. f ?-) .'1 ,3iS' ' ,''''^^\' aiamtH aUniGBtaitij . Cibtatij ■3tlfara, Hm f nrfe BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 olin c^ .fT -J- The Planters of Colonial Virginia Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032700415 The PLANTERS OF COLONIAL VIRGINIA By THOMAS J. WERTENBAKER PRINCETON PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1922 n Copyrighted and Published 1922, by Princeton University Press ^ y ^b^3G-,*] PRINTED AT THE PRINCETON UNIVERSITV PRESS, PRINCETON, U. S. A. ^W' CONTENTS CHAPTER i: ENGLAND IN THE NEW WORLD CHAPTER II : THE INDIAN WEED CHAPTER III : THE VIRGINIA YEOMANRY CHAPTER IV : FREEMEN AND FREEDMEN CHAPTER V : THE RESTORATION PERIOD CHAPTER VI : THE YEOMAN IN VIRGINIA HISTORY CHAPTER VII : WORLD TRADE CHAPTER VIII : BENEATH THE BLACK TIDE NOTES TO CHAPTERS APPENDIX INDEX CJ^ AFTER I England in the New World At the beginning of the Sevente&th century colonial ex-»j y. 'pansion had become for England an economic necessity. Be-7 >^ / cause of the depletion of her forests, which constituted* pei^ haps the most important of her natural resources, she could no longer look f or-pfesperity—from the old- industries that for centuries had been her mainsfay. In the days when the Norman conquerors first set foot upon English soil the virgin woods, broken occasionally by fields and villages, had stretched in dense formation from the Scottish border to Sussex and Devonshire. But with the passage of five centuries a great change had been wrought. The growing population, the ex- pansion of agriculture, the increasing use of wood for fuel, £or shipbuilding, and for the construction of houses, had by the end of the Tudor period so denuded the forests that they no longer sufificed for the most pressing needs of the country. Even at the present day it is universally recognized that a certain proportion of wooded land is essential to the prosperity and productivity of any country. And whenever this is lack- ing, not only do the building, furniture, paper and other in- dustries suffer, but the rainfall proves insufficient, spring floods are frequent and the fertility of the soil is impaired by washing. These misfortunes are slight, however, compared with the disastrous results of the gradual thinning out of the forests of Elizabethan England. The woods were necessary / 8 THE PLANTERS OF for three all-important industries, the industries upon which the prosperity and wealth of the nation were largely dependent — shipbuilding, for which were needed timber, masts, pitch, tar, resin 7~ the manuj^cture of woolens, calling for a large supply of potash; smelting of all kinds, since three hundred , years ago wood and not coaT was the fuel used in the furnaces; It was with the deepest apprehension, then, that thoughtful Englishmen watched the gradual reduction of the forest areas, for it seemed to betoken for their country a period of declin- ing prosperity and economic decay. "When therefore our mils of Iron and excesse of building have already turned our greatest woods into pasture and champion within these few years," says a writer of this period, "neither the scattered forests of England, nor the diminished groves of Ireland will supply the defect of our navy."^ / From this intolerable situation England sought relief through foreign commerce. If she could no longer smelt her own iron, if she could not produce ship-stores or burn her own wood ashes, these things might be procured from coun- tries where the forests were still extensive, countries such as those bordering the Baltic — Germany, Poland, Russia, Sweden. And so the vessels of the Muscovy Company in the second half of the Sixteenth century passed through the Cattegat in large numbers to make their appearance at Reval and Libau and Danzig, seeking there the raw materials so vitally neces- sary to England. "Muscovia and Polina doe yeerly receive many thousands for Pitch, Tarre, Sope Ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glasse, and such like," wrote Captain John Smith, "also Swethland for Iron and Copper."^ But this solution of her problem was obviously unsatisfac- tory to England. The northern voyage was long, dangerous and costly; the King of Denmark, who controlled the entrance COLONIAL VIRGINIA 9 to the Baltic, had it within his power at any moment to exclude the English traders; the Muscovy company no longer en- joyed exemption from customs in Prussia, Denmark and Rus- sia. In case war should break out among the northern na- tions this trade might for a time be cut ofif entirely, resulting in strangulation for England's basic industries. "The mer- chant knoweth," said the author of A True Declaration, "that through the troubles in Poland & Muscovy, (whose etemall warres are like the Antipathy of the Dragon & Elephant) all their traffique for Masts, Deales, Pitch, Tarre, Flax, Hempe, and Cordage, are every day more and more indangered."^ Moreover, the trade was much impeded by the ice which for several months each year choked some of the northern ports. The most alarming aspect of this unfortunate situation was the effect of the shortage of shipbuilding material upon the merchant marine. Situated as it was upon an island, Eng- land enjoyed communication with the nations of the world only by means of the ocean pathways. Whateyer^goods came to her doors, whatever go ods of her own manufacture^ she sent tcK foreign markets, could be transported orily"T5y" sea. It was a matter of vital import lQjb£rT-Jten^to-baiid--uji_arid_ main- tain a fleet of merchant vessels second to none. But this was obviously difficult if not impossible when "the furniture of shipping" such as "Masts, Cordage, Pitch, Tar, Rossen" were not produced in quantity by England^ itself, and could be had "only by the favor of forraigne potency."* Already, it was stated, the decay of shipping was manifest, while large num- bers of able mariners were forced to seek employment in other countries. "You know how many men for want of imploi- ment, betake themselves to Tunis, Spaine and Florence," de- clared one observer, "and to serve in courses not warrantable, which would better beseeme our own walles and borders to bee spread with such branches, that their native countrey and f 10 THE PLANTERS OF not forreine Princes might reape their fruit, as being both exquisite Navigators, and resolute men for service, as any the world affords. "° It must be remembered that the merchant vessel three hun- dred years ago constituted an important part of the nation's sea defence. The fleet which met the mighty Spanish Armada in the Channel and inflicted upon it so decisive a defeat, was made up in large part of volunteer ships from every English ' f port. And the Britisher knew full well that the merchant ma- rine constituted the "wooden walls" of his country, knew that its decay would leave England almost defenseless. At the moment when one able writer was pointing out that "the Realme of England is an Island impossible to be otherwise fortified than by stronge shippes," another was complaining that there were scarce two vessels of lOO tons belonging to the whole city of Bristol, and few or none along the Severn from Gloucester to Land's End on one side, and to Milford 2 en on the other.* 3r this intolerable situation there could be but one remedy ^ ngland must secure colonial possessions la supply her with the products for which her fo rests wg .r£. no longer .sufficient. Her bold navigators had already crossed the Atlantic, return- ing with alluring stories of the limitless resources of the New World, of mighty forests spreading in unbroken array for hundreds of miles along the coast and back into the interior as far as the eye could see.'' Why, it was asked, should Eng- lishmen be forced to make the hazardous journey to the Baltic in order to procure from other nations what they might easily have for themselves by taking possession of some of the limit- less unoccupied areas of America? It was folly to remain in economic bondage while the road to independence stretched so invitingly before them. Long before the Goodspeed, the Discovery and the Sarah COLONIAL VIRGINIA ii Constant turned their prows into- the waters of the James, able English writers were urging upon the nation the absolute necessity for colonial expansion. In 1584 the farseeing Hak- luyt pointed out that the recent voyage of Sir Humphrey Gil- bert had proved that "pitche, tarr, rosen, sope ashes" could be produced in America in great plenty, "yea, as it is thought, ynoughe to serve the whole realme."* Captain Christopher Carleill had the previous year made an effort to persuade the Muscovy Company to divert its energies toward America. Why remain under the power of the King of Denmark, he asked, or other princes who "command our shippes at their pleasure," when all the products of the Baltic regions were to be had from unoccupied territories which so easily could be placed under the English flag? It has often been taken for granted that the statesmen and merchants of three centuries ago pursued always a mistaken and shortsighted economic policy. John Fiske assures us that even at the close of the Eighteenth century the barbarous superstitions of the Middle Ages concerning trade between na- tions still flourished with scarcely diminished vitality. Yet it requires but a cursory study of the theories and arguments of the Elizabethan economists to realize that they were men of ability and vision, that they knew what was needed and how to procure it, that they were nearer right than many have sup- posed. In fact, they acted upon sound economic principles a century and a half before Adam Smith formulated and ex- pounded them. These men realized keenly that England's safety demanded a larger measure of economic independence and they pointed out what seemed to be the only available means of securing it. Since her forests upon which her prosperity in the past had been so largely based, were nearing the point of exhaustion, she must expand to embrace new lands where the virgin 12 THE PLANTERS OF growth of trees stood untouched. If this is barbarous, then the recent efforts of Italy to gain an independent coal supply, of Great Britain to get control of various oil fields, of the United States to build up a dye industry, are all likewise bar- barous. In fact the world today in matters of economic policy has by no means gotten away from the conceptions of the men whose able writings cleared the way for the beginning of the British colonial empire. But it must not be supposed that England in this matter was concerned only for her supply of naval stores, potash and pig iron. There were other products, not so vital it is true, but still important, which she was forced to seek abroad. From the south of Europe came salt, sugar, wine, silk, fruits ; from the Far East saltpetre and dyes, together with spices for mak- ing palatable the winter's stock of food; from Holland came fish, from France wine and silk. And as in the Baltic, so elsewhere the merchants of London and Bristol and Plymouth found their activities resented and their efforts blocked and thwarted. All commerce with the dominions of the King of Spain was carried on with the greatest difficulty. "Our necessitie of oiles and colours for our clothinge trade being so greate," pointed out Hakluyt, "he may arreste almoste the one halfe of our navye, our traficque and recourse beinge so greate in his dominions." The rich trade with the Far East was seriously hampered by the Turks, through whose territories it had to pass, and often a heavy tribute was laid upon it by the Sultan and his minions. Even after the merchants had succeeded in lading their vessels in the eastern Mediterranean with goods from the Orient, they still had to run the gauntlet of the hostile Powers who infested that sea. If they escaped the Knights of Malta, they might be captured by the corsairs of Algeria or Tripoli, COLONIAmRGINlA 13 The trade with France had also declined greatly during the closing years of the Sixteenth century. Not only had the re- ligious wars proved a tremendous obstacle, but the govern- ment at Paris discriminated against the woolens from England by means of custom duties, while the French workmen were themselves manufacturing cloth of excellent quality in larger amounts than had hitherto been thought possible. In the Low Countries the long and bitter struggle of the people against the bloody bands of Alva had wrought such destruc- tion and had so ruined industry that all foreign commerce had greatly declined." There can be no surprise, then, that many English econo-^^ mists felt that a crisis had been, reached, that nothing save the ' P' ^ i immediate establishment of colonies would prevent disaster. / With the woolen industry declining, with the shipbuilding/ w^-'jL centres almost idle, with able mariners deserting the service, with the foreign market gradually closing to English wares, \ with the country overrun with idle and starving laborers, with \ some of her chief natural resources nearly exhausted and the ^ trade by which her needs were replenished in constant danger, ' England turned to America as her hope for salvation. Upon \ securing a foothold in the New World, hitherto monopolized ) by Spain and Portugal, depended Albion's future greatness ; and prosperity. It is this which gave to the London Company its national character, and made its efforts to establish a colony across the Atlantic a crusade, a movement in which every Englishman ^Z was vitally concerned. The great lords and wealthy merchants who comprised the Company knew well enough that there was little hope of immediate returns upon the money they sub- scribed so liberally. They expected to receive their reward in another way, in the revival of English industrial life and the restoration of EnglisTi economic independence. It is a singu- 14 THE PLANTERS OF lar perversion of history, an inaccurate interpretation of men and events, which for so many years beclouded our conception of the beginning of the British colonial empire. t.The settle- ment at Jamestown was not the product of a selfish, private venture, but the fruition of long years of thought and en- deavor, long years of pleading with the English public, of the conscious and deliberate efforts of the nation to expand to the New World, to break the bonds of economic dependence and to restore to England the place in the world which right- fully was hers. * In addition to, but closely associated with, the economic causes of Anglo-Saxon expansion was the realization in Eng- / land of the need for prompt action in putting a limit to the y I growing domains of the King of Spain. In the century which had elapsed since Columbus opened a new world to the peoples of Europe, this monarch had seized the richest part of the great prize, and was still reaching forward to the north and to the south. Unless England took advantage of the present opportunity, the vast American continents might be closed to her forever. Anglo-Saxon civilization in that case might well remain permanently cooped up in the little island that had seen its inception, while the Spanish language and Spanish institu- tions expanded to embrace the garden spots of the world.^" There were still other motives for this great movement. , The English felt the prime necessity of discovering and con- trolling a new route to the East, they wished to expand the influence of the Anglican church and convert the Indians, they hoped to seize and fortify strategic points in America which would aid them in their struggles with the Spaniards. But these things, important as they were, paled beside the pressing necessity of national expansion, of rehabilitating English in- dustrial life, restoring the merchant marine and securing eco- nomic independence. W COLONIAL VIRGINIA 15 Thus, when Captain Newport returned i n 1607 to repo j;t that-th&,£fllQn.y pi'^ag im k JL&'i^^^tn satelyJau^^edT many EngHshmen were aroused to a high pitch"of SopeaniS' ex ^clg .- tipn,,. Now at last a province had been secufe^ which could supply the raw materials _which England so greatly needed. The active suppoTtefs of the undertaking were larrgHTinflfeir promises. Virginia would yield better and cheaper timber for shipping than Prussia or Poland, she would furnish potash in abundance, and since wood could there be had for the cutting, her copper and iron ore could be smelted on the spot. Wine could be made there, as excellent as that of the Canaries, they boasted, while it was hoped soon to manufacture silk rivalling in fineness that of Persia or of Turkey. The waters of the colony were full of "Sturgion, Caviare and new land fish of the best," her fields could produce hemp for cordage and flax for linen. As for pitch, tar, turpentine and boards, there was a certainty of a rich return.^^ In February 1608, the Council of Virginia wrote to the corporation of Plymouth: "The staple and certain Comodities we have are Soap-ashes, pitch, tar, dyes of sundry sorts and rich values, timber for all uses, fishing for sturgeon and divers other sorts . . . making of Glass and Iron, and no improbable hope of richer mines."^* A nd no sooner had the infant colony been established th an the__5QIjlgam^;__turned with enthusiasm to the production of tljese highly desired c6mmo3itiesT " A' nOmBeF of foreigners, iJutcfitneli and Puley ykiUed m the manufacture of ship-stores, were sent over to m^e a start with pitch, tar, turpentine and potash. They were to act as instructors, also, and it was ex- pected that within a few years the Virginia forests would be filled with workers in these trades. Unfortunately < :heir efforts met with ill success, and save for a few small samples of pitch and taf^TdHdrTTOTirTent to England, nothing of value was produced. 1 6 THE PLANTERS OF For this failure the reason is apparent. All the able econ- omists and statesmen who had predicted that the colony would /become an industrial center had overLopked ^ one vitallx Jtn- i/ portant factor — theJad^of_cheap la^Son No matter how rich in natural Yesources, Virginiacould noTtfffpe to compete with the long-established industries of Europe and Asia, because she lacked the abundant population requisite to success. It had been imagined by Hakluyt and others that the colony could avail herself of the surplus population of England, could drain off the upper stratum of the idle and unemployed. What more feasible than to set these men to work in the forests of the New World to produce the raw materials the want of which was responsible for unemployment in England itself ! But the voyage across the Atlantic was so long and costly, that it proved impossible to transport in any reasonable length of time enough workers to Virginia to supply her needs. And the few thousand that came over in the early years of the Seventeenth century were in such great demand that they could secure wages several times higher than those in vogue through- out Europe. Thus the London Company, from the very out- set, found itself face to face with a difficulty which it could never surmount. Virginia could not compete with the ship- stores of the Baltic nations because her labor, when indeed it was found possible to secure labor at all, was far more ex- pensive than that of Poland or Sweden or Russia. It mat- tered not that the Company sent over indentured servants, bound by their contracts to work for a certain number of years; the effect was the same. The cost of transportation swallowed up the profits from the servant's labor, when that labor was expended upon industries which had to face the competition of the cheap workers of the Old World. It speaks well for the acumen of Captain John Smith that COLONIAL VIRGINIA \^ he seems to have been the first to grasp clearly this truth. He wrote that the workingmen had made a beginning of "Pitch and Tarre, Glass, Sope-ashes and Clapboard," but that little had been accomplished. "If you rightly consider what an in- finite toyle it is in Russia and Swetland, where the woods are proper for naught else, and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient Common-wealths, which many a hundred years have used it, yet thousands of those poor people can scarce get necessaries to live . . . you must not expect from us any such matter."^' The attempt to produce iron in Virginia was pursued even more vigorously, but with equally poor success. The early settlers, eager to assure the Company that the venture they had entered upon would soon yield a rich return, spoke en- thusiastically of the numerous indications of the presence of iron ore. In 1609 Captain Newport brought with him to England a supply of ore from which sixteen or seventeen tons of metal were extracted of a quality equal or superior to that obtained from any European country. The iron was sold to the East India Company at the rate of £4 a ton.^* Immediately plans were launched for taking advantage of what seemed to be a splendid opportunity. In the course of the first three years machinery for smelting and manufacturing iron was sent over and men were set to work to operate it. But the difficul- ties proved too great and ere long the attempt had to be abandoned. The Company had no idea of relinquishing permanently its quest for staple commodities, however, and soon a new and far more ambitious project was set on foot for extracting the ore. The spot selected was at Falling Creek, in the present county of Chesterfield, a few miles below the rapids of the James river. George Sandys had noted with satisfaction some years before that the place was in every respect suited for y Ji 1 8 THE PLANTERS OF iron smelting, for in close proximity to the ore was wood in abundance, stones for the construction of the furnace and deep water for transportation. To him it seemed that nature itself had selected the site and endowed it with every facility which the enterprise could require.^^ Here the London Company spent from £4,000 to £5,000 in a supreme effort to make their colony answer in some degree the expectations which had been placed in it. A Captain Blewit, with no less than 80 men, was sent over to construct the works, upon which, they declared, were fixed the eyes of "God, Angels and men." But Blewit soon succumbed to one of the deadly epidemics which yearly swept over the little colony, and a Mr. John Berkeley, accom- panied by 20 experienced workers, came over to take his place. At first things seem to have gone well with this ambitious venture. Soon the Virginia forests were resounding to the whir of the axe and the crash of falling trees, to the exclama- tions of scores of busy men as they extracted the ore, built their furnace and began the work of smelting. Operations had progressed so far that it was confidently predicted that soon large quantities of pig iron would be leaving the James for England, when a^,_gng?^£cted.Jiaast£iL Jut jan abrupL.endJx) the ent erprise. In c the terrible massacre-^ei-JL^^, when the implacable OpechancanougH attempted at one stroke to rid the country of its white invaders, the little industrial settlement at Falling Creek was completely destroyed. The furnace was ruined, the machinery thrown into the river, the work- men butchered. This project, which had absorbed so much of the attention and resources of the Company, is said to have yielded only a shovel, a pair of tongs and one bar of iron.^* The history of the attempts to establish glass works in Vir- ginia is also a story of wasted energy and money, of final failure. The Dutch and Polish workers who came in 1608 set up a furnace at Jamestown,^^ but nothing more is heard COLONIAL VIRGINIA 19 of them, and it is clear that they met with no success. Nor did Captain WilHam Norton, who arrived in 1621 with a number of skilled Italian glass workers fare any better.^* In 1623 George Sandys wrote : "Capt. Norton dyed with all save one of his servants, the Italians fell extremely sick yet recovered; but I conceave they would gladly make the work to appear un- f easable, that they might by that means be dismissed for Eng- land. The fier hath now been for six weeks in ye furnace and yet nothing effected. They claim that the sand will not run." Shortly after this the workmen brought matters to an end by cracking the furnace with a crowbar.^* Thus ended in complete failure the efforts of England to reap what she considered the legitimate fruits of this great enterprise. The day of which her farseeing publicists had dreamed had arrived; she had at last challenged the right of Spain to all North America, her sons were actually settled on the banks of the James, a beginning had been made in the work of building a colonial empire. But the hope which had , so fired the mind of Hakluyt, the hope of attaining through/ j' Virginia British economic independence, was destined never to be fulfilled. However lavishly nature had endowed the col- ony with natural resources, however dense her forests, how- ever rich her mines, however wide and deep her waterways, she could not become an industrial community. Fate had de- creed for her another destiny. But England was reluctant to accept the inevitable in this matter. Long years after Sir Edwin Sandys and his fellow workers of the London Com- pany had passed to their rest, we find the royal ministers urg- ing upon the colony the necessity of producing pig iron and silk and potash, and promising every possible encourage- ment in the work. But the causes which operated to bring failure in 1 610 or 1620 prevented success in 1660 and 1680. Virginia had not the abundant supply of labor essential to the 20 THE PLANTERS OF development of an industrial community and for many dec- ades, perhaps for centuries, could not hope to attain it. Her ; future lay in the discovery and exploitation of one staple com- / modity for which she was so preeminently adapted that she j could, even with her costly labor, meet the competition of \ other lands. The future history of Virginia was to be built V /up around the Indian plant tobacco." O <- asJ^ (T) 4-/--'-.- ' -■—<•' ^j^.^^u>..,..^^J^ . ig,^^^^^ 'i^ri. C/IAPTEK II The Indian Weed History is baffling in its complexity. The human mind in- stinctively strives for simplicity, endeavors to reproduce all things to set rules, to discover the basic principles upon which all action is based. And in various lines of research much success has attended these efforts. We know the laws under- lying the movements of the planets, of various chemical re- actions, of plant and animal life. It is inevitable, then, that attempts should be made to accomplish similar results in history, to master the vast multitude of facts which crowd its pages, many of them seemingly unrelated, and show that after all they obey certain fundamental laws. Despite the vaunted freedom of the human will, it is maintained, mankind like the planets or the chemical agents, cannot escape the operation of definite forces to which it is subjected. And if these forces are studied and understood, to some extent at least, the course of future events may be predicted. Thus it may be accepted as practically established that in any '■'■, , country and with any people a condition of continued dis-| ,/ order and anarchy must be succeeded by one of despotism. I History records, we believe, no exception to this rule, while there are many instances which tend to confirm it. The abso- lute rule of the Caesars followed the anarchy of the later Ro- man republic, the Oliverian Protectorate succeeded the British civil wars, the first French Empire the Reign of Terror, the Bolshevik despotism the collapse of the old regime in Russia. Such will always be the case, we are told, because mankind turns instinctively to any form of government in quest of 21 22 THE PLANTERS OF protection from anarchy, and the easiest form of government to establish and operate is despotism. Not content with generaHzations of this kind, however, cer- tain historians have undertaken to reduce ^all human action to some one great fundamental principle. The Freudian view emphasizes the influence of sex; Buckle maintains that the effect of_cIimate is all-powerful. In recent years many stu- dents, while not agreeing that the solution of the problem is quite so simple, yet believe that underlying all social develogi^, ment will be fnnnrj pr nnoiTii c forces of one kind or another, that in commerce and industry and agriculture lies the key to every event of moment in the history of mankind. Often these forces have been obscured and misunderstood, but close study will always reveal them. It is folly to waste time, they say, as writers have so long done, in' setting forth the ad- ventures of this great man or that, in dwelling upon the de- tails of political struggles or recounting the horrors of war. All these are but surface indications of the deeper movements underneath, movements in every case brought about by eco- nomic developments. But this interpretation of history is by no means universally accepted. While admitting readily that the conditions sur- rounding the production and exchange of useful commodities have affected profoundly the course of events, many historians deny that they give the key to every important movement. We must study also the progress of human thought, of religion, of politics, or our conception of history will be warped and imperfect. How is it possible to explain the French religious wars of the Sixteenth century by the theory of economic causes? In what way does it account for the rebellion of Virginia and North Carolina and Maryland against the British government in 1775 ? How can one deny that the assassination of Abraham Lincoln affected profoundly the course of Amer- ican history? COLONIAL VIRGINIA 23 These efforts to simplify the meaning of human events have often led to error, have stressed certain events too strongly, have minimized others. The complexity of history is self- evident; we must for the present at least content ourselves with complex interpretations of it. If there he any great un^erlyiHg-principles which explain all, they have yet to be djscQ3iered.~ T hus it , -Would be -feMy- in- the study of colonial Virginia to bUjid-oaf'Selves to the importance oi various non-economic fac- tors, the love of freedom which the settlers, brought with them iT^gm England, their affection for the mother country, the, in- fluence of the Anglican church. Yet it is obvious that we cannot understand the colony, its social structure,^ its history, its^development unless w-e have a cleax insight into the eco- nomic forces which operated upon it. These Englishmen, finding themselves in a new country, surrounded by conditions fundamentally different from those to which they had been accustomed, worked out a new and unique society, were them- selves moulded into something different. And in colonial Virginia history there is a key, which though] it may not explain all, opens the door to much that is funda- mental. This key i s tobacco . The old saying that the story of Virginia is but the story of tobacco is by no means a gross exaggeration. It was this Indian plant, so despised by many of the best and ablest men of the time, which determined the character of the life of the colony and shaped its destinies., for two and a half centuries. Tobacco was the chief factor in bringing final and complete failure to the attempts to produce j, u&eful raw materials, it was largely instrumental in moulding the social classes and the political structure of^the colony, it was almost entirely responsible for the system of labor, it even exerted a powerful influence upon religion and morals. In a word, one can understand almost nothing of Virginia, its in- -t/iA*"''^ y 24 THE PLANTERS OF fancy, its development, its days of misfortune, its era of pros- perity, its peculiar civilization, the nature of its relations to England, unless one knows the history of tobacco. As though they had a prophetic vision of its future impor- tance, the Virginia Indians revered the plant. To them it was an especial gift direct from the Great Spirit, and as such was endowed with unusual properties for doing good. When the fields of maize were dried and parched for lack of rain they powdered the tobacco and cast it to the winds that the evil genii might be propitiated ; their priests on great occasions fed it to the sacrificial fires ; when the usual catch of fish failed it was scattered over the water.^ Smoking was considered a token of friendship and peace. When the white men first visited the native villages they soon found that to reject the proffered pipe was to ofifend their savage hosts and incur their hostility. ^ /It was J ohn Rol fe, celebrated as the husband of Pocahontas, A l/v who first experimen ted with the native leaf. This gentleman was himself fond of smoking, but he found the Virginia to- bacco as it came from the hands of the savages, decidedly in- ferior to that of the West Indies. The leaf itself was small, and although the flavor was weak it was biting to the tongue.^ Rolfe's efforts proved entirely successful. In 1614, two years after his first attempt, he had obtained a proddct which Ralph Hamor declared to be as "strong, sweet and pleasant as any under the sun."' Thus, early in its history, Virginia had found a commodity for which she was preeminently suited, in the production of which she could compete successfully with any country in the world. And for her tobacco she had, a ready market. During J) the reign of Queen Elizabeth the habit of smolang "had spread rapidly among the upper classes of English, until at the end of the sixteenth century, it was almost universal. When COLONIAL VIRGINIA 25 James I ascended the throne, although feehng a strong aversion to tobacco, he was forced to take up its use in order / not to appear conspicuous among his courtiers, for the dictates ^ of custom seem to have been as strong three hundred years ago as at present.* At the time that Rolfe was making his experiments England was spending yearly for the Spanish product many thousands of pounds. It is not surprising, then, that the colonists turned eagerly to tobacco culture. The news that Rolfe's little crop had been pronounced in England to be of excellent quality spread rapidly from settlement to settlement, bringing with it new hope and determination. Immediately tobacco absorbed the thoughts of all, became the one topic of conversation, and every available patch of land was seized upon for its cultiva- tion. The fortified areas within the palisades were crowded _^ with tobacco plants, while even the streets of Jamestown were utilized by the eager planters.^ In 1617 th e George set sail V' for England laden with 20,000 pounds of Virginia leaf, the- first of the vast fleet of tobacco ships which for centuries were to pass through the capes of the Chesapeake bound for Europe." By 1627, the tobacco exports amounted to no less than half a million pounds.'^ Th^^r^on, Company, together with the host of patriotic ; Englishmen who had placed such great hopes ia the colony, / were much disappointed at this unexpected turn of events. / XTieyTiaJ sought in the New World those "solid commodiji^" / which they realized were fundamental to the prosperity of /j^ thefr country, commodities upon which English industrial life was f ouncjed. And they had found only the Indian weed — tobacco. This plant not only contributed nothing to the wealth L of the kingdom, it was felt, but was positively injurious to / those who indulged in its use. Surely, declared one writer, men "grow mad and crazed in the brain in that they would / J 26 THE PLANTERS OF adventure to suck the smoke of a weed." James I thought there could be no baser and more harmful corruption, while Charles I expressed himself with equal emphasis. So late as 1631 the latter protested against the growing use of tobacco, which he termed "an evil habit of late tymes."* Yet England soon learned to welcome the colonial tobacco as far better than no product at all. Hitherto the leaf in use had been raised in the Spanish colonies, and England's annual tobacco bill was becoming larger and larger. It seemed calamitous that British industry should be drained of good and useful commodities in exchange for a plant the consumption of which was harmful rather than beneficial. It was at least some satisfaction to know, then, that England could substitute for the Spanish leaf the growth of their own colonies. Ap- parently it was only later, however, that there came a full realization of the opportunity afforded for enriching England and building up her merchant marine by exporting tobacco to foreign countries. For the present they accepted this one product of their experiment in colonial expansion, reluctantly and with keen disappointment, as the best that could be ob- tained. \ Yet it was obvious to the London Company that tobacco held out the only prospect, not only of securing a profit from their venture, but of bringing to Virginia some measure of prosperity. The first consignment of leaf which came from the colony sold for no less than 5 s. 3d. a pound, a price which promised a rich return to the planters on the James and their backers in England.' And they much preferred to have a prosperous colony, even when prosperity was founded on to- bacco, than a weak, impoverished settlement, which would be a drain upon their personal resources and of no value to the nation. Thus they\ accepted the inevitable, gave what en- couragement they could to the new product, and sought to COLONIAL VIRGINIA 27 use it as a means for building up the British empire in AmericaTj When once England had established herself firmly in the New World, it would be time enough to return to the attempt to secure from the colony ship-stores, potash, iron and silk. With the overthrow of the Company, however, the Crown made repeated efforts to direct the energies of Virginia away from the all-absorbing cultivation of tobacco. In 1636 Charles I wrote to the Governor and Council bidding them moderate the excessive quantities of the plant laid out each year and to endeavor to produce some other staple commodi- ties.^" "The King cannot but take notice," he reiterated the next year, "how little that colony hath advanced in Staple com- modities fit for their own subsistence and clothing," and he warned the planters to emulate the Barbados and Caribee Islands, where a beginning had been made in cotton, wool and other useful things. ^^ But the colonists paid no heed to these repeated warnings. The King's commands were no more effective in establishing new industries than had been ^ the first attempts of the Company. Virginia was not prepared to compete with the workers of Europe in their own chosen fields, and persisted, had to persist, in the production of the one commodity for which she possessed unsurpassed natural advantages. It is remarkable how universally the plant was cultivated by all classes of Virginians throughout the colonial period. It was^difficult to find skilled artisans in any line of work, since those who had pursued in England the various trades ;'. usually deserted them, when they landed in the colony, in\^ 'v order to turn to. the raising of tobacco. And the few who continued to pursue their old vocations usually rented or pur- chased a small tract of land and devoted a part of their time to its cultivation. Blacksmiths, carpenters, shipwrights. 28 THE PLANTERS OF 4 coopers all raised their little tobacco crop and sold it to the British merchants,^^ while even the poor minister sought to make ends meet by planting his glebe with Orinoco or Sweet- scented. The Governor himself was not free from the all- prevailing custom, and frequently was the possessor of a farm where his servants and slaves, like those of other gentlemen in the colony, were kept busy tending the tobacco crop. It is doubtful whether the members of the London Com- pany, even Sir Edwin Sandys himself, ever attempted to vis- ualize the social structure which would develop in the Virginia they were planning. If so, they unquestionably pictured a state of affairs very different from that which the future held in store. They took it for granted that Virginia would to a large extent be a duplicate of England. In the forests of the New World would grow up towns and villages, centers of in- dustry and centers of trade. The population would be di- vided into various classes — well-to-do proprietors boasting of the title of gentleman; professional men, lawyers, physicians, ministers; skilled artisans of all kinds; day laborers. We catch a glimpse of the Virginia of their minds from a Broadside issued in 1610, appealing for volunteers for service in the colony.^^ We can see the shipwrights at work in the busy yards of thriving ports; the smelters caring for their iron and copper furnaces; the "minerall-men" digging out the ore; saltmakers evaporating the brackish waters for their use- ful product; vine-dressers tending their abundant crops of grapes and coopers turning out the hogsheads in which to store the wine which came from the presses; bricklayers and carpenters fashioning substantial houses; fishermen bringing in the plentiful yield of the day and dressers preparing the fish for foreign shipment; joiners, smiths, gardeners, bakers, gun-founders, ploughwrights, brewers, sawyers, fowlers, each plying his trade in the New Brittania. COLONIAL VIRGINIA 29 But how different was the reaUty. Vy:ginia became, not an / industrial, but a distinctly agricultural community. For more than a century it could boast not a single town worthy of the /^ name/* It was but a serie_s_qf plantaLtjions, not large in extent, but stretching out for miles along the banks of the rivers and creeks, all devoted to the raising of tobacco. The population of the colony was but the aggregate of the population of the plantation — the owner, the wage earners, the indentured ser- y^ vant, a few slaves. Virginia in the Seventeenth century, de-j spite the design of its founders, developed a life of its own,' a life not only unlike that of England, but unique and distinct. ; Immigration, like everything else in the colony, was shaped 1/ by the needs of tobacco. For its successful production the ^^ plant does not require skilled labor or intensive cultivation. y The barbarous natives of Africa, who later in the century were imported in such large numbers, eventually proved quite adequate to the task. But it does require the service of many hands. For decades after Rolfe's discovery had opened a new vista of prosperity for Virginia, fertile land was so cheap that a person even of moderate means might readily purchase an extensive plantation,^' but it would be of little service to him unless he could find hands for clearing away the forests, break- ing the soil, tending and curing the plants. ^ Of the three requirements of production — natural resources, / /j ^ capital and labor — the fertile soil furnished the first in abun- »(^// ^ V' dance, the second could readily be secured, but the last re- ] mained for a full century the one great problem of the planters. ] From the days of Sir George Yeardley to those of Nicholson and Andros there was a persistent and eager demand for work- ers. Of this there can be no better evidence than the remark- ably high wages which prevailed in the colony, especially in the years prior to the Restoration. In fact, it is probable that the laborer received for his services four or five times the 30 THE PLANTERS OF amount he could earn in England. Even during the time of the London Company we find George Sandys writing to a friend in London to procure indentured servants for the colony as the wages demanded were intolerable. A day's work brought, in addition to food, a pound of tobacco valued at one shilling, while in England the unskilled worker considered him- self fortunate if he could earn so much in a week.^^ / In his efforts to solve this acute problem the planter found "\, V little hope in the aborigines. The Spaniards, it is true, had made use of the Indians to till their fields or work in the gold and silver mines, but the Pamunkey and the Powhatan were cast in a different mold from the Aztec and the Peruvian. To hunt them out of their native lairs and bind them to arduous and ignominious servitude was hardly to be thought of. Their spirit was too proud to be thus broken, the safe refuge of the woods too near at hand. One might as well have attempted to hitch lions and tigers to the plough shaft, as to place these wild children of the forest at the handles. At times it proved practicable to make use of Indian children for servants, and there are numerous instances on record in which they are found in the homes of the planters.^' But this, of course, could be of little service in solving the pressing labor problem, in clearing new ground or tilling the idle fields. The Vir- ginia landowner was forced to turn elsewhere for his helpers. In 1 619 a Dutch privateer put into the James river and dis- embarked twenty Africans who were sold to the settlers as slaves. This event, so full of evil portent for the future of Virginia, might well have afforded a natural and satisfac- tory solution of the labor problem. Slaves had long been used in the Spanish colonies, proving quite competent to do the work of tending the tobacco plants, and bringing hand- some returns to their masters. But it was impossible at this time for England to supply her plantations with this type COLONIAL VIRGINIA 31 of labor. The slave trade was in the hands of the Dutch, who (// had fortified themselves on the African coast and jealously ex- cluded other nations. Thus while the demand for negro slaves remained active in the colony, they increased in num- bers very slowly. The muster of 1624-25 shows only 22.^' During the following half century there was a small influx of v negroes, but their numbers were still too small to affect seri- ously the economic life of the colony.^' The settlers were thus forced to look to England itself to supply them with hands for their tobacco fields. They knew that in the mother country were many thousands of indigent persons who would welcome an opportunity to better their lot by migrating to the New World. And the English states- men, feeling that there was need for blood letting, welcomed an opportunity to divert the surplus population to the new colony in America.^" The decline in F.ng-lish foreign trade y^ and the stagnation of home industry had brought unemplo y- ^ ment and suffering to every class of workers. Wages were so How that the most industrious could not maintain themselves in comfort, while to provide against want in case of sickness or old age was hardly to be thought of. Every parish, every town swarmed with persons stricken with abject poverty. In some parts of the country no less than 30 per cent of the population were dependent in part upon charity for their daily bread, while many were driven into vagabondage and crime, becoming an element of danger rather than of strength to the nation.^^ It seemed to the planters that the mother country constituted an abundant reservoir of labor, a reservoir already \/^ overflowing and capable of supplying indefinitely their every ^ need. The only drawback was the _ long and expensive voyage across the Atlantic. The fare, even for the poorest and most crowded accommodations, was no less than six pounds ster- 32 THE PLANTERS OF ling, a sum far beyond the means of the thriftiest laborer.'"' Obviously some scheme had to be evolved to overcome this difficulty before Virginia could make use of English labor. And so the j)hnjters turned_tp the sjmple__exj»edient_^of ad-, vancing thepassage-money to the immigrant and- of placing . him under strict legal bonds to work it out after reaching_,the colony. ~" This system, around which the economic life of Virginia A centeredT fpr^^ full centurj, proved satisfactory to all con- cerned. The credit' advanced to the immigrant made it pos- sible for him to earn his ocean fare, not in Erigland where labor was cheap, but in America where it was dear. In other words, he was enabled without delay to enjoy the full benefits of selling his services in the best market. The necessity for placing him under a stringent contract or jndentur e is evident. Had this not been done the immigrant, upon finding himself in Virginia, might have refused to carry out his part of the bargain. But the indenture was in no sense a .mark „of servi- tude or slavery. It simply made it obligatory^ for the new- comer, under pain of severe penalties, to work out his passage money, and until that was accomplished to surrender a part of the personal liberty so dear to every Englishman. It is erroneous to suppose that most of the servants were degenerates or criminals. It is true that the English Govern- ment from time to time sought to lessen the expense of pro- viding for convicted felons by sending some of them to the colonies, among them on rare occasions a few decidedly ob- jectionable characters. More than once the Virginians pro- tested vigorously against this policy as dangerous to the peace and prosperity of the colony.^' By far the larger part of these /penal immigrants, however, were but harmless paupers, driven /perhaps to theft or some other petty offense by cold and hunger. Often they were sentenced to deportation by merci- \ X COLONIAL VIRGINIA 33 ful judges in order that they might not feel the full weight of the harsh laws of that day.^* And of the small number of real criminals who came in, few indeed made any lasting imprint upon the social fabric of the colony. Many served for life and so had no opportunity of marrying and rearing families to perpetuate their degenerate traits. Those who escaped fled from the confines of settled Virginia to the mountains or to the backwoods of North Caro- lina. Many others succumbed to the epidemics which proved so deadly to the newcomers from England. In fact the crimi- nal servant was but a passing incident in the life and develop- ment of England's greatest and most promising colony."' An appreciable proportion of the so-called criminal laborers were no more than political prisoners taken in the rebellions of the Seventeenth century. These men frequently repre- sented the sturdiest and most patriotic elements in the kingdom and were a source of strength rather than of weakness to the colony. When Drogheda was captured by Cromwell's stern Puritan troops in 1649, some of the unfortunate rebels escaped the firing squad only to be sent to America to serve in the sugar or tobacco fields. Just how many of these Irishmen fell to the share of Virginia it is impossible to say, but the number rises well into the hundreds, and the patent books of the period are full of headrights of undoubted Irish origin.''* When Charles II was restored to the throne in 1660 it be- came the turn of the Puritans to suffer, and many non-con- formists and former Oliverian soldiers were sent to Virginia. In fact so many old Commonwealth men were serving in the tobacco fields in 1663 that they felt strong enough to plot, not only for their own freedom, but for the overthrow of the colonial government.''^ In 1678, after the suppression of the Scottish Covenanters by the Highland Host, a new batch of prisoners were sent to the plantations."' Seven years later /_ / y X 34 THE PLANTERS OF many of Monmouth's followers taken at Sedgemour, who were fortunate enough to escape the fury of Jeffreys and Kirk, were forced to work in the plantations. XvBut. the bulk of the servants were neither. ctiminak-ilQlLpo- litical prisoners, but poor persons seeking to better their con- dition in the land of promise across the, Atlantic^ They con- stituted the vanguard of that vast stream of immigrants which for three centuries Europe has poured upon our shores. The indentured servant differed in no essential from the poor Ulsterite or German who followed him in the Eighteenth cen- tury, or the Irishman, the Italian or the Slav in the Nineteenth. Like them he found too severe the struggle for existence at home, like them he sought to reach a land where labor, the only commodity he had to sell, would bring the highest re- turn. The fact that his passage was paid for him and that he was bound by contract to work it out after reaching America, in no wise differentiates him from the newcomers of later days. In 1671 Sir William Berkeley reported to the Board of Trade that the colony contained "6,000 Christian servants for a short tyme," who had come with the "hope of bettering their condition in a Growing Country."^® Virginia is fortunate in having preserved a record of this, the first great migration to the English colonies, which in some respects is remarkably complete. In fact, the names of fully three-fourths of all the persons who came to the colony, whether as freemen or servants during the first century of its existence, are on record at the Land Office at Richmond, and at all times available to the student of history. In the early days of the settlement a law was passed designed to stimulate /immigration, by which the Government pledged itself to grant fifty acres of land to any person who would pay the passage from Europe to Virginia ^of a new settler. Thus if one brought over ten indentured servants he would be entitled to COLONIAL VIRGINIA 35 500 acres of land, if he brought 100, he could demand 5,000 acres. But the h eadrigh t, as it was called, was not restricted . to servants; if one came over as a freeman, paying his own ,/ passage, ,hig,vfta§.-e&title4^ta:t^ Should he bring Vj^^ also his family, he could demand an additional fifty acxes jfor Ijjs^^iff. apd fifty for each child or other member of the household.'" When the Government issued a grant for land under this law, the planter was required to record with the clerk of the county court the names of all persons for whose transporta- tion the claim was made. Some of these lists have been lost, especially for the period from 1655 to 1666, but most of them remain, constituting an inexhaustible storehouse of informa- tion concerning the colony and the people who came to its shores.^^ How the papers escaped destruction during the fire which did so much damage in the Secretary's office at the time of Andros, it is impossible to say. The explanation is to be found perhaps in the fact that copies of the records were kept, not only at Williamsburg, but in the several counties, so that in case of loss by fire new entries could be made. Immigration to Virginia continjued in unabated volume throughout the Seventeenth century. The needs of the tobacco plantations were unceasing, and year after year the surplus population of England poured across the Atlantic in response. An examination of the list of headrights shows that the an- nual influx was between 1500 and 2000. Even during the Civil War and Commonwealth periods this average seems to have been maintained with surprising consistency. Appar- ently the only limit which could be set upon it was the avail- able space on board the merchant fleet which each year left England for the Chesapeake bay. Thus in the year ending May 1635 we find that 2000 landed in the colony,^'' while in 1674 and again in 1682 the same average was maintained.'' >v A \ -y 36 THE PLANTERS OF At times the numbers dropped to 1200 or 1300, but this was the exception rather than the rule. All in all, considerably more than 100,000 persons migrated to the colony in the years that elapsed between the first settlement at Jamestown and the end of the century.^* This great movement, which far surpassed in magnitude any other English migration of the century, fixed for all time the character of the white population of tidewater Virginia. The vast bulk of the settlers were English. An examination of the headright lists shows here and there an Irish or a Scotch name, and on very rare occasions one of French or Italian origin, but in normal periods fully 95 per cent were unmistakably Anglo-Saxon. In fact, such names as Dixon, Bennett, Anderson, Adams, Greene, Brooke, Brown, Cooper, Gibson, Hall, Harris, King, Jackson, Long, Martin, Miller, Newton, Philips, Richards, Turner, White, appear with mo- notonous repetition. Except in the years 1655 and 1656, after the Drogheda tragedy when one sees such names as O'Lanny, O'Leaby, O'Mally, and Machoone, or in 1679 when there was a sprinkling of Scottish names, the entire list is distinctly English. It must not be supposed that immigration to Virginia in the Seventeenth century was restricted to indentured servants. Some of the settlers were freemen, paying their own passage and establishing themselves as proprietors immediately after arriving in the colony. But the conditions which attracted them were the same as those which brought over the servants. In both cases it was tobacco, the rich returns which it promised and the urgent need it had of labor, which impelled them to leave their homes in England to seek their fortunes in the strange land beyond the seas. Having_seenjhe character of the immigration to Virginia, it remains to determine whaFwas the fate of the settler after he COLONIAL VIRGINIA 37 reached the colony, what role lay before_h im in. its social and economic life. Would he remain permanently in the status of a servant, entering into a new agreement with his master after the expiration of the old? Would he eventually become a day laborer, working for wages upon the estates of the wealthy? Would he become a tenant ? Could he hope to become a free- holder, making of Virginia, like Rome in the early days of the republic, the land of the small proprietor? ,,„.„_.,^ ^ o^ ^--- ""^^^■■' ^:j ^■^-'■^- ^ '*'"- ''^-'^^ CJ^ AFTER III The Virginia Yeomanry The system of indentured labor differed vitally fromjl^egro slavery. The servant usually was bound to his master for a limited period only, and at the expiration of four or five years was a free man, to go where he would and pursue what em- y\ ployment seemed most lucrative. And of tremendous impor- tance to the future of Virginia was the fact that he was of the same race and blood as the rest of the population. There was no inherent reason why he might not take up land, marry and become a part of the social structure of the colony. \l When races of marked physical differences are placed side rH)y side in the same territory, assimilation of one or the other / becomes difficult, and an age long repugnance and conflict is , apt to result. Perhaps the greatest crime against the southern / colonies was not the introduction of slavery, but the introduc- tion of negroes. It was inevitable that eventually slavery would be abolished. But the qegro race in America cannot be abolished, it cannot be shipped back to Africa, it cannot well be absorbed into the white population. Today California is struggling to avoid a like problem by excluding the Japanese, while Canada, Australia and New Zealand are closing their doors to Orientals of all kinds. Thus Virginia, during its century of white immigration, was storing up no perplexing difficulties_^for the future, was developing* slowly but surely into an industrious, democratic, Anglo-Saxon community. Not until the black flood of slaves was turned loose upon her, strangling her peasantry and revo- lutionizing her industrial and social life, was her future, put 38 COLONIAL VIRGINIA 39 i|]^aw«i. The white servants, so far as they remained in the colony, became bone of her bone, flesh of her flesh, promised her a homogeneous race, a sound economic and political de- velopment. When the alien newcomer to the United States sees from the deck of his steamer the Statue of Liberty and the ragged sky line of lower Manhattan, he feels that the goal of his am- bition has been reached, that the land of opportunity lies be- fore him. But to the indentured settler of the Seventeenth v century, his arrival in the James or the York was but the be- ginning of his struggles. Before he could grasp the riches of the New World, he must pay the price of his passage, must work out through arduous years the indenture to which he had affixed his signature. And these years were filled not only with toil, perhaps with hardship, but with the greatest peril. He might account him- self fortunate indeed if during the first twelve months he escaped the so-called Virginia sickness. Tidewater Virginia for the English settlers was a pest-ridden place. The low and marshy ground, the swarming mosquitoes, the hot sun, the unwholesome drinking water combined to produce an unend- / ing epidemic of dysenM ry and^majaria. And at frequent inter- vals, especially in the early years, yeUow fey£rj scurvy arid pkgue swe pt over the infant colony, leaving behind a ghastly train of suffering and death.^ At one time the mortality among the settlers upon the James ran as high as 75 per cent and for a while it seemed that this attempt of the British na- tion to secure a foothold upon the American continent must end in failure.^ But as the years wore on better conditions prevailed. Gov- ernor Berkeley testified in 1671, "there is not oft seasoned hands (as we term them) that die now, whereas heretofore not one of five escaped the first year."^ This improvement / 40 THE PLANTERS OF was brought about by the use of Peruvian bark, a clearer un- derstanding of sanitary matters and the selection of more healthful sites for plantations. At the time when Sir Wil- liam wrote it is probable that 80 per cent or more of the in- dentured servants survived the dangers of the tobacco fields, completed their terms of service and, if they remained in the colony, became freedmen with the full rights of Englishmen and Virginians. In the^ period from 1660 to 1725 there^was, as jve jhall^see, _i an, exodus of poor whites frora_YJrg^ia. This, however, was chiefly the result of the influx of slaves which marked the end of the century, and it is ?afelo°'assume that prior to the Re- storation there was no extensive movement from Virginia to / other colonies. The servant, upon attaining his freedom, usu- "^ ally remained in the colony and sought to establish himself there. Although it, is impossible to determine accurately the a^er- a ge length of service reguired by the indentures, there is rea- son to believe that it did not exceed five years. In cases of controversy between masters and servants who had come in without written contracts as to when their terms should ex- pire, it was at first required by law that the period be fixed at five years if the age was in excess of twenty-one.* In 1654, however, a new act was passed by the Assembly, making it necessary for those who had no indentures, if over sixteen to serve six years, if less than sixteen until the twenty-fourth year had been reached.^ This was found to work to the dis- advantage of the colony by discouraging immigration, and in 1662 the law was changed so that in all doubtful cases the legal term should be five years for persons over sixteen.* Since the Assembly, which was so largely made up of per- sons who themselves held servants, would certainly not fix the legal term for a period shorter than that normally provided COLONIAL VIRGINIA 41 for in the indentures, we may assume that usually the servant secured his freedom within four or five years after his arrival in the colony. Thus it is evident that the bulk of the population could not have been, as is so often supposed, made up of large landed J proprietors with their servants and slaves. Such a conception takes no account of the annual translation of hundreds of men and women from bondsmen into f reedmen. The short dura- tion of the average term of service, together with the fact that the servants were usually still young when freed, made) it inevitable that in time the freedmen would outnumber those in service. The size of the annual immigration could in no wise alter this situation, for the greater the influx of servants, the greater would be the resulting graduation into the class of freedmen. The average number of headrights, as we have seen, was probably not less than 1750 a year. If it is assumed that 1500 of these were servants, five per cent of whom served for life and 20 per cent died before the expiration of their terms, no less than 1125 would remain to become freedmen. ^bile the jtiynj^.Q|; of those imder_ ind^jture reniained practically ,sta- / tionary,,ihe,.size of the freedman class grew larger with ihe passing of the yearg^ Placing the average term at five years, then, and the aver- agemortality at twenty ^r cent, there would be in service at any given time some 6,000 meiT and women. In fact, Sir William Berkeley, in his famous report of 1671, estimated the number of servants in the colony at this figure.^ On the other hand an annual accession of 1125 to the class of freedmen would in five years amount to 5,625, in ten years to 11,250, in fifteen to 16,875, in twenty to 22,500. At the end of half a century no less than 56,250 persons would have emerged from servitude to become free citizens. Although there is 42 THE PLANTERS OF every reason to believe that these figures are substantially cor- rect/ their accuracy or lack of accuracy in no way affect the principle involved. From its very nature it was impossible / that the system of indentured servants should long remain the chief factor in the industrial life of the colony or supply most of the labor. It is true, of course, that the number of those completing their terms of indenture is not an absolute gauge, at any given date, of the size of the freedman class. To determine this it would be necessary to know the average span of life of the freedman, a thing certainly not worked out at the time and impossible of accomplishment now. We may assume, how- ever, that it was relatively long. The newcomer who had lived through the first terrible year in the tobacco fields had been thoroughly tested, "seasoned" as the planters called it, md was reasonably certain of reaching a mature age. More- over, the servants were almost universally of very tender years. Seldom indeed would a dealer accept one over twenty-eight, and the average seems to have been between seventeen and T twenty-three. The reasons for this are obvious. Not only were young men and women more adaptable to changed con- ditions, more capable of resisting the Virginia climate, stronger and more vigorous, but they proved more tractable and entered upon the adventure more eagerly." These con- clusions are fully borne out by an examination of the lists of servants given in Hotten's Emigrants to America. Of the first 159 servants here entered whose ages are attached, the average is twenty-three years.^" And as many of these persons were brought over as skilled artisans to take part in the in- dustrial life which the Company had planned for the colony, it is probable that they were much older than the average servant of later days who came as an agricultural laborer. There is every reason to believe, then, that the average servant Ax V OA COLONIAL VIRGINIA 43 was still in his prime when he completed his term, per- haps not more than twenty-six or twenty-seven, with many years of usefulness and vigor before him. It must also be remembered that the freedman, by a dis- play of energy and capability, might acquire property, marry and rear a family. While the number of indentured servants was strictly limited to those who were brought in from the outside, the class of poor freemen might and did enjoy a natural increase within itself. Thus it was inevitable that with the passing of the years the servants were more and more outnumbered by the growing group of freemen. In 1649, when the population was but 15,000,^^ 6,000 servants might well have performed most of the manual labor of the tobacco fields, but in 1670, when the inhabitants numbered 40,000,^^ or in 1697 when they were 70,000,^^ they would form a comparatively small proportion of the people, so small in fact that most of the work of necessity had to be done by freemen. In other words the pic ture so often presented, even by historians of established reputation, of a Seventeenth cen- tury Virginia in whic£ the land was divided into, large , plant tations owned by rich proprietors and. tilled chiefly by inden- / tured servants is. entir-ely; erroneous. Such a gtate of afifairs' ^ was made impossible by the very nature of the system of in-/ dentures itself. It becomes a matter of prime interest, then, to determine what became of the mass of freedmen, what role they played in the social and economic life of the colony. Because the * servant who had completed his term was free to follow his own bent, we have no right to assume that he sought at once to establish himself as an independent proprietor. He might seek service with the large planters as a hired laborer, he might become a tenant. In either case the population would have / been divided into two classes — the wealthy landowner and those who served him. 44 THE PLANTERS OF We know that at all periods of Virginia history there were a certain number of persons employed as wage earners. The colonial laws and the county records contain many references to them. Payment of wages was not unusual even under the Company, and we are told by George Sandys that hired labor- ers received one pound of tobacco a day in addition to their food.^* In later years we have from time to time references to wage rates, and in some cases copies of contracts entered into between employer and wage earner. But such cases are comparatively rare, and it^ is^sxiden^^tiiat the jise of_^ire^ labor _throu ghout the colonial period wag the exception rather jthan the_riile. In fact it would seem that few save servants newly freed and lacking in the funds necessary for purchasing and equipping little farms of their own ever sought employ- ment upon the large plantations. And even in such cases the contracts were for comparatively short periods, since it often required but a year or two of labor for the freedman to save enough from his wages to make a beginning as an indepen- dent proprietor. When once established, there was no reason, in the days prior to the introduction of slavery, why he should not hold his own in competition with his wealthy neighbor. In the pro- duction of tobacco the large plantation, so long as it was culti- vated only by expensive white labor, offered no marked ad- vantage over the small. With the cost of land very low, with the means of earning the purchase price so readily in hand, with the conditions for an independent career all so favorable, lit was not to be expected that the freedman should content I himself permanently with the status of a hired laborer. Nor was there any reason why he should become a tenant. Had all the fertile land been preempted, as was the case on the banks of the Hudson, the poor 'man might have been com- pelled to lease the soil upon which he expended his efforts or COLONIAL VIRGINIA 45 do without entirely. But such was not the case. It is true that at the end of the Seventeenth century certain wealthy men got possession of large tracts of unsettled land, but their monopoly was so far from complete that they gladly sold off their holdings in little parcels to the first purchasers who pre- sented themselves. Apparently they made no attempts to estab- lish themselves in a position similar to that of the great land- lords of England. The records afford ample evidence that the leasing of prop- erty was by no means unknown in colonial Virginia, but the custom was comparatively rare. Hugh Jones, writing in 1721, declared that the tenant farmers constituted but a small frac- tion of the population, a fact which he explained by the unusual facilities for acquiring property in fee simple.^^ It would have been folly for the tobacco planter to expend his labor upon another man's property, perhaps erecting barns and fences and otherwise improving it, when he could for so small an outlay secure land of his own. Thus we are led to the conclusioji that the: average Virginia ,' plantation must have been comparatively small Jn extent. The ^ development of large estates "was narrowly limited by the va- rious factors which made it impossible to secure an adequate labor supply' — the restrictions upon the slave trade, the in- sufficient number of indentured servants and the shortness of their terms, the unwillingness of freedmen and others to work for wages. On the other hand, it would be expected that the servants upon securing their ^;cedom would purchase land of their own, and cover all tidewater Virginia with little farms. Turning to the various records of the time that deal with the distribution of land — deeds, wills, transfers, tax lists, inven- tories — we find that these conclusions are fully borne out. All reveal the fact that the average plantation, especially in the Seventeenth century, so far from vieing with the vast estates \/ 46 THE PLANTERS OF in existence in certain parts of America, was but a few hun- dred acres in extent. The land transfers of Surry county afford an interesting il- lustration. In thirty-four instances mentioned during the years from 1684 to 1686, for which the exact number of acres is given, the largest is 500 acres, the smallest twenty. The aggregate of all land which changed hands is 6,355 acres, or an average of 187 for each sale. There are eleven transfers of 100 acres or less, twenty-three transfers of 200 or less and V' only four of more than 300 acres.^°(^ One can find in this no / ^ ^ ) , evidence of the fabled barons of colonial Virginia, but only of ^ ./ a^well established class of small proprietors/J The York county books for the years from 1696 to 1701 tell the same story. Here we find recorded forty-one transfers and leases. Twenty-two are for 100 acres or less, 33 for 200 acres or less, and four, one for 1,400, one for 1,210, one for 600 and one for 550, are more than 300 acres in extent. The aggregate is 8,153 acres and the average 199.^^ In the Rappahannock county records from 1680 to 1688 of fifteen land transfers taken at random from the books, the largest is 400 while the average is 168 acres.^' Of the forty- eight transfers mentioned in the Essex county books for the years from 1692 to 1695, the largest is 600 acres and the smallest 50. Twenty are for 100 acres or less, 31 for 200 or less and only four for over 300.^° That conditions not fundamentally different prevailed in the early days of the colony is shown by the census taken of the landowners in 1626. Of the holdings listed no less than 25 were for 50 acres or less, 73 for 100 and most of the others for less than 300 acres. The total number of proprietors listed is 224 and the total acreage 34,472, giying an average for each plantation of 154 acres. ^° It has been assumed by certain writers that the land grants COLONIAL VIRGINIA 47 preserved in the Registrar's Office in Richmond tend to con- tradict this evidence. Although the average patent is by no means large, it is much more extensive than the typical land transfer. In 1638 this average was 423 acres, in 1640 it was 405, in 1642 it was 559, in 1645 it was 333, in 1648 it was 412, in 1650 it was 675. During the entire period from 1634 to 1650 inclusive the size of the average land grant was 446 acres.' From 1650 to 1655 the average was 591 acres, from 1655 to 1666 six hundred and seventy-one, from 1666 to 1679 eight hundred and ninety acres, from 1679 to 1689 six hun- dred and seven acres, from 1689 to 1695 six hundred and one acres, from 1695 to 1700 six hundred and eighty-eight acres.^^ In the course of the entire second half of the Seventeenth century the average size of the patent was 674 acres. Yet these facts have little direct bearing upon the extent of the plantations themselves. The system of granting land, as we have seen, was not based upon the individual needs of the , planters, but upon the number of headrights presented to the/ Government. Obviously it was the question of the most eco- nomical method of transporting immigrants which would de- termine the average size of the grant. If it proved best to bring in servants in small groups, distributed among vessels devoted chiefly to merchandise, the patents would be small ; if they came in on immigrant vessels, in numbers ranging from 50 to 200, the patents would be large. Apparently both methods were in vogue. There are grants recorded varying in size from 50 acres to 10,000 acres.^^ Be- yond doubt many merchants, finding that their vessels on the western voyage were not fully laden, from time to time took on a few indentured servants. If they furnished accommoda- / tion for from ten to twenty immigrants, they could demand, in addition to the sale of the indentures, 500 to 1,000 acres of land. It was a frequent practice, also, for planters in Vir- / 48 THE PLANTERS OF ginia to send orders to their agents in England to procure and ship one or more servants as need for them arose. "^ "Your brother George hath moved you in his letters to send him over some servants the next year," wrote Richard Kemp to Robert Read in 1639.^* Undoubtedly in cases of this kind the servants usually sailed in small parties upon the regular merchant vessels. On the other hand it would appear that large numbers of persons arrived on strictly immigrant vessels, in which they made the chief if not the only cargo. Some of the best known men in the colony were dealers in servants and reaped from the business very large profits. Of these perhaps the best known in the earlier period was William Claiborne, celebrated for his dispute with the Maryland proprietors over the possession of Kent Island. Peter Ashton was another ex- tensive dealer in servants, at one time receiving 2,550 acres for his headrights, at another 2,000. Isaac AUerton, Lewis Burwell, Giles Brent, Joseph Bridger and many others of like prominence are upon the patent rolls for large grants. The most inveterate dealer in servants, however, was Robert Bev- erley. This well known planter, so famous for his part in Bacon's Rebellion and in the political contests which grew out of it, is credited with patents aggregating 25,000 or 30,000 acres.^' Often partnerships were formed for the importation of serr vants, in which cases the patents were made out jointly. Among the more interesting are patents to Robert Beverley and Henry Hartwell, to Thomas Butt and Thomas Milner, to William Bassett and James Austin, to Thomas Blunt and Richard Washington. When associations of three or more persons were formed for the importation of servants, a not infrequent occurrence, the number of headrights is unusually large and the grants patented in consequence extensive. Thus COLONIAL VIRGINIA 49 Edmund Bibbie and others are credited with 3,350 acres, Rob- ert Ambrose and others with 6,000, George Archer and others with 4,000.^" It is clear, then, that the size of the average patent in the / Seventeenth century is not an indication of the extent of the v average plantation. If economic conditions were such as to' encourage large holdings, extensive farms would appear re- gardless of the original patents, for the small proprietors would be driven to the wall by their more wealthy rivals and forced to sell out to them. On the other hand, if the large planters y, found it difficult to secure adequate labor they would of ne- \, cessity have to break up their estates and dispose of them to the small freeholders. That the latter development and not the \ / / former actually took place in Virginia during the Seventeenth ! y v century a careful examination of the country records makes most apparent. Over and over again in the records of various land transfers it is stated that the property in question had belonged origi- nally to a more extensive tract, the patent for which was granted under the headright law. A typical case is that of John Dicks who purchased for 8,500 pounds of tobacco, "all the remaining part of 900 acres gotten by the transporting of 19 persons.'""^ Similarly we find John Johnson in 1653 sell- ing to Robert Roberts half of 900 acres which he had received by patent.^' In 1693 John Brushood sold to James Grey 200 acres, a part of 5, 100 acres originally granted to Mr. Henry Awbrey.''* Such cases could be multiplied indefinitely. Perhaps the most instructive instance left us of this de- velopment is the break up of a tract of land known as Button's Ridge, in Essex country. This property, comprising 3,650 acres, was granted to Thomas Button in the year 1666.°° The original patentee transferred the entire tract to his brother Robert Button, who in turn sold it to John Baker. The lat- 50 THE PLANTERS OF ter, finding no doubt that he could not put under cultivation so much land, cut it up into small parcels and sold it off to various planters. Of these transactions we have, most for- tunately, a fairly complete record. To Captain William Mose- ley he sold 200 acres, to John Garnet 600, to Robert Foster 200, to William Smither 200, to William Howlett 200, to Anthony Samuell 300, to William Williams 200. It is prob- able that he sold also a small holding to Henry Creighton, for we find the latter, in 1695, transferring to William Moseley 100 acres, formerly a part of Button's Ridge.'^ Important as are these gleanings from the county records, we have at our disposal even better and more conclusive evi- dence that colonial Virginia was divided, not into baronial /estates of vast proportions, but into a large number of com- jparatively small farms. Governor Nicholson's rent roll, which is published as an appendix to this volume, for the early years of the Eighteenth century at least, places the matter be- yond doubt. Here we have before us an official inventory of all Virginia save the Northern Neck, giving the name of every proprietor and the number of acres in his possession. It will be remembered that in the Crown colonies there was a perpetual obligation imposed upon all land when first granted known as the quit-rent. In Virginia this duty amounted to one shilling for every fifty acres, payable in tobacco at the rate of a penny per pound.'^ Despite the fact that some 27 per cent of the returns was consumed by the cost of collection, and that there were frequent frauds in disposing of the to- bacco, the revenue derived from this source was of consider- able importance." The amount collected in 1705 was £1,841. I. 6^. When James Blair, the Virginia Commissary of the Bishop of London, petitioned William and Mary for a fund from the accumulated quit-rents for his proposed college at Williamsburg, some of the British governmental officials ob- COLONIAL VIRGINIA 51 jected strenuously. "This sum is perhaps the only ready cash in all the plantations," it was declared, "which happens to be by good husbandry and is a stock for answering any emer- gency that may happen in Virginia."^* Throughout the entire Seventeenth century, however, the Governors had experienced great difficulty in collecting this tax. Over and over again they reported in their letters to the Board of Trade that there were large arrears of quit-rents which it was impossible to make the landowners pay.^° The reason for this was obvious enough. In each county the tax collector was the sheriff. Although this officer was appointed by the Governor, he usually had a wholesome respect for the larger proprietors and in consequence was wary of giving of- fense by holding them to too strict an account of their estates.'" At times the sheriffs themselves were the sufferers by this state of affairs, for they were held responsible for the rents upon all land patented in their counties, for which returns had not been made. Although the Governors from time to time made rather feeble attempts to remedy the prevailing laxness in this mat- ter, nothing of importance was accomplished before the first administration of Francis Nicholson. The chief executive himself had much need of the good will of the richer inhabi- tants, and he was not over forward in forcing them to bring in accurate returns. Nicholson, however, who prided himself on his executive ability and who was bent on breaking the power of the clique which centered around the Council of State, exerted himself to the utmost to secure full payment for every acre. So early as 1690 we find him issuing orders to the sheriffs for the drawing up of an accurate rent roll, through an exami- nation of the patent lists and the records of land transfers.*^ May 15, 1 69 1, he took up the matter again, warning the sheriffs 52 THE PLANTERS OF that he expected more accurate returns than they had yet made.^* With the appointment of Sir Edmund Andros as Governor, however, interest in the quit-rents lapsed, and not until his removal and the reappointment of Nicholson was the attempt resumed. In July, 1699, Nicholson wrote the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations that he was doing his best to improve the quit-rents and that the auditor had been ordered to draw up a scheme for securing a more exact list of land holdings.'" But for a while the matter still hung fire. The leading men in the Government were ready enough in making suggestions, but they were extensive landholders themselves and apparently rendered no real assistance. "I have considered those papers given me by your Excellency relating to a perfect rent roll," the auditor, William Byrd I wrote Nicholson, Oct. 21, 1703, "notwithstanding I have, according to your repeated directions used my utmost diligence in giving charge to sheriffs and taking their oaths to rolls, I am sensible there is still very great abuse therein."*" Despite these discouragements Nicholson persisted and in 1704 succeeded in obtaining the first really accurate rent roll of the colony. These lists have long been missing, and per- haps were destroyed in one of the several fires which have wrought so much havoc with the records of colonial Virginia, but a true copy was made by the clerk, William Robertson, and sent to the Board of Trade. Fortunately the British Govern- ment has been more careful of its priceless historical manu- scripts than has Virginia, and this copy today reposes in the Public Record OflSce in London, a veritable treasure trove of information concerning economic and social conditions in the colony.*^ Even a cursory examination of the rent roll is sufficient to dispel the old belief that Virginia at this time was the land COLONIAL VIRGINIA S3 of the large proprietor. As one glances down the list of plan- tations he is struck by the number of little holdings, the com- / / plete absence of huge estates, the comparative scarcity even of those that for a newly settled country might be termed ex- tensive. Here and there, especially in the frontier counties is listed a tract of four or five or even ten thousand acres, but such cases are very rare. In Middlesex county there is but one plantation of more than 2,500 acres, in Charles City county the largest holding is 3,130, in Nansemond 2,300, in Norfolk county 3,200, in Princess Anne 3,100, in Elizabeth City county 2,140, in York 2,750, in Essex 3,200. On the other hand the rolls reveal the existence of thousands of little proprietors, whose holdings of from 50 to 500 acres / embraced the larger part of the cultivated soil of the colony. Thus we find that in Nansemond, of 376 farms 26 were of 50 acres or less, 66 were between 50 and 100 acres, no between 100 and 200 acres, 88 between 200 and 400 acres, 78 between 400 and 1,000 acres, and only eight over 1,000 acres. In Middlesex county out of 122 holdings eleven were of 50 acres or less, 33 between 50 and 100 acres, 32 between 100 and 200 acres, 25 between 200 and 500 acres, 19 between 500 and 2,500 acres, one of 4,000 acres and one of 5,200 acres. Of the 94 plantations in Charles City county 26 were of 100 acres or less, 21 between 100 and 200 acres, 25 between 200 and 500 acres, 19 between 500 and 2,500 acres and three more than 2,500 acres.*" ^^ Although the average size of the plantations varied con- siderably in different counties it was everywhere comparatively small, far smaller than the average land grant of the time, far smaller than has been imagined by some of the closest stu- dents of the period. For Nansemond the rolls reveal the aver- age holding as 212 acres, for James City county 400, for York 298, for Warwick 308, for Elizabeth City county 255, 54 THE PLANTERS OF for Princess Anne 459, for Gloucester 395, for Middlesex 406, for Charles City county 553.*^ In the past few decades much has been written of the social life and customs of the people of colonial Virginia. But ex- cept in the able works of Dr. Philip Alexander Bruce little has been said concerning the small planter class, the men who made up the vast bulk of the population, the true Seventeenth century Virginians. We have long and detailed descriptions of the residences of the small group of the well-to-do, their li- braries, their furniture, their table ware, their portraits, their clothing, their amusements. The genealogy of the leading families has been worked out with minute care, their histories recorded, some of their leading members idealized by the writ- ers of fiction. The mention of colonial Virginia brings in- stantly to mind a picture of gay cavaliers, of statdy ladies, of baronial estates, of noble manors. And the sturdy, indepen- /dent class of small farmers who made up a full 90 per cent of /j x/ the freeholders at the time the rent roll was taken, have been ^ relegated into undeserved obscurity. It is to be noted that the roll does not include the names of proprietors residing in the Northern Neck, as the peninsula be- tween the Potomac and the Rappahannock is called. This ter- ritory, although acknowledging the jurisdiction of the Gov- ernment at Williamsburg in most matters and sending repre- sentatives to the House of Burgesses, paid its quit-rents, not to the Crown but to a proprietor. Nicholson, therefore, was not concerned in their collection and took no steps to list its landholders in his new roll. There is no reason to believe, however, that conditions in that part of the colony were funda- mentally different. Nor can the accuracy of the rent roll be challenged. There existed always the incentive to make false returns, of course, in order to escape the payment of taxes, and not many sheriffs COLONIAL VIRGINIA 55 were so diligent as the one in Henrico who unearthed 1,669 acres that had been "concealed."" Yet it must be remembered that the Governor brought to bear all the pressure at his dis- posal to make this particular roll accurate, that the sheriffs were his appointees, that they could not lightly defy him in so important a matter. And even though in isolated cases they may have winked at false returns from men of wealth and rank, from the mass of small proprietors they must have in- sisted upon reports as accurate as the records or actual sur- veying could make them. No doubt certain uncultivated tracts in the frontier counties were omitted, but with these we are not immediately concerned. For conditions in the older parts of the colony, where the slow evolution of economic factors had been at work for a century, the roll presents unimpeach- able evidence that the bulk of the cultivated land was divided into small plantations. But it still remains to prove that their owners were men of meagre fortunes, men who tilled the soil with their own hands. After all a farm of two or three hundred acres might give scope for large activities, the employment of many servants and slaves, the acquisition of some degree of wealth. Might it not be possible that though the acres of the planter were limited, his estate after all corresponded somewhat with the popular conception? This leads us to a study of the distribution of servants and slaves among the planters. At the outset we are faced with } y_ convincing evidence that at the end of the Seventeenth century the average number for each farm was very small. This is shown by a comparison of the number of plantations listed in the rent roll of 1704 with the estimated number of workers. In the counties for which the sheriffs made returns for Gov- ernor Nicholson there were some 5,500 landholders. When to these is added the proprietors of the Northern Neck the / S6 THE PLANTERS OF number must have approximated 6,500. If at this time the servants numbered 4,000, as seems probable,*^ and the slaves 6,000, together they would have averaged but 1.5 workers for each plantation. A decade earlier, when the use of slaves was still comparatively infrequent, the figure must have been still lower. Fortunately we have even more direct and detailed evidence. Throughout almost all of Virginia colonial history one of the / chief methods of raising revenue for the Government was the direct poll tax. This levy was laid, however, not only on every freeman over sixteen years of age, but upon male servants over 14, female servants who worked in the fields, and slaves above 16 of either sex, all of whom were officially termed tithables.*' The tax rolls in which these persons were listed, some of which have been preserved among the county records, throw much light upon social and economic conditions in the colony. In one district of Surry county we find in the year 1675 tha,t there were 75 taxpayers and only 126 tithables. In other words only 51 persons in this district l^ad this duty paid for them by others, whether parents, guardians or masters. And of the taxpayers, forty-two were liable for themselves alone, having no servants, slaves or dependent sons over 16; fifteen were liable for one other person, eight for two others, and only one, Lieutenant-Colonel Jordan, for so many as seven.*' In other districts the story is the same. In one there were forty taxpayers, 75 tithables and 25 persons who paid for themselves alone ; in another 28 taxpayers, 62 tithables, fifteen who had no servants or slaves; in a third 48 taxpayers, 83 tithables, 28 who paid only for themselves, eleven who paid for two, five who paid for three; in a fourth district 29 tax- payers, 63 tithables, fourteen who had no servants or slaves; in a fifth 25 taxpayers, 45 tithables, 12 who paid only for COLONIAL VIRGINIA 57 themselves.** Thus in Surry county in the year 1675 there were in all 245 taxpayers and 434 tithables. In other words the men who paid their own tax outnumbered all those whose tax was paid for them, whether servants, slaves or relatives, at the ratio of about 4 to 3. A study of the records of the same county ten years later leads to almost identical results. At that time Surry seems to have been divided into four districts. In the first there were 78 taxpayers, 132 tithables, 30 persons who paid only for themselves; in the second, 63 taxpayers, 133 tithables, 33 per- sons who paid for themselves alone; in the third there were 38 taxpayers, 74 tithables and 22 persons paying only for themselves; in the fourth 125 taxpayers, 201 tithables and 81 persons having no dependents to pay for. Thus there were 540 tithables in all and 304 taxpayers. In the, entire county there were about 122 persons who paid the poll tax for others. The largest holders of servants or slaves were Mr. Robert Randall with seven, Lieutenant-Colonel William Browne with nine, Mr. Robert Canfield with seven, Mr. Arthur Allen with six, Mr. William Edwards with six, Mr. Francis Mason with seven and Mr. Thomas Binns with eight.** Here again is proof that the popular conception of the Vir- ginia plantation life of the Seventeenth century is erroneous. \| Instead, of the wealthy, planter who surrounded himself with scores of servants and slaves, investigation reveals hundreds of little farmers, many of them trusting entirely to their own exertions for the cultivation of the soil, others having but one or two servants, and a bare handful of well-to-do men each having from five to ten, or in rare cases twenty or thirty, ser- vants and slaves. A further confirmation of these conclusions is to be had 5y comparing the number of plantations listed in the rent roll of 1704 with the official returns of tithables for 1702.°° Thus in '^tH^'' 58 THE PLANTERS OF Nansemond there were 375 plantations and 1,030 tithables, Henrico with 162 plantations had 863 tithables, Middlesex with 122 plantations had 814 tithables, Gloucester with 381 plantations had 2,626, James City with 287 plantations had 1,193, York with 205 plantations had 1,180, Warwick with 122 plantations had 505, Elizabeth City with 116 plantations had 478, Princess Anne with 215 plantations had 'J2,'j, Surry with 273 plantations had 739, Isle of Wight with 262 plan- tations had 896, Norfolk with 303 plantations had 693, New Kent with 497 plantations had 1,245, King William with 217 plantations had 803, King and Queen with 403 plantations had 1,848, Essex with 376 plantations had 1,034, Accomac with 392 plantations had 1,041, Northampton with 258 plan- tations had 693, Charles City and Prince George together with 420 plantations had 1,327.^^ In Nansemond the average number of tithables as compared with the number of plantations was 2.7, in Henrico 5.1, in Middlesex 6.7, in Gloucester 6.9, in James City 4.2, in York 5.7, in Warwick 4.1, in Elizabeth City 4, in Princess Anne 3.4, in Surry 2."], in Isle of Wight 3.3, in Norfolk 2.3, in New Kent 2.5, in King William 3.7, in King and Queen 4.6, in Essex 2.8, in Accomac 2.6, in Northampton 2.3, in Charles City and Prince George combined 3.1. In all Virginia, with the exclusion of the Northern Neck, there were 19,715 tith- ables and some 5,500 plantations, an average of 3.6 tithables for each plantation. If we deduct from the tithables all the male freeholders included in the rent roll, there remains only some 14,700 persons south of the Rappahannock to make up the list, not only of servants, and slaves, but of professional men, wage earners, artisans and dependent sons of landhold- ers over 16 years of age. Another invaluable source of information concerning the distribution of servants and slaves is provided by the numer- COLONIAL VIRGINIA 59 ous inventories, deeds, and wills which have been preserved in the records. Thus in Surry during the years from 1671 to 1686 we find listed the estates of fifty-nine persons. Of these no less than fifty-two were apparently without servants or slaves; two, William Rooking and Captain Robert Spencer, had five each; one, Mr. William Chambers, had three; and four. Captain William Corker, John Hoge, Mr. John Goring and Samuel Cornell, had one each.°^ In Elizabeth City of twenty-seven estates recorded during the years from 1684 to 1699 sixteen were without servants or slaves ; of twenty-six recorded in York during the period from 1694 to 1697 thirteen had no servants or slaves; of twenty- three recorded in Henrico from 1677 to 1692 fourteen were without servants or slaves.^^ It is true that these inventories and wills, since they would usually pertain to persons of ad- vanced age, perhaps do not furnish an absolutely accurate gauge of the average number of servants held by each planter. On the other hand, it is equally probable that a larger propor- tion- of big estates than of the small found their way into the records. At all events it is evident that a goodly proportion of the landholders, perhaps sixty or sixty-five per cent possessed no slaves or indentured servants, and trusted solely to their own exertions for the cultivation of their plantations. Thus vanishes the fabled picture of Seventeenth century Virginia. In its place we see a colony filled with little farms a few hundred acres in extejit, owned and worked by a sturdy class of English farmers, f Cfior to the slave invasion which marked the close of the Seventeenth century and the opening of the Eighteenth, the most important factor in the life of the\ Old Dominion was_,the white yeomanry. "X ^-V*o-j ^..-^(^ .^t:^ j^V.^^nlE, \^-^^^--- .;.t.Cc^-^ y CHAPTEI( rv Freemen and Freedmen I T^ is obvious that the small planter class had its origin partly in the imrnigration of persons who paid their own passage, .partly in the graduation into freedmen of large numbers of indentured servants. But to determine accurately the propor- tion of each is a matter of great difficulty. Had all the rec- ords of Seventeenth century Virginia been preserved, it would have been possible, by means of long and laborious investiga- tion, to arrive at strictly accurate conclusions. But with the material in hand one has to be satisfied with an approximation of the truth. It must again be emphasized that the indentured servants were not slaves, and that_ at the expiratio n of their terms there w as no barrier, legal, racial or social to their advancemen t. The Lords of Trade and Plantations, in 1676, expressed their dis- satisfaction at the word "servitude" as applied to them, which they felt was a mark of bondage and slavery, and thought it better "rather to use the word service, since those servants are only apprentices for years. "^ "Malitious tongues have im- paired it (Virginia) much," Bullock declared in 1649, "for it hath been a constant report among the ordinary sort of peo- ple that all those servants who are sent to Virginia are sold into slavery, whereas the truth is that the merchants who send servants and have no plantations of their own doe not only transferre their time over to others, but the servants serve no longer than the time they themselves agreed for in England, and this is the ordinary course in England, and no prejudice or hurt to the servant."^ 60 COLONIAL VIRGINIA ^■'ap-1 The terms of indenture not only took for granted that the\ servant, upon completing his contract, would establish him- j self as a proprietor, but usually made it obligatory for the 1/ master to furnish him with the equipment necessary for his \/ new life. With rare exceptions he received a quantity of ^ grain sufficient to maintain him for one year; two suits, one of Kersey, the other of cotton; a pair of canvas drawers; two shirts; and one felt hat.* The historian Beverley states that to this outfit was added a gun worth twenty shillings.* An- other writer tells us that the freedman received "a year's pro- vision of corne, double apparel" and a supply of tools.° There existed in England a widespread impression that the servant, upon securing hip freedom, was entitled by law to fifty acres of land. This appears to have been a mistake aris- ^ ing from a misapprehension of the nature of the headright, which belonged not to the servant himself, but to the person who paid for his transportation. In many cases the indentures do not state the exact rewards to be received by the new freed- X man, but only that they are to accord with "the custom of the v country," a very elastic term which could be construed by the master to suit his own interest." John Hammond, in his Leah and Rachel, strongly advised the immigrant before affixing his signature to the indenture to insist upon the inclusion of a clause specifically providing for the payment of the fifty acres.' But the importance which attaches to this matter lies as much in the servant's expectation as in its fulfilment. Whether or not he received his little plantation, he believed that he was to get a tract of land, a very extensive tract it must have seemed to him, which would assure him a good living and make it possible for him to rise out of the class to which he belonged.* In 1627 the Virginia General Court issued an order which is significant of the attitude of the colony itself to the f reed- men. "The Court, taking into consideration that the next en- ^ 62 THE PLANTERS OF sueing year there will be many tenants and servants freed unto whom after their freedom there will be no land due, whereby they may without some order taken to the contrary settle and seat themselves . . . have ordered that the Governor and Council may give unto the said servants and tenants leases for terms of years such quantities of land as shall be needful."" / Thus, at this period at least, not only was it expected in the ^ colony that servants would become land holders, but it was felt that for them not to do so was a matter of such grave concern as to require the special attention of the Government. After all, however, the key to the situation must be sought in the history of tobacco culture and the tobacco trade. To- yy/ bacco was the universal GropLotih^^lony and uponit every man depended for his advancement and prosperity., .Jf the market was good and the price high, the planters flourished; if sales fell off and the price was low, they suffered accord- ingly. It is evident, then, that the ability of the freedman to / J secure a position of economic independence hinged upon the profit to be derived from his little tobacco crop. It does not matter whether he worked as a wage earner, tenant or free- holder, in the end the result would be the same. If the re- turns from his labor greatly exceeded his expenses, his sav- ings would make it possible for him to establish himself firm- ly in the class of the colonial yeomanry. On the other hand, if he could wring from the soil no more than a bare subsis- tence, he would remain always a poor laborer, or perhaps be forced to seek his fortune in some other colony. Thus if we are to understand the status of the freed servant and the hope which he could entertain of advancement, it is necessary to turn our attention once more to economic conditions in the 4 colony. First, we must determine the amount of tobacco the; \J freedman could produce by his unassisted labor ; second, the price he received for it; third, how much he had to give the COLONIAL VIRGINIA 63 merchants in exchange for their wares ; and finally, the margin of profit left after all expenses had been paid. Despite a marked divergence of testimony regarding the amount of tobacco one man could cultivate, we are able to de- termine this matter with some degree of exactness. In 1627 the King, in outlining a plan to take into his own hands the entire tobacco trade, proposed to limit the imports to 2CX3 pounds for each master of a family and 125 for each servant.^" To this, however, the planters entered a vigorous protest, claiming that the quantity was "not sufficient for their main- tenance." They in turn suggested that the King take a total of 500,000 pounds a year, which for a population of 3,000 meant 167 pounds for each inhabitant, or perhaps about 500 pounds for each actual laborer.^^ Again in 1634 it was pro- posed that the Crown purchase yearly 600,000 pounds of Vir- ginia tobacco.^^ As the population of the colony at that date was about 5,000, this would have allowed only 120 pounds for each person, and once more the planters protested vigor- ously.^^ It would seem that both of these offers were based not so much upon the amount that one man could raise as upon the quantity which could be sold in England at a certain price. In fact it is probable that even so early as 1628 the average output of one freedman was not less than 1,000 pounds. It is interesting to note that in 1640, soon after Gov- ernor Francis Wyatt's arrival from England, it was found that the excessive crop of the previous year had so clogged the market that upon the advice of the merchants the Govern- ment was "forced to a strict way of destroying the bad and halfe the goode."" The author of A New Description of Virginia, published in 1649, claims that one man could plant from 1,600 to 2,000 pounds a year.^^ As the pamphlet presents a somewhat opti- mistic picture of affairs in general in the colony, this estimate 64 THE PLANTERS OF must be taken with some reserve. More trustworthy is the statement of Secretary Thomas Ludwell in 1667 that 1,200 pounds was "the medium of men's yearly crops."^® At all events, it is evident that the planter, even when en- rp) tirely dependent upon his own exertions, could produce a goodly crop. It is now necessary to ascertain what he got for it. I n the second and third-deeades-^i^the^e^enteeattLcen-.. \y/ tury the price of to bacca.was ^very-high. The first cargo, con- sisting of 20,000 pounds consigned in the George, sold for no less than £5,250, or 5s. 3d. a pound.^'' No wonder the leaders of the London Company were pleased, believing that in the Indian weed they had discovered a veritable gold mine! No wonder the settlers deserted their pallisades and their villages to seek out the richest soil and the spots best suited for tobacco culture! The man who could produce 200 pounds of the plant, after all freight charges had been met, could clear some £30 or £35, a very tidy sum indeed for those days. It was the discovery that Virginia could produce tqbacco of excellent quality that accounts for the heavy migration in the years from 1 618 to 1623. In fact, so rich were the returns that certain /|)ersons came to the colony, not with the intention of making (it their permanent residence, but of enriching themselves "by ' a cropp of Tobacco," and then returning to England to enjoy the proceeds.^* But this state of affairs was of necessity temporary. Very soon the increasing size of the annual crop began to tell upon the price, and in 1623 Sir Nathaniel Rich declared that he had bought large quantities of tobacco at two shillings a pound." This gentleman felt that it would be just to the planters were they to receive two shillings and four pence for the best varieties, and sixteen pence for the "second sort." In the same year Governor Wyatt and his Council, in a letter to the Virginia Company, placed the valuation of tobacco at y\ COLONIAL VIRGINIA 65 eighteen pence a pound.^" Three years latpr, however, the Governor wrote the Privy Council advising the establishment in Virginia of a "magazine" or entrepot, where the merchants should be compelled to take the tobacco at three shillings a pound.^^ This proposal did not seem reasonable to the King, and when Sir George Yeardley came over as Governor for the second time he was instructed to see to it that "the merchant be not constrained to take tobacco at 3. P. Pound in exchange for his wares," and to permit him to "make his own bar- gain."" Apparently not discouraged by this rebuff, in 1628 the Gov- ernor, Council and Burgesses petitioned the King, who once more was planning to take the trade into his own hands, to grant them "for their tobacco delivered in the colony three shillings and six pence per pound, and in England four shill- ings."^' This valuation undoubtedly was far in advance of the current prices, and King Charles, considering it unreason- able would not come to terms with the planters. In fact, it appears that for some years the price of tobacco had been de- clining rapidly. In May, 1630, Sir John Harvey wrote the Privy Council that the merchants had bought the last crop with their commodities at less than a penny per pound,^* and two years later, in a statement sent the Virginia Commission- ers, he claimed that the price still remained at that figure."^ It may be taken for granted, however, that this estimate was far below the actual price. The planters showed a de- cided tendency to blow hot or cold according to the purpose in view, and in these two particular statements Sir John was pleading for better treatment from the merchants. Yet it is | reasonably certain that tobacco was at a low ebb in the years ;| // from 1629 to 1633, and sold at a small fraction of the figures of the preceding decade.^^ The Governor repeatedly wrote/ asking for relief, while in the Assembly attempts were made V 66 THE PLANTERS OF (5 to restore the market by restricting the size of the annual crop.'' Yet things must have taken a favorable turn soon after, for in 1634 the planters informed the King's Commissioners that they w^ould not sell him their tobacco at less than six pence in Virginia and fourteen pence delivered in England.'* Later the King wrote to the Governor and Council that the rate had recently "doubly or trebly advanced.'"" This is substantiated by the fact that the Commissioners, in 1638, allowed the planters "4d. a pound clear of all charges," despite which they complained that in an open market they could do better.'" In 1638 several prominent Virginians estimated that on an 1/^ average during the preceding eleven years they had received not more than two pence for their tobacco, but here again it is probable that there was some exaggeration.'^ In 1649 the author of A New Description of Virginia stated that tobacco sold in Virginia for three pence a pound.'' All in all it seems I that prices in the early years of the settlement varied from five shillings to a few pence, that a disastrous slump occurred at the end of the third decade, followed by a rapid recovery which brought the rate to about three pence, at which figure it remained fairly constant for twenty-five years or more throughout the Civil War and most of the Commonwealth periods. The return which the Virginia farmer received from his one staple crop was determined by a number of factors over which he himself had but little control. Had he been per- mitted to seek his own market and drive his own bargain free from the restraining hand of the British Government, no doubt he would have secured a much better price. But from the moment it became apparent that the Virginia tobacco rivalled in flavor that of the Spanish colonies and could com- mand as ready a sale throughout Europe, the trade was sub- COLONIAL VIRGINIA 67 jected to various regulations and restrictions which proved . most vexatious to the colony and elicited frequent and vigor- ous protests. Neither James nor Charles had any idea of per- mitting free trade. In their prolonged struggle with the lib- eral party both saw in tobacco a ready means of aiding the Exchequer, and so of advancing toward the goal of financial independence. These monarchs were by no means hostile to Virginia. In fact, both took great interest in the tiny settle- ment upon the James, which they looked upon as the begin- ning of the future British colonial empire. Yet they lent too willing an ear to those who argued that tobacco might be / ma^ to yield^goodly revenue, to. the Crown without injiiry \/ tasth&4ila»tep«^ T he policy adopt ed by ■the„.ea £bL..StH&a, kings and adhered to with but minor changes throughout the colonial period con- sisted of JouE-easeoiiaLieaitoeee. ^jrst, the tobacco raised^ in the plantations should b«^ent^ only to England ; second, upon ^ Catering- the, mother cowntry it must pay a dutyJ:o the thrown; thirdj^ Sg^jsh, tobacco should be excluded or its importation str4ctly limited; lastly, the cultivation of the plant in England itself was forbidden. In the years when the colony was still weak and dependent upon the mother country this program was not unfair. The prohibition of tobacco growing in England, however unneces- sary it would have been under conditions of free trade, was felt by the planters to be a real concession, while the restric- tions upon foreign importations saved them from dangerous competition at the very time when they were least able to com- bat it. Nor were they seriously injured by the imposition of the customs duties. The planters themselves imagined that the incidence of this tax fell upon their own shoulders and that they were impoverished to the full extent of the revenues de- rived from it. But in this they were mistaken. The duty, in \_^ /. 68 THE PLANTERS OF the last resort, was paid not b^_the^plaiiters -but-byiJ;h£. British "^ consumers. The colonists were affected adversely only in so faTas the enhanced price of tobacco in England restricted the market. On the other hand, the prohibition of foreign trade was a very real grievance and elicited frequent protests from the planters. Dutch merchants paid high prices for the Virginia tobacco and offered their manufactured goods in return at figures far below those of the British traders. The Virginians could not understand why they should not take advantage of this opportunity. "I humbly desire to be informed from your honors," wrote Governor Harvey to the Virginia Commission- ers in 1632, "whether there be any obstacle why we may not have the same freedome of his Majesties other subjects to seek our best market.'"' But Harvey was attacking what already had become a fixed V policy of the Crown, a policy which was to remain the corner- stone of the British colonial system for centuries. The Gov- ernment had, therefore, not the slightest intention of yielding, and from time to time issued strict orders that all colonial to- bacco, whether of Virginia or the West Indies, be brought only to England or to English colonies. When Sir William Berke- ley was appointed Governor in 1642 he was instructed to "bee verry careful that no ships or other vessels whatsoever depart from thence, freighted with tobacco or other commodities which that country shall afford, before bond with sufficient se- curities be taken to his Majesty's use, to bring the same di- rectly into his Majesty's Dominions and not elsewhere."^* Despite the insistence of the British Government in this matter, there is abundant evidence to show that the Virginians continued to indulge in direct trade with the continent for many years after the overthrow of the Company. In 1632 Governor Harvey wrote that "our intrudinge neighbours, the COLONIAL VIRGINIA 69 Dutch, doe allow us eighteen peance p. pound" for tobacco, while a few months later we find him reporting the attempt of John Constable and others "to defraud his Majesty of his duties by unloading in the Netherlands,"'^ With the advent of the English Civil War and throughout the Commonwealth period Virginia enjoyed a large degree of mdependence and foundit^ possible to trade with the Dutch almost witli impunity. Even the strict Berkeley seems to have felt it no disloyalty for the planters to seek foreign markets for their staple while the mother country was torn by the con- tending armies of King and Parliament. And so the mer- chantmen of Flushing and Amsterdam pushed their prows into every river and creek in Virginia and Maryland, taking off large quantities of tobacco and giving in return the celebrated manufactured goods of their own country. At Christmas 1648, if we may believe the testimony of the author of A New Description of Virginia, there were trading in the colony ten ships from London, two from Bristol, seven from New England and twelve from Holland. In 1655 the statement was made that "there was usually found intruding upon the plan- tation divers ships, surruptitiously carrying away the growth thereof to foreign ports to the prejudice of this Common- wealth."5? Thus /in the years prior to the Restoration Virginia was y never fully subjected to the operation of the British colonial system?) When the price of tobacco in the London market fell lower and lower, the planters might and often did find relief by defying the King's commands and trading directly with the Dutch.'^ And this benefitted them doubly, for not only did they strike a better bargain with the foreign traders, but every cargo of tobacco diverted from England tended to relieve the market there and restore prices. In fact there can be little doubt that the frequent violations of the trade re- 70 THE PLANTERS OF strictions of this period alone saved the colony from the pov- erty and distress of later days and made possible the pros- perity enjoyed by the planters. It must be noted also that of the tobacco sent to England itself, a part was reshipped to foreign countries. In 1610 a / law was enacted for the refunding of all import duties upon articles that were re-exported. This drawback applied also to colonial products, but under Charles I an exception was made in their case and the privilege withdrawn. In conse- quence the importers made a vigorous protest in Parliament, and the King, in 1631, modified his policy by ordering that of the nine pence duty then in operation, six pence should be re- funded when the tobacco was shipped abroad. In 1632 the drawback was increased to seven pence leaving the total .duty paid by the merchants who traded through England to foreign countries two pence a pound only.** Although this consti- tuted a most serious obstacle to trade and at times aroused the merchants to bitter protest, it by no means completely blocked re-exportation. So great were the natural qualifica- tions of Virginia for producing tobacco, that it was possible to purchase a cargo from the planters on the James, proceed with it to London, pay there the two pence a pound duty, re- ship it to the continent and sell it there at a profit.*" Although this trade was not extensive, it must have had an important influence in maintaining prices and in bringing prosperity to all classes in the colony. Thus Virginia, contrary to the wishes^of the mothex coun- ^^try and in defiance of her regulationsy enjoyed- for. its. staple product in the years prior to 1660, a world market. Whether (I h^ direct trade or by re-exportation from England a goodly share of the annual crop was consumed in foreign countries, a / share which had it been left in England to clog the market, would have reacted disastrously upon all concerned. /; COLONIAL VIRGINIA 71 It is apparent, then, that in the first half century of its V/ existence Virginia was the land of opportunity. The pooii man who came to her shores, whether under terms of indeiy- ture or as a freeman, found it quite possible to establish himV self as a person of some property and consideration. We may imagine the case of the servant who had completed his term and secured his freedom at any time during the third decade of the Seventeenth century. As we have seen, it was an easy matter for him to secure a small patch of land and the tools with which to cultivate it. By his unassisted efforts, if he ap- plied himself steadily to the task, he could produce a good crop of tobacco, consisting perhaps of some 400 pounds. This he could sell to the merchants for from two shillings to six pence a pound, or a total of from £10 to £40.*" In the years from 1630 to 1640, when the price of tobacco seems to have stabilized itself at from two to three pence, cases of such extraordinary returns must have been of less frequent occurrence, but to some extent lower prices were off- set by larger crops. If our freedman in 1635 could raise 800 pounds of leaf and dispose of it for four pence, his in- come would be £13.6.8; in 1649, by producing 1,000 pounds, he could sell it at three pence for £12.10.0. In fact, it is not too much to say that the average annual income from the labor of one able worker at any time prior to 1660 was not less than £12. When we takeanto consideration the fact that the planter produced his own food, and that out of the proceeds of his tobacco crop he paid only his taxes and his bills to the English importers, it is evident that he had a goodly margihs^ of profit to lay aside as working capital. It must not be forgotten, however, that this margin was greatly reduced by the high cost of clothing, farm implements and all other articles brought from across the ocean. The , long and dangerous voyage from London to the Chesapeake '^ 72 THE PLANTERS OF made the freight rates excessive, while the merchants did not scruple to drive a hard bargain whenever possible. The let- ters of the Governors are filled with complaints against the exactions of these men. "This year the Merchants have bought our tobacco with their commodities at less than a penny the pounde," Harvey wrote in 1630, "and have not shamed to make the planters pay twelve pounds Sterlinge the tunn freight home."*^ Two years later he complained that a certain Captain Tucker had just sailed leaving his stores well stocked with goods, but with "instructions to his factors not to sell but at most excessive rates."*^ In 1628, the Governor, Council and Burgesses, in a petition to the King, declared that for years they had "groaned under the oppression of uncon- scionable and cruel merchants by the excessive rates of their commodities."*^ Six years later Governor Harvey stated that all things which "come hither" are sold at "thrice the value they cost in England."** It is obvious, however, that after all expenses had been paid, / a goodly margin of profit was left, a margin perhaps averag- ing some three or four pounds sterling. The provident and industrious immigrant, a few years after the conclusion of his term, might well lay aside enough to make it possible for him in turn to secure a servant from England. This accomplished, he at once rose into the class of employers and his future ad- vance was limited only by his capabilities and his ambition. We would naturally expect to find, then, that during these , years a large percentage of those who came to the colony V under terms of indenture, sooner or later acquired land, per- haps bought servants, and became persons of some standing in the colony. Certainly the opportunity was theirs. It will be interesting therefore to study the early records in order to glean what evidence we may concerning this matter. If the servants graduated in any appreciable numbers into the planter COLONIAL VIRGINIA 73 class, the patents, wills, inventories, land transfers and muster rolls could hardly fail to yield some evidence of the fact. Turning first to the earliest period, we find that of the la- borers who were imported by the London Company to. culti- vate the public lands, a fair proportion became proprietors and were regarded by later comers with especial esteem as "ancient planters." At the termination of their service they / were granted 100 acres and when this was fully cultivated re- ceived another tract of the same extent. To the apprentices bound out to tenants even more liberal treatment was accorded, for they were provided with a year's store of corn, a house, a cow, clothing, armor, household utensils, farm tools and as much land as they could till.*^ The guiding hand of the Company was missed by the f reed- men after the revoking of the charter, for the Governors seem to have left them to shift for themselves. Yet this fact did not prevent many from forging ahead, acquiring land, and in some cases positions of trust in the Government itself. In Hotten's Immigrcmts is published a muster roll for the year 1624 of all the settlers in Virginia, in which servants are carefully dis- tinguished from freemen.*® By following, as well as the im- perfect records of the period permit, the after careers of the former, it is possible to determine with a fair degree of ac- curacy to what extent the small farmer class at this period was recruited from persons coming to the colony under terms of indenture. Of the forty-four Burgesses who sat in the Assembly of 1629, no less than seven — John Harris, William Allen, Wil- liam Popleton, Anthony Pagett, Richard Townsend, Adam Thoroughgood and Lionell Rowlston — were listed as servants • in the muster of 1624.*' Thus some sixteen per cent of this important body, the Virginia House of Commons, at this time was made up of men who five years previously had been work- 74 THE PLANTERS OF ing out their passage money. Among ^e thirty-nine members of the House of 1632, six appear as sCTvants in the muster — Thomas Barnett, Adam Thoroughgood, Lionell Rowlston, Thomas Crump, Roger Webster and Robert Scotchmon. Whether there were other members who came over under terms of indenture but secured their freedom before 1624, we have no means of determining. The author of Virginia's Cure, published in 1662, asserted that the Burgesses "were usual such as went over as servants thither; and though by time, and industry, they may have ob- tained competent estates, yet by reason of their poor and mean condition, were unskilful in judging of a good estate, either of church or Commonwealth."** This statement is a gross exaggeration both as to the composition of the Burgesses and their abilities. Instances of the election of freedmen to the House, fairly frequent in the early years of the colony, be- came rarer as the century advanced and the field of selection widened. Yet in the Assembly of 1652, of the thirty-five members, eight or nine appear on the patent rolls as headrights brought over by others.*" It is evident that even so late as the / middle of the century the door of opportunity was still open to the freedmen. In the absence of a complete census for the decades after 1624, it is very difficult to determine what proportion of the servants listed in the muster roll of that year subsequently be- came landowners. Some light is thrown on the matter by a search through the patent books. Here are found a surpris- ingly large number of persons who in 1624 were servants. Among these are Anthony Jones, John Sparkes, John Cooke, Roger Delk, John Trussell, William Woolritch, Pettyplace Cloyse, Edward Sparshott, William Dawson, Richard Bell, Robert Browne, Nicholas Browne, John Chandler, Lionell Rowlston, Thomas Savadge, Samuel Bennett, Daniel Shurley, COLONIAL VIRGINIA 75 James Hatfield, Adam Thoroughgood, John Robinson, John Hill, John Seaward, William Ramshaw, Samuel Weaver, John Upton, John Watson, Thomas Crompe and John Russell.^" Of these persons several acquired a fair degree of wealth and became of importance in the early life of the colony. It is interesting to note also, that some were men of good condition in England, the case of Adam Thoroughgood, whose brother Sir John Thoroughgood was at one time secretary to the Earl of Pembroke, is notable in this respect. John Hill, before coming to Virginia, had been a book binder in Oxford uni- versity, and his father had been a fletcher." The patents of Thomas Crompe and John Russell state that fifty acres was due in each, case for the "personal adventure" of the patentee, but since they are distinctly listed as servants in 1624 it seems probable that subsequently each made a visit to England and put in claims for the headright for the return voyage."^ Thus it is evident that a large proportion of the landholders during and prior to 1635 had come to the colony under terms of indenture, either under the Company or with private indi- viduals. Perhaps it would not be unfair to estimate this pro- portion at from thirty to forty per cent, but it must be dis- tinctly understood that the matter cannot be determined with any degree of accuracy or finality. Some years later Governor Berkeley in an address before the Assembly, stated that hun- dreds of examples testified to the fact that no man in Vir- / ginia was denied the opportunity to rise and to acquire both property and honor.'' Careful research tends to corroborate this assertion but it does not and cannot show whether the bulk of the early planters came to the colony as freemen or as indentured servants. During the years from 1635 to 1660 the process of building up a class of small farmers in large part from freedmen con- tinued unabated. But the difficulties of the investigator in 76 THE PLANTERS OF studying this period are also very great. Yet it is possible, by examining the names that appear in the land patents and wills, and comparing them with the list of headrights, to arrive at fairly satisfactory results. We find that of the 131 persons listed in the York county wills from 1646 to 1659 no less than twenty-five appear as headrights for others. Of these the major part became landowners, some of them men of influ- ence in Virginia. °* The Rappahannock wills for the years from 1656 to 1664 show a like result. Thirty-nine persons appear in the records, of whom seven came in as headrights.^' There is always the possibility of error in identifying these persons for the recurrence of such names as Smith, Jones, Turner, Davis, Hall, the rrtonotonous repetition of a few common given names, and the universal omission of middle names add greatly to our difficulties. Moreover, mistakes are apt to occur because of the transfer of headrights by sale. The free immigrant to whom was due fifty acres for his "per- sonal adventure" might not care to settle on the frontier where alone unpatented land could usually be found. At times he sold his right and purchased a plantation in some one of the older and more advanced counties. It is not conclusively v/proved, then, that a certain person came as a servant merely because he is listed as a headright. On the other hand, the fact that it was the custom to set forth such transfers clearly in the patent itself, justifies the conclusion that in the cases where no statement of the kind is made, the headright for which the land was granted usually came in under terms of indenture. In Volume III of the land patents are listed in the years from 1635 to 1653 patents to fifty-seven persons in James City county.'® Of these no less than thirty-one are found also as headrights belonging to others, although a duplication of names in several cases makes identification uncertain. One COLONIAL VIRGINIA n person only claimed the fifty acres for having paid his own passage to Virginia. When all possible allowance is made for transfers of rights it is obvious that at this time freedmCn were still entering freely into the class of landowners. An examination of the James City county patents in Vol- ume IV, covering the years from 1653 to 1663, leads to simi- lar results, for of the eighty-five names which appear there, forty-five are listed as headrights belonging to others. And although the tracts granted these men were usually small in size, in certain cases they were far in excess of the average plantation. Thus Edward Cole, who appears as a headright in 1642, patented 900 acres in 1655;" Thomas Warburton patented 1,664 acres ;°* George Gilbert 1,000 acres; Francis Burwell 1,000 and John Underwood 2,000 acres.^° The num- ber of years which elapsed between the listing of the headrights and the granting of the patents varied from two to twenty- eight. The average for the thirty-five cases in which the dates are given is twelve years. As the claims for headrights were often made long after the actual arrival of the servant, it may be assumed that the average was even greater than this. Once more, however, it must be remembered that these lists do not record personal transfers of land, while it is quite certain that many freedmen, instead of patenting unoccupied tracts, se- cured their little farms by purchase. Some probably became proprietors in the very first year of their freedom and set to work with hoe and plow to wrest their living from the soil. In the patent rolls the bulk of the headrights are alluded to simply as "persons," leaving it undecided whether those in- cluded in the various lists are freemen or servants. But oc- casionally the newcomers are specifically described as "ser- vants," in which case, of course, there can be no doubt what- ever as to their status. By selecting at random a number of names from those so termed, avoiding for convenience sake 78 THE PLANTERS OF all Smiths, Joneses and others the frequent recurrence of whose names would make identification difficult, it is possible to arrive at definite conclusions by following, as best we can, their careers in after life. With this in view we have made up the following list of servants : Henry Arnetrading, George Archer, Silvester Atkins, Nicholas Atwell, Edward Ames, John Aram, Robert Arnall, Peter Asheley, William Baldwin, Edward Burt, Francis Baile, John Bauchees, John Bishop, John Blackstone, Anthony Box, Michael Brichley, Peter Buck, William Burcher, John Causey, Robert Chesheire, Thomas Chilcott, Thomas Clayton, Annanias Coplestone, James Court- ney, Thomas Cropp, Thomas Connagrave, John Day, John Dodman, Jonathan Ellison, Edward Eastwood, James Fletcher, Thomas Foanes, John Fouke, Francis Francklin, Armstrong Foster, Robert Fossett, John Farr, Robert Garsell, George Gilbert, Henry Giles, Hector Godbear, Francis Gray, Reginald Griffin, Thonfes Halcock, Thomas Hand, Henry Hartwell, Hugh Hayes, John Hedler, Richard Huett, John Hodgbins, John Holdin, William Hankinson, John Hether, Lazarus Manning, Thomas Pattison, John Pullapin, Sampson Robins, George Walton, Francis Withers, Robert Webstie and Thomas Warden. A search through the patent rolls, wills, tithable lists and other data found in the records of the period, has led to the more or less positive identification of fifteen of these persons. John Bishop, who was transported by Thomas Gray, be- came a man of influence and means. He represented Charles City county in the House of Burgesses in the sessions of 1644, 1652 and 1653, and was variously known as Captain Bishop or Mr. Bishop."" Although he became a landowner so early as 1638," his family arrived from England only in 1 65 1. Francis Gray, brought to Virginia at the age of fif- teen by Joseph Johnson, also became prominent, securing a COLONIAL VIRGINIA 79 seat in the Assembly and acquiring a fair estate. In 1653 he took up 750 acres in Charles City county, while ten years later he is credited with 374 acres more in Westmoreland.'^ His will was recorded in 1667.*" George Archer became an extensive landowner, patenting 250 acres in 1663, 550 acres in 1665, 784 acres in 1671 and 1,395 acres in 1673."* In 1691 he received, in conjunction with others, title to a tract of 2,827 acres in Henrico.'' John Holding patented in York county 850 acres in 1649 and 389 acres in 1653.'' William Baldwin, who came in the Plaine Joan when he was twenty- four years of age, received three grants of land, one for 600 acres in York county, one for 67 acres in Isle of Wight, and one, in conjunction with Richard Lawrence, for 300 in Rappahannock.*" Thomas Pattison, transported by Francis Epes in 1635, took up in Lancaster two tracts, one for 200 acres and one for 400.'^ He also became part owner of two more tracts, one for 220 acres and the other for 504.'® John Dodman se- cured a patent for 350 acres in Westmoreland in the year 1662.'" Thomas Warden is mentioned as a landowner in James City county in 1643.^^ George Gilbert, transported in 1635 by Joseph Johnson, took up fifty acres in James City county in 1643.^'' ^^ 1663, in partnership with Richard Scruely, he patented 1,000 acres in the same county north of the Chickahominy river." John Blackstone acquired two tracts, one for 100 acres and the other for 151 acres,^* while William Burcher received a grant for 300 acres.'' Several of these men who came as servants to the Eastern Shore are found in succeeding years among the yeomanry of Accomac and Northampton. Henry Arnetrading, Armstrong Foster, William Burcher and Sampson Robins were signers of the Northampton submission to the Commonwealth in 1652.'" Henry Arnetrading was the owner of 300 acres of land.'' 8o THE PLANTERS OF Armstrong Foster was the official tobacco viewer for Hungers, a position entailing no little responsibility." Sampson Robins received a patent for a tract of land in Northampton in 1655.'* Thomas Clayton is listed among the Northampton tithables of leee.'" In the case of John Day some uncertainty arises. Appar- ently there were two men of this nattie in the colony, one transported by John Slaughter, and the other not only paying for his own passage, but for that of a servant as well.'^ A John Day later secured 400 acres in Gloucester county,*^ but whether it was the one who had come as a servant or the one who had entered the colony as a freeman, apparently there is no way of ascertaining. All in all the story of these men tends to confirm the con- clusions hitherto arrived at. It must be remembered that the mortality among the servants in the tobacco fields in the early days of the colony was extremely heavy. It is not improbable that of our sixty-one servants, twenty or more succumbed before the completion of their first year. That of the remaining forty- one, fourteen or fifteen established thentselves as solid farm- ers, while several became men of influence in the colony, is / a striking proof that ^ this period many f reedmen had Jhe ■^^ opportunity to advance. Taking it for granted that the rec- ords of some of the sixty-one have been lost, or that our re- search has failed to reveal them, we once more come to the / conclusion that a full thirty or forty per cent of the land- Vv owners of the period from 1635 to 1666 came to the colony under terms of indenture. On the other hand, it is equally positive that the class of poor planters was recruited in part from free immigrants, men who paid their own passage across the ocean and at once established themselves as freeholders. Of this too, the rec- ords furnish ample testimony. Thus in 1636 we find that COLONIAL VIRGINIA 8i Richard Young was granted loo acres in Warwick "due him for his personal adventure and for the transportation of his wife Dorothy Young.'"' A year later Roger Symonds re- ceived lOO acres in Charles City "due him for the transporta- tion of his wife, Alice, and one servant, Richard Key.'"* Similarly in May 1636, Thomas Wray was allowed 50 acres for his "personal adventure." Such cases could be multiplied indefinitely.*^ A careful analysis of the patent rolls from 1623 to July 14, 1637, published in the Virginia Mogasine of History and Bi- ography for April, 1901, shows conclusively that the lists con- tain the names of many persons who at no time were under 'terms of indenture. Of the 2,675 names appearing in the records, the editor states that 336 are positively known to have come over as freemen, many of them being heads of families. "There are 245 persons whose names do not occur as head- rights and yet of whom it is not positively shown that they were freemen, though the probability seems to be that by far the greater number were. And there were 2,094 persons whose transportation charges were paid by others. This last number includes some negroes, all those specifically termed 'servants' and all others. ... It would probably be a fair estimate to say that of the names represented in the patents cited, there were about 675 free men, women and children who came to Virginia and about 2000 servants and slaves.'"" Similarly in the issue of the magazine for January, 1902, the editor says that "for some years, about this period, it is probable (from , the best calculations which can be made) that seventy-five per // cent of the emigrants to Virginia were indentured servants."" There seems to be no reason to doubt the accuracy of these conclusions. Certainly any study of immigration to Virginia in the Seventeenth century is woefully incomplete if it fails to take into consideration the very considerable proportion of 82 THE PLANTERS OF free settlers. On the other hand, it is probable that a similar study of the lists for a later date would show a smaller per- centage of freemen. However this may be, it is evident that by far the larger part of the newcomers at all periods must have been indentured servants intended for service in the to- bacco fields. In 1638 Richard Kemp wrote Secretary Winde- banke that "of hundreds which are yearly transported, scarce any but are brought in as merchandise to make sale of."** Yet it must not be forgotten that any immigration of poor freemen, however small, would have a very marked influence upon the formation of the small farmer class. Of the host of servants a certain proportion only, a proportion probably less than fifty per cent, could hope even in the most favorable- times to become freeholders. If they survived the hardships and dangers of the service with their masters, it still remained for them to acquire property and win for themselves a place in the life of the colony. And to accomplish this they must display determination, intelligence, industry and thrift, quali- ties by no means universal among the classes in England from which the servants were chiefly drawn. But for the free im- migrant there need be no period of probation. He might at once purchase his farm, erect his home, secure all necessary tools and put out his crop of tobacco. And whereas the ser- vant usually found it possible to maintain a family only after many years of hard work, perhaps not at all, the free settler often married before leaving England and brought his wife and children with him. ( In conclusion it may be said that in the first fifty years of the colony's existence conditions were very favorable for the graduation of the servant into the class of small freeholders, / V that the records amply prove that many succeeded in doing so, V but that at this period a fair proportion of free immigrants also came to the colony, ^efore the expiration of the Com- / /IJ/, COLONIAL VIRGINIA 83 monwealth period was formed from these two sources, perhaps-^ in not unequal proportions, a vigorous, intelligent, independent / \^ yeomanry, comprising fully: 90 percent of all the landowners. "^ ^ CHAPTEI( V The Restoration Period The people of Virginia hailed the Restoration with unaf- fected joy. Not only did they anticipate that the termination of the long period of civil war and unrest in England would react favorably upon their own prosperity, but they felt that Sir William Berkeley's well known loyalty and his action in proclaiming Charles II immediately after the execution of his father, might assure them the King's especial favor now that he at last had come into undisputed possession of his throne. They were doomed to bitter disappointment, however, for the Restoration brought them only hardship and suffering, dis- /V content and rebellion. No sooner had the royal Government been safely installed than it set to work to perfect and to enforce the colonial policy which in principle had been accepted from the first. The ties which united the colonies with the mother country were strengthened, those which gave them a common interest with foreign nations in so far as possible were snapped. The British empire was to become a unit, closely knit by economic bonds and presenting to all other nations a hostile front. With ^ this in view Parliament passed a series of Navigation Acts, under which the trade of the colonies was regulated for many years to come. It is necessary for us to enquire, therefore, into the effects of these laws upon the tobacco trade, for tobacco, as we have seen, was the key to the prosperity of the colony, and favor- able economic conditions alone could make it possible for the newcomer to establish himself as a member of the Virginia 84 COLONIAL VIRGINIA 85 yeomanry. If the strict enforcement of the Navigation Acts' should bring low prices for tobacco and wipe out the margin ^ of profit for the man who tilled the soil with his own hands, /^ riot only would the small planter class not expand, but might actually decline in numbers. There were three main features of the colonial legislation of Parliament during this period, all of them interrelated and y^ / all tending toward the one great ^object of keeping the English ^*yir''^ plantations- for -the -Ejaglish. It was provided that the chief coIonial-jJEoducts such as tobacco and sugar should be sent only to England or to English colonies, that the colonies sbduld Tgith few exceptions import goods only from British territory, that all products taken to or from any colony sbould be c6n- ve;^ed only in EngUsh vessels manned by crews composed mainly of Englishmen. In committing itself to this policy the royal Government felt that the plantations would play a useful and necessary part in the great system which was planned, and in so doing would find prosperity. It had been the hope of the English people that their colonies would produce the articles "which were so badly needed by the mother country to revive her waning industry and permit a greater measure of economic independence. Although more than half a century had passed since the first foothold had been gained upon the American continent, this expectation was as far from realization as ever. The colonies, from Massachusetts to Barbados were produc- ing, not the articles which England especially needed, but those for which they had the greatest natural aptitude, espe- y/ cially tobacco and sugar. And these staples they sent, not to England alone, but to various foreign countries as well. In short the vision of a closely knit, self-sustaining empire, the vision which had been in men's minds for many decades before the founding of Jamestown, seemed to have proved ^ > 86 THE PLANTERS OF delusive. The colonies were developing interests and com- mercial connections hostile to those of the mother country, were nourishing the manufactures and shipping of foreign na- tions almost as much as those of England. And this the Gov- ernment at London would not tolerate. The colonial trade / with strangers must come tr^ an pn)j If Virgmia and ivrary- [ '- ,' land produced more tobacco than the English market could yy^ahsorh, they could find ready relief by turning their energies/ into other channels. Let them furnish the old country with pig iron or potash or silk or ship-stores and they would find ready and eager purchasers. So reasoned the English, and as their views were backed by the mandates of Crown and Parlia- r ment, the colonists were forced to submit. If they could fit / themselves into the system prescribed for them, all would be I well and good; if they found this impossible, they would have I to suffer without hope of redress. And suffer Virginia did for a full quarter of a century. The tobacco of the Chesapeake bay colonies had long since reached the point where it required a world market. If confined to England alone, only a fraction of the output could be con- sumed and disaster was certain. It was well enough for the Government to restrict the importation of Spanish leaf and to prohibit the planting of tobacco in England, these regula- tions could do no more than give the colonists undisputed possession of the home market, and the home market was not enough. This point seems to have been ignored by those writers who have contended that the strict enforcement of the British colonial system in itself entailed no hardship upon the tobacco colonies. "It is obvious that any criticism of England's regulation of the colonial tobacco trade, which is based on a laissez-faire social philosophy," says George Lewis Beer, in The Old Co- lonial System, "is equally applicable to the arrangement by COLONIAL VIRGINIA 87 means of which the tobacco planter secured exlusive privileges in the home market."^ Yet it is certain that the tobacco grow- ers of England could never have competed with Maryland and Virginia had there been free trade. The prohibition of plant- ing in the old country was necessary only because of the tariff, varying from 200 per cent in 1660 to 600 per cent in 1705, upon the colonial product. And though the exclusion of Spanish tobacco was a more real benefit, for the Spaniard produced varieties unknown in Virginia, there is exaggera- tion here also. This is clearly shown by the fact that at the end of the Seventeenth century England was sending millions of pounds of her colonial tobacco to Spain itself.^ The leaf was brought from Virginia and Maryland, forced to pay a duty of about fifty per cent, and re-exported to the Spanish ports, where it found a ready sale. Had there been free ex- change of commodities, the English colonies would have sold to Spain more tobacco than the Spanish colonies to England. In truth the loss of the foreign market was a terrible dis- aster. In framing the Navigation Acts it was not the intention of the Government to stop entirely the flow of tobacco to the continent of Europe, but to divert it from the old channels and make it pass through England. It was therefore provided that in case the leaf was shipped out again to foreign ports, all the duties, except one half of the Old Subsidy, should be with- drawn.' The remaining half penny, however, amounted to forty or fifty per cent of the original cost of the goods, and proved at first an almost insuperable barrier to the European trade. Moreover, the shortage of ships which resulted from the exclusion of the Dutch merchants, the expense of putting in at the English ports, the long and troublesome procedure of reshipping, all tended to discourage the merchants and hamper re-exportation. We may take for granted also that the resentment of Hoi- / 88 THE PLANTERS OF land at the Navigation Acts, which struck a telling blow at her maritime prestige, played an important part in blocking foreign trade. The Dutch had been the chief European dis- tributors of the Virginia and Maryland tobacco, and if they refused to take it, now that it could be secured only in Eng- land, it would pile up uselessly in the London warehouses. They understood well enough that the half penny a pound duty was a tribute levied upon them by their most dangerous rival. It is not surprising that instead of bowing to the new restrictions, they sought to free their trade entirely from de- - pendence on British tobacco, by fostering the cultivation of the plant in their own country. / The colonists found an able defender in the merchant John Bland. In a Remonstrance addressed to the King this man set forth with remarkable clearness the evils which would re- sult from the Navigation Acts, and pleaded for their repeal. The Hollander was already beginning to plant tobacco, he said, and would soon be able to supply all his needs at home. "Will he, after accustomed to the tobacco of his own growth," he asked, "ever regard that which is in Virginia? Will he ever afterwards be induced to fetch it thence, when he finds his profit nigher at home ? Will he ever buy that of us, when by passing so many hands, and so much charge contracted thereon, is made so dear, that he can have it cheaper in his own territories? (Surely no.) Therefore it clearly appears, that being so, of necessity we must lose that Trade and Com- merce." "If the Hollanders must not trade to Virginia, how shall the Planters dispose of their Tobacco? The English will not buy it, for what the Hollander carried thence was a sort of tobacco not desired by any other people, nor used by us in England but merely to transport for Holland. Will it not then perish on the Planters hands? . . . Can it be believed that COLONIAL VIRGINIA 89 from England more ships will be sent than are able to bring thence what tobacco England will spent? If they do bring more, must they not lose thereby both stock and Block, prin- ciple and charges ? The tobacco will not vend in England, the Hollanders will not fetch it from England ; what must become thereof ? ... Is not this a destruction to the commerce ? For if men lose their Estates, certaihly trade cannot be encreased.'" The enforcement of the trade laws was indirectly the cause/ of still another misfortune to the colonies, for the two wars' with Holland which grew out of it reacted disastrously upon their trade. In fact, on each occasion the small stream of tobacco which had trickled over the dam of restrictions into foreign countries was for a time almost entirely cut off. Not only did the tobacco exports to Holland itself come to an end, but the Dutch war vessels played havoc with the trade between England and other countries and even between England and her colonies. The loss of their foreign exports was calamitous to the^ / planters., JHad the demand for tobacco been more elastic, the " "* consequences might not have been so fatal, fpr declining prices j^ would have stimulated consumption and made it possible for ^ "^ England to absorb most of the output. But the duty kept upi tlve^price. andjh€L^t:g§j^t was a ruinous glut injhe, Engjish market. Tobacco sufficient for a continent poured into the^ ^ngdom, where since the normal outlet was blocked by the' half penny a pound on re-exported leaf, it piled up uselessly. The effect upon prices was immediate. The planters were forced to take for their crops half of what they had formerly received and had reason for rejoicing if they could dispose of it at all. In 1662 Governor Berkeley and other leading citi- zens stated that the price of tobacco had fallen so low that it would not Vbear the charge of freight and customs, answer the adventure, give encouragement to the traders and sub- 90 THE PLANTERS OF / sistence to the inhabitants. "M In 1666 Secretary Thomas Ludwell told Lord ArHngton that tobacco was "worth noth- ing."" Later in the same year the planters complained that the price was so low that they were not able to live by it.^^ "For the merchants, knowing both our necessities and the un- consumable quantities of tobacco we had by us," they said, "gave us not the twentieth part of what they sold it for in England."^^ Tobacco had so glutted the markets, it was de- clared, and brought the planter so small a return, that he could "live but poorly upon it." In fact, the merchants in 1666 had left the greater part of the two preceding crops upon their hands." fTwelve hundred pounds of tobacco is the medium of men's*^ crops," wrote Secretary Ludwell to Lord John Berkeley in 1667, "and half a penny per pound is certainly the full medium of the price given for it, which is fifty shillings out of which when the taxes . . . shall be deducted, is very little to a poor manjvsdio hath perhaps a wife and children to cloath and other necessities to buy. Truly so much too little that I can at- tribute it to nothing but the great mercy of God . . . that keeps them from mutiny and confusion.''^ The following year he wrote in similar vein. The market was glutted; a third of the planters' tobacco was left on their hands; the rest ' sold for nothing.^' s»J L The Governor and Council declared that the merchant "al- lows not much above a farthing a pound for that which the planter brings to his door. And if there shall be any amongst us who shall be able to ship his tobacco on his own account, it will be at such a rate as the tobacco will never repay him, since they are inforced to pay from £12 to £17 per ton freight, which usually was but at seven pounds."*" "A large part of the people are so desperately poor," wrote Berkeley in 1673, "that they may reasonably be expected upon any small ad- COLONIAL VIRGINIA 91 vantage of the enemy to revolt to them in hopes of bettering their condition by sharing the plunder of the colony with them."" That matters had not changed in 1681 is attested by the statement of the Council that the impossibility of dis- posing of their tobacco without a heavy loss overwhelmed both Virginia and Maryland, and brought upon them a "vast poverty and infinite necessity."" "The low price of tobacco staggers the imagination," Lord Culpeper wrote to Secretary Coventry, "and the continuance of it will be the speedy and 1 fatal ruin of this noble Colony."^® J These distressing conditions bore with telling weight upori^ the (SmaLl, planters. The margin of profit which formerly had^ made it possible for the freedman to advance rapidly was nowl^ wiped out entirely and the Ropr man found it impossible to keep out of debt.. In 1668 Secretary Ludwell declared that no one could longer hope to better himself by planting to- bacco.^" Eight years later Nathaniel Bacon, in justifying his rebellion declared that the small farmers were deeply in debt and that it was "not in the power of labor or industry" to extricate them.^^ "The poverty of Virginia is such," said a certain John Good in 1676, "that the major part of the in- habitants can scarce supply their wants from hand to mouth, and many there are besides can hardly shift without supply one year."^^ In 1673 the Governor and Council reported that of the planters, "at least one third are single persons (whose labor will hardly maintain them) or men much in debt," who might reasonably be expected to revolt to the Dutch upon any small advantage gained by them.^* In 1680 they again re- ported that "the indigency of the Inhabitants is such that they are in noe manner capacitated to support themselves."^* Three years later they wrote that "the people of Virginia are generally, some few excepted, extremely poor, not being able to provide against the pressing necessities of their families."^^ ^r^'^!S^ t h^ \^ 1/.- ^t"^ ^ w I 92 THE PLANTERS OF Despite this repeated and explicit testimony of thej^rgigery yi and poverty of the colony during this period, which resulted from the stagnation of the tobacco market after the passage of the Navigation Acts, the surprising statement is made by Mr. George Lewis Beer, in The Old Colonial System, that England's trade restrictions had nothing to do with Bacon's Rebellion. "It has been at various times contended," he says, "that the uprising was, in part at least, one against the laws of trade and navigation. If there had existed in Virginia any widespread and well defined feeling of antagonism to these laws, it would unquestionably have found expression in the county grievances. Most of these reports were drawn up in a number of articles, and in all there were nearly two hundred of such separate subdivisions, yet only three of this number refer- in any way to these statutes. There is no valid reason ^for assuming that the commercial system played any part whatsoever, or was in any degree, an issue, in the upheaval of •qJ^ jfiDy this statement it is meant that Bacon and his men did ^ not rebel in order to force the repeal of the Navigation Acts, V or even that they did not have the acts in mind at the time, r there are many students of Virginia history who will agree with it. But if Mr. Beer means that these laws, with their baleful effect upon the prosperity of Virginia, did not produce the conditions fundamental to the rising, he is certainly wrong. * The evidence is overwhelming. ' Surely no one will deny that misery, poverty and nakedness ^^-' are breeders of sedition. Had it not been for the Navigation /> \ iL//^' there would not have been so many desperate persons in |{AV*^ Virginia ready at any excuse to fly in the face of the Govern- ment. Bacon's men were just the type of miserably poor free- men that Berkeley several years before had feared would rebel. He himself, in his proclamation of Feb. 10, 1677, spoke of COLONIAL VIRGINIA 93 them as "men of mean and desperate fortunes.'"'' William Sherwood called the rebels rude and indigent persons, allud- ing to them as "tag, rag and bobtayle.'"'* Over and over again they are described as the multitude, the rabble, the skum. Exception must be taken also to the statement that had there existed in Virginia any well-defined feeling of antagon- ism to the Navigation Acts it would have found expression in the county grievances. It should be remembered that these reports had been called for by the commissioners sent over by Charles II to investigate the troubles. The men who drew them up occupied the position of . defeated rebels, and the grievances were primarily a list of excuses for their treason. They all stood trembling for their property, if they had any, and for their miserable lives. The memory of the fate of Drummond and Bland and Arnold and many others of their fellow rebels was fresh in their minds. It is not reasonable to y suppose that they would tell the King that they had risen in^/ arms against his authority in order to secure the overthrow of laws which his Majesty considered of such vital importance, laws which concerned intimately the royal revenue. Such a declaration would not have seconded successfully their plea for mercy. This is made amply clear by the reception accorded one of the few complaints which did actually touch the Navi- gation Acts. The commissioners report it to the King as "an extravagant request for liberty to transport their tobacco to any of his Majesty's plantations without paying the imposts, payable by act of Parliament, etc. This head is wholly muti- nous — to desire a thing contrary to his Majesty's royal pleas- ure and benefit and also against an act of Parliament.'"'" Despite the obviously ruinous effects of the Navigation Acts upon Virginia, Mr. Beer makes the assertion that there was no very serious and general opposition to them in Virginia. "Apart from the criticisms of Bland and Berkeley," he says. 94 THE PLANTERS OF / wwy ^ "there was virtually no complaint against the system of trade enjoined by the Navigation Acts. While the Barbados As- sembly and that colony's governors were vociferous in their protests, the Virginia legislature remained strangely mute."°° This silence on the part of the Virginia Assembly can by no "means be interpreted as an indication that the people of the colony felt the Navigation Acts to be equitable and not in- jurious to their interests. It meant only that no Assembly /under Sir William Berkeley would dare protest against an act 7which had received the royal sanction. That would have seemed the veriest treason to the fiery old loyalist. And the Assembly was entirely under Sir William's control. The mem- bers of both Houses were his creatures and his henchmen. Over and over again it is testified that the Assembly did noth- ing more than register his will.^^ If then it did not pro- test, it was because Sir William did not wish it to protest. But this does not prove that the planters were not angered and alarmed at the stringent acts. That they considered them baleful is amply proved by their continuous complaints of the economic ruin which had overtaken the colony. The method they chose of combatting the trade laws, a method apt to be far more effective than the angry protests of the Barbados Assembly, was to send the Gk)vernor to England to use his influence at Court to have the acts modified or repealed. And Berkeley did what he could. While in England he wrote a paper called A Discourse and View of Virginia, which he hoped would induce the G overn ment to change its policy in jL^ard to the colonies. \Wee cannot but resent," h^^^A, f^at 40,000 people should be impoverished to enrich little more than 40 merchants, who being the whole buyers of our tobacco, give us what they please for it. ..Aji d aft e r -rrt5~here spII-s" thpy please, and indeed have 40,000 servants in us at cheaper rates, than other men have slaves, for they find them COLONIAL VIRGINIA 95 I meat and drink and clothesJ We furnish ourselves and their I I seamen with meat and drmK, and all our sweat and labor as / I they order us, will hardly procure us coarse clothes to keep us / , \ from the extremities of heat and cold."^^ That Sir William I / I was but the mouthpiece of the colony in this protest there can I be no doubt. | " But his pleadings were in vain. England would not change the laws which were the expression of her settled colonial policy. The planters must adjust themselves to changed con- ditions no matter how bitter was the experience. Sir Wil- liam was told to go home to report to the Virginians that they need not kick against the pricks, but that England would be most pleased could they turn from the all-absorbing culture of tobacco to the production of the raw materials she so greatly desired. And Berkeley did return determined to exert every effort to lead the colonists into new prosperity by inducing J them to devote a part of their energies to basic commodities. In fact he promised that in seven years he would flood the British market with new Virginia goods.^^ Although he set to work with his accustomed vigor to make good this boast, he met with but scant success. Lack of effi- cient and skilled labor, high wages, and not very favorable natural conditions, made it impossible for him to compete with the long-established industries of Europe. After a few years all attempts to make silk and potash and naval stores were abandoned, and the planters continued to put their trust in tobacco. J t^That Berkeley was never persuaded that the Navigation | Acts were just or beneficial is shown by his answer to the query of the Lords of Trade in 1671, when they asked him / / 'what impediments there were to the colony's trade. "Mighty / V and destructive," he replied, "^ that severe act of Parliament ^hich excludes us from having any commerce with any na- / 96 THE PLANTERS OF tion in Europe but our own, j so that we cannot add to our plantation any commodity thdx grows out of it . . . for it is not lawful for us to carry a pipe-staff or a bushel of corn to any place in Europe out of the King's dominions. If this were for his Majesty's service or the good of his subjects we should not repine, whatever our sufferings are for it. But on my soul it is the contrary of both."'° Nor is this the only direct testimony that the colonists were "■^filled with bitterness against the Navigation Acts. In 1673, during the war with Holland, Sir John Knight declared that "the planters there do generally desire a trade with the Dutch and all other nations, and speak openly there that they are in the nature of slaves, so that the hearts of the greatest part of them are taken away from his Majesty and consequently his Majesty's best, greatest and richest plantation is in danger, with the planters' consent, to fall into the enemy's hands, if not timely prevented."^" This is corroborated by the Council itself, in an official letter to the King. "For in this very con- juncture had the people had a distasteful Governor," they wrote, "they would have hazarded the loss of this Country, and the rather because they doe believe their Condicon would not be soe bad under the Dutch in Point of JTraffique as it is under the Merchants who now use them hardly, even to extremity."'^ It is evident, then, that throughout the entire reign ni Charles lT"the~unhappy~effeSsr^ The trade restrictions of Virginia , vyhichf ormerlyliad" bee n the land of opportunity for the-poQr-nian,_j._,Blace of suffering, poverty and discgnient— yThe indentured servant whcTcame over'after"T55ofound con- ditions in the colony hardly more favorable for his advance- ment than in England. The price of tobacco was now so low that it was not possible for a man, by his unassisted efforts, to make a profit by its cultivation. If Thomas Ludewell is cor- rect in estimating the return from the average crop at fifty COLONIAL VIRGINIA 97 shillings, the lot of the poor man must have been hard indeed. Hungry he need not be, for food continued to be abundant and easy to obtain, but of all that the merchants gave him in re- turn for his tobacco — clothing, farm implements, household furnishings — he had to content himself with the scantiest sup- ply. And only too often his pressing needs brought him into hopeless debt. As for imitating his predecessors of the earlier period in saving money, purchasing land and servants and ' becoming a substantial citizen, the task was well nigh impos- sible of accomplishment. It would be expected, then, that even the most exhaustive investigation could reveal but a few indentured servants, com- / ing over after 1 660, who succeeded in establishing themselves "^ in the Virginia yeomanry. And such, indeed, is the case. Fortunately we have at hand for the period in question the means of determining this matter with an exactness impos- sible for the first half of the century. Nicholson's rent roll of 1704 supplies a complete list, with the exception of those in the Northern Neck, of every landowner in Virginia. At the same time we have in the Land Office at Richmond, the names of many thousands of persons listed as headrights, constituting almost all the immigrants who came in during the years from 1666 to the end of the century. Thus by comparing the two lists and trying to identify on the rent roll the names found in the patents, it is possible to fix the proportion of servants who won for themselves at this time places among the landowning class. Selecting the year 1672 as typical of the Restoration period, we find that an examination of 672 of the names which are listed as headrights, eleven only can be identified with any de- gree of certainty upon the rent roll. Of 11 16 names examined in the years from 1671 to 1674 inclusive, only 26 are positively those of persons listed as landowners in 1704. After making / 98 THE PLANTERS OF due allowance for the fact that uncertainty exists in a number of other cases, and that some who prospered must have died s/ in the intervening years, it is safe to say that not more than five or six per cent of the indentured servants of this period succeeded in establishing themselves as independent planters. These conclusions are borne out by the slowness with which the population increased during the years following the pas- sage of the Navigation Acts. In the Commonwealth period the colony had advanced by leaps and bounds, and the inhabi- tants, estimated at 15,000 in 1649,^* were placed by Berkeley thirteen years later at 40,000.'' Under the system which ex- isted during these years, when the colonists enjoyed a compar- atively free trade, the population had tripled. But after„i66pj / while the Virginia tobacco was dumped upon the restricted English marlcetahd'prices f ell tower-and lower, -no-such~rapid growth is noted. In i6yt, nine"^ears-^fterJxis„first^ estimate. Governor Berkeley still placed the population at 410^0 .*° And even if we accept the statement of the Virginia agents sent to England to secure a charter for the colony that in 1675 the number of inhabitants was 50,000, it is evident that some pernicious influence was at work to retard the development of England's most important American province." A drop in the rate of increase from 200 per cent during the thirteen years prior to 1662, to 25 per cent in the thirteen years fol- lowing, is a clear index to the startling change brought about in the colony by the British trade regulations. These figures are the more significant in that there was no appreciable slackening of the stream of servants. It is prob- able that in the period from 1662 to 1675, which marked this estimated increase of 10,000 persons, fully 20,000 immigrants had come to the colony.*^ The patent rolls for 1674 alone give the names of 1931 headrights, and this year is by no means exceptional. No wonder Edward Randolph was sur- V COLONIAL VIRGINIA 99 prised at the smallness of the population and wrote to the Board of Trade that it should be investigated why Virginia had not grown more, "considering what vast numbers of ser- vants and others had been transported thither."*' But Randolph failed to realize that it is not the volume of immigration but the number of people a country will support which in the end determines the size of the population. It was not enough to pour into the colony tens of thousands of poor settlers; opportunity had also to be afforded them for earn- ing an adequate living. And this opportunity, because of the enforcement of the Navigation Acts and the consequent ruin of trade, they did not have in Virginia. Throughout the Restoration period not more than forty or fifty thousand people could exist upon the returns from the tobacco crop, and beyond that the population could hardly rise. If more poured in, they must of necessity live in misery and rags, or migrate to other colonies where more favorable conditions existed. We are not at present concerned with what become of this, surplus population, but only with the fact that the Navigation Acts brought to a dead halt the process of moulding f reedmen an d other poor settlers into a pro sperous yeomanry. By the year 1660 this class seems to have reached its highest develop- ment, and had a rent roll of land owners been drawn up at that date it would doubtless have shown almost as many names as that of 1704. In fact it is fortunate that in the bitter years from 1660 to 1685 it did not succumb entirely. With the price of tobacco so low that no profit was to be derived from it, with his family in rags, the small planter might well have sold his land to his more wealthy neighbor and joined the newly freed servants in moving on to western Carolina or to the northern colonies. In fact it is an indication of the solid character of the Vir- loo THE PLANTERS OF ginia yeomanry that it survived to enter the Eighteenth cen- tury,' that under Andros and Nicholson as well as under Sir William Berkeley it was the soundest element in the life of tlie colony. Had it not been for the crowriitig misfortune of the.introduGtion^,.of great „swarms of negro slaves, sooner or later it would have come once more into its own, would have carved out for itself a new prosperity, "would have filled Vir- ginia from the Atlantic to the Alleghanies. ■0?^ \ . ^ ■ A^' ^i' ^ . ^ \ ... \:<^ N ;,^^ y u'-^^ CHAPTER VI The Yeoman in Virginia History Perhaps it would have been impossible for the Virginia yeo- N^ man to survive the dark days of the Restoration period had it ) not been for the fact that in the matter of his food supply he was independent of England and her vexatious trade restrip- "^ tions. He might be in rags, but there was no reason why he should ever feel the pangs of hunger. Seldom in any climate, in any age has food existed in such extraordinary variety and in such lavish abundance. Almost every planter, even the poorest, was possessed oi^^ cattle. The Perfect Discription states that in 1649 there were in the colony "of Kine, Oxen, Bulls, Calves, twenty thousand, large and good."^ Fifteen years later the number had in- creased to 100,000.^ Many a little farmer, too poor to afford the help of a servant or a slave, had cattle more than sufficient for his every need. John Splitimber, a planter of meagre means, died in 1677 owning eight cows and one bull.' John Gray, whose entire personal estate was valued only at 9,340 pounds of tobacco, possessed at his death six cows, six calves, two steers and one heifer.* The inventory of the goods of Richard Avery, another poor planter, shows three steers, one heifer, three small cattle and one calf.' The yeoman not only secured from these animals a goodly supply of beef, but milk in abundance from which he made butter and cheese. The steers he used as beasts of burden. The meat which most frequently appeared upon the table of y the poor man was that of swine. The planter marked his hogs and turned them loose in the woods to feed upon roots lOI I02 THE PLANTERS OF and acorns. On the other hand, sheep did not multiply in the colony, for the woods were not suited for their maintenance, and those areas which had been cleared of trees could more profitably be utilized for agriculture than for pasture lands. ■ Mutton was a rare delicacy even with the well-to-do.® ^ Poultry were exceedingly numerous. At the time of the Company it was stated that the planter who failed to breed one hundred a year was considered a poor manager. The Per- fect Discription says that the poultry — "Hens, Turkies, Ducks, Geece" — were without number.^ Moreover, the wild fowls of the inland waterways were so numerous that even the least skilful of huntsmen could readily bring down enough for the needs of his family, and the mallard, the goose, the canvas- back appeared regularly in season upon every table.* y"" The planter always devoted a part of his land to the pro- duction of the grain which was needed for his personal require- ments. "They yearly plow and sow many hundred acres of Wheat," it was said, "as good and faire as any in the world.'" At the same time maize grew so readily and its cultivation proved so cheap, that cornbread formed a part of the diet not only of the planters themselves, but of their servants and slaves. From his garden, an inevitable accompaniment of every plantation, the farmer secured a large variety of vegetables — potatoes, asparagus, carrots, turnips, onions, parsnips, besides such fruits as strawberries, gooseberries, raspberries ; from his orchard he had apples, pears, quinces, apricots, peaches.^" Honey was abundant, and there were few householders who did not have hives under the eaves of their outbuildings. One planter, a Mr. George Pelton, is said to have made a profit of £30 from his beesl^^ There were also many wild swarms in the woods, which yielded a delicious return to the colonial bee-hunters.^^ COLONIAL VIRGINIA 103 It is easy to understand, then, why there were no complaints of hunger even in the days when poverty was almost uni- versal. The Virginia yeoman spread always an abundant /' table. "He that is lazy and will not work," said the author of New Albion, "needs not fear starving, but may live as an Indian, sometimes Oysters, Cockles, Wilkes, Clams, Scollons two moneths together; sometimes wilde Pease and Vetches, and Long Oates, sometimes Tuckaho, Cuttenoman ground, Nuts, Marhonions, sometimes small nuts, Filbirds, Wallnuts, Pokeberries, ten sorts of Berries, Egs of Foul, small Fish in Coves at low water will teach him to live idly." "It must needs follow then that diet cannot be scarce, since both rivers and woods afford it, and that such plenty of Cattle and Hogs are every where, which yield beef, veal, milk, butter, cheese and other made dishes, porke, bacon and pigs, and that as sweet and savoury meat as the world affords, these with the help of Orchards and Gardens, Oysters, Fish, Fowle and Venison, certainly cannot but be sufficient for a good diet and wholsom accommodation, considering how plentifully they are, and how easie with industry to be had."^^ But the little planter, with the advent of the Navigation , / Acts, often suffered keenly from a lack of adequate clothing.^yr Again and again the letters of the period state that the poor man was reduced to rags, that he could not protect his family from the winter's cold. There was some manufacture of cloth in the home, but the planter usually trusted to the foreign trader to bring him every article of clothing. He had neither the implements nor the skill to supply his own needs. During the Restoration period, and again at the time of the war of the Spanish Succession, when the price of tobacco fell so very low, many families succeeded in producing enough homespun to supply their most pressing needs.^* But with the return of better conditions they laid aside the loom and the wheel, and resumed their purchase of English cloth. I04 THE PLANTERS OF In normal times the poor planter was comfortably clad. Edward Williams, in Virginia Richly Valued, advised every new immigrant to bring a monmouth cap, a waistcoat, a suit of canvas, with bands, shirts, stockings and shoes/° The author of New Albion thought that each adventurer should provide himself with canvas or linen clothes, with shoes and a hat." V The houses of the small planters were small but comfortable. "Pleasant in their building," says John Hammond, "which al- though for most part they are but one story besides the loft, and built of wood, yet contrived so delightfully that your ordinary houses in England are not so handsome, for usually the rooms are large, daubed and whitelimed, glazed and flow- ered, and if not glazed windows, shutters which are made very pritty and convenient."^^ The New Description of Virginia, published in 1649, says: "They have Lime in abundance for their houses, store of bricks made, and House and Chimnies built of Brick, and some of Wood high and fair, covered with Shingell for Tyle."^^ In the days of the Company most of the houses seem to have been made of logs, and Butler, in his Virginia Unmasked, declared that they were the "worst in the world," and that the most wretched cottages in England were superior to them.^° But the period of which Butler wrote was exceptional, and before long the growing prosperity of the colony made pos- sible a great improvement in the dwellings of the people. The rough log cabin gave way to the little framed cottage with chimneys at each end. A residence erected in one of the parishes of the Eastern Shore in 1635 to serve as a parsonage may be accepted as typical of the better class of houses in Virginia at this time. It was made of wood, was forty feet wide, eighteen deep and had a chimney at each end. On either side was an additional COLONIAL VIRGINIA 105 apartment, one used as a study, the other as a buttery.^" For the poor man this was far too pretentious, and he had to con- tent himself with a home perhaps thirty by twenty feet, con- taining at times two or three apartments, at times only one. But such as it was it gave him ample protection against the heat of summer and the cold of winter. Fuel he never lacked. )<^ When the frosts of December and January came upon him, he had only to repair to the nearest forest, axe in hand, to supply himself with wood in abundance. In this way, not only would he keep a roaring blaze in his open fireplace, but would widen the space available for the next summer's tobacco crop. The surroundings of the planter's residence were severely plain. In the yard, which usually was uninclosed, towered a y\ cluster of trees, a survival of the primeval forest. Nearby was the garden, with its flowers and vegetables, the dove-cote, the barn, the hen house, perhaps a milk house or even a de- tached kitchen. In some cases wells were sunk, but the use of natural springs was more common.^^ Of the plantation itself, only a fraction was under cultiva- ,yf tion at one time. Tobacco was exceedinglY ^ca&hausting to the / ■■ :^y soil, but the cheapness of land led the planters to neglect the \l ^ most ordinary precautions to preserve' its fertility. They sowed year after year upon the same spot, untiHhe diminish- ing yield warned them of approaching sterility, and then would desert it to clear a new field. This system made it necessary for them to provide for the future by securing farms far larger in extent than was dictated by their immediate require- ments. They had to look forward to the day when their land would become useless, and if they were provident, would pur- chase ten times more than they could cultivate at any one time. Thomas Whitlock, in his will dated 1659, says: "I give to ray son Thomas Whitlock the land I live on, 600 acres, when he is of the age 21, and during his minority to my wife. The io6 THE PLANTERS OF land not to be further made use of or by planting or seating than the first deep branch that is commonly rid over, that my son may have some fresh land when he attains to age."^^ One may gain an idea of the condition of the very poorest class of freemen by an examination of the inventory of the estate of Walter Dorch, drawn up in 1684. This man pos- sessed two pairs of woollen cards, and one spinning wheel, valued at 100 pounds of tobacco, one chest at eighty pounds, four old trays at twenty pounds, two runletts at forty pounds, one pail and one skillet at sixty pounds, one bowl at two pounds, one feather bed, two pillows and three old blankets at 120 pounds of tobacco, three glass bottles at twenty pounds, one couch frame at forty pounds, one pair of pot-hooks at forty, 800 tenpenny nails at forty-five, and one old table and one sifter at twenty pounds. In all the estate was valued at 587 pounds of tobacco.^^ John Gray, who died in 1685, left personal property worth 9,340 pounds of tobacco, consisting in part of six cows and six calves, four yearlings, two steers, one heifer, one barrel of corn, one bull, ten hogs and one horse. He had no servants and no slaves.^* In better circumstances was Richard Avery, who seems to have been a tanner by profession. The inven- tory of his estate, recorded in 1686, includes one horse with bridle and saddle, a cart and a yoke of steers, eight head of cattle, 25 hogs, 1 18 hides, various kinds of tools, lumber to the value of 400 pounds of tobacco, four pieces of earthenware, four beds with mattresses and covers, poultry to the value of 180 pounds of tobacco, some wheat in the ground and a batch of wearing linen. The entire personal estate was valued at 14,050 pounds of tobacco. It included no servants or slaves.^^ John Splitimber, who is entered as a headright to Thomas Harwood in 1635, i^ typical of the planter who rose from small beginnings to a state of comparative prosperity. This man, at COLONIAL VIRGINIA 107 his death in 1677, possessed eight cows, one bull, four year- lings, four mares, 35 hogs, two horses, two bolsters, a pillow, two blankets, a mattress, two bedsteads, two guns, fifty-six pounds of pewter, two rugs, a table, three chests, one old couch, two iron pots, two kettles, two stilyards, shovel and tongs, two smothering irons, two axes, a few carpenter's tools, a saddle and bridle, four casks, clothing to the value of 1,100 pounds of tobacco, a frying pan, a butter pat, a jar, a looking glass, two milk pans, one table cloth, nine spoons, a churn, a bible. The appraisers placed the total value at 18,277 pounds of to- bacco. ^° The inventory records no servants or slaves, but it is probable that Splitimber at times made use of indentured labor, as in November 1648 and again in 1652, we find him taking up land due for the transportation of certain persons to the colony. ^^ Of similar estate was Christopher Pearson, of York county. His personal property included bedding valued at £7, linen at 18 shillings, pewter at fi.i8.o, brass at six shillings, wooden ware at £4.13.6 comprising three chairs and one table, a couch, four old chests, a cask, two ten gallon rundletts, a cheese press, a box of drawers, an old table, three pails, a spinning wheel with cards, two sifting trays, a corn barrel, three bedsteads, four sives, a funnel; iron ware valued at £2.12.0, including three pots, two pot-rocks, a pestal, a frying pan, a looking glass; three cows appraised at £6.5.0, a yearling at ten shill- ings, a colt at two pounds sterling. The entire estate was valued at £25.19.6.^* It must not be imagined, however, that Virginia, even in the early years of its settlement, contained no men of wealth or rank. Industry and intelligence bore their inevitable fruit in the little colony, with the result that here and there certain planters acquired an enviable pre-eminence among their fel- lows. The New Description mentions several such cases. / 1 08 THE PLANTERS OF Captain Matthews "hath a fine house," it says, "and all things answerable to it; he sowes yeerly store of Hempe and Flax, and causes it to be spun ; he keeps Weavers, and hath a Tan- house, causes Leather to be dressed, hath eight Shoemakers employed in their trade, hath forty Negro servants, brings them up to Trades in his house. He yeerly sowes abundance of Wheat, Barley, &c. The Wheat he selleth at four shillings the bushell; kills store of Beeves, and sells them to victuall the Ships when they come thither : hath abundance of Kine, a brave Dairy, Swine great store, and Poltery; he married a Daughter of Sir Thomas Hinton, and in a word, keeps a good house, lives bravely, and a true lover of Virginia ; he is worthy of much honor."^' This description is interesting because it shows not only the extent of the holdings of certain planters at this early /date, but that their prosperity had the same foundation as that of the more numerous class of wealthy men of the Eighteenth '6entury. In both cases slavery and plantation manufacture would seem to have been the open sesame to success. It is notable that of the very limited number of men in Virginia prior to 1700 who stand out above their fellows in the readi- ness with which they acquired property, almost all gathered around them a goodly number of negroes. Among the prominent planters of the first half of the Sev- enteenth century was George Menefie, famous for his orchard which abounded in apple, pear and cherry trees, and for his garden which yielded all kinds of fruits, vegetables, and flow- ers; Richard Bennett, a man of large property who had in one year "out of his Orchard as many Apples as he made 20 Butts of Excellent Cider" ; Richard Kinsman, who for three or four years in succession secured "forty or fifty Butts of Perry made out of his Orchard, pure and good."^" In the second half of the century the class of the well-to-do, COLONIAL VIRGINIA 109 although somewhat more numerous, was still restricted to a , small group of prominent families, many of them connected V by marriage. Among the best known men are Nathaniel Bacon, Sr., Thomas Ballard, Robert Beverely, Giles Brent, Joseph Bridger, William Byrd I, John Carter, John Custis I, Dudley Digges, William Fitzhugh, Lewis Burwell, Philip Lud- well I, William Moseley, Daniel Parke, Ralph Wormeley, Benjamin Harrison, Edward Hill, Efdmund Jennings and Matthew Page. But so few were their numbers that the Gov- ernors more than once complained that they could not find men for the Council of State qualified for that post by their wealth and influence. ,The depository, of power for the Virginia yeomanry was " the. House of Burgesses. Thi§. impprtant body was eleQted. by' the votes of the freeholders, and faithfully represented their/ interests. _ Pere they would bring their grievances, here ex- press their wishes, here defend themselves against injustice, here demand the enactment of legislation favorable to their class. The hope of the people lay always in the Burgesses, Bacon the rebel tells us, "as their Trusts, and Sanctuary to fly to."^^ And though the commons usually elected to this body the leading men of each county, men of education and wealth if such were to be found, they held them to a strict accountability for their every action.^^ Many of the best known members of the Council of State served their appren- ticeship in the Burgesses. But whatever the social status of the Burgess, he felt always that he was the representative of the poor planter, the defender of his interests, and seldom in- deed did he betray his trust.'^ This no doubt was with him in part a matter of honor, but it also was the result of a con- sciousness that unless he obeyed the behests of his constituency he would be defeated if he came up for re-election. The House of Burgesses, even in the days when the colony no THE PLANTERS OF was but an infant settlement stretching along the banks of ^the James, did not hesitate to oppose the wishes of the King / -^ himself. In 1627 Charles I sent instructions for an election of Burgesses that he might gain the assent of the planters through their representatives to an offer which he made to buy their tobacco.'* Although the Assembly must have real- ized that its very existence might depend upon its compliance with the King's wishes, it refused to accept his proposal.'^ In 1634 Charles again made an offer for the tobacco, but again he encountered stubborn opposition. The Secretary of the colony forwarded a report in which he frankly told the British Government that in his opinion the matter would never go through if it depended upon the yielding of the Assembly.'" In 1635 the people again showed their independent spirit by ejecting Sir John Harvey from the Government and sending him back to England. It is true that the Council members took the lead in this bold step, but they would hardly have gone to such lengths had they not been supported by the mass of small planters.'^ In fact, one of the chief grievances against the Governor was his refusal to send to the King a petition of the Burgesses, which he considered offensive because they had made it "a popular business, by subscribing a multitude of hands thereto." And some days before the actual expulsion Dr. John Pott, Harvey's chief enemy, was going from plan- tation to plantation, inciting the people to resistance and se- curing their signatures to a paper demanding a redress of grievances.'* The attitude of the small planters during the English x , ivil_ P 1/4*^ ^^^ ^^'^. Commonwealth period is, equally instructive. Cer- j ^ tain writers have maintained that the people of Virginia were ^u ^,/ a unit for the King, that upon the execution of Charles I his son was proclaimed with the unanimous consent of the plant- ers, that the colony became a refuge for English cavaliers. COLONIAL VIRGINIA iii that it surrendered to Parliament only when conquered by an armed expedition and that it restored Charles II as King of Virginia even before he had regained his power in England. All of this is jithgj, misleading, or entirely ^Ije. It is true that the Assembly proclaimed Charles II King in 1649 ^"'^ passed laws making it high treason for any person to uphold the legality of the dethronement and execution of his father/® Bttf tliis wp.s , largely the work of Sir William Berkele y and • the small group of well-to-do men who were dependent upon y him for their welTaf ef' "The very fact that if "was felt neces- sary to threaten with dire punishment all who spread abroad reports "tending to a change of government," shows that there existed a fear that such a change might be effected.*" How many of the small planters were at heart friendly to Parlia- ment it is impossible to say, but the number was large enough to cause Sir William Berkeley such serious misgivings as to his own personal safety that he obtained from the Assembly a guard of ten men to protect him from assassination.** Nor can it be said that Virginia was forced into an. unwill- ^ ing^ submission to Parliament. It is true that an expedition was sent to conquer the colony, which entered the capes, sailed up to the forts at Jamestown and there received the formal surrender of the colony.*^ But this surrender was forced upon the Governor as much by the wishes of the people as by the guns of the British fleet. In fact, ^\f pvpprHtmn TiaH Wn s pnf at t he req uest of^certain-repr-esent a ti ve s o j— t h e P a rli a- roentary f actiojL in Virginia,_wha raade-iLxkaiLJothe Com- jnonwealtii leadersJhaLthe^colony was by no means^mSiifflbus ^or the King, and that it was held to its allegiance only by the authority and firm will of the Governor.*^ That the British Council of State expected to receive active assistance from their friends in Virginia is evident, for they gave directions for raising troops there and for appointing officers.** And 112 THE PLANTERS OF there can be no doubt that the imposing military force which had been gathered to defend Jamestown was not called into action chiefly because Berkeley became convinced that it could not be relied upon to fight against the Commonwealth soldiers. The new regime which was introduced with the articles of surrender made of Virginia virtually- a-Jittle jepuhlic. In England the long cherished hope of the patriots for self-gov- ernment was disappointed by the usurpation of Oliver Crom- well. But the commons of Virginia reaped the reward which was denied their brothers of the old country. For a period of / eigfat-yeafs-all-pQBr gr reside dJn-th&-House"D"f^-ttr^fesses. This body, so truly representative of the small planter class, elected the Governor and specified his duties. If his administration proved unsatisfactory they could remove him from office. The Burgesses also chose the members of the Council. Even the appointing of officials was largely theirs, although this func- tion they usually felt it wise to delegate to the Governor.*^ i In fact, Virginia was governed during this period, the hap- piest and most prosperous of its early history, by the small proprietor class which constituted the bulk of the population. Nor is it true that the people voluntarily surrendered this power by acknowledging the authority of Charles II be- fore the actual restoration in England. After the death of Cromwell, when the affairs of the mother country were in chaos and no man knew which faction would secure possession of the government, the Virginia Assembly asked Sir William Berkeley to act again as their chief executive. But it was specifically stipulated that he was to hold his authority, not from Charles, but from themselves alone.*" In this step the people were doubtless actuated by an apprehension that the monarchy might be restored, in which case it would be much to their advantage to have as the chief executive of the colony the former royal Governor; but they expressly ^ r ^Tv^fi*-*-- r ■■'1 6 ,'S, C^O^--^-^^^ t^Cnl^'V^ :K -< t^ i t;:^ C/iAPTEK VII World Trade I N 1682,. the depression which for nearly a quarter of a century had gripped tne~ tobacco trade, sbfnewBat abruptly came to an end. "Our only commodity, tobacco, having "the Tasl^wmfeTa pretty quick market, hath encouraged ye plant- ers," wrote Secretary Spencer to the Board of Trade in May, 1683.^ Apparently the tide had turned. From this time until the beginning of the War of the Spanish Succession more than two decades later we hear little complaint from Virginia, while there are excellent reasons to suppose that the colony was experiencing a period of growth and prosperity. In truth the tobacco trade, upon which the planters staked their all, now expanded with startling rapidity, and each year the merchants were forced to add more bottoms to the fleet which sailed for England from the Chesapeake. During the early years of' the Restoration period tobacco exports from Virginia and Maryland had made but little advance. In 1663 they amounted to 7,367,140 pounds, six years later they were 9,026,046 pounds.^ In 1698, however, the output of Virginia and Maryland was estimated by the merchant John Linton to be from 70,000 to 80,000 hogsheads.* Since the hogshead usually contained from 500 to 600 pounds, these figures mean that the planters were then raising from 35,000,000 to 48,000,- 000 pounds of tobacco. And this conclusion is supported by the fact that the crop of 1699 is valued at £198,115, which at a penny a pound would indicate about 47,000,000 pounds." In fact, the production of tobacco in the ten years from 1689 115 «/ ii6 THE PLANTERS OF to 1699 seems to have tripled, in the years from 1669 to 1699 to have quadrupled. In 1669 the planters considered them- selves fortunate if their industry yielded them a return of £30,000; at the end of the century they could count with a fair degree of certainty upon six times that amount. For Virginia this startling development was all-important. During the darkest days of the Restoration period her share of the total returns from the tobacco crop could hardly have exceeded £10,000; in 1699 it was estimated at £100,000. Even if we accept the conservative statement that the aver- age number of hogsheads exported from Virginia in the last decade of the century varied from 35,000 to 40,000,° the planters still would have received £75,000 or £80,000. From dire poverty and distress the colony, almost in the twinkling • oi^an eye, found itself in comparative ease and plenty. Nor is the reason difficult to discover. It had never been the intention of the British Government to destroy the foreign trade of the colonies, the Navigation Acts having been de- signed only to force that trade through English channels. The planters were still at liberty to send their tobacco where they V 1 would, provided it went by way of England and paid the duty of a half penny a pound. That these restrictions so nearly put an end to shipments to the continent of Europe was an un- fortunate consequence which to some extent had been fore- seen, but which for the time being it was impossible to avoid. It was tmdoubtedly the hope of the Government that the foreign market would eventually be regained and that the colonial tobacco would flow from the colonies into Eng- land and from England to all the countries of Europe. Prior to 1660 Holland had been the distributing centre for the to- bacco of Virginia and Maryland; now England insisted upon taking this role upon herself. But the authorities at London were hardly less concerned than the planters themselves at the / COLONIAL VIRGINIA 117 difficulties encountered in effecting this change and the un- fortunate glut in the home markets which followed. None the less they persisted in the policy they had adopted, even clinging stubbornly to the half penny a pound re-export duty, and trusting that in time they could succeed in conquer- ing for their tobacco the lost continental markets. In this they were bitterly opposed by the Dutch with whom it became necessary to fight two wars within the short space of seven years. Yet steadily, although at first slowly, they made headway. In 1681 the commissioners of the customs re- fused the request for a cessation of tobacco planting in the colonies, on the ground that to lessen the crop would but stimulate production in foreign countries and so restrict the sale abroad of the Virginia and Maryland leaf.' This argu- ment has been denounced by some as both specious and selfish, yet it was fully justified by the situation then existing. After \ all, the only hope for the planters lay in conquering the Euro- \ y pean market and the way to do this was to flood England with \/ vy tobacco until it overflowed all artificial barriers and poured i across the Channel. And eventually this is just what hap- ( pened. Since tobacco was piling up uselessly in the warehouses ' and much of it could not be disposed of at any price, it was in- evitable that it should be dumped upon the other nations of Europe. There is in this development a close parallel with the cornmercial policy of Germany in the years prior to the world war, when no effort was spared to produce a margin of all kinds of wares over the home needs, which was to be ex- ported at excessively low prices. This margin was a weapon of conquest, a means of ousting the merchants of other na- tions from this market or that. And when once this conquest had been effected, the price could be raised again in order to assure a profit to the German manufacturers. ii8 THE PLANTERS OF It is improbable that the English economists of the Seven- teenth century, like those of modern Germany, had foreseen exactly what would happen, but the results were none the less similar. When once the English leaf had secured a strong hold upon the Baltic and upon France and Spain, it was a matter of the greatest difficulty to oust it, especially as the ever increasing infiux of slaves made it possible for the plant- ers to meet the lower prices of foreign competitors and still clear a profit. Thus it was that during the years from 1680 , to 1708 the Chesapeake tobacco succeeded in surmounting all V the difficulties placed in its way by the Navigation Acts, the necessity of the double voyage, the re-export duty of a half penny a pound, and so gradually flooded the continental market. It is unfortunate that figures for re-exported tobacco during the earlier years of the Restoration period are lacking. In ^1688, however, it is stated that the duty of a half penny a pound was yielding the Crown an annual revenue of £15,000, which would indicate that about 7,200,000 pounds were leav- ing for foreign ports.* Ten years later, if we may believe the testimony of John Linton, exports of tobacco totalled 50,000 or 60,000 hogsheads, or from 25,000,000 to 30,000,000 pounds. Not more than a fourth of the colonial leaf, he tells us, was consumed in England itself." Once more Virginia and Maryland were producing tobacco for all Europe, once more they enjoyed a world market. \ This trade was extended from one end of the continent to the other. Vessels laden with American tobacco found their way not only to the ports of France and Holland and Spain, but even to the distant cities of Sweden and Russia.^" The Baltic trade alone amounted to from 5,000 to 10,000 hogs- heads, and added from f 10,000 to £24,000 to the income of the planters. The chief Russian port of entry was Narva, COLONIAL VIRGINIA 119 which took annually some 500 hogsheads, but large quantities were shipped also to Riga and Raval.^^ The northern nations bought the cheaper varieties, for no tobacco could be too strong for the hardy men of Sweden and Russia. The trade was of great importance to England, as the leaf, after it had gone through the process of manufacture, soldj for about six pence a pound, yielding to the nation in all from £60,000 to £130,000." As the English were still largely de- pendent upon the Baltic for potash and ship stores, this con- stituted a most welcome addition to the balance of trade. To the colonies also it was vital, carrying off a large part of the annual crop, and so tending to sustain prices. France, too, proved a good customer for English tobacco, and in the years prior to the War of the Spanish Succession took annually from 8,000 to 10,000 hogsheads, or from 4,000,- 000 to 6,000,000 pounds.^' Micajah Perry reported to the Lords of Trade that from 6,000 to 10,000 hogsheads went to France from London alone, while a very considerable amount was sent also from other ports.^* Far more surprising is the fact that even Spain consumed millions of pounds of English leaf. With her own colonies producing the best tobacco in the world and in the face of its practical exclusion from the English market, it is strange that the Government at Madrid should have permitted this com- merce to continue. The obvious course for the Spaniards un- der the economic theories of the day would have been to ex- clude English tobacco, both in order to protect their own planters and to retaliate for the restrictions upon their product. Yet it is estimated that from 6,000 to 10,000 hogsheads en- tered Spain each year.^° A pamphlet published in 1708 en- titled The Present State of Tobacco Plantations in America stated that before the outbreak of the war then raging, France and Spain together had taken annually about 20,000 hogsheads.^" / /a J I20 THE PLANTERS OF The Dutch, too, despite their bitter rivalry with the British, found it impossible to do without Virginia tobacco. Purchas- ing the finest bright Orinoco, they mixed it with leaf of their own growth in the proportion of one to four, and sold it to other European nations. In this way they sought to retain their position as a distributing center for the trade and to give em- ployment to hundreds of poor workers. In all the Dutch seem to have purchased from England about 5,000 hogsheads a year.^^ The enhanced importance of the tobacco trade is reflected in a steady increase of British exports to Virginia and Maryland. The planters, now that they found it possible to market their leaf, laid out the proceeds in the manufactured products of England. At the end of the Seventeenth century the two colonies were importing goods to the value of £200,000 an- nually. In 1698, which was an exceptionally good year, their purchases were no less than £310,133.^^ , In short the tobacco colonies had at last found their proper /place in the British colonial system. Both they and the mother country, after long years of experimentation, years of misfortune and recrimination, had reached a common ground upon which to stand. Although Maryland and Virginia still fell short of the ideal set for the British colonies, although they failed to furnish the raw stuffs so urgently needed by the home industries, at least they yielded a product which added materially to shipping, weighed heavily in the balance of trade and brought a welcome revenue to the royal Ex- chequer. The Crown reaped a rich return from tobacco, a return which grew not only with the expansion of the trade, but by the imposition from time to time of heavier duties. In the perior' from 1660 to 1685, when the tariff remained at , COLONIAL VIRGINIA 121 two pence a pound, the yield must have varied from £75,000 to £100,000. If we assume that the average consumption in England was 9,000,000 pounds and the average exports 3,000,000 the total revenue would have been £81,250. In 1685, however, an additional duty of three pence a pound was placed upon tobacco upon its arrival in England, all of which was refunded when the product was re-exported. In,; 1688, when the tobacco consumed in England was 8,328,800! pounds, the old and new duties, amounting in all to five pence, must have yielded £173,515. When to this is added £15,000 from the half penny a pound on the 7,200,000 pounds of leaf sent abroad, the total reaches £188,515. In 1698 still another penny a pound was added to the tax, making a grand total of six pence on colonial tobacco disposed of in England. This new duty, together with the rapid in- crease in the foreign trade, enriched the Exchequer by another £100,000. In 1699, if we assume that 12,000,000 pounds were consumed in England, the return would have been £300,- 000; while half a penny a pound on 36,000,000 pounds of re- exported leaf, would have brought the total to £375,000. That this figure was approximately correct we have evidence in the statement of the author of The Present State of the Tobacco Plantations, written in 1705, that the revenue yielded by the tobacco of Virginia and Maryland amounted annually to £400,000.^° This sum constituted a very appreciable pro- portion of the royal income, so appreciable in fact as to make the tobacco trade a matter of vital importance in the eyes of the King's ministers. They were charged at all times to avoid any contingency which might lessen the imports and reduce the customs. The increase in the tobacco trade stimulated industry, not only by increasing exports to Virginia and Maryland, but also 122 THE PLANTERS OF by creating a new English industry. For most of the tobacco, before it was sent abroad, was subjected to a process of manu- facture, by which the leaf was cut and rolled and otherwise prepared for the consumer. This industry gave employment to hundreds of poor persons in England and required a con- siderable outlay of capital.^" / To British navigation the trade was vital. Each year; scores of merchantmen crossed to the Chesapeake and swarmed in every river and creek, delivering their English goods to the planters and taking in return the hogsheads of tobacco. In 1690 the tobacco fleet numbered about 100 ships, aggregating 13,715 tons; in 1706 it counted no less than 300 sails.^^ Nor must it be forgotten that re-exported tobacco also added many a goodly merchantman to the navy and gave employment to many a seaman. Altogether Virginia and Maryland consti- y/ tuted an invaluable asset, an asset which ranked in importance secondly only to the sugar plantations. It would naturally be supposed that the fortunate turn of events which restored to the tobacco colonies their European market would have reacted favorably upon the small planters of Virginia, not only insuring plenty to those already estab- lished, but adding new recruits from the ranks of the inden- tured servants; that the process of making prosperous freemen from the poor immigrants who flocked to the colony, the process interrupted by the passage of the Navigation Acts, would have been resumed now that these laws no longer pre- vented the flow of tobacco into the continental countries. Such was not the case, however. A comparison of the lists of immigrants with the rent roll of 1704 shows that but an insignificant proportion of the newcomers succeeded in estab- lishing themselves as landowners. In four lists examined for the year 1689, comprising 332 names, but seven persons can COLONIAL VIRGINIA 123 be positively identified upon the rent roll. In 1690, eight lists of 933 names, reveal but twenty-eight persons who were landowners in 1704. Of 274 immigrants listed in 1691, six only appear on the Roll. In 1695, seven lists comprising 711 names, show but ten who possessed farms nine years later. Of 74 headrights appearing in 1696, but two are listed on the roll; of 119 in 1697 only nine; of 169 in 1698 one only; of 454 in 1699, only seven; of 223 in 1700 but six.^^ All in all not more than five per cent, of the newcomers during this period prospered and became independent planters. Appar- a ently, then, the restored prosperity of the colony was not ( shared by the poorer classes, the increased market for tobacco ) did not better materially the chances of the incoming flood of indentured servants. The explanation of this state of affairs is found in the fact'v that tobacco, despite its widened market, experienced no very / pronounced rise in price. The average return to the planters during the good years seems to have been one penny a pound.^^ This, it is true, constituted an advance over the worst days of y/ the JRestoration period, ,J)ut it yvas far from approaching: the prices of the Civil war and Commonwealth periods. For the<, poor freedman, it was not sufficient to provide for his support j and at the same time make it possible to accumulate a working capital, .He could not, as he had done a half century earlier, lay aside enough to purchase a farm, stock it with cattle, hogs and poultry, perhaps even secure a servant or two. Now, al- though no longer reduced to misery and rags as in the years from 1660 to 1682, he could consider himself fortunate if his / labor sufficed to provide wholesome food and warm clothing. How, it may be asked, could Virginia and Maryland produce the vast crops now required by the foreign trade, if the price was still so low? Prior to and just after Bacon's Rebellion the planters repeatedly asserted that their labors only served / / / 124 THE PLANTERS OF to bring them into debt, that to produce an extensive crop was the surest way for one to ruin himself. Why was it that twenty years later, although prices were still far below the old level, they could flood the markets of the world? , The answer can be summed up in one word — slavery. JThe^ first cargo of negroes arrived in the colony in 1619 upon a Dutch__ privateer. Presumably they were landed at James- town, and sold there to the planters.^* The vessel which won fame for itself by this ill-starred action, was sailing under letters of marque from the Prince of Orange and had been scouring the seas in search of Spanish prizes. Although the Dutch master could have had no information that slaves were wanted in the colony, he seems to have taken it for granted that he would not be forbidden to dispose of his human freight. The introduction of this hgi ndful of negroes — tlie re were built wenty in all — was not the f eal Begirinihg of the slave sys- tem in the colonies. For many years the institution which was to play so sinister a part in American history did not flourish, and the slaves grew in numbers but slowly. „ In the Muster Roll of Settlers TtT'Virgrnia, taken in 1624, there were listed only 22 negroes.^' Sixteen years later the black population probably did not exceed 150.^'' In 1649, when Virginia was growing rapidly and the whites numbered 15,000, there were but 300 negroes in the colony.^'' A sporadic importation of slaves continued during the Commonwealth period, but still the number was insignificant, still the bulk of the labor in the tobacco fields was done by indentured servants and poor free- holders. (itln i67q Governor Berkeley reported to the Board of Trade that out of,, a total popujEition of 40,000, bu^, five per cent were slaves.^* Eleven years later the number of blacks was esti- mated at 3,000.^" In 163s twenty-six negroes were brought in, the largest purchaser being Charles Harmar.'" In 1636 COLONIAL VIRGINIA 125 the importations were but seven, in 1637 they were 28, in 1638 thirty, in 1639 forty-six, in 1642 seven only, in 1643 eighteen, in 1649 seventeen.^^ But with the passage of the years somewhat larger cargoes began to arrive. In 1662 Richard Lee claimed among his headrights no less than 80 negroes, in 1665 the Scarboroughs imported thirty-nine. In 1670, however, Berkeley declared that "not above two or three ships of Negroes" had arrived in the province in the previous seven years.*" It^is evident, then, that during the larger part of the Sev-J\ .^ / enteenth century jl^yery^ played but an unimportant role in J \ *^' v the economic and social life of the colony. The planters 'were exceedingly Anxious to^-make use of-slave 'labor, which they considered the foundation of the prosperity of their rivals of the Spanish tobacco colonies, but slave labor was most difficult to obtain. The trade had for many years been chiefly in the hands of the Dutch, and these enterprising navigators sold most of their negroes to the Spanish plantations. Ever since the days of Henry VIII the English had made efforts to secure a share of this profitable traffic, but with very meagre success.*' The Dutch had established trading stations along the Afri- can coast, guarded by forts and war vessels. Any attempts of outsiders to intrude upon the commerce was regarded by them as an act of open aggression to be resisted by force of arms. To enter the trade with any hope of success it became neces- sary for the English to organize a company rich enough to furnish armed protection to their merchantmen. But no such organization could be established during the Civil War and Commonwealth periods, and it was not until 1660 that the African Company, under the leadership of the Duke of York entered the field.** This was but the beginning of the struggle, however. The Dutch resisted strenuously, stirring up the native chieftians 126 THE PLANTERS OF against the English, seizing their vessels and breaking up their stations. Not until two wars had been fought was England able to wring from the stubborn Netherlanders an acknowl- edgment of her right to a share in the trade. Even then the Virginians were not adequately supplied, for the sugar islands were clamoring for slaves, and as they occupied so important a place in the colonial system they were the first to be served. Throughout the last quarter of the Seventeenth century ne- groes in fairly large numbers began, to arrive in the Chesapeake, but it was only in the years from 1700 to 1720 that they v/ acfifally accomplished'Tfe^vertfarow-joljt^ of labor and laid the foundations of _a new social structure. Throughout the Seventeenth ^entury the economic sysf«W of the tobacco colonies depended upon the labor of the poor white V man, whether free or under terms of indenture; in the Eight- eenth century it rested chiefly upoa the black shoulders of the African slave. There could^Tio manner of doubt as to the desirability of the slaves from an economic standpoint, apparently the only standpoint that received serious consideration. The inden- tured servant could be held usually for but a few years. Hardly had he reached his greatest usefulness for his master than he demanded his freedom. Thus for the man of large means to keep his fields always in cultivation it was necessary constantly to renew his supply of laborers. If he required twenty hands, he must import each year some five or six ser- vants, or run the risk of finding himself running behind. But the slave served for life. The planter who had purchased a full supply of negroes could feel that his labor problems were settled once and for all. Not only could he hold the slaves themselves for life, but their children also became his property and took their places in the tobacco fields as soon as they approached maturity. COLONIAL VIRGINIA 127 Thus in the end the slave was far cheaper. The price of a %/ servant depended largely upon the cost of his passage across the ocean. We find that William Matthews, having three years and nine months to serve, was rated in the inventory of his master, John Thomas, at £12.^'' A servant of Robert Leightenhouse, having two years to serve, was put at £9;'' while on the other hand we find another listed in the estate of Colonel Francis Epes, also having two years to serve, at only £5.'' A white lad under indenture for seven years to Mr. Ralph Graves was valued at £10.^* On the whole it would seem that the price of a sturdy man servant varied from £2 to £4 for each year of his service. On the other hand a vigor- ous slave could be had at from £18 to £30. Assuming that he gave his master twenty-five years of service, the cost for each year would be but one pound sterling. There could be no doubt, then, that in the mere matter of cost he was much cheaper than the indentured white man. It is true that the negro was none too efficient as a laborg Bom in ^^?5^ei^, unacquainted with the English toKgue, knowing little of agriculture, it was a matter of somc/dmiculty for him to accustom himself to his task in the tofeacco fields. Yet when his lesson had been learned, when, a few years of experience had taught, him what his master expected him to do, the slave showed himself quite adrajuate to the require- ments of the one staple crop. The culture of tobacco is not essentially difficult, especially when pursued in the unscientific manner of the colonial pej?i&d. It required many, but not skilled hands. The slave< untutored and-tminteUigent, proved inadequate to the in^dstrial needs of the jjorthern colonies. The niceties of shipbuilding were beyond his capacities, he was not needed^s a fisherman, he was not a good sailor, he was useless in the system of intensive agriculture in vogue v/ 128 THE PLANTERS OF north of Maryland. But in the tobacco field he would do. He could not at first tend so many plants as his white rival, he could not produce tobacco of such fine quality, but what he lacked in efficiency he more than made up for in cheapness. The African seems to have withstood remarkably well the diseases indigenous to eastern Virginia. There are occasional reports of epidemics among the slaves, but usually they were fairly immune both to malaria and dysentery. A census taken in 1 714, when there were perhaps 15,000 negroes in the col- ony, records burials for sixty-two slaves only.^° The births of slaves for the same year totalled 253.*" These figures indi- cate not only the excellent physical condition in which these black workers were kept by their masters, but the rapidity with which they were multiplying. The low death rate is in part explained by the fact that only strong men and women were transported to the colonies, but it is none the less clearly in- dicative of the ease with which the African accustomed him- self to the climate of tidewater Virginia. As a rule the negro was more docile than the white servant, especially if the latter happened to be from the ruder elements of English society. He was not so apt to resist his master or to run away to the mountains. Yet plots among the blacks were not unknown. In 1710 a conspiracy was discovered among the slaves of Surry and James City counties which was to have been put into execution on Easter day. The negroes planned to rise simultaneously, destroy any who stood in their way, and make good their escape out of the colony. Among the chief conspirators were Jamy, belonging to Mr. John Broadnax, Mr. Samuel Thompson's Peter, Tom and Cato of Mr. William Edwards, Great Jack and Little Jack of Mr. John Edwards, and Will belonging to Mr. Henry Hart. "Two or three of these were tried this general court," wrote Colonel Jennings, "found guilty and will be executed. And I hope COLONIAL VIRGINIA 129 their fate will strike such a terror in the other Negroes as will keep them from forming such designs for the future."*^ The lesson did not prove lasting, however, for in 1 730 a num- ber of slaves from Norfolk and Princess Anne counties as- sembled while the whites were at church, and chose officers to command them in a bold stroke for freedom. As in the previous attempt they were discovered, many arrested and several of the ringleaders executed/^ Neither the merchants nor the planters seem to have been consciotis of any ^wroJagLin. the,seizure and sale of negroes. They regarded the native Africans as hardly human, mere savages that were no more deserving of consideration than oxen or horses. And as it was right and proper to hitch the ox or the horse to the plow, so it was equally legitimate to put the negro to work in the fields of sugar cane or tobacco. Whatever hardships he had to endure upon the voyage to America or by reason of his enforced labor, they considered amply compensated by his conversion to Christianity. It is true that the colony of Virginia early in the Eighteenth century imposed a heavy duty upon the importation of slaves, but it did so neither from any consciousness of wrong in slavery itself or a perception of the social problems which were to grow out of it. At the time the price of tobacco was declining rapidly and many planters were losing money. Feeling that their misfortunes arose from overproduction, which in turn was the result of the recent purchases of ne- groes, the colonial legislators decided to check the trade. "The great number of negroes imported here and solely employed in making tobacco," wrote Governor Spotswood in 1 711, "hath produced for some years past an increase in tobacco far disproportionate to the consumption of it . . . and conse- quently lowered the price of it."*^ "The people of Virginia will not now be so fond of purchasing negroes as of late," I30 THE PLANTERS OF declared President Jennings of the Virginia Council in 1708, "being sensibly convinced of their error, which has in a man- ner ruined the credit of the country."" During the years from 1680 to 1700 slayes arrived in the colony in increasing numbers. In 1681 William Fitzhugh, in a letter to Ralph Wormeley, refers to the fact that several slave ships were expected that year in the York river.*^ At this period, for the first time in Virginia history, we find negroes in large numbers entered as headrights upon the patent rolls. In 1693 Captain John Storey received a grant of land for the importation of 79 negroes, in 1694 Robert Beverley brought in seventy, in 1695 William Randolph twenty-five.** Before the end of the century it is probable that the slaves in Virginia numbered nearly 6,000, and had already become more impor- tant to the economic life of the colony than the indentured servants." The chief purchasers at this time were men of large estates. The advantages of slave labor were manifest to planters of the type of William Byrd or William Fitzhugh, men who had built up fortunes by their business ability. It is but natural that they should have turned early from the indentured ser- vant to stock their plantations with the cheaper and more remunerative African workers. (Ai / A5. the English secured a stronger- hold upon the African / ^ trade slaves arrived in ever increasing numbers. During the years from 1699 to 1708 no less than 6,843 came in, a num- ber perhaps exceeding the entire importations of the Seven- teenth century.*' In the summer of 1705 alone 1,800 negroes arrived.*" With what rapidity the black man was taking the place of the indentured servant and the poor freeman as the chief laborer of the colony is shown by the fact that in 1708, in a total tithable list of 30,000, no less than 12,000 were slaves. President Jennings at the same time reported that COLONIAL VIRGINIA 131 the number of servants was inconsiderable.^" "Before the year 1680 what negroes came to Virginia were usually from Barbadoes," Jennings told the Board of Trade in 1708. "Between 1680 and 1698 the negro trade become more fre- quent, tho not in any proportion to what it hath been of late, during which the African Company have sent several ships and others by their licence having bought their slaves of the Company brought them here for sale, among which lately Alderman Jeffreys and Sir Jeffry Jeffreys were princi- pally concerned."^^ The wars of Charles XII, however, which proved disas- trous to the Baltic trade, and the War of the Spanish Succes- sion which cut off exports of tobacco to France and Spain, caused a serious decline in prices and made it impossible for" the planters to continue the large purchases of slaves. This fact, together with the duty which had been imposed with the express purpose of keeping them out, reduced the importations to a minimum during the years from 1710 to 1718.^^ But with the reopening of the tobacco market and the return of prosperity to Virginia, the black stream set in again with re- doubled force. In 1730, out of a total population of 114,000, no less than 30,000 were negroes. ^^ In other words the slaves, who in 1670 had constituted but five per cent of the people, now comprised twenty-six per cent. Slavery, from being an insignificant factor in the econo mie_,Hfe of the~colony74iad become the very foundation upon which it was established. ■~- As we have seen "it "was not slavery btrt-the^ protracted ac- cumulation _of surplus stocks of tobacco in England ^yhich had broken-the long continued deadlock of the tobacco trade during the Restoration period and caused the overflow into continental-nrarketsr That the labor of blacks^ at first played no essential part in the movement is evident from the- fact that in 1682 when it first became pronounced, the slave popula- \y X \ \ v 132 THE PLANTERS OF tion of Virginia and Maryland was still insignificant. But that the trade not only continued after the glut in England had been cleared up, but increased with startling rapidity, was unquestionably the result of more universal use of negroes in the years immediately preceding the War of the Spanish Succession. Slavery so cheapened the cost of production that it was now quite possible for those who used them to pay the half penny a pound duty on reexported tobacco in England, and still undersell all rivals in the European market. Before many years had passed the tobacco trade, with all that it meant both to England and to the colonies, rested almost entirely upon the labor of the savage black man so recently brought from the African wilds. That this fact was fully understood at the time is attested by various persons interested in the colony and the trade. In 1728 Francis Fane, in protesting against the imposition of a new tax in Virginia on the importation of slaves declared "that Laying a Duty on Negroes can only tend to make them scarcer and dearer, the two things that for the good of our Trade and for the Benefit of Virginia ought chiefly to be guarded against, since it is well known that the cheepness of Virginia tobacco in European Marketts is the true Cause of the great Consumption thereof in Europe, and one would have therefore Expected rather to have seen an Act allowing a premium on the Importation of Negroes to have Encouraged the bringing them in, than an Act laying so large a Duty to discourage their Importation."" Similarly Colonel Spencer wrote to the Board of Trade. "The low price of tobacco re- quires it should be made as cheap as possible. The Blacks can make it cheaper than Whites, so I conceive it is for his Majesty's interest full as much as the Country's or rather much more, to have Blacks as cheap as possible in Virginia.""^ It js evident, then, that the opening of the European market COLONIAL VIRGINIA 133 and the vast expansion of the tobacco trade, while bringing prosperity to tlie larger planters, was no great boon to the man who tilled his fields with his own hands. It assured him a ready sale for his crop, it is true, but at prices so low as to , ' \^: .*sas«&-.:^sBs^-,- - 5 -de- leave him a very napfow margm of profit. The new era which was opening, the so-called golden era of Virginia his- tory, was not^or him. Virginia in the EigHteetith century was to be the land of the slave holder, not of the little planter; ' rJ4 ll'fV ,?^i.i ,J 4,^^,-M>-<» rfu.*-** /i ^// CHAPTEK VIII Beneath the Black Tide The importation of slaves in large numbers reacted almost immediately upon the migration of whites to Virginia. As we have seen, the stream of indentured servants that poured across the Atlantic remained remarkably constant throughout almost all of the Seventeenth century. The larger planters were always in need of laborers, and they looked to the surplus population of England to supply them. But with the coming of the blacks all was changed. The Virginians saw in_ths_slave-^hips which now so frequently entered their jivers the solution of all their problems. And so the influx of white men and women from the rnother country dwindled and .31- most^ died out, while in its place came a still greater stream ffoni 'the coast of Africa. At the time of Bacon's Rebellion the annual importation of servants was between 1,500 and 2,000. The headrights for 1674 show 1931 names.^ Seven years later the whites were still arriving in large numbers, the rolls for 1682 having 1,565 names. As the century drew to a close, however, the effect of the slave trade upon white immigration is reflected in the dwindling number of headrights. The change that was taking place is illustrated by a patent of 13,500 acres to Ralph Wormleley for the transportation of 249 persons, 149 of whom were white and 100 black.^ Yet so late as 1704 the servants were still coming in appreciable numbers. In 1 708 however, the number of servants at work in the colony had dwindled away almost entirely.^ In 171 5 the names of white persons listed as headrights was but ninety-one; in 1718 but loi.* In other 134 COLONIAL VIRGINIA 135 words, the first great migration of Englishmen to continental . America, a migration extending over a century and comprising / from 100,000 to 150,000 men, women and children, had practi- cally come to an end. English statesmen at the time looked upon this event as an unalloyed blessing. The day had passed when they felt that there existed a surplus of labor at home and that the country was in need of blood letting. The proper policy was to keep Englishmen in England, to devote their energies to local in- dustries and so strengthen the economic and military sinews of the nation. And if unemployment existed, it was the cor- rect policy to bring work to the idle rather than send the idle out of the country in quest of work.'* And the colonies were to be utilized, no longer as outlets for the population, but as a means to the upbuilding of local industry. They were to supply a market for English goods, keep employed English mariners and furnish the tobacco and sugar which when re- exported weighed so heavily in the balance of trade. And since these great staple crops could be produced by the work of slaves, it was thought highly advantageous for all concerned that the negro should replace the white servant in both the tobacco and the sugar fields. The planters would profit by the lowered cost of production, English industry would gain by the increased volume of traffic, the Crown revenues would be enhanced and English laborers would be kept at home." Apparently the deeper significance of this great movement was entirely lost upon the British economists and ministers. They had no conception of the advantage of having their colonies inhabited by one race alone and that race their own. From the first their vision was too restricted to embrace the idea of a new and greater Britain in its fullest sense. They could not bring themselves to look upon the soil of Virginia and Maryland as a part of the soil of an extended y 136 THE PLANTERS OF England, upon the Virginians and Marylanders as English- men, enjoying privileges equal to their own. They could not realize the strength that would come from such an empire as this, the mighty future it would insure to the Anglo-Saxon race. / "^ Their conception was different. The British empire must I consist of two distinct parts — ^mother country and colonies. ' And in any clash of interest between the two, the former must prevail. It was not their intent that the colonies should be purposely' sacrificed, that they should be made to pay tribute to a tyrannical parent. In fact, they earnestly desired that the plantations should prosper, for when they languished English industry suffered. But in their eyes the colonies existed pri- marily for the benefit of England. England had given them birth, had defended them, had nurtured them; she was amply justified, therefore, in subordinating them to her own indus- trial needs. ^\ Thus they viewed the substitution of the importation of slaves to the tobacco colonies for the importation of white men purely from an English, not an Anglo-Saxon, point of view. Had it been a question of bringing thousands of negroes to England itself to drive the white laborers from the fields, they would have interposed an emphatic veto. But with the struc- ture of colonial life they were not greatly concerned. In 1693, when James Blair secured from the King and Queen a gift for his new college at Williamsburg, Attorney-General Sey- mour objected vigorously, stating that there was not the least occasion for such an institution in Virginia. Blair reminded him that the chief purpose of the college was to educate young men for the ministry and begged him to consider that the; people of the colony had souls to be saved as well as the people of England. "Souls ! Damn your souls," snapped the Attor- ney-General, "make tobacco.'" It would be unfair to say that COLONIAL VIRGINIA 137 the British Government took just the same view of the colonists as did Seymour, but there can be no doubt that their chief con- cern in the plantations was centered upon the size of their ex- ports to England and of their purchases of English goods. And as the slaves could make more tobacco than the indentured servants, it became the settled policy of the Crown to encourage the African trade in every possible way. The influx of slaves not only put alniost^a complete end ^^\^'^ ^ the importation of white servants, but it reacted disastrously /VY^ upon the_YirgJnia»]^rnj|!,ry. In this respect we find a close parallel with the experience of ancient Rome with slave labor. In the third and second centuries before Christ the glory of the republic lay in its peasantry. The self-reliant, sturdy, liberty-loving yeoman formed the backbone of the conquer- ing legion and added to the life of the republic that rugged strength that made it so irresistible. "To say that a citizen is a good farmer is to reach the extreme limit of praise," said Cato. Some of the ablest of the early Roman generals were recruited from the small farmer class. Fabius Maximus, the Dictator, in need of money, sent his son to Rome to sell his sole possession, a little farm of seven jugera. Regulus, while in Africa, asked that he be recalled from his command because the hired man he had left to cultivate his fields had fled with all his farm implements, and he feared his wife and children would starve.' This vigorous peasantry was destroyed by the importation y of hordes of slaves and the purchase of cheap foreign grain. So long as the wars of Rome were limited to Italy the number of slaves was comparatively small, but as her armies swept over the Mediterranean countries one after another and even subdued the wild Gauls and Britains, an unending stream of captives poured into the city and filled to overflowing the slave markets. Cicero, during his short campaign against the ^ /, 138 THE PLANTERS OF Parthian^ wrote to Atticus that the sale of his prisoners had netted no less than 12,000,000 sestercias. In Epirus 100,000 men were captured; 60,000 Cimbries and 100,000 Germans graced the triumph of Marius; Caesar is said to have taken in Gaul another 100,000 prisoners. Soon the slave became the cheapest of commodities, and he who possessed even the most extensive lands could readily supply himself with the labor requisite for their cultivation. Thus thrown Jnto^^^^iaBelilicin- with slavj?, labor „llie,,B;ga|ant /'proprietor found it impossible to sustain himself. The grain which he produced wit^'his'^wTf hands had To' cbfnpete in the same market with that made by slaves. It must, therefore, sell for the same price, a price so low that it did not suffice to feed and clothe him and his family. So he was forced to give up his little estate, an estate perhaps handed down to him by generations of farmers, and migrate to the city of Rome, to swell the idle and plebeian population. And once there he demanded bread, a demand which the authorities dared not refuse. So the public treasury laid out the funds for the purchase of wheat from all parts of the world, from Spain, from Africa, from Sicily, wheat which was given away or sold for a song. This in turn reacted unfavorably upon the peasants who still clung to the soil in a desperate effort to" wring from it a bare subsistence, and accelerated the move- ment to the city. Thus Italy was transformed from the land of the little V farmer into the land of big estates cultivated by slaves. A sad development surely, a development which had much to do with the decay and final overthrow of the mighty structure of the Roman Empire. In former times, Titus Livius tells us, "there was a multitude of free men in this country where today we can hardly find a handful of soldiers, and which would be a wilderness were it not for our slaves." "The plough is COLONIAL VIRGINIA 139 everywhere bereft of honor," wrote Virgil, while Ljician be- wailed the departed peasants whose places were taken by fet- tered slaves.' The importation of slaves to Virginia had somewhat simi- / lar results. While not destroying entirely the little farmer/ . class, it exerted a baleful influence upon it, driving many!' / families out of the colony, rnaking the rich man richer, re- . v ducing the poor man to dire poverty. Against this unfor- tunate development the Virginia yeoman was helpless. In- stinctively he must have felt that the slave was his enemy, and the hatred and rivalry which even today exists between) the negro and the lowest class of whites, the so-called "poor white trash," dates back to the Seventeenth century. The emigration of poor persons, usually servants just freed, / from Virginia to neighboring cCftonies v^ras well under way ^^' even at the time of Bacon's Rebellion. In 1677 complaint was made of "the inconvenience which arose from the neighbor- hood of Maryland and North Carolina," in that Virginia was daily deprived of its inhabitants by the removal of poor men hither. Runaway servants were welcomed in both places, it was asserted, while the debtor was accorded protection against prosecution.^" This early emigration was caused, of course, not by the importation of slaves, for that movement had not yet assumed important proportions, but by the evil conse- quences of the Navigation Acts. The Virginia yeoman moved / on to other colonies because he found it impossible to main- r tain himself at the current price of tobacco. The continuance of the movement, for it persisted for a full half century, must be ascribed to the competition of negro labor. Like the Roman peasant, the Virginia yeoman, to an extent at least, found it impossible to maintain himself in the face of slave competition. The servant, upon the expiration of his term, no longer staked off his little farm and settled I40 THE PLANTERS OF down to. a life of usefulness and industry. The poor planter who had not yet fully established himself, sold or deserted his fields and moved away in search of better opportunities and higher returns. This migration was not the first of its kind in the English colonies, for the movement of Massachusetts congregations into the valley of the Connecticut antedated it by several dec- ades. Yet it furnishes an interesting illustration of the lack of permanency in American life, of the facility with which populations urged on by economic pressure of one kind or another change localities. The great movement westward over the Appalachian range which followed the War of 1812, the pilgrimages of homesteaders to the northwest and the Pacific coast, find their precedent in the exodus of these poor families from the tobacco fields of Virginia. In the last decade of the Seventeenth century the migration assumed such large proportions that the Board of Trade be- came alarmed and directed Francis Nicholson to enquire into , / its cause in order that steps might be taken to stop it. The emigrant stream that directed itself northward did not halt in eastern Maryland, for conditions there differed little from those in Virginia itself. The settlers went on to the unoc- cupied lands in the western part of the colony, or made their way into Delaware or Pennsylvania. "The reason why in- habitants leave this province," wrote Nicholson, while Gover- nor of Maryland, "is, I think, the encouragement which they receive from the Carolinas, the Jerseys, and above all from Pennsylvania, which is so nigh that it is easy to remove thither. There handicraft tradesmen have encouragement when they endeavor to set up woolen manufactures."" Although this explanation does not go to the root of the \ patter, it was in part correct. The northern colonies held out y^X'a.v greater opportunitjes for the poor man, than the slave \ COLONIAL VIRGINIA 141 chpked fields of tidewater J^aryland,«ip4 Virginia. The in- dustries of Pennsylvania and Delaware and the Jerseys de- manded a certain degree of skill and yielded in return a very fair living. In other words, the poor settlers in Virginia, , ^ finding that tobacco culture was now based upon the cheap labor of African slaves, moved away to other localities where intelliggnce. still brought an adequate reward. The Maryland House of Delegates, when asked to give their opinion in this matter, thought that it was a desire to escape the payment of debts which made some of the "meaner inhabitants" seek shelter in Delaware Bay and the Carolinas. They came nearer the real cause when they added that the low price paid by the merchants for tobacco obliged many to leave.^^ Nicholson was not satisfied with this answer. "They will not directly own," he wrote, "that setting up manufactures and handicraft-trades in Pennsylvania, the large tracts of land held by some persons here and the encouragement given to illegal traders are the causes that make people leave this prov- ince. They would have it that they wish to avoid the persecu- tion of their creditors, which causes them to shelter themselves among the inhabitants of the Lower Counties of Delaware Bay and of Carolina. The low price of tobacco has obliged many of the planters to try their fortune elsewhere, and the cur- rency of money in Pennsylvania, which here is not, draws them to that province from this."" In Virginia the difficulty of securing desirable land because ; ^ of the large tracts patented by rich planters was usually as- / xy^ \ / signed as the reason for the migration of poor families. This view of the matter was taken by Edward Randolph, the man who had won the undying hatred of the people of Massachus- etts by his attempts to enforce the Navigation Acts there and by his attacks upon their charter. In 1696 Randolph did Virginia the honor of a visit, and although encountering there 142 THE PLANTERS OF none of the opposition which had so angered him in New England, he sent to the Board of Trade a memorial concern- ing the colony, criticising the government severely. It should be inquired into, he said, how it comes to pass that the colony (the first English settlement on the continent of America, be- gun above 80 years ago) is not better inhabited, considering what vast numbers of servants and others have yearly been transported thither. . . . The chief and only reason is the Inhabitants and Planters have been and at this time are dis- couraged and hindered from planting tobacco in that colony, and servants are not so willing to go there as formerly, be- cause the members of the Council and others, who make an interest in the Government, have from time to time procured grants of very large Tracts of land, so that there has not for many years been any waste land to be taken up by those who bring with them servants, or by such Servants, who have served their time faithfully with their Masters, but it is taken up and ingrossed beforehand, whereby they are forced to hyer and pay a yearly rent for some of those Lands, or go to the utmost bounds of the Colony for Land, exposed to danger and often times proves the Occasion of Warr with the In- dians."" For their large holdings the wealthy men paid not one penny of quit rents, Randolph said, and failed to comply with the regulations for seating new lands. The law demanded that upon receipt of a patent one must build a house upon the ground, improve and plant the soil and keep a good stock of cattle or hogs. But in their frontier holdings the wealthy men merely erected a little bark hut and turned two or three hogs into the woods by it. Or else they would clear one acre of land and plant a little Indian corn for one year, trusting that this evasion would square them with the letter of the law. By such means, Randolph adds, vast tracts were held, all of COLONIAL VIRGINIA 143 which had been procured on easy terms and much by means of false certificates of rights. "Which drives away the in- habitants and servants, brought up only to planting, to seek their fortunes in Carolina or other places."^' Randolph suggested that the evil might be remedied by re- quiring a strict survey of lands in every county, by demanding all arrears of quit rents, by giving strict orders that in the future no grant should exceed 500 acres. These measures, he believed, would cause 100,000 acres to revert to the Crown, and "invite home those who for want of Land left Virginia." It would encourage other persons to come from neighboring colonies to take up holdings and "mightily increase the num- ber of Planters." This would augment the production of to- bacco by many thousands of hogsheads, stimulate trade and industry in England, and aid his Majesty's revenue. The Board of Trade was deeply impressed. They wrote to Governor Andros explaining to him the substance of Ran- dolph's report and asking what steps should be taken to remedy the evils he had pointed out. "But this seeming to us a mat- ter of very great consequence," they added, "we have not been willing to meddle in it without your advice, which we now desire you to give fully and plainly." But Andros knew full well that it was no easy matter to make the large landowners disgorge. The thing had been attempted by Nicholson several years earlier, when suit was instituted against Colonel Law- rence Smith for arrears of quit rents upon tracts of land which had never been under cultivation.^' But before the case came to trial Nicholson had been recalled and it was afterward com- pounded for a nominal sum. The proceedings had caused great resentment among the powerful clique which centered around the Council of State, and Andros was reluctant to re- open the matter. He knew of no frauds in granting patents of land, he wrote the Board, and could suggest no remedy y 144 THE PLANTERS OF for what was past, "being a matter of Property." He agreed, however, that to limit the size of future patents would tend to "the more regular planting and thicker seating of the frontier lands."" Consequently when Francis Nicholson was commissioned as Governor in 1698, he received strict instructions to advise with the Council and the Assembly upon this matter and to report back to the Board.^' That nothing was accomplished, however, may clearly be inferred from a letter of a certain George Larkin written December 22, 1701. "There is no en- couragement for anyone to come to the Plantation," he de- clared, "most of the land lying at all convenient being taken up. Some have 20,000, 30,000 or 40,000 acres, the greater part of which is unimployed."^" Two years later Nicholson himself wrote that certain recent grants were for ten or twenty thousand acres each, so that privileged persons had engrossed all the good land in those parts, by which means they kept others from settling it or else made them pay for it.^° Despite all the concern which this matter created, it is doubtful whether it was to any appreciable extent responsible for the continued emigration of poor families. The mere granting of patents for large tracts of land could not of itself fiix the economic structure of the colony, could not, if all other conditions were favorable, prevent the establishment of small freeholds. Rather than have their fields lie idle while the poor men who should have been cultivating them trooped out of the colony, the rich would gladly have sold them in small parcels at nominal prices. I n the first half century after th e settlement_at Jamestown, as we have seen, such a breakup of ext ensive holdings into lit tlejar ms actually occurr ed. Had similar conditions prevailed in the later period a like develop- ment would have followed. But in 1630 or 1650, when slaves were seldom employed and when tobacco was high, the poor COLONIAL VIRGINIA 14S man's toil yielded a return so large that he could well afford to purchase a little farm and make himself independent. In 1680 or 1700, in the face of the competition of slave labor, he was almost helpless. Even had he found a bit of unoccupied ground to which he could secure a title, he could not make it yield enough to sustain him and his family.^^ In 1728 Governor Gooch wrote the Board of Trade that the former belief that large holdings of frontier land had been an impediment to settlement was entirely erroneous. It was his opinion, in fact, that extensive grants made it to the interest of the owners to bring in settlers and so populate the country. In confirmation of this he pointed to the fact that Spotsylvania country, where many large patents had been issued, had filled up more rapidly than Brunswick, where they had been re- stricted in size.''^ In the first decade of the new century the emigration out of the tobacco colonies continued without abatement. With another disastrous decline in the price of tobacco following the outbreak of the wars of Charles XII and Louis XIV, so many families moved over the border that the Board of Trade, once more becoming seriously alarmed, questioned the Council as to the causes of the evil and what steps should be taken to remedy it. In their reply the Councillors repeated the old arguments, declaring that the lack of land in Virginia and the immunity of debtors from prosecution in the proprietory colonies were responsible for the movement. But they touched the heart of the matter in their further statement that the great stream of negroes that was pouring into the colony had so in- creased the size of the tobacco crop that prices had declined and the poor found it difficult to subsist. Not only "servants \ just free go to North Carolina," they wrote, "but old planters ) '^J whose farms are worn out."^' A year later President Jennings stated that the migration / < 146 THE PLANTERS OF was continuing and that during the summer of 1709 "many entire families" had moved out of the colony.^* In fact, al- though but few indentured servants arrived from England after the first decade of the century, poor whites were still departing for the north or for western Carolina so late as 1730. William Byrd II tells us that in 1728, when he was running the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina, he was entertained by a man who "was lately removed, Bag and Baggage from Maryland, thro a strong Antipathy he had to work and paying his Debts." Indeed he thought it a "thor- ough Aversion to Labor" which made "People file off to North Carolina."^' It is impossible to estimate the numbers involved in this movement, but they must have run into the thousands. For a full half century a large proportion of the white immigrants to Virginia seem to have remained there for a comparatively short time only, then to pass on to other settlements. And the migration to Virginia during these years we know to have comprised not less than thirty or thirty-five thousand persons. In fact, it would seem that this movement out of the older colony must have been a very important factor in the peopling of its neighbors, not only western Carolina and western Mary- land, but Delaware and Pennsylvania. Though many thus fled before the stream of negroes which poured in from Africa, others remained behind to fight for their little plantations. Yet they waged a losing battle. Those who found it possible to purchase slaves, even one or two, could ride upon the black tide, but the others slowly sank beneath it. During the first half of the Eighteenth century the poor whites sought to offset the cheapness of slave made tobacco by producing themselves only the highest grades. The traders who dealt in the finest Orinoco, which brought the best prices. COLONIAL VIRGINIA 147 found it not upon the plantations of the weahhy, but of those who tended their plants with their own hands. "I must beg you toTemember that the common people make the best," wrote Governor Gooch to the Lords of Trade in 1731.^° In fact, the wealthy planter, with his newly acquired gangs of slaves, found it difficult at this time to produce any save | the lower grades of tobacco. The African was yet too savage, '^ too untutored in the ways of civilization to be utilized for anything like intensive cultivation. "Though they may plant more in quantity," wrote Gooch, "yet it frequently proves very mean stuff, different from the Tobacco produced from well im- proved and well tended Grounds." "Yet the rich Man's trash will always damp the Market," he adds, "and spoil the poor Man's good Tobacco which has been carefully managed."" Thus the small farmer made one last desperate effort to save himself by pitting his superior intelligence against the cheap- ness of slave labor. But his case was hopeless. As slavery became more and \^ \^ j more fixed upon the colony, the negro gradually increased in 7^ efficiency. He learned to speak his master's language, broken- ly of course, buLwell enough for all practical purposes. He was placed under the tutelage of overseers, who taught him the details of his work and saw that he did it. He became a civilized being, thoroughly drilled in the one task required of him, the task of producing tobacco. Thus the rich planter soon found it possible to cultivate successfully the higher^ grades, and so to drive from his last rampart the white free- holder whose crop was tended by himself alone. Placed at so great a disadvantage, the poor man, at all times in very difficult circumstances, found it almost impossible to exist whenever conditions in Europe sent the price of tobacco down. In the years from 1706 to 17 14, when the tobacco trade was interrupted by the wars of Charles XII in the Baltic 0/ 148 THE PLANTERS OF region and the protracted struggle known as the War of the Spanish Succession, he was reduced to the utmost extremities. Virginia and Maryland were learning that a prosperity founded upon one crop which commanded a world market was in unsettled times subject to serious setbacks. It was a long cry from the James and the Potomac to the Baltic ports, yet the welfare of the Virginia and Maryland planters was in no small degree dependent upon the maintenance of peaceful con- ditions in Poland and Sweden and Russia. A war which seriously curtailed the exportation of English leaf to the northern countries would inevitably react on the price and so bring misfortune to the colonial planters. When called before the Board of Trade to testify as to the decay of the tobacco trade, the manufacturer John Linton declared that the Baltic countries, which formerly had purchased thousands of hogs- heads a year, now took comparatively few. "The Russian trade is ruined," he said.^' The war against France and Spain, coming at this unfor- tunate juncture, still further restricted the market, sent prices down to new depths and filled to overflowing the planters' cup of misfortune. "The war has stopped the trade with Spain, France, Flanders and part of the Baltic," Colonel Quary reported in a memorial to the Board of Trade, "which took off yearly 20,000 hogsheads of tobacco. Now our best foreign market is Holland."^' The pamphlet entitled The Present State of the Tobacco Plantations in America stated, in 1708, that France and Spain alone had imported 20,000 hogsheads, but that both were now otherwise supplied. "The troubles in Sweden, Poland, Russia, etc., have prevented the usual ex- portation of great quantities to those ports. Virginia and Maryland have severely felt the loss of such exportation, hav- ing so far reduced the planters that for several years past the whole product of their tobacco would hardly clothe the ser- vants that made it."'" COLONIAL VIRGINIA 149 Their misfortunes were accentuated by the fact that the Dutch took advantage of the European upheavals to gain con- trol of a part of the tobacco trade. Upon the outbreak of the war with Louis XIV, England prohibited the exportation of tobacco either to France or to Spain, but Holland, despite her participation in the struggle, apparently took no such action. On the contrary she strained every nerve to entrench herself in the markets of her ally before peace should once more open the flood gates to Virginia and Maryland tobacco. With this in view the acreage in Holland devoted to the cultivation of the leaf was rapidly extended. "The Dutch are improving and increasing their tobacco plantations," wrote John Linton in 1706. "In 1701 they produced only 18,000 hogsheads. Last year it was 33,500 hogsheads." Plantations at Nimwegen, Rhenen, Amersfoort and Nijkerk turned out 13,400,000 pounds, while great quantities were raised on the Main, in Higher Germany and in Prussia.^^ The Dutch mixed their own leaf with that of Virginia and Maryland in the proportion of four to one, subjected it to a process of manufacture and sent it out to all the European markets.^^ In 1707 a letter to John Linton stated that they had from thirty to forty houses for "making up tobacco in rolls," employing 4,000 men, besides great numbers of women and girls. Their Baltic exports were estimated at 12,350,000 pounds; 2,500,000 pounds to Norway, 1,500,000 to Jutland and Denmark, 4,000,000 to Sweden, 2,350,000 to Lapland, 2,000,000 to Danzig and Konigsberg.^^ With the continuation of the war on the continent Dutch competition became stronger and stronger. In 1714, when peace was at last in prospect, they seemed thoroughly en- trenched in many of the markets formerly supplied by the English. "The planting of tobacco in Holland, Germany, Etc.," it was reported to the Board of Trade, "is increased to v/ ISO THE PLANTERS OF above four times what it was 20 years ago, and amounts now to as much as is made in both Virginia and Maryland." The tobacco trade, which had formerly produced some £250,000 in the balance of trade, had declined to about half that figure, exports of manufactured goods to the Chesapeake were rapidly dwindling, the number of ships engaged in carrying tobacco was greatly reduced, the merchants were impoverished, the planters were ruined.'* "It is hardly possible to imagine a more miserable spectacle than the poorer sort of inhabitants in this colony," the Council wrote in 171 3, "whose labour in tobacco has not for several years afforded them clothing to shelter them from the violent colds as well as heats to both which this climate is subject in the several seasons. The importation of British and other European commodities by the merchants, whereby the planters were formerly well supplied with clothing, is now in a manner wholly left off and the small supplies still ventured sold at such prodigeous rates as they please. Many families formerly well clothed and their houses well furnished are now reduced to rags and all the visible marks of poverty."'^ This unfortunate period was but temporary. With the con- clusion of peace English tobacco was dumped upon the Euro- pean market at a figure so low as to defy competition. And when once the hogsheads began to move, the reaction on Vir- ginia and Maryland was rapid and pronounced. Soon prices rose again to the old levels, and the colony entered upon a period, for the larger planters at least, of unprecedented pros- perity.^° But the eight years of hardship and poverty made a lasting imprint upon the poorest class of whites. Coming as they did upon the heels of the first great wave of negro immigration, they accelerated the movement of the disrupting forces already at work. It was not by accident that the largest migration of whites to other settlements occurred just at this COLONIAL VIRGINIA 151 time and that the inquiries as to its cause are most frequent. The little planter class never fully recovered from the blow ^ dealt it by the temporary loss of the larger part of the Euro- pean tobacco trade. The.-«mall freeholders who possessed neither servants nor slaves did not disappear entirely, but they gradually declined iuv numbers and sank into abject poverty. During the period of Spotswood's administration they still constituted a large part of the population. The tax list for 1716 in Lancaster, one of the older counties, shows that of 314 persons listed as tithables, 202 paid for themselves only^' Making ample de- ductions for persons not owning land it would appear that more than half the planters at this date still tilled their fields only with their own labor. At the time of the American Revolu- tion, however, the situation had changed materially, and a de- , / cided dwindling of the poor farmer class is noticeable. In ' Gloucester county the tax lists for 1782-83 show 490 white families, of which 320 were in possession of slaves. Of the 170 heads of families who possessed no negroes, since no doubt some were overseers, some artisans, some professional men, it is probable that not more than eighty or ninety were proprietors.^^ In Spotsylvania county similar conditions are noted. Of 704 tithable whites listed in 1783 all save 199 possessed slaves.^" In Dinwiddle county, in the year 1782, of 843 tithable whites, 210 only were not slave holders." Ap- parently the Virginia yeoman, the sturdy, independent farmer nf the -Seventeenth century, who tilled his 'Jftlf ^'^^^\"'g •'"'^*^ his own hands, had becom e an insignificant factor in \\\e life n f / -/ the colony! me glorious promises which the country had' . / held out to him in the first fifty'yeafs of its existence had \y b^en belied. The Virginia which had formerly been so largely! /^^^ ^'i^-iv ) the land of the fil!l5r farmer, had become the land of masters] / and slaves. For aught else there was no room. Avi n/ 152 THE PLANTERS OF Before the end of the Eighteenth century the condition of the poorest class had become pitiable. The French philosopher Chastellux who spent much time in Virginia during the Ameri- can Revolution testifies to their extreme misery. "It is there that I saw poor persons for the first time since crossing the ocean," he says. "In truth, near these rich plantations, in which the negro alone is unhappy, are often found miserable huts inhabited by whites whose wan faces and ragged gar- ments give testimony to their poverty."*^ Philip Fithian, in his Journal, describes the habits of this class and is vigorous in his condemnation of the brutal fights which were so common among them. "In my opinion animals which seek after and relish such odius and filthy amusements are not of the human species," he says, "they are destitute of the remotest pretension of humanity."*^ Even the negroes of the wealthy regarded these persons with contempt, a contempt which they were at no pains to conceal. The traveller Smyth thought them "kind, hospitable and generous," but illiberal, noisy and rude," and much "addicted to inebriety and averse to labor." This class, he says, "who ever compose the bulk of mankind, are in Virginia more few in numbers, in proportion to the rest of the inhabitants, than perhaps in any other country in the universe."*^ But it must not be imagined that slavery drove out or ruined the entire class of small farmers, leaving Virginia alone to the wealthy. In fact, most of those who were firmly established remained, finding their salvation in themselves purchasing slaves. Few indeed had been able to avail themselves of the labor of indentured servants; the cost of transportation was too heavy, the term too short, the chances of sickness or deser- tion too great. But with the influx of thousands of negroes, the more enterprising and industrious of the poor planters quite frequently made purchases. Although the initial outlay COLONIAL VIRGINIA 153 was greater, they could secure credit by pledging their farms and their crops, and in the end the investment usually paid handsome dividends and many who could not raise the money to buy a full grown negro, often found it possible to secure a child, which in time would become a valuable asset. This movement may readily be traced by an examination of the tax lists and county records of the Eighteenth century. In Lancaster even so early as 171 6 we find that the bulk of the slaves were in the hands, not of wealthy proprietors, but of comparatively poor persons. Of the 314 taxpayers Hsted, 113 paid for themselves alone, 94 for two only, 37 for three, 22 for four, thirteen for five, while thirty-five paid for more than five. As there were but few servants in the colony at this time it may be taken for granted that the larger part of the tithables paid for by others were negro slaves. It would / seem, then, that of some 200 slave owners in this country, y about 165 possessed from one to four negroes only. There ' were but four persons listed as having more than twenty slaves, William Ball with 22, Madam Fox with 23, William Fox with 25 and Robert Carter with 126." /A Nor-did-the_ class, of little. .slave holder^ melt..awa^_as.-time passed. In fact they continued to constitute the bulk of the "white population of Virginia for a century and a half, from the beginning of the Eighteenth century until the conquest of the State by Federal troops in 1865. Thus we find that of 633 slave owners in Dinwiddle county in 1782, 95 had one only, 66 had two, 71 three, 45 four, 50 five, making an aggregate of 327, or more than half of all the slave holders, who pos- sessed from one to five negroes.*^ In Spotsylvania there were, in 1783, 505 slave owners, of whom 78 possessed one each, 54 two, 44 three, 41 four, and 30 five each. Thus 247, or nearly 49 per cent of the slave holders, had from one to five slaves only. One hundred and sixteen, or 23 per cent, had 154 THE PLANTERS OF from six to ten inclusive.*' The Gloucester lists for 1783 show similar conditions. There were in this country 320 slave holders, having 3,314 negroes, an average of about 10^ for each owner. Fifty had one each, 41 had two each, 9 had three, 30 had four and twenty-six had five. Thus 156, or about half of all the owners, had from one to five slaves.*^ In Princess Anne county, of a total of 388 slave owners, 100 had one each, 56 had two each and forty-five had three each.** Records of transfers of land tend to substantiate this testi- mony, by showing that the average holdings at all times in the Eighteenth century were comparatively small. In the years from 1722 to 1729 Spotsylvania was a new county, just opened to settlers, and a large part of its area had been granted in large tracts to wealthy patentees. Yet the deed book for these years shows that it was actually settled, not by these men themselves, but by a large number of poor planters. Of the 197 transfers of land recorded, 44 were for 100 acres or less and no for 300 acres or less. The average deed was for 487 acres. As some of the transfers were obviously made for speculative purposes and not with the intent of putting the land under cultivation, even this figure is misleading. The average farm during the period was probably not in excess of 400 acres. One of the most extensive dealers in land in Spotsylvania was Larkin Chew who secured a patent for a large tract and later broke it up into many small holdings which were sold to new settlers.*" This substitution of the small^ slave holder for the man who used~^Iy fi is^ own labor in the cultivation of fiiTTan"3''un^iues- fionably saved the class of small proprietors TronTdestrucnon Without it all would have been compelled to give^ up"lHeif~ holdings in order to seek their fortunes elsewhere, or sink to the condition of "poor white trash." Yet the movement was in many ways unfortunate. It made the poor man less in- COLONIAL VIRGINIA 155 dustrious and thrifty. Formerly he had known that he could win nothing except by the sweat of his brow, but now he was inclined to let the negro do the work. Slavery cast a stigma ^ upon labor which proved almost as harmful to the poor white / man as did negro competition. Work,iaJ,l;^. tobacco fields, was '"^ recgg^iizedas distinGtljs.theJtagkjiL^^Jlisf^^'ioi' race, a task not in keeping with the dignity of freemen. Jefiferson states that few indeed of the slave owners were ever seen to work. "For in a warm climate," he adds, "no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him."°° Chastellux noted the same tendency, declaring "that the indolence and dissipation of the middling and lower classes of white inhabitants of Virginia is such as to give pain to every reflecting mind."" Slavery developed in the small farmers a spirit of pride -y and' haughtiness that was unknown to them in the Sevjgp,teenth ^ century, «..Every man, no matter how poor, was surrounded by those to whom he felt himself superior, and this gave him a certain self-esteem. Smyth spoke of the middle class as gen- erous, friendly and hospitable in the extreme, but possessing a rudeness and haughtiness which was the result of their "general intercourse with slaves."^^ Beverley described them as haughty and jealous of their liberties, and so impatient of restraint that they could hardly bear the thought of being con- trolled by any superior power. Hugh Jones, Anbury, Fithian and other Eighteenth century writers all confirm this testi- mony. Despite the persistence of the small slave holder it is ob- vious that there were certain forces at work tending to in- crease the number of well-to-do and wealthy planters. Now that the labor problem, which in the Seventeenth century had proved so perplexing, had finally been solved, there was no limit to the riches that might be acquirtd by business acumen. / A 156 THE PLANTERS OF industry and good management. And as in the modern in- dustrial world the large corporation has many advantages over the smaller firms, so in colonial Virginia the most eco- nomical way of producing tobacco was upon the large planta- tions. The wealthy man had the advantage of buying and selling in bulk, he enjoyed excellent credit and could thus often afford to withhold his crop from the market when prices were mo- mentarily unfavorable, he could secure the best agricultural in- struments. Most important of all, however, was the fact that he could utilize the resources of his plantation for the pro- duction of crude manufactured supplies, thus to a certain ex- tent freeing himself from dependence upon Birtish imports and keeping his slaves at work during all seasons of the year. \ Before the Eighteenth century had reached its fifth decade ! every large plantation had become to a remarkable degree self- sustaining. Each numbered among its working force various kinds of mechanics — coopers, blacksmiths, tanners, carpenters, shoemakers, distillers. These men could be set to work when- ever the claims of the tobacco crop upon their time were not imperative producing many of the coarser articles required upon the plantation, articles which the poor farmer had to im- port from England. For this work white men were at first almost universally made use of, but in time their places were taken by slaves. "Several of them are taught to be sawyers, carpenters, smiths, coopers, &c.," says the historian Hugh Jones, "though for the most part they be none of the aptest or nicest."^' The carpenter was kept busy constructing bams and ser- vants' quarters, or repairing stables, fences, gates and wagons. The blacksmith was called upon to shoe horses, to keep in order ploughs, hinges, sickles, saws, perhaps even to forge outright such rough iron ware as nails, chains and hoes. The COLONIAL VIRGINIA 157 cooper made casks in which to ship the tobacco crop, barrels for flour and vats for brandy and cider. The tanner prepared leather for the plantation and the cobbler fashioned it into shoes for the slaves. Sometimes there were spinners, weav- ers and knitters who made coarse cloth both for clothing and for bedding. The distiller every season made an abundant supply of cider, as well as apple, peach and persimmon brandy. And the plantation itself provided the materials for this ^y^ varied manufacture. The woods of pine, chestnut and oak yielded timber for houses and fuel for the smithy. The herd of cattle supplied hides for the tanner. The cloth makers got cotton, flax and hemp from the planter's own fields, and wool from his sheep. His orchard furnished apples, grapes, peaches in quantities ample for all the needs of the distiller. In other words, the large planter could utilize advantageously the re- sources at hand in a manner impossible for his neighbor who could boast of but a small farm and half a score of slaves.^* It was inevitable, then, that the widespread use of slave labor would result in the gradual multiplication of well-to-do and wealthy men. In the Seventeenth century not one planter in fifty could be classed as a man of wealth, and even so late as 1704 the number of the well-to-do was very narrowly lim- ited. In a report to the Lords of Trade written in that year Colonel Quary stated that upon each of the four great rivers of Virginia there resided from "ten to thirty men who by trade and industry had gotten very competent estates.'"*^ Fifty years later the number had multiplied several times over. Thus in Gloucester county in 1783, of 320 slave holders no less than 57 had sixteen or more. Of these one possessed 162, one 138, one 93, one 86, one 63, one 58, two 57, one 56, one 43 and one 40.°* In Spotsylvania, of 505 owners, 76 had six- teen or more. Of these Mann Page, Esq., had 157, Mrs. Mary Daingerfield had 71, William Daingerfield 61, Alexander y 158 THE PLANTERS OF Spotswood 60, William Jackson 49, George Stubblefield 42, Frances Marewither 40, William Jones 39." The Dinwiddie tax lists for 1783 show that of 633 slave holders, no less than 60 had twenty-one or more negroes. Among the more important of these were Robert Turnbull with 81, Colonel John Banister with 88, Colonel William Diggs with ']2, John Jones with 69, Mrs. Mary Boiling with 51, Robert Walker with 52, Winfield Mason with 40, John Burwell with 42, Gray Briggs with 43, William Yates with 55, Richard TaHaferro with 43, Major Thomas Scott with 57, Francis Muir with 47.°* The wealth of the larger planters is also shown by the large number of coaches recorded in these lists, which including phaetons, chariots and chairs, ag- gregated 180 wheels. Thus it was that the doors of opportunity opened wide to the enterprising and industrious of the middle class, and many availed themselves of it to acquire both wealth and influence. Smyth tells us that at the close of the colonial period there were many planters whose fortunes were "superior to some of the first rank," but whose families were "not so ancient nor respectable."^" It was the observation of Anbury that gentlemen of good estates were more numerous in Virginia than in any other province of America.*" In fact the Eighteenth century was the golden age of _the Virginia slave holders. It was then that they built the hand- some homes once so numerous in the older counties, many of which still remain as interesting monuments of former days ; it was then that they surrounded themselves with grace- ful furniture and costly silverware, in large part imported from Great Britain; it was then that they collected paintings and filled their libraries with the works of standard writers; it was then that they purchased coaches and berlins; it was COLONIAL VIRGINIA 159 then that men and women alike wore rich and expensive clothing. < This movement tended to widen the influence of the aristoc- racy and at the same time to eliminate any sharp line of de- markation between it and the small slave holders. There was now only a g^aduaJLdescent from the wealthiest to the poor man who had but one slave. The Spotsylvania tax lists for 1783 show 247 slaveholders owning from one to five negroes, 116 owning from six to ten inclusive, 66 owning from eleven to fifteen inclusive, and seventy-six owning more than fifteen.*^ In Gloucester 156 had from one to five slaves, 66 from five to ten inclusive, 41 from eleven to fifteen inclusive, and fifty-seven over fifteen. Thus in a very true sense the old servant holding aristocracy had given way to a vastly larger slave holding aristocracy. It is this fact which explains the decline in power and in - fluence of tb e-GetmeiLia ^Virginia, which wa.s-.sa nntah1f> in _the Eighteenth centu ry. This body had formerly been repre- sentative of a small clique of families so distinct from the other planters and possessed of such power in the govern- ment as to rival the nobility of England itself. Now, how- ever, as this distinction disappeared, the Council sank in pres- tige because it represented nothing, while the House of Bur- gesses became the mouthpiece of the entire slave holding class, and thus the real power in the colonial Government. Historians have often expressed surprise at the small num- ber of Tories in Virginia during the American Revolution. The aristocratic type of society would naturally lead one to suppose that a large proportion of the leading families would have remained loyal to the Crown. Yet with very few excep--, tions all supported the cause of freedom and independence, ] even though conscious of the fact that by so doing they were ' jeopardizing not only the tobacco trade which was the basis V n/ ' :?UHll v(/ flon ^1 1 60 THE PLANTERS OF of their wealth, but the remnants of their social and political privileges in the colony. When the British Ministry tried to wring from the hands of the Assembly the all-important con- trol over taxation which all knew to be the very foundation of colonial self-government, every planter, the largest as well as the smallest, felt himself aggrieved, for this body was the depository of his power and the guardian of his interests. A hundred years before, when the commons rose against the oppression and tyranny of the Government, the wealthy men rallied to the support of Sir William Berkeley and remained loyal to him throughout all his troubles. In 1775 there was no such division of the people; the planters were almost a ?unit in the defense of rights which all held in common. is obvious, then, that slavery worked a profound revolu- in the social, economic and political life of the colony. It practically destroyed the Virginia yeomanry, the class of 'small planters who used neither negroes nor'servants in the cultivation of their fields, the class which produced the bulk of the tobacco during the Seventeenth century and constituted the chief strength of the colony. Some it drove into exile, either to the remote frontiers or to other colonies ; some it re- duced to extreme poverty; some it caused to purchase slaves and so at one step to enter the exclusive class of those who had others to labor for them./ Th^ it transformed Virginia from a land of hardworking, mdependent peasants, to a land of slaves and slave holders. ^ The small freeholder was not destroyed, as was his prototype of ancient Rome, but he was subjected to a change which was by no means fortunate or wholesome. The wealthy class, which had formerly consisted of a narrow clique closely knit together by family ties, was transformed into a numerous body, while all sharp line of de- markation between it and the poorer slave holders was wiped out. In short, the Virginia of the Eighteenth century, the COLONIAL VIRGINIA i6i Virginia o£ Gooch and Dinwiddie and Washington and JefiEer- son, was fundamentally different from the Virginia of the Seventeenth century, the Virginia of Sir William Berkeley and Nathaniel Bacon. Slavery had wrought within the borders of | the Old Dominion a profound and far reaching revolution. NOTES TO CHAPTER I ^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, A True Dec- laration, p. 25. 2 Purchas, Vol. XVIII, pp. 437-438. " Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, A True Dec- laration, p. 23. * Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, P- 37- ^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. I, Nova Brittania, pp. 21-22. " Hakluyt, Discourse, pp. 89-90. ' Hakluyt, Discourse, p. 105. * Hakluyt, Discourse, p. 31. "Hakluyt, Discourse, pp. 14-15. ^^ Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 49. ^^ Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 349 ; Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. I, Nova Brit- tania, pp. 16-17. ^^ Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, P- 239- ^^ Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 202. ^* P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 445. ^^ Neill, The Virginia Company of London, p. 338. ^* Randolph Manuscript, p. 212. " P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 440; Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 239- ^* P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 441. ^° P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 443. NOTES TO CHAPTER II ' P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 161 ; Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 232. ^ William Strachey, Historic of Travaile into Virginia Britan- nia, p. 121 ; P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 162. 162 NOTES 163 ' Ralph Hamor, True Discourse, pp. 24, 34. * G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 79. ° Edward Arber, The Works of Captain John Smith, p. 535. ® Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 268. '' G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 87. * G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 81. ^ Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 268. 10 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, pp. 40-41. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, pp. 176-177. ^^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 416. ^^ Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, PP- 355-356. "The lack of towns in Virginia was a source of great regret to the English Government, and more than once attempts were made to create them by artificial means. ^^ Even at the end of the Seventeenth century the average price for land in the older counties was about thirty pounds of tobacco an acre. ^^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 578 ; Vol. II, p. 48. ^^ It was Chanco, an Indian boy living with a Mr. Pace, who revealed the plot to massacre the whites in 1622, and so saved the colony from destruction. Edward Arber, The Works of Captain John Smith, p. 578. ^* P. A. Bruce, The Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 70. ^° For a full discussion of this matter see p. — . 2° Hakluyt, Vol. VII, p. 286. ^^ P. A. Bruce, Economic H-istory of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 582. ^^ Abstracts of Proceedings of Virginia Company of London, Vol. I, pp. 28, 172 ; Edward Arber, The Works of Captain John Smith, p. 609. ^^ Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 510. ^* P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 603. ^' P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 605. 28 Virginia Land Patents, Vol. V, Register of Land Office, Vir- ginia State Capitol. ^^ Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 510. ^' P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 611. 1 64 NOTES '^^ British Public Record Office, CO 1-26-77, Berkeley to the Board of Trade. ^° Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Orders and Constitutions, 161 9, 1620, p. 22. *^ Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. "' Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574-1660, p. 208. '' Princeton Transcripts, Virginia Land Patents, Princeton University Library. '* Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. NOTES TO CHAPTER III ^ L. G. Tyler, Narratives of Early Virginia, pp. 21-22. ^Abstracts of Proceedings of Virginia Company of London, Vol. II, p. 171. 'British PubHc Record Office, COi-26-77, Berkeley to Board of Trade. * Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 257. ° Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 411. * Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 539. ^ British Public Record Office, COi-26-77, Berkeley to Board of Trade. * Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. ° P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 595. ^^ J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America (1600- 1700). ^^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, p. 3. ^^ British Public Record Office, COi-26-77, Berkeley to Board of Trade. ^= British Public Record Office, COs-1359, p. 119, Colonial Entry Book, Governor Andros to the Lords of Trade. " E. D. Neill, Virginia Vetusta, p. 123. "Hugh Jones, Present State of Virginia, p. 6r. ' Surry County Records, 1684-1686, Virginia State Library. York County Records, 1696-1701, Virginia State Library. 'Rappahannock County Deeds, 1680-1688, Virginia State Library. ^' Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, Virginia State Library. 15 ■ 10 ■ 17 ■ IS ■ NOTES 165 ^"J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America, pp. 266-275. ^^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, pp. 529- 532. ''^Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, p. 30. ^* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XII, p. 387- ^' Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. ^° Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. ^' Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, Virginia State Library. "^ Surry County Records, 1645-1672, p. 17. ^^ Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, p. 348, Vir- ginia State Library. 30 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol, Vol. V. ^^ Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, pp. 199, 202, 205, 209, 216, 348, 394, 407, 413, Virginia State Library. ^^ H. R. Mcllwaine, journals of the House of Burgesses, 1686, P- 37- '^British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 91-92, Colonial Entry Book. '* British Public Record Office, CO5-1306, Document 116, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. '^British Public Record Office, CO5-1355, p. 361, Colonial Entry Book. ^'British PubHc Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 91-92, Colonial Entry Book. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1405, p. 460, Council Minutes, 1680- 1695. ^' British Public Record Office, CO5-1405, pp. 544-545, Coun- cil Minutes, 1680-1695. ^° British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, p. 345, Colonial Entry Book, 1696- 1700. *° British PubHc Record Office, CO5-1339, Document 33V. Correspondence of the Board of Trade. " British Public Record Office, CO5-1314, Document 63 VIII, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. A copy of this interest- 1 66 NOTES ing document is published as an appendix to this volume. *^ See appendix. *^ See appendix. ** Of this land 15 acres belonged to Thomas Jefferson, probably the grandfather of President Jefferson. *^ In the opening years of the Eighteenth century the increased importation of slaves brought about an immediate decline in the migration of whites to Virginia from England. *° Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 480. The laws gov- erning the tithables were altered slightly from time to time. " Surry County, Wills, Deeds, Etc., 1671-1684, pp. 134-138, Virginia State Library. *^ Surry County, Wills, Deeds, Etc., 1671-1684, pp. 134-138, Virginia State Library. " Surry County, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1684-1686, pp. 59-63, Vir- ginia State Library. °" Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, pp. 364-373- °^ Prince George county was formed out of Charles City in 1703. °^ Surry County, Wills, Deeds, Etc., 1671-1684; Surry County, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1684-1686, Virginia State Library. °' Elizabeth City County Records, 1684-1699, Virginia State Li- brary. NOTES TO CHAPTER IV ^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. VIII, p. 273. ^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. VIII, p. 273. ' P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 42. * Robert Beverley, History of Virginia, p. 2S21. - .- ^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Leah and Rachel, p. 11. « William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, p. 31. ' Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Leah and Rachel, p. 11. ' In fact, it was stated by John Hammond in 1656 that many servants acquired considerable property even before the expira- tion of their indentures. "Those servants that will be indus- trious may in their time of service gain a competent estate be- fore their Freedomes," he says, "which is usually done by many, and they gaine esteeme and assistance that appear so industrious : NOTES 167 There is no master almost but will allow his Servant a parcell of clear ground to plant some tobacco in for himselfe, which he may husband at those many idle times he hath allowed him and not prejudice, but rejoyce his Master to see it, which in time of Shipping he may lay out for commodities, and in Summer sell them again with advantage, and get a Sow-Pig or two, which any body almost will give him, and his Master suffer him to keep them with his own, which will be no charge to his Master, and with one year's increase of them may purchase a Cow calf or two, and by that time he is for himself ; he may have Cattle, Hogs and Tobacco of his own, and come to live gallantly ; but this must be gained (as I said) by Industry and affability, not by sloth nor churlish behaviour." Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Leah and Rachel, p. 14. ^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IV, p. ^° Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 262. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 261. ^^ R. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 154. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 160. 1* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XIII, p. 381. ^^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, pp. 4-6. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO1-21, Secretary Ludwell to Lord John Berkeley. " Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 268. 18 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 267, King Charles I to the Governor and Council of Virginia. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, p. 293. 20 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VI, p. 376. " Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 53. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 394. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VI, p. 260. ^* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 382. . 25 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 149. 1 68 NOTES ^° Governor Yeardley's Instructions of 1626 contain the state- ment that "tobacco falleth every day more and more to a baser price." ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p 376. ^* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII P- 159- ^° Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, p, 177. 30 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. X, p. 425 ^^ G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 159 ^^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 4. ^' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII p. 150. ** Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 288, In Feb. 1627, orders, were issued once more that all colonial to- bacco, whether of Virginia or of the West Indies, should be shipped only to London. Calendar of State Papers, 1574-1660, p. 84. 35 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII pp. 149, 155. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO1-12, Petition of Jan. 2 1655- ^■^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, pp. 349- 356. ^* G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, pp. 203- 204. ^' G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 216. *° The author of A New Description of Virginia, published in 1649, states that "in Tobacco they can make L20 sterling a man, at 3d a pound per annum." Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Description of Virginia, p. 6. " Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 382. *^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 149, Vol. II, p. 53, Vol. VII, p. 259. *' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 260. ** Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 158. NOTES 169 *° Abstracts of Proceedings of Virginia Company of London, Vol. I, pp. 41-42. *° J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America, pp. 201-265. " Colonial Virginia Register, pp. 54-55. ** Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 16. *^ Colonial Virginia Register, pp. 68-69. 60 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. " Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. H, p. 420. °2 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 421 ; Vol. IV, p. 75. 53 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, p. 77. ^* W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, pp. 15-18. °^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 56. °° Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. "William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, p. 271. ^* William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, p. 276. =^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, pp. 271-276. ^° Virginia Colonial Register, pp. 64, 68, 70. '^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 72. *^ Virginia Land Patents, Vol. V, p. 224, Register of Land Of- fice, Virginia State Capitol. ^^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, New Series Vol. I, p. 4. °* W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, pp. 83, 84, 125, 126. °^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VII, p. 5. °^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 78. ^' W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, pp. 77, 191, 281. "^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 122. "^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 192. '" W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 76. ^^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 144. '2 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 144. ^^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, p. 276. ^* Virginia Land Patents, Vol. Ill, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. The name is here spelled John Black- borne. ^^ Virginia Land Patents, Vol. Ill, Register of Land Office, 170 NOTES Virginia State Capitol. On the lists the name is spelled Wil- liam Butcher. '^ J. C. Wise, The Early History of the Eastern Shore of Vir- ginia, pp. 135-137. " Virginia Land Patents, Vol. IV, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. '* J. C. Wise, The Early History of the Eastern Shore of Vir- ginia, p. 95. ^° G. C. Greer, Early Virginia Immigrants, p. 68. *° J. C. Wise, The Early History of the Eastern Shore of Vir- ginia, p. 376. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. V, p. loi. *^ W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VII, p. 177. *^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VI, p. 92. ** Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VI, p. 298, *^ In 1656 John Hammond declared that though it cost six pounds sterling to go to Virginia, those who decided to make the venture could be sure that their money was well spent. He ad- vised "any that goes over free, but in a mean condition, to hire himself for reasonable wages of Tobacco and Provision, the first year," for by that means he could live free of disbursement, and "have something to help him the next year." Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Leah and Rachel, p. 14. 86 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 441. ^'' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, p. 27. *' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. X, p. 271. NOTES TO CHAPTER V ^ G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. II, p. 109. ^British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 26, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. ' P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 401. * R. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, p. 160. ' British Public Record Office, CO5-1316, Perry and Hyde to the Lords of Trade, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1316, The Present State of the Tobacco Plantations in America, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. ^British Public Record Office, COs-1316, Correspondence of the Board of Trade; Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IX, p. 917. NOTES 171 * Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, pp. 141-155. 'British PubUc Record Office, CO1-16, Petition of Berkeley and Others, Aug. 26, 1662. ^° British Public Record Office, COi-20, Thomas Ludwell to Secretary Arhngton, May i, 1666. " British Public Record Office, COi-20, Sir William Berkeley and others to Secretary Arlington, July 13, 1666. 1= British Public Record Office, COi-20, Sir William Berkeley and others to Secretary Arlington, July 13, 1666. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO1-21, Thomas Ludwell to Lord Arlington, Feb. 12, 1667. ^* British Public Record Office, CO1-21, Thomas Ludwell to Lord John Berkeley. ^^ British Public Record Office, COi-23, p. 19, Ludwell to Lord Arlington. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO1-21, Governor and Council to the King. ^^ British Public Record Office, COi-30, p. 51, Petition of the Governor and Council. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1356, p. 408, Report of the Council to the King. 1^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1355, p. 385, Colonial Entry Book. ^"British Public Record Office, COi-23, p. 19, Ludwell to Lord Arlington, July 20, 1665. " British Public Record Office, CO5-1371, p. 246, Colonial Entry Book. ^^ British Public Record Office, COs-1371, pp. 232-240, Dia- logue Between John Good and Nathaniel Bacon, Colonial Entry Book, 1677. ^'British Public Record Office, CO 1-30, p. 51, Petition of the Governor and Council to the King, July 1673. 2* British PubHc Record Office, COs-1355, p. 410, Colonial Entry Book. ^' British Public Record Office, CO5-1356, p. 179, Colonial Entry Book. ^^ G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. II, p. 147. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1371, p. 276, Colonial Entry Book. ^* British Public Record Office, COs-1371, p. 276, Colonial Entry Book. 172 NOTES ^' This view of the matter has the support of the dean of Vir- ginia historians, Dr. Philip Alexander Bruce. Dr. Bruce writes : "No less an authority than Robert Beverley, the historian, states that the Navigation Acts had a sensible influence in precipitating Bacon's Rebellion. In the early life of this writer he must have been closely associated with hundreds of people who had been through the uprising, and knew much, by direct observation, of the currents that governed it. The elder Beverley was thor- oughly informed and thus, in his own home, the son had the best of opportunities of learning the truth. Beverley himself declared that the Acts were causing discontent among the people, long be- fore the Rebellion actually occurred, and so did John Bland in his memorable petition. There is no doubt that the Acts, by keeping alive a sense of friction, left the people in just the state of mind to seize with eagerness on the more palpable wrongs which were specifically brought forward as the justification for resistance. It was really the groundwork of the movement, though if it had been the only cause, might not have precipitated open resistance to the Government. '"G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. II, p. 115. '^ Secretary Thomas Ludwell in a long report to the British Government spoke of the Virginia Government as Berkeley's own, "Which I so term," he explains, "because he is the sole author of the most substantial parts of it, either for Lawes or other inferior institutions." British Public Record Office, CO 1-20. '^ British Museum, Egerton Manuscript, 2395, f. 3S6b. ^' British Public Record Office, CO1-19, Berkeley to Lord Ar- lington, Aug. I, 1665. '* P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, pp. 399- 400. ^'British Public Record Office, COi-26-77, Berkeley to the Board of Trade. °° British Public Record Office, COi-30-78, Memorial of John Knight, Oct. 29, 1673. "British Public Record Office, CO1-30-71, Council of Vir- ginia to the King, 1673. ^' Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, pp. 1-16. '^ British Museum, Egerton Manuscript, 2395, f. 356b, A Dis- course and View of Virginia. *" British PubHc Record Office, COi-26-77, Berkeley to the Board of Trade. NOTES 173 " British Public Record Office, COi-34-95, Petition of Francis Moryson, Thomas Ludwell and Robert Smith. *== Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. " British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 20, 21, 22, Co- lonial Entry Book. NOTES TO CHAPTER VI ^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 3. ^ British Public Record Office, COi-30, pp. 17, 51. * Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1671-1624, Virginia State Library. * Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1684-1686, pp. 34-35, Vir- ginia State Library. = Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1684- 1686, pp. 86-87, Vir- ginia State Library. ^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 199. ^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, p. 3. ' P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 200. " Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, p. 3. "Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 18. ^^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 15. ^^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 201. ^^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Leah and Rachel, p. 13. "British PubHc Record Office, COs-1316, Statement of Mr. Perry and Captain Hyde, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. ^^ Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Virginia Richly Valued, p. 10. ^* Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Albion, P- 32. " Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. Ill, Leah and Rachel, p. 18. ^* Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 7. ^^ Abstracts of Proceedings of the Virginia Company of Lon- don, Vol. II, p. 171. 174 NOTES 20 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 153. " P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, pp. 160-161. " Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. V, p. 285. "Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1684-1686, p. 7, Virginia State Library. 2* Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1684-1686, pp. 34-35. Vir- ginia State Library. 2^ Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1684-1686, pp. 86-87, Vir- ginia State Library. ^^ Surry County Wills, Deeds, Etc. 1671-1684, Virginia State Library. ^' John Splitimber paid for himself alone in the tithable Hsts of 1675- ^^ York County Records, 1694-1702, Virginia State Library. 2° Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 15. 2° Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 14. " British Pubhc Record Office, CO5-1371, p. 241. ^^ "I would have all men consider how meanly we are provided of men of learning, ability and courage, nay indeed of honesty, to stand up in the people's behalf and oppose the oppressing party," said Nathaniel Bacon in 1676. British Public Record Office, CO5-1371, p. 246. '^ The most notable case of betrayal is that of Isaac Allerton, who sold himself to the Governor for the promise of a seat in the Council of State. British Public Record Office, CO5-1356, pp. 125-126, Colonial Entry Book. =>* British Public Record Office, CO 1-4. '^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, pp. 287- 288. ^^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. X, p. 271. " British Public Record Office, COi-8, p. 48. '5 British Public Record Office, COi-8. '* Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, pp. 360-361. *° Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 361. " Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 355. *^ Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 363. *' Sixth Report of Royal Commission on Historical Manu- scripts, Part I, Instructions to Sir George Ayscue, Sept. 26, 1651. ** The commissioners were Capt. Robert Dennis, Richard Ben- NOTES 175 nett, Thomas Stegge and Captain William Claiborne, all of whom with the exception of Dennis were Virginians. *° Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, pp. 371, 373. *° Southern Literary Messanger, Jan. 1845 ; Charles Campbell, History of Virginia, p. 74. *'' Southern Literary Messanger, Jan. 1845. ** British PubHc Record Office, CO5-1371, p. 387, Colonial Entry Book. NOTES TO CHAPTER VH ^ British Public Record Office, COs-1356, p. 104, Colonial En- try Book. ^ G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, p. 40. ' British Public Record Office, CO5-1305, Document 23, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. * British Public Record Office, CO5-1345, Document 16, Cor- respondence of the Secretary of State. ^ G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, p. 42. * Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1702. ^ British Public Record Office, CO5-135S, pp. 381-385, Colonial Entry Book. 8 G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, p. 168. * British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 16, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. ^"British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 91. " British Public Record Office, COs-1345, Document 16, John Linton to the Board of Trade, Correspondence of the Secretary of State. " British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Report of John Lin- ton on the Tobacco Trade, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. ^^ British Public Record Office, COs-1345, Document 16, Cor- respondence of the Secretary of State. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 26, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. ^'British Public Record Office, CO5-131S, Document 26, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. ^'British Public Record Office, CO5-1316, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. " British Public Record Office, CO5-1340, Document 91, Col. Quary's Memorial. 176 NOTES " R. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, p. 42. " British Public Record Office, CO5-1316, Correspondence of the Board of Trade; CO5-1360, p. 233, Governor Nicholson to the Lords of Trade. ="• British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 91, Col. Quary's Memorial. " British Public Record Office, CO5-131S, Correspondence of the Board of Trade, Letter of Col. Quary Sept. I, 1706. "" Princeton Transcripts, Virginia Land Patents, Princeton University Library. 2' Britain Public Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 107-108, Co- lonial Entry Book. In 1699 Gov. Nicholson stated that Orinoco was bringing 20 shillings the hundredweight and Sweetscented 25 shillings and up, which he considered an unusually good return. British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, p. 322. ^* P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 66. ^° J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America, pp. 202-265. ^° P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 89. ^' Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, p. 3. "British Public Record Office, COi-26-77, Berkeley to the Board of Trade. =» British Public Record Office, CO5-1355, p. 345, Lord Cul- peper's account of his compliance with the King's instructions, Dec. 1681. '" P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 75. '^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 75. »2 British Public Record Office, CO 1-26-77, Berkeley to the Board of Trade. '' G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, p. 323. '* G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, pp. 324-325. " York County Records, 1664-1672, Virginia State Library. '* York County Records, 1694-1702, Virginia State Library. °^ Henrico Records, 1677-1692, Virginia State Library. '* York County Records, 1694-1697, Virginia State Library. '* British Public Record Office, COs-1317, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. *" British Public Record Office, COs-1317, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. *^ British Public Record Office, COs-1406, Minutes of the NOTES 177 Council March 21, 1710, CO5-1363, pp. 189-191, Colonial Entry Book. *^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1322, Governor Gooch to the Lords of Trade, Sept. 14, 1730; Feb. 12, 1731. *' British Public Record Office, CO5-1363, pp. 317-324, Co- lonial Entry Book. ** British Public Record Office, CO5-1362, pp. 369-373, Co- lonial Entry Book. *^ P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 83. *° Princeton Transcripts, Virginia Land Patents, Princeton University Library. " P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 108. *' British Public Record Office, COS- 13 16, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. *° British Public Record Office, CO5-1314, Document 66, Governor Nott to the Board of Trade. =" British PubHc Record Office, CO5-1362, pp. 365-367, Co- lonial Entry Book. " British Public Record Office, COs-1362, pp. 365-367, Co- lonial Entry Book. °^ During these years the planters were too impoverished to purchase slaves. The decline in the tobacco trade produced a feeling among the people that the colony had been overstocked with blacks. °' British Public Record Office, CO5-1322, Correspondence of the Board of Trade, Report of Governor Gooch. '* British Public Record Office, CO5-1322, Francis Fane to the Lords of Trade, Dec. 10, 1728. °^ British Public Record Office, COs-1356, p. 139, Colonial Entry Book. NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII ^ Princeton Transcripts, Virginia Land Patents, Princeton Uni- versity Library. " Princeton Transcripts, Virginia Land Patents, Princeton Uni- versity Library. * British Public Record Office, COs-1362, pp. 365-367, Co- lonial Entry Book. * Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. ' G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol, I, p. 28. 178 NOTES « G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, Vol. I, pp. 320-321. ' Jared Sparks, The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. X, iii. ' Maurice Vanlaer, La Fin d'un Peuple, pp. 38-39. ° Maurice Vanlaer, La Fin d'un Peuple, pp. 112-117. " British Public Record Office, COi-39-38. ^^ Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1696-1697, p. 420. ^^ Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1696-1697, p. 500. ^^ Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1696-1697, p. 546. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 20, 21, 22. ^= British Public Record Office, CO5-13S9, pp. 20, 21, 22. " British Public Record Office, CO5-13S9, p. 23, Colonial Entry Book. ^'British Public Record Office, CO5-13S9, p. 113, Andros to the Lords of Trade, July i, 1697. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 266-303, Co- lonial Entry Book. " British Public Record Office, COs-1312, p. 409A, Corre- spondence of the Board of Trade. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1360, p. 441, Colonial Entry Book. " Rent Roll of 1704, p. 46. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1321, Correspondence of the Board of Trade, Gooch to the Lords of Trade, Nov. 6, 1728. ^' British Public Record Office, COs-1362, pp. 374-382, Co- lonial Entry Book. ''* British Public Record Office, CO5-1364, p. 27, Colonial Entry Book. ^'^ J. S. Bassett, Writings of William Byrd, p. 31. ^^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1322, Gooch to the Lords of Trade, Feb. 27, 1731. "British Public Record Office, CO5-1321, Gooch to the Lords of Trade, Aug. 9, 1728. "'British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 16, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. "'British Public Record Office, CO5-131S, Document 91, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. '"British Public Record Office, CO5-1316, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. '^British Public Record Office, CO5-131S, Document 16. '^ British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Document 91, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade. NOTES 179 ''British Public Record Office, CO5-1315, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. '* British Public Record Office, CO5-1316, Account of the to- bacco trade by Perry and Hyde, June 2, 1714. '= British Public Record Office, COs-1316, Petition of the Council, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. '^ British Public Record Office, COs-1318, Address of King and Queen county inhabitants to Spotswood; address of West- moreland inhabitants; letter of Spotswood to Lords of Trade, Dec. 22, 1718. '^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXI, pp. 106-122. '* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XH, pp. 414-416. '* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IV, pp. 297-299. *" William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, pp. 97*106, 196- 201, 250-258. " Chastellux, Travels in North America, p. 291. ** Philip Fithian, Journal and Letters, p. 243. " Smyth, A Tour of the United States, Vol. I, p. 58. ** William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXI, pp. 106-122. *' William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, pp. 97-106, 196- 201, 250-258. *° Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IV, pp. 297-299. *' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XII, p. 415- ** Lower Norfolk County Antiquary, Vol. IV, p. 144. "W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. I, pp. 88-110. " Thomas Jefferson, Notes on Virginia, Edition of 1801, p. 321. °' Chastellux, Travels in North America, p. 292 note. " Smyth, A Tour of the United States, Vol. I, p. 66. °' Hugh Jones, History of Virginia, p. 36. °* Rowland, Life of George Mason, Vol. I, pp. loi, 102; Philip Fithian, Journal and Letters, pp. 67, 104, 130, 130, 138, 217, 259; P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, pp. 411, 418. "British Public Record Office, COs-1314, Document 63IV. "* Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XII, p. 415- °' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IV, pp. 292-299. i8o NOTES ^^ William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, pp. 97-106, 196- 201, 250-258. =° Smyth, A Tour of the United States, p. 67. *° Anbury, Travels Through America, Vol. II, p. 330. ""^ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XII, p. 415. APPENDIX RENT ROLL OF VIRGINIA 1 704-1 705 A True and Perfect Rent Roll of all the Lands held of her Maj"* Henrico County, Aprill 1705 Andrews Thomas 396 Ascoutch Mary 633 Archer Jno 335 Adkins Jno 125 Archer Geo 1738 Aldy John 162 Akins James Sen' 200 Asbrook Peter Sen'' 200 Akins James Jun' 218 Allin Widd" 99 4106 B Byrd Esq' ipSOO Boiling Rob* S 100 John Doley 640 Matthew Mathias 80 Mr. James Peters 889 Jno Owens 190 Josvas Morris 900 Thomas Mason 140 Wm. Wishart 200 Jno Russell 300 Stephen Sail 250 Timothy Dennis 100 George Walker 425 Wm. Ashby 100 Charles Griffin 216 Symon Franklin 100 Alice Thrower 125 2o6 APPENDIX James Wishart 225 Richard Draught 500 Doctor Wm. Hunter 80 Mr. Jon Sanders 203 Wm Grinto 650 Henry Fithgerreld 200 Coll. H. Lawson 3100 Capt. John Thorowgood . . . 1000 Robert Thorowgood 940 Henry Southern 640 John Wharton 850 Joseph Doller 150 Jno Briggs 600 Francis Jones 100 Thomas Lurrey 100 Thomas Walker 820 Steph Swaine 450 Edward Mulsin 100 George Bullock 300 Jno Leggett 400 Mark Tully 300 Wm. Walstone 400 Mark Powell 550 Elizabeth Nicholls 500 Hugh Hoskins So Wm. Burrough 50 Wm. Warren 100 Capt. Hugh Campble 800 George Worrinton 400 James Tully 400 Wm. Lovett 1300 Wm. Grant 150 Thomas More 100 Richard Whithurst 350 Capt. Thomas Cocke 800 John Comins 175 Thomas Grififin 200 Thomas Spratt 600 Jno Russell 150 James Heath 550 David Duncon 100 Daniell Lane 350 George Fowler 600 Jno Booth 350 Giles Collier 500 Jacob Johnson 1700 Alexander Willis 150 Richard Bonny 2000 Mr. James Doage 784 Antho : Barnes 200 Jno. Macklalin 120 Thomas Etherington 108 Jno James 328 Wm. Woodhouse 300 John Mayho 160 Joseph Perry 35 Thomas Perry 650 Mr. Argoll Thorowgood . . . 1000 Capt. Wm. Moseley 600 Jno Moseley 325 Wm. Smith 180 Wm. Symmons 400 Adam Forguson 120 Banj. Commins 200 Jno Elkes 500 Patrick White 1250 Richard Jones 200 Evan Jones 600 Mich. Jones 200 Richard Wicker 300 Henry Snaile 250 Mr. Samiel Bush 550 Mr. Tully Robinson 500 Jno Briberry 50 Wm. Moseley 50 Capt. Christ Merchant .... 400 Richard Cox cq Matt. Godfrey 150 Thomas Tully 600 Hector Denby 600 Thomas Keeling 700 Wm. More jgo Thomas Cason ccq Sarah Jackson goo Jacob More 200 Henry Spratt 98728 A True and Perfect Rent Roll of the Lands In Elizabeth City County for the Year 1704 Coll. Wm. Wilson 1024 Mr. Wm. Smelt 150 Mr. Pasquo Curie 300 Mr. Nicho. Curie 950 Coll. Dudley Diggs 216 Samuell Pearce 100 Mary Jenings 250 Mark Powell 184 APPENDIX 207 Wm. Davis 42 Jno Skinner 50 Thomas Baines 50 Wm. Latham 90 Thomas Tucker 60 Matthew Smell 100 Charles Cooley 200 Jno Chandler 150 Wm. Umpleet 25 Charles Tucker 240 Thomas AUin 227 Wm. Williams per the School 600 Wm Williams per himself.. 260 Mrs. Bridgett Jenkins 100 Christopher Davis 25 Wm. Spicer 60 Thomas Hawkins 270 Jno Bowles 260 Jno Theodam 100 Bartho. Wetherby 300 Jos : White 200 Capt. Henry Royall 7S0 Robert Bright Sen 100 Thomas Naylor 100 George Cooper Sen 100 Thomas Needham 100 Cha : Cooper 100 Wm. Dunn 100 Charles Jenings 225 Samuell Davill 100 Paltey Davill 100 Francis Rogers 200 Thomas Babb per Selden . . 300 Richard Horsley 90 Sarah Nagleer 230 Henry Dunn 50 Peter Pearce So Moses Davis 150 Mich : Breltuen 100 Henry Robinson 200 Christo. Copeland 340 Thomas Faulkner 50 Mr. James Wallace 1300 Mr. Berthram Servant 418 Robert Taylor 50 Joseph Harris So Wm. Robinson SO Wm. Boswell 220 Wm. Winter 70 John Lowry per Selden ... no Edward Roe 100 Henry James 100 Richard Roatton SO Thomas Poole 1200 John Wheat Land 66 George Bell 80 Widdow Ballis 350 George Walker 325 Mr. Robert Beverley 777 Jno House IS7 Jno Bushell Jun iSo Roger Masinbred SO John Shepherd 210 Wm. Minsor iSo Edward Lattimore 190 James Baker 22s Thomas Tucker 60 Jno. Cotton SO Mark Johnson 400 Major Wm. Armistead .... 460 Coll. Antho. Armistead . . . 2140 Daniell Preeday SO Matthew Watts 454 Bryan Penny So Giles Dupra iSO Jno Bayley 415 Mary Simmons 200 Jno Parish SO Antho. Griggs 50 Abr : Parish 100 Mark Parish 200 Benj. Smith 6so Thomas Nobling per Archer 212 Wm. Mallory 200 Widdow Croashell 100 Charles Powers 400 Robert Charwill per Jno Young 440 Samuell Fingall 333 Francis Savoy 50 Mr. Edward Mihills 600 Jane Nichols 50 John Francis 2S James Priest so Simon Hollier 200 Mr. Thomas Gebb 630 Mr. Richard Booker S26 Mr. Wm. Lowry 526 Mr. Merry or Mrs Dunn. . . 500 Wm. Haslyitt 100 Capt. Augustine More 28s John More 2S0 John Passones 780 Rebeckha Morgan so Thomas Roberts 2S0 2o8 APPENDIX Mr. John Turner 50 Henry Lais SO Capt. Henry Jenkins 300 Mr. Francis Ballard per Selden 460 Henry Royall Sgeriff 29560 A True & Perfect Rent Roll of all the Lands that is held in Warwick County 1704 Major Wm. Cary Mr. Nedler Plantacon Rober Hubbert Wm. Harwood Richard Glanvills Orphans. Wm. Hubbert Henry Gibbs Wm. Hewitt James Hill John Golden Thomas Harwood Jno. Harwood Capt. Thomas Charles Hump : Harwood Matthew Wood Edward Joyner Coll. Dudley Diggs Elizabeth Lucas John HiUard Edward Loftes Wm. Rowles Orphans Samuell Hatton Isaac Goodwin George Robinson Seymon Powell John Dawson Wades Orphans Henry Dawson John Bowger Joseph Cooper Robert Roberts George Burton Capt. Mills Wells Roger Daniell Orphans Jno Hansell Emanuell Wells Elizabeth Wells Widdow . . Widdow Lewelling Wm. Wells EUas Wells Widdow Pierce Thomas Haynes John Scarsbrook 300 Francis Jones 80 Matthew Jones loi Jno. Read 625 Mr. Brewer Land i6s Mr. Henry Cary 200 Langhorne Orphans 315 Coll. Coles Orphans 150 Peter Jones 13s Samuell Crew Orphans . . . 50 Samuell Symons 575 Mrs. Elizabeth Whitaker. 704 Capt. Miles Cary 100 John Cannon 400 John Linton 300 Richard Gough 60 "Coll. Miles Cary 4626 Mr. Jno. Mallnote 800 Rowlands Williams 74 Robert Chapell 60 James Chapell ISO Edward Powers 225 James White 225 Peter Sawers Orphans . . . 70 Wm. Cotton 250 James Cotton 300 John Croley 100 Stephen Burgess 200 Widdow Yorgen 100 George Jackson 200 Sarah Ranshaw 60 Richard Wootton 330 Samuell Hoggard 425 James Floyd 196 Fr : Rice Orphans 100 Mr. Math Hoggard 325 Widdow Chapell 155 Thomas Ascow 100 Garrett Ridley 615 Samuell Ranshaw SO Charle Stuckey 155 Jos Naylor 850 Jos Russell 850 Charles Allen 150 750 875 I3S0 670 602 1350 ISO 150 173 600 600 75 75 60 i960 61 170 150 100 200 40 95 143 70 100 128 60 193 125 243 120 100 200 270 321 SO 300 238 86 100 ISO 295 APPENDIX 209 Wm. Newberrey 100 John Turmer 100 Wm. Smith 150 Elizabeth Holt 150 James Browne 150 Henry Royall 246 Edward Rice 375 Thomas Blacfcistone 75 Mark Noble 215 James Reynolds 75 John Holmes 200 Samuell Duberry 200 Edward Powers 200 Jno Hatton Orphans 93 Wm. Lowland 25 Thomas Morey 363 Wm. Bracey 150 Cope Doyley 500 Nath Edwards 100 Samuel Groves 490 ■Croncher Orphans so Henry Whitaker 60 Woodman Land 200 Wm Cook 29 Jno Tignall 392 Thomas Mountfort 8go Jo'seph Mountfort 558 James Priest 50 Abr • Cawley 80 Wm. Jones 70 Edward Davis 200 The County Land 150 Denbigh per Gleab 130 Mulberry Island Gleab 50 Thomas Hansford 75 Mr. Rascows Orphans 1195 Thomas Hansford never before paid 3768s 75 37610 Persons out of the County Jno Trevillian .... 248 Holman Orphans . . 200 448 Robert Hubberd Sherriff A Rent Rdll of all ithe Land In York County 1704 Wm. Jackson 200 Matt : Pierce 100 Jno. Latin ISO Robert Cobbs 100 Francis Sharp 100 Gto : Baskewyle 3S0 Richard Gilford 100 Jos : Frith SO Wm. Jones 70 Nath : Crawley 384 Thomas Crips 750 Wm. Davis 200 Lewis Barnoe 80 Arthur Lun 50 Jno. Bates 669 Jno Serginton 150 Wm. Taylor 100 Richard Page 150 Wm. Jorden 580 Jno. Lynes 150 Alex : Banyman 50 Wm. Cobbs So Mary Whaley 5S0 Henry Tyler 180 Richard Kendall iso Wm. Hansford 300 Nicholas Sebrell 150 David Stoner 50 Ralph Hubberd 50 Wm. Harrison 50 Jno. Wyth 100 Thomas Hill 930 Thomas Vines 200 Morgan Baptist 100 Phil. Deadman 75 Bazill Wagstaff 127 Wm. Allen 117 Robert Read 750 Jos : Mountf ord 307 Roger Boult 100 Edward Fuller 70 Thomas Jefferson 100 Henry Duke 2S Jno. Hansford 100 Robert Peters 160 Jno. Morland 100 Wm. Lee 3S0 Richard Burt 200 John Eaton 170 Rob : Starke 250 Robt. Harrison 200 Jno. Morris 125 James Bates 117 Elizabeth Jones 94 2IO APPENDIX Edward Young lOO Robert Green 200 Tho : Fear 100 Edward Thomas 223 John Loyall 100 Stephen Pond 200 Wm. Wise 850 CorneUus Shoehorn 100 Joseph White 750 Daniell Park Esq 2750 Thomas Fear Jun 130 Orlando Jones 450 Ambrose Cobbs 163 Henry Dyer 50 Wm. Davis 100 Wm. Buckner 3Q2}4 Tho. Barber 600 Elizb. Tindall 60 Dudley Diggs 1350 Wm. Hewitt 150 Mary Collier 433 Charles Collier 684 Tho. Hansford 75 Geo. Browne 150 Wm. Gibbs 50 Wm. Pekithman 650 Jno. Smith 150 Baldwin Matthews 1300 Jno Daniell 200 Seamor Powell 130 Jno. Lewis Esq 300 Wm. Timson 1000 Jno. Page 490 Jos. Benj afield 80 Tho. Stear 60 Stephen Fouace 565 Edmund Jenings Esq 850 Elizb. Archer 370 Wm. Coman 50 Elizb. Hansford loo Samll: Hill 25 Jno. Anderson 50 Tho Buck 250 Lewis Burwell 2100 Robt. Crawley 400 Robt. Hyde 200 Robt. Harrison 250 Jeffry Overstreet 50 Tho. Overstreet 50 John Myhill 52 Mary Roberts 25 Benja. Stogsdall 50 Tho Wade 375 Jos : Walker 615 Jno. Sanders 100 Mongo Inglis 400 Tho Holyday 100 Jno. Williams 100 Antho : Sebrell 50 Robt. Jones 100 James Cansebee 200 Richd. Booker 200 James Morris 100 Henry Adkinson 82 Robt. Jackson 150 Anthoney Robinson 183 Hannah Lamb 50 James Calthorp 900 Tho Boulmer 265 Peter Pasque 12 Jno. Chapman 70 Jno. Pond 112 Sarah Tomkins 250 Robt. Kirby 200 Tho. Kirby 270 Edward Curtis 200 Jno. Forgison 200 Wm. Row go2 Jno. Hunt 550 Wm. Tavemer 100 Armiger Wade 424 Richard Dixon 450 Edmund Jennings Esq i6so Jno. Persons 300 Tho. Nutting 375 Peter Manson 150 Richard Slaughter 275 James Persons 350 Tho. Roberts 450 Jno. Toomer 335 Daniell Taylor 225 Robert Hayes 220 Henry Andros 274 Jno. Wells 750 Robert Curtis 250 Tho. Cheesman Sen 1800 Jos Potter 25 Hen : Heywood 1300 David Holyday 600 John Northern 130 Jno. Doswell 367 Isaac Powell 100 Symon Staice 200 Jno. Drewet 200 Robert Topladie 100 Jno. Potter ^3 APPENDIX 211 Lewis Vernum ISO James Slaughter 250 Tho : Burnham 50 Jno : Doswell Jun 100 Robert Shields 400 Wm. Wilson 50 Owen Davis 247 Tho. Walker 100 Richard Nixon ISO Henry Qerk 100 Elias Love 25 Wm. Howard 100 Jno. Sanderver 100 Jno. Cox SO Tho. Gibbins . , 100 Tho. Hind 100 Tho Cheesman Jun 600 Wm. Browne 200 Jno. Rogers 6so Jno. Moss ISO Jno. Lawson 100 Nicho. Philips 150 Wm. Sheldon 750 Jno. Wayman 100 Tho Edmonds iSo Lawrence Smith 1700 James Paulmer iso Wm. Gurrow 150 Peter Goodwin 400 Robt. Snead 50 Edward Cawley 150 Wm. Gorden 150 Jno. Hilsman 75 Jno. Wright 100 Jno. Gibons 50 Elizb. Goodwin 1200 Samuell Cooper 150 Jno. Fips 150 Tho Wooton 150 Edward Moss 759 Rebecka Watkins 100 Wm. Whitaker 1800 Hampton Parish 200 Bruton parish Gleabe 300 Robt. Ivy he living in James City County & no Tennt. on ye Land. . . . 100 61132J4 Added to make up the old Roll 168 Wm. Barbar S Y C 61300J4 The Rent Roll of the Land in James City County 1704 A Adkinson Tho 50 Adkinson Henry 2S0 Armestone Joshua so Adams Anne 150 Argo James 200 Abbitt Francis 100 Apercon Wm 80 Allen Richard S40 1420 B Baker Jno 100 Bentley Jno 12s Bess Edmund 75 Burwell Lewis 13S0 Beckitt Tho 60 Bray James 3Soo Bryon Jno 100 Bingley James 100 Benham Jno So Brown James 250 Bowers Wm so Broadnax Wm 1683 Bayley Wm 100 Black Geo 200 Bush Jno 800 Ballard Tho 100 Bray David 5758 Burton Ralph 200 Blankitt Henry 100 Brand Richard 12s Breeding Jno 100 Bruer Thackfield 350 Blackley Wm 142 Barratt Wm 305 Barron Tho 100 Blankes Henry 650 Bagby Tho - . 180 Barnes Francis 200 Brackitt Tho iso Browne Wm 1070 Buxton Samuell 300 Bimms Christo 300 Ballard Wm 300 212 APPENDIX Boman 90 Benge Robert 60 19123 C Center Jno 100 Clerk Wm noo Charles Phill 200 Capell Tho 200 Cearley Wm 450 Clerk Robert 300 Clerk Sarah 200 Cole Richard 80 Cooper Tho 60 Cook Richard 75 Cosby Charles 250 Crawley Robert 460 Cryer George 100 Cobbs Ambrose 350 Cock Jonathan 250 Cowles Thomas 675 4850 D Dormar Jno 100 Drummond Wm 150 Deane Jno 150 Duckitt Abraham 290 Danzee Jno Jacob Coignan 411 1 Deane Tho 80 Deane Wm 100 Drummond Jno 700 Deane Tho 150 Duke Tho 7S0 Davey Francis 778 Doby Jno 300 Duke Henry Jun So Duke Henry Esq 2986 1169s E Elerby Elizabeth 600 Edmunds Elizabeth 175 Eggleston Joseph SSO Eglestone Benj 1375 Frayser Jno 250 Fox Wm SO Fouace Stephen 150 Fish Jno 100 Freeman George 197 Furrbush Wm 400 Flanders Francis 3So 1824 G Goodrich Benj 1650 Gwin Jno 100 Garey Tho 60 Guilsby Tho 300 Graves Joseph 2S0 Goss Charles 171 Goodall Jno 400 Geddes 476 Gill Jno 100 Green Tho 50 Gregory Nicho 50 Green Wm 100 Ginnings Phill 400 Gibson Gibey iso Goodman John 275 Goodwin Robert iso Grice Aristotle 700 Greene Tho 500 2700 Fearecloth Tho 277 Farthing Wm 50 S882 H Hudson Wm 50 Herd Leph 100 Hadley Dyonitia 100 Hall Jno 50 Harvey George 142s Howard Jno 2s Hughes Geo 250 Harfield Mich 50 Hudson George 100 Hudson Leonard 170 Hood Jno 250 Harris Wm 140 Hamner Nicho 500 Henley Leonard 360 Hooker Edward 1067 Higgins Jno 75 Henley Jno 100 Holiday Tho 250 Hitchcock John 100 Holeman James 150 APPENDIX 213 Hubert Matt 1834 Handcock Robt 300 Haley James 310 Hook Mick 260 Hill Tho 310 Hatfield Richard 100 Hilliard Jeritniah 225 Hilliard John 200 Hopkins John 120 Hunt Wm 1300 Hix John 115 Harrison Wm 150 Hawkins John 200 Hix Joseph 100 Harrison Benj. Jun 100 10936 J Inch Jno 30 Jone Fred 300 Inglis Mingo 1300 Jenings Edmund Esq 200 Jaquelin Edward 400 Jeffrys Tho 60 Jackson Elizabeth 200 Jackson Richard 150 Jeffrys Matt 100 Johrfson Antho 100 Jones Wm 50 Johnson Jno 260 Jones Wm 150 Jordan John 1000 4265 K Knowstarp 150 L Lawrence Richard 250 Liidwell Phil Esq 6626 Lattoon John 75 Lund Thomas 100 Lillingtone Benj 100 Lidie Robt SCO Loftin Coraeles 200 Lightfoot Phil 1650 Lightfoot Jno. Esq 250 Love Jno 100 Loftin Comeles Jun 200 Liney Wm 55 10106 M Mookins Roger 160 Macklin Wm 300 Marston Wm 150 Morris Edward Jun 100 Manningaren 150 Marston Tho 1000 Martin Richard 150 Maples Tho 300 Muttlow Jno 170 Morris James 800 Moris David 170 Myers Wm Jun 100 Mountfort Tho 600 Morris John 195 Marble Geo 135 Mallard Poynes 100 Merryman James 300 Morecock Tho 700 Meekings Tho 175 Marraw Dennis 30 Major John 100 5885 N Norrell Hugh 328 Nicholson Jno 144 Nicholls Henry 100 Nailer Wm 300 O'Mooney Mary 126 998 P Prince George 50 'Page John 1700 Page Mary 900 Pigot Benj 90 Pall Wm 450 Parker Tho 1650 Peper Stephen 100 Phillips Jno 300 Pattison Alex 100 Perkins Charles 320 Philips Edward 100 Philips Wm 300 Pearman Wm 270 Pearman Jno 200 Pendexter Tho 550 Parish Tho 100 Pattisson Tho 200 214 APPENDIX Parke Daniell Esq 1800 Pattison Catherine 150 9330 R Rhodes Randall 50 Ryder Mary 350 Rhodes Francis 100 Rovell Jno 50 Revis Wm 150 Russell Samuell 350 1050 S Stafford Mary 210 Sanders Jno 50 Sewell Jno 75 Sprattley Jno 350 Smith Christo 450 Short Jno 90 Smallpage Robt 190 Santo Robt 100 Smith Jno 114 Slade Wm 80 Soane Henry 750 Sykes Barnard 1012 Selvey Jacob 50 Sharp Jno 800 Shaley Jno 150 Simes Wm 650 Sorrell Mary 500 Sherman Elizb 500 6121 T Tinsley Edward 100 Tinsley Richard 100 Tomson James 100 Thackson John 289 Tyery Wm 1590 Thurston John 500 Thomas Wm 150 Tyler Henry 730 Tullett John 625 Thomas Hanah 100 Thomson Henry .- . . . 150 Twine Tho 100 Thomas Jno 250 4784 V Vaughn Henry igoo Udall Matthew 50 Verney Wm 50 Vaiding Isaac 300 2300 W Weathers Tho 130 Wood Richard 130 Whitaker Wm 320 Ward Tho 100 Weldon Sarah 100 Whaley Mary 200 Winter Timo 250 Wilkins Samll 170 Wright Samll 100 Winter Wm 100 Williams Matt 75 Walker Alex 500 Williamson John 120 Walker David 150 Walker Alex. Jun 2025 Warberton Tho 190 Weldey Geo 317 Wragg Tho 500 Wooton Jno '150 Willson jfno 140 Wilkins Tho 600 Wood Edward 300 Wood Tho 200 Walker David 100 Ward Robt 800 Wright Mary 175 Woodward Lanslett 650 Woodward John 650 Woodward Geo 350 Woodward Samll 350 Ward Henry 150 Ward Edward 150 10662 Y Young Robt 350 Young Thomas 350 700 I 14780 APPENDIX 215 Benj. Shottwater of York County 300 The. Sorrell 300 Mary Nosham at the Blackwater 168 the Qt. Rts. according to his Ex.cy odrs in Council 6000 768 Henry Soane Junr. Sher. The Totall of the Acres in James City County I I 4780 Discovered of this for which the Shreiff is to be allowed 108780 108780 acres at 24 tob per 100 is 26107 tob Whereof pd in Aronoco at 6 per Ct 4000 12.0.0 In Sweet Scented at 3s " 4d per Ct 22107 92-2.3 104.2.3 New Kent County Rent Roll A Rent Roll of the Lands held of her Miaj'" in the Parish of St. Peters and St. Paulls. Anno 1704. Alford John 240 Allen Richard 550 Alex Abraham 100 Allen Robt 100 Austin 24s Austin James 700 Amos Fran 100 Ashcroft Tho 180 Aldridge Jno 250 Atkinson Jno 300 Anthony Mark 190 Anderson Jno 100 Anderson Robt 900 Arise Margt 200 Austin Rich 50 Anderson Robt 700 Anderson David 300 Anderson Rich 200 Allen Reynold 205 Allvis George 325 Aron Josiah 200 Amos Nocho 50 Allen Daniell 250 Allen Samll 150 Anderson John 100 Ashley Charles 100 678s Bourn Wm 140 Bray Sarah 790 Bradbury Geo 100 Brothers Jno 200 Bayley Jno 80 Beck Wm Mr 200 Butts Alice 150 Burnell Mary Mrs 2750 Bassett Wm 550 Ball David 200 Baughan Jno Junr 300 Bassett Tho 350 Blackburn Rowland ....... 700 Baker Christo 100 Beer Peter 100 Brooks Richd 85 Burnell Edwd 200 Brown Jno 100 Bullock Richd 450 Blackwell James Junr 200 Brooks Robt 45 Bulkley Benj 200 Blackwell 950 Baughan Jno 100 Baughan Joseph 100 Bostock Jno 100 Bostock Wm 80 Bumpus Robt 100 "Burwell Lewis 200 Bryan Charles 100 Bullock Edwd 450 Blalock Jno 492 Baker Jno 130 Bearne Henry 50 2l6 APPENDIX Buhly Jno 225 Bow Henry 200 Bradley Tho 255 Barker Cha 100 Bugg Samll 60 Baskett Wm. Esq 1250 Beck Wm 433 Beare Joseph 150 Barrett Christo 60 Baughtwright Jno 250 Bad Samll 150 Banks Andrew 50 Baker Richd 80 Bowles John 500 Bunch John 100 Burnett Jno 150 Barnhowes Richd 1600 Barbar Tho 500 Burkett Tho 41 Bates Edwd 50 Breeding John 300 Brewer Mary 100 Bassett Wm. Esq 4100 Bradingham Robt 150 Baxter James go 21786 C Cotrell Richd 200 Clarkson David 200 Crump Stephen 60 Crump Wm 330 Clopton Wm 454 Chandler Robt 160 Crump Richd 60 Cambo Richd 80 Crawford David Junr 400 Crawford David Mr 300 Chambers Edwd 235 Clerk Edwd 282 Collett Tho 100 Clerk Christo 300 Cocker Wm 1000 Case Hugh 100 Carley Richd 80 Chiles Henry 700 Cook Abraham 200 Crump Elizb 80 Colum Richd 130 Crump James 150 Crump Robt 150 Clough Capt 80 Chandler Wm 300 Chandler Francis 150 Cordey Tho 150 Currell Andrew 30 Croome Joell 600 Crutchfield Peter 400 Chesley Wm 500 Crutchfield Junr 400 Carlton Wm 140 Chambers George 100 Cox Wm 350 9251 D Dolerd Wm 50 Dennett John 350 Durham James 100 Dumas Jerimiah 250 Deprest Robt 350 Dodd John 300 Dabony James 320 Davis Elizar 375 Duke Henry Esq 325 Dibdall Jno 800 Darnell Rachell 100 Duke Henry Esq 170 Davis John 80 Davenport Mest 125 Daniell John 150 384s E Eperson John 120 Elmore Tho 300 Elmore Tho Junr "100 Ellicon Garratt Robt 520 England Wm 490 Elderkin John 300 Elmore Peter 100 English Mungo 500 Ellis Wm 100 2530 F Finch Edwd 300 Foster Joseph 800 Forgeson Wm 507 Fleming Charles 920 Francis Tho 130 Freeman Wm 200 APPENDIX 217 Fenton Widdo 270 Feare Edmd 200 Fisher Wm 100 3447 Goodger Jno 200 Green Edwd 200 Gibson Tho 370 Garrat James 375 G«nton Jno 250 Glass Tho 150 Graham Tho 250 Gleam Jno 300 Giles Jno 120 Gentry Nicho 250 Garland Edwd 2600 Glass Anne 150 Granchaw Tho 480 Greenfield Fran 80 Gillmett Jno 160 Gawsen Phillip 50 Gillmett Richd 150 Glassbrook Robt 400 Gadberry Tho 200 Gill Nicho 222 Gosling Wm 460 Goodring Alexander 100 Gills John 100 Grindge Richd 225 7442 H Herlock John 320 Hilton Jno 300 Hughs Jno 180 Huberd Jno 827 Howie Jno 150 Howie Jno Junr 100 Hughs Robt 966 Harris Edmd 100 Harris Tho 100 Hawes Haugton 850 Harris John 146 Hill Jno 250 Hester Fra 300 Horsley Rowland 250 Herman Robt . . . .• 300 Hughes Rees 400 Hill Samll 300 Holled Samll 100 Harrelston Paul 360 Hatfield Wm 318 Harris Wm 125 Harris Benj 100 Horkeey John 800 Hairy John 280 Haiselwood Jno 200 Haiselwood Tho 150 Hockiday Wm 300 Holdcroft Henry 95 Hogg Mary 140 Harmon Wm 350 Hogg Jno. Junr 260 Harris Wm 100 Hopkins Wm 200 Howes Job 300 Hight John 100 Hankins Charles 340 Harris Wm 150 Harris Robt 75 Handey Wm 150 Hogg Wm 200 Ha:;elwood Richd 100 Harlow Tho 230 Hulton Geo 150 11312 Jackson Tho 500 Izard Fran 1233 Jarratt Robt 1600 Johnson Mich 40 Jones John 100 Johnson Wm 265 Jones Jane 200 Johnson John 100 Johnson Edwd 150 Jennings Robt 100 Jones Fredirick 500 Johes John 100 Jeeves Tho 100 Jones Francis 200 Jones John 100 Jones Evan 500 5838 K King Elizb 300 Kembro Jno 540 Kembro Jno Junr 150 Keeling Geo 1500 2490 2l8 APPENDIX L Lightf oot John Esq 3600 Littlepage Richd 2160 Losplah Peter lOO Lestrange Tho 200 Liddall Geo 100 Lawson Nicho 200 Levermore Phill 1000 Lewis John Esq 2600 Lawson John 50 Lewis John 375 Lovell Geo 920 Lovell Charles 250 Leak Wm 280 Logwod Tho 100 Lacey Wm 500 Lacey Tho 100 Lacey Emanuell 180 Luke Jno 150 Lochester Robt 80 Lewis Tho 115 Lee Edwd 120 Lochester Edwd 80 Law James 100 Laton Reubin 100 Linsey Joseph 1 150 Linsey Wm 50 Lane Tho 100 14760 M Millington Wm Junr 450 Mitchell Stephen Junr 75 Millington Wm 200 Moss Samll 200 Mitchell Tho 300 Meanley Wm 100 Minis Tho 200 Mitchell Stephen 200 Moor Pelham 125 Martin Tho 100 Martin Martin 150 Morris Robt 245 Moss Tho 430 Morgan Edwd 50 Moon Stephen 70 Major Wm 456 Murroho Jno 100 Moor Jno 250 Masey Tho 300 Martin John 400 Masey Peter loo Madox John 300 Martin Wm 230 Martin James 100 Moss James 720 Moon Tho 65 McKing Alexander 170 McKoy Jno 300 Merridith Geo 400 Melton Richd 290 Morreigh John no Merfield John 210 Mills Nicho 300 Mask Jno 41 1 Medlock John 350 Moor Edwd 65 McKgene Wm 131^ Merriweather Nicho 3327 Mage Peter 450 Mitchell Wm 512 Marr Geo 100 Moor Anne 75 Mutray Tho 382 Mirideth James 270 Mohan Warwick 850 Muttlow James 150 Morgan Matthew 210 Morris John 450 Markham Tho 100 Moxon Wm 100 Mackony Elizb 250 Meacon Gideon 270 16149^ N NuchoU James 300 Neaves James 150 Nonia Richd 100 Norris Wm 100 650 O Osling John 150 Otey John 290 Oudton Matt 190 630 P Page John Junr 400 Pendexter Geo 1490 Pattison David 300 APPENDIX 219 Park Jno Junr 300 Park John 200 Pease John 100 Philip Geo 100 Penix Edwd 200 Plantine Peter 240 Pendexter Tho 1000 Pyraul James ISO Pullam Wm 575 Purdy Nicho 200 Page Mary Madm 345° Perkins John 120 Paite Jerim 220 Pasley Robt 300 Perkins Wm 305 Pait John 1500 Petever Tho 100 Pittlader Wm I47 Pickley Tho 281 Pittlader Tho 295 Petty Stephen 200 Porter John 100 Petty John 2190 Park Coll 7000 Purly John 100 21573 R Raglin Evan 300 Raglin Evan Junr 100 Raglin Tho 100 Ross Wm 150 Richardson Henry 300 Raymond James 80 Reynold Tho 255 Reyley Jno 100 Reynolds Jonah 50 Rhoads Charles i75 Reynolds Samll 820 Rice Tho 300 Redwood John 1078 Rule Widdo SO Richardson Richard 890 Russell John SSO Richardson John 1450 Richard Eman 1250 Round Free Wm 100 Randolph Widdo 100 8928 S Styles John 200 Smith Nathll 82 Sanders Wm 40 Spear Robt 450 Sanders James 60 Scott John 300 Scrugg Richd 100 Strange Alexander 450 Smith Wm IIO Scrugg Jno 50 Snead Tho 200 Sunter Stephen 478 Symons Josiah 100 Sanders John 130 Stephens Wm 100 Stanley Tho 150 Sandidge Jno 100 Sprattlin Andrew 654 Snead John 75 Smith James 80 Sexton Wm 80 Sims Jno 1000 Smith Roger 300 Sherritt Henry 100 Salmon Thomas 50 Sanders Tho 25 Symons George 125 Stamp Ralph 625 Stanop Capt 1024 Stanup Richd 325 Shears Paul 200 Stepping Tho 350 Slater James 700 9813 T Tony Alexandr 170 Tovis Edmd 100 Turner Henry 250 Turner Wm 250 Turner Geo 400 Thorp Tho 200 Thurmond Richd I3ij^ Tucker Tho 700 Turner James 50 Thompson James 100 TuUy Wm 200 Turner Geo Junr 200 Tate James 160 Town Elizb 100 Thomasses Orphans 500 Tinsley Cournelius 220 Tyler 100 220 APPENDIX Tinsley Tho 15° Tirrell Wm 400 Taylor Tho 25 Tinsley Jno 130 Tapp Jno no Tyrrey James 150 Tyrrey Alexandr 210 Thompson Capt 2600 Tyrey Thom 190 Taylor Joseph 150 Taylor Lemuell 212 Taylor Thomas 350 Twitty Thomas 200 8708^ V Upsherd Jon 60 Vaughan Wm 300 Via Araer 50 Venables Abr 100 Venables John 200 Vaughan John 250 Vaughan Vincent 410 1370 W Wintby Jacob 250 Winfry Charles 100 Waddill Jno 40 Walker Wm 650 Walton Edwd 150 Wilson Jno 200 Waddill Wm 375 Warring Peter 88 Wingfield Tho 150 Weaver Sam loo Wyatt Alice 1300 West Nath 6370 Webb Mary 200 Wilmore Jno 100 Webster Joseph 80 West Giles 200 Wharton Tho 270 Willis Fran 134 Waddy Samll 150 Willf ord Charles 100 Waid James 150 White Jno 320 Wood Henry 100 Woody Symon 50 Woody Jno 100 Winstone Antho 310 Winstone Isaac 850 Woody James 130 Winstone Sarah 275 Watson Theophilus 325 Woodson Jno 600 Walton Edwd 450 Wood Walter 100 Watkins Wm 50 Wilkes Joseph 250 Williams Clerk 300 Willis Stephen 500 Williams Tho 100 Worrin Robt 300 WooduU James 200 Walker Capt 400 Wilson James 60 Wheeler John 75 Williams Wm 100 White John 190 17292 Yeoman John 50 Yeoell Judith 150 200 Quit Rents that hath not been paid this 7 year viz. Richarson Matt 200 Wm Wheeler 150 Coll Parkes 300 650 Lands that the Persons lives out of the County viz. Coll Lemuell Batthurst 800 Robt Valkes 500 The Heirs of Bray 500 l8oo A 6785 B 21786 C 9251 D 384s ^ 2530 fL 3447 ^ 7442 W 11312 APPENDIX 221 J 5838 K 2490 L 14760 M I i6i49J^ N 650 630 P 2IS73 R S 9813 T 8708^ V 1370 W 17292 Y 200 James Mosse Sherriff 173870 A full & Perfect Rent Roll of all the Land held of hsr Majtie in Charles City County tliis Present Year 1704 by Patents &c. Epes John 500 Ele Samll 682 Evans John 800 Aliat John 100 B Bradley Joseph 200 Baxter John 250 Bishop Robt 200 Bedingfield Theo: no Botman Harman 100 Burton Henry 100 Burwell Lewis 8000 Brooks Robt 150 Blanks Richard Senr 250 Blanks Richd Junr 12S Blanks Tho 125 Bradford Richd 1397 Brown Marmaduke 100 Bray David 230 1 1337 Cole Robt 80 Codell Richd 100 Clark Edwd 962J4 Clark Daniell 250 Clark Joseph 230 Christian Tho 1273 Cock Edwd 350 Cock Richd 975 3258 Davis Thomas Davis Richd . . D 200 118 266954 Floyd Geo 243 Fowler Richd 150 Flowers Samll 200 593 Gunn James 250 Grosse Edwd 100 350 H Hamlin Jno 143^ Hill Edwd 2100 Haynes Nicho 125 Harwood John 100 Howood James 200 Hattle Shard 112 Harwood Joseph 659 Harwood Samll 350 Harwood Robt 31254 Hunt Wm 3130 Hunt John 1500 Harmon Elizb 479 Hyde Wm 120 Hamlin Stephen 80 Hamlin Tho 264 318 1601S Edwards John 28754 Epes Littlebury 400 Irby Wm 103 Javox James 100 222 APPENDIX Jordin Edwd lOO Justis Justinian 200 503 Lowlin Danll 600 Lawrence James 100 700 M Manders James 100 Minge James 1086 Mountford Jeffry 100 Marvell Tho 1238 Moodie Samll 82 Muschamp John 80 2686 N New Edwd 100 New Robt 300 400 O Owen Wm 100 Owen David lOo P Parker Tho 1667 Parish Wm 100 Parish Charles 100 Parker James 160 Parish Edwd 100 Parish John 100 2227 R Roach Jno Senr 630 Renthall Joseph 270 Russell Samll 253 Roper John 220 Royall Joseph 262 163s S Smith Obidiah 100 Sampson Widdo 211 Stith Drewry 1240 Stith John 139s Stockes John 476 Stockes Silvanus Senr 250 Stokes Silvanus Junr 550 Speares Geo 225 4447 T Tanner Tho 2000 Tarendine John 150 Turner Edwd 195 Trotman Anne 120 246s V Vernon Walter 240 W Wyatt Widdo 800 Woodam Tho 100 Waren John 54 954 A 100 5 11337 C 3258 D 318 E 2669^ ^ S93 £ 350 ^ 16015 J S03 M 2686 g ^ ^ 200 P 2327 ^ 163s S!, 4447 V ^465 w 954 5205954 APPENDIX An account of what Land that I cannot get the Quit Rents the Persons living out of the County Josep Parish at Kiquotan. . . loo 223 Richd Smith James City Cty 350 Danll Hayley 200 Wm Lagg Henrico Cty 100 Tho Parker Sherif 7S0 The Quit Rent Roll of King William County Armsby John 200 Alvey Robt 400 Andrew Wm 100 Abbott Robt 100 Arnold Anthony 100 Arnold Benj 1000 Alcock John 190 Adam James 400 Anderson Wm Capt 150 Burwell Majr 4700 Bunch Paul 150 Baker John 250 Surges Edwd 150 Buttris Robt 400 Bibb Benj 100 Browne Joseph 270 Bell Edwds 580 Burch Henry 200 Burrel Suprian 350 Baker Tho 100 Bobo Elizb 200 Bird Wm Maj Qr 1200 Burrus John 60 Butler Thomas iSo Burrus Thomas 60 Bassett Coll Qr 1550 Bray James Qr 1400 Browne Abraham 250 Brightwell Elizb 300 Bickley Joseph 150 Claibourne Wm Coll 3000 Claibourne Tho Capt 1000 Claibourne John 50 Coakes Robert 100 Cradock Samll 600 Cockram Wm 200 Cockram Joseph 600 Celar John 100 Chadwick Wm 150 Cathern John 180 Carr Thomas Soo Chiles Henry Qr 700 Craushaw Thomas 150 Clark Margarett 100 Coates Wm 50 Douglas Wm 200 Davis Lewis 200 Davis Wm 200 Downer John 300 Downes Elias 300 Davenport Davis 200 Dorrell Sampson Qr 5000 Davenport Martin 100 Davis Robert 200 Dickason Wm 100 Dickason Thomas 100 Dillon Henry 150 Dabney James 200 Dabney George 290 Dabney Benj 200 Davis John 200 Elly Richd 100 Egny Elizb 100 Elliot Thomas 480 Edward James 350 Elliott James 1700 Fox John Capt 600 Fox Henry 2000 Finton Francis lOO Fuller Anthony 150 Foord John Junr 300 Foord Wm 800 Fullalove Thomas 100 Fleming Charles Qr 1700 Graves John Qr 100 Garratt Thomas 200 Geeres Thomas 100 Green John 100 Gravatt Henry 150 Goodin Majr Qr 200 Glover Wm 100 Herriott George 200 Hollins John 200 Higgason John 350 Holderbee Wm 100 Holliday Wm 100 Hayfield Wm 100 Hampton John 50 224 APPENDIX Huckstep Edwd 150 Hurt Wm Junr 90 Hurt Wm Senr 250 Hurt John Soo Hendrick Hans 700 Handcock Thomas 200 Hayden John 150 Hobday Edwd 150 Hill Thomas 150 Hutchinson Wm 600 Hill Francis 300 Hill Gabriell 250 Hill Edwd Coll Qr 3000 Hayle Joseph 200 Johns Jane 240 Johnson Wm 300 Johnson Coll Qr 600 Johns Wm 100 Isabell Wm 150 James Jonathan 300 Inge Vincent 100 Jones Frederick Qr 2850 Jenings Coll Qr 4000 King Robert Qr 300 Kettlerise Symon 200 Lee John 20 Lypscomb Ambrose 600 Lasy Wm 100 Lypscomb Wm 300 Littlepage Richd Capt Qr . . 2600 Lypscomb John 200 Mallory Thomas 150 Mallory Roger 100 Miles Daniell 350 Mr Gehee Thomas 250 Marr John 200 Morris Wm 440 Maybank Wm 100 Mr Donnell John 150 Maddison Henry 650 Merriweather Nicho Qr . . . 600 Mullene Matthew 150 Madison John Qr 300 Norment Joseph 800 Norment Samll 100 Noyce Wm 650 Napier Robert 100 Owens Hugh 300 Oustin John 350 Cakes John 350 Oliver John 140 Palmer Martin 1200 Peek John 100 Pynes Nathaniell 1400 Pee Thomas 400 Purlevant Arthur 100 Powers David 200 Pollard Wm Qr 500 Pemberton Geo 180 Page John Qr 1000 Pickrell Gabriell 100 Parks Coll Qr 4500 Quarles John 100 Reynolds Wra 100 Robert Maurice 200 Randall John loo Ray James loo Rhodes Nicholas 150 Sandlan Nicholas 700 Strutton Thomas 150 Streett Wm 350 Shilling George 300 Satterwhite Charles 150 Slaughter Geo 100 Slaughter Martin 130 Stark John 500 Sanders Jushua 100 See Mathew 200 Sellers Jacob 350 Spruse Jeremy 150 Smith Edmd 150 Spencer Thomas 600 Slaughter John 90 Smith Christo Qr 800 Slaughter Henry 100 Toms Wm 150 Towler Matthew 15a Terry Thomas 300 Terry Stephen 330 Tomason Thomas 150 Terry James 400 Traneer John 100 Vickrey Henry 450 West John Coll 1800 Winfree Henry 300 West Tho Capt 1000 Whitworth John 200 Whitlock John 200 Willeroy Abraham 550 Williams Phillip 100 Williams Griffith 240 Wood Thomas 300 Whitehead John 100 Woolsey Jacob 130 Williams John 150 Williams Samll 600 APPENDIX 225 Wright Thomas 150 Whitbee Robert 800 West Nathanll Capt 2000 Waller John Majr 800 Willis Wm 250 Wheelis Joseph 130 Wormley Madam Qr 3000 Winston William 170 Whitehead Phillip 3000 Yancey 'Charles 100 Yarborough John 150 Yarborough Richard ..;... 300 Wm Stanard M.S 1000 James Wood K.Q 500 Zachary Lewis K.Q 450 Peter Kemp G.C 600 Wm Beck N.K. 1600 Tho. Hickman K.Q 550 Benj Clement G.C 600 David Bray J.C.C 1000 Job House N.K 2000 Harry Beverley M.S 600 Chillian White G.C 300 100950 A True Account of the Lands in King & Queen County as it was daken by Robt. Bird Sherriff in the year 1704. Bagby Robt SSO 200 Banks Wm 1079 80 Bullock John 200 320 Bird Wm S72 200 Broach Jno 1200 150 Braxton Geo 2825 100 Blanchet John 125 250 Bowker Ralph 330 100 Bine Edmd Ill 100 Barber James 750 650 Burgess Wm 100 150 Bond Jno 100 Breemer John iioo Bland Henry 150 Breemer John Junr 200 B Bowden Tho 150 Barton Andrew 150 Barlow Henry 200 Baskett John 150 Batterton Tho 100 Baker James 322 Bill Robt ISO Bocus Reynold 150 Bourne George 200 Bird Robt. 1324 Alf ord John Austin Danll Asque John Adams Johns . . . Arnold Edwd . . AUin Thomas . . . Adkinson John . . Austin Thomas . . Adamson David Anderson Richd . AUcock Dorothy 2300 Baker Wm Beverley Robt. Qr Bennett Alexander Breeding Geo Bennett Wm Bowles Robt Bennett Sawyer Baylor John Bell Roger Burford Wm Bray John Blake Wm Boisseau James Quart Blake Wm Junr Brown Lancelet Burch Jno Burch Wm Brown Tho. Blakes Land Bridgeforth James 3S0 3000 200 200 150 100 150 3000 ISO 150 230 290 900 210 38s 100 100 300 355 2253s Cane Jno 300 Chessum Alexandr 150 Cook Benjamin 200 Cook Thomas Junr 50 Cook Thomas Senr 100 Cook Jno 50 Cleyton John 400 226 APPENDIX Chapman Mary 200 Cleyton Jeremy 325 Crane Wm i^o Camp Thomas 250 Carleton Christo 200 Carleton Jno 30O Carter Timo 35° Coleman Tho 300 Coleman Daniell 470 Cleyton Susannah Widdo . . 700 Collier Robt 100 Crane Wm 300 Crane Tho 320 Chapman John 200 Caughlane James 100 Cotton Catherine 50 ColHer Charles 450 Collier John 400 Collins Wm 35° Cammell Alexandr 200 Chin Hugh 100 Conner Timo 1410 Collins James Yard Qr . . . . 300 Corbin Gowin 2000 Crisp Tobias 100 Carters Qr 300 Carlton Tho 200 Carlton Anne 300 Clough George Qr 390 12235 Clerk and Cordell both in Glocester 1000 D Widdo Durrat 200 Day Alexander Maj. Beverley Qr 300 Doe Wm 300 Dilliard Nicho 150 Dilliard Edwd 150 Dimmock Tho iSo Dismukes Wm 200 Duett Charles QOO Didlake James 200 Durham John 100 Dunkley John 380 Duson Tho 448 Davis Nathll 300 Deshazo Peter 4S0 Davis Jno 90 Davis Edwd 100 Dillard Thomas 170 Davis Richd 250 Dillard Geo 325 Duglas James 275 Dayley Owen 180 5618 E Eachols John 220 Ellis John 400 Eastham George 300 Ewbank Wm 350 Eastham Edwd Junr 800 Edwds John 100 Eastham Edwd 100 Eastes Abraham 200 Eyes CorneHus 100 Emory Ralph 100 Ellis Timothy 350 3020 F Forsigh Thomas 150 Farquson James 300 Flipp John 80 Farish Robt 1400 Fielding Henry 1000 Farmer John 50 Fothergill Richd 675 Fortcon Charles 400 Forgett Charles 150 Robt Fothergill 150 4355 Farmer John not paid for.. 200 Fox Margarett not pd for.. 100 G Gadberry Edwd 100 Griffin Edwd 100 George Richd 100 Griffin David 100 Graves Robt 150 Graves Jno 150 Gardner Ringing 200 Gray Joseph 200 Gilby John 300 Gray Samll 40 Gresham Jno 200 Gresham Edwd 175 Good John 200 Gresham George 150 APPENDIX 227 Garrett Danll 200 Gamble Tho. Majors Land 450 Gresham Tho 225 Graves Jno 150 Guttery Jno 230 Greogory Frances Widdo . . 700 Gough Alice Widdo 800 Griggs Francis 250 Garrett John 330 Garrett Humphrey 200 Gibson Widdo 200 Garrett Robt 200 6100 H Hand Thomas 150 Hayle John Qr 685 Honey James 200 HoUoway Wm 100 Herndon James 100 Hoomos George 725 Hodges Thomas 250 Hayle Joseph 250 Hayes John 100 Haynes Wm 494 Holcomb Wm Bradfords Land 700 Henderson John Thackers Land 200 Hodgson Widdo 200 Henderson Widdo 300 Henderson Wm 162 Housburrough Morris, Harts Land 200 Hesterley John 200 Hill John 200 Hordon Wm 70 Harris Wm 250 Hart Tho 200 Hockley Robt 100 Howard Peter 300 Hardgrove Wm lOO Herring Arthur 50 Hickman Thomas 700 Hunt Wm 312 Hobs Wm 250 Hicks Richd 250 Howden Wra 100 Howerton Thomas 300 Holt Joseph hves in Maryland 321 Mayward Tho in Glocester. . 600 Jones Tho 150 Jones Robt 200 Jeffrys Richd 337 Jones Robt Junr 130 Johnson James 200 Jones Wm goo 1917 K King John 150 Kallander Timo 100 Kink Anne 275 King Edwd 200 Knowles Dorothy Qr 150 King Robt 100 Kenniff Danby 100 King Daniell 200 133s L Loveing John lOO Lyon Peter 250 Leigh John 6200 Lumpkin Robt 400 Lee Wm 230 Loob Wm 100 Loft Richd 320 Lewis Tachary 350 Lumpkin Jacob 950 Lewis David 120 Lewis John Esq loioo Lewis Edwd 1400 Lemon Elizb 100 Lynes Rebecca 405 Levingstone John 600 Levingstone Samll 100 Lawrence Matthew 210 Letts Arthur 475 Langford John 150 Levingstone Jno Sowels Land 750 23310 Leftwich Thomas in Essex 75 228 APPENDIX M May John 300 Musick George 100 Major Jno 250 Martin John 300 More Austmes Qr 200 May Tho 300 Moore Samll 100 Maddison Jno 500 Morris Wm 130 Martin Elizb 400 Mackay Sarah 177 May John Piggs Land .... 200 Major Francis 700 Mansfield Thomas 60 Morris Henry 100 Major John 400 Melo Niche 200 Marcartee Daniell 200 Morris Wm 300 Mead Wm 100 Matthews Edwd 160 Martin Cordelia Wido 200 5377 N Nelson Henry 440 Neal John 50 Nason Joshua 200 Norman Wm 300 Norris James 100 1090 O Owen Ralph 120 Ogilvie Wm 300 Orrill Lawrence 290 Orrill Wm 500 Orsbourn Michaell 90 Overstreet James Qr 180 ditto at home SO IS30 P Powell Robt 500 Prewitt Wm 200 Paine Bernard 130 Pomea Francis 100 Philip Charles 250 Pettitt Thomas 548 Pollard Robt 500 Pollard Wm 100 Phinkett Elizb 500 Pemberton Tho 115 Pickles Tho 93 Potters Francis Wido Neals Land 100 Parks James 200 Purchase Geo Qr 580 Page Jno 100 Pritchett David 225 Pigg Henry 61 Page John Junr 300 Pigg Edwd 250 Phelps Tho 400 Pendleton Philip 300 Pendleto Henry 700 Pann John 200 Paytons quarts 500 Pigg John 100 Pamplin Robt 150 Pryor Christo 175 Paulin Elizb 175 7552 Pate John in Glocester 1000 Q Quarles James 300 Quarles Dyley Zacha : Lewis Land 300 600 R Richard Robt 300 Rings Quarter 1000 Robinson Daniel 100 Roger Giles 475 Rice Michaell 200 Richeson Tho 460 Richeson Elias 180 Read Elizb 550 Russell Alexandr Wyatts Land 400 Robinson Robt 980 Rowe John 100 Richards John 914 Richards Wm 400 Richards Oliver 250 Riddle Tho Reads Land . . . 700 Roy Richd 1000 Ryley Elias 200 APPENDIX 229 Rollings Peter 150 8359 John the son of Robt Robinson hold, which nobody pays for 750 S Sebrill John 130 Stone Mary 100 Smiths in Bristoll Qr 2800 Stone Jno 295 Stubbelfield Geo Qr 400 Scandland Denis 1470 Swinson Richd 170 Smith Christo 200 Smith Jno Cooper 273 Smith Alexander 275 Seamour Wra 268 Sones Tho 150 Shepai d Jane 100 Southerland Danll 200 Shoot Tho 100 Shepheard Joseph 100 Shea Patrick 200 Southerland Danll 200 Smith Nicho 700 Sanders Nathll 200 Smith John Sawyer 80 Shuckelford Roger 250 Skelton John 100 Snell John 150 Simpio Charles 100 Sawrey John 113 Stringer Margt 175 Spencer Tho 300 Sykes Stephen So Smith Francis 100 Smith Richd 150 Sparks John 200 Surly Tho , 100 Stapleton Tho 200 Story John 3000 Spencer Katherine 600 I4S99 Shippath Sr Wra Which is not paid for 700 Stark Tho of London which is not paid for 920 Stubblefield Geo in Glocester 400 Smith Austin in Glocester.. 4000 T Turner Richard 200 Todd Thomas Quarts 2300 Taylor James 4000 Toy Thomas 175 Taylor Danll 70 Thomas Rowland 610 Tunstall Tho 550 Todd Richd 1050 Towley John 200 Trice James 350 Tureman Ignatius 100 Turner Thomas 267 Thacker C C 1000 10872 U Vaughan Cornelius 500 Vize Nathll 100 Uttley John 200 800 W Wood James 800 Wilkinson John 100 Wright Tho 300 Watkins Wm I37 Wiltshier Joseph 60 Watkins Edwd 98 Watkins Philip 203 White Thomas 200 Walker John 6000 Wilson Benj Wyats Land . . 420 Wyat Richd 1843 Walton Thomas 200 Wyat John 53° Withy Thomas 50 Williams Thomas 200 Watts Tho 235 Ward Samll 160 Watkins Benj 60 Watkins Tho Junr 125 Williams Elizb 900 Waldin Samll 275 Ware Edwd 73S William John 125 Ware Vallentine 487 Willbourn Tho 250 Wildbore Wm 100 Ware Nicho 718 White Jerimiah 200 230 APPENDIX Whorein John 200 Wise Richd quarts 209 Walker John, Johnsons Land 1000 16920 WadHngton Paul not paid for being ISO Y York Matthew 100 A 2300 B 22S3S C 12235 D 5618 E 3020 F 4355 G 6100 H 8098 J 1917 K 1335 L 23310 M 5377 N logo O 1530 P 7552 Q 600 R 8359 S 14599 T 10872 U 800 W 16920 Y 100 158522 Lands returned not paid for C 1000 F 300 H 920 L 75 P 1000 R 750 S 6020 W 150 102 IS Glocester Rent Roll A Rent Roll in Petso Parish Capt David Alexander .... 1050 James Amis 250 John Acre 100 Wm Armistead 430 Ralph Baker ISO Martha Brooken 600 Thomas Buckner 850 Samll Bernard 550 Wm Barnard 810 Richd Bailey 600 Mary Hooker 100 Thomas Cook 350 Wm Crymes 400 Jno Cobson ico 'Robt. Carter 1102 Wm Collone 400 Hannah Camell 100 Benj Clements 400 Jno Cleake 100 Wm Cook 135 Jno Coleman 200 Jno Day 400 Jerim Darnell 150 Jno Darnell 60 James Dudley 780 Richd Dudley 400 Thomas Dudley 200 Thomas Dixon 300 Jno Drument 80 Samll Fowler ISO Wm Fleming 600 Wido Forginson ISO Wm Fockner 180 Jno Grymes 1400 Susannah Grinley 200 Darcas Green 400 Jno Grout 300 Jno Harper 100 Wm Howard 300 Richd Hubard 100 Wm Hasf ord soo Jno Hanes 150 Alextnder How 120 Richd Hill 70 Robt Hall 100 Richd Hull 250 Sanll Hawes 200 Stephen Johnson 150 APPENDIX 231 Wm Jones for Northington 530 Glebe Land 127 Jno Kingson 400 Capt Edwd Lewis 1000 Richd Lee Esq 1 140 Nicho Lewis orphen 350 Wm Milner 900 Richd Minor 250 Edwd Musgrove 100 Hayes an orphan 60 Elizb Mastin 360 Jno Mackwilliams 50 Robt Nettles 300 Wm Norman 150 Isaac Oliver 100 Dorothy Oliver 130 Jno Pritchett 850 Jno Pate 1 100 Richd Price 600 Madm Porteus 500 Madm Page 550 Pobt Porteus 892 Guy Parish ICX) Wm Roane 500 James Reynolls 200 George Robinson 300 John Royston 570 Thomas Read 2000 Wm Richards in Pamunkey 150 Jno Shackelford 280 Edward Symons 500 Nicho Smith 280 John Stubs 300 Thomas Sivepson 280 John Smith 1300 Augustin Smith 200 Augustin Smith Junr 500 Wm Starbridge 159 Wm Thornton Senr 525 Wm Thornton Junr 800 Wm Thurston 200 Wm Upshaw 490 Francis Wisdom 150 Thomas West 112 Thomas Whiting 450 George Williams 100 Conquest Wyatt 2200 Seth Wickins 50 Walter Waters 200 Jane Wothem ..., 60 Robt Yard 4So Robt Hall 250 Wm Whittmore Desarted . . 150 Wm Parsons Orphen 100 Edwd Stephens 70 John Kelley Orphen 150 41 132 Tho Neale Glocester Rent Roll A Rent Roll of Kingston Parish Rose Curtis 400 Robt Peyton 680 Richd Perrott 35 Henry Preston 1500 Sarah Green 200 Robt Cully 200 Thomas Hayes 140 Andrew Bell 128 Humphry Toy I lOO Anne Aldred 350 Dunkin Bahannah II3^ Richd Hunley 50 Capt Gayle 164 Math. Gayle Junr 250 James Hundley 100 John Hundley 130 Philip Hundley 660 Tho Cray 200 Hen. Knight 240 John Williams 50 Richd Beard 380 Timothy Hundley 300 Thomas Bedford 50 Jno Floyd 250 John Bohannah 113H Capt Armistead 3675 Christopher Dixon 300 Robt Bristow Esqr 900 Edwd Gowing 100 Tho Ryland 272 John Nevill 100 Lawrence Parrott . . . . ; 340 Wm Brooks 720 Joseph Bohannah 148 232 APPENDIX Wm Hampton 348 Widdo Green 150 Capt Dudley 650 Capt. Knowles 575 Capt. Tho. Todd 77s Wm Beard 100 Wm. Tomkins 100 Henry Bolton 50 Wm Eliott 1060 Humphrey Tompkins 100 Daniel Hunter 200 Thomas Peyton 684 Richd Dudley 350 James Ransom Junr 310 Tho. Peters 30 Robt. Elliott 1247 Mich. Parriett 100 Jno. Meachen Junr 600 Caleb Linsey 140 Alexandr Ofield 23 Mark Thomas 300 Jno. Garnet 250 Wm. Plumer 510 Wm. Brumley 750 Wm. Credle 50 Charles Jones 225 Robt. Sadler 50 Edwd Sadler 20 Geo Roberts 170 Richd Longest 600 Tho. Fliping 300 Charles Watters 100 Wm. Grundy 200 Thomas Kemp 200 Tho. AUaman 842 Coll Kemp 200 Ralph Shipley 430 George Turner 50 Coll. James Ransom 1400 Thomas Putman 300 Richd Marchant 180 Widdo Sinoh 300 Christopher Rispue 200 Benj. Read 550 Walter Keble 550 Joseph Brooks 500 Capt. Gwin 1 100 Lindseys Land 390 Thomas Garwood •J^ John Callie 1000 Tho. Miggs 100 Richd Glascock 500 Jno Lylley 584 Geo. Billups 1200 Robt. Singleton 650 James Foster 225 John Andrews 50 Thomas Rice 34 John Martin 200 Capt. Smith 550 Capt. Sterling lioo John Diggs 1200 Wm. Howlett 300 Jno. Miller 100 Andrew Ripley 40 Francis Jarvis 460 Wm. Armistead 300 John Banister 650 Tho. Plumer 400 Isaac Plumer 200 James Taylor 50 Edwd Borum 360 Widdo Davis 300 Sam. Singleton 300 Wm. Morgan Senr 50 Wm. Morgan Junr 200 John Bacon 825 Henry Singleton 600 John Edwards 534 Patrick Berry 250 Anne Forest 500 Ambrose Dudley 1705 46537 Glocester Rent Roll A Rent Roll in Ware Parish Thomas Poole 600 Anne Croxson 300 Thomas Purnell 163 Nocholas Pamplin 210 Simon Stubelfield 200 Jno. Price 600 Saml. Vadrey 400 Samll Dawson 350 APPENDIX 233 Nathan : Burwell 600 John Dawson 780 Tho. Bacop 200 Robt. Francis 400 Walter Greswell 50 Tho. Read 400 James Shackelfield 35 Robt. Freeman 135 Jno. Marinex 100 Isaac Valine 100 Tho. Haywood 70 Hugh Marinex SO Leonard Ambrose 200 Philip Grady 200 Capt. Wm. Debnam 1250 James Burton 100 Jno. Spinks 300 Wm. Hurst 200 Sarah More dy John Ray 100 Robt. Pryor 300 Christo. Greenaway 270 Capt. Throgmorton 500 James Clark 250 Philip Cooper 200 Jno. Kindrick 100 Samll. Simons 120 Wm. Radford 200 John Robins 900 Alice Bates 200 Jno. Easter 350 James Davison 100 Robt. Morrin 200 Anne Bray 100 Grace Easter 200 Sampson Dorrell 300 Capt. Francis Willis 3000 Thomas Powell 460 Wm. Holland 300 Capt. Cook 1500 Giles Cook 140 Wm. Jones 120 Tho. CoUis 100 Philip Smith 700 Tho. Cheesman 650 Geo. More 40 James Morris 250 Abraham Iveson Senr 1000 Robert Bristow Esqr 2050 Anthony Gregory 700 Richd. Bailey 800 Wm. Foulcher 100 Widdo. Jeffes 216 Richd. Dudley Junr 300 John Buckner 900 Thomas Todd 884 John and Peter Waterfield . . 143 Henry Whiting 800 Madm. Whiting 950 Jno. Goodson 150 Wm. Morris 350 Mary Lassells 200 Peter Ransone 220 Charles Waters 200 Dorothy Kertch 220 Dorothy Boswell 1600 Richd. Cretendon 280 Elizb. Anniers 250 Elizb. Snelling ' 250 Joseph Boswell 230 John Bullard 100 Anthony Elliot 100 Wm. Armistead 100 Peter Kemp 650 Majr. Peter Beverley 800 Ditto per Tillids Lands 150 Dudley Jolley 100 Robt. Couch 100 31603 Glocester Rent Roll A Rent Roll of Abbington Parish Mr. Guy Smith 30 James Gary 50 Wm. Sawyer 150 Edwd. Gary 100 Robt. Barlow 62 Tho. 'Qeaver Sworne 200 Edwd. Stevens 80 Henry Stevens do Chillion White 100 Jerimah Holt 3So of Ditto forthe Widdo Babb 150 Robt. Yarbborrow 100 Robt. Starkey 100 Henry Seaton 170 234 APPENDIX Hugh Howard 200 Capt. Booker 1000 Jno. Stoakes 300 Jno. Ddbson 400 Wm. Dobson 950 Edmd. Dobson 350 Hugh Allen 1250 George Jackson 117 Jno. Teagle 30 Widdo Jones 45 Mary Thomas 100 Thomas Seawell 200 Benj. Lane 50 Valentine Lane 80 Jeffry Garves 33 Thomas Coleman 250 Johanna Austin 40 Majr. Burwell 3300 Jno. Satterwight So Jerimiah Holt Junr 150 Charles Stevens 75 Richd. Roberts for wife... 300 Jno. Sadler 125 James Steavens 100 Susannah Stubbs 300 Richd. Foster 150 Henry Mitchell 50 Nathanll. Russell 550 Elizb. Richardson SOO Wra. Camp I7S James Row 300 John Butler 100 John Smith Esqr 2000 Ditto for Robt. Byron .... 400 Capt. Blackbourne 550 Peter Richeson 250 Benja Clements 500 Thomas Graves 70 Robt. Page 75 Joseph More 150 Richard Dixon 200 'Elizb. Turner 150 Owen Grathmee 250 Richd. Woodfolk 125 Jno. Waters So Wm. Hilliard 80 Richd. Heywood 100 Mary Hemingway 150 Wm. Kemp 7S Robt. Francis 104 Joshua Broadbent 20Q Joseph Coleman 200 Grustam Clent 100 Philip Grady ISO Jno. Hall I2S Tho. Walker 300 Jno. Mixon 400 Tho. :Sanders 450 Wm. Smith for Kittson ... so John Banister 2750 Madm. Mary Page 3000 Jno. Lewis Esq 2000 28426 Richd. Cordell Ware 31603 Petso 41123 Kingston 46S37 147698 A Perfect Role of the Land in Middlesex County Anno Dom. 1704 Richard Atwood 100 Richard AlHn iso Tho. Blewford 100 Mrs. Blaiss 300 John Bristow 140 Robt. Blackley 100 Coll Corbin 2260 Coll Carter iiSo John Cheedle SO Wm. Carter 170 Widdo Chaney 800 Nath. Cranke 50 Tho. Dyatt 200 John Davie 75 Wm. Daniell iSo Robt. Daniell 225 Henry Freeman 200 John Goodrich so Geo. Goodloe 50 Geo Guest so Richd Gabriell 30 Wm. Finley so Wm. Gardner 100 Robt. George 180 David George iso Widdo. Hazellwodd 200 John Hoare 100 Richd. Reynolds 50 APPENDIX 235 Jno. Southerne 100 Richd. Shurly 200 Tho. Hapleton 200 Wm. Southworth 50 Wm. Jones 300 Evan Jones 50 Esqr. Wormley Estate 5200 Wm Churchhill 1950 Jacob Briston 100 Jno. Pace 200 John Logie 300 John Price 519 Henry Perrott 1 100 Richd Kemp 1 100 Tho Kidd 250 Francis Weeks 225 Widdo Weeks 225 Henry Webb 100 Tho Wood 70 Robt. Williamson 200 Tho Lee 100 Edmd. Mickleburrough 200 Valentine Mayo 100 Wm. Mountague 500 Garrett Minor 225 Marvin Mosseley 225 Joseph Mitcham 75 Minie Minor 225 Humphrey Jones 150 Jno. North 200 Henry Tugill 200 Henry Thacker 1875 Thomas Tozeley Soo Charles Moderas 100 Wm. MuUins 150 John Smith 700 James Smith 400 Harry Beverley 1000 George Wortham 400 Capt. Grimes 900 Sarah Mickleborough 1000 Christo. Robinson 400° John Vibson 100 James Daniell 15° James Curtis 300 Tho. Cranke 54 Phil. Calvert 200 John Hipkins 100 Richd. Daniell 210 Geo. Blake 100 Edwd Williams 100 Pat Mammon 100 Alexander Murray 250 Poplar Smith 550 Olixer Seager 380 Edwd Gobbee go Henry Barnes 200 John Davis 100 Paul Thilman 300 Hugh Watts 80 Edwd Clark 300 Charles Williams 100 Edwin Thacker Estate 2500 Thomas Dudly 200 Thomas Mackhan 200 Richd. Paffitt 200 Tho. Hiff 100 Peter Bromell 100 Tho Blakey 100 John Robinson 1350 Roger Jones 100 John NichoUs 200 George Berwick 100 Widdo Hurford 50 Widdo Hackney 300 Wm. Kilbee 600 Ezikiah Rhodes 300 John Handiford 100 John Miller 200 Wm. Scarborow 200 Wm. Heme 75 Robt. Dudley 300 Widdo Mason 100 Peter Chilton 100 Francis Dobson 150 James Dudley 200 Capt. Berkley 750 Wm. Sutton 150 Sr. Wm. Skipwith 350 Coll Kemp 900 Wm. Barbee 150 Wm. Wallis 300 Adam Curtin 200 Capt. Wm Armistead 2325 49008 236 APPENDIX A True & Perfect Rent Roll of all present Abbott Wm 150 Andrews Geo 200 Adcock Edwd 230 Adcock Henry 250 Acres James 100 ArvirLg Wm 100 Allin Erasmus 100 Allin Wm 100 Ayres Wm 200 Acres Wm 200 1630 Baulwar James 800 Bendall John 13S Butler John 125 Bowers Arthur 60O Baulwar James 200 Beesley Wm 100 Barron Andrew 5° Bartlett Tho 100 Brown Buskinghan 400 Beeswell Robt 100 Beeswell Robt. Junr 150 Brown Wm 420 Brown Charles 1000 Buckner Richd 1200 Buckner Tho 1000 Brice Henry 400 Bourn Jno 100 Beverly Harry lOoo Battail John iioo Baulwar John So Booth Widdo 800 Butler Jno 100 Butcher Jno iSo Bendrey Widdo 700 Bird Widdo lOO Beckham Symon 100 Brutnall Richd 100 Brook Robt 400 Ball Jno ISO Brooks James 100 Billington Mary 200 Brooks Peter 27s Bowman Peter 400 Brooks Robt ISO Brasur Jno 300 Brush Richd 250 Baker Henry 350 the Lands held in Essex County this year 1704 Bradburn Richd 100 Brown Francis 150 Brown Danll. Junr 150 Bryom Henry 100 Burnett Tho. Junr 1000 Baughan James Senr 600 Baughan James 150 Baughan Henry loo Brown Danll. Senr 450 Brown Tho 50 Blackiston Argail 200 Burnett John 36s Burnett Tho. Junr 130 Bailer Jno 800 Brakins Qrtr 250 Bell Thomas 100 19980 Condute Nathll 20 Cary Hugh 50 Connoly Edwd 200 Cogwell Fredirick 250 Copland Nicho 300 Cattlett Jno 1800 Covengton Richd 1000 Cook John 112 Chew Larkin 300 Crow Tho 300 Covington Wm 400 Cheney John 200 Cole Wm 200 Cheney Wm 700 Corbin Tho. Qr 440 Cockin Tho 120 Coates Samll 300 Cooper Richd 100 Cooper Tho 100 Copland Jno 175 Crow Jno 440 Chew Larkin 550 Cooper Wm 50 Compton Wm 50 Cox Wm 500 Callaway Jos 87 Coleman Robt 450 Cobnall Symon 100 Chamberlain Leond. 350 9764 APPENDIX 237 Daniell James 100 Devillard Jacob 80 David Tho 150 Dudding Andrew 230 Davis Evans 150 Dobbins Danll SSo Dressall Timo 175 Daughty John 200 Dyer Wm 100 Daingerfield Jno 270 Daingerfield Wm 270 Dunn Wm 220 Dyer Jeffrey 100 Day Richd 100 Dicks Thomas 500 I29S9 Evans Rice 200 Edmondson James 500 Elliott Alice 75 Evitt Tho 100 Emondson Tho 700 Flowers Isaac 250 Faulkner Nicho 100 Farrell Charles So Franklin Nicho 130 Foster Robt 200 Foster Jno 200 Fisher Jonathan 250 Fisher Benja 150 Frank Tho I7S Fullerton James 400 Fossett Wm 100 Ferguson Jno 150 Faulkner Edwd 530 1 72 19 Green George 300 Gray Abner 3S0 Goulding Wm 20D Gannock Wm 2100 Gaines Barnerd 450 Griffin Tho 200 Gibson Jonathan 700 Grigson Tho 300 Gouldman Francis 300 Goulding John 200 Goulding Edwd 380 Good Richd 200 Garnett John 150 Glover John 100 Hawkins John 1066 Hinshaw Samll 200 Hutson Tho 100 Harrison James 400 Harrison Andrew 300 Hilliard Thomas 100 Harper Wm 240 Harmon Henry 75 Hoult Richd 100 Humphrie Joe 100 Hail Jno 900 Harper John 748 Harper Tho 350 Hould David 100 Hudson Wm 100 Hinds Thomas 100 Howerton Thomas I7S Hodges Arth lOO Hows Qrtr 300 Harwood Peter 125 Harway Tho 1000 Hudson Tho 50 Hudson Wm 300 Hill Leond 300 Harwar SamJl 300 Jamison David 250 Jones Wm 165 Jenkins David SO Jewell Tho 100 Johnson Widdo 300 Jones Walter 100 Johnson Richd So Johnson Wm 650 Jones John 300 Jones Richd 350 Jenkins John 93 Jones Wm 300 Journey Wm 243 Johnson Thomas 500 Jones Rice soo Key Robt 209 Kerby Henry 60 Landrum John 300 Landrum James 100 Long Richd 300 Lomax John 2000 Loyd George 800 Lawson Claudy 100 Little Abraham 60 Lacy John 100 Law John 300 Lattaine Lewis 2SO Leveritt Robt 100 Micou Paul ISO 238 APPENDIX Martin John 400 Morgain John 100 Miller John 150 Medor Tho 300 Moseley Benja iioo Mottley John 100 Morris John 200 Moss Robt 180 Merritt Tho 124 Merritt John 100 Munday Tho 500 Magcon David 400 Mice Hno 200 Mosseley Robt 100 Mayfield Robt 100 Matthews Richd 250 Moseley Edwd SSo Merriweather Francis 3200 Mefflin Zach 400 Michaell Jno 200 Merriweather Tho 2100 Mefflin Lath 400 Medor John 100 Morse John 400 Matthews Benja 200 Mountegue Wm 850 Newbury Nathll 200 Nixson Henry 500 North Wm 900 Newton Nicho 100 Nightingal'l John 100 Osman James 300 Presser John 450 Poe Samll 800 Pley Widdo 800 Parker Jno 250 Pitts Jon 200 Piskell Jno 300 Pain Jno I3S Price Wm 100 Peteras Tho 200 Powell Honor 72 Powell Wm 72 Powell Place 72 Powell Tho 72 Payne Widdow 1000 Perkin Henry 300 Prichett Roger 167 Paggett Edmd 700 Price John lloo Pickett John 800 Perry Samll 225 Price Wm 100 Quarter Xtpher Robinson.. 2200 Quartr Tho. Corbin ... 4000 Qrtr Robt. Thomas 200 Quartr John Hay 1000 Quartr. Wm. Smith 3000 Quartr Gawen Corbin 2000 Quartr Peter Ransom 300 Quartr David Gwin 950 Quartr Wm. Upshaw icoo Quartr Leversons 600 Quartr Tho Todd 550 Ridgdall John 300 Ramsey Tho 550 Rowze Ralph 610 Rucker Peter 500 Rowze Edwd 300 Royston John 1000 Roberts Edmd 300 Rebs Henry 400 Reeves Joseph 200 Reeves James 200 Roberts John 50 Richardson Robt 200 Reynolds James Senr 500 Reynolds James 500 Ransom Peter 1200 Strange Jno 100 Stepp Abra 390 Samll. Antho 300 Sail Cornelius 73 Salmon John 60 Spiers Jno 160 Smith Wm 150 Stokes Richd 500 Smith Charles 3000 Sullenger Peter 400 Sales Widdo 1150 Shipley Jno 200 Spearman Job 300 Smith Francis 500 Stallard Samll 100 Ship Jos 350 Short Tho 150 Scott Wm 1 100 Stogell Jno 100 Stephens Jno 100 Slaughter Phebe 352 Smith Jno 75 Smith Jonas 100 Sanders John 300 Stanton Jno 95 Shepherd Jeremiah 300 Smith Tho 50 APPENDIX 239 Shackelford Francis 3CX) Sthrashley Tho 200 Staners Tho 500 Snead Tho 950 Shackelford Henry 50 Thorp Widdo 400 Tinsley Tho in Thacker Samll no Tomlin Widdo 400 Taliaferro Francis 1300 Thornton Fran 700 Tomlin Wm 1600 Thomas John 100 Taliaferro Charles 300 Thomas Wm 200 Taliaferro John 2000 Turner George 200 Tomlin Wm 950 Trible Peter 100 Taylor Richd 650 Tilley Matthew 200 Vanters Bartho 400 Virget Job 50 Vincent Vaus 450 Wakeland Wm 100 Wood Tho 50 Winslow Tho 150 Winslow Henry 100 WilHams John 450 WiUiams Wm 100 Wilson David 50 Wilton Richd 150 W'heeden Edwd SO Ward Widdo 200 Whitehorn Widdo 260 Wms. Emanuell 100 Watkins Thomas 400 Waters John 150 Webb James 200 Webb John 200 Wead Wm 200 Wood Tho 300 Williamson Tho 100 Williamson Wm 100 Williamson John 100 Webb Robert 375 Webb Isaac 200 Woodnatt Henry . . . ., 300 Waginer John 400 Ward Geo 350 Wheeler Tho 250 Young Wm looo Young Giles loo Muscoe Salvator 100 Moody John 150 Maguffe John 100 Brookins Quartr 250 Smith Jno. Quartr 1000 Newton Henry 100 Newton Henry 175 Nowell Dall 400 Nowell Widdo 300 Garrett Tho 1000 Gould Price 200 Green Samll 97 Gouldman Fran 300 Gawdin Wm 100 Grimmall Wm 100 Gaitwood John 400 Games John 475 Samll. Thompson loco 140580 Lands held in the above said County the Rents not paid and held by the severall Gentlemen as followth vizt. John Smith Esqr. of Glo- cester County 800 Wm. Buckner of Glocester by information 1500 Jno. Lightfoot Esqr. New Kent County goo Jno. Bridgate in Engld 700 Richd. Wyatt & Jno. Pettus of King & Queen Cty. . . , 800 Wm. Berry of Richmond County 400 Richard Covington Accomack Rent Roll Alexander Richards 150 Arthur Upshot 2020 Antho. West 700 Ann Simkins 1000 Arthur Donas 100 ArnoU Harrison 630 Alex. Harrison 400 240 APPENDIX Alex. Bagwell 413 Anne Chase 200 Arthur Frame 500 Alexdr West 550 Abraham Lambedson 100 Alex Benstone 270 Anne Blake Widdo 120 Anne Bruxe 180 Ar. Arcade Welburn 1854 9187 Burnell Niblett Majr. Bennit Scarbrough 100 52 1 621 C Corneline Hermon 321 Christo Stokly 200 Charles Scarbrough 1000 Charles Leatherbeny iioo Charles Bally 959^ Charles Pywell 150 Churchhil Darby 125 Charles Evill 550 Charles Champison 270 Christo Hodey 500 Cornelius Lofton 166 Charles Stockley 170 Charles Taylor 580 Catherine Gland 217 6312^ D Dorman Derby 225 Daniell Derby Senr 300 Dorothy Littlehouse 250 David Watson 200 Delight Shield 300 Daniel Derby Junr 125 Daniel Harwood 100 Dennis Mores 200 Daniel Gore 3976 5676 E Coll Edmd Scarbrough . . . 2000 Edwd Hitchins 170 Edwd Turner 750 Edwd Killam 720 Edmd Allin 200 Edwd Bagwell for Coll Wm. Custis 200 Edmd. Jones 800 Elizb. Tinley 200 Edwd Taylor 300 Edmd Tatham 200 Edmd Bally 800 Edmd Ayres 1000 Edwd. Miles 413 Elizb. Mellchop 210 Edwd. Bell loi Edwd. More 500 Edwd. Gunter 600 Edwd Brotherton 600 Elias Blake 430 Edwd Robins 782 Edwd Bally 300 Elias Taylor 1500 Elizb. Wharton 200 Mrs. Elizb Scarbrough 4205 17181 F Mr. Francis Mackenny 5109 Francis Robts 200 Francis Wainhouse 700 Francis Crofton 200 Francis Young 100 Finley MackWm 100 Francis Ayres 300 Francis Jester 200 Francis Benstone 400 Francis Wharton 600 7909 G Geo. Anthony 100 Geo. Hastup 300 Coll Geo Nicho Halk 2700 Capt. Geo Parker 2609 Gervis Baggally 700 Garrat Hictlims 170 Geo Parker Sco. Side 1200 Griffin Savage 650 Geo Middleton Senr 588 Geo Trevit 400 Geo. Pounce 400 Geo Middleton Junr 150 Geo Johnson 200 APPENDIX 241 Capt. Geo Hope 900 1 1067 H Henry Armtrading 175 Henry Chance 445 Henry Selman '. 180 Henry Ubankes 400 Henry Lurton 363 Henry Stokes 208 Henry Custis 774 Henry Bagwell 412 Henry Read 350 Henry Ayres 250 Hill Drummond 483 Henry Toules 300 Henry Hickman 135 Henry Gibbins 250 Henry Truett 240 496s J John Tounson 200 Joseph Stokley 664 Jno. Read 200 Jno. Blake 310 Joseph Ames 375 Joseph Clark 200 Jno. Fisher 200 James Gray 900 Jno. Huffington 240 Jno. Legatt 300 James Lary lOO James Longoe 200 Jno. Merrey 350 Jno Milloy 500 Jno. Pratt 50 Jno. Revell 1450 Jno Road no Jno. Rowles 650 Jno. Savage Senr 350 Jno Charles 480 Jno Willis Senr 430 Jno Willis Junr 350 James Fairfax 900 Joseph Milby 830 John West Junr 500 Jno Jenkins 400 Jonathan James 150 John Rodgers 100 Jno Collins lOO Jno Sincocke 125 Jno Metcalfe, Isaac Metcalfe and Samll. Metcalfe 600 Joseph Touser 200 Jno Stanton 200 Jno Bally 1000 1371S Jno Melson 180 Jno Bernes Senr 657 Jno Littletone 200 John Nock 300 Jno Killy 100 Jacob Morris 200 Jno Morris 640 Jona. Aylworth 200 James Davis 1000 Jno Parkes 200 Jno Evans 200 Jno Hull 100 Jno Blocksom 700 Jno Abbott 1170 Jno Arew 234 Jno Grey 1 16 Jno Baker 400 Jno Wharton 150 James Taylor loo Jno Glading 207 Jno Loftland 167 James Smith 756 Majr Jno Robins 2700 Jno Collins for Asban 1666 James Walker 525 Jno Whelton go Jno Marshall 1666 Jona Owen 230 Jacob Wagaman 150 Capt John Broadhurst iioo Jno Dyer 200 Mr. John Watts 2450 Jno Booth 300 John Bradford 364 Ingold Cobb 150 Jno Griffin 150 Jno Mitchell 400 John Parker 970 James Alexander 1250 Jno Burocke 200 James Sterferar 50 Jno Perry 217 Jno Drummond 1550 Jno Carter on Foxs Island 203 242 APPENDIX Jno Warington loo Jno Bagwell 465 Jno Wise Senr 800 Jno Wise Junr 400 Jno Dix 500 Isaac Dix 500 Jno Hickman 4S4 Jno Onians 200 Coll Jno Custis Esqr 5950 John Coslin SO 46692 M Michaell Recetts 300 Mrs. Mattilda West 3600 Marke Evell 250 Mary Wright 200 43SO N Nicholas Mellchops 285 Nathaniel Williams 64 Nathaniell Rattcliff 300 649 O Owen Collonell 500 Overton Mackwilliams .... 200 Obedience Pettman 115 81S P Peter Major 113 Philip Parker 150 Peter Rogers 167 Perry Leatherbury 1750 Peter Turlington 79 Peter Ease 250 Philip Fisher 433 Peter Chawell 250 3192 R Robt. Bell 650 Richd Bally Senr 2100 Richd Bally Junr 180 Richd Garrison 468 Roules Major 157 Rouland Savage Senr 930 Robt. Taylor 95 Richd. Rodgers 450 Richd Killam 1900 Robt. Wattson 425 Richd Jones 500 Robt. Hutchinson 934 Reynold Badger 150 Robt. West 400 Richd Cuttler 450 Robt. Cole 125 ■Richd Drummond 600 Robt. Stocomb 300 Robt Norton 1050 Richd Grindall 350 Roger Hickman 135 Robt Lewis 200 Roger Abbott 450 Richard Hill 350 Ralph Justice 1050 Richd Hinman 1800 Robt Davis 384 Ragnall Aryes 300 Roger Miles 200 Richd Bundike 773 Richd Kittson 1300 Robt. Bally 100 Richd Starlin 150 Richd Flowers 200 Richd Price 100 Robt. Pitts 2300 Robt Adkins 200 Rebeckha Benstone 270 Richd Hillayres 300 22816 S Samuell Benstone 300 Sarah Beach 300 Sillvanus Cole 250 Symon Sosque 325 South Littleton Widdo 2870 Stephen Woltham 244 Steph. Warrington 400 Symon Mitchell 300 Stephen Drummond 300 Selby Harrison 50 SoUomon Evell 125 Samll Young SO Sarah Reyley 150 Sebastian Dellistations Senr 500 APPENDIX 243 Sebastian DelHstations Junr 400 Skinner Wollope 2485 Samll. Sandford 3250 Sebastian Silverthorn 150 Symon Smith 200 Sarah Coe 900 Samll Taylor 1232 Sarah Evins 150 Sebastian Croper 600 Samuell Jester 200 15731 T Tho Burton 600 Tho Bud 500 Tho Boules 300 Tho Clark 100 Tho Middleton 350 Tho Stringer 600 Tho Haule 500 Tho Taylor 100 Tho Fockes 300 Tho Bagwell 465 Madm Tabitha Hill 3600 Tho Rose 7 Tho Webb 50 Tho Savage 450 Tho Jones 100 Tho Scott 100 Tho Reyley 225 Tho Ternall 150 Tho Simpson 520 Tho Coper 711 Tho Miles 202 Thomas Bonwell 300 Tho Bell Senr 100 The Bell Junr loo Tho Touson Kiquotan 800 Tho Stockley 363 Tho Jester 100 Tho Smith 300 Thomas Crippin 648 Tho Wilkinson 50 Tho Jenkinson 374 Tho Moore 166 Tho Allen 700 Tho Smith Savannah 200 Tho Perry 232 Tho Tonnson 400 Tho Smith Gingateague ... 693 Lieut Coll Robinson 600 15956 W Wm. Robins 200 Wm Patterson 200 Wm Bevens 400 Wm Matthews 400 Wm Shepherd 200 Wm Whett 400 Winfred Woodland 333 Wm Andrews 300 Wm Custis 1500 Wm Darby 83 Wm Fletcher 200 Wm Killam 450 Wm Lingoe 300 Wm Major 130 Wm Meeres 150 Wm Mack Sear 800 Wm Savage 150 Wm Waite no Wm Sill 200 Wm Waite Junr 600 Wm Bradford 3500 Wm Rogers 200 Wm Wise 400 Wm Finey 800 Wm Consalvins 100 Wm Phillips 200 Wm Parker 362 Wm Cole 375 Wm Merill 150 Wm Johnson 150 Wm Lewis 150 Walter Hayes 130 Wm Chance 450 Wm Milby 250 Wm Nicholson 600 Wm Burton 500 Wm Willett 842 Wm Hudson 270 Wm Lewis 300 Wm Young 144 Wm Liechfield 154 Wm Bunting 150 Wm Nock Junr 400 Wm Lucas 300 Mary Mellechop 498 Wm Daniell 200 Wm Silverthorn 160 Wm Garman 475 Wm White 600 Wm Broadwater 500 Wm Taylor 100 Wm Williamson 600 Wm Brittingham 538 244 APPENDIX Wm. Benstone Jun 270 Wm Dickson for Mr. Lit- tleton 1050 Wm Waite Senr 225 Wm Taylor 1400 24599 196899^^ Added to this Rent Roll the following Lands of which the Quit Rents may pos- sibly be recovered tho the Owners live out of the Country Viz. Jonas Jackson 300 Robt. Andrews 500 Joseph Morris 200 Robt. Meros 200 Hillory Stringer 950 Tho Fisher 133 Jno Fisher 133 Timo Coe 4100 David Hagard 130 6846 An Account of what Land in Accomack County the owners whereof are not dwellers. Tho Preson of Northamp- ton 200 Geo Corbin Ditto 150 Joshua Fichett Ditto 200 Alexdr Merey Maryld 200 Tho Dent 500 Mr. Wm Kendalls orphans of Northampton County. 2850 Mr Hancock Lee dividing Creeks 4050 Richd Watters in Maryland 1057 Francis Lailor Northamp . . 100 Obedience Johnson Qtrs . . . 300 Henry Smith at the South- erd 1000 Grattiance Michell North.. 200 Matt. Tyson Southerd 300 Teagle Woltham Maryld . . 200 Peter Waltham New Engld 200 Jno Waltham Maryld 200 1 1707 Jno Wise Sheriff The Rent Roll of Northampton County for the Year of our Lord God 1704 Brewer Jno 50 Blackson Jno 100 Brooks Jeane 100 Beadwine Jno 200 Berthall Danll 258 Baker John 400 Brickhouse Geo 2100 Andrews Robt 300 Andrews Andrew 100 Addison John 350 Abdell Tho 125 Abdell Jno 200 Abdell Wm 125 Alligood John 300 Angell James 100 Alligood Henry 100 B Bullock Geo 100 Boner Geo 150 Brown Tho 1862 Benthall Joseph Senr 793 Benthall Joseph Junr 150 Branson Francis 100 Bateson 200 Billot Jno -100 Bell Geo 400 Billott Wm 100 Cob Samll 130 Coape Wm 200 Custis Jno Coll 3400 Collier Bartho 150 Carpenter Charles 240 Cox Jno SCO Church Samll 143 Cleg Jno. Senr 204 Clog Henry 204 Carvy Richd 100 Cowdry Josiah 167 Cormeck Mich 100 Clerk Jno 100 APPENDIX 245 Corban Geo 250 Clerk Geo 833 Caple Nath 100 Callinett Jno 100 Crew John 300 Costin Francis 275 Custis Majr John 3250 Custis Hancock 50 Chick Tho 100 Etowning Jno 70 Dewy Geo 300 Dewy Jacob 100 Delby Margery 450 Dowty Rowland 150 Dunton John 170 Dunton Tho 400 Dowman John 100 Dullock John 100 Denton Tho 400 Dunton Tho Junr 120 Dunton Wm 420 Dunton Benj 220 Duparks Tho 90 Davis Jno 850 Dunton Joseph 120 Dixon Michaell 460 E Eshon Jno 600 Evans John 200 Edmunds David 500 Evans Tho 300 Esdoll Geo 100 Eyres Tho "33 Eyres Nich 325 Eyres Capt Jno 774 Eyres Anne Wido 733 Esdoll Edwd 100 F Fisher John 637^^ Francisco Dan iSo Fisher Tho 637'/^ Foster Robt i50 Fabin Paul 60 Frost Tho 100 Frank Jno Soo Floyd Charles 378 Freshwater Geo 200 Frizell Geo i-io Freshwater Wm 200 Fitchett Joshua 100 Floyd Berry & Matthew . . 555 G Gogni David 150 Gill Robt 200 Gascoyne Robt 125 Gascoyne Wm 525 Greene Jno Senr 2200 Giddens Tho 227 Grice Peter 200 Godwin Devorix 600 Gofifogan Tho 100 Guelding Charles 200 Griffith Jerimiah 345 Griffith Benja 200 H Hill Francis 100 Henderson John 250 Haggaman Isaac 750 Harmonson Jno 1600 Harmonson Henry 1250 Hanby Charles 25 Hanby Richd 75 Hanby Danll 50 Hanby John 150 Harmonson Capt Wm 308 Harmonson Geo 1586 Harmonson Tho 400 Hawkins Jno Senr 66 Hawkins Jno Junr 66 Hawkins Gideon 66 Hunto Groton 485 Hunt John -140 Hunt Tho 2yo Hall Francis Widdo 340 J Johnson John Senr 250 Johnson John Junr ico Johnson Jacob 350 Isaacs John Jnr 100 Joynes Major ISO James Joan Widdo 250 Johnson Obedience Capt ... 400 Johnson Tho Junr 75 Johnson Thomas Senr . . . 400 Jackson Jonah & John 625 Joynes Edmd 200 Joynes Edwd 200 Johnson Jeptha Senr 5° 246 APPENDIX Jacob Phillip Senr 350 Johnson Jepha Junr 200 Johnson Obedience & Jepha Sen 250 Johnson Edmd 400 Jacob Richd 200 Jacob Abraham 50 K Kendall Wm 2410 Knight John 100 L Lawrence John 120 Lailler Luke 100 Lucas Tho 100 Lewis Robt 100 Littleton Susannah Wido . . 4050 Luke John 400 M Marshall Geo 250 Farshall Jno 250 Maddox Tho 1500 Michaell Yeardly 400 Matthews John 275 Major John 390 Map John 50 Moore Matthew 175 Mackmellion Tho 300 More Gilbert 225 Morraine John II9J4 More Jno 545 More Eliner 175 N Nicholson Wm 600 Nottingham Wm 150 Nottingham Joseph 150 Nottingham Richd ' 350 Nottingham Benja 300 Nelson John 100 O Only Clement 200 Odear John 100 P Parramore Tho 400 Preson Tho 610 Powell Frances Widdo . . . 1225 Palmer Samll 1562 Pyke Henry 150 Powell John 636^^ Pittett Tho 300 Pittet Justian 200 Pittett John 275 Powell Samll 200 Paine Daniell 150 Piggott Ralph 1368 R Read Thomas 150 Rascow Arthur 100 Ronan Wm 150 Roberts Jno 200 Richards Lettis 150 Robins Jno Majr 1180 Robins Littleton 1000 Rabishaw Wm SS Roberts Obedience 260 Robinson Benjamin 250 S Shepherd Jno 200 Smith Joseph 250 Smith Samll 150 Smith Jno 200 Savage Tho 450 Smith Tho 400 Smith Abrah 300 Seady Antho 120 Sott Widdo 750 Smith Richd minor , 300 Scot Geo 100 Smith Richd 99 Scot Jno 100 Scott Henry 800 Scot David 300 Smith Peter 450 Sanders Richd 100 Smaro John 800 Shepherd Tho 140 Sanders Eiistick 100 Sanderson John 636 Savidge John 410 Stringer Hillary 1250 Savidge Capt Tho 1600 Savidge Elkington 750 Scot Wm Senr 153 Straton Benja 745 Smith Geo 133 Stockley Jno Senr 370 Shepheard Widdo 830 Seamore John 200 APPENDIX 247 T Tilney John 350 Tryfort Barth 147 Teague Simeon 100 Turner Richd 50 Teague Tho 200 Tankard Wm 450 Tanner Paul 148 W Webb Henry 100 Wills Thorn 300 White John 400 Wilson Tho 250 Westerhouse Adryan Senr. 200 Walker John 300 Ward Tho 120 Walter John 400 Waterfield Wm 200 Warren John 525 Warren Argoll 350 Widgeon Robt 100 Wilkins Jno 150 Webb Edwd 200 Wilcock Jno 200 Warren James 50 Waterson Wm 855 Warren Robt 190 Water Lieut-Coll Wm 700 Webb Charles 133]4 Willett Wms 2650 Waterson Richd 150 Wilkins Argoll 150 Walter EHzb Widdo 100 Warren Joseph 50 99671 Lands not paid for vizt Gleab formerly Capt Fox- crofts 1500 John Majr at Occahannock 200 Hogbin not being in Virginia ico Tho Smith 300 Tho Marshall orphan 75 Jno Rews not in Virginia . . 100 2275 The total on the other side is 99671 acres Added to it ye Glebe land 1500 101171 acres The preceding Sheets are true copys of the Rentrolls for the year 1704 given in and accounted for by the several Sherifs in April 1705 and sworne to before his Excellcy according to which they ftiade up their accounts of the Quitrents with Will Robertson Clerk. INDEX INDEX jTICCOMAC, farms and tithables of, 58; 79. Allen, Arthur, six tithables, 57. Allen, William, Burgess in 1629, 73. Allerton, Isaac, deals in servants, 48. Ambrose, Robert, deals in servants, 49. Anbury, Major, describes Virginia upper class, 158. Andros, Sir Edmund, 29; 35; 52; hesitates to deprive wealthy of land holdings, 143-144. Archer, George deals in servants, 49; extensive land- owner, 79. Armetrading, Henry, 79. Artisans, 'became planters in Virginia, 27; called for in broadside of 1610, 28; on the plantations, 156-157. Ashton, Peter, deals in servants, 48. Austin, James, deals in servants, 48. Avery, Richard, his cattle, 101; inventory of, 106. JjACON, Nathaniel, Sr., 109; 110. Bacon, Nathaniel, Jr., describes poverty in Virginia, 91; re- bellion of and Navigation Acts, 92-93; says peoples hoped in Burgesses, 109; 113. ■" Baker, John, buys Button's Ridge, 49. Baldwin, William, landowner, 79, Ballard, Thomas, 109. Ball, William, has 22 slaves. Baltic, English trade of, 8; Denmark controls entrance to, 9; wars endanger trade to, 9; cheap labor of, 16; 17; tobacco trade to, 118-119; trade to injured by wars, 131, 148. Banister, John, has 88 slaves, 158. Barbadoes, complain of Navigation Acts, 94. Barnett, Thomas, servant, Burgess in 1629, 74. Bassett, William, deals in servants, 48. Beer, George Lewis, defends Navigation Acts, 86-87; says trade restrictions did not cause Bacon's Rebellion, 92; statement of concerning county grievances, 93; denies that ser- ious opposition existed to Navigation Acts, 93-94. Bell, Richard, landowning freedman, 74. Bennett, Richard, estate of described, 108. Bennett, Samuel, landowning freedman, 74. Berkeley, John, conducts iron works in Virginia, 18. Berkeley, Lord John, 90. Berkeley, Sir William, describes servants, 34; describes early mortality among servants, 39; estimates servants at 6,000 in 1671, 41; instructed to prohibit foreign trade, 69; permits foreign trade during Civil War, 69; calls Virginia land of opportunity, 75; proclaims Charles II, 84, 111; 89; de- scribes poverty of Vr'-i^.'.nir. rOi^ 91' -9? 93; controls Assembly, 94; goes to Eng- land to combat Navigation Acts, 94-95 plans to establish manufactures, 95 denounces Navigation Acts, 95-96; 98. secures body guard, 111; elected Gover- nor prior to .Restoration, 112; fears King's resentment, lf3; small planters turn against in Bacon's Rebellion, 113; estimates slaves at 2,000 in 1670, 124; 125; 160. Beverley, Robert, Sr., extensive dealer in servants, 48, 109; 113. Beverley, Robert, Jr., 61; imports slaves, 130; describes pride of poor whites, 155. Bibbie, Edmund, deals in servants, 49. Binns, Thomas, eight tithables, 57. Bishop, John, Burgess and landowner, 78. Blackstone, John, patents land, 74. Bland, John, remonstrates against Navigation Acts, 88-89; 93. 251 252 INDEX Blair, Rev. John, asks funds for college, 50, 136. Blewit, Capt., sets up iron works in Virginia, dies, 181. Board of Trade, arrears of quit rents reported to, 51; Nicholson writes to concerning rent roll, 52; says servants not slaves, 60; Berke- ley protests to, 95, 119; asks reasons for emigration of Virginia whites, 140; seeks to limit size of land grants, 143; again alarmed at ■emigration from Vir- ginia, 145, 147, 157. Boiling, Mrs. Mary, has 51 slaves, 158. Brent, Giles, deals in servants, 48; 109; 113. Bridger, Joseph, deals in servants, 48; 109. Briggs, Gray, has 43 slaves, 158. British Empire, beginnings of misunderstood, 14; begun, 19; important role of tobacco in, 27. Broadnat, John, 128. Broadside, in, 1610 calls for settlers for Virginia, 28. Browne, {Robert, landowning freedman, 74. Browne, William, nine tithables, 57. Bruce, Philip Alexander, describes small planters, 54. Brunswick, land patents in small, 145. denies that servants are slaves, 60. Burgesses, 54, petition King, 65; complain of high freight rates, 72; freedmen among, 73- 75; Navigation Acts and, 94-95; repre- sent interest of small planters, 109; defy the king, 110; petition of, 110; rule Vir- ginia, 1652-1660, 112; growing influence of, 109. Burwell, Francis, patents land in James City, 77. Burwell, John, has 42 slaves, 158. Burwell, 'Lewis, deals in servants, 48; 109. Burcher, 'William, patents land, 79. Bushood, John, sells land, 49. Butt, Thomas, deals in servants, 48. Button, Robert, receives estate, 49. Button, Thomas, owner of Button's Ridge, 49. Byrd, William I, says rent rolls inaccurate, 52; 109; uses slaves, 130. Byrd,_ William II, gives reasons for emigration to Carolina, 146. V^ARTER, John, 109. Carter, Robert, has 126 slaves, 153. Carleill, Capt. Christopher, urges trade with America, 11. Carolina, emigration to from Virginia, 99-100. 139-146. Cattle, plentiful in Virginia, 101. Chambers, William, servants and slaves of, 59. Chandler, John, landowning freedman, 74. Charles I, considers smoking harmful, 26; tries to limit tobacco planting in Virginia, 27; tries to limit English tobacco crop, 63; limits price of tobacco, 65; regulates tobacco trade, 67-69; 70; defied by As- sembly, 110; 111. Charles II, 33; proclaimed in Virginia, 84; 111; 93; 96 ; not restored in Virginia before Restoration in England, 112; tyranny of, 114. Charles City, plantations small, 53; 54; farms and tithables of, 58; 79; 81. Chastellux, describes poor whites of Virginia, 152; notes indolence of poor whites, 155. Chew, Larkin, dealer in Spotsvylvania land, 154. Claiborne, William, deals in servants, 48. Clayton, Thomas, 80. Clergy, many plant tobacco, 28. Clothing, want of felt in Virginia, 103. Cloyse, Pettyplace, landowning freedman, 74. Cole, Edward, patents land in James City, 77. Colonial expansion, sought as remedy for British economic dependence, 10; urged by economists, 11; 12; 13. Colonial system, 68; imperfectly enforced prior to 1660, 67-69 \ 85-86; embodied in Navigation Acts, 85; colonies to supplement Eng- land, 86; workings of at end of 17th century, 120; British conception of, 136. Commerce, of England with Baltic, 8; principles of long known, 11; of England with Eu- rope and East, 12; of England with France declines, 13; affords key to his- tory, 22; in reexported tobacco, 70; in INDEX 253 tobacco revives after 1683, 114-115; in reexported tobacco, 116-120; importance of in tobacco for England, 119, 122. Commonwealth, tobacco high under, 66; Virginians trade abroad under, 69; 98; attitude of Vir- ginia under, 110-11. Constable, John, trades illegally, 69. Cooke, John, landowning freedman, 74. Cornell, Samuel, servants and slaves of, 59. Council, 65; complains of high freight rates, 72; 90; describes poverty in Virginia, 91; says Virginia ready to revolt to Dutch, 96; 109; 110; members of hold land il- legally, 143; gives reasons for immigra- tion iQut of Virginia, 145 ; describes misery in Virginia, 150; declining in- fluence of, 159. Creighton, 'Henry, sells 100 acres, 50. Criminals, few sent to Virginia, 32, 33; make no imprint on social fabric, 33. Crocker, Wm., servants and slaves of, 59. Cromwell, Oliver, sends Irish servants to Virginia, 33. Crump, Thomas, servant. Burgess in 1632, 74; landowner, 75. Culpeper, Lord, fears ruin of Virginia, 91, 114. Custis, John, 109. JL/ainger FIELD, William, has 61 slaves, 157. Dawson, William, landowning freedman, 74. Day, John, 80. Delaware, manufactures of lure poor Virginia whites, 141; migration to, 139-146. Delk, Roger, landowning freedman, 74. Dicks, John, purchases land, 49. Digges, Dudley, 109. Diggs, William, has 72 slaves, 158. Dinwiddie county, poor -whites in, 151; small slave holders of, 153; large slave holders in, 158. Dodman, John, landowner, 79. Dorch, Walter, inventory of, 106. Duties, French put on English woolens, 13; on reexported tobacco partly refunded, 70; on reexported tobacco, 117; on tobacco yield grown large revenue, 120. il/DWARDS, John, slaves of in plot, 128. Edwards, William, has six tithables, 57; slaves of in plot, 128. Effingham, Lord, tyranny of in Virginia, 114. Elizabeth City, plantations of small, 53; farms and tithables of, 58; servants and slaves in, 59. Emigration, from Virginia in years from 1660 to 1725, 40, 62, 139-146; not caused by large land grants, 144-145; extent of, 146. England, colonial expansion necessary for, 7 ; forests depleted, 7; industry declining, 8; Baltic trade of, 8; future depends on colonies, 13; 14; joy of at founding of Virginia, 15; disappointed in Virginia, 19; tobacco 'bill of, 26; supplies Virginia with labor, 31; poverty in, 31; cannot consume entire colonial tobacco crop, 86; tobacco planting in prohibited, 87; glut of tobacco in, ^68-89 ; adheres to colonial policy, 95. Epes, Francis, 79, 127. Essex, land transfers in, 46; plantations of small, 53; farms and tithables of, 558. Jr ALLING Creek, iron works at, 17; destroyed in 1632, 18. Fane, Francis, says slave labor cheapens tobacco, 132. Fish, plentiful in Virginia, 15. Fithian, Philip, describes poor whites of Virginia, 152, 155. Fitzhugh, William, 109; refers to slave imports, 130. Flax, in Virginia, 15. Fleet, tobacco, brings servants, 35; size of in 1690 and 1706, 122. Foster, Armstrong, 79, 80. Foster, Robert, buys 200 acres, 50. Fowl, wild, abundant in colonial Virginia, 102. Fox, William, has 25 slaves, 153. France, exports wine and silk, 12; British trade with declines, 13; tobacco trade to, 119; trade to injured by war, 131. Freedmen, 80 per cent of servants become, 40 ; prior to 1660 remained in Virginia, 40; 254 INDEX form large part of population, 41; an- nual recruits of, 41; usually young, 42; might acquire property, 43 ; perform bulk of work, 43; what became of 43; become small planters, 60; outfit of, 61; not entitled to land, 61; prosperity of hinges on tobacco, 62; Virginia land of opportunity for, 71;" profits of from to- bacco, 71-72; in Burgesses, 73-74; pros- perous, 74-80; little hope of advance- ment for after 1660, 97-100; few in rent roll of 1704, 122-123. Freemen, entitled to headrights, 35; many come to Virginia, 36; become small planters, 60-75; many pay own passage, 81-82. Freight rates, high from England, 71-72; excessive, 90. Fruit, 12, abundant in Virginia, 102, Fuel, abundant in Virginia, 105. Gardens, common in Virginia, 102, 105. Garnet, John, buys 600 acres, 50. George, The, takes cargo of tobacco to England, 25; 64. Gilbert, George, patents land in James City, 77, 79. Gilbert, Sir (Humphrey, voyage to America^ 11. Glass, possibilities for in Virginia, 15; begin- ning made of in Virginia, 17; early his- tory of in Virginia, 18-19, Gloucester, average plantation in, 54; farms and tithables of, 58; 80; 113; poor whites of, 151; small slave holders in, 154; large slave holders in, 157; 159. Good, John, describes poverty in Virginia, 91. Gooch, Governor, says large holdings no impediment to settlement, 145; says poor whites make best tobacco, 147. Governor, plants tobacco, 28; appoints sheriffs, 51; makes efforts to collect quit rents, 51; 65; neglects servants, 73; 90; 109; elect- ed by burgesses, 1652-1660, 112. Goring, John, servants and slaves of, 59. Grain, abundance of in Virginia, 102. Graves, Ralph, his servant valued at £10, 127. Grey, James, buys 20O acres, 49. Grey, John, his cattle, 101; inventory of, 106. Grey, Francis, Burgess and landowner, 78-79. Grey, Thomas, 78. rj.AKLUYT, Richard, advises colonial expansion, \l\ shows British dependence on Spain, 12; ex- pects surplus of population in England to emigrate to America, 16; 19. Hammond, John, advice to serva^nts, 61; describes Vir- ginia residencesi 104. Harmar, Charles, 1 imports slaves, ^24. Harris, John, Burgess in 1629, 7Z. Harrison, Benjamin 109. Hart, Henry, his slave in plot, 128. Hartwell, Henry, deals in servants, 48. Harvey, Sir John, complains of low prices for tobacco, 65; asks freedom of trade for Virginia, 68; testifies to illegal foreign trade, 68-69; complains of high freight rates, 72 ; ejected by people, 110. Hatfield, James, landowning freedman, 75. Headrights, described, 34; 35; averaged about 1750 a year, 41 ; determine size of land grants, 47; brought in by well known planters, 48; do not belong to servant, 61; appear in wills, 76; transfer of by sale, 76; become landowners, 77\ not all servants, 77; compared with rent roll, 97-99. Hemp, in Virginia, 15. Henrico, false returns in, 55; farms and tithables of, 58; servants and slaves in, 59; 79. Hill, Edward, 109. Hill, John, landowning freedman, 75; book binder at Oxford, 7S. Hodge, John, servants and slaves of, 59. Holding, John, landowner, 79. Holland, exports fish, 12; trade of declines, 13; controls slave trade, 31; 125; tobacco exports to, 86-89; Navigation Acts cut exports to, 87; distributor of English colonial tobacco, 88; plants own tobacco. 88; wars with, 89; Virginians threaten to revolt to, 91, 96\ 116; tobacco ex- ports to, 120; fights to preserve her monopoly of slave trade, 126; seeks to control tohacco trade on continent, 149- 150. Honey, produced in Virginia, 102. INDEX 255 Hotten's Emigrants to America, gives lists of servants. 42: 1Z. Houses, comfortable in Virginia, 103-104. Hewlett, William, buy 200 acres, 50. Immigration, volume of in 17th century, 35-36; fixes character of eastern Virginia, 36; not restricted to servants, 36. Indentures, system of, 32; terms of, 61. Indians, desire to convert, 14; revere to- bacco, 24; unsuited for laborers, 30. Industry, 22; pictured in Virginia, 28; Virginia not suited for, 29. Inventories, throw light on distribution of servants and slaves, 59; 1Z\ typical examples of, 106-107, Iron, smelting of exhausts forests, 8; could be smelted in Virginia, 15; early manu- facture of in Virginia, 17-18. Isle of Wight county, farms and tithables of, 58; 1^. J ACKSON, William, has 49 slaves, 158. James I, forced to use tobacco, 25; considers smoking harmful, 26; regulates tobacco trade, ^1. James II, tyranny of, 114. James City county, plantations and tithables of, 58; land- owners listed as headrights in, 76-77; 79; slave plot in, 128. James River, iron works on, 17; 39; 70; 148. Jamestown, 14; glass furnace at, 18; streets of planted with tobacco, 25; 86; 111; 112. Jefferson, Thomas, says slavery made whites lazy, 155. Jeffreys, Jeffrey, imports slaves, 131. Jennings, Edmund, 109; describes slave plot, 128-129; says slaves injure credit of Virginia, 130; says few servants in 1708, 130-131; de- scribes slave trade, 130-131; describes migration of poor whites, 145-146. Johnson, John, sells land, 49. Johnson, Joseph, transports servants, 78-79. Jones, Anthony, servant, becomes landowner, 74. Jones, Hugh, says tenants small part of population, 45; 155; says negroes make poor arti- sans, 156. Jordan, Lt. Col., ■pays taxes on seven tithables, 56. IVemp, Richard, says immigrants mostly servants, 82. King William county, farms and tithables of, 58. King and Queen county, farms and tithables of, 58, Kinsman, Richard, makes perry, 108. Knight, Sir John, says Virginia ready to revolt to Holland, J-/AB0R, lack of in Virginia, 16; foreign at Jamestown, 18; lack of handicaps indus- try, 19; 20; in Virginia determined hy tobacco, 23; cheap needed in Virginia, 29; serious problem, 29; Indians un- suited for, 30; slave, 30; England sup- plies, 31; indenture system to supply, 32; influx of, 35. Lancaster, 79; poor planters in, 151; small slave holders of, 153. Land, cheap in Virginia, 29; 45; transfers of in Surry county, 46; in York, 46; in Rappahannock, 46; listed in rent roll of 1704-5, 53; monopoly of said to cause migration from Virginia, 141-143; large tracts gratned, 142-144. Land grants, average extent of, 47; determined by method of transporting immigrants, 47; vary greatly in size, 47; not index to size of plantations, 49. Landowners, few large in 17th century, 43; glad to sell in small parcels, 45; chiefly small proprietors, 46; in census of 1626, 46; in York county, 46; in Essex, 46; often avoid quit rents, 51; listed in rent roll of 1704-5. 53; small proprietors neg- lected in history, 54; often poor men, 55; many work farms with own hands, 57; Government expects servants to be- come, 62; profits of from tobacco, 71-72. Larkin, George, describes large land holdings, 144. Lawrence, Richard, landowner, 79. Leah and Rachel, 61. Lee, Richard, imports 80 slaves, 125. Leightenhouse, Thomas, 127. Linton, John, estimates colonial tobacco, 115; esti- mates amount of reexported tobacco, 118; declares Baltic tobacco trade ruined, 148; describes tobacco raising in Holland, 149. 256 INDEX London Company, national character of, 13; plans manu- factures for Virginia, 1 5 ; cannot se- cure laborers for Virginia, 16; sets up iron works at Falling Creek, 17-18; dis- pleased at tobacco culture in Virginia, 25; tobacco only hope of, 26; expects Virginia to duplicate England, 28; high price of tobacco pleases, 64; 73; 75. Ludwell, Philip, 109; 113. Ludwell, Thomas, places average tobacco crop at 1200 pounds, 64; 90; says tobacco worth nothing, 90; 91; 96. N. M. Lanufactures, attempts to establish in Virginia, 15-19; cause of failure, 1 9 ; purchased from Dutch, 68-69; colonial system based on expectation of, 86; Berkeley tries to establish, 95; local in Virginia, 103; of tobacco in England, 119, 122; exports of to tobacco colonies, 120; in northern colonies lure Virginia whites, 140; 141; on plantations, 108; 156-157. Market, not free for tobacco, 66; tobacco sent to foreign, 67-70; Navigation Acts cut of foreign, 87; tobacco reexported to con- tinental, 116-120; Virginia and Maryland furnish for England, 120. Maryland, emigration of whites from, 140; House of Delegates of explains migration, 191. Mason, Francis, seven tithables, 57. Mason, Winfield, has 40 slaves, 158. Massacre, iron works destroyed during, 18. Matthews, Samuel, his estate described, 108, Merchant marine, threatened in England by lack of ship- building materials, 9; part of sea de- fense, 10; depleted at end of 16th cen- tury, 10 ; tobacco exports aid British, 26, 119, 122. Menefie, George, his estate described, 108. Middlesex, plantations small, 53; farms and titha- bles of, 58. Milner, Thomas, deals in servants, 48. Moseley, Capt. William, buys part of Button's Ridge, 50, 109. Muir, Francis, has 47 slaves, 158. Muscovy Company, Baltic trade of, 8; not exempt from cus- toms, 9; urged to trade with America, 11. : ANSEMOND, plantations of small, 53; plantations and tithables in, 58. Navigation Acts, 69; desoribed, 84-86; resented in IHolland, 88-89; Bland's remonstrance against, 88; cause of war with Holland, 89; cause extreme poverty in Virginia, 90-92; connected with Bacon's Rebel- lion, 92-93 ; why Virginia Assembly did not protest against, 94-95; Berkeley protests against, 94-9S; 98; retard growth of population, 98-99; design of, 116. ^ New Albion, describes abundance of food in Vir- ginia, 103; advises settlers in Virginia as to clothing, 104. New Description of Virginia, presents optimistic picture of Virginia, 63; puts price of tobacco at 3d a pound, 66; describes foreign tobacco trade, 69; describes Virginia houses, 104 ; cites cases of wealth in Virginia, 107. New Kent, farms and tithables of, 58. Newport, Capt. Christoplier, returns to England in 1607, 15; brings iron ore to England in 1607, 17. New Jersey, manufactures of lure Virginia whites, 141. Nicholson, Sir Francis, 29; 50; orders accurate rent roll in 1690, 51; again attempts rent roll in 1699, 52; completes rent roll, 52; 54; makes rent roll accurate, 55, 97; 114; gives reason for migration from Vir- ginia and Maryland, 140, 141; sues Col. Lawrence Smith for arrears of quit rents, 143; testifies to large land grants, 144. iNorfolk, plantations of small, 53; farms and tith- ables of, 58; slave plot in, 129. Northampton, farms and tithables of, 58; 79. North Carolina, servants flee to, 83. Northern Neck, omitted in rent roll, 50; 54; 55. Norton, Capt. Wm., brings glass workers to Virginia, 19; dies, 19. X AGE, Matthew, 109. Page, Mann, has 157 slaves, 157. Pagett, Anthony, Burgess in 1629, 73. Parke, Daniel, 109. Patent Rolls, in Virginia Land Office, 34; average grants in, 47 ; show large dealers in INDEX 257 servants, 48; 73; reveal names of freedmen, 74-75. Pattison, Thomas, landowner, 79. Pearson, Christopher, inventory of, 107. Pelton, George, 102. Pennsylvania, manufactures of lure Virginia whites, 191; migration to, 139-146. Perfect DiscripHon, numbers cattle in Virginia, 101. Perry iMicajah, reports on tobacco trade, 119. Plantations, Virginia made up of, 29; cheap in Vir- ginia, 29; labor for, 29-37; unhealthful sites for, 39; few large, 43; small hold own with large, 44; small outnumber large, 45; 46; transfers of in Surry county, 46; patents not index to size of, 49 ; tendency to break up large into small, 49; listed in rent roll of 1704-5, 53, largest in various counties, 53; average size of, 53; accurately listed in rent roll, 55; co_mparison of number of with workers, 55; number in each county, 58 ; settlers buy on frontier, 76; part only of each cultivated, 105. Popleton, William, Burgess in 1629, 73. Population, 28; 29; growth of fronf 1649 to 1675, 98; growth of slow, 99, 142. Potash, England's need for, 8; found in Vir- ginia, 15; first efforts to produce in Vir- ginia, 17. Pott, Dr. John, incites people against Sir John Harvey, 110. Poultry, plentiful in Virginia, 102. Poverty, in England, 31; Navigation Acts cause in Virginia, 91; one cause of Bacon's Rebellion, 92-93. Present State of Tobacco Plantations, describes tobacco trade to France and Spain, 119 ; puts tobacco duties at £400,000, 121; describes ill effects of wars on tobacco trade, 148, Prince George county, plantations and tithables of, 58. Princess Anne county, plantations of small, 53; 54; farms and tithables of, 58; slave plot in, 129; small slave holders in, 154. Public Record Office, has copy of rent roll of 1704, 52. CjuARY, Colonel, says wars ruin tobacco trade, 148; 157. Quit rents, collected by Crown on land, 50; revenue from considerable, 50; 51; often in ar- rears, 51; roll of in 1704, 51-55. R* ^AMSHAW, William, landowning freedman, 75. Randall, Robert, seven tithables, 57. Randolph, Edward, remarks on slow growth of Virginia population, 99; says holdings of large tracts of land causes migration from Virginia, 141-143; says quit rents avoid- ed, 142; suggests limiting size of grants, 143. Randolph, William, imports slaves, 130. Rappahannock county, land transfers in, 46; landowners of listed as headrights, 76; 79. Rent Roll. Nickolson orders, 51; attempted in 1699, 52; completed in 1704-5, 52; shows small plantations, 53; accuracy of, 54-55; 5,500 farms listed in, 55; compared with tithables of 1702, 57-58; compared with headrights, 97-99; contains names of few freedmen, 122-123. Restoration Period, brings suffering to Virginia, 84; 97; 104; 115; 116. Rich, Nathaniel, buys tobacco at 2s a pound, 64. Roberts, Robert, buys land, 49. Robertson, William, makes copy of rent roll of 1704, 52. Robins, Sampson, 79; patents land, 80. Robinson, John, landowning freedman, 75. Rolfe, Capt. John, first to cure Virginia tobacco, 24; 25. Rooking, William, servants and slaves of, 59. Rowlston, Lionell, servant, Burgess in 1629, 7$; Burgess in 1632, 74; landowner, 74. Russell, John, landowning freedman, 75. Russia, tobacco trade to, 118-119; 148. Oamuel, Anthony, buys 300 acres, 50. Sandys, George, selects site for iron works, 17; describes failure of glass works in Virginia, 19; writes for servants, 30; gives wages of laborers, 44. Sandys, Eir Edwin, expects Virginia to duplicate England, 28. Savadge, Thomas, landowning freedman, 74. Scotchmon, Robert, servant, Burgess in 1632, 74. Scott, Thomas, has 57 slaves, lS8, Scruely, Richard, patents land, 79. 258 INDEX Servants, London Company sends to Virginia, 16; Indian children as, 30; system of in- dentures for, 32 ; not criminals, 32 ; political prisoners among, 33 ; Irish among, 33; Olivertan soldiers among, 33; they plot against Government, 33; Scotchmen among, 33; Sedgemour pris- oners among, 33 ; chiefly Englishmen, 34, 36; list of preserved, 34; headrights from, 35; influx of, 35; four or five years of service for, 38; become part of Virginia social fabric, 39; hardship and perils encountered by, 39; 80 per cent, become freedmen, 40; prior to 1660 re- mained in Virginia, 40; 1-ength of ser- vice for, 40; usually young when freed, 41, 42; estimated at 6,000 in 1671, 41; ''seasoned," 42; become small part of population, 43; merchants bring to com- plete cargoes, 47; individual orders for, 48; in immigrant ships, 48; dealers in, 48; numbers in 1704, 56; listed as tith- ables, 56; distribution of, 58-59; not slaves, 60; like English apprentices, 60; outfit of on expiration of term, 61; not entitled to land, 61; hope to become landowners, 61-62; Virginia land of op- portunity for, 71; freedmen often pur- chase, 72; of early period become pros- perous, 73-80; list of, 78; proportion of among immigrants, 81-82; little hope for advancement of after 1660, 96-100; importation of in Restoration period, 98-99; inventories which show none, 106-107; many freed to fight in Bacon's Rebellion, 113; few become landowners at end of I7th century, 112-113; useful- ness of as compared with slaves, 126; price of, 127; not always docile, 128; slave labor curtails importation of, 134; England opposes migration of, 135; vast numbers imported, 142. Seymour, Attorney-General, tells Virginians to make tobacco, 136. Sheep, scarce in Virginia, 102. Sheriff, collects quit rents, 51; draws up rent roll, 52; unearths false returns, 54-55. Sherwood, William, calls Bacon's men rabble, 93, Shipbuilding, materials for needed in England, 8; lack of injures merchant marine, 9; ma- terials for found in Virginia, IS; Capt. Smith explains why Virginia cannot pro- duce materials for, 17. Shurley, Daniel, landowning freedman, 74. Sickness, The Virginia, Capt. Blewit dies of, 18; glass workers di« of, 19; servants die of, 33; described, 39; terrible mortality from, 39, 80 ; abates before end of 17th centry, 40; not fatal to slaves, 128. Silk, from South Europe, 12; in Virginia, IS. Slaughter, John, 80. Slave trade, in hands of Dutch, 31; restrictions on, 45. Slaves, adequate for tobacco raising, 29; first cargo of in Virginia, 30; few in Vir- ginia prior to 1680, 31; influx of, 40; numbers in 1704, 56; listed as tithabks, 56; distribution of, 58-59; inventories show that many planters had none, 106- 107; used by wealthy men in I7th cen- tury, 108; first cargo of, 124; few prior to 1680, 124; importations of, 124-125, Dutch control trade in, 125-126; fitness of for tobacco culture, 126; price of, 127: labor of crude, 127-128; health of good 128; docile, 128; plots among, 128-129. no wrong seen in, 129; duty on importa- tion of, 129; large importations of, 1680' 1708, 130-131; 6,000 by 1700, 130 12,000 in 1708, 130; 30,000 in 1730, 131. use of cheapens tobacco, 132; use of curtails importation of servants, 134; England favors use of in Virginia, 135 136; pernicious effect of in ancient Rome, 137-139; effect of on Virginia yeomanry, 139-155; causes migration of whites, 139-146; at first produce only lower grades of tobacco, 147; become more efficient, 147; contempt of for poor whites, 152; small holders of, 152-159; cast stigma on labor, 155; large holders of increase in numbers, 155-159. Smelting, wood needed for, 8 ; in Virginia, 1 5 ; machinery for sent to Virginia, 17; be- gun at Falling Creek. Smith, Capt. John, describes Baltic trade, 8; explains diffi- culty of building up manufacturers in Virginia, 17. Smither, William, buys 200 acres, 50. Smyth, describes poor whites of Virginia, 152, 155. Spain, commerce with, 12; growing domains of, 14; tobacco of used in England, 25, 26; tobacco of excluded from England, 6?^ 68, 86, 87; tobacco trade to, 119; trade to injured by war, 131. Spanish (Succession, War of, 103; 115; 119; cuts off tobacco trade to France and Spain, 131; 148. Sparshott, Edward, landowning freedman, 74. Smith, Lawrence, sued for arrears of quit rents, 143. Sparkes, John, landowning freedman, 74. Spencer, Capt. Robt., servants and slaves of, 59. INDEX 259 Spencer, Secretary, writes of reviving tobacco trade, 115; says slaves cheaper labor than whites, 132. Splitimber, John, his cattle, 101; inventory of, 106-107. Spotsylvania, large grants in, 145; poor whites in, 151; small slave holders of, 153-154; land transfers in, 154; large slave hold- ers in, 157; 159. Spotswood, Alexander, says slaves cause over production of tobacco, 129; 151; has 60 slaves, 158. Storey, John, imports negroes, 130. Stuarts, second despotism of, affects Virginia, 114. Stublefield, George, has 42 slaves, 158. Surry, land transfers in, 46; tithables in, 56. 58; inventories and wills in, 59; negroes plot in, 128. Sweden, tobacco trade to, 118-119. Symonds, Roger, granted 100 acres, 81. 1 ALIAFERRO, Richard, has 43 slaves, 158. Tenants, few in Virginia, 44, 45, 62. Thoroughgood, Adam, servant, Burgess in 1629, 73; Burgess in 1632, 74; landowner, 75; brother of Sir John Thorouhggood , 75, Tithables, those listed as, 56; in Surry, 56-57; number of in various counties, 58. Tobacco, history of Virginia built on, 20, 23 ; Indians revere, 24; first cured in Vir- ginia by Rolfe, 24; Virginia suited for, 24; ready market for, 24; extensively used in England, 24; used by James I, 25; Virginians turn eagerly to culture of, 25; send first cargo of to England, 25 ; London Company displeased at cul- ture of, 25; England reconciled to, 26; Virginia's only hope, 26; 'Crown tries to divert Virginia from, 27; cultivation in Virginia universal, 27; shapes immigra- tion, 29 ; requires unskilled labor, 29 ; prosperity of f reedmen hinges on, 62 ; amount of one man could produce, 63- 64; over production of in 1640, 63; price of prior to 1660, 64-67; account for migration of 1618-1623, 64; rich re- turns from, 64; restrictions on trade of, 67-69; growing of in England pro- hibited, 67; tax on, 67; illegal foreign trade in, 68-69 ; reexported from Eng- land, 70; Virginia underbids world in, 70; returns from, 71-72; freight on high, 72; effect of (Navigation Acts on, 85-96; foreign trade in prohibited, 85; requires world market, 86; planting in England prohibited, 87; exports of to Spain, 87; reexported, 87; planted in Holland, 88; glut in England causes price of to drop, 89-91 ; exhausts soil, 105 ; Charles I makes offer for, 110; trade of revives, 115-116; production of increases, 115- 116; returns from, 116; reexports of, 116-120; production of abroad, 117; duty on yields crown large revenue, 121; price of still low at end of 17th century, 123; slaves adequate to its cultivation, 127-128 ; wars interfere with trade in, 131; slaves cheapen pro- duction of, 132; poor whites produce the best, 146-147; foreign trade in ruined by war, 148-150; advantages of large plan- tations for, 156-157. Towns, few in Virginia, 29. Townsend, Richard, Burgess in 1629, 72. Trussell, John, landowning freedman, 74. TurnbuU, Robert, has 81 slaves, 158. \j NDERWOOD, John, patents land in James City, 77. Upton, John, landowning freedman, 75. V EGETABLES, abundant in Virginia, 102. Virginia's Cure, says Burgesses mostly freedmen, 74. Virginia Unmasked, describes Virginia houses, 104. Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, shows that many freedmen migrated to Virginia, 81. Virginia Richly Valued, advises emigrants as to outfit, 104. Wages, high in Virginia, 16; 29; 30; low in England, 31. Wage earners, few in Virginia, 44; mostly recently freed servants, 44. Walker, Robert, has 52 slaves, 158. Warburton, Thomas, patents land in James City, 77. Warden, Thomas, landowner, 79. Warwick, average plantation of, 53; farms and tithables of, 58; 81. Washington, Richard, deals in servants, 48. Watson, John, landowning freedman, 75, Weaver, Samuel, landowning freedman, 75. 26o INDEX Webster, Roger, servant, Burgess in 1632, 74. Whitlock, Thomas, will of, 105-106. Williamsburg, 35; 54. Williams, William, buys 200 acres, 50. Wills, throw light on distribution of servants and slaves, 59; 73; headrights mentioned in, "76. Wine, prospect for in Virginia, 15. Woolens, need of potash for, 8; French duty on, 13. Woolritch, William, landowning freedman, 74. Wormsley, Ralph, 109; letter to from Fitzhugh, 130. Wray, Thomas, granted 50 acres, 81. X ATES, William, has 55 slaves, 158. Yeomanry, largest class in Virginia, 59, 62; f reedmen in, 72-82 ; 85 ; desperately poor, 90-91; driven to revolt by poverty, 92-93; no advancement for after 1660, 97-100; enjoy plentiful food, 101-103; often suffer for proper clothing. 103- 105; Burgesses represented interests of, 109; aid in ejecting Harvey, 110; many favor Parli(iment in Civil War, 110-111; in control from 1652 to 1660, 112; chief sufferers from Navigation Acts, 113; support Bacon in rebellion, 113; struggle for political rights, 114; few recruits to at end of I7th century, 122; condition of at end of 17th century, 123; effect of slav-ery on in ancient Rome, 137-139; migration of from Virginia,, 139-146; produce higher grades of tobacco, 146- 147; misery of in 1713, ISO; many sink into poverty, 151-154; many become slave holders, 152-159; slaves make less industrious, 155; 160. Yeardley, iSir George, 29; instructed to enforce free exchange of goods, 65. York, land transfers in, 46; plantations of small, 53; farms and tithables of, 58; servants and slaves in, 59; landowners of who had been headrights, 76; 79; 107; 130. Young, Richard, granted 100 acres, 81.