
 sulted in the Papagos' ignoring his authority, as did 
 the Yaquis to a great extent. Both factions added 
 to the burden of the people by enforcing contributions. 
 
 Several encounters took place, the first of note be- 
 ing at Chino Gordo, on May 22d, followed by the 
 taking of Hermosillo and the capture of Vice-governor 
 Escalante. Urrea now appealed to the people, call- 
 ing upon them to redeem their pledges of support. 
 Entering Alamos with 700 men, he afterward advanced 
 against the Gandaristas, and in August gained a 
 brilliant victory, followed by successes at Belen and 
 other points, which culminated in the capture of 
 Arizpe in October. 
 
 These successes were neutralized by centralist pro- 
 gress in the south, and Urrea's opponents, taking ad- 
 vantage of his temporary absence, gained a crowning 
 iriumph, November 19th, at Opodepe." Gdndara 
 was exultant, but avoided mention of the loss of life 
 and destruction of property," which was aggravated 
 by the Yaquis and Papagos, who rose in 1840 and 
 committed serious depredations, though the Yaqui 
 general, Juan Maria Insa Camea lost his life in assist- 
 ing to quell the movement." It required a close 
 campaign to reduce the rebels, who assisted by the 
 Apaches left a wide track of devastation in the dis- 
 trict of Horcasitas.'* 
 
 "^ Coaanlt Zuniga, Contest., 20-1; Pap. Var., 185, no. 3; Bttstmrumte, Oabi- 
 tiete, MS., 249-53. 
 
 ^Paip. Var., 153, no. 10; Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. no. 530; Cal. Dept. St. 
 Pap., iv. 130; Mosquito, Mex., June 19, 1840; Hist. Mex., v., this series. 
 Among the towns sacked were Saguaripa, Batueo, Matape, Hermosillo, and 
 Adivino. Xlamos escaped pillage by paying $50,000, Altar, $16,000, and 
 Hermosillo $70,000 without bemg exempt. Zuniga, Carta and Contest., 
 passim; Pap. Var., 150, no. -32; Gandara, Espos., 65-6; Pinart, Doc. Son., 
 n. 154-8. 
 
 ^Mex. Mem. Cher., 1841, 36; Zuniga, Contest., 110; Soc. Mex. Geog., x. 
 709. 
 
 '"In 1840 they penetrated to Mazatlan and Cooospera. Velasco, Son., 
 253-6, 263; Soc Mex. Geog., Bol, xi. 92-3, 98-9; Mex. Mem. Ouer., 1841, 36; 
 JHnaH, Doc Son., ii. 82-4, 131, 137, 142, 150-1, 166; Pap. Var., civ. pt4. 
 
660 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 Gdndara made himself rich by the war, and sur- 
 rounded himself with stanch adherents. He retained 
 the comandancia general for some time, and removed 
 the capital from Arizpe to San Jose de los Ures, in 
 spite of supreme orders to place it at Hermosillo. 
 His tenure of power, however, did not last long. In 
 1841 Urrea again agitated Sonora, not with success, 
 but its aim — to raise Santa Anna to the dictatorship 
 — was supported by Paredes in Jalisco. Gd,ndara 
 failed to catch the import, and Cuerta, second military 
 chief, more clear-sighted, seconding the movement, 
 compelled him to retire, the government being left to 
 the management of J. L. Pico. A flood of long 
 pent-up complaints now burst forth, resulting in the 
 reappointment from Mexico of Urrea to both the 
 civil and military commands. The new ruler was 
 eagerly welcomed in May 1842, and at once took 
 steps to suppress the inroads of the Apaches. Al- 
 though these measures were most necessary, Gdndara 
 resuscitated the political agitation by inciting the 
 Yaquis and Mayos, who were devoted to him, against 
 Urrea's administration, securing also the cooperation 
 of other tribes. 
 
 The first outbreak occurred in May, and was soon 
 suppressed by Urrea. Supporters of the movement, 
 nevertheless, increased in numbers, and, on July 24th, 
 they attacked Hermosillo, sufiering a repulse. On 
 August 26th, they were routed with great loss at 
 Norias de Guadalupe ; " but sustaining themselves by 
 plunder, gained possession of a few minor towns, and 
 several ranches. But this source of supplies natur- 
 ally failing, negotiations were followed by a formal 
 peace of the usual kind which only led to further 
 depredations.** 
 
 s' Urrea attacked 1,500 insurgents with only 239 men and one gun. He 
 killed 200, sustaining a loss of 9 killed and 17 wounded. Voto Scm., Sept. 2, 
 1842, no. 36; Id., Sept. 21, Deo. 21, 1842; Mex. Menu, iii. doc. 3; Voto 
 no. 21. 
 
 '*In June 1843, Huerta, Armenta, and some others were caught and 
 shot. Voto San., June 8, July 27, Aug. 10, 17, 31, 1843. 
 
GOVERNOR PONCE DE LEON. 661 
 
 In September 1843, Gdndara again came on the 
 scene, and several skirmishes took place in the neigh- 
 borhood of Ures, Gdndara claiming the advantage. 
 Urrea, however, having received reenforcements from 
 Sinaloa, inflicted severe blows upon his opponent at 
 Guaymas, Tepepa, and Opodepe, the battle at the 
 last-named place being won on November 27th.'" 
 Nevertheless, the war continued with alternate suc- 
 cess until, in 1844 the assembly, now installed at Her- 
 mosillo, invested Urrea with extraordinary powers, 
 which he used to such good purpose that the rebellion 
 was nearly extinguished at the close of March." 
 
 The Gandaristas had carried on a double contest 
 with Urrea, one in Sonora with arms, the other at 
 Mexico with charges against him, accusing him of 
 maleadministration and infringement of the laws. 
 While it was not evident that Urrea performed his duty 
 as ruler, it cannot be denied that Giindara was culpa- 
 ble in rousing semi-barbaric tribes to sustain his 
 cause ; nevertheless, the government, being weak, de- 
 termined to make a concession by replacing the ob- 
 noxious governor." 
 
 Notwithstanding the protests of Urrea's party, 
 Brigadier F. Ponce de Leon assumed charge as gov- 
 ernor and comandante-general in April 1844, and in 
 August the reestablishment of peace was announced. 
 
 Urrea remained in the department, and prepara- 
 tions were resumed to defend the frontier against 
 Apache inroads, as well as curb the Seris with whom 
 a peaceful arrangement was made,which only resulted, 
 
 M Urrea claims to have defeated 1,500 rabble, causing them a loss of 200. 
 Pinart, Col., no. 678. <So«. BoL, Nov. 28, 1843; PinaH, Doc. Son., in. 164; 
 Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 527. 
 
 ^ Urrea Eesena, 3-7. The GSndaristas were closely pressed, and driveu 
 into the Yaqui region. Son. Bol, Feb. 29, 1844. 
 
 " GSndara was rich and influential, and made a plausible defence in his 
 Espos., 1-8; Mex., MS., 32; also Vindicadon, 4 et seq. The assembly and 
 leading official men supported Urrea. Voto Son. Dec. 28, 1842, Jan. 26, 1843; 
 Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iii. 164 et seq. The feelings of white settlers is not 
 clear. When the removal became known, deputies and others protested, 
 and sought to persuade the successor to resign. Son. Bol, Oct. 26. 1843; 
 Pinart, Doc Srni. iii. 171-80. 
 
»62 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES 
 
 in a renewal of robberies and murders. No less un- 
 successful action attended the attempts against the 
 Apaches." Toward the close of 1845 some vigor was 
 infused into the operations, but when the war with 
 the United States broke out in 1846, the tribes, 
 though badly scattered, escaped pursuit and again 
 combined. 
 
 The campaign of 1844 was interrupted by the revo- 
 lution of Parades, in Jalisco, for the overthrow of 
 Santa Anna, and Urrea was requested in November 
 to reassume command. He complied, but on May 
 15, 1845, surrendered the power to the eldest mem- 
 ber of the assembly, who was presently succeeded by 
 J. M. Gaxiola, who took the oath June 25th." 
 
 In Sinaloa the movement of Parades had been sup- 
 ported, November 7, 1844, at Mazatlan, by Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Brambila, who, however, surrendered 
 his assumed civil and military command to F. Duque," 
 three weeks later. 
 
 Urrea, having been elected to the national senate, 
 s'eems not to have paid any attention to the summons 
 by a not over-friendly administration to present him- 
 self at Mexico, and remained in Sonora managing to 
 control the local government. The Gdndaristas, how- 
 ever, on August 29th, caused a pronunciamiento to b 
 made at Horcasitas, demanding his expulsion. Ov. 
 November 25th, an engagement took place near Her- 
 
 *'^ In, Feb. 1844, 500 of the so-called peaceful Apaches, under Mangas 
 Coloradas, boldly attacked the presidio of Fronteras, and carried off stock 
 and captives. In April a party defied the pursuing force at Tepuchi. In 
 August Elias started northward from Fronteras, and inflicted several blows, 
 particularly in Sept. 1st, when over 100 Apaches were captured or killed. 
 yotoSon., Sept. 5, 12, 1844. Account of outrages, in PinaH, Doc. Son., iii. 
 190-226. 
 
 <' Voto Son., March 27, June 26, 1845; S. MguelMep. Mex., 40, 72. 
 
 ■•'Duque had been comajidante-general of Sinaloa and Sonora in 1833. 
 In D6C.1842, the council of Sinaloa protested against a central military gov- 
 ernment. Biistarm.7tie, I)iario Mex., MSi.,yl\i. 25. The disorder extended to 
 jissaults on foreigners, notably on two French subjects, in Sept. 1844 on a 
 sailor, and in June 1845 on a baker, which nearly brought about a bombard- 
 ment, and a breach of international relations. Details in Tassi^re, Expediente, 
 1844, 1-27, relating to cruel mutilation; Pabellon Nax:., Oct. 31, Nov. 2, 
 1844; Defensor Integ., Sept. 11, 21, 1844; Massou defends the French. OVa 
 Podrida, 55-61; Bmtamante, Mem., Hist. Mex. MS., ii. 122-3, with account 
 from Sigh XIX. 
 
POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 66S 
 
 mosillo, in which the government troops were routed. 
 Urrea fled southward and his influence for the time 
 was lost." Cuesta having joined the movement, as- 
 sumed temporarily the chief military command." 
 
 Gdndara now returned and began to agitate his 
 plans by bringing the governor and the comandante- 
 general, Elias Gonzalez, to loggerheads, through the^ 
 medium of Cuesta. On February 20th the ayunta- 
 miento of Hermosillo declared the departamental coun- 
 cil dissolved, and Cuesta installed as governor," which 
 appointment was confirmed at Mexico. This move- 
 ment having been effected in a great measure by the 
 aid of the Indians, the Yaquis felt disappointed at 
 the peaceful solution of the question, and assumed a 
 threatening attitude, which required the interference 
 of Gdndara. Tranquillity was restored with some 
 trouble, and judicious closing of eyes." 
 
 In September the supreme government appointed a 
 new governor in Rafael Ceballos, Cuesta being pro- 
 pitiated with the comandancia-general. Simultane- 
 ously, however, came news of the federalist- 
 pronunciamiento at Mexico and Cuesta, still in power, 
 hastened on September 6th to give in his adhesion. 
 He knew this would be acceptable to the majority of 
 the inhabitants, for the hopes once centred in a cen- 
 tralist regime had proved illusive. The Apache in- 
 roads had increased to an alarming degree, and the 
 state had, moreover, been the scene of almost constant 
 civil warfare. It seemed better, therefore, to resume 
 the semi-autonomy of a state, with its many privileges, 
 since aflairs in other respects could hardly become 
 worse. Yet many stiU warned against the additional 
 evils of increased party agitation and strife for local 
 
 *^ Amigo del Pudilo, Oct. 21, 1845; Sonoreme, June 26, 1846; Pinart, Doc. 
 Son., iii. 116-17, 244-250, 266-7. 
 
 ^^Mex. Mem. Hist., Jan. 24, Feb. 4, 17, 1845. J. M. Gonzalez succeeded 
 him. Tiempo, Maxch 21, 1846. 
 
 *' Gaxiola and the deputies being declared accomplices of Urrea. 
 
 *^Ill Tiempo, May 23, 1846, points out that Sonora was ruled by savages, 
 for Yaqui and Opata garrisons held the chief towns, even of the Pimas, who 
 guarded Ures. In Sept., GSndara reported .peace restored among the Yaquis. . 
 and Mayos. Sonoreme, July 24, 31, Aug. 16, 1846. 
 
664 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 offices." The change was affirmed, however, by the 
 cessation under the supreme decree of departmental 
 councils, prefecturas, and other centralist represen- 
 tation, and the call of electors to choose a legislature 
 and governor under the long suspended federal con- 
 stitution of 1831/° These powers were installed with 
 the opening of 1847, atUres," and Gdndara found him- 
 self rewarded for his promptness and foresight by the 
 governorship/^ Among the first tasks was to reform 
 the constitution of 1831 to suit the change of ideas," 
 and the government was shortly divided among nine 
 prefecturas, with ayuntamiento bodies for the leading 
 towns, smaller places being directed by justices of 
 
 '* Deputy Monteverde argued that remote Sonora, with a sparse and less 
 cultured population, and strong family factions, was not fitted for stateship. 
 Dice. Univ., X. 420. Oaesta controlled the forces and had the means to check 
 any remonstrance. 
 
 *In Sept. R. Palaoio acta as governor, at Ures. Sonm-ensf, Sept. 25, 1846. 
 Primary elections began on Oct. 4th. 
 
 *i As the capital, a previous decree being annulled which declared Arizpe 
 the seat of government. Gaxiola had insisted on residing at HermosUlo, 
 which by decree of Aug 19, 1843 had been affirmed as capital, Dvblan, Leg. 
 Mex., iv. 523, while the contemporary assembly remained at Ures. Cuesta 
 followed his example. Pinart, Doc. Son., iii. 177, 190-2; 297-311, iv. 1, 4. 
 
 '^jWith Luis Redondo for vice, and I. M. Mendoza for treasurer. Ce- 
 ballos did come, but found it prudent to resign in Oct., leaving Cuesta to 
 continue in charge tiU the election. Honorense, Oct. 30, Nov. 6, Dec. 4, 1846. 
 Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 1. Bustamante, Hist. Invasion, ^ii. 110, has a poor 
 opinion of Cuesta. 
 
 ^' A provisional governor or the chief justice was to replace the regular 
 governor, the vice, gubernatorial ofl&ce being abolished. The state was de- 
 clared to embrace nine partidos. This organic law was signed at Ures on 
 May 13, 1848, by F. N. Lopez, president, J. Martinez, J. Estevan 
 Milla, M. M. Encinas, R. Eucinas, F. J. Aguilar, M. CampUlo, 
 and R. Buelna, the latter two acting as secretaries. It was issued 
 by M. M. GSndara on the 15th, countersigned by Secretary C. Na- 
 varro. Sonora, Constit. Reformado, 1848, 1-48, with 103 arts. On May 26th 
 election laws were issued in 42 arts. Text in Cm-rea Ncic, July 14, 1848. 
 During 1847 the government council had been abolished. Deputies received 
 $1,800 pay, and $2 per league for mileage. Sonorense, June 16, 23, July 16, 
 1848; Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 29-46, 71-2. Velasco, Sonora, 24-33, comments 
 adversely to the power to increase suplentes in the legislature, on lack of 
 government council, etc. In June 1847 three prefecturas were decreed, 
 Ures, Hermosillo, and Alamos, with salary of |1,400, subsequently $1,600, 
 and the municipal government was graded according to four classes of set- 
 tlements, cities, partido capitals, places of 500 inhabitants and over, and 
 E laces with less. Rules in Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 33-5, 38-40. In 1848, 
 owever, the above partidos were converted into prefecturas. Velasco gives 
 the extent of each. The chief cities received ayuntamientos, the next grade, 
 three justices of the peace, and smaller places, one, who supervised the 
 police of haciendas. Certain sales of church property were annulled by 
 decree of June 30, 1847. 
 
THE TEXAS QUESTION. 665 
 
 the peace, in proportion to their population. The 
 new constitution was not issued until May 1848, 
 owing partly to the war with the United States. 
 
 The Texan question had given early premonitions 
 of danger from the neighbor republic, and here as 
 elsewhere Americans had become subject to suspicion 
 and restrictions. In September 1846 came the news 
 of impending war, with an order to send militia reen • 
 forcements and other aid to Chihuahua; but the no- 
 tice of blockade by United States war vessels made it 
 apparent that Sonora would need all she could raise 
 for her own defence. On October 5th, indeed, ap- 
 peared the Cyane, Commander Dupont, preceded by 
 the war sloop Dale, with a demand for the surrender 
 of Guaymas and the two small gun-boats, or the al- 
 ternative of bombardment. Commandant Campuzano 
 signalling his refusal by applying the torch to the 
 boats, Dupont opened fire on the 7th, and inflicted 
 considerable damage on the town, besides cutting out 
 the war brig Condor.^'' This much accomplished, ag- 
 gressive operations were suspended, a blockade being 
 decided upon. New fears arose, however, from the 
 unexpected appearance on the northern border at the 
 close of 1846, of a large expedition under General 
 Kearney, which crossed from New Mexico to AJta 
 California, through Tucson, this place being tempor- 
 arily occupied. Preparations for defence were, there- 
 fore, continued, and the legislature joined in the effort 
 by granting the governor extraordinary powers, call- 
 ing out the militia, and forming an arrangement with 
 the adjoining states for mutual aid. Subsequently all 
 able-bodied Sonorans were summoned to take up 
 arms," an appeal to which more than 1,000 men re- 
 sponded within the day. 
 
 ^IrisEspm., Nov. 11, 1846. 
 
 '^By decree of April 22, 1847. Smuyrense, Jan. -June, passim; Pinart, Doc. 
 Son., iii. 323, iv. 2, no. 824 et seq. ; Son. Ley. Varios , 9. An appeal from 
 California received official attention. The ;^bishop joined in stirring up the 
 people. Econonmta, July 7, 1847. 
 
666 HONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES 
 
 New M\p of Sonora 
 
FOREIGN VESSELS. 667 
 
 Little could be done to strengthen the frontier, 
 when all available troops were demanded for active 
 operations in the centre and north-east of the invaded 
 republic. While the presidio seemed protected by 
 the wilderness beyond, the coast lay exposed to a 
 threatening squadron. Attention was, therefore, 
 mainly directed to fortifying Gruaymas, as the port of 
 the state; to which end the garrison was increased in 
 March to four hundred men; a fort was constructed 
 on Casa Blanca hill, and additional guns were 
 mounted." 
 
 On October 16, 1847, the frigate Congress, Captain 
 Lavallette, appeared before Guaymas, followed by 
 the sloop of war Portsmouth and the prize brig Argo, ' 
 from which a thirty -two pounder and some smaller arms 
 were landed on Almagre island and another point 
 under cover of night. This accomplished, a summons 
 for surrender was made on the 19th, and Command- 
 ant Campuzano refusing, fire was opened on the fol- 
 lowing morning with such effect that in less than an 
 hour the white flag was hoisted. Persuaded that re- 
 sistance would only entail useless destruction of prop- 
 erty, Campuzano had withdrawn to Bacochivampo, 
 there to guard the approach to the interior, leaving 
 the municipality to make terms for the town."* Most 
 of the inhabitants had fled, and foreign traders and 
 others who remained were permitted to leave in boats 
 for a village some distance to the north, owing to 
 the cutting off of water and food by the Mexican 
 corps of observation. The fortifications were blown 
 up and a guard posted, partly for the protection of 
 
 ^ Owing to the active participation of citizens, Campuzano reported that 
 work valued at over $10,000 had been performed at a cost of less than 
 $1,000. The government, however, was slow in granting supplies. Sonorenee, 
 March-April, Oct. 22, 1847. 
 
 5' Claimed by J. Robinson, U. S. consul at Guaymas, who had long resided 
 there, acting also for England. Mofras, Or., i. 182. The two war vessels 
 were rated at 44 and 20 guns respectively, yet both carried a few more, 
 although not 60 and 34 as Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 50, has it. Arco, Iris., 
 Dec. 11th. 
 
 ^Oampnzano's retreat was approved. Sonorertse, Oct. 22, Dec. 31, 1847. 
 Frost places the retiring force at 400. Hwt. Mex. , 457. 
 
-668 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 property; yet some pillaging took place." 
 
 Lavallette was instructed merely to take possession 
 of the fort, and as a smaller force seemed suflScient 
 for the task, he departed on the 23d, leaving the 
 Portsmouth, Commander Montgomery, to hold it, with 
 orders to permit legal commerce, and exact duty under 
 the tariff established for the coast by decree of April 
 Sd."" The sloop Dale, Commander Selfridge, joined 
 her shortly after, and was for a time left in sole 
 charge. This diminution in the blockading force en- 
 couraged the Mexicans to reenter the town on No- 
 vember 17th; but they were forced to retire before 
 the attack of the marines, supported by livelj^ broad- 
 sides." Several other skirmishes took place later at 
 Cochori and Bacochivampo,"' and further south. An 
 exploring and reconnoitring expedition passed in Feb- 
 ruary 1848 down the coast, touching at Tiburon 
 island, and at the Yaqui settlements to conciliate this 
 powerful tribe, which was readily accomplished." 
 
 Nothing resulted from this occupation, save a small 
 gain to Americans from custom-house revenue, and 
 considerable loss to the Sonorans from interrupted 
 trade and destruction of life and property, the treaty 
 
 ^^ Sonarense, Nov. 5, 1847; and so mentioned also in ^files' Register, Ixiii. 
 295. The bombardment, with 500 shot and shell, it is said, inflicted great 
 damage, though but little loss of life. S. F. GaMf., Feb. 2, 1848; Findley's 
 Direct., i. 297. 
 
 '" Consul Robinson was made collector. In the proclamation to the town 
 of Oct. 20, Lavallette assured protection to all citizens, subject only to cer- 
 tain modifications in the civil administration. Report and correspondence 
 in U. S. Omit Doc, cong. 30, sess. 2, H. Ex. Doc, i. pt ii. 70 et seq. At 
 first duty was fixed at 15 per cent ad valorem. Montgomery's force was 
 placed at 300. Mex. Arch., L. Gal, ii. 5; Niks' Register, Ixiii. 295; Wise's 
 Los Gringos, 136; Ripley's War Mex., ii. 603-4. 
 
 ^ Selfridge being wounded during the first fire, Lieut W. T. Smith led 
 the land party, numbering 65 men. The Mexicans were estimated at fully 
 300, and their loss at about 30. Reports in U. S. Govt Doc, as above, 97- 
 100. Campuzano claimed, with 106 men under Capt. Jurado, to have driven 
 back the Americans; loss, one killed and five wounded. Sonorense, Nov. 26, 
 1847. The victory was celebrated by Mexicans even in Lower Cal. Mex. 
 Arcli., Lower Cal; Frost's Hist. War, 457; Cal Star, Apr. 8, 1848, devotes 
 an entire column to the skirmish. Polynesian, iv. 146. 
 
 "'IT. S. Govt Doc, as above, 128-33. Trade with Americans was inter- 
 dicted by decree of Feb. 17. Pinart, Doc Son., iv. 64-5. 
 
 ^ The barracks at Bacochivampo were destroyed on Feb. 20th. A de- - 
 scent was also made on an outpost 12 miles from Guaymas. U. S. Govt Doc, 
 53-4; r,l.. cong. 30, sess. 2. H. Ex. Doc, i, 1157-60, 1133-fi. 
 
INTERNAL DISCORD. 669 
 
 of peace, signed in May 1848, causing the departure 
 of the hostile squadron. 
 
 In Sinaloa the invaders had been favored in their 
 designs upon the rich port of Mazatlan by internal 
 dissensions. In 1845 E,. de la Vega and F. Facio 
 figured as governor and comandante-general, respec- 
 tively, to the discontent of a growing faction,"* which 
 on January 5, 1846, pronounced against them, at 
 Mazatlan, and declared the civil and military author- 
 ity vested in Lieutenant-colonel Angel Miramon, with 
 adhesion to the plan of San Luis lately issued by 
 Paredes."^ This was adopted at Culiacan and several 
 other places." Paredes chose to appoint other men 
 for the comrhands," but his own position being preca- 
 rious Colonel Tellez, en route to California with troops, 
 seized the opportunity to remain at Mazatlan and 
 pronounce for Santa Anna, on May 7th under a fed- 
 eral system, with himself as comandante-general and 
 governor. Both titles being disputed the latter by 
 Vega and another claimant, ° and the former by T. 
 Romero, Tellez marched against them, routed the 
 latter at Las Flechas, September 1 5th, and compelled 
 Vega to seek safety in flight. 
 
 Such demoralization favored the approach of the 
 Americans, and on September 7, 1846, the United 
 States squadron touched at Mazatlan, captured a 
 Mexican brig of war, and established a temporary 
 blockade, which was resumed in the following April, 
 and formally proclaimed in August. On November 
 10th, Commodore Shubrick demanded the surrender 
 
 °*Vega was charged with smuggling. Amiga Pueb., Aug. 30, 1845, and 
 Momt-Constit.; Mem. Hist, Feb. 10, 1846. Facio was declared incapable. 
 
 ®See Hist. Mex., v. this series; Tiempo, Jan. 29, 1846. 
 
 ^Mem. Hist, Feb. 15, 23, 1846. 
 
 ^ J. I. Gutierrez as comandante, and Martinez Castro as governor, who 
 assumed control in March. Id., Apr. 8, 1846; Gutierrez, Ccmtest, 25; Pap. 
 Var., xli. pt 19. 
 
 ^8 G. Layja, appointed from Mexico in Oct. Vega controlling the elec- 
 tion at the capital managed to declare himself chosen, regardless of the 
 votes. Ramnador, Nov. 10, 1847. The legislature sustained him. Pinart] 
 Col., no. 854. 
 
670 SONORA ANV SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES. 
 
 of the port, which being refused, he landed some six 
 hundred men with four guns, and took possession, 
 Tellez retiring to Presidio de Mazatlan, eight leagues 
 distant. Shubrick left three hundred men in the 
 place, under the direction of Captain Lavallette, in 
 command of the Congress ; authorities were appointed, 
 and every precaution was taken to calm the people. °* 
 Meanwhile Tellez and Vega became engaged in 
 rival efforts to secure supremacy, Vega sustaining 
 himself at Culiacan as governor. After a feeble at- 
 tempt at resistance on the part of Tellez, whose con- 
 duct disgusted his followers, Vega was recognized as 
 governor. While his forces were engaged in observa- 
 tions around Mazatlan, several skirmishes took place 
 with the invaders, little loss of life being incurred." 
 In March 1848, news of the cessation of hostilities 
 arrived, and on June l7th the port was formally re- 
 stored to Mexico. 
 
 While the war with the United States was going 
 on, Apache invasions into Sonora caused great distress. 
 More settlements were destroyed, and even the sub- 
 urbs of Ures were assailed, compelling the abandon- 
 ment of the Tubac presidio. A war tax was established 
 in February 1848, and the supreme congress having 
 granted a portion of two hundred thousand dollars " 
 devoted to the protection of exposed states, several 
 expeditions were sent out, with no more result than 
 that, in the following years, Indian raids and outrages 
 were followed up with the same impunity. Extended 
 desolation followed, made wide-sweeping by the im- 
 poverished condition of the national treasury, and the 
 drain upon the population caused by the excitement 
 of gold discoveries in California. This lured away 
 
 '^^Gorreo, Nac., Dec. 14, 1847. Details in U. S. Gov. Doc., cong. 30, sess. 
 2, //. Ex. Doc., i., pt ii. ; Ramsey's Other Side, 428-9; Ripley's War Mex., ii. 
 604-6; Cincinnatus, Travels, 81-2; Mex. Treaties, vii., pt 11; GaSforman, Feb. 
 9, 1848. 
 
 i''U. 8. Qm. Doc., ut sup., 1105-22; Cmreo, Nac, Dee. 14-15, 1847; Ra- 
 zonador, Dec. 11, 18*7; Arco Iris, Dec. 24, 1847, Jan. 28, 1848. 
 
 "'Sonora received $20,000. Ma:. Col Leg., 1848, 458. 
 
MILITARY COLONIES. 671 
 
 Tjoth citizens and troops, leaving the state in despair, 
 by withdrawing its stanchest defenders," and even 
 the heads of departments." Wages and prices rose 
 fest, and plans were discussed and tried in order to 
 arrest the exodus, but of no avail, — the fever had to 
 run its course. 
 
 As regards security of the frontier in 1848, five 
 military colonies were assigned for Sonora, to be located 
 probably at Babispe, Fronteras, Santa Cruz, Altar, 
 and Tucson. So dilatory, however, was the supreme 
 government that by the end of 1850 only that of 
 Fronteras had been properly planted, Santa Cruz 
 being in course of formation, while the rest were not 
 even located. The total force reached only three 
 hundred and thirteen men, and as troops were needed 
 to oppose the Indians, the state was ordered to equip, 
 at federal expense, four companies of national mounted 
 guards, each to consist of fifty men and four officers." 
 This measure also languished, and the total force for 
 1850 was only five hundred and twenty-seven men." 
 The state endeavored to attract foreigners by liberal 
 offers of land, on condition of being liable to certain 
 military duties, but the national government overruled 
 the measure as extravagant and dangerous. 
 
 Political factions continued their strife, and in 
 March 1848 a plot was formed to kidnap Governor 
 Gdndara, and replace him by Redondo, with Elias 
 
 ''It ia estimated that between Oct. 1848, when the first caravan left 
 Hermosillo, and March 1849, more than 5,000 persons departed. During the 
 first four months of 1850, fully 6,000 left, taking with them about |14,000 
 in beasts of burden. Velasco, Sonora, 289-91, places the exodus by March 
 1849 at not less than 4,000. Passports were required for departure, but 
 numbers left without the document. Poverty prevented a still greater emi- 
 gration. Soc. Mcx. Geog., xi. Ill, 126; ii. 59; Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 118, 
 204 et seq. 
 
 " A decree was passed authorizing the governor to fill vacancies in muni- 
 cipal and other offices. Pinart, Col. Doc., ii., no. 1003. 
 
 "At a monthly expense of |1,521 per company. Sonorenae, Nov. 2, 1849. 
 
 '5 Of whom 132 belonged to battalion, 4 of infantry, 50 to the national 
 guard, the rest being classed as military colonists, including those in Lower 
 Cal. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1851, doo. 1, »-4. For remarks on the decaying con- 
 dition of the presidio and colony sites, see Velasco, Son., 104-23; Soc. Mex. 
 ■Geog., ii. 58, 63-5; viii. 522-7, 453-6; Zwniga, Son., 60-6. 
 
672 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPAKATE STATES. 
 
 Gonzalez as comandante-general, which office Gdndara 
 also held.'" As it was, Redondo received the vote in 
 May for substitute governor, and Gonzalez succeeded 
 to military command in December." In the autumn 
 elections, Josd Aguilar was the chosen candidate, and 
 assumed the governorship in April 1849, Juan Bau- 
 tista, a brother of Gdndara, ruling ad interim.'* 
 Aguilar found his position so far from enviable that 
 he tendered his resignation on more than one occasion, 
 and was allowed to retire in October 1851, on leave of 
 absence. '° 
 
 In January 1851a new comandante-general arrived^ 
 the brave and energetic Colonel J. M. Carrasco. Un- 
 fortunately, within six months he was carried off by 
 cholera,"" and his successor. General Blanco, failed to 
 meet the expectations formed. There was particular 
 need at this time for a firm military commander. 
 Wide-spread alarm had been created by rumors of 
 filibustering preparations in California, directed against 
 the rich and forsaken northwest, notably under Gen- 
 eral Morehead, who, however, failed to obtain suffi- 
 cient support." 
 
 "He had accepted it Feb. 25, 1848. Campuzano filled it until 1847. 
 Moreno, pref.; Sonorense, Mar. 3, 22, May 24, June 4, Aug. 16, 1848. 
 
 " Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 72, 99. Gandara threatened to press a claim of 
 $400,000 for advances and losses during the war of invasion, which induced 
 the government to recall an order for Gen. Urrea to interfere. Several 
 strong protests were issued by GSndara, who was in fear of his powerful 
 rival commanding at Durango. Gremony's Apaches, 39-40; Sonorense, Oct. 13, 
 20, Nov. 3, 1848. Urrea died Aug. 1, 1849. PinaH, Doc. Sonora, iv. 159. 
 
 "Aguilar resigned in Oct. 1851, the ad interim governor being M. M. 
 Gaxiola. When the federal system was overthrown, in 1853, Aguilar retired 
 from politics. Aguilar, Vindic., 4. 
 
 '' Floods in Oct. 1848 had added to the distress. The governor's message 
 of March 1851 was more hopeful. Sonorense, Nov. 17, 1848; Pinart, Doc. Sonora, 
 iv. 297-8. 
 
 "• On July 21st, at Cochori. His death was a calamity, Voz Pueblo, July 
 30, 1851, attributed by certain anti-Gfindarists to poisoning. Carrasoo's 
 condemnation of previous methods had roused Gindara and others against 
 him. Hall's Son., MS., 67; Mex. Mem, Oner., 1852, 45. J. M. Flores suc- 
 ceeded him temporarily. 
 
 "Morehead went to Mazatlan about the middle of 1851 in the Josephine,. 
 but did nothing. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1852; Inform. Comis. ^'esquis., 8. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1852-1854. 
 
 Raousset de Boxtlbon's Eakly Career— His Schemes — Pindrat's Fron- 
 tier Colony — Raousset's Grant — Arrival in Sonora — Hostilitt of 
 Officials — Capture of Hermosillo — Raousset Attacked with; 
 Fever — Retires to Guaymas — The Adventurers Capitulate — ^New 
 Schemes of the Frenchman — The CompaSia Restauradora — Raous- 
 set Goes to Mexico— A Second Expedition Planned — The Return 
 to Sonora — Raousset Duped by YaSez — The Mexican Barracks at- 
 Guaymas — Plan of Attack — Assault of the Filibusters — Their 
 Defeat — Disposal of the Prisoners — Execution of Raousset — Kis 
 Character. 
 
 Sonora at length received the aid in troops and 
 arms, which had been refused for defence against- 
 more savage foes. ' These measures proved opportune,, 
 for a really formidable expedition was fitting out at 
 the time in California. For three years adventurers 
 had been drifting into San Francisco from every zone, 
 lured by gold. Finding near realities below their ex- 
 alted expectations, they strained their eyes for pros- 
 pects rendered more glittering by distance and 
 vagueness. Stories of the precious mountains of 
 Sonora, the gold nuggets of the Gila, and the silver 
 bullets of the Apaches, so current on the Mexican 
 border, found ready acceptance among this class of 
 fortune-hunters, who dreamed only of sudden and 
 easy acquisitions. 
 
 •Blanco brought in March 1852 sufficient resources to place 1,500 men 
 under arms. Tanori and other friendly Indian chiefs received honors to en- 
 sure their loyalty. Pimrt. Doc. Son., v. 2, 16-17 Foreigners were now^ 
 placed under greater restrictions, and their status duly defined. Ihose neg- 
 lecting passports were to be heavily fined. Nadonal, Oct. 21, 185d. 
 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 43 (673) 
 
874 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Prominent among them was a French count, Gas- 
 ton Raoulx de Raousset-Boulbon, of an ancient but 
 decayed Provence family/ Imbibed traditions and 
 manners had stamped him as a child with a haughty 
 determination that procured for him the appellation 
 Little Wolf; yet a natural generosity assisted his 
 Jesuit teachers of Fribourg to subordinate these 
 traits to lofty sentiment and regard for dignity. Re- 
 pelled by the frigidity of an unsympathetic father, 
 he hastened, at the age of eighteen, to Paris, to yield 
 to the giddy whirl. Talented and handsome, he was 
 well received in society. To a graceful figure of 
 barely medium height was added an oval face of 
 strongly marked features, frank in expression, and 
 well set off by an incipient mustache and imperial of 
 blonde hue. The dreamy eyes fired upon slight 
 provocation. He was a dashing horseman and a good 
 fencer ; skillful with the sword and rifle as with the 
 j)en and pencil, and shone equally in song and conver- 
 sation.* 
 
 With the decrease of a maternal legacy came sober 
 reflections on dissipation and idleness. Constrained 
 in the artificial and sordid atmosphere of the social 
 capital, his ambitious spirit began to sigh for some 
 famous field of action. He proceeded to Algiers, 
 there to mingle somewhat visionary colonist under- 
 takings" with eccentric hunting excursions and mili- 
 itary expeditions, latterly in the company of Due d' 
 Aumale. The revolution of 1848 assisted to crush 
 liis projects, while involving the inheritance from his 
 father, yet he welcomed the movement, freed as he 
 was by this time from implanted royalism and re- 
 ligion. His appeal for the popular suffrage of his 
 
 2 Born at Avignon Dec. 2, 1817. His mother was descended from Beam. 
 
 ' ' Jo suis n6 trop t6t ou trop tard, ' he often exclaimed bitterly, when 
 roused from his dreams. Ladvoupclk, LeOomtede Raousset-BouOxm, 3. 'Onetait 
 seduit par le charme de sa parole, par son regard imposant, par I'elegance de 
 aes manidros.' Fossey, Mex., 188. He sketches his own life and feelings to 
 some extent in Una Conversion, 3-7 et seq., a novel printed at Mexico in 
 1854, full of vapid pride and crude paragraphs. 
 
 ' As indicated by a pamphlet issued by him from there. 
 
COUNT RAOUSSET DE BOULBON. 675 
 
 native place failed, however ; the journal he founded 
 was not successful.' Disappointed and ruined, he 
 wished to leave France. The reigning gold excite- 
 ment directed his attention to California, and thither 
 he hastened early in 1850 by way of Panamd,. Pen- 
 niless, he engaged successively as hunter, lighterman, 
 cattle-dealer, and miner, without achieving more than 
 subsistence. This by no means accorded with his as- 
 pirations. He still nourished chivalric fancies, and 
 sought for some coup d' etat by which to retrieve his 
 fortune. ° 
 
 The voyage to El Dorado had afforded him a 
 glimpse at Mexico, associated in his mind with the 
 romantic achievements of Cortes and the glitter of 
 a semi-barbaric court, now the scene of party strife 
 and the rise and fall of leaders, and seemingly drift- 
 ing into absorption by a strong neighbor. On the 
 other hand, he saw in California a large French influx, 
 "which, finding no congenial reception from the Anglo- 
 Saxon element, began to turn toward the sympathetic 
 Spanish races of the south, and embrace with partic- 
 ular fervor the gilded stories of the Mexican frontier. 
 
 A year before Raousset's arrival another scion of 
 decayed French nobility had reached the coast in the 
 person of Charles de Pindray,' a sort of Apollo-like 
 Hercules,* with pronounced features and a singularly 
 fascinating glance, flashing and penetrating, renowned 
 as one of the most cool and daring hunters that sup- 
 plied San Francisco's markets. His vocation becom- 
 ing unprofitable with increasing competition, he readily 
 fell into the tempting project for a gold-hunting col- 
 ony in Sonora' strong enough to resist the Apaches 
 
 ^ La Libert^ proved too radical in spirit and ' fierte de langage. ' MadeUne, 
 Le Comte Saousset-Boulbon, 46-7. 
 
 "'J'ai resolude chercher une de ces grandes aventures qui conduiaent au 
 succes ou k la mort, ' he writes to a friend. Lachapelle, 88. 
 
 'A marquis of Poitou, Id., 54, 60, aged 35; others call him le comte, 
 and allude to him as leaving France for duelling and other leas scrupulous 
 doings. 
 
 8'Comme celui du Griaour ou de I'Bsprit rebelle de Milton.' Vigmawx, 
 Mem., 176. 
 
 ' Saint- Amant, Voy. Cat, 113, consular agent at Sacramento, wrote to 
 France about this prospect in 1851. 
 
676 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 while sustaining itself and prospecting for metal. His: 
 influence gave form to the idea, and in November 
 1851 he left with four-score companions for Guaymas." 
 Others followed, and with nearly 150 men a colony 
 was established at the deserted mission in Cocospera 
 valley. The government failed to keep the promises 
 made in consideration of the services to be derived 
 from so valuable a frontier bulwark, a neglect that 
 must have been expected from its lack of means and 
 the disturbed condition of affairs. The consequent 
 privation and disappointment led to desertion." One 
 day Pindray was found shot in his room, by his own 
 hand, it was declared, although friends insisted that 
 he must have been assassinated. " 
 
 Pindray 's activity had given impulse to the move- 
 ments of Raousset, who seems to have been some- 
 what jealous of his rival's superior influence and 
 reputation. Consul Dillon of San Francisco had ven- 
 tilated the colonization schemes in letters to the 
 French minister at Mexico, and learnt of similar pro- 
 jects there. At his advice Raousset proceeded to 
 that capital, and aided in the formation of the 
 Compania Restauradora, under the auspices of the 
 bankers Jecker de la Torre and Company, the French 
 minister, and several prominent Mexicans." The 
 government conceded the land mines, and placers to 
 be occupied; and Raousset bound himself to bring at 
 least 150 Frenchmen, fully armed, with which to dis- 
 cover and hold possession of promising tracts, and to 
 
 ^' In the Cumberland, bearing 88 men, each of whom subscribed S4O.50, 
 Id., 115-17. S. P. Herald, May 26, 1852, and Sonoreme, Feb. 4, 1853, differ 
 as to the number. N. Pac. Rev. i. 18. 
 
 "■ Sonorana subscribed more than $1,100 for them. They captured horses 
 from the Apaches and received provisions, implements and beasts. iSono- 
 rense. May 14, 1852; Feb. 4, 1853. A writer m AUa Cal, Aug. 16, Oct. 5, 
 1852, denounces them as an idle ungrateful set. 
 
 ^'^ Lachapelle believes by the hand of one of the many men hurt by his 
 haughty rudeness. Vigneaux, Mex., 186, thinks by officials who became 
 alarmed at their lack of faith with such a man. Impelled by fever and des- 
 pair, sa.y a Saint Amomt, Voy., 118-19. 'Un mystere.' MadeUne, 90. This 
 occurred within a few months after arrival. 
 
 '' Including President Arista and Governors Aguilar and Cubillas of 
 Sonora, according to Vigneaux, who accords the actual formation of the 
 company to Raousset, with Jecker & Co. , for nominal heads. 
 
THE EXPEDITION AT GUAYMAS. 677 
 
 protect them against Apaches, so as to permit the un- 
 folding of agricultural and mining enterprises, in 
 consideration of receiving half of all the lands, mines, 
 and placers." 
 
 Assured by contracts, ana provided with funds ^* 
 and letters to Sonoran officials, Raousset quickly gath- 
 ered a company at San Francisco of over 260 men," 
 and reached Guaymas in the Archibald Grade on June 
 1, 1852, The people accorded an enthusiastic recep- 
 tion, but the officials classed the party as rivals and 
 intruders about to encroach upon their privileges and 
 lower their prestige as military and civil guardians. 
 One cause for the change lay in the machinations of 
 another company, founded under the auspices of the 
 rich firm, Baron, Forbes, and Company, which had 
 won over with shares the leading men of the state, 
 including several of the shareholders of the Compania 
 Restauradora " and General Blanco, military chief, 
 and sought to delay, if not break up, its rival. After 
 many protestations of loyalty, and having assurances 
 from Mexico, the party was allowed to advance from 
 Guaymas, and disregarding the order for marching 
 
 '* According to the MS. statutes of the Compagnie de Sonore formed by 
 Eaousaet for thia purpose, at S. F. Of this company he declared himself 
 sole founder and chief, assisted by a council of officers partly chosen by 
 himself. It was to exist till Jan. 1, 1856. The discovery tour ended 
 the company. ' The company shall select the point for settlement. The 
 members need not work; this will be done by Mexicans, who pay them a 
 share of the yield in return for protection. This sum, as well as profits 
 from the trading monopoly, will be divided monthly, each member receiv- 
 ing one share; squad chiefs, two parts; section chiefs, three parts; and 
 Raousset such proportion as may be fixed by the company. ' Equal shares 
 were subsequently agreed upon. Promotion according to merit. A list of 
 members follows, up to 271; then names of officers. Exped. Son. Archives, 
 MS., 1-17. 
 
 '^The Restauradora Co. placed $35,000 at the disposal of their agent, for 
 supplies, etc., with $25,000 more in prospect. Universal, July 15, 1852. 
 
 " Out of twice that number, Americans being as a rule rejected out of 
 consideration for Mexican jealousy. The men had mostly served as soldiers 
 or sailors. Both French and Mexican consuls had to interfere to pass the 
 armament at S. F., the officials there objecting at first. 
 
 " Warren's Dmt and Foam, 204. Hall, Son., MS., 96, assumes prior for- 
 mation to the former. Even Arista was bought, says Vigneaux, Mex., 190-1. 
 The contract with Raousset was declared illegal. Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 67-9, 
 and the land in litigation. Correspondence with officials and comments. Id., 
 eo et seq.; Sonorense, Sept, 24, Oct. 1, 8, 1852; Alta Cal, Nov. 22, 1852; 
 
 ' " e, il5 et seq. 
 
678 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 through Arispe, the military headquarters, they 
 hastened on from Hermosillo to Saric, the ex-mission 
 on Rio del Altar, designated as abase for operations/' 
 
 The enraged Blanco now sent an ultimatum, requir- 
 ing the French to take the oath of allegiance to 
 Mexico, and place themselves afc his orders, retaining 
 Raousset for captain, or reduce their party to fifty 
 men, attended by a Mexican officer; otherwise to 
 apply for cartas de seguridad as foreign residents, and 
 thereby renounce all right to take possession of lands 
 or mines. To renounce French nationality and be- 
 come Mexican soldiers was generally objected to; to 
 reduce the force would be suicidal, and to abandon 
 the aim of the expedition was out of the question. 
 The terms were accordingly rejected, on the ground 
 that the contracts had been made under official aus- 
 pices at Mexico, without any demand for such condi- 
 tions or restrictions. They had undertaken a Costly 
 enterprise, relying on the good faith of the Mexican 
 government, and would not at this stage be imposed 
 upon. They would appeal to the people." Blanco 
 threatened to hold them as pirates, and sought to 
 undermine Raousset's influence. This roused the 
 latter to action. He made a tour through the dis- 
 tricts adjoining Saric, which were embittered by the 
 neglect of the authorities to protect them against the 
 Apaches, and obtaining promise of their support, he 
 sent agents to San Francisco and Mazatlan for reen- 
 forcements and stores. 
 
 This effected, he started southward with 250 men, 
 ragged and half shod, and four pieces of artillery, 
 including the remnant of Pindray's colony." He 
 
 i^And where supplies had been collected. They arrived here early in 
 August, a delay which had already created discontent and caUed for firm 
 action by Raousset. 
 
 '" ' Je ne demande plus qu'au bon sens public un appui,' etc. Letters ia 
 Lachapelle, 116. 
 
 ^ Under Lachapelle, brother of the author quoted above. This addition 
 estimated at from 40 to 70 men, barely covered the loss by desertion and 
 death. The infantry, 8 sections of 23 men each, stood under FayoUe; the- 
 
CAPTURE OF HERMOSILLO. 679 
 
 kept his route secret, in order to surprise the impor- 
 tant town of Hermosillo, with over ten thousand in- 
 habitants, and with this advantage to dictate demands 
 for justice, as he declared to some, though really to 
 proclaim the independence of Sonora, sustained by 
 the frontier allies, and by the immigration to be in- 
 vited. A love affair induced him to prolong his halt 
 at Magdalena, and enabled Blanco to anticipate him 
 in the occupation of Hermosillo; so that on presenting 
 himself here, October 14th, he found fully one thou- 
 sand men prepared to defend the place." A com- 
 mission from the prefect came forth to propose an 
 arrangement, evidently to detain him. Raousset's 
 reply was to draw his watch — it was eight in the 
 morning, "Tell the prefect," he said, in a sharp, de- 
 cisive tone, " that within two hours I shall enter Her- 
 mosillo, and by eleven I shall make myself master of 
 it, if opposition is shown." A deafening cheer behind 
 him gave endorsement to his words. 
 
 He placed his train within a building, under a score 
 of men, made his dispositions, and advanced to the 
 assault. The objective line presented the usual Mex- 
 ican town front of one-story adobe walls, with muskets 
 protruding from windows and over roof parapets, and 
 with approaches barricaded, though not very strongly, 
 owing to the promptness of the attack. A shower of 
 bullets greeted the foremost body, but urged by their 
 officers they pushed forward, now at a run, and as- 
 sisted by a ladder carelessly left against a dwelling, 
 they quickly carried it. The guns were brought up 
 to clear the streets with grape-shot, and under their 
 cover the French followed the retreating troops to the 
 plaza. Here the militia distinguished itself by main- 
 taining a firm stand until guns arrived to sweep its 
 ranks. After this it was mere flight, led by Blanco 
 
 artillerists, 26 in number, were chiefly sailors; Lenoir led the 42 horsemen. 
 Madeline, 173-4. Fossey adds a few to the total; Vigneaux reduces ifc 
 greatly. 
 
 ^^Pinart, Doc. Son., v., no. 1,107. The supreme authority took steps to., 
 support Sonora. Mex., ArcMvo, i. 145-6, 150; Warren's Dust and Foam, 205. 
 
680 FILIBUSTERING IKVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 liimself, and followed by the execration of the entire 
 country. Raousset had kept his word; within the 
 hour he held undisputed possession, but at a cost of 
 17 killed and 25 wounded, the former embracing six 
 •of the leading officers. The Mexican loss was placed 
 as high as two hundred killed and wounded, three 
 guns, a banner, a mass of war stores, and numerous 
 prisoners/'' 
 
 The victory proved sterile. The supposed allies 
 failed to second the movement, as agreed upon, and 
 O^ndara and other prominent Sonorans turned a deaf 
 •ear to the invitation to join Raousset in plans for fol- 
 lowing up the advantage in behalf of the state. The 
 intentions of the strangers were suspected, and few 
 dared to face the cry against them of aiming at foreign 
 annexation. This sufficed to rally national defenders, 
 with the assurance of speedy aid from Sinaloa and 
 other states." At this critical moment, moreover, 
 the count was stricken down with a long threatening 
 climatic fever, and despondency and discord pervaded 
 the camp. The only prospect centred now in the re- 
 enforcements to come from California, and as it ap- 
 peared hazardous to remain in the interior, cut off 
 from supplies by the gathering nationalists, it was 
 decided to occupy Guaymas, whence communication 
 could be had with any point. The march from Her- 
 iBosillo was seriously harassed." On nearing Guay- 
 mas, the prostrated Raousset accepted an armistice, 
 and allowed himself to be carried into Guaymas for 
 treatment. No satisfactory news being obtained from 
 the chief, his demoralized followers entered into nego- 
 
 ■2 Blanco reduces thelosa to a mere trifle. Uniffrsal, Nov. 17, 1852. Hall, 
 Son., MS., 97-8, has 39 killed. Rivero, Hi^t. Joi, iv. 317-18, speaks of 
 plundering, and so Guerefla. French •writers deny this. Lachapelle, 125-7. 
 Court-martial -with severe penalties ■was invoked upon Blanco. See llspafwl, 
 Nov. 17, 20, 1852; Voz, Piiebh, Nov. 24, 1852; Sonorense, Dec. 24, 1852; Feb. 
 11, 1853; Alta Gal., Deo. 7. 1852; S. F. Herald, id.; Echo Pacif.; Hayes' Scraps, 
 Ind., i. 203. 
 
 2' For defence movements, see Universal, Nov. 26, Dec. 3, 1852; EspaHol, 
 id.; Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 105-10, 129. War vessels were to come from 
 Mazatlan ; Guaymas •wag to be fortified. 
 
 ''* At Arispe the Mexicans claimed a victory over the rear, with a loss to 
 it of six killed and four captured. Universal, Dec. 3, 1 S52. 
 
POLITICAL ASPECT. 681 
 
 tiations with Blanco, acknowledged their error, and 
 consented to surrender their arms in return for an in- 
 demnity of $11,000. Most of them thereupon de- 
 parted." The comandante-general made so effective 
 a flourish at Mexico with this success that, although 
 soon replaced in command, he maintained both his 
 rank and influence." 
 
 Blanco's recall was hastened by the overthrow of 
 Arista's administration, by the allied Santannists and 
 church party, which led to the establishment of a dic- 
 tatorship under Santa Anna, with centralist tendencies. 
 Like the other states, Sonora was once more lowered 
 to the grade of a subordinate department ;" the leg- 
 islature, frequently inharmonious and inefficient, was 
 replaced by a council,'" and the elected governor, 
 M. M. Gd,ndara," after temporary suspension, was in 
 May 1853 confirmed as an appointee from Mexico," 
 and honored with the order of Guadalupe, for which 
 he showed his gratitude by advocating the prolonga- 
 tion of Santa Anna's absolute power. The dictator's 
 fancy veered, however, and in the following year 
 Yanez entered as governor, Gd,ndara being relegated 
 to the rank of second." This course was suggested 
 partly by the spreading revolution of Alvarez in 
 Guerrero and the prospect of filibuster invasions, 
 which required the presence of a firmer and more reli- 
 able military commander than the variable and influ- 
 «ntial Sonoran". 
 
 '^ The capitulation, so called, was arranged on Nov. 4th. The indemnity 
 ■was mainly pressed from the frightened inhabitants of the port. Sonorense, 
 Nov. 12, 19, Dec 10. 1852. 
 
 2" Figuring in Oct. 1853 as president of the council of generals for the 
 pension department. Nadonal, Dec. 9, 1853. 
 
 " Divided into eight districts, the Yaqui and Mayo pueblos heme sub- 
 jected to Guaymas and Alamos. Nadmal, Dec. 16, 23, 1853. A ninth dis- 
 trict was added in 1854. 
 
 "* Names, etc., in Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 172. 
 
 ™ Chosen Dec. 1852 with deputies; names in Id., 134-5, 140, 150-1, 15. 
 The governor ad int. was M. Paredes GSndara took possession on Feb. 1, 
 1853. O&ndara, Manif., Yl. 
 
 '• Cubillas was in April selected to replace him. 
 
 '* Yafiez took possession April 20th. ^ 
 
 '2 He promptly procured a formal disavowal of Alvarez movement in 
 favor of his patron. Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 228-31. 
 
682 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Walker had already started upon his expedition to 
 Lower California en route for Sonora, and excitement 
 here was wrought to a high pitch. So many well-to- 
 do citizens hastened away to escape the storm that 
 restrictive measures were issued." Every vessel 
 arriving was regarded with a suspicion and fear, that 
 led to more than one infringement of international law, 
 with consequent reclamations." The United States 
 consul found it prudent to leave." Everywhere 
 along the coast and frontier preparations were pushed 
 for defence, with assistance from the government 
 toward organizing the national guard and friendly 
 Indians as defensores.^° 
 
 The name of Raousset de Boulbon was coupled 
 with nearly every rumor of aggression, partly as 
 associate of Walker; but this connection he objected 
 to, and had indeed declined. He had aims for his 
 own aggrandizement, which were hostile to the United 
 States and depended on the good -will of the Sonorans, 
 who, like his own French supporters, disliked Ameri- 
 cans." After his recovery in Jalisco from the Sono- 
 ran fever, he went back to San Francisco, there to 
 receive the flattering consideration evoked by the 
 achievement at Hermosillo, and to resume his plans 
 for the apparently easy occupation of Sonora. A 
 landing once effected with the aid of the numbers 
 
 '^ Passports were enforced; servants had to be returned, and funds de- 
 posited for maintaining a private soldier. 
 
 " In Nov. 1853 the Caroline, and in Feb. 1854 the bark i?. Adams were 
 boarded; also the Tryphenia, with some Germans on board; and in March the 
 two score of passengers by the Petrita from S. F. were arrested and taken 
 to Mazatlan as accomplices of Walker, but had to be released in May. 
 Several obtained heavy damages. Alta Oal, March 31, April 1, May 25, etc., 
 1854, Sac. Union, July 10, 1871. The interference of the British war vessel 
 Dido raised additional trouble Yaflez, Defense, 31-40; Nadonal, May 20, 
 1854. Rivera's version, Hist. Jol., iv. 507-8, differs somewhat. 
 
 '* J. A. Robinson was driven to Mazatlan. AUa Gal., Jan. 3, April 1, 
 1854. R. Roman succeeded him. 
 
 '°0f whom over 700 stood armed before the end of 1853. Rivera, Hist. 
 Jol., iv. 451. In Nov. the garrison of Guaymaa was estimated at 800. For 
 orders, rumors, and measures see Nadomal and Sonorense, May, June, Oct., 
 Dec, 1853. 
 
 " While Walker intended a repetition of the Texan farce, Raousset openly 
 proclaimed ' quil, voulait foire venore d^mocratique et nationale>' Vigneaux, 
 Mex., 207, 212. 
 
FUETHER MOVEMENTS. 683 
 
 that had offered themselves at the first news of his 
 victory, means must flow from the Guaymas custom- 
 house and auxiliaries from the liberated state, ready 
 for wider movements/* The projectors of the Com- 
 pania Restauradora were willing to avail themselves 
 of services such as he could render, and Levasseur, 
 the French minister at Mexico, had undoubtedly 
 political reasons for an enterprise that might, if suc- 
 cessful, lead to great ends, with fame for himself 
 
 The strength of the federalists served to magnify 
 to Santa Anna the danger to be apprehended from 
 the young Frenchman, and when Levasseur sounded 
 him as to compensation or a renewal of the Sonoran 
 mining scheme, he was urged to invite his protege to 
 Mexico, through the equally interested Consul Dillon 
 of San Francisco. Raousset came in the middle of 
 1853, although with little faith in government assur- 
 ances, and after being kept in suspense with promises 
 for about four months, received instead of grants and 
 contracts the offer of a colonelcy in the army.*" He 
 hastened back to California, in league with the fed- 
 eralist rebels and thirsting now also for revenge. 
 After chafing for awhile under the lack of means, he 
 obtained in January, 1854, liberal off*ers from several 
 capitalists," and at once took steps to carry out his 
 plans, by enrolling men, buying armament and secur- 
 ing vessels." Just then came the rumor that Sonora 
 had been sold to the United States, and this, together 
 with the closer watch now placed by California au- 
 
 '* Letters in MadeMne, 200-1, 215. A few promisea from Sonoran 
 schemers, as glowing as they were unreliable, made him forget the deception 
 already suffered there; and the vague offers from a San Francisco capitalist 
 and from needy agents sufficed to give him food for formidable plans. 
 
 ^'Without risk of being compromised. Napoleon's expeditions to China, 
 and later to Mexico, and his operations against Russia and other European 
 powers, afford ground for belief that he stood prepared at least to profit by 
 movements like the Sonoran. 
 
 "Vigneaux, 199, and Duvemois, L'Interven., 37, swells it to the position 
 of general. 
 
 " Three houses offered $300,000. MadeUne, 215. 
 
 *2 Three vessels were chartered with aid of French merchants, reported 
 the Mexican consul. Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 223, 219; Rivera, Hist. Jal, iv 
 489. 
 
.684 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 thorities upon filibuster preparations, caused the with- 
 drawal of timid capital. A perfidious agent at Mazat- 
 lan having moreover disclosed to the government the 
 correspondence of Raousset with its enemies, he was 
 placed beyond the pale of Mexican law, and even 
 Consul Dillon now turned the cold shoulder." 
 
 Before Santa Anna became aware of the paralyz- 
 ing effects of these happenings, he resolved to counter- 
 act Raousset's manoeuvres by ordering the Mexican 
 consul at San Francisco to deprive him of his sup- 
 port, by enlisting a few hundred of the aspiring fili- 
 busters for Mexican service," with a view to distribute 
 them in small and easily controlled bodies among the 
 coast states. Raousset was delighted. He saw relief 
 for his stranded scheme in this offer of free passage 
 and maintenance for his followers, and urged as many 
 as possible to avail themselves of the unexpected 
 opportunity. He was not aware of the distribution 
 clause. In fact, about 700 were quickly enrolled and 
 packed on board the Challenge for shipment." 
 
 This being a movement by foreigners, which, more- 
 over, threatened the pet hero Walker, the authorities 
 suddenly awoke to the enormity of such infringement 
 of neutrality and enlistment laws, and arraigned the 
 Mexican representative as well as his abettor, Consul 
 Dillon." Nevertheless the Challenge was allowed to 
 depart, on April 2d, after a reduction of the passen- 
 gers, under a resuscitated tonnage law, to barely 400, 
 
 *^ The correspondence was given to Mexican journals. See Nackmdl, Mar. 
 17, 1854. 
 
 " At |1 a day, with privilege to elect their own officers. Order of Jan. 
 31, 1814. After the expiration of their term of service they were to receive 
 aid for settling. Americana were not to be enrolled. Diario Ofic, 20, Oct. 
 12, 1854. 
 
 ** They were sent in small detachments by successive steamers or other 
 vessels; but the consul overstepped his orders in the eagerness to handle 
 money. Virjneavx, Mex., 20-1, 161. 
 
 **For which exciting episode I refer to Hist. Cat, vi., this series. See 
 also S. F. journals of April-May, 1854. The persecution was favored by 
 supporters of Walker. Lachapelle, 171, assumes that the U. S. opposed the 
 enlistment chiefly because it threatened their designs on Mexico. 0. S. Gov. 
 Doc, cong. 35, aess. 1, H. Ex. Doc, 38, x.; Id., cong. 33, sess. 2, Sen. Doc, 
 16, 25, vi. The Mexican consul stupidly misunderstood orders. Diario Ofic, 
 
 3-e. 
 
YASEZ and RAOUSSET. 685 
 
 of whom fully four fifths were French, the rest Irish 
 and Germans. Among them were Laval and Le- 
 bourgeois Desmarais, the latter an ex- officer of the 
 French cavalry of little value, but whose pretensions 
 and imposing military bearing led to his election as 
 chief of the party. To them Raousset confided his 
 wishes and plans to hold the men in readiness for 
 sustaining him, when he should appear to initiate the 
 revolution." 
 
 The increased watch upon his movements and the 
 lack of means prevented Raousset from following the 
 expedition as soon as he had hoped. The discomfiture 
 of Walker had much to do with this, and his ex- 
 pected return to San Francisco, which threatened to 
 involve the count in legal toils, hastened his departure. 
 He had to content himself with buying a pilot-boat, 
 the Belle, of about ten tons burden, into which he 
 stowed himself with four companions and two sailors, 
 180 rifled carbines with sword-bayonets, and necessary 
 stores." After a voyage of 35 days, attended by 
 privations and partial wrecking, he arrived close to 
 Guaymas toward the end of June. Two companions 
 were sent to find Desmarais and instruct him, if pos- 
 sible, to carry the town by surprise, disarm the Mex- 
 icans, and collect resources. The messengers were 
 suspected and seized before entering the town; yet, 
 by concealing their identity, they managed to com- 
 municate with the French commander. With little 
 taste for the enterprise proposed, he declared that a 
 better plan might be formed in alliance with General 
 Yanez, who stood ready to break with Santa Anna." 
 Thus assured, Raousset sailed into the harbor on July 
 1st, transmitted the much needed armament to his 
 party, and hastened to interview Yanez. 
 
 *' According to Vigneaux, Dillon became friendly again and an agent was 
 sent to offer Santa Anna peace or war, when all seemed ready in Sonora; 
 slse to airrange with Alvarez. Mex., 201. 
 
 ■"Vigneaux, who ioined, describes the crew and the trouble with sailors 
 and the difficulty in crossing the bar. Mex., 25-6. 
 
 *' Seemingly content to enjoy his pay and position. Desmarais had 
 neglected the former injunctions of Eaousset to prepare his men for a 
 blow, to win over the citizens. 
 
686 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA, 
 
 The latter had been instructed to break up the 
 formidable body of enrolled adventurers by sending 
 them in detachments to different points, and so rem- 
 edy the error of the consul. To this the French 
 naturally objected. They recognized that their 
 strength and, perhaps, safety lay in keeping together; 
 and with his inferior force Yanez could not well en- 
 force compliance, although adding as little as possible 
 to their armament. He, moreover, felt it necessary 
 for the sake of peace and harmony to propitiate them 
 by prompt attention to their pay and comfort, until 
 the government at Mexico well nigh lost patience. He 
 succeeded, however, in fostering a local antipathy to- 
 ward them by insinuations concerning their purposes, 
 and in provoking most of the Irish and Germans to 
 withdraw and form a separate company.*' 
 
 The suave Yanez received Raousset's overtures for 
 joint action in the same spirit as Santa Anna, and 
 kept him in suspense until he should be able to sum- 
 mon help against the outbreak that must inevitably 
 come. Two agents were placed at his elbows to re- 
 strain his impatience with promises of Sonoran coop- 
 eration, and to keep the general advised." Had 
 -the count acted promptly he would, no doubt, have 
 gained possession of Guaymas at least, for his op- 
 ponent was hardly prepared. Outwitted by the Mex- 
 ican, he allowed the opportunity to slip away." The 
 Sonoran troops were daily increasing in strength, and 
 busily bringing in armament to strengthen their bar- 
 racks. Made confident by number, they naturally 
 raised their tone during frequent drunken altercations, 
 
 ^ For correspondence between Yaflez and the authorities, see Yanez, De- 
 fensa, 20 et seq.; Pinart, Doc. Scm., v. 228-35; ^adonal a,ni Sonorense, April, 
 1854, et seq. 
 
 ^' Promises were also received from principals, but Raousset should have 
 understood their value by this time. The battalion presented him at this 
 time with a sword. Guerefia paints Yafiez at firmly opposed from the begin- 
 ning to the count, whom he warned by saying, ' al lado de su espada esta una 
 turnba y al lado de la mia esta una deber. ' Paginas, 9. 
 
 *^ Vigneaux attributes the delay mainly to the intrigue of the French 
 officers to get rid of one who threatened to assume sole command and to ex- 
 change their easy life for one of danger and privation. Mex., 216-17. 
 
FRENCHMEN OR MEXICANS. 687 
 
 • one of which led to a serious encounter on July 12th. 
 Yanez appeared upon the scene and managed by his 
 conciliatory language and influence in calming the 
 French. Those who had shared in the triumph at 
 Hermosillo were eager for the fray, however, and the 
 entry shortly after of large Sonoran reenforcements 
 roused the alarm of the others and impelled Raousset 
 to action. " If you are content to become Mexican 
 soldiers without pay or prospects, subject to the lash, 
 then lay down your arms ; but if you desire to be 
 worthy of the glorious appellation of Frenchmen, to 
 resist oppression, to vindicate your rights, to uphold 
 nationality, then raise your arms. Decide ; there is 
 no time for hesitation." MarchonsI Marchons I re- 
 ^sounded on all sides. 
 
 Now came the cry that he should assume the com- 
 mand. "No," he replied, "you have worthy officers. 
 Let me not be the cause of disagreement. I join you 
 as a volunteer, whose sole ambition is to be foremost 
 in danger." It proved a sadly regretted modesty. 
 There were still those who hesitated ; and in obedience 
 to their scruples a demand was sent to Yanez for 
 hostages and guns as guarantees of peace. This being 
 refused, the French made their dispositions, and 
 marched from their quarters against the Mexican bar- 
 racks in four companies of 75 men each. The barracks 
 in the northern part of the town formed a large par- 
 allelogram, three sides of which presented one-story 
 brick and adobe buildings, and the fourth a wall 
 twelve feet high, enclosing the usual court-yard. The 
 flat roofs were provided with sheltering parapets. 
 Facing the barracks and extending to the bay -landing 
 was the Hotel de Sonora, one-storied like the other 
 dwellings. 
 
 The plan was for companies two and three to at- 
 tack in front while company one drew attention to 
 the rear, and company four occupied the hotel and 
 the German quarters near by, whence sharpshooters 
 could inflict serious damage until company three gave 
 
688 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 the signal for a general assault. It was declared that 
 Mexicans could not face the bayonet, and an early 
 charge was moreover necessary, owing to the scanti- 
 ness of the ammunition. The garrison was known to 
 be superior to the attacking body, and provided with 
 several pieces of artillery and an abundance of am- 
 munition ; but Raousset spoke cheerily of the larger 
 conquered force at Hermosillo, and assured his men 
 that untrained militia and Indians need give no con- 
 cern. 
 
 As companies two and three approached, the Mex- 
 icans opened with artillery and musketry so sudden 
 and galling a volley that a number were mowed down 
 at one sweep, including some of the bravest officers. 
 Desmarais completely lost his head and fell back, a pro- 
 portion fled, and the rest hied into gateways and 
 houses, and beneath walls for shelter, while preparing 
 each for himself to sustain a scattering and useless- 
 fire. Company one shared in the disorder, and neg- 
 lected to follow given instructions ; company four 
 obeyed in taking possession of the buildings indicated, 
 partly because these afforded a retreat, yet its role 
 was secondary. Too late Raousset assumed com- 
 mand, seeking to rally the men. He flew hither and 
 thither with fearless disregard of bullets, and imparted 
 an animation that roused many a one to valiant imi- 
 tation ; but more than twenty men he could not gather 
 at a time. 
 
 For nearly two hours the desultory warfare had 
 continued, when the Mexican artillery grew silent. 
 Company four had done good service in picking off 
 the gunners. "Ala baionettel" shouted Raousset, 
 and led to the charge with a handful of men. A 
 shower of bullets met him, riddling his cap and cloth- 
 ing, without inflicting a wound. "En avant!" he 
 cheered, rushing forward ; but only a few followed 
 him, and none seconded the movement. "Had only 
 fifty resolute companions sustained him the barracks 
 must have fallen," declared Vigneaux. As it was,. 
 
DEI EAT OF THE FRENCH. 689 
 
 the count had to retire bareheaded, and with two 
 bayonet thrusts through his sleeve ; his eyes glisten- 
 ing with impotent rage. 
 
 These raiders were not the men of 1852. Nor was 
 Yanez a Blanco ; for on observing the silence of the 
 guns he rushed in person to fill the posts and reani- 
 mate the artillerist in time to break the rally about 
 to be effected by Raousset. With ammunition gone 
 the French now raised the cry, " To the consulate," 
 and thither their dejected leader mechanically fol- 
 lowed, with the Mexicans in close pursuit. At tha 
 consulate the news came that company four was still 
 holding out in the hotel. Raousset made one last 
 appeal, and this passing unheeded, he sheathed his 
 sword, and withdrew into the house. Consul Calvo 
 then hoisted the white flag, and the firing ceased, a 
 circumstance to which the mutilated remnants of the 
 fourth owed their escape. As for the Belle, she was 
 already under sail, crowded with the earliest fugi- 
 tives, whose shame she buried in the waters of the 
 gulf." 
 
 It was now past sis o'olock, about three hours since 
 the fight began, and the troops around the consulate 
 were clamoring for surrender. "All who lay down 
 their arms," said the consul, " shall be placed under 
 the protection of the flag, with life assured." " But 
 M. de Raousset?" came the enquiry. Calvo hesi- 
 tated. " Unless he is included we resume the fight," 
 cried several voices. "Well, his life shall also be as- 
 sured," was the reply. Yanez declined to enter into 
 any formal or written capitulation while offering life 
 in return for a surrender of arms. Within an hour 
 the defeated participants in the struggle lay secured 
 within the two prisons of Guaymas, the property of 
 residents being placed under confiscation. The vic- 
 tory was celebrated throughout the state in the usual 
 
 '^ She waa wrecked in the northern part, and all on board perished. La- 
 chapelle, i. 97. Foasey, Mex., 201-2, leaves the impreaaion that Kaouaset 
 sought her, to escape; but this ia not entertained by others. 
 Hist. Mex. Btates, Vol. II. 44 
 
690 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Mexican fashion, and the supreme government 
 conferred crosses and badges in commemoration. It 
 was dearly bought glory, however, for the Mexicans 
 lost some 50 men, with twice as many wounded, while 
 the French had 46 killed and three-score wounded. 
 
 During August the prisoners were disposed of. A 
 few joined the army, three-score were sent to San 
 Francisco, and the remainder transmitted to San Bias. 
 The government showed its disapproval of the leniency 
 and liberality accorded by imposing a sentence of 
 years in presidio, and marching them under great 
 hardships to Perote. At the intercession of the 
 French government, however, they w^ere released to- 
 ward the close of the year. The large forces gath- 
 ered by Yanez against the French made the govern- 
 ment more ready to listen to the rumors concerning 
 his loyalty, and he was not alone suddenly replaced in 
 September by General Romeriz de Arellano, but an 
 attack was made upon his reputation by calling him 
 to answer charges for not carrying out his orders 
 against the French on their arrival, for subsequently 
 neglecting prompt measures, for ignoring the decree of 
 August 1853, which condemned rebels to death, for 
 usurping the pardoning power of the supreme author- 
 ity, and for extravagant disposal of funds. He was ab- 
 solved, however, and the indictment only served to 
 heighten his fame." 
 
 Ten days after the battle Raousset's fellow-prison- 
 ers were startled by his arraignment before a court- 
 martial, which upon the inculpating testimony of his 
 own officers, who sought to cover themselves at his 
 expense, condemned him to death as a conspirator 
 and rebel. Their indignation grew on finding that 
 the consul not only repudiated his promise at the 
 time of the surrender, but refused even to join the 
 
 "The French addressed a letter of thanks to him and he was feted and 
 honored in diiferont places. Vorreo, Esp., Oct. 21, Nov. 8, 1854. Piiiart, 
 Doc. Son., V. '250— t. Santa Anna was driven to ahuse Yafiez by fear and 
 jealousy of his popularity. Santa Anna Fcv., 130-2. His successor com- 
 mended Yafiez' conduct. Navarro, Leyes, 1855, 507-S. 
 
MEXICAN TREACHERY. 691 
 
 United States representative in pleading for the pris- 
 oner. The latter accepted the verdict cahiily, and 
 turned his attention to final letters and dispositions, 
 and to intercourse with the broad-minded curate of 
 the place, claiming that he fell for loyalty to a great 
 cause, untarnished by an appeal to bad passions, 
 which he might so readily and successfully [have in- 
 voked. On the last morning, August 12th, he gave 
 special care to his person, and with a final brush to 
 his fine hair, and a twirl to the mustache, he followed 
 the guard. He passed with dignified step through 
 the streets, crowded with excited citizens and visitors, 
 and took position before the squad of soldiers at eight 
 paces, his back to the bay. The sentence being read, 
 he embraced the curate, and said to the men, " Allons, 
 mes braves I Do your duty ; aim well — at the heart I " 
 The next moment came the volley, and the count fell 
 dead upon his face. 
 
 Raousset de Boulbon was a man in whom an ex- 
 alted temperament, and a strong family pride height- 
 ened by poverty, had fostered a bent for ambitious 
 though visionary projects which belonged to another 
 age. Circumstances presented a field, however, 
 wherein enterprise and daring procured for him in 
 1852 a certain degree of fame, dimmed by an unsus- 
 tained and ill-applied energy and a lack of general- 
 ship that cost him many followers. He lacked the 
 clear, steady head required for planning and executing 
 a great undertaking, and his positive traits were not 
 sufficiently balanced or impressive to maintain a wide 
 influence over followers or patrons. Hence his com- 
 parative failure to profit by the eclat of the victory 
 at Hermosillo, which he moreover had neglected to 
 follow up; hence his feeble control over the men at 
 Guaymas, of whom even the proportion that favored 
 his assumption of the command held aloof when he 
 finally called upon them. His prominent qualities 
 were an extreme but somewhat shallow courage, and a 
 certain fervor, united to a pleasing personal appear- 
 
692 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA. 
 
 ance, and withal an indifference to a life, being now 
 without means or notoriety. He did not regard his 
 plans as wholly frustrated. Far from it. He by no 
 means disdained death as a sequel to the Guaymas 
 episode, and passed to the grave with the firm convic- 
 tion that he had embalmed his memory with glory, if 
 not as a conqueror, at least as an unfortunate Sonoran 
 liberator and martyr. It was a glory, however, which 
 history largely dilutes with folly." 
 
 ^ Henry de la MadeUw- — Le Comte Gaston de Rcuyuaset-Boulhon, savieet xes 
 aventures d' apres see papiers et aa correspondence. Paris, 1876, 12 mo., pp., 
 vii. , and 322, is the title of the first edition of a work published in 1856, 
 which was rapidly disposed of, and a second, issued in 1859, which met with 
 a smaller sale. Suddenly the large portion of it remaining disappeared. 
 According to Madelene's statement, every copy had been bought up by the 
 banker Jeoker, to whom the Mexican government was deeply indebted, and 
 who in 1861 went to Paris and was endeavoring to move the hesitating em- 
 peror to enforce the payment of French claims by the military occupation of 
 Mexico, with the additional object of preventing that country from ab- 
 sorption by the U. S. Jecker distributed the copies of 1859 edition, and its 
 author claims that its influence was such that the scruples and hesitation of 
 Napoleon were overcome, and the expedition against Mexico was undertaken. 
 
 Ernest Vigneava, Souvenirs d' un Prisonnier de Guerre au Mexique 1854-5. 
 Paris, 1863, 8vo., 1 vol., pp. 565, was secretary to Raousset de Boulbon, and 
 was one of the passengers on board the Belk, which carried the leader of 
 the expedition against Sonora. His book opens with some description of 
 Cal., especially S. F. Being intimate with Raousset he was able to give con- 
 siderable information about him. 
 
 A. de LachapeUe — Le Comte de Raousset-Boulbon et L' Expedition de la 
 Sonore, Correspondence — Souvenirs et Ouvres Incites. Paris, 1859, 12 mo., 
 pp. 318, portrait and map. The author of this work, the chief editor of the 
 Messager de San Francisco, was yet more intimate with the unfortunate 
 count, whose history is the subject of this book — 'jusqu au point de con- 
 n9.itre ses projets les plus secrets,' as he informs us — and aided him in the 
 organization of his enterprises. The work opens with a biographical account 
 of Raousset's career before his arrival in Cal., after w\ich his history is con- 
 tinued down to the time of his tragical death. While engaged in his work 
 numerous documents were sent by friends of the count to Lachapelle, who 
 publishes his correspondence, as well as a number of his poetical pro- 
 ductions. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA 
 
 1854-1866. 
 
 Efiect op the Gatjsden Purchase — Cbabb's Colons; Scheme — Gandaba's 
 Revolt and Defeat — Cbabb's Defeat at Cabobca — The Wholb 
 Party Shot — Jbcker's Survey and Troubles — Conservative Reac- 
 tion IN Sinaloa — Frequent Revolations — Triumph of Liberals in 
 SoNORA — The French Occupy Guaymas — Gandara's Operations— 
 Sonoba Held by Imperialists — Struggles of the Liberals — Depart- 
 
 UEE OF THE FRENCH — TaNORI ShOT — SoNORA FrEB — LoZADU BESIEGES 
 
 Mazatlan — The French Capture the Port — Victoey of Rosales — 
 Castagny's Operations — Alternate Successes of Liberals and Im- 
 perialists — Loz Aids the Latter — The French Re-embark and 
 Retire. 
 
 The rumored sale of Sonera to the United States, 
 ■which had tended to frustrate the plans of Raousset, 
 proved not altogether unfounded; for by the Gadsden 
 treaty of 1854 the northern part of the state, includ- 
 ing Tucson, was transferred to the neighbor republic, 
 and the boundary pushed back from the natural line 
 of the Gila to between parallels 31° and 32°. The 
 loss of this fertile strip created none of the expected 
 local excitement, owing to the slight value placed upon 
 it as a mere Apache haunt. This closer approach of 
 the United States, though ultimately proving a bless- 
 ing to the state, at first gave rise to more than one 
 complication, such as the Crabb expedition in 1855, 
 of which more anon. 
 
 Yanez had been succeeded by General Arrellano, 
 who, being summoned to Mexico in June 1855, left 
 Colonel Espejo in charge, the latter resigning in the 
 following September, when the pet)ple declared for the 
 plan of Ayatla against Santa Anna. G^ndara then 
 
 (693) 
 
694 FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 embraced the opportunity to seize the vacated seats 
 of governor and commandante-general, and when the 
 administration at Mexico assigned them to Jose de 
 Aguilar and P. Espejo respectively, proclaimed a rev- 
 olution. Though obliged to } ield to Aguilar, Gan- 
 dara succeeded in retaining his position as chief-com- 
 mandant with the aid of Yanez. 
 
 Shortly after OrabVs project to establish a frontier colony was brought 
 forward, being favored by A. Ainza, with whom Crabb wag connected by 
 marriage. Agailar opposed the scheme, but because as governor he had to 
 communicate with the projectors, G4ndara raised the cry that he was about 
 to sell the state to filibusters, and incited one D4vila to pronounce against 
 him at Ures July 15, 1856. Aguilar was arrested and replaced by R. Enci- 
 nas, a creature of Gandara. Aguilar, however, f ou»id a champion in Ignacio 
 Pesqueira, colonel and inspector of the national guards, who acting with 
 promptness and dash, secured a foothold in Ures July 17th, and on August 
 8 th compelled the garrison to surrender, securing the person of the rebel 
 governor, Encinas. On the same day Gandara was routed; Altar fell, 
 Hermosillo was evacuated, and Guaymas had to yield. Thus within a few 
 weeks GSndara, whose power had seemed absolute, was overthrown. Ap- 
 pealing in person to the Yaquis, and aided by the clergy, he was able to take 
 the field anew, but defeat following defeat, he betook himself to Mexico to 
 appease by diplomacy the wrath he had failed to avert by victory. Hia 
 brother Jesus continued the struggle, chiefly in guerrilla form, till in Jan. , 
 1857, he surrendered with his few remaining adherents. 
 
 The struggle had been watched with great interest by H. A. Crabb, who 
 during its progress became convinced that the strife between the two great 
 parties presented an excellent opportunity not only for carrying out the 
 proposed colony project, but for extending it to an actual conquest of the 
 state. If Walker and Raonsset had so nearly achieved their object against 
 a united province, how much easier must it be to effect it against one so torn 
 by factions. 
 
 Enrollments proceeded well, and early in 1857 Crabb, as general, set out 
 with an advance of five score men, in three companies, by way of Los 
 Angales and Yuma. Although well-armed, their scanty means did not per- 
 mit the purchase of sufficient animals to mount the party. Toward the end 
 of March they appeared at Sonoita, on the Sonoran border, and learning 
 that the people were making formidable preparations for ousting them, aa 
 filibusters, Crabb addressed a threatening letter to the prefect, declaring 
 that he had entered as ". friendly colonist, and would continue his march 
 notwithstanding the hostility. 'If blood is shed, on your head be it.' 
 Leaving 20 men to follow more leisurely, he advanced with 69 to Caborca, 
 near the port of Libertad; where the main party of 900 men should by this 
 time have arrived by sea; but the lack of funds and the measures of the 
 authorities in California prevented their departure. In addition to this dis- 
 appointment he was suddenly attacked on entering Caborca, April 2d, by a 
 company of troops, which, being'repulsed, took refuge in the convent church, 
 and there held out together with the frightened inhabitants. 
 
 Reenforcements soon arrived, increasing the ^Mexican force to some 700 
 men with field-pieces, which opened wide Breaches in the walh and made 
 havoc among the inmates. The oonflict lasted throughout the 5th of April, 
 and was resumed on the following day with unabated vigor. The rifles of 
 the Americans were sparingly used, but with a deadly precision that ren- 
 dered each member of t!ie band a formidable adversary. Toward evening 
 ou the 6 th the latter had been driven into the wing of one houje, the roof 
 
WARS AND REVOLUTIONS. 695 
 
 of which was set on fire with burning arrows. The stifling garrison en- 
 deavored to blow oflf the superstructure, only to cause the explosion of theit 
 powder kegs with deplorable results. Terms were hastily demanded, and 
 none being accorded, they marched forth and laid down their arms, to the 
 number of 59, many of whom were disabled by wounds and bums. The 
 Mexicans admitted 23 killed and as many severely wounded. 
 
 The prisoners were tied, and early the following morning brought out 
 and shot, in batches, all save a boy of 16 years, whose youth won sym- 
 pathy. Crabb was reserved for special execution, after which his head was 
 cub off and preserved in mescal. Crabb's rear guard was surrounded and 
 slaughtered, and a reenforcement of about 30 men from Tucson had a narrow 
 escape. As it was they lost four men before regaining the frontier. Much 
 ferment was caused among Americans by these events, but calmed down 
 upon reflection. The Mexicans showed themselves very lenient to previous 
 fidbustering parties, and clemency being found to be only an encouragement 
 to fresh undertakings, self-preservation demanded a severe lesson. 
 
 Like schemes were promoted by rumors of United States designs on the 
 Mexican border country in the form of purchase, which naturally caused at- 
 traction to frontier grants. In August, 1856, Jecker, of Raousset fame, 
 arranged with the government to survey the public domain of Sonora, in 
 consideration of receiving one-third of the land. A surveying expedition 
 was organized, under C. P. Stone, and proceeded with operations, despite 
 objections on the part of the state authorities, until expelled in Oct., 1859. 
 Appeal was made to the United States sloop of war St Mary, and the com- 
 mander interfering, sufficient satisfaction was offered to permit the matter 
 to drop, though Jecker maintained his claim to the land and damages. 
 
 The growth of conservative reaction in the republic, which opened the 
 long reform war, had induced the GSndarists to resume the struggle in 
 Sonora, assisted by the church. The Yaquis were again stirred in June, 
 1857; troops were led to second the movement in Oct., and the war again 
 raged, the Pesqueira side meeting with reverses early in December. Recov- 
 ering itself, however, the movements of the G-^ndariatas were practically 
 put to an end in May, 1858, only to revive soon after with co-operation from 
 Sinaloa, whither Pesqueira carried the war. 
 
 In this state the liberal-conservative ferment had assumed even wider 
 proportions, owing to its proximity to the cradle of revolution, in Jalisco, 
 'ihe beginning appeared in 1852, when the people of Mazatlan were roused 
 by the heavy contributions levied by Gov. F. de la Vega. Protests becom- 
 ing demonstrative, the governor marched upon the town with troops to en- 
 force obedience, whereupon the people mustered under Pedro Valdez, at- 
 tacked and captured him, and took back the extorted money. On being 
 liberated he retaliated by declaring the port closed, whereupon Valdez, be- 
 ing well sustained, marched inland, captured Culiaoan, the capital, on Oct. 
 16th, plundered it, and routed Vega's forces. In Jan., 1853, however, Vega 
 again obtained possession of the city, only to be driven out in March follow- 
 ing, taking his flight to Sonora 
 
 Toward the close of the year the new administration thought fit to en- 
 trust the civil and military control of the state to Yanez, who proved worthy 
 of the charge. By his energy and ability, he remedied the evils of civil war 
 and introduced reforms tending to general prosperity. As these measures 
 were beginning to bear fruit he was removed in March, 1854, to Sonora, 
 leaving Valdez in command. 
 
 In Jan., 1856, P. Verdugo, recently appointed governor, proclaimed in 
 favor of the liberals, and though opposed by counter-revolutions prevailed 
 with the assistance of Yafiez. In May, 1857, the federal constitution was 
 sworn to, both at Culiacan and Mazatlan. Early in 1858, however, Yanez 
 proclaimed his adhesion to the plan of Tacubaya, which proposed a consti- 
 tution more favorable to conser7atism. This caused a rising of the liberals, 
 PUcido Vega pronouncing in Aug. At the close of Oct. siege was laid to 
 Mazatlan, which was raised at the end of Jan., 1859, owing to the approaoh 
 
696 FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 of conservative reenforcementa and the lack of ammunition. The Lberals, 
 however, assisted by Pesqueira, retrieved themselves by a brilliant achieve- 
 ment at La Noria, resumed the siege and carried the place by assault on 
 April, 3d, capturing 300 prisoners, six vessels, and a great quantity of stores. 
 Vega was now installed as provisional governor by Pesqueira who then re- 
 turned to Sonora. Early in 1860 the state was invaded by Lozada, the Ind- 
 ian chief of Tepic, but the Sinaloans mustering from all points compelled 
 him to retire. Eight months later Cajen penetrated close to Mazatlan, where 
 his force was completely routed. 
 
 For some time men attached to other parties, longing for participation 
 in oGce, had been trying to set aside Vega's authority, and the continued 
 threatening attitude of Lozada calling for operations on the Jalisco frontier 
 under charge of Corona, Vega's lack of promptness in supplying funds led 
 to a quarrel between the two. The French intervention, however, pre- 
 vented any outbreak; but when Vega marched early in 1863 to the relief of 
 Mexico, with 2,000 men, the plotters took advantage of his absence to re^ 
 new their intrigues. On his return he took the field against them, but 
 though victorious in arms, the supreme government was persuaded to inter- 
 fere, and during 1804, Morales took charge. The change was not satisfac- 
 tory; Culiacan and Cosald rose, and at Rosario, in Oct., a plan was formu- 
 lated by Corona himself, demanding the resignation of Morales, who refusing 
 to yield, Mazatlan was besieged and taken on the 14th, sind A. Resales 
 appointed provisional governor. The president sent Ochoa to assume com- 
 mand, who induced Morales to resign and so allow Resales to resume the 
 position. 
 
 The frequent revolutions in Sinaloa were not without effect in Sonora. 
 On his return Pesqueira found that his old foe Gandara had roused his friends 
 the Opatas under their chief Tanori, joined by the Yaquis, to proclaim him 
 governor. This led to a protracted struggle, during which Pesqueira had to 
 seek aid of Vega of Sinaloa, until in May, 1861, the Indians were compelled 
 to accept peace. 
 
 The liberal triumph over conservatism in the republic was commemorated 
 in Sonora by the adoption of a constitution conforming to the general one of 
 1857, which survives in its reconstructed form of 1872. Ures retained the 
 position of capital. Here as elsewhere, the church party accepted its defeat 
 for a time at least, and the GSndariats subsided, leaving the state to recover 
 from the disastrous effect of the prolonged civil war. The outbreak of the 
 confederates in the adjoining republic caused a bubble of excitement by 
 reason of efforts on the part of both belligerents, to obtain the good will of 
 the state for the transit of war material. William M. Gwin, moreover, 
 caused commotion by attempting to form an independent colony in Sonora, 
 a scheme apparently favored at one time by Napoleon, with designs for its 
 annexation to France. More serious was the apprehension roused by the 
 opening of the French intervention in 1862, and when, in May and July 
 18G4, war vessels appeared before Guaymas, a patriotic enthusiasm prevailed, 
 displayed in a call to arms and levying of funds. A large force was col- 
 lected, but when in March 1865, the French naval squadron arrived before 
 the same port with several hundred troops and a section of artillery, Pes- 
 queira thought it would be % useless waste of blood and property to resist at 
 that point, and after sustaining a night attack upon his camp, in which his 
 force was dispersed in confusion, retired to Hermosillo, where he collected a 
 mere remnant of his forces. 
 
 With the invaders came Giindara, who, after a futile effort at revolution 
 in Jan. 1862, and another attempt to inaugurate a movement in behalf of 
 the empire at the close of 1864, took refuge at the court of Maximilian, to 
 urge the oecupation of Sonora. He now again appears on the scene, and 
 powerfully supported, once more roused his party and Indian allies, per- 
 suading them that the time had come for a successful struggle. Pesqueira 
 retired from Hermosillo, thereby infusing despondency into the hearts of 
 the liberals. The French entered the place July 29, 1865, and the native 
 
MISERABLE DOINGS. 697 
 
 imperialists extended themselves in all directions. Besieging Ures, they 
 were repulsed, but an advance by their foreign allies caused its evacuation. 
 Peaqueira, despairing of achieving anything for the time, crossed to the 
 United States to seek support, leaving Morales to maintain alive the smould- 
 ering spark of the liberals in guerrilla fashion. The imperialists soon over- 
 ran the central and northern districts, and extended themselves as far south 
 as Alamos, which held out under promise of aid from Sinaloa under the 
 direction of Resales. This leader entered with 500 men, but was defeated 
 by the superior forces of Almada September 4th, being slain with about one 
 third of his troops. By this time the French began to concentrate their 
 forces against the possible interference of the United States now freed from 
 civil war, and the force in Sonora was reduced in Oct. to a scanty battalion, 
 with instructions to limit itself to the occupation of Guaymas. This im- 
 
 Sarted fresh courage to the liberals, who pronounced at Hermosillo in 
 otober. Tne movement gained strength in spite of the efforts of the native 
 imperialists, who were directed by Comandante-General Langberg, a Danish 
 solJier of fortune. With the aid of armament supplied by the Juarist agent 
 in California, Morales in December captured Arispe, and gained a victory at 
 Mitapa; but on January 3, 1866, he met with a disastrous check, near 
 Naeori at the hanJi of Gindara and Tanori. On the 7th, however, Alamos 
 was reta'ten by Coroni's forces under Martinez, Patoni, and Correa. In 
 March, Pesqaeira reentered the state, and on May 4th Hermosillo was cap- 
 tured and sacked by Martinez midst great slaughter. While the liberals 
 were thus occupied in ruthless destruction, Langberg, Tanori, and Vasquez 
 appeared from th3 direction of Ures with about 800 men. Martinez sallied 
 forth to raaet them; and sustaining a complete defeat, the imperialists re- 
 gaiael possessioa of flermosUlo. Martinez retired to San Marcial, where 
 Pe sqaeira was collecting the fugitives from the battle-field. Being reenforced 
 by Morales, after so:ne fruitless movements between Hermosillo and Ures, 
 Pesqaeira and Martinez retreated to the south while Morales returned north- 
 ward for recruits. 
 
 In the mid lie of Aug. Martinez again gained possession of Hermosillo, 
 but evacuated it a few days later on the approach of Langberg. On Sept. 
 4th the latter, joined by Tanori, offered battle to the liberals at Guadalupe, 
 near Ures, and a bitter contest raged for several honrs. Finally Langberg 
 fell ia the front rank, and demoralization seizing his men, victory remained 
 with the liberals. Ttiis was the turning point in the struggle. Ures sur- 
 rendered two days later, Hermosillo was evacuated, and on Sept. 15th the 
 French garrison at Guaymas embarked, abandoning to the tender mercies of 
 Martinez' followers the thousands of families who had adopted their cause. 
 Large numbers had hurried away before the impending storm, and a linger- 
 ing few now joined Tanori and Almada in escaping across the gulf in two 
 small vessels. They were overtaken, brought back, and executed. By the 
 end of Sept., 1836, the whole state had yielded, save the Yaquis and Mayos. 
 Their subjection was accomplished by Morales in November, after a rigorous 
 campaign. Mirtiuez had been summoned before this to incorjjorate with 
 Corona, amply appeased with gifts, and soon after Sonoran troops were sent 
 to assist in overthrowing the abandoned Maximilian. 
 
 Sinaloa had to sustain a somewhat longer and more direct struggle with 
 the French, who were assisted by the notorious chieftain of Tepic. In 
 March, 1864. a partial blockade of Mazatlan was established and fire opened 
 by the invaders on a portion of the fortifications; but the Mexicans re- 
 plied so warmly as to compel them to retire. At the close of Oct. Lozada, 
 now an imperialist general, entered from Jalisco, and laid siege to the port 
 with nearly 3,00) men. On Nov. 12th the French squadron appeared and 
 offered the alternative of surrender or bombardment. As resistance offered 
 little prospect of success, the garrison managed to escape during the night, 
 and on the following morning the French took possession of the place after 
 firing a few shots. Vasabilbaso was appointed prefect and assisted to install 
 local authorities. 
 
698 FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 After leaving 500 men to swell the imperialiat garrison of the place, 
 Lozada sent the rest of his troops home to agricultural pursuits. The 
 liberals pursued them for awhile and inflicted some loss; then, with their 
 headquarters at San Sebastian presidio mustering 2,000 men under Corona, 
 harassed the port, and maintained & guerrilla warfare again it the movements 
 of the enemy. Several successes gained were enoouragmg; notably one 
 achieved by Rosales, who met the imperialists, 500 strong, at San Pedro, 
 near Culiacan, and after a contest of two hours routed them, capturing the 
 French leader, Gazielle, and 85 of his men. This victory, which gained 
 Rosales the title of brigadier, was widely celebrated arid proved a severe 
 blow to French prestige, in this region at least. His success was partly ow- 
 ing to the activity of Patoni, who had shortly before captured F. de la Vega, 
 the former ruler, and now entitled imperialist ruler. 
 
 The French havmg now overrun nearly the whole republic, it became 
 necessary for them to extend their sway on the west coast, and Castagny 
 was ordered to remove his headquarters at Durango to Mazatlan. He set 
 out in the latter part of Dec., 18(54, with nearly 3,000 men, taking the direct 
 but rugged route by way of Durasnito. Corona occupied the mountain 
 passes, and meeting with a defeat at Espinazo del Diablo, followed in the 
 rear of Espagny. At Veranos he fell upon a detachment left there, capturing 
 50 men and killing 17, but being severely handled by reenforcements of the 
 enemy which arrived, he imprudently, under excitement, hanged his prison- 
 ers in reprisal for the execution of liberals elsewhere. The French general, 
 naturally of a severe disposition, took full vengeance in retaliation with 
 torch and sword. Thus was inaugurated in Sinaloa a warfare which, for 
 the time, seemed one of extermination. 
 
 The Mexicans were now only able to prosecute the war around Mazatlan 
 in guerrilla fashion, and though two flying squadrons were organized against 
 them, their superior knowledge of the ground, and the aid afforded them by 
 the people, enabled them to approach up to the very gates of the town. The 
 French, therefore, carried their operations into districts beyona, and burnt 
 down San Sebastian, Mazatlan, G-uacimas, and Copala, the estates and 
 ranches of known adversaries being given to destruction. This only in- 
 creased exasperation, which was severelyfelt by outposts. Greater numbers 
 were needed to clear the country, and Lozada was again invoked. He 
 brought in April 3,000 Indians, and from Rio de las Canas to San Ignacio the 
 country was swept of liberals. Corona was so discouraged that he departed 
 to join the campaign in Durango, and advised his adherents temporarily to 
 submit. 
 
 Meanwhile the liberals weakened themselves by partisan quarrels. A 
 revolt compelled Governor Rosales to resign in favor of Corona, who there- 
 upon appointed Domingo Rubi, who was confirmed by Juarez. Then com- 
 menced hostile proceedings between Rosales and Rubi, which were termi- 
 nated by Rosales being summoned to aid the Sonorans, in whose cause he fell. 
 
 In August Corona returned and the struggle was resumed, Correa, Parra, 
 and Martinez being conspicuous as leaders. In the north the town of 
 Fuerte was captured and recaptured several times, Martinez finally passing 
 into Sonora, as already narrated. Southward Rubi confined himself to 
 raiding the Mazatlan region, while Corona gained several successes, one of 
 which was the taking of Acaponeta with much booty. Operations were 
 now resumed against Mazatlan, where only a single battalion of Frenchmen 
 had been left, and as heretofore the aid of Lozada was implored. Cooperat- 
 ing with this chieftain, who had returned to Tepio in the autumn of the 
 f)revious year, the French with about 1,000 men captured Presidio de Mazat- 
 an, March 19, 1886. Corona, with over 2,000 men, now placed himself be- 
 tween them and Mazatlan, and then assaulted the enemy with such perti- 
 nacity that he finally compelled him to fight his way back with heavy loss. 
 
 Lozada, who had occupied Rosario with 2,000 Indians, now hesitated to 
 advance, but induced by a promise of a simultaneous advance of the French, 
 passed onward. When near Concordia, he was attacked by Corona and. 
 
CORONA AT MAZATLAK. 699 
 
 though victorious, sustaiaed a loss of 200 men. Similar attacks, bootless 
 raids, aud the non-receipt of money from Mazatlan, induced him to return 
 to Tepic, and declare his neutrality, with an aim at independence. 
 
 Guzman was sent to watch this formidable chieftain, while Corona pressed 
 closer the line of investment round Mazatlan. The aspect of affairs im- 
 proved; auxiliaries poured in; American sympathy assisted, and a goodly 
 supply of arms was obtained. The United Sinaloa and Jalisco brigades 
 were transformed and organized as the Army of the West, with Corona as 
 general-in-chief, to whom the governor of Sinaloa, Jalisco, and Colima was 
 subjected. Several engagements followed in the district of Mazatlan with 
 varying success. Mazatlan was invested, and on Sept. 12th Corona gained 
 possession of the fort Palos Prietos; but the severity of the conflict and the 
 loss incurred made hopeless the prospect of carrying-a port so strongly held 
 and supported by a fleet. After a sharp attack, on Nov. 12th, a suspension 
 of hostilities was arranged, the French having announced their intention to 
 embark. On the following day the liberals entered Mazatlan amid enthusi- 
 astic demonstrations. Sonora and Sinaloa were now forced from imperialist 
 sway, and Corona, now a general of division, marched with a portion of his 
 troops to aid in the overthrow of Maximilian. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTEE^REVOLUTIONS. 
 
 1867—1887 
 
 Paety Qijabbbls — Uprisino of the Yaqots — ^Vega's Piratical Raid 
 ON Guaymas — Lbyva's Revolution against Juarez — Its Fail- 
 ure — Revolution in Sinaloa and Sequel — Contest in Sonoea 
 Regarding the Constitution — Mariscal Sent to Restore Or- 
 der — The Lerdo Election Troubles — Sinaloa Yields to the 
 Poretkists — Mariscal Governor op Sonora — Change of Gover- 
 nors — Appearance of Yellow Fever — Revolution in Sinaloa 
 Bi' Ramirez — His Defeat and Death — Marquez de Leon In- 
 vades Sonora — Is Compelled to Retire — Withdraws to Cali- 
 fornia — Wars with the Apaches — Their Final Subjugation. 
 
 No sooner had Corona departed than dissension 
 arose among his lieutenants ; and though Rubi was 
 declared elected governor, General Martinez on Jan- 
 uary 29, 1868, denounced the election as fraudulent, 
 and proclaimed himself provisional ruler. Rubi, sus- 
 tained by the supreme government, resisted, and soon 
 found himself at the head of 2,000 men, while his 
 opponent could muster little more than half that num- 
 ber, and on April 8th was routed at Villa Union. The 
 rebel general now disbanded the remnant of his force 
 and departed, whereupon order was restored. 
 
 General Vega, who had returned from California 
 in June 1866, was an accomplice in the above move- 
 ment. His real scheme was to form a coalition which 
 should install a new president, or, failing this, estab- 
 lish a new republic in the north-west. He assisted 
 in the escape from prison of Palacio, one of the late 
 rebel leaders, who, on March 13, 1869, pronounced at 
 Culiacan in favor of Vega. Finding that town luke- 
 
 700) 
 
VEGA AND PESQUEIRA. 701 
 
 warm, he hastened to Fuerte, but a month later he 
 was defeated by General Parra at Los Algodones, 
 captured with most of his men, and shot. Vega had 
 meanwhile been abroad to purchase arms, and now 
 prepared, with the assistance of Lozada, t© invade 
 Sinaloa from the south. In February 1870 several 
 pronunciamientos were effected, and a number of petty 
 raids were made into the southern districts. Their 
 insignificance discouraged Lozada from active partici- 
 pation, and Vega became so pressed for means that 
 he descended to the piratical proceeding of sending a 
 steamer to rob Guaymas, avaihng himself of the 
 vagabond element left over from the war of invasion. 
 With this he continued his inroads into the follow- 
 ing year, after which he sank out of sight beneath 
 the movements stirred by other leaders. 
 
 Pesqueira, who had ruled Sonora aa governor almost without interrup- 
 tion, since the resignation of Aguilar in 1856, partly by popular vote in 1857 
 and 1861, partly by appointment under Juarez, was again in 1867 honored 
 with reelection as a reward for his brave and patriotic conduct during the 
 invasion. There was need also for a man of his tried administrative ability 
 to heal the ravages of war. Nearly all the revolts of the Yaquis and Mayos 
 had arisen from encroachments on their land, and after every victory over 
 them the infringement was affirmed. So it happened in 1867. They killed 
 a too yielding chief in June, and prepared with force to assert their rights, 
 committing, meanwhile, a, number of outrages. By December about 1,500 
 troops were in the field against them; severafbloody engagements took place, 
 and it was not until Oct. 1868, that peace was restored. 
 
 The revolutionary plans of General Vega against Sinaloa found in 1870 an 
 unpleasant outcropping in Sonora. The general had obtained possession of 
 the steamer Forward, formerly an English gunboat, and sent her on a pirati- 
 cal expedition, under the command of F. Vizcaino. During the night of May 
 27th, 150 of her men landed near Guaymas and carried the town by surprise, 
 without bloodshed. A levy was then made upon the custom-house and mer- 
 chants, for funds, goods, coal, and arms, the latter embracing 4,000 muskets, 
 ana the former rismg to the value of more than $150,000, with which two 
 seized vessels were loaded. The Forward thereupon entered under a Salva- 
 dorean flag and towed them away. The treasury official Mejia, son of the 
 minister of war, was carried away as hostage. Commander Low, of the 
 U. S. war steamer MoMcan, being at Mazatlan when the news came, 
 decided, at the instance of the authorities and the suffering merchants, 
 which included Americans, to check this piratical raider on Pacific coai^t 
 trade. After a lengthly search he found the Forward at the mouth of Rio 
 de las Cofias, under cover of a battery which opened fire on the cutting-out 
 party. The steamer being aground, the only alternative was to fire her, 
 whereupon the Mohiccm retired. 
 
 Guaymas was exposed to another infliction in Oct. 1871, in connection 
 with the Porfirist revolution against Juarez. The garrison declared for it, 
 under Leyva, and made themselves master of the port. They then exacted 
 money from the wealthy citizens and sailed away to spread the movement in 
 
702 REVOLUTIONS AND COUMTER-REVOLUTIONS. 
 
 the more promising districts to the south. Pesqueira was too prompt, how- 
 ever. Hp encountered them at Potrerito Seco and cru.shed their force and 
 hopes at one blow, after which he passed on to aid the Juarist cause in Sina- 
 loa. Here the revolution had been initiated by General Parra and F. C'afledo, 
 in Sept. 1871, and upon their failure it received fresh impulse two months 
 later at Mazatlan, under Gen. Marquez de Leon, who had more than once 
 been in charge of the civil and military government of the state. Gov. E. 
 Buelna fied northward to seek the aid of Pesqueira, who after a temporary 
 check took possession of Fuerte and Culiacan. Here he was beseiged by 
 Marquez, but a federal column under Rocha relieved the place in April 
 1872, driving back Marquez, and marching^ into Mazatlan. The followers of 
 the latter began to desert the failing cause, and it was virtually abandoned 
 in the following months, when Diaz submitted to the supreme government. 
 An under-current remained, however, which was agitated by Lozada, who 
 had chosen to favor the revolution. A crushing death at Rosario in Jan. 
 1873 was a relief to the state. 
 
 The reconstruction of the organic law of Sonora, in 1872, gave rise to 
 hostility between the legislature and executive, which manifested itself in 
 appeals to arms among the people. The governor carried his point, and 
 introduced a constitution, in May 1873, which was sustained in face of sev- 
 eral formidable pronunciamientos against it, as in the autumn of that year 
 at Alamos, under the leadership of Connant, who, by means of the usual 
 forced levies, swelled his command to 400 men, and kept that region in agi- 
 tation for several months. Popular feeling became more roused against the 
 authorities by the elections of 1875, wherein, with the aid of troops and con- 
 nivance of the presidential party, they manipulated the polls for their own 
 purposes, choosing as ruler Jose J. Pesquiera, with his predecessor for vice- 
 governor. This induced a prominent citizen, F. Serna, to pronounce in 
 August of that year at Altar. Although at first defeated, he recovered him- 
 self by several effective operations in Nov. -Dec, and gave such impulse to 
 the movement, extending it into Alamos district, that the federal govern- 
 ment, in March 1876, sent Mariscal to interfere. Seeing that Serna had 
 justice on his side, with growing popularity, the general prudently favored 
 him, and managed to restore order. Pesquiera departed, leaving Torres as 
 acting governor. 
 
 Mariscal followed up the advantage gained by the manceuvre to obtain 
 election returns in favor of liis patron, Lerdo. Finding, however, that the 
 Porfirist revolution against the president was gaining ground, his foresight 
 induced him to waste no further efforts upon a lost cause. Less clear-sighted, 
 the Pesqueirans pronounced for Lerdo, only to discover their mistake at 
 Matape, where Mariscal dispersed their forces, and compelled the leaders to 
 seek refuge in Arizona, whence they were soon permitted to return. 
 
 In Sinaloa the Porfirist revolution found its beginning in local outbreaks 
 early in 1876, of which Donato Guerra soon appeared as the leader. In 
 August he took possession of Culiacan, and imprisoned Governor J. M. 
 Gaxiola, but troops from Mazatlan drove him out shortly after, and inflicted 
 a severe defeat upon him at Tameaca. Arce, then in power, thereupon pro- 
 claimed adhesion to Iglesias, who was already in flight for the U. S. In the 
 following month, Jan. 1877, the troops of Diaz marched into Mazatlan in the 
 most peaceful manner, and after a few blows the remainder of the state 
 yielded, Cafiedo being chosen governor. The election in Sonora turned in 
 favor of Mariscal, who was thus rewarded for his foresight and effort to pre- 
 serve the peace. Serna became vice-governor, and was permitted to issue 
 under his own auspices the long suppressed constitution of 1872. Once in 
 possession, Mariscal appears to have neglected the tact that had so far 
 enabled him to court successfully the ruling majority. A quarrel soon arose 
 with the legislature, which finally impeached him for removing local author- 
 ities, and other tyrannical acts, and declared him replaced by Serna, in Feb. 
 1879. The former was not the man to obey the dictates of a petty state 
 assembly. He called upon his troops, and swelling their ranks with forced 
 
MARQUEZ DE LEON. 703 
 
 recruits, prepared to march upon the gathering forces of Serna. A bloody 
 war was in prospect, when the federal government interfered in favor of t)ie 
 latter, who had most politically appealed to it. The general thereupon 
 found it prudent to resign into the hands of his rival, who soon surrendered 
 the position to the elected Luis Torres. 
 
 Not unsimilar was the fate of the following governor, C. R. Ortiz, who, 
 invested with extraordinary power for the suppression of the Yaqui revolt, 
 presumed to assume a hostile attitude toward the federal commanders. 
 Some of the militia pronounced against his impressments, and the people at 
 Hermosillo, lately made the capital, lent approval by attacking his house in 
 Oct. 1882, whereupon Ortiz thought it prudent to take flight, leaving the 
 vice-governor, Escalante, as ruler. In the following year the progressive 
 administration of Torres received a flattering approval in his reelection. The 
 successor of Canedo, in Sinaloa, was M. Martinez de Castro, under whom 
 the new liberal constitution of 1880 came in force, to assist during the ensu- 
 ing peaceful era to unfold the vast mineral and agricultural resources so long 
 neglected, to promote trade and intercourse, diffuse education, and elevate 
 the people in culture and affluence, while mitigating the occasional evils in- 
 flicted by failure of crops and epidemics, such as the recently ruling yellow 
 fever. 
 
 Among the active partisans of Porfirio Diaz in the north-west had been 
 Marquez de Leon. The reward for his services failing to satisfy his ambition, 
 he proposed, in 1879, to wrest it for himself by a revolution against the su- 
 preme as well as local governments. He had great influence in Sinaloa, 
 where he figured during the early part of this year as gubernatorial candi- 
 date, owing to the suspension of the incumbent, Canedo, under certain 
 charges which had roused the people against him. Believing, nevertheless, 
 that he could give great impulse to the movement by a simultaneous outbreak 
 in his native Lower California, he took this task upon himself, leaving the 
 popular Jesus Ramirez to direct the operations in Sinaloa. The latter made 
 a not very successful attack on the garrison at Mazatlan Oct. 25, 1879, after 
 which he took to the country, supported by several proniinciamientos, from 
 Rosario to Cosata, and by opportune seizures of funds. Although his fol- 
 lowers were defeated in several minor engagements, he sustained the cause, 
 and in June and July 1880 managed, with the aid of a portion of the garrison, 
 to obtain temporary possession of Mazatlan and of the capital; but in Sept. 
 he was routed, overtaken, and killed. In Lower California the revolution 
 had run a still briefer course. With the remnant of the forces there routed 
 by federal troops, and driven northward, Marquez crossed to Sonora. He 
 entered by way of Sonoita early in May 1880, gained possession of Magda- 
 lena on the 31st, and advanced to Ures. Unsuccessful in obtaining recruits, 
 he had to retire before a superior column, whereupon he disbanded his men, 
 departing for California to seek resources and form alliances for a more fa- 
 vorable opportunity. This, however, failed to present itself. 
 
 That standing scourge of Sonora, the Apaches, had all this while been 
 swelling its long record of desolating raids, although in a gradually lessen- 
 ing degree, owing to the measures taken in Arizona to check the roaming of 
 Indians and to cooperate with Mexico in punishing marauders. Before the 
 influx of settlers into Arizona the Apaches had a free field. They attacked 
 emigrant parties for Cal. , and opened trade with the miners, who scrupled 
 not, in exchange for stolen cattle and beasts of burden, to provide them 
 with ammunition and armament of the latest pattern, thus giving them decided 
 advantages over the inefiiciently armed frontier troops. The year 1851 was 
 fraught with particular disaster to this unfortunate state, which the Apaches 
 grimly alluded to as their rancho and depot for supplies. In Feb. they de- 
 stroyed Mazatlan, inflicting a loss of 40 lives; in Aug. they added 59 to the 
 list of victims, bringing the total sacrifices of life for the year to 200, while 
 carrying off nearly 2,000 head of stock, besides other booty. Pesqueira, 
 then rising into prominence, was defeated with heavy loss, in pursuing them. 
 Subsequent costlier expeditions managed to inflict only trifling retaliation 
 
704 REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS. 
 
 on the dispersing bands; nevertheless the movement served to lessen the 
 irruptions for awhile. In 18S3, however, they were resumed with intensified 
 rigor, and in July alone they were marked by the blood of 170 victims. 
 Again the authorities awoke to the necessity for armed demonstrations, 
 which procured a momentary respite; then both troops and settlers again 
 sunk into negligent indolence. Later the destruction of Chinapa and Santa 
 Cruz, and by raids also in Arizona, caused United States troops to join the 
 Mexicans in pursuit. Once more a quieter period was followed by a viru- 
 lent inroad in 1860, when over 50 persons were reported killed in February 
 alone. Pesqueira then revived Galvez' system of warfare, with only partial 
 success, for the peace treaties made under pressure were broken at the first 
 opportunity. Three years later the savages penetrated to the very suburbs 
 of Ures and Alamos. A prize of $100 was now offered for each scalp, and 
 with this inducement the expeditions of the ensuing spring reported the 
 slaying and capture of 200 Apaches. These measures tended to restrain the 
 bands for some years. In 1870, however, their audacity increased, and the 
 exasperated authorities now raised the price upon scalps to $300. The 
 Apaches became more wary, or the Mexicans indifferent, for the fund was 
 exposed to no great drain, and during the years immediately following 1872 
 an average of two score murders was reported. The Mexican government 
 not unjustly charged much of this evil to the defective Indian policy of the 
 United States, with its loose reservation system and injudicious leniency, 
 and asked for compensation to cover damages committed by these wild 
 wards as well as by lawless American citizens. Of late years the danger 
 has greatly abated, especially since the administrations of Diaz, which 
 strengthened the military colonies of the frontier. The growth of popula- 
 tion in Arizona, with the extension of railways and trade, added to the 
 security, and although raids continued to some extent for several years, was 
 only occasional. The once deserted border quickly filled with flourishing 
 settlements and mining camps, among which the cruel Apache wars soon 
 became a mere tradition. 
 
 During the second administration of Diaz the troublesome Yaquis, who 
 had hitherto maintained their local independence, were finally subdued, 
 after a war of several years. Their territory was invested on aU sides, and 
 their chief Cajenie, a leader of considerable political and military ability, 
 was captured. In April, 1887, he was executed, without trial it is said, in 
 the presence of his people. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 lSOO-1848. 
 
 Sefabation from Ajlta California Decreed — Foreign Trade — Vessel* 
 Visiting the Coast — Cocshrane's Raid on Loreto — More Liberty 
 Granted to Indians — Federal System Established — Political 
 Divisions — Missions Secularized — Party Factions — The Oalifor- 
 NiAS Reunited — Frontier Quarrels — Hardy's Peael-Fishing 
 Scheme — United States Designs — Americans Occupy La Paz — 
 Selfridge Takes Mdlege— Patriotic Rising at San Jose del 
 Cabo — Calipornians Attack La Paz— The American Garrison Re- 
 LiBVBD — San Jose Besieged — Retreat of the Californiaus — Bat- 
 tle OF San Vicente — Burton's Operations — Expedition to Todos 
 Santos— End op the War — Lower California Restored to 
 Mexico. 
 
 In 1804 the political separation of the peninsula 
 from Alta California was decreed/ and Arillaga be- 
 ing promoted to the upper province, Captain Felipe 
 de Goycoechea was appointed governor of Lower 
 California.' The frontier district, which stretched 
 from San Fernando to the northern border, was now 
 more directly connected with the peninsula govern- 
 ment, and promised atone time to grow in importance 
 through the desire of the Dominicans to extend their 
 missions eastward and northward. Their zeal soon 
 slackened, however, before the intractable nature of 
 the Indians and the soil, and the discouraging effect of 
 
 'By order of Mar. 26, 1804, the old boundary along Rio Rosario, or Bar- 
 rabas, to remain. Arch. Oal. , Prov. Bee. , ix. 95. 
 
 2 This oflBcer had served in both Californias and was at the time habilitado 
 general at Mexico. He did not arrive till July 1806, and Arrillaga ruled ad. 
 mterim. Id., ProB. St. Pap., xviii. 175-7; xix. 60-76; Id., Prov. Sec, vi. 21,, 
 ix. 56, 95. 
 
 Hist. Mbx. States, Vol. II. 45 (705) 
 
706 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 poverty and discord in their immediate surroundings.' 
 Indeed, several of them became in some instances so 
 tyrannical as to rouse the Indians to desertion, in- 
 subordination, and, in the north, to open revolt di- 
 rected often against well-meaning padres. Thus the two 
 missionaries at Santo Tomds were slain in 1803.' 
 
 The separation from California resulted in an ever- 
 growing neglect for the peninsula, and the upper 
 sister province henceforth absorbed the greater pro- 
 portion of the slight attention bestowed by the gov- 
 ernment. The idea of fostering development in the 
 far-west never occurred, although the longing for ter- 
 ritorial extension remained unabated. Isolation was 
 deemed security enough, and when, with the opening 
 of the century, English and American otter-hunting 
 and trading vessels began to frequent the California 
 coasts, the old dog-in-the-manger policy was more 
 strictly extended also in this direction, for maintaining 
 the isolation. The harshness of such orders becomes 
 evident when it is considered that not only were the 
 visits of supply vessels from the Mexican ports rare 
 and irregular, but the effects brought were insufficient 
 in quantity and variety, and little encouragement was 
 given for enabling the inhabitants to exchange their 
 
 ' The successor of P. Belda in 1802, as president of the missions, was P. 
 Rafael Arvina, who so roused the friars by his scandalous conduct that he 
 was removed by general request, P. Miguel Gallego succeeding in 1804. 
 -Arch. Armbisp., ii. 13-35. P. Gabriel of Loreto was some years later exiled 
 for abducting Indian wives, and P. Caballero, still later, disgraced the robe 
 in a similar manner. Vallejo, ffist. Cal., ii. 255-8; Alvarado, ii. 172-4; Vega, 
 Vida Oal. , 43. Several other friars revealed looseness of conduct, but were 
 more prudent and escaped punishment. The poverty of the province did not 
 tend to strengthen their zeal; as a rule they only longed to return to the 
 more comfortable cloisters of the mainland, and obtained leave of absence so 
 frequently that orders came to restrict this privilege. The result was an 
 angry correspondence with the viceroy. Arch. Gal, Prov. St. Pap., xviii. 
 120-4, 84; xxi. 54, 100-1, 286, 372; xxi. 43-5, etc.; Id., Proo. Eec., vi. &-13; 
 viii. 63; ix. 24, 37, 60. Concerning existing friars till 1827, I refer to 8ta 
 Barb. Arch., x. 279; xi. 160; xii. 168, 273, 359; 8. Diego Miss., 14, 91; Goc. 
 Mex., XX. 600; xxiv. 1049; Arch. Arzobis., ii. 50, 80, 146; St. Pap. Sac, ix. 
 15, 78; XV. 4; Id., Miss., iii. 34; I.m-eto, Miss. Rec, MS., 72 et seq. 
 
 * In May. They were Eduardo Surroco and Miguel Lopez; a woman con- 
 fessed to the deed under torture, and was executed, together with two ac- 
 complices. Ardi. Cal, Prov. Rec, viii. 241; ix. 27-8, 33, 43; x. 1-2; Id., St. 
 Pap., xiv. 75-6. At San Boria there was trouble in 1806. Arch. Anobis., ii. 
 40. 
 
ADMIRAL COCHRANE. yOV 
 
 beef, hides, grain, and fruit for commodities which 
 the foreign vessels temptingly displayed. They were, 
 in other words, bidden to sacrifice, to throw away, 
 their surplus produce and be content with a few crude 
 staple articles.^ 
 
 Lower California escaped the horrors of civil war 
 ravaging the mainland during the decade following 
 1810, yet it was not wholly exempt from hostile visi- 
 tation. At the close of this revolutionary struggle 
 the fleet of Admiral Cochrane entered the contest 
 against Spain, and two of its vessels, the iTidependeiicia 
 and Araitcano, were despatched in the guise of whalers 
 to make observations along the northern coast of 
 Mexico, and sound the people while peaceably making 
 purchases of provisions. The commanders of the 
 cruisers disregarded these instructions under the in- 
 centive of spoils. On February 17, 1822, the Inde- 
 pendencia entered the harbor of San Jose del Cabo, 
 sacked the mission and church, and made a prize of 
 
 * At first the governor and his troops had not much difficulty in enforcing 
 non-intercourse with hated and feared foreigners, but the latter, failing to 
 barter, began to plunder their water of its riches by hunting for themselves 
 the fur animals. To sacrifice their property was bad enough, but to behold 
 it carried away by strangers was worse. Obedience ceased to be a virtue; 
 illicit trade began, and expanded rapidly, until it affected even padres and 
 soldiers. For a while a decent pretext of secrecy was maintained, but soon 
 the governor himself, with pay as well as supplies long in arrears, gave open 
 countenance to the traffic. 
 
 The result proved advantageous on all sides, for many wants were sup- 
 plied, and a certain incentive was given to pursuits, in hunting otters and 
 raising produce for barter. Among vessels which took advantage of this 
 intercourse were, first the American brig Betsey, Captain J. Winship, late in 
 1800, followed by several others shortly after, notably the O'Oain, Captain 
 O'Cain, the Alexander, Captain Brown, Lelia JByrd, Captain Shaler, and the 
 Catherine, Captain Roberts. O'Cain is claimed to have discovered San Queu- 
 tin bay. Lelia Byrd and O'Cain returned during the following years, the 
 latter frequently, and in 1806 the Peacock, Captain Kimball, and the Rekos 
 visited the coast. In 1808 and 1809 the Mercury, Captain Ayers, and the 
 Dromo made their appearance, followed in 1810 by the Alhaiross, Captain N. 
 Winship, Several other vessels touched without leaving a record. The 
 Traveller, Captain Wilcox, in 1817, rendered great service to the peninsula 
 by relieving the suffering people at Loreto, and in making a special trip to 
 Alta California for further supplies. The chief resort of the vessels was San 
 Quentin bay, within range of several missions, where otters were plentiful, 
 and salt could be had in abundance. And many a fSte champetre was held 
 "upon this far-away beach, and the strange company that assembled made a 
 ;striking picture, black-robed friars, sailors, and swarthy natives, with occa- 
 sionally a sprinklinfT of Aleuts from Alaska, forming a heterogeneous crowd 
 of festive traders. 
 
708 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 the brig Aldon, laden with tallow, and en route from 
 Alta California to the mainland southward/ 
 
 Long continued neglect naturally predisposed the 
 inhabitants of the peninsula to favor the revolution- 
 ary cause; yet they were content to abide the 
 decision of events. In the early part of 1822 their 
 suspense was terminated by the arrival of the can- 
 onigo, Agustin Fernandez de San Vincente, imperial 
 commissioner, to proclaim the elevation of Iturbide 
 to the throne of Mexico and inaugurate reform. The 
 people yielded to every disposition made by him, and 
 his steps were facilitated by the resignation of the 
 governor, Josd Arguello, who had succeeded Goy- 
 coechea in 1814, and was replaced in October 1822 
 by Jose Manuel Ruiz, commandant at the frontier, 
 under the title of jefe politico.' 
 
 •"A lieutenant and eight men were next sent to the mission of Todos San- 
 tos, with orders to plunder the church, take the padre prisoner, and bnm or 
 sink a schooner which had lately been built there. These orders were car- 
 ried out on the 19th, but the lieutenant and two of his men attempted to lay- 
 hands on the women. The people had been unresisting spectators while 
 their vessel was destroyed and their church desecrated, but their pent-up 
 feelings now burst forth. Moved by a single impulse, they attacked the 
 party — which was on the beach — with stones and other ready means, and 
 killed the trio. Made fearless by this achievement, the assailants hurried 
 off to the mission and fell suddenly upon the remaining six men of the party, 
 two of whom were quickly despatched and three grievously wounded, whUe 
 the sixth surrendered at discretion. The captives, swelled by three messen- 
 gers from the hostile ship, were carried northward to San Antonio, but were 
 surrendered on the captain of the Independencia threatening to destroy both 
 Todos Santos and San Antonio. Meanwhile the Araucano had gone up the 
 gulf to Guaymas, and then to Loreto, whence the people, warned by the 
 occurrence further south, had fled, leaving the enemy to plunder the town 
 and church. Governor Arguello losing his silver plate and other property. 
 
 'The most important change by the canon appeared in a provisional 
 regUmento for administration of missions, whereby the Indians, though still 
 left under supervision of the padres, were given greater freedom, with the 
 right to demand rations and pay for their labor, and to elect the hitherto 
 autocratic priest instrument, the mayordomo, from among themselves. The 
 fathers were, moreover, required to furnish inventories, as a check upon their 
 management of mission property. Great was their indignation at this en- 
 croachment upon their time-honored paternal rights — that is, to compel the 
 Indians to work for a scanty allowance of poor food and poorer clothing; to 
 submit to any chastisement the padres saw fit to inflict, and to have no 
 thought for anything in life except the repetition of a few prayers parrot- 
 wise, and the enrichment of the mission. They predicted disaster both to the 
 mission establishments and to the Indians from such extension of liberty to 
 beingc unfit for its enjoyment, and events justified the assertion, moderate 
 and just as were the privileges granted. The neophytes surrendered them- 
 selves to dissipation and idleness, allowed themselves to be guided by'inter- 
 
DEMORALIZATION OF THE NATIVES. 709 
 
 The change from colonial regime had been grasped 
 at mainly in the vain hope of some relief from long 
 neglect and distress, and the establishment of a re- 
 public was additionally welcome from its conferment 
 of local self-rule. The new era was inaugurated by 
 Lieutenant-colonel Jose Maria de Echeandia, ap- 
 pointed to the civil and military command of the two 
 Californias, who presented himself at Loreto in June 
 1825, accompanied by several officers and nine Domin- 
 ican friars. On July 10th he installed the territorial 
 deputation, with the aid of which several progressive 
 measures were taken, notably to raise funds for open- 
 ing primary schools at Loreto and San Antonio. The 
 peninsula was divided into four districts, Cabo de San 
 Lucas, Loreto, Santa Gertrudis, and San Pedro Mar- 
 tir, each with an ayuntamiento, or municipal councU, 
 at its head town, composed of an alcalde, two regi- 
 dores, a sindico, and a secretary, and with auxiliary 
 alcaldes at the missions, appointed by the jefe po- 
 litico.' 
 
 ested schemers, and declined rapidly in condition and number. Their 
 decadence would probably have been more rapid but for the united efforts of 
 padres and settlers, for their own advantage, to maintain the former domi- 
 nation, and to ignore the reglamento. 
 
 * The condition of the aborigines commanded his special attention, and he 
 issued, August 19, 1825, a reglamento aiming to practically secularize most 
 of the missions. A sufficient proportion of mission land was to be distributed 
 among the Indians as community property, under the direction of mayor- 
 domos elected from among themselves for a period of years. They were 
 also to receive the necessary grain and implements for establishing farms, 
 and half of the live stock, the other half remaiuing for support of churches 
 and padres. The latter were reduced to the condition of parish priests, 
 xmder the surveillance of alcaldes and mayordomos. By decrees of 1830, all but 
 "three of the missions were added to the secularization list. This system 
 aimed to elevate the Indians almost to the dignity of independent citizenship, 
 but unfortunately the reglamento was disregarded like the others by negli- 
 gent officials, influenced also by interested parties. The unhappy natives 
 gradually deserted the now inhospitable missions, wandering about the hills 
 and beaches looking for food. Occasionally they would work for the recom- 
 pense of a little watered atole twice a day, and a breech-clout and blanket 
 every two years, being withal badly treated everywhere. Epidemics and 
 local diseases, moreover, combined to ravage their enfeebled ranks. The 
 govt recognized 17 missions in 1826. As for their property, it was to be ab- 
 sorbed partly by the settlers, partly by favored individuals, who obtained it 
 as grants, or against nominal purchase money. The secularization decree 
 had already declared such unoccupied lands national, and open to rental. 
 The padres vigorously opposed this attempt at final spoliation, assisted by 
 neophytes, and took to arms at Todos Santos. The result was an order by 
 
710 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 The change of political system did not bring the 
 expected amelioration to the settlers. They remain- 
 ed neglected as ever, and so stricken became their 
 condition that petitions were presented in 1827 for 
 the remission of tithes and other imposts, except 
 municipal taxes, for fifteen years. Misgovernment at 
 home assisted to retard improvement. Echeandia 
 was supposed to rule the peninsula from his seat in 
 Alta California, but he did not trouble himself, and 
 his functions were preformed by a deputy, who was 
 sometimes appointed by the governor and sometimes 
 by the territorial debutation. The ayuntamientos of 
 the districts sought, moreover, to assert themselves as 
 much as possible, and so matters drifted into a num- 
 ber of irregular channels, with arbitrary action in each. 
 
 On leaving for the north in October 1825, Echean- 
 dia installed as his deputy at Loreto Lieutenant J. 
 M. Padres, a member of the territorial deputation, 
 whose liberal ideas brought the Dominicans into 
 opposition with him. Elected deputy to the congress 
 in the following year, he departed for Mexico, leav- 
 ing the gubernatorial office to the alcade of Loreto, 
 Miguel Mesa.' 
 
 Micheltoreua, in 1843, to restore all property taken, except lamds already 
 occupied, for which titles must be obtained from the government. This did 
 not interfere, however, with the progress of spoliation, and iho frontier mis- 
 sions were nearly all disposed of in 1846 by the unscrupulous Governor Pico. 
 'In 1829, however, the territorial deputation took upon itself to reverse 
 this order by selecting its first member, ^Iferez Mata, of the garrison, as 
 sub-gefe politico. This independent action roused Echeandfa, who hitherto 
 had allowed the people to manage their own affairs. His representations led 
 the supreme government to appoint Lieutenant-colonel M. Victoria, and to 
 separate the peninsula from Alta California, while subordinating it in mili- 
 tary and judicial matters to the comandante-general of Sonora. Victoria 
 being transferred to the northern province in 1830, he was succeeded by M. 
 Monterde, who, upon his election to congress in 1831, surrendered the office 
 to the deputation, and its members now rotated monthly as jefe politico. 
 The consequent confusion caused Monterde to be sent back as ruler two 
 years later, but he being again elected deputy, a Peruvian member of the 
 deputation took charge until the arrival, in April 1835, of the government 
 appointee. Colonel M. Martinez; but so intense was the opposition of the 
 legislative body to this mainland intruder that he resigned. Then came a 
 contest between the deputation members for control, leading to virulent 
 party spirit and bloodshed. The government thereupon ordered the admin- 
 istration to rest with the alcalde of La Paz, to which place the capital had 
 been transferred in 1830, owing to the destitution of Loreto in natural re. 
 sources, aggravated by an inundation, which, in the preceding year had swept 
 
POLITICAL CHANGES. 711 
 
 At the fall of the federal systiem in Mexico the 
 Califomians were united into a single department 
 under this name, and Luis del Castillo Negrete, an 
 ex-judge from the northern province, was appointed 
 sub-jefe under the governor residing in Alta Cali- 
 fornia, yet really with greater power than his prede- 
 cessors, owing to the abolition of the deputation, and 
 the distance fro.n his superiors. He ruled with great 
 energy and prudence till 1842, and introduced most 
 commendable land reforms and colonization measures. 
 After this came a rapid succession of military ap- 
 pointees, with symptoms of former disquietude. The 
 two districts of the Californias quarrelled also con- 
 cerning the frontier jurisdiction, and the disorder was 
 aggravated by the government's neglect to properly 
 sustain the garrison, which thus became a party to 
 strife. Indians took advantage of the discord to 
 carry matters with a high hand."* 
 
 Troubles also threatened to arise from the decree 
 in 1828 and following years, for the expulsion of Span- 
 iards, to which nationality the friars belonged, besides 
 a few of the settlers; but as no serious attempt was 
 made to enforce the law here the affair subsided." 
 
 Now comes a more stirring period, the war with 
 
 away a large portion of the town. This action served only to unite the fac- 
 tions against the common enemy. The alcalde, M. Canseco, was cast into 
 prison, and the deputation renewed the rotation in ofiice. The government 
 imperatively repeated its former order, and Conseco declining, the second 
 alcalde. Captain F. de la Toba was installed as jefe in January 1837. 
 
 Inconstant raids occurred; in October 1839, the mission of Guadalupe was 
 sacked, three of the defenders being killed; and in 1840 Santa Catalina mis- 
 sion was burned, and 16 of its neophytes were slain. 
 
 " After the independence, intercourse with foreigners was no longer pro- 
 hibited, and both La Paz and Loreto were for a time opened to trade. The 
 permission availed little, owing to the lack of resources to attract vessels. 
 Among visitors were Lieut Hardy of the British navy, commissioner for a^ 
 pearl fishery association of London, who spent much time and money in 1826 
 in a visionary scheme to obtain pearls by means of diving-bells; in the same 
 year Duhaut-Cilly, in the French trading ship H&ros, and four years later 
 came Combier in La FAlick. In the same year, 1830, James 0. Pattie 
 strayed with a party of starving trappers to the frontier missions. An in- 
 voluntary stay was also made in 1832 by Governor Figueroa, on the way 
 from Acapulco to Alta California. While halting at Cape San Lucas part of 
 his troops mutinied, and sailed away to San Bias with the transport vessel, 
 and he had to take refuge at La Paz until the vessel was restored by the 
 authorities of Jalisco. 
 
712 LOWER CALIPORKIA. 
 
 the United States, the general aspect of which I have 
 considered elsewhere. It has been shown that Cali- 
 fornia, in its wide extent, was the chief aim of the 
 invaders, who were stimulated by the belief that Eng- 
 land had designs upon the coast. Geographically by 
 name, and for the time politically, the peninsula 
 seemed to be part of Alta California. It was, more- 
 over, regarded as a desirable acquisition, partly from 
 a strategic point of view, and from the first the im- 
 pression came from official sources that Lower Cali- 
 fornia would be retained by the United States. This 
 was communicated to its inhabitants, with the assur- 
 ance of protection to all who should espouse the 
 American cause. Yet it was not until the conquest 
 of the upper coast had been achieved that the in- 
 vaders turned against its southern extension." 
 
 ''Their war vessels had appeared in these waters in the autumn 
 of 1846, to give notice of a blockade which could not then be en- 
 forced, and at the' first intimation Colonel Miranda, jefe politico, offered 
 neutrality if the persons and property of the people were respected, for they 
 were defenceless. This step, although widely countenanced or tacitly ap- 
 proved, suificsd to raise an outcry among a set of true patriots, as well as 
 among purely political opponents, who, profiting by Miranda's lack of firm- 
 ness, in Feb. 1847, set up as jefe politico Mauricio Castro, a prominent and 
 energetic man. He lost no time in summoning the members of the council 
 to meet at Santa Anita to devise measures for defence. Orders had been issued 
 early in 18i6 for raising a company of def ensores under the command of J. M. 
 Moreno, styled jefe de Guerilla de Def ensores, and Castro sought to organize a 
 body of volunteers; but it was impossible at the time for him to collect suffi- 
 cient means or men. The invaders found no obstacle therefore to taking 
 formal possession. They began by entering the ports, capturing a few small 
 vessels, and sounding the disposition of the people. On March 29, 1847, 
 Commander Montgomery, of the Poi-tsmouth, having summoned the authori- 
 ties of San Jose del Cabo to surrender the town and all public property to 
 the United States, was promised strict neutrality. He hoisted his flag, and 
 in a proclamation admonished the inhabitants to pursue peaceably their avo- 
 cations, inviting all who should submit to participate in the privileges of 
 American citizens. 
 
 On April 13th the Portsmouih appeared at La Paz, which surrendered 
 with rather more elaborate formalities. Colonel Miranda, who still held 
 sway here, made no opposition, but he requested that commissioners from 
 both sides might meet to arrange the terms after possession had been taken. 
 This was granted, and fifteen articles were arranged, by which all public 
 property should be given up. The municipal officers were to continue their 
 functions under promise of neutrality, and military officers, if they remained 
 in the country, were to be paroled. The authorities of Loreto, were to be 
 notified that they were under the same obligations of neutrality as those of 
 La Paz. Citizens of the Peninsula were to enjoy tlie same rights and priv- 
 ileges as citizens of the United States. Vessels belonging to inhabitants of 
 the country would be returned to their owners, for the present, and allowed 
 to trade legally in all directions except on the coast of Mexico. 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES. 713 
 
 After the surrender of La Paz the country was for 
 some time as undisturbed as in time of peace, although 
 the people of the interior were known to be in any- 
 thing but a submissive mood. Trusting to this quiet 
 surrender, and to the weakness of the province, the 
 American commanders neglected to leave an adequate 
 force to complete the conquest," and secure perma- 
 nent tranquility. This error subsequently nearly 
 brought disgrace upon the flag which they had hoisted. 
 
 1* The authorities in Alta California were more observant, and resolved to 
 remedy the neglect. The N. Y. volunteers had reached that coast after its 
 •subjugation and two of its companies, A and B, numbering 115 men, 
 under Col. Burton, were embarked for Lower California, at Santa Barbara, 
 on July 3, 1847, with provisions for six months, on board the store-ship 
 Lexington, which had to remain with them. On the 20th they were wel- 
 •comed at La Paz, and fitted up barracks on an elevated plateau overlooking 
 the town. On July 29th Burton issued a proclamation of the same tenor as 
 ithat already promulgated by Commander Montgomery, and sent copies of it 
 -to all the principal towns. No opposition was raised to this except at San 
 Antonio, where two citizens, Hidalgo by name, had sought to rouse the in- 
 habitants, but were promptly made prisoners by Burton. Meanwhile news 
 •came that a Mexican force had landed at Mulege, and the U. S. sloop of war 
 Dale, Commander T. O. Selfridge, happening to arrive just then at La Paz, 
 she set out in company of the schooner lAbertad to investigate. Selfridge 
 reached the port on Sept. 30th, and promptly cut out a smdl schooner, the 
 Magdalena, which had brought the Mexican soldiers, without meeting oppo- 
 sition. The following morning he sent a proposal to the authorities to pre- 
 serve neutrality, to surrender the arms brought from Guaymas, and to ab- 
 stain from all intercourse with Mexico. Captain Manuel Pineda, cliief of 
 -the Mexican troops, and newly appointed comandante principal of the penin- 
 sula, in reply, indignantly prote.ated against the injustice of the American 
 cause and the treachery of Miranda. La Paz, he declared, would soon be 
 retaken. As for Mulege, he would defend it to the last. Selfridge promptly 
 landed a force under cover of his guns, and after a brief skirmish, involving 
 some well-directed broadsides from the vessel, and firing from the boats, the 
 town, already evacuated by the inhabitants, was cleared of soldiers. The 
 J)ale, having nothing more to do, stood out to sea on the 2d of October, leav- 
 ing the Libsrtad to cruise oflF the harbor to prevent communication with 
 Sonora. The force under Pineda had been placed by rumor at 200 men, but 
 it soon transpired that little more than some arms and a few officers 
 had been brought from Gruaymas. These officers, however, had authority to 
 obtain, and even press into service, such men, arms, and supplies as might 
 be needed for the defense of the country. This they did, and on the strength 
 of their claimed victory over the Dale expedition, they now succeeded very 
 well, first round Mulege and Loreto, and then south and westward. The 
 ■effects of Miranda and other wealthy supporters of the hostile cause were 
 ruthlessly confiscated, and with lukewarm contributors coercion was em- 
 ployed; but this gave rise to so many abuses that the political chief, Mauri- 
 cio Castro, at length ordered Pineda to restrain his soldiers from seizing 
 jrivaite property. 
 
 The growing enthusiasm was greatly due to the exhortations of the 
 ipadres, notably P. Soto-Mayor, of San Ignacio, who is said to have been 
 ithe first to excite the people against the Americans, and who accompanied 
 4he patriots. It was further stimulated by the occasional receipt of arms 
 
714 LOWER CALIFOENIA. 
 
 and supplies from the Mexican coast in spite of Selfridge's precautions, act 
 that speedily a respectable guerrilla force stood equipped, //a Paz was the 
 main objective point, but it was decided to delay attack until the formidable 
 war vessels had left the coast. Nevertheless, as the strength of the liberat- 
 ing army increased, the courage of the patriots rose, until on October 23, 
 1847, the people of San Jose del Cabo, where no American force existed, 
 could restrain their impatience no longer. They took arms, drove out the 
 few foreign settlers there, and proclaimed the rule of the United States at 
 an end. They had been too hasty, however, for the Pacific squadron, under 
 Commodore Shubrick, happened to touch at this point shortly after, en route 
 to blockade the mainland ports. The people at San Jose at once changed 
 tone, but those further removed from the scene still maintained a pronounced 
 attitude, especially at Todos Santos, till the appearance there of a small 
 force of marines produced a similar change. The commodore now issued a 
 proclamation, wherein he declared that the United States had no intention 
 to ever surrender the Califomias, and invited those who were well disposed 
 toward that government to stand fast in their fidelity, at the same time 
 threatening the disaflfected with severe punishment. As a further assurance 
 he left, on Nov. 8th, a party of 24 men under Lieutenant Heywood, with 
 
 E revisions for thirty days, a nine-pounder carronade, and seventy-five car- 
 ines for distribution in case of need among loyal and trustworthy natives. 
 The news of approaching guerillas, and the occurrence at San Jose, placed 
 the American garrison at La Paz upon its guard; and as the people seemed 
 friendly a municipal guard of natives was appointed to protect the town, 
 though the Americans took care to patrol the environs and keep strict con- 
 trol in the immediate vicinity of their quarters. Martial law was procUimed, 
 and all persons known to be disaffected were ordered to leave. The camp 
 was moreover fortified on the north side with a semi-circular breastwork of 
 palm logs, enclosing the two field-pieces which constituted the artillery. 
 The position was well chosen and dominated the town. The adobe barracks 
 occupied by the men fronted toward the south, a row of three buddings, about 
 75 yards distant, church, officers' quarters, and store-house, which together 
 formed the main position. The last two edifices possessed court-yards with 
 adobe walls; on the east, open toward the distant hills, was added a trench 
 and a chain cable supported by posts for resisting cavalry, and ditches were 
 cut at different points. These preparations were accelerated by the approach 
 of the Califomians, with a fighting force of about 600 or 700 men, swelled 
 by an additional number of irregular followers of less value. Captain 
 Manuel Pineda, as comandante principal of the peninsula, was commander- 
 in-chief, and under him ranked as the principal leaders Antonio Mijares, a 
 brave officer of the Mexican army, Jose Matias Moreno, and Vicente Mejla, 
 captains of militia, and P. Gabriel Gonzalez, who never flagged in his efforts 
 to stir up the people against the gringos. See particularly A rck Cal. Mex. 
 Arch. L. Cal, tom. i. passim; and Moreno in Hayes' Doc. Hist. L. Cal, 
 passim. 
 
 The war vessels having all left, these forces hastened to carry out their 
 plan, with this difference, that a portion was detached, under Mijares, 
 Moreno, and Mejia, to harass the small garrison at San Jose while Pineda 
 led the main body against La Paz. He made his first attack at two o'clock 
 in the morning of Nov. 16th, by opening a heavy musketry fire upon the 
 American quarters from the northern side of the arroyo. His cavalry was 
 stationed on the east and south, with orders to charge if the Americans at- 
 tempted to cross. As a reconnoitring party had failed to see anything of 
 the opponents the evening before, Burton's, men were somewhat surprised, 
 and had the Califomians taken advantage of the confusion caused by their 
 first volley to advance with the bayonet, they might have won the position. 
 As it was they continued to blaze away in the dark for an hour or more, the 
 Americans, on account of scarcity of ammunition, only throwing a shell or 
 two in the direction of the enemy, ^^^len morning broke, the Califomian 
 force had disappef red, and the few inhabitants remaining in the town were 
 
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 718 
 
 seen to be leaving it with all possible dispatch. About 9 A. m. Pineda'a 
 cavalry suddenly came pouring over the opposite side of the arroyo, but 
 after receiving a few well-directed shots from the field-pieces, letired. 
 Three hours later the Californians renewed the attack on foot, extending 
 their front so that the field-pieces could not be used against them. Concen- 
 trating their fire upon the comparatively contracted space occupied by the 
 Americans, they gradually advanced their wings,' until they had penetrated 
 into the town on one side, and into the thick cactus to the east of the Ameri- 
 can position on the other. Burton's men were then exposed to a dangerous 
 cross-fire, which they could only return by an occasional shot. At length 
 the Americans ran out the field-pieces to the brow of the hill, and directed a 
 heavy fire of grape and canister upon the town and cuartel, which soon 
 drove the Californians from both positions with loss. Firing being resumed 
 
 Plan or the Positions Oooupibd by Troops at La Pas Cubing the At- 
 tacks IN November and December, 1847. 
 
 1— Main position of Americans. 2— Chmrch. .3— Storehouse. 4— Miranda's house. 
 5— Fortification on the hill. 6— Mill. 7— Corner of Belloe's house. 8— Nearest point 
 of Mexican advance. 9— Portugese house. 10— Old cuartel. 11-12— Capt. Steele's 
 party taking the old cuartel. 13— Gravevard. 14— Miranda's town house, destroyed 
 by Mexicans. 15— Arroyo, from 4 to 6 feet deep. 16— American Barracks. Prop- 
 erty destroyed by Americans. 
 
 early on the 17th, the Americans sallied and destroyed all buildings which 
 could afiford shelter to asssilants, so that they soon had a fairly clear view 
 within musket range. They moreover hastened to throw up additional in- 
 trenchments, with breastwork and ditches; and to fortify the roofs of their 
 buildings with cotton bales and other suitable materials. 
 
 On the 27th the Californians were unexpectedly reenforced by the division 
 from San Job4, which had been repulsed there, and encouraged moreover by 
 the possession of a four-pounder which the new-comers brought with them, 
 they began a desperate attack about 3 o'clock P. m., advancing to within 10ft 
 feet of the entrenchments, and continuing the fight until after dark. On 
 
716 LOWER CALIFORNIA, 
 
 the following day the Americans retaliated by storming the old ouartel 
 which formed the opposite centre. They also strengthened their position by 
 demolishing their own northern bar^'ack and concentrating behind the log 
 barricade. Pineda remained inactive for some days, and then fell back to 
 San Antonio. Meanwhile the besieged having sent a laimch to Ma-^atlan for 
 aid, the Cyane entered the harbor Dec. 8th, followed on the 11th by the 
 iSoutliampton with orders for the relief of San Jose. 
 
 While these operations took place at La Paz a similar siege was laid to 
 San Jose, held by Lieut Heywood with 24 men and a nine-pounder. He 
 had taken possession of the barrack or guartel, a dilapidated, square adobe 
 building. This was repaired and fortified as far as possible, by walling up 
 all unnecessary windows and doors, and leaving only loopholes. The roof, 
 also, with its low parapet was arranged for sharpshooters. Some twenty 
 friendly Califomians with their families were received, and a portion placed 
 with three Americans in an adjoining building known as Mott's. On Nov. 
 19th, the force under Mijares and companions, estimated at about 20O 
 mounted men, summoned the invaders to surrender, which demand having 
 been rejected, a desultory fire was opened toward sunset, ammunition being 
 scarce on both sides, and when darkness set in the Califomians crept up, 
 pushing themselves behind corners and walls and at the windows of the 
 buildings adjacent to the barracks. By ten o'clock they resumed the firing, 
 this time with murderous intensity, so much so that many of their balls 
 passed through the loopholes in the cuartel. Meanwhile a party, led by the 
 brave Mijares, made an attack upon the rear of Mott's house, but were re- 
 pulsed by the volunteer Califomians, who under the able leadership of Mid- 
 jBhipman McLanahan and Gillespie defended the building with great deter- 
 mination. Before daybreak the Califomians retired, carrying with them 
 two killed and several wounded. The Americans had three wounded in 
 this night's engagement. The next day passed in mere investment opera- 
 tions until night, when a forlorn hope, led by Mijares, made a fierce charge 
 upon the cuartel to capture the nine-pounder. It had been intended that 
 the whole force should storm the cuartel on all sides during the confusion 
 which this charge would create, but at the first fire, Mijares and several 
 others fell and the rest abandoned the movement. On the 21st the Califor- 
 nians, alarmed by the appearance of two vessels, retired. The arrivals 
 proved to be New Bedford whalers, the MagnoUa and Edward, whose com- 
 manders, Simmons and Barker, had learned of the siege and hastened to 
 succor the garrison. They offered supplies and ammunition, and landed 
 about 60 men, armed with harpoons, lances, and other implements of their 
 calling, with here and there a venerable musket. They were soon relieved 
 by the arrival of the Smdhampton, followed by the Portsmoutfi, and during 
 the presence of these warships everything remained quiet. After a few 
 weeks stay they set sail, leaving with Heywood a force increased to 30 
 marines and 16 seamen, with abundant ammunition and two additional 
 carronades. The departure of these vessels was a signal for the Califomians 
 to renew operations, and about the middle of Jan., 1848, reenforced by 
 Pineda, they encamped within a league of the village to the number of 300 
 mounted men, driving off the cattle and horses, destroying the crops, and 
 cutting off all communication with the interior. They moreover captured a 
 party of five men under the midshipmen Duncan and Warley, who sought 
 to reach a schooner which had arrived on the 21st with supplies. Embold- 
 ened by this success, they contracted their lines and drew daily nearer the 
 town. As Heywood had to support some fifty women and children who had 
 sought his protection, provisions soon ran short. At great risk foraging 
 parties were sent out, but only three cows could be obtained. These con- 
 sumed, everybody was put on half allowance of salt provisions without 
 bread. The Califomians drew closer, and strengthened by a body of Yaquis 
 from Sonora they maintained an harassing fire, yielding only momentarily 
 beiore occasional sallies. They also frustrated an attempt to communicate 
 with a schooner bringing supplies from La Paz. By the 10th of Feb. they 
 
BATTLE OF SAN VICENTE. 717 
 
 had gained entire possession of the town, and had approached close to the 
 barrack, their flag flying within 90 yards of it, from a strong building iu a 
 commanding position. Henceforth the Americans were subjected to an 
 almost incessant fire from all quarters. One of these stray missiles carried 
 off the brave and competent midshipman McLeanahan, Heywood's right-hand 
 man; and by the 12th the Calif ornians had cut off access to the watermg place 
 by breastworks. The situation of the besieged was now very critical, and the 
 suffering of the women and children made it seem almost inhuman to hold 
 out; yet so far the Americans were as determined as ever. In the afternoon 
 of the 14th a large sail was reported, which greatly cheered the Americans, 
 while the CaUfornians redoubled their efforts and revealed such spirit that 
 Heywood, aware of their increased number, feared succor might not reach 
 him. The vessel proved to be the Cyane, commander Dupont, who had re- 
 ceived orders while at La Paz to proceed to San J ose, news of the situation 
 of the garrison having reached Commodore Shubrick at Mazatlan. Deem- 
 ing it imprudent to land during the night, Dupont waited until daylight, 
 when he landed with a force of seven officers, five marines, and eighty-nine 
 seamen. He had also a 3-pounder field-piece, dragged by hand. The Cali- 
 fornians in the meantime had concentrated along his path, leaving only a 
 small party in the town to hold Heywood in check. As soon as Dupont's 
 men began to advance, an annoying fire was opened upon them from the dif- 
 ferent covers all along the road, nearly two miles long, and notably frcim 
 the hamlet of San Vicente, situated upon a knoll where the Califomians 
 were gathered in force. The steady fire and advance of the Americans, 
 however, compelled them to give waj', though they continued to harass the 
 invaders on flank and rear. Meanwhile those in the cuartel had anxiously 
 followed the movements of both sides, till finally Heywood, no longer able 
 to bear the suspense and inaction, at the head of thirty picked men sallied 
 forth, drove back the band in observation, and joined Dupont just outside 
 the town. The united parties then dispersed the Californians, and marched 
 triumphantly to the cuartel, communication between the beach and cuartel 
 being reestablished. Thus ended the battle of San Vicente, a celebrated en- 
 counter for Lower California. The siege of San Jose reflects credit on both 
 sides, on the one for staunch endurance and considerate regard for fugitive 
 families; on the other for considerable skill in siege operations, and a dash, 
 illustrated by leaders like Mijares and Navarrete. If the Califomians failed 
 in their aim, it must be attributed greatly to the superior discipline and mili- 
 tary resources of their opponents. The regnforcements sent them from the 
 mainland proved not only of little value, but positively pernicious to the 
 cause of defence, from the lack of sympathy and principle among these hire- 
 lings. Moreover, the treatment to which the Califomians were submitted 
 aroused disgust. Loyal citizens were ground down by forced contributions, 
 and those who were regarded as traitors were robbed of their property, and 
 subjected to outrages of every description. Pineda might have checked 
 these abuses, but paid no heed either to remonstrances, or even the com- 
 mands of his superior in Sonora. Thus the unfortunate Californians were 
 placed between two fires, and it is no wonder that many of them openly 
 went over to the side of the Americans for self -protection. This was done 
 by considerable numbers of inhabitants who had otherwise been true patriots. 
 Nearly every place of importance was in constant ferment and intrigue; con- 
 flicting pronunciamentos followed each other in quick succession; juntas 
 were peremptorily summoned to meet in this town, and that by rival chiefs; 
 no party could distinguish its friends from its foes; distrust, jealousy, and 
 treachery pervaded every council and frustrated every plan. And all 
 this naturally assisted the invaders to hold their own and push the conquest. 
 La Paz having been unmolested since November, Burton was encouraged 
 to organize several small expeditions, which during February .succeeded in 
 capturing a few prisoners, but more extensive operations were deferred till 
 the arrival of reenforcements expected from Alta California. Urged, how- 
 ever, by a spirit of friendly rivalry which existed between Burton's voluu' 
 
718 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 teers and the naval forces, the former determined to attempt the rescue of 
 the prisoners that had been captured from Heywood's command. Accord- 
 ingly, on March 15th, 34 mounted men and officers, under Captain Steele, 
 Burton's second in command, proceeded to San Antonio, where the captives 
 were lodged, arriving close to the town at daylight on the following morning. 
 Having captured a piclcet, they charged at full speed into the place, and dis- 
 persed the Californians after a brief skirmish, killing three, and capturing 
 Captain Calderon, Lieutenant Arce, and a soldier. The American prisoners 
 were found and rescued, and after destroying some arms and ammunition, 
 the expedition returned to La Paz, which was reached on the 17th. Ihe 
 arrival, on March 22d, of the store-ship Isabella, with over 150 additional 
 volunteers, under Captain H. M. Naglee, enabled Colonel Burton to give 
 wider scope to his operations. Four (feys later he set out from La Paz with 
 217 men, and on the next day a detachment of 15 surprised and captured at 
 San Antonio the comandante principal, Pineda. Learning that the Califor- 
 nians were concentrating at Todos Santos for retreating toward Magda- 
 lena bay. Burton hastened in pursuit with the main body, while Naglee 
 sought to gain their rear with 45 mounted men. Timely warned that the 
 Californians were lying in ambush in some dense chaparral through which the 
 road ran, Burton directed his course along a ridge of high table land, from 
 which afuU view of the enemy was obtained, whereupon the latter fell back to 
 a hill commanding his, advanced and received him with CT:eat spirit; the en- 
 gagement was cut short, however, by the appearance of Naglee to the rear, 
 and the Californians dispersed in all directions. Naglee continued the pur- 
 suit, and captured several Mexican soldiers; he also surprised a camp of 
 sleeping Yaquis, two of whom were secured, and by Naglee's order brutally 
 butchered. He then issued a proclamation to the authorities and rancheros, 
 directing them to arrest all Yaquis wherever found, intimating very plainly 
 that the lives of the outlaws were of no value. Such acts and words could 
 not fail to give strength to the rumors industriously spread of American 
 outrages. 
 
 Meanwhile other officers from naval and volunteer corps had brought in 
 a number of prisoners, among them Mauricio Castro, who since Pineda's 
 capture had combined the military and political commands, and the shrewd 
 and energetic P. Gonzalez, as well as his two sons, who were serving as offi- 
 cers in the army, from whose influence the Americans had more to fear than 
 from all the military leaders. The principal prisoners were sent to Mazatlan 
 and released on parole, several returning afterwards. The volunteers con- 
 tinued to garrison the peninsula unmolested till the treaty of Guadalupe 
 Hidalgo restored it to Mexico, after which they went back to Alta Califor- 
 nia to be disbanded. As the American commanders had repeatedly declared 
 that Lower California would be permanently annexed to the United States, 
 and had thus induced many of tlie inhabitants to compromise themselves with 
 their countrymen, by espousing the invader's cause, the course of the United 
 States government in surrendering the peninsula was subjected to severe 
 criticism in many quarters. The reasons were its poverty and awkward 
 position for communication and defence. True, certain amends were made 
 by oflering those afraid of remaining the opportunity to leave the country 
 and settle in Alta California, together with a certain indemnity for losses; 
 but this breaking up of homes and families was not possible to all. Those 
 who had suffered from the invasion as loyal adherents to Mexico, were ac- 
 corded grants of land. 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1848-1888. 
 
 H'ew Poijtioal Division — A Militahy Colony Established — Filibuster- 
 ing Designs — Walker — His Plans Against Sonora Thwarted — 
 Enrolment of Men in California — Descent on Lower California — 
 Pbocliams a Republic at La Paz — Walker Retires to Todos Santos 
 Bat — Arrival of Re-enforcements — Capture of Santo Tomas — The 
 Republic of Sonora Proclaimed — Dissension Among the Filibus- 
 ters — The March into Sonora — Collapse of the Expedition — Po- 
 litical Matters — Convict Uprising — Strife for Power — Frontier 
 Troubles — Arrival of French Vessels — Colonization Plans — 
 Oechilla Gathering — Revolt Against Governor Davilos — Change 
 of Governors — Marquez' Revolt — Prospects of Progress. 
 
 Mexico seemed somewhat indifferent about receiv- 
 ing back the peninsula, although its possession by an 
 opponent must have proved a decided menace to her 
 north-west territory. A portion of the ephemeral re- 
 form measures which sprung up after every political 
 convulsion was accorded to it, but with even more 
 than the usual lack of enforcement. The province 
 was divided into two partidos,' each with its court of 
 justice,' and a diputacion or legislature of seven 
 members was confirmed to it, with instructions to pre- 
 pare the draft of a constitution for internal adminis- 
 
 ^The northern partido composed Santo Tom^s, San Ignaoio, Mulege, 
 Comondii, Loreto, La Junta, San Luis, Los Dolores, and their dependencies. 
 The southern included La Paz, Los Reyes, San Antonio, la Frinchera, Todos, 
 Santos, San Bartolo, Santiago, Miraflorea, Santa Anita, San Jose del Cabo, 
 and SanLrScas. Decree of April 12, 1849. Arrillaga, Becop., 1849, 118. 
 
 2 Subject to Sonora and composed of juez de letras, pay |2,400, with 
 notary, clerk, and sheriflf, at from $1,200 to |200 per annum. Hex. Mem. 
 Just., 1850, Doc. 20, 1851; Doc. 20; Id. Hoc., 1850-4. In small places lack- 
 ing alcaldes jucus auxiliaries take cognizance in cases involving amounts not 
 over $15. There were eight constitutional alcaldes, two in the capital and 
 one in each municipality, with 33 alcaldes de cuartel, 21 being in the south. 
 
 _An Indian ruled at S. Borja, 
 
 f719) 
 
720 LOWER CALIFORNIA 
 
 tration.' The jefe polftico should be appointed by 
 the supreme government, after consulting the legis- 
 lature.* 
 
 'Decree of April 25, 1850. The members were to be elected by the col- 
 lege chooaing the congressional deputy, for four years, renewable by halves. 
 Navarro, Leyes, 1850, 104-7; Mex. Col. Leyes, 1850-1, 71-3. For deputy 
 election see Universal 21, Nov. 1849. 
 
 * With |3, 000 pay; the eldest legislative member succeeded temporarily. 
 PinaH, Doc. Son., iv. 33. A most important meaisure was to assign to the 
 peninsula one of the several military colonies decreed for the protection of 
 the northern frontier against Americans as well as Indians. The manner of 
 carrying out the scheme made it useless as regards the former, for it was 
 easier to enter by sea than across the northern wastes, and it brought no im- 
 provement on previous methods of dealing with the aborigines, while the dis- 
 trict itself lost rather than gained by this accession of colonists. The order- 
 to establish the colony with 100 men was issued in July 20, 1848, and 
 preparations to that end were begun in the following year by Col Espinosa, who, 
 as j ef e politico and comandante militar of the peninsula, was also appointed in- 
 spector of the projected settlement. According to his regulations recruits 
 were to be attracted by bounties, advance of pay, land grants, and aid to- 
 found homes and farms, and ordinary settlers were to be invited on condi- 
 tion of lending armed assistance in case of need; but the pay of $18 per 
 month was subject to many deductions; the frontier lay remote and isolated, 
 and the illusiveness of government promises was too well known to attract 
 many volunteers, in the southern district at least; and Captain Manuel 
 Castro, who nad been appointed to the command, had to start August 1849' 
 ■with only 15 men and scanty means, leaving his second, Lieut Chaves, to 
 follow with more suppKes. During the march through the poorer north, 
 people showed less hesitation, and when the party in March 1850 reached, 
 Rosario, the designated site, it had trebled in strength. Toward the end of 
 the year, however, the settlement was removed to the mission Santo Tom^s, 
 in a fertile and well-watered valley, 35 leagues from the border and 9 from. 
 Todos Santos harbor. Here the beginning was made, yet under such diffi- 
 culties, chiefly from lack of proper and sufficient means, that Castro had re- 
 course to frequent and protracted sojoumings in Alta CaHfomia, leaving to 
 Chaves the task of appeasing the suflfering and discontented soldiers, who 
 wandered about in quest of sustenance or deserted to the glittering placers of 
 the gold region. Nevertheless, the population of the colony was in June 
 1851 reported to be 191, of whom 42 were Indians, and Castro enjoyed the 
 dignity of his position, poor though it was. Great was his indignation, 
 therefore, on learning that a superior had been appointed for the colony in the 
 person of Lieutenant-colonel Negrete, as deputy inspector. Brave and loyal, 
 Chaves shared his feelings, and promised to check the aspirations of the in- 
 terloper. While his chief took refuge across the border, he boldly arrested 
 the inspector and sent him back to La Paz under certain invented accusa- 
 tions, after dissimulating long enough to secure aU the supplies brought by 
 him. This proceeding opened a reign of disorder among the factions now 
 arising, rival leaders stri-ving for supremacy midst conflict, pillage, and out- 
 rages which interfered with agriculture and other industrial developments, 
 and so increased the misery that desertion became the rule, and the colony 
 wasted slowly away. This anarchic condition not only encouraged the 
 roaming tribes in their raids, but struck the wayward fancy of foreign ad- 
 venturers. The success of Atistiu and his companions in building up a rich 
 republic in Texas excited to emulation, and the comparative neglect of the 
 Mexican government for the northwestern provinces fostered it, the more so 
 as these territories were rich in mines of gold and silver. Ihe discovery of 
 gold in Alta California had filled that state -with a class of men eminently fitted: 
 
FILIBUSTERING. 721 
 
 As early as 1851 hostile projects assumed a threat- 
 ening aspect/ and the operations of Raousset de 
 Boulbon in Sonora in 1852 revealed the determina- 
 tion with which such men could follow flimsy pre- 
 texts, while his short-lived victory at Hermosillo 
 served to inflame the minds of a large number of men 
 in Alta California. Among them a certain little 
 wiry, plain-faced Tennessean, some thirty years of 
 age ; a reserved man, slow of speech, swift and noise- 
 less as a snake in action, with the seal of an indomita- 
 ble will set upon his firm lips, and a relentless soul 
 looking out through his steel-gray eyes — eyes so 
 peculiar in shade and expression that they fascinated 
 while they repelled, and seemed to subordinate the 
 will and read the thoughts of him upon whom their 
 steady gaze was bent. Such was the appearance of 
 William Walker, editor, lawyer, filibuster, whose pen 
 was as sharp as his sword, and as ready for attack. 
 Brave, energetic, resolute, ambitious, and unscrupu- 
 lous far beyond ordinary men, he appeared to have 
 been created for the desperate work before him, save 
 that he was called to play his part some centuries too 
 late.' 
 
 for making encroachments upon their neighbors' property. As gold be- 
 came scarcer, the more restless of these adventurers began to look about 
 them for a new harvest field. It mattered not who might own the imaginary- 
 Eldorado; if they were only strong enough to take and hold it, it was theirs 
 by the only code they recognized, and they turned their eyes to Mexico; 
 for had not their own government pointed to her as fair game ? 
 
 'In June 200 men came to La Paz, ostensibly to trade, and 400 more 
 were expected. Universal, July 18, 1851. For Sonora expeditions, see under 
 that province. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1852, 17-19. Preparations for defense were 
 made in Feb. 1852. Doc. HiKt., Baja Cal, ii. 253-61, 536-60, passim. These 
 threats and the consequent arming and irritation led to the murder in that 
 mouth of two American miners, Isaac Banes and Van Ness, near Guadalupe, 
 by greedy soldiers. Evidence in Id., ii. 266-58.3, passim. 
 
 ° He and his companions contemplated a scheme similar to that of the 
 French count, and two agents had been sent to Sonora to obtain as a foot- 
 hold a grant of land near Arispe, in return for an offer to protect the frontier 
 against the savages; but warned by Raousset's action, the government 
 would not listen to the proposal. Walker, therefore, decided to renew the 
 application in person, and in June 1853, accompanied by Henry P. Watkius, 
 he sailed from San Francisco for Guaymas. The authorities, however, treated 
 him with suspicion, and the two sheep-faced wolves were forbidden to pro- 
 ceed into the interior. At this point of affairs, as Walker relates, news 
 came of fresh Apache outrages, threatening Guaymas itself, and ' several 
 Hist. Mbx. States, Vol. II. 16 
 
722 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 The acquisition from Mexico of the Mesilla tract 
 of northern Sonora, in 1854, set on foot certain rumors 
 that Lower California and even Sonora were to be 
 sold. This led to indignant protestations, and to ap- 
 peals to the autliorities at Mexico, which served at 
 
 women of the place ' urged him to become their champion. This was a suffi- 
 cient pretext, and he resolved that not only Guaymas, but the whole people 
 of .Sonora, should have protection, and forthwith returned to San Francisco 
 to prepare for his chivalrous undertaking. 
 
 Little time was lost on his arrival there. A recruiting office was opened, 
 and volunteers were rapidly enlisted; bonds of the projected repuljlic of 
 Sonora were printed, and as money was plentiful and speculation rife in 
 those days, they were sold to some extent. With the proceeds, and subscrip- 
 tions from interested parties, arms and munitions were provided, and the 
 brig Arrow was chartered. General Hitchcock, however, commander of the 
 United States forces in California, took upon himself to interfere with this 
 breach of neutrality toward a friendly power, and seized the Arrcrw Septem- 
 ber 30, 1853. Impatient at delay, the filibusters chartered the Caroline, 
 transferred their stores and three guns to her, and silently departed during 
 the night of October 16th, with 46 men on board, with Walker at their head. 
 So sanguine were the adventurers, that a full-fledged administration had been 
 mapped out, and a full corps of army and navy officers appointed. Although 
 Guaymas was the understood destination of the expedition, it was decided 
 to make the first descent on Lower California, and after touching at Cape 
 San Lucas, the Caroline anchored at La Paz November 3d, under a Mexican 
 flag. Confident that he was not expected. Walker, with two of his officers, 
 went on shore and called on Governor Espinosa. After having satisfied 
 himself of the defenceless condition of the place, he caused his men to land 
 in force, and before the inliabitants had thought of danger, the town was in 
 possession of the filibusters, and the governor a captive. Forthwith the 
 new republic was proclaimed, with Walker as president; an appropriate flag 
 was hoisted, composed of two red' stripes, with a white one between, which 
 bore two red stars representing Lower California and Sonora; and the code 
 of Louisiana was declared to be the law of the land. To please the natives, 
 all custom-house duties were abolished. Walker, however, did not deem it 
 safe to remain long at La Paz with his small force, as troops might be ex- 
 pected from the mainland, and on the 6th he reembarked his men for the 
 purpose of removing to Cape San Lucas. At this juncture a strange vessel 
 entered port, which was boarded, and proved to be carrying Colonel Rebol- 
 ledo, the newly appointed governor, who was at once transferred to the 
 Caroline. 
 
 The approaching departure of the filibusters seems to have infused courage 
 into the men of La Paz, for a party of six Americans, while gathering wood 
 ashore, were fired upon, soon after the capture of RelioUedo. Walker landed 
 with thirty men to the rescue, while the Caroline opened fire on the town. A 
 lively skirmish took place, in which the Californians were routed, with the 
 loss of six or seven men, according to the account of the Americans. The 
 Caroline noiv sailed for San Lucas, but a Mexican cutter cruising off the cape 
 so wrought upon Walker's apprehensions that he continued his voyage to the 
 bay of lodos Santos, or Ensenada, as it was frequently called. Here he was 
 safe from any Mexican land force, and if attacked by sea was within easy 
 retreating distance from the Unii,ed States' boundary. Accordingly, he es- 
 tablished his headquarters in a one-story adobe building near the bay. In 
 this isolaterl place he remained till the latter part of December, during which 
 time the filibusters were engaged in several skirmishes with the military 
 colonists of Santo TomAs, who on one occasion laid siege to their building, 
 
PRESIDIO AND BISHOPRIC. 723 
 
 least, in connection with tlie late attack on La Paz, 
 to obtain for the peninsula greater consideration, in- 
 volving the establishment of a presidio, with a force 
 of about 600 men, brought by Colonel Ochoa, 360 
 men being there three years later. Steps also 
 
 which had been dignified by the name of Fort McKibbin. The assailants 
 were, however, driven off, and shortly afterward surprised and routed, with 
 the loss of a gun and camp equipage. The exultation of the Americans at 
 this success was greatly damped, however, by discovering one morning that 
 the Caroline had disappeared with a large proportion of the stores. The fact 
 is, that the fears of the captain had been so wrought upon by the representa- 
 tions of the two captives, that he agreed to carry them down to San Lucas. 
 Walker now found himself in a predicament, but help unexpectedly arrived 
 before long. Exaggerated accounts of the ' battle of La Paz ' had reached 
 San Francisco, creating great enthusiasm. Again the recruiting office was 
 opened, 'to which repaired the drifting vagabonds of the city in such numbers 
 aj to exceed transportation means. The bark Anita was chartered, and well 
 stored with arms and provisions. There was no attempt at lioncealment, 
 and the authorities looked passively on the flagrant violation of law and 
 honor. On December 13th the Anita sailed with 230 men on board, followed 
 by others on the coast steamers, while many more, in the madness of their 
 excitement and lust of gain, left San Francisco on foot for the new land of 
 promise. On December 20th the vessel entered the Ensenada, and Walker's 
 first act was to send 65 men to take Santo Tom^s, which was accomplished 
 without a blow being struck. He organized a government, and began drill- 
 ing his men. On January 18, 18.54, he issued a decree proclaiming the union 
 of that province with Lower California, under the title of Republic of 
 Sonora. 
 
 But among the late comers there soon arose a great deal of grumbling. 
 They had expected to find a Canaan, and not a wilderness. They had dreamed 
 of rich plunder and sumptuous fare, instead of a few hungry cattle to raid, 
 and jerked beef with boiled corn to eat. An opportunity for secession was 
 afforded in the distribution of animals for transportation stolen from the 
 settlers. The original thieves claimed more than was their share, and 
 threatened to withdraw. Walker assembled his men and made a spirit- 
 stirring address, then called upon all who would stand by the cause to hold 
 up their right hands and swear to do so. Most of the men took the oath, but 
 about 50 declared they had enough of filibustering, and were allowed to de- 
 part. But this first break proved contagious, and desertion set in to such 
 an extent as to exceed the reenforcements, which continued to arrive. As 
 the example of a few executions and floggings failed to make an impression, 
 Walker hastened his departure, and on March 20th set out from San Vi- 
 cente. After leaving a small detachment to 'hold the country,' he had only 
 100 men, less than one third of the force he at one time counted. After a 
 week's toilsome march the Colorado wa? reached, the number of his followers 
 continually decreasing. It was decided to cross six miles above the mouth 
 of the river, which was 400 yards wide and very deep at that point. In at- 
 tempting to swim across the river most of the remaining few of the cattle 
 which they had brought were drowned or escaped. The men passed over on 
 rafts, and the entry into the promised land was celebrated by a cold-blooded 
 murder. Captain Douglass, an officer who had already shown himself a 
 lirutal tyrant, shot dead an Englishman, named Smith, who in his hunger 
 had filched a little boiled corn belonging to the captain. Walker remained 
 encamped on the Sonora bank of the river for three days, during which de- 
 sertion reduced his force to 35 men. The indomitable determination of the 
 filibustvir leader was forced to yield. It would have been madness to pro- 
 
724 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 were taken to form a bishphoric in the peninsula, 
 to which end Escalante, bishop in partibus de anos- 
 tasiopolis, arrived in 1855 with three clergymen. The 
 Dominicans abandoned the secularized missions, and 
 orders were issued to restore all their unsold lands 
 for support of ministers.' 
 
 ceed; but he would not yet give up Lower California; and on April 6th he 
 recrossed the Colorado and led the ragged, dejected band of the faithful few 
 who still followed his misfortunes toward San Vicente. Before the depart- 
 ure of the Sonoran expedition the frontier settlers, driven to the verge of 
 despair by the desolating exactions and ravages of the filibnstera, had al- 
 ready combined against them, and when the main body departed, the small 
 detachment left behind was soon captured in detail or driven across the 
 boundary. The Californians next attacked Walker on his return, who al- 
 though he reached San Vicente, found it impossible to sustain himself there. 
 Ee therefore turned toward the frontier, hotly pursued by the enemy, with 
 whom he maintained a running fight till near the border, where he and his 
 party surrendered themselves to some American officers, who had approached 
 as mediators. They were allowed to give their parole to report themselves 
 to General Wool at San Francisco, to answer the charge of violating the 
 neutrality laws. To this end they were accorded free passage by steamer to 
 their destination. W. P. Watkins, the vice-president of the visionary repub- 
 lic, and F. Emory, secretary of state, had been arrested while on a recruiting 
 tour in California, for infringing neutrality laws, and fined -31,500 ea«h. 
 Neither of them were ever pressed to conform to the judgment, and the pris- 
 oners sent to San Francisco had nothing to fear. Indeed, Walker alone was 
 held to answer before the courts. He was tried and acquitted! It is un- 
 nece ssary to enter into the details of this judicial farce further than to re- 
 raa.rk that the judge declared that from his heart he sympathized with the 
 accused. If such were the sentiments of the judge, what must have bern 
 the sentiments of the people? To most of them the filibusters were venture- 
 some heroes, fresh from doughty enterprise, pioneers of 'manifest destiny,' 
 who, if checked by failure, had, nevertheless, effected a step onward in the 
 march of progress, and toward the realization of that dream which pictures 
 the entire northern continent under the stars and stripes. To right-minded 
 men the expedition will ever appear as an impudent crime. 
 
 ' The man charged to carry out the paternal intentions of the government 
 was General J. M. Blancarte of Jalisco, sent by Santa Anna, in 1854 to replace 
 ReboUedo. He had rendered great service to the dictator, and disappointed 
 with this petty appointment, turned against his patron, toward the end of 
 the year, by pronouncing for the plan of Ayutla, and issuing a provisional 
 constifcutiott in accordance therewith. In December 1885, the legislative 
 deputacion, suspended during Santa Anna's rule, was reinstalled, J. M. 
 Gomes being elected jete politico. During his administration Blancarte had 
 shown a disposition to act in an independent manner. In the preceding 
 month Captain Zsrman presented liimseK in the name of Alvarez, with two 
 vessels and 15 J men to form settlements. As the men were all foreigners 
 Bl mcarts chosa tD regard them as filibusters, caused tliem to be arrested, ajid 
 sent them under gaard to Mazatlan. Early in 1857, rumors of another ex- 
 pedition from San Francisco were seized upon by him as a pretext to leave 
 th3 country— he had again been reappointed governor, owing to the resigna- 
 tion of Gomez August 1, 1856 — to procure pay and resources. In reality he 
 abandoned it to join a revolutionary movement, and not only took with him 
 all his own men, to the number of 300, but seized three vessels with troops 
 accompanying General Noriega, who had touched at La Paz on his way to 
 Sonera. This proceeding exposed the peninsula to great danger. In con- 
 
REVIVAL OF INDUSTRIES. 725 
 
 The entry of troops from the mainland secured 
 peace ui the south as well as in the north. Long 
 repressed industries, notably agriculture, soon revived, 
 with a consequent increase of prosperity. Foreign- 
 ers felt encouraged to work ; and by opening mines so 
 increased trade that a San Francisco steamer was in- 
 duced to touch monthly at San Josd and La Paz, 
 
 neotion with the presidio the government had established penal settlements 
 at La Paz and Carmen island lor convicts from all the western states. Those 
 at the latter place seized a vessel and escaped; the convicts at the capital 
 broke out in open revolt but were checked by the aid of Sinaloa troops sent 
 to replace those taken away by Blancarte. 
 
 Another deplorable result was the revival of the former strife for power, 
 now that the governorship was left in the hands of the legislature, and as 
 heretofore the members held office in rotation for brief periods. During the 
 period of the reform war in the republic, it was natural that the remote 
 provinces not involved in it, should nevertheless adopt therallying cries of the 
 conservative and liberal factions, to give color to the strife in behalf of 
 favorites. In Lower California, during the early part of 1858, the conserva- 
 tives were in the ascendant, but in August the liberals concentrating in La 
 Paz elected Ramon Navarro governor, and in March 1859 a legislative quo- 
 rum proclaimed that the peninsula, while adhering to the federal constitu- 
 tion of 1857, assumed independent rule until peace was restored, and threw 
 open her ports to foreign trade and intercourse. A year later, in February, 
 1860, the ambitious Californians went further, and ignoring her position as 
 a territory, passed an organic law, establishing a superior tribunal, and 
 ordering the election of governors by the people. During the same month, 
 however. Governor Amador, the Juarist appointee, arrived and was submitted 
 to, as he had sufficient support to assert himself; but no sooner did he depart 
 on a visit to Sinaloa in July, then the storm broke out. The legislature re- 
 instated the popular Navarro; the opposing faction, centered at San Jose, 
 headed by the Castros, and reenforced by Amador, who sent Arana to aid 
 them, fell suddenly upon La Paz, dispersed the nationalists with loss, and 
 exacted a heavy contribution upon the rival town. The discomfited liberals 
 sent to Sinaloa for aid, and having obtained 200 men, swept down in turn upon 
 San Jose, and took their revenge by sacking and confiscating until misery 
 reigned. Then they restored the former order of things. Worse still was 
 the condition of affairs in the frontier district, which had become the resort 
 of criminals and fugitives. Melendez, who had taken a brave stand against 
 Walker, had been made provisional commandant; but in June, 1855, Lieu- 
 tenant Pujol arrived to claim the post, and when Melendez objected, caused 
 him to be treacherously seized and shot. In September of the following 
 year Jose Castro, former comandante general of Alta California, removed 
 Pujol and took some admirable steps to secure order and better government, 
 but which, as usual, were not carried out in any efficient or lastmg manner. 
 During Castro's absence in 1859 his lieutenants Saeuz and Esparza became 
 engaged in hostilities against each other, and Castro having returned fell by 
 the hand of a murderer during a melee. A number of innocent partisans 
 on both sides met with a similar fate. This reign of terror was put an end 
 to by the arrival in March, 1861, of the war vessel Reforma, when the lead- 
 ing insurgents were driven out, and J. M. Moreno was installed as sub-jefe. 
 By this time nearly all the better class of people had departed, trade had 
 disappeared, agriculture lay neglected, and the poverty-stricken people who 
 remained lived on little else than beef. Moreno convoked the ayuntamiento 
 once more, after a long interval, and appointed local judges to assist in the 
 task of reconstruction, 
 
726 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 while the custom-house revenue rose for the two pros- 
 perous years to about $100,000. Unfortunately, the 
 winter of 1863-4 proved so extremely dry as to pro- 
 duce great loss in live-stock and crops ; and the mining 
 excitement abated, owing in a great measure to the 
 lack of capital among most of the miners, who had 
 rushed in * to speculate rather than develop their 
 claims. 
 
 * In ] 862 the war of intervention in Mexico began, and, as before, re- 
 moteness saved the peninsula from being locally affected by its devastations. 
 A demand was made, however, for a contingent of 200 men to assist the re- 
 publican cause; the salt-fields of Carmen were leased, and an immense 
 colonization grant was made to American capitalists in the central part of 
 the territory, to obtain funds for the general government. Pedro Navarette, 
 who had succeeded as jefe politico in 1863, showed himself rather lukewarm 
 toward the government. When, in the course of 1864, French war vessels 
 touched at La Paz, the jefe received the officers in a polite manner, 
 tliough refusing to accept the empire, and allowed them to seek what sup- 
 plies they could obtain, powerless as he was to resist. In the following year 
 his successor, Felix Gilbert, a progressive member of the deputacion, was 
 called upon to accept an imperial commissioner in the person of Espinosa, or 
 take the consequences of a forced installation. The jefe convoked the leg- 
 islature, and this body decided in November that it would be prudent to 
 yield. Ihe French thereupon departed. This encouraged the patriots and 
 otliers to rise under Navarrete and Cota, and drive out both the commis- 
 sioner and the obsequious jefe, who was suspected of imperialist sympathy. 
 Antonio Pedrin, senior member of the assembly, assumed control until 
 the election in June. The choice fell on Navarrete. Pedrin refused to sur- 
 render the office, but Navarrete, sustained by San Jose and other districts, 
 marched upon the capital, gained control, and banished his opponent. But 
 he soon angered both natives and foreigners by maintaining a costly armed 
 force and levying contributions, although the latter were due partly to the 
 drain caused by Franco-Mexican war contingents, and to the decline in cus- 
 tom-house receipts. The confirmation of Pedrin as jefe by Juarez was 
 therefore well received, and he obtained armed support even from late ad- 
 versaries to oust Navarrete in the following September. Pedrin displayed a 
 commendable zeal for peace and progress. He ordered an enrollment for a 
 militia, and the formation of a flying rural guard of 25 men for the mainte- 
 nance of order; moreover, the advisory council, which of late figured in 
 lieu of the legislature, was replaced by a regular elected assembly, which 
 met on December 10, 1867. Among its measures was the lessening of peon- 
 age misery by placing debt contracts under legal supervision, and the draft- 
 ing, for congressional consideration, of territorial constitutional amendments 
 to embrace an elected senate and lieutenant-governor, as well as governor. 
 Congress ignored both the legislature and its constitution, as partaking of 
 features claimable only by states. The election of a jefe was ordered for 1868, 
 by the legislature, in accordance with the local law, and as the northern mem- 
 bers failed to present themselves, the eldest, CSrlos F. Galan, assumed the 
 position provisionally. He soon gave proof of his intentions in a number 
 of local measures, but an excess of zeal in behalf of an exhausted exchequer 
 and clamorous territory induced him to permit the landing of a foreign cargo 
 at La Paz. Tlie result was the arrival of a government force of 200 men 
 under General Davalos. He assumed control in May 1868, arrested the jefe, 
 and introduced reform into tlie much neglected federal departments, while 
 defeating the efforts of the assembly to install a locally-elected ruler. 
 
COLONIZATION ENTERPRISES. 727 
 
 The occupation of the peninsula by the United 
 States in 1847-8 left agreeable impressions amonor 
 the invading soldiers, and many of them returned to 
 settle as farmers, miners, and traders. The mani- 
 fest destiny idea also was strong among the Americans, 
 with the belief that Lower California would be among 
 the first provinces to be ceded, and speculators be- 
 came eager to secure an early interest in the prize. 
 Several parties accordingly sought land grants, with 
 the condition of introducing colonists, for the govern- 
 ment had long recognized the value of foreign immi- 
 gration for unfolding natural resources. 
 
 An important grant was made to the Lower Cali- 
 fornia Colonization and Mining Company* in 1864, 
 embracing the vast tract lying between latitudes 24° 
 20' and 31°, or nearly 47,000 square miles, on condi- 
 tion of reserving one-fourth of the land for Mexicans, 
 of introducing at least 200 families within five 
 years, and of paying to the Juarist government 
 $100,000 on account of the land to be occupied."" 
 
 There were several other colonization enterprises 
 
 •Incorporated at S. F. in Got. 1862, with a capital of $40,000, by Jacob 
 P. Lease. Prosgectus, etc., published in a series of pamphlets under the 
 name of the L. Cat Co. from 1862 to 1866. 
 
 " As there appeared littj e prospect to carry out the contract from Oal. , it 
 was transferred in 1866 to capitalists of the eastern U. S., who at once sent 
 a party to make the first scientific exploration of the territory. The report 
 was unfavorable as regards the resources of the tract concerned, especially 
 its soil and water supply. This clouded the enterprise for awhile; but the 
 contract term being extended, the shareholders resolved to seek some profit 
 from the transaction, by fair means or foul. An advance party was sent 
 from S. F. in Aug. 1870 to make a beginning by constructing roads, clearing 
 land, and opening wells. The artesian sinkings proved a failure, and 
 doomed the colony. It so happened, however, that the coast was found rich 
 in orchil dye, and heedless of the lack of resources for a settlement, about 
 300 persons were sent out from New York under contract to gather moss, 
 and to become colonists. Lack of houses and other accommodations, poor 
 food and insufficient water, together with a desert-like sitrrounding and a 
 torrid heat, frightened the greater portion of them into promptly abandon- 
 ing the supposed paradise, and gaunt, ragged, and penniless, they sought 
 refuge in Alta California, while others struggled across to La Paz and other 
 towns, only a handful being persuaded after this relief from pressure to re- 
 main. Meanwhile the government annulled the grant, whereupon the jeal- 
 ous officials of La Paz made a descent upon the lingering remnants of the 
 colony, and dispossessed the company's agent. This gave a much desired 
 pretext for a $10,000,000 claim upon Mexico, which was compromised by al- 
 lowing the company the privilege to gather orchilla for six years. 
 
728 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 during these two decades, with merely an occasional 
 faint success to sustain lingering hope;" yet some- 
 thing must in time result from these several efforts. 
 The suspicion of United States designs upon the ter- 
 ritory " tended to sustain a not very friendly feeling 
 of the inhabitants toward foreigners, as well as a 
 cautious attitude on the part of the authorities. Nev- 
 ertheless the value of immigration is understood, and 
 recognized in the great impulse imparted during the 
 last decades to mining and trade at least. If agri- 
 culture failed to keep pace, it must be attributed 
 greatly to the insecurity not only of life and property, 
 but of land titles, a state of affairs which is rapidly 
 changing under the late firm administrations. 
 
 The fact is that the immense agricultural and min- 
 eral resources of Lower California need only be thor- 
 
 " Jliea:. Diar. Ofic, March 7, 1870. At the time Leese obtained his grant, Go- 
 chieoa received 45 sitios for colonization, toward which no attempt was vasAe. 
 Hex. Mem. Fom., 1866, 103. Milatovich's grant of 193 sitios failed through 
 iafringement of land laws. Mex. Mum. al Envp., 1865, 567-8. The Peninsula 
 Plantation and Homestead Association obtained a large, fertile tract along 
 the Muiege bay, and a city was to be located 70 miles S. w. of Guaymas. 
 Thirty thousand shares were offered to actual settlers at §16. Browne's L. 
 Cal, 175-6. The gov. granted in 1870, $3,000 to aid two colonies, one near 
 the frontier, the other on Guadalupe island, where the Comp. de Guad. 
 bought Castro and Serrano's title of 1839, and engaged in raising Angora 
 goats and sheep. Mex. Mem. Hac, 1873, ap. i., 9-10; EstreUa Occid., July 1, 
 1870. Shortly before some Americans descended on the island and slaugh- 
 tered the wild goats, to the number of 25,000, it is 'said, carrying off the 
 skins and fat. The Gulf of Cal. Commercial Co. was the title of a second 
 Muiege colony association, formed at S. F. in 1871. AltaCaL, Dec. 28, 1871. 
 Official examination of Colorado river lands was made in 1866; Voz MeJ., 
 Feb. 1, 1866, and in 1874 the Colorado Hemp Co. sent a party down to cul- 
 tivate hemp, with the aid of Indians. L. Cat. Scraps, 185. Hyde, once al- 
 calde of S. F., planned a town 8 miles from San Quentin salt-fields, which 
 took no embodiment. Browne's L. Cal., 110. At Scammon's bay two-score 
 men were introduced in 1870 by Jansen to gather salt. His right was con- 
 tested. Mex. Diar. Ofic, June 9, 1870. The Carmen island salt-field was 
 conferred upon the Cal., Oregon, and Mex. Steamship Co. in 1867 for §75,000. 
 Baja Cat, Nov. 16, 1967. Chinese have long been occupied on the western 
 coast in gathering abaloue shells and other products. S. F. Golden Era, JIar. 
 6, 1869; Arch. Mex., Col. Ley. x. 568-9; F02. Mej., Dec. 30, 1862, with aUu- 
 sions to lapsed grants. In 1880 the Guaymas and Muiege Trust Co. formed 
 at S. F. to cultivate sugar, and 36,000 hectares were granted to Kelly & Co. 
 Mex. Diar. Ofic., June 17, 30, 1880. For the concession to Andrade in 1878 
 see Mex. Recap. Ley. , xxviii. , 148-54. 
 
 ^'' Supported by the acquisition of a coaling station on Pichilingue island, 
 in front of La Paz. AUa Gal, April 20, May 27, 1870; by the minute explora- 
 tions of the coast in 1873 and 1S76 by the U. S. steamers Ha.-i4i'r and Xar- 
 ragameU. Id,, Mar. 27, 1873, June 16, 1876; and by congressional inquiries. 
 
THE rNTERNATIONAL COMPANY, 729 
 
 ougly understood to engage capital for their develop- 
 ment ; while the conditions of life in this region, 
 among which its soft and healthful climate is a most 
 noteworthy feature, are such as to strongly induce 
 thrifty laborers and home-builders to settle there. The 
 republic of Mexico has been enjoying for some years 
 the benefits of peace and an enlightened administra- 
 tion of affairs. It has been doing much to encourage 
 industry and to promote modern improvements on a 
 large scale. Under the new regime railways have 
 been constructed, telegraph lines have become fairly 
 numerous, mountains and uninhabited regions being 
 spanned to bring distant border colonies into ready 
 communication with the commercial world, and postal 
 facilities have been much enlarged. 
 
 The government has appreciated the importance of 
 an increase of population, and to this end has awarded 
 to colonizing companies subsidies, most of them in 
 the form of grants of large tracts of land, accompan- 
 ied with exemptions, to induce the coming of a de- 
 sirable class of foreigners." The colonization act of 
 December 15, 1883, is an invitation to the citizens of 
 friendly nations to settle in Mexico, and share in the 
 advantages of a new country rich in every element 
 conducive to the comfort and happiness of man. This 
 law also provides for the partition and distribution of 
 the public lands on a most liberal scale. Under it 
 several projects of colonization have been entertained, 
 abroad as well as at home, and a number of colonies 
 have been established in different states. The na- 
 tional constitution bestows the rights of Mexican cit- 
 izenship upon all foreigners owning real estate or 
 having Mexican-born children, a privilege which the 
 present administration has rendered quite acceptable 
 to foreign settlers. The renouncement of his former 
 nationality is, however, a matter of choice with the 
 settler. He is given, furthermore, for twenty years 
 the right of importing free of duty, for his personal 
 
 '^'Bancroft, Vida de Pm-firio Diaz, 574-6. 
 
730 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 use, household and personal effects, farming imple- 
 ments, seeds, horses and cattle for use and for breed- 
 ing, tools of trade or instruments of profession, 
 building material, and machinery of any kind for 
 manufacturing purposes. 
 
 The elements of wealth possessed by Lower Cali- 
 fornia have not passed uiiperceived. Taking advan- 
 tage of the liberal laws and favorable conditions, the 
 International Company of Mexico, a corporation ex- 
 isting under a charter of the state of Connecticut, and 
 having its headquarters at Hartford, has virtually be- 
 come a distributing agent of the Mexican government, 
 by acquiring a complete and perfect title to eighteen 
 million acres of land in Lower California, all of which 
 have been duly surveyed by the company. For this 
 service it obtained one-third of the tract without fur- 
 ther cost ; the other two-thirds, it is understood, were 
 acquired by actual purchase from the national govern- 
 ment." 
 
 The climate of the northern portion of the penin- 
 sula, where the company's lands are situated, is all 
 that could be desired. If not saperior to the climate 
 anywhere else, it is certainly as good as any along the 
 coast. The same may be said fairly of its soil, for 
 the production of fruits and grain. The extreme 
 temperature at Ensenada in summer is placed at 97°, 
 and the coldest about 40° Fahr." It is related that a 
 tomato plant grew in a garden continuously for four 
 years, with no signs of frost. Garden vegetables are 
 sown and gathered every month of the year. 
 
 The country is also excellent for stock-raising ; the 
 varieties of grass being wild oats, wild clover, alfileria, 
 and bunch-grass, besides numberless shrubs abounding 
 in the mountains and foothills. Neat cattle enjoy 
 great advantages of climate, shelter, food.and water; 
 while the conditions are excellent for the breeding of 
 
 "L. Cal, Descrip. of Lands, 5-9. 
 
 " Observations taken by U. S. officers in June, July, and August showed 
 an average of 76°, and through the winter months of 55° 
 
THE INTERNATIONAL COMPANY. 731 
 
 horses, mules, sheep, and goats. • The horses raised 
 in this region are noted for endurance. Mules of 
 extraordinary size are bred; and there is a large 
 demand for them at remunerative prices. Sheep, 
 owing to the uniformity of climate, yield a wool of 
 remarkable evenness. Even goat-raising here be- 
 comes a profitable industry. Under the protective 
 system of Mexico, manufacturing interests, such as 
 woolen-mills, tanneries, etc., have opened to the pro- 
 duce of this favored region the large demand of a 
 whole nation. 
 
 Another source of wealth, subordinate, perhaps, to 
 that of agriculture, is mining. Copper mining has 
 been carried on for a decade or so in some localities, 
 while other places known to contain rich deposits 
 have remained almost unnoticed. Little has been 
 done even in the richest fields, owing to lack of capi- 
 tal and other obstacles, which intelligent energy can 
 easily remove. There are extensive ledges of gold- 
 bearing quartz in many places. Coal, sulphur, alum, 
 nitre, soda, borax, talc, kaoline, quicksilver, tin, nickel, 
 antimony, iron, zinc, and lead abound. Salt and guano 
 deposits and a variety of valuable stones are also to be 
 found. All these elements of wealth are calling for 
 the industrial hand to bring them into commercial 
 existence. A large extent of the company's southern 
 land is covered with precious woods, such as rose, 
 ebony, mahogany, and cedar, various gums, and dye- 
 woods, on which the natives placed so little store as 
 to make charcoal of ebony. There are also many 
 thousand acres of pine and live-oak. 
 
 The lands of the International Company comprise 
 the northern or upper portion of the peninsula. Their 
 property commences at the line fifteen miles south of 
 San Diego, near the 32d parallel, extending south- 
 ward a distance of about 300 miles, with an average 
 of 100 miles in width, having the Pacific ocean on 
 one side and the gulf of California on the other. 
 Until lately the population of the whole region did 
 
732 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 not exceed 500, Me!!x;icans. Americans, and other na- 
 tionalities. It was a peaceful community, where life 
 and property were safe." It seems evident that, this 
 being an agricultural region, the condition of society 
 on the lowlands will be permanent ; while, when the 
 mines on the mountain chain shall be opened, the 
 people occupied in working them will form a commu- 
 nity by themselves, relying for food staples and other 
 supplies on the surrounding districts." 
 
 The officers of the International Company have 
 been offering their lands to the public. Under the 
 terms of their contract they are bound to settle a num- 
 ber of colonies within a given time. It is understood 
 that seventy per cent of the settlers may be foreign- 
 ers, The Mexican government has incurred no obli- 
 gation to aid in forwarding the operations of the 
 company, either with subsidies or privileges, other 
 than those set forth in the revised colonization law of 
 1883. Money expenditures must be defrayed by the 
 company, or the settlers, as the case may be.'* There 
 is every reason to believe that the efforts of the com- 
 pany will result in developing this interesting country, 
 whose wealth has hitherto lain dormant and useless 
 to civilization." There is a part of the native popula- 
 tion who, from race prejudice, oppose the enterprise, 
 although in common with the rest of mankind they 
 
 '* George Ryerson, the commandant of the northern district during the 
 last six or seven years, speaking on the advantages of his district, says that 
 a few acres sufficed for support; that the earth and sea teemed with food; aiid 
 that he lived in the district about 23 years without a lock to any door of his 
 house. Ryerson was bom in Texas in 1830, when the country was a part of 
 Mexico. Though he has lived in the U. S., he has ever remained a Mexican 
 citizen, serving in the Mexican army in 1 S47, in the campaign against William 
 Walker in Lower Cal. and Sonora, and lastly during the French war in Mex- 
 ico, with the rank of major, which he now holds. He owns a tract of land 
 given him by the Mexican government in the northern district of L Cal. 
 His last commission as chief executive officer of that district was issued in 
 1885, and is still in force. Rgersnn's Experii'iia's, MS., 1-13. 
 
 ''Thus the agriculturists will have the mines of the interior as well as the 
 markets of the seaboard to depend upon, being able profitably to compete in 
 the latter instance by reason of the superior quality of their produce. 
 
 "The lands, as advertised, may be purchased either tor cash or on time. 
 
 "In December 1886 a, large number of families selected tracts, where 
 they prnpoied to cultivate grapes and olives, and a steamer was placed upon 
 the route between San Diego and Enseuada. 
 
-^ THE INTERNATIONAL COMPANY. 733 
 
 confess that the best interests of the country will be 
 served thereby, the undertaking being managed as it 
 is by highly honorable and able men. Yet generations 
 must pass before the vast resources of the company 
 can be fully developed, covering as they do immense 
 tracts of land in several states and territories of the 
 Mexican republic, besides large railway and telegraph 
 contracts, and other franchises of a commercial as well 
 as agricultural nature. "" As to the Ensenada grant, 
 it is understood that its development will be confined 
 to the bay of Todos Santos, which, for climatic rea- 
 sons, will be the base of the company's operations, as 
 well as the headquarters of its peninsular railroad, and 
 of its steamship lines. Of the latter, it seems that 
 there will be two: one from San Diego to Ensenada 
 and San Quentin, and the other to San Jose de Gua- 
 
 ^' In Sonora they are said to have, under three grants, the public lands 
 existing in seven of her nine districts; in Sinaloa, under two grants, one- 
 third of all the public lands in seven of her nine districts; in Guerrero, one- 
 third of all the public lands; and in Chiapas, under two concessions by one 
 of them one-third of the public lands, and by the other 75 per cent of the 
 remaining two-thirds. In railroads they have a concession carrying with it 
 a subsidy from the Mexican government of |12,000per mile, to build from 
 San Diego, or any point near there, to Ensenada, and other lines from En- 
 senada to Yuma, with a branch running across to the head of the navigable 
 waters of the gulf, eastward to Chihuahua. Another franchise gives a sub- 
 sidy of $12,000 per mile to build a railway from the Pacific port of San Be- 
 nito across the headwaters of the Grijalva river, which makes, in a distance 
 of 180 miles of railroad, a complete transcontinental line 1,250 miles shorter 
 than any other line between New York and the Pacific coast. This line pre- 
 sents advantages over any other route. The distance is shorter than the 
 northern lines, and healthier than the southern; after leaving the sea-coa'st 
 it will traverse a salubrious table-land, where a valuable trade can be built 
 up. The line also passes through the finest coffee region. 
 
 Another franchise is to run a steamship line from San Diego, or any other 
 U. S. port, down the Mexican Pacific coast, stopping at twenty Mexican 
 ports, and terminating at San Jos^ de Guatemala. This franchise carries 
 with it a subsidy of |8,000 for the round trip, in addition of $69 per head for 
 every foreign immigrant over seven years of age, without restriction as to 
 number. The proprietors of the International Company have also three 
 grants giving them for an extended term the right of working all the guano 
 beds on the Pacific coast belonging to Mexico. They also have the right to 
 work all the deposits in the gulf of California. They have been employing 
 300 men for two years, and shipped guano to the value of about $1,000,000. 
 They have several other grants, namely, the ownership of the islands of 
 Cedros, Guadalupe, Socorro, and Coronado group. 
 
 In Sonora they have a grant conveying the exclusive right of canalizing 
 the river Yaqui, and using its waters during 55 years to ir.-igate millions of 
 acres. The company has been engaged in developing its grants in four 
 different states; builring railways, canals, and piers; and expects to build 
 piers in twenty -two ports. Sisson'a DictaCion, MS., 1-4. 
 
734 LOWEK CALIFORNIA. 
 
 temala." In anticipation of the railway from San 
 Diego, a telegraph line to Ensenada has been built, 
 and many other improvements, including extensive 
 irrigation works, have been begun, thus preparing for 
 the large immigration setting in from Europe and 
 elsewhere. The associates having the ownership of 
 this imperial domain incorporated with a capital stock 
 of $20,000,000. They are men of large wealth, far- 
 seeing intelligence, and irresistible energy, for which 
 reasons the Mexican government was led to make 
 these liberal and unusual franchises, being prompted 
 by a conviction that such a course would conduce to 
 the general well-being of the several states. 
 
 But although several persons are now interested 
 in the vast plans of the International Company of 
 Mexico, its founding was due to the genius, industry, 
 capital, and foresight of one man, George H. Sisson, 
 the vice-president and manager." It came about in 
 
 ^' The steamers to be constructed were one of 1,000 tons, another of 500 for 
 the local trade, and five more boats for the Central American trade. Id. , MS. 4. 
 
 "2 Major George H. Sisson was born in Cass county, Michigan, in 1844. 
 After receiving a common school education, he attended Ashbury University 
 for two years, Ann Harbor Law University for two years, and Albany Law 
 School one year, where he graduated at the age of twenty-three. In UG7 
 he married Miss Sarah Sccfield, daughter of Edward Scofield, D. D., who was 
 a bosom friend of Gen. Harrison, president of the United States, and the 
 Greek tutor of Henry Ward Beecher and Harriet Beecher. Sisson practised 
 law several years, and transacted other business, accumulating a considerable 
 fortune. Having suffered heavy losses during the financial depression of 
 1873, he turned his attention to mining in Colorado and Arizona, availing 
 himself of the knowledge he had acquired of the business from his father, 
 who had been a metallurgist. This knowledge materially aided him in his 
 investments. Among the mines he became interested in were the Old Globe 
 of Arizona, which has yielded from §600,000 to §1,000,000 per year for tl-.e 
 past six years, and the copper mines of Clifton, Arizona. In acknowledg- 
 ment of his superior ability in that direction, the university of Tennessee 
 oooferred on him the diploma of mining engineer. 
 
 It was a grand idea which led Major Sisson to apply his large means, his 
 almost unlimited mental and material resources, to the development of this 
 great colonization enterprise. With the influence of Luis Huller, himself 
 a man of great genius and practical ability, he succeeded in obtaining by 
 purchase several private grants in Sonora, afgregatiiig 750,000 acres, where 
 the two men as partners operated several gold and silver mines, the manage- 
 ment of which Huller still retains. They subsequently obtained from the 
 Mexican government a grant of land on the Yaqui river valley; and later 
 petitioned for the right to acquire the entire valley by survey and coloniza- 
 tion under the revised law of Jlexico of 1SS3. They were granted the right 
 to acquire, under the colonial law, by purchase and survey, much more ter- 
 ritory than they had asked for. Thi3 grant was followed by the others of 
 whicli I have ebewliere made mention. Sisson's Bioj., JIG., l-o. 
 
GEORGE H. SISSON. 735 
 
 this way : After the acquisition of immense tracts of 
 land in several states and numerous franchises, Major 
 Sisson thought that the interests of his enterprise 
 would be best served by securing the aid and counsel 
 of other men of broad minds and large pecuniary 
 means to carry it out to successful results. Calling 
 at New York city upon his friends, who at once saw 
 the possibilities of grand returns, articles of incorpo- 
 ration were drawn up in March, 1885, and a charter 
 was granted . to the association by the legislature of 
 Connecticut, incorporating it with a capital stock of 
 $1,000,000 ; the stock, under subsequent legislation, 
 was raised to $20,000,000. Sisson and Luis HuUer 
 deeded to the company all lands held under their 
 grants. The company then went on to make further 
 acquisitions, as I have narrated. 
 
 The general officers of the International Company 
 of Mexico are: Edgar T. Welles of Hartford," atone 
 time acting secretary of the navy, president ; Major 
 George H. Sisson of Ensenada, vice-president and 
 general manager; Colonel Thomas G. Welles of 
 Hartford, assistant general manager ; Hon. R. A.Elmer 
 of New York, treasurer ; W. E. Webb, general land 
 commissioner ; Charles B. Turrill of San Francisco, 
 assistant land commissioner; Lyman R. Ingraham 
 of Hartford, secretary; Captain Francis Pavy of 
 the queen's household guards, London, European 
 representative ; " Luis HuUer of Mexico city, resident 
 
 ^ Mr Welles 13 a graduate of Yale college, and though a member of the 
 legal profession, has devoted his energies to other pursuits. He is now giv- 
 ing a great part of his time to the affairs of the International Company of 
 Mexico, and the subsidiary organizations connected therewith. He is also 
 treasurer of the Gatling Gun Company of Hartford, vice-president of the 
 Wasbash Railway Company, and president of the Granby Mining and Smelt- 
 ing Company of St Louis, one of the largest lead and zinc companies in 
 the country. 
 
 ^* Captain Pavy was a commissioned officer of the 74th Highlanders in 
 India during the great revolt, seeing much service and undergoing many 
 hardships. He was subsequently given a permanent appointment on the 
 staff in civil service in the Madras revenue survey department, for which 
 he was eminently fitted by his knowledge of mathematics and surveying, as 
 well as of the Hindoostanee language. In 1866 he was promoted to tJ-e 
 captaincy, but weary of the inaction of home service, he retired on lialf-ji.iy. 
 He soon after revisited India on business, and later travelled in the West 
 
736 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 director; William Hamersley of Hartford, solicitor 
 and general counsel of the company. Max Bernstein 
 is resident agent at Ensenada. 
 
 Other persons are also entitled to special notice in 
 connection with this vast enterprise for the valuable 
 services they are rendering toward the accomplish- , 
 ment of its great purposes. Among them I must 
 mention George C. Cheape, of Scotland, and Charles 
 Scofield, late of Arizona. A few biographical remarks 
 on these representative men will not be out of place." 
 
 In honor of the Mexican statesmen, Cdrlos Pacheco 
 and Manuel Romero Rubio, they gave their first two 
 colonies their names, calling the one at Ensenada, 
 Colonia Cd,rlos Pacheco, and the one at San Quentin, 
 Colonia Manuel Romero Rubio. 
 
 Indies and Canada on important missions. He was pretty constantly in 
 France during the Franco-German war, having meantime retired altogether 
 from the army, on his appointment to the honorable corps of Gentlemen- 
 at-Arms (Queen's Royal Body Guard). In 1873 he assumed the management 
 of the Railway Debenture Trust and the Railway Share Trust companies of 
 London. He became also a director of the Blaenaven Iron and Steel Com- 
 pany, the Westinghouse Air-Brake Company in Europe, and of several other 
 important undertakings. 
 
 ^° Captain George C. Cheape has served in the British regular army sev- 
 eral years both at home and in India, and as many more in the reserve. He 
 commanded the same troop of Fifeshire Light Horse that his father was 
 commander of sixty years ago. He is also a magistrate of the county of 
 Fife in Scotland. Cheape has been a great traveller in Europe and America, 
 with an observing eye, paying particular attention to the agricultural advan- 
 tages of the countries he has visited, being a practical farmer and breeder of 
 good horses at home. In 1886 he visited Lower California, which country 
 pleased him so much that he has since taken a deep interest in promoting 
 the enterprise of the International Company of Mexico, though he has like- 
 wise interests in Texas, Colorado, Arizona, and California. 
 
 Charles Scofield is a native of Hamilton county in Ohio, and was born in 
 1856. After completing a collegiate term of three years in Illinois at the 
 age of 20, he was two years engaged in copper and lead mining in Missouri. 
 He was next employed in the lumber and milling business by a large firm, 
 until 1881. He then took charge of the Old Globe copper mine of Arizona, 
 and made it develop very extensively. This mine had been purchased by 
 Major Sisson, who organized the Old Globe Copper Company under the law3 
 of Connecticut. Tlie mine being now placed in charge of an expert engi- 
 neer, Scofield became tlie superintendent of the reduction works and fur- 
 naces, holding this position till April, 1884. Early in 1886 he joined Major 
 Sisson at Guay mas, and together they made a twc> months' tour of the guano 
 deposits in the Gulf of California. Since that time Scofield has attended to 
 the lading and shipment of the company's guano, and has been Sisson's con- 
 fidential adviser in all his vast work. He had charge of that business until 
 July, 1886. After the surveys were completed in Lower California for the 
 International Company of Mexico, Scofield was given full charge of the San 
 Diego oflSoe of that company, with the handling of their finances. 
 
THE INTERKATIONAL COMPANY. 737 
 
 The future of these vast plans it is impossible to 
 foreshadow; but we know that the impulse which 
 prompts them is good, and the result should certainly 
 be beneficial, not only for the broad-minded and ener- 
 getic promoters of the enterprise, but also for a mul- 
 titude of others, for whom happy homes are held in 
 prospect. The undertaking ought to be a magnificent 
 success, and that it will be so there seems no doubt. 
 In the olden times, the founder of a colony was re- 
 garded as akin to the gods ; surely he is entitled to 
 at least as much credit now, for as mankind swarms 
 over the available parts of the earth, he is substan- 
 tially a benefactor who finds fresh soil and healthful 
 air, and makes it practicable for thousands to enter 
 upon another and better life — ^to build new and per- 
 manent habitations for themselves and their children. 
 
 General Bibiano D^valos held control for several 
 years, chiefly owing to the federal force at his com- 
 mand, for the people did not forget the long-enjoyed 
 privilege of electing their own governor. Ddvalos 
 proved, moreover, so arbitrary, by interfering in local 
 elections in behalf of favorites and adherents, and 
 making himself obnoxious in other respects, that 
 more than one uprising was attempted, although in 
 combination with unworthy elements. In October 
 1874 a party in the south proclaimed Toledo jefe, and 
 levied contributions on wealthy citizens, besides com- 
 mitting some unwarranted outrages, which only with- 
 drew support and hastened the collapse of the 
 conspiracy." 
 
 ^^ In the following June a more organized pronunciamiento took place, 
 under Emilio Ibarra and others, who, with a party of 200 men, surprised La 
 Paz, captured DSvalos, sent the federal oflBcials out of the country, and be- 
 gan the usual levy of funds. The governor seems to have been intimidated 
 into concessions, and agreed to resign; but a detachment of federal troops 
 held out until their comrades came up from San Jose. Ibarra then took to 
 flight, and escaped by seizing an orchella schooner at Magdalena, but the 
 pursuers were so close upon his heels that most of his followers fell captive. 
 One result of the outbreak was a change of governor, in the person of Colonel 
 Vela3C0, and he dying soon after, Miranda y Castro was appointed. The 
 latter showed his mettle in suppressing a mutiny among his soldieis byshoot- 
 HisT. Mex. States, Vol. II. 47 
 
738 LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 ilemoteness from the center of authority, which 
 for a time exempted the peninsula from the political 
 turmoils of the mainland, at length seemed to in- 
 crease the evil. Marquez de Leon, a Lower Califor- 
 nian who had formerly mixed greatly in local politics, 
 and whose services during the French war of inter- 
 vention, and suljsequently, had gained for him the 
 rank of general, became dissatisfied with the lack of 
 recognition of his aid during the revolution which 
 placed Diaz in power." 
 
 ing the ringleader and disarming his followers, with the aid of citizens; and 
 he displayed his political zeal by strictly enforcing the late constitutional 
 amendments for the separation of church and state, with civil marriage, and 
 other features. The Carmelite monk bishop, Moreno y Castaneda, who 
 naturally sought to uphold the ecclesiastical privileges, was expelled from 
 the territory after suffering persecution. Miranda's zeal led him too far, 
 however, in levying a war tax of from six to ten per cent in aid of his patron. 
 President Lerdo, for the latter being overthrown by Porfirio Diaz, A. L. 
 Tapia was sent to replace him as political and military chief. Tapia showed 
 himself fully imbued with the policy of the new administration, to insure 
 peace and order, so as to permit the development of resources and the increase 
 of prosperity. To this end was instituted here as elsewhere a vigorous per- 
 secution of bandits, and an improved administration of justice under the 
 code lately introduced, enforced by the creation of a judge of first instance 
 in each of the three districts. Trade was fostered by granting a subsidy, in 
 1877, to a steamship line from San Bias to the gulf ports, in adcition to the 
 California-Mexico line, and industries were stimulated by liberal concessions 
 for opening guano and pearl beds, mines, and other branches, while the reve- 
 nue was protected by more severe measures against smuggling and pecula- 
 tion, to the benefit, also, of the people, since extra taxes were obviated by 
 the saving. The greatest need for restoration of order was on the frontier, 
 so long the roaming place for adventurers, refugees, and criminals, to the 
 discouragement of settlers. The discovery, in 1870, of gold placers in San 
 Rafael valley had resulted in an excitement which brought many immigrants 
 and started a regular stage line from San Diego; but it added, also, to incen- 
 tives for marauding by Indians and bandits, who kept the authorities in 
 activity. In Nov. 1876, political aspirants joined in the troubles, and drove 
 out the sub-prefect, Villagrana. Jefe Tapia came up in November 1877, 
 and arrested Moreno, who had usurped the prefecture. Eventually VUla- 
 grana was reinstalled and sustained by a guard of 25 dragoons. 
 
 '"The strength of the government gave little hope of starting a revolution 
 on the continent, and so Marquez bethought himself of the more distant 
 peninsula, where he, moreover, counted many warm friends. Failing to 
 inveigle the troops at La Paz on October 31, 1879, he rallied the people of 
 his native district, and laid siege to the capital on November 12, with 200 
 men. The military authorities at Mazatlan being warned. General Carbd 
 appeared to the aid of Governor Tapia with 125 troops, Marquez there- 
 fore retreating, pursued by the combined federal forces. Blinded by suc- 
 cess, the latter allowed themselves to be entrapped in a canon, near Todos 
 Santos, and were compelleed to surrender with some loss, Carbd and Tapia 
 escaping with a, few followers and seeking refuge across the gulf. The 
 victors at once marched back to La Paz, where their control over the terri- 
 tory was merely nominallv disputed by the war sloop Mexico, which main- 
 tained a blockade and bombarded a portion of the town, Marquez installed 
 
POLITICS AND REVOLUTION. VSO 
 
 as jefe politico, his lieutenant, Colonel Cota, and prepared to extend over 
 the territory an organic statute, which, he claimed, would advance its 
 welfare in a marked degree. But means were required for the sustenance 
 of his rapidly growing forces — at one time reaching nearly 600 men — which 
 were required to meet the expected troops from Mexico, as well as to sup- 
 port the contemplated general uprising on the continent. And these 
 means had to be sought by levies of funds and provisions, which fell with 
 great severity upon the small and not very affluent population. A reaction 
 speedily set in, and the arrival, at the close of January 1880, of more than 
 400 men under Col J. M. Rangel, lent wings to the desertion that hid 
 already set in. Only a few bands remained to face the federals, who, reen- 
 forced by citizens, pursued them with relentless fierceness. Meanwhile 
 Marquez had hastened to California to seek aid, and although practically 
 failing in the attempt, he returned across the border early in April to join 
 the remnant which, under Cota, had traversed the length of the peninsula. 
 This force also melted under fear, hardships, and pursuit; and after a futile 
 inroad into Sonora, the lealers took refuge in United States' territory, 
 whence they were finally permitted to return to their homes. 
 
 Rangel remained as governor to heal the ravages of this unfortunate up- 
 rising, as well as those committed shortly before by an earthquake at Loreto, 
 and to continue the task of development, which promises to realize the 
 brightest hopes of the people. Even railway commissions have been made, 
 to the S. Luis Pot. and Aguascal line, and to Alas and Rogers for a road 
 from Tiguana to Punta Isabel. Mex. Recop., Ley., xxxvi. 33-7; Ilex. Diar. 
 Ofic, Deo. 16, 1881. A commission was appointed in 1874 to survey lands 
 and issue titles. ManeroDoc. Interes., 84-7. In 1881 appeared a new revenue 
 law. Mfx. Diar. Ofic, June 11, 1881. San Jose was opened to foreign trade 
 in 1884 — a good sign of increasing trafiic. Cronista, April 19, 1884. A terri- 
 ble hurricane and flood occurred close to this spot in Oct. 1884. Id., Nov. 8, 
 1884. Concerning some notable marine disasters on the coast, see Hayes' 
 Scraps, Baja Cal, ix. 48-9, etc.; AUa Cal., March 2, Oct. 15, 24, 1870; S. F. 
 Bull, Oct. 27, 1871, Capt. Caleb's arrest. Vm. Mej., July 23, 1884. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 INSTITUTIONAL. 
 
 1800-1838. 
 
 Frontier Military Forces in Colonial Times — War por Independ- 
 ence — Government — Officers and Districts — Revenue — Chihua- 
 hua, UURANGO, SiNALOA, SONOBA, AND LoWEE CALIFORNIA— CRIME 
 
 AND Punishment — Fusion of Racks — Aboriginal Peoples — Judi- 
 ciary AND Codes — Colonization — Education. 
 
 As a part of the vioeroyalty of New Spain, for a time a semi-independent 
 appendage, and subsequently as border region of a republic, the Provinciaa 
 Intemas present a reflex of the southern districts in their political and civil 
 institutions. Moulded in the same form, the ^aws of the Spanish Indies 
 have left their impress here as below, through the agency of officials and 
 priests from the Iberian peninsula, yet a certain distinctiveness was imparted 
 by the greater isolation of this remote interior, by its condition as a frontier 
 extending into the domains of hostile tribes under the combined auspices 
 of soldiers and missionaries, and its ruder aspects of life also in being pri- 
 marily a mining and cattle country. It was in a sense the colony of a 
 colony. Yet the contrast to be expected between the people of an exposed 
 border, devoted to the hazards and hardships of exploiting for metal and 
 herding, and that of the more settled south is not so marked. What differ- 
 ence there is lies rather in the characteristics of race, which here present a 
 less degree of direct intermixture, owing to the relatively lower position of 
 the aborigines and the later entry of the other castes. In Duraugo, Sinaloa, 
 and Lower California the absorption of natives was favored to a greater ex- 
 tent by the conditions of settlement, but in the adjoining northern states 
 we find the natives separated from the rest by sharper geographic and social 
 lines. On the other hand, the constant influx of mestizo, and even southern 
 Indian, elements has assisted to leaven the dominant mass into a truly Mexi- 
 can composition, in sympathy with the feeling and aspirations of the nation. 
 
 This homogeneity is above all conspicuous in political aims. Doomed to 
 subordination by paucity of population, and by dependence for protection 
 and higher comforts of life on the central sections of the country, the cue 
 for action in these respects came almost invariably from the same quarter. 
 While partizan cry and strife here rose equally high, they followed rather in 
 the wake of southern leaders, varying between liberal and conservative ideas. 
 The latter found support in a large landed proprietary, as indicated by 
 cattle interests, which naturally objected to the aspirations of the masses, 
 yet the federal element was undoubtedly in the majority, based on the 
 greater independence of spirit fostered among the masses by pursuits con- 
 nected with mines and horses, while the influence of the clergy, although 
 augmented in a sense by mission establishments, was counteracted bv the 
 paucity and semi-nomadic habits of the population, which prevented close or 
 frequent contact with spiritual things or clerical champiois. The distance from 
 Mexico made a central regime also less palatable. TJrrea well understood 
 this tendency when he sought to start the reaction against ceutralisiu, at the 
 (740) 
 
NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN REGIONS. 741 
 
 beginning of its career. Even Durango, the seat of a bishop, protested at 
 the outset against a domination by distant Mexico tliat was sustained chiefly 
 by the soldiery. Otherwise the national bond remained strong, as evinced 
 by the brave struggle under Frias and his companions against United States 
 invasion, and against French intervention by northvi'estern leaders under 
 the distinguished Cor'ma. 
 
 'Ihe strong military forces of the frontier in colonial times prevented any 
 noteworthy participation in the war for independence; but the people adopted 
 with eagerness the new order, and adopted constitutions, which, despite the 
 disturbing effect of subsequent divisions of territory and temporary changes 
 of system, have practically survived in the latest reformed issues. Their 
 main features may be found in the general organic laws, considered in my 
 history of the republic. In respect to state specialities, that of Sonora, the 
 centre of the present Hispano- American group, affords a fair average repre- 
 sentation, although stamped by greater democratic deference to popular will, 
 as manifested in the election of most governing bodies. The legislative 
 power is wielded by one chamber of deputies, chosen every two years in to- 
 tality, meeting twice a year, and consisting of one member for every 10,000 in- 
 habitants. The governor, chosen by similar popular vote, holds office, also, 
 for two years, in the other states for four years, and is not eligible for con- 
 secutive reelection. He possesses wide power in appointing subordinate 
 officials, including the one secretary of state; the other general state officer, 
 the treasurer, is selected with legislative intervention. Districts are ruled by 
 prefects elected like the governor; municipalities with over 500 souls by 
 ayuntamientos elected for one year, and consisting usually of from four to nine 
 members; smaller settlements and ranches have police officers, elected for a 
 similar term. In the other states municipal bodies are more restricted, and 
 wholly or partly replaced by elected or appointed jefes. Municipal officers be- 
 ing unpaid, and in many grades unprofitable and thankless as v ell as onerous, 
 candidates seek frequently to avoid election or subsequently to .shirk their 
 duties, to the detriment of local welfare. Direct election is as yet in its in- 
 fancy, awaiting educational development throughout the republic. Mean- 
 while iadirect voting prevails, with two or three grades. Finances, the main 
 care and instrument of the government, have been fully considered in con- 
 nection with the country in general, to which I refer in connection with the 
 appended note, for comparison. The revenue of Chihuahua is derived from 
 7 per mille on real estate, valued at $7,000,000; 2 per cent on all business 
 capital above $50; 1 J per cent on salaries, fees and personal property; 2 per 
 cent on bullion and minerals extracted; 4 per cent on transfers and legacies; 
 37 cents per quintal on cotton, etc. From this is derived an income of $120,- 
 634, the expenditure being $119,253. The federal contribution of 25 per 
 cent amounts to $45,472; revenue stamps yield $18,830. 
 
 Durango imposes 10 per cent on the revenue of city property and 6J per 
 cent on that of rural estates below the value of $10,000; above this 6J per 
 cent is added for every additional $10,000, $20,000, and $40,000; the tax nn 
 estates exceeding $100,000 in value being 37i percent on the yield. The 
 real estate is valued at over $14,000,000. Twenty per cent on industrial 
 products, 25 per cent on capital employed in other branches, and 5 per cent 
 on salaries and fees. A few other taxes assist to swell the receipts to $159,- 
 717. The federal 25 per cent amounts to $45,475; stamps $12,799. 
 
 Sinaloa levies on real estate $9,500,000 in value, at the rate of 6 per 
 mille for property worth over $500, and $3 to $1^ annually on values above 
 $300 and $100, respectively; $25 to $.300 monthly on industrial and mercantile 
 establishments, 10 per cent on foreign goods, half the money derived from the 
 sale of vacant land; also fees for professional titles, legacies, etc. This pro- 
 duces $184,976, with an estimated surplus of $2,000. The federal 25 per cent 
 yields 136,325; stamps $19,305. 
 
 Sonora relies greatly on excise and on direct contributions, distributed in 
 quotas among the districts and municipalities; 5 per cent on foreign nation- 
 alized goods, $10 to $250 on commercial houses, 1^ per cent on bullion, $200 
 
742 INSTITUTIONAL. 
 
 for license to manufacture brandy, $5 for registration of mines, half the pro- 
 ceeda of vacant land sales, also from legacies, etc. The value of real estate 
 exceeds $7,000,000. The revenue of $13t),5(i5, leaves a prospective surplus of 
 nearly $3,000. The federal 25 per cent brings $28,644; stamps $11,356. 
 
 The finances of Lower CaUf omia, as a territory, fall under care of the 
 federal government, which derives $89,106 a year from it; the 25 per cent 
 amounta to only $135, while stamps yield $8,246. Municipal, consumption, 
 and storage taxes are levied. Bwsto, EstcuUst. Mix., i. p. xi, et seq. 
 
 Besides the federal tribunals of different degrees, each state has its cor- 
 responding supreme court of usually three judges, and a final court of first in- 
 stance for the districts, and the local justices or alcaldes, the first elected for 
 four years, and the other nearly always for two years and one year, re- 
 spectively. New civil and penal codes have recently been adopted in conso- 
 nance with the federal issue, and the jury system is gradually being estab- 
 lijhed. But the lack of upright and efficient judges, so general in the 
 republic, is even more marked in these less cultured frontier states. One 
 cause is the frequent want of funds, with irregular and reduced salaries, 
 which prevents also the employment of advisory asesores assigned by law. 
 This adds to the incentive for crime, particularly robbery, which has become 
 so prevalent in this country under the fostering auspices of race prejudices, 
 and constant revolutionary disorders. It was hard for disbanded guerillas 
 to return to honest labor, and so easy and alluring to continue as marauders, 
 perhaps under the specious cover of avenging an injured church or circum- 
 scribed liberty. The north, moreover, as a border country had grown more 
 and more the resort of fugitives from justice, with smugglers in large num- 
 bers. Cattte-stealing and kidnapping for extorting ransom, were common 
 features to be expected from a country long ravaged by Indians, and it is 
 not astonishing that so wide-spread an ailment should have affected, also, 
 many a judge and official, to whom had been confided means for aid and 
 punishment, since these could be manipulated with great profit. With the 
 exceptions mentioned, criminal statistics agree with those for the republic in 
 general. Stringent steps were taken at diflerent times to check law-break- 
 ing, latterly by an increased frontier guard, which, with the aid of railroads 
 and telegraphs, and the decrease of Indian inroads, is doing good work. The 
 effect of the gradual abolition of capital punishment has not yet been au- 
 thoritatively reported upon, but it is evident that greater attention must be 
 paid to enforcing upright administration of justice, and to providing more 
 guardians of the peace and better prisons. 
 
 The absorption or merging of the aboriginal race into the new nation un- 
 folding in Mexico has been fully considered in special chapters elsewhere. 
 In the north its condition was affected by certain features, such as a lower 
 aboriginal culture and stronger tribal combination. Distance from the centre 
 of authority seemed to oflfer the domineering encomendero of early colonial 
 days greater advantage for oppression, but the more independent and self- 
 asserting character of the tribes, and the interposition of zealous missiona- 
 ries, served as a check until later beneficent laws drew their protecting circles. 
 The privileges tendered by the new republic, in equality and citizenship, 
 proved equally delusive to the race in all parts, and the subtle bond of peon- 
 age enfolded even growing numbers. The maintenance in the north of the 
 mission system proved no longer of benefit, save in isolated instances, inas- 
 much as it tended to restrain development and intercourse. The latter was, 
 moreover, confined by race prejudice, by galling assumption and strivings 
 for advantages, which confirmed the natives in their long practised secliision, 
 as well as in tribal unity, which served them as a bulwark against ever ready 
 aggression and encroachment. 
 
 Many of the tribes live, indeed, in a state of nominal subjection to 
 the republic, governed by their own unwritten laws, and retaining, to 
 a great extent both aboriginal language and customs. The latter no 
 less than their mountainous homes, have helped to preserve a naturally hardy 
 constitution from tlie indolence permeating all Creole affinities. There is 
 
NATIVE CHARACTERISTICS. 743 
 
 also less of the stolid indifference so marked among southern savages, and 
 the so commendable energy and perseverance is stamped by a vivacity that 
 promotes their value as workers. In Sonora the Ifaquis and Opataa are 
 j ustly esteemed as the most desirable laborers in almost every branch of in- 
 dustry, and good pay draws thousands from their pueblos every season. If 
 on returning home they bring many vices, they also foster advancement, and 
 clear the way for a more harmouious feehng between the races. The 
 common cause which occasionally brought them to the side of political par- 
 ties, or arrayed them against the Apaches, also served to strengthen the na- 
 tional bond. The abongiual communal system encouraged by the Spanish 
 crown has been widely sustained, in many instnnces by republican decrees, 
 although the tendency is growing to break it up as a dangerous tribal insti- 
 tution. While provisional partition is made of land for private cultivation, 
 particularly at time of marriage, when a family is to be founded, a propor- 
 tion is also set aside for communal crops with which to support churches, 
 widows and orphans and schools, to pay taxes and other general require- 
 ments. The enforcement of labor to this end and order generally is en- 
 trusted to elected governors or alcaldes at the respective pueblos or villages, 
 who again are subordinate to captains general. These officers were formerly 
 appointed from among noble or influential families by the Spanish authori- 
 ties, and often secured by pay or other rewards, but with the example set 
 by republican schemers, ambitious and able men of lower grade have, 
 through election, sprung into prominence, and direct the voice of the tribe 
 both for personal benefit and for its advancement, by offering votes or arms 
 to the most promising side. The curates now in charge of their spiritual 
 welfare have much less influence than the missionaries, who, as a rule, exer- 
 cised almost exclusive control over governors or alcaldes, as well as people. 
 This decline is due mainly to the intrigue of liberal partisans, and partly to 
 the less guarded conduct of the class of priests usually assigned to Indian 
 villages. 
 
 Ihe natives of Sinaloa, Durango, and Lower California form no united or 
 powerful bodies, and may be regarded as merged in the general population. 
 The Tepehuane nation, which at one time held Durango in terror with its re- 
 volts, has almost disappeared. In Chihuahua, however, the rancherlas of 
 Apaches and Comanches extend along the eastern border into Bolson de 
 Mapimi, and the ranges to the west are occupied by the numerous Tarahu- 
 maras, ever gentle, though retiring, and rapidly disappearing. Sonera's popu- 
 lation is still chiefly pure Indian, including the orderly, yet brave and resolute 
 Opatas, who occupy the fertile centre and east of the state, and have as en- 
 listed soldiers or as volunteers formed one of the most reliable of bulwarks 
 against Apache inroads. They have yielded greatly to absorption, 
 although not in so marked a degree as the wide-spread and docile Pimas to 
 the north-west of them. The once feared robber horde of Seris, on and near 
 Tiburon island, has been almost exterminated in just warfare, and the Papa- 
 gos of the extreme north-west are as yet secure in their isolation. The only 
 feared nations are the allied Yaquis and Mayos, who, occupying the fertile 
 banks of the rivers named after them, are exposed to constant elbowing and 
 intrusion from the crowding Mexicans on either side. The consequence has 
 been a series of bloody wars until the present day, not always for pure de- 
 fence, but for robbery, to which successes and impunity gave incentive. 
 While mingling freely among the whites as esteemed workers, yet, the sea- 
 son over, they generally return home and repulse every effort at social inter- 
 course. The process of absorption cannot be resisted, however, aided as it 
 is by diseases of encroaching civilization, especially virulent among the 
 aborigines. 
 
 The intermixture of races in colonial days, was much slower in the north, 
 owing to the inferior culture of the Indians and the later entry of settlers. 
 For a long time after the independence, Creole families sought to resist the 
 inevitable, but the rapid influx of mestizos, owing to pressure in the more 
 crowded south, and the allurement of mineral wealth, tended to overcome 
 
744 INSTITUTIONAL. 
 
 hesitation, partly by bridging the chasm. Nevertheless, the Spanish element 
 remains strong, and the mixture has been Uttle varied by the admission of 
 negro blood. The indolence and unsustained impulsiveness of the nation is 
 leas marked in the border states, settled, as they were, chiefly by enterpris- 
 ing and energetic emigrants from Biscay, Navarre, and Catalonia. Their 
 comparative isolation has tended to preserve a tincture of the superstition 
 brought from the original mountain homes. On the other hand, they are 
 widely praised for hospitality and as dashing riders, whose cavalry has 
 earned deserved laurels in the wars. As may be suj^posed, the iarocho or 
 petty farmer element of Mexico, is widely represented here in small scattered 
 ranches, with their airy, shed-like dwellings, their enclosed patches for 
 maize, beans, yama, and other succulents, shaded by occasional bananas, or 
 other palms, and near by the heads of live stock, that form the main reliance 
 of the settler. The influence of Europe which made ittelf felt from the open- 
 ing of the century throughout the central provinces, filtered more tlowlyinto 
 these remote regions, although aided on the coast by trading vessels, and 
 later, by intercourse with the United States, by means of prairie caravans, 
 and simple customs long prevailed in dress, entertainments, and mode of 
 life generally, all of which present the same features as described elsewhere 
 under Mexico. Perhaps the love of motion and excitement, on horseback, in 
 ball-room, and at the gambling-table, is more pronounced, and naturally so 
 with the narrow range of amusement offered on the frontier. 
 
 The growth of the United States border settlements, and the fast in- 
 creasing communication, facilitated by railroads, cannot fail to greatly affect 
 tone and habits. While the elements at present operating to this end are 
 none of the best, yet the intercourse must in the main prove elevating, if 
 only in fostering better industrial methods, and an increased demand for 
 varied comforts of life, which in itself forms so desirable a stimulant. The 
 value of foreign immigration has ever been recf gpized in Mexico, partly to 
 obtain training for the people, partly to promote settlement on the north 
 frontier, threatened by Indians as well as a suspected neighbor. A lack of 
 judicious liberality, and above all the long reigning insecurity in the repubLc, 
 counteracted the efforts to found colonies. Even those established in con- 
 nection with the ephemeral military colonies did not flourish, and the few 
 trans-oceanic groups introduced failed to show any vigor. The effort to 
 draw from the United States the patriotic Mexicans transferred to a foreign 
 flag by the treaty of Guadalupe succeeded very poorly. In fact the gold 
 excitement in California, by revealing mineral and agricultural wealth, and 
 protection from raids and nial -administration, served to draw away far more 
 people, and from the then border region which least conld &pare the loss. 
 Lately schemes have been started for introducing Chinese and Mormons, al- 
 though their arrival is sure to rouse hostility. Notwithstanding the restric- 
 tive measures of the government, not wholly unjustifiable in its suspicious 
 fears, the force of circumstances is tending to a growing influx of Americans 
 into the scantily settled and inviting border states; an influx favored by 
 ready acclimatization, which has not attended sudden transitions from the 
 differently situated Europe, and by the growing security. 
 
 The gradual suppression of Indian raids in the north, and tlie increased 
 stability of government, promises decided increase in population, for the 
 race is fecund and environment favorable. In the northern part of Chihua- 
 hua and Sonora ague prevails to some extent; on the west coast bilious 
 fevers are common, and the inferior quality of water along the frontier con- 
 duces to several aihnents, such as goitre, which afflicts the central districts of 
 Sonora and Sinaloa. In other respects the health statistics compare well 
 v?ith other parts of the republic, with wliich the north shares such epidemics 
 as cholera, small-pox, yellow fever, and famine, with attendant train of 
 disorders. Cholera was particularly severe in 1841 and 1849-51. Small- 
 pox attacks chiefly the aborigines, among whom vaccination and mod- 
 ern treatment are less in vogue, and the yellow fever, which 1-as on a few 
 occasions ravaged the coast as far inland as Herniosillo and Culiacan, is de- 
 
SOCIAL CONDITION. 745 
 
 clared to be not of the extreme type prevalent on the gulf of Mexico. Ihe 
 scarcity of doctors, apothecaries, and hospitals was a drawback which gave 
 prominence to mummery and aboriginal arts, but during epidemics the au- 
 thorities have ever shown a commeadable zeal for covering tiie deficiency by 
 erecting temporary shelter, and distributing drugs and directions, while 
 private benevolence stepped forward to lend a helping hand. 
 
 Although the chief mroads of diseases have evidently been among the 
 aborigines, upon whom also the mere approach of European culture exerts 
 its withering inlluence, yet the decreasing estimates of their numbers is due 
 mainly to absorption, either by blood mixture, or by assimilation in settling 
 with the regular Mexicans and adopting their customs, and participating in 
 all the privileges of citizens. This is especially the case in Sinaloa and 
 Darango, and it is only in Sonora and Chihuahua that the voluntary isola- 
 tioa of certain tribes, or portions of tribes, subject them to classification as 
 Indiaas, with partial exclusion from political and social rights. In Sonora 
 this number is placed at about 22,000, mostly Yaquis and Mayos, who long 
 m^iatained a hostile attitude by resisting encroachment on their lands and 
 seclusion. In Chihuahua are nearly equal numbers of gentle Tarahumaras. 
 No thorough census has been taken in the republic, so that the more or less 
 derailed dj,ta for different sbates can be regarded as little better than esti- 
 mited. The popuUtion may according to these be placed at 185,000 for 
 Chihuahua, 195,OJ0 for Durango, 142,000 for Sonora, 205,000 forSinaloa, and 
 25,000 for Lower California; which shows an increase for the peninsula of 
 a')out 150 par cent for the century, for Sinaloa 100 per cent, for Durango 
 8) per cent, and for Chihuahua 75 per cent, while Sonora has gained 
 oaly one half as much as these last states. These proportions correspond 
 to the relative security enjoyed by the states, Sonora having suflered 
 loQger and more severely from Indian ravages. Chihuahua comes next in 
 the list of exposed regions as well as in population, and then Durango, while' 
 Siaaloa and Lower California have been almost entirely exempt. The 
 eS'ects of civil wars, frequent enough, cannot be regarded as nearly so de- 
 pre ssing, for the bloodshed and ravage are not equal to the number of revo- 
 lutionary movements. Yet the fast growth of the peninsula is no doubt 
 attributable to the greater quiet enjoyed there, thanks to its secluded situa- 
 tion. Its estimated value of real estate per head of population is also much 
 larger than in the northern states, where the average is placed at about $50, a 
 figure which varies very nearly in proportion to the Indian or peon pojmla- 
 tiou of the different districts, whose poverty tends to lower the general rate. 
 Wars do not appear to have caused any extra reduction among males; indeed, 
 Durango, less exposed, exhibits the least preponderance on their side. On the 
 other hand the size of families is not as a rule so large as might be expected, 
 as indicated also by the slow growth of population for countries so scantily 
 occupied. And there is room for expansion, since Sonora and Chihuahua 
 possess only one inhabitant to one and a half square kilometre. Sinaloa and 
 Durango have four and a half and two and a half more people to that space, 
 while the peninsula has only one inhabitant to seven kilometres. I append 
 data to support these observations and give opportunity for additional 
 speculations. 
 
 In education the northern states stand somewhat behind the mean aver- 
 age for the republic, as may be expected from scanty settled frontiers. The 
 wave of revival in learning struck the Spanish colonies at the close of the 
 la ft century, only to be broken by the war of independence and succeeding 
 disorders, yet hardly a ripple of it penetrated to this region. Wealthy people 
 sent their sons to southern states or abroad, and their girls occasionally to 
 some convent; a small proportion of other children received a meagre train- 
 ing at the rare schools to be found in a few leading towns or at the hands of 
 missionaries, and the great mass remained steeped in ignorance, learning like 
 the savages only to recite a few passages from the catechism. Although the 
 Lancasterian system was introduced into Mexico shortly after the independ- 
 ence, yet it obtained no real footing in the north till after the energetic 
 
746 INSTITUTIONAL. 
 
 measures undertaken by the general government in 1842. Private individ- 
 uals now began to display a gratifying zeal in assisting the movement, and 
 soon came the compulsory system to give beneficial inpulse, as manifested in 
 the increased school attendance from less than two per cent of population 
 still prevailing in Chihuahua, without compulsion, to between three and five 
 per cent in the other four provinces. 
 
 In addition to scanty settlement, isolated tribes presented in Sonora and 
 Chihuahua an obstacle to rapid diminution of illiteracy. There was a draw- 
 back also in the separation of the sexes, due to climatic and social consider- 
 ations. As a consequence, only a small proportion of the schools were 
 mixed, and owing to the chronic lack of funds the establishments for girls 
 were so few as to allow the attendance of merely one-fifth to one-half of the 
 male number. In private institutions the sexes were nearly equal. Another 
 disadvantage, now rapidly lessened, was the lack of teachers, partly due to 
 small and irregular pay; but normal schools are receiving support, and 
 women, so well fitted for teaching, are rapidly supplying the deficiency. A 
 cause for the irregularity lies also in the fact that so large a proportion of 
 the free public schools are sustained by private liberality, which often varies. 
 The educational system was defective in several respects, such as the ap- 
 peal by teachers to the ear, by memorizing, rather than to the perceptive 
 faculties; and the ambitious range of the curriculum, even in schools known as 
 primary, beyond the power of the pupil, so that he was left glaringly super- 
 ficial. This imperfection was carried to even greater excess in the secondary 
 or high schools and colleges, in which the course varied from a few element- 
 ary branches to the professional and philosophic range, but with startling 
 gaps and irregularities in method, means, and teachers. Nevertheless, the 
 secondaries have ever enjoyed greater attention, especially from the clergy, 
 owing to their policy to restrict education to the wealthy classes, and to the 
 national love for gloss. Although driven from control in these matters, the 
 church strives to retain a certain hold, especially by ofiering in the seminar- 
 ies a higher grade of instruction than is generally obtained in the secular 
 colleges. The spread of journalism is an encouraging feature, and another 
 the establishment of literary societies, which promote also the formation of 
 libraries, museums, and art collections. Secular education is greatly sup- 
 planting the religious teaching to which so large a proportion of the people 
 has been almost exclusively confined. This is a natural outcome of the long 
 struggle against clerical supremacy, which has ended in the acquisition of 
 intellectual freedom, and in assigning to the church its due subordinate po- 
 sition. The history of this struggle and the present condition of ecclesias- 
 tical affairs has been fully and specially considered elsewhere. 
 
 The report of the governor of Sinaloa, Mem. Gov., 1881, 83-92, announces 
 221 primary schools, with an attendance of 7,662 pupils, the larger propor- 
 tion being boys. The attendance in Mazatlan district is by far the largest, 
 2,266 pupils in 40 schools, while the 41 establishments of Culiacau had only 
 1,275 children. The report sent in to Covarmbias in 1874 gave 281 prima- 
 ries, with 9,272 pupils. There were 5 secondary and professional colleges, 
 one being a private institution for girls, another a nautical and mercantile 
 establishment, and a third the philosophic semiuario under the clergy, with 
 a total attendance of over 170. Imtruc. Pub., 138-43. The semiuario at 
 Culiacau is the only classic college for Sinaloa and Sonora. It dates since 
 1838, Semin. de Son., in Pap. Vnr., cliii., pt 13, although Bishop Rouset 
 sought in the previous decade to establish a chair of philosophy. Alonieros, 
 Son., 33-4. Its progress is depicted in Gm-za, Premio.t, 1-8; Mex. Mem. 
 /n.itlc, 1844, doc. 71; Velasco, Son., 37-8. Concerning the later founding of 
 the other colleges, see Cnstanei/n, Ahcucion, 1-4; Arch. Mex. Col. Ley., iii., 
 639-47; Sin. Ifegl. Col. Rosale.'i, 1-14. In 1854 Mazatlan had two primary and 
 two private schools, with 250 pupils. Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol. vii., 335. In 1867 
 the attendance here had risen to 700 out of 2,700 children; only 2,800 per- 
 sons could write, against 7,900 who could not. Id., ep. 2, iv., 91-3. See 
 also Cambas, Atlas, 2; Rubi, Mem. Gov., 15; Buclua, Comp., 51-2. 
 
EDUCATION. 747 
 
 Souora ia striving to redeem herself under the compulsory system. She had, 
 according to Gavmimbias, Imtruc. Pub. , 175-8, 128 primary schools, with 3,840 
 pupils, of whom 640 were girls, and 6 secondary colleges, with 425 pupils; 4 
 we.-e private establishments. The public college for boys costs the state $12,000 
 a year. A normal school also exists. Riesgo, Mem., 28-30, paints the condi- 
 tion in 1828 extremely black. Semanario, Polit., ii., 394-5; not till the middle 
 of the following decade were any effective steps taken to improve it, by es- 
 tablishing a secondary ecclesiastic college at Arizpe, and increasing the 
 primaries. Gm-za, Pastoral, 7; Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 62, 65, 80. Ten years 
 later the Lancasterian society began to push their system, and the normal 
 school opened in 1847. In the 5 leading towns between Banamichi and Her- 
 mosillo the primary attendance was only 400. Id., iii., 132-3, 321, iv., 40, 86. 
 Only one of the schools was passable. Monteverde, Mem., MS., 62, 111-13, 
 125; Velasco, Son., 37-8, 64. In 1858 the civil institute opened at Alamos. 
 The Sonorense, Estrella Occid. , and Voz. Mej. have items for these and follow- 
 ing years, showing in 1863-4 four schools in Guaymas district, 19 in Alamos, 
 12 in Ures, etc. See also Hernandez, Cfeog. Son., 59-60; Mex. Scraps, i., 295; 
 Lancasteriana Segl,, 1-12. 
 
 For Durango, Oovarrubias reports, under a non-compulsory system, 174 
 primaries, with an average attendance of 4,440, about three fourths boys; 4 
 secondary establishments, half of them under clerical care, two being for 
 girls, with nearly 550 pupils. The institute for males and the seminario gave 
 professional courses. There was no normal training-school. During the 
 closing years of the colonial regime Bishop Costaniza gave a decided impulse 
 to secondary education, and left a bequest for the seminario, but retrogres- 
 sion set in for about 40 years. lylesias. Pel., 319-20. This college had in 
 1827 over 170 pupils, and a fund of |359,000. There were then 34 primaries, 
 Dur., Mem. Ramos, 1827, 6-7; but 4 years later Dur., Mem. Gob., 1831, 7-9, 
 reports only 54 pupils at the seminario, and 26 badly endowed primaries. 
 In 1842 a Lancasterian society was established, Bustamante, Mex., MS., xiv. 
 277; and shortly after 57 primaries, with 1,592 pupils, were announced. 
 Mex., Mem. Imtic, 1844, No. 20. Escudero, Dur., 45-9, has 62 schools, with 
 3,055 pupils, for 1848, and Ramirez, Dur., 45-51, claimed 11 free schools, 
 with 1,437 scholars, for the capital district in 1850. Soc. Mex. Geog., BoL, v. 
 61-71. The seminario was soon after transferred to the state. Mex. Legvs., 
 1856, 129. In and after 1856 the literary institute was endowed. Arch. Mex., 
 O-l. Ley., V. 658-9, partly with church property. Mex. Codiga Befomia, 345; 
 Mex., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 147-8. In 1873 a school of arts was projected. 
 Biario Debates, cong. 6, iv. 302; Cambas, Atlas, 17; article in Dm:, Aim., 
 1885, 69-73, is very faulty. 
 
 Chihuahua stands low on the list, with only 39 primaries and somewhat 
 over 2,200 pupils, according to Chih. Period. Ofic, Nov. 13, 1874, and Covar- 
 iiMas, Instruc. Pub., 25-8, an assumed decline from former years. The two 
 secondaries are the institute and seminario, with 250 students and superior 
 pretensions. 
 
 Lower California has adopted the federal district regulations, although 
 they are evidently not applicable to her condition. In 1882 there were 27 
 schools, with 1,174 pupils, out of an assumed school population of 8,000; of 
 these La Paz had 7 schools, with an attendance of 490 out of 1,330 children; 
 the two private schools claiming nearly half the number. The 20 national 
 establishments receive $15,400 for their 700 children. Governor's report, in 
 Baja Gal, Bol. Ofic, Aug. 30, 1882. This shows an increase upon the state- 
 ment in Mex. Mem. Gob., 1878, 98, doc. 96, wherein two of the instituticns 
 at La Paz are classed as normal, and two as secondaries, the latter at La 
 Paz and Mirafiores, with 60 students. The centre district has four of the 
 schools, and the frontier two. For 1872 Hernandez, Geog., Baja Cal, 50- 1, 
 allows only 8 elementary schools, with 300 pupils, and although this seems 
 unreliable, the compulsory system has undoubtedly given a great impulse. 
 See, also, Cambas, Atlas, 29; Tovar, ffist. Pari, iv. 771; Hayes' Scraps, Baja 
 Cal ix. 63-4. Rule? issued in 1873. Baja Cal., Regl. Instruc, 1-10; Diario 
 Debates, cong. 8, ii. 608, 722, 765-80, 916; Baja Cal., Bol. Ofic, 1878. 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE 
 
 Obstacles to Progress of Agriculture — Productions and Crops — Stock- 
 raising — Mining — Effect of Indians on Development — Districts in 
 Different States — Metals, Minerals, and Precious Stones — Pearl 
 Fishing — Manufactures — Cotton Mills — Trade — Imports and Ex- 
 ports — Smuggling — Coast Trade — Steamee Lines — Roads and 
 Canals — Railways. 
 
 The northwestern states being essentially mining territory, their agricul- 
 tural capabilities have not been widely probed, partly owing to their compara- 
 tive aridity. Water is the great wanb. Chihuahua and Durango form the 
 top of a table which rises in gentle ascent from the gulf of Mexico to aa al i- 
 tude of 3,800 feet at El Paso, and thence lifts itself southward to the h'gh 
 plateau of Anihuao, while forming a more abrupt slope toward the Pacitic. 
 The eastern part of Chihuahua presents an almost deserted sand and alkali 
 plain, with numerous dry depressions, known as Bolson de Mapini, exten.l- 
 ing into Coahuila, and for some distance into Durango. Similar land, al. 
 though more broken by hills as well as shifting sand dunes, and relieved by oc- 
 casional river bottoms, stretches from Rio Bravo westward to the mountains. 
 Even south of the state capital the soil is patchy, and on the whole, indiice- 
 meats for tillage are small as compared with stock-raising, which ranks as 
 the second leading occupation. Durango approaches in its general character 
 to the southeastern portions of the neighbor state, and regular farming vies 
 with stock-raising and mining as staple industries. As may be judged from 
 the altitude, the climate U comparatively cool oh this table-land; snow falls 
 in Chihuahua to the depth of two feet, Rio Bravo is obstructed by ice, and 
 vines at the somewhat warmer El Paso require protection. The summer 
 temperature averages 85 degrees. West of the Sierra Madre the zones 
 range from the cold of the mountains to the temperate of the foothills and 
 the torrid of the coast line. In Siualoa the hot belt is 40 miles in width, 
 and extends for some distance into the tributary valleys, with a sandy soil 
 that is productive only near the river courses. In Sonora sand plains of 
 vast expanse cover nearly all the region north of Guaymas, with frequent 
 dreaded simoons; but the east and northeast is a delightful, well-watered 
 region, especially attractive to emigrants. The Yaqui valley is Egyptian in 
 temperature, and in the Nile-like inundation of its fertile bottoms. AVith 
 irrigation, practicable from rivers and wells, nature yields her treasures in 
 such lavish abundance and variety as to mark Sonora as one of the richest 
 spots on earth. Sinaloa has less adaptability, and arid Lower California 
 possesses only small and scattered tracts available for plantations. 
 
 An obstacle to farming has been on one side the indolence fostered by a 
 bountiful soil, on the other, the illiberal laud policy of the government, de- 
 rived from Spanish times, and confusion involving titles. Until lately 
 the control of vacant land was in dispute between the municipal, state, and 
 general governments, and there was the insecurity spread by the fre- 
 quent and sweeping annulling of grants, on the ground that they had been 
 f748) 
 
LAND TITLES. 749 
 
 made by rebellioua or illegal authorities, or with undue observance of con- 
 stantly changing regulations. In the north the mission lands, secularized in 
 course of time, aided the fraudulent acquirements of estate, as did stock- 
 raising leases and frontier troubles, whereby influential men were able to ob- 
 tain possession of large tracts, to the check of development, and to the prej- 
 udice of the Indians and poor people, the true settlers, who were so 
 frequently deprived of the small lots charity bestowed upon them. This 
 tended, likewise, to prevent surveys so necessary for promoting settlement 
 as well as knowledge of resources. 
 
 The missions checked colonization to a great extent, for a kind colonial 
 government reserved the best lands for the neophytes and kept white men at 
 a distance from them. In Lower Cal. no land was assigned in proprietorship 
 to settlers till the latter part of the eighteenth century. For a history of 
 land titles in the peninsula, see Lassepe^, Baja Cal., passim. The owner- 
 ship of land, with the restrictions governing communal tracts of towns, mis- 
 sions, and Indians, has been considered elsewhere, notably in Hist. Cal., vi., 
 this series. Instance of rules concerning mission holdings, in Son., Lcyes 
 Vanas, 33. One of the most startling shocks to titles was the decree by 
 Juarez in 1862, annulling state concessions so far made, and requiring 
 a revision by the federal authority. Arch. Men., Cal. Ley., v, 579-83, 
 659-61; Buenrostro, Hut. Prim, y Secund. Cong., 338; Bandini, doc, 141, 
 with allusions to previous steps of the kind. The tax on land sales is heavy, 
 and to perfect titles is costly. 
 
 Large ranchos are not without their value, however, by promoting more 
 perfect cultivation with improved machinery, by introducing new ideas 
 and spreading better methods, and by bringing under tillage much land 
 otherwise intractable. The value of example is recognized in the efforts of 
 the government to promote immigration of farmers from abroad, a main ob- 
 ject being, also, by this, as well as by new land laws, to encourage the 
 growth of petty peasantry, as a part of a much needed middle class. Not 
 that many of the large estates confer the benefits which seem alone to justify 
 their extent; most of them are far behind what even a negligent American 
 would endure. They drift with the current of improvident indolence, fos- 
 tered by an indulging soil, yielding readily two crops a year with slight 
 labor, and returning the seed a hundredfold. Much of the neglect is 
 due to the employment for farm work of Indians, who are permitted to follow 
 their more primitive methods and unambitious ideas. Tarahnmaras live on 
 maize and a little milk; a family possessing twenty head of cattle is regarded 
 ai well off. Soc. Mex. Geog., BoL, ii. 45; Tarayre, Explor., 269-71. Yaquis 
 and Mayos raise so little produce as to frequently suffer, despite the fertility 
 of their soil. They subsist greatly on fish and wild fruit. Velasco, Son., 
 71-9. They plant seed without plowing. Soc. Mex. Geog., BoL, ep. 2, ii. 
 209-10. Their wages as laborers between 1834-59 ranged from |4 to |6 
 monthly, with rations. Stone, in Pap. Var., cxii. 
 
 Here, as elsewhere in the republic, maize forms the staple product, Du- 
 rango leading with over a hundred million kilograms. Chihuahua and 
 Sinaloa following close behind, and Sonora showing somewhat over sixty mil- 
 lions. Wheat is comparatively little raised in proportion, on the coast, al- 
 though that of Sonora ranks high in quality; in Durango it rises to one tenth 
 of the maize figure, and in Chihuahua to f uUy 40 per cent. Barley is in small 
 demand, but frizoles, which constitute the national bean dish, hold the aver- 
 age proportion in kilograms to the maize crop, of about one twenty-sixth, 
 and the accompanying chile condiment, which replaces meat to a great ex- 
 tent, figures at the usual one per cent. Rice culture is creeping into favor, 
 Sonora and Sinaloa producing each about 600,000 kilograms, and Durango 
 somewhat over half that amount. Nearly all of the preceding primary arti- 
 cles may be regarded as intended solely for home consumption, and the hopes 
 of enterprising men and prospective colonists are turned rather to semi-tropie 
 products, such as cotton, sugar, and figs. Cotton appears to have been 
 known to some of the northern tribes before the conquest, by introduction 
 
750 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE, 
 
 from central Mexico, and the culture flourished during colonial times to some 
 extent. Hardy found it a leading industry on the Nazas in 1827. Trav., 
 485-6. It was introduced at Hermosillo in 1811, but failed. In 1842 the 
 culture was resumed, supplying Iftigo's mill in part, and efforts were made 
 to extend the cultivation on Rios Ya/yai and Mayo. In 1843-4 it nearly 
 failed at both places, through frost and disorders. Mex. Mem. Agric., 1843, 
 1845, p. 12; Velmm, Son., 61-3. Chihuahua in 1879 produced 566,600 
 kilogs., and Sinaloa 1,500,000, while Durango yielded 2,928,000. See also 
 Arch. Gomis. Sden., i. 446-51; Mall's Son., MS., 77-8; Mex. Scraps, i. 147-8; 
 Pap. Var., xi. 15 et seq. Worms have proved a series annoyance in Sinaloa. 
 Later it received a decided impulse, and while Durango, in 1886, led with 
 about three million kilograms, the sister states are striving to rival her. 
 In this connection dyes were beginning to obtain attention, when mineral 
 substances came to discourage the effort, as they have done in the southern 
 indigo and cochineal centres. 
 
 Another prominent article, sugar cane, is steadily increasing in favor 
 among planters, Sinaloa producing over three million kilograms, and 
 Sonora following close behind. Much of this is converted into brandy, 
 partly as a rival of mescal, which also finds its producers. Vinieidture 
 flourishes in the central part of Sonora, and Chihuahua has achieved a rep- 
 utation for its wines. Olives, figs, oranges and kindred fruit are gaining 
 attention, and also coffee and silk. Olive groves existed early in San Bar- 
 tolome valley of Chihuahua and in the peninsula, planted by the mission- 
 aries. Exemptions were granted in the third decade of this centurj' to 
 planters of coffee and cacao. Pinart, Die. Son., ii. 19-20. The ranges con- 
 tain many medicinal plants and valuable forests, chiefly of cedar and oak. 
 The value of trees is becoming more impressed upon the government, and 
 efforts are being made to reclaim some of tlie arid lands to the north west by 
 planting groves. Escudero, Chili. 90-1, Sonora, describes the trees to be found 
 in the states. In the estimate of products from the soil Chihuahua leads 
 with .$4,283,561, followed by Durango with $3,873,526, Sinaloa $3,093,415, 
 Sonora $1,886,030, Lower California $163,778, lowest of all Mexican terri- 
 tories; while Chihuahua stands twelfth in the list, which is headed by Jalisco 
 with $20,862,066; Vera Cruz and Guanajuato coming next with $13,000,000; 
 then Puebla, Mexico, Michoacan, and Oajaca. Busto, Estadist. 
 
 So far stock-raising has sustained the preeminence apparently assigned 
 to it by the northern soil and sanctioned by national indolence. Bell, 
 New Tracks, 385-7, discourses on tlie natural advantages, and Bartlett, Narr., 
 ii. 439, relates that a settler near Casas Grandes river, in 1785, obtained by 
 1829 a herd of 40,003 out of four cows and one bull. Previous to the Indian 
 outbreak of 1832 there was nothing to disturb the peaceful growth of herds 
 and flocks to the very frontier, until missions and private individuals counted 
 their possessions by the thousands. A mission on the Yaqui had over 
 40,000 sheep and goats. Pap. Var., cxii. At Tumacacosi 4,000 cattle were 
 sold in 1821 at $3 per head. Pinart, Doc. Son.,i. no. 71. The ranches round 
 Babispe had 60,000 or 80,000 head. Velmco, Son., \OZ-i, 121. Uniformity 
 of color was much affected, and one partido sent 800 white bulls to Mexico, 
 Monteros, Espos. 28; and Durango sent 1,000 white horses from one estate. 
 Kendall's Santa FA Exped., ii. 111. In Amlegin, 142-4, allusion is made to 
 tamed buffaloes and to their breeding with cattle. Nacori found here 900 
 horses insufficient for complete branding. Id., in Pap. Var., cxl. In 1827 at 
 the hacienda de Ensenillas of Chihuahua 47,000 sheep lambed. Hardy's Trav. , 
 473. Conde estimates the stock of this state in 1833 at 235,884 head of 
 cattle, 350,000 head of small stock, 128,371 horses, and 35,727 mules and 
 asses. Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol, v. 285, 324. Durango district claimed upward 
 of 200,000 mares and kine previous to the great revolt of 1616. Hist. Nuev. 
 Vise, MS., 6; Doc. Mex., ser. iii. 12; Mota, Padilla, 318. Velasco, Son., 
 73, is full of praise for the ' sabrosisimos carneros.' In 1826 Ward, Mex., 
 ii. 560, ascribed 200,000 sheep and 40,000 horses and mules to the Tarca 
 hacienda, 80,000 sheep to Ramos, and 40,000 cattle to Guatimape. The 
 
CATTLE AND MIKES. 751 
 
 sparsely settled peninsula counted in 1 800, 7, 900 cattle, i, 600 horses, mules, and 
 asaea, and 17,000 small stock. Arrillaya, Edad., in Bandivi, Doc. Gal, 3. 
 But after a time they melted away in all exposed districts, under constant 
 raids into Souora, Chihuahua, and Durango, and even adjacent regions suf- 
 fered from the ever pending danger and discouragement. This evil being 
 now happily reduced, the industry is recovering and promises to assume 
 vaster proportions than ever. Indeed, rapid settling of the adjoining border 
 country and the rapid increase of communication, fostered especially by 
 railroads, are giving a great impetus to the frontier states, and oflfering in- 
 ducements to agriculturists by opening markets in more than one direction, 
 and for a wide range of articles. Intercourse with Americans will serve to 
 rouse a bright and attractive population, which has partly by lack of oppor- 
 tunity sunk into non-progressive apathy and improvidence, content with 
 bare sustenance for the day. Rich raneheros lived in bare and dilapitated 
 houses, although dressing in semi-barbaric glitter, and their retainers have 
 been content with mere sheds. See admissions in Dux. Univ., viii. 339. 
 Indians especially lack enterprise. Soc. Mex. Oeog., Sol., ii. 45. 
 
 Grold, the chief incentive for the conquest of Mexico, continued to at- 
 tract the Spanish adventurers, especially toward the north. Intent upon 
 this, it took some years before the discovery of the deposits in Zacatecas, in 
 1546-8, changed the current of their ideas by the recognition that New Spain 
 wai essentially a silver country. Then the fever started anew, and onward 
 passed the rush, first along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre. In 1852 
 Durango wa? entered, although the rumored silver mountain here proved 
 to be iron, and was left to the appreciation of a later generation. One 
 precious deposit after another unfolded before the advancing explorers, who 
 reached Chihuahua a decade later and thence continued their successful 
 quest into the Oocidente provinces. Here gold cropped out in such a way 
 as to encourage th3 poorer prospector, and to oast an interest over the region 
 beyond, from which they were debarred by aridity and savages. The Sierra 
 Madre became more clearly marked as the source of wealth, and in 
 course of time the western slopes proved to contain the richest mmes located at 
 from 3,000 to 8,003 feet above the sea. The distribution is uneven, in pockets, 
 bunches, flat-veins, aad chimneys, depressions formed by ravines, scattered 
 among immense bodies of low-grade ores, usually in one principal vein, with 
 perhaps smaller parallel branches, which class really forms the most valuable 
 part of the deposits, so far but little touched. They are usually found in 
 primitive and transition rocks, as slate and graywacke, and especially por- 
 phyry and alpine limestone, the latter containing most of the early and 
 rich mines. The main low-grade ore is below 60 ounces to the ton, and con- 
 sists for the first 300 feet of decomposed colorados, thence below the ' water 
 line,' or other disturbing element, they run into sulphides, the negros, both 
 treated by amalgamation; then follow the harder liga and pyrites, subjected 
 to smelting. 
 
 While rich in promise, with many a glowing record, yet the frontier 
 region stands secondary to the north-central crescent of the republic, which 
 passes through San Luis Potosi, Guanajuato, and Zacatecas. Owing to dis- 
 tance from ports and other available supply stations, and increased dangers, 
 exploitation was conducted with even less thoroughness than usual in Mexico. 
 The proscription of Spaniards added to the adverse influence of the repub- 
 lican strife; many mines were abandoned for lack of capital and enterprising 
 men after the rich pockets had been exhausted, and others fell into the 
 hands of gambusinos, or straggling workers, whose shiftless methods, aim- 
 ing chiefly at immediate and easy returns, caused the ruin of well preserved 
 mmes. The protective measures of colonial days received little attention, 
 partly from the overthrow of Spanish rcEjulations and authorities in such 
 matters. The destruction of walls and pillars used to be severely punished, 
 and reasons for abandonment had to be given, together with plans for the 
 workings. For complaints and suggestions, see Doc. Ilex., ser. 3, iv. 658-60; 
 Pimrt, Coll., nos, 669-76; N, Mex. Cedulas, MS., 265-8. Hardy, Trav.. 
 
752 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 427-34, speaks of placers worked by the rudest of tools, mere sticks; and 
 Combier, Voy. , 213-14, describes the maimer of crushing quartz, with boulders 
 drawn by animals, and the amalgamation process. Details are otherwisie 
 given in the mining chapters of Hist. Mex., iii.-vi., this series. Surreptitious 
 working of closed mines by gambusinos also had ruinous eflfects in cavings, 
 etc. In rich mines the stealings by operatives were enormous. As Hall in- 
 stances, Son., MS., 50, 91, 190-1. The hostility of the Apaches obliged the 
 evacuation of entire districts even far from the frontier, especially in Sonora. 
 Among the remedies presented to revive the flagging industry was exemp- 
 tion from taxes. Foreigners began to pour in after the independence, and 
 although at first meeting with poor success from lack of prudence and ex- 
 perience, superior machinery and scientific methods prevailed, until a large 
 number of rich deposits fell into their hands. They developed compara- 
 tively few new mines, preferring to reopen the many abandoned mines, which 
 as a rule have been worked only near the surface and in patches. With 
 their eifective machinery and expedients, the lack or excess of water, trans- 
 portation, and other early obstacles are readily overcome, and the masses of 
 ignored low-grade ore, and even tailings, yield fortunes. The result has 
 been a gratifying emulation among Mexicans, participated in also by poor 
 men, who receive advances from capitalists, the latter stipulating for the 
 purchase of their ore at, say, 16 per cent below mint rates, which again 
 were some 20 per cent below real value, according to Froebel, Gent. Am., ii. 
 257-8. Formerly bancos de plata afforded similar aid to miners generally. 
 Lassaga, 1.5-19. A stimulant exists also in a law which permits a speculator 
 to take the working of a mine from incompetent men by paying them a rent 
 equivalent to their average extraction. Froebel, ii. 231-2. For mining laws, 
 surpervising boards, mining college, etc., I refer to Hist. Mex., iii.-vi., this 
 series. 
 
 The development of the frontier region under colonial regime, since the 
 discovery of Santa BSrbara lodes in about 1563, has been noticed in the pre- 
 ceding volume, and it is here necessary only to introduce its most striking 
 features in connection with a general account of each state. 
 
 No very reliable data can be obtained for the total periodic or relative 
 production of the different sections, owing to the secrecy observed by own- 
 ers, especially foreigners, for obvious reasons, and to the neglect of oflScials 
 to collect information. This applies especially to the distant frontier, with 
 its many facilities for escaping supervision. The statistics of mints, of 
 which Sonora possesses two and the other three states one each, afibrd the 
 most acceptable figures, and according to these, for the fiscal year ending 
 June 1879, Sonora headed the four states concerned with a total of 32,917 
 kilograms worth $1,287,352; Durango follows with 28,535 kilograms 
 worth 11,115,964, then Chihuahua with 27,926 kUograms worth 81,092,- 
 157; and last, Sinaloa with 11,705 kilograms worth $457,771. The process 
 of reduction in three of the states is divided between amalgamation and 
 smelting, the latter preponderating, while in Sonora lixiviation predominates. 
 The four states stand credited also with a. gold yield of $24,SG7, §20,552, 
 $46,443, and $12,256, respectively, which places Chihuahua first here, but 
 fourth in the order of the Mexican states generally. In silver production 
 Sonora, as the first, stands sixth in the republic, with little more than one- 
 fourth the yield of Zacatecas; the sister states follow, while Mexico and 
 and Michoaoan succeed Sinaloa. The geologic formation of Chihuahua is 
 cretaceous fossiliferous limestone, resting on primary strata, which presents 
 three classes of mines: in transition porphyry, with feldspath base and 
 (juartz matrix, as at Parral, Jesus Maria, Guadalupe y Calvo, and Cuisihuir- 
 iachic; in alpine limestone, with large formations of lead ores, as at Santa 
 Eulalia and Urique; and those with native silver beneath a sulphide belt, 
 covered by chlorides, bromides, and embolite, as at Batopilas, Morelos, 
 Cueros, and Tubores. The state has revealed fully 100 distinct minerales or 
 districts, all with silver, sometimes in immense lumps, while gold has been 
 BucoessfuUy sought in several, even recently in placers. One at Chorreas, 
 
MINES AND MmmO. 753 
 
 45 leagues N. E. of Chihuahua, yielded half a million between 1867-70; an- 
 other at Guadalupe in 1869 gave $20,000 monthly. Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol, ep. 
 2, ii., 719-20. Later discoveries noticed in Mex. Diar. Ofic, Jan. 23, 1871; 
 Monitor, and others. Gold is found in ten of the cantones. 
 
 The first mines discovered in the state lie in the same canton as Parral, 
 which is famed for the regular yield of its easily reduced though low-grad& 
 ore. It still holds the second rank, and exhibits about 400 locations, from 
 which $60,000,000 are said to have been obtained. The vein is among the 
 widest, and so far not worked below 300 feet. The leading mines are the Veta 
 Grande, 34 metres wide, yielding 4-8 maroos per 12 arrobas, and the Jesus 
 Maria, whose ore sells at $35 to $60 per ton. The district was discovered 
 in 1600 by a fugitive miner, and rose rapidly, being the seat of the territo- 
 rial deputation till the transfer to Chihuahua in the 18th century. Ramirez, 
 Siqueza Min., 389-90; Esendero, Ohik, 137-42; Alegre, ii., 190. So far five- 
 sixths of the ore is treated by amalgamation. This district was eclipsed by 
 the development in. 1703 of the Santa Eulalia, which gave importance to Chi- 
 huahua city. The ore here occurs in enormous irregular bodies, some large 
 enough to hold a cathedral, and with an average yield of 6 or 8 ounces per 
 carga, up to 32 ounces. The total out-turn so far is estimated at fully 
 $120,000,000, according to the figures of Ramirez, supported by Conde 
 and Wizlizenus, Tour., 57; yet Dahlgren gives the production by 1844 alone 
 at over $360,000,000, or $2,646,000 a year since 1704, the average value of 
 the ore being placed at from $26 to $103 per ton. The lack of water has. 
 offset the ease with which the ore can be treated. The richest mines were 
 El Caballo, San Matias, La Virja, Dolores, and San Jose. The discovery 
 was made by fugitive malefactors, whose camp-fire revealed the outcropping, 
 when they sued successfully for pardon. Such is a popular version. Arle- 
 gin, Chron. , 99, ascribes the discovery to the Franciscans, to whom the: 
 Juliemes disclosed the deposit. From a tax of one real per marco on the 
 yield of one bonanza alone, as Ward puts it, the cathedral of Chihuahua 
 was built, besides another structure, etc. Froebel, Cent. Am., 359, esti- 
 mates the bonanza at 14,500,000 marcos. According to the Informe Digput 
 Territ. of 1825 the district had '63 haciendas grounds, 188 homos de fundi- 
 ciou (smelting furnaces), 112 cendradas,'and a mass of amalgamation works.. 
 MotaPadilla, Hist., 316, Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol., v., 281, et seq.; Pap. Var., 
 cxli. pt 5, refer to.early condition. It declined with the opening of the cen- 
 tury, and in 1825 came an appeal for aid. Sa/nta Eulalia, Mines, 5-11; Ob- 
 serv. Mep. Mex., iii., 174-80. Of late it has shared in the revival produced 
 by foreign enterprise. The richest ore, however, has been that of San Pedro 
 Batopilas, remarkable for the calc-spar matrix veins carrying native silver 
 which yielded as much as $20,000 per ton, with a total production of, say, 
 $100,000,000. Ramirez puts it at only $60,000,000, but he belies himself, 
 while some accounts raise it to $300,000,000. ' Las mas picas que se ban 
 labrado en el Regno, ' says Gamboa in his Comentarios. The belt is 4 miles 
 by f , and extends along the western slope of the Sierra Madre. The veins 
 are narrow and hard, and but little exploitation is required. The richest mines 
 were Pastrefla, the deepest somewhat over 120 metres, which is supposed to 
 have yielded $48,000,000 between 1730-50; San Antonio, $10-16,000,000; 
 CSrmen, $25-30,000,000; Los Tajos, $20,000,000. Since the independence 
 Ramirez allows only $6,000,000, but the revival experienced since 1849, and 
 especially of late by Americana, indicates more. Of the 1,400 or more 
 mines, 72 have been noted for their yield. Riqueza Min. , 386-7. Most of the 
 mining records of the state allude more or less to the district. Next in or- 
 der to these three leading and representative districts follows Jesus Maria, 
 the proper opening of which in 1821 gave a perceptible impulse generally to 
 mining affairs in the state. The yield of its principal mine was $35,000,000. 
 Cuishuiriachic has probably equalled the preceding district in production. 
 Morelos is a new district of high rank, but less known than Guadalupe y 
 Calvo, which opened only in 1835 has nevertheless approached some of thfe- 
 heaviest totals in its yield, largely gold. The old region of Urique contains . 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 48 
 
754 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE, 
 
 rich ore, mostly requiring smelting. The districts of Uruachic, Corralitos, 
 ZSpuri, Topago, Uruapa, and others, some in activity, others practically 
 abandoned, are waiting like several of the revived mines for the capital and 
 skill that shall, with deeper and more thorough exploitation, unfold their 
 treasures. Busto, Estadist., ii., 57-60, of 1880, recognizes only 21 mines as 
 in operation in the 12 active districts, with a yield for the year 1878-79 of 
 146,818 maroos silver and 7 marcos gold, according to mint coinage; yet he 
 admits the unsatisfactory nature of the reports. Americans own large in- 
 terests in Batopilas, Pinos Altos, and Guadalupe, the latter bought from 
 Englishmen, who still hold claims at Pinos Altos. 
 
 Souora is generally regarded as among the richest of Mexican states, yet 
 greatly neglected, owing to lack of water, capital, and security, and to an 
 ii'regular geologic formation that has led to many disappointments, especially 
 to foreign firms. Poorer men, adapting themselves to changing circum- 
 stances, succeed better. They have been favored also by the greater propor- 
 tion of gold here presented, notably in the many placers of the northern 
 parts, discovered at different times and places in course of the last hundred 
 years, and sustained in interest by such remarkable yields as that of the 
 early Cieneguilla, estimated as high as $100,000, and by the mystery shroud- 
 ing the arid border region and the forbidden haunts of the Apaches, gneirded 
 by gold and silver bullets. The report of rich finds in Arizona in 1769, 
 with silver lumps of 20i and even 140, arrobas in weight. Apostol Afanes, 
 lib. ii., cap. ii. 232-7. Some of the lumps were presented to the king, who 
 declared the mines crown property, and so stopped further search. Velasco, 
 Son., 190-2. One mass weighed 3,500 pounds. Stone, 25-6, in Pap. Var., 
 cxii. The subsequent silver placer of this name was in 1855 declared gov- 
 ernment property. Navarro, Leyes, 321-2. Big lumps were again reported. 
 Gorres. Esp., May 30, 1855. The San Ildefonso de la Cieneguilla placers were 
 discovered about 1769 during a pursuit of marauding Seris, and revealed 
 pure grains and nuggets, some from 1 to 27 marcos in weight, much upon 
 the surface. At San Francisco, near by, opened in 1803, pieces of 28 marcos 
 were found. They continued to be worked for several decades in the present 
 century, yielding $45,000,000 annually for many years. Velasco, San., 194r- 
 203. Busto, ii. 328, quotes an account which estimates the total yield at 
 over $100,000,000. AUedo, iv. 575; Arcf., Diario, of 1776, 228-9. Pinarl, Doc. 
 Son., MS., i., no. 19, reports the condition in 1800 as poor, yet Diar. Mex., 
 1810, xiii. 71-2, speaks of untold prospects. In 1837 the Quitovac placers 
 were disclosed, with nuggets up to 30 marcos, but less extensive. Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Bol, xi. 63-5. 
 
 Twenty-one placers have so far been recognized, one being of silver. 
 Gold exists in all the mining districts, of which only a few are now classed 
 as active. Reports from the seven leading groups show that 75 firms, with 
 a capital of $10,000,000, are operating somewhat over 200 mines and three 
 dozen reduction works, yielding fully $1,200,000 annually. In the famous 
 Alamos district are immense deposits of ore at from 20 to 50 ounces, while 
 the higher grade yields from $250 to $500 per ton. Elsewhere, as at Babi- 
 canora, two mines alone are said to have yielded over $50,000,000 within a 
 few years, so that the prospects are most encouraging. According to Rami- 
 rez' reports of 1884, Alamos district has 13 mining firms, with a capital of 
 $1,365,000, operating 15 mines, of which 7 are yielding an average of $345,- 
 000 a year from as many reduction works, with 730 workmen. Moctezuma, 
 
 8 firms, capital $167,500, 17 mines and 1 work, yielding $92,700, 140 men! 
 Sahuaripa, 25 firms, capital $4,295,000, 34 mines, of which only 4 yield 
 $254,000, 5 works, and 434 men. Guaymas, 12 firms, $108,500 capital, 33 
 mines, including copper, of which one only yields $4,000, 174 men. Arizpe, 
 7 firms, $1,868,600 capital, 52 mines, including copper, yielding $300,000, 5 
 works, and 500 men. Magdalena, 7 firms, $415,000 capital, 19 minea,'of 
 which only one yields $16,800, 5 works, and 225 men. Altar, 17 firms 
 $1,547,000 capital, 45 mines, including antimony, whereof 7 yield $182 400' 
 
 9 works, and 165 men. Busto assumes for 1879 only 11 works of any impor'< 
 
MINES AND MINING. 755 
 
 tance, in 16 active districts out of 34. Dahlgreu raiaes the production of the 
 famous Alamos group to f 500,000. The rich deposits occur in big bunches, 
 sometimes 50 feet wide, the first class, of copper glance with silver sulphide, 
 yielding 25 to 50 per cent copper and $250 to |500 silver per ton; the second 
 class is smelting ore, the third class brings 50 ounces with milling, and the 
 fourth class, with immense reserves, 20 to 25 ounces. The Quintera mine ia 
 800 feet deep. In 1870 the active mines were estimated at 144, and the 
 abondoned at 583. Twenty years earlier the jrield of the leading districts 
 was placed between 100,000 and 120,000 marcos of silver. Monteverde, in 
 Dice. Univ., iii. 413 et seq. 
 
 In Sinaloa the lodes consist greatly of quartz matrix marked by oxide of 
 iron, and holding minute particles and threads of gold. The principal de- 
 posits, the argentine, which reveals also native silver, is here largely connected 
 with lead, and to some extent with copper. The average yield is estimated 
 at one marco per carga of 12 arrobas, or an annual production of 11,705 kilo- 
 grams of silver. The mineral wealth is widely distributed, aud each of the 
 nine political divisions contains a number of mining districts, of which Cosala 
 is the largest, and Rosario among the richest. The mines are placed at more 
 than 400, including copper, with over 50 reduction works and 39 steam en- 
 gines. Ramirez estimated the circulating capital at $2,560,000 and the men 
 employed at 5,300. Garcia Cubas assumes 445 mines at an earlier period. 
 
 The most important mine in Cosala district, Guadalupe de los Reyes, has 
 since 1800 produced $85,000,000, it is said, the ore still averaging flOO per 
 ton. The second best mine is El Tajo of Rosario, with even better average 
 ore at present, and in bonanza. It supports a population of 6,000, according 
 to Hamilton. Bm-der States, 118. Dahlgren places its production at |12, 000,- 
 000, while according $90, 000, 000 to Rosario. The district was discovered in 
 1655 by a peasant, who here broke his rosary, whence the name. The ad- 
 joining Plomosas district has ore valued at 12 ounces per carga. The ore of 
 Jocuistila, in San Ignacio, is very rebellious, yet the yield is placed at 
 $50-60,000 per month. Americans are largely interested in different dis- 
 tricts, and although meeting with obstacles, are paving their way with enter- 
 g rising zeal, as Vega, Doc. , i. 260-4, has already pointed out. The revival of 
 osala is due to them. Gold placers are found even to-day, notably in the 
 rugged Fuerte region. 
 
 Among the principal of the 35 mining districts in Durango is San Dimas, 
 to which a production of over 1100,000,000 is attributed. The Candelaria 
 mine, which early in this century yielded $250,000 per month, still averages 
 from $70 to $140 to the ton from argentite, stephanite ore, with galena and 
 iron and copper pyrites and native gold. The Bolafios mine, at the rear of 
 the mountain, produces an average of $140 to the ton. Coneto has remark- 
 ably rich ore in veins of three feet, with much tin. The rebellious ores of 
 Inde and Guanacroi average from $125 to $300 per ton. Del Oro has been 
 remarkable for its gold placers, and yielded at one period $1,000,000 an- 
 nually. Not far eastward of Inde are the shallow deposits of Los Fresnos, 
 and the net-like veins of Yerba Buena. The district of Gabilanes produced 
 $300,000 annually during the early part of the century. Cuencame abounds 
 in low-grade ore. South of Durango are eight groups marked by chlorides 
 and bromides, which cover argentiferous galena. Mapimi, Norias, PSnuco, 
 and San LrScas figure as noteworthy districts. In 1831 the yield for the 
 state was reported at 78,693 marcos. Escudero enumerates 80 mines in 1848. 
 Americans are gainihg a decided footing. 
 
 In Lower California the mining wealth is small in comparison with the 
 sister regions, yet each of its eight municipalities contains one or more gold 
 and silver mines, the former metal assuming greater proportion in the north, 
 where even now such placers as Japa, San Rafael, and Calamahi, are attract- 
 ing attention. The richest district ia in the south, the San Antonia, with 
 over 40 silver and a score of gold mines, including three placers. Next 
 come Santiago and La Paz, with 11 and 10 mines, respectively, of which six are 
 gold. The first named includes the Triunf o minas, the foremost in the territory. 
 
756 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 The average yield ia from 3 to 12 ounces of silver per carga, with gold ad- 
 mixture. The Virgenes and Cooaohilas deposits are richer in quality, but 
 with narrower veins, yielding from 8^ marcos per carga, downward. The 
 formation is granitic. There are three principal veins, while the other re- 
 veals six, with many intermediate streaks. The districts of Mulege and 
 Comondii have each two gold and three silver mines, Todos Santos and Santo 
 TomSs one gold mine apiece, and San Jose one silver mine. Ramirez speaks- 
 promisingly of San Jose island, of the region between Valle Perdido andCer- 
 ralvo island, Cerro del Gigante near Loreto, and from CSrmen island to Es- 
 piritu Santo. The first silver mine was opened about 1750, and worked for 
 
 fovernment account, Cal. Prov. Rcc, i. 151-2, at Santa Ana, and from it 
 408 marcos were shipped in 1770. Heavy taxes and bubble schemes have 
 counteracted the revival promised by the large influx of American miners. 
 Leading authorities on gold and silver mining in the north are the reports id 
 Mex. Mem. Fom., 1884 and earlier dates; Id., Hoc., id.; Busto, Estadist., ii- 
 iii. ; U. S. Com. Rel., for different years; the special mining histories of 
 Dahlgren, Historic Mines of Mexko, and Ramirez, Riqueai Mineral de M&dco, 
 both incomplete in range and detail, and imperfect in method and data, yet 
 of undeniable value. A mass of information is also presented in Pinwrt, 
 Cal., Id., Doc. Son., Mex. Scraps., i-ii. Tarayre, Ekcplor. Min., Soc. Mex. 
 (?eo(/., v-vi., viii-xi., ep. 2, i., iii. ; Pop. Var., different numbers; Esendero, 
 dull,; Id., Dnr.; Id., Son. y Sin.; Velasco, Son., Hardy's Trav.; Ward's Mex., 
 i., ii. ; Humboldt, Essai Pol. The main object of Jacob P. Leese, Historical 
 Outline of Lower Calif orrda, New York, 1865. 8vo., pp. 46, was to lay before 
 the world the organization of the Mexican Mining and Colonization Co. of 
 New York, under grants to the author and his associates by the Mexican 
 government of 46,800 square miles of land between 24° 20" and 31° for col- 
 onization and industrial purposes. A few pages are devoted to the early 
 history of Lower California, and a brief account of the missions. The 
 rest of the publication is taken up with a description of the mineral resour- 
 ces of that country, of the pearl fisheries, and of the capabilities of Lower 
 California generally. 
 
 The frontier states are rich also in baser metals and minerals. Copper 
 abounds in nearly all of them, and has been worked in different places, but 
 with little application, as in Sonora, in Chihuahua, with her famed Copper 
 Jilountain, and in Lower California, where a number of mines are worked. 
 
 Iron has been found in several places in Sonora and Chihuahua, and 
 close to Durango city lies that curious deposit known as the Cerro del Mer- 
 cado, after its discoverer. This reported silver mountain, which first at- 
 tracted the Spaniards to this region, proved to be a mass of iron a mile in 
 length by nearly half a mile in width, and 686 feet high, calculated to con- 
 tain 460,000,000 tons, the specific weight being 4.658, and assaying from 70 
 to 75 per cent, of pure iron. Attempts to work it, since 1828, have only of 
 late begun to give promising results. 
 
 Lead exists in most of the states, and that from a mine in the center of 
 the Santa Eulalia silver district of Chihuahua is used to assist the smelting 
 process. 
 
 Tin has been noticed in Sonora, and Durango contains several immense 
 fields, worked to some extent in the preceding century, and lately promis- 
 ing to revive. 
 
 Nickel has been discovered at San Rafael, Lower California, and anti- 
 mony in Sonora. 
 
 Quicksilver has long been sought for to promote the reduction of precious 
 metals, and indications have been found, but not sufficiently satisfactory. 
 In Lower California are three; in Sonora two, from one of which a number of 
 flasks were obtained. Los Unicm,'Dec. 16, 1860; Dos. Repuh. July 6, 1878. 
 Chihuahua has it in two cantons and Durango in boneto, where it extends 
 for two leagues, assaying 60-70 per cent. , the result of special exploration 
 urged in 1844. Mex. Espos. Tom.., 1845. 53-4; Pap. Var. xi., pt. iv., 53-4. 
 This is perhaps the most promising deposit. Later the search for coeil 
 
METALS AND MINERALS. 757 
 
 «xcited moat interest, in connection with railroad building. The value of 
 the indications along the Rio Grande is not yet certain. That at Topia in 
 Durando is satisfactory; and equal assurance is made for a deposit 75 miles 
 east of Mazatlan, but they are not likely to be worked for a long time. In 
 Sonora, however, there are some fine fields, especially in Surramas on Rio 
 Yaquin, not far from Ures. It is said to be 36 square kilom. iu superficies. 
 Coat of transportation is the chief obstacle. Ramerez, 192, 577; Uamiltons 
 Border States, 98-101; Mex. Sera/pa., i., 281, ii., 18. Baruche, Brouces, and 
 San Maroial contain large fields. Chihuahua claims deposits for four can- 
 tons, and the peninsula has one at least. 
 
 Graphite has been found in Lower California, at Sau Javier, and from 
 San Marcial, in Sonora shipments have been made to Germany and New 
 York without obtaining remunerative results. The peninsula has also indi- 
 cations of asphaltum, oil and petroleum, the latter likewise in Durango, at 
 Sierra de Gamou. Sulphur exists in both regions: in Durango at Mepimi, 
 whence shipments were made to the mint at Mexico in early days, and in 
 Lower Cafifornia at the Virgenes volcano, which has of late years been 
 worked. 
 
 Saltpeter has been found in Sonora and Lower California. Salt abounds 
 in the coast regions, and in Chihuahua deposits have been worked at Santa 
 Eduvige. Sinaloa claims nine fields and Sonora several, from which even 
 the colonial treasury received revenue. Those of the peninsula are 
 more important, however, notably Carmen island, off Loreto, and at San 
 Queutin, from which a number of cargoes are shipped annually, from 
 OSrmen during colonial times. Gal. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., xvi. 3., xviii. 
 4. By 1856-7 the export had risen to over 1, 100 tons, on which the gov- 
 ernment exacted $4 per ton. Assepos Baja Cal., 58-60. Guillemin reduces 
 the export, and adds that a field at San Gonzalo point was opening. Arch, 
 de OoTnis. Scien., ii. 417. San Quentin has since early days proved more 
 remunerative than the boasted copper mines near by. In 1855-56 the yield 
 was $8,085 and $4,633. For other fields see Taylor s L. Gal„ 110, 123-31; 
 Hayes' Doc. L. Cal., 63-5; Ranuren, 291-3, 575, 580-1. 
 
 There are also deposits of guano, alum, gypsum, lime, marble and even 
 precious stones, such as the ruby, beryl, topaz, garnet, the latter, however, 
 insuflScient to prove an allurement. 
 
 Pearls exist, however, and have untU late years been the chief attraction 
 of Lower California. Although discovered in the days of Cutic it was not 
 until the opening of the 17th century that they became an object of special 
 search . The private expeditions found record through the fame of their suc- 
 cess. Soon after the missionaries entered, and regarding the promiscuous 
 contact with adventurers demoralizing to the Indians they secured restric- 
 tion, under which fishing could be followed only by licensed parties. 
 
 Among the most fortunate of early adventurers are mentioned Castillo, of 
 Chiametla, Ortego, and Carbonel. The first systematic workers of the beds 
 were Cordova and Iturbe, 1615. Olavigero StoriaGal., i., 161; Pacheco, Cal. 
 Doc., ix., 21-2, 33-4; Venegas, Not., x., 204-5. Subsequently a soldier named 
 Oslo created great stir bv his success. In 1743 he obtained 127 pounds of 
 pearls, and in the following year 275, chiefly above Mulege. It is said that 
 he filled cellars with oysters cast up by the waves, and after letting them 
 rot the pearls were gathered. EstivainSor. Mex. Geog., Bol., x., 673-97, adds 
 -that he presented the queen with a necklace of alternate round and pear- 
 shaped pearls. About this time the royal fifth is said to have been rented 
 for $12,000 a, year. Alva«-ado Hist. Gal., i., 10. Boegert, Nachricliten, 330, 
 doubts this. Toward the close of the last century the fifth was placed at 
 2 lbs. 3 ozs., fr. 1792-96; other accounts reduced this to 3 lbs. 9 ozs. fr. 
 1788-97; an amount assigned by some to 1797 alone. Arch. Cat Prov. St. P. 
 xvi. 123, 119; Ben. Mil, xvii., 4^5, 28; xvi., 4-5; xviii., 5. 
 
 This system continued till republican times, when with lessened super- 
 vision the influx and irregularities threatened to exhaust the beds. By de- 
 
758 
 
 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE 
 
 cree of 1857 regulations were accordingly issued for protecting them, such as 
 dividing them into four sections, of which only one could be worked annually, 
 in lots rented for the season to the highest bidders. The first sections ex- 
 tended from Cabo Palmo to San Lorenzo channel, the second embraced La 
 Paz bay and the islands of San Jose and Espiritu Santo, the third covered 
 the space from the north end of La Paz bay to Coronados island, the fourth 
 from San Marcos island to San Bruno bay, beyond Mulege. Details and 
 rules, in Soc. Mex. Oeocj., Bol, x. 681-4. Observance has as usual been 
 neglected, but stricter supervision begins to prevail. 
 
 Expeditions have till late years been fitted out at Guaymas, each vessel, 
 of from 15 to 30 tons burden, carrying from 30 to 50 divers, usually Yaqui 
 Indians, in charge of an armador. They are, as a rule, paid a certain share 
 of the catch, and frequently kept in debt-bondage by means of advances and 
 supplies. The regular season lasts from July to September. As soon as the 
 vessel had been brought to anchor over an oyster-bed, the divers began their 
 work, which they kept up for two hours in the forenoon and three in the 
 afternoon. Each had a net fastened to his waist for the reception of the 
 oysters, and carried in his hand a short stick, pointed at each end, with 
 which to dislodge his prey from the rocks, and to defend himself from his 
 dreaded enemies, the shark and devil-fish. After the division the oysters 
 were opened to look for pearls, beginning with the owners' share. The camps 
 on shore were the scene of drunkenness, debauchery, and strife, as might be 
 expected from a multitude of savages suddenly freed from restraint, and sup- 
 plied with everything they desired and could pay for by the unscrupulous 
 traders who attended. The colonial government issued regulations for 
 checking such disorder, and appointed officers to enforce them. Arch. 
 Gal, Prw. Bee, viii. 135-7. They have served as a base for later 
 rules. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Season 
 
 OF 1855. 
 
 
 
 
 ft 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 11 
 
 1'& 
 
 (3 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 u 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 
 "S 
 
 1 
 
 03 
 
 OS 
 
 St 
 
 OS a; 
 
 1-3 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 "S 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 s of Quintal of 
 pened Pearl 
 Oysters 
 
 n 
 
 g 
 
 y 
 
 s 
 
 
 n*' 
 
 ■a 
 
 ce 
 
 H 
 
 3 a 
 
 fi 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 3 
 
 > 
 
 > 
 
 
 •3 3 
 > 
 
 La Paa 
 
 14 
 
 206 
 
 31 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 4400 
 
 114,000 
 
 $ 8,000 
 
 $22,500 
 
 $5.11 
 
 liOreto 
 
 1 
 
 50 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 600 
 
 2,300 
 
 1,200 
 
 3,500 
 
 5.38 
 
 Mulege 
 
 10 
 
 112 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 1900 
 
 7,500 
 
 4,300 
 
 11,800 
 
 6.25 
 
 Total.... 
 
 25 
 
 368 
 
 49 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 6900 
 
 $23,800 
 
 $13,500 
 
 $37,800 
 
 S 
 
 EXPE 
 
 NSES OF OuTFrr 
 
 
 
 Proceeds 
 
 OF YEA] 
 
 b's BtrsiNEss 
 
 Cost of Craft $ 4,900 
 
 Feeding 368 divers at 12J cts. 
 
 per diem 3^ months 6,210 
 
 Advances to divers 1 - ooo 
 
 Averting $16 each r ' 
 
 $16,998 
 
 Sale of Pearls $23,800 
 
 Sale of Shell 14,000 
 
 Return of Craft with value, re- 
 duced 25 per cent 3,675 
 
 $41,475 
 Net Profit $24,475 
 
PEARL FISHING. 
 In 1856 the business was less, as follows : 
 
 759 
 
 Expenses of Outfit 
 
 Cost of Vessels | 5,000 
 
 Support of 305 Divers 4,003 
 
 Advances to Divers 4,880 
 
 $13,883 
 
 Pkoobbds for Ybak 
 
 Sale of Pearls $21,750^ 
 
 Sale of Shell 7.937 
 
 Return of Vessels, reduced in 
 value 25 per cent 3,750 
 
 $33,437 
 Net Profit 19,554 
 
 No mention is made of any of the money advanced to divers being re- 
 covered, but as a rule about one-half was saved. The other half was 
 reckoned as a loss in order to secure the diver's services for the next season. 
 Therefore the profits may be said to have been: 
 
 In 1855 $27,421— Capital invested $16,998 
 
 In 1856 21,994— " " 13,883 
 
 Esteva, Memoria sabre la Pesea de Perla, in Soc. Mex. Oeog. Bol, x., 687-8. 
 Lassepas gives from unofficial sources the yield of pearls during the follow- 
 ing years: 
 
 In 1854 $17,000 I In 1856 $22,500 
 
 In 1855 23,800 1 In 1857 21,750 
 
 The same writer estimates that durinpr the 277 years, from 1580 to 1857 
 inclusive, there were taken from the California waters 1,911,300 quintals of 
 shells, containing 2,770 lbs. of pearls, valued at $5,540,000. BajaCal. 65. 
 See also Guillemin, Mimoria, in Arch, de Com. Sden. du Mex., ii. 417-19. The 
 season of 1867 was an unusually poor one, only about $15,000 of pearls and 
 $10,000 of shells being taken. La Paz Baja Col, Nov. 23, 1867. In 1868 
 the pearls taken amounted to $49,800, shell, $9,600, without counting the 
 yield of the second season, or conchada, when the divers fish on their own ac- 
 count, after being freed from the regular contracts. This work they keep 
 up till it becomes too cold, and generally obtain about 10 per cent, of the 
 yield of the regular season. 
 
 T.F. Pujol, in an article entitled Estvdio SiSlogico sdbre la ost/ro aircula Margar- 
 iti/erus, which not only gives much scientific information covering the pearl 
 oyster, but is also as exhaustive an account of the pearl-fishery as that by 
 Esteva, places the yield of pearls in 1869 at $62,000, and of shells at $25,000. 
 Soc. Mex. Oeog. Bol. Epoc. 2, iii., 139. 
 
 Recent information concerning the yield is less satisfactory than that 
 furnished in the 6th decade, from which it appears that the average catch 
 in a season returned a net profit of somewhat over $20,000, obtained with an 
 invested capital of about $16,000, and a force of 400 divers divided among two 
 dozen vessels. Traders at La Paz offered about $17.00 per oz. for seed pearls 
 and $1,200 for choice pearls, according to their size, regularity of shape and 
 brilliancy. To improve those which are defective in the latter respects, the 
 Califomians caused them to be swallowed by hens, which they kill when 
 suffcient time has elapsed to allow the surface of the pearl to be cleaned and 
 smoothened. 
 
 It is only since the middle of the present century that the shells materi- 
 ally swelled the fishing profits, by finding a wider market for the mother-of- 
 pearl. Their proportion of the yield, somewhat over one-half, gave a fresh 
 impulse to the fishery, as it presented an assured profit, which was even cal- 
 culated to cover all expenses. 
 
 Lassepas says that the true nicar or mother-of-pearl is taken from a shell 
 of different form, size, color and fineness from the ordinary pearl-oyster. It 
 is found on the coast above Cape de las Virgenes, and the remains scattered 
 about the beach at the ensenada of San Felipe de Jesus show that in former 
 
760 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 times this shell was collected. Baja Gal, 65. This statement seems borne 
 out by a letter from Arrillaga to the viceroy, dated Oct. 9, 1797, wherein 
 the former announces that in addition to certain pearls he sends ' the shell 
 asked for.' Arch. Oal. Prov. St. Pap. xvii., 11. Whatever may have been 
 done in early days, however, it was the shell of the ordinary pearl-oyster 
 which was mainly exported after the trade was revived. This was really 
 about 1830; but it was not until after 1850 that the industry began to assume 
 much importance. The shell exports from 1853 to 1856 are given by Esteva 
 as follows: 
 
 1853, 14,000 quintals, sold on land at $1.33J per quintal. 
 
 1854, 21,971 " " 1.874 
 
 1855, 25,200 " " 1.68J 
 
 1856, 0,.350 " " 1.25 
 
 Cost of placing the shells on board 25 
 
 Export duty by decree of April 27, 1855 25 
 
 — Memoria in Soc. Mex, Geog. Bol, 686. 
 
 Laasepas gives figures for the last three of these years which differ 
 slightly from the above, and adds the export for 1857, 4,957 quintals, making 
 the total export of shells from 1854 to 1857, 58,948 quintals, valued at $120,- 
 402. Baja Gal, 64. 
 
 On the west cost the abalones attract Chinese fishermen. 
 
 The other fisheries of the peninsula, whale and seal, did at one time 
 deserve some attention, but are no longer of any importance. The seal and 
 other catch is almost a feature of the past, and the occasional visits of 
 ■whalers are growing rarer. 
 
 About 1854 settlements were formed along the west coast, chiefly by 
 Portuguese, who sought blubber, whalebone, and seal skins, usually for the 
 San Francisco market. According to Taylor, L. Gal, 60, there were at one 
 time 30 camps, employing 2,000 men. 
 
 Scammon, writing about 1867, says that between 1858 and 1861 many 
 whalers visited Soammon's lagoon, in 28°, getting there 22,250 pounds of oil, 
 worth $333,750. Now it is abandoned. The same fate has befallen Ballenas 
 bay, where one year eight vessels took 3,500 pounds, and the next year four 
 vessels took 4,700 pounds, worth altogether $123,000. From 1856 to 1861 
 Magdalena bay yielded 34, 425 pounds, worth $516,375, but now it is very 
 poor. The whaling and peltry resources are almost exhausted. Scammon's 
 Bept. on W. Goast of L. God. in Browne's L. Gal, 123-31. 
 
 Notwithstanding the heavy restrictions on foreign goods, in the shape of 
 duty, cost of transport and the profits of numerous middlemen, manufactures 
 are not flourishing in Mexico. From the northern states less is to be 
 expected, with their scanty population and absorbing mining and agricul- 
 tural interests; yet even here the apathy is striking, which has neglected 
 such ready resources as are offered; for instance, by the iron mountains of Du- 
 raugo, and continued to seek rails from distant and costly sources. For- 
 eigners have appreciated many of the opportunities thus presented, but the 
 insecurity ^nd unreliability prevalent until late have checked enterprise. 
 As it is, manufacturers are confined to a few articles of primary necessity, 
 and such as are easily obtained from rough material at hand, such as powder, 
 sugar, leather, cordage, and wagons; articles for dress extending from coarse 
 cloth to crudely embroidered shawls and hats of felt and straw, soap, com- 
 mon pottery, and cigars. Mazatlan boasts of two iron foundries of recent 
 date, and Durango of one. The Arizona mines and the completion of the 
 Souora railroad have^greatlj' increased the outlet along the line of Guaymas 
 for flour, wine, and spirits; otherwise none of the articles named are intended 
 for other than local consumption, even the skins exported being sent in un- 
 finished form. 
 
 The only manufacture of importance is that of textible fabrics, notably 
 cotton. Yet even this is not sufficient in quantity or quality to prevent the 
 introduction of foreign goods, the duty on which forms the leading revenue. 
 Cotton cloth being made in Mexico by the aborigines, their art readily spread 
 
MILLS AND MINES. 761 
 
 outward among those natives, who, before the conquest, plaited fabrics from 
 coarser fibres. Nevertheless, the establishment of large factories has been 
 alow, mainly retarded by competition from abroad and from the southern 
 states, and partly by political disorders and causes afifecting other sections. 
 
 Pike, Explor. 353-4, alludes, in 1807, to blankets and coarse cloth made 
 in Chihuahua. The manufacture of mantas declined after the republic 
 gave freer access to foreign goods. Pap. Var. , cxiv. pt. v. , 12. 
 
 Thus Sonora has only one cotton mill, near Hermosillo, the Angeles, of 
 64 looms. U. S. Com. Eel, 1878, 952. In 1843, shortly after its establish- 
 ment, it had 54 looms and 2,198 spindles, using 71 quintals of cotton 
 weekly, and producing 57 pieces of cloth. Mex. Mem. Inst.. 1844, ap. 5-7. 
 Operations were stopped by war between 1853-63, after which they revived. 
 /Tail's Son. MS. , 54. Later 300 persons were employed, producing 1,000 
 pieces of cloth per month. Velasco, Son., 83, praises the fine zarapes woven 
 by Yaquis. 
 
 Chihuahua boasts of three, which yield monthly some 7,500 pieces of 
 cloth. They are La Industria, Talamantes and Dolores. 
 
 Durango has eight, producing some 20,000 pieces, besides thread. They 
 are located, the largest at Durango, two at Nombre de Dios, one at Tumal, 
 two at Cuencami, one at Papasquiaro, and one at Mapime. Oaremba Mer- 
 chant, 58. A mill was proposed already in colonial days, and in 1847 there 
 were five, with 188 looms and 6,362 spindles, producing more than 1,600,000 
 varas of cloth, and using 75,923 arrobas of cotton and 4,699 of wool. De- 
 tails in Esendero Bur., 62-3; Dur. Mem. Gob., 1831, 11-14; Pap. Var., xi., 
 pti., 22, 43-6; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 54r-5. 
 
 Sinaloa has three, yielding about 15,000 pieces They are at Mazatlau, 
 Villa Union and Culiacan, the latter the largest, 'que poco mas 6 menos 
 oubren las necessidades,' says Buchua. Comp.Sin., 43. With 400 looms and 
 over 6,000 spindles, using 12,000 quintals of raw material. Other details in 
 Swto. Estadist., i., pt' ii.; U. S. Com. Bel., 1879 and other years; ffemandez 
 Sin., 65; Baja Cat, 49-50; Mex. Mem. Fom., Id. Hoc., fr. different years. 
 
 With the rapid opening of nevr outlets and markets, the entry of enter- 
 prising colonists and the existence of cheap and intelligent labor, with un- 
 surpassed natural resources, it is evident that the growth of manufact- 
 ures is but a question of time. 
 
 As a rich mining country Mexico has ever been a tempting field for com- 
 merce. Recognizing this, and jealous concerning so valuable a possession, 
 Spain kept it wholly to herself, isolated from the world. Toward the close 
 of the last century she relaxed slightly in permitting foreign vessels to trade, 
 yet only to a very limited extent. 
 
 The war of independence, in severing communication with southern 
 depots, obliged the frontier states to welcome the forbidden visitors, one re- 
 sult of which was to partially change the centres of distribution along the 
 coast, from inland towns like Hermosillb, Alamos, Culiacan, to sea-ports like 
 Cruaymas and Mazatlan. The latter became known in 1818, and was opened 
 to trade by decree of 1821; the former being opened in 1813 as a more dis- 
 tant and needed harbor, the only really good one in the gulf. Mazatlan is 
 only partially sheltered. Cortes, Diuiio, xviii.,419; J/ex. Col. Dec. y Ord., 115; 
 History of Maztlan in Soc. Mex. Oeorj., Bol, ep. 2, iv., 66 et seq. 
 
 Under the republic freedom of trade and use of water routes were 
 limited only by the convenience of the treasury department. AH nations 
 were received in intercourse; and although established usage and climatic 
 considerations still maintained the standing of inland towns, the costly 
 mule-trains, which had so far carried freight at immense cost from the in- 
 terior, had to yield greatly to the increasmg traffic by vessels, for foreign 
 captains absorbed also most of the coast trade. In upland territories like 
 Durango they still sustained themselves, but Chihuahua soon changed her 
 sources in part from Tampico and the south, and notably from Matamoros, 
 and opened traffic with the United States in 1824 by means of caravans of 
 wagons, known as prairie schooners, which for many years followed the 
 
?62 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 Santa F€ route, and subsequently passed through San Antonio and Presidio 
 Del Norte. 
 
 This prairie commerce or Santa Fe trade had begun more than a dozen 
 years before with New Mexico, to which history, of my series, I refer the 
 reader. See tee also Gregg's Com. Prairies, ii., etc. The caravans increased 
 in size after 1831, forming usually two score wagons, yet Gregg assumes, 
 1843, that only one-tenth of the total Chihuahua imports, '$2,000,000 to 
 13,000,000 in value,' came from the north. Pike, Explm, 353, alludes to the 
 heavy cost of overland carriage. Bartlett's Narr., ii., 435; Niles' Reg., Ivi., 
 404, etc. 
 
 With greater opportunities for disposing of surplus products came in- 
 creased demand for comforts and luxuries, and so the trade increased until 
 the custom house record of Guaymas, for the year ending September, 1879, 
 showed imports to the amount of $366,373, of which -$127,121 were from the 
 United States, besides some $60,000 worth of machinery, and $239,252 
 from Europe. The latter embraces chiefly fabrics of cotton, wool, 
 and linen, groceries and provisions, hardware, cutlery, crockery, and 
 fancy goods. The imports from the United States share in all of 
 these articles, equalling the European in groceries and provisions, 
 but falling a little more than half in the other branches, while ex- 
 celling greatly in mining and agricultural implements and drugs. The gro- 
 ceries and provisions amount in all to about 1,300,000 pounds, hardware 
 and crockery to 616,000 pounds, implements 207,000 pounds, machinery 
 1,500,000 pounds, iron 94, 000 pounds, drugs 94,000 pounds, purfumery 4,400 
 pounds, fabrics 760,000 sq. m., fancy goods $33,O0O, besides some lumber, 
 coal, silk, clothing, etc. See consular documents in U. S. Com. Rel. , 1879, 
 439. For the preceding year the imports were $564,799 from the United 
 States, and $390,701 from Europe; of which $288,000 were in fabrics, $275,000- 
 in provisions, $162,000 in hardware, $117,000 in lumber and machinery. In 
 1855 the imports were assumed to be $1,150,000, of which $150,000 national- 
 ized goods from Sinoloa contributed to yield a total of $176,000 to the cus- 
 tom house, and in 1849 $173,000, while the receipts from imports alone in 
 1879 were $283,962, and in 1878 $312,000. In 1825, 1827, and 1828 the im- 
 ports were $56,280 $103,948, and $83,251, respectively. Prveto, Rentag., 308, 
 docs 2-3, 7-10; Mex. Mem. Hoc., for the different years; Lerdo, Menu, 108, 
 558, etc.; Busto. Estadist, i., 43-7. 
 
 The receipts at Mazatlan for the year ending June, i879, were much 
 larger, $2,732,500; $1,170,000 being for fabrics, $167,000 for groceries, 
 $136,000 for hardware and $98,000 for machinery, an excess due partly to 
 Mazatlan being the entrepSt for several adjoining sections of the republic, es- 
 pecially Durango, and to the fewer opportunities for smuggling here pre- 
 sented as compared with those offered upon the frontier. 
 
 In the other maritime province, Lower California, the imports at La Paz 
 for the same period amounted to $151,950, while those of Chihuahua are 
 but faintly represented by the records of its frontier custom houses, as most 
 of the goods consumed are still obtained from Matamoros and other Mexican 
 points Busto, Estadist. 46, places the revenue of the custom houses at Pre- 
 sidio del Norte, El Paso, and Janos for the year ending June, 1878, at 
 $52,899, $42,237 and $787, respectively. 
 
 Exports consist chiefly of silver and gold, Sonora sending in 1879 $625,- 
 067, nearly half of it coined, and $82,262 in gold, while other articles 
 amounted only to $18,000, two-thirds in hides. At Mazatlan also the export 
 figures of 1879 for $3,370,000 embraced $3,207,000 in silver and gold, while the 
 remainder consisted of ores for $118,680, brazilwood for $19,500 and hides 
 $16,280- The peninsula shows a proportionate gain in the range of her 
 shipments, valued in 1879 at $533,220, whereof $442,924 represent bullion 
 and ore, $5,9704 pearl oyster shells, $23,208 hides, $2,670 orchillaand $1,202 
 oranges, besides some salt, deer-skin, etc. The salt values are not entered at 
 La Paz; the $2,202 assigned to pearls is evidently unreliable. The $759,094 
 worth of exports for the precedmg year, 1878, ending also in June, embrace 
 
MPORTS AND EXPORTS. 763 
 
 $697,425 gold and silver, $23,745 hides, $18,212 pearl oyster shells, $11,309 
 orchil, $2,925 salt, $1,500 pearls, $1,232 oranges, $362 gypsum, $317 deer- 
 skins, etc., mostly for the U. S. U. S. Com. Mel. and other authorities, ubi 
 mp. The totals for the years 1869-76 range from $274,000 to $750,000. 
 
 The exports from Chihuahua are placed for the preceding year at $220, - 
 860, including a small amount of produce, chiefly live stock and hides, val- 
 ued in 1879 at $23,506. U. S. Com. Rel, 1879, 429. Of the total in the text, 
 Busto, Bstadist., 43, assigns $218,251 to Presidio del Norte, $2,597 to Janos, 
 and only $13 to El Paso. Compare with records for Durango in Eacudeio, 
 Dur., 64-5; Rarmra, Hist. Dur., 56-7. 
 
 The figures given are not only unsatisfactory from the lack of careful 
 statistics, but from the prevalence of smuggling, fostered originally by the 
 illiberal policy of Spain, and subsequently by political disorders and the 
 semi-independent attitude of distant states toward a weak and constantly 
 changing administration. Kevolutions were frequently started, especially 
 in Sinaloa and Sonora, with the sole object of introducing cargoes of mer- 
 chandise at different rates from those fixed by the tariff, the receipts, more- 
 over, being absorbed by the rebels, sometimes under the guise of arrears. A 
 more common practice was for the consignees or captains to bribe the cus- 
 tom house officials for reductions, or for overlooking irregularities. Even 
 honest administrators were induced to close their eyes before the threat to 
 withdraw expected cargoes to other ports, where better arrangements could 
 be effected, perhaps, for clandestinely landing the goods at some remote 
 point, and so deprive a languishing town and state of much-needed funds. 
 The contraband trade between Sonora and Chihuahua and the United 
 States, enormous in extent, is carried on by rich and^ influential firms and 
 by large bands of organized men. 
 
 In addition to the imports of 1879 at Guaymas from the United States, 
 amounting to $127,121, the introduction across the border was estimated at 
 $600,000, mostly smuggled. The facilities in Chihuahua, with its convenient 
 rivers and adjoining Texan border, are even greater. 
 
 In addition to the transit of merchandise noted through the leading ports, 
 a proportion has found its way through minor harbors, opened at different 
 times to foreign as well as coast trade, the latter carried greatly in foreign 
 bottoms, under certain restrictions. 
 
 Owing to the inconvenience of sending certain effects direct from abroad to 
 minor ports, many are transmitted from Mazatlan, after naturalization, to 
 Sonora and the peninsula. In Sonora, La Libertad is a promising harbor 
 north of Guaymas. Report in Soc. Mex. Oeog., Bol, x., 263-70, 
 with plans. At Rio Yacui and below are landing places. Sinaloa 
 boasts of Topolobampo, a prospective terminus; Altata, the port for 
 Culiacau; also, Navachisti, Tamazula, Angeles, and Bacorehuis. Lower 
 Cal. has Todos Santos, Santa Rosalia, San Quentin, San Jose, Loreto and 
 Mulege, besides La Paz. The movement of shipping at Guaymas, from 
 abroad, in 1879, embraced the arrival and departure of 38 vessels, measur- 
 ing 17,600 tons, of which 13 were steamers, with a tonnage of 10,500, trad- 
 ing with California. In the preceding year there came 12 steamers and 20 
 sailing vessels from San Francisco and 5 vessels from Europe, while 170 
 coasters, with a tonnage of G,187, entered. At Mazatlan arrived in 1879 
 97 sailing vessels, with a tonnage of 104,934, and 63 steamers. For the year 
 ending June, 1870, while the Guaymas year counts till September, of the 
 Mazatlan steamers, 25 appear to be coasters, and a few of the vessels per- 
 formed coasting tours. In 1878, the arrivals and departures embraced 4G 
 steamers and 32 sailing vessels, all from abroad, except 9 steamers. At La 
 Paz arrived 23 steamers, of 21,000 tons, and 13 sailing vessels from San 
 Francisco, and 2 vessels from Europe, in 1879, with a tonnage of 2,487 
 tons. For the year ending in June, in the preceding year, the sailing vessels 
 numbered 22, with a tonnage of 5,851, 17 being from S. F. 
 
 Steam communication between California and Mazatlan was begun with 
 the opening of the Panama route in 1849, and in the second decade following; 
 
764 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 n, Oaliforuia coast line was extended to La Paz and Guajrmas, although both 
 proved irregular and with long interruptions. The subsidy granted in 1872, 
 however, brought the shorter line into regular connection with Mazatlau 
 and Cape Lucas until 1875, when the Panami steamers assumed the grant 
 for a monthly communication. 
 
 New contracts of 1877 arranged for a special line between California, 
 Mazatlan, Guaymas, and the Lower California ports, and another from San 
 Bias to the head of the gulf of California — the latter somewhat irregular, 
 despite the subvention of $1,500 per trip, every 18 days, and exemption of 5 
 per cent export duty on $30,000. The coast line agreed to make ten trips a 
 year for $20,000, with exemption of duty for $20,000. The PanamA line was 
 allowed $25,000 a month. Mex. Mem. Hoc., 1880, 435-6. In 1885 the new 
 railroad terminating at Guaymas started a new steamer. Mex. Financier, 
 Mar. 7, 1885. See also Diaz, Informs, 13-15.. 
 
 Under the later energetic administration efforts were made to increase 
 not only the native coast shipping, which was so largely absorbed by for- 
 eign vessels, but to extend Mexican maritime interests to wider spheres. In 
 185^-4, Servo claimed for Mazatlan 49 coasting vessels, vpith a tonnage of 
 4,534, and 115 boats. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol, vii, 330-3. 
 
 Such had been the neglect hitherto that the first lighthouse on the Pacific 
 coast was not erected until 1880, at Mazatlan. 
 
 River navigation is receiving attention, along Rio Bravo, and Rio 
 Yaqui is developing interests that must require a water route. Roads 
 called for larger appropriations so as to permit the extension of wagon traffic, 
 although Mexicans seemed contented with the time-honored mule-trains, 
 which adapted themselves to any locality. In 1863 a stage line was opened 
 in Sinaloa by Americans, and since then several have followed, so that more 
 rapid connection can be had during the summer, even between Guaymas and 
 Mazatlan. In 1819 a monthly mail was ordained for Sonora, and in 1829 
 the weekly mail between Durango and Chihuahua was increased to a semi- 
 weekly. Gac. Mex,, 1820, xi., 128-9; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 15, 96; Mex. 
 Mem. Hoc., 1848, 130, 1849, no. 15, wherein the Sonora mail expenses are 
 given at $10,204 and the receipts at $12,338. Routes in Soe. Mex. Geog., 
 Bol, V. 293--4. Great hopes now center in the dififerent railroad projects 
 which embrace not only trunk Hues, but a series of branches by which to 
 develop hitherto neglected resources. So far, two international lines are 
 completed, the Mexico Central, running from El Paso through Chihuahua 
 and Durango to Mexico, and the Sonora, running from Guaymas through 
 Hermosillo and Magdalena to Nogales on the Arizona frontier. The Sonora 
 railroad was suggested in 1850, Monteverde Mem. Soti., MS., 118-24, and con- 
 cessions sought in 1861, Pinart, Doc. Son., vi., 185, and in 1869, when a 
 Chihuahua connection was proposed. In 1872 the Sonora R. R. Co. , Con- 
 tracts, 1-30, was seeking grants and taking other steps. Ferrocarril de Lon., 
 1-10; Ramirez, Id., 1-8; Ariz., Jonr. Legis., 1875, 31. In 1877 a change of 
 holders took place. Mex. Recop. Leyes, xxvi., 995-7, 1048-9, xxvii., 600-22, 
 XXXV., 161-209, 1,057-83; SonoraR. R. Rept., 1-10; Pap. Var., cv. In 1854 
 Chihuahua took up the agitation for a line from Presidio Del Norte to Guay- 
 mas, and grants were made to this effect. Mex. Legis., 1854, 100-6. Further 
 steps in Mex. Col Leyes, 1863-67, ii., 203-12; Ferrocarril, Imsta Golfo, 19-36. 
 Even Lower California has thought of a line near La Paz, and one in the 
 north from S. Diego or Tijuana eastward into Sonora. While many projects 
 are long delayed, they cannot fail to serve, in connection with the lines in 
 operation, as a healthy stimulant to the people so far kept by indolence from 
 a proper enjoyment of the wealth provided by a bountiful nature. Rapid 
 locomotion in itself is an invigorating incentive to enterprise, as in a meas- 
 ure is the rapidly extending telegraph, especially when attended along the 
 railroad line by such striking results as the springing up of settlements, the 
 opening of markets, and the budding and blooming of industries and com- 
 merce. 
 
 Concerning trade in the republic generally, with account ot methods, 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL. 765 
 
 banks, custoni'honses, tariffs, mails, traffic, canals, roads, railroads, etc., I 
 refer to my chapters in Hist. Mex., iii., vi., this aeries, which apply equally 
 to the northern states. 
 
 James W. Throckmorton, a native of Tennessee, where he was bom in 
 1825, began life as a physician, and for many years won repute in this call- 
 ing, until inclination prompted him to adopt the profession of law. Remov- 
 ing to what is now Collin county, Texas, in 1841, he was elected 10 years 
 later to the state legislature, being reelected in 1853 and 1855, and in 1857 
 was chosen for the senate. During aU these years the legislation of the state 
 bears the impress of his tireless efforts, and to none are the people more in- 
 debted for the development of her resources. Though a democrat in politics 
 he was opposed to secession, but after the outbreak of the war joined the 
 ranks of the confederates, in which he remained until its close, though at 
 intervals disabled by sickness from active service. In 1866 he was elected 
 governor of the state by a vote of nearly four to one, but though his admin- 
 istration was most satisfactory to the people of the state, he was deposed in 
 the following year. In 1874, and again in 1876, he was chosen for congress, 
 where he served with distinction until March 1879, when he retired into pri- 
 vate life. Early in his professional career he was married to Miss Ann 
 Ratten, a native of Illinois, and of their nine children seven still survive. 
 
 GteneraJ. Thomas Neville Waul, whose ancestors on both sides took part 
 in the revolutionary struggle, is a native of Statesburg, South Carolina, 
 where he was born in 1813. After receiving his education at one of the best 
 colleges in South Carolina, and studying law at Vicksburg in the office of S. 
 S. Prentiss, he was admitted to practice in the supreme court of Mississippi 
 in 1835, and was soon afterward appointed district attorney. Removing 
 later to New Orleans he took an active part in politics, being a thorough 
 democrat of the states' rights school, and winning for himself a high reputa- 
 tion among his party. After the war broke out he organized what was 
 known as Waul's legion, which he commanded in many hotly contested en- 
 gagements. At its close he settled in Galveston, where he resumed his pro- 
 fession, and was elected president of the bar association. In 1837 the general 
 married Miss Mary Simmons, a native of Georgia, and in November 1887 
 celebrated his golden wedding. 
 
 One of the most prominent lawyers in Galveston is M. E. Kleberg, a 
 native of De Witt county, whither hirj parents removed in 1847, and a grad- 
 uate in law of Washington university, Virginia, of the year 1873. Soon 
 afterward he was elected to the legislature, his district representing nine 
 counties, and at the expiration of his term removed to Austin county, and 
 thence in 1875 to Galveston, where he has ever since enjoyed a large and 
 lucrative practice. Robert Justus Kleberg, the father of this gentleman, 
 was a native of Herstelle, Prussia, where he was born in 1803, and after 
 graduating at the university of Goetingen, filled several judicial appointments. 
 In 1834 he removed to Texas, and after suffering shipwreck on the island of 
 Galveston, reached the settlement of Harrisburg. During Santa Anna's in- 
 vasion of this country he took an active part in the struggle for Texan inde- 
 pendence, and was present at the battle of San Jacinto. 
 
 Worthy of mention, also, among the legal fraternity of Galveston is W. 
 F. Mott, a native of Louisiana, where he was born in 1837, his ancestors be- 
 longing to one of the oldest southern families. When 15 years of age he 
 obtained employment as a clerk, saving money while in this position to edu- 
 cate himself for his profession. In 1859 he was admitted to the bar, and 
 since that date has enjoyed an extensive practice. 
 
 R. S. Willis, a native of Maryland, came to Texas in 1837, being then 
 sixteen years of age. After farming, and engaging in mercantile pur- 
 suits in various localities, he finally established himself in Galveston in 1867, 
 and there he has ever since remained, his business expanding with the 
 growth of the city, until his firm is now able to compete with the merchant 
 princes of New Orleans for a share in the trade of the southwest. He is also 
 president of the Texas bank, with which institution he has been for many 
 
766 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 years identified. In 1847 he married Miss Worsham, a, native of Alabama, 
 by whom he has several children. In the business circles of the Texan 
 capital no man is more highly respected. 
 
 Isadore Dyer, a native of Baltimore, where he was bom in 1814, and ed- 
 ucated at St Mary's college in that city, began life as a watchmaker when 
 fourteen years of age. Alter being employed as a boatman on the Tennes- 
 see river, and later in a store, he came, in 1840, to Galveston, where, after 
 serving for three years as a clerk, he established the business which he still 
 conducts, and which has grown with the growth of the city. He is also a 
 director and ex-president of the national bank, and is identified with the 
 wharf and gas company, and with other enterprises having in view the pros- 
 perity of Galveston. In 1842 he married Miss E. Louis, and of their three 
 children two survive. 
 
 Gus Reymershoffer, a native of Austria, where he was bom in 1860, is 
 well known to the citizens of Galveston in connection with the Texas Star 
 flour-mill, established by himself and his brother in 1878. During the first 
 year the output of the mill amounted to 20,000 barrels, and in 1888 it had 
 increased to 180,000 barrels per annum, most of the product finding a home 
 market, though a considerable quantity was shipped to Louisiana, Mexico, 
 and Central America. Mr Reymershoffer came to Galveston in 1866, and 
 there he has ever since resided. He is also a director of the Lone Star 
 cracker factory, recently organized in that city. 
 
 John D. Rogers is a native of Dallas county, Alabama, where his father 
 was a planter. After graduating at a medical college in New Orleans, he 
 began to practise his profession, but removed to Virginia at the outbreak of 
 the war, and there remained until its conclusion. He then came to Texas, 
 and in 1868 commenced business in Galveston, where he has remained ever 
 since. At present he is largely engaged in farming, and is the owner of 
 5,400 acres of rich land on the river bank, the products being cotton and 
 corn. He has been twice married, and has two sons, one of whom is prac- 
 tising law at Fort Worth, and the other attending the university at Austin. 
 
 Among the leading physicians in Galveston is Dr J. F. Y. Paine, a native 
 of Louisiana and a graduate of a medical college in New Orleans. At the 
 outbreak of the war he joined the confederate army as a surgeon and re- 
 mained until its close, when he began the practice of his profession, first at 
 Mobile, then at Ennis, Texas, and finally at Galveston, whither he removed 
 in 1875, being appointed a professor and afterward dean of the Texas medi- 
 cal college, which position he held until 1881. In 1870 the doctor was mar- 
 ried to Miss Estes, a native of Alabama, by whom he has five children. 
 
 A. W. Fly, a native of Mississippi, and a descendant of one of the oldest 
 southern families, also ranks among the prominent physicians of Galveston. 
 A graduate of the year 1875 at the medical college at Louisville, he began 
 his professional career at Wrian, Texas, removing thence to Galveston, where 
 he has ever since resided. 
 
 To the lawyers of Texas and especially of Houston, the name of James 
 A. Baker is familiar as that of the local attorney for the Gould system of 
 railroads. For the past sixteen years he has made corporate law a specialty, 
 and is now the legal representative of companies owning 3,600 miles of road 
 in Texas, besides being himself largely interested in railways. A native of 
 Alabama, where he received his education, Mr Baker came to this state in 
 1852. Though now a widower, he has been twice married, has five children 
 and seven grandchildren, and considers himself a permanent resident of 
 Houston. 
 
 In 1870 James Roane Masterson was appointed judge of the seventh, or 
 as it is now classed, the eleventh judicial district, and to that position he has 
 been four times reelected. A native of Tennessee, his parents being among 
 the oldest residents of Nashville, he came to Texas with his family in 1839, 
 while still in his infancy. After receiving his education and being trained 
 for the bar, he began the practice of his profession at Houston in 1858. He 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL. 767 
 
 served throughout the civil war, being appointed to Gen. Hood's brigade, 
 though never ordered for service beyond the limits of his adopted state. 
 
 Auother prominent lawyer in Houston is W. P. Hamblen, a, native of 
 New Albany, Indiana, where he was born in 1835. Four years later his 
 father removed to Houston, and there the family has ever since resided. 
 Meanwhile Mr Hamblen has seen his adopted town develop from a mere village 
 into a thriving city. Admitted to the bar in 1855 he has good reason to be 
 proud of his professional career, of his various business interests, and of his 
 eleven children, all of whom, except two married daughters, still remain at 
 his home. 
 
 Between 1875 and 1885, at which latter date its proprietor retired from 
 active business, the banking house of Henry S. Fox was regarded as one of 
 the soundest financial institutions in Houston. A native of Prussia, where 
 he was born in 1834, Mr Fox came to the United States at the age of sixteen, 
 first to New York, and two years later to Texas. Here he engaged in busi- 
 ness at Waco, Corsicana, and other small towns, until 1857, when he removed 
 to Houston, and there established himself as a merchant, and concentrated 
 all his interests. Mr Fox is a widower, and the father of two children who 
 are now being educated in the state of New York. Though now a retired 
 merchant and banker, the care of his ample possessions, which include a 
 large amount of real estate, is sufficient to occupy his leisure. 
 
 Samuel Allen, a native of Houston, where he was bom in 1843, is nephew 
 to the two brothers of that name who organized and laid out the town of 
 Houston in 1837. Here or in this neighborhood he remained until the war 
 broke out, when he enlisted in the confederate army and served until its 
 close. Returning to his native city, he worked for a salary until 1869, when 
 he engaged in the lumber business in a small way, his capital being less than 
 $1,000. His business now exceeds $1,000,000 a year, and with two others 
 he is the owner of 60,000 acres of Texan timber lands. 
 
 Prominent among the merchants of Houston, as a self-made and most 
 reliable business man is Adam Clay, a German by birth, who came with his 
 parents to Houston in 1851. When nine years of age he earned his own 
 livelihood by selling newspapers on the streets, and at fourteen had attained to 
 the dignity of a railroad news-vendor. In this occupation he remained until 
 lie was twenty, when, having saved a few hundred dollars, he opened a small 
 dry -goods and notion store. From this slender beginning he has gradually 
 built up his present business, which now ranks among the first in the city. 
 
 Among other leading citizens in Houston may be mentioned Samuel M. Mc- 
 Ashan, too, since the organization of T. W. House's bank in 1867, has been'its 
 cashier. A Virginian by birth, though his ancestors on his father's side were 
 of Scotch descent, and on the mother's French, he came to Texas in 1844, 
 living on a farm in Fayette county until nineteen years of age, when he ob- 
 tained employment as a clerk in a mercantile house. In 1856 he mar- 
 ried Miss Fames, a native of his own state and county, by whom he has 
 two sons and two daughters, his eldest son, now over thirty years of age be- 
 ing assistant cashier in the bank. 
 
 One of the earliest settlers at Houston was Col W. R. Baker, a native of 
 New York state, where he was born in 1820. When eight years of age he 
 was put to work on a farm and since that time, as he relates, has always 
 earned his own living. In 1837 he removed to Texas, reaching Houston in 
 August of that year, when the town contained but fifty families. Here he 
 quickly found employment and soon afterward began business for himself. 
 In 1841 he was elected clerk of Harris county, which position he retained 
 for seventeen years. He was a member of the first board of directors, the 
 first secretary, and later the president of the Houston and Texas Central 
 railroad. In 1870 he was chosen state senator for Harris county, and in 
 1880 mayor of Houston, being twice reelected to the latter office. 
 
 Dr D. F. Stuart, a Virginian by birth, came to Texas in 1850, and after 
 working for several years on a farm, attended the medical college in Phila- 
 delphia, where he graduated in 1859. At the outbreak of the war he entered 
 
768 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE. 
 
 the confederate army as a surgeon, and served until its concluBion. In 1865 
 he established himself in Houston, where he is still engaged in the practice 
 of his profession. - »,• 
 
 One of the oldest residents of Fort Worth is J. F. Ellis, a native of Mis- 
 souri, who after the death of his father in 1847, came to that settlement 
 while still a young lad, when, as he relates, there were but five white fami- 
 lies withm a mile of the spot where the city now stands. When fifteen 
 years of age he found employment as a teamster, and soon afterward had 
 teams of his own, remaining in this business until the outbreak of the war, 
 when he joined the confederate service, and remained until its close. la 
 1865 he returned to Fort Worth, and engaged in ranching, merchandising, 
 banking, land-speculations, etc., until his possessions are now valued at 
 more than $300,000, most of them in real estate, including the Ellis hoteV 
 built in 1885 at a cost of $60,000. 
 
 John D. Templeton, a native of Tennessee, where he- was bom m 1845, 
 came with his parents to Texas in 1850, and there received his education. 
 In 1862 he entered the confederate army, and served until the end of the 
 war. He then studied law under Judge Roberts, formerly chief justice of 
 the state, and was admitted to practice in 1871, commencing his career at 
 Fort Worth, where, in 1887 he still resided. In 1880 he was appointed sec- 
 retary of state, and two years later elected attorney -general for Texas, being_ 
 reelected for the ensuing term. 
 
 Dr W. A. Adams is a native of Georgia, where he was bom in 1853, 
 graduating in 1876 at a medical college in that state. Removing to Texas 
 immediatmy afterward, he began to practice at Bryan, where he remained 
 for five years. In 1881 he was offered a partnership by Dr E. J. BeaU of Fort 
 Worth, one of the most prominent physicians in the state. This he accepted 
 and has ever since resided in that city, where he stOl follows his profession. 
 The success of the firm may be judged from the fact that their income for 
 the year 1886 exceeded $34,000 
 
 In Dallas, Galveston, and, in fact, throughout the state of Texas, the 
 name of Gen. George F. Alford is familiar, not only as that of a gallant sol- 
 dier, but of an upright and honorable man of business. A native of Missouri, 
 where he was born in 1837, he ran away from home when thirteen years of 
 age, and after living for two years among the Indians, set forth for California, 
 whence he returned in 1856 with $35,000 in gold, and in the following year 
 married and settled in Texas. At the beginning of the civil war he joined 
 the confederate army, and at its close was mustered out with the rank of 
 brigadier-general. After serving in the state legislature he began business 
 in Galveston, and soon accumulated a large fortune, which he afterward lost 
 through the dishonesty of his partner. Assuming the liabilities of the firm, 
 which amounted in 1875 to $321,000, in less than ten years he paid ofif the 
 entire amount with one per cent, interest per month. He is now a perma- 
 nent resident of Dallas, and president of the Dallas, Archer, and Pacific 
 railway. 
 
 Among other prominent citizens of Dallas may be mentioned J. E. Hen- 
 derson, a native of North Carolina, who arrived in 1872, and, as he relates, 
 has vrituessed its growth from a village into a thriving city. Ever since that 
 date he has there been engaged in Dusiness as a contractor, builder, and 
 land speculator. In his adopted town he has an abiding faith, believing that 
 with its railroad facilities and its situation in the midst of a rich agricultural 
 district, its future is fully assured. 
 
 One of the leading medical practitioners in Dallas is Dr R, W. Allen, a 
 Kentuckian by birth and a graduate of the New York Medical college. 
 Coming to Dallas in 1872, when it contained only 4,000 inhabitants, he has 
 remained there ever since, practising his profession and investing his surplus 
 means in real estate, which he believes to be the soundest and most profita- 
 ble of all investments. 
 
 Col J. Gunter, a Georgian by birth, his ancestors on both sides being 
 southerners, came to Texas with his father in 1853. At the outbreak of the 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL. 769 
 
 civil war he left his brother's store, where he was employed as a clerk, and 
 enlisted in the confederate army, serving until its close. Between 1866 and 
 1869 he received his education, at the same time studying law, and was ad- 
 mitted to practice in the latter year. At Sherman he commenced his profes- 
 sional career with a capital of §65; but though very successful, soon found 
 more lucrative employment in surveying and land speculations, whereby he 
 made money rapidly, becoming the owner of 200,000 acres and 13,000 
 head of cattle. He is also a director and one of the largest stockholders in 
 the City bank of Sherman, and colonel of the 5th regiment of Texas state 
 guards. 
 
 Promiaent among the lawyers of Sherman is Capt. T. J. Brown, who in 
 1888 was attorney for the Merchants and Planters' bank of that city, and f(jr 
 the Texas Pacific railroad. A native of Georgia, where he was born in 1826, 
 all of his ancestors being southerners, he came to Texas in 1846, and by hard 
 study and close economy, acquired the training and the means to start in his 
 profession when twenty-seven years of age. He began his practice at Mo- 
 Kinney in 1858, and there remained for fourteen years, except for a brief 
 period, when he served in the confederate ranks, though disabled by sickness 
 from protracted service. 
 
 One of the foremost citizens of Bosque county. Judge L. H. Scrutchfield, 
 settled there in 1851 and was the first county judge, also holding the 
 offices of county-surveyor, justice of the peace, and notary public. On many 
 occasions he took a prominent part in defending the settlers against the dep- 
 redations of Indians, and later of the bands of white marauders who infested 
 the state. In 1865 he was pres=.nt at the engagement at Double creek, in 
 which a body of Texans attacked the stronghold of the Kickapoos, and drove 
 them across the Mexican liorder. In 1851 the judge married Miss Profitt, 
 by whom he had five children, two of his widowed daughters residing with 
 him at his home at Valley Mills. 
 
 Well known among literary circles in Texas is Mrs C. A. Westbrook, a 
 resident of Lorena, and the author of several works that have won more 
 than a local reputation. Among them may be mentioned her Pilgrim, a 
 poetical adaptation of Bnnyan's famous allegory. To it is appended, under 
 the title of Fragments, a number of shorter poems, most of them of a religious 
 character. 
 
 Worthy of note as among the most prominent men in San Antonio is Col. 
 Geo. W. Brackeuridge, who became a resident of that city in 1851, and has 
 ever since been identified with its leading interests. In 1866 he organized 
 the San Antonio National Bank, of wliich he was elected the first president 
 and still held that position in 1889. He is also the president and one of the 
 largest stockholders in the city water-works and in its gas company, and ia 
 largely interested in lands and cattle. 
 
 John Darragh, a native Texan, ranks among the largest owners of real 
 estate in San Antonio, which city he has made his permanent home since 
 1880, being then in possession of a considerable fortune acquired by inherit- 
 ance. With the result of his investments he is fully satisfied, and has the 
 utmost confidence in the future of his adopted city. 
 
 Charles Hummel, to whom belongs the distinction of being the oldest mer- 
 chant of San Antonio, where he arrived in 1847, when there were but fifty 
 white people in the settlement, is also a large owner of city property. 
 Among his transactions may be mentioned the purchase of a lot in 1849 for 
 $325, which he afterward sold for |21,000. 
 
 By the late John H. Kampmann, a Prussian by birth, and by profession 
 an architect, who came to San Antonio in 1848, were planned and built nearly 
 all the large residences and stores erected in that city between 1849 and 1880. 
 A man of eminent business ability, he was closely identified with a number 
 of enterprises tending to the development of western Texas, where hdhwas 
 also a large land-owner and stock-raiser, and at the time of his decease, in 
 1886, the possessor of a handsome fortune. His wife, Mrs. Caroline Kamp- 
 mann, to whom he was married in 1850, is still a resident of San Antonioj 
 Hist. Mex. States, Vol. II. 49 
 
770 BIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 where her eldest son, H. D. Kampmann has succeeded to his father's business 
 and is esteemed as a young man of remarkable promise. 
 
 One of the largest lumber merchants in southwestern Texas is A. 0. 
 Schryver, president of the San Antonio Fair Association. Arriving in that 
 city from Chicago in 1877, his first year's transactions amounted to $50,000. 
 In 1888 they were considerably over $500,000. 
 
 Among the railroad men of Texas should be mentioned the treasurer of 
 the San Antonio and Aransas Pass R. R. Co., A. Hansl, a Viennese by birth, 
 who came to the United States in 1875 and in the following year settled in 
 western Texas, where he engaged in banking and farming, accepting his 
 present position in June, 1888. 
 
 At the head of the street railroad system of San Antonio is Col. Augustus 
 Belknap, by whom was built, at the request of the citizens, the first street-car 
 line in that city. In 1882 he was elected a member of the city council, and 
 has since been re-elected in each succeeding year. In 1888, when repul)lican 
 nominee for congress, he reduced by more than one-half the democratic 
 majority returned at the previous election. 
 
 Prominent among the sugar-planters of western Texas is Col. Edward H. 
 Cunningham, the owner of a tract of 3,300 acres on Oyster creek, the crop 
 from which sold in 1888 for |28O,000. Between 1878 and 1883 he held a 
 contract for the labor of the prisoners at the state penitentiary, whereby he 
 relieved the burden of taxation to the extent of $85,000 a year. Coming to 
 Texas for his health's sake in 1855, he is now a permanent resident of San 
 Antonio, in the future of which city and of western Texas he has the greatest 
 confidence. 
 
 Among the many eminent lawyers of San Antonio is Charles W. Ogden, 
 whose father was formerly chief justice of the supreme court of Texas. 
 A 'i exan by birth, and educated at the military institute at Austin, he began 
 the practice of his profession in 1875. He is now largely interested in an enter- 
 prise for deepening the water at the mouth of the Brazos river, a project which 
 will materially add to the prosperity of the southern portion of the state. 
 
 Edward Dwyer is also one of the most prominent lawyers in San Antonio, 
 though since the decease of his father, in 1884, his time has been largely 
 occupied in the management of his estate. Mr. Dwyer is descended from one 
 of the oldest families in western Texas, his grandfather being a resident of 
 San Antonio prior to 1840, and in 1 844 was elected its mayor. His father was 
 a native of the same city, in the politics of which he played a leiding part. 
 
 In the ranks of the medical profession at San Antonio none are more highly 
 esteemed than Dr. Amos Graves, the medical director for Texas of the Southern 
 Pacific & San Antonio & Aransas Pass railroads. He came to Texas in, 1878, 
 on account of a pulmonary aflection, which was cured by a two years' residence 
 on a sheep ranch in western Texas. For such ailments he believes that this 
 section will eventually rank among the leading health resorts of the world. 
 
 In this opinion he is indorsed by Dr. F. Herflf, also a resident of San 
 Antonio, and whose experience as a medical practitioner in western Texas 
 dates from 1846. Here, as he relates, all diseases appear to assume their 
 mildest form, and in no other atmosphere do wounds heal so rapidly. 
 
 In Laredo, on the Bio Grande, one of the leading physicians is A. W. 
 Wilcox, M. D., who, after taking his degree at Galveston, was appointed, in 
 1874, surgeon of the Mexican National railroad at the former point. 
 
 For the same railroad J. P. Flynn was selected as general agent at Laredo 
 in 1 884, and in the following year was chosen by President Cleveland as United 
 States consular agent at tlie town of the same name on the Mexican side of 
 the Bio Grande. In April, 1887, Mr. Flynn resigned both these positions, 
 devoting himself to the organization of the Laredo Improvement Company, 
 of which he was elected and is still the president. 
 
 The president of the Laredo Water Company is A. L. McLane, a native of 
 Texas and a lawyer by occupation, who came to that town in 1873, sind hag 
 ever since engaged in the practice of his profession. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL. 770a 
 
 The pioneer banker of Eagle Pass is S. P. Simpson, who, in 1881, 
 removed to this portion of Texas for his health's sake. E. H. Cooper and 
 W. A. Fitch, who came to Eagle Pass for the same reason, are now ergaged 
 in business, and with health completely restored. Worthy of note, also, is 
 
 D. W. Nicholson, the county attorney, and one of the foremost lawyers in 
 this frontier city. 
 
 Capt. M. Kenedy, a resident of Corpus Christi and the pioneer stock- 
 raiser of southwestern Texas, is now one of the largest cattle-farmers in the 
 world — one of his ranches near that city containing 400,000 acres under 
 fence. He also owns a controlling interest in the San Antonio and Aransas 
 Pass railroad. 
 
 One of the most successful sheep-raisers of Texas is E. H. Caldwell, 
 who, while engaged in that business from 1873 to 1883 netted a clear profit 
 of 50 per cent, a year. He is now a prominent merchant and real estate 
 owner in Corpus Christi. 
 
 Among the many able lawyers of Corpus Christi may be mentioned 
 District Att'y D. McNeill Turner, now serving his fourth consecutive term. 
 
 Among the leading business men of Galveston was M. Kopperl, of the late 
 firmofLipman&Kopperl. Worthy of note, also, areH. Bosenberg, a banker; 
 H. Kempner; Major J. G. Goldthwaite & W. P. Ladd, cotton merchants; 
 
 E. B. Hawley & Max Maas, wholesale grocers, and C. H. Moore, lumber 
 merchant; Capt. C. Fowler, whose war record is known throughout the 
 State; Capt. T. W. English, coal merchant; J. Seinsheimer, a wholesale 
 liquor merchant; M. W. Shaw, a manufacturing jeweler; Capt. J. N. 
 Sawyer, agent for the Mallory Steamboat line, and J. S. Rogers, president 
 of the Texas Co-operative Institution. W. F. Beers is ono of the leading 
 men in insurance circles, representing thirteen substantial companies. 
 
 Of the real-estate men should be mentioned Leon Blum, president of the 
 Leon & H. Blum Land co.; M. Lasker, president of the Lasker Real Estate 
 CO. and a director of several banks; I. Dyer and H. M. Trueheart. 
 
 Prominent among the lawyers of Galveston are Gen. T. N. Waul, B. T. 
 Masterson, Col. W. B. Denson and W. Gresham. Among physicians may 
 be mentioned Dr. J. F. Y. Paine, dean of the faculty and professor of 
 obstetrics in the Texas medical college at Galveston. 
 
 Among the bankers of Houston should be mentioned T. W. House, who, 
 on the death of his father in 1881, succeeded to his business, and was 
 appointed administrator of his estate, valued at $2,500,000. In 1883 W. 0. 
 Ellis organized the banking firm of which he is the manager. Business 
 men deserving of mention are R. B. Morris, a hardware merchant; E. L. 
 Coombs, a jeweler and large real estate owner; H. Prince, in the ice busi- 
 ness; D. C. Smith, who served through the war and in 1886 was elected 
 mayor of Houston; E. L. Dennis, a cotton merchant; E. B. H. Schneider, 
 formerly assessor; Captains F. A. Reichardt »nd W. Christian — the latter 
 manager of the cotton business of T. W. House; and J. Bute, who is in the 
 line of paints and oils. 
 
 G. Ellis, the sheriff of Harris co. and for three terms county commis- 
 sioner, is engaged in farming. Among the real-estate men of Houston is 
 W. Harral, and among railroad men R. Adair, formerly city assessor. 
 
 Prominent among the lawyers are B. P. Hamblen, formerly county judge; 
 O. T. Holt, who, in 1874, was appointed attorney of the Houston and Texas 
 Central railroad; S. R. Ferryman, for several terms dist. att'y; and Capt 
 B. P. Turner, a veteran of the civil war. Two leading physicians are B. Pow- 
 ell and E. L. Castleton, the latter owning a large sugar plantation in partner- 
 ship with his brother. The principal architects are E. T. Heiner and 
 N. J. Clayton — the former having designed the most prominent buildings in 
 thirty counties of Texas. Other professional men are W. S. Sutton, supt. 
 of public schools, and C. W. Welch, principal of the Houston academy. 
 
 D. C. Giddings, jr., a native and resident of Brenham, now conducts, in 
 partnership with his father, the leading bank in this portion of Texas. 
 Other prominent men are W. Perry, who is engaged in the compress busi- 
 
770b BIOGRAPHICAL, 
 
 ness; W. Watson, in the nursery business; W. A. Wood and S. Schlenker, 
 the latter tax-collector and formerly a cotton merchant. 
 
 Among the more prominent lawyers o£ Brenham is C. R. Breedlove, 
 a native of Danville, Va., and a graduate of the Baylor University, Inde- 
 pendence. Other leading practitioners are C. C. Garrett and Lafayette 
 Kirk, both graduates of Baylor. 
 
 Dr G. F. Frouwen, a native of Pottsville, Pa., and a graduate of the 
 Ohio Dental college, Cincinnati, is the leading dentist in Brenham. 
 
 The Rev G. E. Taylor, a native of Montgomery , Ala. , has for many 
 years been engaged in parochial work in Texas, his present charge being the 
 Chapel Hill district of the West Texas conference of the Methodist Episco- 
 pal church. 
 
 Worthy of mention among the leading citizens of Austin is A. P. Wool- 
 dridge, who, in 1885, organized the City National bank, of which he is presi- 
 dent. A native of New Orleans and a lawyer by training, in 1873 he 
 removed to Austin for his health's sake, and there for ten years practiced 
 his profession until compelled by sickness to abandon it. As secretary of 
 the board of regents of the State university, and the one who secured its 
 location at Austin, and also as the former president of the board of trustees 
 of the public schools, he has labored earnestly to promote the educational 
 interests of the capital. 
 
 Col L. A. Ellis, another of Austin's prominent citizens, also began life as 
 a lawyer, though after a brief experience he abandoned his profession to 
 engage in merchandising and farming. In 1878, in partnership with Col 
 Ed H. Cunningham, he obtained a five years' lease of the Texas penitentiary, 
 and during that term greatly improved the condition of its inmates. Since 
 1879 he has been largely engaged in sugar planting, having 5,000 acres 
 under cultivation at his Sartartia plantation in Fort Bend co., and more 
 than half of an 11,000-acre tract in Louisiana. 
 
 Major W. M. Walton, of the firm of Walton, Hill & Walton, formerly 
 attorney-general of Texas, was born at Canton, Miss., in 1832. On being 
 admitted to the bar in 1853 he began to practice in Austin, where he has 
 ever since resided, except for the time of the civil war, through which he 
 served as a cavalry officer. 
 
 J. P. White, the presiding justice of the court of appeals, who is now serving 
 his third term in that capacity, is a native of Virginia, where he was born in 
 1832. Removing to Texas when 23 years of age, he settled at Seguin, prac- 
 ticed law until the outbreak of the war, when raising a company he joined 
 the ranks of the confederates. In 1874 he was appointed dist. judge, which 
 oiEce he held when the new state constitution created a court of appeals. 
 
 Osceola Archer, a native of Maryland, came to Texas in 1846. After 
 serving through the war in the confederate army he was admitted to the bar 
 in 1866, and has ever since engaged in practice in western Texas. 
 
 ColS. H. Darden, who was born in Jefiferson co.. Miss., in 1816, is proba- 
 bly the only living attache of the first provisional govt, of Texas, was thrice 
 elected state controller, and was afterward a member of the state senate. 
 
 J. M. Moore, secy, of state for Texas, which office he has held since 
 1877, is a native of Houston co., where he was born in 1853. After receiv- 
 ing his education at the Washington-Lee university, he graduated in law at 
 Cumberland college, Lebanon, Tenn. Inl874hebegan to practice his profes- 
 sion in Eastland co. , Tex. In 1882 he was elected to the state legislature. 
 
 Capt R. M. Hall, the commissioner of the laud office, is a native of North 
 Carolina, and by profession a civil engineer. Himself a large owner of real 
 estate, no one is better informed as to the lands and land laws of Texas, and 
 to his reputation in this respect is partly due his reelection in 1888 by the 
 largest majority ever recorded in Texas to a state official. 
 
 Dr C. B. Stoddard, a native of Ohio, and formerly a prominent dentist in 
 New York and Chicago, is one of those who came to Texas for his health's 
 sake. He is now the owner of a large ranch near Austin, which he devotes 
 to the breeding of ponies, trying the novel expedient of crossing Texan mares 
 with Shetland stallions. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL. 770c 
 
 Oscar H. Cooper in 1888 was elected for the second time state superin- 
 tendent of schools, is a native of Carthage, Tex, , and a graduate of Yale, 
 where as at Henderson college and the Sam Houston normal school, he was 
 formerly a professor. 
 
 E.. M. Castleman, a native o£ Tennessee, came to Texas when five years 
 of age, and between 1866 and 1887 was one of the leading merchants of Aus- 
 tin. His attention is now given to farming and stock-raisiag, especially to 
 the breeding of horses. 
 
 In Waco one of the leading citizens is Capt M. D. Herring, whose prac- 
 tice as a lawyer in that city dates from 1850. As an Odd Fellow his stand- 
 ing is of the highest, and he is now grand representative of his state to the 
 sovereign grand lodge of the world. The leading merchants are the Sanger 
 Brothers, of whom, Sam Sanger came to Waco in 1873. Beginning in a small 
 way, the firm now transacts a business of $450,000, and at Dallas handles at 
 least three times that quanttiy of goods. 
 
 As president of the Traders' National bank, and one largely interested in 
 lands and livestock, W. J . Boaz ranks among the leading citizens of Fort 
 Worth, T. A. Tidball, vice-president of the Fort Worth National bank, 
 and Z. Cetti, a director of the First National bank, are also large owners of 
 real estate. Other prominent business men are W. A. Huflfman, whose trade 
 in agricultural instruments exceeds $500,000 a year; W. T. Fakes, the owner 
 of a furniture warehouse; F. J. Tatum, lumber merchant; A. J. Anderson, 
 whose line is in firearms and sportsmen's articles; S. M. Fry, who conducts 
 a boot and shoe business; W. H. Taylor, dry -goods; J. B. Littlejohn and 
 Capt. T. P. Martin, insurance agents, and S. O. Moodie, whose business is 
 in real'estate; L. Short and H. N. Conner. 
 
 Of the legal fraternity should be mentioned J. Y. Hogsett, vice-president 
 of the Traders' National bank, and H. M. Furman, formerly prosecuting 
 attorney for Washington co. Among physicians a high rank is conceded to 
 Dr B. B. Grammer, a graduate of the Louisville medical college, and to 
 W. W. Routh, who graduated at the New York Homoeopathic Medical col- 
 lege. Among clergymen may be mentioned the Rev. W. P. \Vilson, pastor 
 of the Fourth street Methodist church. 
 
 W. F. Sommerville is the organizer and general manager of the Matadoe 
 Land and Cattle company, whose property includes 550,000 acres and over 
 100,000 head of cattle. 
 
 In Dallas may be mentioned, as among her principal business men, J. S. 
 Armstrong, T. F. Wallace, andT. L. Marsalis, wholesale grocers, the head- 
 quarters of the first being at Louisville, where is the main establishment; 
 J. Moroney, a hardware merchant; Col W. H. Lemmon, whose line is in 
 agricultural implements; J. A. Hughes, president of the Eagle mills; F. M. 
 Cookrell, of the Todd mills, formerly a lawyer and member of the city coun- 
 cil; L. Reichenstein, agent of the Anheuser-Busch Brewing co.; H. Hamil- 
 ton, who beginning with a capital of $5, is now worth $200,000; R. B. Godley, 
 formerly a lumber merchant, but now trading in lands and livestock; and 
 among other real-estate men, J. E. Land, J. C. Kearby, J. L. Henry, W. B. 
 Gano, J. D. Thomas, Capt. T. Scurry, W. H. Prather, E. M. Powell and 
 A. C. Ducker, of the firm of Ducker & Dudleigh. One of the largest real 
 estate owners is J. S. Daugherty, who came to Dallas vidth |400, and is now 
 worth at least |250,000. 
 
 Among the more prominent lawyers are Col W. S. Simkins, J. M. Hurt, 
 now judge of the court of appeals, H. C. Coke, Col W. L. Williams, 
 R. Morgan, A. P. Wozencraft,attorney for the Gould system of railroads, 
 and G. H. Plowman. Among physicians, W. F. Thatcher, E. E. Davis, 
 J. D. Parsons and W. Thomas, the last a leading dentist. 
 
 Worthy of note also are S. W. S. Duncan and the postmaster, J. H. 
 Cochran, for several terms a member of the state legislature. 
 
 At Denison one of the most successful men is J. T. Munson, who came to 
 that city with |5,000, and ia now worth $1,000,000, accumulated by bank- 
 ing and real estate transactions. Others are S. Hanna, a wholesale grocer; 
 J. B. McDougal, a liquor merchant; F. R. Guiteau & D. H. Bailey, wholesale 
 
770d BIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 J. D. Ourand & J. H. Nolan — the latter a large owner of real 
 estate; J. J. Fairbanks, in the fruit business and also in real estate; H. Tone, 
 a real estate agent and examiner of titles; S. C. O'Dair, G. Miller & A. H. 
 Coffin — the last two in a real estate, brokerage and insurance business. 
 Among professional men are Judge J. M. Cook and Capt S. S. Fears, as 
 lawyers; and as physicians J. Rhea, W. M. Nagle and A. W. Acheson, who 
 was the first practitioner in Denver. Worthy of mention, also, are Jndge 
 J. Nevins, county recorder, and B. C. Murray, proprietor of Sun/day Oazette. 
 
 B. J. Chambers, who came to Cleburne, as he relates, without a dollar, 
 became finally one of its leading merchants and bankers. The bank of 
 Cleburne was started in 1878 by S. B. Allen, who also organized the Cleburne 
 Building and Loan association. Others deserving of mention are B. L. Dur- 
 ham, a wholesale druggist; J. E. Horton & S. G. Graham, stock-raisers; and 
 Col M. A. Oatis and M. M. Crane, who rank high in the legal profession. 
 
 In Sherman the following are among the leading business men : Col A. 
 Fulton, cotton merchant and bank director; L. 0. Gilmore, the owner of 
 valuable marble works; J. P. Geren, mayor and in the real estate and fire 
 insurance; W. H. Lankford, a wholesale druggist; E. Amoldi, manager of 
 the Sherman Ice company; T. Wood, E. Walsh and Dr J. C. Carpenter — the 
 last in the fire insurance business and formerly a baptist minister; T. D. 
 Joiner, a wholesale grocer; W. M. Scott, who is in the stockyard business; 
 S. Wilson, C. F. Wantland, and J. P. Wakefield, stock-raisers. Others 
 worthy of mention are Dr. J. T. Wilson, E. G. Douglass, formerly state sen- 
 ator; J. P. Austin, county clerk; Capt T. J. Brown, attorney for the Kansas 
 Pacific railroad and the Merchants' and Planters' banks; E. P. Gregg, county 
 judge; Dr H. C Morrow; R. L. May, sheriff; Rev S. 0. Woods, pastor of the 
 Cumberland Presbyterian church; C. B. Randell, county attorney; E. Y. 
 Skaggs, formerly J. P., and M. O'Callaham, formerly U. S. marshal. 
 
 The following are prominent citizens of Paris : R. R. Gaines, supreme 
 court judge. He located in Clarksville in 1866, practiced law there, was twice 
 elected to the bench, resigned in 1883 and moved to Paris, Tex., elected jus- 
 tice sup. court in 1886; Dr E. W. Rush, vice-president of the Paris exchange 
 bank; C. F. Thebo, a retired merchant; E. L. Dohoney, formerly state senator; 
 T. Henderson, who has been twice elected to the state legislature; Dr. J. F. 
 Hooks, whose practice dates from 1869, and F. Lee, a rising lawyer. 
 
 Chief-justice J. W. Stayton, a resident of Victoria, first came to Texas 
 in 1836, after graduating at the university of Louisiana. A member of the 
 constitutional convention in 1876, he was raised to the supreme bench in 
 1881, and to his present position in 1888. J. M. Brownson, a banker, was 
 born in 111., 1836. He came with his father to Texas in 1852; served through- 
 out the war, he located in Victoria in 1867; has been engaged in banking 
 since 1868; and T. M. O'Connor, who was born in Texas in 1857, has always 
 made Victoria his home and has ever been a prominent livestock raiser. 
 
 One of the most enterprising citizens of Corsicana is G. T. Jester, whose 
 residence dates from 1858. After serving through the war, enlisting when 
 only sixteen years of age and then working as a railroad clerk, he started in 
 business in that city, where he afterward founded the bank at first known as 
 Jester Bros., and now as the Corsicana National. He is also the owner of a 
 large ranch stocked with Jersey and Durham cattle, and to him is largely 
 due the introduction of blooded stock into this portion of Texas. Worthy 
 of mention, also, are Dr S. W. Johnson, a practising physician and the 
 author of several medical treatises; Senator E. J. Simkins; Col H. Jones, 
 a prominent figure in the earlier history of Texas ; Col W. Croft, a leading 
 lawyer, and Capt S. J. T. Johnson, a cotton merchant. 
 
 M. Martin, elected in 1882 lieut. -governor of Texas, is a native of 
 Kentucky, where he was born in 1830. Removing to Texas in 1853 he 
 began his career as a farmer, and in 1859 was chosen for the state senate, 
 being re-elected for the following term. He is now a resident of Corsicana. 
 
 Among the leading citizens of Waxahaohie are Senator and ex-Mayor 
 W. H. Getzendaner, B. MoDaniel, county judge; W. J. F. Ross, post- 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL. 770e 
 
 master; W. D. Ryburn, sheriff; J. C. Gibson, a retired merchant, and R. 
 Vickery, a large owner of real estate. 
 
 At Honey Grove the following are worthy of mention: Dr W. T. Booth, 
 a leading physician; C. H. Waloott, B. O. Walcott & T. H. Seaton, large 
 owners of real estate; J. P. Gilmer, ex-mayor and postmaster; and G. G. 
 Henderson, cashier of the exchange bank. 
 
 At McKinney, Dr J. McCarty, the leading physician; Capt E. R. Stiff, 
 stock -raiser; H. A. McDonald, hardware merchant, and E. W. Kirkpatriok, 
 a farmer and fruit-raiser, are prominent citizens. 
 
 Capt E. Duggan, a resident of San Angelo and a native Texan, was born 
 in Travis co. in ISIO. After serving throughout the war and then following 
 various occupations he engaged in sheep-raising, and his flocks, now number- 
 ing some 11,000 bead, are among the finest in this section of the state. 
 
 For the atmosphere of San Angelo the healthful qualities are claimed by 
 one of its leading physicians, Dr S. L. S. Smith, formerly an army surgeon, 
 who, resigning his commission in 1878, selected that city as his home mainly 
 on account or the excellence of its climate. In all his practice he has known 
 only one case of pneumonia and has never heard of a single case of typhoid 
 or any kindred disease. 
 
 F. Lerch, the principal land agent in San Angelo, and one largely identi- 
 fied with its interests, is a native of Germany. Arriving in New York in 
 1868, entirely without means, he is one of the self-made men and also one 
 of the most successful men in this portion of his adopted state. Other 
 prominent men are Col H. C. Fisher, the most successful lawyer, who came to 
 Texas in 1874 and associated himself in the practice of law with his brother 
 at Georgetown, moved to San Angelo in 1885; and J. C. Raas; born in Texas 
 in 1861, and educated in Paris, France; he ret'd to U. S. 1876, and located 
 in San Angelo in 1883; and L. Schwartz, leading merchants of San Angelo. 
 
 Major J. Y. Rankin, the father of Brownwood, as he is termed, is a Ken- 
 tuckian by birth, removing to San Augustine, Tex., in 1853, when 20 years 
 of age. After serving throughout the war, in 1870 he settled at Brown- 
 wood, where he established a land agency; his first addition to the town, 
 purchased for $10 an acre, is now the best business portion of the city. 
 
 W. C. Morgan, the present mayor of Brownwood, came to that city 
 penniless, but on the day after his arrival found employment as a surveyor, 
 and now ranks among its wealthiest citizens, owning among other property 
 20,000 acres in various portions of the state. Other prominent men are Judge 
 G. I. Goodwin, a leading lawyer, by whom were framed the acts of 1874 and 
 1875 providing for the agricultural and mechanical college, and Professor 
 P. C. Ragsdale, supeiintendent of schools, born in S. C. in 1856, when 17 
 years of age came to Texas, worked on a farm, then attended college, 
 graduated in 1878. 
 
 Referring again to San Antonio, mention is required of B. F. Yoakum, 
 as one closely connected with the railroad interests of Texas. A native of 
 Limetone co., he is a son of Dr. F. L. Yoakum, who settled in that state in 
 1844, a nephew of the well-known historian of Texas. At 17 he entered the 
 employ of the International and Great Northern company, with whom he 
 remained until it was absorbed in the Missouri Pacific, for which he was 
 appointed division freight agent at San Antonio. This post he resigned in 
 1885 to accept the position which he still holds as general manager of the San 
 Antonio and Aransas Pass company. To A. Hansl, the treasurer of this 
 road, already mentioned, I am indebted for interesting manuscripts on the 
 resources, etc., of the counties of Texas, and on Texas as a Field for Investment 
 and Irrigation; also for a Banking Map of Texas, containing valuable statistics. 
 
 Leonard Orynski, who settled in San Antonio in 1880, is now one of the 
 leading wholesale druggists in that city, and also one of the most prominent 
 men in all matters tending to advance its interests. By him was orignated 
 the idea of promoting trade with Mexico by placing travellers on the road, 
 by which means he has secured a large and increasing business. Others 
 worthy of mention are Gen. G. W. Russ, president of the Armandale Cattle 
 
770f BIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 CO. He located in Dallas in 1880, moved to San Antonio in 1883, has advanced 
 the land interests of this section through his influence to a wonderful degree; 
 J. H. Presnall, president of the Stockton Land and Livestock co. has been 
 in stock-raising since early youth and is devoted to the cattle interests of 
 Texas; and J. J. Stevens, insurance broker. 
 
 W. H. Graham, of Cuero, came to Texas in 1866. He has held several 
 positions of trust, and has a large and successful real-estate business. 
 
 Judge Sam A. Wilson was bom in San Angelo, Texas, in 1835. By 
 special act of the Legislature he was admitted to the bar when 17 years of 
 age, and was elected district attorney in 1856. He served throughout the 
 war in Gen Hood's brigade. In 1868 he settled in Rush, was elected dis- 
 trict attorney in 1870, and judge of the court of appeals in 1882, being 
 re-elected in 1888. 
 
 Augustus Lewy, of Temple, was bom in Alabama. He came to Texas 
 in 1880. In 1882 he was elected city attorney, and in 1886 was elected 
 mayor, being re-elected in 1888. 
 
 F. F. Downs, of Temple, ia a native Texan, having been bom in Waco 
 in 1856. He has always been prominently connected with banking interests 
 throughout the state, and is president of the First National bank of Temple. 
 
 Judge W. Acker, of Lampasas, is one of the most prominent members 
 of the Texas bar. Was elected district attorney in 1878, and re-elected in 
 1880. In 1887 he was elected com. court of appeals, which office he now 
 holds. 
 
 Prominent in real-estate circles of Taylor is John ThreadgiU, M. D. He 
 came to Texas in 1870; first practised in Washington CO.; in 1872 he moved 
 to Brenham and in 1875 to Taylor. He was mayor of this city for four 
 years; but now devotes his entire time to the advancement of land interests. 
 
 C. W. Welch was born in Illinois in 1848; came to Texas in 1867; 
 settled in Taylor in 1883, and organized the First National bank, and has 
 proved himself one of the most enterprising citizens of the place. 
 
 Among the prominent bankers of Belton we find Col J. Z. MiUer. He 
 was bom in Kentucky in 1834; emigrated to Texas in 1860, and served four 
 years in the war. He began business as a merchant, but in 1885 organized 
 the Belton National bank, and is its president. He holds the same office in 
 connection with the Texas State Banking Association. 
 
 Judge E. Hobby, of Austin, is a native of Florida. He came to Texas 
 in 1859, and served four years in the war. He was admitted to the bar in 
 1867; has been state senator; in 1880 was elected district judge and 
 re-elected in '82, '84, '86. He is now commissioner of the court of appeals. 
 
 Judge J. 0. Matthews, of Lampasas, came to Texas in 1874, and has 
 been prominently identified with public enterprises. He was elected county 
 judge, but resigned the office to give his undivided attention to the practice 
 of law. 
 
 Want of space forbids more than the merest mention of the following 
 promising citizens of Texas: W. R. Camp and G. B. McDonald, of JefiFerson; 
 Capt J. B. Smith, now of Shreveport, La.; J. N. Browning, of Mobeetie; G. 
 W. Voiers, of Kaufman; M. Sansom, of Alvarado; W. G. Nunn, of 
 Ladonia; F. J. Abernathy, of Bonham; M. Hinzie, of Palestine; J. M. Hons, 
 of Burton; J. Baldridge, of Ennis; Dr W. B. Dashiell, of Terrell; N. Zucker- 
 mann, of Mineola; W. B. Wynne, of Wills Point; E. H. Pendleton, of 
 Farmersville; T. M. Campbell, of Longview; R. S. Porter, of Cameron; Dr 
 J. D. Rankui, of Groesbeok; Judge J. M. Lindsey, of Gainesville; Dr J. H. 
 McCain, C. L. Watson and S. B. Love, of Mexia; F. L. Dilley, and J. H. 
 Bonnei, of Tyler; Dr D. S. Williams and Dr J. W. Talbot, of Texarkana; 
 R. A. Brown and J. H. Drennan, of Calvert; T. H. King, Judge E. W. 
 Terhune and T. E. Byrd, of Greenville; J. A. B. Putnum and 6. Garrison, 
 of Sulphur Springs; E. B. Stroud, of Hillsboro'; H. H.Dawson and J. M. 
 Copley, of Denton; S. Moore, of Bastrop; and E. E. Bryan and F. Raube, 
 of Giddings. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Ab Initios, party, ii. 495; protest 
 
 against constitution, 1868, ii. 496. 
 Aberdeen, Lord, mention of, ii. 338. 
 Abolitionists, Texas, ii. 420. 
 Acapuluo, Spilberg touches at, 1615, 
 
 i. 166. 
 Acaxees, revolt of, 1601-2, i. 813-15. 
 Aoebedo, P. A. de, the Tepehuane 
 
 revolt, 1616-17, i. 325; in charge at 
 
 San Jose del Cabo, 1737, i. 461. 
 Aoklin, Kit, mention of, ii. 397. 
 Adaes, Texan tribe, Aguayo, among, 
 
 1721, i. 625-6. 
 Ada-ne, Father L., the Tehuecos' re- 
 
 vol , 1611-12, i. 220. 
 Adams, Dr W. A., biog. of, u. 768. 
 Agriculture, Texas, ii. 557-8; cotton, 
 
 ii. 557; cereah, ii. 557-8; farms, ii. 
 
 558-9; droughts, floods, etc., ii. 
 
 559; L. Oal. drought, etc., 1863-4, 
 
 ii. 726; N". Mex. states, ii. 748, et 
 
 seq. ; soils, ii. 748; land titles, ii. 
 
 748-9; products, ii. 749-50. 
 Agricultural and Mechanical college, 
 
 Texas, ii. 546. 
 Amayo, Marques de S. M., gov. of 
 
 Naeva Vizoaya, 1687, i. 338; gov. 
 
 of Coahuila and Texas, 1719-22, i. 
 
 601; exped. to Texas, 1720-2, i. 
 
 622-9. 
 Agaaro, J. C. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 
 caya, 1768, i. 582. 
 Aguila, Father, death of, 1641, i. 
 
 231. 
 Aguilanin, A. M. M. de, bishop of 
 
 Durango, etc.. 1774-81, i. 684. 
 Aguilar, Villa de, location, etc., of, i. 
 
 355, fight with Indians near, 1650, 
 
 i. 356-7; Spaniards massacred at, 
 
 1652, i. 358. 
 Aguilar, A. M., with Vizcaino's ex- 
 ped., 1602-3, i. 153; death of, i. 159. 
 Aguilar, Gov. Jose, resignation, etc., 
 
 1851, ii. 672; appointment of, ii. 694. 
 Aauirre, Father M., mission affairs in 
 
 TPimeria, i. 562. 
 
 Aguirre, Capt. M. R. de, mention of, 
 
 i. 159. 
 Aguirre, Brother T. de, dispute with 
 
 Jesuits, 1673, i. 243-4. 
 Ahomes, Sinaloan tribe, Hurdaide 
 
 protects, 1601, i. 211-12; alleged 
 
 conversion of, i, 212, 214. 
 Aivinos, exped. against the 1622, i. 
 
 226. 
 Alabamas, Indians, docility of, ii. 
 
 442. 
 Alamo, description of, ii. 205; ground 
 
 plan of, ii. 206; battle of, ii. 207; 
 
 massacre at, ii. 211 et seq.. 
 Alaman, Lucas, measures suggested 
 
 by, 1830, ii. 113. 
 Alarcon, Capt. F., works of, i. 93. 
 Alaroon, H. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 90- 
 
 8; meeting with Alvarado, i. 93; 
 
 Mendoza displeased with, etc., i. 
 
 94. 
 Alarcon, M. de, gov. of Coahuila and 
 
 Texas, 1716, i. 604; rule, i. 617-18. 
 Alaroon, P. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 83, 
 
 88. 
 Alberoni, Minister, mention of, i, 
 
 443-4. 
 Albieuri, Father J., ' Historia, ' i. 12. 
 Albury, Mrs, at Alamo massacre, ii. 
 
 213. 
 Alcantro, battle of, ii. 327-8. 
 Alcarez, D. de, in charge at San 
 
 G-erdnimo, i. 88-9; meeting with 
 
 Vaca's party, etc., i. 69; death of, 
 
 i. 90. 
 Aldai, M. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 
 1720, i. 581, 583. 
 Aldama, Envoy, executed, ii. 18-19. 
 Alemy, Leon, artesian well privileges, 
 
 ii. 97. 
 Alford, Gen. G. F., biog. of, ii. 768. 
 Allen, Ebenezer, mention of, ii 571. 
 Allen, Dr R. W., biog. of, ii. 768. 
 Allen, S. T., mention of, ii. 172. 
 Allen, Samuel, biog. of, ii. 767. 
 Alley, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185. 
 (7711 
 
772 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Almazan, F. P. de, gov. of Coahuila 
 and Texas, 1722-6, i. 604; with 
 Aguayo'a exped., 1720-2, i. 623; 
 gov. o£ Texas, i. 628, 630; rule, 
 1722-6, i. 630-2. 
 
 Almonte, Gen., 'Noticia sobre Tejas,' 
 ii. 148; surrender of, ii. 262; pro- 
 test against Tex. annexation, ii. 
 394. 
 
 Alonso, Father, protest against the 
 Jesuits, 1677, i. 367. 
 
 Altamira, Marques de, rept of, 1744, 
 i. 641. 
 
 Alvarado, Capt., exped. to New Mex., 
 1540, i. 85. 
 
 Alvarado, P. de, exped. of, 1523, i. 
 17-18; meeting with Alaroon, 1540, 
 i. 93; northern exped. of, i. 96; 
 death, 1541, i. 96. 
 
 Alvarez, Senora, humanity of, ii. 237. 
 
 Alvarez, Friar R., murder of, 1702, i. 
 590. 
 
 Alvear, Alcalde J., the Tepehuane re- 
 volt, 1616-17, i. 323. 
 
 Alvear y Salazar, G. de, gov. of 
 Nueva Vizcaya, 1615-18, i. 306; 
 subdues the Tepehuanes, 1617, i. 
 325-8; quarrel with Jesuits, i. 342. 
 
 Amador, Gen. J. V., courage of, ii. 
 211; appointed gov., 1760, ii. 725. 
 
 Amat, Col, Filisola's commissioner, ii. 
 270. 
 
 America, early discoveries in, i. 2-5. 
 
 Americans, first in Texas, ii. 5; 
 attacked by Spaniards, ii. 6-7; 
 Mex. dislike of, ii. 88. 
 
 Arapudia, Gen., mention of, ii. 203; 
 defeats Texans, ii. 361; treatment 
 of prisoners, ii. 365; caxjitulation of, 
 ii. 396. 
 
 Amusements, Texas, ii. 392. 
 
 AnShuac, Tenorio attacked at, ii. 156. 
 
 Amayr, Gen., mention of, ii. 327. 
 
 Anderson, K. L., elected vice-pres., 
 
 1844, ii. 378. 
 
 Andrade, Gen., disobedience of or- 
 ders, ii. 281. 
 
 Andrews, John S., mention of, ii. 
 561. 
 
 Annexation, Texans, desire for, ii, 
 284; agitation for, ii. 382; U. S. 
 rejects, 1837, ii. 342; admission of, 
 
 1845, ii. 382. 
 
 Anson, Capt. G., voyage of, 1740-2, 
 
 i. 201. 
 Anthony, D. W., mention of, ii. 549. 
 Antonio, Jose, Ind. chief, ii. 595. 
 Anza, Col J. A., exped. of, 1774-6, i. 
 
 716-18. 
 
 Anza, Capt. J. B., exped. against 
 Apaches, 1758, i. 558; 1766, i, 559; 
 mention of, i. 699-700; in Alta Cal., 
 1776, i. 768. 
 
 Apaches, Indians, raids, etc., of the, 
 1696-8, i. 272-4; 1724, i. 516-17; 
 1730, i. 635; 1734, i. 630; 1760-1, i. 
 650, raids in Sonora, i. 702; 1834, 
 ii. 653; 1846-7, 670; 1851-87, ii. 
 703-4; Gallardo's orders concerning 
 the, 1750, i. 534; war with, 1754- 
 66, i. 557-9; defeat of, i. 635; efforts 
 to convert, 1757, i. 644; war with 
 Comanches, i. 644-5; policy in 
 dealing with, 1786, i. 682-3; defeat 
 of, 1790, i. 669; operations, etc., 
 against, 1774^97, i. 714^15; hostile 
 tactics of, ii. 597. 
 
 ' Apostolicos Afanes de la Campania 
 de Jesus,' i. 253. 
 
 Aquino, Father T. de, with Vizcaino's 
 exped., 1602-3, i. 154. 
 
 Aragon, Don P. G. de, mention of, i. 
 567. 
 
 ' Araucano, ' war vessel, ii. 707. 
 
 Arbucke, Brig. -gen., succeeds Gaines, 
 ii. 288. 
 
 Arce, Gov. J. A., succeeds Gonzalez, 
 etc., 1825, ii. 590. 
 
 Arce y Arroyo, P. de, gov. of Sinaloa 
 and Sonora, i. 554; rule, 1753-5, i. 
 554. 
 
 Archer, B. T., member state conv., 
 1833, ii. 133; pres. S. FeUpe coun- 
 cil, ii. 171-2; apptd embassador, ii. 
 173; appeals for Texas aid, 284; 
 mention of, ii. 290. 
 
 Archive war, 1842, ii. 353. 
 
 Aiellano, F. R. de, project of, i. 168. 
 
 Arellano, Capt. T. de, with Corona- 
 do's exped., 1540-2, i. 84-8. 
 
 'Argo,' U. S. prize brig, ii. 667. 
 
 Argiielles y Miranda, Dona, bequest 
 of, i. 476. 
 
 Arguello, Gov. Jose, resignation of, 
 ii. 708. 
 
 Arispe, deputy, mention of, ii. 79. 
 
 Arista, General, force of, ii. 328; 
 defeats centralists, ii. 329; procla- 
 mation of, ii. 347. 
 
 Arista, Father F., succeeds Espinosa, 
 1602, i. 311. 
 
 Arizona, name, i. 525-6; real de, i. 
 526. 
 
 Arizpe, Intendencia, organized, 1786, 
 i. 712. 
 
 Arizpe, town, capitol agitation of, ii. 
 644; revolt of, 1833, ii. 655; cap- 
 ture of, 1838, ii. 659. 
 
 Arlegui, Father J. 'Chronica,' i. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 773 
 
 119; mention of, i. 334; chromcles 
 of, i. 590-1. 
 Armesto, Father, mention of, i. 469. 
 Armizo, Gov. M., Tex. Santa Fe ex- 
 
 ped., ii. 335-7. 
 Armona, M. de, gov. of Baja Cal., 
 
 1770, i. 728-9. 
 Arnes, Father V., in Baja Cal., 1764- 
 
 6, i. 473-4. 
 Arnold, guide, battle of S. Antonio, 
 
 ii. 182. 
 Arredondo, Col, defeats Toledo, ii. 
 
 27 et seq. 
 Arriaga, J. H. de, gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizeaya, 1600, i. 306. 
 Arredondo, Col, appt'd gov. Orient 
 
 division, ii. 582. 
 Arregui, Gov., removal of, 1833, ii. 
 
 655. 
 Arrellano, General, succeeds Yanez, 
 
 ii. 693. 
 Arrieta, J. M., mention of, ii. 584. 
 Arrillaga, Capt., lieut gov. of Baja 
 
 Cal., 1783, i. 747; tour of, 1785, i. 
 
 748; gov. of Baja Cal., i. 753-9. 
 Arrillaga, J. J., gov. ad int. of Alta 
 
 Cal., 1792-3, i. 772. 
 Arrington, William W., mention of, 
 
 ii. 172. 
 Arricivita, Father J. D., works of, i. 
 
 720. 
 Arroyo Hondo, boundary line, ii. 10. 
 Arvina, P. Rafael, pres. missions, 
 
 etc., 1802-4, ii. 706. 
 Ascension, Father A. de la, with Viz- 
 caino's exped., 1602-3, i. 154, 160; 
 
 ' Relacion Breve,' i. 154, 167-8. 
 Asylums, Texas, ii. 537-9. 
 Atkinson, J. G., execution of, ii. 
 
 520-1. 
 Atotonilco, Spaniards massacred at, 
 
 1616, i. 322. 
 Augustin, Major, mention of, ii. 321, 
 .Aury, Luis de, appt'd commodore, 
 
 etc., 1816, ii. 34-5; abandons Gal- 
 veston, ii. 39. 
 'Austin,' sloop of war, ii. 351. 
 Austin, J. B., mention of, ii. 300. 
 Austin, John, joins insurgents, 1832, 
 
 ii. 120; attacks on Velasco, 'ii. 
 
 121-3; reply to Mejfa, ii. 125. 
 Austin, Moses, biog., colony, etc., ii. 
 
 56 et seq. ; death of, ii. 58. 
 Austin, S. F., mention of, ii. 57; 
 
 founds Austin colony, ii. 59 et seq. ; 
 
 grant confirmed, ii. 63; additional 
 
 grant, ii. 69; additional grant, 
 
 1827, ii. 74; opposes Edwards 
 
 revolt, 1826, ii. 107; commended 
 
 by Mex. govt, ii. 110; member 
 
 state conv., 1833, ii. 133-4; before 
 Mex. congress, ii. 136; arrest, etc., 
 of, ii. 138-42; Texan council, 1834, 
 ii. 146; return and advice of, 1835, 
 ii. 162-4; com'd'r in chief of 
 Texans, ii. 168; embassador to the 
 U. S., ii. 173; battle of Concep- 
 cion, ii. 175-7; siege of Bejar, li. 
 177 et seq.; resigns command, ii. 
 178; favors independence, ii. 215; 
 appeal of in aid of Texas, ii. 284; 
 defeat, etc., of, ii. 290-2; app't'd 
 sec. of state, ii. 294; death and 
 biog. of, ii. 29S-S00. 
 
 Austin, San Felipe de, named, ii. 64, 
 capital at, 1839, ii. 337-8; archive 
 war at, ii. 353. 
 
 Austin, Col W. J., battle of S. Anto- 
 nio, ii. 182. 
 
 Austin, W. T., Houston's aid-de- 
 camp, ii. 2.38. 
 
 Austin colony, grant, ii. 56 et seq.; 
 settlement of, ii. 59 et seq.; grant 
 confirmed, ii. 63; gov't, ii. 63-5; 
 additional grants, ii. 69 
 
 Austin party, mention of, ii. 291. 
 
 Austin's map of 1835, ii. 75. 
 
 Avalos, exped. of, i. 14^15. 
 
 Avalos, Province, subjugation, etc., 
 of, i. 14^15. 
 
 Ayestaran, Gen'l J. J., removal of, ii. 
 589. 
 
 Ayutla, plan of, in Chih. and Duran- 
 go, 1855, ii. 617. 
 
 Azpilcueto, Father M., missionary 
 labors, etc., of, 1630, i. 228-9. 
 
 Aztatlan, Guzman at, 1530, i. 29 
 
 B 
 
 Bacoburitos, Sinaloan tribe, revolt of, 
 1604, i. 213. 
 
 Baegert, Father J., mention of, i. 
 469. 
 
 Baegert, Father, biog., i. 478; works 
 of, i. 478; map of, )757, i. 479; 
 the Jesuit expulsion, 1767-8, i. 
 479-81. 
 
 Bahfa, presidio, establ'd 1722, i. 628; 
 site of changed, i. 631; removal of, 
 1749, i. 642; descript. of, 1778, i. 
 659. 
 
 Baines, J., mention of, ii. 410. 
 
 Baines, J. W., biog. of, ii. 578. 
 
 Baja California, see California, Baja. 
 
 Baker, arrest ordered, ii. 161; execu- 
 tion of, ii. 334-5. 
 
 Baker, B. F., biog., etc., ii. 544. 
 
 Baker, James A., biog. of, ii. 766. 
 
774 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Baker, Oapt. M., co. of, at San 
 Felipe, 11. 246; burns San Felipe, 
 ii. 2i7; rejoiii^s Houjtou, ii. 253. 
 
 Baker, Col W. R., biog. of, ii. 767. 
 
 Baldwin, N. C, mention of, ii. 561. 
 
 Balestra, Father A., retirement of, 
 1644, i. 234. 
 
 Banderas, Ind. chief, revolt and 
 death of, 1825-1832, ii. 652. 
 
 Banditti, Texas, ii. 443. 
 
 Biiiishment law, Texas, 1862, ii. 458. 
 
 Banking, Tex. R. R. Navig. & Bank- 
 ing CO., ii. 296-7. 
 
 Banks, General, expedition ag'st 
 Sabine City, ii. 459-61; other ex- 
 peds ag'st iexas. ii. 466-7. 
 
 Baptists, Texas, first church, ii. 547. 
 
 Barela, Chico, leader Salt lakes riot, 
 ii. 521. 
 
 Barker, Stephen, mention of, ii. 48. 
 
 Barnxrd, Doctor, mention of, ii. 
 231-2. 
 
 Barragan, Col, mention of, ii. 254-5; 
 humanity of, ii. 365. 
 
 Barratarian freebooters, doings of, ii. 
 36. 
 
 Barraza, Oapt. J., exped. of, 1630, i. 
 333-4; defeats the Tobosos, 1644, i. 
 348; superseded, i. .349; the Tara- 
 humare revolt, 1649-51, i. 354-8. 
 
 Barrera, I. D. de la, bishop of Du- 
 rango, 1705-9, i. 593-4. 
 
 Barrett, Judge D. C, mention of, ii. 
 160, 172, 174; elected judge advo- 
 cate gen'l, ii. 193^. 
 
 Barrett, GjI T. H. , battle and retreat 
 Palmetto rancho, ii. 475. 
 
 Barri, F. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 1783, i. 676; gov. of BajaCal., etc., 
 1771-5, i. 730-9. 
 
 Barriga, A. G., cruise, etc., of, 1644, 
 i. 181-2. 
 
 Barrionuevo, Father, mission to Tar- 
 ahumara, 1673^, i. 362-3. 
 
 Barrios y JSuregui, J. de, gov. of 
 Coahuila, 1760, i. 694; gov. of 
 Texas, 1751-60, i. 639, 643. 
 
 Barrota, J. E., expeds of, 1686-7, i. 
 413. 
 
 Barrutia, J. F. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1728, i. 581. 
 
 Bartlett, Jesse, mention of, ii. 160. 
 
 Basaldua, Father J. M., mention of, 
 i. 426-7; mission to Max., 1704, i. 
 428-9; in charge of Guaymas mis- 
 sion, 1709, i. 511. 
 
 Basilio, Father, death of, 1652, i. 
 358. 
 
 Bastan, Capt. A., project of, i. 170. 
 
 Bastrop, Baron de, app't'd, ii. 64, 
 
 Battle creek, battle of, ii. 311. 
 Baylor, Lient-col J. R., exped. ag'st 
 Indians, 1859, ii. 411; captures 
 Forts Bliss and Fillmore, ii. 451. 
 Bays, Elder Joseph, mention of, ii. 
 
 547. 
 Bazan, F. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 1584-5, i. 113; exped. to Sinaloa, 
 1585, i. 114. 
 Beall, Dr Elias, mention of, iL 577. 
 Bean, E. P., biog. of, i. 7-8. 
 Beaujeu, Capt. La Salle's exped., i. 
 
 397-401. 
 Beaumont, F. deG., 1662-5, i. 337. 
 Becerra, D., exped. of, 1533, i. 45-6; 
 
 murder of, i. 46. 
 Beckham, Mayor R. E., mention of, 
 
 ii. 574. 
 Bee, B. E., commis. to Mex., ii. 340. 
 Bee, Gen'l, proclaims martial law, ii. 
 
 457. 
 Bejar, San Antonio de, (see also San 
 
 Antonio); mission of founded, 1718, 
 
 i. 618; Aguayn at, 1721, i. 623^; 
 
 1722, i. 627-8; descript. of natives 
 
 at, i. 663; siege of, ii. 177 et 
 
 seq. ; captured by Vazquez, 1842, 
 
 ii. 348. 
 Bejar, San Fernando de, villa of 
 
 founded, 17.30, i. 632; memorial of, 
 
 1770, i. 652-3; condition of, i. 653- 
 
 4; garrison of increased, 1772, i. 
 
 656. 
 Belaunzaran, J. B. de, gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1738-48, i. 582. 
 Belen, presidio of, founded, 1760, i. 
 
 585. 
 Beleiia, Licentiate E. V., mention of, 
 
 i. 711. 
 Belgium, recognizes Texas' independ- 
 ence, ii. 340. 
 Bell, J. H., mention of, ii. 160. 
 Bell, Gov. P. H., election of, 1849, ii. 
 
 398; vetoes Texas debt bill, 1852, 
 
 ii. 404; elected to U. S. congress, 
 
 ii. 405. 
 Bellisle, S. de, adventures of, 1718- 
 
 21, i. 620. 
 Benevolent institutions, Texas, ii. 
 
 537. 
 Benitez, Father E., murder of, 1686, 
 
 i. 363. 
 Bennett, Lieut-col, at council of war, 
 
 ii. 258. 
 Beranger, exped. of, 1720, i. 619. 
 Bernal, Lieut C. M., exped. of, 1697, 
 
 i. 264-5. 
 Bernstein, Max. mention of, ii. 736. 
 Berrotaran, Capt. J. de, report to 
 
 viceroy, etc., HIS, i. 584. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 775 
 
 Berry, Capt., death of, ii. 363. 
 Bevil, John, mention of, ii. 172. 
 Bibhugrapiiy, Texas, ii. 383 et seq. 
 Bickley, Geo. W., mention of, ii. 434. 
 Biglow, Horatio, mention of, ii. 48. 
 Biography, ii. 576-8, 765-9. 
 Bischoff, Father J. J., at Loreto, 
 
 1752, i. 469. 
 Blancarte, Gen. J. M., revolt, etc., 
 
 of, ii. 724. 
 Blanco, General, succeeds Carrasoo, 
 
 ii. 672; ultimatum to filibusters, ii. 
 
 677-8; defeat of, ii. 679; recall of, 
 
 ii. 681. 
 Blanco, Victor, elected vice gov., ii. 
 
 86. 
 Bledsoe, A., comptroller, 1869, ii. 
 
 498. 
 Blind asylum, Texas, ii. 537-8. 
 Blount, Col S. JNI., biog., ii. 576. 
 Bogarro, Anselmo, escape of, ii. 213; 
 
 casualty report of, ii. 215. 
 Bohorques, Adjutant N., with Salva- 
 
 tierra's exped., 1701, i. 494. 
 Bolas de Plata mines, discovery of, 
 
 1736, i. 525; richness of, i. 526; 
 
 claimed for the crown, i. 527. 
 Bonavia y Zapata, B., gov. intendent 
 
 of Durango, 1796, i. 678; zealousy 
 
 in royal cause, ii. 584. 
 Boneo y Morales, J., gov. of Texas, 
 
 1743, i. 639. 
 Bonham, death of, ii. 212. 
 Bonifacio, Father L., death of, 1644, 
 
 i. 234; biog., i. 234. 
 Bonilla, exped. of, 1595, i. 128-9. 
 Bonnell, Geo. W., mention of, ii. 550. 
 Bonner, Judge M. H., associate jus- 
 tice, 1878, ii. 522. 
 Boone, H. H., mention of, ii. 518. 
 Borden, Gail, mention of, ii. 170, 549. 
 Borden, T. H., mention of, ii. 549. 
 Borica, D. de, gov. of Cal., 1794, i. 
 
 751; 1800, i. 759, 772. 
 Borrego, T., arrest of, ii. 623. 
 Botello y Serrano, Capt. A., report, 
 
 etc., of, 1636, i. 177-8; license 
 
 granted to, i. 178. 
 Boulbon, Raousset de, early career 
 
 of, ii. 674; schemes of, ii. 676; 
 
 ultimatum to, ii. 677-8; captures 
 
 Hermosillo, ii. 679; illness of, ii. 
 
 680; return to S. F., etc., ii. 682; 
 
 Santa Annaappts a colonel, ii. 683; 
 
 interference of Cal. authorities, ii. 
 
 684; second exped. of, ii. 685; 
 
 Yafiez outwits, ii. 686; defeat and 
 
 capture of, ii. 687-9; execution of, 
 
 ii. 690-1. 
 Boundary, Louisiana possessions, ii 
 
 45-7; Texas, defined, ii. 297; New 
 
 Mex. and Tex., 1848, ii. 398; Bed 
 
 river, ii.. 525-6; bill, for Texas, 
 
 synopsis, ii. 400. 
 Bourne, Col, explor. of, ii. 644. 
 Bowie, Col James, mention of, ii. 
 
 128; biog., etc., 175-7; grass fight, 
 
 ii. 178-9; Alamo massacre, ii. 201 
 
 et seq. ; death of, ii. 212. 
 Bowles, Cherokee chief, ii. 321. 
 Bradburn, Davis, tyranny of, ii. 115- 
 
 17; proclaims martial law, ii. 119; 
 
 mention of, ii. 215. 
 Bradburn, JohnD., mention of, ii. 97. 
 Bradley, Capt. J., biog., ii. 578. 
 Brambila, Lieut-col, surrenders com- 
 mand, 1844. 
 Branciforte, mission, founded, etc., 
 
 1797, i. 772. 
 Bravo, Father J., expedt., etc., of, 
 
 1718-21, i. 444-9; death of, 1744, i. 
 
 462. 
 Bravo, J. V. D., bishop of Durango, 
 
 etc., 1769, i. 684. 
 Bravo, NicoUs, mention of, 373. 
 Braw, A. L., mention of, ii. 410. 
 Brazitos, battle at, ii. 606-7. 
 Brazoria, founded, ii. 110; angry 
 
 meeting, etc., at, ii. 117. 
 ' Brazoria, ' schooner, ii. 121. 
 Brazos, Indian agency, formation of, 
 
 ii. 406-7. 
 Breece, Capt., mention of, ii. 179. 
 Bremond, Paul, mention of, ii. 574. 
 Brenham, Dr, death, etc., of, ii. 366. 
 Brenham, R. F., Texas Santa Fe 
 
 exped., ii. 334. 
 Brincourt, captures Chihuahua, etc., 
 
 1864, ii. 621. 
 Bringas, Col Juan, mention of, ii. 
 
 263. 
 Brouson, Lieut-col, victory of at Pal- 
 metto rancho, ii. 475. 
 Brotherton, Capt., mention of, ii. 524. 
 Brown, Capt. J., capt. schooner In- 
 vincible, ii. 271; captures the 
 
 ' Pocket,' ii. 272. 
 Brown, Mayor J. T., mention of, ii. 
 
 574. 
 Brown, P R., escape, etc., of, ii. 
 
 219-20. 
 Brown, Capt. T. J., biog., of, ii. 769. 
 Brown, Capt. Wm, capt. schooner 
 
 Liberty, ii. 271. 
 Brownsville, Cortina's raids on, ii. 
 
 444; captures and recaptures of, ii. 
 
 466-8. 
 ' Brutus, ' schooner, mention of, ii. 
 
 272; loss, etc., of, ii. 28.3-4. 
 Bryan, G. M., mention of, ii. 296. 
 
776 
 
 IKDEX. 
 
 Bryan, William, mention of, ii. 352. 
 
 Bucareli, Nuestra Seflora del Pilar de 
 pueblo of establd, 1774, i. 656; site 
 of removed, 1779, i. 656-7. 
 
 Buckley, defeat of, 1858, ii. 427. 
 
 Buckley, S. B., mention of, ii. 553. 
 
 Bueua y Alcalde, Father M. A., men- 
 tion of, i. 706. 
 
 Buffaloes, Texas, ii. 559. 
 
 Buford, M. N., mention of, ii. 554. 
 
 Bullock, James W., defeat of Piedras, 
 ii. 127. 
 
 Burleson, Col E., succeeds Austin, ii. 
 178; at council of war, ii. 258; bat- 
 tle of San Jacinto, ii. 260-1 ; Cher- 
 okee battle, ii. 323; elected vice 
 pres., 1841, ii. 342; defeat of, elec- 
 tion, 1844, ii. 378. 
 
 Burman, Jesse, mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Burnett, Pres. David G., colony 
 grant, ii. 74, 110; member state 
 conv., 1833, ii. 133; election of, 
 1836, ii. 218; proclamation, March 
 1836, ii. 246; at Camp San Jacinto, 
 ii. 268; army officers' letter to, ii. 
 273; charged with treason, ii. 274; 
 message of, Oct. 1836, ii. 292; res- 
 ignation of, ii. 293; elected vice 
 pres., 1838, ii. 313; defeat, election, 
 1841, ii. 341. 
 
 Burnley, mediation of Mex. & Texas, 
 ii. 340. 
 
 Burr, Robert, app't'd postmaster gen- 
 eral, ii. 294. 
 
 Burriel, Padre A M., 'Noticia de la 
 California,' i. 281-2. 
 
 Burton, Col, campaign, etc., of L. 
 Cal., ii. 713 et seq. 
 
 Burton, Major I., achievements of, 
 ii. 282. 
 
 Burts, Wm P., mayor Fort Worth, 
 ii. 574. 
 
 Bustamante, Capt. B., exped. against 
 Apaches, 1756, i. 557. 
 
 Bustamante, Capt. F. , with Figueroa's 
 exped., 1636, i. 174; alcalde mayor 
 of San Felipe, 1636, i. 207; lieut- 
 gov. of San Felipe, 1636, i. 231-2. 
 
 Bustamante y Velasco, election orders 
 of 1821, ii. 635. 
 
 Buster, Capt. , writing of, ii. 360. 
 
 Bustillo y Cevallos, J., gov. of Texas, 
 i. 634; rule, 1730-3, i. 634-6. 
 
 Byrom, John S. D., mention of, ii. 
 172. 
 
 Caballero y Carranco, Friar J. , with 
 Lucenilla's exped., 1668, i. 184. 
 
 Caballero y Oslo, J. , aids Salvatierra, 
 1697, i. 280.- 
 
 Caborca, attacked by Pimas, 1541, i. 
 544. 
 
 Cabelio, D., gov. of Texas, 1778-81, 
 i. 660, 668. 
 
 Cabezas, raids of the, 1641^5, i. 
 348-9. 
 
 Cabildos, Coah., decree ordering, 
 1812, ii. 79. 
 
 Cabrera, bandit, capture and execu- 
 tion of, ii. 445. 
 
 CabriUo, J. R., exped. of, 1542-3, i. 
 133-5; ' Relaoion, ' i. 133; discovers 
 upper Cal., 1542, i. 135; death of, 
 i. 135-6. 
 
 Caderita, Viceroy, decree of, 1636, i. 
 178. 
 
 Cadillac, M., gov. of Louisiana, etc., 
 1713, i. 610. 
 
 Cajen, Gov., captures Durango, 1859, 
 ii. 618; defeat and death, ii, 619. 
 
 Cajenie, Ind. chief, execution of, ii. 
 704. 
 
 Calahorra, Father, exped. of, 1760, i. 
 649-50. 
 
 Calder, Capt. R. J., mention of, ii. 
 260-1. 
 
 Calderon, M., alcalde mayor at San 
 Felipe, 1671. i. 237. 
 
 Caldwell, Col M., battle with Woll, 
 ii. 357-8. 
 
 California, name, i. 82. 
 
 California (Alta or upper), discovered 
 by CabriUo, 1542, i. 135-6; Fer- 
 relo's voyage, 1543, i. 136; Viz- 
 caino's exped., 1602-3, i, 158-60; 
 Vizcaino's scheme for colonizing, 
 1620, i. 167-8; expeds to, 1769, 
 i. 489-90; Anza's exped., 1774-6, 
 i. 717-18; occupation, etc., of, 
 1769-1800, i. 765-73; Franciscans 
 in, i. 767-70; exploration of, 
 1775-6, i. 768; mission affairs 
 in, 1781-90, i. 769-73; industries, 
 etc., in, i. 771; filibustering expeds 
 from, 1852-4, ii. 673 et seq. 
 
 California (Baja or lower), UUoa's ex- 
 ped., 1539, i. 78-82; Alarcon's, 
 1540, i. 90-5; Cabrillo's, 1512, i. 
 133^;. Vizcaino's exped., 1697, i. 
 147-51; 1602-3, i. 153-60; Cardona's 
 exped., 1615, i. 164; Vizcaino's 
 scheme for colonizing, 1020, i. 167- 
 8; regarded as an island, i. lOS-9; 
 map of, 1624-5, i. 169; Oriega's ex- 
 peds, 1632-6, i. 171-5; Caflas' ex- 
 ped., 1642, i. 181; Barriga's, 1644, 
 i. 182; Casanate's, 1648, i. 183-4; 
 Lucenilla's, 1668, i. 184-5; Otondo's, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 777 
 
 1683-5, i. 187-93; Itamarra'a, 1694, 
 i. 194-5; Dainpier's, etc., 1704-10, 
 i. 196-200; Frondac's, 1709, i. 200; 
 Shelvook's, 1721, i. 200-1; eflfect of 
 failures to colonize, i. 276-7; Sal- 
 vatierra's exped. to, 1697-1700, i. 
 281-301; Loreto founded in, 1697, 
 i. 284-6; maps of, i. 427, 447, 464, 
 471, 479, 743; mission affairs, etc., 
 in, 1701-17, i. 421-438; 1769-74, i. 
 726; 178J-1800, i. 745; mission sys- 
 tem, i. 439-41; mission funds, i. 
 441-2; mission affairs, etc., in, 
 1717-69, i. 443-91; Jesuits in, 1717 
 -68, i. 443-82; Ugarte's explor. of, 
 
 1721, i. 450-2; locujt plague in, 
 
 1722, i. 453; Taraval's explor., 
 1732, i. 456; Inliaa outbrealcs in, 
 i. 457-62; epidemic in, 1742-8, i. 
 462; Oonsag^s explors, 1746, i. 463- 
 4; 1753, i. 470; Escobar's rept, 
 1745, i. 465; industries of, i. 467-8, 
 488; native diplomacy in, i. 474- 5; 
 Jesuits expelled from, 1767-8, i. 
 477-82; FranoisoaQS in, 1767-9, i. 
 482-90; Salvatierra's exped., 1701, 
 i. 493-8; Kino's, 1701-6, i. 495- 
 502; Dominicans in (1777) i. 742; 
 pestilence, etc., in, 1781, i. 745; ex- 
 plorations of, 1794-7, i. 752-4; set- 
 tlements, etc., of, 1768-1800, i. 
 760-3; population, i. 762; indus- 
 tries, i. 762-3; progress and events, 
 1800-1888, ii. 705-69; separation 
 from Alta Cal., ii. 705; neglect of, 
 ii. 706; foreign intercourse, 1826- 
 32, ii. 711; war with U. S., ii. 712; 
 U. S. restoration of, etc., ii. 719; 
 Walker's filibustering exped., 1851, 
 ii, 720 et seq. ; French intervention 
 in, ii. 726; revenue of, ii. 742; edu- 
 cation in, ii. 742; ii. 755-6; iron, 
 lead, tin, quicksilver, etc., ii. 756; 
 graphite and saltpetre, 757-8, 
 pearls, ii. 757-60; mills, ii. 760-1. 
 
 Calleja, Felix, mention of, ii. 581. 
 Caltzontzin, King, murder of, ' i. 28. 
 Calvo, Consul, surrenders filibusters, 
 
 ii. 689. 
 Calvo, J. J., Commandante gen'l, 
 
 1834, ii. 590, 593. 
 Cambon, Father, in charge at San 
 
 Fernando, 1773, i. 737. 
 Oamea, Juan M. I., Yaqui gen'l, 
 
 death of, ii. 659. 
 Cameron, Capt., disobedience of, ii. 
 
 330; b'.ttleof Mier, ii. 363; escape, 
 
 etc., of, ii. 365; execution of, ii. 
 
 368. 
 Cameron, John, colony grant, ii. 74; 
 
 mention of, ii. 97, 155; apptd Ind. 
 commission, ii. 199. 
 
 Campos, Father, escape of, 1695, i. 
 261; the death of Kino, 1711, i. 505 
 -6; labors in Pimeria, i. 507; ex- 
 plor. of, 1715, i. 507-8. 
 
 Campuzano, Commandant, surrender 
 of tiuaymas, ii. 665, 667. 
 
 Canales, Col, mili. disaster, ii. 361. 
 
 Canales, Gen'l Antonio, battle of Al- 
 cantro, ii. 327-8; inaction of, ii. 
 328; Arista defeats, ii. 329; Davis' 
 defeat of, ii. 357. 
 
 Canalizo, Gen'l, incites Ind. hostili- 
 ties, ii. 321; capture of correspon- 
 dence, ii. 322; force at Matamoras, 
 1840, ii. 326. 
 
 Canas, L. C. de., exped. of, 1642, i. 
 181; alcalde mayor of San Felipe, 
 1641-4, i. 207; commandante of 
 Sinaloa, 1641, i. 232. 
 
 Canby, Gen'l, defeat in battle of Val- 
 ocide, ii. 452; battle at Peralta, ii. 
 453; surrender of Kirby Smith, ii. 
 475; letter on Texas affairs in 
 Texas, 1868, ii. 497. 
 
 Canoio, Capt. L., letters to viceroy, 
 etc., 1766-7, i. 567-71; the Jesuit 
 expulsion, 1767, i. 575-7, 704; men- 
 tion of, i. 696, 699. 
 
 Candelaria mission, establd 1744, i. 
 641; founding of, 1761-2, i. 650. 
 
 Cafied, Gov., election of, 1877, ii. 
 702. 
 
 Cafledo, D. de, at La Paz, 1633, i. 
 172. 
 
 Canto, Gen'l, murders Pantoni, ii. 
 623. 
 
 Caravajal, Geni, mention of, ii. 445. 
 
 Carhajal, J. S. L. de, gov. of Nueva 
 Vizcaya, 1723, i. 581. 
 
 Carbonel, E., exped., etc., of, 1636, 
 i. 175-6. 
 
 Cardelle, Cara, ' W. B. Dewees' Let- 
 ters,' ii. 385. 
 
 CSrdenas, Capt., exped. to the Col- 
 orado, 1540, i. 85. 
 
 CSrdenas, Jose S. de, councillor, ii. 
 86. 
 
 Cardenas, Father L., hostility to, i. 
 228. 
 
 Cardis, Louis, death of, etc., ii. 519 
 
 Cardona, N., voyages of, 1613-15, i. 
 163-5. 
 
 Cardona, Capt. S., voyages of, 161.3- 
 15, i. 163-7; memorial of, i. 178. 
 
 Games, Capt., scouting exploits of, 
 ii. 244; commis. to Mex., ii. 281-2. 
 
 Cams, Henry, at battle S. Antonio, 
 ii. 184. 
 
778 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cora, Ramon M., estimates of Alamo 
 casualties, ii. 214. 
 
 Carranco, Padre, murder o£, 1734, i. 
 458. 
 
 Carrasco, Capt. D., with Kino's ex- 
 ped., 1698, i. 266. 
 
 Carrasco, Col J. M. , death of, ii. 672. 
 
 Carrera, Father A., mention of, i. 
 378. 
 
 Carrillo, Gov., proclaims Iglesias 
 pres., etc., 1876, ii. 624. 
 
 Carrion, Capt. J. F., the Tarahumare 
 reviJlts, 1649-52, i. 364, 359. 
 
 Carson, S. P., Letter to Bunnett, ii. 
 246; retired, ii. 269. 
 
 'Cart,' war, Texas, 1857, ii. 417-19. 
 
 Casa Grande, ruins of explored, 1697. 
 i. 265. 
 
 Casauate, Admiral, oomandante of 
 Sinaloa, i. 233. 
 
 Casanate, Capt. P. Portery, survey 
 proposed by, 1635, i. 177; report, 
 etc., of, 1636, i. 177-8; license 
 granted to, i. 178; revoked, i. 178; 
 captured by pirates, 1637, i. 178-9: 
 memorial of, 1638, i. 179; commis- 
 sion, 1640, i. 179-80; at Santa Cruz, 
 
 1643, i. 181; ship building projects, 
 i. 181-2; cruise of the 'Kosario,' 
 
 1644, i. 182; vessels, etc., of burned, 
 i. 182-3; royal favor to, i. 183; voy- 
 age of, 1648, i. 183-4. 
 
 Casavantes, G., revolt of, 1829, ii. 
 
 625. 
 Cash, John S., execution of, ii. 367. 
 Castafieda, Lieut F., Texans defeat 
 
 of, ii. 165-6. 
 Castaniza, Bishop, mention of, ii. 584 . 
 Caatano, Father B., missionary labors 
 
 of, 1638-9, i. 230. 
 Castilla, P. H. de, captain at San 
 
 Felipe, 1680, i. 237. 
 Castillo, Capt. D. del, map of, i. 80-1 ; 
 
 exped. of, 1650, i. 385-6. 
 Castillo, G. del, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 
 caya, 1695, i. 338. 
 Castini, Father P., retirement of, 
 
 1644, i. 234. 
 Castini, Padre P. J., missionary 
 
 labors of, 1621, i. 225. 
 Castleman, S., mention of, ii. 30O. 
 Castrillon, Gen'l, courage of, ii. 262. 
 Castro, Gov. A. M. de, installation of, 
 
 ii. 649. 
 Castro, Brother F., death of, 1527, i. 
 
 230. 
 Castro, Jose, murder of, ii. 725. 
 Castro, Gov. M. M., succeeds Cafleda, 
 
 ii. 703. 
 Castro, Capt. Mauricio, defense prep. 
 
 of, 1847, ii. 712; orders to Pineda, 
 ii. 713; capture of, 1847, ii. 718; 
 suspended, etc., ii. 720. 
 Cave, E. W. , refusal to take eonf ed. 
 
 oath, ii. 440. 
 Cavelier, priest, with La Salle's ex- 
 ped., i. 406-11. 
 Cavendish, Sir T., voyage of, 1588, i. 
 
 144. 
 Ceballos, Gov. Kafael, appointment 
 
 of, ii. 663. 
 Cepeda, Father, remarks on Ind. out- 
 break of 1644^, i. 351-2. 
 Cereals, Texas, ii. 557-8. 
 Cermenon, S. R., voyage of, 1595, i. 
 
 147. 
 Cerralvo, Viceroy, grants license, etc., 
 to Ort-ga, 1631, i. 171; to Casa- 
 mate, 1636, i. 177-8. 
 Cerro Gordo, fortified camp at, 1645, 
 i. 351; presidio site removed, i. 
 680. 
 Cervantes, Father B., death of, 1649, 
 
 i. 234. 
 Cervantes, G. G. de, gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1631-3, i. 306. 
 Cespedes, Col, battle San Jacinto, ii. 
 
 263. 
 Chalmers, W. L., sec. state conven- 
 tion, ii. 482. 
 Chambers, A. J., biog. mention, ii. 
 
 544. 
 Chambers, Judge Thomas, biog. of, 
 
 ii. 144. 
 Chambers, T. J., defeat of election, 
 1853, ii. 405; 1861, ii. 451; 1863, ii. 
 466; treason of, ii. 425. 
 Chambers, William, defeat election, 
 
 1876, ii. 515. 
 Chametla, Port, Cortes' exped. at, 
 1535, i. 49-50; Guzman's, i. 58; 
 name, i. 203. 
 Chametla, Province, Guzman in, 1530, 
 i. 30-2; Ibarra's occupation of, 
 1565, i. 110. 
 'Champion,' capture of, ii. 284. 
 Chandler, Capt., party of, ii. 371. 
 Chapman, Rev. K. M. , mention of, 
 
 ii. 548. 
 Chaves, Lieut, arrests Negrete, ii. 
 
 720. 
 Cheape, Geo. C, biog. of, ii. 736. 
 Cherokees, Inds., petition for land- 
 grant, ii. 103; battle with, 1839, ii. 
 323. 
 Chevalie, Major M., mention of, ii. 
 
 397. 
 Chichimecs, country of the, i. 12-13. 
 Chicuris, Sinaloan tribe, conversion 
 of. 1671, i. 239. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 779 
 
 Chihuahua, see alao Nueva Vizoaya; 
 name, i. 600; Iturbide revolt in, ii. 
 586; admitted as a state, ii. 587; 
 political events, 1825-43, ii. 589- 
 603; events in 1843-88, ii. 604 et 
 seq. ; invasion threatened, 1843, ii. 
 604^5; map of, ii. 606; Doniphan's 
 capture of, ii. 608-9; retreat of 
 French from, 1866, ii. 622; revolt 
 1871-2, 1876, ii. 624; boundary with 
 Durango, ii. 626; revenue of, ii. 
 741; education in, ii. 746. 
 
 Chihuahua, town, provis. capitol, 
 1861, ii. 620. 
 
 Chinipa, Hurdaide's exped. to, 1601, 
 i. 211. 
 
 Chinipas, missionaries among, 1620, 
 i. 224-5; missions founded among, 
 1526-7, i. 227; revolt, etc., of, 1631- 
 2, i. 229-30. 
 
 Chirrines conservatives, party, ii. 588. 
 
 Chirinos, P., with Guzman's exped., 
 1529, i. 28. 
 
 Chivington, Maj., battle with confed- 
 erates, ii. 452. 
 
 Cibola, province, Coronado's exped. 
 in, 1540, i. 85. 
 
 Ciguatan, province, Guzman in, 1831, 
 i. 33-5. 
 
 Ciuco Sen ores, Pueblo, founding of, 
 1728, i. 584. 
 
 Cisneros, Father B., death of, 1616, i. 
 323. 
 
 ' City of Monterey, ' plan, ii. 395. 
 
 Civil war, Texas, ii. 450 et seq. 
 
 Clark, Gov. Edward, succeeds Hous- 
 ton, ii. 440; proclamation, June 
 1861, ii. 451; defeat election, 1861, 
 ii. 451. 
 
 Clark, Judge Geo., state attorney- 
 gen 'I, ii. 518; biog. of, ii. 578. 
 
 Clark, W. T., representative, 1869, 
 ii. 498. 
 
 Clark, James B. , mention of, ii. 546. 
 
 Clay, Adam, biog. of, ii. 767. 
 
 Clay, Sen. Henry, boundary and debt 
 of Texas, ii. 399. 
 
 Clavigero, F. S., 'Storia della Cali- 
 fornia,'!. 282. 
 
 Clements, J. D., mention of, ii. 172, 
 174. 
 
 Climate, Texas, ii. 556-7; L. Cal., ii. 
 730. 
 
 Clingman, Senator, mention of, ii. 
 435. 
 
 Clough, Col J. M., mention of, ii. 577. 
 
 Coahuila, annals of, 1582-1600, i. 126. 
 
 Coapa, the Tepehuane revolt, 1616- 
 17, i. 324. 
 
 Coahuila, limits of, i. 375; church 
 
 affairs in, i. 375-6; map of, i. 377; 
 boundaries of, i. 603-4; govs, of, 
 1702-89, i. 604; condition of, 1701- 
 1800, i. 605; population, i. 605-6; 
 settlements, i. 606-7; missions 
 affairs, etc., in i. 607-8; despotism 
 in, 1824, ii. 77; population, 1803- 
 10, ii. 78; gov't of towns, ii. 78-9; 
 resources, ii. 80; independence in, 
 ii. 82; state formed with Texas, ii. 
 83; constitution of, ii. 83; election, 
 1827, ii. 86; finances of, 1827, ii. 
 86-7; administ. of justice, 1827-9, 
 ii. 94-5; education, 1811-30, ii. 95- 
 6; separation of Coah. & Tex. dis- 
 cussed, ii. 130 et seq.; factional 
 fight in, ii. 143 etseq. ; state auth- 
 orities deposed, ii. 154-5. 
 
 Cocke, J. D,, execution of, ii. 367. 
 
 Codallos y Eabal, Dr J., vicar-gen. of 
 Texas, 1721, i. 625. 
 
 Coe, Philip, mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Coke, Gov. Richard, election of 1872, 
 ii. 510-11; message, 1875, ii. 512; 
 reelection of, 1876, ii. 515; pro- 
 poses constitutional changes, ii. 
 516-18; elected U. S. senator, 1876, 
 ii. 518. 
 
 Coker, John, mention of, ii. 260. 
 
 Coleto, battle of the, ii. 227-33. 
 
 CoUantes, Father J., retirement of, 
 1644, i. 234. 
 
 Collard, E., mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Colleges, Texas, list of, ii. 546. 
 
 Collingsworth, Capt. George, capture 
 of Goliad, ii. 169. 
 
 Collingsworth, J., sec. of state, 1836, 
 ii. 269; commis. to Washington, ii. 
 284; suicide, etc., of, ii. 313. 
 
 Collins, L. B. , mention of, ii. £61. 
 
 Colombo, town, Guzman at, 1531, i. 
 35. 
 
 Colonization in Tex., Spanish, ii. 54- 
 5; Austin's, ii. 56 et seq., other colo- 
 nies, ii. 73 et seq.; L. Cal., 1864, 
 ii. 727; act of, 1883, ii. 729; N. 
 Mex. states, ii. 744. 
 
 Colonization law, Texas & Coah., 
 1825, ii. 70. 
 
 ' Colorado,' war brig, ii, 351. 
 
 Colorado river, Diaz on the, 1540, i. 
 88; Alarcon, i. 91-3; Sedelmairs 
 explor., 1744, i. 537; 1748-50, i. 
 540-1. 
 
 Columbia, revolutionary meeting at, 
 1835, ii. 162. 
 
 Columbus, theory, etc., of, i. 2-3. 
 
 Comanches, war with Apacnes, i. 
 
 644^5; massacre at San SabS, l758, 
 
 I i. 645-8; exped. against, 1759, i. 
 
780 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 649; further raids of, i. 649; defeat 
 
 of, 1790, i. 669; hostilities of, 1840, 
 
 ii. 324; troubles with, ii. 403; res- 
 ervation for, ii. 407. 
 Commerce, Texas, imports and ex- 
 ports, 1834, ii. 148; 1838-40, ii. 
 
 •?42; 1870-82, ii. 567; shipping, ii. 
 
 568; L. Cal.. 1800-17, ii. 707; N. 
 
 Mex. states, imports and exports, 
 
 ii. 762; ports, ii. 763. 
 Compostela, capital of Nueva Galicia, 
 
 1531, i. 39. 
 Comuripa, Sinaloa, alleged miracle 
 
 at, i. 243. 
 Concepoiou, battle of, ii. 175-7. 
 Concepcion de Alamos, declared capi- 
 
 tol 1827, ii. 644. 
 Concho, native name for Loreto, i. 
 
 286. 
 Couchos, revolt of the, 1645, i. 349- 
 
 50. 
 Coade, brig., A Garcia, gov Sonora 
 
 & Sinaloa, ii 582; captare of, ii. 
 
 630. 
 Coade, Garcia, mention of, ii. 586. 
 Condor, Max. vrar brig, ii. 665. 
 Confederates, Texas, Twiggs' surrend- 
 er to, etc.. ii. 437 et seq; capture 
 
 of Forts Arbuclile & Brown, ii. 
 
 450; of Forts Bliss & Fillmore, ii. 
 
 451; New Mexico invasion, ii. 45l 
 
 et seq. 
 Confederate congress, act of conscrip- 
 tion, ii. 471 
 Confederate currency worthlessness 
 
 of, 1864, ii. 469. 
 Congress, Texas, session 1836, ii. 295; 
 
 1837, ii. 303. 
 Congress of U. S., act for gov't of 
 
 rebel states, 1867, ii. 487. 
 ' Congress,' U. S. frigate, ii. 667. 
 Congressmen, Texas, list of, 1845-61, 
 
 ii. 449. 
 Conner, J. C, representative, 1869, 
 
 ii. 498.'' 
 Consag, Father F., biog., i. 457; ex- 
 
 ped. of, 1746, i. 463-5; 1751, i. 
 
 469; 1753, i. 470; map, i. 464; death, 
 
 1759, i. 470. 
 Conservatives, Durango, ii. 588. 
 Constitution, Texas state, 1876, ii. 
 
 515-16. 
 Constitutional legislature, Sin. & 
 
 Sonora, 1824, ii. 637. 
 Cook, guide, battle of S. Antonio, ii. 
 
 182, 185. 
 Cook, Major Hamlin, mention of, ii. 
 
 48-50. 
 Cook, Dr T. C, biog. of, ii. 577. 
 Cooke, Col, surrender of, ii. 335. 
 
 Cooke, Capt. P. St G., disarms 
 iSiuvely, 11. 371. 
 
 Cooke, W. G., commis. Tex. Santa 
 Fe exped,, ii. 334. 
 
 Copala, province, location, etc., of, i. 
 203. 
 
 Copart, Father J. B., with Otondo'a 
 exped., 1683, i. 187, 192. 
 
 Corbalan, P. de, gov. ad int. of 
 Sonora & Sinaloa, 1769-72, 1777, i. 
 711. 
 
 Cordero, Gov., deposed, ii. 617. 
 
 Cordero, Ant., com. gen'l Occidenta 
 section, etc., ii. 586. 
 
 Cordova, Vicente, Nacogdoches re- 
 bellion, ii. 320. 
 
 Cordova, Vicente, death of, ii. 358. 
 
 Corn, Texas, ii. 557. 
 
 Coro, Cacique, victory over Apaches, 
 1698, i. 274. 
 
 Coronado, E., captures Durango, 1858, 
 ii. 618. 
 
 Coronado, F. V. de, gov. of Nueva 
 Galicia, 1538, i. 71-2; exped. of, 
 1539, i. 72-7; 1540-2, i. 83-7; ex- 
 ped. of, i. 381. 
 
 Coronados island, pearl fishing at, 
 1698, i. 294. 
 
 Corona, harrasses imperialists, 1866, 
 ii. 622. 
 
 Corona, Gov., succeeds Kosales, ii. 
 698. 
 
 Corpus Christi, capture of, ii. 454. 
 
 Corral, Brig. I. del, resignation of, 
 ii. 586. 
 
 Correro, Mex. schooner, ii. 161. 
 
 Cortes,H.,expeds,etc.,of,i. 4-25; Guz- 
 man's hostility to, i. 26-7, 42-50; 
 expeds despatched by, 1532-3, i. 
 40^7; appeal to the audieucia, i. 
 48; exped. of, 1535, i. 49-52; rup- 
 ture with Mendoza, i. 95; return to 
 Spain, 1540, i. 95. 
 
 Cortes, Father J., with Canas exped., 
 1642, i. 181. 
 
 Cortina, J. N., depredations, etc., of, 
 ii. 443; victory of, ii. 446; defeat 
 of, ii. 448; capture of Brownsville, 
 etc., ii. 468. 
 
 Corvan, T. G. de, with Vizcaino's ex- 
 ped., 1602-3, i. 153, 159. 
 
 Cos, Gen'l M. Prefeoto de, action in 
 Coah. affairs, ii. 153-5; conciliatory 
 circular of, ii. 156; proclamation of, 
 A. 157; mention of, ii. ICl; march 
 to Tex. , Oct. 1 S.'55, ii. Uio ; siege of 
 B'ijar, ii. 177 et seq. ; capitulation 
 of, ii. 187: capture of, ii. 265. 
 
 Ca^as, Juan B., seizes governor, 1811, 
 ii. 17. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 781 
 
 Coshattas, Indians, docility of, ii. 
 
 442. 
 Cossin, Father B. de, martyrdom of, 
 
 i. 116. 
 Gotten, G. B., mention of, ii. 548. 
 Cotton, confed. reatriotiona on, ii. 
 
 457; demands for, ii. 457; cultiva- 
 tion of, ii. 657. 
 Crabb, H. A., colony scheme of, ii. 
 
 694; execution of, ii. 695. 
 Crane, Capt., at battle S. Antonio, ii. 
 
 183. 
 Crawford, M. L., mention of, ii. 546. 
 Crespo, B., biahop of Durango, 
 
 1723-34, i. 594. 
 Crespo, F. , gov. of Sonora and Sina- 
 
 loa, 1774, i. 711. 
 Crime, Texas, ii. 391; 1864, ii. 472; 
 
 1865-6, ii. 480; 1850-80, u. 530; 
 
 penitentiariea, ii. 534-6. 
 Criatdbalj'C. de, alcalde mayor of San 
 
 Miguel, 1534, i. 59. 
 Croix, Gen. T. de, commandante-gen. 
 
 of Provinciaa Internas, 1777, i. 671, 
 
 681; tour of, i. 671; powers, etc., 
 
 of, i. 671-2; recommendations of, 
 
 i. 672-3; viceroy of Peru, 1783, i. 
 
 673; reforms, etc., of, 1779, i. 714- 
 
 15. 
 Crocker, Frances, captures Sabine 
 
 City, ii. 455. 
 Crocker, Lieut Fred, defeat of, ii. 
 
 460. 
 Crockett, David, death of, ii. 212. 
 Crockett, Lieut-gov. J. M., election 
 
 of, 1861, ii. 451. 
 Croix, Commander C. de, visits Coa- 
 
 huila, 1777-8, i. 608; arrival at 
 
 Bejar, 1778, i. 660; regulations of, 
 
 i. 662-3. 
 Crosby, S , elected commis. land- 
 office, ii. 483. 
 Crozat, A., charter granted to, 1712, 
 
 i. 609-10. 
 Cruger, J. W., mention of, ii. 550. 
 Cruz, General, surrender of, 1821, ii. 
 
 585. 
 Cuchaa (liberals) party, ii. 588. 
 Cuemavaoa, plan of, Durango adopts, 
 
 ii. 592; Chihuahua adopts, ii. 593. 
 Cuesta, Gov., removes Gandara, 
 
 1841, ii. 660; installation of, 1845, 
 
 ii. 663. 
 Cuervo, J. T. de, gov. of Sinaloa and 
 
 Sonora, 1760-2, i. 564-5. 
 Cuevaa, Col, pronunciamento, 1838, 
 
 ii. 657-S. 
 Cueto, Padre, mission to Hina, 1630- 
 
 1, i. 330. 
 
 Cuiliacan, Coronado'a exped. at, 
 
 1542, i. 86; capital Sinaloa, ii. 650. 
 Cuiliacan, province, Guzman in, 
 
 1531, i. 35-8; location, etc., of, i. 
 
 203. 
 Cunningham, E. H., mention of, ii, 
 
 535. 
 'Cyaue,' U. S. war vessel, ii. 666. 
 
 D 
 
 Dale, U. S., warsloop, ii. 665, 668. 
 Dampier, W., map of, 1699, i. 195; 
 
 voyages, etc., of, 1704-10, i. 196- 
 
 200. 
 Daney, J. W., vote of, election 1853, 
 
 405. 
 Darden, S. H., Texas comptroller, ii. 
 
 518; reelection of, 1878, ii. 522. 
 D'Auteroche, M. C, 'Voyage,' etc., 
 
 i. 727-8. 
 Davaloa, Gen. B., gov. L. Cal , 1868. 
 
 ii. 726; revolt againat, ii. 737. 
 Davenport, Samuel, mention of, ii. 
 
 48. 
 D4vila y Pacheco, E., gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1654^61, i. 337. 
 Davia, Gen., defeats Canales, ii. 357. 
 Davis, Gov. E. J. , prea. state conven- 
 tion, 1868, ii. 495; election of, 1869, 
 
 ii. 498; inaugural addresa, ii. 502; 
 
 message April 1870, ii. 503; pro- 
 clamations of martial law, 1871, ii. 
 
 507; Am. message, 1873, ii. 509; 
 
 proclamation, etc., Jan. 1873, ii. 
 
 5)0. 
 Davia, George W., mention of, ii. 172. 
 Davis, Prea. J., presents medal to 
 
 Texans, ii. 461. 
 Dawson, Frederick, navy contract of, 
 
 ii. 350. 
 Dawson, Nicolas, defeat, etc., of, ii. 
 
 358. 
 Day, G. H., mayor Fort Worth, ii. 
 
 574. 
 Deaf and Dumb asylum, Texas, ii. 
 
 537. 
 De Berry, A. W., Texaa aec. of state, 
 
 ii. 518. 
 Degener, Edward, representative, 
 
 1869, ii. 498. 
 Delgado, Col, capture, etc., of, ii. 
 
 262-3. 
 Democrats, party, victory of, 1855, ii. 
 
 4£0; 1857, ii. 423; state convention, 
 
 1858, ii. 424, 427; defeat election, 
 
 1859; ii. 426; victory of, ii. 508; 
 
 successful scheme of, ii. 509-10; 
 
 victory of, 1876, ii. 515. 
 'Descripcion Topografica,'i. 687. 
 
782 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Devine, T. J., mention of, ii. 437. 
 
 Dewees, W. B., 'Letters,' ii. 385. 
 
 Dewitt, Green, colony of, ii. 73. 
 
 Dexter, P. B., see. S. Felipe council, 
 ii. 172. 
 
 Diaz, Father G., founds San Gabriel, 
 1631, i. 334. 
 
 Diaz, Capt. H., the Tepehuane re- 
 volt, 1616-17, i. 327. 
 
 Diaz, M., alcalde mayor of San Mi- 
 guel, 1536-7, i. 59; meeting with 
 Vaca's party, etc., i. 69; explora- 
 tion, etc., of, 1540, i. 83; exped. of, 
 1540-1, i. 88-9; death, 1541, i. 89. 
 
 Diaz, Gen. Porfirio, revolt of, ii. 624; 
 defeats Fuero, ii. 624^5. 
 
 Dickinson, Mrs Lieut, at massacre of 
 the Alamo, ii. 212-13. 
 
 Dickson, Lieut-gov. D. C, election of, 
 1853, ii. 404; defeat of, 1855, ii. 
 420. 
 
 Diez, Father J. J., in Baja Cal., 
 1766, i. 473-4. 
 
 Dillon, Consul, advises R. de Boulbon 
 ii. 676. 
 
 Dunit, Capt. P., in command at 
 Goliad, ii. 188; urges Matamoras 
 exped., ii. 195. 
 
 Dionisio, Cacique, mention of, i. 287. 
 
 Dixon, Hepworth, mention of, ii. 
 531. 
 
 Dodge City, a cattle mart, ii. 561. 
 
 Dolores, Mange's exped. at, 1694, i. 
 256-8; fiesta at, 1698, i. 263-4; 
 mission founded, 1698, i. 379; 1716, 
 i. 615; massacre at, 1734, i. 459. 
 
 'Dolphin,' see 'Wharton.' 
 
 Dominicans, in Baja Cal., 1768-74, i. 
 733-9; 1777, i. 742-4; 1783, i. 747; 
 1780-1800, i. 749-64, zeal of, ii. 
 705; in Alta Cal., i. 767. 
 
 Donaldson, Maj., evacuates Santa Fe, 
 ii. 452. 
 
 Doniphan, Col., defeats Vidal, ii. 
 606-7; captures Chihuhua, ii. 608- 
 9; Joma wool, ii. 610. 
 
 Doraine, Ind., execution of, ii. 634. 
 
 Dorantes, A., with Vaca's exped., 
 etc., i. 61, 66, 70. 
 
 Doru, A. J., Texas treasurer, ii. 518. 
 
 Douay, Father A., with La Salle's 
 exped., i. 406-10. 
 
 Douglass, Senator, amendment Mis- 
 souri compromise, 1854, ii. 423-4. 
 
 Douglas, Gen., defeats Cherokees, ii. 
 323. 
 
 Dover, Capt. T., voyage, etc., of 
 1708-10, i. 197-200. 
 
 Doyle, Percy, mediation Mex. and 
 Texas, ii. 734. 
 
 Drake, Sir F., expeds of, i. 140-3. 
 
 Duarte, M., ' Testimonio juridico,' L 
 123-4. 
 
 Ducrue, Father, the Jesuit expulsion, 
 1767-8, i. 478; biog., i. 478; works 
 of, i. 478-9. 
 
 Duhaut, with La Salle's exped., i. 
 403-17. 
 
 Duncan, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185. 
 
 Dunham, Maj. K., execution of, ii. 
 367-8. 
 
 Dupont, Comn'der, blockades Gnay- 
 mas, 1847, ii. 665, 667. 
 
 Dupuy, R., mention of, ii. 410. 
 
 Duque, F. succeeds Brambila,, 1844, 
 ii. 662. 
 
 Durango, see also Nueva Vizcaya, 
 mining explorations in, 1554-62, i, 
 100; Jesuits in, 1593-1600, i. 124- 
 5; the Tepehuane revolt, 1616-17, 
 i. 324, 327; Iturbide revolt in, ii. 
 586; revolt, 1871-2, ii. 623-4; 1875, 
 ii. 624; affairs of the diocese, 1 620- 
 180O, i. 307-8, 338-9, 593-5, 684^7; 
 Intendencia, established, 1786, i. 
 676-8; govs intendent, 1785-1800, 
 i. 678; population, 1790-1800, i. 
 691; epidemics, etc., in, 1784-98, i. 
 693; boundary with Chih., ii. 626; 
 and Chihuahua, map of, ii. 583: de- 
 clared a state, ii. 587; and Sinaloa, 
 map of, ii. 591 ; favors constitution 
 of, 1824, ii. 601-2; events in, 1843- 
 88, ii. 604 et seq. ; invasion threat- 
 ened, 1843, ii. 604-5; revenue of, 
 ii. 741 ; education in, ii. 747. 
 
 Durango City, founding of, 1563, i. 
 103^; progress of, 1563-1600, i. 
 111-12; Jesuit college founded at, 
 159.3^, i. 124; capital of Nueva 
 Vizcaya, i. 305-6; declared a citj', 
 1621, i. 306; Jesuit colleee at, 1742 
 -51, i. 586-7; descript. of, 1780, i. 
 692; surrender of, 1821, ii. 585; 
 capture of, 185S-9, ii. 618; French 
 evacuate, 1866, ii. 623. 
 
 Duval, Robert, Indian massacre of. 
 
 Dyer, C. C, mention of, iL 171. 
 
 E 
 
 Eagle, Commodore, surrender to, of 
 
 Galveston. 
 Eastland, Capt. W. M. , mutiny of, 
 
 ii. 360; execution of, ii. 368. 
 Ecafiuela, B. de, bishop of Guadian, 
 
 1676-84. i. 339. 
 Education, Coah. and Texas, 1811— 
 
 30, ii. 95-6; Texas, 1836-85, ii. 
 
 509-47; N. Mex. states, ii. 745-7. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 783 
 
 Eiiwarda, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 
 
 185. 
 Edwards, Benjamin, letter to Ahu- 
 
 mada, ii. 109-10. 
 Echeandia, Lieut-col, appt comd'r of 
 
 the Calif ornias, 1825, ii. 709. 
 Eoheverria, Proourador, exped. of, 
 
 1729, i. 455. 
 Edwards, Hayden, colony of, ii. 73; 
 
 granb to, ii. 98; difficulties of, ii. 
 
 99; measures adopted by, ii. 100; 
 
 alcalde election, ii. 100-1; annul- 
 ment of title, ii. 102-3; revolt of, 
 
 ii. 105 et seq. ; biog. and death, ii. 
 
 109. 
 Egiiliano, Father A., death of, 1677, 
 
 i. 239. 
 Elections, Texas, 1836, ii. 291; 1838, 
 
 ii. 313; 1841, ii. 341; 1844, ii. 378; 
 
 1849, ii. 398; 1853, ii. 404; 1857, ii. 
 
 42:^; 1866, ii. 482; 1869, ii. 498; 
 
 1872, ii. 508; 1876, ii. 515; Chih. 
 
 and Durango, 1875, ii. 624. 
 Elguezabal, Juan J., appt gov., ii. 
 
 145. 
 Elizacoechea, M. de, bishop of Du- 
 rango, 1736-47, i. 594. 
 Elizondo, Col D., exped. of, i. 567, 
 
 572; campaigns of, 1768-71, i. 695 
 
 -701. 
 Elizondo, Dionicio, councillor, ii. 86. 
 Elizondo, Col Ignaoio, defeat of, 1813, 
 
 ii. 25-<5; death of, ii. 32. 
 Elliot, Charles, British charge d' af- 
 faire i, ii. 374. 
 Ellis, J. F., biog. of, ii. 768. 
 Elmer, Hon. R. A., mention of, ii. 
 
 735. 
 Elozua, Col Ant., mention of, ii. 128. 
 El Paso, Spaniards at, 168i, i. 388. 
 El Paso county, Salt lakes riot in, ii. 
 
 519. 
 'Empresario system ' of colonization, 
 
 ii. 70; terms of, ii. 71-2. 
 Enoinal del Perdido, battle of, ii. 227 
 
 -33. 
 England, (see also Great Britain) en- 
 croachments in Texas, i. 662; 
 
 threatened seizure of Cal., 1797-9, 
 
 i. 754-8; relations with Texas, ii. 
 
 338-40. 
 English, Capt. , mention of , ii. 179; at 
 
 battle S. Antonio, ii. 184. 
 Ensenaila, see also Todos Santos, 
 
 Walker's occupation of, ii. 722. 
 E^caUnte, Col, position of, etc., 
 
 18-29, ii. 645-6. 
 Escalante, Capt., mention of, i. 431. 
 Escalante, J. B., expeds of, 1697- 
 
 1700, i. 264, 275. 
 
 Escalante, Gov. L., promotes divis. 
 of Son. and Sinaloa, ii. 647 ; defeats 
 Yaquis, 1832, ii. 654 vice gov., 
 1838, ii. 656; capture of, ii. 659. 
 
 Escalante, M. de, bishop of Durango, 
 1701-4, i. 593. 
 
 Escalante, P. J., surrender of office, 
 ii. 592. 
 
 Escalante y Arviga, Gov. M., instal- 
 lation of, ii. 649. 
 
 Escalona, Viceroy, exped. ordered 
 by, 1642, i. 181. 
 
 Escanjeques, defeat of the, 1601, i. 
 383; 1662, i. 387. 
 
 Eioaray, Father, in Coahuila, i. 377. 
 
 Escobar, provincial, rept of, 1745, i. 
 465, 538. 
 
 Esooces' party, Durango, ii. 588. 
 
 Esparza, Capt. A. C, corresp. with 
 Gov. Pineda, 1767, i. 570-1. 
 
 Eipejo, Col, resignation of, ii. 693. 
 
 Espejo, A., exped. of, 1582-3, i. 
 127-8. 
 
 Espinosa, Col, jefe politico, 1849, ii. 
 720. 
 
 Espinosa, Father, death of, 1602, i. 
 311. 
 
 Espinosa, Father A., mission to Pi- 
 meria, i. 561. 
 
 Espinosa, Friar I. F., president of 
 'iexan missions, 1721, i. 625. 
 
 Espiritu, Ind. leader, execution of, 
 ii. 634. 
 
 Espiritu Santo Bay, expeds to, 1720- 
 1, i. 619-22; presidio establd at, 
 1722, i. 628; site of, removed, i. 
 631, 642. 
 
 Espiritu Santo, port, named by Or- 
 tega, 1632, i. 172. 
 
 Espiritu Santo de Ziiniga mission, 
 founded, 1722, i. 628; site of, 
 changed, i. 631; descript. of, 1778, 
 i. 659. 
 
 Estado Interno de Oocidente, constit. 
 cong. of, 1824, ii. 637. 
 
 Este, E. E., execution of, ii. 368. 
 
 Estevan, Miguel, Indian, ii. 640. 
 
 Eitevanico, with Vaca's exped., etc., 
 i. 61, 66, 70. 
 
 Esterez, Father F., in Coahuila, i. 377. 
 
 Estrada, B. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1682, i. 338. 
 
 Evans, L. D., defeat of election, 
 1853, ii. 405; election of, 1855, ii. 
 420. 
 
 Everitt, S. H., mention of, ii. 172. 
 
 Evia y Valdes, F. D. de, bishop of 
 Guadiana, 16.39-40, i. 308, 338; ef- 
 forts at secularization, 1645, i. 351; 
 1652, i. 360-1. 
 
784 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Evia, D., murder of, 1702, i. 590. 
 Exports, Texas, ie38-40, ii. 342. 
 
 Fages, P., gov. of Cal., 1782-90, i. 
 747, 769-70; in command at San 
 Carlos, 1770, i. 767. 
 
 Fajardo, D., gov. of Nueva Vizoaya, 
 1G48-51, i. 337; the Tarahumare 
 revolts, 1649-52, i. 354-9. 
 
 Falcon, Gov. Jose M., appointments, 
 etc., of, ii. 155. 
 
 Fannin, Col. J. W., battle of Con- 
 cepoion, ii. 175-7; at S. Felipe, ii. 
 195; apptd milit. agent, ii. 198-9; 
 force, etc., at Goliad, ii. 219; fatal 
 mistake of, ii. 226; defeat of, ii. 
 227-33; surrender of, ii. 233; death 
 of, ii. 235. 
 
 Faqua, Benjamin, mention of, ii. 172. 
 
 Farias, Gomez, vice-pres. of Max., 
 ii. 134-5. 
 
 Federalists, overtures to Texas, ii. 
 327; victory of, battle of Aloantro, 
 ii. 327-8; Aresta's defeat of, ii. 329; 
 system overthrown, ii. 601. 
 
 Fernandinos, Cal. missions granted 
 to, etc., 1767, i. 482-3. 
 
 Fernando, IV., eedula of, 1747, i. 
 539. 
 
 Ferrelo, Pilot B., on coast of Cal., 
 1843, i. 136. 
 
 Field, Dr, mention of, ii. 237. 
 
 Fields, Ind. chief, ii. 103-5; murder 
 of, ii. 109. 
 
 Figueroa, B. de R. , with Salvatierra's 
 exped., 1697-8, i. 284, 288, 293. 
 
 Figueroa, G., with Ortega's exped., 
 1636, i. 174; exped. of, 1639, i. 346. 
 
 Figueroa, Capt. I. de, in command at 
 San Javier, 1701, i. 423; removal 
 of, i. 423. 
 
 Figueroa, Gen '1 Jose, com. gen'l, 1826, 
 ii, 638; victory of, ii. 641; ineffi- 
 ciency of, ii. 642. 
 
 Filibusters, Sonora, 1852^, ii. 673 et 
 seq. ; Walker's L. Cal., 1851, ii. 
 720 et seq. 
 
 Filisola, Gen. V., colony grant to, ii. 
 75; in Santa Anna's invasion, ii. 
 203; retreat, etc., of, ii. 265; in- 
 structions of, May 1836, ii. 279-81; 
 succeeded by Urrea, ii. 281. 
 
 Finances (see also revenue); Coah. 
 and Tex , 1827, ii. 86-7; Texas 
 bonds issued Nov. 1836, ii. 294; 
 May 1837, ii. 303; indebtedness, 
 notes, etc., 1837-8, ii. 312; securi- 
 ties, etc., 1838-9, ii. 318-19; ex. 
 
 chequer bills, etc,, 1842, ii. 345-6; 
 
 debt,, 1850, ii. 401-3; 1864, ii. 469; 
 
 1870, ii. 505; 1874, ii. 513; 1879, ii. 
 
 522; taxation, etc., 1852-61, ii. 415- 
 
 16. 
 Fireash, E., Indian massacre of, ii. 
 
 410. 
 Fisher, secretary Tampico exped., ii. 
 
 190. 
 Fisher, S. E,., app't'd sec. of navy, ii. 
 
 294. 
 Fisher, Col Wm S., mention of, ii. 
 
 172; elected commander, ii. 361. 
 Fitzgerald, Capt., death of, ii. 366. 
 Fitzgerald, W., mention of, ii. 410. 
 Flag, of Texas, descript., ii. 295; 
 
 first exhibit of, ii. 296. 
 Flanagan, Lieut, gov. J. W., election 
 
 of, 1869, ii. 498. 
 Flores, Viceroy, consolidates Provin- 
 
 cias Internas, 1787, i. 674; Indian 
 
 policy of, i. 683. 
 Flores, Pilot A., with Vizcaino's ex- 
 ped., 1602-3, i. 154; death of, i. 
 
 159. 
 Flores, Gasper, mention of, ii. 65. 
 Flores, J. de, conquest of Nayarit, 
 
 1721-2, i. 518-19. 
 Flores, Gov. J. M., election of, iL 
 
 625; succeeds Carrasco, ii. 672. 
 Flores, Manual, death of, etc., ii. 
 
 322. 
 Fly, Dr A. W., biog. of, ii. 766. 
 Foncubierta, Father, president of San 
 
 Francisco mission, 1690, i. 415; 
 
 death of, i. 417. 
 ' Fondo piadoso de Californias,' origin 
 
 of, 1697, i. 280. 
 Fonte, B. de, voyage of. 1640, i. 180. 
 Fonte, Father J. de, labors in Tara- 
 
 humara, 1607-11, i. 124-5, 333. 
 Foote, H. S. , ' Texas and the Texans, ' 
 
 ii. 384. 
 Forbes, app't'd Indian commiss., ii. 
 
 199. 
 Forbes, John, mention of, ii. 549. 
 Ford, Col, captures Fort Brown, ii. 
 
 450; Cortina's defeat of, ii. 468. 
 Ford, John S., report, etc., of, ii. 
 
 537. 
 Foreign relations, Texas, 1838-42, ii. 
 
 338-40. 
 Fort Arbuckle, confederate capture 
 
 of, ii. 450. 
 Fort McKibbin, siege of, ii. 722-3. 
 Fort Ringgold, Cortina's capture of, 
 
 ii. 448. 
 Fox, Henry S., biog. of, ii. 767. 
 France, claims on Texas, 1712, i. 
 609-10; war with Spain, 1719, i. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 TS* 
 
 618; relations with Texas, 1838-42, 
 ii. 338-9; mediation of requested, 
 1842, ii. 376. 
 
 Franciscans, in Nueva Galicia, i. 97; 
 in Durango and Zacatecas, i. 100-3; 
 in Nueva Vizoaya, 1554^90, i. 116- 
 19, 311; 1600-45, i. 334^6; 1640- 
 1700, i. 363-8; 1702-67, i. 590- 
 601; 1768-1800, i. 688-91; in Coah- 
 uila, 1582-1600, i. 126; 1711-72, i. 
 607-8; 1781-7, i. 607-8; in Sono- 
 ra, i. 232-3; Queretaro in, i. 
 704-6; Sonora & Sinaloa, 1767- 
 1800, i. 704^10, 716-25; list of, i. 
 725; Jaliacan, in Sonora, 1768, i. 
 710; in Baja Cal., 1767-9, i. 482- 
 90; 1769-74,i. 726-33; in Alta Cal., 
 1769, i. 489-90, 767-70; Queretaro 
 friars, missions of removed, 1731, 
 i. 635; in Texas, i. 639-42; secular- 
 ization of Texas missions, 1794, i. 
 669. 
 
 Franco, Father J., mention of, i. 473. 
 
 Franco y Luna, Don A., bishop of 
 Guadiana, 1632-9, i. 308. 
 
 Franklin, Gen'l, Sabine City exped., 
 ii. 460. 
 
 Franklin, Judge B. C. , dist. judge, ii. 
 295. 
 
 Franks, Col Nidland, battle of San 
 Antonio, ii. 182. 
 
 Franquis, Col C. de, gov. of Texas, 
 i. 637; rule, 1736-7, i. 637-8. 
 
 Fredomans, revolt of, ii. 107 et seq. 
 
 Freedman, 1865-6, Texas, ii. 479. 
 
 French refugees, coloniz. of, Texas, 
 1818, ii. 44-5. 
 
 French, army of, rebel alliance and 
 defeat of, ii. 468; intervention, ii. 
 619 et seq.; fears of U. S. troops, 
 ii. 621; intervention in SonOra, ii. 
 696; in Sinaloa, ii. 697. 
 
 Freytas, Father N. de, with Penalo- 
 sa's exped., 1662, i. 386; 'Rela- 
 cion.'i. 387. 
 
 Frondac, Capt., voyage of, 1709, i. 
 200. 
 
 Fuca, J. de, voyage, etc. of, 1592, i. 
 145-7. 
 
 Fuente, Gen., campaigns of, 1695-6, 
 i. 272-4. 
 
 Fuero, Gen'l, Diaz defeats, ii. 624^5; 
 election of, 1884, ii. 625. 
 
 Fueros, P., gov. of Coahuila, 1783-9, 
 i. 604^5. 
 
 Fuerte, Rio del, Guzman's exped. on 
 the, i. 56. 
 
 Fuerte, town, legislature at, ii. 644. 
 
 Texas. 60 
 
 G 
 
 Gadsden purchase, ii. 693 et seq. 
 
 Gaines, General F., mention of, ii. 
 286; occupies Texas territory, ii. 
 287; succeeded by Arbuckle, ii. 
 288. 
 
 Galan, 0. F., arrest, etc., of, ii. 726. 
 
 Gali, F. de, voyage of, 1582-4, i. 143- 
 4. 
 
 Galicia, Professor, 'Expedicion,' i. 
 103. 
 
 Galinzoga, D. M. de, bishop of Sono- 
 ra, 1794-5, i. 713. 
 
 Gallardi, Father L. M., at Caborca,- 
 1720, i. 507. 
 
 Gallardo, J. R. R., visitador-gen. , 
 1748, i. 531; instructions to Gov. 
 Parrilla, 1749-50, i. 531-5. 
 
 Gallego, Capt. , meeting with Corona- 
 do, etc., 1542, i. 86. 
 
 Gallego, P. Miguel, pres. missions^ 
 1804, ii. 706. 
 
 Galveston, sale of island, ii. 309; 
 U. S. capture of, 1862, ii. 454; con- 
 federate recapture of, ii. 455-6. 
 
 Galveston & Brazos Navigation co., 
 ii. 568. 
 
 Galvez, Gen. J. de, visitador-gen., i. 
 485; measures, etc., in Baja Cal., 
 
 1768, i. 485-9; exped's to Alta Cal., 
 
 1769, i. 489-90; correspond, with 
 Cancio, 1766, i. 568-9; campaigns 
 of, 1768-71, i. 695-701. 
 
 Galvez, Viceroy, author., etc., over 
 Provincias Intemas, i. 673-4; ' In- 
 strucoion, ' i. 682; Indian policy of,, 
 i. 682-3. 
 
 Gamboa, Father J. M., mission to 
 Tarahumara, 1673, i. 363. 
 
 Gamon, M., Ibarra's mastre de 
 campo, i. 103; execution of, i. 103. 
 
 Gandara, Gov. M. M., provis. gov., 
 etc., 1837-8, ii. 656; counter revo- 
 lution of 1837-8, ii. 658; defeats of,, 
 etc., ii. 659; removal of, ii. 660; 
 revolt of, 1843, ii. 661; plots against 
 Urrea, 1845, ii. 662-3; reinstalla- 
 tion of, 1847, ii. 664; plot against, 
 etc., 1848, ii. 671-2; appointment 
 of, etc., 1853, ii. 681; revolt, etc., 
 of, 1855, ii. 694. 
 
 Gandarestas, revolts, etc., of the, 
 1845, ii. 662. 
 
 Gandia, Duchess, bequest of, i. 470. 
 
 Gaona, General, mention of, ii. 203; 
 ordered to support Sesma, ii. 247; 
 failure to arrive, ii. 248. 
 
 Garavito, Bishop L. , visits Coahuila,. 
 
 I 1682, i. 376. 
 
786 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Garay, Col, humanity of, iL 237. 
 Garay, F. de, mention of, i. 11. 
 Garoes Father, exped. of, 1774-6, i. 
 
 1716-17. A . Ti- 
 
 Garcia, Capt., m command at Bejar, 
 
 1721, i. 623; exped. of, i. 624. 
 Garcia, Father J- A., labors in Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1715-25, i. 591-2. 
 'Garland, Peter, Indian massacre, 
 
 1858, ii. 410. 
 Garner, John, mention of, ii. 260. 
 Garnett, M. W., mention of, ii. 546. 
 Garrett, Jacob, mention of, ii. 170. 
 Garza, C. de la, gov. of Coahuila, 
 
 1738, i. 604. 
 Gastesi, A., gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 
 1752-4, i. 582. 
 Gato, Port, named by Ortega, 1632, 
 
 i. 172. 
 'Gaxiola, Gov. J. M., imprisonment 
 
 of, 1876, ii. 702. 
 Garay, Col, occupies Fort Defiance, 
 
 ii. 229. 
 Gaxiola, Gov. N. M., succeeds Iriarte, 
 
 1827, ii. 638, 645; resignation of 
 
 requested, ii. 646. 
 Gibbs, Lieut-gov. B., biog., etc., ii. 
 
 536. 
 Gil y Barbo, A., alcalde of BucareU, 
 
 etc., i. 656. 
 Gila river, Diaz on the, 1540, i. 88-9; 
 
 Kino reaches, 1694, i. 259; Bor- 
 
 nal's exped. to, 1697, i. 264-5; 
 
 Kino's, 1698-1700, i. 266-71; Sedel- 
 
 mair's explor., 1744, i. 537; 1748-50, 
 
 i. 540-1. 
 Gilbert, Felix, jefe politico, 1864, ii. 
 
 726. 
 Gillespie, Capt., death of, ii. 396. 
 Glasscock & Miller, contractors, ii. 
 
 538. 
 Goliad, named, etc., ii. 110; captures 
 
 of, ii. 169, 348; defense prep, at, ii. 
 
 219. 
 Godinez, Father C, mention of, i. 
 
 353; the Tarahumare revolt, 1649- 
 
 51, i. 355-6; murder of, i. 356. 
 ■Godinez, Padre M., missionary labors 
 
 of, 1620-1, i. 225; retirement of, 
 
 1644, i. 234; biog., etc., i. 234. 
 Gomez, Father A., with Urdifiola's 
 
 exped., 1610, i. 318; death of, 
 
 1652, i. 344. 
 -Gofii, Father P. M., mention of, 1683, 
 
 i. 187; with Otondo's exped., i. 192. 
 Gonzalez, town, founded, 1825, ii. 
 
 110; attack threatened, 1835, ii. 
 
 165; burned, 1836, ii. 225. 
 Gonzalez, Father F., with Kino's 
 
 exped., 1699, i. 269; 1702, i. 500. 
 
 Gonzalez, Gov. J. M., battle of Alcan- 
 
 tro, ii. 327-8; revolt of, ii. 588-9; 
 
 installation of, 1833, ii. 655. 
 Gonzalez, P., capture of, ii 718. 
 Gonzalez, Gov. S. E., election of, etc., 
 
 ii. 590, 638; nomination, etc., of, 
 
 1834-7, u. 593. 
 Goodbread, Joseph, death, etc., of, 
 
 u. 355. 
 Goodnight, Chas, mention of, ii. 560. 
 Gordejuela, Capt., the Tepehuane 
 
 revolt, 1616-17, i. 323, 326. 
 Goribar, Jose M., app't'd milit. gov., 
 
 ii. 144r-5. 
 
 Gorospe y Aguirre, J. de, bishop of 
 
 Guadiana, 1660-71, i. 338-9. 
 Gorostiza, Mex. minister, complaints, 
 
 protest of, etc., ii. 285-8. 
 Goycoeohea, Gov. F., appointment 
 
 of, 1804, ii. 705. 
 Granados, J. J., bishop of Dnrango, 
 
 1794, i. 685; works of, i. 685; bishop 
 
 of Souora, etc., 1787-94, i. 713. 
 Grande, Rio, exploration of, 1729, i 
 
 607. 
 Granger, Genl, in command Texas, 
 
 1865, ii. 476. 
 Grant, Doctor, scheme of, ii. 194. 
 Grant, Col James, battle of S. An- 
 tonio, ii. 182. 
 Grant, Pres. U. S., Davis' appeal to, 
 
 1873, ii. 510. 
 Grant and Johnson, defeat of, ii. 
 
 220-2. 
 Grass fight, ii. 178-9. 
 Grashoffer, Father J. B., mission to 
 
 Pimeria, 1731-3, i. 523-^. 
 Gray, F. C, biog., of, ii. 549. 
 Grayson, P. W., atty-gen'l, 1836, ii. 
 
 269; commis. to Washington, ii. 
 
 284; suicide, etc., of, ii. 313. 
 Great Britain (see also England), 
 
 builds war vessel for Mex. , ii. 356; 
 
 mediation Mex. & Texas, etc., 1842, 
 
 ii. 374. 
 Green, Gen'l T. J., advice of, ii. 27.3- 
 
 4; mention of , ii. 358; Mier exped., 
 
 ii. 361; quarrel with Houston, ii. 
 
 369-70. 
 Griffin, Genl, app't'd milit. com'd'r, 
 
 dept of Texas, ii. 488; registrars, 
 
 etc., app't'd by, ii. 490; death of, 
 
 ii. 494. 
 Grijalva, H. de, exped. of, 1533, i 
 
 45-6; with Cortes' exped., 1535, i, 
 
 49-52. 
 Grimarest, E., intendente gobemador 
 
 of Arizpe, 1789-92, i. 712. 
 Grimarest, Col Pedro, mention of, ii. 
 
 582. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 787 
 
 Orimes, Jesse, mention of, ii. 171, 
 
 174. 
 Gritton, Edward, app't'd revenue col- 
 lector, ii. 194. 
 Groos, J. J. , land commissioner, i. 518. 
 ^Ground plan of the Alamo, i. 206. 
 ' Guadampe,' Mex. war ship, ii. 356. 
 •Guadalupe mission, founded, 1716, i. 
 
 614. 
 Guadalajara, city, site of removed, 
 
 1561, i. 97; seat of audiencia at, i. 
 
 97. 
 Guadalajara, D. de, exped. of, 1654, 
 
 i. 386. 
 Guadalajara, Father T. de, mention 
 
 of, i. 366-7. 
 Guadiana, Bishopric of (see also Du- 
 
 rango, diocese of); establ'd, i. 307; 
 
 bishop, 1620-^, i. 307-8. 
 Guajuguilla, presidio founded at, 
 
 1752, i. 585. 
 Guanecevi, attacked by Tepehuanes, 
 
 1616, i. 323. 
 Guatimape, Spaniards besieged at, 
 
 1616, i. 322-3. 
 ■Guayabal, Port, Cortes' exped. at, 
 
 1535, i. 51; Alarcon's, 1540, i. 90. 
 Guaymas, U. S. blockade of, 1847, 
 
 ii. 665; surrender of, ii. 667; French, 
 
 capture of, 1864, ii. 696; capture 
 
 of, 1870, ii. 701. 
 Guazipares, Sinaloan tribe, submis- 
 sion, etc., of, i. 248, 250. 
 Guazaves, Sinaloan tribe, subjugation 
 
 of, 1600, i. 209-10, 235. 
 Guerra, Donato, rival leader, 1871-2, 
 
 and 1876, ii. 624; Porfirist leader, 
 
 Sinaloa, 1876, ii. 702. 
 •Guevara, Father M. de, with Pefialo- 
 
 sa's exped., 1662, i. 386. 
 Guijosa, Father J., with Otondo's 
 
 exped., 1683, i. 187. 
 Guillen, Father, mention of, i. 435-6; 
 
 exped. of, i. 449. 
 Guillen, Visitador C, measures of 
 
 1734-5, i. 458-9; death of, 1748, i. 
 
 462. 
 Gunter, Col J., biog. of, ii. 768-9. 
 Gutierrez, Col J. I., intrigue of, 1834, 
 
 ii. 592. 
 Gutierrez, Father P., death of, 1616, 
 
 i. 322. 
 Guzman, D. de, hears of Hurtado'a 
 
 fate, 1533, i. 45; exped. of, 1533, 
 . i. 55-6; 'Relacion,' i. 55. 
 Guzman, Padre D. de, missionary 
 
 tour of, 1618-19, i. 224. 
 iGuzmau, N. de, rule, etc., of, i. 11- 
 12; hatred, etc., of, i. 26-7; hostil- 
 ity to Cortes, i. 26-7, 42-50; plans 
 
 of conquest, i. 27; ezped. of, 1529- 
 31, i. 27-39; map of exped., i. 31; 
 gov. of Nueva Galicia, i, 39; aggres- 
 sions of, i. 47-8; death of, i. 39. 
 
 Guzman, P. de, exped. to Sinaloa, 
 1529, i. 28. 
 
 Guzman y Cordoba, Capt. B. de, with 
 Otondo's exped., 1683, i. 187. 
 
 Gwiu, Wm M., colony scheme of, ii 
 696. 
 
 Hadra, B., mention of, ii. 546. 
 Hagerty, John, death of, ii. 366. 
 Hall, Dr, mention of, ii. 237. 
 Hall, C. A., R.R. strike 1886, ii. 576. 
 Hamblen, W. P., biog. of, ii. 767. 
 Hamilton, A. J., appt'd provis. gov. 
 
 Texas, ii. 476; suffi-age in state 
 
 conven., 1868, ii. 495. 
 Hamilton, Genl Jamea, contract 
 
 with, ii. 317; representative to 
 
 England, ii. 339; proposals to Santa 
 
 Anna, ii. 349; purchase of the 
 
 'Zavala,' ii. 351; death of, ii. 421; 
 
 biog., 422. 
 Hamilton, W. 0., biog., ii. 530. 
 Hammersley, Wm, mention of, ii. 
 
 736. 
 Hancock, Mier prisoner, ii. 366. 
 Hancock, Gen'], succeeds Sheridan, 
 
 ii. 493; removal of, ii. 494. 
 Handy, R. E., mention of, ii. 550. 
 Hanks, Elder Thomas, mention of, ii. 
 
 547. 
 Hanks, Wyatt, mention of, ii. 172, 
 
 174. 
 Harden, George, mention of, ii. 410. 
 Hardiman, Bailey, elected sec. of 
 
 treasury, ii. 218. 
 Hardin, A. B., mention of, ii. 172. 
 Hardy, Lieut, explor. of, 1826, ii. 
 
 644, 647-8. 
 Harris, J. P., mention of, ii. 410. 
 Harris, William P., mention of, ii. 
 
 172, 174. 
 Harrisburg, Santa Anna bums, ii. 
 
 251. 
 Harvey, Mier prisoner, ii. 366. 
 Harwood, T. M., mention of, ii. 545-6. 
 Hatch, Col Edward, quells Salt Lakes 
 
 riot, ii. 521. 
 Hawkins, Capt., defeats the 'Monte- 
 zuma, ' ii. 272. 
 Hayes, Col John C, ruse, etc., of, at 
 
 Be jar, ii. 357; battle of Monterey, 
 
 ii. 395-6. 
 Health and disease, K. Mex. States, 
 
 ii. 744. 
 
788 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Heard, Capt., mention of, ii. 244-5. 
 Heintzelman, Major, defeats Cortina, 
 
 ij. 447-8. 
 Henderson, J. E., biog. of, ii. 768. 
 Henderson, Gen'l J. P., mention of, 
 
 ii. 273; app't'd attomey-gen'l, ii. 
 
 294; commis. to Lond. and Paris, 
 
 ii. 338; biog. and inaugnration of, 
 
 ii. 393; battle of Monterey, ii. 
 
 395-6. 
 Herbert, Genl, superseded, ii. 455; 
 
 proclaims martial law, ii. 457. 
 Heredia, Genl, mention of, ii. 605; 
 
 defeats of, ii. 608-9, 618. 
 Heredia, Father J., exped. of, 1630, 
 
 i. 333-4. 
 Heredia, J. A., Gov. Durango, 1841, 
 
 ii. 602. 
 Herera, Jose M. de, revol. doings of, 
 
 ii. 34-6. 
 Heriller, Gen'l L., victory of, 1864, 
 
 ii. 620. 
 Hermosillo, French capture of, 1865, 
 
 ii. 696. 
 Hermosillo, Bishop G. de, visit to 
 
 Sinaloa, 1631, i. 230; death, etc., 
 
 of, i. 230-1; bishop of Guadiana, 
 
 1620-31, i. 307-8. 
 Hermosillo, J. M. G., revol. exped. 
 
 of, 1810,ii.630-l; captures Rosario, 
 
 ii. 631; defeat of, ii. 632. 
 Herrera, M. de, bishop of Guadiana, 
 
 1686-9, i. 339. 
 Herrera, Simon, death of, ii. 582. 
 Herring, Capt. M. D., biog., ii. 577. 
 Heywood, Lieut, occupation of La 
 
 Paz, etc., 1847, ii. 716. 
 Hidalgo, see also Parral; founding of 
 
 mission, i. 377. 
 Hidalgo, President, ' Inf orme, ' i. 749. 
 Hidalgo, Father F., in Coahuila, i. 
 
 377. 
 Hiens, Buccaneer, with La Salle's 
 
 exped., i. 406-11. 
 Highsaw, H., mention of, ii.,410. 
 Hightower, T. J., Indian massacre, 
 
 1858, ii. 410. 
 Hill, Capt., evacuates Fort Brown, ii. 
 
 450. 
 Hinas, missions, etc., among the, 
 
 1630-2, i. 330; subjugation of, 
 
 1633, i. 330. 
 Hitchcock, Gen'l, seizure of the 
 •Arrow,' ii. 722. 
 
 Hockley, Geo. W., app't'd commis- 
 sioner, ii. 375. 
 Hodges, James, mention of, ii. 172. 
 Holland, recognition of Texas inde- 
 pendence, ii. 339. 
 
 Holley, Mary Austin, 'Texas,' ii^ 
 385. 
 
 Hollingsworth, O. N., mention of, ii. 
 518. 
 
 Holmes, mention of, ii. 180. 
 
 Holsinger, Lient-col, surrender of 
 Fannin, ii. 233. 
 
 Honey, G. W., state treasurer, 1869, 
 ii. 498. 
 
 Hood, J. L., pub. money committee, 
 ii. 170. 
 
 Hopkins, M., mention of, ii. 550. 
 
 Horse marines, achievements of, ii. 
 282-3. 
 
 Horton, A., mention of, ii. 172. 
 
 Horton, Col A. C, arrives at Goliad, 
 ii. 226; charge on Mex. forces, ii. 
 227; at battle of Coleto, ii. 229. 
 capital commis., 1839, ii. 337. 
 
 Hospitality, Texas, ii. 633-4. 
 
 Houston, town, capital removed from, 
 1839, ii. 337; aB.R. centre, ii. 572. 
 
 Houston, A., mention of, ii. 172, 174, 
 192, 
 
 Houston, Gen'l Felix, arrival of, iL 
 290; defeats Comanches, ii. 325. 
 
 Houston, Genl Sam, member state 
 conv., 1833, ii. 133; mention of, iL 
 167, 170; elected com'd'r in chief, 
 ii. 173; milit. measures of, ii. 192- 
 3; delegate to conv., etc., ii. 199; 
 speech to volunteers, ii. 219. ; proc- 
 lamation of, ii. 224^; 1842,. 
 ii. 348; of blockade, 1842, ii. 
 350; against Com. Moore, ii. 352; 
 for volunteers, 1842, ii. 358; retreat 
 to Colorado river, iL 225, 238; 
 biog. of, ii. 239 et seq., 380, 
 461; plans of, ii. 244^; insubordi- 
 nation of troops, ii. 246; impatience 
 at policy of, ii. 251 ; supposed plan 
 of, ii. 252; speech of, ii. 253; march 
 of, iii 253-4; battle of San Jacinto, 
 ii. 255 et seq.; council of war, ii. 
 258; outline of policy, ii. 259; 
 wound of, ii. 263; succeeded by 
 Rusk, ii. 269; release of Santa 
 Anna, ii. 275^6; letters to Gen. 
 Gaines, ii. 289; elected pres., ii. 
 291; inaugural address of, ii. 293; 
 reelection of, 1841, ii. 341; defeat 
 election, 1857, ii. 423; elected gov., 
 1859, ii. 426; messages May, 1837, 
 ii. 303; Dec. 1841, ii. 344; June 
 1842, ii. 357; farewell message, 
 1844, on S. Carolina resolutions, ii. 
 429; letter to Santa Anna, ii. 348- 
 50; archive removal, ii. 353; de- 
 nounces Green, ii. 369-70; invokes 
 interposition Mex. and Texas, 1842, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 789 
 
 li. 373^4; retirement of, ii. 380; 
 opposition to seceasion ii. 434-5; 
 speech on, ii. 438; removal, of etc., 
 ii. 440; death of, ii. 461-5. 
 
 Howard, Capt., mention of, ii. 324. 
 
 Howard, C. H., salt lakes riot, ii. 
 519; execution of, ii. 521. 
 
 Howland, execution of, ii. 334-5. 
 
 Hoxey, Asa, mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Hubbard, G-ov., succeeds Coke, ii. 
 518; biog., ii. 518-19; message, 
 1879, ii. 522. 
 
 Huajuguilla, presidio, site of re- 
 moved, i. 680. 
 
 Huidrobo, G-ov. M. B., exped. of, 
 1736, i. 460; gov. of Sinaloa and 
 Sonora, 1734r^l, i. 520-1. 
 
 Huller, Luis, colony project of, ii. 
 734. 
 
 Humana, exped., etc., of, 1595, i. 
 128-9; death of, i. 383. 
 
 Humes, missions among the, 1683-5, 
 i. 330-1. 
 
 Hunt, G-eneral M., mention of, ii. 
 273; defeat of, ii. 341; envoy to 
 a. S., ii. 342. 
 
 Hunter, John D., efforts in behalf of 
 the Cherokees, ii. 103-5; biog., etc., 
 of, ii. 104 et seq.; murder of, ii. 
 109. 
 
 Hurd, Capt., defeats Thompson, ii. 
 161-2; mention of, ii. 272. 
 
 Hurdaide, Capt. D. M. de, in com-, 
 mand at San Felipe, 1599, i. 16-26, 
 123, 207, 209; subdues the Guaza- 
 ves, i. 209-10; the Suaquis, i. 210- 
 12; exped. to Chinipa, 1601, i. 211; 
 protects the Ahomes, i. 211-12; 
 subdues the Tehuecos, i. 211-13; 
 visit to Mex., 1603-4, i. 212; de- 
 feats the Bacoburitos, 1604, i. 213; 
 the Ocorones, i. 213, 216; subdues 
 the Yaquis, 1610, i, 216-19; exped. 
 to Tepahue, 1612-13, i. 220-1; 
 against the Aivinos, 1622, i. 226; 
 death of, 1626, i. 227. 
 
 Ibarra, Bmilio, revolt of, ii. 737. 
 Ibarra, P. de, mining explorations of, 
 
 1554, i. 100; assists Franciscans, i. 
 
 101; gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 1561, 
 
 i. 102; exped. of, 1562-5, i. 103-10; 
 
 death, 1575, i. Ill; gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, l.'>76, i. 112. 
 Imperialists, menace of the U. S. 
 
 towards, etc., 1866, ii. 622, 
 Imports (see also commerce), prohibit. 
 
 of Coah. and Tex., 1829, ii. 87; 
 Texas, 1838-40, ii. 342. 
 
 Inde, mining camp, Tobosos attack, 
 etc., 1644, i. 348-50. 
 
 Independence, Texas, declaration of, 
 ii. 215-17; signers pf list, ii. 216; 
 recognition of, ii. 301, 238-40. 
 
 'Independence,' schooner, defeats the 
 Monjezuma, ii. 272; capture of, ii. 
 284. 
 
 ' Independencia, ' war vessel, ii. 707. 
 
 Independents, revolt of, 1811-14, ii. 
 17 et seq.; defeat royalists on Sali- 
 tre prairie, 1812, ii. 20; siege of 
 La Bahla, ii. 21-2; battle of Rosillo, 
 1813, ii. 23; assassination of royal- 
 ists, 1813, ii. 24; victory over Eli- 
 zoudo, ii. 25-6; defeat of, ii. 26^32. 
 
 Indians (se& also tribal names); hos- 
 tile incurskw>ns of, ii. 286; attack on 
 Fort Parker, ii. 287; hostilities at 
 Austin, ii. 337-8; hostilities of 
 1837-8, ii. 310-11; 1838-9, ii. 319- 
 26; Cherokee battle, ii. 323; depre- 
 dations of, ii. 405; colonization of, 
 ii. 406; extermiaation council, 1858, 
 ii. 409; massacre of, ii. 410; Texas, 
 removal of, ii. 411-12; affairs of 
 1859-82, ii. 524^5; hostilities, Nueva 
 Vizcaya,, etc., 1771-1845, ii. 593- 
 601 ; Viceroy Galves' war against, 
 ii. 594; Apache murders, Durango, 
 ii. 695; uprising of Sonora, etc., 
 
 1831, ii. 596; systematic raids of, 
 ii. 597; Galves' retaliation system, 
 597-8; head premiums on, ii. 599; 
 American aid to, ii. 599-63; Gov. 
 Conde's method, ii. 600; hostili- 
 ties, 1850-6, Chih. and Duran- 
 go, ii. 614-16; robbers, disguised 
 as, ii. 616; joint action ag st by 
 Mex. & U. S., ii. 626-7; Apache 
 campaign, 1813-14, ii. 633; Opata 
 outbreak, Sonora, 1820, ii. 633^; 
 Yaqui revolt, 1825, ii. 639-43; 
 
 1832, ii. 652; outbreaks in Sonora, 
 1842, ii. 660; Apache raids, 1834-6, 
 ii. 653-4; 1846-7, ii. 670; 1851-87, 
 ii. 703-4; L. Cal., condition, 1S25- 
 6, ii. 709; tribes of, treatment, etc., 
 N. Mex. states, ii. 742-3; pop. of, 
 ii. 745. 
 
 Indian war debt of Texas, ii. 413. 
 Ingraham, L. B., mention of, ii. 735. 
 Intendencias, establd., 1786, i. 676; 
 
 officials, i. 676; working of system, 
 
 i. 678-9. 
 International company of Mexico, ii. 
 
 730 et seq. 
 
790 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Interno del Norte, formation of, ii. 
 
 587. 
 Invincible,' Texaasohooner, ii. 271-2; 
 
 capture of 'Avispa,' etc., ii. 283. 
 Iriarte, Gov. F., succeeds Gonzalez, 
 
 ii. 638; removal of, ii. 644-5. 
 Iriarte y Laurnaga, Father J. P., 
 
 mission to Baja Gal., etc., 1768-72, 
 
 i. 733-6. 
 Irigoyen, Gov., resignation of, ii. 605. 
 'Isabella,' U. S. store ship, ii. 718. 
 Itamarra, F. de, voyage of, 1694, i. 
 
 194-5. 
 Iturbe, J. de, voyage of, 1614^15, i. 
 
 164-5. 
 Ives, Rev. C. S., church of, ii. 548. 
 Izarzabal, Brother I., mention of, i. 
 
 488. 
 
 Jackson, Pres. Andrew, message of, 
 u. 301-2; letter on Tex. Santa Fe 
 exped., ii. 336. 
 
 Jackson, C. W., organizes 'Regula- 
 tors,' etc., ii. 355. 
 
 Jalisco, Guzman's exped., 1530, i. 28. 
 
 Jaunegui, Mex. commissioner, 1842, 
 ii. 375. 
 
 JSurequi y Urrutia, Visitador J., de, 
 investigations of, 1737, i. 638. 
 
 Jarvis, J. J., mention of, ii. 577. 
 
 Jecker, surveying exped. of, ii. 695. 
 
 Jefe Politico, L. Cal., mode of app't- 
 ment, 1849, ii. 720. 
 
 Jefferson, Thos, mention of, ii. 167. 
 
 Jesuits, in Nueva Vizcaya, 1590, i. 
 119; 1602^0, i. 311-34; 1641-1700, 
 i. 340-63, 366-72; 1701-67, i. 585- 
 9; list of, i. 589-90; expulsion of, 
 1767, i. 688-91; in Sinaloa, 1591- 
 1600, i. 119-23; 1600-9, i 207-15; 
 1650-1700, i. 238-40, 572-6; expul- 
 sion of, 1767, i. 575-8; list of, i. 
 578-80; in Durango, 1593-1600, i. 
 124^5; annala of the, i. 207-8; in 
 Sonora, i. 232-3; 1650-1700, i. 242- 
 50, 572-6; expulsion, etc., of, 1767, 
 i. 575-8, 704; list of, i. 578-80; in 
 Baja Cal., 1697-1700, i. 284-304; 
 1701-67, i. 421-74; expulsion of, 
 1767-8, i. 476-82; list of, 1697-1768, 
 i. 482; in Pimeria, 1750, i. 543-4; 
 1751-67, i. 560-4; quarrel with 
 Governor Parrilla, 1752, i. 548-54; 
 secularization of missions, i. 704. 
 
 Jesus Marfa y Jose, mission, mention 
 of, i. 417; location, i. 418; aban- 
 doned, i. 419, 
 
 Jimenza, F., pilot toBecerra's exped.,. 
 1533, i. 45, murder of, i. 47. 
 
 Jirouza, D., gov. of Sonora, 1693, i. 
 255; campaigns of, i. 255-6; in 
 Pimeria, 1695, i. 262, 272-4. 
 
 Johnson, Pres , leniency of, ii. 479. 
 
 Johnson, jailer, murder of, ii. 444. 
 
 Johnson, A. E. C., mention of, ii. 
 172. 
 
 Johnson, A. R., biog. of, ii. 569. 
 
 Johnson, Col F. W., revolt of, 1832, 
 ii. 119; arrest ordered, ii. 161; bat- 
 tle of San Antonio, ii. 182; succeeds- 
 Milam, ii. 184; favors Grant's plan, 
 ii. 196; defeat, etc., of, ii. 220-2. 
 
 Johnson, J., mention of, ii. 564. 
 
 Jones, Pres. Anson, mention of, ii. 
 244, 297; opposition to Island land- 
 sale, ii. 309; election of, 1844, ii. 
 378; inaugural address, ii. 382j 
 proclamation for annexation, ii. 
 382; 'Memoranda,' etc., ii. 386; 
 opposition to Know-nothing party, 
 ii. 420. 
 
 Jones, Lieut-gov. G. W., election of, 
 ii. 483. 
 
 Jones, J. R. , mention of, ii. 160. 
 
 Jones, Maj. J. B., mention of, ii. 311, 
 520. 
 
 .Jones, R., mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Jones, T. L., execution of, ii. 368. 
 
 Jordan, Col S. W., battle of Alean- 
 tro, ii. 327-8; return to Texas, ii. 
 329; defeats Centralists, ii. 330' et 
 seq. ; retreats to Texas, ii. 331. J 
 
 ' Josiah Bell,' victory of, ii. 459. 
 
 Joutel, with La Salle's exped. , i. 400- 
 11. 
 
 Juarez, Capt. , exped. of, 1633, i. 330. 
 
 Juarez, Pres., reception of, at Chih.^ 
 1864, ii. 620; at El Paso, 1865, ii_ 
 622; revolt against, death, etc., of,, 
 1868-72, ii. 623^. 
 
 ' Julius Caesar, ' capture of, ii. 284. 
 
 Junco y Espriella, P. del B., gov. of 
 Texas, 1748-50, i. 639. 
 
 Justice, administ. of in Tex., ii. 4; 
 1876, ii. 531; €oah. & Texas, ii 
 94-5; N. Mex. states, ii. 742. 
 
 Juzucanea, Juan P. (see also 'Bjui- 
 deras '); revolt of, ii. 639-43. 
 
 Kansas, agitation over admission, iL 
 424-5; polit. strife in, ii. 428. 
 
 Kappus, Father A., joins Mange's 
 exped., 1694, i. 257. 
 
 Kearny, Gen'l, mention of, ii. 398. 
 
 Keenan, C. G., mention, of, ii. 538. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 791 
 
 Keller, Father, mission to Pimerla, 
 1731-7, i. 623-5; Gov. Vildosola's 
 hostility to, i. 530; exped. of, 1743, 
 i. 536; charges against Parrilla, 
 1752, i. 548-9. 
 
 Kellog, A. G., mention of; ii. 172. 
 
 Kemper, Major, mention of, ii. 21-2. 
 
 Kendall, ' Texas Santa Fe Exped.,' ii. 
 334 et seq. 
 
 Kennedy, William, 'Texas Rise, 
 Progress,' etc., ii. 383. 
 
 Kerr, Peter, news of Fannin's massa- 
 cre, ii. 245. 
 
 Kickapoos, Indians, troubles with, ii. 
 406. 
 
 King, Capt., defeat and death of, ii. 
 222-3. 
 
 King, V. 0., mention of, ii. 262. 
 
 Kino, Father E., with Otondo's ex- 
 ped., 1683, i. 187; diary of, i. 190- 
 2. 
 
 Kino, Father E. F., biog., i. 250-1; 
 labors, etd., of, i. 250-4; expeds., 
 etc., of, 1694-1700, i. 257-71; 1701- 
 6, i. 495-502; enthusiasm of, i. 277- 
 8; meeting with Salvatierra, i. 278- 
 9; exploration of, 1701, i. 421; in- 
 tercourse with Salvatierra, i. 421-2; 
 labors in Pimeria, i. 492-3, 502-5; 
 map of, 1701, i. 498-9; death of, 
 1711, i. 505; life and character, i. 
 505-6. 
 
 Kirker, James, scalp hunter, ii. 599- 
 601. 
 
 Kittredge, Lieut J. W., captures 
 Corpus Christi, ii. 454. 
 
 Kleberg, M. E., biog. of, ii. 765. 
 
 Knechler, Jacob, land-ofEce commis., 
 1869, ii. 498. 
 
 Knight, James, delegate to council, 
 1835, ii. 160. 
 
 Knights of the Golden Circle, objects, 
 etc., of, ii. 433; murders of, ii. 435. 
 
 Know-nothing party, defeat of, 1855, 
 ii. 420. 
 
 Koogle, W. C, mention of, ii. 559. 
 
 L'Archveque, murder of La SaUe, i. 
 408. 
 
 LaBahla, siege of, 1813, ii. 21-2. 
 
 La Harpe, exped. of, 1721, i. 619-21. 
 
 La Paz, Lower Cal. , Vizcaino's exped. 
 at, 1597, i. 149-50; colony establd. 
 at, 1633, i. 172-4; settlement, 
 founding, etc., of, '1633, i. 172-5; 
 abandoned, i. 174-5; reestabl'd, 
 1683, i. 187-8; hostility of natives, 
 
 i. 188-9; again abandoned, i. 190; 
 
 surrender of, 1847, ii. 712; U. S. 
 
 occupation of, 1847, ii. 713 et seq.; 
 
 plan of, position of troops, etc. , ii. 
 
 715; siege of, ii. 714-16; filibuster 
 
 capture of, ii. 722. 
 La Salle, R. G, de, exped., etc., of, 
 
 1678, i. 393; 1684-7, i. 396-408; 
 
 death of, 1687, i. 408-9; character, 
 
 i. 409. 
 Laba, Friar I. M., 'Informe.' 
 Labado, Father F., murder of, 1645, 
 
 i. 349. 
 Labranche, Alcee, charge d' affaires to 
 
 Texas, ii. 301. 
 Lafitte, Jean, biog., etc., of, ii. 39-43. 
 Laguua, region, Jesuits in, i. 311-12. 
 Lallemand, colony of, 1818, ii. 44-5. 
 Lamar, M. B., appt'd sec. of war, 
 
 1836, ii. 269; opposition to Santa 
 Anna's treaty, ii. 271; app't'd 
 major-general, etc., ii. 289-90; 
 elected vice-pres., ii. 292; inaugu- 
 ral address of, ii. 293; elected 
 president, 1838, ii. 313; inaug. 
 address, ii. 314; message, ii. 315; 
 lud. policy of, ii. 322; encourages 
 Santa Fe exped., ii. 333; message 
 of, Nov. 1841, ii. 341; extravagance 
 of, ii. 345-7. 
 
 Landeras, Mex. commissioner, 1842, 
 
 ii. 375. 
 Land-grants, to Texan volunteers, ii. 
 
 217; frauds in, 1835, ii. 171; L. 
 
 Cal., ii. 727 et seq. 
 Land-office, Texas, certificates issued, 
 
 ii. 311. 
 Landrnn, Col, at battle S. Antonio, 
 
 ii. 184; battle with Cherokees, ii. 
 
 323. 
 Lands, Texas, bills to sectionize, etc., 
 
 1835-7, ii. 306; general law adopted, 
 
 1837, ii. 308. 
 
 Land titles, N. Mex. states, ii. 749. 
 Lane, Gov., mention of, ii. 617. 
 Lapham, Moses, mention of, ii. 260. 
 Lara, B. G. de, revol. movements of, 
 
 ii. 19 et seq.; appointed gov. 181.3, 
 
 ii. 24. 
 Lara, D. de, the Tarahumare revolt, 
 
 1649-51, i. 356. 
 Larios, F. G., gov. ad int. of Texas, 
 
 1743-8, i. 639. 
 Larios, Father J., visits Coahuila, 
 
 1670, i. 375. 
 Larrea, J. B. , gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 
 1700, i. 338, 581. 
 Las Palmas bay mission, founding of, 
 
 1733, i. 457. 
 Lavalette, Capt., captures Guaymas, 
 
792 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 1847, ii. 667-9; captnire of Hazatlan, 
 ii. 670. 
 
 Xaws, Texas legisl., 1867, ii. 485-6. 
 
 Lea, Lieut-commander, death of, ii. 
 456. 
 
 Leal, Viaitador A., with Kino's ex- 
 ped., 1699, i. 269. 
 
 Leftwioh, Robert, colony of, ii. 73. 
 
 Xeger, T., mention of, ii. 549. 
 
 Legislature, Texas, Kansas resolution 
 of, ii. 425; extra session, 1861, ii. 
 434; session, 1867, ii. 485; 14th ses- 
 sion, ii. 511-12; Durango, suspen- 
 sion of members, ii. 590; Sonora 
 and Sinaloa, 1826, ii. 638. 
 
 Leon, Capt. A. de, comandante of 
 Santiago de Monclova, i. 376; ex- 
 peds of, 1689-90, i. 414-15. 
 
 Leon, Brig. F. Punce de, gov. and 
 com. -gen., 1844, ii. 661. 
 
 'Leon, Gen. M. de, revolt of, 1879, ii. 
 703, 738-9. 
 
 Leon, Martin de, colony of, ii. 73. 
 
 Lester, J. S., mention 'of, ii. 172. 
 
 Letoua, Jose M., elected gov. Tex., 
 1831, ii. 116. 
 
 Lewis, Capt., Tex. Sania Fe exped., 
 ii. 334-7; treachery of, ii. 335. -^ 
 
 Lewis, Capt. M. B., recaptures ar- 
 chives, ii. 354. 
 
 Lezama, Oontador M. de, project of, 
 i. 170. 
 
 Liberals, Durango, ii. 588. 
 
 ' Libertador,' capture of the ' Lide- 
 pendenoe,' ii. 284. 
 
 Liberty, town, establishment, etc., 
 of, ii. 116; milit. aid from, ii. 170. 
 
 'Liberty,' Texas schooner, ii. 271; 
 sale of, ii. 283. 
 
 Ldqui mission, foundijig, etc., of, 1705, 
 i. 432. 
 
 Linares, Viceroy, aids the Jesuits, i. 
 436. 
 
 Lincoln, Prea. A., election of, 1860, 
 ii. 433; rebellion proclamation, ii. 
 449. 
 
 Link, Father W., in charge at Borja, 
 1762, i. 472; expeds of, 1765-6, i, 
 473. 
 
 Linn, E. D., biog, of, ii. 577. 
 
 Linn, J. J., mention of, ii. 577. 
 
 Lipans, raids of the, 1722-6, i. 631 ; 
 } subjugation of the, i. 640; Quintero 
 defeats, 1813, ii. 32. 
 
 Lipantitlan, town, surrender, etc., of, 
 ii. 188-9. - 
 
 Littlefield, G. W., mention of, ii. 
 560. 
 
 Littleton, Lieut, defeat of, ii. 446. 
 
 Lizazoin, Father T. I., refounds San 
 
 Jose mission, 1751, L 554; report, 
 
 etc., of, 1763, i. 565-6. 
 Llewellyn, Capt., at battle S. An- 
 tonio, ii. 184. 
 Lok, M., map of, 1582, i. 151. 
 Lomeliu, F. B., bishop of Guadiana, 
 
 1656-8, i. 338. 
 Londo, Caflada de, Salvatierra's ex- 
 peds to, 1698-1700, i. 294-5, 299, 
 
 301. 
 Long, Gen., mention of, ii. 518. 
 Long, David, mention of. 
 Long, James, exped. into Tex., 1819, 
 
 ii. 47-51; death of, ii. 51. 
 Lopez, with Guzman's exped., 1530-1, 
 
 i. 30, 36-7. 
 Lopez, Col, treachery of, ii. 329 et 
 
 seq. 
 Lopez, A., exped. of, 1654, i. 386. 
 Lopez, Padre D., the Tepehuane 
 
 revolt, 1616-17, i. 329; mission to 
 
 iihe Jumanas, 1629, i. 385. 
 Lopez, .J. A., re vol. exped., 1810. 
 Lopez, Father J. F., rept on Texan 
 
 missions, 1785, i. 664^8. 
 Lopez, Father N., exped. of, 1684, i. 
 
 388-9. 
 Loranco, Col, Cortina's defeat of, ii- 
 
 446. 
 Lorenzo, C, with Ortega's exped., 
 
 1636, i. 174. 
 Lorenzo, Capt. E. B,., in command at 
 
 San Javier, 1701, i. 423; death of, 
 
 1746, i. 462; biog., i. 462-3. 
 Lorenzo y la Rea, B. R. , in charge at 
 
 San Jose del Cabo, 1736, i. 461. 
 Loreto mission, founded by Salva- 
 
 tierra, 1697, i. 284-6, 290-1; map 
 
 of, and vicinity, 1700, i. 285; 
 
 troubles with natives, i. 287-8, 
 
 292-3, 298-9; reenforcements, etc., 
 
 for, i. 293-4, 298; prosperity of, i. 
 
 296; Salvatierra leaves, i. 303-4; 
 
 distress at, 1701-2, i. 422-6, 429; 
 
 outbreak at, i. 424-5; Franciscans 
 
 at, 1768, i. 484; Galvez' measures, 
 
 etc., 1769, i. 726-7. 
 Los Angeles, founded, 1781, i. 770. 
 Louisiana boundary dispute, ii. 9-1 1 ; 
 
 treaty, 1819, ii. 45-7. 
 Love, Capt. Wm M., mention of, ii. 
 
 311. 
 Loving, Geo. B., mention of, ii. 560. 
 Lewder, W. J. F., mention of, ii. 
 
 410. 
 Lower California, see California, Baj a. 
 Lower Cal. Colonization and Mining 
 
 CO., ii. 727. 
 Lozada, Ind. chief, invasion of, 1860, 
 
 ii. 696. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 793 
 
 Tiozado, General, captures Mazatlan, 
 
 ii. 697; defeats Corona, ii. 698. 
 .Lubbock, Gov. F. R., election of, 
 
 1861, ii. 451; suggestions of, ii. 
 
 457; state treasurer, 1878, ii. 522. 
 XuceniUa y Torres, Capt. F., voyage 
 
 of, 1668, i. 184-5. 
 Luckett, P. N., mention of, ii. 437. 
 Luis, Cacique, the Pima revolt, 1751- 
 
 2, i. 544-5. 
 Luna, Father, with Barriga's exped., 
 
 1644, i. 182. 
 Lunatic asylum, Texas, ii. 537-8. 
 Luyaudo, Father J. B., in Baia Cal., 
 
 1727-8, i. 454. 
 Lyons, Patrick, death of, ii. 366. 
 
 M 
 
 McAshan, S. M., biog. of, ii. 767. 
 McBride, Sergeant, execution of, ii. 
 
 521. 
 McCormick, Geo., state atty-gen., ii. 
 
 522. 
 McCoy, Col J. C, biog. of, ii. 577. 
 McCulloch, B., mention of, ii. 397. 
 McCuUough, B., mention of, ii. 434; 
 
 captures San Antonio, ii. 437. 
 .McDermott, Lieut-com., death of, ii. 
 
 460. 
 McDonald, Lieut Wm, at battle S. 
 
 Antonio, ii. 183. 
 McGowan, J. B., mention of, ii. 397. 
 MoKinney, equips Texas schooners, 
 
 ii. 271. 
 McKinney, A. T., biog., etc., ii. 543. 
 McLanahan, Midshipman, bravery, 
 
 etc., of. ii. 716; death of, ii. 717. 
 McLeod, Gen. H. D., mention of, ii. 
 
 296; Comanche council, 1840, ii. 
 
 324. 
 McLeod, Gen. Hugh, Tex. Santa Fe 
 
 exped., ii. 334; surrender of, ii. 336. 
 McMuUen, mention of, ii. 397. 
 McNeal, W. W., Indian massacre of, 
 
 ii. 410. 
 McNeil Stirling, delegate to council, 
 
 1835, ii. 160. 
 Mackay, T. J., testimony of, ii. 482. 
 Macomb, David B., mention of, ii. 
 
 172. 
 Madero, Francisco, arrest of, ii. 116. 
 Madero, Gov. J. I., mention of, ii. 
 
 590. 
 Madison, Pres., proclamation ag'st 
 
 filibusters, 1815, ii. 34. 
 Magee, Lieut August, revol. move- 
 ments of, ii. 19 et seq.; elected col 
 
 of revolutionists, ii. 21; death of, 
 
 iL 22. 
 
 Magruder, Gen., recaptures Galves- 
 ton, ii. 455-6; disagreement with 
 state authorities, ii. 472. 
 
 Mahan, Patrick, execution of, ii. 368. 
 
 Mail service, Texas, ii. 569-70. 
 
 Maillard, N. D., 'Historjrof Texas,' 
 ii. 141; misrepresentations of, ii. 
 214. 
 
 Maldonado, Capt., exped. of, 1540, i. 
 87-8. 
 
 Maldonado, A. del C, with Vasca's 
 exped., etc., i. 61, 66, 70. 
 
 Maldonado, L. F. de, voyage of, 1588, 
 i. 144-5. 
 
 Malhado island, Spaniards wrecked 
 on, 1528, i. 61; location of, i. 63. 
 
 Mange, Capt. J. M., 'Historia de la 
 Pimeria Alta,' i. 256; expeds of, 
 1694-9, i. 256-70; with Salvatierra's 
 exped., 1701-2, i. 494-500. 
 
 Manufactures, Texas, ii. 566; Sonora 
 and Sinaloa, ii. 760. 
 
 Mapimi, presidio of, reoccupied, 1711, 
 i. 583. 
 
 Maps and plans, region north and 
 west of Mexico, i. 11; Guzman's 
 expedition, 1531, i. 31; explora- 
 tions, 1532-6, i. 43; Cabeza de 
 Vaca's route, i. 67; explorations of, 
 1539-42, i. 73; Castillo's, 1541, i. 
 81; Nueva Vizoaya, i. 101, 592, 
 677; Lok's, 1582, i. 151; Wytfliet- 
 Ptolemy's, 1597, i. 152; Vizcaino's 
 1603, i. 156; Dutch map, 1624-5, i- 
 169; D'Avitty's, 1637, i. 176; Dam. 
 pier's, 1699, i. 195; Harris, 1705, i. 
 196; Sinaloa and Sonora, i. 208; 
 Pimeria, i. 251; Loreto and vicin- 
 ity, 1700, i. 285; Orozco y Berra's, 
 i. 310; southern Nueva Vizcaya, 
 1700, i. 312; northern Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1700, i. 347; Coahuila, i. 377; 
 Texas, i. 381, 615; peninsular mis- 
 sions, i. 427; California missions, i. 
 447; Consag's, 1746, i. 464; Vene- 
 gas, 1757, i. 471; Baegert's, 1757, 
 i. 479; Kino's, 1701, i. 499; Sonora 
 and Sinaloa, i. 555; Sonora in the 
 eighteenth century, i. 703; Palou's, 
 i. 771; Austin's map of 1835, ii. 75; 
 San Antonio and environs, ii. 181; 
 Santa Anna's march, ii. 203; ground 
 plan of the Alamo, ii. 206; sectional 
 map of 1835, ii. 249; fortress of 
 Perote, ii. 368; city of Monterey, 
 ii. 395; Durango and Chihuahua, ii. 
 583; Durango and Sinaloa, ii. 591; 
 Chihuahua, ii. 606; Sonora and 
 Sinaloa, ii. 629; Sinaloa, ii. 657; new 
 map of Sonora, ii, 666; positions of 
 
794 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 troop, La Paz, 1847, ii. 715; Urrea'e 
 
 campaign, ii. 228; routes of armies, 
 
 Santa Anna and Houston, ii. 252; 
 
 plan of battle-field, San Jacinto, 
 
 ii. 256. 
 Mariscal, Gov., election, removal, 
 
 etc., of, ii. 702. 
 Marjiauo, Father L. M., at San Ig- 
 
 nacio, 1722-3, i. 507. 
 Marie, Sieur de, with La Salle's ex- 
 
 ped , i. 406-8. 
 Marras, Rector D. A., dispute with 
 
 Aguirre, 1673, i. 243-4. 
 Martial law, Texas, proclaimed, 1832, 
 
 ii. 119; 1862, ii. 456-7; proclama- 
 tions of, 1871, ii. 507; Chih. and 
 
 Durango, 1864, ii. 619-20. 
 Martin, Capt. H., exped. of, 1650, i. 
 
 385-6. 
 Martin, Wylie, polit. chief, ii. 160: 
 
 mention of, ii. 171; company of, at 
 
 S. Felipe, ii. 246; rejoins Houston. 
 
 ii. 250, 253. 
 Martinez, Gen., defeat, etc., of, 1868. 
 
 ii. 697, 700. 
 Martinez, Capt. F., with Teran's ex 
 
 ped., 1691-2, i. 416-17. 
 Martinez, Father G., mention of, 
 
 365. 
 Martinez, Padre M., death of, 1632, 
 
 i. 229. 
 Martinez, Col M., resignation, etc. 
 
 1835, ii. 710. 
 Martos y Navarette, A. de, gov. of 
 
 Texas, 1760-7, i. 643, 649, 652. 
 Masanet, Father D., with Leon's ex- 
 
 peds, i. 414-15; with Teran's exped., 
 
 1691-2, i. 416-17. 
 Mascarenas, Gov., proclaims martial 
 
 law, ii. 620. 
 Mason, General, mention of, ii. 286-7. 
 Masteraon, Judge J. R., biog. of, ii. 
 
 766-7. 
 Matagorda, municipality created, ii. 
 
 144. 
 Matamoros, exped. against, ii. 194 
 
 et seq.; federalists' siege of, ii. 
 
 328. 
 Maverick, at siege of Bejar, ii. 180; 
 
 guide, battle of S. Antonio, ii. 182. 
 Maverick, S. A., mention of, ii. 437. 
 Maxey, Senator S. B., biog. of, ii. 
 
 578. 
 Mayorga, Father, mention of, i. 434. 
 Mayos, Sinaloan tribe, mission found- 
 ed among, 1613, i. 222; conversions 
 
 among, i. 226; revolt of, 1826, ii. 
 
 640; 1867, ii 701. 
 Mazatlan, founding of, i. 206; name, 
 
 i. 206; hist, of, ii. 650; captured 
 
 by Paredes, etc, 1838, ii. 658; sur- 
 render to the U. S., ii. 669-70; 
 blockade of, etc., 1864, ii. 697; 
 French evacuate, ii. 699. 
 
 Mediavilla y Ascona, M. de, gov. of 
 Texas, 1726-30, i. 632-4. 
 
 Medina, Father P. I. de, mention of, 
 i. 340. 
 
 Mejia, Gen. Jose A., Texas exped., 
 ii. 125; Tampico attack, etc., ii. 
 189-90. 
 
 Melendez, commandant, murder of, 
 ii. 725. 
 
 ' Memorias para la Historias de la 
 Provincia de Sinaloa,' MS., 120. 
 
 Menard, P. J. , mention of, ii. 170. 
 
 Mendarozqueta, Gov. B., gov. Du' 
 range, 1833, ii. 591; removal and 
 replacement of, li. 592; succeeds 
 Heredia, ii. 602. 
 
 Mendez, Father P., mission to Sina- 
 loa, 1600-6, i. 209-14; the Tehuecos' 
 revolt, etc., 1611, i. 219-20; labors 
 among the Mayos, i. 222; mission- 
 ary labors of, 1621, i. 225-6; 1628, 
 i. 228; retirement of, 1635, i. 231. 
 
 Mendigutia, Father A., mention of, i. 
 591. 
 
 Meudoza, Viceroy, designs of, i. 72; 
 Coronado's exped., i. 83; rupture 
 with Cortes, i. 95; contract with 
 Alvarado, 1540, i. 96; exped. to 
 Nueva Galicia, i. 97. 
 
 Mendoza, Capt. A. G., de, with Sal- 
 vatierra's exped., 1699, i. 297-9; 
 complaint, etc., of, i. 302-3; resig- 
 nation of, 1701, i. 423. 
 
 Mendoza, D. H. de, Cortes' instruc- 
 tions to, i. 41; exped. of, 15.32, i. 
 41-5. 
 
 Mendoza, Friar G. de, mission to 
 Durango, i. 100-1. 
 
 Mendoza, J. de, gov. of Sinaloa, i. 
 556; rule, 1755-60, i. 556; death of,. 
 1760, i. 556. 
 
 Mendoza, J. D., de, mention of, i. 
 388-9. 
 
 Menifee, William, mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Mercado, G. V. de, exped. to Zacate- 
 cas, 1552, i. 100. 
 
 Mexico, Texan affairs, 1716, i. 616-17,. 
 622; action in Santa Anna treaty, 
 ii. 279-80; Texas peace proposals, 
 1839, ii. 340; ports of Texas block- 
 aded, 1842, ii. 350 et seq. ; threat 
 against the U. S., 1842, ii. 376. 
 
 Mexican border, troubles of, 1876, ii. 
 518. 
 
 Mexicans, race troubles with Texas, 
 1857. ii. 416 et seq. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 795 
 
 Mezieres, Lieut A. de, rept on Texan 
 affairs, 1778, i. 660-2; expeda of, 
 1778-9, i. 663-4. 
 
 Michoacan, subjugation of, i. 13-14. 
 
 Middendorf, Father B., mission to 
 the Papagos, 1756, i. .561. 
 
 Mier disaster, ii. 361 et seq. ; at- 
 tempted escape and execution of 
 prisoners, ii. 365; foreign corres- 
 pondence on, ii. 369. 
 
 Mier y Teran, Manuel, app't'd com'd 
 gen 1, ii. 115; tyranny of, ii. 116-17. 
 
 Milan, Benj. R., colony of, ii. 74; 
 arrest and escape of, ii. 154, 169; 
 battle of San Antonio, ii. 180 et 
 seq; death and biog. of, ii. 184. 
 
 Miles, capture of Santa Anna, ii. 264. 
 
 Military movements of U. S. and 
 Mex., 1805, ii. 11; army ordinance, 
 Texas, 1835, ii. 173; appropriations 
 for, ii. 305; protection of frontier, 
 1839, ii. 317; posts, list 1861, ii. 
 437; movements, 1861-5, ii. 450 et 
 seq; withdrawal of, ii. 502; militia 
 organization of, 1870, ii. 506; milit. 
 colonies, Mex. frontier, decree, 
 1848, ii. 612; militia Mex. frontier, 
 ii. 613; force in Sonora & Sinaloa, 
 1826, ii. 638; frontier force, Sonora, 
 1848-50, ii. 671; milit. colony, L. 
 Cal., 1850, ii. 720. 
 
 Millard, Lieut-col H., mention of, ii. 
 172, 174; at council of war, ii. 258; 
 battle San Jacinto, ii. 260. 
 
 Miller, Major, capture of, ii. 233-4. 
 
 Miller, J. B., member state conv., 
 1833, ii. 133-4. 
 
 Mina, Javier, movements of, 1816-17, 
 ii. 36-7. 
 
 Miller, John F., quarantine bill of, 
 ii. 562. 
 
 Miller, S. A., 'Journal,' ii. 372. 
 
 Mines and minerals, Texas, ii. 564-6; 
 N. Mex. states, ii. 751; gold, ii. 
 751; statistics, ii. 752; sUver, ii. 
 752; leading mines, ii. 753; Sonora, 
 ii. 754; placers, ii. 754; Sinaloa, 
 Durango, & L. Cal., ii. 755; miscel. 
 minerals, ii. 756. 
 
 Minon, Col Jose, at battle of the 
 Alamo, ii. 210. 
 
 Minutili, Father G., at Loreta, 1702, 
 i. 426-7. 
 
 Miramon, Lieut-col A., Paredes ap- 
 points gov., etc., ii. 669. 
 
 Miranda, Col, neutrality, 1847, ii.712. 
 
 Miranda y Castro, Gov., appointment, 
 etc., of, ii. 737-8. 
 
 Missions, Sonora and Sinaloa, decline 
 of, 1833, ii. 651. 
 
 Missouri compromise, ii. 423. 
 
 Mitchell, Asa, mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Mixton war, 1540-2, i. 96-7. 
 
 Moctezuma, Viceroy, mention of, i. 
 280. 
 
 Moderators and regulators, war of, ii. 
 354. 
 
 Molano, Col., treachery of, ii. 329 et 
 seq. 
 
 Molina, Father, massacre at San 
 Sabs, 1758, i. 646-8. 
 
 Monolova, Presidio, site of trans- 
 ferred, 1772, i. 608. 
 
 Mondragon, B., comandante of Sina- 
 loa, 1589, i. 115. 
 
 Monroy, A. dc, gov, of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1586-9, i. 113. 
 
 Monsalve, L. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1639, i. 306. 
 
 Montalvo, 0. de, ' Sergas de Esplan- 
 dian, ' i. 82. 
 
 Montano, Capt. F., the Tepehuane 
 revolt, 1616-17, i. 326; the Toboao 
 outbreak, etc., 1644r-5, i. 349-50. 
 
 Monterde, J. M., gov.-gen'l Chih., ii. 
 602. 
 
 Monterde, M., appointment, etc., of, 
 1830, ii. 710. 
 
 Monterey, Cal., Vizcaino discovers, 
 1603, i. 159-60; mission founded at, 
 1770, i. 767; capital of Cal., i. 768;- 
 plan of, ii. 395. 
 
 Monteros, deputy, reforms and ob- 
 jections of, ii. 636. 
 
 Montesclaros, Fuerte de, building, 
 etc., of 1610, i. 215-16; garrison of, 
 i. 220. 
 
 ' Montezuma, ' Mex. war ship, ii. 356. 
 
 Montoya, Gen'l, defeat of, ii. 331. 
 
 Montoya, P. de, exped. to Sinaloa, 
 1583, i. 113-14; death of, i. 114. 
 
 Moore, J. W., mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Moore, Commodore, disobedience of, 
 1842, ii. 352; defeats ' Montezuma,' 
 and ' Guadalupe, ' ii. 356. 
 
 Moore, congressman, mention of, iu 
 401. 
 
 Moore, Chief Justice G. F., election 
 of, 1878, ii. 522. 
 
 Moore Col John H., defeats Casta- 
 neda, ii. 166; defeats Comanches^ 
 1840, ii. 326. 
 
 Moore, R. F., mention of, ii. 545. 
 
 Moquis, requests of for missionaries, 
 1711-23, i. 509-10; proposed subju- 
 gation of, 1742-4, i. 536; exped. 
 against, 1747, i. 539-40; independ- 
 ence of, i. 603. 
 
 Mora, Comandante, peace negotia* 
 tious of, 1834, ii. 654, 
 
796 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Morales, Col, at battle of the Alamo, 
 ii. 210; advance upon Goliad, ii. 
 226-7; battle of Colito, ii. 229. 
 
 Morales, Gov., resigaation of, etc., 
 1864, ii. 696; battles with the 
 French, 1865, ii. 697. 
 
 Morales, J. F. de, comandante of 
 Sonera, 1650, i. 233. 
 
 Morales, Capt. M. G., the Tarahu- 
 mere revolt, 1649-51, i. 356-7; 
 comisario in Baja Cal., 1678, i. 488. 
 
 Moranget, with La Salle's exped., 
 i. 400-7; murder of, i. 408. 
 
 Moreno, J. M., sub jefe politico, ii. 
 725. 
 
 Moret, M., gov. Durango, 1852, ii. 
 617. 
 
 Morfi, Father J. A., death of, 1783, i. 
 664; works of, i. 664, 
 
 Morfi t, Henry M., report oa Texas, 
 ii. 285. 
 
 Morgan, Col, assent to Moore's oper- 
 ations, ii. 352-3. 
 
 'Morning Light,' surrender of, ii. 
 459. 
 
 ilorrell. Rev. Z. N. , mention of, ii. 
 547. 
 
 Morris, constable, murder of, ii. 444. 
 
 Morris, Capt. R. C, mention of, ii. 
 179. 
 
 Morris, Major, battle of San Antonio, 
 ii. 182. 
 
 Morrison, Lieut-col., battle at Pal- 
 metto rancho, ii. 475. 
 
 Mortimer, Serg. E. C, death of, ii. 
 520. 
 
 Mota, Bishop, the Acaxce revolt, 
 1601-2, i. 315. 
 
 Motheral, W. E., Indian massacre of, 
 ii. 410. 
 
 Mott, W. F., biog. of, ii. 765. 
 
 Mugazabal, Brother, death of, 1761, 
 i. 472. 
 
 Mulege mission, founding, etc., of, 
 1705, i. 432-3. 
 
 Murrah, Gov., Pendleton, inaugura- 
 tion of, 1863, ii. 465-6; message, 
 etc., 1864, ii. 468-73; flight of, ii. 
 478. 
 
 Musquiz, Ramon, polit. chief, ii. 116; 
 vice-governor. 1835, ii. 146; propo- 
 sals of, ii. 157. 
 
 Mussina, '^Simon, mention of, ii. 550. 
 
 N 
 
 Uachitoches, Fort, Ramon's visit to, 
 1710, i. 615-16; site of transferred, 
 1735, i. 636. 
 
 JNacogdoches, resolutions of, 1835, ii. 
 167; rebellion, 1838, ii. 320. 
 
 Kaglee, Capt. H. M., campaign of 
 
 L. Cal., 1847, ii. 718. 
 N&poli, Father I. M., mention of. i. 
 
 453. 
 Narvaez, P. de, exped., etc., of, i. 
 
 11-12; 1527-8, i. 60-1, 380; gov. 
 
 of LasPalmas, i. 60; fate of, i.61-2. 
 Narvona, Capt., gov. Sonora and Sin., 
 
 1821, ii. 630; Apache campaigns of, 
 
 1813-14, ii. 633. 
 Nava, replaced, ii. 582. 
 Nava, Gen. P. de, comandante gen. 
 
 of Provincias Intemas, 1790, i. 675. 
 Nava, Priest D. de, with Ortega's 
 
 exped., 1632, i. 171-3. 
 Navarette, A. M., gov. of Coahoila, 
 
 1756, i. 604. 
 Navarette, Pedro, jefe politico, 1863, 
 
 ii. 726. 
 Navarro, Ant., signs declaration in- 
 dependence, ii. 216. 
 Navarro, J. A., Tex. Santa Fe exped., 
 
 ii. 334; escape and biog. of, ii. 337. 
 Navarro, Juan, succeeds Corral, ii. 
 
 586. 
 Navarro, Don P. G., auditor de 
 
 guerra of Provincias Internas, 1777, 
 
 i. 672. 
 Navarro, Gov. R., election of, etc., 
 
 1858-60, ii. 725. 
 Navigation, Texas, ii 568; N. Mex. 
 
 states, ii. 763-4. 
 Navy, Texas, battles, etc., of, ii. 
 
 283-4; appropriations for, 1839, iL 
 
 317; operations of, 1842, ii. 350 et 
 
 seq. ; authorized sale of, ii. 352; 
 
 repeal of act, ii. 353. 
 Mayarit, location, i. 518; conquest of, 
 
 1721-2, i. 518-19. 
 Neal, murder of, ii. 444. 
 Negrete, L. del C. , captures Durango, 
 
 1821, ii. 585-6; sub jefe politico, 
 
 1842, ii. 711; arrest of, ii. 720. 
 Negroes (see also Freedmen); con- 
 spiracy of, Texas, 1856, ii. 416-17. 
 Neighbors, R. S., Ind. agent, iL 411; 
 
 death of, ii. 412. 
 Neill, Col J. C, battle of San Anto- 
 nio, ii. 182; Alamo commander, ii. 
 
 196; latter to Houston, ii. 201. 
 ' Nelson, ' schooner, ii. 118. 
 Nentvig, Father, escapes from Pimas, 
 
 1751, i. 544. 
 Neve, F. de, comandante-gen., etc., 
 
 of Provincias Internas, 1782, i. 673; 
 
 gov. of Cal., 1774r-9, i. 738-42, 745; 
 
 in Alte Cal., 1777, i. 768-9. 
 Neville, Capt. C. L., biog., ii. 578. 
 Nevome mission, description of, 1658, 
 
 i. 242-3. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 797 
 
 Nevomes, Sinaloan tribe, missionary 
 labors among, 1615, i. 223-4; con- 
 versions among, i. 226; revolt of, 
 1526-7, i. 227. 
 
 New map of Sonora, ii. 666. 
 
 New Mexico, annals of, 1540-1600, i. 
 127-9; church affairs in, 1601-30, i. 
 374; revolts in, 1680-96, i. 374; 
 boundary with Texas, ii. 398; 
 Texas boundary bill, ii. 400-1. 
 
 New Orleans Grays, organization of, 
 ii. 170-lj arrival at S. Antonio, ii. 
 179. 
 
 New York volunteer campaign in L. 
 Cal., ii. 713. 
 
 Newcomb, J., mention of, ii. 427-8. 
 
 Newspapers, Texas, ii. 548-50; The 
 Cotton Plant, ii. 548; The Texas 
 Eepublican, ii. 549; Texas Gazette 
 and Brazoria, ii. 549; Constitutional 
 Advocate and Texas Public Adver- 
 tiser, ii. 549; Texas Kepublican, ii. 
 649; Telegraph, ii. 549; Houston, 
 Telegraph, ii. 649; Texas Planter, 
 ii. 549; Civilian, ii. 549; Austin 
 City Gazette, ii. 649; Morning 
 Star, ii. 550; Texas Sentinel, ii. 
 550; Times, ii. 550; Advocate, ii. 
 650; Gazette, ii. 660. 
 
 Nieto, Miguel, capture of, etc., ii. 
 120. 
 
 Nira y Quiroga, G., gov. of Nueva 
 Vizcaya, 1685, i. 338. 
 
 Niza, Friar M. de, ezped. of, 1539, i. 
 74-7. 
 
 Nolan, Philip, exped. of, ii. 5; death 
 of, ii. 7. 
 
 Nombre de Dios, Durango, founding 
 of, 1563, i. 101-2, 104; progress of, 
 1553-1600, i. 111-12. 
 
 Nombre de Jesus, mission, founded, 
 1688, i. 378; refounded, 1698, i. 
 379. 
 
 Noriega, Genl, vessels of, seized, ii. 
 724. 
 
 Norris, Nathaniel, Nacogdoches re- 
 bellion, ii. 320. 
 
 Nueces, river, name, i. 385. 
 
 Nuestra Senora de los Dolores mis- 
 sion, founding of, 1687, i. 252; 1721, 
 i. 452. 
 
 Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de los 
 Tejas, presidio, founded, 1716, i. 
 614-15; regstabl'd, 1721, i. 625; 
 suppressed, 1729, i. 633-4. 
 
 Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe Mis- 
 sion, founding of, 1719, i. 449; 
 location, i. 449-50. 
 
 Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de la Paz 
 Mission, founded, 1720, I 449, 
 
 Nueva Galicia, name, i. 39; conquest 
 of, 1542, i. 97; bishopric of, i. 97; 
 Franciscans in, i. 97; industrial 
 progress, i. 97. 
 
 Nueva Tlascala, founding of, i. 126. 
 
 Nueva Vizcaya, (see also Dnrango), 
 maps of, i. 101, 312, 347, 592, 677; 
 name, i. 102; Ibarra's province, 
 1561, i. 102; location, i. 102; Ibarra's 
 exped. i. 103-10; settlements found- 
 ed in, 1563, i. 103-4; 1564r-5, i. 108- 
 10; 1569-1600, i. 12; 1654-67, i. 
 595-601; industries of, ii. 112; gov- 
 ernors of, i. 112-13; gov's 1600-40, 
 i. 306; 1640-1700, i. 337-8; 1700-68, 
 i. 580-1; 1768-1800, i. 676-8; Fran- 
 ciscans in, 1554^90, i. 116-19; 1600- 
 45, i. 334-6; 1640-1700, i. 363; 
 Jesuits in, 1590, i. 119; 1602-40, i. 
 311-34; 1641-1700, i. 340-63, 366- 
 72; expulsion of, 1767, i. 688-91.; 
 name, etc., i. 205; extent of, i. 305; 
 government of, i. 306-7; church 
 affairs in, 1600-40, i. 307-8; 1640- 
 1700, i. 338-9; 1769-1800, i. 684^7; 
 mission districts of, 309-11; 1641- 
 1700, i. 340; subjugation of natives 
 in, 1601-14, i. 313-19; the Tepe- 
 huane revolt, 1616-17, i. 320-9; 
 tribes, etc., of upper Vizcaya, i. 
 332; scant annals of, i. 339-40; 
 Indian outbreaks in, 1644^-90, i. 
 348-372; presidios, etc., i. 582-5, 
 680; mission affairs in, 1701-67, i. 
 585-601; 1768-1800, i. 687-911; 
 aProvincia Interna, 1776, i. 670; 
 Indian raids, etc., in, i. 679-81; 
 Indian policy in 1786-8, i. 682-3; 
 division of, ii. 586; reunited, ii. 687. 
 
 Nuri, Sinaloa, alleged miracle at, i. 
 243. 
 
 O 
 
 Oats, Texas, cultivation of, ii. 567. 
 ' Ocean,' steamer, mention of, ii. 273. 
 Och, Father, at San Ignacio, etc., i. 
 
 561. 
 Ochiltree, W. B., defeat election 1853, 
 
 ii. 405. 
 Ochoa, Gov. A., succeeds Terrazas, 
 
 1872, ii. 624. 
 Ochoa, Col G. de, revolt of, 1828, ii. 
 
 589. 
 Oconor, Col H., provis. gov. of Texas, 
 
 1767-70, i. 652; mention of, i. 714. 
 Ocorinis, Sinaloan tribe, revolt of, 
 
 1604, i. 213, 216. 
 OfScials, Texas, salaries of, ii 295; 
 
 1841, u. 346. 
 
798 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ogden, James, execution of, ii. 368. 
 Ojinaga, Genl, death of, ii. 621. 
 Ojuela, Father M., with Kino's ex- 
 
 ped., 1706, i. 501-2. 
 Olid, C. de, expeds of, i. 5-8, 13-14. 
 Oliva, Padre A., founds convent., 
 
 1604, i. 336; labora, etc., of, i. 336. 
 Olivares y Benito, G. de, bishop of 
 
 Durango, etc., 1796-1812, i. 685. 
 Olivas, (S,pt. M., the Tepehuane re- 
 volt, 1616-17, i. 323. 
 Omitlan, Guzman at, 1530, i. 29. 
 Onabas, Sinaloa, alleged miracle at, i. 
 
 243. 
 Onate, Oapt.-gen., policy of, i. 378. 
 •Onate, C. de, with Guzman's exped., 
 
 1529, i. 28, 30; acting gov. of 
 
 Nueva Galicia, 1538, i. 71; ex- 
 ped. of, 1605, i. 163; 1601-1611, i. 
 
 382-4. 
 Onate, J. de, conquest of New Mex., 
 
 1595-9, i. 129. 
 Opatas, missionaries, etc., among the, 
 
 1630-9, i. 230; outbreak of, 1820, 
 
 ii. 63.3-4. 
 ' Origin and True Cause, Texas In- 
 surrection,' ii. 159. 
 Orobato, Father, mission to Sinaloa, 
 
 1600, i. 209, 212. 
 Orobio y Basterra, P. de, gov. ad int. 
 
 of Texas, 1737^0, i. 638-9. 
 Orozco, Oidor, dispute with Ibarra, 
 
 1563, i. 104-5. 
 Orozco, Father D., death of, 1616, i. 
 
 323. 
 Orozco y Berra, map of, i. 310. 
 Orrantia, Gov., acting gov., 1838, ii. 
 
 658. 
 Ortega, arrest of, ii. 623. 
 Ortega, Gen'l, defeat of, 1859, ii. 618; 
 
 1864, u. 620. 
 Ortega, Friar D. , visits the Jumanas, 
 
 1632, i. 385. 
 Ortega, F. de, expeds. of, 1632-6, i. 
 
 171-5; 'Primera Demerocion,' i. 
 
 172; protest, etc., of, 1636, i. 178. 
 Ortega, F. D. de, gov. -intendent of 
 
 Durango, 1786-92, i. 678. 
 Ortega, H., at La Paz, 1634, i. 173. 
 Orbiz, Gov. C. R., flight, etc., of, 
 
 1882, ii. 703. 
 Osorio, Father G., labors in Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1715-25, i. 591-2. 
 Osfcimuri, Province, location, etc., i. 
 
 204; mission affairs in, 1701-30, i. 
 
 512-13. 
 Otermin, Gov., rule in New Mex., i. 
 
 374. 
 Otoudo y Antillon, I., contract with 
 
 viceroy, etc, 167S, i. 186; fleet, etc.. 
 
 of, i. 187; expeds of, 1683-5, i. 187- 
 
 93; in charge at San Felipe, 1684, 
 
 i. 237. 
 Ouervo y Valdes, F., gov. of Coahuila 
 
 and Texas; i. 376. 
 Oviedo, with Vaca's exped., 1528, L 
 
 61, 65. 
 Owen, Lieut, Comanche defeat, ii 
 
 326. 
 Owens, Dr S. A., biog., ii. 576. 
 Oyarzabal, Capt. S., the Tepehuane 
 
 revolt, 1616-17, i. 327. 
 
 Pacheco, Capt. R. M., quarrel with 
 
 Martos, 1767, i. 652; gov. of Texas, 
 
 1789-90, i. 669. 
 Packenham, mediation Mex. & Texas, 
 
 ii. 340. 
 Padres, Lieut J. M., deputy gov. L. 
 
 Cal., 1825, ii. 710. 
 Paddock, B. F., mention of, ii. 574. 
 Padilla, J. A., mention of, iL 174. 
 Paez, Father M., death of, 1676, i. 
 
 239 
 Paine, Dr J. F. Y., biog. of, ii. 766. 
 Palacio, Gov. R., mention of, i. 664. 
 Palmerston, Lord, mediation Texas 
 
 & Mex., ii. 340. 
 Palou, Father, rept, etc., of, i. 729- 
 
 33; feud with Barri, 1772, i. J35-6. 
 Papagos, mention of, i. 508; removal 
 
 of, ordered, 1750, i. 533; the Pima 
 
 revolt, 1751-2, i. 544; missionaries 
 
 among, i. 561-2. 
 Parades, revolt of, 1844, ii. 662. 
 Pardinas, J. I. de, gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1690, i. 338. 
 Paredes, Gen., captures Mazatlan, ii, 
 
 658. 
 Paredes, Father A., report of, i. 389- 
 
 91. 
 Paredes, Friar M. S. de, protest of, 
 
 1729, i. 634. 
 Parker, Daniel, mention of, ii. 171, 
 
 174. 
 Parker, James W., mention of, ii. 
 
 172. 
 Parmer, Martin, mention of, ii. 172, 
 
 174. 
 Parra, F. de la, exped. to Sinaloa, 
 
 18)0, ii. 630-1; capture of, ii. 
 
 632. 
 Parral, settlement of, founded, 1631, 
 
 i. 334; a presidio, i. 336; French 
 
 defeat at, 1866, ii. 622. 
 Parras district, Jesuit missions secu- 
 larized in, 1645-6, i. 342; effect of 
 
 secularization, i, 343-4; bUeged 
 
INDEX. 
 
 799 
 
 miracle in, 1669, i. 344; amall-pox 
 in, 1682, i. 344; transferred to Coa- 
 huila, 1785, i. 604. 
 
 Parras mission, location, etc., of, i. 
 311. 
 
 Parrilla, Ool D. 0., gov. of Sinaloa 
 and Sonora, i. 531; rule, 1749-53, 
 i. 531-54; quarrel with Jesuits, 
 1752, i. 548-54; exped. of, 1757-8, 
 i. 644; the massacre at San Siba, 
 1758, i. 645-9; rept of, i. 648-9; 
 exped. against Comanches, 1759, i. 
 649. 
 
 Tascual, Padre J., missionary labors 
 of, 1627, i. 225; missions founded 
 by, 1526-7, i. 227; death of, 1632, 
 i. 229; mention of, i. 353-4. 
 
 Paso del Norte, presidio, site of, re- 
 moved, i. 680. 
 
 Patoni, Gen., defeat of, 1859, ii. 618; 
 gov. Durango, 1861, defeat of, 
 1864, ii. 620; harasses the French, 
 1866, ii. 622; murder of, etc., ii. 
 623. 
 
 Patrick, George M., mention of, ii. 
 172. 
 
 Patton, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185. 
 
 Patton, Capt., mention of, ii. 244. 
 
 Pavon, General, defeat of, ii. 327-8. 
 
 Pavy, Capt. F., mention of, ii. 735. 
 
 Peacock, Capt., mention of, ii. 179. 
 
 Pearce, Senator J. A., boundary and 
 debt of Texas, bill to solve, ii. 399. 
 
 Pease, Gov. E. M., election of, 1853, 
 ii. 404; reelection, 1855, ii. 405; 
 defeat, 1866, ii. 483; message Nov. 
 1857, ii. 414; Sheridan app'ts gov., 
 ii. 491, 493; resignation of, ii. 498. 
 
 Peooro, Father F., labors, etc., of, i. 
 248. 
 
 Pedrin, Antonio, jefe politico, 1864, 
 ii. 726. 
 
 Pefia, Capt., mention of, ii. 330. 
 
 Pefialosa, Gov. D. de, with Foute's 
 exped., 1640, i. 180; exped. of, 
 1662, i. 386-8; quarrel with the in- 
 quisition, i. 369; proposals to French 
 govt, i. 393-6; death of, 1687, i. 
 396. 
 
 Penasco, Father P., mention of, i. 
 378. 
 
 Pendleton, W. S., biog. of, ii. 578. 
 
 Penitentiaries, Texas, ii, 534. 
 
 Peons, Mex., position of, ii. 91. 
 
 Peralta, battle at, ii. 453. 
 
 Peralta y Mendoza, J., alcalde mayor 
 of San Felipe, 1644, i. 207; coman- 
 dante of Sonora, i. 234. 
 
 Ferea, Father E., mission to the Ju- 
 manas, 1629, i. 385. 
 
 Pcrea, Capt. P. de, alcalde mayor of 
 
 San Felipe, 1626-41, i. 207; coman- 
 
 dante of Sinaloa, 1626^0, i. 227- 
 
 31; province of, divided, i. 232; 
 
 rule of, i. 232-3; death of, 1644, i. 
 
 233. 
 Pereda y Arce, Capt. F., with Oton- 
 
 da's exped., 1683, i. 187. 
 Perez, Col. , enters Durango, 1866, ii. 
 
 623. 
 Perez, A., expeda of, 1686-7, i. 413. 
 Perez, J., exped. to Alta Cal., 1769, 
 
 i. 489. 
 Perez, Capt. J. A., defeated by 
 
 Apaches, 1730, i. 635. 
 Perez, Father M., mission to Sinaloa, 
 
 1600-4, i. 209, 213; missionary 
 
 labors of, 1617, i. 224; death of, 
 
 1626, i. 227. 
 Perry, Col, defeats Elizondo, 1813, ii. 
 
 25-6; proclamation of, 1815, ii. 34; 
 
 defeat and death of, ii. 37-8. 
 Perry, A. G., mention of, ii. 172, 174. 
 Perry, J. F., delegate couv., 1835, ii. 
 
 160; mention of, ii. 300. 
 Pescador, J. A., mention of, ii. 589. 
 Pesqueira, Gov., reelection of, 1867, 
 
 ii. 701; defeats Porfirists, etc., ii. 
 
 702. 
 Pfeflferkorn, I., mission to Pimeria, i. 
 
 561-2. 
 Phelps, Orlando, release of, ii. 370. 
 Philippine islands, Urdaneta's exped. 
 
 to, 1564^5, i. 137-9; course, i. 138- 
 
 40. 
 Physical divisions, Texas, description 
 
 of, ii. 551-6. 
 Piastla, province, Guzman in, 1531, 
 
 i. 33. 
 Piatos, campaigns against the, 1768- 
 
 71, i. 695-701. 
 Piccolo, Father F. M. , plot to murder, 
 
 1701, i. 423; at Loreto, i. 425; re- 
 port of, i. 425-6; exped. of, 1702, i. 
 
 426-7; explors of, 1703, i. 427-8; 
 
 1716, i. 437; death of, 1729, i. 
 
 454^5. 
 Piccolo, Father M., Salvatierra's ex- 
 ped. to Cal., 1697-1700, i. 283, 
 
 289-301. 
 Piedras, Col., mention of, ii. 116; 
 
 releases citizens, ii. 123; settlers' 
 
 defeat of, ii. 127-8. 
 Pierson, Capt., mutiny of, ii. 360. 
 Pierson, J. G. W., mention of, ii. 
 
 172. 
 Pike, Maj. Z. M., explor. of, ii. 3. 
 Pilar, presidio, founded, 1721, i, 626- 
 
 7; abandoned, 1772, i. 655-6. 
 
800 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pilar, G. del, with Guzman's exped., 
 1530-1, i. 30, 37. 
 
 Pimas, alleged outrages of, i. 253-i; 
 aid the Spaniards, i. 255-6; revolt, 
 etc., of, 1695, i. 260-3; Apache 
 raids on, etc., 1698-9, i. 274; cam- 
 
 ?aign3 against the, 1768-71, i. 695- 
 01. 
 Pimeria, map of, i. 251 ; Kino's labors 
 
 in, i. 492-3, 502-5; Campo's labors 
 
 in, i. 507-8; mission affairs in, 
 
 1723-30, i. 510-11; 1731-51, i. 
 
 523-5; 1751-67, i. 560-4; mining 
 
 affairs, 1736-41, i. 525-8; treatment 
 
 of natives, i. 533; Jesuits in, 1750, 
 
 i. 543-4; revolt in, 1751-2, i. 544-5. 
 Pifiadero, B. B., alcalde mayor of 
 
 San Felipe, 1674, i. 237. 
 Pifiadero, B. P. de, exped., etc., of, 
 
 i. 184-6; petition of, 1671, i. 186. 
 Pindray, Charles de, death of, etc., 
 
 ii. 675-6. 
 Pineda, A. A., voyage of, 1519, i. 380. 
 Pineda, J. de, gov. of Sonora and 
 
 Sinaloa, 1763-9, i. 710-11. 
 Pineda, J. C. de, gov. of Sinaloa and 
 
 Sonora, i. 564; rule, 1763-9, i. 564- 
 
 78, 694-711. 
 Pineda, Capt. M., campaign of, L. 
 
 Cal., 1847, ii. 713 et seq. 
 Pinilla y Perez, Angel, zealousy in 
 
 royal cause, ii. 584. 
 Pinkard, Ferdinand, mention of, ii. 
 
 550. 
 Pitio, presidio founded at, etc., 1741- 
 
 4, i. 528-30; removed, 1750, i. 535. 
 Pitio (see also Hermosillo), improve- 
 ments, etc., at, i. 569-70; made 
 
 capitaj, ii. 650. 
 'Plan of battle-field,' San Jacinto, ii. 
 
 256. 
 'Plan San Antonio and environs,' ii. 
 
 181. 
 Pleasant Grove, federal victory at, ii. 
 
 467. 
 Pleasant Hill, federal victory at, ii. 
 
 467. 
 Plemons, Judge W. B., first judge 
 
 new constitution, ii. 578. 
 Plum creek, Comanches' defeat at, 
 
 1840, ii. 325. 
 Plummer, Capt., warning to Baylor, 
 
 ii. 411. 
 Population, Texas, ii. 2; increase of, 
 
 1830, ii. 76; Coahuila, 1803-10, ii. 
 
 78; Texas, -1834, ii. 148; 1836, ii. 
 
 285; 1841, ii. 346; 1844-7, ii. 360- 
 
 1; 1860-88, ii. 529; Sonora and 
 
 Sinaloa, 1831-9, ii. 647; N. Mex. 
 
 states, ii. 745. 
 
 Porfiristas, revolt of, 1871-2 and 1875,. 
 
 ii. 624, 701. 
 Politics (see also Elections and party 
 
 names); Texas, 1825, ii. 190 et seq.; 
 
 election July 1836, ii. 291; 1857, ii. 
 
 423; 1861, ii. 451; first organization 
 
 of, ii. 419; know-nothing party,, ii. 
 
 420; abolitionists, ii. 420; civil war, 
 
 ii. 427; antagonism in 1870-1, ii. 
 
 507; democratic scheme, 1872, ii. 
 
 509-10; Durango, 1824, ii. 587-9. 
 Porter y Casanate, alcalde mayor of' 
 
 San Felipe, 1650, i. 207. 
 Portilla, Col N. de la, butchery of 
 
 Texans, ii. 234-5; disgust, etc., of, 
 
 ii. 236-7; battle San Jacinto, ii. 
 
 263. 
 PortoU, Gov., ejtped. to Alta Cal.,. 
 
 1769, i. 489-90, 766. 
 Portoli, Don G. de, the Jesnit expul- 
 sion, 1767-8, i.. 477-81. 
 Portsmouth, U. S., sloop of war, ii. 
 
 667-8; captures La Paz, ii. 712. 
 Potter, Robert, elected sec. of navy, , 
 
 ii. 2i8; opposition to Santa Anna's. 
 
 treaty, ii. 270-1. 
 Portugal, F. J. P. de, gov. -intendent 
 
 of Durango, 1792, i. 678. 
 Portugal, Gomez, plans exped. to 
 
 Sinaloa, 1810, ii. 630. 
 Powers, James, colony grant, ii. 74. 
 Prado, Father N., labors, etc., of, i.. 
 
 247-8. 
 Prairie View school, ii. 547. 
 Presidios, Sonora and Sinaloa, 1826, 
 
 ii. 638; decline of, 1833, ii. 651. 
 Price, Gen., Trias' surrender to, ii. 
 
 611-12. 
 Printing, Texas, first press, ii. 548. 
 Proano, Capt. D. de, alcalde mayor 
 
 of San Miguel, 1531, i. 37-8; trial, 
 
 etc., of, i. 59. 
 Protestant episcopal church, Texas, 
 
 first, ii. 548. 
 Provincias internas, organization, 
 
 etc., of, 1776-7, i. 670-2; name, i. 
 
 670-1; division of provinces, 1785, 
 
 i. 673-4; consolidation of provinces, 
 
 1787, 1793, i. 674-5; del Oriente, i. 
 
 671-5; del Occidente, i. 674-5; re- 
 division of, ii. 581. 
 Pujol, Lieut, murders Melendez, ii. 
 
 725. 
 Purlsima mission, founded, 1787, i. 
 
 770. 
 Purisima Concepcion mission founded,. 
 
 1718, i. 438; battle at, u. 175-7. 
 
 Q 
 
 Queretaro, conquest of, i 13. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 801 
 
 Quezala, province, Guzman in, 1531, 
 
 i. 32-3. 
 Quihue, P., revolt of, 1696, i. 273. 
 Quijada, J. L. de, exped. to Sinaloa, 
 
 1584, i. 114. 
 Quintero, Col Cayetano, defeats the 
 
 Lipans, ii. 32. 
 Quivira, city, discovery, etc., of, 
 
 1662, i. 386-7. 
 Quivira, province, Coronado's exped. 
 
 in, 1541, i. 85-6. 
 Quiviras, Spaniards defend, etc., 
 
 1601, i. 383-4. 
 
 R 
 
 Rabago y Teran, F. de, capt. of San 
 
 Javier mission, 1751, i. 642. 
 R4bago y Teran, P., gov. of Coahuila 
 
 and Texas, i. 376, 604. 
 Races, N. Mex. states, ii. 743-4. 
 Rafael, Ind. chief, ii. 595. 
 Railroads, Texas, ii. 570-6; state aid 
 
 to, ii. 575; strike, 1886, ii. 575-6. 
 Rainwater, E. R., mention of, ii. 
 
 260. 
 Ramirez, Father G., labors of, i. 
 
 124-5. 
 Ramirez, Friar J. B., with Lucenilla's 
 
 exped., 1668, i. 184. 
 Ramirez, Jesus, defeat and death of, 
 
 ii. 703. 
 Ramon, Capt., murder of, i. 631. 
 Ramon, Capt. D., exped. of, 1716, i. 
 
 612-16. 
 Ramon, Capt. J., exped. of, 1721, i. 
 
 623^. 
 Rangel, Col J. M., quells revolt, 1880, 
 
 ii. 739. 
 Rebollar, M. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 
 caya, 1674-6, i. 338. 
 Reconstruction, Texas, ii. 476, et seq. 
 Reddick, J. A., mention of, ii. 558. 
 Redondo, Gov., elected sub. -gov., 
 
 1848, ii. 671-2. 
 Reese, Capt., mutiny of, ii. 360. 
 Reeve, Col, capture of, ii. 437. 
 Reeves, Denmore, mention of, ii. 260. 
 Refugio, Nuestra Sefiora del, mission, 
 
 founded, 1791, i. 668; attack on, ii. 
 
 222^; capture of, 1842, ii. 348. 
 Regulators and moderators, war of, 
 
 ii. 354. 
 Religion, Texas, ii. 96, 547-8. 
 Remedies, town, founding of, i. 253. 
 Rengel, J., comandante gen. ad int. 
 
 of Provincias Internas, 1784-5, i. 
 
 673; comandante inspector, i. 674. 
 Renshaw, Commander, surrender of 
 
 Galveston to, ii.454; death of, ii.456. 
 Texas. 51 
 
 Renteria, M. de, with Ibarra's exped., 
 1563, i. 105. 
 
 Representatives, Texas, list of, 1846- 
 61, ii. 449. 
 
 Republic of the Rio Grande, organi- 
 zation and defeat of, ii. 329 et seq. 
 
 Republic of Sonora, Walker's, ii. 723. 
 
 Republicans, Texas, defeat of, election, 
 1872and 1873, ii. 508; 1876, ii. 515. 
 
 Retz, Father J., mention of, i. 469; 
 labors, etc., of, i. 470-2; the Jesuit 
 expulsion, 1767-8, i. 479. 
 
 Revenue (see also finance), Texas, 
 collection of customs, 1831, ii. 117; 
 1852-58, ii. 415; N. Mex. states, ii. 
 741-2. 
 
 Revolution against royalty, 1811, ii. 
 17 et seq.; of Texas, events lead- 
 ing to, ii. 152 et seq.; peace and 
 war parties, ii. 160; of Diaz, 1871- 
 2 and 1875-7, ii. 623-5; federalists 
 Sonora and Sinaloa, 18.37-8, ii. 656 
 Gandara's revolt, 1843, ii. 661 
 Sonora and Sinaloa, 1852-8, ii. 695 
 Sonora Porfirists, 1871, ii. 701; Por 
 firists, Sinaloa, 1876, ii. 702; of 
 Marquez de Leon, 1879, ii. 703, 738. 
 
 Reyes, Father A. de los, rept. of, 
 1772, i. 709; bishop of Sonora, etc., 
 1782-7, i. 712-13. 
 
 Reymersho£Fer, G., biog. of, ii. 766. 
 
 Reynolds, Gen'l, succeeds Hancock, ii. 
 494. 
 
 Rezabal, Capt. A., comandante at 
 San Felipe, 1701, i. 516. 
 
 Rhuen, Father E., at Sonoita, 1750, 
 i. 543; murder of, 1751, i. 544. 
 
 Ribas, Father A. P. de, mission to 
 Sinaloa, 1604, i. 212-15; provincial 
 of Mex., 1620, i. 225; 'Triumphs 
 of the Faith,' i. 535-6. 
 
 Rickett, Capt., operations againrt 
 Cortina, ii. 447. 
 
 Rio, Father M. del, labors of, i. 242. 
 
 Rio Grande City, Cortina captures, 
 ii. 448. 
 
 Rio y Loza, Capt. R. del, mining ex- 
 peds of, 1563, i. 106; gov. of Nue/a 
 Vizcaya, 1589-90, i. 113; gov. of 
 Sinaloa, 1591, i. 115. 
 
 Ripperdfi, Baron de, gov. of Texas, i. 
 652; rule, 1767-78, i. 652-60. 
 
 Rivera, Capt., with Consag's exped., 
 1753, i. 470; exped. to Alta Cal., 
 1769, i. 489; death of, i. 1781. 
 
 Rivera, Visitador-general P. , de, rept 
 of, 1730, i. 512-13; ' Diario, ' etc,, 
 i. 583-4; rept. on Texan affairs, 
 1729, i. 633-4. 
 
 Rivera y Moncada, Don F., in charge 
 
802 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 at Loreto, 1752, i. 469-70; lieut- 
 
 gov. of Baja Cal., etc., 1776, i. 742; 
 
 in Alta Cal., 1774, i. 768. 
 Robards, W. L., Texaa comptroller, 
 
 1866, ii. 483. 
 Roberts, C. M., execution of, ii. 368. 
 Roberts, Gov. 0. M., election of, 
 
 1878, ii. 522; inaugural address, ii. 
 
 523; special message, ii. 523-4. 
 Robertson, J. B., mention of, ii. 518. 
 Robinson, Capt. A., mention of, ii. 
 
 296. 
 Robinson, James W., mention of, ii. 
 
 171, 197; app't'd lieut-gov., ii. 173; 
 
 ruse of, ii. 372-3. 
 Robinson, Joel N., captures Santa 
 
 Anna, ii. 264. 
 Robinson, T., mention of, ii. 550. 
 Rodriguez, Father A., exped. of, 1581, 
 
 i. 127. 
 Rodriguez, Lieut N., defeat of, ii. 
 
 188-9. 
 Rogers, C. H., mention of, ii. 563. 
 Rogers, John D. , biog. of, ii. 766. 
 Rogers, Capt. W., voyage, etc., of, 
 
 1708-10, i. 197-200. 
 Romano, Father, mention of, i. 444. 
 Romero, Capt., with Salvatierra's 
 
 exped., 1697, i. 284. 
 Romero, T., Tellez defeats, 1846, ii. 
 
 669. 
 Roman, J. A., gov. of Alta Cal., 1791, 
 
 i. 750, 772. 
 Roods, ' Texas,' ii. 568-9. 
 Rosales, surrender of, ii. 611-12. 
 Resales, Gov. A., appointment of, 
 
 1864, ii. 696; resignation of, ii. 698. 
 Rosales, P. A. de, with Cardona's 
 
 exped., 1614, i. 164. 
 Rosenburg, mention of, ii. 334; death 
 
 of, ii. 335. 
 Rosillo, battle of, 1813, ii. 22-3. 
 Ross, Col Reuben, battle of Alcantro, 
 
 ii. 327-8; abandons federalists, ii. 
 
 328. 
 Rouset, F. de J., bishop of Sonora, 
 
 1796, i. 713. 
 'Routes of armies,' Houston and Santa 
 
 Anna's, plan, ii. 252. 
 Rowan, Wm, execution of, ii. 368. 
 Royalists, revolt against, 1811-14, ii. 
 
 17 et aeq. ; defeat on Salitre prairie, 
 
 1812, ii. 20; siege at La Bahia, ii. 
 
 21-2; battle of Rosillo, 1813, ii, 23; 
 
 assassination of, 1813, ii. 24; de- 
 feat of Elizondo, ii. 25-6; victory 
 ' of, ii. 26 et seq. ; surrender of at 
 
 Rosario, 1810, ii. 631. 
 Royall, R. R., pres. San Felipe coun- 
 cil, ii. 168; mention of, ii. 170. 
 
 Royston, Treas, M. H., election of, 
 
 1866, ii. 483. 
 Rnbi, Gov., election of denounced, 
 
 1868, ii. 700. 
 Rubl, Marques de, tour of, 1766-7, i. 
 
 585, 651; rept. of, i. 651-2. 
 Ruiz, Alcalde, mention of, ii. 214. 
 Ruiz, Father A., labors in Topia, i. 
 
 313, 317; revolt of the Acaxees, 
 
 1601-2, i. 314. 
 Ruiz, F., signs declaration of inde- 
 pendence, ii. 216. 
 Ruiz, J. M., jefe politico, succeeds 
 
 Arguello, 1822, ii. 708. 
 Runnels, Gov. H. R., election of, 
 
 1857, ii. 423; secession message, 
 
 1858, ii. 424; defeat election, 1859, 
 u. 426. 
 
 Rusk, Gen. T. J., biog. of, ii. 167, 
 421; elected sec. of war, ii. 218; 
 arrival at Houston's camp, ii. 251; 
 speech of, ii. 253; at battle San 
 Jacinto, ii. 258; appt'd commander- 
 in-chief, ii. 269; mention of, ii. 
 272; force of, July 1836, ii. 289; 
 reapp't'd sec. of war, ii. 294; Cher- 
 okee battle, 1839, ii. 323; Indian 
 war debt, ii. 413; death of, ii. 421. 
 
 Ryan, Capt., mutiny of, ii. 360. 
 
 Ryan, A. P., biog., ii. 574^-5. 
 
 Ryerson, Gov. Geo., biog. of, ii. 732. 
 
 Saavedra, A. de, voyage of, 1527, i. 
 23. 
 
 Sabaibos, revolt of the, 1602, i. 316. 
 
 'Sabine,' schooner, ii. 118. 
 
 Sabine City, union capture of, ii. 
 454-5. 
 
 Sabine cross-roads, confederate vic- 
 tory at, ii. 467. 
 
 Sacramento, presidio Coahuila found- 
 ed, 1736, i. 607. 
 
 Sacta, Father F. J., mission to 
 Pimerla, 1695, i. 259; martyrdom 
 of, i. 260. 
 
 Salado creek, battle at, 1813, ii. 22-3. 
 
 Salas, Father J. de, exped. of, etc., i. 
 384-5. 
 
 Salazar, Texans surrender to, ii. 335. 
 
 Salazar, Friar D. de, mention of, i. 
 379. 
 
 Salcedo, F., voyage of, 1565, i. 138. 
 
 Salcedo, J. G., gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1670-3, i. 337-8. 
 
 Salcedo, Manuel de, gov. of Texas, 
 1810, ii. 17; siege of La Bahla, 
 1812-13, ii. 21-2; battle at Salado 
 creek, ii. 22-3. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 803 
 
 Salcedo y Salced, Brig. Nemesio, re- 
 call of, ii. 5S2; exei^utes Hidalgo, 
 ii. 584. 
 
 Salduendo, Friar A., labors in Coa- 
 huila, 1603-6, i. 336, 375. 
 
 Sales, Father L., ' Notieias,' i. 750. 
 
 Salgado, Father, mention of, i. 566. 
 
 Salineros, raids of the, 1645, i. 350-1. 
 
 Salitre prairie, battle at, 1812, ii. 20. 
 
 Salt war, Texas, ii. 519-22. 
 
 Saltillo, revolt at, i. 126; villa of, 
 founded, 1586, i. 126; faction fight 
 at, 1832, ii. 143; centralists defeat 
 at, ii. 330-1. 
 
 Saltillo district, transferred to Coa- 
 huila, 1785, i. 604. 
 
 Salvador, Capt. F. S., representations 
 to the king, 1751, i. 541-3. 
 
 Salvatierra, Father J. M., labors, etc., 
 of, i. 248-50, 254, 286-91, 372, 511; 
 biog., etc., i. 278; proposed mission 
 to Cal., i. 278; discouragements of, 
 i. 27S-9; aid, etc., to, i. 279-80; 
 license granted to, 1697, i. 280; 
 preparations, etc., of, i. 281-3; voy. 
 of, i. 284; founds Loreto, i. 284-6; 
 ■works of, i. 289-90; expeds . of, i. 
 294r-5, 299, 301, 433, 437, 493-8; 
 appeals of, rejected, i. 301-2; com- 
 plaints against, i. 302-3; removal 
 of, i. 303-4; explor. of, 1701, i. 421; 
 1703, i. 427; intercourse with Kino, 
 i. 421-2; at Loreto, i. 422-4, 429- 
 32; provincial, i. 430; report of, i. 
 430-1; death of, 1717, i. 438, 
 
 Sam Houston Normal institute, ii. 545. 
 
 Samaniego, L. de, with Guzman's ex- 
 ped., 1530, i. 30, 36; death of, i. 83. 
 
 San Agustin de Ahumada, presidio, 
 establ'd, 1755, i. 643; presidio, 
 abandoned, 1772, i. 655-6. 
 
 San Andres, attacked by Acaxees, 
 1601-2, i. 314. 
 
 San Antonio mission, founded, 1771, 
 i. 767. 
 
 'San Antonio,' war schooner, mutiny 
 on, ii. 351. 
 
 ' San Antonio and environs, ' map, ii. 
 181. 
 
 San Antonio de Bejar (see also Bejar); 
 society of, ii. 3; siege of, ii. 177 et 
 seq. ; capitulation of, ii. 188; cap- 
 tured by Vasquez, 1842, ii. 348. 
 
 San Antonio del Parral, custodia of, 
 created, 1714, i. 591. 
 
 San Antonio de Velero mission, 
 founded, 1718, i. 618. 
 
 San Augustin, municipality created, 
 ii. 144. 
 
 San Bemabe, mission of, founded, 
 
 1674, i. 363; the Manila galleon at, 
 1734, i. 457; 1735, i. 460. 
 
 'San Bernard,' war schooner, ii. 351. 
 
 San Bernardo, Bahia de, opened as a 
 port, ii. 2. 
 
 San Bernardino de Candela mission, 
 founding of, 1690, i. 378. 
 
 San Bruno, settlement, founding of, 
 1683, i. 190; affairs at, i. iaO-3; 
 abandoned, 1685, i. 193. 
 
 San Buenaventura, founded, 1782, i. 
 770. 
 
 San Buenaventura, mission, reestab- 
 lished, 1692, i. 378; presidio, site 
 removed, i. 680. 
 
 San CSrlos, custodia of, organized, 
 1783, i. 719; mission of, founded, 
 1770, i. 767. 
 
 San Cfirlos de Buenavista, presidio 
 establ'd at, i. 567. 
 
 San Diego, Cal., Cabrillo at, 1542, i. 
 135; Vizcaino's exped. at, 1602, i. 
 158; Arillaga at, 1796, i. 753; first 
 mission founded at, 1769, i. 766; 
 destruction of 1775, i. 768. 
 
 'San Felipe' war vessel, defeats Correo, 
 ii. 161-2. 
 
 San Felipe, missions, etc., of, 1645, i. 
 236; burning of, 1836, ii. 247. 
 
 San Felipe de Real de Chihuahua, 
 founding of, i. 599-600; declared a 
 villa, 1718, i. 600; prosperity of, i. 
 600-1. 
 
 San Felipe y Santiago de Carapoa, 
 villa, founded, 1583, i. 113; aban- 
 doned, i. 114; reestablished, 1584, 
 i. 114; presidio establ'd at, 1596, i. 
 115; missionaries at, i. 122-3; gar- 
 rison of, i. 207; alcalde mayores, 
 1600-50, i. 207; population, i. 207; 
 Jesuits at, i. 207; population of, 
 1678, i. 238. 
 
 San Fernando, name changed, ii. 110- 
 11. 
 
 San Fernando mission, founded, 1797, 
 i. 771. 
 
 San Fernando de VelicatS mission, 
 founding of, 1769, i. 490-1. 
 
 San Francisco bay, discovery, etc., of, 
 1769, i. 766-7. 
 
 San Francisco mission, founded, 1776, 
 i. 786. 
 
 San Francisco Borja mission, mention 
 of, i. 244-5; Spaniards massacred 
 at, 1648, i. 353-4; mission, found- 
 ing, etc., of, 1759-62, i. 471-2. 
 
 San Francisco de Comayaus, convent 
 founded at, 1604, i. 336. 
 
 San Francisco de la Espada mission, 
 descript. of, 1778, i. 658-9. 
 
804 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 San Franoiaoo Javier, mission district, 
 founding of, 1639, i. 230; mission, 
 etc., of, 1646, i. 235-6; towns, etc., 
 of, 1653, i. 242. 
 
 San Francisco Javier de NSjera mis- 
 sion, founded, 1722, i. 627. 
 
 San Francisco Javier de Sonora mis- 
 sion, mention of, i. 244^5. 
 
 San Francisco de los Tejas mission, 
 founded, 1690, i. 415; 1716, i. 614; 
 sickness at, i. 417; location, i. 418; 
 abandoned, i. 419. 
 
 San Gabriel mission, founded, 1771, 
 i. 767. 
 
 San Gabriel, pueblo, founding of, 
 1631, i. 334. 
 
 San Gerduimo, settlement, founding 
 of, 1540, i. 87; hostility of natives, 
 i. 89; site of, changed, i. 89; de- 
 serted, 1542, i. 89-90. 
 
 San Ignacio, missions of, 1645, i. 236; 
 1728, i. 454. 
 
 San Ignacio, town, founding of, i. 
 253. 
 
 San Ignacio de Piastla, Hermosillo's 
 defeat at, 1811, ii. 631-2. _ 
 
 San Ignacio de Yaqui mission, men- 
 tion of, i. 244. 
 
 San Ignacio Zape, see Zape. 
 
 San Ildefonso mission, establ'd, 1744, 
 i. 641. 
 
 San Jacinto, battle of, ii. 255 et seq. 
 
 'San Jacinto,' war schooner, ii. 350. 
 
 Saa Javier mission, founding of, 1699. 
 i. 299; outbreak at, 1701, i. 423; 
 Ugarte at, i. 423-4; prosperitv of, 
 i. 423^; revolt at, 1703, i. 428; 
 prosperity of, 170.5, i. 433; mission 
 transferred, 1719, i. 450; Francis- 
 cans at, 1768, i. 484r-5; establ'd, 
 1744, i. 641; desertion of, i. 642. 
 
 San Javier del Bac, Kino's exped. to, 
 1700, i. 270. 
 
 San Jose, pueblo, founding of, 1777, 
 i. 768. 
 
 San Jose, mission, founded, 1797, i. 
 771. 
 
 San Jose de Aguayo mission, desoript. 
 of, 1778, i. 657-8. 
 
 San Jose mission, Texas, founded, 
 1716, i. 614. 
 
 San Jose del Cabo, mission founded 
 at, 1730, i. 455; presidio establ'd at, 
 1736, i. 461; miss, and church pil- 
 laged, 1822, ii. 707; U. S. occupa- 
 tion of, 1847, ii. 714; siege of, ii. 
 716-17. 
 
 San Jose de Guaymas, mission, men- 
 tion of, i. 511; refonnded, 1751, i. 
 554; attacked by Seris, i, 554. 
 
 San Jose Imuris, town, founding ot, 
 
 i. 253. 
 San Jose Tizonazo mission, mention 
 
 of, i. 344-5. 
 San Jose y San Miguel de Aguayo 
 
 mission, establ'fi, 1720, i. 619. 
 San Juan Bautista, Alta CaL , found- 
 ing of, 1797, i. 771. 
 San Juan Bautista mission, founding 
 
 of, 1699, i. 379; 1705, i. 432; avisi- 
 
 ta, 1721, i. 453. 
 San Juan Capistrano mission, mention 
 
 of, i. 658: founded, 1776-7, i. 768. 
 San Juan de Io< Caballeros, capital of 
 
 New Mex., 1599, i. 129. 
 San Juan de Hazatlan, see Mazatlan. 
 San Juan de Sinaloa, founding of, 
 
 1563, i. 103; Indian outbreak at, i. 
 
 113; abandoned, i. 113. 
 San Juan valley, Ibarra's exped. in, 
 
 1562-3, i. 103-7. 
 San Juan y Santa Cruz, M. de, gov. 
 
 of Nueva Vizcaya, 1714, i. 581; 
 
 measures, i. 583. 
 San Lorenzo mission, founding of, 
 
 1761-2, i. 650. 
 San Luis presidio, site of, transferred, 
 
 1772, i. 608. 
 San Luis de las Amarillas presidio, 
 
 founding of, 1757, i. 644. 
 San Luis Gonzaga mission, founded, 
 
 1737, i. 461. 
 San Luis Obispo mission, founded, 
 
 1771, i. 767. 
 San Luis Rey mission, founded, 1798, 
 
 i. 771. 
 San Miguel, villa de, founding of, 
 
 1531, i. 37-8; site of, removed, L 
 
 38; condition of, 1620-5, i. 206-7. 
 San Miguel mission, rebuilt, 1721, L 
 
 626, founded, 1787, i. 748; founded, 
 
 1797, i. 771. 
 San Miguel de los Adeas, French oc- 
 cupation of, 1719, i. 718-19. 
 San Miguel de Aguayo, mission, 
 
 founding of, 1675, i. 375. 
 San Miguel de Cuellar mission, found- 
 ed, 1716, i. 615. 
 San Miguel Horcasitas, presidio es- 
 tabl'd at, 1650, i. 538. 
 San Miguel port, Guzman's exped. at, 
 
 1533, i. 57-8. 
 San Miguel, river, Guzman's exped. 
 
 on the, 1533, i. 57-8. 
 San Patricio, surrender of, ii. 221-2. 
 San Pedro, flood at, 1612, i. 313. 
 San Pedro MSrtyr de Verona mission, 
 
 founded, 1794, i. 751. 
 San Sab^ mission, founding of, 175'/, 
 
 i. 644; massacre at, 1758, i. 645-8. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 809 
 
 San Sebastian, villa, founding of, 
 1565, i. 110; mining at, i. 110; Viz- 
 caino's exped. at, 1597, i. 148; min- 
 ing, etc., in, i. 205-6. 
 
 San Vicente Ferrer mission, founded, 
 1780, i. 745. 
 
 Sanchiez, Jose J., at battle S. Antonio, 
 ii. 186. 
 
 Sanchez, Pres. P., address to Sonora 
 and Sinaloa, 1831, ii. 647. 
 
 Sandoval, Lieut-col, capture of, ii. 
 169. 
 
 Sandoval, M. de, gov. of Texas, i. 
 636; rule, 1734-6, i. 636-7; residen- 
 cia, etc., of, i. 638. 
 
 Sanger Brothers, success of, ii. 568. 
 
 Sansbury, mention of, ii. 366. 
 
 Santa Anna, Gen'l, intrigues of, ii. 
 134 et seq. ; tenders resignation, ii. 
 143; arbitration in C'oah., ii. 145; 
 acts of, condemned, July, 1835, ii. 
 160; decision on Texas separation, 
 1834, ii. 146-7; letters of inter- 
 cepted, ii. 192; invasion of, ii. 202; 
 plan of march, ii. 203; forces of, 
 ii. 204; battle and massacre of the 
 Alamo, ii. 204 et seq. ; false reports 
 of, ii. 214; butchery of Texans, 
 Goliad, ii. 234; pursuit of Houston, 
 ii. 247; orders to Urrea, ii. 248; 
 movements of, ii. 249-51; bums 
 Harrisburg, ii. 251; wild actions of, 
 ii. 254-5; battle of San Jacinto, ii. 
 255 et seq. ; flight and capture of, 
 ii. 263-4; despatch to Filisola, ii. 
 265; treaty with Texas, ii. 269; 
 opposition to release of, ii. 273; 
 terror of, ii. 274; attempted assas- 
 sination, etc., of, ii. 275; media- 
 tion of Houiton, ii. 275-6; inter- 
 views with Pres. Jackson, ii. 277; 
 Filisola's instructions concerning, 
 ii. 279; releases Texas Santa Fe 
 prisoners, ii. 336; Hamilton's pro- 
 posal to, ii. 349; Houston's letter 
 to, ii. 348-50; Robinson's ruse, ii. 
 372-3; revolt, 1852, ii. 617; pronun- 
 ciamento, 1822, effect in Sonora 
 and Sinaloa, ii. 636. 
 
 Santa Barbara, mission founded, 1786, 
 i. 770; presidio founded, 1782, i. 
 770. 
 
 Santa Catalina, Indian outbreak at, 
 1616, i. 322. 
 
 Santa Catalina Martyr, mission, 
 founded 1797, i. 754; progress of, 
 i. 756. 
 
 Santa Clara, mission, founded, 1776- 
 7, i. 768. 
 
 Santa Cruz, founding of, 1791, i. 771. 
 
 Santa Cruz bay, Cortes it, 1535 ,i.50-]. 
 Santa Cruz del Ciboio, fort built, 
 
 1771, i. 650. 
 Santa Eulalia, cathedral, etc., of, i. 
 
 601. 
 Santa Fe, founding of, i. 374; capital 
 
 of New Mex., i. 374; captured by 
 
 confederates, ii. 452. 
 Santa Fe Expedition, Texas, 1841, ii. 
 
 333. 
 Santa Gertrudis mission, founding; 
 
 etc., of, 1751-2, i. 469. 
 Santa Maria mission, founding, etc., 
 
 of, 1766-7, i. 473-4. 
 Santa Bosa presidio, site of trana- 
 
 ferred, 1772, i. 608. 
 Santa Rosalia mission, founding oT, 
 
 1705, i. 433. 
 Santaella, T. G. de, aids Salvatierra. 
 
 1696, i. 279. 
 Santarem, Father H., labors in Topis^ 
 
 1599-1600, i. 123; later labors ia 
 
 Topia, i. 313; revolt of the Acaxeep, 
 
 1601-2, i. 314-16; death of, 1616, al 
 
 323-4. 
 Santiago de Monclova, villa, found- 
 ing, etc., of, 1687, i. 376. 
 Santiago Papasquiaro, Spaniards mas- 
 sacred at, 1G16, i. 323. 
 Santo Mar tires de Japon missioq, 
 
 mention of, i. 245. 
 Santo TomSs de Aquino mission, 
 
 founded, 1791, i. 751. 
 Sarmiento, A. de 0., gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1665-70, i. 337. 
 Sarrabia, Prefeoto B., gov. Durango, 
 
 1864, ii. 620. 
 Sastre, M., gov. of Sonora and Sina- 
 loa, 1772, i. 711. 
 Savariego, Capt., mention of, ii 237. 
 Sayers, Lieut-gov. J. D., election of, 
 
 1878, ii. 522. 
 Schofield, Charles, biog. of, ii. 736. 
 School fund, Texas, 1852-61, ii. 416. 
 Scrutchfield, Judge L. H., biog. o^ 
 
 ii. 769. 
 Scurry, Col, defeat of, ii. 452. 
 Seal, of Texas, 1836, ii. 295. 
 Securities, Texas, 1838-9, ii. 318. 
 Secession, Texas, ordinance for, ii. 
 
 43G; popular vote on, ii. 439. 
 Sedelmair, Father J., mission t» 
 
 Pimeria, 1736-7, i. 524-5; exped. 
 
 of, 1744, i. 536-7; 1748, i. 540; 
 
 1750, i. 540-1; ' Relacion,' etc., i. 
 
 538-9; escape from Pimas, 1751, i. 
 
 544; refutes Parrilla's charges, 
 
 1752, i. 549-51. 
 Segesser, Father F. , mission to Pim- 
 eria, 1731-6, i. 523-4. 
 
806 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Selfridge, Commander F. 0. , repulses 
 
 Mexicans at Guaymas, ii. 6(i8; 
 
 campaign of, L. Cal., ii. 713 et seq. 
 Senators, Texas, list of, 1845-61, ii. 
 
 4i9. 
 Seris, expeds. against, 1800, i. 275, 
 
 535-6; 1761-2, "i. 565; 1768-71, i. 
 
 695-701; Jesuits among, 1690-1709, 
 
 i. 511; subjugation of ordered, 
 
 1750, i. 533; demands, etc., of, 
 
 1754, i. 554; war with, i. 554-6; 
 
 mention of, ii. 628. 
 Serna, F. B. de la, gov. of Nueva 
 
 Vizcaya, 1640-2, i. 337. 
 Serna, Gov., appointment, etc., of, 
 
 1874, ii. 702-3. 
 Serra, Father J., mention of, i. 766; 
 
 in Alta Cal., i. 767-8; death of, 
 
 1784, i. 770. 
 Sesma. General, to relieve Cos, ii. 
 
 •203; force, etc., of, ii. 244. 
 ri^hacleford, Dr, mention of, ii .237. 
 Sharpe, Capt., mention of, ii. 244. 
 Shaw, James B., Texas comptroller, 
 
 ii. 403. 
 Shelby county, Tex., vendetta in, ii. 
 
 355. 
 Shelvocke, Capt. G., voyage, etc., of, 
 
 1719-21, i. 200-1. 
 Shepherd, James L., execution of, ii. 
 
 368. 
 Sheridan, Gen., removal of, 1867, ii. 
 
 493. 
 Sherman, Col S., mention of, ii. 244; 
 
 at council of war, ii. 558; battle 
 
 San Jacinto, ii. 260-1. 
 Shubrick, Commodore, captures Ma- 
 
 zatlan, 1846, ii. 669-70: L. Cal. 
 
 campaign, 1847, ii. 714. 
 Sibley, John, mention of, ii. 48. 
 Sibley, Gen., capture of, ii. 437; joins 
 
 confederates, ii. 451-2; defeats 
 ( Canby, ii. 452; retreat to Texas, 
 
 ii. 453. 
 Sibubapas, campaigns against the, 
 
 1768-71, i. 695-701. 
 Sierpe, P. G. de la, aids Salvatierra, 
 
 1697-8, i. 280, 293-4. 
 Sierra, Father A. F. de la, labors, etc., 
 
 of, 1670-3, i. 247. 
 Sierra, L. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 
 1677, i. 338. 
 Sigler, William N., mention of, ii. 171. 
 Simkins, E. J., mention of, ii. 546. 
 Sinaloa, N. de Guzman's exped. in, 
 
 1530, i. 30; 1533, i. 56-7; annalsof, 
 
 1564-C6, i. 113-16; Jesuits in, 1591- 
 
 1600, i. 119-23; location of, i. 203; 
 
 name, i. ^03; territory, i. 204-5; 
 
 map of, i. 208, 5£5, 657; and Du- 
 
 rango, map of, ii. 591; floods, etc., 
 in, 1639^1, i. 231; missions of, 
 1645, i. 236; 1650-1700, i. 238-40; 
 settlements, etc., in, 1747-9, i. 546- 
 7; progress and events, 1800-1830, 
 ii, 628; revol. exped. to, 1810, ii. 
 630-2; and Sonora, new constitu- 
 tion, 1820, ii. 635; separation from 
 Sonora, 1823, ii. 637; 1827-SO, ii. 
 644-6; revenue of, ii. 741; education 
 in, ii. 746. 
 
 Sinaloa y Snnora, gobemacion of, 
 establ'd, 1734, i. 520. 
 
 Sinuickson, Dr, battle of Mier, ii. 
 363-4. 
 
 Sisson, Maj. G. H., Mog., etc., and 
 project of, ii. 734. 
 
 Sistiaga, Father S., with Brave's ex- 
 ped., 1718, i. 445. 
 
 Slavery, decree of emancipation, 1827, 
 ii. 90; decree of, 1829, ii. 92; excep- 
 tion favor of Texas, ii. 93; Texas 
 constitution, 1836, ii. 305; English 
 interference, ii. 377; legislation in. 
 Cong., ii. 42.3 et seq.; legislation in 
 Texas, ii. 423, 428; agitations in 
 congress, 1860, ii. 430-3. 
 
 Slaughter, Col C. C, biog. of, ii. 
 560-1. 
 
 Slaughter, J. B., mention of, ii. 561. 
 
 Slough, Col, defeats confederates, 
 Apache canon, ii. 452. 
 
 Smith, at siege of San Antonio, ii. 
 180. 
 
 Smith, Deaf, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 
 182; important capture of, ii. 253; 
 destroys Vinces bridge, ii. 259; 
 bearer Santa Anna's despatches, ii. 
 266. 
 
 Smith, Ashbel, minister to England, 
 ii. 338; Eng. evasion of neutrality, 
 ii. 356; pres. university regents, ii. 
 545. 
 
 Smith, Col B. F., conmiissioner to 
 Filisola, ii. 270. 
 
 Smith, Gov. Henry, mention of, ii. 
 172; appointment of, ii. 173; rup- 
 ture with council, ii. 190 et seq.; 
 defeat of, ii. 291 ; app't'd sec. of the 
 treasury, ii. 294. 
 
 Smith, Gen. Kirby, suppresses insur- 
 rection, ii, 355; surrender of, ii. 
 475. 
 
 Smith, Jlayor J. P., biog. of, ii. 574. 
 
 Smith, Capt. J. W., at battle S. An- 
 tonio, ii. 182; enters the Alamo, ii. 
 209. 
 
 Smith, M. W., mention of, ii. 171. 
 
 Smith, Capt. T. I., 'Archive war,' ii. 
 354. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 807 
 
 Smugglmg, Texas, 1831, ii. 117-18; 
 Anahuac, guard attacked, ii. 156. 
 
 Snlvely, Coljacob, disaster of, ii. 371. 
 
 Sobaipuris, uprising of, 1701, i. 504. 
 
 Society, Texas, pop., 1844-7, ii. 390; 
 crime, ii. 391; amusements, etc., ii. 
 S92; illiteracy, etc., ii. 393; condi- 
 tion of, 1864^5, ii. 472; 1865-6, ii. 
 430; 1866-88, ii. 530 et seq. ; hospi- 
 tality, ii. 633; benevolent institu- 
 tions, ii. 637. 
 
 Soils, eastern Texas, ii. 551 ; south, ii. 
 552; central, ii. 553; north, ii. 553; 
 western, ii. 654; ' panhandle ' of 
 Texas, ii. 555. 
 
 Soldiers, land grants to, ii. 217. 
 
 Soledad, founding of, 1791, i. 771. 
 
 Solis, Lieut A., outrages of, 1095, i. 
 260-1; exped. of, 1696, i. 272. 
 
 Somerville, A., mention of, ii. 160. 
 
 Somerville, murder of, ii. 443. 
 
 Somerville, Gen., mention of, ii. 253; 
 at council of war, ii. 258; operations, 
 etc. , of, ii. 359; biog. and death of, 
 ii. 301. 
 
 Sonoita, Sedelmair visits, 1743, i. 636; 
 attacked by Pimas, 1751, i. 644. 
 
 Sonora, name, i. 204-5, 241; map of, 
 i. 208, 555, 703; new map of, ii. 606; 
 missions of, 1645, i. 236; Jesuits in, 
 1650-1700, i. 242-50; separ. from 
 Sinaloa, 1693, i. 255; Ind. revolt in, 
 i. 255-6; mission affairs in, 1701-30, 
 i. 512-10; 1767-1800, i. 704-10; 
 Indian raids, etc., in, i. 694-702, 
 714-18; govs, etc., of, 1763-18C0, i. 
 710-12; see of, establ'd, 1781, i 712; 
 church affairs in, 1770-1800, i. 712- 
 13; progress and events, 1800-1830, 
 ii. 628 et seq.; new constitution, 
 1820, ii. 635; separation from Sina- 
 loa, etc., 1823, ii. 637; division of, 
 boundaries, etc., 1827-30, ii. 644-6. 
 made a sub. dept, 1853, ii. 681; rev- 
 enue of, ii. 741; education in, ii. 
 747; mining riches of, ii. 754. 
 
 Sosa, G. 0. de, exped. of, 1590-1, i. 
 128; arrest of, i. 128. 
 
 Sotelo y Figueroa, Father M. M., 
 mention of, i. 472. 
 
 Soto, H. de, exped. of, i. 382. 
 
 Soto, P. de, with Barriga's exped., 
 1644, i. 182. 
 
 Soto La Marina, capture of, 1817, ii. 
 37. 
 
 South Carolina, secession resolutions, 
 ii. 429. 
 
 Spain, war with France, 1719, i. 618; 
 hostility to Americans, ii. 11 etseq.; 
 loyalty to, ii. 585. 
 
 Spaniards, laws against, 1827-9, ii. 
 93; edict expellmg. Son. and Sin., 
 1828, ii. 643. 
 
 Sparks, John, biog. of, ii. 561. 
 
 Spilberg. G., voyage of, 1615, L 166- 
 7. 
 
 Staples, Stephen, mention of, ii. 97. 
 
 Stapp, W. P., release of, ii. 370. 
 
 State convention, Texas, 1868, ii. 
 494-5. 
 
 iState troops, Texas, conscription of, 
 ii. 470-1. 
 
 St Denis, L., exped. of, 1705, i. 609; 
 1713, i. 610-16; charges against, 
 etc., i. 616-17; in command at 
 Natchitoches, l721, i. 625; meeting 
 with Aguayo, i. 625; correspond, 
 with Sandoval, 1736, i. 636-7. 
 
 Steele, William, mention of, ii. 518. 
 
 Steiger, Father P. G., mission to Pi- 
 meria, 1733, i. 524. 
 
 Steiner, Dr, mention of, ii. 538. 
 
 Stephens, Samuel, death of, ii. 410. 
 
 Stewart, G. B., mention of, ii. 160. 
 
 Stiles, Washington, testimony of, iL 
 161. 
 
 Stockdale, Lieut-gov. F. S., inaugu- 
 ration of, 1863, li. 406. 
 
 Stock-raising, Texas, ii. 559-64; cat- 
 tle, ii. 660; diseases, ii. 502; quar- 
 antines, ii. 562-3; sheep, horses, 
 etc., 663-4; N. Mex. states, ii. 
 750-1. 
 
 Stone, C P., organizes Jecker's sur- 
 veying exped., ii. 695. 
 
 Street, J. K., biog. of, ii. 578. 
 
 Stuart, Dr D. F., biog. of, ii. 767-8. 
 
 Stuart, Hamilton, mention of, ii. 549. 
 
 Suaquis, Sinaloan tribe, subjugation 
 of, 1600-1, i. 210-12; outbreak, etc., 
 1766, i. 567-8. 
 
 Suarez, Capt., the Tepehuane revolt, 
 1615-17, i. 324. 
 
 Supreme court, Sonora and Sinaloa, 
 1826, ii. 638. 
 
 Surveys, geol. and agric, ii. 664. 
 
 Swain, J. W., biog. of, ii. 577. 
 
 Swan, Capt., voyage of, 1685, i. 194. 
 
 Sweitzer's regiment, annihilation of, 
 ii. 467. 
 
 Swisher, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185. 
 
 Swisher, John M., Texas auditor, ii. 
 403. 
 
 Sylvester, capture of Santa Anna, iL 
 264. 
 
 T 
 
 Tabasco, revolt of, ii. 351. 
 Tagle, P. A. S. de, bishop of Durango, 
 1749-57, i. 594. 
 
808 
 
 nSTDEX. 
 
 Tajo mine, diacovery of, 1655, i. 238. 
 Tamarad, Father N., mention of, i. 
 
 437-8; labors in Baja Cal., 1718, i. 
 
 446; murder of, 1734, i. 458. 
 Tamaron, Bishop P., report, etc., of, 
 
 i. 562-4; bishop of Durango, 1758- 
 
 68, i. 594-5; report of, I 695-8; 
 
 correspondence, etc., of, 1767-8, i. 
 
 704-5. 
 Tamotohala, town, capture of, 1535, 
 
 i. 56. 
 Tampioo, tragedy at, ii. 189. 
 Tapacohores, church disaster at, ii. 
 
 582. 
 Tapia, Father, missionary labors of, 
 
 1592-4, i. 121; martyrdom of, 1594, 
 
 i. 121-2. 
 Tapia, GenT A. L., succeeds Miranda, 
 
 etc., ii. 738. 
 Tapiz, P., bishop of Durango, 1713- 
 
 22, i. 594. 
 Tarahumara, missionary labors, etc., 
 
 in, 1607-30, i. 333-4; 1639-48, i. 
 
 346-8; revolt in, 1649-51, i. 352-8; 
 
 1652, i. 358-60; mission aflfairs in, 
 
 i. 361-3. 
 Taraval, Father S., ■works of, i. 455; 
 
 in charge at Purfsima, 1730, i. 455; 
 
 at Sanifgnaoio, 1732, i. 456; explor. 
 
 of, 1732-3, i. 456; founds Las Pal- 
 mas mission, i. 457; escape of, 1734, 
 
 i. 458-9. 
 Tarda, Father, mention of, i. 366-7. 
 Tarlton, Col, mention of, ii. 244. 
 Taxicora, Cacique, capture, etc., of, 
 
 1601, i. 211; execution of, 212. 
 Taylor, Geu'l, movements of, ii. 394; 
 
 battle of Monterey, ii. 395-6. 
 Tays, Lieut J. B., battle against riot- 
 ers, ii. 520. 
 Teal, Capt Henry, commissioner to 
 
 Filisola, ii. 270; commis. to Mexico, 
 
 ii. 282. 
 Tecucliuapa, disturbance in, i. 316. 
 Tehueoos, Sinaloan tribe, revolt of, 
 
 1611-12, i. 219-20. 
 Telle, Father T., at Caborca, 1750, i. 
 
 543; murder of, 1751, i. 544. 
 Tellez, Col, defeats Romero, etc., 
 
 1846, ii. 669. 
 Tellez, M., comandante at San Felipe, 
 
 1585, i. 114. 
 Temoris, Sinaloan tribe, submission 
 
 of, i. 248. 
 Tempis, Father A., death of, 1746, i. 
 
 462; biog., i. 462. 
 Templeton, J. D., biog. of, ii. 768. 
 Tenerapa, Tepehuanes defeated at, 
 
 1617, i. 326. 
 Tenorio, Capt., mention of, ii. 156. 
 
 Tenorio, A. de C. , with Ortega's ex- 
 ped., 1632, i. 171. 
 
 Tepahue, Hurdaide'a exped. to, 1612- 
 13, i, 220-1. 
 
 Tepehuane, district, extent of, i. 
 309; descript. of, i. 319-20; revolt 
 in, 1616-17, i. 320-9; 1638, i. 331-2; 
 missionary labors in, i. 331; mis- 
 sion matters in, 1644r-68, i. 344-6. 
 
 Tepocas, Jesuits among, 1709, i. 511. 
 
 Teporaca, Cacique, the Tarahumare 
 revolts, 1649-52, ii. 356-8; execu- 
 tion of, 1652, i. 360. 
 
 Teran, Gen., campaign, etc., of, 1695, 
 i. 272. 
 
 Teran, D., comandante of Santiago 
 de Monclova, etc., i. 370; exped. 
 of, 1691-2, i. 416-18; 'Descripcion 
 y Diaria,' i. 416. 
 
 Terrazas, Genl Luis, gov. Chih, 1861, 
 ii. 619; reinstated, 1864, ii. 621; 
 rule of, 1879-84, ii. 625. 
 
 Terrenate, presidio founded at, etc., 
 1741-4, i. 528-30. 
 
 Terreros, Father A. G., exped. of, 
 1757, i. 644; the massacre at San 
 Sab^, 1758, i. 645-8. 
 
 Terreros, P. R. de, contributions of, 
 1756, i. 644. 
 
 Terrill, Prof. L M., biog. of, ii. 545. 
 
 Texas, explorations, etc., of, 1528— 
 1693, i. 380-419; maps of, i. 381, 
 615; name,i. 392; gov's of, 1702-26, 
 i. 604; French claims to, 1712, i. 
 609-10; St Denis' exped., 1705, i. 
 609; Ramon's, 1716, i. 612-16; 
 French invasion of , 1719-20, i. 618- 
 22; Aguayo'sexped., 1720-2, 622-9; 
 Gov. Almazan's rule, 1722-6, i. 
 630-2; Mediavilla's, 1726-30, i. 
 632-4; Rivera's rept. on, 1729, i. 
 633-4; Gov. Bustillo's rule, 1730-3, 
 i. 634-6; Sandoval's, 1734r-6, i. 636- 
 7; Apache raids, etc., in 1730-4, i. 
 635-6; 1760-1, i. 650; Gov. Fran- 
 quis' rule, 1736-7, i. 637-S; Oro- 
 bio's, 1737-40, i. 638-9; 'Wintuisen's, 
 T. F., 1741-3, i. 639; Bonco's 1743, 
 i. 639; Lario's, 1743-8, i. 639; 
 Junco's, 174S-50, i. 639; Barrios', 
 1751-60, i. 6,39, 643; mission affairs 
 in, i. 639-42, 653-69; the boundary 
 question, i. 636-7, 643—4; contra- 
 band trade in, i. 643; the Comanche 
 outbreak, etc., 1758, i. 645-9; Gov. 
 Martos' rule, 1760-7, i. 649, 652; 
 Oconnor's 1767-70, i. 652; popula- 
 tion, i. 657, 1805-7, ii. 2; lS30, ii. 
 76; 1860-88, ii. 520; Gov. Cabel- 
 lo's rule, 1778-81, i. 660, 668; Pa- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 809 
 
 oheoo'a, 1789-90, i. 669; claimed 
 by the U. S., ii. 1-16; Louisiana 
 boundary dispute, ii. 9-11; treaty, 
 1819, ii. 45-7; military force ia- 
 creased, ISOli, ii. 11; Salcedo made 
 gov. of, 1810, ii. 17; condition of, 
 1821, ii. 52; foreign colonists, 1819, 
 ii. 55; Austin's colony, ii. 56 et 
 seq.; colonization law, 1825, ii. 70; 
 slavery decrees, 1827-9, ii. 90-3; 
 agitation on, ii. 423 et seq. ; admin- 
 1st. of justice, 1827-9, ii. 94-5; ed- 
 ucation, 1811-30, ii. 95-6; religion, 
 1831, ii. 93; revolt, 1826, ii. 105 et 
 seq.; Mexican oppression, ii. Ill 
 et acq. ; changes in laws for 1830, 
 ii. 114; military despotism, 1830, 
 ii. 115; martial law, 1832, ii. 119; 
 Coah. separation discussed, ii. l.SO 
 et seq.; colonization decree, 1832, 
 ii. 132; state convention, 1832-3, 
 ii. 132-3; constitution, ii. 133; gov't 
 measures for, 1833, ii. 137; decree 
 for 'supreme court, etc., 1834, ii. 
 144; land frauds, 1835, ii. 149; 
 Coah. state authorities deposed, ii. 
 154-5; committees of vig. and 
 safety formed, ii. 155; bill of righta, 
 ii. 172; provis. gov't, 1835, ii. 173; 
 polit. affairs of, 1835, iL 190 et seq. ; 
 public domain, ii. 191; breach be- 
 tween counoU and gov., ii. 193; 
 apathy of, 1836, ii. 201; finances of, 
 ii. 202; 1870, ii. 505; 1874-5, ii. 
 513; 1879, ii. 522; debt of, ii. 399; 
 debt, 1850, ii. 401-2; liquidation 
 of debt, ii. 412 et seq.; school fund, 
 1852-61, ii. 416; revenue, 1852-8, 
 ii. 415; independence declared, ii. 
 215 et seq.; signers of list, ii. 216; 
 recognized, ii. 301, 338-40; con- 
 stitution adopted, 1836, ii. 218; 
 seat of gov't at Harrisburg, ii. 238; 
 at Galveston, ii. 268; statistics of 
 1836, ii. 285; elections, 1836, ii. 291; 
 1841, ii. 341; 1844, ii. 378; 1849, ii. 
 398; prospects of, 18.38, ii. 310; 
 boundary with N. Mex., ii. 332, 
 398; capital moved to Austin, 1839, 
 ii. 337; foreign relations, 1838-42, 
 ii. 338-40; navy operations, 1842, 
 ii. 350 et seq.; second invasion of, 
 ii. 357 et seq.; annexation to U. S., 
 ii. 382; volunteers of, in Mex. war, 
 ii. 394 et seq.; Santa Fe exped., 
 184], ii, 333 etseq. ; claims against, 
 1847-51, ii. 403; secession, 424 et 
 seq.; prosperity of, 1858-9, ii. 426; 
 adopts confederate constitution, ii. 
 439; reconstruction, 1865-6, ii. 478 
 
 et seq.; state constitution, 1866, ii. 
 
 482; restoration to statehood, ii. 501- 
 
 2; political vicissitudes of, ii. 526-7; 
 
 progress of, ii. 528-9; editorial and 
 
 press association, ii. 550. 
 Texas K. R. Navig. & Banking Co., 
 
 act to incorporate, ii. 296. 
 Thompson, capture of Santa Anna, 
 
 ii. 264. 
 Thompson, Capt., desertion, etc., of, 
 
 ii. 303. 
 Thompson, A. P., mention of, ii. 649. 
 Thompson, Alexander, mention of, 
 
 ii. 172. 
 Thompson, J. M. N., execution of, ii. 
 
 368. 
 Thompson, Capt. T. M., outrages, etc., 
 
 of, ii. 161-2. 
 Thrall, H. S., 'A Pictorial History 
 
 of Texas,' ii. 386. 
 Throckmorton, Gov. J. W., pres. 
 
 state conven., ii. 482; elected gov., 
 
 biog., etc., ii. 483; message of, 
 
 1866, ii. 483 et seq.; disagreement 
 
 with Gen. Griffin, ii. 490; removal 
 
 of, ii. 491; final report, ii. 491; 
 
 biog. of, ii. 765. 
 'Tioson, ' schooner, ii. 118. 
 Tiguex, Province, Coronado's exped., 
 
 in, 1540-1, i. 85. 
 Tobar, Capt., exped. to Tusayan, 
 
 1540, i. 85; at San Gerdnimo, etc., 
 
 i. 89. 
 Tobar, Father H. de, murder of, 1616, 
 
 i. 322. 
 Tobar, P., comandante at San Felipe, 
 
 i. 115. 
 Tobin, Capt., mention of, 445; opera- 
 tions against Cortina, ii. 447-8. 
 Tobosos, raids of the, 1644^5, i. 348- 
 
 51. 
 Todd, Geo. T., mention of, ii. 565. 
 Todos Santos, see Ensenada. 
 Toledo, Jose A. de, biog., etc., of, ii. 
 
 26; defeat of, 1813, ii. 28-9. 
 Tolosa, J. de, exped. to Zacatecas, 
 
 1546-8, i. 99. 
 Tolea, General, mention of, ii. 203; 
 
 reenforces Sesma, ii. 247; ratifies 
 
 Texas treaty, ii. 270. 
 Tonty, H. de, exped. of, 1688-9, i. 
 
 412. 
 Topia, Province, Ibarra in, 1563-4, i. 
 
 105-7; extent of, i. 309; subjuga- 
 tion of, 1601-14, i. 313-19; extent 
 
 of, i. 316; conversions in, i. 316; 
 
 missions, etc., in, i. 340-1. 
 Tomel, Mex. sec. of war, orders to 
 
 Filisola, ii. 279-80. 
 Torre, D, P. de la, gov. of Nueva 
 
810 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Galicia, etc., 1536, i. 71; death of, 
 
 1538, i. 71. 
 Torre, J. de la, exped. to Nayarit, 
 
 1721, i. 518. 
 Torres, J. A., leader of uprising, 1810, 
 
 ii. 630. 
 Torres, Gov. Luis, succeeds Sema, 
 
 etc., ii. 703. 
 Torrey, James N., execution of, ii. 
 
 368. 
 Tortolero, Capt. L., Salvatierra's 
 
 exped. to Cat, 1697-9, i. 284, 288- 
 
 97. 
 Townley, Capt., voyage of, 1685, i. 
 
 194. 
 Towns, Coah. and Tex., gov't of, 
 
 1810, ii. 78-9. 
 Trade, see Commerce. 
 Trahern, mention of, ii. 366. 
 'iravis. Col W. B., capture of, 1832, 
 
 ii. 119; release of, ii. 124; arrest 
 
 ordered, July, 1885, ii. 161; at S. 
 
 Felipe, ii. 195; reSuforcement of, 
 
 ii. 202; carelessness of, ii. 207; ap- 
 peal of, ii. 208; death of, ii. 211. 
 Treasurer, Texas, deficit of, ii. 509. 
 Treaty of peace, Mex. and U. S., ii. 
 
 612. 
 Trejo, F. de, gov. of Nueva Vizoaya, 
 
 1577-83, i. 112-13. 
 ' Tremont,' Amer. brig., ii. 161. 
 Tresierra y Cano, A. , intendente go- 
 
 bemador of Arizpe, 1793, i. 712. 
 Tresino, Manuel, mention of, ii. 445. 
 Trias, Gov. Angel, installation of, ii. 
 
 602; succeeds Irigoyen, ii. 605; 
 
 surrender of, ii. 611-12; deposes 
 
 Cordero, ii. 617; removal, etc., of, 
 
 ii. 625. 
 Tristan, Provincial A. F., 'Informe,' 
 
 i. 687. 
 Tristan, E. L. de, bishop of Durango, 
 
 etc., 1786, i. 684r-5. 
 Troutman, Miss, mention of, ii. 296. 
 Tubac, presidio of founded, 1752, i. 
 
 554. 
 Tubares, Sinaloan tribe, revolt, etc., 
 
 of, 1681-4, i. 248 9. 
 Tubutama, Indian outbreak at, 1695, 
 
 i. 260-1. 
 Tunon y Quiros, Capt. G. A. , coman- 
 
 dante at San Felipe, 1712-24, i. 516- 
 
 17; charges against, i. 516; Apache 
 
 raids, i. 516-17. 
 Tunstall, W. V., sec. state con v., 
 
 1868, ii. 495. 
 TurnbuU, James, execution of, ii. 
 
 368. 
 Turner, Col Amasa, mention of, ii. 
 
 244. 
 
 Turrill, C. B., mention of, ii. 735. 
 Titrsch, Father I., mention of, i. 473. 
 Tufcije, Apache chief, execution of, ii. 
 
 654. 
 Tutino, Padre A., mission to Topia, 
 
 1602, i. 316. 
 Twiggs, General, surrender, etc., o^ 
 
 ii. 437. 
 
 Ugalde, J. de, gov. of Coahuila, 1778, 
 1. 604; comandante gen'l of Provin- 
 cias Internas del Oriente, etc., 
 1787, i. 674; defeats Apaches, etc., 
 1790, i. 669. 
 
 Ugarte, Commandant, removes Mou- 
 terde, ii. 602. 
 
 Ugarte, Father, explor. of, 1521, i, 
 508-9; labors of, i. 511. 
 
 Ugarte, Father J. de, aids Salvatierra, 
 1697-8, i. 279-80, 298; labors, etc., 
 in Baja Cal., 1701-9, i. 422-35; 
 biog., i. 422; exped. of, 1721, i. 
 450-1; death, 1730, i. 456; charac- 
 ter, i. 456. 
 
 Ugarte y Loyola, J., gov. of Coahuila, 
 i. 604; comandante gen. of Proviu- 
 cias Internas, 1785, i. 673-4. 
 
 Ugarteohea, Col, mention of, ii. 116; 
 battle at Velasco, ii. 122; address 
 to Texans, 1835, ii. 157; order to 
 alcaldes, 1835, i^ 161; demand for 
 cannon, ii. 165; orders to polit. 
 chief, ii. 171; at battle S. Antonio, 
 ii. 185. 
 
 Ulloa, F. de, exped. of, 1539, L 78. 
 
 Ulloa, P. de, mission to Cortes, 1535, 
 i. 49-50. 
 
 ' Uncle Ben,' victory of, ii. 459. 
 
 Unionists, Texas, victory of, 1859, ii. 
 426-7; murders of, in Texas, ii. 
 458; maltreatment of 1865-6, ii. 
 480. 
 
 United States, claims to Texas, ii. 1- 
 16; boundary troubles with Spain, 
 1805, ii. 10 et seq. ; boundary in- 
 trigues of, ii. 88; influence in Texas 
 affairs, 1835, ii. 158-9; aid to Texas, 
 1835, ii. 170-1; neutrality, etc., of, 
 ii. 285; occupation of Texas terri- 
 tory, ii. 286; recognizes independ- 
 ence of Texas, ii. 301; annexation 
 of Texas rejected, ii. 342; annexa- 
 tion, ii. 382-3; jealousy of Great 
 Britain, etc., 1842, ii. 374; threat of 
 Mex., etc., 1842, ii. 376; purchase 
 of Texas Santa Fe claim, ii. 400-3; 
 menaces the French, 1864, ii. 622. 
 
 United States volunteers, in Texan 
 
INDEX. 
 
 811 
 
 war, disgust at inaction, at S. An- 
 tonio, ii. 179; restleasness of, ii. 
 195; inducements to, ii. 294-5. 
 
 Universities, Texas, list of, ii. 546; 
 Texas state university, ii. 545. 
 
 Urdaneta, A. de, exped. to the Phil- 
 ippines, 1564^5, i. 137-9; death of, 
 1568, i. 139. 
 
 Urdinola, Gov. F., gov. of Nueva 
 Vizcaya, 1602-11, i. 306; revolt of 
 the Acaxees, 1601-2, i. 314-16; sub- 
 dues the Xiximes, 1610, i. 318-19. 
 
 Urea, French capture of, ii. 697. 
 
 Urrea's campaign, map, ii. 228. 
 
 Urrea, B. de, corresp. with Gov. 
 Pineda, 1767, i. 569. 
 
 Urrea, Gen. Jose, mention of, ii. 204; 
 defeats Grant and Johnson, ii. 220- 
 2; defeats Fannin, ii. 227-33; Santa 
 Anna's orders to, ii. 248; succeeds 
 Filisola, ii. 281; supports Pedraza, 
 1832, ii. 590; promotion of, ii. 593; 
 proclaims federal system, etc., 
 1837-8, ii. 656; defeat at Mazatlan, 
 ii. 658; defeats Gandara, ii, 659; 
 reappointment of, 1842, ii. 660; de- 
 feat of, ii. 662-3. 
 
 Urrea, M., gefe politico, ii. 586. 
 
 Vaca, Oapt. A., exped. of, 1634, i. 
 385. 
 
 Vaca, A. N. 0. de, treasurer, etc., of 
 Narvaez' exped., 1528, i. 60; ad- 
 ventures of, i. 60-70; ' Relacion, ' 
 i. 62; map of route, i. 67; further 
 career, i. 70. 
 
 Vaca, C. de, crosses Texas, 1535, i. 
 380-1. 
 
 Vacapa, town, Kiza's exped. at, 1539, 
 i. 75-6. 
 
 Valdes, J., revolt of suppressed, 1880, 
 ii. 625-6. 
 
 Valdes, L., gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 1639-40, i. 306; 1642-8, i. 337; the 
 Toboso outbreak, etc., 1644-5, i. 
 350. 
 
 Valdez, Pedro, defeats Vega, ii. 695. 
 
 Valdivar, exploration, etc., of, 1540, 
 i. 83-4. 
 
 Valle, Father A. del, the Tepehuane 
 revolt, 1616-17, i. 327. 
 
 Valle, Bishop J. del, visit to Sinaloa, 
 1610, i. 219. 
 
 Valle, Santiago de, councillor, ii. 86. 
 
 Valle de Banderas, name, i. 15. 
 
 Valenzuela, E. C. de, with Ortega's 
 exped., 16.32, i. 171. 
 
 Valverde, battle of, ii. 452. 
 
 Vancouver, G., voyages of, 1792-4, i. 
 772. 
 
 Vandersipe, Father, death of, 1651, 
 i. 242. 
 
 Van Dom, Maj. Earle, capture of 
 Sibley, etc., ii. 437. 
 
 Van Nostrand, J., mention of, ii. 537. 
 
 Van Zandt, Texas charge d' affaires, 
 ii. 374. 
 
 Van Zandt, Isaac, biog. of, ii. 576-7. 
 
 Van Zandt, K. M., mention of, ii. 
 577. 
 
 Van Zandt, Dr L, mention of, ii. 577. 
 
 Vara, Col, captures Miller's volun- 
 teers, ii. 233^. 
 
 Varohios, Sinaloan tribe, submission 
 of, i. 248. 
 
 Varona, Capt G. S., exped. of, 1691, 
 i. 417. 
 
 Vasquez, Gen'l R., defeat of, ii. 331; 
 capture of S. Antonio, 1842, ii. 
 348. 
 
 Vega, Gen'l, schemes of, 1868, ii. 
 700-1. 
 
 Vega, Gov. F. de la, Valdez defeats, 
 ii. 695. 
 
 Vega, Father R. de, with Ortega's 
 exped., 1636, i. 174-5. 
 
 Vega, S. L. de la, comandante of 
 Sonora, 1644, i. 233; death of, i. 
 233. 
 
 Vehlein, Joseph, colony grant, ii. 74, 
 110. 
 
 Velarde, Father Ij., eulogy of Kino, 
 i. 505-6; Campos' explor., 1715, i. 
 507. 
 
 Velasco, Viceroy, contract with Viz- 
 caino, 1594, i. 147. 
 
 Velasco, D. F. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 1596, i. 113. 
 
 Velasco, Fiscal, report on Texan 
 affairs, 1716, i. 616-17. 
 
 Velasco, H. de, gov. of Nueva Viz- 
 caya, 16.30, i. 306. 
 
 Velasco, Father, mission to Sinaloa, 
 1600-9, i. 209-15. 
 
 Velasco, Father J. B., labors of, i. 
 222; death of, 1612, i. 222; biog., i. 
 222. 
 
 Velasco, Father P., death of, 1649, i. 
 234. 
 
 Velasco y Altamirano, G. de L., bish- 
 op of Guadiana, 1692-1700, i. 3C9. 
 
 Velasquez, F., captures Tamotohala, 
 
 1533, i. 56. 
 Velasquez, J. , gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 
 1784-6, i. 676-8. 
 'Velocity,' surrender of, ii. 459. 
 ' Vencedor del Alamo, ' capture of the 
 'Independence,' ii. 284. 
 
812 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Venegas, Viceroy, aid to Saloedo, 
 
 1813, ii. 22. 
 Venegas, Father, map of, 1757, i. 
 
 471, 
 Venegas, M. , ' Notioia de la Califor- 
 nia,' i. 281-2. 
 Ventura, Father L., at Loreto, 1757, 
 
 i. 470; mention of, i. 473. 
 Vera, Father F., with Urdinola's ex- 
 
 ped., 1610, i. 318. 
 VerSstegui, A. M. de, with Otondo's 
 
 exped., 1683, i. 187. 
 Verdugo, Gov. P., proclaims for lib- 
 erals, 1856, ii. 695. 
 Vermillion, capture of Santa Anna, 
 
 ii. 264. 
 Vertiz y Ontanon, J. F. de, gov. of 
 
 Nueva Vizcaya, 1737, i. 581. 
 Veterans, Texas, pensions to, ii. 514. 
 Victoria, town, founded, ii. 110; 
 
 Comanche attack on, ii. 325. 
 Victoria, Tam., state gov't at, ii. 330. 
 Victoria, G-en'l, mention of, ii. 340. 
 Victoria, Lieut-col M., app't'd sub. 
 
 jefe politico, 1829, ii. 710. 
 Vidal, Lieut-col, defeat of, ii. 606-7. 
 Vidaurri, Francisco, decreed gov- 
 ernor, 1834, ii. 143; overturea to 
 
 Texas, ii. 327. 
 Viesca, Gov. Agustin, election of, 
 
 1835, ii. 146; arrest, etc., of, ii. 
 
 154-5; address to Texans, ii. 158. 
 Viesca, Jose M., elected gov., ii. 86. 
 Vila, v., exped. to Alta Cal., 1769, i. 
 
 489. 
 Vildosola, Don A., gov. of Sinaloa 
 
 and Sonora, i. 528; rule, 1741-8, i. 
 
 528-31. 
 Vildosola, Capt. G., expeds. against 
 
 Apaches, 1756, i. 557; 1758, i. 558; 
 
 1766, i. 559. 
 Villaescusa, Col. , surrender at Rosario, 
 
 1810, ii. 631; defeats Hermosillo, 
 
 1811, ii. 6.32. 
 
 Villafaue, Father, death of, 1634, i. 
 231; biog., i. 231. 
 
 Villagian, victory at Parral, 1864, ii. 
 622; sub. prefect, driven out, etc., 
 ii. 738. 
 
 Villalobos, R. L. de, exped. of, 1542, 
 i. 137. 
 
 \ illalta, Father C. de, mission to Sin- 
 aloa, 1604, i. 212-14; labors of, 
 1612, i. 221; missionary labors of, 
 1621, i. 225-6; death of, 1623, i. 
 226. 
 
 ViUapuente, Marquis, donations of, 
 1702, i. 426. 
 
 Villa Sefior y Sanchez, works of, i. 
 466, 530-1. 
 
 Villavicencio, J. J., wrrks of, i. 456. 
 Vmce d Ijriuge, Deal biuuh destroys, 
 
 ii. 259. 
 Viticulture, Texas, ii. 558. 
 Vivero, B. de, gov. of IS ueva Vizcaya, 
 
 1601-2, i. 306. 
 Vizcaino, S., exped. to Lower Cal., 
 
 1597, i. 147-51; 1602-3, i. 153-60; 
 
 map of, 1603, i. 156; voyage to 
 
 Japan, i. 162-3. 
 
 W 
 
 Wagner, Father J., attempted mur- 
 der of, i. 461; death of, 1744, i. 462. 
 
 Wainwright, Commander, death of, 
 ii. 456. 
 
 Walker, .Senator, resolution of, ii. 
 302. 
 
 Walker, S. A., battle of Monterey, 
 ii. 396-7. 
 
 Walker, S. H., escape of, etc., ii. 366. 
 
 Walker, W. W., mention of, ii. 48. 
 
 Walker, William, filibustering exped. 
 to L. Cal., ii. 682, 720 et seq.; 
 appearance of, ii. 721; operations 
 in S. F., ii. 722, 724; reenforce- 
 ments of and defeat, etc., ii. 723. 
 
 Wallace, Lieut-col. J. W. E., election 
 of, ii. 166. 
 
 Waller, Edwin, mention of, ii. 172. 
 
 Waller, J. R , mention of, ii. 410. 
 
 Wal-jh, W. C, land commissioner, 
 1878, ii. 522. 
 
 War party, Texas, agitations of, 
 1835, ii. 156-9. 
 
 War of the Regulators and Modera- 
 tors, 1842, ii. 354. 
 
 Ward, Major, elected Lieut-col, ii. 
 219; with King, etc., ii. 222-4; 
 death of, ii. 235. 
 
 Ward, Col T. W., mention of, ii. 554. 
 
 AVard, Gen'l T. N., biog. of, ii. 765. 
 
 Ward, Dewey & Co , mention of, ii. 
 535. 
 
 Washington, Lewis, mention of, ii. 
 296. 
 
 Webb, James, commiss. to Mex., ii. 
 340. 
 
 Webb, W. E., mention of, ii. 735. 
 
 Welle=!, E. T., pres. Land Co., ii. 735. 
 
 Welles, Col T. G., mention of, ii. 735. 
 
 Wells, Major, battle San Jacinto, ii. 
 258. 
 
 West, Claiborne, mention of, ii. 172, 
 174. 
 
 Westbrook, C. A., mention of, ii. 551. 
 
 AVestbrook, MrsC. A., bio^of, ii.769. 
 
 Westover, Capt., defeats Rodriguez, 
 ii. 188-9. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 813 
 
 Whaling, Henry, execution of, ii. 
 
 368. 
 ' Wharton, ' on coast of Yucatan, 1842, 
 
 ii. 352. 
 Wharton party, mention of, ii. 291. 
 Wharton, J. A., mention of, ii. 160, 
 162; draughts 'bill of rights,' ii. 172; 
 Texas railit. agent, ii. 192; men- 
 tion of, ii. 294; capture and escape 
 of, ii. 303; death of, ii. 313. 
 Wharton, W. H., chairman state 
 oonv., 1833, ii. 133^; app't'd em- 
 bassador to the U. S., ii. .173-4; 
 appeal of in aid of Texas, ii. 284; 
 return of, ii. 293; minister to the 
 U. S., ii. 294; capture and escape 
 of, ii. 303. 
 Wheat, Texas, ii. 557. 
 Whistler, Gol., occupies Nacogdoches, 
 
 ii. 287. 
 Whitaker, William, mention of, ii. 
 
 171. 
 Whiting, Samuel, mention of, ii. 550. 
 Whitmore, G. W., representative 
 
 1869, ii. 498. 
 Wilie, T., Indian massacre of, ii. 410. 
 Williams, arrest ordered, ii. 161. 
 Williams, equips Texas schooners, ii. 
 
 271. 
 Williams, S. M., commis. to Mex., 
 
 1842, ii. 375. 
 Wdliamson, R. M., arrest ordered, ii. 
 
 161; mention of, ii. 172. 
 Willis, R. S., biog. of, ii. 765-6. 
 Wilson, Charles, mention of, ii. 172, 
 
 174. 
 Wilson, Robert, defeat of, ii. 313. 
 Wing, M. C, execution of, ii. 368. 
 Wintuiseu, T. F., gov. of Texas, 
 
 1741-3, i. 639. 
 WoU, General, force, etc., of. ii. 244; 
 despatch to Houston, ii. 267; cap- j 
 tures S. Antonio, ii. 357; media- , 
 tion Mex. & Texas, 1842, ii. 375; 
 manifesto of, ii. 378. 
 Wood, Gov. Geo. T. , inauguration of, 
 ii. 397; threat against New Mex., 
 1848, ii. 398; defeat of election, 
 1853, ii. 405. 
 Wood, W., mention of, ii. 410. 
 Woodbury, John L., coal mine priv- 
 ileges of, ii. 97. 
 Wondridge, A. P., mention of, ii. 
 
 546. 
 Woods, J. B., mention of, ii. 172. 
 Wooten, T. D., mention of, ii. 546. 
 Worth, Gen'l, battle of Monterey, ii. 
 
 395-6. 
 Wytfliet-Ptolemy, map, 1597, i. 152. 
 
 Xiximes, submission of the, 1607, i. 
 317; uprising of, 1610, i. 317-18; 
 1616, i. 324; subjugation of, 1610- 
 11, i. 318-19; conversion, etc., of, 
 1611-14, i. 319. 
 
 Yafiez, Gov., appointment of, 1854, 
 ii. 681, 695; outwits Boulbon, ii. 
 686; victory of, ii. 688-9; removal, 
 etc., of, ii. 690. 
 
 Yaqui river, Guzman's exped. on the, 
 1533, i. S7; Vaca'a, i. 66-8. 
 
 Yaquis, defeat, etc., of, 1533, i. 57; 
 war with the, 1609, i. 217-18; sub- 
 mission of, i. 213-19; treaty with, 
 1610, i. 219; missionaries among, 
 1617-19, i. 224; conversions among, 
 i. 226; troubles with, 1764-7. i. 
 566-71; revolt of the, 1740-l', i. 
 521-3; 1825, ii. 639-43; 1832, ii. 
 652; 1867, ii. 701; 1887, ii. 704. 
 
 Yellowstone, steamboat, ii. 252. 
 
 Yoakum, H., 'History of Texas,' ii. 
 384. 
 
 Yorkino party, Durango, ii. 588; 
 arrest of prom, members, ii. 589. 
 
 Young, Col Hugh F., mention of, ii. 
 372. 
 
 Young, Col W. C, capture of Fort 
 Arbuckle, ii. 450; biog. of, ii. 561. 
 
 Yucatan, revolt, etc., of, ii. 351. 
 
 Yuma, Kino's exped. to, 1700, i. 270- 
 1. 
 
 Yumas, Sedelmair among the, 1748, 
 i. 540; 1750, i. 541. 
 
 Zacateoas, mining in, i. 07-100; re- 
 bellion of, ii. 153. 
 
 Zacatecas, City, founded 1548, i. 97. 
 
 Zacatula, founding of, i. 19. 
 
 Zambrano, Juan M., counter revolu- 
 tion of, 1812, ii. 18-19; mention of, 
 ii. 29. 
 
 Zapata, Col Antonio, battle of Alcan- 
 tro, ii. 327-8. 
 
 Zapata, Father J. O., report of, 1678, 
 i. 239-40. 
 
 Zapata, Father O., report of, 1678, i. 
 244-5. 
 
 Zape, the Tepehuane revolt, 1616-17, 
 i. 322; massacre at, i. 323. 
 
 Zappa, Father J. B., mention of, i. 
 279. 
 
 Zarate, Padre 6., ' Relacioues. ' 
 
814 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 * Zavala,' war steamship, purchase of, 
 ii. 317; mention of, ii. 351. 
 
 Zavala, Gov. Lorenzo de, colony 
 grant to, ii. 75; mention of, ii. 146; 
 biog., etc., ii. 158; arrest ordered, 
 ii. 160, 164; Austins reception of, 
 ii. 167-8; mention of, ii. 171; signs 
 independerioe declaration, ii. 216; 
 elected vice-pres. Texas, ii. 218; 
 resignation of, ii. 292-3; death of, 
 ii. 298. 
 
 Zavaleta, plan of, revolt against 
 Sonora, 1833, ii. 655. 
 
 Zayas, A. de las C, intendentegobep 
 
 nador of Arizpe, 1786-9, i. 712. 
 Zerman, Capt, seizure of, ii. 724. 
 Zigarran, Father T., murder of, 1645, 
 
 i. 349. 
 Zubira, Bishop, banishment of, ii. 592. 
 Zulvaga, Gov Luis, app'tment and 
 
 removal of, ii. 602; flight, etc., of, 
 
 ii. 618. 
 Ztlfliga, Brother J. de, at La Paz, 
 
 1633, i. 172. 
 ZuzSraqui, Father, mention of, i. 484. 
 

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